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Full text of "A complete history of Connecticut, civil and ecclesiastical, from the emigration of its first planters, from England, in the year 1630, to the year 1764; and to the close of the Indian wars .."

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Cjiyil and TSiCclesiastical, 



TO THE YEAR 1764 ; 



ATol. 11. 




District of Connecticut, bti. 
IDE it remembered, that on the twenty -second day of June, in the 42d year 
•*^ of the Independence of the United States of America, Mallby, Goldsmith 
& Co. and Samuel Wadsworth, of the said district, have deposited in this of- 
fice the title of a book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the 
words following, to wit: "A complete History of Connecticut, civil and eccle- 
" siastical, from the emigration of its first planters, from England, in the year 
" 1630, to the year 1764 ; and to the close of the Indian wars. In two volumes. 
"By Benjamin Trumbull, D. D. With an Appendix, containing the original 
" Patent of New-England, never before published in America" — In conformity 
to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, " An act for the en- 
couragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to 
the authors and moprielors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned." 

Clerk of the Di'dricl of Connecticut . 

l>^YiTAe¥i TO YOli. 11. 

THE collection of materials for the writing, and the compiling of the 
first history of a state, or nation, is far more difficult, than doing it 
alter others have gone before, and exhibited some outline, or general ex- 
ample of the work. Especially is the collection of materials, and the 
substantiating of facts, more difficult, and matter of greater labour, when 
the business has not been undertaken till a long period has passed away, 
from the first settlement of a country or a commonwealth. Under these 
difficulties, the writer of this history began the laborious work. Almost 
a century and an half had elapsed, from the time of the emigration of the 
first planters of the colony, from their native country, before the work 
was attempted. The fathers of the colony, and their children, were ge- 
nerally in their graves : a third and fourth generation were come upon 
the stage. The materials were scattered far and wide. They were to 
be collected from the records of two colonies ; from the records and 
transactions of the commissioners of the united colonies ; of towns and 
churches ; from ancient tracts and pamphlets ; from old manuscripts, the 
church yards, and monuments of the dead. Many of them could be 
read but with great difficulty. When tlie collection of proper documents 
was effected, the arranging of such a mass of papers, and tiie forming of 
an orderly, well connected and authenticated story, from the whole, was 
a matter of great and difficult labour. The compiler would never have 
conceived the greatness and difficulty of it, had he not known it by expe- 
rience. No person will conceive it, who has not had some experience of 
the same kind. 

When the compiler had finished the first volume, he had no design of 
publishing another. He considered the work too arduous ; that it would 
bring the history down too near his own times ; and that he was too far 
advanced in life for such an undertaking : but he has been so strongly 
urged, by gentlemen of the first character, in this state, and many others, 
and the first volume has met so favorable a reception, that, with the de- 
hire of doing some further service to his fellow citizens, he has been pre- 
vailed on to publish this second volume. 

It has been his desire to give the history of every town in the state ; 
but, after publishing his design in the newspapers, with heads of inquiry, 
and writing a multitude of letters, he has not been able to obtain, from 
some towns, the least information. He has visited a great proportion of 
the towns in the state, and written to gentlemen in them repeatedly, yet 
he has not obtained all the information he wished. It will be observed 
that some towns are almost AvhoUy unnoticed in the history. The only 
reason is, that no information could be obtained from them. 

For the purpose of giving a fair and just representation of facts, mucls, 
more has been quoted from records, various pamphlets, tracts and let-^ 
|£rs, than otherwise would liave been done. Fqv that purpose, many 


things hnvr been collected and read, to which, otherwise, the compiler 
wiiiild have paid no attention. Great pains have been taken to ascertain 
facts, and to write an impartial and well authenticated history : how far 
he hath succeeded in his work, must be left to the opinion of the public. 

It was the intention of the writer to have given an account of the citie? 
in the state, their latitude and longitude, their trade, manufactures, &tc. : 
of the state prison; of the fisheries; of the exports and imports ; of the 
militia, train of artillery, fortifications, &t,c.: but finding that the volume 
wovild not admit of it, he has omitted the account which he designed. 

Notwithstanding all the pains which have been taken, it will not be 
strange if, in such a variety of facts and dates, there should be some mis- 
takes. There may have been some in the great number of historical 
comnuinications made to the author, and it is not improbable that he 
has made some himself, though, he hopes, none very material. 

He has had assistance from gentlemen in the several parts of the state, 
in making collections of the history of their particular towns. To them, 
and to all others who have given him assistance, he presents his grateful 

It will be observed that the ecclesiastical part of the history is kept by 
itself, in distinct chapters, and comprises about a third part of the histo- 
ry. It A\ould make a volume by itself, and might be printed separately 
without any derangement of the narration. 



STATE of the Churches, continued from Book I. Chapter XIX. At- 
tempts for the reformation of manners. Act of Assembly, and report 
of the General Association relative to the subject. Resolutions of the 
General Assembly in consequence of said report. State of the Col- 
lege. Divisions concerning the place in which it should be established. 
Donations made for its encouragement. A college house is erected at 
New-Haven. Books removed from Saybrook to the library in that? 
place. Opposition to their removal. Loss sustained. Mr. Cutler is 
appointed Rector, but soon embracing Episcopacy, is dismissed from 
office. The students are instructed by the trustees. Mr. Elisha Wil- 
liams chosen Rector. Encouragement for schools and the general dif- 
fusion of knowledge. 


The discovery and opening of mines. Laws and encouragement in be- 
half of the miners, and of those who were engaged in carrying on the 
business of mining. 


The importance and benefits of a stable currency. Attention of the Le- 
gislature to this subject. The manner of the emission of bills of credit ; 
of the payment of the public debt ; and of provision for the defence of 
the colony and his majesty's service. Answer to their Lordships' let; 
ters. Depreciation of the currency. 


tPHE colony in fear of losing their Charter. Measures adopted to pre- 
vent it. Mr. Winthrop complains of the colony. In an appeal to his 
Majesty in Council, in a case between him and Thomas Linchmere, 
Esq. he obtained a sentence by which a certain law of the colony, en- 
titled an act for the settlement of intestate estates, was rendered null 
and void. The colony declare that they will not surrender their char-' 
ter, and pray for the continuance of tte act relative to intestate estates, 




War with the Eastprn Indians. Attempts to quiet tliem by treaty. The 
attack and plunder of Canso. A treaty with them is promised, but 
prevented by the measures of the House. Letter of the Indians to the 
Governor. Death of Toxus. A neAv Sachem, and change of affairs. 
Attempt on Norridgewock. The Indians avenge the insuU, captivate 
a number of the English, and burn Brunswick. War is proclaimed a- 
gainst them. Governors Shute and Burnet apply to Connecticut for 
assistance in the Avar. The enemy surprise Canso and other harbors, 
and take a number of fishing vessek. Elliot's and Robinson's success 
in attacking them. Remarkable deliverance of the captives. Attack 
on Arowsick island. Westbrook and Harmar's expedition. Attempts 
of the English to engage the Six Nations in a war against the Eastern 
Indians. They send delegates to Boston. Coleby's action with the 
enemy. Attack on Scarborough, Falmouth, and other places. Re- 
solutions of the Legislature of Connecticut relative to the war. Men 
killed in various places. Captain VVinslow and his men killed : shal- 
lops and schooner taken. The English take and destroy Norridge- 
wock. Numbers of men surprised and killed in various places. Ap- 
plication is made again to Connecticut for assistance. The reasons 
why the Legislature would not join in offensive war. Captain Lovell's 
fight. Peace is made. Observations. 


Grants and settlements of the lands in the colony which had not been 
granted and settled before the year 1713 ; principally in the counties of 
Windham and Litchfield. A more particular account of the settle- 
ment of the towns of Lebanon and New-Milford, than has been given 
in the first volume of this history. Settlement of the towns of Ashford, 
Tolland, Bolton, Stafford and Litchfield. County of Windham form- 
ed. Somers and Willington settled. Incorporation of East-Haddam. 
Extraordinary noises formerFy heard in that town. Settlement and 
incorporation of Union. Controversy between the government and 
the towns of Hartford and Windsor, relative to the lands Avithin the 
count J' of Litchfield : the disorders and troubles occasioned by it in the 
colony. Agreement between the government and the said toivns. 
The lands in controversy divided into townships and measured. Or- 
ders for the sale of those of them belonging to the colony, by auction, 
at different times and places. The money arising from the sale to con- 
stitute a permanent fund for the benefit of schools in the colony. New- 
Fairfield settled and incorporated. Description of the ncAV tOAvnships ; 
Iheir progressive sale and settlement. 


Separation at Guilford. ReA\ Mr. Ruggles ordained at Guilford, a- 
gainst a large minority in opposition to him. The minority separate 
from the church and society. The legislature interpose, and attempt a 
reconciliation. The minority persist in their separation ; and qualify 
themselves for a distinct ecclesiastical society, by conforming to the 
act of William and Mary. Resolutions of the consociation of the coun- 
ty of New-Haven respecting them. They refuse to comply Avith said 
.resolutions. In consequence of it, forty-six church members were sUs- 


pended from the communion, by Mr. Ruggles and the first church in 
Guilford, from whom they had separated. Acts of the General As- 
sembly, and councils, concerning them. Great pains taken, and re- 
peated attempts made, for many years, to unite the parties, but all un- 


General state of the churches in Connecticut and New-England. Re- 
vivals of religion in some few places, before the great and general re- 
vival in 1737 and 1738, and especially in 1740 and 1741. Some of the 
principal instruments of it. Great opposition to it by magistrates and 
ministers. Laws enacted against it. Principal opposers of the work 
of God at that time. Disorders attending it. Separations from the 
churches soon after. Spirit and character of those who separated from 
the ministers and churches at that time. Happy effects of the work in 


Spanish and French war. The colony put into a state of defence. Ex- 
pedition against the Spanish settlements in the West-Indies. Regi- 
ments raised in the colonies. His majesty's requisition of the colony. 
Measures adopted in compliance with it. Porto Bello attacked, taken, 
and plundered. Unsuccessful expedition against Carthagena and Cu- 
ba. The French declare war against England. Canso taken by the 
French. Expedition agajnst Cape Breton. It surrenders to Admiral 
Warren and General Pepperell. Sickness among the Provincials who 
kept garrison there. The effects of its capture on the French court. 
The Duke D'Anville's armament. Alarm in New-England. His total 
failure. Supplies furnished by Connecticut during the war. The ge- 
neral effects of it on the colonies. Pacifieation, 


The reception of the towns of Woodstock, Suffield, Enfield and Somers, 
under the jurisdiction of Connecticut ; and the grant of the same privi- 
leges to the societies and churches in those towns which the ecclesias- 
tical societies and the churches in this colony enjoyed. The opposition 
made to it by the province of Massachusetts, and means of defence 
adopted by Connecticut. 


A Spanish ship arrives at New-London, in distress. The cargo is un- 
laden, and stored in that port. When it was called for by the super- 
cargo, a great proportion of it could not be found. Don Joseph Migur 
el, the supercargo, refuses to sail without the whole of his cargo. Pe 
titions the assembly. The resolution of the legislature respecting i1. 
Ferment in the government in consequence of it. 


The history of the College continued from Chapter I. Its state under 
the rectorship of Mr. Williams. Donations made to it while he presid 



ed. He rcbigns. The Rev. Thomas Clap chosen president. A new 
charter granted. A new college, or Connecticut hall, built. Profes- 
sor of Divinity settled. Labors and donations. Enemies of the col- 
lege write against it. Petition the assembly to take it out of the hands 
of the corporation, appoint visitors, &ci The president appears and 
pleads the cause of the college before the assembly. Chapel is built« 
An account of donations is interspersed. 


Difficulties arise at Milford, on the account of Mr. Whittelsey. De- 
bates and heat in the council, called to ordain him. There was such 
opposition to his ordination, that the council, at first, could not agree to 
ordain. But afterwards, on certain conditions, agreed upon by the 
parties, proceed to his ordination. The minority, who opposed his or- 
dination, fulfil the condition mutually agreed upon. But the majority 
would by no means comply with it. They, on the contrary, by all 
means opposed their aggrieved brethren. The minority, some time af- 
ter, having qualified themselves according to law, separated from the 
first church and society, and held a distinct meeting by themselves. 
As the association would give them no advice, or countenance, they 
put themselves under the presbytery. They call and ordain Mr. Prud- 
den. Obtain a release fi'om taxation by the first society. They arc 
vested with the privileges of other ecclesiastical societies, and obtain 
their portion of the parsonage lands. 


Separation at New-Haven. Causes of it. Councils called by the peo- 
ple who were dissatisfied Avith the Rev. Mr. Noyes. The doings of 
those councils. The call and installation of the Rev. Mr^ Bird. 


French war in 1755. Reasons of it. Colonel Washington's expedition. 
Convention at Albany. Expeditions against Nova-Scotia, fort du 
Quesne, CroAvn Point and Niagara. Exertions of the Northern colo- 
nies, especially of Connecticut. Success in Nova-Scotia. Defeat of 
General Braddock. General Johnson defeats Baron Dierkau and takes 
him prisoner. 


Pampaign in 1756. War proclaimed. British generals appointed 
Troops raised by Connecticut. Plan of the campaign in 1756. The 
British generals, Abercrombie and lord Loudon, arrive in America. 
The reception of his lordship. Dilatory and unaccountable conduct 
of the generals. Colonel Bradstreet is attacked by the enemy and de- 
feats them. Oswego invested and taken by general Montcalm. Loss 
at that post. Comparison between the campaigns in 1755 and 1756. 
The eneipy continue their ravages in the southern colonies. 



Prefarations for the campaign in 1757. The plan of operation in A- 
merica changed, and Louisburg becomes its only object. This was re- 
inforced and the expedition postponed. Fort William Henry is taken 
by the French. The country is alarmed, and great reinforcements of 
the militia sent forward to Albany and fort Edward. The campaign 
closes with loss and shame. The provincials lose all confidence i^ the 
British commanders. 


Change of men and measures. Plan of the campaign in 1758. The 
colonies encouraged again to exert themselves. Extraordinary exer- 
tions of Connecticut. Armament against Louisburg. Its siege and 
capture by general Aml*erst. Army under general Abercrombie. Its 
defeat at Ticonderoga. Frontenac taken by colonel Bradstreet. Ex- 
pedition against du Quesne — taken by general Forbes. The general's 
death at Philadelphia. 


Plan of the campaign in 1759. Mr. Secretary's Pitt letter. Transacr 
tions of the legislature of Connecticut, relative to the war. Expedi- 
tions against Ticonderoga and Crown Point, Niagara and Quebec, 
Ticonderoga and Crown Point abandoned. Niagara taken. Siege of 
Quebec. Action at the falls of Montmorenci. The camp removed to 
Point Levi. The troops land above the town. Battle of Quebec. 
Generals Wolfe and Montcalm killed. Quebec surrenders. Move- 
ments of general Amlierst on lake Champlain. 


State of the garrison at Quebec. Designs of Monsieur Levi. His pre- 
parations for the siege of the city. ^Marches with his army from Mont- 
real. Battle of Sillery. General Murray defeated, and Quebec be- 
sieged. Lord Colville arrives with the British fleet. The French 
shipping destroyed, and the siege raised. Preparations for the cam- 
paign in 1760. Plan of it Resolutions of the General Assembly of 
Connecticut respecting it. Movements of general Amherst. He 
goes down the river St. Lawrence. Makes a junction with generals 
Murray and Haviland at Montreal. The city surrenders, and the 
Avhole country of Canada is conquered. 


iVAR with the Cherokees. Reasons of the war. The chifeftains of the 
nation go to Charleston to treat of peace. The haughty insidious con- 
duct of governor Littleton. Peace made by constraint. The whole 
nation burn with resentment ; rush to war as one man. Make terrible 
slaughter and devastation on the frontiers of Carolina and Virginia., 
Their towns destroyed. They take fort Loudon. Colonel Grant des- 
olates their country with fire and sword. They make peace, and the 
>vho'e country is quieted. 



Requisition on tlie colonies in 1761. Mr. Pitt's letter. Acts of the As- 
sembly, in consequence of it. The business of this campaign, in Amer- 
ica, was principally directed to the repairing and building of fortresses, 
and to secure the conquests which had been made. The critical state 
of the nation, at the close of the year 1761. Events of the year 1762, 
influencing the belligerents to peace. Pacification of Paris. Favour- 
able to the American colonies. Burthen of the colonies. Supplies 
from England. Effects of the war. Policy of Connecticut, in defray- 
ing its expenses. General joy and feelings of the Americans, on the 
rjEtura of peace. 


Unexpected Indian war. The reasons of it. The enemy ravage the 
frontiers of the southern colonies. Take several English forts. At- 
tempt the reduction of forts Pitt, Detroit and Niagara. Battle at De- 
troit. The enemy attack colonel Bouquet, and are defeated. They 
destroyed a detachment of men near Niagara. Were finally humbled 
and made peace. 


SusQUEHANNAH pui'chase. Resolve of the assembly in favour of the 
company. The settlement of the land commences. Colonel Dyer is 
sent to the sourt of Great-Britain, as agent for the company. The col- 
ony assert their claim to the lands comprised in the purchase. 


Controversy at Wallingford. Mr. Dana called to preach there. Thq 
church and society, without the advice of the association, invite him to 
settle with them in the work of the gospel ministry. An opposition 
arises against him on account of his religious sentiments. Attempts are 
made to obtain satisfaction relative to them, but none could be obtain- 
ed. The opposition increaseth. A complaint is exhibited against him 
to the moderator of the consociation. The consociation is called at 
Wallingford, and an ordination council at the same time. The church 
and Mr. Dana deny the jurisdiction of the consociation, and Mr. Dana 
refuses an examination by it. The ordaining council separate them- 
selves from the consociation, and protest against it. They proceed to 
Mr. Dana's ordination in direct opposition to the consociation. The 
consociation adjourn, and invite the neighboring consociation of the 
southern district of the county of Hartford to unite with them in coun- 
cil. This united council declare Mr. Dana and his church guilty of 
scandalous contempt. The minor part of the church, who opposed the 
ordination of Mr. Dana, are owned as a distinct church, by the consoci- 
ation. The minority are made a distinct society, and the Rev. Simon 
Waterman is ordained pastor over that part of the church and town. 
Disputes and divisions in the colony relative to said trassactions. 



A Catalogue of the Congregational and Consociated Ministers of Con- 
necticut, from the year 1713 to the year 1764, inclusively. 


History of the Episcopal church and ministers in Connecticut, from 
1713 to 1764. 


Sketches of the Separates and Baptists. 


No. I. — Plan of a proposed Union of all the American colonies, in 1754. 

No. II. — General View of the state of Literature in Connecticut, m 






State of the churches continued from Book /, {Chapter XtX. 
Attempts for the reformation of manners. Act f Assem- 
bly^ and report of the General Assf*ciation relative to the 
subject. Resolutions of the General Assembly in conse- 
quence of said report. State of the College, Divisions 
coyicerning the place in rchich it should be established. 
Donations made for its encouragement. A college house 
is erected at New-Haven. Books removedfrom Saybrooh, 
to the library m that place. Opposition to their removal. 
■Loss sustained. Mr. Cutler is appointed rector ; bid soon 
embracing episcopacy, is dismissed from office. College i^ 
instructed by the trustees. Mr. Elisha Williams chosen 
rector. Encouragement for schools and the general diffu^ 
sion of knoivledge. 

AFTER the ecclesiastical cdnstifution of the colony had Book II* 
been established, and had time to operate, the church- *,,^-v->^ 
es became more regular and harmonious in their discipline, 
enjoyed more general peace, and their numbers constantly Effects of 
increased. But the long and distressing war, in the reign ^^^^^^^^ '* 
of Queen Anne, had injured the morals of the people, oc- 
casioned the emission of a considerable number of bills of 
public credit, and retarded the sale and settlement of the 
lands belonging to the colony. Therefore on the termina- 
tion of the war, several important objects arrested the at- objects of' 
tention of the legislature. The first and principal were attention 
the reformation of manners, the advancement of literature, after th* 
the preservation of their charter, the state of the currency, ^^^' 
the payment ©f the public debt, and the sale and settle-^ 


ig HISTORY OF Chap. T. 

Book II. liicnl of the new lands. As they were highly sensible that 
v^^-v-.^ the liberty, peace and prosperity of a ];eop]c, were very 
dependent on good morals, and a general diffusion oj 
knowlcdp-e, they gave their hrst and particular attention to 
War iin- these objects. A state of war is peculiarly unfriendly to^ 
^■ieirdly to religion. It dissipates the mind, diminishes the degree pf 
pcli-ion. ii^, St ruction, removes great numbers almost wholly from it, 
connects them with the most dangerous company, and pre- 
sents them with the v/orst examples. It hardens and em- 
boldens men in sin ; is productive of profanencss, intem- 
|>erance, disregard to property, violence and all licentious 
living. Its baneful influence had been observed and la- 
mented by the good people, during the war. In some 
places, measures had been adopted to prevent a greater de- 
gree of declension, and to ameliorate the morals of the peo- 
ple. As early as the year 1711, the North Association in 
the county of Hartford, passed several resolves for that 
purpose, and particularly recommended it to the several 
Uecoiii- congregations within their limits, " That all such as had 
imndu- not yet owned the baptismal covenant, should be called 
iions for a upon to attend their duty in that case : That such as had 
Fcforma- j,,^vetofore owned it, sliould, at the same time, manifest 
Oct. 1711. their renewed consent thereto : and, that both the one and 
the other should enter into solemn engagements, that they 
would constantly attend the duties of God's worship in 
])ublic, private and secret, not allowing themselves in the 
r,ej?:lect of any of his holy ordinances • That they would 
slum carelessness, contempt of sacred things and sinful ex- 
cuses : That they would carefully v/atch against all irreve- 
lejice in the worship of God, > id all profanation of his glo- 
rious and fearful name, by careless imprecations, rash 
swearing, or any other way in which it is or may be taken 
in vain : That they would strictly observe the Christian 
■sabbath, one whole day in seven, seasonably beginning, 
and duly coritinuh)g the same ; and therein watching a- 
gainst ail worldly thoughts, words and works : and that 
ihcy Avould endeavour carefully to discharge the several du- 
ties of their respective places and relations, as superiors, 
inferiors or equals. Particularly, that they would honor, 
submit to and obey those whom God had set over them, 
whether in families, churches, or coi^-imonwealth." Fur- 
ther, it was recommended that they should covenant. 
'■■ That they would look well to their households, keep their 
cliildren and servants in due subjection, instruct them in 
the principles of religion, and endeavour to restrain them 
from all profancness and immorality : That, as much as in 
them lay, they would live peaceably with all men, careful- 

Chap. I. C<)NNECTICUT. 19: 

ly avoiding the unjustly giving or taking of offence : That Book IT. 
they would be careful to maintain a chaste conversation, ^^<(^-v-->w' 
watching against all the incentives to uncleanness, espe- 
cially against keeping vain and disorderly company : That 
they would mind their own business, and strictly observe 
the rules of righteousness in commerce and dealings one 
with another ; hecdfully watching against all violations of 
it, by deceit, oppression, and all unjust and dishonest deal- 
ing whatsoever : That they would speak the truth one with 
anotiier, avoiding all lying, slandering, backbiting, revil- 
ing, and promise breaking." 

It was further recommended thatthey should covenant, 
" That they would mutually watch over one another, giv- 
ing and receiving reproof as became christians : That they 
would in their several capacities, beardue witness against 
"all jDrofaneness and immorality ; and that they would not 
withhold their testimony when it might be necessary for 
the conviction and punishment of ofl'enders : That they 
would watch against the prevailing of a worldly and cove- 
tous spirit : against intemperance in the use of laAvful things 5 
particularly against excess in drinking : and that they 
would not allow themselves in frequenting either public or 
private drinking houses."* That they might be enabled 
faithfully to discharge these duties, they vrere exhorted dili- 
gently to seek divine assistance. 

This recommendation was generally read in the several Owning 
congregations Avithin the district of that Association. It the cove- 
"was published in the congregation of the second society in j^artforri 
Hartford, and proposed to the consideration of the people, Feb. Kb, 
December 30, 171 1. Great pains were taken to instruct l^i'^- 
them, and remove scandal Vvherever itmight be found. The 
names of those who proposed to take the covenant upon 
them were made public. The way having been thus pre- 
pared, a day of fasting and prayer was appointed for that 
purpose, when one hundred persons appeared and owned 
the covenant. Other churches probably did something of 
the same nature ; but how generally this was practised 
does not appear, as few of the churches, at that time, kept 
any record of their transactions. Many pa stors and church- 
es could not adopt the recommendation at large, as they 
were persuaded, that the owning of the covenant, as it has 
been generally called, was entirely anti-scriptural. 

No sooner Vv-as the war terminated, than the General As- ^j'^^^of'tj.^ 
.sembly, deeply affected with the apparent decline of cbris- Assembly, 
tian morals, and desirous as far as possible to effect a re- May, 
formation, at the May session, 1714, came to the fQliowing ^If-^J^^' 
f Records of the secoad church in Hartford. morals. 

50 HISTORY or Chap. 1, 

Book n. resolution, viz. " This Assembly taking into their serious 
V-^-Nr-x./ " consideration, the many evident tokens that the glory is 
" departed from us : That the providences of God are 
" plainly telling us that our ways do not please him. And 
*' knowing the obligations that we are under, not only for 
" the suppressing of all profaneness and immorality, that 
" so greatly threatens the ruin of the land, but also to en- 
" courage piety and virtue, do pray the honourable the 
" Governour, to recommend to the Reverend Elders of the 
" General Association, at their next meeting, that they give 
" direction to each particular association throughout the 
" government, that the state of religion be strictly enquired 
" into, in every parish throughout this government ; and 
" particularly how, and whether catechising be duly attend- 
" ed ? And whether there be a suitable number of bibles 
" in the various families in the respective parishes ; and 
*' also if there be found, in any of our parishes, any that 
" neglect attendance upon the public worship on the Lord's 
" day ? To enquire what means have been used with such. 
" persons to regain them to a compliance with their so ne- 
" cessary a duty ; that thereby the worship of God be duly 
" encouraged, observed and attended, both in families and 
" parishes. And likewise, that diere be a strict enquiry, 
" which, and what are the sins and evils that provoke the 
"just majesty of heaven, to walk contrary unto us in the ways 
" of his providence ; that thereby all possible means may 
" be used for our healing and recovery from our degenera- 
" cy. And it is further recommended to the Reverend El- 
"ders of the General Association, that they send into the 
" honourable, the Governour, what they find."* 
Report of The pastors of the churches having made the enquiries 
fhe Gene- -yvych had been recommended bv the Assembly, made their 

r&l ASSOCI- ^ r\ 1 • "^ „ T 1 ■ 1 

ation, Oct. report at the Uctober session, 1715. In this they repre- 
1715. sent, " That there was a great want of bibles : That there 
was a great neglect of attending on the public worship upon 
the Sabbath and at other seasons : That catechising was 
much neglected in several places : That there was a great 
deficiency in family government : and that there were vari- 
, ous irregularities with respect to commutative justice. 
They complain particularly of tale bearing and defama- 
tion : of calumniating, and contempt of authority and order, 
both civil and ecclesiastical :" Of intemperance and seve- 
ral other vices.! 
Kesolu- The legislature upon this report, resolved, " We are 

A?s"embf*'^ fearful that there hath been a great neglect of a due execu- 
lo suppress *^on of those good laws already enacted, for the preventing 
yit^o- * Kecords of the Colony, vol. iv. folio, year 1714, t Folio vol. v. 1715. 

Chap. I. C(»TNECTICUT. 21 

of such decays in religion." It was therefore enacted, Book TI. 

" That all judges and justices of the peace in the respective v-«^-n^^«w/ 

" counties, in this colony, be diligent and strict in putting in 1715. 

" execution all the laws and acts of this Assembly, made 

" for the suppressing or punishing all or any of the above 

" mentioned immoralities, or irregularities : and that there- 

'• by the good ends proposed in such acts and laws may be 

" attained. That the selectmen, constables and grand ju- 

" rors in the respective towns in this colony shall, from 

" time to time, strictly observe the following directions, 

*' To the due execution of the law of this colony intitled 

" Children to be educated, in all and every the several 

*' parts and paragraphs of the said act. That the select- 

" men make diligent enquiry of all householders within 

'' their respective towns, how they are stored with bibles ; 

*' and if upon such inquiry any such householder be found 

" without one bible, at least, that then the said selectmen 

" shall warn the said householder forthwith to procure one 

" bible at least, for the use and benefit of such family. And 

" if the same be neglected, then said selectmen shall make 

" return thereof to the next authority : and that all thos^ 

" families v/hich are numerous, and whose circumstances 

" will admit thereof, shall be supplied with a considerable 

" number of bibles, according to the number of persons in 

*' such families : and that they see that all such families be 

" furnished with a suitable number of orthodox catechisms, 

" and other good books of practical godliness, viz. such as 

''' treat on, encourage and duly prepare for the right at- 

" tendance on that great duty, the Lord's supper. 

" That the constables and grand jurors in the respective 
" towns in this colony, shall make due search after, and pre- 
" sentment make, of all breaches of the following laws of 
" this colony. 

1. "Of an act entitled, Children to be educated. 

2. " Of the first paragraph of the law entitled Ecclesias- 
*' tical. 

3. " Of the two last paragraphs of the law entitled an act 
" for the better detecting and more effectual punishing of 
" profaneness and immorality. 

4. " Of an act for the better observation and keeping of 
'■ the Lord's day. 

5. "Of the law, — Tide lying. 

6. "Of the law against swearing. 

7. " Of an act to prevent unseasonable meetings of young 
" people on the evening after the sabbath day, and at other 
.'■' times. 

8. " Of an act to prevent tippling and drunkennes,?. 

22 HISTORY OF Chap. I. 

JBooK II. 9. " Of an act to suppress unlicensed houses and for 
s^-v^*^ " regulating such as were licensed."* 
1716, The Assembly ordered that these resolutions should be 
immediately printed, and that they should be published 
through the colony. It also directed that they should be 
read publicly in the several towns, at their annual meet- 
ings, before the choice of their town officers. It was also 
particularly recommended to all the towns to be very care- 
ful in the appointment of their officers, to choose men of 
known ability, integrity and resolution. 

As literature and a general diffusion of christian knowl- 
edge were considered as highly important for the maintain- 
ing and advancing of religion, as well as for the liberty, 
dignity and happiness of the commonwealth, the collegiate 
school attracted the special attention, both of the legisla- 
ture and clergy. Though generous donations had been 
made for its encouragement and support, yet the state of it 
The un- ^ygg fgj. from being flourishing or happy. The students 
state of the were separated one from another. The senior class were 
College, at Milford, under the instruction of Mr. Andrew, the rec- 
tor pi'o tempore, and the other classes at Saybrook, under 
the instruction of two tutors. In this scattered state, the 
principal part of the school Avcre very little benefitted by 
the instructions and government of the rector, which were 
of great importance to its general order and advancement. 
The books were necessarily divided and exposed to be lost. 
The same general benefit could not, in this state, be deriv- 
ed from the library. At the same time the scholars were 
dissatisfied, both with the place and manner of their in- 
struction. They judged that Saybrook was not sufficiently 
compact for their accommodation. Some of them were 
obliged to reside more than a mile from the place of their 
public exercises. They were no better pleased with their 
instruction and government, as they had no resident rector, 
and the tutors w^re often young and inexperienced. The 
students were not the only persons who complained. From 
the beginning, there had been a disagreement with respect 
Divisions ^o the place where the college should be fixed. Mens' 
in the colo- opinions with respect to it were generally governed l^y 
nyanda- thei,' interest. They generally chose the place which 
trustees ^ would 1)cst accommodate themselves. This created warm 
respecting parties in the colony, and even created a division among 
i*- the trustees. Some were for continuing it at Saybrook, 

others were zealously engaged to remove it to Hartford or 
Weathersfield. A third party were not less engaged final- 
ly to fix it at New-Haven. In this state of things, num- 
* Colonj'- Records, folio vol. v. October session, 1713. ^ 


bers of the students became clamorous, and openly mani- Book II. 
i'ested their disaffection and disrespect towards their tutors. Vrfr»^^'^>«/ 
This made it necessary for the trustees to meet and exam- 
ine the reasons of their uneasiness and disorder. 

They met at Saybrook, April 4th, 1716. When the Trustees 
scholars came before them, they complained of the insuffi- ."^''^^Ig' 
ciency of their instruction and the inconveniences of the 
place, as their principal grievances. Especially, the 
scholars from Hartford, Wcathersfield and the towns in 
that vicinity, alledged, that it was a hardship to oblige 
them to reside at Saybrook, when they could be as well 
instructed and much better accommodated near home. It 
has been the tradition, that most of these complaints had 
been suggested to them by others, with a view to foment ^ 
a general uneasiness, and by these means effect the re- 
moval of the college. 

After a long debate on the circumstances of the school, 
ii appeared that the trustees were no better agreed than 
the students, and that some of them were governed by mo- 
tives Avhich they did not choose openly to avow. Some 
of them so strongly advocated the cause of the Hartford 
and Wcathersfield scholars, that a majority of the trustees 
condescended to give a toleration to them, and others who 
were most uneasy, to go to such places of instruction, un- 
til commencement, as should best suit their inclinations. 
The consequence was, that the greatest part of them went The eol- 
to Wcathersfield, and put themselves under the instruction '^ge is bro* 
of the Rev. Elisha Williams, pastor of the church in Newint. ^^^^Zef 
Some went to other places, and a number continued at into ?eve- 
Saybrook. But the small pox, soon after, breaking out ra! places, 
in the town, these generally removed to East-Guilford, and 
were under the tuition of the Rev. Mr. Hart and Mr. Rus- 
sell, till the commencement. 

As the collegiate school was in this broken state, and as Subscrip- 
the trustees were not agreed among themselves, in what fh'p^gs^ab- 
place it should be fixed, the people, indifferent parts of jishmentof 
the colony, began to subscribe considerable sums for the theCollege 
building of a college, that, by these means, they might in- ^^ ^?"^ 
duce the trustees to fix it according to their wishes. About pjace. 
700 pounds sterling was subscribed for the establishment of 
it at New-Haven, 500 pounds for fixing it at Saybrook, 
and considerable sums, for the same purpose, at Hartford 
and Wcathersfield. 

At the commencement, Sept. 12th, 1716, the trustees Trustees 
met, at Saybrook, and took into consideration the state and "aTbrook 
place of the collegiate school, but as they could not agree sept. 12,"' 
\vi{h respect to tha^lace, in, should be established, I7i6. 

24 ll'iSTORY OF CJhap. t. 

Book TI. they adjourned, until the 17th of October, to meet at 
v.^'^v'^^ New-Haven. 

Moet at T'he trustees,- for the first time, met at New-Haven, ac- 

New-Ha- cording to adjournment. There were present, the Rev; 
von Oct. Messrs. Samuel Andrew, Timothy Woodbridge, Joseph 
aud vote' Webb, Samuel Russel, Moses Noyes, John Davenport, 
that the Thomas Buckingham and Thomas Ruggles. They had 
College now had further time and opportunity to consult the opin- 
that place* ^°"^ and feelings of the people, to obtain the opinion of 
" Governor Saltonstall, and of the General Assembly, and to 
know what subscriptions had been made for one place and 
another. Having obtained all the information on the sub- 
ject which they judged necessary, they voted, " Thatcon- 
" sidering the ditliculties of continuing the collegiate school 
" at Say brook, and that New-Haven is a convenient place 
" for it, for which the most liberal donations are given, the 
" the trustees agree to remove the said school from Say- 
'' brook to New-Haven, and it is now settled at New-Ha- 
'" ven accordingly."* Five of the trustees present, were 
in the vote ; Mr. Woodbridge and Mr. Buckingham, were 
for Weathersfield. Mr. Noyes declared, that he did not 
see the necessity of removing the school from Saybrook; 
but if it must be removed, his mind was to settle it at New- 

The trustees at tliis meeting, received 250 pounds ster- 
ling, which the General Assembly had granted some years 
before, arising from the sale of the equivalent lands. They 
had before in the treasury about 125 pounds. These sums, 
with the large subscriptions which had been made for the 
building of the college at New-Haven, encouraged the trus- 
tees to vote that they would build a large, convenient col- 
lege, and a rector's house at New-Haven : and they ap- 
pointed a committee to accomplish the work. 

They voted, That the Rev. Mr. Andrew should continue 
rector, pro tempore, until a fixed rector could be obtained. 
They also appointed two tutors ; and gave orders that all 
the students, belonging to the school, should repair to New- 
Haven for instruction and government. At the same time, 
they appointed Mr. Stephen Buckingham of Norwalk, one 
of the trustees. The scholars who had been studying ah 
East-Guilford, came to New-Haven, according to the di- 
rection of the trustees ; but none came from Weathersfield. 
Such was their obstinacy, and such the countenance and 
•support which others gave them, that they continued their 
studies there until the next commencement. The trustees 
sent the record of their doings at this meeting, to the Rev. 
* President C!:-'.p\s History of Yale CoHcge, p. 18. 


Mr. James Noyes of Stonington, who on the 19th of De- Book II. 
cember, signed it, and dechired his hearty concurrence with ^..^-v^***' 
every vote. 

The trustees met again at New-Haven, the next April. Trustees 
At this meeting, seven trustees, the Rev. Messrs. James ™f^^* ^PJ'^ 
Noyes, Samuel Andrew, Samuel Russel, Joseph Webb, ' 
John Davenport, Thomas Ruggles and Stephen Bucking- 
ham, were present. The acts which had been passed at 
the preceding meeting, at this were read, voted and sub- 
scribed by all the members present, except Mr. Stephen 
Buckingham, who on the account of his relatives and friend;; 
at Say brook, judged it expedient not to act. 

While the trustees in general, were fixed in their deter- 
mination to establish the college at New-Haven, they met 
with a strong opposition from gentlemen in the northern 
and eastern parts of the colony^ The people in gcHeral, 
were warmly engaged on one side or the other, which oc- 
casioned the affair several times to be taken up and warm- 
ly debated in the General Assembly. No act however, 
had as yet been passed relating to the subject. The trus- Com- 
tees pursuing their own resolutions with firmness and con- ™g°^"^^ 
stancy, held the commencement at New-Haven. Mr. An- New-Ha- 
drew moderated as rector pro tempore. Four senior so- ven, Sept^- 
phisters came from Saybrook, and received the degree of ^^' ^'^^''' 
Bachelor of Arts, and numbers were admitted to the de- 
gree of Masters. The number of students was thirty one ; 
of whom thirteen, the past year, had studied at New-Ha- 
ven, fourteen at Weathersfield, and four at Saybrook. 

Soon after the commencement, the college house wasOct.StD, 
raised at New-Haven. Nevertheless, Messrs. Woodbridge, ^'T^^- 
Buckingham, and their respective parties, persisted in their 
opposition to the proceedings of the trustees. They, in 
the October session, presented a remonstrance to the As- 
sembly, alledging, That the votes of the trustees to fix the sJ^^ce" !*- 
college at New-Haven, in October 17th, 1716, and April gainst thf. 
5th, 1717, were not legal. They insisted, That the major votes of 
part of them were not in the votes, and that one was not ^^'^^ "^"^^ 
qualified according to law : That in October, 1716, there 
were, at least, nine existing trustees, and that four of them 
only were in the vote : That Mr. Ruggles was chosen be- 
fore he was forty years of age ; and that the choice was 
therefore null : and that Mr.- Noyes' consent to the votes 
so long after, and at such a distance, could avail nothing 
to their confirmation. In the acts of April, 1717, they af- 
firmed that there were five trustees only out of ten. 

The trustees replied, That in October, 1716, there wfere Reply ojf 
but Bine trustees : That a vacancy had been made by the trustees, 


2'e HISTORY OF Chap. L 

Book II. death of Mr. Picrpont, which had not been supplied ; and 
v-K-v^s-^ that Mr. Mather of Windsor, had been bed rid many years, 
1717. had resigned his ministry, and could not, in those circurn- 
stances, be considered as a trustee. They pleaded, that if 
Mr. Ruggles was not forty years of age at the time of hi.s 
nomination, yet that at the time when the vote was passed, 
he had arrived to that age ; and that the trustees, in con- 
formity to their previous nomination, admitting him to sit 
and act, had associated him according to their charter. 
With respect to Mr. Noyes, they replied, that as they v/ere 
not limited as to the manner of their acting, he, though ab- 
sent, at the time of their meeting, might give his consent 
to said act, by subscribing it at home, some time after, a.s 
well as if he had been present. They therefore insisted, 
that there was a majority of six out of nine : and that in 
'vpril, 1717, after the choice of Mr. Stephen Buckingham^ 
there was a majority of six out of ten. They further insist- 
ed, that if Mr. Ruggles should not be reckoned at either of 
the meetings, nor Mr. Noyes, nor any other of the trustees 
uhcn absent, that there was a majority of those present^ 
which constituted a legal act. 
iicEolve of After a full hearing, the upper house resolved, "That 
The upper iI^q objections against the vote of the trustees, were insuf- 
house. ficient." The lower house, after a long debate, resolved 
nothing relative to the subject. This shows how deeply 
the colony felt itself interested in this affair, and how un- 
happily it was divided. 
The trus- The trustees,, who were then convened at New-Haven, 
lees fix tiie nyjsJ^ijj-ig to remove all occasion of objection for the future, 
^'ew-Ha- passed a vote, in which they declared Mr. Ruggles to be a 
Tcu. - trustee, and associated him as such. They also passed a 
vote, predicated on several former acts, in which they 
finally fixed the college at New-Haven. To this, for the 
greater solemnity, seven of the trustees, 'James Noyes, 
Moses Noyes, Samuel Andrew, Samuel Russel, Joseph- 
Webb, John Davenport and Thomas Ruggles, set their 
bands. The reasons assigned by the trustees for estab- 
lishing the college at New-Haven, were, the difficulties of 
keeping it at Saybrook, arising partly from the uneasiness 
of the students, and partly from the continual attempts of 
numbers of gentlemen to remove it to Hartford. They 
judged that to be too far from the sea, and that it would, 
by no means, accommodate the Western and Southern col- 
onies, in most of which, at that period, there were no col- 
leges. They Avere also of the opinion, that New-Haven^ 
On the account of its commodious situation, the salubritv 
an,ti agreeablciicss of its air, and the cheapness of it? com- 


modities, was the best adapted to that purpose. Fur- Book li. 
ther, the largest donations had been made there, without v,.^-v-^>^ 
which they could not defray the expense of building the 
college house. 

In these circumstances, the General Assembly, dcsirour. The A=t 
«f strengthening the hands of the trustees, and of promoting scmbly 
the interests of the college, beforethe close of the sessions, in 1',^^'^^ 
October, passed the following act : " That under the pres- pmccrd. 
*' ent circumstances of the collegiate school, the Reverend Oct. I'sv, 
" Trustees be advised to proceed in that affair, and to fin- 
''' ish the house which they have built in Ncw-ILivca for 
" the entertainment of die scholars belonging to the colle- 
'''giate school." At the same time, the Assemljly granted 
an hundred pounds to be distributed among the instructors 
of the college.* 

Notwithstanding it seemed as though the college- vras MayjTlii. 
now established at New-Haven, both by the trustees and the 
General Assembly, there were gentlemen who continued 
fixed in the plan of establishing it at Weathersiield. They 
encouraged the students who had been instructed there the 
last year, who were about fourteen in number, to continue 
their studies still in the same place. At the session in May 
following, the house of representatives voted, " to desire 
" the trustees to consent that the commencement should be 
" held alternately at Weathersfield and New-Haven, till the 
" place of the school be fully determined." The upper 
house were of the opinion, that the place of the " school 
was fully determined already by the indisputable votes of 
the trustees, and the subsequent advice of the Assembly 
thereupon ; and therefore they did not concur. Govern- 
our Saltonstall was supposed always to favour the estab- 
lishment of the college at New-Haven, and his influence 
might be one reason, that the upper house acted more readi- 
ly and firmly for it than the house of representatives. He 
was possessed of a considerable landed interest in the eas- 
tern part of the town, which some imagined was a motive, 
as it would increase the value of his lands. 

About this time, the college at New-Haven received a DonatioBf 
number of large and generous donations ; which at this pe- J°^^ '^ ^f' 
riod, when the college was struggling under so many difficul- '' 
ties, were peculiarly acceptable. Governour Yale, who 
in 1714, had sent over 40 volumes in Mr. Dummer's col- 
lection, sent, to the college, the last year, 300 volumes more. 
It was computed that both parcels were worth an hundred 
pounds sterling. This year, 1718, he sent over goods to 
ihe amount of two hundred pounds sterling, prime cost, 
# Records of Connecticut, folio vol. v. Oct. 1717. 

'^S HISTORY OF Chap. I. 

BookII. \vita tlie king'D picture and arms. He gave iiUimalipns, 
^.drf'-v*^^ that he would still add. Three years after, he sent the va- 
1718. lue ofan hundred pounds more. Mr. Dummer, at the same 
time, sent seventy six volumes of books, twenty of which 
were folios. The whole were estimated at 30 pounds ster- 
ling. Governour Saltonstall and Jahaleel Benton, Esq. of 
Newport, each of them made to the college a present of fifty 
pounds sterling. By these and several other large dona- 
tions, the school experienced a. happy alteration. The 
college which had been erected the last October, was now 
so far finished as to be fit for the reception and accommo- 
dation of all the students. It was an hundred and seventy 
feet in length, and twenty two feet in breadth. It was three 
stories high, and made a very handsome appearance. It 
contained nearly fifty studies in large chambers. It was' 
furnished with a convenient hall, library and kitchen. The- 
cost of it was about a thousand pounds sterling. 
Com- ^'^ t^^ ^ "^^^ of September, there was a splendid com- 

mence- mencement at Nev/-Haven. Exclusive of the trustees, 
ment at there were present, the honourable Gurdon Saltonstall, Esq. 
ven^'sent Governor of Connecticut, t|ie honourable William Taylor, 
I2,'l7l8. Esq. as representing Governor Yale, the honourable Na- 
than Gould, Esq. deputy Governor, several of the Arssist- 
anls and Judges of the circuit, a large body of the clergy, 
and numerous spectators. 

The trustees impressed with a sense of Governor Yale's 
The col- great generosity, called (he collegiate school Yale College, 
'Gge and entered a memorial of it upon record in the words fol- 

ho™ r to lowing: " Generosissima, honoratissimi Domini Elihu 
Gov. Yale. Yale Armigeri, donatione, vigilantes scholae academicae, in 
splendido Novi Portus Connecticutensis oppido constitutse, 
Curatores, sedificium collegiale inceptum erectumqUe pcrfi- 
cere capaces redditi, honoremtali tantoque Msecenati patro- 
noque debitum animo gratissimo mcditantes, memoriamcjue 
tanti beneficii in hanc prascijuie coloniam collati, in omne 
agvum modo optimo perducere studiosi : Nos Curatores, 
negotii tanti in commune prassertim hujus provinciae populi 
bonum.momenti cura honorati, omothumadon conscntimus, 
statuimus, et ordinanius, nostras sedes academicas patroni 
munificentissimi, nomine appellari, atque Yalense Colle- 
gium nominari : ut hajc provincia diuternum viri adeo gene- 
rosi, qui, tanta benevolentia tantaque nobilitate, in commo- 
dum illorum maseimum propriamque incolarum et in prae- 
senti et futuris s^culis utilitatem consuluit, monumentum 
retineat et conservel." 
It may be rendered in English in the following manner, viz. 
The trustees of the Collegiate school, constituted in the 


splendid town of New-Haven, in Connecticut, being ena- Book II. 
bled by the most generous donation of the Honorable v^-n'^>«/ 
Elihu Yale, Esq. to linish the college house already 1713, 
begun and erected, gratefully considering the honor due 
to such and so great a Benefactor and Patron, and being 
desirous, in the best manner, to perpetuate to all ages, the 
memory of so great a benefit, conferred chiefly on this 
colony : We the trustees having ^he honor of being intrust- 
ed with an affair of so great importance ^to the common 
good of the people, especially of this province, do with 
one consent agree, determine and ordain that our College 
House shall be called by the name of its munificent Pat- 
ron, and shall be named Yale College : That this Pro- 
vince may keep and preserve a lasting monument of such 
a generous Gentleman, who by so great benevolence and 
generosity, has provided for their greatest good, and the 
peculiar advantage of the inhabitants, both in the present 
and future ages. 

On the morning of the commencement, this testimonial Transac- 
of generosity and gratitude ^was published with solemn *'"°^_ ^' 
pomp, in the college hall, both in Latin and English. The nience- 
procession then moved to the meeting house, and attended meat, 
the public exercises of the day. In addition to the usual 
exercises at the commencement, the Rev. John Daven- 
port, one of the trustees, delivered a florid oration in cele- 
bration of the generosity of Governor Yale, and its happy 
influence on their infant school. The honorable Gov. Sal- 
tonstall, was pleased to crown the public exercises with an 
elegant Latin Oration, in which he expatiated upon the 
happy state of the college, as fixed at New-Haven, and en- 
dowed with so many noble benefactions. He particular- 
ly celebrated the generosity of Governor Yale, with pecu- 
liar respect and honor. 

At this commencement eight young gentlemen received 
the degree of Bachelor of Arts, and a number were admit- 
ted to the degree of Masters. 

On the same day on which the commencement was hoi- Com- 
den with so much celebrity at New-Haven, a dissatisfied mence- 
party held a kind of commencement at Weathersfield, in ^^°^*^^* ^ 
the presence of a large number of spectators. Five scho- ggj^j^ 
lars, who were originally of the same class with those who 
now received their degrees at NcAv-Haven, performed pub- 
lic exercises. Mr. Woodbridge moderated, and he with 
Mr. Buckingham, and other ministers present, signed cer- 
tificates, expressing their opinion, that they were worthy 
of the degree of Bachelor of Arts. Mr. Woodbridge, in a 
formal manner, gave them these certificates in the meet- 



(SHAP. I. 

Book II. 

Jjetters of 
thanks to 

on the 
tions at 

Oct. 9, 
tions of 
the As- 

ing house ; and this was commonly taken and represented 
as giving their degrees. 

Soon after the commencement, the trustees sent a com- 
plaisant letter of thanks to Governor Yale, expressing the 
deep sense which they had of his generosity, and certify- 
ing him of all the transactions at the commencement. They 
also sent a letter of thanks to their great friend and bene- 
factor, Jeremiah Dumm%c, Esq. for his late donation of 
books ; they also forwarded another to General Nichol- 
son, for his donation of books in Mr. Dummcr's collect 

The conduct of the two trustees, Woodbridge and Buck- 
ingham, in holding a commencement and giving degrees at 
Weathersfield, could be considered in no other point of light, 
than that of a great misdemeanour, and highly reprehen- 
sible. It was a direct violation of the acts of the trustees 
and the resolutions of the General Assembly, totally in- 
consistent with their duty as trustees, and calculated in its 
whole tendency, to keep up division and disorder in the 
college and in the colony. The scholars, by withdraw- 
ing themselves from the government and instruction of the 
college, had little claim to its honors. This transaction, 
indeed was such, in the whole view of it, as at once strik- 
ingly to exhibit the weakness and fallibility of wise and 
good men, and how greatly they may fall in an hour of 
temptition. But whatever v/as the criminality of this 
transaction, or whatever opinions the trustees or legislature 
might form concerning it, such were the divisions in the 
colony, such the heat and agitation of men's spirits, that it 
was judged expedient to let it pass without public repre- 
hension, and to adopt the most condescending and con- 
ciliatory measures. Mr. Woodbridge and Mr. Bucking- 
ham, were men of important characters,. and their influence 
in the colony was very considerable. 

It was the desire of the legislature and trustees, as far as 
possible to conciliate their friendship tOAvards the college, 
and towards themselves, and to quiet the minds gf their 

When the General Assembly came together, in October, 
they therefore passed the following resolutions, to compose 
the difficulties which had arisen on account of the es- 
tablishment of the college at New-Haven, and to effect a 
good agreement among the trustees, and in the colony in 

1 . " That the annual salary allowed out of the public 
treasury to the collegiate school, for the year past, shall 
be distributed to the tutors at New-Haven^, Weathers- 


field and Saybrook, in proportion to the scholars under Book IL 
their tuition." v,.^-v-^./ 

2. " That the scholars who performed their exercises at 1718. 
Weathersfield, shall have their degrees at New-Haven, 
without further examination ; and that all scholars entered 

at the school in Weathersfield, shall be admitted to the same 
standing in the school at New-Haven." 

3. " That there shall be 500 pounds allowed for the 
building of a State House at Hartford, which money shall 
be procured by the sale of land belonging to this colony, 
and shall be put into the hands of such committee as the 
Assembly shall appoint for that use : and it is ordered, 
that the scholars at Weathersfield, shall come dov/n to 

4. " That 50 pounds be procured by the sale of such 
lands as above said, and given to the town of Saybrook, 
for the use of the school in said town." 

5. " That the Governor and council, at the desire of the 
trustees of said college, shall give such orders as they shall 
think proper, for the removing of the books, belonging to 
the said college, left at Saybrook, to the library provided 
for the placing of them at New-Haven." 

6. " That the several particulars above mentioned, that 
relate to the said college, be recommended by the Govern- 
or and Council, to the trustees of the said school, for their 
observation : and that said college be carried on, promoted 
•and encouraged at New-Haven, and all due care taken for 
its flourishing."* 

The trustees came fully into the measures recommend- Vote of 
ed by the General Assembly. They ordered, " that if Jg^s*''"^ 
any of those five scholars should produce to the rector, a 
testimony under the hands of any tAvo of the trustees, of 
their having been approved as qualified for a degree, the 
rector, upon easy and reasonable terms, should give them 
a Diploma in the usual form, and that their names should 
be inserted in the class as they were at first placed, "t This 
was finally accomplished, and the consequences were happy. 

Upon the previous desire of the trustees, the Governor f^^Q books 
and Council met at Saybrook, in December follo^ving, and removed 
granted a warrant to the sheriff", authorising him to deliver from Saj^- 
the books to the trustees : But notwithstanding the pacific jve-^.Hgl 
measures which the legislature had adopted, there was op- ven. 
position to the removal of them. The sheriff when he came 
to the house where they had been kept, foiuid it filled and 
surrounded with men, determined to resist him. He, with' 

* Records of Connecticut, vol. v. Oct. 1718. 

•f> Preside^ct Clap's H^tgrv of Yale ColIegCj ^. a?, 2S<- 

52 HiStORY OF Chap. L 

Book II. his attendants, nevertheless forcibly entered the house, and 
v^^v-Si^ delivered the books according to his orders, and they were 
171 f^. conveyed to New-Haven : but such was the resistance and 
confusion attending the transaction, that about two hundred 
and fifty of the most valuable books and several important 
papers, were conveyed away by persons unknown, and no 
discovery could ever be made of them. 
The oppo- After this unhappy struggle, the heat of men's spirits 
sitioi) sub- began to subside, and a general harmony was gradually in- 
Bides. troduced among the trustees, and in the colony. Mr. Wood- 
bridge and Mr. Buckingham, became entirely friendly to 
the college at New-Haven, and exerted themselves to pro- 
mote its interests. The trustees, some time after, as a tes- 
timony of their esteem of Mr. Woodbridge, appointed him 
rector pro tempore, and in 1723,* he moderated and gave 
the degrees. 
The rcpu- The college, thus fixed at New-Haven, enriched with 
humhe^s"of benefactions, and accommodated with a large and beauti- 
the college f"l house, began to flourish, and was much more to be no- 
locrcase. ticed in the learned world, than it had been in its former 
obscure and scattered condition. The number of students in- 
creased to about forty. These were under the tuition and gov-- 
ernment of two tutors; and as the college was now in the vicin- 
ity of Milford, was more frequently visited, and more under 
the eye of Mr. Andrew, than it had ever before been. If 
however, yet labovu'ed under many inconveniences. In that 
state of disorder which had been in the colony, and espe- 
cially among the students of the college, they had very 
much lost a spirit of subordination, and contracted such dis- 
orderly and vicious habits, as could not, at once, be v. holly, 
suppressed. The college greatly needed a resident rec- 
tor, by whose wisdom and experience, and a more uniform 
and energetic government, those irregularities might bo 
eradicated, and better morals, and" a greater degree of or- 
der and studiousness be introduced. 
Mar6h, The trustees \vishing to remove all inconveniences and 

^^^•, to put the college under the best advantages, convened the 
ler chosen "Gxt year in March, and made choice of the Rev. Timothy 
Rector. Cuder of Stratford, to be the resident rector until their next 
meeting. He came almost directly to New-Haven, and en- 
tered on the instruction and government of the college. 
When the trustees met at the next commencement, they 
1720^'"^^'^ voted, " That Mr. Cutler's service hitherto, in the place 
of a Rector, was to their good satisfaction, and therefore 
they desired him to continue in it." 

While the trustees Avere attempting to put the college- 
upon the best establishment, the legislature had enacted for 


their encouragement, that 300 pounds worth of new lands Book TI. 
should be sold, and that 40 pounds annually should be paid K^-^^-^m^ 
to the instructors for the term of seven years. 1722^ 

To make compensation to the people of Stratford, for the 
removal of their minister, the trustees agreed to give them 
Mr. Cutler's house and home lot, which they purchased foi" 
84 pounds sterling. To accommodate Mr. Cutler and his 
family, at New-Haven, they built the rector's house, which, 
with the lands on which it was erected, cost them 260 
pounds sterling. 

Rector Cutler was popular, acceptable to the legisla- 
ture and the clergy, and the students were quiet under his 
instructions and government. The college appeared now 
to be firmly established, and in a flourishing and happy 
state. But, from a quarter entirely unexpected, it suffer-^ 
ed a sudden and great change. At the commencement, it 
was discovered, that the rector, and Mr. Brown, one of the p^^,**^^ 
tutors, had embraced episcopacy, and that they and two hraces 
of the neighbouring ministers, Mr. Johnson of West-Ha- Episcopa,- 
ven, and Mr. Wetmore of North-Haven, had agreed to re- ^V- 
nounce the communion of the churches in Connecticut, and 
to take a voyage to England and receive episcopal ordi- 
nation. Scarcely any thing could have been more surpris- 
ing to the trustees, or the people in general, as they had 
no suspicions that the rector was inclining to epis(^opacy, 
as there was no episcopalian minister fixed in the colony, 
and as very few of the laity were inclined to that persua- 

Governor Saltonstall was a great man, and well vers- GoreFnw^ 
ed in the episcopal controversy, and the tradition has been, Salton- 
that he judged it of such general importance, in the then ^y^^g 'u[_ 
circumstances of the colony, that the point should be well 
understood, that he publicly disputed it with Mr. Cutler, at 
the commencement, and that he was judged by the clergy 
and spectators in general, to have been superior to him as 
to argument, and gave them much satisfaction relative to the 
subject. It was supposed that several other gentlemen of 
considerable character among the clergy, were in the 
scheme of declaring for episcopacy, and of carrying over 
the people of Connecticut in general, to that persuasion. 
But as they had been more private in their measures, and 
had made no open profession of episcopacy, when they saw 
the consequences with respect to the rector and the other 
ministers, that the people would not hear them, but dis- 
missed them from their service, they were glad to conceal 
their former purposes, and to continue in their respective^ 


34 HISTORY OF Chap, h 

Book II. Tfie fiiistecs at the commencement, passed no resolve. 

^..^-v^^^ relntivc to the rector, but gave themselves time to know the 
(722. tilt' general opinion of the people, and to consult the legis- 
lature on the subject. But, meeting in October, while the 
i^sscmbly were in session at New-Haven, they came to the 
following resolutions ; " That the trustees, in faithfulness to 

Oct. nth " ^l^C" trust reposed in them, do excuse tlie Rev. Mr. Cutler 
1122. " from all further services as rector of Yale College : That 
" the trustees accept of the resignation which Mr. Brown 
" hath made as tutor." Voted, " That all such persons as 
'' shall hereafter be elected to the office of rector or tutor in 
" this college, shall before they arc accepted therein, before 
*' the trustees, declare their assent to the confession of faith 
'' owned and assented toby the elders and messengers of 
" the churches in this colony of Connecticut, assembled by 
'' delegation at Saybrook, September 9, 1708 : and con- 
" firmed by act of the General Assembly : and shall par- 
•' ticularly give satisfaction to them, of the soundness ol' 
" their faith, in opposition to Arminian and prelatical cor- 
•'ruptions, or of any other of dangerous consequence to 
" the purity and peace of our churches : But if it cannot. 
"' be before the trustees, it shall be in the power of any two 
" trustees, with the rector, to examine a tutor, with respect 
" to the confession and soundness of his faith, in opposi- 
'' tion to such corruptions." They also voted, " That up- 
" on just ground of suspicion of the rector's or tutor's in- 
" clination to Arminian or prelatic principles, a meeting of 
^' the trustees shall be called, as soon as may be, to exam- 
'' ine into the case." 

Mr. Cutler and Mr. Brown, having been thus dismiss- 
i'd from their services at the college ; and Mr. Johnson a- 
bout the same time, having been dismissed from his pasto- 
ral relation, soon after went to England, with a view to re- 
ceive episcopal ordination. They all received holy orders. 
While they were in England, they visited the universities, 
and were received by the vice chancellor of each and the 
heads of houses with peculiar marks of esteem. Mr. Cut- 
ler had the degree of Doctor in Divinity conferred upon 
him, and Mr. Johnson that of Master of Arts in both uni- 
versities.* Di'. Cutler returned in the character of a mis- 
. ^,^, sionary, from the society to the episcopal church in Boston. 
Mr. Johnson, upon his return, about the year 1724, be- 
came the fixed missionary of the church at Stratford. Mr. 
Brown died soon after he had received orders. Mr. Wet- 
more about this time, made a voyage to England, receiv- 
ed episcopal ordination, and was fixed as a missionary at 
* Dr. Humphrey's history of propagating the gospel in foreign part?. 


Rye, in the province of New- York. He enjoyed a long Book IL 
ministry, and died at Rye, 1760. These were the first of v^*^~v,<-^^- 
the clergy who declared for episcopacy in Connecticut, 
and were very much the fathers of the episgOQa[.^hujC£}i ij^ 
Connecticut and in New-England. .J^A.''-S:^'2.. / /O 

While these things were transacting, Governor Yale, Death of 
the great benefactor of the college, died in England, July Governo,r- 
8th, 1721. The governor was the son of Thomas Yale, ^^*^' 
Esq. and was born at New-Haven, April 5th, 1648. His 
father was of an ancient and wealthy family in Wales, 
which for many generations, inherited the manor of Plas 
Grannow, and several other Messuages near the city of 
Wrexham, of the yearly value of 500 pounds. But for the 
sake of religion, he came into America, in 1638, and was 
one of the first and principal settlers of New-Haven. At 
about ten years of age, he sent his son to England, where 
he completed his education. At about thirty, he went to 
the East Indies, where he resided nearly twenty years. 
He acquired a great estate in that country, was made gov- 
ernor of fort St. George, and married an Indian lady of for- 
tune, relict of governor Hinmers, his predecessor in the 
government. By her he had three daughters, Catherine, 
Anne, and Ursula. After his return to London, he was 
chosen governor of the East India company. His eldest 
daughter married Dudley North, Esq. commonly called 
Lord North ; his second married James Cavendish, uncle 
to the duke of Devonshire. Ursula died unmarried. The 
governor continued his friendship and generosity towards 
the college to the close of his life. A short time before his 
death, he wrote his will, in which it is said, that, in addi- 
tion to his other donations, he gave 500 pounds to Yale 
College. Afterwards judging it most expedient to execute 
that part of his will himself, he packed up goods to the a- 
mount of 500 pounds, ready to be sent ; but before they 
were shipped, he took a journey into Wales, and died at 
Wrexham, at or near the seat of his ancestors. The goods 
consequently were never sent. Governor Saltonstall took 
great pains to obtain a probate for the will ; but found it 
impracticable. Governor Yale, by means of his birth and 
connections at New-Haven, became acquainted with Gov- 
ernor Saltonstall, Mr. Pierpont, and the stale of the college, 
which was the occasion of his generous and repeated dona- 
tions. He has been celebrated as a gentleman, not only 
abundant in wealth, but in generosity and good humour. 
His name and memory will be perpetuated with honour anc^ 
gratitude in Yale College. 

T«E controversy relative to the removal of the colIegCj 



Book II. had ©ccasioned various questions relative to its charter, 
^«*«•-^^->w' which induced the General Assembly to make an addition- 
Act of the al and explanatory act. In this it was declared, "That 
Assembly a ^^^y trustee might resign his office when he should see ' 

the^col!^° "cause: That seven trustees convened at any meeting, 
lege. " properly warned, should be a quorum ; and have power 

" to act by a majority then present ; and to appoint a clerk 
" to register their acts : Tliat a minister of thirty years of 
" age, might be chosen a trustee : and that the rector 
" should be a trustee ex officio." For a time, there was 
some hesitation with regard to the reception of this act ; but 
it was finally accepted, and the trustees acted in conformi- 
ty to it, until the grant of the second charter in 1745. 

After the removal of Mr. Cuder, the trustees agreed that 
each of them would reside at the college, by turns, for the 
term of about a month, at a time, with the authority of a 
rector : This form of government continued nearly fouF 
years. But at the commencements in 1 724, 1 725 and 1 726, 
Mr. Andrew moderated and gave the degrees. 

By this time it was found, by experience, that the college 
could not be instructed and governed in the best manner 
by monthly rectors. No person in so short a time, could a 
acquaint himself with the genius and character of the scho- '^ 
lars, nor obtain any considerable experience with respect 
to the best mode of instruction and government. A per- 
son who instructed by turns, and for so short a time only, 
could not be so ready a teacher as one who made it his 
constant employment. It was not possible, under such a 
constant change of teachers, that the instruction and gov- 
ernment should be so uniform, and energetic, as when un- 
der the steady conduct of one superintendant. The trus- 
tees therefore found themselves under a pressing necessity 
of obtaining a rector who should fix his residence at the 
college, and make the instruction and government of it his 
constant employment. 

On the 29th of September, 1725, they made choice of 
ylms cho- ^^^ ^^^' Elisha Williams, minister at Newington, in Weath- 
sen rector, ersfield, to be the rector of the college. He accepted the 
1725. appointment, but the circumstances of his renwval, were 
not settled until the next comniencement. In September, 
VUd^ 1726, Mr. Williams was installed. In the presence of the 
trustees, he gave his consent to the confession of faith and 
articles of discipline, agreed upon by the churches of this 
colony in 1708. After this he made an oration in the col- 
lege hall. When he had concluded this, the trustees, com- 
ing in succession, saluted him as rector of the college. 
To cqpnpengate the people of Newington for the removal 

€hap.1. CONNECTICUT. >37 

of their minister, the General Assembly granted them an Book II. 
hundred pounds ; and, it seems, for several years released ^-^-n/'-v^ 
them from their country tax. 1 726. 

No sooner was Mr. Williams established in his office, 
than he began effectually to suppress vice and disorder a- 
mong the students. He introduced and established a num- 
ber of good customs. A taste for study, and for useful and 
polite literature increased, and the college flourished and 
was happy under his administration. 

While the college was thus endowed and settled, spe- 
cial attention was given to the instruction of the people in 
general ; schools were encouraged, their num.ber increas- 
ed, and their state ameliorated. The inhabitants increas- 
ed, new societies were constantly making, and new church- 
es forming. To encourage the new towns and parishes, 
and that all the inhabitants might fully enjoy the gospel and 
its ordinances, the legislature, for a certain time released 
them from public taxes, and enabled them to tax all the 
lands within their respective limits, in such a manner, and 
for so long a time, as they should judge necessary for their 
assistance, while they were settling ministers, and building 
houses for public worship among them. 

But though the churches were multiplying and generally 
enjoying peace, yet sectaries were creeping in, and began 
to make their appearance in the colony. Episcopacv 
made some advances, and in several instances there was a 
separation from the standing churches. The Rogerenes 
and a few Baptists made their appearance among the in- 
habitants; meetings were held in private houses, and lay- 
men undertook to administer the sacraments. This occa- 
sioned the following act of the General Assembly, at their 
sessions in May, 1723, 

" Whereas notwithstanding the liberty allowed, by law, An act to 
" both to ministers and people, to worship God according Fevent 
" to their own consciences, there are some persons who, j^^^g ^^j.. 
" without qualifying themselves as the law directs, for the ship of 
" enjoyment of such liberty, presume to form themselves God. 
" into separate meetings, and neglect to attend on any 
" public worship of God on the Lord's day, under colour 
" of gathering themselves together in private houses, for 
" preaching and other parts of divine worship ; and Avhere- 
" as some persons without the least pretence, or colour of 
" being ordained in any form whatsoever ministers of the 
" gospel, have nevertheless presumed to gather together in 
^' a tumultuous manner, and take upon them to administer 
"' the sacrament of baptism, to the great sbuse and pro-^ 
.V fanation of that holy ordinance : 

.38 HISTORY OF enAP. I. 

Book If. '* Be it therefore enacted by the governor, and council, 
N-^v^^i^ " and representatives, in general court assembled, and by 
" the authority of the same, That whatsoever persons shall 
" presume, on the Lord's day, to neglect the public wor- 
" ship of God in some lawful congregation, and form them- 
" selves into separate companies in private houses, being 
" convicted thereof before any assistant or justice of the 
" peace, shall each of them, for every such offence, forfeit 
^' the sum of twenty shillings. 

'^ And it is further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, 
" that whatsoever person, not being a lawfully allowed 
" minister of the gospel, shall presume to profane the 
" holy sacraments, by administering, or making a show of 
" administering them to any person or persons whatsoever, 
" and being thereof convicted before the county court, in 
" such county where such offence shall be committed, shall 
" incur the penalty of ten pounds for every such offence, 
" and suffer corporal punishment, by whipping, not ex- 
" ceeding thirty stripes for each offence.'"! 

The existing laws of the colony made provision for the 
relief of persons soberly dissenting from the mode of wor- 
ship established in it, upon application made to the legis- 
lature. Besides it cannot be denied, that for persons un- 
ordained and entirely unauthorized to administer the sacra- 
ments, and especially in a tumultuous manner, must be a 
high profanation of the holy ordinances, and a very great 
misdemeanor. Nevertheless this act, it is believed, has 
generally been considered as inconsistent with the rights of 
conscience, and that toleration which ought to be exercised 
towards christians of all denominations. The Quakers, 
Rogerenes,* Baptists, and other separates, have made 

t Records of the State of Connecticut, Vol. V. May, 1723. 

* The Rogerenes were a sort of Quakers, who had their origin and 
name from one John Rogers, of New-London. He was a man of unbound- 
ed ambition, and wished to be something more than common men. One 
Case and one Banks, two lewd men, called singing Quakers, coming thro' 
the colony singing and dancing, accompanied with a number of women to 
assist them in their musical exercises ; and especially to proclftim how 
their lips dropped with myrrh and honey, fell in company with John, and 
at once made a convert of him to their religion. He, in a high degree im- 
Ijibed their spirit, and ever retained it. iVotwithstanding, it was not long- 
after, before he commenced a seventh day Baptist. After maintaining 
the opinion of this sect for a short time, he returned again to Quakerism. 
To gratify his pride, and that he might appear as the head of a peculiar 
sect, he differed in several points from the Quakers. Particularly he main- 
tained that there were three ordinances of religious use, baptism, the 
Liord's supper, and imposition of hands. To make himself more eminent, 
as the head of a new sect, he commenced preacher of his peculiar scheme, 
and without any kind of ordination, administered baptism to his followers. 
The madness, immodesty, and tumultuous conduct of Rogers and thosR 
who followed him, at this day, is hardly conceivable, It seemed to J^e 


great complaints of this and some other similar laws, by Book II. 
which, perhaps, in some few instances, they have bee:. \,^~-/^->^ 
subject to penalties which they ought not to have endured. 
But in general, the punishments inflicted, and the suiler- 
ings of which the sectaries boasted, as endured for Christ's 
and conscience sake, were for gross immoralities, breaches 
of the peace, and high misdemeaners against the laws of 
God and men. Numbers of the sectaries of that day were 
the most wild and violent enthusiasts. They had deeply 
imbibed the spirit of George Fox, and the Munster Bap- 
tists, and gave incalculable trouble both to the cliurch and 

their study and delight to violate the sabbath, insult magistrates and min*- 
isters, and to trample on ail law and authority, human and divine. They 
would come, on the Lord's day, into the most public assemblies nearly or 
quite naked, and in the time of public worship, behave in a wild and tu- 
multuous manner, crying out, and charging the most venerable ministers 
with lies and false doctrine. They would labour upon the Lord's day, 
drive carts by places of public worship, and from town to town, apparently 
on purpose to disturb Christians and Christian assemblies. They seemed 
to take pains to violate the laws in the presence of olFicers, that they might 
be complained of, and have an opportunity to insult the laws, the courts, 
and all civil authority. 

A particular instance of their conduct on a certain occasion, when Ro- 
gers was indicted for a high misdemeanor, may serve as a specimen of 
their spirit and conduct in general. i he crime for which he was indicted, 
and the manner of his own and his followers' conduct, will appear from 
the following extract from Pratt's Historical Account of Quakerism. 

" It was his manner to rush into the assembly on the Lord's day, in the 
" time of God's worship, in a very boisterous way, and to charge the min- 
" ister with lies and false doctrine; and to scream, shout, stamp, &c. by 
" which he offered insufferable molestations to the worship and people of 
" God. And this was his manner in the court also, when he pleased, or 
" had a mind to make himself sport, and he would laugh at it when he had 
" done until his sides shook. 

" 1 saw him once brought to court for such a disturbance, committed on 
" the sabbath. He had contrived the matter so as to be just without the 
" door vvhen he was called to answer ; upon which he rushed into court 
" with a prodigious noise ; his features and gestures expressed more fury 
" than I ever saw in a distracted person of any sort, and I soberly think, 
" that if a legion of devils had pushed him in headlong, his entrance had 
" not been more horrid and ghastly, nor have seemed more preternatural. 

" When he came to the bar, he demanded of the court what their busi- 
" ness was with him.'' The indictment was ordered to be read. To this 
" he pleaded not guilty, after a new mode ; for as the clerk read, some- 
" times at the end of a sentence, and sometimes at the beginning, he would 
*' cry out, T hat'' s a cursed lie; and anon, Thufs a devilish lie; till at 
" length a number of his followers, of both sexes, tuned their pipes, and 
" screamed, roared, shouted and stamped to that degree of noise, that it 
" was impossible to hear the clerk read." 

He professed to be a most holy man, guided in all his conversation by 
the Holy Ghost, so that, for the course of twenty years, he had lived with- 
out the commission of one sin. Yet he was almost constantly committing 
such gross offences. He was divorced from an amiable wife for fornica- 
tion and supposed beastiality. The latter he often confessed out of court. 
When he had occasion, he took to his bed a maid whom he had purchased, 
■aad after she haJ bgrne hira t-ryo^children, fce put het awny. JJe suffered a 

46 HISTORY 'OF Chap, l}^ 


7lic (Ih cover If ami opening of inines. Laws and encourage- 
mcnls in behalf of the miners^ and of those who were enga- 
ged in carrying on the business of mining. 

Book II. l^f ^^Y of the adventurers to North-America, were 
v^^^v-^w/ -^-Su strongly possessed with an idea of the riches of 
1712. North, as well as of South-America. They conceived that 
its mountains and hills abounded with precious metals and 
minerals 5 and that however rich the soil might be, yet that 
the bowels of the earth would aflbrd them much greater 
wealth. The rich mines and golden sands of the South, 
^\ilh the natural love of gold, mightily cherished these 
ideas. Much pains were therefore bestowed on various 
pnrts of the country, to discover these sources of wealth. 
Discovery AbouL the year 1712, two mines were found in Connecti- 
miot.s. ^^^1^ Q^^^ ^^ ^j^^ town of Simsbury, and the other in the 
then undivided lands in Wallingford. They were called 
copper mines, but it was conceived that the copper contain- 
ed a mixture of a more precious kind. Upon opening the 
mines, the gentlemen principally concerned in them, made 
a])plicalion to the legislature for encouragements for their 
works, and for the enacting of laws enabling them to pro- 
secute their ^undertaking in the mining business to greater 
elTect, and with more eqiral justice among themselves. They 
represented it as an object worthy of the attention of the 
legislature, and that by means of the mines great advanta- 
ges might be derived to the colony. William Patridge, 
jvsq. of Newbury, and Jonathan Belcher, of Boston, were 
?.*ny t7l2. principally concerned in opening the mine at Simsbury ; 
An act re- and upon their petition, the legislature, for their encourage- 
laiivc to yy^QYii^ granted that all the miners, operators and laborers, 
be exempt from military duties for the term of four years. 
On the petition of the original proprietors of the lands in 
Wallingford, it was enacted, that the heirs of the original 
proprietor should have an equal share in the mine already 
discovered, and in all other mines which should be here- 
after discovered in said lands. 

lon!^ imprisonment, upon a strong suspicion that he was an accomplice ja 
burninc; the meeting-house at New-London. He once sat upon the gal- 
lows uj)on a conviction of blasphemy. For these anrl the like instances, he 
tind his followers siitTered the penaKies of the law ; but for liis religion, 
neither he nor his followers suffered any thing, any further than it led them 
to sucii misdemeanors as are punishable by the laws of %\\ Christian na- 

Chap. It. CONNECTICUT. 4i 

After a trial of about six years, it was found by experi- Book II. 
ence, that the undertakers in the business of the mine v^^v->te,^ 
could not prosecute it to any considerable advantage, with- 
out the assistance of law. Notwithstanding any agree- 
ments which they could make among themselves, there 
were such deficiencies among the undertakers and propri- 
etors, as to their portion of labour and expense, and such 
disorder and animosities among them, and that want of sys- 
tem, which was absolutely necessary to enable them to 
prosecute the business to any considerable private or pub- 
lic advantage. The legislature therefore to remedy these 
evils, and to enable them to prosecute their designs in a 
more systematic and righteous manner, enacted as follows : 

" Forasmuch as the copper mines in this colony, by the Oct. l''lg« 
orderly and effectual management of them, may, in time to 
come, be of great use and advantage, not only to the im- 
mediate proprietors and undertakers therein, but also to 
this and the neighboui'ing provinces in general, although at 
present they be of small advantage to any body, and a fruit- 
less expense of money to the proprietors and undertakers : 
Therefore to remedy the same, and for the more orderly 
and efiectual management of the said copper mines, and to 
encourage, countenance and gratify the undertakers there- 
in. Be it enacted by the governor, council and representa- 
tives, in general court assembled, and by the authority of 
the same, that when and so often as there is and shall be 
any copper mine, or mines, discovered in any town in this 
colony, it shall be in the power of any three of the proprie- 
tors of any such mine, by a notification under their hands, 
set upon the sign-post of the town where the said copper 
mine is, on the 25th day of March yearly, to appoint a 
meeting of the proprietors of said mine, to be held within 
the said town, on the third Tuesday in April then next fol- 
lowing ; Avhen and where the proprietors of the said mine, 
that have the immediate interest of the same in possession, 
or the major part of them, which shall be then and there as- 
sembled, (which majority shall arise by the major part of 
interest,) shall have power to choose a clerk, to be sworn 
by the next justice of the peace, to enter the acts, votes, 
deeds and agreements of the said proprietors, and of all 
other persons concerned in the management of said mine, 
of and about said mine, and the management thereof, which 
clerk shall continue in said office during the pleasure of 
said proprietors; and that by and with the consent of the 
said clei-k, and with such other notification as the said clerk 
shall in his discretion think proper, besides what is above 
mentioned, a special meeting of the proprietor* may be 


Book 11. appointed and held, at any other time and place, as emer- 
s«^~v^'>-' gent occasions, by their discretion, may reqnire. 
Oct. 1718. And furthermore, that the said proprietors in any of their 
meetings aforesaid, or the major part of them, to be ac- 
counted as aforesaid, by vote shall have power to make all 
such reasonable votes, agreements and orders, as they 
shall think most conducive and profitable to the whole, for 
their management of the said affair of the copper mine, for 
the common good of all the said proprietors. Particularly, 
to direct the work that shall be done, the proportion of 
money to be levied, the men that shall be employed, the 
limes, the places, and all the circumstances that shall be 
requisite to determJne concerning the same : As also all, 
and every other matter and thing proper to be done by the 
j^roprietors, as occasion may discover for the improvement, 
of the said copper mine, to the best advantage of the said 
pi-oprietors, as well as of the public weal. 

Moreover also, that the said proprietors, in any of their 
meetings aforesaid, or the major part of them, to be ac- 

< ounted as aforesaid, shall, by their vote, have power to 
make such rules, orders, and by-laws, as they shall judge 
jiecessary for the better management and ordering of the 
said copper mine or mines, partners, proprietors, under- 
takers, and all other things and persons touching the premi- 
!^i's, annexing penalties to the same, not exceeding forty' 
shillings for any one offence ; to be r|;covered before the 

< ommissioners hereafter to be appointed for said copper 
mine. Provided, that none of the said rules, or orders, 
ivhich shall be contrary to the laws of this colony, shall be 
of any force or value : As also to ajripoint a committee, or 
committees, trustees or agents, for the doing or managing 
of any matter or thing in behalf of the said proprietors, any 
ways touching or concerning the premises, or any of them 
whatsoever or wheresoever. And be it enacted by the 
authority aforesaid, that if any of the proprietors of the 
said mine, in the possession, or undertakers in the manage- 
ment of the same, for the time being, shall at any time neg- 
lect or refuse to improve or carry on his or their part and 
proportion in the management of any such copper mine, 
according to the rules and orders thereof made, had and 
agreed upon, as aforesaid, then it shall be in the power of 
the said proprietors, or the major part of them, to be ac- 
counted as aforesaid, by themselves in their meeting, or by 
(heir standing committee, to this end empoAvercd, to agree 
with any other, or others of the said proprietors, or upon 

I heir refusal with any other of his majesty's good subjects, 
ivhou they shall see cause, to enter upon and improve any 


part or portion of the said copper mine, and all the things Book II. 
touching the same, belonging to the person so ncglectiug, '->ar-"r>>,a^ 
the space of one year, then next coming, and to the next an- Oct. nit), 
nual meeting in April, and thence forward from year to 
year until from the protits thereof, shall be repaid fourfold, 
all the charge or expense he or they shall be at, in manag- 
ing and carrying on said part. The same rule shall be at- 
tended to in the case of orphans, whose guardians shall re- 
fuse or neglect to improve or carry on their wards' parts or 
proportion as aforesaid of the copper mine aforesaid. 

Be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that it 
shall and may be la>vful for the proprietors of any such 
mine, to take out from the General Couit of this colony, 
from time to time, as they have occasion, or shall desire it, 
a commission under the seal of this colony, to such three? 
commissioners as this court shall from time to time appoint, 
to continue during pleasure, impowering said commission- 
ers, or any two of them, from time to time, to appoint and 
swear their clerk, and at such times and places as they 
shall think meet, to appoint by their direction according to 
law, to hear, and determine all such controversies, quar- 
rels and suits that may arise and happen between the pro- 
prietors, undertakers, partners, miners, refiners, labourers 
aforesaid, or their servants or any of them, or between any 
of them or any other persons, any v>ays touching or con- 
cerning the said copper mine, or any of the rights, proprie- 
tors, agreements, covenants, votes, rates, orders, penalties, 
matters or things, concerning or any ways relating to the 
management and improvement of the said copper mine, as 
aforesaid. And all sherifts and other inferior clncers are 
hereby required to give their attendance upon the said com- 
missioners, to execute and fulfil their precepts and writs, 
and yield all the obedience to their lawful commands, as 
unto others his majesty's courts within this colony. And 
the fees of the commissioners and officers shall be the same 
as is by law allowed in the county courts. Provided nev- 
ertheless, that it shall and may be lawful for any person or 
persons entering special bail, Vvdth sufficient sureties, be- 
fore the said court of commissioners, to appeal to the gov- 
ernor and council, in the next General Assembly, for a tinal 
issue of any of the quarrels, controversies or suits aforesaid, 
when the property of the said mine shall be in question, or 
where the matter or thing in demand shall exceed the val- 
ue of five pounds ; in which case the execution shall be sus- 
pended until the matter is issued, and that in such case al- 
so, such fees shall be paid as in the superior court. Pro- 
vided also, that said copper mines and ail persons and thing-^ 


PooK 11. toucliing the same, shall be under such regulation, order 
\=,.*»^^<^»»V and direction, as this court, from time to time shall judge 
Oct. 1718, further needful for the management thereof, for the best ad- 
vantage, as well of the colony in general, as of the propri- 
etors and undertakers in particular. And further, this 
court doth appoint Matthew Allyn, Joseph Talcott, Es- 
quires, and Mr. John Hooker, to be commissioners, as a- 
foresaid, for the company of the miners at Simsbury cop- 
per mines: and John Hambliu, James Wadsworth, Es- 
cjuires, and Capt. John Hail, to be commissioners as afore- 
said, to be commissioners for the company of miners at 
Waliingford copper mines, to continue during the pleasure 
of this court. And the proprietors and undertakers res- 
pectively, may at their request have the said coinmissions 
made out under the seal of this colony, signed by the 
' governor and secretary. This act to continue two years 
and no longer." 
my 11 111, At the expiration of this laM'^, May Hth, 1721, further 
1721. application was made to the Assembly relative to the mine 
Further ^^ Simsbury. It seems that by this time, the principal un- 
provision dertakers had been changed, and that Andi;ew Fresman 
for the ad- and Charles Cornelia at New- York, had become the prin- 
vantage- cipal gentlemen for prosecuting the mining business. Upon 
ageinent of their application, the legislature passed an act empow- 
il^p i|iip^s. ering commissioners to divide the copper mines at Sims- 
bury, among the several lessees, their assigns, or attor- 
neys, and for directing and regulating the management of 
the said mines, the mills and works belonging to the seve- 
ral undertakers, and for the more easily determining contro- 
versies which might happen between the lessees and their 
assigns, and between the lessees and any of them, or the 
workmen, miners or labourers employed in the manage- 
ment of said mine. 

The act appointed Matthew Allyn, Esq. Col. William 
Whiting, Aaron Cook and Capt. Samuel Mather, commis- 
sioners, to hear, judge and determine all and every of those 
affairs. If the lessees, their assigns or attorneys did not in 
twenty one days from the rising of the Assembly, divide the 
parts and shares in the said mines to each lessee or his as- 
sign, then said commissioners, after giving due notice, ap- 
pointing time and place, and fully hearing the parties on 
the premises, were directed to make the division. 

If any differences arose concerning the repairing of the 
mills or tools, the commissioners were authorised to hear 
and determine all controversies of that kind ; and to order 
^uch repairs as they should judge necessary for the benefit 
of the whole : and the necessary expense was to be pai4 


according to the proportion of tiieir respective shares. If Book II. 
controversies should arise in any other matters relating to ^^^^^^v.• 
ijie mines or any personsconcerned in them, the commis- 1721. 
sioners were authorised to hear, judge and determine them. 
If any were in arrearage and neglected payment, they were 
authorised to issue executions and to cause payments to bo 
seasonably and eii'ectually made. They appointed a clerk 
and directed every thing which they judged might be for 
the advantage of the parties immediately concerned and 
for the public good. 

The legislature gave all the encouragement to underta- 
kers and proprietors in the mines which they well could, 
by legal provisions, and it seems expected that they would 
have been of considerable public emolument. But it is 
believed, that neither the undertakers, nor proprietors, 
Bor the colony were ever very greatly benefitted by them. 
The mine at Simsbury was dug until the veins of copper 
Ceased. A prodigious cavity was made, which has since 
become the famous prison, called Newgate. This has 
been of much greater advantage to the state than all the 
copper dug out of it. The mine at Wallingford was sup- 
posed to be the richest. It is imagined, that in that there 
was a mixture of silver. But it seems that the miners 
were prevented from digging there on the account of the 
great quantity of water which, after they had proceeded 
some depth, constantly flowed in upon them. It was 
opened, a few years since ; but the water prevented the 
miners from digging, and as they could find no way to draw 
it off, they gave over all further attempts. 

Though mines of gold, silver, precious metals and mine- 9^'=''r^a-= 
rals have been esteemed of great value, and sought after '°'^°° 
with great pains and expectations, yet they are by no 
means so enrichmg as is generally imagined. The rich 
mines of the South, were men to be hired to dig, refine and 
go through the various operations necessary to produce 
gold and silver coins, at the wages commonly given in this 
country, would not bear the expense. President Clap, 
who well understood the history of this business, and was 
an accurate computer of expenses, observed, that if the 
king of Spain were to give his workmen in the mining and 
refining business, the moderate wages of sixpence sterling 
a day, it would break him. It was because the business 
was principally done by slaves and convicts to whom he 
gave no wages, and whom he but miserably clothed and 
fed, that he made such profits by them. Mines of coarser 
metals than those of gold and silver, are often the most 
profitable, because they are njuch m.ore abundant in the 


JBooK II. ores v.'hich they contain, and they are prepared for use 
s-^'v^Ni^ with far less expense. For these reasons, mines ofcoj)- 
per, or lead, may yield, as great, or greater prolits than 
those of gold and silver. 

The riches of this country, however; lie near its surface. 
or in its soil. The skilful laborious husbandman, Avill de- 
rive greater prolits from a good farm than he would obtain 
from a rich mine. Therefore, such are the profits and ad- 
vantages of husbandry, as will keep labour high, and di^ 
present state of the country will prevent, any very great 
profits from mines or manufactories. Until the country 
shall be more completely settled, and the purchase of 
Jands becomes more difficult, it is apprehended that neither 
gf these i\ ill be very profitable. 



TJie importance and benefits of a stable currencxj. The attm- 
tion of the legislature to this subject. The manner of the 
emission of bills of credit ; of the payment of the pub- 
lic debt, and of provision for the defence of the colony and 
his majesty'' s service. Ansioer to their Lordships'* Letters, 
Depreciation of the currency, 

STABLE currency is very essential to the civil and 
moral interests of all communities. It is the only 
The im- foundation upon which the principles of commutative jua- 
poitance tice can be firmly fixed, and the property and rights of a 
°^^ ^^^i;*'^ community, be, in any tolerable manner, secured. It is a 
currency, jj^ppy guaj.j q^ t}ie jj^iorals of a people, as it removes nu- 
merous temptations to injustice, and puts it out of the power 
of speculators and dishonest men to do that injustice to 
others, which, in many instances, are practised daily, 
where the currency is in a state of constant fluctuation. It. 
secures to the public, a greater proportion of time and la- 
bour, which otherwise would be spent in speculating, 
drinking, gambling, and in other vices highly injurious to 
the civil and religious interests of a commonwealth. A re- 
dundancy of money and a depreciating currency are a 
fruitful source of these evils. A depreciating currency is 
a public fraud, as it is a constant tax on the sober industri- 
ous part of the community, for which they receive no bene- 
lit, but suffer much injury. It defrauds all men who live 


upon salaries, of a part of their just dues. It in various Book IL 
M ays injures the creditor, and is a temptation to every ..^r-s/^^^ 
debtor to defraud, by paying the creditor less than his just 1714, 
dues, and by keeping him out of his money as long as he 
possibly can. By this means many industrious, honest 
men, fair traders, and useful members of society are ruined, 
and their property goes into the hands of speculators and 
dishonest men, who are of little honor or advantage to the 
pommunity. It is in a great variety of ways a source of 
oppression, of publick and private injustice, and highly in- 
jurious to the morals of a people. Every legislator there- 
fore, who wishes to maintain public and private justice, 
and to preserve the morals of the people, Avill be particu- 
larly solicitcjus to have a fixed currency. 

Of the importance of this the legislature, at this time, ap- 
pear to have been deeply apprehensive. They acted v.dth 
peculiar caution relative to the einission of bills of credit, 
and the establishment of funds for their seasonable redemp- 
tion. The Assembly, in October, 1713, had enacted, that 
20,000 pounds in bills of credit, should be emitted : but as 
the war was terminated, and as the debts contracted by it, 
had been in a considerable degree discharged by the taxes 
which had been collected ; and as they would be still fur- 
ther discharged by others which had been levied, it was 
determined to emit the twenty thousand pounds in parts, 
and at different periods. At the same time it was deter- 
mined to be calling in, and burning the old emissions ; so 
that they might prevent a redundancy of bills, and by these 
means guard against their depreciation. When the legis- ,, .^^ ,, 
laturemet, in May, 1714, it was enacted, that the treasur- 
er should issue two thousand pounds only of the said bills, 
and a fund was made for their redemption in 1724. In 
May 1713, the legislature ordered that nine hundred andMaylTlS. 
iifty eight pounds should be emitted as another part of the 
twenty thousand pounds. In the session in October, one 
thousand and two hundred pounds more were put into cir- 
culation. These small emissions, which had little exceed- 
ed the quantity of bills called in, within the same term, 
had no ill effect upon the currency. The bills which had 
been emitted, at five per cent, from the year 1709 to the g^^ig p^ 
present time, had suffered no depreciation. In the scarci- the curren- 
ty of money, they had faciJitaied trade, served the conven- ^J^ Oct. 
ience of the inhabitants, and been of general utility. The J^^t^^f t],e 
Assembly therefore enacted. That the bills of credit of Assembly 
this colony, should be allowed as a just payment of all respecting- 
debts, except those in which the contract had been made '** 
foi- money, or a^-ticles particularly specified, until thn 

43 HISTORY OF Chap. Ill 

Book IT. To jjrescrvc the bills from depreciation, llie Assembly 
v.^'^''^**/ levied four pence on the pound, for the calling in of six 
1719. thousand ])oundsof bills which had been emitted in June, 
17J 1. Two pence on the pound was levied in May, and 
ihe other half in October. As preparations for the de- 
fence of the country against the Indians, and the necessity 
of sending men to keep garrison on the frontiers, had in- 
creased the expenses of the colony, it was enacted, at the 
Oct. 1722. session in October, 1722, That ibur thousand pounds in 
bills of credit should be em.ittcd. In coiisecjuence ofthis-^ 
the Assembly ordered two thousand ])ounds to be issued in 
May 1725. May, for the discharge of the public debt. In May, 1725, 
(he other two thousand pounds were issued. Funds were 
provided at the same time, for the redemption of the bills,- 
As many of the outstanding bills had been in circulation a 
number of yeai-s, and were either torn or defaced, a nev/ 
emission of four thousand pounds was granted, in October 
1 728, for the purpose of calling the old bills into the treasu- 
ry and burning them. 
3Iay 1729. In May 1 729, six thousand pounds more were emitted for 
the same purpose. Sometimes new emissions v/ere order- 
ed for the purpose of exchanging them for the same amount 
of a former emission. For the saving of expense, new 
emissions were sometimes impressed wath the same plates 
^vhich had been used in former ones. This was the case, 
when torn and defaced bills were replaced. The Assem- 
bly also, at several times, when large sums had been 
brought into the treasury, by taxes, gave orders for the re- 
issuing of these sums in part, or in whole. In this econom- 
ical manner, did the legislature conduct the affair of their 
bills of credit. Small sums Avere emitted from time to 
time, and others of equal amount were called in and put 
out of circulation. The amount in circulation Avas nearly 
the same, or if it exceeded, it was not beyond the increase 
of the people, and of the business and trade of the colony. 
There was therefore noconsiderablc depreciation of the bills 
Ort. 1733. in circulation. In 1733, thccolonyandits trade wereconsid- 
and I'olui- crably increased and it w^as conceived drat a greater number 
iu.? oi'i.ille ofbills might be put into circulation without injuring their 
oi credit, credit. The legislature therefore ordered twenty thousand 
pounds to be emitted. By act of the Assembly, the bills 
were to be redeemed at the rate of twenty shillings to eve- 
ry ounce of silver, Troy weight. It was enacted by the 
Assembly, That a considerable part of the bills shou^l be 
loaned, at six per cent, and for double the amount of the 
bills in land security : and that each county in the colony, 
should have such a proporlion of it as was equal to their 

Chap. lit. CONNECTICUT. 4^ 

respective lists. It was designed that all the people might Book II» 
have an equal benefit by the bills. N.-^-v-Xi^ 

Until about the year 1735, the colony had been so hap- Provision 
PV, that no attempts had appeared to have been made for ^S^*"**, . 

1 . r •,• c -^ T-> X 1 ^ xi • X- counterfeit 

the counterreitmg ot its currency, but about this time biHs Oct.- 
there arose a set of villains, who counterfeited the five 1735. 
pounds, the forty, and the ten shillings bills. Numbers of 
these bills appeared to be circulating, in various parts of 
the colony. The legislature, to prevent the mischief 
which the circulation of counterfeit bills might eftect, en- 
acted, That twenty-five thousand pounds should be imme- 
diately emitted, with a different stamp^ and exchanged for 
the old bills which had been counterfeited. 

War having been proclaimed against Spain in October The war 
1739, and letters having been received from his majesty, !1')^.^„^'° 

. . 1 . r 1 1 • *\. . "^ occasions 

requiring the assistance of the colony, in an expedition a new 
against the Spanish West Indies, the Assembly, in their pmifion 
session in May, passed a resolve to the following effect : '' J^ °^ 
That whereas the expenses of this government were likely jyiay 1740; 
to b& very great, by reason of the expedition directed by 
his majesty against the Spanish West Indies, and those 
necessary preparations for the defence of our borders, sea. 
coasts and navigation, and as the medium of exchange is 
exceedingly scarce, bearing but a small proportion to the 
demand which there is for it, therefore be it enacted. That 
thirty thousand pounds, in suitable bills, shall be emitted. 
On the face of the bill it was said. By a law of the colony 
of Connecticut, this shall pass current within the same, 
for twenty shillings in value, equal to silver, at eight shil- 
lings per ounce, Troy weight sterling, in all paymeiits and 
at the treasury. The Assembly enacted, That eight thou- 
sand pounds of this emission, should be issued for the 
payment of the public debt ; and that the remaining twen- 
ty t\vo thousand pounds should be loaned to freeholders 
and inhabitants of the colony. It was also enacted, That 
the eight thousand pounds should be redeemed in five 
years, by five equal payments, annually, until ^he whole 
should be redeemed. 

As the government had engaged to provide transports 
for the troops to be raised in the colony, and to victual 
them, until they should arrive in the West Indies, it Avas 
resolved, at a special Assembly, that fifteen thousand juiy 8th, 
pounds more should be emitted in bills of credit : That 
five thousand pounds should be retained in the treasury for 
the redemption of old outstanding bills Avhich had been 
torn and defaced, and that the other ten thousand pounds 
should be issued by the treasure^-. At the same time a 




Book II. tax of ten thousand pounds was levied on the grand list of 
<u^->^-%i*' the colciiy, for the payment of the Avhole within ten years. 
1740. About this time letters were received from the Lords 
commissioners of trade and plantations, requiring an ac- 
count of the tenor and amount of the bills emitted, by the 
Assembly ; and its opinion on the best mode of sinking 
them. Their Lordships also faulted them, for making the 
emission of thirty thousand pounds a lawful tender, as, in 
their opinion, it was contrary to the act of the sixth of 
Special Quceu Anne, ascertaining the rates of foreign coins in 
^ssenibly |^}^g several plantations. The answer of the legislature to 
i7°?fj **^'''' their Lordships'* letters, will evince that before the emis- 
sions occasioned by the war with Spain, the colony had 
but a small amount of bills in circulation. They represent 
that the bills outstanding, which had been issued to de- 
fray the expenses of the government, were nearly or quite 
sunk, by the taxes of the years 1 738 and 1 739 : That ot 
the bills loaned before the commencement of the war with. 
Spain, three thousand pounds had been drawn in for inter- 
est in the year 1740, and that the whole would be dis- 
charged by the year 1742 : That the emission of four 
thousand pounds Old Tenor, and- of eight thousand pounds 
in bills of the New Tenor, in May last, and ten thousand 
pounds in July following, was for the sole purpose of ena- 
bling tl>em to comply with his majesty's instructions res- 
pecting the expedition against the Spanish West Indies^ 
and for die necessary defence of the colony. They afhrm- 
rd that without these emissions it was impossible for them 
lo have answered his majesty's expectations, or to have 
provided for the common defence. With respect to the 
i^wenty two thousand pounds in New Tenor, which had 
been loaned, they represented, that k had been emitted 
and loaned to supply the Avant of a medium of exchange, 
ijiid that one half of it would be paid in within four, and 
the other within eight years : That the bills v/hich woul4, 
be discharged in the year 1742, and the twenty two thou- 
sand pounds, were the only bills ever loaned by die colon}. 
IVith reference to the act of May, for the emission of 
•ihirty thousand ]:»ounds, in bills of the New Tenor, they 
aiuswercd, that tiie clause making it obligatory on all per- 
sons to receive said bills, in all payments, was added Avith 
an honest intent, to prevent their depreciation. They 
pleaded further, that they had been encouraged to do it 
from the example of the neighboring government of New- 
York, and from the information Avhich they had received 
of its good eflect, in preventing the discount of their bill-^' 
of credit. 

•Chap. 111. CONNECTICUT. 51 

In relation to the inconsistency of that act with the act of Book TX. 
Queen Anne, they pleaded, That they had not the least ^-^-v^w^ 
apprehension of it, and that they had never received the 1740. 
Jeast insinuation of his raajes1:y's pleasure, nor of that of Nov. 36fli> 
the house of commons on that subject : And that, on the 
first intimation of his majesty's pleasure, they had repeal- 
ed that clause in the act which made the bills a lawlul ten- 
der. They concluded by observing, That by the lav.-.s 
which were there transmitted, and by the returns thev 
made, their Lordships would be certified of the tenor and 
amount of the bills which had been emitted ; and that they 
persuaded themselves, that their Loi"dships, in view of the 
whole matter, would not be of the opinion, that they had 
made large and frequent emissions of paper currency, as 
had been represented : That the sums they had emitted, 
reduced to sterling, or compared with the emissions of 
some of the other colonies, would appear but small. The 
legislature gave their Lordships assurance, that special at- 
tention should be given to his majesty's intentions, and to 
the opinion of the house of commons. 

From these statements, it appears that there had been 
no redundancy of a circulating medium in the colony, and 
consequently that there had been little or no depreciation 
of the bills of credit before the Spanish v/ar in 1740. It 
appears that then as small a number of bills was emitted as 
would comport with his majesty's requisitions, and a prop- 
er d-efence of the colony. From this time the number of 
bills in circulation was constantly diminishing. In two 
years the first bills loaned were all paid into the treasury. 
The twenty two thousand pounds, v/as in four years to be 
one half reduced. The times for calling in a considerable 
amount of the outstanding bills had expired, and they had 
been sunk by the provisions made for that purpose by the 
year 1744, when the French war commenced. During 1744, 
this term of about four years, there was not a single emis- 
sion. At this period, therefore, the bills of credit must 
jiave been rather in a state of appreciation than of discount. 
The credit of the bills appears to have been well support- 
ed until after the commen,cement of the war with France 
3nd the expedition against St. Louisburg. 



The colony in fear of losing their Charter. Measures adopted 
to prevent it. Mr. Winthrop complains of the Colony. 
In an Appeal to his Majesty in Conncil in a case betzocen 
him and Thomas Lynchmrre, Esq. he obtained a sentence, 
in which a certain law of the colony, entitled an Act for the 
settlement of intestate estates, was rendered null and twid. 
The colony declare, that they will not surrender their 
charter, and pray for the continuance of the act relative 
to intestate estates. 

Book II. A LTHOUGH the colony had been able to maintain 
^>-^<-,te^ J.\. their charter privileges against the intrigues of Dud- 
ley, Cornbury and other enemies, in 1712, and 1713, yet 
the danger was not yet past. There were strong parties in 
England, and some in the colonics, who were unfriendly 
to the charter governments, especially to those of New- 
England. They Avere considered as too independent of 
the crown and government of England. A bill was there^ 
fore brought into parliament for a repeal of the chartr^rs 
which had been given to the colonies. Mr. Dummer, the 
agent for the colony, in a letter to the Governor, dated 
August 1715, had given information of the measures which 
' ^' the ministry were pursuing, and had sent over a copy of 
the bill which was pending in the parliament relative to the 
charter governments. No sooner were the Assembly con- 
vened in October, than a committee was appointed to ex- 
amine all papers and documents relative to that affair, and 
to make report what were the best measures for the legis- 
lature to adopt for the preservation of their charter. The 
arguments in vindication of their charter rights, and the 
instructions to former agents relative to them were so com- 
plete, that nothing new on that subject could be added. 
The committee therefore, after a full examination of the 
I'etters and instructions which had been sent to former a- 
gents, at different times, and especially on the 27th of Oc- 
tober 1712, reported, That those Avere the best instruc- 
tions which could be given in this case : and that those in- 
structions and documents Avere sufficient to support all the 
articles in the case of the colony, a report of which had 
been printed by their agent. They gave it as their opin- 
ion, that those articles being substantiated, they might 
hope that Connecticut AA'ould be kept out of the bill. They 
further gave it as their opinion tlijit it Avould be advisable 


to encourage the agent and engage him to make the best Book II, 
defence in behalf of the colony, and to supply him with ^.^^-s^-^^ 
money sufficient to answer the extraordinary charges which 1715, 
it might occasion. 

The Governour was desired to return the thanks of the 
legislature to Mr. Dummer, their agent, for his faithful 
care and great diligence on all occasions ; and especially 
in this critical juncture, for the general good qf this colo- 
ny, and in the defence of their invaluable privileges : and 
to encourage him to employ his utmost endeavors to save 
the colony out of the bill pending in the house of com- 
mons. He was instructed to spare no cost which he should 
judge necessary for that purpose, and the strongest assur- 
ances were given him, that the colony would cheerfully 
reimburse him. Mr. Dummer exerted all his powers in 
defence of the charter governments 5 and by his plea, on 
that occasion, not only did singular service to his country, 
but great honor to himself, both in Europe and America, 
The charter v/as preserved, and the fears of the colony with 
respect to the loss of their charter rights, for a number of 
years subsided. 

The colony however was put to great expense, and 
found peculiar difficulties, at this time, in making pay- 
ments in England. Governor Saltonstall therefore gene- 
rously offered to give the colony credit there to such an 
amount as was necessary. The Assembly accepted his 
proposal, and returned him thanks for his generosity. 

The colony were again brought into great fear and trou- 
ble with respect to the loss of their charter privileges, and 
the repealing of their laws relative to all testamentary mat- 
ters. A number of circumstances united to awaken their 
concern. The agreement between his majesty and seven 
of the Lords proprietors of the Carolinas, that they should 
resign their titles to that country, and the jurisdiction of it 
to his majesty, and an act of parliament enabling his ma- 
jesty to purchase the lands belonging to those colonies, and 
establishing the government betv/een his majesty and them, 
clearly manifested a desire in his majesty and the parlia- 
ment to bring the colonies into a state of more entire de- 
pendence on the crown and parliament, and to have them 
more immediately under their government. The opposi- 
tion which the Province of Massachusetts had made to 
their Governors, Shute and Burnet, and the obstinate re- ^ 
fusal to vote them a permanent salary, according to the ex- 
press requisition of his majesty, were considered, by Con- 
necticut, as having an unfriendly aspect upon the charter 
governnjents. This controversy had been beared by his 

54 HISTORY OF Chap. 1\, 

Book II. majesty in council, and after a full hearing of all which 
v,^->,,-^^ could be pleaded in their vindication, the conduct of the 
province had been condemned, and the Goveitiors had 
been justified. His majesty had been advised to lay the 
affair before the parliament. The province of Massachu- 
setts had lost one charter before, and it was very much ex- 
pected that they would now lose a sccoikI, and that it 
would have an ill effect on the other colonies. 
Reasons Another ground of fear was this, that it had been pro- 
for fearing posed to the colony to resign their charter. In addition to 
the loss of these circumstances, John Winthrop, Esq. son of the last 
;^er, ' Governor Winthrop, Irad become disaffected towards the 
government, and had made a voyage to England with 
complaints against the colony. He had conceived the 
idea that his family had boen injured, and that his ances^- 
tors had not been rewarded according to the public ser- 
vices which they had rendered to the colony. He imagin- 
ed that there were monies due to him, which the colony 
did not consider as due, and were unwilling to pay. He had 
been engaged in a long controversy with Thomas Lynch- 
mere, Esq. a brother in law of his, relative to their pater- 
nal inheritance. The court of probate, as he imagined, 
bad made an unjust and illegal settlement of the estate in. 
favor of his sister, Mrs. Lynchmere ; he therefore, after go- 
ing through a course of law in the courts of this colony, in 
which he was unable to obtain redress, appealed to his 
majesty. Upon the hearing of this case, between the par- 
ties in England, in which Connecticut did not view itself 
as particularly concerned, and in which it was not heard, 
the law of the colony respecting intestate estates was re- 
pealed. It was judged repugnant to the laws of England^ 
as not securing the lands to male heirs, and admitting 
daughters to a share in the paternal estate, which the Eng- 
lish law did not warrant. These circumstances threw the 
colony into a state of great fear and alarm. They not on- 
ly feared the los^ of their charter, but that all former set- 
tlements relative to intestate estates would be set aside, 
and that not only families, but the whole commonwealth 
would be brought into a state of great trouble, animosity 
and confusion ; and that the laws of England relative to 
such estates, would be established in this colony. 

By the answer of the legislature, and their instructions 

to their agents, it appears that they were in great fear, 

and almost in a state of despondency relative to the preser- 

July 3d, vation of their former rights and privileges. On the recep- 

,1728. tion of a letter from their agent, Jeremiah Dummer, Esq. 

certifying, that a certain law of the colony, entitled " An 


act for the settlement of intestate estates, was rendered null Book IL 
and void ;" a special Assembly was called and a commit- ^.^I'-^^'x*^ 
ioe chosen, consisting of the deputy governor, Jonathan 1728, 
l»aw, Esq. Roger Wolcott, James WadsAvorth and Hezeki- 
ah Wyllys, Esquires, to search the records of the courts 
and files, and to take out all such copies of acts and records 
as they should judge necessary to transmit to their agent. 
They were also to assist the governor in draughting in- 
structions to him, both with respect to the complaints of 
Mr. Winthrop against the colony, and relative to the law 
respecting intestate estates. 

The legislature viewed the consequences of annulling 
the law relative to intestate estates as so terrible, that they 
determined to spare no pains or expense to prevent it. 
They resolved to employ another agent, Jonathan Belcher, 
Esquire, afterwards Governor of Massachusetts, to assist l!;'^*»""c- 
agent Dummer in his defence of the colony, and in plead- agents 
ing for the continuance of the law respecting intestate es- Jiily 3d, 
fates. The agents were instructed to apply themselves to ^'^*^- 
his majesty king George the second, in behalf of the cor- 
poration of this colony, praying his majesty, that the said 
law might be continued, in its full force, and that intestate 
estates might be divided as had been usual, for a long course 
of years : that it had been allowed in all preceding reigns 
from the first settlement of tlie colony : That in this coun- Reasons 
try it was reasonable and useful, tending to a more gene- for coniin- 
ral settlement of the country : That the abrogation of it "'"? 
would be an occasion of numerous law suits, of great ex- j.g|l^^^^^g to 
pense to individuals and to the colony ; would disturb the intestate 
jieace of families, in many instances do injustice, and injure estates, 
the general peace and goofl order of the colony : and that 
the continuance of it would tend t,o its general growth, 
peace and welfare. But notwithstandiug the exertions of 
die legislature and the agents, the aspect of affairs be- 
came still more unfavourable. The Assembly the next 
year were still more alarmed with respect to the loss of 
their charter, and appear to have been nearly in a state of 
despondency with respect to his majesty's continuing tlie 
law relating to intestate estates. 

TheGovernoi' was desired, in the name of the General Oct. 9tli^ 
Assembly, to write to die agents Dummer and Belcher, that 1729. 
they were unwilling to surrender their charter : for they j"*^^"!*^',!^ 
accounted it the choicest part of their inheritance, and that a"-cuts. 
they should not upon any terms be persuaded to part with 
it ; and that they would therefore avoid all occasion of haz- 
arding it. He was particularly to represent to them, that 
ihey ;vere greatly concerned respecting the conduct of the 

5ii HISTORY OF Cjiap. IV% 

Book II. y\s.scuil)Iy of Massachusetts, fearing; that it would have au 
v^«^->/-^^ ill iniluence on their aflkirs if it should be brought into the 
1729. parliament. Therefore to instruct the agents to use their 
utmost caution that they should not be, in the least degree, 
involved with the Massachusetts, when their affairs should 
he brought into parliament* The Governor was further 
io instruct the agents, that if upon mature consideration 
i hey should judge that the charter would be endangered by 
(heir going into parliament, that then they should suspend 
the affair for the present, and until they should have fur- 
ther instructions from the Assembly. But if the agents 
should be of the opinion, that the colony might with safety 
petition the parliament to continue their ancient law, that 
then they should pray for the same : or if they should judge 
that the parliament would ])e more easily induced to enact 
that the descent of their lands should be to the sons only •, 
to the eldest a double portion, and to the younger single 
shares, then that this should be matter of the petition. But 
if nothing further could be obtained than a confirmation of 
what their courts of probate had already done, that they 
should pray for that only. This they judged must be left 
to the fidelity and prudence of their agents.* 

The agents conducted the affairs of the colony with such 
wisdom and success that the charter was preserved and the 
colony were allowed to proceed in their former practice 
with respect to intestate estates. The agents were the 
next year both dismissed from the service of the colony. 
Mr. Dummer was dismissed on account of his ill state of 
health, which obliged him to retire into the country. The 
colony returned him their tha'nks, for his m^any good ser- 
vices. Mr. Belcher, on the dcathof governor Burnet, Avas 
appointed Governor of ]\Iassachusctts, and arrived at 
Boston, the seat of his government, the beginning of Au- 
gust 1730. 
May 1730. At the scssion of the Assembly in May 1730, it was ex.^ 
pected that governor Belcher would assume his government 
before the session of the next Assembly, and Roger Wol- 
cott and James Wadsworth, Esquires, were appointed a 
committee to wait on his Excellency on the first notice of 
his arrival at Boston, and in the name and behalf of the 
Assembly, to congratulate him on his safe arrival at hi^ 
seat of government ; and to render the thanks of the Assem- 
bly to him, for his great care and pains in his agency in 
behalf of the colony. They were also particularly to en- 
quire of him relative to the state of their affairs at the court 
of Great Britain. 

* Records of the Colony, volume v. under the years 1728 and 1729. 



At the session in October, Francis Wilkes, Esq. of the Book II. 
city of London, was appointed agent for the colony. \.^'>r>»m^ 

The favourable turn which their affairs had taken in the 
court of Great Britain, relieved the general anxiety rela- 
tive to the charter, and the dividing of inheritance*, and 
gave peace and joy to the people. 


fVar with the Eastern Indians. Attempts to quiet them by 
treaty. The attack and plunder of Canso. A treaty zvitk 
them is promised^ but prevented by the measures of the 
house. Letter of the Indians to the governor. Death of 
Toxus. A new Sachem, and change of affairs. Attempt 
on Morridgewock. The Indians revenge the insult, cap- 
tivate a number of the English and burn Brunswick. War 
is proclaimed against them. Governors Shute and Bur- 
net apply to Connecticut for assistance in the war. The 
t.nemy surprise Canso and other harbors, and take a num- 
ber of fishing vessels. Elliofs and Robinson^ s success in 
attacking them. Remarkable deliverance of the captives. 
Attack on Arowsick Island. Westbrook'' s and Harman'^s 
expedition. Attempts of the English to engage the six na- 
tions in the war against the Eastern .Indians. They send 
delegates to Boston. Coleby^s action with the enemy. 
Attack on Scarborough, Falmouth and other places. Reso- 
lutions of the legislature of Connecticut relative to the war. 
Men killed in various places. Captain Winslow and his 
men killed, shallops and schooner taken. The English 
take and destroy Norridgewock. Numbers of men sur- 
prised and killed in various places. Application is made 
again to Connecticut for assistance. T/ie reasons why the 
legislature would not join in offensive war. Captain Lov- 
elPs fight. Peace is made. Observations. 

THOUGH a profound peace had been settled between t)ifficul- 
the two crowns of Great Britain and France, and it J|*g j^Ji^ 
was hoped that in consequence of it there would have been ans, 
a long peace between the Indians and the English colo- 
nies, yet within a few years, there appeared to be consid- 
erable uneasiness and complaints among the Eastern In- 
dians. They had always been under French influence, 
and by them instigated to v/ar against the English. Espe- 

^S filSTORY Of Chap. V, 

Book II. cially, father Ralle, a French Jesuit, who was minister tO 
^**''v->»/ the Indians at Norridgewock, where he had gathered a 
church, had great influence over them, and constantly em- 
ployed it in making them discontented, and in stirring 
t'hem up to insult and annoy the English settlers. He Vvras 
a man of great art and intrigue, and insinuated to the In- 
dians in that part of the country, that the English had en- 
croached on their lands ; that they had obtained them un- 
justly ; that the English traders among them, defrauded 
ihem, and that by vending strong liquors among them they 
debauched their morals, and prevented the good work he 
was carrying on among them. It was therefore judged ex- 
pedient to treat with them to remove all matters of uneasi- 
iiess, and to conciliate and confirm, their friendship with 
(he English. It was designed also, if possible, to draw' 
them off from the Roman catholic to the protestant reli- 
gion. For these purposes, governor Shute, the summer 
after his arrival at the seat of government, in Massachu- 
setts, me^ the Indians at Arowsick Island, accompanied 
by a number of the council of Massachusetts and New- 
Ifampshire, and other gentlemen. 
Treaty The governor opened the conference by presenting the 

•6(ith them, Indians with a bible in English and Indian. He acquaint- 
I7n^ cd them that this contained the religidn of the English, 
He recommended to them Mr. Baxter, a minister, who 
went v/ith them as a missionary, who, he represented ta 
them, would explain the bible and instruct them in the 
principles and duties of religion. They readily replied, 
^ That they loved their own ministers, and as to the bible 
^ they wished to be excused from keeping it : That God had 
given them teaching, and that if they should go from that 
they should displease God." 

The Governor then proceeded to hear their complaints* 
They complained of encroachments upon their lands, and 
ihat so many forts were built. They alledged that, in a 
treaty at Canso, they understood that no more forts should 
be erected. They said they should be pleased with king; 
George if no forts were built in the Eastern country. 
They acknowledged the title of the English to the lands on 
the west side of Kennebeck river ; but said they were sure 
ihat they had sold nothing on the east side of it. The 
Governor produced one of the original deeds given by 
their sachems. He assured them that the English would 
not part with an inch of land which belonged to them. 

The Indians were so offended at this that they rose im- 
mediately, went to their canoes, apparently with great 
resentment, and passed to tjieir head (juarters upon another 

€hap. v. CONNECTICUT. $9 

island. They left behind them an English flag, which the Book II. 
Governor had given them. In the evening several oi\-^->^'^^ 
theih returned, with a letter from Ralle to the Governor, 1717, 
acquainting him that the French king did not allow that in 
any treaty he had given away the lands of the Indians to 
the English, and that he would protect the Indians against 
the English encroachments. The Governor acquainted 
them that he highly resented the insolence of the Jesuit in 
intermeddling in the business. The Governor concluded 
that the treaty was at an end, and determined to return in 
the morning. But the old men were afraid of war. They 
were unwilling to leave their villages and accommodations 
at Norridgewock and Penobscot, and encamp in the VAOods ; 
or what was worse, depend on the French, v/ho, when it 
would serve their interest, would flatter and cajole them ; 
but they sajd, treated them as dogs, when they had no im- 
mediate occasion for their services. These considerations 
induced them in the morning to send two messengers to 
the Governor, acknowledging that they had been rude and 
unmannerly in their yesterday's conference, and earnest- 
ly requesting to see him again. He assured them that he 
would see them upoxi no other terms than their renouncing 
their pretentions to the lands which belonged to the Eng- 
lish. The messengers promised that this should be done ; 
and in evidence of their desires to treat, expressed their 
Welshes that the English colours which they had slighted 
might be returned. The Indians came again to the trea- 
ty, chose a new speaker, and expressed their willingness 
that the English should settle where their predecessors 
had. They confessed that some of their inconsiderate 
young men had violated the treaty made at Portsmouth in 
1713. But they said they desired to live in peace, and 
to be supplied with such articles in trade, as were neces- 
sary and convenient for them. The governor assured 
them, that as the English would not part with their land, 
so they would not take any of the Indians' lands : That 
the forts were not built for their injury, but for the protec- 
tion both of the English and themselves : They renewec^ 
the treaty of 1713, and the conference ended. 

Notwithstanding this renewal of the former treaty, the 
Indians were pot quiet, but often insulting and menacing 
the inhabitants of the Eastern frontiers. They kept the 
frontiers in such a state of fear and alarm, that very little 
progress had been made in their settlement for about seven 
years after the general pacification. Within about three 
years after the renewal of the treaty at Arowsick, the na- 
.tiVes became sq. troublesome, that most of the frouUer set- 

60 HISTORY OF Ghap. V. 

Book II. dements which had been made after die peace, were de- 
^^^-^r^*>mj serted, and a new war with them was daily expected. The 
1717. governor was for pacific measures. He wished that pres- 
ents might be made them, and that trading houses might 
ibe erected to supply them with all such things as were 
necessary and convenient. But such were the contentions 
between him and the house of representatives, that they 
prevented the measures which might otherwise have been 
adopted for the peace of the country. The house were 
so overheated with their controversy with him, that they 
seem to have done nothing coolly ; but they obsdnately 
thwarted him in all his measures, however wise and pa- 
cific. The Indians therefore, under the influence of the 
French, and the frauds and impositions of the private 
English traders, became more and more exasperated, inso- 
lent and daring. 
Canso sur- A party of them in 1720 fell upon Canso, within the pro- 
prised, vince of Nova-Scotia, and killed three or four of the in- 
poQ ^^''' habitants, and plundered the settlement. They surprised 
• ■ ' the English in their beds and stripped them of every thing 
they could find. A number of Frenchmen, from Cape 
Breton, w^re in confederacy with them. They claimed 
the lands, and said they would carry off whatever they 
found upon them. The Frenchmen came the next night 
in their vessels and can-ied off the plunder. Among other 
articles, they carried off about two thousand quintals of 
fish. A sloop arriving the next day, the Captain offered 
his service to pursue them and make reprisals. He was 
soon furnished with men and with two or three small ves- 
sels. They overtook the French, and brought in six or 
seven small vessels which all had English property on 
board. But the English were supposed to sustain a loss 
of twenty thousand pounds in the cuiTcncy of that day, 
which Avas nearly as good as lawful money. Canso, in 
the summer was peopled in a great measure from Massa- 
chusetts, so that much of the damage was done to them. 
Complaints Avere made to the French governor at Louis- 
burg ; but he excused himself from intermeddling with In- 
dian affairs. He alledged that they were not French sub- 
jects, and no redress could be obtained. 

The surprising of Canso alarmed the people in the Eas- 
tern part of Massachusetts, and Colonel Wanton Avas dis- 
patched Avith a party of soldiers for the defence of that 
part of the country. But the Indians continued their in- 
sults, killing the cattle of the inhabitants, and threatening 
the lives of the OAvners. But as the governor Avas yet, ii 
possible, for preserving tlK; ^cace qf die country, he. 


with the advice of his council, gave orders to Colonel Book IT. 
Wanton to accjuaint the Indians that commissioners should s^^'^s/'s^ 
he appointed to treat with them. The Indians appeared 172Q, 
pleased with the proposal of a treaty, and agreed to attend. 
But before the time appointed for the treaty, the General 
Court were convoked. The house, when they came to- ' 
gether, resolved, that an hundred and fifty men, Avith suita- 
ble officers, should forthwith be ordered to march to Nor- 
ridgewock, and compel the Indians who should be there, 
or in those parts, to make full satisfaction to the English 
for the damages which they had done, by killing their 
swine and sheep, or by stealing provisions and clothing, 
or by injuries which they had otherwise done them. 
They also resolved that the sheriff of the county of York 
should have a warrant for seizing Ralle, the Jesuit, and 
bring him to Boston. If he could not be found, the Indians 
were to be commanded to bring him in, and resign him to 
the sherifi'. If the Indians should refuse a compliance with 
these demands, the commanding officer was directed to 
take the most effectual measures to apprehend the Indiana, 
who should refuse and bring them to Boston. 

Governor Shute considered this, in effect, a declaration 
of war, and an invasion of his prerogative as commander 
in chief, and as a measure which would prevent the treaty 
on which he had agreed with the Indians. He foresaw 
that a new war would certainly be the consequence. He 
was therefore totally opposed to the resolution. The 
council also, as they wished for peace, refused to concur 
with the house. 

This conduct of the house prevented the treaty. The 
Indians continued their insults, but yet there was no open 

The oext year about two hundred Indians, with two '^"? ^"^^^^ 
French Jesuits, under French colors, came to Georgetown, ^^^ q^^._ 
on Arowsick Island, and left a letter for the governor, ernor. 
containing heavy charges against the English. It com- 
plained of them for unjustly invading their property, and 
taking away from them the country which God had given 
them. Mr. Ralle, their spiritual father, was their patron 
also in these affairs. But either from a consciousness that 
they had conveyed the lands to the English, or from a de- 
sire of peace, perhaps under the influence of both, they 
seemed averse to war. But through die influence of Mr. 
Ralle and other Frenchmen, they would seem at turns to 
be filled with a high degree of resentment ; and would ap- 
pear on the very point of waging war, and yet they would 
pyol down again and seciii as tljough they would be c^uiet. 

m HISTORY OF Chap. V. 

Book II. In this state of affairs, Toxus, sachem of the Norridg^- 
y-^^-^'^sm^ wocks, died. The old men who were averse to the war, 
1721. pitched upon Ouikoniroumenit, to supply his place, who 
had always been of the pacific party. In consequence of 
this choice and the influence of the old men, hostages were 
sent to Boston, as sureties for their good behaviour and for 
the payment of the damages which die Indians had done. 
French at- Nothing could have been inor,e disagreeable to father 
tempt to Ra]le than these measures. He immediately wrote letters 
Indians to ^^ ^^^ governor of Canada, acquainting him with the disa- 
v;a.r. greeabie measures adopted by the Norridgewocks. The 

governor was alarmed at these proceedings of the Indians 
at Norridgevvock, and with father Ralle spared no pains 
to rouse them to Avar. Vaudreuille disapproved of the 
choice which they had made of their sachem, and of their 
sending hostages to the English. He represented that 
they had betrayed the interest of their tribe, and that the 
utmost care should be taken to prevent so great a misfor- 
tune as the submission of the Norridgewocks to the Eng- 
lish. He went immediately, on the reception of the news 
of the change among the Norridgewocks, for Montreal, 
St. Francois and Besancour, and prevailed with the In- 
dians in those several places vigorously to support their 
brethren at Norridgewock, and to send messengers to let 
the English know, that if they continued their injuries, 
they should not have to contend with the Norridgewocks 
alone. He and the intendant wrote a letter to father Le 
Chase, a Jesuit, to take a journey to Norridgewock, and 
Penobscot, to engage the Indians in those parts to be firm, 
and to support the cause in which they were engaged. 
They gave notice that it was determined to supply them 
with ammunition.* Massachusetts made heavy com- 
plaints of the French governor for instigating the Indians 
to war in a time of profound peace, between the two 
crowns, and for supporting them in their warfare. But 
he was able to justify himself to his master. 

Ralle was considered by the English as an infamous vil- 
lain. His intrepid courage, his fervent zeal for the 
Roman Catholic religion, and for the interests of his sove- 
reign, were the principal causes of the prejudices of the In- 
dians. He contemned and often insulted the English. The 
French governor Vaudreuille, and Charlevoix, the French 
historian, seem to suppose, that the English settlers were 
mere intruders, and that the English nation were guilty of 
great injustice in dispossessing the aborigines of their 
country. But in this they were under a great mistake, 
* Gov, Hutchinson, II vol. p. 262, 263. 


The first s€tflers of Plymouth and Massachusetts made Book II. 
conscience of paying the Indians to their satisfaction for v»,<-v-'s^ 
all parts of the territory which they setded, unless it were 1721. 
such as had been depopulated, deserted and left without 
a claimer. 

The English charged the Indians with perfidy and 
breach of the most solemn engagements. The Jesuit de- 
nied it and justified the Indians. He pretended that the 
Indians had been under duress in their treaties, and that 
the bargains made with them for their lands Avere unjust. 

In this state of affairs the General Court came together, August 23, 
and resolved that three hundred men should be sent to the 
jaead-quarters of the Indians, and that proclamation should 
be made, commanding them, on pain of being prosecuted 
with the utmost severity, to deliver up the Jesuits and the 
other heads and fomenters of their rebellion, and to make 
satisfaction for the damage they had done : and that if they 
j-efused to comply, as many of their principal men as the 
commanding ofticer should judge necessary, should be 
seized, together with Ralle, or any other Jesuit, and sent 
TO Boston ; and that if any opposition should be made, 
force should be opposed to force. The council concurred^ 
and the governor was persuaded to give his consent. Judge 
Sewall scrupled the lawfulness of the resolution, and en- 
tered his protest against it. 

The governor, though he had consented to the resolu- 
tion, yet as the hostages were still in the hands of the le- 
gislature, and as he wished to preserve the peace of the 
country, gave no orders for raising the men. But the 
liostages »ot long after making their escape from the cas- 
tle where they had been kept, he considered war then as 
inevitable, and gave orders for raising the men. The 
hostages were taken and sent back, and the orders were 
countermanded. The governor had promised the Indians 
that trading houses should be erected, that smiths and ar- 
mourers should be sent down at the expense of the pro- 
vince, and that they should be supplied with clothes, pro- 
visions and other necessary articles, in exchange for their 
furs and skins. Though this seems to have been a pacific 
and judicious measure, yet as the house would not approve 
of it, and the general court, on whom he depended to ena- 
ble him to fulfil his engagements, would not assist him, 
nothing of that nature could be done. 

When the General Court met again in November, the General 
house expressed their dissatisfaction, that the governor j^q^^ 172]^ 
had not carried into execution, the resolution of the whole 
court, with respect to the Indians, and resolved, That the 

u " History oP CkAP. \h 

Book II. ^ovtrnmeiit luid sufficient reason ibr prosecutihg them for 
'oii^'v^fcto' their many breaches of covenant. The council, after some 
explanations of the resolution, concurred. The conse- 
quence was the sending of a party of men toNofridgcAvock. 
The Indians it seems, had been apprised of their comings 
and had taken care of their spiritual father, and fied with 
him into the woods. No Indians were to be found, and 
the party elTected nothing more than plundering father 
Ralle of a number of his books and papers. 

This insult on one of the chief towns of the Indians, and 

the plundering of their beloved father Ralle, they did not 

suffer to remain long unrevenged. They did no mischief 

for several months, but were meditating revenge, and pre- 

Pi-'wbnGrs paring to give the blow. The next year, they went with 

taken at about sixty men in twenty canoes into Merry Meeting 

MectiD"- B^y? ^^^ took nine families prisoners f but they left no 

Cay. June marks of their usual rage and barbarity. Some of the 

17.22. prisoners they released immediately and others soon after. 

They Were careful however to retam a sutficient number 

to make sure the return of their hostages. 

Another party made an attack upon a fishing vessel from 
Ipswich, as she lay in one of the Eastern harbours ; but 
as the fishermen were armed, they defended themselves. 
They killed two or three of the party, and the rest re- 

About the Same time the collector of the customs at An- 
napolis Royal, Mr. Newton, with John Adams, son to onci" 
of the council for Nova-Scotia, as they were going thence 
with Captain Blin, went ashore at one of the Passimaquo- 
dies, and were all taken prisoners, wkh a number of ocher 
passengers, by a party of French and Indians. The peo- 
ple who were left on board the sloop cut the cables and 
made their escape to Boston. 

Another party of Indians burned a sloop at St. Georges 
river. They took a number of prisoners, and attempted" 
to surprise the fort. 

Intelligence of these hostilities came to Boston while the 
General Court were in session ; but instead of that rage 
for war which had so remarkably appeared in the house 
before, under far less provocations, nothing more was- 
proposed than sending the hostages, which the Indians 
had given, back to the Eastward, to be set at liberty upon 
the restoration of the English captives ; and sending a 
message to the Norridgewocks, demanding the reasons of 
their conduct, the restoration of captives and satisfaction 
for damages. 

The friends of the Englisl;!, wlio had been captivatedy 


were importunate with the government to take effectual Book II. 
measures for their restoration. With a view to this, it is v-^-v-^^^ 
probable that a declaration of war was so long delayed. 1722. 
While the General Court were sitting, or soon after, the 
Indians burnt Brunswick, a village between Casco bay and 
Kennebeck. Captain Harman, who was posted on the 
frontiers, with part of his forces pursued them, killed a 
number, and took fifteen of their guns. On the arrival of I>eclara- 
this news at Boston, the governor immediately, by the ad- j °" oc^^*^ 
vice of his council, published a declaration of war. 17^^. ' 

The General Court had been prorogued until August. Aug. 8th<, 
When it cam^ together the governor represented the ne- 
cessity of laying aside all animosities, private piques and 
self interest, that there might be an unanimous and vigo- 
rous prosecution of the weighty affairs which were before 
them. He particularly remarked, that he feared if his 
bands and the council's were not left at greater liberty 
than they had lately been, affairs would be carried on with 
little or no spirit. The house approved of the governor's 
proclamation of war, and promised all necessary and 
cheerful assistance. It was detei-mined that three hun- 
dred men should be selected and sent on an expedition to 
Penobscot, and that the rest of the troops should be sta- 
tioned at different posts on the frontiers. But notwith- 
standing the arrangements which had been made, the ene- 
my found means to surprise several parts of the country 
and to do much damage. 

The neighboring Indians, especially the old men among 
the Norridgewocks, were opposed to the war ; the Pe- 
nobscots were still more so 5 and even after it commenced, 
expressed their desires of an accommodation. But, as 
has been observed, Ralle and the French urged them to 
it, and with difficulty persuaded them to engage. The In- 
dians at St. Francois, on the borders of Canada, the St. 
Johns and the Cape Sable Indians, being at a greater dis- 
tance, did not fear the destruction of their villages. They 
therefore, under the influence of the French, were fierce 
for war; and joining with the Norridgewocks and Penob- 
scots, made the war general. 

In July they surprised Canso, and other harbors in the July, 
vicinity, and took about seventeen fishing vessels, belong- 
ing to Massachusetts. Governor Phillips, who was occa- 
sionally there, caused two sloops to be manned, partly 
with volunteer sailors, from merchant vessels which were 
there loading with fish, and sent them, under the command 
of John Elliot of Boston, and John Robinson of Cape 
Ann, in quest of the enemy. As Elliot w^s ranging the 

^Q HISTORY OF C;hap. \\ 

WrLy, in full expectation of another prize, roare 

ut,l-ike,'Endish do^gs, and -me aboard for you ai.^^^^ 
prisoners. Elliot answered, 1 will make a I the has.e^ l 
r The Indians perceiving that they n.ade no attemp 
to escape, soon began to suspect a surprise, and cut ttieu 
• c' nkU<lesigntorun ashore ^nd make thc^r escap . 
Elliot immediately boarding them I-^f^;;^^ jf ^^ [ ^ 
DOS- and after a brave resistance, for about hab an nom .. 
ffey began to leap into the hoM for safety. H-e he nand 
p-renade^ ^vhich Elliot threw among them made "ch aes- 
l^uction, that those who were not killed, leaped into th. 
water, where they were a fair marK for the ^ngl^^h t^J<^ 
onlv of the whole number made their escape. Seven % es- 
- s'lJ with several hundred quintals of fish, and fifteen cap- 
iv?; were recovered from the enemy. They had sen 
manv If the prisoners away, and had killed nine in cold 
blood The Nova-Scotia Indians had th« character ot 
beinc^more savage and cruel than the other tribes. 

Elliot was bacUy wounded in the action, one of his men 
was killed and several wounded. ^ ^ „ , i , ^ 
Robinson did not return unsuccessful. He re ook two 
vessels, and killed a number ot the enemy. The othei 
vessels the Indians had carried far up the bay above the 
harbor of Malagash, so that they were out ot his reach. 
The enemy were so nmiierous, that he had not a sufficient 
number of men to land and dnve them off. 

This was an unfortunate atfair to the Indians. 1 he loss 
of so many men filled them with the utmost rage ; and 
thev detemiined to revenge themselves on the poor fisher- 
men whom they had made prisoners. About twenty oi 
Sese were yet in their hands. These they destined to be 
sacrificed to the manes of their slaughtered fellows. 1 h( 
fires it seems were kindling, the powowing and other cere- 
monies of destruction were performing at Malagash, wheii 
Captain Blin appeared in a sloop, off the harbor, and 
, made a signal, or sent in a token, which had been agreed 
upon, beuveen him and the Indians, when he was their 
prisoner, to be his protection. Three Indians came 
on board his vessel, and an agreement was made for the 
ransom both of the captives and vessels. Ihe ransom 
was paid, and the vessels and captives delivered to him. 
This was a most providential and signal deliverance ot thf- 
captives from an untimely and barbarous death. 


Captain Blin, on his return to Boston, took three or four Book 11. 
of the Indians. CajDtain Soiithack, about the same time, ^-<«<>^^-v^ 
Took two canoes with three in each. One was killed and 1722. 
live were made prisoners. 

Meanwhile the enemy were not idle. In September, Attack on 
four or five hundred of them, made an attack on the inhabi- c!°rfrfl' 
tants and fort upon Arowsick Island. They were discov- 
ered by the soldiers of the garrison at some distance, so 
that the inhabitants had time to secure part of their eftects 
and to make their escape to the fort. The enemy began 
their attack immediately upon the fort. This was defended 
by forty soldiers under Captains Temple and Penhallow. 
They made so gallant a defence, that the enemy after kill- 
ing one man drew off from the fort, and falling upon the 
aattle killed about fifty head. They then plundered and 
burnt the houses, about twenty six in number. The in- 
habitants saw v/ith great distress, from the fort, the burn- 
ing of their habitations, and bewailed their insufficiency of 
numbers, to prevent the mischief. 

Captains Walton and Harman, who were posted on the 
frontiers, on the first alarm, made all possible dispatch to 
^■einforce the garrison, and before night arrived with thirty 
men, in two whale boats. With this joint force, consist- 
ing of seventy men, they made an attempt to repel the en- 
emy ; but their numbers were so unequal, that in a bush 
fight behind trees, they found there was no chance of suc- 
cess, and they retreated to the fort. The enemy drew ofT 
in the night ; and passing up Kenncbeck river, they met 
the province sloop, and firing upon her, killed the master, 
Bartholomew Stretton. They proceeded to Richmond, 
and made an attack on the fort there, and thence went to 
Norridgewock, their head quarters. 

The enemy concluded the mischief of this first year of 
the war, by killing a man at Berwick. 

Before this. Colonel Walton had selected three hundred 
men for the expedition against Penobscot, and they had 
actually marched for the place of their destination : but 
on the appearance of such a formidable body of the enemy 
on the frontiers, he countermanded the troops, and sent 
immediately to the governor, acquainting hirn with what 
he had done. The council advised to keep ihe force on 
the frontiers for the defence of the inhabitants, and to sus- 
pend the expedition to Penobscot until winter. They judg- 
ed that the winter would be a more seasonable opportunity 
for the enterprise. The expedition was therefore suspended. 
As war had been proclaimed against the eastern In- 
dians, and they had dgne so i?iuch inischief in the war, 

68 HJSTORY OF Chap. V. 

BooK/II. Govenior Shute, of Massachusetts, and Governor Burnet, 
v.^-v'-^/ of New- York, wrote letters to Governor Salstonstall, de- 
1722. manding supplies of ammunition and men, or the command 
of a certain part of the militia, to assist in the war agaigst 
the common enemy. 
Qct, nth. When the letters were laid before the assembly in the 
October session, it was resolved. That the insults of the. 
eastern Indians, who were comparatively few in number, 
were not such an invasion of the frontiers as was under- 
stood by his majesty, to call for the assistance of all his 
majesty's subjects, in North America, from New-Hamp- 
shire to Virginia, and that on that account the colony ex- 
cused itself from affoixling assistance in the war. At the 
same time, the assembly gave assurance to their excellen- 
cies, Shute and Burnet, that in time of general war and 
danger, they would be as ready as any of his majesty's 
subjects to comply with his requisitions. This was not 
the only objection of the assembly to engage in the war; 
they were not satisfied that it was lawful. 

Nevertheless, the legislature, not knowing how far the 
mischief might spread, sent a detachment of about fifty 
men to keep garrison and scout in the county of Hamp- 
shire, and to cover that part of the country. Some sol- 
diers were also posted in the frontier towns of this colony. 
General jj^ November, the general court of Massachusetts came 

Massachu- together. The court immediately entered on the affairs of 
setts, Nov. the war. Among other measures, they appointed commis- 
15th, 1722. sioners to treat with the six nations of Indians, who were 
in friendship with the English, and to engage them to use 
their influence with the eastern Indians, to persuade them 
to make satisfaction for the damages they had done, and 
to be at peace for the future. They were also to offer 
them certain premiums for all the scalps and captives of 
the enemy which they should bring in. 

But they soon renewed their controversy with the go- 
vernor ; censured him for not carrying into execution the 
expedition against Penobscot, insisted that Colonel Wal- 
ton should be recalled, because he had kept the whole of 
the troops on the frontiers, though he had done it by the 
express orders of the governor, by advice of his council. 
The house took it upon them to examine Colonel Walton, 
independently of the governor and council, and refused to 
vote any pay to Walton and other officers, and in short, 
to support the war, unless some of the officers in chief 
command were displaced and others appointed to com-, 
mand. They encroached on the prerogative of the go- 
vernor as commander in chief. They so entirely coun* 


teractecl him in all his measures, and manifested such to- Book II. 
tal disaffection to his person and government, that he left v^^^^^s.^/ 
the court while it was in session, and embarked for En- 1723. 

The weight of government now fell on the deputy go- 
vernor, Dummcr. The house in various respects en- 
croached on his prerogative, but for the good of the pro- 
vince, and, that proper provision might be made for a vi- 
gorous prosecution of the war, he for the present yielded 
to the necessity of the times. Colonel Westbrook was 
appointed to the chief command, in the room of Walton, 
who resigned. Two winter expeditions were determined 
on ; one under the command of Colonel Westbrook, and 
the other under Captain Harman. 

The expedition under Captain Harman was first in rea- Expedition 
diness. On the 6th of February, he set out with about an ^P'".'f 
hundred and twenty men for Norridgev>^ock ; but the rivers wock,Feb. 
were so open and the grounds so full of water, that they 6th, 172D. 
could not proceed. Having advanced with much difficulty 
as far as the upper falls of Amascoggin, they divided into 
scouting parties and returned. In their whole route they 
discovered not an enemy. 

Five days, after Captain Harman began his march, Co- Feb. nth. 
lonel Westbrook set out, with two hundred and thirty men, ^'^'^^^ 
in small vessels and whale boats, and ranged the coast as brook's 
far as Mount Desart. Upon his return, he proceeded up expedi- 
Penobscot river, where, about thirty two miles above the ^io°- 
anchoring ground for transports, he discovered the Indian 
village and castle. The castle was fortified with stock- 
ades, seventy feet in length, and fifty in breadth, encom- 
passing twenty three well finished wigwams. Without the 
ibrt was a church sixty feet long and thirty wide, decently 
finished within and without. There was also a very con- 
venient house for the minister ; but all were deserted. 
Nothing more was effected than the burning of this little 
village. On the 20th of March the troops returned to St. 

No sooner was the spring well opened than the enemy 
commenced thei^ operations. Small parties kept the fron- 
tiers in constant alarm and terror. Notwithstanding all 
the vigilance and exertions of the troops, they sometimes 
were successful. 

In April they killed and captivated eight persons at Scar^ 

* The extraordinary conduct of the house towards Governor Shute, 
may be found faithfully represented, and the difficulty and danger in which, 
it involved the Province, in GovCTnof Hutchiusoa's History, Vol. II. from 
page ^16 to page 300. 

70 HISTORY OF Chap. V. 

Book 11. borough and Falmoi'th. Among the dead was one Chubb, 
>,rfi»^.,^-«»^ a sergeant of the fort, whom the Indians supposing to be 
1723. Captain Harman, fifteen of them took aim at liim at the 
same time, and lodged eleven bullets in his body. This 
was a means of the preservation of the lives of others, 
though fata! to him, as more made then* escape to the fort, 
than otherwise would have done. The next month they 
killed two men near Berwick, one at Wells, and two be- 
tween York and Wells. 

In June they made an attack on Roger Dearing's garri- 
son at Scarborough, killed his wife, and two other persons, 
and made captives of three of his children. Soon after 
ialy. they visited Saco. Five of them attacked one Dominicus 
Jordan, one of the principal proprietors of the town, in 
his field ; but as he kept his gun constantly presented at 
them Avithout firing, they were afraid to come very nea,r 
him, and he made his escape to the fort, after having re- 
ceived three wounds by them. On the 14th they surprised 
Captain Watkins on Durel's Island, and killed him, and 
A'j"- 13th. three or four of his family. In August, a party of about a 
dozen of the Indians, killed fvvo men at Northfield, and the 
ijext day they surprised a father with four of his sons, as 
they were making liay in a meadow at Rutland. The fa-^ 
ther made his escape, but the sons fell a prey to the ene- 
my. At the same time., Mr. Willard, the minister of the 
town, fell in Avith the party and was killed. He was arm- 
ed, and before he fell, killed one and wounded another. 
Towards the end of the month, they killed a man at Co- 
checo, and killed or captivated another at Arundel. While 
these misfortunes were happening on the frontiers, the 
General Court of Massachusetts came together, and in con- 
iriequence of the measures which had been adopted, in send- 
ing commissioners to the Six Nations, sixty-three Indians 
Aug. 21st. went to Boston, while the court were in session. A formal 
Treaty treaty was held with them, and a large sum was drawn 
with the fj.Qjjj (j^Q government in valuable presents ; but it was all 
Indians of *^ mi i i • • i 

the Six to no purpose. 1 he delegates were too cautious to involve 

Nations, their principals in the war. All that tiiey would do rela- 
tive to it, was to give liberty to any of their young men 
who should desire it, to go out with any parties of English 
who should be engaged in the military service. Two 
young Mohawks only offered their service, and were sent 
on to the eastward, to join the troops on the frontiers. 
Having arrived at the fort at Richmond, on Kennebeck 
river. Captain Heath, v/ho commanded, ordered his ensign, 
Coleby, and three of the garrison, to go out with them on 
a scouting party up the river. After they had travelled 


about Ihree miles, they judged, from the smell of fire, that feooK II. 
a party of the enemy must be near. The Mohav,'4vS refu- v^-v^'w' 
sed to proceed any further, until they were reinforced. 
They sent back their ooat for as many men as she could 
carry. Thirteen were sent. Soon after they had formed 
a junction witli the other party, about thirty of tiie enemy 
appeared. A smart skirmish commenced, but the enemy 
vvcre beaten and fled to their canoes, leaving their packs 
behind them.. They carried off two of their number, either 
dead, or so wounded as to be unable to walk. Coleby, 
who commanded the party, was killed, and two others 
wounded. The two Mohawks appeared to have had enough 
of the service, and as they could not be prevailed on to 
taiTy longer, were sent back to Boston. 

Meanwhile the enemy continued their depredations. In 
October, seventy of the enemy attacked the block-house at 
Northfield, and killed or wounded four or five of the Eng- 
lish. Fifty Connecticut soldiers, who had kept garrison Oct. il, 
there through the summer, had been drawn off the day be- 1^23- 
fore. It is not improbable that the enemy had obtained 
the knowledge of this circumstance, and that it embolden- 
ed them to make the attack. Colonel Stoddard marched 
immediately from Northampton, with fifty men, to reinforce 
the garrison. The same month one CogsAvell, with a boat's 
crew, was surprised by the enemy. 

At the beginning of winter, about sixty of them laid siege Dec. 25t1i, 
to the fort at Muscungus, or St. Georges. They surprised ^'^^'^^ 
two of the garrison, from whom they obtained information, 
that the fort was in a weak and miserable condition, which 
encouraged them to commence and press the siege. But 
the chief officer, Kennedy, was a bold and resolute man, 
and he kept his ground until Colonel Westbrook arrived 
with a sufficient force to put the besiegers to flight. 

The English kept parties constantly marching back- 
wards and forwards on the frontiers, but they discovered 
no enemy. They were careful to avoid them. Captain. 
Moulton, with a party of men, marched to Norridgewock, 
and brought off some books and papers of the Jesuit Ralle, 
by which they discovered that the French were the insti- 
gators of the Indians to the war. The enemy had all made 
their escape, so that not one was to be seen. He came oi? 
without destroying the houses or the church. He was no 
only a brave, but discreet man, and probably judged that 
such an instance of m.oderation, might induce the enemy to 
treat the English in the same manner. 

The continuance of the war with Massachusetts, and 
the attack of so large a body of the Indians upon Northfield, 

72 HISTORY OF Chap. V. 

Book II. seems to have called the attention of the legislature of Con- 
'-^"v^-^ necticut. to a more particular enquiry into the state of the 
Ilesolu- war. When the assembly came together, in October, they 
tions of the pg^ggg^-] r^ number of resolves to the following effect : That 
General i 111 i • 1 i r tit 

Assembly the governor should correspond with the governor 01 iVlas- 

of Con- sachusetts Bay, and endeavour to know how said war com- 
necticut inenced ; what were the real, or pretended causes of it ; 
the war '-^^^^ particularly, what was the result of the late treaty with 
Oct. 1723. the Maquas, or western Indians, and what effects might be 
expected from it? — What plans they had formed for the 
prosecution of the Avar ? That a proper regard might be 
had to them by the scouting parties, which should be em- 
ployed for the security of the frontiers. It was further re- 
solved, as the opinion of the assembly, That if there was 
danger of the enemies' falling in a body upon any of the 
western frontier towns in this colony, or in the county of 
Hampshire, in Massachusetts province, the most proper 
method of covering them, would be to support the advanced 
posts of Deerfield and Northfield with such a garrison, 
that good marching parties might be kept out, both west- 
ward to Ousatunnuck, and eastward to Manandunck. That 
the scouts employed by this colony, shall, if it may be con- 
sistent, be pardy of our friendly Indians, who shall have- 
encourag;ement to enter into the service. 

Provision was made, that during the time of danger, 
there should be a committee of war, in and about Hart- 
ford, which might be easily conv^ened, and afford assist- 
ance on the most sudden attack of the enemy : and they 
were furnished with such commissions and instructions, by 
the governor, as enabled them, on any emergency, to send 
out such a number of troops, immediately, as should be 
necessary to repel the enemy attacking any of the towns 
on the frontiers of this colony, or in the county of Hamp- 
shire, in the province of Massachusetts. 

Directions were also given, that if the governor and 
council, on acquainting themselves with the state of the 
war, and on corresponding with the Governor of Massa- 
chusetts, should judge that the safety of the frontiers re- 
quired it, they might join with Massachusetts in keeping 
the posts at Deerfield and Northfield, or either of them, 
and in keeping out scouts and good marching parties, 
north, east, and west, to cover the frontiers, and to make 
discoveries. They were empowered to impress sixty men, 
and no more, unless an extraordinary attack should be 
made, by a large body of the enemy. They might also 
add the same number of Indians. 

The province of Massachusetts sustained a considerable 



loss of lives and property in this second year of the war ; Book II. 
but they were more unfortunate the next, especially in the v^~>''"n-^ 
former part of it. In March the enemy killed sergeant March 
Smith, at the fort of Cape Porpoise. In April one Mitch- ^^'^' ^'^^'^ 
ell was killed at Black Point, and two of his sons were ta- 
ken. About the same time, three men were killed at a 
sawmill, on Kennebeck river. The next month the ene- May. 
my killed one Thompson at Berwick ; one of his children 
they captivated, another they scalped and left for dead ; 
but it soon revived and was carried home alive. They 
killed elder Knock, at Lamprey river, and George Chap- 
ley and a young woman at Oyster river, as they were go- 
ing home from public worship. At Kingston they capti- 
vated one man and three boys. 

In the beginning of June, a scout of thirty men from 
Oyster river, were attacked before they left the houses. 
Two of them were instantly shot down. The rest ran so 
furiously upon the Indians, that they fled, leaving their 
packs and one of their number, who was killed in the skir- 
mish. At Hatfield one Englishman was killed and two ta- 
ken prisoners. Another, Avith a friendly Indian and their 
horses, was killed between Northfield and Deerfield. 

About the same time an unfortunate affair took place 
with respect to captain Josiah Winslow, and part of the 
garrison belonging to the fort at St. Georges river. There 
went seventeen men from the fort in two whale boats. The 
Indians, it seems, discovered them, and waited the most 
convenient time and place to attack them : as they were 
returning, the day after they went out, they found them- 
selves suddenly sun'ounded with thirty canoes, whose com- 
plement must have been an hundred Indians. They at- June 1st, 
tempted to land, but were intercepted, and nothing re- 
mained but to sell their lives as dearly as possible. They 
made a gallant defence, but every Englishman was killed. 
Tliree Indians who were of the number only returned to 
the fort to relate the melancholy news. This was a heavy 
loss. Captain Winslow was a fine young officer, of hon- 
orable descent, and had but just finished his studies at col- 
lege. His father was one of the council. His grand- 
father and great-grandfather had been governors of Plym- 
outh colony. He had a mind formed for usefulness, and 
his death was much lamented. 

Animated with this success, the enemy made a stiU 
greater attempt by water. They took two shallops at the 
Isles of Shoals, and afterwards they took several other 
fishing vessels, in different harbors. Among the rest, 
they took possession of a large schooner, Avitji twt> swivd 


Book II. guns. Tuc y manned her and cruised along shore. It \va?i 

^-*'"""'''^»' judged that, a small force would be sufficient to conquer 
1 724. the.^e raw sailors. The lieut. governor commissioned 
doctor Jackson of the Province of Maine, in a small 
schooner, with tAventy men, and Sylvanus Lakeman oi* 
Ipswich, in a shallop with sixteen men, to go in quest of 
them. They soon came up Avith them ; but the enemy 
were too strong for them. They returned with their rig- 
ing much damaged with the swivel guns, and Jackson and 
several of his men were wounded. The only account: 
they -could give of the enemy was, that they were gone in- 
to Penobscot. Other attempts were made to recover the 
A essels and bring them in ; but all were unsuccessful. 
The enemy took eleven vessels, with forty five men, twen- 
ty two of whom they killed, and carried twenty three into 

Aug. Cd. They killed a man at Groton, and lost one of their own 
number. In August they killed three men, woundecJ" 
another, and took one prisoner at Rutland. About the 
same time four of them attacked a small house at Oxford, 
which had been erected under a hill. The house was de- 

6lh. fended only by one courageous woman. She loaded two 

muskets and two pistols ; one for each of them. They 
finally made a breach in the roof, and as one of them was 
entering, she put a charge through his belly. This finish- 
ed the attack ; the others took their dead companion, and 

I6tlj., retreated. About ten days after, they killed a man at 
Berwick, wounded another, and carried a third into cap- 
tivity. On the 26tli, they killed one and Avounded another 
at Northampton. The nest day they surprised the house 
of one Joim Hanson, a quaker, at Dover, and carried oft' 
his wife, maid and six children. Hanson was absent, at 
a meeting of the friends. 

Discouraged with the ineffectual attempts to intercept 
the enemy, by scouting parties marching on the back ot 
the frontiers, another expedition was resolved upon, to 
surprise them at their head quarters, or principal village. 

Four companies, consisting in the Avhole of two hundred 
and eight men, under the command of captains Harman. 
?-Ioullon and Bourne, were ordered up the river Kenne- 
beck for that purpose. Three Mohawks AVere engaged to 
go out on the expedition. 

The troops left Richmond fort, on the Kennebeck river. 
the 19th of August; the 20th, they arrived at Taconick. 
where they left their Avhale boats, under a guard of forty 
men, out of the two hundred and ei2:ht. On the 21st. thr\ 


<'ommenced theii' march, by land, for Norridgewock. Book 11. 
The same evening they discovered, and fired on two wo- v^^'v^N.p^ 
men, the wife and daughter of the famous and well known 1724, 
warrior Bomazeen. His daughter was killed, and his wife 
was made prisoner. ]By her they obtained a full account 
of the state of Norridgewock. On the 23d, a little after 
noon, they came near the village. As it was supposed 
that part of the Indians might be in their cornfields, which 
were at some distance from the village, it was judged best 
to divide the army. Captain Harman, who was comman- 
der in chief, took eighty four men and marched to the corn- 
fields, and Captain Moulton with the same number march- 
ed directly to the village. This, about three of the clock, 
opened suddenly upon them. There was not an Indian to 
be seen ; they were all in their wigwams. The English 
were ordered to advance as softly as possible, and to keep 
a profound silence. At length an Indian came out from The des^ 
one of the wigwanis, and looking round, discovered the tructioa of 
English close upon him. He gave the war Avhoop and ran ^^^.j^ ' " 
in for his gun. The whole village took the alarm ; and Aug. SSd, 
about sixty warriors ran to meet the English, while the ^'7-4 
old men, women and children fled for their lives. Moul- 
ton, insteadx)f suffering his men to fire at random through 
the wigwams, charged them, on pain of death, not to fire 
a gun till they had received the fire of the Indians. He 
Judged they would fire in a panick and overshoot them. 
So it happened ; not a man was hurt. The English dis- 
charged in their turn and made great slaughter. The Eng- 
lish kept their ranks ; the Indians fired a second time, and 
fled towards the river. Some jumped into their canoes, 
but as their paddles had been left in the wigwams, they 
made their escape but slowly ; others jumped into the river 
and swam; some of the tallest were able to ford it. Some 
of the English furnished themselves with paddles, and took 
to the canoes which the Indians had left; others waded in- 
to the river, and so pressed upon them, that they were soon 
driven from all their canoes and from the river. They were 
shot in the water, and on the opposite shore, as they were 
making their escape into the woods. It y/as imagined by 
the English, that not more than fifty of the whole village 
made their escape. 

Having put the enemy to flight, the English returned to 
the village, where they found the Jesuit Ralle, firing on a 
number of our men, who had not been in pursuit of the 
enemy. He had in the wigwam an English boy, about 
fourteen years of age, who had been taken about six 
months before. This boy he bad shot through the thigh, 

7ii HISTORY OF Chap. V. 

Book II. ar>d afterwards stabbed in the body ; but by the care of 
v-^-^o*/ surgeons, he recovered.* Mouhon had given orders not 
1 724. to kill the Jesuit, but as by his firing from the wigwam, one 
of the English had been wounded, one lieutenant Jaque^ 
broke open the door and shot him through the head. Ja- 
ques excused himself to his commanding officer, alledging 
that Ralle was loading his gun Avhen he entered the wig- 
wam, and declared that he would neither give nor take 
quarter. Moulton allowed that some answer was given 
which provoked Jaques, but he doubted whether it was the 
same which was reported. He ever expressed his disap- 
probation of the action. Mog, a famous Indian chief and 
warrior, was found shut up in another wigwam, from which 
he fired and killed one of the three Mohawks. This so en- 
raged his brother, that he broke down the door and shot 
him dead. The English in their rage, followed and killed 
his wife and two helpless children. It is painful to relate 
the inhumanity of war, and the unnecessary shedding of 
blood which is the mere fruit of revenge, or at least of a 
great want of benevolent feeling. 

Haying cleared the village of the enemy, the troops fell 
to plundering and destroying the wigwams. The plunder 
of an Indian village afibrded no considerable booty. As 
it was near harvest, there was but little corn ; a few blan^ 
kets, kettles and guns, with about three barrels of pow- 
der, was all they could find to bring oft', except the plate 
of the church, which they judged to be no sacrilege to bring 
away. They expressed some zeal against idolatry in 
breaking the crucifixes and other imagery which they 

Harman and his party, who went to the corn fields, did 
not come up till nearly night, when the action was over. 
The whole army lodged in the wigwams that night, under 
a guard of forty men. The next morning they counted 
twenty seven dead bodies, and they had one woman and 
three children prisoners. Among the dead were Boma- 
zeen, Mog, Job, Carabeset, Wissememet, and Bomazeen's 
son in law, all noted warriors. As the troops were anxious 
for their men and whale boats, they marched early for Ta- 
conick. Christian, one of the Mohawks, was sent back, 
or went of his own accord, after they had begun their 
march, and set fire to the wigwams and to the chm'ch, ^.nd 
then rejoined the company. On the 27th, they returned 
to the fort at Richmond. 

This was a heavy blow to the enemy : more than one 

* Governor Hutchinson says, " I find this act of cruelty in the account 
given by Harman upon oath." Hist. vol. II. p. 312. 


half of their fighting men were killed or wounded, and Book II. 
most of their principal warriors. Charlevoix says, " Al- v..^->y-->»,/ 
though more than two thousand shot had been fired upon 1724. 
them, yet there were no more than thirty killed and four- 
teen wounded." He paints the cruelty and profaneness 
of the English in very strong colours ; especially in killing 
and mangling father Ralle, the Jesuit, and in breaking the 
images, the latter of which he terms profaning the adora- 
ble body of Jesus Christ. 

The English, encouraged by their success at Norridge- 
wock, engaged in several other enterprizes. Colonel 
Westbrook marched with three hundred men across the 
country from Kennebeck to Penobscot, with a view to sur- 
prize the enemy in that quarter. But the only advantage 
of the expedition was the exploration of the condition of 
that part of the country, which before was but little known. 

Other parties were ordered up Amaseconti, and Ama- 
rescoggin, and a second attempt was made on Norridge- 
wock, but no Indians were to be found in thos.e places. 
The old men, women and children had been removed, and 
the warriors were lurking in secret places, and watching 
every opportunity to alarm and harass the frontiers. 

In September, a party of English, consisting of fourteen 
men, went out from Dunstable in search of two men who 
were missing. About thirty Indians lay in wait for them, 
and shot down six and took three prisoners. A second 
went out and lost two of their number. The western fron- 
tier was better guarded. Though often alarmed, little 
damage was done. At the eastward much loss had been 
sustained both in men and in vessels. No advantages had 
been derived by the war. The people of Massachusetts 
found it a much more serious business than their house of 
representatives, or they themselves, had imagined. 

At the session in October, colonel Stoddard was sent to Colonel 
Connecticut, earnestly soliciting, that the General Assem- Stoddard's 
bly would unite with Massachusetts in offensive operations f- f %he 
against the enemy. The legislature however could not be General 
persuaded to do any thing more than they had done. Assembly 
They agreed that they would defend their own frontiers, °^^?"' 
and those of the county of Hampshire. Oct. 1724 

They observed, that they were not satisfied with respect and the 
to the justice of the war : that though governor Saltonstall assembly's 
had been to Boston, and at the desire, and upon a resolu- 
tion of the assembly, had taken much pains to inform him- 
self of the grounds of it, they had not been satisfied ; nor 
had they now obtained satisfaction from the representations 
of colonel Stoddard, They further observed, That the 

7a HISTORY' OF Chap. V. 

Book 11. government of Massachusetts had not consulted them, but 
S^"v'">-' proclaimed and began the war without their consent, or 
1725. even given them notice. They wished the government of 
Massachusetts would coolly and seriously consider the 
grounds of the war, lest much innocent blood should be 
shed. At the same time they professed their esteem and 
friendship for their brethren of Massachusetts, and that if 
they had full satisfaction relative to the reasons of the war, 
they should be ready to engage in it with greater alacrity 
and spirit. What effect this answer of the assembly had 
on the general court and people of Massachusetts is not 
known ; but it is probable that it was very considerable, 
as they soon after gave intimations of their willingness to 
be at peace with the Indians. 

The government of Massachusetts, to promote enterprize 
and encourage volunteers, raised the premium for Indian 
scalps and prisoners to an hundred pounds for each. This 
induced one John Lovell, to raise a company of volun- 
teers on purpose to hunt the Indians, and bring in their 
scalps. On his first scout he got one seal]) and one pri- 
soner, which he brought into Boston on the 5th of Janu- 
ary, 1725. He took them more than forty miles above the 
lake of Winnepesiaukee. On a second enterprize, he dis- 
covered ten Indians round a fire, all asleep. He ordered 
part of his company to fire on them as they lay, and the 
other part to fire on them as they rose. Three were 
killed by the first fire, and the other seven as they rose. 
On the 3d of March the ten scalps were brought to Boston. 
Animated by these repeated successes, he made a third at- 
tempt with a company of thirty three men. On the 8th of 
May, they discovered an Indian on a point of land which 
joined to a great pond or lake. They were suspicious 
that he was set there to draw them into a snare, and that 
there might be many Indians at no great distance. They 
therefore laid down their packs, that they might be pre- 
pared for action. They then marched nearly two miles 
round the pond, to kill or take the Indian whom they had 
discovered. At length, when the English came within gun 
shot, he fired and wounded Lovell and one of his men 
with large sjjot. He was immediately shot and scalped. 
In the mean time, a party of about eighty Indians seized 
the packs of the English, and, at a place convenient for 
their purpose, waited for their return. When they return- 
ed, the enemy rose with the Indian yell, fired and ran upon 
them with their hatchets, in great fury. Lovell, to se- 
cure his rear, retreated to the pond, and the English, though 
their number v/as so unequal, continued the action five or 


six hours, until night. Captain Lovell, his lieutenant, Book IT. 
Farwell, and ensign Robbins, were mortally wounded early v^-v->*,^ 
in the action, and five more were afterwards killed. Six- 
teen escaped unhurt, and returned, but they were obliged 
to leave eight of their wounded companions in the woods, 
without provisions and without a surgeon. One of them 
was Mr. Fry, their chaplain, of Andover, who had be- 
haved Avith great bravery, had killed and scalped one In- 
dian in the heat of the action, but finally perished for want 
of relief. Two of the eight afterwards got into the En- 
glish settlements. Fifteen in the whole were lost, and 
eighteen saved. This unfortunate affair discouraged all 
scalping parties for the future. 

From this time the war languished, and nothing mate- 
rial was transacted. The English and Indians were both 
weary of it, and wished for peace. After the death of 
Ralle, the Indians were at liberty to follow their own in- 
clinations. The Penobscots began war with the greatest 
reluctance, and were now considered as most inclined to 
peace. To discover their feelings, an Indian hostage was 
suffered to go home near the close of the winter of 1724, 
with a captive, on their parole. They came back to the 
fort at St. Georges on the 6th of February, accompanied 
with two others of the tribe. They related, that at a meet- 
ing of the Penobscots, it was agreed to make proposals of 
peace. One of the Indians, who was a sachem, was sent 
back with the other Indian, to bring a deputation of several 
other chiefs, for the purpose of concluding a peace. In 
consequence of these measures, some time in June, pre- 
liminaries of peace were settled, and a cessation of arms 
was agreed upon. Soon aft-er, four delegates came to 
Boston and signed a treaty of peace. 

The next year, this peace was more publicly ratified at 
Falmouth, in Casco bay. Lieutenant governor Dummer, 
of Massachusetts, with several gentlemen of the council, 
John Wentworth, Esq. lieutenant governor of New-Hamp- 
shire, and Paul Mascerene, Esq. one of the council, and 
a commissioner of the government of Nova-Scotia, were 
parties in this treaty. 

Thus, after much loss of blood and treasure, both to the 
English and the Indians, and without the least advantage 
to either, ended this unhappy war. The province of Mas- 
sachusetts had their frontiers ravaged for a great extent, 
lost between one and two hundred brave men, and had 
many wounded and taken prisoners, with eleven vessels, 
besides all the trouble and expense which they had in- 

80 HISTORY OF Chap. V. 

Book II. It was some thousands of pounds damage to Connect!- 
"w^v^^/ cut. Besides maintaining soldiers at their own out posts, 
about fifty or sixty were sent every year, during the war, 
into the county of Hampshire, to cover and defend that 
part of the country.* These were paid by Connecticut, 
The whole colony was put into a state of warlike defence, 
but suffered no loss of lives. 

The treaty which was made with the Indians at Fal- 
mouth, has been greatly applauded as the best treaty ever 
made with the Indians in that part of the country. From 
that time, there was a long and profound peace with them. 
But this cannot be attributed at all to any peculiar excel- 
lence in the treaty, but entirely to other circumstances. 
The treaty was nothing different in any thing important 
from former treaties. They had felt the ruinous conse- 
quences of war ; the Indians were left more to their own 
inclinations, and were less under Jesuitical and French in- 
fluence. The province of Massachusetts treated them 
with more policy and friendship. The Indians had long 
been desirous of trading houses, to supply them Avith ne- 
cessaries, and take off their furs and skins. Governor 
Shute promised them that this should be done for them, 
but, as has been observed, the general court would make no 
provision for it, at that time. But now provision was 
made, and trading houses were erected at St. George's, 
Kennebeck and Saco rivers. The Indians soon found that 
they could purchase goods on better terms at these houses, 
than they could of the French, or even of the private En- 
glish traders among them. This broke up their trade 
with the French and with the private traders, by whom 
they were imposed upon, defrauded and provoked. Had 
these measures been adopted before, as governor Shute 
had proposed, it would doubtless have prevented the war. 

* Governor Hutchinson observes, " Justice should be done to the go- 
vernment of Connecticut; they generally, at the request of Massachusetts, 
sent forces every year during the summer, in this and former wars, and 
paid their wages, the provisions being furnished by this government.'* 
Vol. II. p. 304. Connecticut gave the men three pounds per month. 



Grants and settlements of the lands in the colony which had 
not been granted and settled before the year 1713; prin- 
cipally in the counties of Windham and Litchfield. A 
more particular account of the settlement of the toxvns of 
Lebanon and Meiv-Mllford^ than had been given in the 
first volume of this history. Settlement of the towns of 
Ashford, Tolland^ Bolton, Stafford, and Litchfield. Coun~ 
ty of Windham formed. Somers and Willington settled. 
Incorporation of East-Haddam. Extraordinary noises 
formerly heard in that tozon. Settlement and incorporation 
of Union. Controversy between the government and th& 
tozons of Hartford and Windsor, relative to the lands with- 
in the county of Litchfield, and the disorders and troubles 
created by if, in the colony. Agreement betwem the goV" 
ernment and the said tozons. The lands in controversy 
divided into townships and measured. Orders for the sale 
of those of them belonging to the colony, at auction, at dif- 
ferent times and places. The money arising from the sale 
to constitute a permanent fund, for the benefit of schools in 
the colony. Nezo-Fairfield settled and incorporated. De- 
scription of the new toivnships; their progressive saU and 

'HE township of Lebanon originally consisted of a num- 
ber of parcels of land, purchased by different persons, 
and at different times, but finally united by particular agree- 
ments in one town. There were four proprieties, as they 
were called. That which has been called the first, was a 
purchase of five miles in length and three in width, extend- 
ing from Windham line on the north-east part, south-west- 
erly to the bounds of Hebron and Colchester. This pur- 
chase was made of Owanecho, sachem of the Mohegans. 
This grant bears date in 1698, and is called the five mile 
purchase. The second propriety, as it has been called, 
was a tract of five miles in length and one in width, lying 
south of the five mile purchase and adjoining to it. This 
is called the Fitch and Mason, or mile purchase. It was a 
grant made by the aforesaid Owanecho to the Rev. Mr. 
Fitch and the famous Major John Mason. This grant 
was made in 1695, and the tract originally belonged to 
the town of Norwich. 

The third propriety was termed the Clark and Dewy 
purchase, from the names of the first owners and settlers > 

^2 rilSTOllY OF Chap; VL 

Book II. This tract was obtained in the year 1706. This adjoined 
s.^'>r>t^ the five mile purchase on the northerly side, extending 
from the Windham bounds on die easterly part, to Hebron 
on the westerly ; and fi'om the said five mile purchase, 
southerly, to the Mansfield and Coventry bounds on the 
iiorth side. It was of a triangular form, leaving a small 
gore between the five mile and Windham bounds. Thf 
greatest length of the hypothenuse of the triangle was about 
eight miles, and the greatest breadth or perpendicular at 
the Hebron line was nearly six miles, ferming a very acute 
angle at the north-eastern extremity. 

The fourth propriety, the small gore already mentionedy 
lying between the five mile and the Clark and Dewy pur- 
chase, wa;s called the Whiting purchase. This was about 
half a mile in length, and from ten to two hundred rods in 
width. This was annexed to the town of Lebanon about 
the year 1715, This completed the original dimensions of 
the town.^ 

These several parcels were united, by agreements be- 
tween the settlers, about the year 1700. The settlers oii 
the one mile propriety, wished, for the convenience of pub- 
lic worship and ecclesiastical purposes, to be joined to 
those of th-e five mile purchase, and an agreement was 
ma-de on this condition, that the meeting-house should be 
placed in the centre line of the two tracts north and south. 

The inhabitants of the northern tracts united with the 
southern, in beginning a town with them. A certain part 
of the inhabitants of the northern purchase, called the vil- 
lage, lying north of five mile purchase, upon their desire, 
were admitted to associate in their public worship with the 
first society, until they should be able to support the gos- 
pel among themselves, upon this express stipulation, that 
they would make no attempt to disturb the then established 
place of public worship. 

New-Milford, which is the second town in the county of. 
Litchfield, and was the chief seat of the Indian kingdom, in 
I hat part of the colony, also merits a more particular de- 
scription than was given of it in the fij'st volume. Upon 
the petition of the people of Milford, in May, 1702, the 
General Assembly granted them liberty to purchase a town- 
ship at Wyantenock,* and directed them to make a report 
of .their doings to the assembly* The next March they 
made an extensive purchase of the natives. In October. 
1TO4. 1704, the legislature eoacted, that the tract purchased by 
the people of Milford, should be a township, by the name 

* This is the spelling on the Records; but it is spelt, Oweanlonogo,. 

€map. VI. CONNECTICUT. 8.3 

r)f New-Milford ; and that it should be settled in five years. Book IL 
The town plot to be fixed by a committee appointed by the ^.^^-v^**^ 
assembly.! The town is situate on both sides of the Hon- 1704. 
fiatonick,! or Stratford river. The river enters it at the 
north-west corner, and running a meandering course of 
about twenty miles, goes out at the south-east corner. The 
longest straight line of the town, from north-west to south- 
east, is about eighteen miles. Its original limits were much 
more extensive than its present boundaries. Two consid- 
erable defalcations have been made from the original town- 
ship. One at the south end, west of the river, which forms 
a part of the town of Brookfield ; and another on the north- 
past corner, which is now part of the town of Washington, 
comprising a large part of the society of New-Preston. 
About two miles below the centre of the town, is a fall in, 
the river, which the Indians called Metichawon ; the Eng- 
lish, the Great Falls. These stopped the progress of the 
large fish, and made it formerly one of the best fishing- 
places for shad, herring, &c. in the colony. But by rea- 
son of seines and embarrassments below, it is noAvmade of 
iittle importance for fishing. 

This township was the principal seat of the Indians in 
the county of Litchfield. The seat of the chief sachem 
was near the Great Falls. His name was Wehononague, 
a man of uncommon powers of mind, sober and regular in 
his life, who took much pains to suppress the vices of the 
Indians. When die English were first acquainted with 
him, he was supposed to command about two hundred war- 
riors. The whole number of Indians might be one thou- 
sand. The other clans of Indians in the county, at Pom- 
parague, (Woodbury ;) Bantom, (Litchfield ;) Piscata- 
cook, (Kent ;) \yeatauge, (Salisbury ;) and the adjacent, 
parts, were supposed to be in the strictest league of friend- 
ship with the Indians at Wyantenock, otherwise Oweantq- 
noge. The palace of the chief sachem, where he com- 
monly resided, was near the Great Falls. The tradition 
is, that it was constructed of barks, with the smooth side 
inwards, on which were pictures of all known species of 
beasts, birds, fishes and insects ; drawn by an artist sent to 
him by a friendly prince, from a great distance. 

There was no white man settled in the township until 
1707. This year John Noble, from Westfield, began the 
eettlement. Sometime after he was joined by John 
Bostwick, from Stratford. But the settlement was retard- 
jed and went on slowly, by reason of a dispute relative to the 

f IVecprds of thp yolony, $ Sometimes spelt Ousatonic. ' 

84 HISTORY OF Chap. VI, 

Book II. title. One John Read laid claim to a considerable tract, 
v«^-v-^ by virtue of a purchase which he had made of the natives : 
and the better to support his title, he now moved on to the 
land and took formal possession. This was the occa- 
sion of a tedious law suit, and much discouraged the set- 
tlers under the company's title. In 1712, there were but 
twelve families in the town ; but the next year a consid- 
erable number joined them, and the town was incorpo- 

The first minister was the Rev. Daniel Boardman, or- 
dained, November 21st, 1716. Finding Wehononague, 
the Indian sachem, to be a discreet and friendly man, he 
took much pains to instruct him, and from the character 
he gave of him, it appears that he professed repentance 
for his sins and faith in Christ, and died a christian. Ir^ 
a letter to a particular gentleman, he calls him, " That 
" distinguished sachem, whose great abilities and eminent 
" virtues, joined M'ith his extensive dominion, rendered him 
" the most potent prince of that or any other day in this 
''' colony : and his name ought to be recorded by the faith- 
" ful historian as much as that of any crowned head since 
^^ his was laid in the dust." 

These Indians, about the years 1742 and 1743, were 
visited by the Moravian missionaries, under count Zinzin- 
dorf. These missionaries tarried with them several years, 
and appeared to be very religious, peaceable, inoffensive 
men. At this time there appeared to be almost a perfect 
reformation among those Indians. Almost their whole dis- 
^ course, when among the English, was upon religious sub- 

jects. Nearly an hundred and twenty were baptized, 
principally at Piscatacook, or Kent. They spent much of 
their time in religious worship, public and private. After 
some time, the missionaries prevailed with them to remove 
to Bethlehem, in Pennsylvania. This change of climate 
proved fatal to many of them, especially the old people, 
The remnant of them, discouraged by sickness, returned 
to Piscatacook. They appeared to forget their religion, 
fell into intemperance and appeared to be wasting away.* 
As the settlement of the lands granted by the royal char- 
ter was an object constantly kept in view by the legisla- 
ture, and which they were anxiously engaged to effect, 
they selected convenient tracts of land and laid them out 
into townships, and gave all proper encouragements to ad- 
venturers who were willing to encounter the hardships and 
dangers of new settlements. As there was a good tract of 

* Manuscripts of an aged worthy gentleman of New-Milford, coinpar«d 
with the Moravian printed account of missionso 


land lying west of Ponifret, and north of Mansfield, ad- Book II. 
joining Crystal Pond, they, in 1706, granted a township s-^o-v^"^ 
six miles square, by die name of Ashford. The setde- 
ment of the town, however, did not commence until 1710, 
when two families moved on to the lands. In about four ^^j^f^j.^^ 
years the inhabitants were so increased, that upon their incorpo- 
petition, in 1714, the Assembly vested them with the priv- rated, 
ileges of a distinct town. Their first minister was the ^^^■*' 
Rev. James Hale, ordained, November 26th, 1718. The 
Crystal pond, mentioned in the grant of the township, 
is at the north east corner of the town. It is about a rnile 
in length, north and south, and half a mile in breadth. 
Why it was named the Crystal pond, is not known at 
this day; the conjecture howev&r is, that it was derived 
from the clearness of the water, and the whiteness of the 
sand at the south end of the pond. 

About the same time measures were adopted for the set- 
tlement of another township in the same vicinity. A num- 
ber of gentlemen in Windsor, made a purchase of the na- 
tive proprietors of a tract six miles square, lying north of 
Coventry, and east of the ancient boundaries of Windsor. 
In 1713, they appointed a committee who laid out a num- 
ber of lots, and made grants to such as were willing to be- 
come purchasers. Upon the petition of the Windsor claim- Tolland 
ants, the Assembly, in 1715, incorporated them by the '."^ted,"' 
name of Tolland. It was bounded south on Coventry, east 1715. 
on Willamantic river, and is now bounded west partly on 
Bolton and pardy on East-Windsor, or what is called 
Ellington. Its north boundary was also East- Windsor, or 
Ellington. Two families the same year began die settle- 
ment of the town. But the progress of the settlement was 
very slow. In 1720, the number of families was but twen- 
ty eight. About one half of the township, comprising the 
south part, was claimed by a number of gentlemen, who 
v/ere legatees of Joshua Uncas, sachem of the Mohegan 
Indians. This proved to be a source of great difficulty 
and trouble ; and, doubtless, very considerably retarded 
the settlement of the town. The legatees commenced 
suits at law against the settlers : and while the title of the 
land was in controversy, the legislature declined giving 
them a patent. The affair finally came to this issue. The 
proprietors holding under the Windsor claimants were 
obliged, at a dear rate, to purchase quitclaims of the le- 
gatees of Joshua. In consequence of this, the patent of the 
town was granted, by the governor and company, in 1728o 
In the beginning of the year 1720, Mr. Stephen Steel, 
then a candidate for the ministry, began to preach in thii^ 

S& yiSTORY OP Chap. Y-J. 

Book II. town, and after laboring about two years with the people, 
^-•^-N^^sw/ he was ordained, in February 1722, pastor of the church 
1716. and congregation in Tolland. He continued in the minis- 
try about thirty seven years. He was a worthy minister, 
greatly loved and revered by his people until his death. 

Nearly at the same time, when the settlement of Tolland 
commenced, the governor and company sold the tract of 
land, since named Stafford. It was surveyed in 1718, and 
Stafford the next spring the settlement began. The principal set- 
^Tio*'''' ^^^^^ were twelve ; two of them, Mr. Robert White and 
Mr. Matthew Thompson, were from Europe. The War- 
ners, Samuel and John, were from Hadley ; the Bloggets, 
Daniel and Josiah, were from Woburn ; Cornelius Davis 
svas from Haverhill, Daniel Colburn from Dedham, John 
Paijko from Enfield, Josiah Standish from Preston, Joseph 
Orcutt, from Weymouth, and Benjamin Rockwell, from 
Windsor. Mr. John Graham was their first pastor, call- 
ed to the ministry January 17th, 1723, and soon after or- 
Descrip- This town is famous for the mineral springs which have 
sTV^d b^^^ discovered in it ; and for the remarkable cures 
Springs, which have been effected by their waters. The springs 
are two in number. That which was first discovered con- 
tains iron held in solution by the carbonic acid, or fixed 
air, natron or native alkali, a small portion of marine fialt, 
and some earthy substances. The other, which was first 
used about seven or eight years since, is charged princi- 
pally with the hydrogene gas of sulphur : it also contains 
a very minute portion of iron.j The spring first discov- 
ered, has been pronounced by chemists, to be one of the 
best of the chalybeate springs in the United States. The 
Indian natives made the first discovery of these mineral 
waters to the English inhabitants, and recommended them 
as beneficial in various complaints. For a number of years 
after the settlement of the town commenced, they annually 
resorted to the springs, drank the waters, and bathed in 
them. They represented to the English, that the waters 
made them feel lively. But it was not until about the 
year 1765, that these mineral waters came into general use 
and reputation. In the summer of that year, a Mr. 
Field, of East Windsor, Avho had for many months been 
afflicted with an obstinate cutaneous complaint, which had 
entirely resisted all previous applications, had recourse to 
the mineral waters of Stafford, and obtained a perfect cure. 

* The May following. 

t Professor Sillimau examined these springs in 1810, and differs in 
opinion from Doctor Willard relative to them. He is positive that ther? 
is a very essential diffeyeace betweea the waters in the twq springs. 


He soon made public the wonderful relief which he had Book II. 
experienced by the use of these waters. In consequence v^^>^>»».^ 
of his publication, visitors soon began to flock to the springs 1719. 
from all quarters, and for almost all complaints. From 
that time to the present, there has been a greater or less 
resort annually, to these springs, for the benefit of their 
mineral waters. For the last four or five years, the annual 
resort has gxeatly increased. Within that term of time, 
the number of visitors has been from about six to nine 
hundred annually. The receipts from the hotel and the 
Qther boai-ding houses, amount, by estimation, yearly, to 
five or six thousand dollars. During the season for com- 
pany, this resort forms a good market for the farmers in 
the vicinity, and is a Very considerable emolument to the 

The complaints in which these waters have been most 
beneficial, are, cntaneons afiections generally ; obstinate 
>ilcers of almost every description ; loss of appetite and 
indigestion; dropsies inthe first stages; almost all cases 
of general debility ; nervous head-aches, weakness of the 
eyes, and several kinds of fits. They have also been 
found very beneficial in various complaints peculiar to the 
fair sex. The waters have a strong ferruginous taste, and 
when first drank, frequently occasion nausea, even to 
puking. They also often operate as a cathartic ; and, 
almost universally, as a diuretic. As a permanent tonic, 
these waters are estimated as superior to almost all others 
in America. 

The springs are situated on the principal turnpike road* 
from Hartford to Boston. The natural state of the country 
about the springs is pleasing, wild and romantic. Much 
has been done by art, to render the beauties of its situation 
still more attractive and captivating. 

Stafibrd is not only famous for its mineral springs, but for ironmani^ 
the quantity and excellency of the iron which is annually factories, 
manufactured by its inhabitants. In 1779, Mr. John 
Phelps, and company, built a blast furnace on a large scale, 
which annually produces frotn 80 to an 120 tons of hollov/ 
ware and other castings. Cannon, cannon shot, and a vast 
variety of patterns for manufactures, and other descriptions 
ofmachinery are cast at this furnace. In 1796, a new fur- 
nace was erected by Mr. Nathaniel Hyde, and company. 
The products of this furnace, have averaged about 90 or 
92 tons annually. All the varieties of castings are done 
at this furnace, that of cannon excepted, which have been 
effected at the other. The price of hollow ware, in 1814, 
was 60 dollars per ton; and iron of solid castings 5 cents 

83 f^STORY Op Chap. VI. 

Book IL per pound* The Staftbrd iron is of an excellent quality ; 
^-rf'-^/-^N^ it is esteemed softer and tougher than any other in New- 
1719. Enoland. It is preferred to any other, Tor the numerous 
cotton mills, and other machinery in the various parts of 
the country. The ore used in these furnaces is the low- 
land, or bog ore. This is obtainable in almost all parts 
of the town, and several of the neighboring towns. There 
are two forges in the town for the manufacturing of refined 
and bloomery iron. Two cotton mills have been erected 
within the town, a few years since, from which considera- 
ble advar>tages are expected. 

Besides these sources of emolument, there is a fine 
quarry of white fire proof stone, in the northerly part of 
West Stafford, which has been exported to a great dis- 
tance for furnace hearths. This has been a capital source 
of revenue to the proprietor. 

The face of the country in Stafford is generally hilly, 
and in West Stafford it is mountainous : the land is rough 
and hard of cukivation, but the soil is strong, and repays 
the husbandman, with good interest : the land is generally 
excellent for grazing and orcharding, and the beef and 
cider of the town, are said to be of a superior quality : the 
air is pure and salubrious : the uneven face of the coun- 
try, and the plenteousness of its waters, afford a number of 
excellent scites for mills and manufactories. In the im- 
mediate vicinity of the mineral springs, the two branches 
of the Willamantic, afford water sufficient for a manufac- 
turing village, which, in a number of years, may not im- 
probably be realized. 

Bolton was as early a setdement as Stafford. It was 
granted, and to be laid out in fifty allotments. One was 
to be reserved for the first minister, and forty nine were to 
be settled ; and each allotment was to be taxed forty five 
shillings annually, for four years, for the settlement and 
maintenance of a minister. The town is about nine miles 
and an half in length, from south to north, and three miles 
in breadth. It is bounded south by Hebron, on the east, 
partly by Coventry and partly by Tolland, north, partly by 
Tolland and pardy by Ellington, and west, partly by East 
Windsor and East Hartford, and partly by Glastenbury. 
The first settlers were Pitkins, Talcotts, Loomises, Olcotts, 
Bisselis, Bishops, Strongs and Darts, principally from the 
towns of Hartford, Windsor and Wethersfield. The set- 
tlement of the town began about the year 1616, or 1617, 
Bolton in- ^^t i\^q f^^gt town meeting was not until 1720. In Octo- 
17^^'^'^^^^ ber, the same year, the town was incorporated. In May, 
1725, the inhabitants obtained liberty of the General As- 


sembly, to form a church. The first minister of the town Book II. 
was the Rev. Thomas White, ordained October 2Gth, ^.^ir-v^^^ 
172.5. 1721. 

While these settlements were making in the north east- 
ern part of the colony, a number of gentlemen from Hart- 
ford and Windsor, undertook the settlement of the town of 
Litchfield, in the north western part, on the lands claimed 
by the governor and company, and, in dispute between 
them and the towns of Hartford and Windsor. The town- 
ship, in extent, was about ten miles east and west, and nine 
north and south. It is bounded east by Waterbury river, 
south by Plymouth, VVatertown, Bothlem and Washington, 
west by Shepaug river, and north by Goshen and Torring- 
ton. A small number began the settlement in 1720. The LitchGelc! 
next year, a considerable number moved on to the tract ^^^^''^^ 
from Hartford and Windsor. A company also went on 
from Lebanon, and carried with them a Mr. Collins, who 
was a candidate for the ministry, to preach Avith them. 
The town was surveyed, and laid out in sixty four rights 
or allotments. Three of these were reserved for public 
uses. One was to be given to the first minister, to be his, 
and to descend to his heirs for ever. A second right was 
to be reserved for the use of the minister during his minis- 
try. The third was reserved for the benefit of a school. 
Sixty one rights were sold at public vendue. 

Mr. Timothy Collins, who went on with the company 
from Lebanon, was elected the first minister of the town ; 
and was ordained June 19th, 1723. 

As this was then a frontier town, and as mischief was 
in several instances done there, three houses were for- 
tified with pickets, one on town hill, and one east and 
west of it, at a mile's distance or more. A garrison was 
kept there in time of danger, for the defence of the 

* In 1723, two Indians surprised and captivated one Jacob Griswold, 
as he was labouring in his field ; bound him, and carried him into ttie wil- 
derness about twenty miles. They then stopped and made a fire, and 
«fastening him down, one of them laid himself down to rest, and the other 
•watched him. Griswold, unnoticed by his keeper, disengaged himself 
from all the cords which liad bound iiim, except the one which bound hia 
elbows. When the Indian appeared to be awake, and to have his eye 
upon him, he lay as still as possible, but when he drowsed and had not his 
eye upon him, fie employed all his art and vigor to set himself at hberty. 
At length he disengaged himself from the cord which fastened his arms, 
and perceiving that the Indians were asleep, he sprang, caught both fbeir 
guns, and leaped into the woods. Their powder horns were hung upoa 
their guns, so that he brought off both their arms and ammunition. He 
secreted himself by a rock until the morning appeared, and then st'^ered 
for LifchfiePd, guided by a brook which he imagined would lead I'lm to 
the town. The Indians j^ursued him ; but when they approached him, h^ 


go HISTORV OF Chap. V!. 

Book II. Nearly at the same time, Willington was laid out, an4 
v»^^>^'">-' settlements were made. At the session in May, 1720, 
1726. it was sold, and granted, by the governor and compa- 
Wiliins:ton ny^ for five hundred and ten pounds, to the following, 
12th V7% gendemen ; Roger Wolcott, Esq. of Windsor, John BurF, 
' ' * ' of Fairfield, John Riggs, of Derby, Samuel Gunn and 
George Clark of Milford, John Stone and Peter Pratt, of 
Hartford, and Ebenczer Fitch. A few families had set- 
lied on the lands before the sale of them. The town 
is about seven miles in length, from north to south, and 
about five in breadfeh. It is bounded north by Stafford, 
west on Willamantic river, which divides it from Tolland ;- 
on the south by Mansfield, and on the east by Ash- 
ford. The planters Were from various parts of New-Eng- 
land, and they moved on to the lands, one after an- 
other, in a very scatterirtg manner. In 1728, the town 
liad such a number of inhabitants as to be able to set- 
tle a minister, and on the 20th of September, the Rev. 
Daniel Fuller, was ordained to the pastoral office over 
the church, and congregation.* The rateable inhabit- 
ants at the time of his ordination were no more than 
twenty seven. 

The eastern part of the colony was now generally set- 
tled, and the number of towns was so increased, that the 
legislature, at the session in May, 1 726, judged it expedi- 
ent to form a new county in that cjuarter. It was enacted. 
That the towns of Windham, Lebanon, Plainfield, Canter- 
bury, Mansfield, Coventry, Pomfret, Killingly, Ashford. 
Voluntown, and Mortlake,t should be a distinct county, of 
which it was ordained that Windham should be and con- 
tinue to be the county or head town. 

About the same time Somers, East-Haddam, and Union. 

ivould lay down one gnn and present the other, and they would draw back 
and hide themselves, and he made his escape ta the town. A guard of 
thirty men was immediately dispatched to Litc^ifield, to keep garrisoit 
there. No further mischief was done in the town that 3ear, But the 
next year, at the commencement of the summer, the Indians killed one 
Harris, as he was laboring in his field. 

* So remarkable was the health of the town, that for fotirteen years 
after Mr. Fuller's ordination, but one head of a family died out of it. 

t Mortlake was a township of land originally granted by the legislature 
of Connecticut to one Mr. Blackwell, an English gentleman, supposed tr> 
have been a native of Mortlake, a village in Surry, in England, on the river 
Thames. Mr. Blackwell, for a considerable time, kept the possession ot* 
it, without making settlements upon it, as had been expected at the time 
of the grant. He afterwards made sale of it to Governor Belcher, of Mas- 
sachusetts. But he also neglected the sale, and settlement, excepting ia 
some few instances. The General Assembly therefore annulled the grant, 
and affixed the said tract to the town of Pomfret, to which it adjoined, it. 
'lie* principally, if not wholly, in the parhh of Brooklyn, 


were settled, and soon after incorporated. Somers was Book II. 
the south-east part of the ancient town of Springfield, grant- v^^v'-v-/ 
cd by the General Court of Massachusetts to Mr. Pynch- 
con and his company. It was afterwards incorporated with 
the town of Enfield, and was part of the same ecclesiastical 
society, and so continued to be until about the year 1726, Somecs 
when it was made a distinct ecclesiastical society, by the made qij 
General Court of Massachusetts, by the name of East-En- ecciesia?- 
iield. The town of Enfield, when incorporated, extended ty 1726, ' 
from Connecticut river to Staftbrd, ten miles ; and was 
more than six miles in breadth. When the line was run 
between Massachusetts and Connecticut, in 1713, a gore 
was cut off on the north-east corner, in the form of a trian- 
gle. The breadth of the gore at the east end, is about 
three quarters of a mile, and runs to a point, after extend- 
ing to the west about five miles and an half. This is the 
breadth of the present town of Somers, at the north end. 
The length of the town is about six miles. The first per- 
son who moved on to this tract, was Benjamin Jones, of 
Welch extraction. He was from Enfield ; and in 1706 mov- 
ed on to the lands, where he resided in the summer, but 
moved back in the winter, and at other times when danger 
was apprehended. But no permanent settlement was made 
until 1713, when Edward Kibbe, James Pease, Timothy 
Root, and Robert Montgomery, with their families, joined 
with Jones, and made a durable settlement. Soon after, 
several other families became residents in the town. Their 
first pastor was the Rev. Samuel Allis, who was ordained 
on the 15th of March, 1727. At the time of his ordination, 
the society consisted of thirty families. In 1734, the Gen- 
eral Court of Massachusetts incorporated the society, vest- 
ing it with all the privileges of other towns in the province, 
by the name of Somers. It is said to have been thus na- Somers jn- 
med at the request of governor Belcher, in honour of lord ted^i734 
Somers, for whom he had a peculiar friendship and vene- 

The same year East-Haddam was made a distinct town. 
It was made a distinct society in October, 1 700. The first 
minister was the Rev. Stephen Hosmer. He was gradu- 
ated at Cambridge, 1699, and ordained May 3d, 1 704. In 
1713, the assembly granted the inhabitants liberty to tax r. . « , 
themselves, apparently as a distinct town ; but they were ^j^^ incor- 
not incorporated, and completely vested with all town pri- porated, 
vileges, until May, 1734. ^'^^• 

The Indian name of the town was Machemoodus, which, 

, in English, is the place of noises ^ a name given with the 

Utmost propriety to tljte place. ThQ accounts given of th,Q 



Chap. VL 

Book II, noises and qiiakings there, are very remarkable. Were it 
^"'"'^'''^•^ not that the people are accustomed to them, they would 
1734. occasion great alarm. The Rev. Mr. Hosmer, in a let- 
Account of ter to Mr. Prince, of Boston, written August 13th, 1729, 
mon m^*!^^ S*^^'^ this account of them: — "As to the earthquakes, I 
m East- " have something considerable and awful to tell you. 
Haddam, " Earthquakes have been here, (and no where but in this 
" precinct, as can be discerned; that is, they seem to have 
" their centre, rise and origin among us,) as has been 
" observed for more than thirty years. I haye been in- 
'" formed, that in this place, before the English settlements, 
" there were great numbers of Indian inhabitants, and that 
•' it was a place of extraordinary Indian Pawaws, or, in 
'"' short, that it was a place where the Indians drove a pro- 
" digious trade at worshipping the devil. Also I was in- 
'■' formed, that, many years past, an old Indian was asked, 
'•• What was the reason of the noises in this place ? To 
" which he replied, that the Indian's God was very angry 
'' because Englishmen's God was come here. 

" Now whether there be any thing diabolical in these 
'■■ things, I know not ; but this I know, that God Almighty 
" is to be seen and trembled at, in what has been often 
" heard among us. Whether it be fire or air distressed in 
' " the subterraneous caverns of the earth, cannot be known ; 

" for there is no eruption, no explosion perceptible, but 
" by sounds and tremors, which sometimes are very fearful 
" and dreadful. I have myself heard eight or ten sounds 
" successiyely, and imitating small arms, in the space of 
''^ five minutes. I have, I suppose, heard several hundreds 
" of them within twenty years ; some more, some less tcr- 
" rible. Sometimes we have heard them almost everyday, 
" and great numbers of them in the space of a year. Often 
" times I have observed them to be coming down from the 
^' north, imitating slow thunder, until the sound came near 
" or right under, and then there seemed to be a breaking 
" like the noise of a cannon shot, or severe thunder, which 
" shakes the houses, and all that is in them. They have 
" in a manner ceased, since the great earthquake. As I 
" remember, there have been but two heard since that time, 
' • and those but moderate." 

A worthy gentleman, about six years since, gave the 
following account of them. " Thy awful noises, of which 
" Mr. Hosmer gave an account, in his historical minutes ; 
" and concerning which you desire further information, 
" continue to the present time. The eftccts they produce, 
" are various, as the intermediate degrees, between the 
-^ roar of a cannon and the noise qf a pistol. The concuS'^ 


" sions of the earth, made at the same time, are as mnth Book IL 

" diversified as the sounds in the air. The shock they n,^-vs^ 

" give to a dwelling-house, is the same as the falling of logs 

" on the floor. The smaller shocks produced no emotions 

" of terror or fear in the minds of the inhabitants. They 

*' are spoken of as usual occurrences, and are called Moo- 

" du; noises. But when they are so violent as to be felt 

*' in the adjacent towns, they are called earthquakes. Du- 

" ring my residence here, which has been almost thirty-sis 

^' years, I have invariably observed, after some of the most 

" violent of these shocks, that an account has been pub- 

" lished in the newspapers, of a small shock of an earth- 

" quake, at New-London and Hartford. Nor do I believe, 

" in all that period, there has been any account published 

" of an earthquake in Connecticut, which was not far morn 

" violent here than in any other place. By recurring to 

" the newspapers, you will find, that an earthquake was 

" noticed on the 18th May, 1791, about 10 o'clock, P. M. 

■ ' It was perceived as far distant as Boston and New- York. 

" A few minutes after there was another shock, which was 

" perceptible at the distance of seventy miles. Here, at 

" that time, the concussion of the earth, and the roaring of 

" the atmosphere, were most tremendous. Consternation 

" and dread filled every house. Many chimnies were un- 

" topped and walls thrown down. It Avas a night much to 

*' be remembered ; for besides the two shocks which were 

*' noticed at a distance, during the night there was here a 

" succession of shocks, to the number of twenty, perhaps 

" thirty : the effects of which, like all others, decreased, in 

" every direction, in proportion to the distances. The 

" next day, stones of several tons weight, were found re- 

" moved from their places ; and apertures in the earth, and 

" fissures in immoveable rocks, ascertained the places 

" where the explosions were made. Since that time, the 

" noises and shocks have been less frequent than before ; 

" though not a year passeth over us, but some of them are 

" perceptible." 

The town of Union, which was the last settled in the Settle- 
north east part of the colony ; and the next in the order of pent and 
time, to those whose history has already been given, was ("q^ of"^^' 
pold for the benefit of Yale College. The lands are hoi- Union, 
den of the governor and company. It is bounded north on 
Sturbridgc, Holland and South-Brimfield, in Massachu- 
setts, or on the north line of the State ; east on Wood- 
stock, south on Ashford, and west on Stafford. It is five 
miles on the north line, four miles on the east, six miles 
.ji;id one hundred and eighty rods on the south, and four 

94 HISTORY OF Chap. VI. 

Book II. miles and sixty rods on the west, containing 14,420 a- 

The setdement of the town began in 1727. The first 
and principal settlers were William McNall, John Law- 
son and James Sherrer, from Ireland. The progress of 
settlement appears to have been slow. The town was not 
Incorpo- incorporated until October, 1734. In 1738, the church 
rated, here was formed, and the first minister, the Rev. Ebenezer 
Oct. 1734. Wyman, was ordained. He died in 1745, a young man, 

and was greatly lamented. 
v^-^ New-Fairfield is the next oldest town to Litchfield, in 

^-mnted ^^^^ county. At the session in October, 1707, the legis- 
settled and lature granted to Nathan Gould, Peter Burr, Jonathan 
incorpo- Wakeman, Jonathan Sturgis, John Barlow and others, of 
ra,ted. jj^^ j^^j^ ^f Fairfield, a township of land bounded west on 
the colony line between Connecticut and New-York, south 
on Danbury, east on New-Milford, and north on lands of 
the colony, afterwards granted to the town of Kent. The 
tract extended northward fourteen miles from the north 
line of Danbury. Several circumstances retarded the set- 
tlement of the township for nearly thirty years. The In- 
dians in that part of the colony were judged to be les^ 
friendly than usual, during the war, and there were re- 
ports of a designed attack of a large body of French and 
Indians from Canada, M^hich alarmed the people. The 
war continued until 1713. The line between Connecti- 
cut and New- York, was not run until 1725, and it was 
not finally settled until 1731. The grant of Connecticut 
of the tract, called the Oblong, to New- York, as a com- 
pensation for lands setded on the Sound, disappointed the 
proprietors, and narrowed the township several miles, as 
to its western extent. All these circumstances united their 
influence to obstruct the settlement. This began on the 
south part, called the lower seven miles, probably, about 
JTarch the year 1730. On the 27th of April, the same year» 
" ' there was a meeting of the proprietors, in which it was 
voted. That the tract of land called New-Fairfield, should 
be laid out in fifty two allotments : and that fifty two home 
lots should be laid out in said tract. It ^yas also voted, 
That 400 acres should be laid out to each of the twelve 
original proprietors, or to their heirs and assigns. The 
allotment of the town, nevertheless, was not effected until 
3 737. 

It was agreed that the town should be divided into twp 
parts, called the lower and the upper seven miles. The 
allotment of the upper seven miles was not made until 
1740. A tract of 100 acres was laid out in each part of 
the town, for ^he first minister <, 


May 8th, 1 740, the town was incorporated. Tlie' fii'st Book II. 
minister, in the lower seven miles, was the Rev. Benajah s.^-v^niJ' 
Case, who was ordained, November 9th, 1 742. The first 
pastor in the upper seven miles, was the Rev. Thomas 
Lewis, ordained, March 23d, 1744.* 

While people were effecting the settlement of these 
towns, there arose an unhappy controversy between the 
legislature and the towns of Hartford and Windsor. In the 
troublesome times of Sir Edmund Andrus's administration, 
to save the lands of the colony from his grasp, and pre- 
vent his enriching himself and his minions by the sale of 
them, the legislature, in a hasty manner, made a convey- 
ance to the above named towns, January 26th, 1686, in 
the words following : " This com-t grants to the plantations 
" of Hartford and Windsor, those lands on the north of 
" Woodbury and Mattatuck, and on the west of Farming- 
*' ton and Simsbury, to the Massachusetts line north ; to 
" run west to Housatonick, or Stratford river ; provided 
"- it be not, or part of it, formerly granted to any particu- 
" lar person to make a plantation, or village."! 

The design of this conveyance was that these towns 
should hold the lands thus granted, for the governor and 
company, until those times of danger and trouble should 
be past ; but not as their property. They had never pur- 
chased nor giverj the least valuable consideration for them, 
and had no deeds nor patents of them. Nevertheless, by 
virtue of this grant, they laid claim to all the lands within 
the limits expressed. So tenacious were they of their 
claim, that, in contravention of the most express laws of 
the colony, they proceeded to locate and vend the lands 
in controversy. 

The governor and company claimed the lands as fully 
as though no grant of ajiy kind had been made to those 
towns. And as the town of Litchfield had been setded 
by the Hartford and Windsor people, and they persisted in 
their claim, and in locating and vending the land in con- 

* In the upper or north seven miles, is a natural and artificial curiosity. 
There are two ponds, one fed by a small stream which runs into it, the- 
©ther by springs, generally invisible. The latter is on a mountain, fifty 
feet above the other. The ponds are about three quarters of a mile dis- 
tant from each other. To conduct the water of the upper pond into the 
lower, an aqueduct has been constructed, by great labor and expense ; 
at one place for nearly twenty, and at the other about sixteen rods. 
More than half these distances it is perforated through a solid rock. The 
aqueduct is twenty five feet below the outward surface of the water. 
The water drawn from these ponds, carries a grist mill with two 
runs of stones. The mill is over shot. The water strikes one wheel and 
carries one run, then collects Jincl strikes a ?econd, and carrieg anotUeV 

T Records of (he colony, 

9(5 tilSTORY OF Chap. VT. 

Book II. tioversy, some of the principal delinqnciils it seems were 
-K^^r-^ys^ ari'ested and punished by the superior court ; some were 
committed to the common prison in Hartford. The peo- 
ple of Hartford and Windsor determined, nevertheless, to 
oppose the legislature, and by force of amis to liberate 
their neighbors. On the 1 1th October, 1722, the assembly 
having information, that a number of disorderly persons, 
in the county of Hartford, were about to appear in arms, in 
a riotous manner, against the authority of the government, 
Resoiu- fi'icl to oppose the execution of the laws, resolved, that 
tion, Oct. colonel William Whiting, sheriff of the county of Hartford, 
nth, 1722, |,p authorised to call out the whole militia of the county to 
a^riof. '^'^ his assistance; and the legislature enjoined it upon all 
the officers and privates, on the penalty of five pounds, to 
assist him as occasion should require, in suppressing all 
riot and disorder, and in guarding any delinquents who 
might be taken, and in committing them to confinement, 
until such time as theycouid be legally proceeded against, 
and punished. 
Riot at Notwithstanding this precautionary act of the assembly, 

Hartford. ^]^^Ye was a not at Hartford ; the common gaol was broken 
open, and the delinquents were set at liberty ; even while 
the assembly were in session. A further resolution was 
therefore passed, to the following effect : That as the com- 
mon gaol in the county of Hartford, had, in the present ses- 
sion, been broken open, with a tumultuous and strong hand, 
and a number of persons, committed for the non-payment 
of certain charges, arising upon their prosecution before 
the county court, in and for the county of Hartford, were 
delivered out of the custody of the law, and many high 
misdemeanors and breaches of the peace, and ot'n r crimes 
were committed, the legislature, by a special act, author- 
ized the judges of the superior court, or any three of them, 
by jury or otherwise, according to la^v, to enquire into, 
hear and determine all crimes committed in the transac- 
tion, and all things relating thereunto; and to award exe- 
cution thereon according to law. The chief judge, or 
any of the three judges, or any assistant, was authorized 
to issue writs for apprehending, securing and bringing 
<he rioters to justice ; and for bringing every person 
before them whom they should judge proper to examine. 
It was also resolved, that every person who should be ta- 
ken, should be bound to make his appearance before the 
court, and to his good behaviour, in a bond of one hun- 
dred pounds, or be committed to the common gaol. It 
was further resolved, that if jurors should be called to 
judge in the aflair, tkey should be taJcen from such paxts of 


the county as should be judged to have been the least pri- Book II. 
vy to the transaction, and in which thei'e had been the v.*^-v-'>-/ 
fewest ofl^enders. It was further enacted, that unless the 1723. 
persons who had made their escape, should, before the 
sixth of November, then next ensuing, pay the charges 
for which they were committed, or deliver themselves up 
to imprisonment, the sheriff should pursue, apprehend, 
and commit them. He was authorized, if it should be ne- 
cessary, to call the militia of the whole county to his as- 

In consequence of this riot, the legislature made the act, 
empowering the sheriffs and constables to keep the king's 
peace ; and the act for the prevention and punishment of 
riots and rioters. 

Notwithstanding the firm and determinate measures the 
assembly had adopted, they had information, that in ex- 
press violation of the law, certain persons were undertak- 
ing to lay out, and to dispose of the lands which lay north, 
east, and west of Litchfield, and west of Farmington and 
Simsbury, for their own use and benefit, and for such pur- 
poses as they pleased ; and that they were actually en- 
gaged in the business. A committee was therefore ap- 
pointed to inquire into the affair, and authorized to arrest 
any person or persons, who were thus trespassing, and 
to command all assistance which might be necessary foe 
that purpose, and to bring them before the assembly. 

At the same time, vigorous and effectual measures were 
taken to arrest and punish the rioters who had broken the 
common gaol. But they were so turbulent, and their par- 
ty so strong, that it was with much difficulty and danger, 
they were arrested and brought before the court. Some 
of the magistrates were afraid to prosecute them even 
upon complaint. But those resolute men, colonel William 
Whiting and major Joseph Talcott, and others, whom 
they engaged to assist them, finally arrested and brought 
them before the court. But so extraordinary were their 
exertions, expense of time, and the dangers to which they 
had been exposed as to life and limbs, that the legislature 
judged that the common fees in such cases were by no 
means a proper compensation for their services. A com- 
mittee was appointed to consider their expenses and 
dangers, and to make them a reasonable compensation. 

The rioters were fined twenty pounds a man, beside 
costs, which were not less than about five pounds for each 
man. When they found that they must submit to the au- 
thority of the government, they preferred a petition to tjie 
* ilecords of the colony- 



Book II. assembly, praying for an abatement of their fines. Thf: 
v-^'-v^s-/ legislature made them some small abatement, but it cost 
1722. them about twenty pounds a man. 

These were indeed evil times. Men, with an uncom- 
mon obstinacy, resisted the laws, and trampled on the au- 
thority of the legislature. Though they had adopted such 
firm and spirited measures to prevent trespass, and pre- 
serve the lands in dispute for the benefit of the colony, ye^ 
a number of bold men, John Seymour, Samuel Catlin and 
William Baker, of Hartford, and Thomas More and Jol.' 
Ellsworth of Windsor, ventured to lay out a whole town- 
ship of tlie colony's land on the north of Litchfield,* and 
pretended to claim the land as their own. 

When the assembly were convened in May, they order- 
ed the king's attorney, for the county of New-Hav«n, to 
prosecute them and all such offenders, in the name of the 
governor and company, and to demand of them the penal- 
lies annexed to the laws. 

This controversy had already occasioned a general 
ferment, and great animosities among the people, and 
there was danger that it might be attended with still more 
serious consequences. The Hartford and Windsor claim- 
ants found it to be a diflicult business to contend with the: 
governor and company. Governor Talcott, Matthew Al- 
0(t, lOUi, lyn and* Roger Wolcott, Esquires, therefore preferred a 
*^^'*' petition tia the General Assembly, praying that the difficul- 
ties relative to the ancient grant of the western lands to the 
towns of Hartford and Windsor might be amicably settled ; 
and that a committee might be appointed in behalf of the 
assembly for that purpose* Upon this application, James 
Wadsworth, and John and Hezekiah Brainard, were ap- 
pointed to examine the claims of Hartford and Windsor, 
to receive such propositions as should be made to them, 
and to report to the assembly ; that the difficulties subsist- 
ing might be quieted. It was resolved that the charges o? 
!he committee should be defrayed by the petitioners. 

The committee found it ta be an affair of great labor 

and difficulty to examine the claims, and to obtain such 

concessions and propositions, as they judged reasonable, 

or as the assembly would accept. After laboring in the 

business nearly two years, they made their report. The 

legislature wishing to preserve the peace of the colony, 

and to settle the lands in controversy as expeditiously as 

might be, on the report of their committee. Resolved, 

May 26t"b That the lands in controversy, should be divided between 

17^6. the colony and the towns of Hartford and ^Vindsor : thae 

* This appears to have beea Goshen > 


the colony should have the western, and Hartford and Book 1L 
Windsor the eastern division. It was agreed that Litch- v,s»-v-^.' 
field should not come into the division, and also that the 
Jands which the towns of Hartford and Windsor had con- 
veyed away, particularly to Benjamin Fairweather, and 
to the town of New-Milford, should not be reckoned to 
it. The division having been made, some time after, be- 
tween the colony and the proprietors in Hartford and 
Windsor, the governor and company, on the 22d of May, 
1729, gave a patent of one half of said lands to them ; and ^^y^^ 
about three years after. May, 1732, an act was passed, 1729. 
empowering Matthew Allyn, Roger Wolcott, Samuel Ma- May ^i^"*- 
ther, and other inhabitants in the town of Windsor, to 
make a partition of the moiety of the lands thus patented 
to the said towns ; bounded north, on the line of Massa- 
chusetts ; west, partly on lands belonging to the governor 
and company, and partly on the toivn of Litchfield ; south, 
partly on the town of Waterbury, and partly on the town 
of Farmington ; east, partly on the town of Farmington, 
and partly on the town of Simsbury, and partly on land 
belonging to the governor and company. One half of this 
tract was granted to Hartford. 

The proprietors in Windsor, made a partition with the 
proprietors in Hartford by a deed, executed February 
11th, 1732; in which partition, four smaller parcels, ly- 
ing within this large tract, were deeded to the town of 
Windsor. The proprietors in this town, on the 7th of 
April, 1732, at a proprietor's meeting, made a division of 
i^e said four parcels of land among themselves, allotting 
out each of the said four parcels to a certain number of 
patentees or proprietors, to have, ar)d to hold the same, m 
severalty to them, and their heirs for ever. These prepare 
atory measures having been adopted by the proprietors, 
the General Assembly passed an act of incorporation, vest- 
ing them with all powers necessary for the disposing of 
said lands, and for securing them for ever to those who 
should purchase them : and particular parcels convenient 
for townships were particularly named. It was enacted, 
'' That the first parcel of land mentioned in said instrument 
of partition, containing 20924 acres, and bounded partly 
on Litchfield, pardy on land belonging to said patentees 
in Windsor, called the half township, east and north on 
land belonging to the grantees of Hartford, west on land 
belonging to the governor and company of Connecticut, is 
hereby named, and shall for ever hereafter be called and 
named Torrington : and Matthew Allyn, Roger Wolcott, 
EsquireSj and the rest of the proprietors of Torrington. or 

100 HISTORY OF Chap. VI. 

Book II. any five of them, are hereby enabled to call a meeting of 
■.-^-v-x-/ said proprietors, to be held in the town of Wind->or, by 
1 732, applying themselves, or any five of them, to some assistant, 
or justice of the peace, in the county of Hartford, for a 
warrant for calling such meeting ; and such assistant, or 
justice of the peace, is hereby empowered to grant his 
warrant, expressing the time, place and business of such 
meeting, to one of the proprietors asking the same, re- 
quiring such proprietor to warn all the proprietors of Tor- 
rington of such their meeting, by setting up attested co- 
pies of such warrant, under the hand of the assistant, or 
justice of the peace, in three public places in the town of 
Windsor, at least ten days before such meeting." And it 
was further enacted, " That the said proprietors of Tor- 
rington, in their proprietors' meeting, assembled as afore- 
said, by their major vote, to be computed according tp 
their interest, shall be empowered, and they are hereby 
empowered to choose their proprietors' clerk, who shall 
take the following oath, viz. You, N. W. &;c. And it is 
hereby enacted and declared. That the entering of any 
deed, mortgage or alienation of lands lying in Torrington, 
in the office of said proprietors' clerk, shall fully secure 
the same from being voided by any grant, deed or mort- 
gage, from the grantor entered afterwards. And be it fur- 
ther enacted, That the said proprietors of Torrington, be 
empowered by their major vote as aforesaid, and they are 
hereby empowered, at their proprietors' meeting, to choose 
one or more agents, or attorneys, in their name and stead, 
to sue, prosecute and defend before any court or judge, 
and to final judgment and execution pursue, in any action 
or case, for maintaining or defending their title, or posses- 
sion in the said lands ; as also to make orders for the im- 
provement, or division of their land ; as also to lay taxes 
upon themselves, according to their interest, for the raising 
of such sum or sums of money as they shall judge needful, 
for the defraying of any suit or suits ; as also to appoint • 
rates and rate makers, and collectors of such taxes, who 
are hereby empowered to gather and collect the same ; and 
shall be accountable for such rates to the proprietors' com- 
mittee, or treasurer, under the same penalties, and as fully 
as the collectors of the town rates are empowered and ob- 
liged to : and the said proprietors, at their proprietors' 
meetings, are empowered to adjourn said meeting, to such 
time and place as they shall think proper, and to call after 
meetings in such manner as they shall order and agree. 
And all partitions of land, made according to their interest, 
by said proprietors, in their legal meetings, by their majo^" 
vote as aforesaid, are hereby declared valid and lawful." 


It was enacted, That the second parcel of land, men- Book II. 
tioned in said instrument, containing 20531 acres, bounded v-^-v^n^ 
eastwardly on the town of Simsbury, south and west on 1732. 
Hartford grantees, and partly on land belonging to Wind- Barkhumi- 
sor grantees, should be named and forever afterwards be ^^ead 
called Barkhampstead ; and capt. Thomas Moore, and lieu- ^nd the 
tenant Jonathan Ellsworth, and the rest of the proprietors, propiie. 
were vested with the same powers and privileges as the ^'"'^ mcon. 
proprietors of Torrington had been. it32. ' 

With respect to the third parcel of land mentioned in 
ihe instrument, already noticed, containing 18199 acres, 
bounded northerly on the colony line, southerly on land 
belonging to the Hartford grantees, and partly on land be- 
longing to the grantees of Windsor, westerly on land be- 
longing to the governor and company of the colony of 
Connecticut, and easterly on land belonging to the pa- 
tentees of Hartford ; it was enacted, that it should for ever 
be called Colebrook, and the same powers and privileges Colebrook 
were granted to captain Samuel Wheeler, and to Mr. Henry "h^'^propri^ 
Wolcott, and the rest of the proprietors, which had been etors in- 
granted to the proprietors of the towns before mentioned. corpora- 
It was enacted, that the fourth parcel, named in the in- ^^^' 
strument aforesaid, containing 9560 acres, bounded, be- 
ginning north at the north east corner of Litchfield, in the 
forks of Waterbury river, thence running east eight de- 
grees and thirty minutes south, 778 rods, to a heap of 
stones laid about a white oak tree ; thence sputh six miles 
and forty rods to a heap of stones ; thence west to Water- 
bury ; thence northwardly to the river, to the first corner, 
that it should be for ever called Harwinton. The same Harwin- 
powers and privileges were granted to Samuel Allen and ton named, 
Daniel Bissel, and the rest of the proprietors of Harwin- ^"'^ **!*' 
ton, which had been before given to the proprietors of Tor- [o™^7ncor- 

rington. porated. 

The Hartford patentees, the honorable Joseph Talcott, ^iie Hart- 
Esq, captain John Shelden, and others, on the 1 1th of Fe- tentees%^ 
bruary, 1 732, made a partition of the large tract of land be- vide their 
longing to them into four lesser parcels. At a proprietors' Jands. 
meeting, lawfully holden on the 5th day of April, 1 732, and 
continued by adjournment until the 27th day of September 
following, it was determined, by their votes, in what man- 
ner the aforesaid four parcels should be divided among 
them ; which was completed by a deed of partition, 
dated September 25th, 1732. This was unanimously 
confirmed on the 27th aforesaid. 

The business having been thus prepared, the Gene- 
ral Assembly, in the session in May, 1733, enacted^ 



Chap. V-I. 




Book IL That the first parcel named in the instrument of partition, 
s.,^-v-x^ containing by estimation 1 7654 acres., bounded south on 
Barkhampstead, and west on Colebrook, east, partly on 
Simsbury west line, and partly on land belonging to the 
governor and company of this colony, and north on the 
colony line, should for ever, hereafter, be called Hart- 
land; and that the honorable Joseph Talcott, Esq. and 
captain Shelden, and the rest of the proprietors, should en- 
joy the same powers and privileges granted to the pro- 
prietors of the other townships, under the Windsor pro- 
prietors. It was further enacted, That the second par- 
cel, called the middle west part, containing 20380 acres, 
bounded west on land belonging to the governor and 
company, east on Barkhampstead, north on Colebrook, and 
south on Torrington, should be for ever hereafter called 
Winchester, Captain Thomas Seymour, and captain Whi- 
ting, and the rest of the proprietors, were vested with 
the same powers and privileges as the proprietors of 
the other towns had been» 

It was enacted, That the third parcel, called the soutl^ 
part, containing, by estimation, 23940 acres, bounded 
partly on land belonging to Harwinton, and partly on 
land deeded to the proprietors of Hartford, and partly 
on the town of Farmington, east on Simsbury west line, 
north on Barkhampstead, and west on Torrington, should 
for ever hereafter be called New-Hartford. Nathaniel 
Stanley, Esq. and captain Marsh, with others, were the 
proprietors, vested with the sanie powers already men-" 

The fourth parcel, called the half township, containingj 
by estimation, 8,590 acres, bounded east on Farmington, 
south on land belonging to the Hartford patentees, west on 
"land being the other part now called Harwinton, it was 
enacted, should for ever hereafter, in conjunction with the 
other part, be called Harwinton. The proprietors of this 
half township, were HezekiahWyllys, Esq. Joseph Skin- 
ner, and others, enjoying the same powers and privileges 
which had been granted to the proprietors of the other 

While the legislature had been making these provisions 
for the sale and settlement of the lands ceded, by agree- 
ment, to the towns of Hartford and Windsor, they had 
been devising measures for the sale and settlement of the 
seven townships belonging to the colony. A committee, 
which had been previously appointed to view those lands, 
and report concerning them, now made their report as foi= 
loweth : 



1. That an act be made and passed, at this assembly, BookIL 

granting all the monies which shall arise from the sale of v-^'^n^-^-^ 

the seven townships, which are now to be settled, to the Report of 

towns in this colony which are noW settled, to be divided ^^^ ^om-^ 

to them, in proportion to the list of polls and rateable lative to 

estate, in the year last past, to be secured and improved the seven 

for ever to the use of the schools kept in the several towns, t^^"^i"P^' 
J- . 1 'MaylOth, 

accordmg to law. ^1733 

2. That in order to the selling and settling of those 
townships, a committee should be chosen in each county, 
who should enter the names of all persons, who shall de- 
sire to be purchasers of said townships, and to settle the 
same, under such regulations as the assembly shall order, 
with the sum which each person shall offer to pay for a 
share in such township ; there being fifty shares, besides 
three shares which shall be set arpart, one for the first min- 
ister who shall be settled in the town; to be conveyed to 
him in fee ; one to be sequestered for the use of the stand- 
ing ministry for ever ; and one for the use of the school, or 
schools, in said town, for ever. 

Three or four years elapsed, before the assembly were 
able to locate and allot the townships, and adopt measures 
for their sale and settlement to advantage. Bot in the ses- 
sion in October, 1737, it was enacted. That the townships October 
in the western lands, on both sides of the Housatonick riv- ISthjllSl. 
er, should be divided into fifty-three rights, exclusive of 
the rights granted to college,* and all former grants made 
by the assembly. Two were appropriated to the ministry, 
and one to the schools, agreeably to the report of the com- 
mittee ; and the remaining fifty rights were to be sold at 
public vendue, to the highest bidder. But it was ordered, 
that they should be sold to his majesty's subjects of Con- 
necticut, and to them only. Every purchaser was obliged 
to build and finish a house eighteen feet square, and to sub- 
due and fence, at least, eight acres of land, in said town, 
within the term of three years after his purchase. No per- 
son was to have any benefit by virtue of his purchase, un- 
less he should himself, or by his agent, pay all the taxes,- 
and perform all the duties, required in the act of settlement. 

The legislatui'e then proceeded to resolutions relative 
to the settlement of the several townships. It was resol- 

* On tke petition of the trustees of Yale College, the legislature had, in 
1732, granted a tract of 300 acres, to be laid out in one entire piece, in 
each of the five townships on the east side of the Housatonick river, at a 
distance from the several tovi^n plots, and enacted, that when said tracts 
containing 1500 acres in the whole, should be laid out, a patent should be 
given under the seal of the colony, confirming tho graiht to- the trustees of 
said coJle^e, 

104 HISTORY OF Chap. \t 

Book If. ved, That the township which joined upon the colony line, 
'■^^->'^^**mf and upon Hartford and Windsot lands, should be sold at 
1737. the court-house in Hartford, to the highest bidder, on the 
second Tuesday in April next, and to be continued by ad- 
journment until the whole should be sold. The township 
adjoining to Litchfield north line, and eastward on Tor- 
rington, was to be sold in like manner, at New-Haven, on 
the first Tuesday in December next : The north-western 
township, bounded west by Housatonick river, was order- 
ed to be sold in the same manner, at the court-house in 
New-London, on the first day of January", 1738. The 
middle township, bounded west on the Housatonick, was 
ordered to be sold in like manner, at the court-house in 
Fairfield, on the first Tuesday in February. It was ordered 
that the southern township, bounded west on the Housaton- 
ick, should be sold at Windham, on the first Tuesday in 
March ; and the north-west township, on the west side of 
the river, should be sold at Hartford, on the third Tuesday 
in May. 

At the session in May, the towns were named. That 
which was sold at Hartford, on the second Tuesday in 
April, was called Norfolk ; that sold at New-Haven, Go- 
shen ; that at New-London, Canaan; that at FairfieM, 
Cornwall ; and that sold at Windham, Kent ; and that sold 
in May, at Hartford, was named Salisbury. The purcha- 
sers of the said townships were incorporated and empower- 
ed, in all respects as the proprietors of the townships set 
oft' to Hartford and Windsor, and they were all, by an act 
of the assembly, annexed to the county of Hartford. 

As such a number of townships were offered for sale and 
settlement so nearly together, and as the purchasers were 
none but the inhabitants of Connecticut, it was many years 
before they could all be sold and settled. It does not ap- 
pear that they were all sold at the particular times appoint- 
ed for that purpose. The following is a true history of 
their sale and settlement. In several of them, settlements 
had been made antecedently to any acts of the legislature 
respecting them. 
Settle- Torrington, the second of the fourteen townships settled, 

nientof was allotted to the Windsor proprietors, containing twenty 
tdn"]737 thousand nine hundred and twenty-four acres. It was 
named at the session in May, 1 732. The number of pro- 
prietors was one hundred and thirty-six. At their first 
meeting in Windsor, September 10th, 1733, they voted to 
make a first division of lots in Torrington ; and that there 
should be one acre to the pound on the list of each propri- 
,etor. A comi:^ittee was appointed to lay out this division. 


A survey of the totvn was completed in 1734. On the 14th Book II. 
of March, 1737, the proprietors voted a second division of v«^>'''>^ 
the lands, and to lay out one acre to the pound, on the list 1737. 
of each proprietor. About five years after, another divi- 
sion was voted. But this last division was not completed 
till about ten years afterwards. 

Several young men laboured in the town in the summer 
of 173S, but there was no family in the town until 1737, 
when Ebenezer Lyman, from Durham, moved on to the 
tov«/nship, with a young family, consisting of three persons 
only.* Towards the close of the year, Jonathan Coe, who 
was also from Durham, and had laboured in the town for 
two summersj married, and a second family now commen- 
ced. The principal settlers were from Windsor and Dur- 
ham. The settlement of the town was very slow. In four 
years from the setdement of the first families, there was an 
a'Jdition of twelve only. When the first minister, the Rev- 
Ncuthaniel Roberts, was ordained, in the summer'of 1741, 
there were fourteen families in the town. It was incorpo- 
rated in 1744. 

Harwinton, the first of the fourteen new townships which HarwintoR 
was setded, consisted of two half townships, one part be- ?^ttled and 
longing to the Hartford and the other to the Windsor pro- '^°^°''P°'"*^^ 
prietors ; the eastern half belonging to the proprietors of 
Hartford, and the western to those of Windsor. The whole 
township contains about 18,130 acres. Its first settlers 
were from Ha^'tford and Windsor. The five first were 
Messenger, Hopkins, Webster, Phelps, and Wilson. These 
were on the lands before the division and sale of them, in 
1732. The settlement of the town is considered as having 
been made in 1731. It was incorporated in October,, 1737. 
The first minister was the Rev. Andrew Bartholomew, or- 
dained about the year 1736* 

About the same time Kent, another of the new townships, Kent set^ 
was settled. It was sold at auction, at the court-house, in *'^^ ^"^ "i° 
Windham, on the first Tuesday in March, 1738^. The set- ted 1739. 
tlement commenced the satne year. The town was laid 
out in fifty-three shares. The principal settlers were from 
Colchester, Fairfield, and Norwalk. Payne, Washburn, 
Wright, Ransom, and Piatt, were from Colchester; the 
Comstocks were from Fairfield ; and the Slausons, Can- 
fields, and Bassetts, were from Norwalk. The town was 
incorporated, and vested with the privileges of the other 
towns, at the session in October, 1739. The first minis- 

* Mrs. Lyman, the first woman who moved into the town, was alive in 
1800, in the 89th year of her age. As this was then considered as a fron- 
tier town, a fortificatioa was erected not far from the centre of the town^ 


406 HISTORY OF Chap. VI. 

BookII. ter wns the Rev. Cyrus Marsh, ordamed May 6th, 1741. 
v-^^v-^sw^ The settlement of the town was rapid. In May, when Mr- 
1738. Marsh was ordained, the church consisted of ten males 
only •, but before the end of the year, there was an addi- 
tion of lifty-three persons, male and female, principally by 
recommendations from other chm-ches. 

There is, in this town, convii^cing ev^idence, that it wa.?/ 
grand seat of the native inhabitants of this country, before 
the Indians, who more lately inhabited it, had any resi- 
ts j- ^ • dence in it. There are arrow heads, stone pots, and u 
Kent. sort of knives, and various kinds of utensils, frequently 
found by the English, of such curious workmanship, as ex- 
ceeds all the skill of any Indians, since the English came 
into this country, and became acquainted with them- 
These were not only found when the town was first set- 
tled, but they are still found on the sides of Honsatonick 

The history of the Indians in the town when the settle- 
ment of it commenced, is well known. Mowehue, a sa- 
chem who a few years before had removed with his In^ 
dians from Newtown to New-Milford, about the year 1728, 
built him a hunting house at Scatacook, in the north west 
])art of Kent, on the west bank of the Housatonick river. 
Me invited the Indians at New-Milford, from the Oblong, 
in the province of New- York, and from various other 
places, to settle with him at Scatacook ; and it appears 
that he was a man ofso much art and popularity, among 
the. Indians, that m about ten or eleven years, about the 
time when the town was settled, he could muster an hun- 
dred warriors. The whole number, probably, was about 
five or six hundred. These, like the other Indians in this 
sivAc, and in most of the other states, have been greatly 
diminished. Their w^hole number, at this time, is noi: 
more than forty. 
Missiona- '^'^^ Moravian missionaries visited these Indians about 
Ties from the time of the great religious concern in this country. 
t lie Mora- They came first, in the year 1740, and visited the Indian 
vAns. village called Chekameka, in the Oblong, in the pro- 
vince of Netv-York. They, about the same time, came 
and preached to the Scatacook Indians, and in 174 3. 
according to their account, the Scatacook sachem was 
baptized by them. In this place they formed a church, 
and had a flourishing congregation. They baptized an 
hundred and fifty of the Kent Indians. It is universally- 
testified, that these missionaries were very inoffensive 
people ; that they were w^ell esteemed, and kindly treated 
by the people of the lov/n while they tarried.. They,. 


however, complain of themselves as ill treated, persecuted, Book II. 
and imprisoned ; but it could not be by the people of Con- V'^'~^'''>«i^ 
necticut. 1738. 

What became of the Indians, Avho were first on the 
ground, before the English had any settlements there, is 
not known. When they moved away, or to what place, 
cannot be ascertained. The probability however is, that 
they were connected with Philips' Indians in the war 
against New-England ; and that in the slaughter which 
the Connecticut troops made of the Indians, on the Housa- 
tonick, at the close of that war, numbers of them were 
slain, and that the rest were so alarmed, that they remo- 
ved into Canada, as many other Indians did about the 
bame time. 

In this town, a large bed, or mine of iron ore, was dis- 
covered in the south part, about the time of its settlement. 
From this, twenty three forges are principally supplied 
with ore annually. There are six forges in Kent, which 
annually manufacture one hundred and fifty tons of iron 
for market, exclusive of what is used by the inhabitants of 
ihe town. 

Goshen was settled nearly at the same time with Kent. Settlement, 
The township was sold, at New-Haven, on the first Tues- and history 
day in December, 1737. It is nine miles in length, from*^ °^ ^"' 
north to south, and four and an half in breadth from east to 
west. Its boundaries are, Norfolk on the north, Torring- 
ton and Winchester on the east, Litchfield on the south, 
and Cornwall on the west. Its settlement commenced in 
1738, or in 1739. The first inhabitants were principally 
from New-Haven, Wallingford and Farmington. It in- 
cludes a considerable quantity of the highest lands in the 
state. In one part of the town, from the same spot may 
Hie seen, the Catskill mountains on the west of Hudson's ri- 
ver, and a very considerable extent of country east of 
Connecticut river, including a prospect of more than an 
hundred miles in the whole. There is this rare and pecu- 
liar circumstance, with respect to what is called the east 
street, in Goshen ; that, the rain which falls on the front 
;of the houses descends into the Housatonick river, and 
that which falls on the back side into the Waterbury river. 

The elevation of the town, and its exemption from 
marshy grounds, renders it peculiarly healthy. It nevei' 
has been visited with a general and mortal sickness, from 
the commencement of the settlement to the present time. 
Though a small proportion of the town is rough and moun- 
tainous, yet the lands are generally strong, and excellent 
Sof mowing and pasturage. Hence, large quantities of 



Chap. VL 


settled and 
made a 

Book II. beef, butter and cheese, arc annually sent to market from 
^=«*r^''>»^ this town.* The first minister in the town was the Rev, 
Stephen Heaton, from North-Haven. He was ordained in 
in 1 740. A charter of incorporation was given in Octo- 
ber, 1749, 

The townships of Canaan and Sharon, were sold and set- 
tled nearly at the same time. Canaan was sold at auc- 
tion, in New-London, on the first Tuesday in January, 
1738. It is bounded, west by Salisbury, or Housatonick 
riyer, which is the dividing line between the two town- 
ships ; north on the boundary line between Connecticut 
and Massachusetts ; east on Norfolk, and south on Corn- 
wall. The town is nine miles in length, and four miles 
and an half at one end, and five at the other. The settlcT, 
ment of the town began in June, the same year in which it 
■was sold. The first inhabitants were, Daniel and Isaac 
Lawrence, John Franklin, and others, who joined them in 
the settlement about the same time. The town was incor- 
porated in 1739. The first minister of the town was the 
Rev. Elisha Webster. He was ordained, October 1st, 

Sharon was setded in the years 1738 and 1739. In the 
spring of this year, between fourteen and twenty families, 
from Colchester and Lebanon, made settlements in the 
town. The next spring, a larger number, from New- 
Haven, joined them, so that the inhabitants soon became 
very considerable. The town was incorporated in Octo- 
ber, 1739. Soon after the settlement of the town, (per- 
haps about 1740,) one Mr. Pratt, was called and settled 
for their first minister : but he continued in the ministry not 
more than four or five years. 

Salisbury, aiwther township belonging to the governor 
and company, Avas sold at Hartford, in 1737. It is bound- 
ed, on the north, upon the line between Connecticut and 
Massachusetts, seven miles and an half; on the west, by 
the dividing line between Connecticut and New- York, 
eight miles and three quarters ; it is bounded south, seven 
miles on Sharon ; east, on Canaan, or the Housatonick. 
It had been laid out into lots in 1732, about five years be- 

* The quantity of cheese, manufactured in the town, and carried to 
market in 1801, was supposed to amount at Jeast to 270,000 weight, 
making ati income to the farmers of about 24,000 dollars. This is sup- 
posed to he nearly equal to all their income from other sources. In this 
town, there was a great abundance of the hard maple trees, and great 
quanti*-es of maple sugar have heen annually made by the inhabitants. In 
some years, the quantity manufactured has been estimated at 20,000i 
pounds. Of late years, owing to the diminution and decayed state of the 
tree? J the quantity has been much lesso 

Sharon set- 
tled and iu- 

and histo- 
ry of Salis- 


fore the public sale of it. A few persons made settlements Book IJ. 
upon part of the lands at an early period. About the year v,*»-vy-x^ 
1720, three families made settlements on that part of it 1741. 
called Weatog. There was a family of Duchers, another 
of VanDeursens, and one of Whites. The two former were 
Dutch people, but White was an Englishman. This little 
settlement gradually increased, and was the only one within 
the limits of the township, until about the year 1740. At 
that period, there were eleven English, and five Dutch fa- ^"^°'"P!2^^* 
milies in the town. The next year it was incorporated, and ' 
made a distinct town. 

When the settlement of the town commenced, there was 
a considerable number of Indians in the town. In 1 740, 
there v/ere seventy wigwams, all in a cluster, at Weatog, 
where the first inhabitants of the town planted themselves. 
These Indians were friendly and hospitable to the white 
people, and encouraged their settling among them. The 
town was called Weatog, and Housatonick, until it was 
named by the assembly, when it was called Salisbury, from 
a gentleman of that name, who was one of the principal 
planters of the town.* 

This town is distinguished by the large and excellent 
iron ore bed which it contains. It was discovered and 
opened about the year 1730. It was found in the lands of 
one Bissel, and in those given hy the colony for the benefit 
of Yale College, It comprises a tract of about one hun- 
dred acres. For sixty years past, there has annually been 
taken from this bed, two thousand tons of ore. It is rich, 
making from two and two and an half tons of ore, one ton 
of pig iron. About four tpns will n^ake a ton of bar iron. 
The metal is of the best quality. There is ore found in 
various other parts of tke town. As early as the year 
1 740, a furnace was built at Ancram, about twelve miles a 
little north of west from the great ore bed. In 1763, one 
was erected by one Mr. Hazelton and others, in this town ; 
and in 1770, it was rebuilt. The iron at this furnace is 
generally made into pigs, small ware, and pot ash kettles. 
Cannon have also been cast here, from four to thirty two 
pounders ; especially, during the American revolutionary 

* There is a very rare tradition concerning this Salisbury. That he 
removed into the state of New- York, some time after the settlement of 
the town, and having an unruly servant girl, who ran away from him, 
he pursued her, and having taken her, tied her to his horse, and rode iji 
such a manner as to throw her down, and so worried and wounded hei", 
that she died. In consequence of this abuse of the girl, he was tried for his 
life, and condemned to be hanged when he should arrive at the age of lOO 
years. ' In 1799, he arrived at that term of life, and then obtained a re, 
l^rieve for a certaia time. 



Chap. VL 

ment and 
history of 

war. Many were also cast afterwards, in the years 1797 
and 1798. The tAvo furnaces ah-eady mentioned, and a- 
bout fifteen forges in the vicinity, depend almost entirely 
on this great ore bed, for their ore. The furnace in Salis- 
bury, is generally kept in blast from four to five months in 
a year, and manufuctures from eighteen to twenty tons per 
week. Another furnace was built in Salisbury, in 1 805. 

There is a pond Avhose surface contains about seven 
liundred acres of water. This supplies the furnace, a 
jurist mill and a carding machine with water.* There arfe 
eight other ponds in the town ; one is larger than that 
Vvhich supplies the furnace : the others are smaller. 
There are also a great number of creeks scattered over 
the town, which afford many excellent seats for every kind 
of works, which can b^ carried on by water. A gentle- 
man of ingenuity observes, " The abundance of ore, the 
" quantity of wood, the variety of seats for water works, 
"■' afibrd a prospect, that at some future time, this town 
" m.ay rival Sheffield and Birmingham, in the extensive- 
*' ness of its iron manufactures." Besides these advan- 
tages, the town abounds with all kinds of grain, especial- 
ly with wheat. It furnishes fine tracts of pasturage, and 
many excellent dairies are kept in the town. No one 
town, perhaps, produces a greater abundance of all the 
necessaries and comforts of life than this.t 

The first minister of the town was the Rev. Jonathan 
Lee. He was ordained on the 23d of November, 1744. 
At the time of his ordination, there were not more than 
eighteen or twenty families in ihe town. The town at first 
was fortified in several places, and guards were kept on 
Uie sabbath. 

Cornwall, the middle township on the Housatonick, 
sold by the colony, was laid out in fifty three allotments, 
or rights. It contained 23,654 acres, and was sold at 
Fairfield, on the first Tuesday in February, 1738. It 
was sold for fifty pounds per right. There was no per- 

* This pond was called by the Indians, VYanseopomick. The remarka- 
ble falls in the river between this town and C-maan, have been noticed in 
the first volume of this history. These, it is supposed, are nearly equal 
lo any thins; of the kind in the United States, except the falls of Niagara. 

t There is a tradition in this town, that many years before its settle- 
ment, a colonel Wbiting pursued a body of Indians, as far as the nortii 
•rast part of the town, and there on the banks of the Housatonick, sur- 
prised and defeated them, with great slaughter. About seventy Indian 
graves are visible there unto this day. The name of the officer seems to 
iiave been mistaken. Major Talcott pursued the flying Indians at the 
close of Philip's war, and made considerable slaughter among them. This 
was in August or September, 1676. See the first volume of this history 
it was reported that seventy Indians were killed. Major Talcott lost ope 
mar) only. 

Chap. VI. CONNECTICUT. 11 i 

manent settlement in the township, until the spring of the Book IL 
year, 1740, or 1741. The first inhabitants were from va- v,^-v->ii^ 
rious parts of the colony. The Aliens and Griffins were 1741. 
from Litchfield ; the Fullers and Roberts' from Colches- 
ter; the Holloways were from Middlebury, in Massachu- 
setts : but the greatest number, the Jewetts, Spauldings, 
Barrets, Squires' and others, were from Plainfield. There 
were a number of others from Norwalk, Tolland, and other 
towns. Such a number of inhabitants planted themselves 
in the town at once, that they were able to support the gos- 
pel from the commencement of the settlement. On the 
third Wednesday of August, 1741, the Rev. Solomon Pal- 
mer, was ordained to the pastoral oflice over them. He 
continued with them in peace, until March, 1754, when on. 
the sabbath, to the great surprise of the people, he declar- 
ed himself to be an Episcopalian in sentiment. He soon 
after went to England, and obtained orders. He was 
originally of Branford, and had his education at Yale Col- 

The face of the country is rough and mountainous, but 
no part of the town is barren. The mountains to the very 
tops are covered with lofty timber ; the vales and sides of 
the mountains, are rich and productive ; the waters ex- 
cellent and abundant. It is supposed, that it has plenty 
of iron ore ; some has been dug, but as no furnace has 
been erected in the town, and the other furnaces in the 
county are amply supplied from ore in their vicinity, little 
attention has hitherto been given it. There is in the 
town, a rich mine of black lead, in what is called mine 
mountain, near the Housatonick. 

The township of New-Hartford, was granted to the ]Vew- 
Hartford patentees. It is bounded west on Torrington ; Hartford 
south, partly on Harwinton and partly on Farminston ; r^^*'*^^ ^^ 
east, on Simsbury, and north on Barkhampstead. It con- rated, 
tains 23,940 acres. The settlement of the town commenc- 
ed about the year 1733, and it appears soon after to have 
been incorporated. The first and principal planters were 
from Hartford. They were John, Cyprian and Zechariah. 
Watson, Joseph Gillet, Noah Merril, deacon Martia 
Smith, Thomas Olcott, Stephen Kelsey, Matthew Gillet, 
John Andrus, Jonathan Marsh, Daniel Shepard, Samuel 
Douglass, Eleazer Goodwin and others. The first minis- 
ter of the town, was the Rev. Jonathan Marsh, son of the 
Rev. Jonathan Marsh of AVindsor, ordained the second, 
Wednesday in October, 1 739. He continued in the min- 
istry between fifty four and fifty five years. As this was a 
forntier town, some fortifications were erected for the de- 
fence of the inhabitants. 

113 HISTORY OF Chap. VL 

Book IT. ITartland was another township belonging to the Hart- 
Si^'^''^^' ford patentees. It is bounded north on the dividing line 
Hartbnd between Connecticut and Massachusetts, south on Bark- 
settled. Iiampstead, east on Granby, and west on Colebrook. It 
contains, by estimation, 17,654 acres. The proprietors 
held their first meeting at Hartford, on the 1 0th of July, 
1733. But the lands did not sell ; and during the term of 
twenty years, there was no permanent settlement made on 
the lands, either by the proprietors themselves, or any 
other person. The first family that moved into the town, 
was John Kendal and his wife, in the spring of 1 753. But 
the next year he moved away for fear of the Indians. The 
same year, deacon Thomas Giddings from Lyme, made a 
permanent settlement, with his family, in the township. 
The next year, 1755, two more families joined them. In 
jyK-' 1757, four families more, from Lyme and East-Haddam, 
were added to the settlement. At this period, there were 
eight or nine families in the town. In 1 760, several other 
families, from Lyme and East-Haddam, joined themselves 
to the former settlers. The settlement was very slow, so 
that it was about eight years from this time, before their 
numbers and estate were sufficient to support a minister. 
The first church in the town was gathered, consisting of 
seven males and four females, May 4th, 1 768 ; and on 
the 18th of June following, the Rev. Sterling Graves, from 
East-Haddam, was ordained. 
]Vrorfo!k The town of Norfolk, which was the first town appoint- 

sold and ed to be sold for the colony, at Hartford, on the second 
Battled. Tuesday in April, 1738, was not sold until about sixteen 
years from that time ; as such quantities of land were selling 
by the Hartford and Windsor people, and by the colony ; 
and as some of the other townships were judged to be pre- 
ferable to it, both as to soil, and as they wei'e nearer to 
the old setdements. At the time it was first offered for 
sale, one bidder only was found for a part of the town- 
- ship. The assembly therefore suspended the sale of it for 
about two years. In May, 1 750, it was enacted, that the 
rest of the township should be sold at Hartford, at public 
vendue, on the third Tuesday of December, then next en- 
suing ; and that the vendue should be continued until the 
sale of it should be finished. This was not done till about 
four years from that time. The proprietors held their first 
meeting after the sale was completed, in December, 1754. 
The town is nine miles in length and nearly seven in 
breadth. It is bounded north, on the line between Con- 
necticut and Massachusetts ; east on Colebrook ; south, 
partly on Winchester andparUy on Goshen : and west, on 


Canaan. At the time when the township was sold, tliere Book II. 
were twelve or fourteen persons on the lands, who became ^^^-^r-^m^ 
proprietors. The first inhabitants were from Hartford, 1758, 
Windsor, Simsbury, and Danbiiry. The town was incor- 
porated in 1758. At tliis period the inhabitants consisted Incorpo- 
of twenty-seven families only. There were fifty proprie- rated, 
tors, and it was a condition among the proprietors, that ^ 
each proprietor should settle one family upon each right 
in five years. This so expedited the setdement, that, in 
about three years, they increased to seventy families. The 
i?rst minister, the Rev. Ammi R. Robbins, was ordained 
in October, 1761. 

The township of Winchester belonged to the j^atentees Winch"?- 
of Hartford. It is bounded north on Colebrook, east on ^er incor-^ 
Barkhampstead, south on Torrington, and west on Goshen ^° ^ 
;ind Norfolk. It contains, by estimation, 20,380 acres. 
The township v/as laid out into distinct lots in 1758. In 
May, 1771, it was incorporated, and vested with the privi- 
leges of the other towns. The Rev. Joshua Knapp was 
ordained the first pastor of the church in the town, Novem- 
ber 11th, 1772. 

Barkhampstead was a township granted to the people Bark- 
of Windsor, and contains, by estimation, 20,530 acres. Its hampstead 
boundaries are Simsbury on the east, New-Hartford on *^ 
the south, Winchester on the west, and Hartland on the 
north. The first person who made a permanent setdement 
in the town, was Pelatiah Allyn, from Windsor, about the 
year 1749. He remained the only person on the ground, 
for ten years or more, His plantation was toward the 
south part of the town, not far from the dividing line be- 
tween that town and New-Hartford. As there were fre- 
quent alarms, on account of the Indians, he used, in times 
when danger was apprehended, to repair to a fortified 
post in the northern part of New-Hartford. He took spc= 
cial measures to guard himself against a surprise at his 
own house. The next man who made a settlement in the 
town, was Israel Jones, from Enfield, about the year 1759. 
There were very few residents in the town, until after the 
French war, in 1762. About this time, William Austin, 
from Suffield, and Amos Case, from Simsbury, became resi- 
dents in the town ; but the settlement was slow. The in- 
habitants were so few, that they were not calkd upon to 
do military duty until 1774. The town was incorporated 
in 1779. The Rev. Qzias Eells, the first minister in the 
town, was ordained January 24th, 1787. 

Colebrook was the north township granted to the town Cole- 
<3f Windsor. It is bounded north on the colony line, south !'/",°^ ^^<' 

114 HISTORY QF Chap. VII. 

Book II. on New-Hartford, west on Norfolk, and east on Hartland. 

^.-^'v-s^ It contains, by estimation, 18,199 acres. The tirst and 
1762, principal settlers of the town, were Joseph Rockwell, Na- 
than Bass, and Samuel Rockwell, from East-Windsor ; and 
Joseph Seymour, from Windsor. The settlement began 
in 1762. To the town, or first society, is added a mile 
square from the town of Winchester. The church in the 
town was gathered in the year 1795. On the 31st of De- 
cember, in the same year, the first pastor, the Rev. Dr. 
Jonathan Edwards, Avas installed. 

These were all the original towns in the colony. The 
other towns, of later date, have all been made, in whqle or 
in part, out of the original ones. Tims, in about one hun- 
dred and thirty years, the whole tract comprised in Con- 
necticut, east of the line of New-York, became settled, and 
a vast wilderness, which had not been sown, full of savage 
beasts, and wild and savage men, was turned into fields, 
orchards, and gardens ; planted with Protestants, formed 
into distinct and regular "churches ; and through the whole 
tract, houses erected, at convenient distances, for the wor- 
ship of Gfod. 

The county of Litchfield was settled in about seventy- 
five years from the commencement of the settlement of the 
county town, and the inhabitants of every town had called 
and settled a minister. 


Separation at Guilford, Rev. Mr, Ruggles was ordained at 
Guilford, against a large minority, who were in opposition 
to him. The minority separate from the church and soci- 
ety. The legislature interpose, and attempt a reconcilia- 
tion. The minority persist in their separation: Qualify 
themselves for a distinct ecclesiastical society, by conform- 
ing to the act of William and Mary. Resolutions of the 
Consociation of the County of New-Haven respecting Irfiem, 
They refuse to comply zvith said resolutions. In conse- 
Quence of it, forty-six church members roere suspended 
from the communion, by Mr. Ruggles and the first church 
in Guilford, from zvhom they had separated. Acts of the 
General Assembly, and councils, concerning thein. Great 
pains were taken, and repeated attempts, for many years^ 
were made to unite the parties, but were all unsuccessful. 

EARLY at the same time when the controversy be- 
tween the colony and the towns of Hartford aijd 

Chap. vil. CONNECTICUT. i 15 

Windsor, i*elative to the western lands, commenced, and Book II. 
occasioned so much trouble, an unhappy affair, of an ec- v,-^--v-^w 
clesiastical nature, took place in Guilford, which was the 1729. 
occasion of much trouble and perplexity, both to the town 
and colony. Soon after the death of the first Mr. .Thomas 
Ruggles, in 1 728, the first church and society proceeded to 
invite his son, Mr. Thomas Ruggles, to preach with them, 
and finally gave him a call to settle with them in the work 
of the gospel ministry, and obtained his ordination, against Unhappy 
a large and respectable minority, who had opposed him ^J g"J||.'°'^ 
from the beginning. They alledged that he was not such ford, 
a distinguishing, experimental, and animating preacher, as March, 
they desired •, that they were not edified by him, and could ^' 
not choose him as their minister. As the majority of the 
church and society had not regarded them in the call and 
ordination of their minister, and as they conscientiously 
judged that they could not be edified by his preaching, 
they separated themselves from the fir?t church and socie- Serration 
ty in Guilford, and set up the public worship of God among [q^^ 1729, 
themselves. They invited a young gentleman, Mr. Ed- 
mund Ward, to preach for them, who had received an edu- 
cation at Yale College, been examined by the Association 
of New-Haven county, and approbated, as a suitable can- 
didate for the gospel ministry. The separation was large, 
consisting of nearly fifty members of the church, besides 
many others who belonged to the society. The minof 
party rated more than three thousand pounds in the list. 
They considered themselves as well able to support the 
gospel ministry and the divine ordinances, among them- 
selves, and earnestly desired to do it. They declared their 
disapprobation of the Saybrook Platform, and that they 
totally renounced it. 

At the session of tlie General Assembly in May, they, ^^J''^''^^^* 
therefore, presented their memorial to the legislature, pray- 
ing to be made a distinct ecclesiastical society, with the 
same powers and privileges granted to other societies. 
The assembly rejected their petition, and resolved as fol- 
lows: "This assembly, observing that the inhabitants of ^^*°*^*^® 
" Guilford have lately been at great expense in raising a Assembly. 
" meeting-house, which stands conveniently, and has ca- 
" pacity to accommodate the whole society, as it now is, 
" are thereupon of opinion, that the peace, religion, wealth 
" and good order of the inhabitants, will be best promoted 
" in their keeping together in one society, if the present 
■" misunderstandings among the people can be removed ; 
" which good thing, it is hoped, may be attained by coun- 
"' sp|. h is therefore resolved, and this assembly do ap- 

i 1 6 HiSTORY O'F Chap. VI'L 

Book II. " point the Rev. Mr. Timothy Woodbridge, Mr. Eliaphalet 
v^.^-v'-x-/ " Adams, and Mr. William Russell, to repair to Guilford', 
1729. "and to hear, consider and advise both parties, in that 
" society, as they shall find there is reason in their case ; 
" and by all proper means, endeavour to effect an accom- 
" modation of the divisions that are there ; and bring that 
" people to unite themselves together in love and peace, in 
" carrying on the worship of God, in the house of prayer 
" they have built to his name." The gendcmen were di- 
rected to make their report to the assembly, of their suc- 
cess, and of what was best further to be done in the case. 
The gentlemen appointed to this service, met at Guil - 
ford, in June, and came to the following result. 

" To the Committees of the First Society in Guilford. 


Advice to " We the subscribers, are of opinion with the honourabk; 
the parties General Assembly, that the peace, religion, %vealth and 
lord June good order of this society, will be best promoted, in their 
6th, keeping together in one society ; and, having considered 

the objections made by the dissatisfied party against the. 
Rev. Mr. Ruggles and the other part of the society, and 
what was offered to support them ; and the replies made On 
the other side ; we cannot judge from thence, therfe are any 
sufficient grounds, why the party that offered them should 
separate from Mr. Ruggles, or refuse to accept him as their 
minister: and there being a settlement actually made, 
though there may have been uncomfortable things, unsuit- 
able heats and speeches, among divers of the members of 
the society, in this day of temptation ; yet there appear.^ 
nothing to us, but that they may, consistent with the rules 
of the gospel, forgive one another, and bury all their con- 
troversy, and receive on€ another as brethren, and unite 
together in one society and church, under the minister or- 
dained in this place : And it is our advice, and earnest ex 
liortation, that they so do. 

" Guilford, June 6th, 1729.* 

Notwithstanding the opinion of the General Assenr- 
bly, and of the gentlemen whom they had appointed to 
hear the parties, in Guilford, the separating brethren 
•were so fully satisfied, that they could not hear Mr. 
Ruggles to their edification, and they were so entirely 
opposed to the Saybrook platform, as it seemed to be 
«ndersfx)od, as a law of the colony binding the coi>- 


sciences of men, that they could not submit to the ad- Book IL 
vice so expressly given. They were not satisfied, that v,^-v„— ^,» 
the legislature had a right to interpose in ecclesiastical 1729, 
matters, and to impose councils of their own choosing 
upon the churches, or that they were under obligations to 
submit to them. They believed, that they had a right to 
act according to the dictates of conscience, and that it was 
their duty, to seek a minister, by whom they and their chil- 
dren, might be indoctrinated in the distinguishing princi- 
ples of Christianity, and in experimental religion. They 
Avere persuaded, that they had a right, as British subjects, 
to judge for themselves, and to worship together, as a dis- 
tinct church and society. They therefore, in November^ 
made application to the court at New-Haven, to be quali- 
fied, according to the act of William and Mary, for the ease 
of sober consciences, to worship by themselves. But the 
court, considering it as a new and important affair, deferred 
it until their next meeting, on the first Tuesday in April. 
On said Tuesday, April, 1730, divers of the dissenters, viz. 1730, 
Edmund Ward, Caleb Leete, Joseph Stone, Samuel Nor- 
ton, Samuel Cruttenden, Pelatiah Leete, Thomas Norton, 
Ebenezcr Stone, Daniel Edwards, Caleb Sto'ne, and John 
Bishop, appeared before the court, took the oaths, made 
and subscribed the declaration required by the law : and 
the said Edmund Ward, preacher, gave his assent to the 39 
Articles, and subscribed the same, except the 34th, 35th, 
and 36th articles, and part of the 20th, in these words, 
" The church hath power to decree rites or ceremonies^ 
and hath authority in controversies of faith."*' 

Notwithstanding the doings of the assembly, and the 
advice given them by the gentlemen, whom they had ap- 
pointed, the aggrieved party were advised to the measures 
they adopted, by men of great respectability. The Rev. 
Mr. Moss, of Derby, in particular, gave it as his decided 
opinion, that it would be for the peace of the town, and 
the benefit of both the parties, for the people who had se- 
parated to be made a distinct ecclesiastical society, and 
that the legislature ought to hear their petition, and grant 
them the privilege.! He appears to have draughted their 
petition to the county court. The minority, having thus 
qualified themselves according to the act of parliament, 
and the laws of the colony, considered themselves as 
having a right to proceed in religious concerns, with- 
out any further interruption or trouble from others. 

At the session of the General Assembly in May, they re- Mav.i7SC»» 

* Record of the court for the county of New-Haven, 
t Letter to lyfr. Ward, October 31«t, 172?^. 

118 HISTORY OF* Chap. VIL 

Book II. nevved iheir application to the assembly, to release them 
^^"^^^^sw' from paying taxes to the first society, and to make them a 
1730, distinct ecclesiastical society, according to the prayer of 
Pleas of the thcir petition on file. They pleaded, that they had quali- 
niinority ficd thcmselves, by act of parliament, and according to 
before the the statutes of the colony, to worship God agreeably to 
7f "fj'ti,, the dictates of their own consciences, and that it was the 
genuine meaning and design or those statutes to release 
the people, thus soberly dissenting from any legally esta- 
blished mode of worship, from all burdens and molesta- 
tions from others, and was a privilege granted to all de- 
nominations of christians in the colony; to the professors 
of the church of England, to the baptists, and even to the 
quakers ; and, that they hoped, they were not less deserv- 
ing of the care of the legislature than those denomina- 
tions. They pleaded, that the law, imposing taxes on 
those who conscientiously dissented from the established 
mode, was not of Christ, but of man, that the kingdom of 
the Messiah was not of this world, that it needed no human 
aid, and that they humbly conceived, that the civil magis- 
trate had no right to legislate in matters of conscience, 
binding christians to any particular mode of worship. 
They a Hedged, that the bishop of Bangor preached a 
sermon in 1717, before his majesty king George the First, 
from John xviii, 36, in which he demonstrably proved, 
that as the kingdom of Christ was not of this world, he waf> 
king and sole legislator in his own kingdom, and that the 
civil magistrate hath no right to legislate in ecclesiastical 
matters, and that the sermon was so acceptable to his ma- 
jesty, that he gave it his royal approbation. 

They also pleaded, that the law binding them to hear a 
minister whom they had not chosen, but had been imposed 
ypon them by a majority, and who lorded it over them, wa? 
inconsistent with their charter rights. They urged, that 
the law, obliging them to hear and support a minister im 
posed upon them, was contrary to the laws of England. 

Finally, they pleaded, that the law imposed upon them 
a burden which was never imposed on the necks of their 
fathers in the first settlement of this country, nor was 
there then any such burden imposed on their brethren in 
New-England, in New- York, in the Jersics, nor on 
their dissenting brethren in England. They urged, 
that in all those places there was no compulsion, or re- 
straint, but full liberty for all denominations of protestants. 
to worship God, according to the dictates of their con- 
sciences. This liberty, they said, the fathers of this coun- 
try enjoyed for more than thirty years from its first settle- 
jnent without the least interruption. 


The legislature, on this representation, released them Book I?, 
from paying taxes to the first society ; but declined making ^,<«-v->w 
them an ecclesiastical society, and still persisted in mea- 1730. 
sures to reconcile the parties. They appointed a number 
of gentlemen to meet for that purpose at Guilford, and hear 
the parties ; but they did not meet. The major party, in 
the mean time, pretending that the assembly had only re- 
leased a small number of the minority, whose names Avere 
mentioned in the memorial, proceeded to take their rates 
by execution. Indeed, the major part of the society, 
appeared to adopt all measurjes to vex and distress 
them, both in their civil and religious interests. They 
therefore petitioned the General Assembly, in October, 
to declare the meaning of their act in May, and to release 
all who had separated from Mr. Ruggles and the first so- 
ciety, or who should separate from them, and join them 
in supporting the gospel, from all taxes and molestation 
from the first society. 

The legislature, fixed in their design of uniting the par- 
ties, were slow and reluctant in granting them any privi- 
leges which they asked ; and, at this time, appointed a 
large council to meet at Guilfoi'd, to hear the parties and 
judge between them, and make report to the assembly at 
their session in May. 

The Rev. Mr. Moss, of Derby, who had opposed the 
settlement of Mr. Ruggles from the beginning, judging it 
unadvisable to ordain a minister over a church, one third 
of whom were against him, and the opposition constantly 
increasing, soon after the rising of the assembly, wrote a 
letter to some of the principal ministers in Boston, stating Letter oi 
the case of the Guilford people, and requesting their opi- ^r. Moss, 
nion with reference to it. He made the following state- .^^Jq * 
ment : " That, in a litde more than a month's time after the 
death of the Rev. Mr. Thomas Ruggles, of Guilford, that 
people applied to some of the neighboring ministers, of 
which he himself was one, for advice, about calling and 
settling a minister. That after some animadversions on 
the suddenness of the motion, being so soon after the 
death of their former pastor, and receiving their justifying; 
replies upon it, they had advice to this purpose, viz. " To 
apply (o Mr. Thomas Ruggles, Jun. son of the deceased, 
to supply his father's pulpit, as probationer for setdement 
in the work of the ministry ; if, after trial, he should be ap- 
proved, and could be settled there with a general view to 
peace, and according to gospel order and rule : and, if af- 
ter trial made, he should not suit them, or they him, then to 
apply to Mr. Benjajrtiin Pierpont, of is^ew-Haven. as a pro- 

120 HISTORY OF CiiAr. Vli. 

Book H. batiouer in like sort as above 5 and, if after trial, he should 
Ui^-v'v-' not suit for settlement, then to make application to said 
1730. advisers for further advice." Upon this advice, the people 
applied to Mr. Ruggles, and he entered the pulpit as a 
probationer. At first, the opposing and uneasy party to 
his settlement were but twelve, but they were considera^ 
ble men ; chief men in the town and church ; but in six 
jCionths time, the uneasy and opposing party were in- 
creased to u]3wards of forty, and they making smart op- 
position to Mr. Ruggles his settlement ; the other party be- 
ing the major, and having the advantage of the law on their 
side, and fearing that advantage would not always be in 
their hands, pushed forward for the ordination, with all 
violence, and refused to hear the intreaties of their uneasy 
brethren, to delay the matter a while ; until, at least, the 
general court could be applied to in this affair : but nor 
thing of this kind could be obtained. This was perhaps in 
February ; the beginning of Mr. Ruggles his preaching, as 
a probationer, being in July before. Though, before this 
denial of a delay, viz. in December, or January, they 
had, upon the request made by the uneasy party, voted in 
full society meeting, that they should have liberty to be a 
society ecclesiastical by themselves, if the general court 
would allow it ; and to be freed from paying any rates or 
taxes, or parish charges with them, when the general court 
would allow of their being a society by themselves, or 
words to this purpose, as you wiU see by the grant in- 
closed, attested by the clerk. 

" Now when this was done, this minor party went no 
more, or acted no more yvith their brethren, about settling 
Mr. Ruggles, either in society meetings or church meet- 
ings ; but acted by themselves, and goc a young man to 
preach to them in a private house, viz. Mr. Edmund Ward, 
brought up at Yale College in New-Haven, who had been 
examined by the ministers of the New-Haven association, 
and had obtained his recommendatory certificate from 
them, as a candidate for the ministry. Afterward, when 
this uneasy party were gone off, by the good will of their 
brethren, as they took it, the major part now fell to ac- 
tion, about Mr. Ruggles his settlement, and by their vote 
grant him four hundred pounds settlement, and one hun- 
dred pounds per annum settlement, and have since forced 
their uneasy brethren to pay part of it, having the civil law 
of the government on their side, notwithstanding their 
former vote, to set them off by theniselyes, (as you shall 
sree anon in the proper place of it ;) then they drive for- 
ward the ordination of Mr. Ruggles, which was in March,, 


1 728-9, which was about ten months after the death of Book II. 
old Mr. Ruggles. v^*-Nr>«i> 

" When the time for ordination came, the council of el- 1730. 
ders and messengers assembled to carry on that affair, 
were upon the place before the ordination was attended. 
They sent for the uneasy party, ii e. those of them that 
were in full communion with the church. There appear- 
ed twenty nine men, all opposed to the ordination's going 
forward at that time ; but six of the twenty nine, declared 
they were not so much against the man, simply consider- 
ed, but thought it unseasonable to ordain him then, as 
there was such a feud and contention arisen among them. 
(The whole number of brethren, or communicants, at 
that time, being about eighty.) Then the matter was de- 
bated in council, whether the ordination should be then at- 
tended, or delayed. It was carried by vote to go forward, 
by a large majority among the ministry, and by a small ma- 
jority among the messengers. But two ministers dissented 
out of nine, of which two dissenting, the minister of Der- 
by was one, who was the eldest minister present, except 
one. Upon this, the minister of Derby refused to assist 
in the ordination ; and gave his reasons for it, v/hich were 
chiefly in these two points. 1st. It seemed to him to have 
no likely prospect of future peace in that place, nor like- 
ly to be for the interest of religion, or the flourishing 
.state of Christ's kingdom for the future, in that place. 
" 2d. Since the design was to settle a pastor over that 
church in whole, when above one third part of the church 
never chose him, and declared they were conscience 
bound in the matter, and could not choose him as their 
pastor. This seemed to that minister, to be setting up a 
lord over God's heritage, (at least in part) and, as he 
thought, looked too much toward that prelatical tyranny, 
from which our fathers fled ; it being a yoke of bondage 
that they were not able to bear ; and a breaking in upon 
the natural liberty which belongs to all churches and chris- 
tians. However, the ordination went forward by the help 
of those that were for it. The uneasy part separated from 
their brethren, and would not sit with them at meeting, m 
the time of ordination ; and when the church's vote was ta- 
ken, to call Mr. Ruggles to the pastoral charge, they were 
separated, and acted not in that call. Yet this council 
suppose, or at least the greater part who acted in the 
call, take it so, that he is ordained pastor of that whole 
church of Guilford, and that all those that opposed his or- 
dination, are as much bound to submit to him as their 
pastoFj as anv of them that acted in the choice, 


i22 HISTORY OJ? Chap. VIL 

Book II. '^ After the ordination, viz. in May following, the minor 
^>-<'v^>^ part, yet uneasy, petitioned the General Court, for leave 
1730. to be a society by themselves, since things were thus, as 
above ; and then their brethren opposed them with all ve- 
hemency, though they had voted them as above, if the 
said court would allow of it. The General Court referred 
it to their October session ; and in the mean time, sent 
some min.isters to endeavour a reconciliation of the differ- 
ing parties ; but they tried in vain. The thing was not at- 
tainable. When October came, the court considered the 
matter again ; but did n-othing for their help ; but still 
appointed another committee of ministers to endeavor 
to bring both parties together. But they came not to 
the place, and used no endeavors for it. Then this 
distressed people saw the country seemed to be againsr 
them, through false rumors, which their enemies spread 
abroad with great industry, so that they had no hope 
of gaining any thing in this way ; but remembering that 
we had a law which gives liberty to dissent from our 
established discipline, for any of another persuasion, 
v/hich law refers to an act of parliament, made for dissen- 
ters, in the first year of king William and queen Mary, for 
the dissenters qualifying themselves at the quarter sessions, 
according to the direction of said statute, in order to take 
benefit thereby, and to set up a separate society for divine 
worship, &c. : these men also, being fully of the congre- 
gational persuasion, according to the true meaning of the 
platform, compiled at Cambridge, by the Synod, in the 
year 1648, which our established discipline is very wide 
of, in many essential things : they go to the county court 
at New-Haven, and declare their dissent from our estab- 
lished discipline, and their concurrence with the platform 
aforesaid, by which they obtained liberty, under the um- 
brage of said statute, and act of parliament, for a lawful 
assembly for divine worship, separate from those that are by 
our law established ; and so exempted from our established 
rule of church discipline, and exempted from the penal- 
lies that our laws laid upon any that maintained separate 
meetings, in opposition to what is generally practised and. 
allowed by law. Now they were secure in one point from 
die penalties of the law, but lay open to the law in anoth- 
er, viz. on the account of rates ; for by our law, they must 
yet pay their rates to maintain Mr. Ruggles, and to raise 
his settlement money, which was four hundred pounds ; 
and their brethren were so far of a persecuting spirit as that 
they have forced them to pay part of the settlement mon- 


ey, and their part of the salary, until May last, when, up- Book IK 
on a new petition to the General Court, they freed them ''-^~>'''^«^ 
from paying rates for the future ; as you may see by a co- 1730, 
py of their act inclosed. They have left their rights in 
the meeting-house, and have now built a good new meet- 
ing-house at their own charge. Yet after all, their breth- 
ren, and the neighboring ministers, and mostly through 
the colony, are warmly opposing their settlement in 
church order, according to the tenor of the said Cam- 
bridge platform, which is strictly congregational. And 
so they refuse to assist them in gathering a new church, 
and in ordaining-^ their minister ; and more than so, arc 
greatly clamoring at and reproaching a few of us that think 
well of them, and are inclined to pity and help them. It 
would therefore be much to their advantage in the present 
juncture, to have advice and counsel from some of the 
Rev. ministers of Boston, whose names and characters 
are highly exalted among us, in Connecticut ; and that 
upon very justifying reasons ; so that countenancing the 
affair of their settleipent in church order, and ordination 
of their minister, will very much abate the clamor of their 
adversaries, and be much of a shelter and security to some 
of us that probably may be called to assist them in that af- 
fair. Therefore it is requested, that several of you Rev. 
gentlemen, would please to resolve these cases hereafto- 
stated, and send to us as soon as may be, the resolution, 
and in several of your hands, 

1 . " Whether (if the narration above written be true) it 
is lawful for the said minor part at Guilford, to embody into 
church estate, and get their minister ordained as soon a§ 
they can ? 

2. " Whether it is lawful and expedient for such minis- 
ters and churches, as are willing, to assist that people in 
their embodying into church estate, and ordaining theii* 
minister ? 

" Your gratifying us and this poor people in this matter, 
will exceedingly oblige your friends and fellow laborers in 
the gospel of our Lord Redeemer," &;c. 

This letter was signed by Mr. Moss, of Derby, and Mr. 
Mather, of Saybrook, and directed to the Rev. Peter 
Thatcher, and other ministers of Boston. With the let- 
ter, documents were sent, proving the facts stated. The 
answer to this letter fs not to be found, but the probabili- 
ty is, that it was favorable to the minor party, and encour- 
aged the ministers who favored them, to afford them their 
assistance, as it appears that early in the spring, they 


Book II. were preparing to embody into church estate, and expected 
v-«^-v>w' that Mr. Ward would soon be ordained over them. 
1731. The legislature, however, with a view to unite the par- 
ties, in their session in October, appointed a large coun- 
cil to meet, at Guilford, and hear the parties. They were 
to attempt all proper measures to conciliate and bring them 
together, and, if possible, to settle the church and town in 
peace. They were chosen from the three counties of 
Hartford, New-Haven and New-London. The council 
consisted of the Rev. Messrs. Eliphalet Adams, Samuel 
Whitman, John Bulkley, Nathaniel Chauncey, Phinehas 
Fisk, Samuel Whittelsey, Jared Elliot, Joseph Noyes, Sam- 
March 10 uelHall and Isaac Stiles, with their delegates. They met 
'■i73L ' at Guilford early in the spring ; chose the following gentle- 
men, moderators and scribes, viz, Mr. Adams and Mr. Whit- 
man, moderators ; Mr. Bulkley and Mr. Fisk, scribes. The 
minor party had most positively and repeatedly renounc- 
ed the Saybrook Platform, not only before the church, 
but repeatedly, by their agents, before the General Assem- 
bly. The council nevertheless cited them to appear before 
them ; but they would not appear as a body, nor by their 
committee. Two or three of their leading men, as indi- 
viduals, stated to them their grievances, and the grounds 
pf their separation. Upon this, having heard the repre-: 
sentations of the church, the council representing that 
they had fully heard the parties, came to the following re- 

1 . " That with relation to the settlement and ordination 
of the Rev. Mr. Ruggles in this place, and the conduct of 
the church in that affair, on representation made by the 
committee, above said, to this council, of the several 
steps of their procedure in that affair, we cannot but ap- 
prove of them, and judge them very agreeable to such rules 
as in an affair of that nature they ought to regard and have 
their eyes upon. 

2. " With respect to the reasons alledged in the narrative 
of the dissenting party, as grounds of their separation from 
the communion of the church, and what was offered by 
said Leete and Cruttenden, for vindication of themselves 
in that matter, we judge them insufficient, and that sepa- 
ration as sinful andjusdy offensive, 

3. " That the dissenting brethren, their setting up a 
separate assembly for public worship without the counte- 
nance and liberty of the General Assembly, or approba- 
tion of neighboring churches, or the allowance of the set-- 
tied minister of the place, and contrary to the advice of 
t|i^ association of the county, we judge to be disorderly 


and sinful, and disallowed by the fifth article in the thir- Book II. 
teenth chapter of the Cambridge platform of the year 1649: v,-^--v-»^ 
Also, that some of them, their pretenided qualifying them- 1731. 
selves according to a law in our book of the statutes, made Marsh lo, 
for the ease of such as soberly dissent from the way of 
public worship and ministry established by the laws of this 
government, was an abuse of that law, and unjustifiable. 

4. " With respect to the duty lying on the church of 
this place, toward their dissenting brethren, we judge, that 
in case, after an invitation made by this council and the 
said church to those dissenting ba-ethren, those that have 
taken the oaths, as others, at thp desire of this council, to 
return to the communion of said church ; or an invitation 
made to them by the said church, Avith such reflections on 
themselves, for their separation, as this council shall think 
proper, they do not in some reasonable time, so do, that 
they shall be suspended from the communion of the church 
of Christ : which sentence shall be pronounced against 
them, either by the Rev. Mr. Ruggles and church, or by 
the Rev. Mr. Jacob Hemingway and Mr. Jared Elliot in 
conjunction with them, as the said Mr. Ruggles and church 
shall choose. 

5. " And, whereas the said dissenting brethren enter- 
tain hopes of embodying themselves into church estate, 
and having a pastor ordained over them, in a short time, 
this council have judged their proceedings hitherto irre- 
gular and offensive, so do now further declare and judge 
them, the dissenting brethren, incapable of enteriag into a 
church state, till such time as they have returned back to 
their pastor and brethren of the church from which they 
have separated themselves, with such reflections on them- 
selves, as this council have thought proper : and that if 
any ministers and churches shall assist in so embodying 
them and ordaining a pastor over them, it will be disorder- 
ly and sinful ; and accordingly ai such, bear testimony 
against it. 

6. " Further, as we have found a separate meeting for 
public worship, set up by the dissenting party in this place, a 
disorderly meeting, do also judge that Mr. Edm^ind Ward's 
preaching to the said assembly, is disorderly and sinful, and 
will be so if he persists therein ; and by the authority of 
this council do charge him to desist preaching to them ; 
and that he do not presume to submit to ordination, or to 
take upon him the pastoral charge over them. 

" And finally, whereas, some reflections have been cast 
upon the Rev. Mr. Ruggles, as though he were weak, in- 
gufficiejitj imwQfthy and unqualified fnr the work of tho 


Book II. gospel, unsound in his doctrines, of a party spirit, and lit- 
v^^'v-^w tie religion ; this council declare, that nothing of this na- 
1731. ture hath appeared unto us; and he having given us a 
March 10. specimen of his ministerial abilities, partl}^ from his per- 
sonal acquaintance, and partly from credible testimony, 
we esteem him a worthy minister of Jesus Christ, endow- 
ed with a good measure of ministerial gifts, sound in the 
faith, of a serious, religions and peaceable spirit, a sweet 
temper and becoming conversation, and worthy of honor 
and respect, and as such do recommend him and his la- 
bors, to the blessing of Almighty Cod." 

This result of the council, was accepted by vote of the 
church in open council. 

This, considering the state of the town, that the separa- 
tion had greatly increased, since the ordination of Mr. 
Ruggles, so that more than one half the original members 
of the church, at that tim.e, had separated, from him ; that 
they had utterly renounced the Saybrook Platform ; quali- 
iicd themselves by law for a distinct M^orship ; and had built 
them an house for it, was a very extraordinary result. 
That in these circumstances, they should proceed to a ju- 
dicial hearing and decision, without attempting any con- 
ciliatory measures, seems to have been very uncommon, 
in similar cases. Their result was every way calculated 
to justify Mr. Ruggles, and the remainder of the church 
and society, and to lay the dissenters under every disad- 
vantage ; to deprive them, even of the preaching of the 
word and all the means of salvation, unless they would re- 
turn and sit under the preaching of Mr. Ruggles. This 
they had declared they could not in conscience do. Mr. 
Ruggles, in their view was not an orthodox experimental 
preacher, and they could not be profited by him. The 
dissenters had no choice in the council, and they con- 
sidered themselves as a distinct and legal society, and as 
having a right, by act of parliament and the laws of the 
colony, to worship God by themselves, and to choose and 
settle a minister for themselves. The ministers of New- 
Haven county had prejudged the case, and ordained Mr. 
Ruggles, in their opinion, in a rash and imprudent manner, 
against such a minority and division in the town as ought tq 
have prevented it, at least, until some further trial had been 
made for a greater union. They considered the council 
as having no more authority over them than they had 
over any church in Massachusetts or New- York, or of 
any other place, or denomination. Mr. Ward did 
not consider himself as amenable to them, or that he was 
obliged to desist preaching the gospel at their mandate. 

Chap, Vlt. CONNECTICUT. 127 

The dissentefs and he, imasjined that they were upright Book II. 
and conscientious in their proceedings. Not one of them v.^'v^^,^ 
therefore was disposed to make the reflections which the 
council had directed, or to return to Mr. Ruggles, and their 
brethren, from Avhom they had separated. 

The consequence was, that after they had been invited Forty six 
io return, and had, for a short time, neglected it, they ^^g'^^gnjg^i 
were cited before the cliurch, and forty six of them, six from com- 
more than one half of the church, at the time of Mr. Rug- munion, 
gles' ordination, Avere suspended from communion. ^""^ ^^^^' 

The town was now in a very perplexed and melancho- 
ly condition. About one half of the professors in it Avere 
suspended from communion ; tlie council who had advised 
to this measure, had declared it disorderly for ministers 
to preach to them, and charged their own teacher, 
by all their authority, to preach to thein no more. The 
major part of the town at the same time, Avere taking the 
property of those Avho had separated from them, and had 
not qualified themselves by act of parliament, by distraint, 
for the support of Mr. Ruggles, and to pay the other tax- 
es of the first societ}'^ ; and the toAvn Avas in a state of great 

The assembly Avere petitioned to make them a distinct 
society. Several of the first society Avcre so convinced of 
the necessity of it, for the general peace and edification of 
the church and town, that they preferred a petition to the 
legislature, praying that it might be done. Several of the 
ministers of the colony Avere so affected Avith the unhappy 
state of the toAvn, that they petitioned the assembly to ap- 
point the General Association a council, Avith their dele- 
gates, to repait" to Guilford, and hear and advise the par- 
ties and make a report of their doings to the General As- 
sembly. The assembly rejected the petitions for m.aking 
them a distinct society, and came to the folloAving resolve, 

"Upon the motion of the party Avho have separated Act of the 
themselves from the old society in Guilford, on the recom- ^^*^'^^!|,' 
raendations of the Rev. Mr. Timothy Woodbridge, and di- 
vers other Rev. elders of the churches in this colony, that 
it may be of service to the interest of religion, for this as- 
sembly, in conformity to a former act of this assembly, ia 
reference to Stratford, to appoint some from each associa- 
tion in this colony, to enquire into their case, in order to 
the bringing matters to a comfortable issue : 

" This assembly observing, that the society in Guilford, 
having not come into the established platform of church 
discipline, as alloAved an^ confirmed by the laAvs of this 

128 HISTORY OP Chap. VII. 

Book 11. colony, and more especially, upon consideration, that the 
\,^~>r>,^ dissenting party of that society have, by their agents from 
1731. time to time, before this assembly, declared their dissent 
from the said platform of church discipline ; and thence 
suppose they cannot be holden, no'T obliged to abide the 
determination, of any associations so appointed, according" 
to the rules of the platform of church discipline, establish- 
ed as aforesaid : 

" Whereupon this assembly consider that it is not rea- 
sonable for diis assembly to oblige, nor direct the several 
associations throughout this colony, to send their delegates 
lo hear the said society and dissenting party at Guilford, 
as the reverend elders, in their memotial, have proposed. 
" Yet, nevertheless, if the dissenting party of the church 
of Guilford, (so called,) shall, themselves, move to the el- 
ders of the several associations in this government, to send 
their delegates^ to consider of the difficulties that have 
arisen in said society, and to give advice to said society 
, on the premises, at the proper charge of the dissenting; 
party; that then the assembly do advise, that the several 
associations appoint and send their delegates to Guilford, 
giving suitable notice to all parties concerned, of the time 
of meeting; and, being met, that they use all proper meas- 
ures and endeavours to bring each party to a sense of any 
errors they find them to have been in ; and endeavour to 
moderate their tempers, and bring said society into chris- 
tian love, peace and unity ; and if that desirable end can- 
not by them be attained, said associations are directed to 
signify to the General Assembly, to be holden at Hartford, 
in May next, what they shall think proper and best to be 
done, for the good and peace of the several parts of the 
said society, and the support and honour of religion 
amongst them." 

The minor part of the society made application to the 
several associations to send their delegates, agreeably to 
the act of the General Assembly. They convened at Guil- 
ford, November 23d, 1731. 
file "-ene- There were present the Rev. Messrs. Stephen Mix- 
ral associ- Samuel Woodbridge, Jacob Hemingway, Jared Elliot, 
atioa meet Ehenezer Williams, William Russell, Benjamin Colton, 
ford "nov William Worthington, and Solomon Williams. 
2iicl.' The venerable Mr. Stephen Mix, of Weathersfield, was 

chosen moderator ; Mr. Ebenezer Williams and Mr. Wil- 
liam Russell, were chosen scribes. The committees of 
both the parties appeared before the council, and were 
fully heard. The people who had separated from Mr- 
Ruggles and their brethren, pleaded that Mr, Rugglcs was 


not, in their view, an orthodox, experimental, profitable Book II. 
preacher, and that they could not be benefitted by his *.-<-v'^ik* 
preaching; and had opposed his settlement from the be- 1731. 
ginning : that their brethren, sensible that their opposi- 
tion to Mr. Ruggles would make matter of difficulty at his 
ordination, voted that they might go off, and be a society 
by themselves : that they considered it as an agreement 
between them, and so separated themselves, and made no 
opposition to the ordination of Mr. Ruggles ; and they 
could not consider him as their pastor, rightfully ordained 
over them, more than over any other society who had ne- 
ver chosen him. They insisted that they had been guilty 
of no immoral conduct, for which they ought to be suspend- 
ed from the communion of their brethren, or from the or- 
thodox and regular churches in New-England : that pro- 
vision was made by the laws of the nation, and statutes of 
the colony, for persons soberly dissenting from their breth- 
ren, as to the mode of worship. Such they pleaded that 
lliey were, and that they had taken the benefit of the laws, 
and could not conceive that they had done any thing wrong 
or sinful therein^ They stated, that they held to the same 
confession of faith with their brethren, and with the 
churches of New-England, from the very beginning : that 
they adopted the same mode of discipline, which was first 
agreed upon by the fathers of the New-England churches, 
and under which a great majority of them had continued , 
unto the present time. They urged, therefore, that th|;re 
was no just ground for their suspension, and the cruel 
treatment they had received. They maintained, that the 
proceedings of Mr. Ruggles and their brethren, with re- 
spect to them, was a groundless usurpation, and a lording 
it over God's heritage. They urged, that if their separa- 
tion Was schismatical and sinful, and deserved excommuni- 
cation, that then our fathers deserved excommunication ; 
the first church in Boston, and the second in Hartford, 
were guilty of schism, and worthy of excommunication : 
That if it was sinful in them to take benefit of the act 
of parliament, the law of the nation and of the colony, then 
obedience to the law was sinful, and that all who took the 
benefit of it were guilty of sin. They pleaded, that they 
were a legal society, and that the council who had con- 
demned them, not only had no right to judge in their case, 
but numbers of them were prejudiced men, and had pre- 
judged the case. They complained of their brethren, as 
insincere, and as treating tL' m with deceit and cruelty. 
They said, they imagined they were honest and sincere in 
voting them offl if the General Assomblv would grant them 


Book II. the privilege ; which they allcdge it vrould have freely and 
««^-v^Ni^ immediately done, had they not by all means in their power 
1731. opposed it. They not only pleaded that they were a legal 
society ; but that they had employed a regular preacher, 
who had been examined and approved by the association 
of the county of New-Haven, as a person qualified to 
preach the gospel, and whom they esteemed to be an or- 
thodox, experimental preacher of the gospel, and a man 
who was exemplary in his life and conversation. They 
therefore pleaded, that there was no just occasion for sus- 
pending them from the communion of the saints, or any 
gospel privileges, more than for any otiier churches, orchris- 
tians in New-England, who held to the i^ame doctrines and 
mode of discipline with themselves. They further plead- 
ed, that the major part of the church and society were the 
faulty cause of the separation, as ihey did not follow the 
advice of the association, and allow them to hear another 
man, when tlrey were not united in Mr. Ruggles, and had 
fofted upon them a man whom they could not hear. These, 
in general, were the things pleaded before the several 
councils, and gentlemen who were sent to Irear and reconr 
cile the parties, in vindication of those who had separated 
from the first church and society. 

The first church and society represented, that they had 
regularly called and settled Mr. Ruggles, according to the 
law and ecclesiastical constitution of the colony ; that he 
was, in their opinion, and" in the opinion of his ordaining 
toiAicil, an orthodox, worthy minister, of unblamable 
conduct, and that their brethren had no just ground of 

The association, upon hearing the parties, were divided 

in their opinion, and came to the following result : 

Iiosnit of " This association, finding it difficult to come to an uni- 

fhe general" ted Fcsolve, and that their time is too strait for answer- 

associa-^ " ing the end of their delegation, have adjourned, and,, by 

23d. * " these presents, do adjourn themselves, or it, to Hartford. 

" on the Tuesday in the week of the election next ensu- 

" ing," &c. 

Whether this council met again, according to their ad- 
journment, or what their final result was, does not appear 
from any thing left on file. The separate party continued 
their petitions to be made a distinct society, representing 
their distressed condition, as they were so opposed every 
way by their brethren, that they could not have the minis- 
ter whom they had unanimc . sly chosen, and who was in 
their opinion ordained over them, nor have a church gath- 
ered Cimong them for that purpose ; and were deprived of 


the liberty of conscience, and of the ordinances of the gos- Book II. 
pel, and means of salvation. They prayed the assembly, ^-^-n^-^.j' 
That they might be declared to be a lawful ecclesiastical 1732. 
society, according to the act of parliament, and their own 
statutes, for the relief of sober consciences ', and their min- 
ister, Mr. Edmund Ward, to be a lawful ecclesiastical 
teacher ; and that it might be lawful for such ministers as 
were willing to assist in uniting them in church estate, and 
in ordaining their pastor elect, so to do, and not be judged dis- 
orderly, or subject to any punishment on that account ; or if 
the honourable assembly should not grant these privileges, 
that they would, in their great wisdom, devise some way, in 
which they might enjoy the ordinances of the gospel with 
christians in general. 

As the general association were not agreed in their opin- Mayjl73.^. 
ion with respect to the diiliculties at Guilford, and had done 
nothing effectual towards composing the parties, the assem- 
bly appointed a committee of their own, to repair to Guil' 
ford, hear them, and make their report. This committee 
reported in favour of uniting the parties, and recommend- 
ed the appointment of a large and respectable council for 
that purpose. The General Assembly, instead of granting 
the petitions of the aggrieved brethren, appointed the Rev. 
Messrs. Seth Shove, Anthony Stoddard, Jonathan Marsh, 
William Russell, Benjamin Lord, George Gris wold, Elea- 
zer Williams, and Thomas Clapp, with their delegates, to 
meet at Guilford, and finally determine the case of forty-six 
persons in said Guilford, which had before been laid before 
a council there, March 10th, 1731, which gave sentence 
against them. It was at the same time resolved, that the 
minor party should bear the expense of the council ; and 
that the minor party should not be taxed the current year, 
for the settlement or support of the Rev. Mr. Ruggles. It 
was enacted also, that all taxes which had been laid, and 
all arrearages, should be paid up. 

But a small number of the gentlemen appointed to meet 
>n council at Guilford, convened on the business for which 
Xhey had been appointed. It seems that the clergy were 
not united in their opinions. It was an exU^aordinary case, 
for one half of a church to be excommunicated by the pas..- 
torandthe other part of the church, when they had been 
guilty of no immorality or scandal, but separating from 
dieir brethren, according to the rights of men of sober con* 
sciences, warranted by act of parliament, and by the stat- 
utes of the colony, in that case provided. The council 
was not chosen by the consent of the parties, nor agreeable 
to the religious constitution of the state j but was imposed 

132 HISTORY OF ' Chap. Vllf 

Book II. by act of assembly. To suspend sucli a number of profes- 
v-^'"v^v^ sing christians fropi th€ communion of the saints, in these 
1 732. circumstances, when they held communion with the church^ 
es of Massachusetts, and the majority of the churches in 
Kew-E'igland, who had adopted the same mode of worship 
with themselves, was a difficult, and, apparendy, an incon- 
sistent matter, and, in the opinion of many, a gross viola- 
tion of the rights of conscience. On the other hand, to 
give judgment against their brethren of the council, who 
had condemned them, and ordered their suspension from 
communion, must have been disagreeable. A great part of 
the gentlemen, therefore, it seems declined doing any thing 
in the affair. At the time appointed for the meeting of this 
Nov. 21st council, Nov. 21st, 1732, four elders, with their delegates, 
1732- ' only convened. These were the Rev. Mr. Shove, Mr. 
Stoddard, Mr. Russell, and Mr. Griswold. 

Mr. Anthony Stoddard was chosen moderator, and Mr. 
William Russell scribe. After devout supplications to the 
QoD of all wisdom and grace, both the persons who were 
suspended from communion, so many of them as were yet 
living, and the Rev. Mr. Ruggles and his church, appeared 
before the council. The members suspended from the 
communion of the church, were asked whether they could 
now comply with the determination of the council met at 
Guilford, March 10th, 1732, and make the reflections the 
said council thought proper for them '? They unanimously 
declared they could not ; and they put in various papers, 
and pleaded many things in their own defence, to show, 
their innocency, and that they were unjustly and cruelly 
treated. Their pleas were the same, in substance, as 
those made before the general association. Mr. Ruggles 
and his church, were then desired to show the reasons of 
their suspending those brethren from their communion. 
But they denied the jurisdiction of the council, and refused 
to show the reasons of their proceedings, or to submit to 
their determination relating to their affairs. The council. 
Result of nevertheless, came to the following result : — "The council 
^ouncil, ^yg^g jj^j(j under a disadvantage, as to discovering the rea- 
' * Y sons and groimds upon which the church and council judg- 
ed the withdrawing of the said members sinful, and the 
means they used to continue and strengthen themselves in 
said separation justly offensive and sinful ; upon what re- 
presentation has been made to us, by the minor part, (in 
presence of Mr. Ruggles and the church,) of their with- 
drawing from the worship and communion of the church in. 
this place, and the methods they had used to continue them- 
selves therein, and v/hcit they offered to cl^ar themselves 


from scandal in their so doing, we cannot judge, all cir- Book II. 
cumstances considered, that their withdrawing from the v«_^-n/->»j^ 
worship and communion of the church, and continuance 1732^. 
therein, was so gross and criminal, as to deserve their ex- 
clusion from the church of Christ : Yet we think that they 
had not justifying reasons for so doing, but were fanlty and 
disorderly, and failed of a due compliance widi that direc- 
tion of the apostle, Hebrews x. 24, 25, Let us consider 
one another to provol^e unto love and good works, not for- 
saking the assembling of yourselves together, as the man- 
ner of some is ; and of suitable endeavours to keep the 
unity of the spirit in the bond of peace : which we think it 
becomes them, as they would shew themselves persons 
studying peace, candidly to confess, according to '4 draft 
drawn for them by this council ; which we hope the Rev. 
Mr. Ruggles and the church, in conformity to those gospel 
directions. Col. iii. 12, 13, — Put on, therefore, as the elect 
of God, holy and beloved, bowels of mercies, kindness, 
humbleness of mind, meekness, long suffering, forbearing 
one another, and forgiving one another : if any man have a. 
quarrel against any, even as Christ hath forgiven you, so 
do ye : will accept, upon its being signed by those that live 
under the censure, and being brought to him by them, iu 
order to its being publicly read in the congregation."* 

This result laid a foundation for the restoration of the 
suspended members to the communion of the church, 
but it did not unite the parties. Proposals were made 
for calling and settling another minister with Mr. Rug- 
gles, whom the minor party should choose, to preach 
half the time ; but they cpuld not be persuaded to unite 
in this, or any method which could be proposed. 

The General Assembly, afterwards, sent two commit- 
tees of civilians to hear the parties, consider the state of 
the town, and report to the assembly. The last of which 
reported in favour of granting the petition of the minor 
part, or fourth society. They were of the opinion, that iviay,1733. 
it would be for the peace of the town and the interest of 
religion. The assembly accepted the report, and made 
the people who had separated, a distinct ecclesiastical 
society, by the name of the fourth society in Guilford, 
with the same boundaries as those of the first parish. 

Thus, after a contention of between four and five years, 
great irritations and alienations between brethren and 
neighbours, and a great expense of time and money be- 

* The minor party accepted the doings of the council, signed the con- 
fession which was drafted for them, and gave i.t to Mr. Rujdes, that it 
oiisrht be read. 



Chap. VIIL 

Book II. fore courts, general assemblies, and councils, a final sepa- 
«-*•->/— «w ration was made in the church and town. 

1 733. This affords a s£>lemn caution to churches and societies, 
Observa- and to ordaining councils, against settling ministers where 
lions. there are large and respectable numbers in opposition, 
and forcing ministers upon them, by majorities. In ordi- 
nary cases, it is wholly unnecessary. Let proper conde- 
scension be used, and time given, churches and societies 
will unite and come to an harmonious settlement. If one 
person does not unite them, another may. The conse- 
quences of divisions, by the settlement of ministers against 
a large opposition, are exceedingly pernicious ; it excites 
all manner of evil affections, destroys good neighbourhood, 
and, in a great measure, prevents the usefulness of the pas- 
tor, and the edification of both parties. It tends to confu- 
sion and every evil work. It is of great importance, that 
a minister should be a good preacher : this is his main and 
principal work, and the w^antofthis, very much disqualifies 
Jiim for the ofiice. Mr. Ruggles was a scholar and a wise 
man ; his morals were not impeachable ; but he was a dull, 
unanimating preacher ; had a great talent at hiding his real 
■sentiments, never coming fully out, either as to doctrinal 
or experimental religion. These were, doubtless, the 
grounds of the separation. The same things were the 
principal grounds of the separations which aftprward,? 
look place in the county of New-Haveji. 


Geperal state of the churches in Connecticut and J^'ew-Eng- 
land. Revivals of religion in some fezo places^ before 
the great and general revival in 1737, and 1738, and es- 
])eciall\j in 1 740, and 1 741 . Some of the principal instru- 
ments of it. Great opposition to it by magistrates and 
ministers. Laws enacted against it. Principal opposers 
of the tvorkof Gob at that time. Disorders attending it. 
Separations from the churches soon after. Spirit and 
character of those xoho separated from the ministers and 
churches at that time. Happy effects of the roork in gene- 

Character A S the first settlers of Connecticut and New-England, 

"[ ^'T ^s^^* ""^^ \vere a collection of people who left their country and 

and" ^^^ pleasant seats in Europe, and followed the Lord into this 

churches, then American wilderuess, a land not sowji, for the .?ak<^> 


of religion, they formed churches, strict in doctrine, in dis- Book IL 
cipline and in practice. Great pains were taken by them v^^r^.,--^^ 
to govern and educate their children religiously, that they 
might indeed be a generation for the Lord. They were 
sound in the faith, eminent for experimental religion, and 
of lives of strict and universal morality. A gentleman of 
eminent chai'acter, witnessed, that in seven years, which 
he had lived in New-England, he had never heard a pro- 
fane oath, or seen a person drunk.* But as the good peo- 
ple who planted the country died, and the new generation 
came on, there was a sensible decline, as 16 the life and 
power of godliness. The generation which succeeded, 
were not in general so eminent and distinguished in their 
zeal, and strictness of morals, as their fathers. The third DeeleK- 
and fourth generations became still more generally inat- sion in 
tentive to their spiritual concerns, and manifested a great- religion, 
or declension from the purity and zeal of their ancestors. 
Though the preaching of the gospel was not altogether 
without success, and though there was tolerable peace and 
order in the churches ; yet there was too generally a great 
decay, as to the life and power of godliness. There was 
a general ease and security in sin. Abundant were the 
lamentations of pious ministers and good people, poured 
out before God, on this account. Many days of fasting 
and prayer were kept by the churches, to seek the special 
itifluences of the holy Spirit, in the awakening and sancti- 
lication of the people. But it did not please the Supreme 
Ruler, at that time, to give any special answer to their 
prayers. No general revival of religion was for many 
years experienced. Some few places were, nevertheless, 
visited in a very happy and extraordinary manner. 

In Northampton, in particular, there were repeated re- Revivrap 
vivals, under the ministry of the ReV. Mr. Stoddard. The ?^ ^J^^^j^^ 
first was about the year 1679 ; a second was in 1683. ^^mpton. 
Another was about the year 1686; a fourth in 1712. In 
1718, he had the happy experience of the fifth. These he 
termed his harvests. He was eminent and renowned, 
]x)th for his gifts and graces, and his ministry Avas, from 
the beginning, blessed with uncommon success. The re- 
vivals, were, some of them, much more remarkable than 
others ; but in each of them, and especially in those in 
1683, in 1696, and in 1712, the greatest part of the young, 
people in the town, appeared chiefly concerned for their 

In the year 1721, there was a very general and remark- 

* Prince's Christian History. 
i Mr, Edvv^ards' Narrative, p 3, and Priace's Christian History. 

Uii HISTORY or CiiAr-. VIH. 

Cook II. aLIe i onccrn awl encjiiiry among llin people, in the town 
v-x'^'^^w' of Windliam, what they should do to be saved. The town 
Revival had been incorporated about twenty-nine years. The 
m the churrh had been formed about tivcnty-one.* The pastor 
Wifid- ^'^"'^^ ^^^^ Rev. Samuel Whiting. He was trained up for 
Itam, the ministry, principally under the instructions of the fa- 

^^-'- mous Mr. Fitch, of Norwich. He was eminent for gifts 
and grace : a clear and powerful preacher of the doc- 
trines of the i-eformation-. His preaching at this time, was 
attended with such sutcess, by the powerful iniluences of 
the divine Spirit, that in the short term of six months. 
eighty persons were admitted to full communion in the 
-church. This was a great ingathering unto Christ indeed, 
as the inhabitants could not be numerous. It was proba- 
bly nearly as much as one person to every family. This 
could be imputed to no extraordinary external cause, but 
to the secret operation of the spirit of God upon their 
hearts.! The town was full of love, joy, thanksgiving and 
praise. A day of thanksgiving w^as appointed, to give 
thanks and praise unto him, who had done such great 
things for them.| In this happy revival, persons of all 
ages, and some of whom there could have been little ex- 
pectation, came together weeping, to seek the Lord their 
God, and to join themselves to him, in an everlasting 
covenant, never to be forgotten. 

But while this place was so remarkably wet with the 
dcAV of heaven, the ground was dry all round it. Minis- 
ters and good people were mourning the spiritual drought 
which was upon them^ that iniquity abounded, and that 
religion was sadly decaying throughout the land. After 
the great earthquake, the night after the Lord's day, Oct. 
Fffects of 29th, 1727, when the Almighty arose, and so terribly 
the great shook the earth through this great continent, it is true that 
earth- many were greatly alarmed, and that there was a greater 
o" t 29th i'6-^i"t ^^ ministers and to the house of God than before. 
1727. *and greater numbers were added to the churches, yet in 
too many instances, it appeared to be rather the conse- 
fjuence of fear, than of genuine conviction, and a thor- 
ough change of heart. Ministers, in some places, took 
great pains to show the people the difference of being driv- 
en to the performance of duty, merely from fear, and the 
doing of it from love to God, his word and ordinances ; 

* The town was incorporated in 1692. The church was sjathered Dec, 
10th, 1700. 

t President Clap's letter to the Rev. Mr. Prince, March 29th, 1729. 
, :j: See tlio Sermon, on the occasion, a few years since reprinted. Hi« 
t^xt was, '• For now we live, if ye stand fast in the Lord." I. Thess?. 
Jii. 8. 


and a thirsting for righteousness, for its own sake. But Book IL 
though it was to be hoped that some were savingly wrought v.^»^v-^i^ 
upon, yet the serious impressions which seemed at first to 1734. 
he made, were too generally soon lost, and the goodness 
of many appeared like the morning cloud and early dew, 
which goeth away. God visited the country with other 
awful providences, such as sore sickness and great mortal- 
ity, in some places, but no general reformation was effect- 

About the year 1734, that dreadfijl disease caJlcd the ^^^.^j ^^.^^ 
throat distemper broke out and spread in the country, vidences 
among children and youth. It was attended with a sud- disregard- 
den and extraordinary mortality. In some towns almost ^^' ^\ 
all the children were swept away. In some instances, part more 
large families consisting of eight and nine children were and more 
made entirely desolate. The parents, in a short time, at- ^^'^"^ ^^°^' 
tended them all to the grave, and had neither son, nor 
daughter left. The country was filled with mourners, and 
bitter affliction. But the people in general continued se- 
cure. The forms of religion were kept up, but there ap- 
peared but little of the power of it. Both the wise and 
foolish virgins seemed to slumber. Professors appeared 
too generally to become worldly and lukewarm. The 
young people became loose and vicious, family prayer and 
religion was greatly neglected, the sabbath was lamenta- 
bly profaned : the intermissions were spent in worldly 
conversation. The young people made the evenings after 
the Lord's day, and after lectures, the times for their mirth 
and company keeping. Taverns were haunted, intetnper- 
ance apd other vices increased, and the spirit of God ap- 
peared to be awfully withdrawn.* It seems also to ap- 
pear that many of the clergy, instead of clearly and pow- 
-erfully preaching the doctrines of original sin, of regenera- 
tion, justification by faith alone, and the other peculiar 
doctrines of the gospel, contented themselves with preach- 
ing a cold, unprincipled and lifeless morality : fpr when 
these great doctrines were perspicuously, and powerfully 
preached, and distinctions were made between the moral- 
ity of Chi'istians, originating in evangelical principles, 
faith and love, and the morality of heathens, they were 
oifended, and became violent opposers. 

In this state of general declension and security it pleas- The great 
ed God, in sovereign mercy, to begin aa extraordinary 'e^'yal at 
work of conviction and conversion, such as had never been I^„'f' *^" 
experienced in New-England before. It began in several 
places in Massachusetts and Connecticut, as early as the 
* Tlie Rev. Mr. Edwards' Narrative, and Prince's Christiaii History, ' 


Book II. years 1735, and 1736, but became more extraordinary, 
'^••-v^w' and much more general in 1740, and 1741. It first began 
Revival in in the most remarkable manner in the town of Northamp- 
North- tQ^^ i^ Massachusetts, under the ministry of the Rev. Jon- 
Hampton, j^ijj^j^ Edwards, afterwards president of the college in 
New Jersey. 

After giving an account of the commencement of the 
work, and the change made in a particular young woman^ 
and the effects of it on the young people, he says, "Pres- 
ently, upon this,- a great and earnest concern about the 
things of religion and the eternal world, became universal 
in all parts of the town, and among persons of all degrees 
and ages : The noise among the dry bones waxed louder 
and louder : All other talk but about spiritual and eternal 
fhings was thrown by ; all the conversation in all compa- 
nies, and upon all occasions, was upon these things only, 
unless so much as was necessary for people to carry on 
their ordinary secular business. Other discourse than of 
the things of religion would scarcely be tolerated in any 
company. The minds of people were wonderfully taken 
off from the world ; it was treated among us as a thing of 
very little consequence. They seemed to follow their 
worldly business more as a part of their duty, than front 
any disposition they had to it. The temptation now seem- 
ed to lie on this hand ; to neglect worldly affairs too much, 
and to spend too much time in the immediate exercises of 
religion. But although people did not ordinarily neglect 
their worldly business, yet there then was the reverse of 
what commonly is ; religion was with all the great concern, 
and the world was a thing only by the by. The onjy 
thing in their view was to get the kingdom of heaven, and 
every one appeared pressing into it. The eagerness of 
their hearts in this great concern could not be hid ; it ap- 
peared in their very countenances. It then was a dread- 
ful thing amongst us to live out of Christ, in danger every 
day of dropping into hell : and what peoples' minds were 
intent upon was to escape for their lives, and to fly from 
the wrath to come. All would eagerly lay hold of oppor- 
tunities for their souls ; and were wont often to meet to- 
gether in private houses for religious purposes : and such 
meetings when appointed were wont greatly to be throng- 

" There was scarcely a single person in the town, either 
old or young, that was left unconcerned about the great 
things of the eternal world. Those that were wont to be 
the vainest and loosest, and those that had been most dis- 
posed to think and speak slightly of vital and experimentaj 


religion, were now generally subject to great awakenings. Book II-, 
And the work of conversion was carried on in a most as- v^^t-v-n,^ 
tonishing manner, and increased more and more; souls 1735, 
did, as it were, come by flocks to Jesus Christ. From 
day to day, for many months together, might be seen evi-i 
dent instances of sinners brought out of darkness into mar- 
vellous light, and delivered out of the horrible pit, and 
from the miry clay, and set upon a rock, with a new song 
of praise to God in their mouths." 

" This work. of God, as it was carried on, and the num- 
ber of true saints multiplied, soon made a glorious altera- 
tion in the town ; so that in the spring and summer fol- 
lowing, Anno. 1 735, the town seemed to be full of the pre- 
sence of God. It never was so full of love and joy, and 
yet so full of distress, as it was then. There were re- 
markable tokens of God's presence in almost every house. 
It was a time of joy in families, on the account of salvation 
being brought unto them : parents rejoicing over their 
children new born, and husbands over their wives, and 
wives over their husbands. The goings of God were tjien. 
seen in his sanctuary ; God's day was a delight, and his 
tabernacles were amiable. Our public assemblies were 
then beautiful ; the congregation was alive in God's ser- 
vice, every one earnestly intent on the public worship, ev^ 
ery hearer eager to drink in the words of the minister as 
they came from his mouth ; the assembly were, from time 
to time, genei:ally in tears while the word was preached ; 
some Aveeping with sorrow and distress ; others with joy 
and love -, others with pity and concern for the souls of 
their neighbours. 

" Our public praises were then greatly enlivened z 
They were sung with unusual elevation of heart and voice, 
which made the duty pleasant indeed. 

" In all companies, on whatever occasions persons met 
together, Christ was to be heard of and seen in the midst 
of them. Our young people, when they met, were wont to 
spend the time in talking of the excellency and dying love 
of Christ, the gloriousness of the way of salvation, the 
wonderful, free and sovereign grace of God in his glorioas 
work, in the conversion of a soul, the tnith and certainty of 
the great things of God's word, the sweetness of the views 
of his perfections, &c. And even at weddings, which for- 
merly were merely occasions of mirth and jollity, there waf 
now no discourse of any thing but religion, and no ap- 
pearance of any thing but spiritual joy."- 

Those who had before been born of God, experienced 
the fresh anointings of the Spirit, and revived like the 


Cook IL spring and grew like the vine. Many who had laboured 
\-^*'^'^'''^*^ under great difficulties with respect to their sj^iritual state, 
1735. obtained satisfying evidence of the love of God to their 

There appeared such an extraordinary change in the 
towti, that strangers were surprised to see it ; and it had se- 
vious and happy effects on many who occasionally visit- 
ed it.* 
:$evivatsiu 'l^is happy revival of God's work was not confined to 
the iiRigh- Northampton, but soon appeared Avith much the same pow- 
bounn^ qy([_i\ and salutary effects, in about twelve'other towns in 
(lircounty ^^^® county of Hampshire, particularly in South-Hadley^ 
of Hamii- Suffield, Sunderland, Deerfield, Hatfield, West-Springfield, 
siiirc. Long-McadoAV, in Enfield, and Westfield, in Northfield, and 
in one or two other places. In some of these it was no 
less powerfijl and extraordinary than it had been in North- 
am})ton. The great and general concern in those towns 
was for the salvation of their souls. True Christians were 
remarkably quickened and renewed more and more after 
fhe image of God ; and an uncommon spirit of grace and 
supplication Avaspom^ed upon them. They acted in char- 
acteji*, shining a& lights in the world. Sinners flocked unta 
CiiKisT, as clouds, and as doves unto their windows. Ac- 
cording to the observations of some ancient ministers,more 
was done in one week than, according to the ordinary 
course of providence, had been done in seven years. 

The same work was more extensive in Connecticut than 
in Massachusetts. In fourteen or fifteen towns or more, in 
•several parts of the colony, it was powerful and general, in 
1735, and in 1736. 

The first parish in Windsor, under the pastoral care of 
the Rev. Jonathan Marsh, experienced the same mercy 
about the same time that the work commenced and was car- 
ried on at Northampton, although at the time of its coni- 
luencement, the towns had no knowledge of each other's 
circumstances. Here, as in the other towns, there was a 
very general concern, and a great ingathering of souls unto 
Christ. At the same time East-Windsor, a parish under 
the ministry of the Rev. Timothy Edwards, experienced a 
very happy revival. Mr. Edwards had before seen sever- 
al awakenings among his people, during his long ministry.. 
No minister in the colony had been favoured with greater 
success than he, and now, in the forty-first year of his min- 
istiy, his spirit was greatly refreshed by an extraordinary- 
ingathering of souls unto Christ, not only from among his 
own people, but 'from many other congregations in Con- 
necticut, and in other colonies. 
* The Rgv, Mr. Edwards' Narrative gf the work. 


There was at the same time a very wonderful work of Book IT. 
God, begun and carried on at Coventry, under the minis- v^r^-v-s*^ 
try of the Rev. Mr. Meacham. There was a surprising 1735. 
change made, not only on the people in general, but upon 
^uch as had been most rude and vicious. The work also, 
was very great at Lebanon-Crank, a parish under the min- 
istry of the Rev. Mr. Wheelock, a pious young gentleman^ 
who had been then very lately ordained in that place. 
At Durham, under the ministry of the Rev. Mr. Chaun- 
cey, there was the like work, and a great accession made - 
to the church. The town of Mansfield, under the minis- 
try of the Rev. Eleazar Williams ; of Tolland, under that 
of the Rev. Mr. Steel ; Bolton, under the charge of the 
Rev. Mr. White ; and Hebron, under the ministry of the 
Rev. Mr. Pomroy, a young minister, ordained about the 
same time with Mr. Wheelock ; and the north parish in. 
Preston, were all visited with an uncommon effusion of the 
holy spirit. At Norwich, under the ministry of the Rev. 
Mr. Lord ; and atGroton, there was the same divine work 
carried on, with great power. Mr. Lord, and Mr. John 
Owen, minister at Groton, in the spring of 1 735, visited 
Northampton, having heard the report of the extraordina- 
ry work there, that they might see, and hear, and form a 
judgment of the 'work for themselves. They conversed 
with Mr. Edwards, and with many of the people, to their 
great satisfaction. They declared that the work exceeded 
all which had been told, or that could be told. On their 
return, they reported what they had heard and seen, to 
their own people, on whom it had a great effect. It ap- 
peared to be a means of beginning a similar work at Nor- 
wich, which in a short time became general. 

The western as well as the eastern parts of the colony, 
were refreshed by the divine shower. In New-Haven, 
there was an unusual concern for the salvation of the soul ; 
a flocking in to the church. Some in the principal fami- 
lies in the town, became the subjects of it. Stratford so- 
ciety, under the ministry of the Rev. Mr. Gould ; Ripton, 
under the pastoral care of Mr. Mills ; and Newtown, and 
Woodbury, had a refreshing visitation. Part of the town 
of Guilford, was also visited in the same gracious man- 

Indeed, this rain of righteousness, these dews of heav- 
en, were still more extensive. They descended in no 
small degree on vaj-ious places in New-Jersey. 

This work was very extraordinary, on many accounts ; 
it was much beyond what had been the common course of 
proviclence. It w^^ i^«re uniYersal tjlaan had before bpe;i 


Book II. known. It extended to all sorts and characters of people, 
v-^'-v^si^ sober and vicious, high and low, rich and poor, wise and 
1736. unwise. To all appearance, it was no less powerful in 
families and persons of distinction, in the places with 
which it was visited, than others. In former works of this 
nature, young people had generally been wrought upon, 
while elderly people and children had been little affected, 
if moved at all. But at this time, old men were affected, 
as well as others. Even children appeared to be the sub- 
jects of saving mercy, and in some places formed them- 
selves into religious societies. Out of the mouths of 
babes and sucklings, the Lord perfected praise. It 
was extraordinary as to the numbers who appeared, to a 
judgment of charity, to be regenerated and brought home 
lo Christ. It was uncommon in that, persons more than 
fifty, sixty and seventy years of age, in considerable num- ' 
bers, appeared to be savingly wrought upon, and after 
long courses of sin and opposition to their Saviour, to be- 
come his humble and faithful followers. 

The work was no less extraordinary as to the power 
and quickness of it. Convictions were powerful, and ter- 
rible, at once bowing down sinners to the very dust, strip- 
ping them of every self justifying plea, and showing them 
that they were wholly at the dis{)osal of a sovereign God, 
against whom they had always been unreasonably and in- 
excusably sinning: they saw that there was no help for 
them, but through the mere sovereign mercy of God in 
Christ. According to the best judgment which could be 
formed, it was the opinion, that, in some towns and par- 
ishes, fifteen, twenty, and even thirty persons, were in one 
week, brought out of darkness into marvellous light. As 
their convictions were powerful, and their distress, in some 
instances, almost intolerable; so their light and joy, on a 
change of heart, were unusually great. They appeared to 
rejoice with joy unspeakable and full of glory. So gene- 
ral was the religious concern where this work prevailed, 
that a loose careless person could scarcely find a compan- 
ion in the whole neighborhood. If any person appeared 
to remain unconcerned, it was considered and spoken of 
as a strange thing. 

The work at this time, though extraordinary where it 
prevailed, was comparatively but in a few places ; the 
great body of the people through the colony, and the 
country, remained secure as before ; and sin and inatten- 
tion to the great concerns of eternity, seemed rather to be 
increasing among the people in general, for about four or 
five years from this time, until the commencement of the 


great revival, as it has been called, in the years 1 740 and Book II. 
1741. Though the effects of the work were happy, and ^,^'>/'>*ii^ 
great and abiding reformations were made in those places, 
which had been visited so remarkably, in the preceding- 
years, yet it had no apparently good and general effect on 
other pjarts of the country. Family prayer and#eligion 
were much neglected. Lectures previous to the sacra- 
ment of the Lord's supper, and on other occasions, were 
very thinly attended. On the Lord's day, there was not 
that general and serious attention which had been in former 
times. Too great formality and coldness appeared to at- 
tend the public worship in general. The extraordinary 
concern which had been in a number of towns and parish- 
es, in 1735 and 1736, was a subject of very serious con- 
sideration, and excited the prayers and hopes of pious 
people, that there might be a general revival of religion 
through the land. Some sinners were thought to become 
more serious and thoughtful in consequence of it. Mr. 
J^dwards, at the desire of Dr. Watts, and Dr. Guyse of 
London, and Dr. Coleman of Boston, had written and pub- 
lished a narrative of the said work, in 1738 ; attested by 
a number of the neighbouring ministers who were eye wit- 
nesses to it. In the mean time, religion appeared on the 
decline : But few persons offered themselves to the com- 
munion of the churches. It was also observed, that those 
who did offer themselves, gave no account of any previ- 
ous convictions, which they had obtained of their great 
sin and misery, by nature and practice. It does not ap- 
pear that ministers in general, at that time, made any par- ^ 
ticular enquiry of those whom they admitted to communion, 
with respect to their internal feelings and exercises. The 
Stoddardean opinion generally prevailed, at that period, 
that unregenerate men could consistently covenant with 
God, and when moral in their lives, had a right to sealing 
ordinances. . 

In 1740, there began a very great and general concern The great 
among the people, for the salvation of their souls. The awaken- 
awakening was more general and extraordinary, than any ^^^(.^jcut 
ever before known. It extended to old and young, to and New- 
gray-headed sinners, who had long accustomed themselves England, 
to sin, and grown old in their iniquities ; and even to little 
children. The sinners in Zion were afraid, and fearful- 
ness surprised the hypocrites. The children of God re- 
ceived the fresh anointings of the Spirit, and the spices of 
their garden flowed out. The bride, in happy union with 
the spirit, said, Come. This awakening reached the large 
towns and cities, where iniquities and dissolute practices^ 



Chap. VIH. 

Great de- 
sire and 
zeal to 
hear the 

i'rojfi sin. 

of all kinds, did generally most abound, as well as the 
country towns and villages. The most thoughtless, secure 
and hardened sinners, were awakened and made to cry 
for mercy. Negroes and Indians, on Avhom before no im- 
pression could be made, were heard with others, making 
the grejffenquiry. Young people, among whom the work 
was most general, forsook their merry meetings and youth- 
ful diversions, became earnest to hear the Avord, met in 
conferences, read good books, prayed, and sang praises to 
God. People, in a wonderful manner, flocked together to 
places of public Avorship, not only on the Lord's day, but 
on lecture days, so that the places of Avorship could not 
contain them. They Avould not only fill the houses, but 
croAvd round the doors and Avindows Avithout, and press to- 
gether Avherever they could hear the preacher. They 
would not only thus assemble in their oAvn towns and pa- 
rishes, when thp Avord Avas preached, but if they had the 
knowledge of lectures in the neighbouring toAvns and pa- 
rishes, they would attend them. Sometimes they Avould 
folloAv the preacher from toAAu to tOAvn, and from one place 
to another, for several days together. In soiiie instances, 
in places but thinly settled, there Avould be such a con- 
course, that no house could hold them. 

There was in the minds of people, a general fear of sin, 
and of the Avrath of God denounced against it. There 
seemed to be a general conviction, that all the Avays of 
man Avere before the eyes of the Lord. It Avas the opin- 
ion of men of discernment and sound judgment, who had 
the best opportunities of knowing the feelings and general 
state of the people, at that period, that bags of gold and 
silver, and other precious things, might, Avith safety, have 
been laid in the streets, and that no man Avould have con- 
verted them to his own use. Theft, Avantonness, intem- 
perance, profaneness, sabbath-breaking, and other gross 
sins, appeared to be put aAvay. The intermissions on the 
Lord's day, instead of being spent in Avorldly conversa- 
tion and vanity, as had been too usual before, were noAv 
spent in religious conversation, in reading and singing the 
praises of God. At lectures there was not only great at- 
tention and seriousness, in the house of God, but the con- 
versation out of it was generally on the great concerns of 
the soul. 

As the people Avere eager to hear the word, the feet of 
those Avho published salvation Avere beautiful ; they were 
greatly animated, filled with zeal, and, laboured abundant- 
ly. Especially was this the case Avith those ministers who 
fevoured the work. They not only preached abundantJj/ 



to their own people, and invited others to preach to them, Book II. 
but they rode from town to town, to assist each other, and n-^-vnw' 
preach to the people. They also improved all opportu- 1740^ 
nities to preach to vacant congregations. Sometimes they 
rode to distant towns and societies, where the work was 
very extraordinary, to encourage and bear testimony to the 
good work, and by all means in their power to promote it. 
In some instances a whole assembly, where the people be- 
fore had been very unconcerned and vain, would be deeply 
impressed and awakened under a single sermon. 
, There was an extraordinary instance of this at Enfield. 
While the people in the neighbouring towns were in great 
distress for their souls, the inhabitants of that town were 
very secure, loose and vain. A lecture had been appoint- Revival at 
ed at Enfield, and the neighbouring people, the night be- Enfield, 
fore, Avere so affected at the thoughtlessness of the inhabit- ji^i? ^""^ 
ants, and in such fear that God would, in his righteous 
judgment, pass them by, while the divine showers were 
falling all around them, as to be prostrate before him a 
considerable part of it, supplicating mercy for their souls. 
When the time appointed for the lecture came, a number 
of the neighbouring ministers attended, and some from a 
distance.* When tkey went into the meeting-house, the 
appearance of the assembly was thoughtless and vain. The 
people hardly conducted themselves with common decen- 
cy. The Rev. Mr. Edwards, of Northampton, preached, 
and before the serm6n was ended, the assembly appeared 
deeply impressed and bowed down, with an awful convic- 
tion of their sin and danger. There was such a breathing 
of distress, and weeping, that the preacher was obliged to 
speak to the people and desire silence, that he might be 
heard. t This was the beginning of the same great and 
prevailing concern in that place, with which the colony in 
general was visited. 

At New-London, Groton, Lyme, Stonington, Preston^ Revival at 
and Norwich, as well as in other parts of the colony, and ^0*0^0""-" 
some parts of Rhode-Island, the work was general and ton,' Lyme, 
powerful. In the north part of New-London, under the &c. 
pastoral care of the Rev. Mr. Jewett, there was a great 
revival. It is estimated, that not less than twenty were 
born again in one week. The church in Groton, under 
the pastoral care of the Rev. John Owen, was favoured 
with an accession of eighty members, in the term of five or 

* Mr. Wheelock went from Connecticut, who gave me information of 
the whole affair. 

t The sermon was aftenvards printed and reprinted, with the title of 
*,' Sinners in the hands of an anzrj God." 

' T 

liii HISTORY Of Chap. VII!» 

Book II. six month?. The Rev. Mr. Parsons, and the Rev. George 
'-,.#»-v-%i^ Griswold, of Lyme, experienced a large harvest. Mr- 
1 740 Griswold admitted into his church one hundred English, 
and and thirteen Indians. The Rev. Mr. Fish, of Stonington, 
1741. about the same time, admitted to his communion one hun- 
dred and four persons, consisting of both white and black. 
The Avork was not equally general and powerful in all 
places: it met with great opposition : some of the clergy 
appeared in opposition to it, and would not suffer their 
zealous brethren to preach in their pulpits, or in their' 
parishes ; but great additions were made to the churches 
in general. In many places this was, undoubtedly, done 
with too litde caution and prudence. Great awakeningSj 
convictions, and joys, and much zeal in religious concerns, 
were taken for real conversion to God, when there was no 
real change ; when the heart was left under the dominion 
of pride and selfishness, and totally opposed to God and 
holiness. There were, doubtless, two reasons why such 
numbers were so hastily admitted to communion in the 
churches. One was, that a great proportion of the clergy, 
at that time, were of opinion, that unregenerate men, if ex- 
ternally moral, ought to be admitted to all the ordinances. 
The other was,- that they considered those things as an evi- 
dence of a real change of heart and life, which were no 
evidence of it at all. This afterwards appeared to be the 
case in too many instances* 
Revival at While this work was so remarkable in Connecticut, it 
Westerly, reached some places of great security and irreligion in the 
Islftfd!*^^' colony of Rhode-Island. In the town of Westerly, then 
very extensive,* there was not known to be one praying 
family, nor one person who professed religion, or even 
one who believed some of the peculiar doctrines of the 
gospel. In general, they were extremely opposed to the 
doctrines of the divine sovereignty, of the total depravity 
of the human heart, of regeneration by the supernatural in- 
fluences of the divine Spirit, of justification by faith, wholly 
on the account of the mediatorial righteousness. They 
treated them even with scorn and ridicule. One Mr. Park 
was sent into this place, by the board of commissioners for 
Indian affairs, to preach to the Indians, and to such of the 
English as would hear him. He took great pains to re- 
form and indoctrinate the Indians and the people, but with 
little success. He zealously preached the doctrines of the 
reformation. But the more he preached them, the thinner 

* Westerly then contained the whole tract within the towns of Westerly 
and Charlestown, into which it has been state divided^ It was the tract 
assigned to the Pequot Indiansj after their conquest. 


his assemblies were, and the less the people appeared to Book II. 
esteem him. Some, for a time, would not hear him. But ^^^^/-"^^ 
as he was certain that these were the peculiar doctrines of 
ihe gospel, he continued faithfully to preach them. And 
now, at this time of general awakening, it pleased God to 
accompany them withhis blessing. A great and general 
concern was effected, both among the English and Indians. 
A church of between thirty and forty members, was formed 
in the town. Among them v/ere six Indians and two ne- 
groes. So great was the change now made, by divine 
grace, that, in the houses where there had been neither 
prayers nor praises, the scriptures were now searched, 
prayers were constantly made, psalms and hymns were 
sung to the honour of God and their blessed Redeemer. 
The people appeared at once to be greatly enlightened in 
the doctrines of the gospel, and now to love those very 
doctrines which they had before so exceedingly disrelish- 
ed, and even contemned. Mr. Park was now chosen and 
ordained their pastor. Before this, but few of the Indians 
attended his ministry, and those were not constant hearers; 
but at this time, about an hundred became his steady 

About this time, the Rev. George Whitefield, a pious Mr.White- 
young clergyman of the church of England, who had ^^^'^ ^^- 
preached in some of the southern colonies in 1738, and^^^jj"^ 
afterwards in various parts of England and Scotland, with 1739,^ ■* 
great applause and effect, came over a second time into 
America. He landed at Philadelphia, the beginning of No- 
vember, 1739. On his arrival he was invited to preach in 
all the churches, and people of all denominations flocked 
in crowds to hear him. After preaching a few days in 
Philadelphia, he made a visit, upon the invitation of a cer- 
tain gentleman, to NewrYork, and preached eight times in 
that place with great applause and effect. Thence he re- 
turned to Philadelphia, preaching on the way both going 
and returning. He preached at Elizabethtown, Maiden- 
head, Abington, Neshamini, Burlington and New-Bruns- 
wick, in New-Jersey, to some thousands of people. There 
had been a considerable awakening in that part of the 
country before his arrival, by the instrumentality of Messrs. 
William and Gilbert Tennant, Blair, Rowland, and a Mr. 
Frelinghuysen, a young Dutch minister. He was met on 
his way by old Mr. Tennant, as well as his sons, and had 
the honor and pleasure of a visit from the Rev. Mr. Dickin- 
son, President of the College, From Philadelphia he 
went to Georgia by land, preaching on the way as he pro- 
ceeded» Numbers followed, some twenty and some even 



Chap. VIII, 






sixty miles, from Philadelphia. He preached at Chester, 
Wilmington, Newcastle, and Whitely-Creek. At the last 
of these places it was computed that his congregation con- 
sisted of not less than ten thousand hearers. 

He preached also, in various places in Maryland, in Vir- 
ginia, and North-Carolina. He had an interview with the 
governors of Maryland, and of Virginia, as he passed those 
colonies, both of whom treated him with much civility. 
When he came to Charleston in South-Carolina, he preach- 
ed there three limes ; the people seemed almost universal- 
ly impressed, and his preaching appeared not to be in vain» 
These reports reaching New-England,^ there was a great 
desire, both in ministers and people, to see and hear him. 

The following account of his character and preaching, 
nyas given by a gentleman of eminence and discernment, 
and published at the time. 

" He is of a sprightly, cheerful temper ; acts and moves 
with great agility and life. The endowments of his mind 
are very uncommon ; his wit is quick and piercing, his im- 
agination lively and florid ; and both, as far as 1 can dis- 
cern, under the direction of an exact and solid judgment. 
He has a most ready memory, and I think, speaks entirely 
without notes. He has a clear and musical voice, and a 
wonderful command of it. He uses much gesture, but with 
great propriety. Every accent of his voice, every motion 
of his body, speaks ; and both are natural and unaffected. 
If his delivery is the product of art, it is certainly the per- 
fection of it ; for it is entirely concealed. He has a great 
mastery of words, but studies much plainness of speech. 

" His doctrine is right sterling ; I mean perfectly agree- 
able to the Articles of ihe Church of England, to which he 
often appeals for the truth of it. He loudly proclaims all 
men by nature to be under sin, and obnoxious to the wrath 
and curse of God. He maintains the absolute necessity of 
supernatural grace to bring men out of this state. He as- 
serts the righteousness of Christ to be the alone cause of 
the justification of a sioner ; that this is received by faith ; 
and that this faith is tlie gift of God ; and that where faith 
is wrought, it brings the sinner, under the deepest sense; of 
his guilt and unworthiness, to the footstool of sovereign 
grace, to accept of mercy as the free gift of God, only for 
Christ's sake. He asserts the absolute, necessity of the 
new birth : That this new production is solely the work 
of God's blessed spirit : That wherever it is wrought it is 
a permanent and abiding principle, and that the gates of 
iiell shall never prevail against iL" 

|le generally preached twice, and sometimes three time^ 


a day, and often had thousands of hearers. A gentleman Book II, 
who had many scruples on his mind relative to him, at v..^-v->»-c 
first, gives this account of his preaching and the effects 1731, 
of it. 

" Under this frame oj mind, I went to hear him in the 
evening at the Presbyterian church, where he expounded 
to above two thousand people within doors and without. 
I never in my life saw so attentive an audience. Mr. WhitC" 
field spake as one having authority. All he said wa.s de- 
monstration, life and power. The people's eyes and ears 
hung on his lips. They greedily devoured every word. 
I came home astonished : I never saw nor heard the like : 
Every scruple vanished ; and I said within myself, surely 
God is with this man, of a truth." 

The evening in which he preached his last lecture at 
New- York, thousands came together to hear hiai; but as the 
place was too strait for them, many were obliged to gQ 
away, and it was said, with tears in their eyes, lamenting 
their disappointment. These were the accounts given of 
him at New-York. 

A similar account, but more particular and ample, was 
published respecting him at Charleston, in South-Carolina, 
by a pious minister there, who had been favoured with the 
best advantages to know him.* Speaking of the doctrines 
which he preached, he says, " All these doctrines now 
mentioned are primitive, protestant, puritanic ones, such 
as our good fathers, conformists and dissenters, have filled 
their writings with : and as Dr. Watts has well observed, 
" they fill heaven apace, for God is with them." Speak- 
ing of his praying and preaching, he says, " Though his 
prayers in this pulpit were all extempore, yet how copious, 
how ardent, with what compass of thought ! The spirit of 
grace and supplication seemed to be poured upon him in 
plenty, and to kindle and animate his devotions. He ap- 
peared to me, in all his discourses, very deeply impressed in 
his own heart. How did that burn and boil within him, 
when he spake of the things which he had prepared con- 
cerning the king ! In what a flaming light did he set our 
eternity before us ! How earnestly did he press Christ 
upon us ! How did he move our passions with the con- 
straining love of such a Redeemer ! The awe, the silence, 
the attention which sat upon the face of so great an au- 
dience, was an argument how he could reign over all their 
powers. So charmed were people with his manner of ad- 
dress, that they shut up their shops, forgot their secular bu- 

* The Rev. Samuel Smith, in a S^I'irqPj v^hkh ha^? sint'? been piibHf'hfijcJ^ 
ip-itb Mr. WhJtelJeld's serpa:Qm» ' ' 


Book II. siness, and laid aside their schemes fm' the world ; and the 
^i^^^ry^^ oftener he preached, the keener edge he seemed to put 
1740. upon their desires ol' hearing him again. How awfully, 
with what thunder and sound, did he discharge the artillery 
of heaven upon us ! And yet, how could he soften and melt 
even a soldier of Ulysses, with the love and mercy of God ! 
How close and strong were his applications to conscience ; 
mingling light and heat, pointing the arrows of the Almighty 
to the hearts of sinners, while he poured in balm upon 
the wounds of the contrite, and made the broken bones to 
rejoice ! Eternal themes, the solemnities of our holy relig- 
ion, were all alive upon his tongue. He appears to me to 
be a man full of the Holy Ghost and of faith." 

On the spreading abroad of these reports, those eminent 
men. Dr. Coleman and Mr. Cooper of Boston, sent letters 
to Mr. Whitefield, with pressing invitations that he would 
visit New-England. Mr. Whitefield, touched with a curios- 
ity to see the descendants of the good old Puritans, and 
their seats of learning, and hoping that he might make some 
further collections for the orphan house, accepted their in- 
Mr.White- vitation. He embarked at Charleston for New-England, 
field ar- about the last of August, 1 740, and arrived at Rhode-Island 
New-En?- ^'^ ^^^ Lord's day, September 14th. Here a number of 
land. principal gentlemen soon waited on him. Among them 
was the venerable Mr, Clap, an aged minister of the first 
congregational church in the town. Mr. Whitefield was 
greatly delighted in him, and imagined he saw in him, what 
manner of men the old Puritans, who planted New-Eng- 
land, were. He preached there three days, twice a day, 
to deeply affected auditories. He then departed for Bos- 
Arrives in ton, where he arrived on Thursday evening. He was met 
*^^ on the road by the governor's son, several of the clergy, 

and other gentlemen of principal character, who conducted 
him into the city. 

He preached the next day for Dr. Coleman and Mr. 
Cooper, and then at Dr. Sewall's and Mr. Prince's, and 
at the other meetings in rotation, but his assemblies were 
so large that the most capacious houses could not contain 
them, and he often preached on the common. On the 
Lord's day he preached for Dr. Coleman. Ministers and 
people were deeply affected. Dr. Coleman observed, " it 
was thehappic'.tday he ever saw." He preached also at 
Cambridge, Marblehead, Ipswich, Newbury, Hampton, 
York, Portsmouth, Salem and Maiden, to numerous con- 
gregations. In about a week, he preached sixteen times 
and rode an hundred and seventy miles. He returned to 
Boston, on the 6th of October, Here the number of hi^ 


hearers was exceedingly increased. It was supposed that Book IL 
his hearers, at his last sermon, when he took leave of the ■-^.^'-sy-^^ 
town, were not less than twenty thousand.* 1740. 

The revival which had been in Connecticut and various 
other places in the country, had not reached Boston, until 
after Mr. Whitefield's arrival. The ministers of the town, 
had appointed lectures, and taken much pains to call up 
the attention of the people to the vast concerns of eternity, 
but they were unsuccessful ; the lectures were so thinly at- 
tended that they were greatly discouraged. Mr. Whitefield 
took notice of it, and pressed the people to reform, and 
through his instrumentality, there was a remarkable alter- 
ation. The congregations became fall and solemn, and 
llje people flowed unto the house of the Lord. 

The people now wanted to hear more preaching than was RevHal of 
common. In consideration of thi?, public notice was giv- ^"o'°" "^ 
en, that there would be a lecture on the Tuesday evening, 
■weekly. It was the first stated evening lecture ever ap- 
pointed in that part of New-England. When the evening 
came, the house appeared no less crowded than if Mr. 
Whitefield had been there. Dr. Coleman preached an ani- 
mating sermon, from Isaiah, Ix. 8. Who are these, that 
fly as a cloud, and as the doves to their windows ? Thus 
he began : 

" It is a pleasant and wondrous thing, to see souls flying 
unto Jesus Christ, to the means of grace and salvation, 
■which he hath ordained and sanctified, and into the church. 
If this were not the proper and natural sense of the pro- 
phet's words, I would not have chosen them for the opening 
of the present lecture. 

" Our dear people, your ministers have with pleasure 
seen you in the weeks past, old and young, parents and 
children, masters and servants, high and low, rich and 
poor together, gathering and passing as clouds in our 
streets, and as doves on the wing, in flocks flying to the 
doors and windows of our places of worship ; and hover- 
ing about the same, those that could not get in. 

" The fame of a singular, fervent and holy youth, and 
extraordinary servant and minister of Jesus Christ, who 
makes his angels spirits and his ministers a flame of fire, 
had prepared you for his visit ; and with raised expecta- 
tions we received him, even as an angel of God for Jesus* 
sake, as the apostle St. Paul was received by the church*- 
es of Galatia. 

"God gave him a wonderful manner of entrance among 
us, as in other places before us, among the brethren of our 
* Lgtter of Mr. Cooper, a,nel- Whitefield'? H't, 

152 HISTORY or Chap. ¥111; 

Book II. uenomination •, and we were sometimes melted together in 
''-^"^'^^O tears, ministers and people, parents and children, under the 
1740. commanding address of love to his Saviour and our souls. 
We led you with visible pleasure i"n our faces to the solemn 
and great assemblies, and looked on you there with great 
satisfaction, in your uncommon regards to the beloved ser- 
vant of Christ, for the truth's sake that dwelleth in him, 
and the love of the spirit filling him and reigning in his 
ministrations to us. 

" And now, our beloved brethren and sisters, you and 
your children, we are going to prove, confirm and in- 
crease, by the will of God, the seeming good dispositions 
begun or revived in you, toward Christ and his word, in 
a just, reasonable, and pious care and solicitude for your 

" Mr. Wliitcfield, once and again, in his admonitions to 
you, and also, in his fervent, righteous and effectual prayers 
for you, by the will of God, led you into the trial and 
proof of yourselves, whether, when he was gone from us. 
you would better attend on the nrtinistry of your own pastors, 
both on sabbaths and lectm-es ? For he had heard (and it 
was too true) that there had been a great defect in that 
point among you, before he came. Some of your minis- 
ters, therefore, now make a new tender of themselves to you, 
in the fear and love of God, in this new lecture for the ser- 
l^ice of your souls, if you will encourage them by a like 
attendance on it, as we have lately seen you give to the 
ivord preached* 

" \Ye preach the same Christ, the same doctrines, of 
grace according to godliness, with the same gospel mo- 
lives and arguments, applications to consciencey and sup- 
plications to God, for you," &c. &;c. 

This was the beginning of the most extraordinary revi- 
val of religion ever experienced in Boston, or in that part 
of New-England. The religious concern continued and 
increased all winter. Hundreds of people flocked to theii- 
ministers for instruction and comfort under spiritual trou- 
bles. Never had they experienced any thing to be com- 
pared with it. 

When Mr. Whitefield left Boston, it was for Northamp- 
ton, He had read in England, the narrative of Mr. Ed- 
wards, of the remarkable work of God in that place, in 
1735, and had a great desii'e to see him and receive the ac- 
count from his own mouth. On his way, he preached at 
Concord, Sudbury, Marlborough, Worcester, Leicester, 
end Fladley. Pulpits and houses were every where open- 
ed to him, and the same happy influence and effects attend- 


ijd his preaching, which had been experienced in other BaoKlL 
places. v-^^^v'-*^ 

When he arrived at Northampton, about the middle of Mr. Whiter 
October, he was ioyfuUy received by Mr. Edwards and ^^^^ , 
ihe people. He preached four sermons in the meeting at North- 
house, and a private lecture at Mr. Edwards'. The con- aranton. 
gregation was affected in a very i^traordinary manner. 
Almost the whole assembly were in tears during a great 
part of the sermon. ¥/hen he came to remind them of the 
great things which God had done for them in the former 
work among them, says the writer of his life, " It was like 
putting fire to tinder -, both minister and people were much 
moved." His discourses were happily adapted to the 
circumstances of the town, containing just reproofs for 
backsliding, and pleaded with them the great mercies 
•which they had received, and the high professions which 
they had made, as arguments to encourage them to return 
unto God, in all holiness of heart and life. Immediately 
after his preaching, the minds of the people appeared more 
engaged in religion. The revival appeared at first 
principally among professors ; but it soon became more 
general and more powerful than the former work ^ 
and especially it was more remarkable and general 
among children. Many cried out and sunk down under 
awakenings ; others were overcome with joy, and fainted 
under the views they had of the exceeding glory and ex- 
cellency of their Saviour, and of divine truths and beau- 

After leaving Northampton, he preached at Westfield, 
Springfield, Suffield, Windsor, Hartford, Weathersfield, 
Middletown and Wallingford, to large and affected congre- 

On the 23d of October, he reached New-Haven. Here 
he was affectionately received by Mr. James Pierpont, 
brother-in-law to Mr. Edwards. As the General Assem- 
bly were then sitting, he tarried until Lord's day, and had 
the pleasure of seeing numbers daily impressed. Severai 
ministers waited on him, with whose pious conversation 
he was much refreshed. He paid a visit to governor Tal- 
cott, who said to him, " thanks be to God, far such re- 
freshings in our way to heaven." 

After the sabbath, he preached at Milford, and prose- 
cuting his journey to New- York, and the southern colo^ . 
nies, he preached with his usual popularity and success, 
at Stratford, Fairfield, Norwalk and Stamford. Taking 
leave of Connecticut, he preached at Rye and King!^- 
jzridge, and on the thirtieth Optoberj arrived at New* 


.Book II. York. He preached three days at New- York, and 
v-rf'-N/-^^ then departed, preaching through the southern colonies, 
1740* as he had done before, but apparently with greater suc- 

In December, he arrived at Charleston, in South-Caroli- 
na, where he makes the following remarks : " It is now 
the seventy-fifth day since I arrived at Rhode-Island. My 
body was then weak, but the Lord hath much renewed its 
strength. I have been enabled to preach, I think, an hun- 
dred and seventy-five times in public, besides exhorting 
frequently in private. 1 have travelled upwards of eight 
hundred miles, and have gotten upwards of seven hundred 
pounds sterling, in goods, provisions, and money, for the 
Georgia orphans. Never did I perform my journey with 
so little fatigue, or see such a continuance of the divine 
presence in the congregations" to whom I have preached. 
Praise the Lord, O my soul." 

By letters written to him and of him, it appears he was 
the instrument of great good in New-England, as well as 
in the southern colonies. He greatly quickened and ani- 
mated ministers as well as private christians ; convinced, 
and was instrumental in converting sinners ; thus promot- 
ing the work of the Lord, especially in Massachusetts and 
Accr.unt of Another instrument in this good work, from abroad, was 
m'^t^^'^' ^^'^s ^^'* Gilbert Tennant. He had been very successful 
in his labors among his own people, and others in the 
neighbouring towns, in New-Jersey, and was sent by the 
Presbytery, or a number of ministers in his vicinity, to 
preach in New-England, and assist in promoting the good 
work which had been so remarkably begun. He had 
much hesitation relative to the undertaking ; but after 
much prayerfulness and advice, he consented to make a 
journey into these parts. He was a sound, experimental, 
searching preacher ; a son of thunder. He designed to 
labour principally at Boston ; but to preach through the 
country, going and.returning. He is represented as doing 
special service in his preaching. He came into Connec- 
ticut soon after Mr. Whitefield went to the southward. 
His preaching was powerful,* and appeared to have hap- 
py effects. He reached Boston about the middle of De- 
cember. The assemblies had been full from the time of 
Mr. Whitefield's preaching there, until this time, but by 
iiis preaching, the concern became more general and pow- 
erful. A gentleman who had been famous for preaching 
both in England and America and had heard Mr. White- 
field repeatedly, gives this character of Mr. Tennant: 

Chap. VlII. CONNECTICUT. 155f 

'■ He seemed to have as deep an acquaintance with the ex- Book IL 
perimental part of rehgion, as any I have conversed with; ^^-^r^*^^ 
and his preaching was as searching and rousing as ever I 1740. 
heard. He seemed to have no regard to please the eyes of 
his hearers with agreeable gesture, nor their ears with de- 
livery, nor their fancy with language ; but to aim directly 
at their hearts and consciences, to lay open their ruinous 
delusions, show them their numerous, secret, hypocritical 
shifts in religion, and drive them out of every deceitful re- 
fuge, wherein they made themselves easy with the form of 
godliness without the power. And many who were pleas.- 
ed in good conceit of themselves before, now found, to 
their great distress, that they were only self-deceived hypo- 

" From the terrible and deep convictions he had passed 
through in his own soul, he seemed to have such a lively 
view of the divine majesty, the spirituality, purity, and ex- 
tensiveness of his law, with his glorious holiness and displea- 
sure at sin ; his justice, truth and power in punishing the 
damned •, that the very terrors of God, seemed to rise in 
his mind afresh, when he displayed and brandished them 
in the eyes of unreconciled sinners. And though some 
could not bear his preaching, yet the arrows of convic- 
tion, by his ministry, seemed so deeply to pierce the hearts 
of others, and even some of the most stubborn sinners, as 
to make them fall down at the feet of Christ, and yield a 
lowly submission to him." 

He preached in Boston principally for more than two 
months. His preaching, and the great and general en- 
quiry of the people after the way of life, caused the minis- 
ters to treat more largely of the operations of the spirit of 
grace, as a spirit of conviction and conversion, consola- 
tion and edification in the souls of men, agreeable to the- 
holy scriptures, and the common esperiences of true be- 

In Connecticut, the work was more powerful than in 
Boston. In many places, people would cry out, in the time 
of public worship, under a sense of their overbearing guilt 
and misery, and the all-consuming wrath of God, due to 
them for their iniquities ; others would faint and swoon 
under the affecting views which they had of God and 
Christ ; some woflld weep and sob, and there would 
sometimes be so much noise among the people, in particu- 
lar places, that it was with difficulty that the preacher 
could be heard. In some few instances, it seems, that the 
minister has not been able to finish his discourse, there has 
* Priace's accouat of the work of God ia Boston. 



Chap. VUt 


Book II. been so much crying out and disturljance. This was the 
H-^'>''>w case in some places, not only on the sabbath, but at public 
lectures, and also at lectures in private houses. Thus it 
was in various places, not only in Connecticut, but in other 
parts af New-England. 

When persons, whs bad cried out in the time of public 
worship, or had sv^ooned, and appeared unable to endure • 
the things which they had heard ov seen, were by them- 
selves, in the interims of public Vv'orship, the people would 
crowd around them, to inquire what they had seen or felt, 
which had so affected them; and they sometimes would 
j^ive such an account of their view of their sins, and of the 
dreadfulness of the wrath of God due to them, as would ex- 
ceedingly affect others, and be a means of great awakening 
and concern in them. In like manner, the accounts which 
some gave of the ove!?comiiig sease which they had of the 
greatnessy holines.^, justice, goodness, iruth, and faithful- 
ness of God; of the love of Christ; his willingness and 
suthciency to save, even the ctiief of sinners, would seem 
very greatly to move others. In this way convictions were 
increased, and the work promoted. 

Connecticut was more remarkably the seat of the worfc 
than aay part of New-England, or of the American colo- 
nies. In the years 1740, 1741 and 1742, it had pervaded, 
in a greater or less degree, every part of the colony. In. 
most of the towns and societies, it was very, general and 

The hbours and expertses- of ministers were now great, 
beyond any thing which they had ever before experienced. 
The people wanted continual preaching. It was difficult 
to satisfy them. At the same time, there would be consid- 
erable numbers of them under distress of mind, and in- 
quiring the way- to Zion, During this period, more per- 
sons repaired to their ministers, for religious conversation 
and direction, than did, in ordinary times, during the whole 
course of their ministry.* Not only the people of theii 
own^ parishes, but from other towns, and some fc?om a dis- 
tance, resorted to them for instruction and counsel. Num- 
bers, who had for many years been professors of religion, 
were convinced, that their hope was no other than the hope 

* Mr. Prince, in his account of the awakening in Boston, says, " The. 
Rev. Mr, Cooper was wont to say, that more came to him in one week, 
in deep concern about their souls, than in the whole twenty-four years cik" 
his preceding ministry. I can also say the same, as to the numbers who 
repaired to me. By Mr. Cooper's letter to a friend in Scotland, it appears 
about six hundred different persons applied to him in three months tim6 ; 
and Mr. Webb informs roe, he has had, in the same space, above a thott 

and ex- 
penses of 

Chap. Vllt. CONNECTICUT, la^? 

of the hypocrite, which would most certainly p6ri¥;h, when Book TL 
God shonld take away the soul. They became no less w>/'-'s*/ 
earnest iaquirers after the way of life than others. In many 1 741 . 
instances, the minister was entirely opposed to the work, 
and they could obtain no light or satisfaction in conversing 
w^ith him, and naturally repaired to those who were zeal- 
ous in promoting the Lord's work. Some of the clergy 
•were so thronged with company, and were at so much ex- 
pense, as in a considerable degree to injure their estates. 

The reverend gentlemen who most favoured the work in Ministers 
Conuecticut, while others opposed it with all their power, ^j||j°Jd\h& 
were Whitman, of Hartford; Lockwood, of Weathersfield ; religious 
Joseph Meacham, of Coventry, Lord, of Norwich; Wil- revival, 
liams, of Lebanon ; Parsons, of Lyme ; Owen, of Groton ; 
Fomeroy and Wheelock : In the county of New-Haven^ 
Humphrey, Leavenworth, Allen, and Robbins of Bran- 
ford : In the counties of Fairfield and Litchfield, Mills, of 
Ripton ; Graham, of Woodbury ; Farrand, of Canaan ; and 
Bellamy, of Bethlem. But the most zealous and laborioun 
in the cause, who took the most pains, and spent the most 
property in the service of their Master, were the Rev. 
Messrs. Jedediah Mills, Benjamin Pomeroy , Eleazar Whee- 
lock, and Joseph Bellamy. They were not only abundant 
in labours among their own people, and in neighbouring 
towns and societies ; but they preached in all parts of the* 
colony^ where their brethren would admit them, and in 
many places in Massachusetts, and the other colonies. They 
were very popular, and their labours were generally ac- 
ceptable to their brethren, and useful to the people. They 
were not nc:=;y preachers-, bat grave, sentimental, search- 
ing, and pungent. 

Mr, afterwards Dr. Pomeroy, was a man of real genius. Character 
grave, solemn, and weighty in his discourses j they were^'Mr. 
generally well composed, and delivered with a great de- ^™^^'*y" 
gree of animation, zeal and affection. He appeared to 
h^e a deep concern for the salvation of his hearers ; and 
often, in his addresses to them, and in his expostulations 
and pleadings with them to be reconciled to God, to for- 
sake the foolish and live, would melt into tears and weep 
over them. His language was good, and he might be reck- , 
oned among the best preachers of his day. He could set 
the terrors pf the Lord in awful array before sinners, and 
show them, in an alarming manner, the slippery places oa 
which they stood. With equal advantage, he could repre- 
sent the wonders of Christ's love, his glory, the sufficien- 
cy of his righteousness, and the blessedness of all who wouici 
be reconciled, unto Goo through him. -, 

153 . HISTORY or Chap. VIII. 

Book IL Mr. afterwards Doctor nnd President Wheelock, was a 
v.^''>^^«w' gentleman of a comely tigure, of a mild and winning aspect ; 
nS6. his Voice smooth and harmonious, the best, by far, that I 
Character ever heard. He had the entire command of it. His ges- 
wf^^'i h '^^"^ ^^'^^ natm-al, but not redundant. His preaching and 
' addresses were close and pungent, and yet winning, be- 
yond almost all comparison, so that his audience would be 
melted even into tears, before they were aware of it. 
The doctrines preached by tiiose famous men, who were 
loctrnies Q^yj^gj as'the principal instruments of this extraordinary 

wlucli they . . J 1 . •' 

preac Led. I'Gvival of God's w^ork, were the doctrines of the reforma- 
tion : — the doctrine of original sin, of regeneration by the 
supernatural influences of the divine Spirit, and of the ab- 
sohite necessity of it, that any man might bear good fruit, 
or ever be admitted into the kingdom of God ; effectual 
calling, justification by faith, wdiolly on the account of the 
imputed righteousness of Jesus Christ ; repentance to- 
ward God, and faith tow"ard our Lord Jesus Christ; the 
perseverance of the saints ; the in-dwelling influences of 
the Holy Spirit in them ; and its divine consolations and 

They look great pains to detect the hypocrite, to ex- 
hibit his character and danger. President Wheelock had 
a sermon from Job xxvii. 8th : " What is the hope of the 
ii3'pocrite, though he hath gained, when God takelh away 
liissoul?" — in which he described the hypocrite, showed 
how far a man might go in religion, and after all be no 
more than a hypocrite. He then showed the miserable 
end of the hypocrite ; that notwithstanding all the riches of 
fame, which the hypocrite had gained, or whr»3ver degree 
of hope of good things in this world, or in that which is to 
come, he might gain, God would bring him to the grave j 
and when he should take away his soul, all his expectations 
would fail. His deceit and wickedness Avould all be made 
manifest, and he would be brought forth at last to public 
shame and contempt. The foliy and danger of hypocri- 
sy, the dreadful condition and fearful end of hypocrites, 
were exhibited in a strong and awful point of light. The 
audience were pressed by all means to be Christians in- 
deed, and not to deceive themselves, and perish with the 
hope of the hypocrite. He had another sermon, v/hich he 
jjreached with success, from Mark xvi. 16, He that be- 
lieveth and is baptized, shall be saved ; but he that believ- 
eth not, shall be damned. In this sermon, he described a 
saving faith in Christ, and gave many distinguishing marks 
ol it. At the same time he insisted that all, without excep- 
tion, who would not believe, would most certainly be damn- 


ed. These sermons I find particularly mentioned, in the Book II. 
narratives given of the awakenings, as having been attend- v-^-sr>^^ 
ed with happy elTects. Concerning this latter sermon, 1742. 
which he preached at Taunton, at the beginning of the 
awakening there, it is written, " Many v/ere awakened and" 
pricked in their hearts : Zion's king rode triumphant upon 
the word of truth." 

Mr. afterward Dr. Bellamy, was a large and well built q^. Eella- 
raan, of a commanding appearance ; had a smooth, strong my's cha- 
voice, and could fill the largest house without any unnatu- r^cter and 
ral elevation. He possessed a truly great mind, generally ^^^^^ '°^* 
preached without notes, had some great point of doctrine 
commonly to establish, and would keep close to his point 
until he had sufficiently illustrated it ; then, in an ingen- 
ious, close, and pungent manner, he would make the ap- 
plication. When he felt well, and was animated by a large 
and attentive audience, he would preach incomparably. 
Though he paid little attention to language, yet when he 
became warm and was filled with his subject, he would, ' 
.from the native vigor of his soul, produce the most com- 
manding strokes of eloquence, making his audience alive. 
There is nothing to be found in his v>'ri tings, though a sound 
and great divine, equal to what was to be seen and heard 
in his preaching. His pulpit talents exceeded all his other 
gifts. It is difficult for any man, who never heard him, to 
form a just idea of the force and beauty of his preaching. 

While I was an undergraduate at New-Haven, the Doc- Preachin"- 
tor preached a lecture for Mr. Bird. At the time appoint- at New-° 
ed, there was a full house. The Doctor prayed and sai\g ; Haven, 
ihen rose before a great assembly, apparently full of expec- 
tation, and read, Deut. xxvii. 26, " Cursed be he that con- 
firmeth not all the words of this law to do them : and all 
the people shall say, Amen." The number and appear- * 
ance of the people animated the preacher, and he instant- 
ly presented them with a view of the twelve tribes of Isra- 
el assembled on Mount Ebal and Mount Gerrizim, accord- 
ing to the divine appointment, and the audience were made 
to hear the Levites distinctly reading the curses, and all 
the thousands of Jacob repeating them, uttering aloud their 
approving Amen. Twelve times says the Doctor, it goes, 
round, round, round all the camp of Israel, Cursed be the 
man who committeth this or the other iniquity. Nay, 
round it goes, through all the thousands of God's chosen 
people, Cursed be he that confirmeth not all the words of 
this law to do them : and all the people shall say, Amen. 
By universal consent, (the approving Amen, of all the 
congregation of Israel,) he who did not yield a cheerful 

160 mSTORY OF Chap. Vili, 

Book II. and universal obedience to the whole hw, was cursed* 
v^-v^^w* From this striking and general view of the subject, the 
Doctor observed, that it was the ancien-t doctrine of the 
church, which God took great pains to teach them, that 
every sin deserved the eternal curse and damnation of 
God : or that the wages of every sin was death. Having, 
from a variety of views, established this leading point ; 
tliat all parties might be treated fairly, he brought the ob- 
jector on to the stage, to remonstrate against the doctrine 
he had advanced. When he had offered his objections, 
Gabriel was brought down to show him the futility of his 
objections, and the presumption and impiety of making 
them against the divine law and government. They were 
clearly answered, and the opponent was triumphantly swept 
from the stage. The argument gained strength and beauty 
through the whole progress. The deductions were sol-' 
cmn and important. The absolute need of an atonement 
that sin might be pardoned, or one of the human race sav- 
ed : the impossibility of justification by the deeds of the- 
law : the immaculate holiness and justice of God in the 
damnation of sinners. They were stripped naked, and 
iheir only hope and safety appeared to be an immediate 
ilight to the city of refuge. The truths of the gospel were 
established, and God was glorified. No man was more 
ihoroughly set for the defence of the gospel. 
The work This glorious work of God, which had effected such a 
injured by wonderful reformation of manners through the country, was 
and nnpru- "^^^^'^^ and greaUy injured by many imprudences and ir- 
denc'ec, regularities ; and was most violently opposed by ministers, 
and vio- "by magistrates, by cruel and persecuting laws, by re- 
Dosed °^' prO'^^^^5 ^"'^ misrepresentation, and all other ways and 
means whiqh its adversaries could invent. 

Many lay exhorters sprang up among the people, espe- 
cially in the counties of New-London and Windham ; and 
among some, there appeared an inclination to follow im- 
pulses, and a pretence to know the state of men's souls ; 
who were converted, and who were not. 

At the same time, there was a Mr. James Davenport, of 

enport^s^' Southhold, on Long-Island, who had been esteemed a pious, 

impru- sound, and faithful minister, but now became zealous be- 

dence and yond measure ; made a visit to Connecticut, and preached 

wildness. ^^ New-Haven, Branford, Stonington, and various other 

places ; and went on as far as Boston. He gave an unre- 

►strained liberty to noise and outcry, both of distress and 

joy, in time of divine service. He promoted both with all 

his might, raising his voice to the highest pitch, together 

ivjth the most violent agitations of body. With his un.n^?" 


ural and violent agitations of the body, he united a strange Book IL 
singing tone which mightily tended to raise the feelings s-^-v^s-.* 
of weak and undiscerning people, and consequently to 1741„ 
heighten the confusion among the passionate of his hear- 
ers. This odd, disagreeable tuning of the voice, in exer- 
cises of devotion, was caught by the zealous exhorters, 
and became a characteristic- of the separate preachers. 
The wiiole sect were distinguished by this sanctimonious 
tone. It was Mr. Davenport's manner, when a number 
had cried out, and there had been great agitations of body, 
to pronounce them tokens of divine favour ; and what was 
still worse, he^ would declare those persons who were the 
subjects of those outcries and agitations, to be converted ; 
or that they had come to Christ 5 which were gross and 
dangerous errors. Bodily agitations and outcries were no 
evidences of grace. He was further, the great encourager, 
if not the first setter up of public exhorters, not restrict- 
ing them according to the gospel rule of brotherly exhor- 
tation ; but encouraging any who were reputed to be lively, 
zealous christians, to exhort publicly in full assemblies, 
with ministerial assurance and authority, though altogether 
raw and unskilful in the word of righteousness. What 
had stilt a more mischievous influence than all the rest, 
was his undertaking to examine his brethren in the minis- 
try, as to their spiritual state, and publicly to decide con- 
cerning them, whether they were converted or unconvert- 
ed. Some, whom he had privately examined, and to all 
appearance, men of as much grace as himself, he would in 
his public prayers pronounce unconverted. Such as re- 
fused to be examined by him, Were certain to be denounc- 
ed, as either unconverted, or in a very doubtful condition* 
Thus, disorder, jealousy and confusion, were sown in the. 
churches. He represented it as a dreadful thing to hear 
unconverted ministers ; that their preaching was worse 
than poison ; and he warned the people against it. 

His brethren remonstrated against these wild measures, 
and represented to him, that he must be under the influ- 
ence of a wrong spirit ; but he persisted in his measures. 
At Charlestown, in Massachusetts, he withdrew from the 
communion, on the Lord's day, pretending that he had 
scruples as to the conversion of the minister. The Bostoa 
ministers disapproved of his conduct, and rejected him. 
He was complained of, and brought before the general 
court of Massachusetts, and was dismissed as not being of 
a sound mind. 

His conduct had a pernicious influence. on the people, 
a,nd seems to have given rise to many errors which sprang 


IG2 lilSTORY CfF' Chap. TlIT' 

Book II. up in the cluirches about this time, and to have been in- 
^-^-v^w/ stnimental in the separations which soon took place in sev- 
1742. eralofthe churches, and gave great occasion of scandal 
to the enemies of the revival. Every thing was said 
reproachful of it, which its enemies could invent. By 
some it Avas termed a distemper, which affected the mind 
and filled it with unnecessary concern and gloominess ; by 
ethers it was termed the work of the devil ; by others, qua- 
kerrsm, enthusiasm, antinomianism and distraction. The 
zealous experimental christians were termed neto lights, 
following an ignis. fatuvs, which would lead them to des- 

Some of the leading ministers in the colony, were most 
bitter enemies to the revival, and to their brethren who 
were instrumental in promoting it. This was the case iu 
general with the magistrates and princi])al gentlemen in 
the commonwealth. They employed all their art anw 
power to suppress it, and to keep all zealous ministers, 
who favoured the work, as far as possible out of the colo- 
ny, and to confine all the zealous preachers of the doc- 
trines of the reformation to their own pulpits* 

Governor Talcott, who called those days, times of re- 
freshing, was now no more ; and Jonathan Law, Esq. a 
gentleman of a different character, was chosen governor^ 
Under his administration, a number of severe and perse- 
cuting laws were enacted, Qnd the laws which had been 
enacted in favor of sober consciences were repealed. 

In May, 1742, the General Assembly passed the follow- 
ing act, prefaced in the following manner :. 
EcclasiaE- u "w^hei-eas, this assembly did by their act, made in the 
May 1742. 27th year of queen Anne, establish and confirm a confes- 
sion of faith, and an agreement for ecclesiastical disci- 
pline, made at Saybrook, Anno Domini, 1708, by the 
Rev. elders and messengers delegated by the churches in 
this colony, for that purpose ; under ivhich establishment, 
his majesty's subjects inhabiting in this colony, have en- 
joyed great peace and quietness,. 'till of late, sundry per- 
sons have been guilty of disorderly and irregular prac- 
tices, whf reupon this assembly did direct to the calling of 
^ general consociation,- at Guilford^ in November last, 
which said consociation was convened accordingly : at 
■svhich convention, it was endeavoured to prevent the 
growing disorders among the ministers that have been or- 
dained, or licensed by the associations in the government 
to preach, and likewise to prevent divisions and disorders 
among the churches, and ecclesiastical societies, settled by 
ffrdev of thi» assemblv :• 

Chap. Vm. CONNECTICUT. 163 

" Notwithstanding which, divers of the ministers or- Book TL 
dained as aforesaid, and others licensed to preach by some v-^^v^n*^ 
of the associations allowed by Jaw, have taken upon them, May, 1742. 
without any lawful call, to go into parishes, immediately 
under the care of other ministers, and there to preach to 
and teach the people ; and also sundry persons, who are 
very illiterate, and have no ecclesiastical character, or 
any authority whatsoever to preach or teach, have taken 
it upon them publicly to teach and exhort the people, in 
matters of religion, both as to doctrine and practice ; which 
practices have a tendency to make divisions and conten- 
tions among the people in this colony, and to destroy the 
ecclesiastical constitution established by the laws of this 
government, and also to hinder the growth and increase of 
vital piety and godliness in the churches ; and also to in- 
troduce unqualiiied persons into the ministry ; and more 
especially where one association, doth intermeddle with 
^he aftairs, that by the platform and agreement above said, 
made at Saybrook, aforesaid, are properly within the pro- 
vince and jurisdiction of another association, as to the li- 
censing persons to preach, and ordaining ministers : there- 

" 1 , Be it enacted by the governor, council and repre- 
sentatives in general court assembled, and by the authori- 
ty of the same, that if any ordained minister, or any other 
person licensed as aforesaid, to preach, shall enter into 
any parish jiot immediately under his charge, and shall 
there preach and exhort the people, he shall be denied 
and excluded the benefit of any law of this colony, made 
for the support and encouragement of the gospel ministry, 
except such ordained minister, or licensed person, shall 
be expressly invited and desired to enter into such parish, 
and there to preach and exhort the people, by the settled 
minister, and the major part of the church and society 
Avithin such parish. 

" 2. And it is further enacted by the authority afore- 
said, that if any association of ministers shall undertake to 
examine or license any candidate for the gospel ministry, 
or assume to themselves the decision of any controversy, 
or as an association counsel and advise in any affair that 
by the platform, or agreement above mentioned, made at 
Saybrook, aforesaid, is properly within the province and 
jurisdiction of another association, then and in such case 
every member that shall be present in such association so 
licensing, deciding or counselling, shall be each and every 
one of them, denied and excluded the benefit of any law in 
this colony, for the encouragcnjjent ai;d support of the gof ■ 


Book II. " 3. And it is further enacted, by the authority afore- 
<^.«<->r>,i^ said, That if any minister, or ministers, contrary to the 
true intent and meaning of this act, shall presume to preach 
in any parish, not under his immediate care and charge, 
the minister of the parish where he shall so offend, or the 
civil authority, er any of the committee of said parish, 
shall give information thereof, in writing, under their 
hands, to the clerk of the society or parish where such of- 
fending minister doth belong, which clerk shall receive 
such information, and lodge and keep the same on file, in 
his office, and no assistant or justice of the peace, in this 
colony, shall sign any warrant for the collecting any min- 
ister's rate, without first receiving a certificate from the 
clerk of the society, or parish, where such rate is to be 
collected, that no such information as is above mention- 
ed, hath been received by him, or lodged in his office. 
" 4. And be it further enacted, by the authority afore- 
said, that if any person whatsoever, that is not a settled 
' of ordained minister, shall go into any parish, without the 
express desire and invitation of the settled minister of such 
parish, if any there be, and the major part of the cl;iurch 
and congregation within such parish, and publicly teach and 
exhort the people, shall, for every such offence, upon com- 
plaint made thereof to any assistant or justice of the peace, 
be bound to his peaceable and good behaviour, until the 
next county court in that county where the offence shall 
be committed, by said assistant or justice of the peace, in 
the penal sum of one hundred pounds lawful money, that 
he or they will not offend again in the like kind ; and the 
said county court may, if they see meet, further bind the 
said person or persons, oflending as aforesaid, to their 
peaceable and good behaviour, during the pleasure of the 

" 5. And it is further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, 
That if any foreigner or stranger, that is not an inhabitant 
of this colony, including as well such persons as have no 
ecclesiastical character, or license to preach, or such as 
have received ordination or license to preach, by any as- 
sociation or presbytery, shall presume to preach, teach, or 
publicly exhort, in any town or society within this colony, 
"ivithout the desire and license of the settled minister, and 
the major part of the church of such town and society, or at 
the call and desire of the church and inhabitants of such 
town or society, provided that it so happen that there be 
no settled minister there, that every such preacher, teacher, 
or exhorter, shall be sent, as a vagrant person, by warrant 


iVom any assistant or justice of the peace, from constable Book II. 
to constable, out of the bounds of this colony."* v-«'->/-^x«/ 

lYhat ministers composed the general association at 1742. 
Guilford, cannot be known, as there is not the least min- 
ute of any such council on the records of the general as- 
sociation, nor is there any intimation of the result or do- 
ings of it, any further than what is found in the preamble 
to this extraordinary act, and in references to it, by asso- 
ciations and'consociations afterwards. But it undoubtedl)'^ 
gave countenance to this, and other violent measures, 
adopted and pursued by the legislature ; and was a con- Ob?erva- 
certed plan of the old lights, or Arminians, both among |j^"^"" 
the clergy and civilians, to suppress, as far as possible, all 
the zealous and Calvinistic preachers ; to confine them en- 
tirely to their own pulpits; and, at the same time, to put 
all the public odium and reproach possible upon them, as 
wicked, disorderly men, unfit to enjoy the common rights 
of citizens. The law was an outrage to every principle 
of justice, and to the most inherent and valuable rights of 
the subject. It was a palpable contradiction, and gross 
violation, of the Connecticut bill of rights. It dishonour- 
ed the servant of God, stained his good name, and depri- 
ved him of all the temporal emoluments of his profession, 
without judge or jury, without hearing him, or knowing 
what evil he had done. It put it into the hands of enemies 
and malicious persons, to undo innocent men. If the cer- 
tificate lodged were ever so false, there was no redress. 
In other cases, civil and criminal, an appeal is allowed ; 
but here, in a case of great mngnitude, in which character, 
and a man's whole temporal living was at stake, there 
was no redress. Further, it was believed by many, that 
this law was an invasion of the rights of heaven, and in- 
compatible with the command, Go ye into all the world, and 

* Records of Connecticut, May, 1742. This exlraordinary act, in part, 
at least, had its origin in the consociation of New-Haven County, as ap- 
pears from the instructions which they gave to tlieir delegates, whom they 
sent to the Guilford council, which were su2;gested first by the Rev. Samuel 
AVhittelsey, of Wallingford. How perfectly it corresponded with their 
opinions and feelings, is fully exhibited in their address to the General As- 
sembly, the October followiog, an extract from which is as follows : — " To 
the Hon. General Assembly, Sec. convened at New-Haven, October 14th, 
1742. — May it please this honourable assembly, to permit us, the Associa- 
iion of the county of New-Haven, regularly convened in the first society 
in Wallingford, Sept. 28th, 1742, to lay before you our grateful sense of 
the goodness of the General Assembly in May last, in so caring for our re- 
ligious interests, and ecclesiastical constitution ; and our just apprehensions 
of their wisdom, in making the statute, entitled. An act for the regulating 
abuses, and correcting disorders, in ecclesiastical afiairs ; and pray that it 
may be continued in force : being satisfied that it hath already been, iji 
good measure, serviceable, and persuaded that it will be more so," &c. 

16G HISTORY OF Chap. Vlli. 

Book If. preach the gospel to every creature.* I charge thee, there- 
K.^^v^\^ fore, before Go3, and the Lord Jesus Christ, who shall 
1742. judge the quick and the dead, at his appearing and khig- 
dom, preach the word ; be instant in season, and out of sea- 
son.! In obedience to these commands, the primitive 
preachers went every where, preaching the word.| They 
regarded no parochial limits, and when high priests and 
magistrates forbade their preaching, they answered. Whe- 
ther it be right in the sight of God, to hearken unto you, 
more than unto God, judge ye ; for we cannot but speak 
the things which we have seen and heard. § What right 
could one minister have to shut another out of his pulpit 
pr society, whom he owned as a brother ; to whom he had 
given the right hand of fellowship, and whom he could not 
accuse either of false doctrine or immoral conduct ? 

It may be further observed, that this law was contrary to 
the opinion and practice of all the reformers and puritans. 
The r€formers all preacb.ed within the parishes and bish- 
opricks of the Roman catholics, and by this means, under 
• the Divine Providence, effected the reformation. It never 
could have been efiected without it. The puritans preach- 
ed within the parishes of the church of England, and judg- 
ed' it their indispensable duty to preach the gospel, wheu 
and wherever they had an opportunity. They did it zeal- 
ously and faithfully, though exposed to fines, imprison- 
ment, and loss of living. Even in Connecticut, the epis- 
copalians were allowed to preach and collect hearers, and 
erect churches, in any of the ecclesiastical societies, in op- 
position to the established ministers and churches. The 
baptists were also allowed to do the same. The law was 
therefore partial, inconsistent, and highly persecuting. It 
manifested, in a strong point of light, the exceeding hatred, 
rancour and opposition of heart, which tljere was in the 
Arminians and old lights, to the work of God, and all the 
zealous and faithful promoters of it» It was an occasion of 
a great and iixed disaffection between the different classes 
of ministers, and between many of Jhe religious people 
and the legislature. Instead of preserving the peace and 
order of the churches, it was a means of separation and 
division. It could have no good effect : law opposed to 
enthusiasm, is only like heaping fuel upon the fire to 
Quench it. With respect to good people, who are govern- 
ed by the love and fear of God, and the sober dictates of 
reason, though they honour the civil magistrate, and sub- 
mit to the laws, as far as they can with a good conscienccj 

"' M£^jk svi 15. -t 2 Tim. iv. 1,2. + Acts \i\\. 4. 

« Acts iv, 19. 20.. 


yet they will regard God rather than man. When they Book IL 
are fully persuaded that it is necessary, for their own edi- <^^-^^--%i^ 
fication and salvation, and the safety of their children, to 
adopt a mode of worship, and to hear a kind of preaching, 
differing from that which any civil establishment enjoins, 
they will depart from it so far, as to worship God agreeably 
to the sober dictates of their consciences. This, the pi-ac- 
tice of the primitive christians, of the reformers, of the 
puritans, and of good jieople in all ages, has witnessed. 
With respect to enthusiasts, mild measures, kind and chris- 
tian treatment, have always succeeded the best. 

There were a variety of things, at the election, and May 
session, this year, calculated to divide and irritate the re- 
ligious parties, in the colony, more and more, at a time 
v.'hen all conciliatory measures ought to have been adopt- 

The preacher at the election, was the Rev. Isaac Stiles^ 
of North-Haven, He was a most bitter enemy to the 
work Avhich God had been, and was carrying on in the 
land, and to all the instruments of it. He gave himself 
great liberty to reproach them. He compared them tO" 
Will with his wisp and Jack rvith his lanthorn, and pointed 
the artillery of heaven, in a tremendous manner, against 
them. The assembly thanked him for his sermon, and 
printed it, with all the reproach and abuse of his breth- 
ren in the ministry, and of other christians^ which it con- 

At the same session, a complaint was exhibited against jvjr. j^g^ 
Mr. James Davenport, of Southhold, on Long-Island, that venport 
he had convened great assemblies at Stratford, and that he ^^ ^'■' 
and others had committed great disorders : against Mr. brought 
Benjamin Pomeroy also, as having committed great disor- before the 
ders with him, the said Davenport. They v/ere arrested, ^-^^mbly . 
<*?nd brought before the assembly. The assembly judged 
with respect to Mr. Davenport, that the things alleged, the 
behaviour and conduct, and doctrine advanced by him, had 
a tendency to disturb and destroy the peace and order of 
this government ; yet, that it further appeared to the as- 
sembly, that the said Davenport was under the influence of 
enthusiastic impressions and impulses, and thereby dis- 
turbed in the rational faculties of his mind, and therefore 
rather to be pitied and compassionated, than to be treat- 
ed as otherwise he might be ; and the assembly considering 
that the settled place of his abode is in the town of South- 
hold, on Long-Island, whereto it is best he should be con- 

* The Rev. Mr. Williams, of Lebanon, remarked on the sermon, thS^K^ 
Me held never before seen the artillery of heaven so turaed against itself. 

16S HISTORY OF Chap. Vlll. 

Book II. veyecl : thereupon it was ordered by the assembly, that 
^-"^^^"^w/ the said Davenport be forthwith transported out of this 
1742. colony to Long-Island, to the place whence he came, 
Mr. Dav- wherein he is settled; and the governor and council are 
tMport desired to take effectual care, that this order be duly exe- 

tranpport- . j, ,ri, , . . . , n* t-. "^ 

{,<[ to Lon" ciited.* 1 he decision with respect to Mr. romeroy was, 
hlaud. that the evidence produced was not sufficient to make out 
any thing material against him. He was therefore dismis- 

Mr. Pomeroy was treated rudely ; resentment and malice 
appeared in the people ; an attempt, as he supposed, was 
made to throw him doAvn the stairs of the slate-house ; he 
was pushed off from one side of the stairway, but he leaped 
across to the other, and so saved himselL 

Sometime after, a lecture was appointed at Colchester, 
for Mr. Pomeroy to preach. Himself and Mr. Little, the 
pastor, had always lived in harmony ; their parishes join- 
ed each other. Mr. Pomeroy went from home supposing 
that he was about to afford him brotherly assistance, and 
to oblige his people ; but entirely contrary to his expecta- 
tions, Mr. Little, cither from his own private feelings, or 
fi'om the influence of some of his principal hearers, forbade 
his going into the meeting-house. There was a great col- 
lection of people, from Colchester, and the neighbouring 
towns, who were earnest to hear the word. Mr. Pomeroy, 
considering that many saints might be quickened, strength- 
ened, and. comforted, and that some souls might possibly 
be saved from death by his preaching, therefore judged it 
his indispensable duty to preach. Accordingly, he retired 
a little from the meeting-house, to the shade of a grove, and 
preached to a very numerous and attentive auditory. A 
certificate was lodged against him, and, for seven years, he 
was deprived of his stated salary. 
Errors of It was»now a very critical and momentous period with 
the sepa- ^\^q churches ; for while the spirit of God Avrought power- 
fully, satan raged maliciously, and playing his old subtle- 
ties, by transforming himself into an angel of light, deceiv- 
ed many. There appeared however many bad things in 
the good Avork. There was a false, as well as a good spir- 
it among the people, and a disposition to make religion 
consist in crying out, in bodily agitations, in great fears 
and joys, in zeal and talk, which were no evidences of it. 
When ministers in faithfulness pointed out their errors and 
false notions, and showed them clearly in what true reli- 
gion consisted, and pressed it upon them to be followers of 
God, as dear children, they were, numbers of them, disc- 
*" Records of tt^e colony. 



bliged, and pretended that the ministers' preaching had a Book IL 
tendency to quench the spirit : they pleaded for the indul- ^-^--v^^-/ 
gcnce of their inward frames, in noise and outcry, without 1742e 
restraint. They pretended that the power of godliness 
lay, or appeared, in such outcries and bodily motions, or 
visible tokens, and consequently, that to correct them was 
to deny the power of the holy Spirit, and to grieve him. 
They said, let the Lord carry on his own work in his own 
way. The zealous private brethren maintained, that it 
was right for them to exercise their gifts in public, as the 
spirit moved them, whether by exhorting, expounding scrip- 
ture, praying or preaching, as they feJt themselves impres- 
sed ; and they declared, that they had rather hear their ex- 
liorters exercise their gifts, than hear their ministers, and 
that more souls were converted under their exertions, than 
tinder those of the ministers. 

If an honest man doubted of his conversion, and only ^"/""^. ^"^ 
Said, he did not know that he had faith, he was upon that {^ the 
declared to be unconverted. churches. 

If a person were filled with great joy, he was declared to 
"be converted, and a child of God ; making no distinction 
between a mere selfish joy, and joy in God ; between the 
joy of the hypocrite, and that of the true christian. 

They held a certain knowledge of christians, not so 
much by external evidence, as by inward feeling, or fellow- 
fehip, as they called it. 

Sometimes they pretended to have a witness of the con- 
version of others, who now were in a state of sin ; or they 
liad faith given them to believe, that such a person would 
be converted. 

They paid a great regard to visions, or trances. In 
these, some would lie for hours ; and on their coming to 
themselves, would tell of wonderful things ; that they had 
s^en heaven, or hell, and such and such persons, if dead, 
there, or if alive, going to one or other of those places. 

In their religious conduct, they were influenced rather 
by inward impressions, than by the plain word of God, or 
the manifest intimations of Providence. Neither ministe- 
rial advice, nor parental counsel, nor their obligations to 
relative duties, were of any weight with them, in compari- 
son with impressions. 

They laid great weight upon their lively imaginations, 
or views of an outward Christ, or of Christ without them, 
whether they had a view of him in heaven, on a throne sur- 
rounded by adoring angels, or on a cross, suffering, bleed- 
ing, dying, and the like. Some looked on ^is as a pre*- 
cious, saving discovery of Christ- 

170 HISTORY OF Ciiap. Vm 

Book II. They maintained, that, if lliey did not feel a minister's 
SirfC'-v'"**/ Dveaching, he was either unconverted, or legal and dead ; 
1 742. or, to be sure, he did not preach Christ with power. They 
would hear none of the standing ministers preach, unless 
such as they called converted, lively, and powerful preach- 

They thought lighdy of those public meetings and ex- 
ercises, in which there was no visible great stir, or opera- 
tions among the people. They would commonly say there: 
was nothing of the power of religion. 

These were some of the errors which prevailed, and fi- 
nally terminated in separations from the standing minis- 
ters and churches. 

There v/as a remarkable haughtiness and self-sufficien- 
cy, and a fierce and bitter spirit and zeal, a censorious- 
ness and impatience of instruction and reproof, manifest 
among these people, and especially among their exhort- 
crs. Instead of loving and cleaving to the ministers, who 
had been their spiritual fathers, and to the churches, which 
had been their mother's house, in which they had been 
conceived, if they were indeed born of God, they were 
strangely alienated from them, 
ffifferenoe '^^^^ spirit and these errors were not general ; in most 
between of the churches in the colony there vvas nothing of it, or 
the people t^g instances of it were very rare. There was not, so far 
"t.dfr''m"^^ I can find, one minister in the colony who favoured any 
thechurch-of these errors, but they universally opposed them. In 
es, and most of the churchcs where the Avork had been remarka- 
^vT^ r^° ^^^' *^'^^"' ministers were greatly beloved ; the brethren 
walked together in great harmony, and brotherly love. 
They, instead of being offended at close preaching, and at 
being searched to the bottom, relished and applauded it. 
The more close and discriminating the preaching was, the 
better it was received. The ministers^ and good people 
in general, considered bodily motions, extacies, and imag- 
inations of outward views of Christ, as no kind of evidence 
of a gracious state, or of any saving views of a Redeemer. 
Thus different v/ere the principles, views and feelings, of 
the two sorts of christians. The one, Avere humble, do- 
cile, and willing to come to the light, that their works might 
manifest that they v/ere wrought in God. They, like the 
primitive christians, continued stedfast in the apostles' 
doctrine and fellowship, and in breaking of bread togeth- 
er. The other were haughty, bitter, censorious ; disaf- 
fected to their teachers ; disowned the churches with which 
they had covenanted ; and treated their brethren rather 
as the worshippers of satan, than as the followers of Cnpasx.. 


This fanatical spirit prevailed principally in the coun- BookIL 
ties of New-London and Windham. There was also ^^^-^^-^ 
something of the same spirit in the county of Hartford, in 1742. 
the towns of Windsor, of Suffield, and in Middletown. 
The separations began, and principally prevailed in these 

In Stonington, there was an early and large separa- 
tion, especially from the church under the pastoral care of 
the Rev. Mr. Fish. Perceiving the errors of his people, 
and sensible that many of them, not excepting some of the 
members of his church, were very ignorant, he took great 
pains to instruct them, in private as well as public, and to 
convince them of their errors. But they appeared haugh- 
ty and self-sufficient, and, in their own opinion, were much 
wiser than their teacher, whom they treated with v;reat 
abuse. They took great ofience at a sermon he preached 
from Ephes. v. 1. — Be ye therefore followers of God, as 
deal' children. The principal design of the sermon, was 
lo show what is was to follow God, or in what true reli- 
gion consisted, which was the same thing. It was observ- 
ed, that following God, as dear children, implied mens* 
giving themselves wholly to him, to be governed by his 
commands ; that it implied an imitation of him in his moral 
perfections, &c. It was insisted, that true religion con- 
sisted in thus following God ; and that in this we had an 
infallible rule of trial, whether we were God's children or 
not. It was inferred, that true religion did not consist in 
extacies, in crying out in the time of public worship, in 
powerful impressions, in lively imaginations, or visions of 
a bleeding Saviour, &c. ; that though the saints might 
l;ave these things, yet that they were no evidences of a 
gracious state. On this the house was filled with outcries 
against the preacher. He v/as declared to be an opposer 
of the work of God, making the hearts of his children sad, 
and strengthening the hands of the wicked. From this 
time, divisions and prejudices sprang up, increased and 
became settled. Disregarding their covenant vows, which 
they had so lately entered into with their pastor and breth- 
ren ; without taking any pains to reform the church, with 
respect to those things they conceived to be amiss, or with- 
out regarding the pains and remonstrances of their pastor 
and brethren to dissuade them ; a large number finally 
separated themselves from this and all the standing 

They allcdged as reasons for their separation, that the Reasons 
standing churches were not true churches, but of anti- |^r separa- 
clirist : That hypoci'isy was encQuraged in them, and 

172 HISTORY OF Chap. VliL 

Book II. they could have no communion with hypocrites. They 
*>-i^'->^^^*/ maintained that the church should be pure, undefiled with 
1742. hypocrisy, and that no hypocrite could abide with them. 
Upon this principle, the separate churches set out. They 
publicly professed thejiiselves to be elected of God, given 
to Christ, and effectually called, and as such, they cove^ 
nanted together.* They maintained that the whole power 
of ordination was in the church. They objected against 
their pastor for using notes, and at the same time, praying 
for assistance in preaching. They maintained that God 
had redeemed their souls, and that they were not bound 
to rites and forms, but had liberty to worship where they 
thought fit. They objected that there was not that liber- 
ty in the standing churches, and that food for their souls, 
Avhich they found in the meeting of the brethren. Because 
ministers studied their sermons, they called their exer- 
cises, preaching out of the head, and declared that they 
could not be edified by it. They maintained, that there 
was no need of any thing more than common learning, to 
qualify men for the ministry ; that if a man had the spirit 
of God, it was no matter whether he had any learning at 
all. Indeed, the first separatists at Stonington, held to a 
special revelation of some facts, or future events, not re- 
vealed in the scriptures. They elected their first minister 
by revelation. In less than one year, they chose, ordain- 
ed, silenced, cast him out of the church, and delivered hini 
up to satan.t 

The same spirit and delusions were spreading and tak- 
ing deep root, in some of the neighbouring towns, Pres- 
ton, Lyme, Norwich, Canterbury, Mansfield and Plain- 
field, and afterwards terminated in large separations, and 
the establishment of independent churches. 
General When the general association met in June, at New- 
aisi;ua- London, they passed the several resolutions following : 
15th 1742. " This general association being of opinion, that the 
Kesolu- God of all grace has been mercifully pleased to remember 
tiDEs. and visit his people, by stirring up great numbers among 
us to a concern for their souls, and to be asking the way to 
Zion, with their faces thitherward, which we desire to 
take notice of with great thankfulness to the Father of mer- 
cies : Being also of the opinion, that the great enemy of 
souls, who is ever ready with his devices to check, damp 
and destroy the work of God, is very busy for that pur- 
pose : we think it our duty to advise and intreat the minis- 

* See their confession of i'oith and covenant, published by the consodav 
^tJon of Windham County. . i 

•^ Fish's ScTfcons . 


tcrs and churches of the colony, and recommend it to the Book II. 
several particular associations, to stand well upon their v^'^/'-x-^ 
guard, in such a day as this, that no detriment arise to the 1743. 
interest of our great Lord and master Jesus Christ. 

" Particularly, that no errors in doctrine, whether from 
among ourselves, or foreigners, nor disorders in practice, 
do get in among us, or tares be sown in the Lord's field. 

''^ That seasonable and due testimony be borne against 
such errors and irregularities, as do already prevail among 
some persons ; as particularly the depending upon and fol- 
lowing impulses and impressions made on the mind, as 
though they were immediate revelations of some truth or 
duty, that is not revealed in the word of God : Laying too 
much weight on bodily agitations, raptures, extacies, vis- 
ions, (fee. : Ministers disorderly intruding into other minis- 
ters parishes : Laymen taking it upon them, in an un- 
warrantable manner, publicly to teach and exhort : Rash 
censijring and judging of othei^ : That the elders be care- 
ful to take heed to themselves and doctrine, that they may 
save themselves, and those that hear them : That they ap- 
prove themselves in all things as the ministers of God, by 
honor and dishonor, by good report and evil report : That 
none be lifted up by applause to a vain conceit, nor any 
be cast down by any contempt thrown upon them, to the 
neglect of their work ; and that they study unity, love and 
peace among themselves. 

" And further, that they endeavour to heal the un]iapp}i 
divisions that are already made in some of the churche?, 
and that the like may for the future be prevented : — That 
a just deference be paid to the laws of the magistrate late- 
ly made to suppress disordei's : That no countenance b,e 
given to such as trouble our churches, who are, according 
to the constitution of our churches, under censure, sus- 
pension, or deposition, for errors in doctrine or life." 

The General Assembly, at their session in May, with a 
view to suppress enthusiasm, and separations by sanction The act 
of law, repealed the act made for the relief of sober con- made for 
sciences, so that now there was no relief for any persons ^'^'^ '"*^"!" 
dissenting from the established mode of worship in Con- ^^^^j. ^^„. 
necticut, but upon application to the assembly, who were sciences is 
erowing more riofid in enforcing the constitution. The act ''tJl^^'^*^ 
of repeal, gave liberty for sober dissenters to apply to the 
assembly for relief, and promised that they sho\ild be heard, 
and that such persons as had any distinguishing character 
by which they might be known, as distinct from presby- 
terians and congregationalists, might expect the indul- 
gence of the assembly, upon ttieif taking the oaths and 

174 HISTORY OF Chap. VUf, 

Book il. subscribing the declaration, provided by the act of parlia- 
^^^"v-N-/ ment, in cases of the like nature.* 

1743. At the same session, the secretary of the colony was or- 
The Rev. dered to issue a writ to the sheriff of the county of New- 
John Ow- London, to arrest the Rev. John Owen, ofGroton, and 
arrested, bring him before the assembly, to answer for uttering hard 
speeches, scandalizing the laws and officers of the gov- 
ernment, and for breaching principles tending to bring the 
government into contempt. 
Oct. 1743. When the assembly met in October, judging that the ec- 
clesiastical law against foreigners coming into the colony, 
was not sufficiently severe, they further enacted, That if 
any person that is a foreigner, or stranger, and not an in- 
liabitaiit of this colony, shall return into the same again, 
at any time, after he has been, by order of authority, trans- 
ported out of the bounds of the colony, and shall preach, 
teach, or exhort, in any town or society in this colony, it 
shall be the duty of any magistrate or justice of the peace, 
who shall be informed of it, to cause such person to be ap- 
sipprehcnded and brought before him ; and such person, 
iiaving been found guilty, shall be bound in the penal sum 
of one hundred pounds, lawful money, to his peaceable 
and good behaviour, and that he will not offend again in 
like manner ; and tliat he shall pay down the cost of his 
transportation ; and that the county court may further bind 
him during pleasure.! 

As the secretary had neglected to issue his writ for the 
arresting of Mr. John Owen, until just before the session 
of the assembly, and until after he was gone out of the 
colony, so that be had not been arrested, the secretary was 
now ordered to arrest him and bring him before the assem- 
bly, as he had been before directed, 

The secretary, at the same time, was required to arrest, 
the body of Mi'. Benjamin Pomeroy, clerk, of Hebron, 
^^dierever he nyght be found, and bring him before the as- 
sembly, to answer for such matters and things as are ob- 
jected and complained of against him, on his majesty's be- 

The legislature not only enacted these severe and un- 
precedented laws, but they proceeded to deprive of their 
offices, such of the justics of the peace and other officers, 
a.s were new lights, as they were called, or who favoured 
iheir cause. There were no such laws in any of the other 
colonies,, nor were there in Great Britain. Many, botli 
ministers and people, considered them as invasions of the 
laws of Christ, as well as wholly inconsistent with the 
•^- Recojde of the colocvj May. 1743. t Re';or4s of Connecticut, Oct. 1743. 


rights of conscience, as making crimes of those things Book II. 
which the protestant reformers and the puritans had not ^^^^^^-^^^ 
only judged to be riglit, but matter of indispensable duty. 1744. 
They considered the laws as abominable, and, in some in- 
stances, spake their minds very freely ; more freely, per- 
haps, than was consistent with prudence or safety. 

In May, 1744, Mr. John Owen, and Mr. Pomeroy, were May,n44. 
brought before the assembly, to answer to complaints ex- 
hibited against them. 

Mr. Owen, on makmg some concessions, was dismissed, 
on paying the cost of prosecution ; the assembly imputing 
his fault rather to a misguided conscience, overheated zeal, 
and the difficulty of the times, than to a contempt of thn 
laws and authority of the government. 

Mr. Pomeroy was brought before the assembly, in con- 
sequence of a bill of indictment filed against him by Elihu 
Hall, Esq. of Wallingford, for publicly saying, that the late 
laws of this colony, made concerning ecclesiastical affairs, 
were a great foundation to encourage persecution, and to 
encourage wicked men to break their covenants ; and thai", 
if they did not, it was no thanks to the court : and that the 
law, which was made to stop ministers from going about to 
preach in other towns, was made without reason, and was 
contrary to the word of God. And on another bill he was 
indicted, for saying, on the fast day, that the great men had 
fallen in with those that were on the devil's side, and ene- 
mies to the kingdom of Christ ; that they had raised suci?. 
j)ersecution in the land, that if there be a faithful minister 
of the Lord Jesus, he must lose his estate ; that if there be 
a faithful man in civil authority, he must lose his honour 
and usefulness ; and that there was no colony so bad as 
Connecticut, for persecuting laws ; or to that effect. 

The assembly appointed Daniel Edwards, Esq. to man- 
age the prosecution against Mr. Pomeroy, before them> 
Mr. Pomeroy made such concessions as he judged he could 
with a good conscience ; but as the principal things were 
known facts ; that there were no such lav/s in any other 
colony in New-England or America ; and as he believedy 
in his conscience, that they were contrary to the word of 
God, of a persecuting nature, and laid a foundation for peo- 
ple to break their covenants with their ministers, and with- 
hold from them stipulated salaries, without any fault of 
theirs, he could not make any such retraction as the as- 
sembly would accept. He, therefore, was put upon his 
trial. He had many powerful friends ; and though the 
majority of the assembly and people were old lights, yet 
the new lights, as they were called, v/ere a numerous and 

itG History or Chap, viil 

Book 11. strong par(y, and great eftbrts were made to save him. All 
^-•""■^^■""^^ was said against the laws, and in his favour, which the 
1744. best attornics thought prudent and best to plead; but the 
assembly judged him guilty of the charges, ordered him to 
pay the cost of prosecution, and to be bound to his peace- 
able and good behaviour, in a bond of fifty pounds, until 
Ma3%i744. the session in the next May ; and then to appear before 
the assembly, and, on condition of his peaceable beha- 
viour till that time, to take up his bond.* 

While Mr. Pomeroy was deprived of his lawful salary, 
and thus harassed and put to expense, he had this conso- 
~ lation, — ^that his people were generally pious, peaceable, 
and friendly ; and expressed their good will towards him, 
in voluntarily supporting him ; and v/hile large separations 
were going off from other ministers and churches, not a 
family or individual was separating from him. He was 
popular, and wherever he preached, people would ilock to 
hear him. 

Every measure appears to have been taken to suppress 
the zealous, experimental preachers and people, both by 
the legislature and the leaders among the clergy. Num- 
bers of them were Arminians, preachers of a dead, cold 
morality, without any distinction of it from heathen morali- 
ty, by the principles of evangelical love and faith. Ex- 
perimental religion, and zeal and engagedness in preach- 
ing, and in serving God, were termed enthusiasm. And 
great advantage was taken, by reason of the wild, enthusi- 
astic errors, which some unhappily imbibed, to decry the 
whole work as delusion, and the work of the devil. The 
clergy, who were in opposition to the work, strove to en- 
force the constitution, in a rigid manner, beyond its true 
meaning and original design. The exclusion of ministers 
from preaching in their pulpits, who were orthodox, and 
zealously preached the doctrines which were contained in 
the confession of faith, adopted by the constitution, and 
who were moral in their lives, to whom they had given the 
right hand of fellowship, was entirely unconstitutional, and 
perhaps as great a disorder, as ministers preaching in a 
|5arish. without the consent of the pastor and church in 
said parish. The ecclesiastical constitution of the colonyj 
warranted no such measures. The ministers of each as- 
sociation were amenable to each other, and, until found 
guilty of error, mal-administration, or immoral conduct, 
upon a fair and candid hearing, before the association, or 
consociation, to which they belonged, had a right to be 
received and treated as brethren. The prohibiting their 
* The cost of prosecution, was £32, lOs, Sd. 


.preaching in the pulpits and parishes of their brethren, Hook 11. 
was so far from according with the constitution, that it was v.^^v-vw^ 
a violation of it. 1744. 

While the civilians were making and enforcins; their se- 


vere laws, the clergy were adopting measures no less se- 
vere and unconstitutional. They suspended their mem- 
bers from their communion, for going to hear Mr. White- 
field, Mr. Wheelock, Mr. Pomeroy, and other zealous 
preachers. In some instances, ministers did it by their 
own power, without ever consulting theii* churches, or giv- 
ing them a hearing before their brethren. Some, for this 
great fault, were excluded from church communion ten 
and twelve years, or more, until the pastors who suspended 
them were dead, and others succeeded them. 

The consociations, to guard against zealous preachers, 
or such as were strictly orthodox, ordained young men, in 
5ome instances, where there were strong parties in oppo- 
sition to their settlement; and in some instances, ii seems, 
against a majority of the church, and even where there was 
not a majority of the lawful voters in favour of the settle- ordination 
ment. In 1738, the consociation of New-Haven county, of Mr. 
ordained Mr. Samuel Whittel^ey at Milford, against a large Whittel- 
ininority in the church and town, who objected to his doc- ^'^i ' *^'' 
trines and preaching. There were warm debates in the 
council, and opposition to the ordination. Governor Law, 
and other principal men in the town, were in the majority, 
and engaged for his settlement. Mr. Whittelsey, of Wal- 
Jingford, was his father, and an influential character among 
the ministers, and he was exceedingly interested in the set- 
tlement of his son,, Mr. Noyes, of New-Haven, v/as close- 
ly united with him. Mr. Hall, of Cheshire, was brother in 
law to governor Law, and zealously wished the ordination, 
and finally the point was carried. In consequence, a num- 
ber of the church and society withdrew from his ministry, 
and professed themselves to be presbyterians ; they were 
strictly calvinistic, and a strict and zealous people, both 
as to doctrines and morals. They sent into New-Jersey, 
to obtain a preacher, who was a prcsbyterian. They ob- 
tained Mr. Finley to preach to them, a man of genius, and 
of an unblemished character. He was afterwards presi- 
dent of the college in New-Jersey. But he was once or 
twice, by virtue of the transporting law, carried, as a va- 
grant, out^ of the colony ; and the people were obliged, 
about twelve years, to pay their rates to Mr. Whittelsey, 
and to be at all charges with the first society, in building 
and repairing their meeting-houses.* 

* They were released from taxes i/i the session ia May, IT'jO, so Iocs 
?4 they should contyiue to worship by themselves. 


m mSTORY OF Chap. VIII, 

Book TI. The consociation of Windham, proceeded to ordain Mr. 
^^-*'^>^'V' James Cogswell, at Canterbmy, against a majority of thq 
Dec. 28th, church, as has been alledged ; in consequence of a major 
^^44. yQi^g Qf {[jg society. If this was a fact, that a majority of 
the church were against the settlement of Mr. Cogswell, 
as those who separated always affirmed, it was unconstitu- 
tional, and contrary to the universal practice in those cases. 
The platform expressly provides, that in the ordination of 
ii minister, there shall be a majority of the church. 
Ser^arafion About fifty families entirely separated from the church 
bury.^" ^'^' ^^^ society, and held meetings by themselves. They al- 
ledged that the consociation had ordained Mr. Cogswell 
in opposition to a majority, that they had taken seventeen 
members who were delinquents, and some of them under, 
censure, and treated them as in good standing. They ob- 
jected against the standing churches that they received 
members into full communion without any examination in- 
to their experience, maintaining that men of good mo- 
ral characters ought to be admitted to full communion, 
though unconverted, that they niight be ugder propev or- 
dinances for their conversion : That they baptized children 
of parents, neither of which were in full communion. 
That the ecclesiastical constitution of Connecticut, set the 
majority of the society of unregenerate men above the 
church : That Christ was the head of the church ; but the 
magistrates, the ecclesiastical constitution, and the major 
vote of the society, was the head of the Connecticut church- 
es : That the constitution and laws were unjust, oppressive 
and persecuting. In short, they maintained that the stand- 
hig churches were antichristian, and that all good people 
ought to come out from them and be separate : That it Avas 
idolatry to pay any thing to the standing ministry, and that 
none could do it with a good conscience. They repre- 
sented that the magistrates, ministers, and people who were 
joining with them, belonged to the generation of the per- 
secutors, on whom would come all the blood shed from the^ 
foundation of the world.* They held to a certain knowl- 
edge of the saints : denounced Mr. Cogswell as an uncon- 
verted man, >vho had no acquaintance with experimental 
|i"eligion, and often treated him with scurrility, with pro- 
vocation and abuse. They held their meetings in a pri- 
vate house, and their exhorters conducted their public 
Eshorters worship, ministered, and preached. In consequence of 
and lay j^j^jg some of them were arrested, condemned, and sen- 
imprison- tenced to be bound in a bond of an hundred pounds, not to 

■ " * See Solomon Paine's short view of the differeiice between the cliu.rch 

of Chpst and the established churches in the colony of Connecticut, ' 


(f)fFend again in the like manner. But as they imagined it Book II. 
was their indispensable duty to exhort and teach the peo- v^-»-v->fc** 
pie, and as they determined to teach and exhort when they 1744, 
should have opportunity, they would not give bonds, and 
so were committed to pirison, and kept a long time from 
their families, and from the worship and communion of their 
brethren, and endured much hardship in their long con- 
finement. Others were arrested and imprisoned for re- 
fusing to pay their minister's rates, which were laid upoa 
them, though they had acted against his settlement and 
withdrawn themselves wholly from his ministry. Others 
had their catde and goods taken and sold at the post at 
half their value, to pay for the support of the minister of 
the parish. These violent measures, instead of checking 
the separation, and conciliating the minds of the people, 
alienated them more andmrsrc from the constitution and 
standing churches, and confirmed them in their belief that 
they were right, and actually sutfering in the cause of 

There was another circurnstance which took place at this 
time, which had the same unhappy effect. There were two 
Clcavelands, John and Ebenezer, who were students in Yale 
College, whose parents it seems were of the number who had 
separated from the ministiy of Mr. Cogswell, and attended 
the separate meetings at a private house, which they had a- 
greed upon for that purpose. These young gentlemen, 
while at home, during the vacation in September, attended 
the separate meetings with their parents. One of them, it 
seems, was a member of the separate church. For this and 
their neglect to confess their fault in that respect, they were 
both expelled from college. The act of expulsion, and the 
reasons given for it, will exhibit the fullest account of this 
affair. It is in the words following :' 

" Yale College, Nov. 19th, 1744. 
Present, the Rector and Tutors. * 

" Upon information that John Cleaveland, and Ebene- The 
zer Cleaveland, members of this college, withdrew from Cleave= 
the public worship of God, in the meeting-house in Canter- ^^"ds ^x-- 
bury, carried on by Mr. Cogswell, a licensed and approv- from coU 
ed candidate for the ministry, preaching there at the de- lege, 
sire of the first parish or society in Canterbury, with the 
special direction of the association of the county of Wind- 
ham ; and that they the said Clcavelands, with sundry 
others, belonging to Canterbury and Plainfield, did go and 
attend upon a private separate meeting, in a private house, 
for divine worship, carried on principally by one Solomon 
Paine, a lay exhorter, on several sabbaths in September 

I8» HISTORY OP diTAP. Vl'lf . 

Book If. or Oclobcr last; ihc said Cleavcland's being several 
v^'-v>.-/ times sent for, acknowledged the facts, as above related. 
1744. and justified what they had done, and gave (he reasons. 
Act of ex- given in writing by the said separatists, for their separa- 
pulsion. ^^j^-)j^ aforesaid, the most material of which are these, viz ; 
That the hrst society in Canterbury keep up only the form 
of godliness, and deny the life, pov/er and spirituality of 
it, and had given Mr. Cogswell a call, in order for settle- 
ment, whom they the said separates had declared to be 
destitute of those essential qaaliticat-ions that ought to be in 
a minister of Jesus Christ, and therefore cannot join with 
the society in their choice, but look upon it to be their in- 
dispensable duty to choose one after God-s own heart ; ono 
^ that will be able to comfort the wounded with the same 

comfort wherewith lie himself is comforted of God, and 
not a blind guide ; for then the blind will lead the blind 
into the ditch of God's eternal wrath : and many of the so- 
ciety spoke evil of those things which they the separatist-.- 
received, and held to be the effects of the Holy Ghost •. 
whereupon they look upon it to be a loud call to them to 
f.orac out from among them, &c. and to appoint the house 
of Samuel Wadsv/orth, to be the place to meet in by them- 
selves, to serve the Lord in spirit and in truth. 

" And the said Cleavelands say, that this being the act 
of the major part of the members in full communion with 
the said society, is a sufficient warrant for them to join 
with them.. They also say, that !he said Solomon Paine 
has sufucient knowledge and ability to expound the scrip- 
tures, and to preach the gospel, and therefore has a right' 
to do it ; and therefore say thej^, that in v/ithdrawing from 
the public worship^ and attending upon the preaching of 
the said Solomon Paine, they have not acted contrary to 
any divine or human law. Whereupon it is considered 
by the rector and tutors^ 

" 1. That Ave, (depending in this matter upon the unani- 
mous judgment of the association in the county of Wind- 
ham) do judge that the said Mr. Cogswell, is sufficiently 
qualified to be a preacher of the gospel, and therefore that 
the refiections cast upon him, as aforesaid, are groundless. 
" 2. That if there were any reasons Vt'hy the said sepa- 
ratists should not choose to receive Mr. Cogswell as their 
minister ; or if it should be douJ>tful whether it is conven- 
ient that Mr. Cogswell should be ordained, where so great 
a number are against him, (which things properly belong 
, to the hearing and judging of a council,) yet we cannot see- 
that this could be any justification of their setting up a sepa- 
ration ia the meaii time. 


" 3. That neither the major part of the mem'bers in full Book IL 
communion, nor any other persons in any parish or socie- ^^^-n/-^/ 
ty, have any right or warrant to appoint any house or place 1 744. 
for worship on the sabbath, distinct and separate from, 
and in opposition to the meeting-house, the public place Act of ex- 
appointed by the general assembly, and the parish ; but ^" ^^°°' 
on the contrary, all such places and separate meetings are 
prohibited by the ancient laws of this government. 

" Whereupon, it is considered and adjudged by the rec- 
tor and tutors, that the said John and Ebenezer Cleave- 
iand, in withdrawing and separating from the public wor- 
ship of God, and attending upon the preaching of lay ex- 
horters, as aforesaid, have acted contrary to the rules of 
the gospel, the laws of this colony, and the college, and 
that the said Cleavelands shall be publicly admonished for 
their faults aforesaid ; and if they shall continue to justify 
themselves, and refuse to make an acknowledgment, they 
Srhall be expelled. Thomas Clap, Rector.'''' 

About a week after this, John Cleaveland gave in a pa- 
per, wherein he says, " I did not know that it was a trans- 
gression either of the laws of God, or of the colony, or of 
mis college, for me, as a member of, and in covenant with 
a particular church, generally owned to be a church of Je- 
sus Christ, to meet together with the major part of the said 
church for social worship, and therefore beg and entreat 
that my ignorance may be suffered to apologise for me in 
that respect." 

Upon which it v/as considered, " That whatever fnight 
be in his former ignorance and mistake, yet after all means Reasons 
of light and conviction, he still persists in justifying what for expuf- 
he had done, and would acknowledge no error in it ; though si°"- 
sometimes he seemed to be brought to such a doubt and 
stand in his own mind, as that it seemed probable that he 
v.'ouid have made some acknov/ledgment, if he had noi 
been prevented by ill advice : and since the principal end 
and design of erecting this college (as declared in the char- 
ter) was to train up a succession of learned and orthodox 
ministers, by whose instruction and example people might 
be directed in the ways of religion and good order ; there»- 
fore, to educate persons whose principles and practices 
are directly subversive of the visible church of Christ, 
would be contrary to the original design of erecting this 
society ; and we perceive that it would be a contradiction 
to the civil government, to support a college to educate stu- 
dents to trample upon their own laws, and break up the 
churches which they establish and protect, especially since 
the/5Ieneral Assembly, in May, 1742, thought proper to givp 

18'2" HISTORY OF Chap. VIII. 

Book II. the governors of the college some special advice and di- 
\^f-\^^*i^ rection upon that account, which was to this efiect : That 
1744. all proper care should be taken to prevent the scholars im- 
bibing those or such like errors ; and that those who would 
not be orderly and Submissive, should not be allowed the 
privileges of college. Neither can we conceive that it 
makes any odds, whether such pernicious errors are imbib- 
ed and practised, and the laws of God and the civil gov- 
ernment are broken in or out of the vacancy, of the town 
of New-Haven, or with or without the concurrence of the 
parents, since the pernicious consequences therfeof to the 
college and religion, will be just the same. 
Thomas Clap, Rector. 
Chauncey Whittelsev, )i 
John Whiting, > Tutors.''^ 

Thomas Darling, ) 

The expulsion of these young men, made a great clam- 
our in the state, as unprecedented and cruel. It was con- 
sidered as a severity exceeding the law of college respect- 
ing that case. The law was, " That no scholar upon the 
Lord's, or another day, under pretence of religion, shall 
go to any public or private meeting, not established or al- 
lowed by public authority, or approved by the president, 
under penalty of a fine, confession, public admonition, or 
otherwise, according to the state and demerit of the of- 
fence." A fine, or confession, or public admonition, might 
have answered the law ; and it supposed, in its very form, 
that the offender was to be treated in a more mild or severe 
manner, according to what was to be pleaded in his favor 
or against him. That there was much to plead in behalf 
of these young men was most evident. Mr. Cogswell's 
preaching, and his Support at Canterbury, by the asso- 
ciation and consociation, against a majority of the church, 
and so large a proportion of the people, was very extraor- 
dinary. The separates affirmed that thirteen delinquents, 
who were admonished by their brethren for open trans- 
gressions of God's law, called the consociation that pro- 
hibited the church from dealing with them. That these, 
and three more who joined v/ith them, and put themselves 
under the Saybrook platform, were the men who chose Mr. 
Cogswell. The soci(^ty had locked the meeting-house 
against the church. They had also threatened to prose- 
cute Mv. Biiel, of Long-Island, for preaching in the town. 
John Cleaveland, it seems, had joined in full communion 
with the church in Canterbury, and according to the ac- 
count which is given of the matter, the president had before 
owned and cgmmuned with him as a brother in Christ. 


The church with which he had joined in worship, was the Book II, 
very church with which he had covenanted, and with v,^~^^>«-^ 
which they had both worshipped. Their parents wor- 1744. 
shipped there. They held to the sam^e confession of faith 
which they had always used and owned, and which had 
been adopted both by the Cambridge and Saybrook plat- 
forms. They differed as to the mode of discipline. They 
adopted the Cambridge, instead of the Saybrook platform. 
The president and tutors allowed young men of the church 
of England, and of other denominations, to be in college 
without renouncing their principleso The treatment of 
these young men was therefore considered as partial, se- 
vere, and unjust. It was |3elieved by many, that churches 
had a right to worship God according to the dictates of 
their own consciences, and at such times, and in such pla- 
ces, as they pleased : That it was the principle on which 
the Protestants and Puritans acted, and the only one on 
xvhich their separation and conduct could be justified. 
They imagined if christian legislatures and councils, had 
a right to appoint the niodes and places of worship, and 
confine christians to them, that then the Papists, and church 
of England, had a right to bind all christians to worship 
with them, and the reformers and Puritans were totally 
wrong, and the persecutions raised against them were just. 
But this they could not believe. Hence they rejected the 
constitution, as then understood and practised upon, and 
the laws as really tyrannical and persecutmg.* 

* The act of the legislature, and the proceedings in consequence of it, 
l.owards ministers and others, and the procedure at college, were repignant 
io the sentiments of Mr. Locke, and all the best writers on toleration. The 
intolerant spirit of the president and governors of college at that time, will 
appear from an affair which happened soon after the law was made to pre- 
vent disorders, &:c. A number of the senior class in college set a subscrip- 
tion on foot for the reprinting of Mr. Locke's essay on toleration, and ob- 
tained a considerable number of subscribers, and were abcfut to engage, or 
had engaged for the reprinting of it. The president found it out, and re- 
primanded them for such a piece of conduct, and ordered them to make a 
public confession for what they had done, or else they should not have 
their degrees. They all made their confessions but one : he was of age, 
and a man of considerable property, and had some knowledge of the cred- 
it of Mr. Locke's writings, and of that tract in particular, and he would 
make no confession for his attempts to obtain the reprinting of such a 
tract. The day before commencement he found his name was not in thf- 
catalogue of his class, who were to have their degrees : he waited on the 
president and corporation to know the reason why his name was not in Ihe^ 
catalogue : he was told that he had been in the mischievous business of 
carrying about subscriptions for the reprinting of Mr. Locke on toleration.' 
He told them he was of age, and had property, and if he could not have 
his degree, he would appeal to the king in council : that he had an attor- 
ney, and would enter it soon. Some time after, a freshman was sent to 
him, acquainting him that the president and corporation wished to see 
him. He waited on them, and they treated him with much complaisance, 
Md told him to appear with bis class and take his degree. 

184 HISTORY OF Chap. \[\U 

Book II. But the laws were executed in all their severity. The 
Va<«''W»/ exhorters were not only imprisoned for teaching and ex- 
1744. liorting, but the members of the church were also arrested 
and imprisoned, for not hearing Mr. Cogswell, and for at- 
tending their private meetings. This severity, however, 
<lid not intimidate these zealous people, but increased 
their zeaj and resentment. Their sufferings awakened the 
pity of others, and influenced some to think more favour- 
ably of them, and rather increased than diminished their 

A large separation took place at Plainfield, and the 
same disorderly spirit appeared among considerable num- 
bers in Mansfield, and in some of the neighboring towns. 

In the mean time, the clergy bore animated testimony 
against the prevailing errors, and adopted such measures 
as they judged best calculated to prevent them. The ge- 
neral association resolved, 

" That whereas, at all times, but more especially at this 
time, sundry persons unjustly disaffected to, and preju- 
diced against either the minister or church, or both, to 
Resolu- which they belong, under the influence of such disaffection, 
<ions of the withdraw from their v/orship and communion ; and although 
sockttoi^r as yet they are under no censure, yet v/e think that other 
ministers and churches receiving such disaffected persons 
to privileges, serves to encourage and strengthen them, in 
their unjust disaffection and unreasonable separation 5 
which, to prevent, it may be proper that the minister, by 
himself, or in conjunction v.'ith some of the brethren of such 
church, from which there is such a separation, to write to 
the minister or ministers of such churches, to which the 
aforesaid disaffected members repair for privileges, and 
in a brotherly and kind manner, represent to them the true 
state of such members and churches, desiring them to dis- 
countenance and prevent such separations. And in case 
a minister, or ministers, so informed or applied to, shall 
still receive and encourage such pei'sons, that then the 
complainant lay the matter before the association to which 
that minister doth belong, and that the association deal 
with him as t(ie nature and circumstances of the case doth 
require. And inasmuch as we judge that such separations, 
countenanced as above, are the source and origin of much 
difficulty, and a practice big with many mischiefs, we ear- 
nestly recommend the affair to the particular associations, 
that in this, or some other way, they provide against so 
great an evil, that it may be, by the divine blessing, soon and 
easily cured. And that ministers should be very cautious 
©f entertaining such disaffected persons, t^nd of hearing and 


countenancing their reports of or against their ministers Book IF 
and churches. 

" That the entering of a minister, or of a number of min- ^^TtaT"' 
isters, mto any established parish in this government and 
there gathenng a church of members, that had before dis- 
orderly separated themselves from the church to which 
they belonged, and some of them actually under ecclesias= 
tical censure, is just matter of offence. 

" That requiring persons particularly to promise to walk 
in communion with that church of Christ into which they 
seeK admission, conscientiously attending and upholding 
the public worship of God in that place, until rec^ularly 
dismissed therefrom, is not a hard or unreasonable term of 

" That it is not advisable to admit a person to commun- 
ion, who remseth to submit to the above mentioned terms 
but insists on liberty to go to other places, when and wher^ 
lie^pleaseth, to attend the public worship and ordinances." 
The ministers in the county of Windham took much 
pains with the separates, in private, to find what were 
their errors, and to convince them of those things Avhere- 
m they conceived them to be wrong, they also met to- 
gether in association, towards the close of the year, and 
addressed a letter to the people in the several societies in 
the county, in which they particularly notice some of the 
most prevailing errors, and attempt, in a solid, plain and 
convincing manner, to refute them. The most prominent 
of these errors are thus particularized : 

" That the saints certainly know one another, and know Doings of 

who are Christ's ministers, by their own inward feelings, the assod- 

or a communion between them in the inward ac tin <ys of ''''°°°^*'^^ 

their own souls. ^ ^o"°ty of 

u T'Ur.t *i 11 • Windham, 

J tiat no other call is necessary to a person underta- Dec. iitb, 
king to preach the gospel, but his being a true christian, and l'^^^- 
having tin inward motion of the spirit, or persuasion in his 
own mind, that it is the will of God he should preach, and 
perform ministerial acts. That God disowns the ministry 
and churches in this land, and the ordinances administered 
m them. 

" Tnat at such meetings of lay preaching and exhorting, 
they have more of the presence of God, than in his ordi- 
nances and worship under the administration of the pre- 
sent ministry, and in the administration of the ordinances 
m these churches. ■ 

" That it is the will of God to have a pure church on 
earth, in this sense, that all the converted should be sepa- 
tated from the vmconverted." They also maintained, tha^ 
„ Y 

illSTORY OF G'hap. Vllf. 

, I , u-n rould not unclerstand the scriptures, nordis- 

nor understand divine truth; 

ofTI::sr:?S:L TiJ^y -^o^Iedg. -Tl^t the. « 

fe^U^^ a 4r;e:;^;as; a Ir^a. and merciful rc- 
vfval c^f ;■ iVon, in most of the towns and m that 
comtv as well as many other places in this land, which 
thev de'si^ed to acknowledge, to the praise of divme grace 
they decked, nevertheless, that they were satisfied thai. 
Shad be^n many things which accompa.iecM^^^^ 
ivork which had really been of a different kmd , 1 hat, 
vhen it pLsed God to send do^tn his Holy Spirit, tocon^ 
vince and convert sinners, and the prince of darkness was 
Twer able to keep them in that fatal security and for- 
mal tyt which they had lain, he was then obliged to act a 
difciU part to carry on the designs ot his kingdom ol 
darkness and oppose the conquests and triumphs of the 
Redeemer An Uhis he had done, by inutating as nearly 
^ he could, the work of the Holy Ghost, both by raising 
ima^^inary frights and terrors, in some mstances m 
neu's minds, somewhat resembling the convictions of the 
blessed Spirit, and awakenings of conscience for sin ; and 
also fi ing their minds with flashes of joy, and false com- 
forts, resembling somewhat, in a general way the consola- 
t?ons of the Ho?Y Ghost. In permitting which, is to be 
adored the awful and mysterious sovereignty ot God 
whose way is in the sea, and whose footsteps are not 
known. This, in its beginning was not so plainly dis- 
rerned and distinguished, in many instances, trom the 
work of the Holy Spirit^ especially, as there was some- 
limes some mixture of such things with the true experien- 
res of the people of God ; and was also pardy owing to 
the injudicious and violent opposition of some, to this work ; 
who, while they saw bad things attending it, and many 
people taken with them, boldly concluded it was all o a 
piece and with tremendous rashness ascribed ail to the 
ievil : while others, on the other hand, looking on the 
good, and being persuaded that it was a day of God s 
wonderful power and gracious visitation, suddenly and 
weakly concluded that there was liUle wrong in the ap^ 
pearances bcsick human weaknesses, and unavoidable in- 
firmity this gave great advantage to the subtle powers 
of darkness to sow tares in the field, and execute their 
wicked designs, which now more and more appear to have 
been to raise men's tempers, throw them into partie^s, to 
rxclte and keep up a blind and furious zeal, and embitter 


iheir spirits, and set them or) to reproach and persecute one Book II. 
another; to lead off their minds from the true and proper s-'''"^^^'' 
concerns of religion ; to deceive some with false shews of 
zeal for the cause of God ; to lead many into wrong and 
false notions of the nature of regeneration, and lead off their 
minds from the word of God ; to puff them up with pride 
and vain notions of immediate impulses on their minds, 
and apprehensions of being taught their duty and the doc- 
trinal meaning of particular texts of scripture thereby ; to 
lead them off from the ordinances of Christ, and persuade 
ihem of the uselessness of the ordinary means of teaching, 
and render them deaf to all conviction, but what they think 
is from the spirit of God speaking in them ; and also to 
prejudice the minds of carnal and inexperienced persons 
against the doctrine of regeneration, and the necessity of a 
special work of the Holy Spirit to convince and renew them, 
and to satisfy themselves without any such Avork, and to 
think that all beyond mere outward morality and virtue, 
and what reformation is wrought by mere moral persua- 
sion, is nothing but wild rant, superstition, and folly ; and 
the issue of these things is deism and infidelity." 

In their answer to this error, that God disowns the 
churches in this land, among other things, they say, " it is 
in fact false." " God has graciously and mercifully owned 
fhese churches, and the ministry and ordinances in them : 
there are at this day great numbers in several of our 
churches, and more or less in them all, (adored be sove- 
reign grace for it) who, according to the best judgment men 
can make by the rules of God's word, are truly godly and 
regenerate souls, who have received edification, and do 
from time to lime receive edification, quickening and com- 
fort from the Holy Spirit, through the means of the word 
and ordinances administered in these churches : yea, wc 
can several of us testify, that it has pleased God, within 
these few years past, to awaken, convince, and, as far as 
we can judge, to convert, divers persons in our respective 
congregations ; and so far as we can find by the most care- 
ful cxaminatioji, it has been wholly by, and through the 
means of the instituted ministry and ordinances of Christ, 
in his church, that all these instances of grace have been 
manifested : we would be far from speaking it to arrogate 
the least praise to ourselves ; we are not worthy to be hon- 
ored to be the meanest of the servants of Christ ; but we 
cannot but speak the things which we have seen and known 
to the glory of the name of God, and the honor of his in- 
stitutions : and we must testify that they are false witnes^^s 
against Christ, who deny it." 


Book IL In another part of tlieir letter, they say, " Notwithstand- 
'Uj<''~v-'<w ing all the malice of Saton, and the errors and sins which 
i 744. have defamed the work of divine grace, we do declare, 
that we are fully satisfied that there has been in several of 
our parishes, a wonderful work of divine grace, and a bless- 
ed outpouring of the holy spirit ; and in some of our plac- 
f s, those of us that belong to them, have reason to think, 
that great numbers have been under true, genuine con- 
•victions, and awakenings of the spirit of God; and ma- 
ny scores, to the best of our judgment, have given a clear 
and credible account of a gracious and saving work of the 
Holy Spirit on their hearts ; and thpugh many are much 
decayed, and swerved from that strict and holy living and 
nearness to God, which they expressed, yet many are 
found who appear to be bringing forth the fruits of God's 
grace, in an holy, humble, heavenly walk and conversa- 
tion. That work of God therefore, which Ave do acknowl- 
edge, and have seen in our parishes, has been a work of 
conviction and awakening in many souls, wherein they 
have been made to see their guilty, lost, undone state by 
nature, brought to see themselves under the righteous curse 
of God's holy law, and the broken covenant of works, hav- 
ing no power to help themselves out of that condition, and 
crying out, what must we do to be saved ? (And this con- 
cern did in divers of our parishes, run swiftly through most 
of the families, and there was scarce a sermon preached but 
was blessed for some time to promote this work.) And al- 
so leading many, so far as we could see, by their expres- 
sions and aetions, to see the divine truth of the gospel of- 
fer of salvation by Christ, and upon the credit, call and 
warrant of God's word, to venture their souls, for holiness 
and eternal life, upon the satisfaction and mediation of 
Christ alone ; and with humble joy and praise to admire 
the infinite liches of sovereign grace in Christ, the eter.- 
3ial son of God ; and that way of holiness and salvation 
nvhich God has provided through him: and many saints 
iiave been much enlivened, quickened and comforted ihro' 
the promises of the covenant of grace, and the sealings of 
the holy spirit. Both one and tiie other have been filled 
with humility, meekness, peace and charity, and a fervent 
love of God's word and institutions, which, as is recorded 
of the saints in scripture, they have prized as the greatest 
treasure in the world, and loved them as gold, yea, above 
line gold ; and have been led out to see the beauty, and 
taste the sweetness of holiness in the great variety and ex- 
tent of the virtues and duties of Christianity, in their seve- 
eral callings, conditions and relatioiis ; and that there is 


room for the most zealous exercises and fervent actings of Book II. 
love and obedience to Christ, and communion with him, v-^-v>te?# 
without thinking themselves qualified for preachers, or 1745. 
that their business lay in finding out the condition of oth- 
ers, and settling and directing the affairs of Christ's visi- 
ble kingdom^ And this work we have spoken of, we would 
publish and proclaim with the loudest sounds of praise to 
the glory of rich and sovereign grace : in carrying on 
which, God has owned the labours of many of his faithful 
ministers ; while divine grace has triumphed, notwithstand- 
ing all the weakness of men, and the cralt of satan." 

The association having abundantly refuted the errors of 
the separates, by solid scripture arguments, solemnly ad- 
dress them, to warn, cautioa and advise them. They then 
address true christians, beseeching them to stand fast in 
the grace which is in Christ Jesus, and not to be tossed 
about by every wind of doctrine, &:c. 

In the last place, they address the unregenerate, and de- 
clare unto them that, " there is a work of the holy spirit, a 
regeneration or new birth, which the scripture declares 
absolutely necessary to every man, or else he shall never 
enter into the kingdom of God." They testify to them, 
that if they took occasion, from the mistakes and errors be- 
fore mentioned, to ridicule religion, or think it exists in 
nothing but outward reformation, or the outward practice 
of virtue, they would be fixed in hypocrisy and presump- 
tion, and be forever ruined. They assured them, that if 
they unreasonably spent their time in disputing, or if pri- 
vate persons, who were not obliged by any oath or office, 
should keep stirring up prosecutions, and promoting and 
furthering the corporal punishments or religious disorders, 
and driving on coercive measures to reclaim those that 
wander out of the way of understanding, it would not only 
be the most eflfectual way to prevent their conviction, but 
also would be likely to be an occasion of their neglecting 
their own souls, Comforting themselves with a false zeal for 
God and his cause, while they remained as great strangers 
to God as they were born.^ 

This letter appears to have been written in meekness, 
and with a faithful and laborious attention to the subject. 
It did not, however, apprar to have any good eflect on 
those enthusiastic and wandering people, whom it was de- 
signed to convince and reclaim. 

The Rev. James Davenport, who had been the unhappy 

^LeUer from the associated ministers of the county of Windham, De- 
cember 11th, 1744, printed at Boston, containiHg 52 pages, quarto. I'he 
whole association appeared to be together, consisting of sis.teen ministersj 
who all set their aames to it. 



Chap. Vlll. 


Mr. Dav- 
his errojs. 

Book II. instrument of broachinj^ and encouraging some of those 
^,-^-N/^-x^ errors, was, by the gentle and laborious endeavours of the 
Rev. Mr. Williams and Mr. Wheelock, brought to a deep, 
humiliating and penitent sense of his errors, and the false 
spiiit under which he had acted ; and about this time mode 
a most public and ample conicssion and retraction, which 
was published, and spread through New-England, and oth- 
er parts of the country : But he could not convince and 
reclaim those in whose delusion he had been instrumental. 
They pretended he had now lost his zeal, fallen from his 
good spirit, become cold and dead, and was influenced by 
others : Hence they would receive no conviction of their 

Mr. Whitefield arrived, in the fall of this year, at Bos- 
ton, and preached in most of the pulpits there, and in the 
vicinity ; and as it was expected that he would, the next 
summer, make a tour through Connecticut, the general as- 
sociation, when they met, in June, 1745, to prevent his 
preaching in this colony, and prejudice the people against 
him, passed the following resolve : 

" That \yhereas there has of late years been many e;^- 
rors in doctrine and disorders in practice, prevailing in 
the churches in this land, which seem to have a threaten- 
• ing aspect upon the churches : and whereas Mr. George 
Whitefield has been the promoter, or at least the faulty 
occasion, of many of these errors and disorders ; this asso- 
ciation think it needful for them to declare, that if the said 
Mr. Whitefield should make his progress through this go- 
vernment, it would by no means be advisable for any of 
our ministers to admit him into their pulpits, or for any of 
our people to attend his administrations." 

This was, probably, an injurious and false representa- 
tion of Mr. Whitefield, showing die hatred of the old lights 
to him and his experimental and powerful preaching, a 
majority of whom, it seems, were at this general associa- 
tion. Nothing could have been more opposed to the feel- 
ings and wishes of those ministers who had been most in- 
strumental in the religious revival v;hich had been in the 
country, and to the experimental and zealous people who 
loved the sincere milk of the word. Doctor Coleman, Doc- 
tor Sewall, and the principal ministers of the gospel in 
Boston and its vicinity, had v/elcomed him into their pul- 
pits, and at their desire he had administered the sacra- 
ment in several of their churches. It will be but do» 
ing justice to Mr. Whitefield's character, to insert the tes- 
timony of fifteen ministers, met at Taunton, in Massachu- 
setts; 3>larch 5tb, 1745, as a contrast to this invidious re?p-» • 






Jution of the general association. It is in these words, Book IL 
viz: "Saturday, November 24th, 1 744. The Reverend Mr. n^^>^^v,^ 
Whitefield was so far revived, as to be able to set out from 1745. 
Portsmouth to Boston, whither he came, in a very feeble Testimo- 
state, the Monday evening after : since which, he has "^ *^?"" 
been able to preach in several of our largest houses of pub- ^r. " 
lie worship, particularly the Rev. Dr. Coleman's, Dr. White-f 
SewalPs, Mr. Webb's, and Mr. Gee's, to crowded assem- ^"^^'^ - 
blies of people, and with great and growing acceptance. 
At Dr. Coleman's desire, with the consent of the church, 
on the Lord's day after his arrival, he administered to 
them the holy communion. And last Lord's day ho 
preached for Mr. Cheever, of Chelsea, and administered 
the holy supper there. The next day he preached for the 
Rev. Mr. Emerson, of Maiden. Yesterday he set out to 
preach at some towns to the northward ; purposes to re- 
turn hither the next Wednesday evening, and after a few 
days, to comply with the earnest invitations of several 
ministers, to go and preach in their congregations in the 
southern parts of the province. He comes with the same 
extraordinary spirit of meekness, sweetness, and universal 
benevolence as before. In opposition to the spirit of sep- 
aration and bigotry, he is still for holding communion with 
all protestant churches. In opposition to enthusiasm, ho 
preaches a close adherance to the scriptures, the necessi- 
ty of trying all impressions by them, and of rejecting what- 
soever is not agreeable to them, as delusions. In opposi- 
tion to Antinomianism, he preaches up all kinds of rela- 
tive duties, though to be performed in the strength of 
Ohrist ; and in short, the doctrines of the church of Eng- 
land, and the first fathers of this country. As before, ho 
first applies himself to the understandings of his hearers, 
and then to the affections : and the more he preaches, 
the more he convinces people of their mistakes about him, 
and increases their satisfaction."* 

As Mr. Whitefield's strength increased, and his healdi 
grew better, he began to move further southward. After 
he had preached eastward, as far as Casco bay, and North- 
Yarmouth, he went through Connecticut, Plymouth and 
Rhode-Island, preaching twice a day, and generally to 
thousands. He was favourably received at New- York, 
and preached in the southern states in his way to Georgia,. 
as he had done when he was before in America. 

Notwithstanding all the pains taken by the pastors of 
tlie churches, in private and public, to convince the peo- 

* Prince's Christian Histgrv, vol; iV. No. 94 ; and thfe life of Whitefield-j 
pa2;e HO, 


Book If. pie who were separating from the churches and congrega- 
>>^^-'^^>i^ tions in the eastern parts of the colony, of their errors, the 

1745. separations continued, increased and grew more fixed and 
alarming. The separates formed themselves into distinct 
churches, and proceeded to choose and ordain ministers 
o\'ev them. The separates in Mansfield, and others be- 
longing to other churches, about the 9th of October, 1745, 

Oct. 1715. emi3odied themselves, solemnly covenanting together as a 
distinct church, without any dismission or recommenda- 
tion from the churches to which they belonged, and seve- 
ral of them were under censure, for errors, and scanda- 
"^ lous, disorderly Walking. About the midiUe of January, 

the next year, they met with a view to the ordination of 

1746. Deacon Thomas Marsh, for their teaching elder, and oth- 
er church oflicers. A number of neighbouring ministers, 
apprised of their meeting, met with a view to obtain an 
opportunity of discoursing with them, and, if possible, to 
dissuade them from their purpose ; but the separates treat- 
ed them, in a tumultuous manner, with unchristian and op- 
probious language, and revilings. They read among them^ 
a sol(?mn remonstrance and "protestation against their pro- 
ceeding.! They nevertheless met again in February, 
ordained John Hovey for their teaching elder, by prayer 
and the imposition of the hands of Thomas Denison, John 
Austin, and Matthew Smith, laymen, but appointed to that 
service by the church.*" In July, they ordained Thomas 
Marsh to be teaching elder in the same church, by the 
imposition of the hands of John Hovey, Matthew Smith, 
and Thomas Denison. In September following, they or- 
dained Solomon Paine, at Canterbury, to be the teaching 
elder of what they called the church there, by the imposi- 
tion of the hands of John Hovey, Matthew Smith, Jededi- 
ah Hyde, Thomas Stevens, and one Warren. The next 
day Thomas Stevens was ordained, in like manner, teach- 
ing elder of a separate church at Plainfield. 

Ti . „, The ijastors of the churches in the county of Windham, 
ciation deeply aliected with these proceedings, convened their 
meet at churclics, in consociation, in Scotland, on the 13th of Jan- 
fT^'im '^^'T' 1"747, to take into consideration, and give advice re- 
1747. ' lative to the lamented divisions and errors which had aris- 
en in the county ; and to hear the information which a 
committee, appointed by the association, had to give con- 
cerning them. Having received sufficient evidence of the 

t Doings of the association of Windham county, January, 1747. 

* The reason why John Hovey was chosen and ordained, instead of 
Deacon Thomas Marsh, I suppose was this, that Marsh was arrested and 
committed to prison qa the d-:<.y appointed for his ordinali':>n, for scparnting 
and prcacbing-. 

G'liAP. Vin. CONNECTICUT. 19^ 

princi}iles and proceedings of the brethren who had sepa- Book II. 
rated themselves from the churches, they sent notifications ^^^^^-v^ 
to Mr. Elisha and to Mr. Solomon Paine, deacon Marsh, 
and Mr. Thomas Stephens, giving them an account of the 
inforx-nation v/hich they had received, and desiring them 
to a]3pear before the pastors and churches from which 
they had separated, or before a committee of the consocia- 
tion, and to offer what they hkd to say in their own vindi- 
cation. The consociation then recommended it to the se- 
veral churches in the county to keep a day of solemn fast- 
ing and prayer, between that time and the second Tues- 
day in February next, to seek the Divine direction in that 
day of division and error, and to supplicate the pouring 
out of God's holy spirit upon the people. They then ad 
journed to the second Tuesday in February. 

On the 1 1th of February, the council met according to 
the adjournment. After the council had been opened with 
prayer, the facts, evidence, confessions of faith, and cove- 
nants of the separate churches, and the whole matter res- ^^'"^•'^^ 
pecting them were fully considered, and such remarks made, coudg'!. 
on those things which were wrong, as the council judged 
necessary and expedient. They particularly remarked 
on their confession of faith ; that though in general it was 
orthodox, yet it was very deficient, in respect to the de- 
scription of the offices, work, and mediation of Christ ; the 
nature of saving faith, the institutions and ordinances of 
the gospel, and the instituted worship of God in church 
assemblies : That in every instance, in which they had 
deviated from the confessions of faith professed from the 
beginning by the churches of Christ in this land, they had 
marred the sense, or perverted the scrijAure doctrine of 
faith, or at least rendered them ambiguous : so that under 
pretence of greater purity and reformation, they had or)en- 
ed a doer, and paved the way, to Moravian, Antinomian, 
Anabaptistical, and Quakerish errors : and that, under a 
pretence of congregational discipline, they had set up as ab- 
solute an independency as ever was heard of in the church. 

They also remarked on these as great errors, " That 
there are two m.eanings in the bible, a doctrinal and spiri- 
tual ; that a spiritual meaning lies hid under all passages 
of scripture, which no man can come to the knowledge of, 
but by the special revelation or opening of the spirit of 
God : That saving faith, is a firm or sure persuasion that 
Christ died for me ; and that I should have life and salva- 
tion by him ; and that assurance is the essence of faith : 
That the ministers and churches in this land are Popish, 
and antichristian." They remarked on the affecting proof 


\d'\ HISTORY OF Gkap. VII?. 

they had, of the errors and ignorance of the persons, Avh<3 
were the teachers of the separate churches ; their need to 
be taught what were the first principles of the oracles of 
God ; and their utter unfitness to expound the scriptures, 
and act as officers and teachers in the church. 

The consociation, after having made their remarks, came 
to the follo\Ying resolutions, in which they were unanimous. 
Resolves " That the churches in this county, do steadfastly adhere to 
or the the confession of faith, drawn up by the assembly of di- 
Council, vines at Westminster, and the same which has been pro- 
fessed and owned by our fathers, in the Cambridge and 
Saybrook platforms, owning the great doctrines of the 
scriptures, summarily contained in them. : That there is 
not any just ground of separation, from churches wherein 
(he true faith and doctrine of the gospel is professed and 
maintained, the pure word of God preached, and the sa- 
craments duly administered, according to the appointmertt 
of Christ in the holy scriptures ; That the separate peo- 
ple here treated of, have not taken measures in a scriptur- 
al and gospel way, and according to Christ's appointment, 
to convince these churches of departing from, the true faith 
or doctrine of the gospel, and ordinances of Christ, and the 
preaching of the pure word of God in them, or of the cor- 
rupt administration of sacraments, befoi-e their sepai'ation: 
That their separation has been carried on in an uncharita- 
ble, unchristian maimer, without any due regard to the 
pesLcp and edification of the church, and the rules of the 
gospel : That they have manifestly departed from the true 
faith, or doctrine, delivered in the gospel, and the ordinan- 
ces of Chuist, as delivered in his word : That their sepa- 
rations and practices thereon, are antichristian, divisive, 
rending the visible body of Christ, and casting off the au- 
thority which he has instituted in his church for edification, 
and abundantly warned against and forbidden in the gos- 
pel : That these churches ought to look upon those bodies 
of pi'ofessing christians, continuing in these errors and 
practices, as scandalous and disorderly walkers, and ac- 
cordingly to withdraw communion from them ; not hereby 
precluding pavticular churches, but judging it their duty, 
ro use such iarther gospel measures, as are suitable to con- 
vince and reclaim particular persons among them, as they 
•see their particular cases shall require." 

As it had been reported, that some of the ministers of 
that cotmty had lield and promoted some of the errors 
mentioned and condemned m this result, particularly the 
certainty of one christian's knowledge of another, and the 
preaching of unauthorised, illiterate pcrsong ; and that they 


have taught and held that outcries, and bodily agitations, Book II. 
were evidences of the presence and influence of the spirit v-^-^vx.^ 
©f God, the council declared, " That they had enc[uired 1747. 
into those things, and found that not one minister in the 
county held them 5 and that they had abundantly declared 
it, in the printed letter of the associated pastors, to the sev- 
eral societies in the county."* 

There was this year, a separate church formed in the church 
first society in Preston, and Mr. Paul Pai4i was ordained foraied, 
their pastor in. the separate manner. The enthusiasm of^!^'"'^ ^J- 
the seporate ministers at this time ran so high, and they ordained^ 
had such ideas of the special and immediate influence of Julyisth 
the divine spirit, that in the solemn charge which was giv- 
en him, as I have been credibly informed, it v^as enjoined 
upon nim, by no means to study or premeditate what he 
should say in public ; but to speak as the spirit should give 
him utterance. 

About the same time, a separation took place in Lyme, 
und Vol unto vvn, and not long after in Windsor, Enfield, and 

While these things were transacted in the eastern and 
northern parts of the colony, a violent opposition was made 
in the county of New-IIaven, to the new lights, and to the 
religious revival which had been in the country. They 
appeared to hesitate at no means to suppress the zealous 
new light ministers. In the year 1741, when the grand 
council was about to sit at Guilford, the association drew 
up several resolutions to be laid before that council ; 
among which was the follov/ing : " That for a minister to 
enter into another minister's parish, and.preach, or admin- 
ister the seals of the covenant, without the consent of, or 
in opposition to the setded minister of the parish, is disor- 
derly : notwithstanding, if a considerable number of the 
people in the parish, are desirous to hear another minister 
preach, provided the same be orthodox, and sound in the 
faith, and not notoriously faulty in censuring other per- 
sons, or guilty of any other scandal, we think it ordinari- 
ly advisable for the minister of the parish to gratify them, 
by giving his consent, upon their suitable applicanon to 
him for it, unless neighboring ministers should advise him 
to the contrary." Mr. Humphreys, of Derby, had preach- « 
ed to a baptist society, and on that account was soon after 
deprived of a seat in the association. The Rev. Mr. Tim- 
othy Allen, of West-Haven, who was an able and zealous 

*The result of the consociation of Windham county, printed at Boston, 
1747. This contains the evidence jiveu in concerning the separates, ther. 
4oijfessioa of faithj covenant, &c. 


Book IT. Calvinistic preacher, was not pleasing to them, and for 
vj«»-v^*-' some little imjn-udences, the consociation dismissed him 
from his ministry. The principal article alledgcd against 
him, Avas, that he had said, " that the reading of the scrip- 
tures, without the concurring influence and operation of the 
spirit of God, will no more convert a sinner, than reading an 
old almanack." Though it was true, that no external means 
would convert a sinner, yet Mr. Allen lamented the man- 
,r All ner of expression, and ofiered his confession to the associ- 

I>| I.Allen . . K , -, ., ,. . II- 1 • • • 1 

dismissed, ation lor ]t : but the council dismissed him, and it is said 
with this ill natured triumph : that they had blown out one 
new light, and that they would blow them all out. Mr. 
Allen was a man of genius and talent*, and an able defend- 
er of the doctrines of the gospel, as appeared by some of 
his publications ; he was also a man of strict morals, and 
a powerful and fervent preacher. Though his light was 
not suffered to shine in the county of Ncw-Fiaven, yet it 
.shone in other churches until he was between eighty and 
3iinety years of age.* 

In 1744, a church was formed in Salisbury, on the prin- 
ciples of the Cambridge platform, and the town and church 
made choice of Mr. Jonathan Lee for their pastor; and, 
among other gentlemen, made choice of the Rev. Mr. 
^rdai^ed Humphreys, of Derby, and the Rev. Mr. Leavenworth, of 
Kov. 23d', Waterbury, and the Rev. Mr. Todd, of Northbury, to as- 
1744. sist in his ordination. He had received a liberal education 
at Yale College, and studied divinity under the care of 
Mr. Williams, of Lebanon ; was of a good moral charac- 
ter, and a zealous preacher of the Calvinistic doctrines. 
The association suspended these gentlemen from all asso- 
ciational communion, for assisting in the ordination of Mr. 
Lee, because he and the church had adopted the Cam- 
"bridge platform, and vrere not on the constitutional esta- 
blishment of the colony. 

They had now expelled from the association all the zeal- 
ous Calvinibtic preachers, or enthusiasts, as they esteem- 
ed them, except Mr. Robbins, of Branford, a young gen- 
tleman who liad been ordained about eight or ten years. 
Him they had been disciplining and persecuting for some 
Ti-oceed- time. Their proceedin2:s aeainst him were as follows : 
ffainst' Mr. There sprang up a number of baptists, in the first society 
Robbins. in Wallingford, about the year 1734 or 1735. They had 
built them a meeting-house, and two ministers had been 
ordamed over them. By the advice of Governor Talcott, 
the society had not required any taxes from them for a 

*In the year 1800, he continued to be pastor in Chesterfield, jn Massa- 
,lfhusQtts, in the SGthyear of his age, ^ 


number of years. In the general awakening, they were Book II. 
roused to a concern for the great interests of their souls, s^^—v—^^ 
and their pastor, who then was Mr. John Merriman, in be- 
half of himself and people, had desired some of the stand- 
ing ministers to preach for them ; observing, that as to the 
internals of religion, they could heartily join with them, 
though not in the mode. Some of the standing ministers 
had accepted their invitations, ai?d preached to them. In 
December, 1741, Mr. Merriman, in behalf of himself and 
people, wrote a letter to Mr. Robbins, desiring him to come 
and give them a sermon or two. Mr. Merriman observed 
in his letter, that Mr. Bellamy had lately preached to them, 
to good satisfaction, and with succesi, as to several of the 
people. Mr. Robbins accepted the invitation, and appoint- 
ed the time when he would be with them. After this, Mr. 
Robbins was presented with a paper, signpd by forty-two 
persons, of Mr. Whittelsey's congregation, desiring that he 
v/ould not preach to the baptists in Wallingford. The 
messengers v/ho conveyed him this letter, also presented 
him with a line from the Rev. Mr. Stiles, of North-Haven, 
and Mr. Hemingway, of East-Haven, advising him not to 
preach in the baptist meeting-house, in Wallingford. Mr. 
Robbins could see no reason why these gentlemen siiould 
desire that he should not preach to the baptists. It ap- 
peared to him rather unkind, and contrary to a christian 
spirit, to prevent their having preaching, when they thirst- 
ed for the word of life, and there was a more than com- 
mon prospect of doing good. He had given his word, and 
appointed the day, and though he had some hesitation with 
I'espect to it at first, after he had received the letter from 
Wallingford, he determined to go and preach according to 
liis engagement. 

At an adjourned consociation at New-Haven, February 1742, 
9lh, 1742, a complaint was exhibited against him, by one 
of the delegates in consociation, for preaching to the bap- 
tists at Wallingford, Mr. Robbins could not at that time, 
nor ever afterwards, obtain a copy of it, though he frequent- 
ly desired it : but it was, so far as Mr. Robbins could re- 
collect, nearly in these words : Complaiiii 

" I, the subscriber, do signify, by way of complaint to against 
this reverend consociation, that on the 6th day of Jan- ^^" ^'■'^^' 
uary last past, the Rev. Philemon Robbins did enter into 
the first society in Wallingford, and preach in a disorderly 
manner, in contempt of the authority of this consociation, 
without the consent of the Rev. Mr. Whittelsey, pastor of 
said society, contrary to the act of the Guilford council.^ 
contrary to the act of this consociation, and contrary tc 


Book II. the desire of two neighborine; minister,-;, and a great num- 

^<»-<-^^'>j^ bcr of church members iu Wallingford." 
1744. (Signed) Theophilus Yale. 

Until this time, Mr. Robbins had never heard of any 
uneasiness among his own people, nor complaint or fault 
found with him for preaching to the baptists. Neither the 
complainant nor any other person mentioned it to him in 
private as a fault. The complaint was exhibited in viola- 
tion of the express command of Christ, in the eighteenth of 
Matthew ; and without giving him even a copy of the com- 
plaint, or any citation to appear before the consociation, 
or allowing hjm time to prepare for his defence, called 
him to answer, contrary to all regular proceedings, either 
in civil or ecclesiastical affairs. Mr. Robbins pleaded to 

Mr. Rob- this eiiect. That with respect to the resolutions of the Guil- 

bins' aQ- ford council, he knew nothing of them, at the time of his 

swcr to tiiG . , ^ 

com- preaching at Wallingford ; that they had never, as yet, been 

plaint. adopted by this consociation, nor so m\ich as read in it : 
That as to the resolution of this consociation, it was pass- 
ed only for the consideration of the Guilfoi-d council, and 
had answered its design ; and there was at the time of his 
preaching, in fact, no law against it ; and, that where 
there was no lav/, there could be no transgression. Be- 
sides, he had not entered into Mr. Whittelsey's parish, but 
had preached to a people entirely different from his, in the 
view of governor Talcott, before his death, and of the 
the town, who treated them as such, as they gathered no 
taxes from them, any more than from the inhabitants of 
any other town or society. He observed further, that the 
legislature owned them as a lawful society, by sending 
them proclamations for fasts and thanksgivings. With 
respect to his preaching, contrary to the advice of two 
neighbouring miii,istcrs, and a great number of church 
members, he observed, that he knew of no inile in the word 
of God, or the Saybrook platform, which obliged him to 
comply with their desire in his preaching, nor could he 
see any reason in such desire, He observed that there 
was nothing in the complaint accusing him of the violation 
of any of the divine commands, or of doing any th[ng con- 
trary to the word of God. 
Jlesolvesof The consociation, nevertheless, resolved, "That the 
the council Rev. Mr. Robbins' so preaching was disorderly : That 
M^'^p'^b" ^^^"' Robbins should not sit as a member of this council for 
faics. '^ liis disorderly preaching," Mr. Robbins, upon the read- 
ing of the resolutions of the council, returned home, ex- 
pecting no more complaints or trouble on the account oi 
his preaching to the baptists. But, very unexpcctedlv to 


him, a complaint was exhibited against him, to the asso- Book IJ. 
ciation which sat at Cheshire, in May, 1743. Mr. Rob- v^^^-n^-x^ 
bins accidentally heard ol" it, soon after, but he could not 1743, 
learn who were the complainants, nor Avhat number of 
them there were, nor what were the articles of complaint. 
Every thing relative to it had been conducted with the ut- 
most secrecy. However, by one of the neighboring min- 
isters, be learned that the articles of complaint, as nearly 
as he could i-emcmber them, were, " That Mr. Robbinshad 
set up lectures, without a vote of the church for it : That 
he denied the platform : That he baptized a child at New- 
llaven : That he was a promoter of divisions and separa- 
tions ; and that he admitted members of the separate church 
at New-Haven to communion^" 

He learned that the complainants were six in nuraber\ 
one of them a man who, for some time, had scarcely been 
compos mentis, and had not for about two years attended 
public worship. He also became acquainted with the ap- 
pointment of a council, to meet in Branford, in June, to 
hear all matters of ditBculty, by the appointment of the as- 
sociation. Mr. Robbins hearing v/ho were the ministers 
that were appointed to meet at Branford, invited them to 
his house. He afterwards received a letter from the scribe 
of the association, acquainting him that a council was to 
meet at Branford, the second Tuesday in June, to enquire 
into their difficulties, and naming the gentlemen of whom it 
was to consist ; but mentioning no articles of complaint. 
But, before the time appointed for the meeting of the coun- 
cil, the principal complainants came to Mr. Robbins, and 
desired to make peace. They said if they could make up 
the breach among themselves, there need be no more diffi- 
culty. Mr. Robbins observed, that if he should satisfy 
them, the other complainants, who were not present, might 
not be satisfied. They said they would go and call the 
others. They all came but two ; one was not at home, and 
the other left it with his brethren to act for him. 

Mr. Robbijis then asked, what were their articles of Seftls- 
grievance ; but they had no copy of them, nor did they '^^^j."^ ^'. 
seem to be able to recollect them. He then repeated what hetweeir 
he had heard them to be. They said those were the arti- Mr. Rob ■ 
cles. Mr. Robbins then said, to make peace, I will call a ^^"^ ''^"'^ 
church meeting, and take their vote- respectinoj lectures. 1^;!;.?",'" 
With respect to his denying the platform, they meant by 
it, his not going to associations, thus making the punish- 
ment of a former offence, the ground of subsequent accusa- 
tion ; he said, I will go to the next, and endeavour to make 
up with them. "vVith respect t© the third article, his bap- 

200 HISTORY Of Chap. VIIL 

BooK II. tizing a child at New-Haven, he said fhal he had given the 
v-*'~^''>«-/ consociation satisfaction with respect to that. As to his 
1 743. encouraging separates, by which they meant his preaching 
to tlie separates in New-Haven, he said he would not 
jDrcach to them again, until they had got into some other 
form ; until a church should be gathered, or the people 
should take benefit of the act of toleration. With respect 
to his admission of the members of the separate church at 
New-Haven, he promised, he would not admit those mem- 
bers at present. With these answers, the complainants 
declared themselves satisfied ; and in consequence of their 
satisfaction, they readily subscribed the foUowing letter : 
" To the Rev. Messrs. Jacob Hemingway, &;c. desired 
by the association of New-Haven county, to come to Bran- 
ford, on the second Tuesday in June, Anno Domini, 1 743 ; 
to inspect some afi'airs of difficulty, between our Rev. pas- 
tor and us : 
" Rev. Gentlemen, 

" We hereby inform you^ that on Tuesday last we went 
to the house of our Rev. pastor, to discourse on some things 
that have been matters of grievance to us ; and we have 
discoursed on each of the articles that you have been ap- 
prised of, and whatever else we wanted to discourse of, re- 
i-ating to any difterence between us ; and our pastor has 
given us full satisfaction in all things ; so that we are in 
good agreement and union ; and do (we hope heartily) for- 
get and forgive all past offeiices, or matters of difficulty, 
whatsoever. We desire to acknowledge the goodness of 
God, herein, and return thanks to yoii, gentlemen, for 
your good designs and purposes to promote what we have 
so haj)pily concluded ; and do rest your obliged friends 
and servants. 

Abraham HoADLr, 
John Plant, 

Joseph Frisbie, for himself 
and John Rogers, 
John Baldwin." 
Notwithstanchng this complete and amicable settlement 
between the pastor and the jjcople, the gentlemen who 
were appointed, met in Branlbrd, and collected a great 
number of people, it was supposed by sending round pri- 
vate notices far all' who were dissatisfied to appear. 
They came, with all who were inclined to hear. No arti- 
cles of complaint were exhibited ; but the people were al- 
lowed alternately to speak, of a variety of things, much as 
they pleased. They spoke of Mr. Robbins's admitting 
Mr. Davenport to preach ; of his holding night meetings^ 


(that is, conferences) at his house, and having disord^s Book IL 
there after lectures ; crying out,' prayers, and the like. \.^-v->^^ 

After Mr. Robbins had made his answer to the matters 1743, 
which were thus loosely alledged, the committee drew up 
articles of advice to him ; with v/hich, after some correc- 
tions and alterations, he, complied. Peace was declared, 
and all were satisfied and contented. 

Mr. Robbins, according to his engagement, called a 
church meeting to know the minds of his brethren with res- 
pect to his appointing lectures, and the church voted to 
leave it with him to appoint them as he pleased. Accor- 
ding to his promise, he went to the next association, which 
was held at the Rev. Mr. Stiles', in North-Haven, to en- 
deavor to obtain a good standing with his brethren. He 
inquired of them whether the vote of the consociation, 
secluding him from sitting with them, secluded him also 
from sitting in the association ? They replied, that the great- 
er implied the less, and that he could not be allowed to sit: 
in the association. 

The association then presented him with the following 
confession : " Whereas I, Philemon Robbins, was con- 
demned by the consociation of New-Haven county, for dis- 
orderly preaching, in the first society in Wallingford ; I 
do now acknowledge, that my preaching there was disor- 
derly ; and I purpose to preach disorderly no more, and 
desire the reverend association of New-Haven county to 
overlook it ; I purposing and resolving, if opportunity fa- 
vor, to go to said consociation, and acknowledge the said 
disorderly preaching before them, in order to be restored 
to their favor." 

As he could not acknowledge his preaching to the bap- 
tists was contrary to the word of God, or the Saybrook 
platform, and as he did believe in his conscience, that it 
was not disorderly, he refused to subscribe the confession./ 
He offered a confession of his own, but the association 
would not accept if. But as the people were uneasy that 
he was not on good terms with the association, and as a 
good understanding with his brethren in the vicinity wasr 
desirable, he went to the association the next year in May, 
while it was sitting in North-Branford, and offered three 
confessions to the association : the first was in these words : 
" I the subscriber do acknowledge that I preached at Wal- 
lingford, within the bounds of the first society, and without 
the consent of the Rev. Mr. Whittelsey, pastor of the first 
society, on January 6th, 1741-2, and now do acknowl- 
edge, that my preaching there was a breach of the order 
that the ecclesiastical authority of Nevz-Haven county have 
A 2 

•20^ HISTORY OF Chap. VIIIs 

Book II. come into, by an agreement and vote, A. D. 1741, and so 
v-s^-^^^w disorderly preaching in that respect, as it was contrary to 
said vote. And now 1 declare that it is my full purpose, 
at present, not to preach contrary to said vote of said au- 
thority ecclesiastical, for time to come, nor contrary to the 
act of the general assembly in May, 1742. And further, I 
humbly ask that the association of New-Haven county 
would overlook what is past, and receive me to sit with 
ihem, &c. as fonnerly, and recommend me to be received 
by the consociation, upon my making this acknov/ledg' 
ment before them, which I stand ready to do when oppor- 
tunity presents. Philemon Robbins." 

It was a long time debated in council, whether this con- 
fession should be received or not. Some were for it, but 
finally a majority appeared against it, and it was rejected. 
They said they should be afraid ever to see Mr. Whittel- 
sey again if they should receive it. He offered them a 
second, but that did not satisfy them. He told them he 
had a third to offer, if they would hear it. They refused ; 
but one of the association wished to have it, and promised 
to return it to him again, and there was no doubt but the 
association heard it. It was as followeth : 

" I the subscriber do humbly acknowledge that I preach- 
ed at VVallingford, within the bounds of the first society, to 
the people called the baptists, January 6th, A. D. 1741-2, 
for which the reverend consociation have secluded me 
from the privilege of sitting with them, and people at homo 
and abroad have been uneasy: I do therefore declare, 
that, though if I was instrumental of any spiritual good to 
any souls there, I must so far rejoice ; yet upon every oth- 
er account, I am sony that 1 went ; and desire the associa- 
tion and consociation of said county to overlook it, and 
receive me to sit with them, &c. as formerly. 

Philemon Robbins." 
Finding that nothing which he could conscientiously say 
would satisfy the association, he went home, hoping that 
what he had said might give satisfaction to his own people, 
though it had not to the association. 
May '29Ui, The next year, by implicit advice of one of the associa- 
1745. tion, who had made himself very busy about Branford af- 
fairs, another complaint was drawn up and carried to the 
association, sitting at Amity, May 29th, 1745. This was 
managed in the same private manner as the other com- 
plaint. Nothing had been said to him by the complainantSj 
nor any opportunity given him to attempt their satisfaction. 
He did not so much as hear of the complaint, until some 
time after it was gone to the eissociation. After he receiv • 


ed the news of it, and that a council was coming again to BookIL 
Branford, he could not learn who the complainants, or ^^.rf^~v-^^^ 
what the articles of complaint, were. But some days he- 
fore the council met, the three following papers were 
handed to him. 

" To the reverend association of New-Haven county : 

We, the subscribers, belonging to the first society in 
Branford, do humbly request you, re^'erend gentlemen, to 
take into consideration the difficulties and grievances we 
labor under, with the Rev. Philemon Robbins, our pastor, 
in not coming up to his promise to get into good standing 
with the association, which were the terms of his reconcil 
iation with this church and congregation. We also appre- 
hend he is led by an enthusiastic, censorious spirit, to the 
great grief of a great part of this church and congregation." 
Joseph Frisbie, and others, 

\fi the number of fifteen. 

This procedure was very extraordinary. With respect 
to the first article, it was not true, and the association could 
not but know that it was not, as a great part of them 
had been at Branford, and heard all their affairs. All that 
Mr. Robbins promised, was, that he would go to the asso- 
ciation, and endeavour to get into good standing with his 
brethren. He had been, and taken great pains, and said 
aJl that he could say, with truth and a good conscience. 
The other part of the complaint contained only a general 
<leclaration of the apprehension of the complainants, that 
he was led by ^n enthusiastic and censorious spirit, with- 
out mentioning a single fact to support it, or giving any 
intimation to the accused, what he would be called to an- 
swer in consequence of it. Such general charges ai-e al- 
ways rejected, in all regular proceedings. Besides, the re- 
ceiving the complaint, (when neither of the previous steps 
expressly commanded in Matthew xviii. which, in the 
opinion of the greatest divines, is an universal rule to be 
observed in all cases of discipline, had been adopted,) 
was wholly unscriptural ; it was ijiconsistefit with broth- 
erly love, and the very spirit of the gospel. 

At a meeting of the association of New-Haven county, 
regularly convened at Amity, May 28th, 1745. 
" To Mr. Joseph Frisbie, of Branford — 

" Upon the representation that you and fourteen more 
of the south society in Branford have made to this associa-- 
tion, this association have appointed the Rev. Messrs- 
Jacob Hemingway, Isaac Stiles, and Thomas Ruggles, a 
committee to repair to Branford, to enquire into the prem- 
ises, at what tijne and place you shall appoint and desire,_ 


Book II. and seasonably inform said committee of ; v;ho are direct- 
v«^~>^>»i^ ed to make their report of the affair to this association, at 
1745. their next meeting. By order of the association, 

Thomas Ruggles, Scribe." 
The complainants warned the gentlemen to meet on the 
third Monday in June, at 10 o'clock, at the house of Or- 
chard Guy. Neither Mr. Robbins nor his friends had any 
notification, or desire from the association or their commit- 
tee, to meet them ; but as the affair respected a complaint 
exhibited against him, in which the church and society 
were interested, as Fell as himself, he and his friends 
wished to be present, and to hear what was to be said up- 
on the subject. ' They therefore went to the house where 
the gendemen were met, and Mr. Robbins observed, that 
he understood they were come on his account, and that he 
Tvas come to see them, but would not interrupt them ; and 
that upon their desire he would withdraw. One of the 
principal gentlemen in the town, observed the same for him- 
self, and the friends of Mr. Robbins, who were present. 
'The committee of the association allowed Mr. Robbins, 
bis deacons, and one or two more of his friends, to stay, 
but ordered the rest to depart. They proceeded to read 
the first confession which Mr. Robbins made to the asso- 
ciation, to know whether it was satisfactory to the com- 
plainants. When it had been read, by the order of Mr. 
Stiles, Mr. Ruggles represented its deficiency, and the 
reasons why the association would not receive it.* The 
complainants said but little ; the principal conversation 
■was between Mr. Robbins, and the committee of the asso- 
ciation, relative to his getting into good standing with 
them ; but they could agree upon nothing with respect to 
that. Mr. Robbins made this proposal ; that if it would 
make peace in the society, he would resign the ministry 
among them ; They might go to Cambridge, New-Haven, 
or wherever else they pleased, and obtain a candidate to 
preach to them two or three months ; and when his time of 
brobation was expired, if they would setde him, he would 
quit the ministry. But the ministers were so sensible that 
this would not succeed, that they did not advise to the 
ineasure. The committee of the association, before they 
left the town, went to the house of Mr. Robbins and urged 
iim to attend the next association, and make one attempt 
more to obtain his good standing ; but he imagined it 
would be in vain, as he could offer nothing more than he 
had offered. Nevertheless, upon their importunity, and 

* Two of the gftntlemen appointed by the association only were pres^ 
l^nt : Mr= Hemingway did not attend. "^z 


hoping that it might give some present ease, to those who Book II. 
were dissatisfied among his people, he consented to go. .v^^v^^pf*" 
This the committee reported to the complainants, and left 1745. 
the to;ivn. 

According to his agreement he went to the next associ- 
ation, at Waterbury, in September, 1745, and offered the 
following confession to the association : 

"I, the subscriber, do humbly acknowledge that I preach- 
ed at Wallingford, within the bounds of the first society,, 
to the people called the baptists, on Jan. 6th, 1741-2, for 
which I have teen excluded the consociation of New-Ha^ 
ven county ; which has occasioned great uneasiness to me, 
and among my people. And though I cannot (after more 
than three years study, meditation, and prayer, for light in 
the matter,) be convinced jn conscience that my so preach- 
ing was contrary to the holy scriptures, or the mind of God; 
yet, I am free to own and acknowledge the circumstances 
that attended it, yiz. that it was without the consent of the 
Rev. Mr. Whittelsey, pastor in Wallingford, contrary to 
the desire and advice of two ministers, and a considerable 
number of church members in Wallingford; and farther, 
that it was contrary to the vote of the Rev. consociation of 
New-Haven county ; a reverend and worthy body of gen- 
tlemen, whom I esteem and honor. And I acknowledge 
my preaching as above, to be disorderly in this respect, as 
it was contrary to said vote of said authority ecclesiastical. 
And now, gentlemen, I humbly beg forgiveness : let my 
ignorance of its being a crime apologize for me, that I may 
be restored. And I would humbly ofter one motive to en- 
gage your compassion, viz. a prospect of peace among my 
people, who have been uneasy ; for I think that in other- 
respects, they are friendly and kind ; but this case has 
been an uneasiness with them, and a principal uneasiness. 
if 1 may judge by their complaints, or what I hear from 
their own mouths. And thei'efore, gentlemen, as you are 
professed lovers of peace, you will undoubtedly promote it, 
by restoring your unworthy servant. 

" Philemon Robbins." 

The association would not accept it, nor give it so much 
as a second reading. The association insisted on his mak- 
ing a confession for disorderly preaching and, praying, 
which he could not do. 

Soon after the association, a copy of the last confession 
which had been drawn for Mr. Robbins to make, was hand- 
ed about the society, to show on v/hat easy terms the n%- 
sociation were ready to restore him, and how obstinate he 
was ; to prejudice the people against him. and increase 

206 HISTORY OF Chap. VHI. 

Book IT. their uneasiness with their pastor : and a threatening]; was 
■s^-v-'w given out by some of the association, that before long, the 
people should have the w'nole matter in black and white. 
In this state of the business, Mr. Robbins judged it expe- 
dient to make his peoph* acquainted Avith the whole affair ; 
and as a society meeting had been warned on Monday the 
14th of October, Mr. Ilobbins, on the Lord's day, after 
the public service was ended, addressed the people in this 
manner, viz : 

" I understand you arc to have a society meeting on the 
morrow : I purpose to attend it myself, and give the soci- 
ety a particular account of my relation to the association, 
and their proceedings with me ; and shall desire to know 
their minds in some particulars relating thereto ; and there- 
fore desire them to be universally present." 
Oct. 21st -^t the society meeting, Mr. Robbins laid before them, 
1745. the whole proceedings of the association and consociation 
relative to him, and what he had done to be reconciled to 
them, and withdrew. The meeting was very full, and the 
following votes were passed. 

"1. That this society is of opinion, that what our pas- 
tor has offered to the association of New-Haven county^ 
relating to his preaching to the baptists in Wallingford, is 

" 2. That this society desire the Rev. Mr. Robbins to 
continue in the ministry among us, notwithstanding his 
preaching to the baptists, and what the consociation ot 
New-Haven county have done thereon." 

'" 3. That we desire the Rev. consociation and associa- 
tion not to send any councils or committees among us, un- 
less the society desire it." 

, " 4. That a particular people have right to choose their 
own minister; and as no ecclesiastical authority has right to 
impose one upon them without their vote and consent, so 
no authority has right to censure, suspend or depose a 
minister regularly ordained, without the vote and consent of 
his people." 

" 5. That we cannot submit to the acts or conclusions 
of any councils respecting the ministry among us, that are 
made without the vote and consent of this society." 

Votes in the affirmative, 52 — in the negative, 15. 

At a church meeting in Branford, Nov. 4th, 1745, the 
church passed the following votes : 

" 1. That we renounce the Saybrook platform, and can- 
not receive it as a rule of government and discipline in 
tliis church." 

" 2. That we declare this church to be a congregational 


" 3. That we receive the scriptures of the Old and New Book II. 
Testament as the only perfect rule and platform of church v^^-v**^ 
o-overnment and discipline." 

" 4. That though we receive the scriptures as the only- 
perfect rule ; yet as we know of no human composure that 
comes nearer to the scriptures in matters of church gov- 
ernment and discipline, than the Cambridge platform ; so 
we approve of that for substance, and take it for our plat- 
form, agreeably to the word of God." 

" 5. That we are not hereby straightened in our charity, 
but are free to hold communion, not only with congrega- 
tional churches, and church members that are in good 
standing, but with those called Presbyterian, and also 
with those under the Saybrook platform regimen." 

" Voted, That in testimony of our respect to other chur- 
ches, and freeness to commune with them ; we are willing 
that our Rev. pastor should exchange labours with ordain- 
ed ministers in New-Haven county, or invite any of them 
to preach with us, as opportunity presents." 

The uneasy party, dissatisfied with these votes of the 
church and society, got a complaint, 6t prayer, drawn, di- 
rected to the moderator of the consociation, to come and 
hear, and determine matters relative to Branford. There 
was nothing charged against Mr. Robbins, more than these 
general articles : " That he had not taken gospel methods 
to get into good standing with the consociation, and also for 
leading part of the church to fling off the authority of asso- 
ciations and consociations." 

The moderator, on receiving this complaint, referred it 
to the association which was to sit at East-Guilford, in May, 
1746. What passed at the association, was not known. 
One of the complainants went, but Mr. Robbins was not 
warned to attend, nor any of his friends. But soon after, 
upon an exparte hearing entirely, the association came to 
the determination expressed in the following words : 
•' The association, regularly convened at East-Guiifofd, 
May 27th, 1746, 
To the Rev. Mr. Philemon Robbins, at Branford. ,, ^„ , 
Rev. Sir, — A complaint against you and a part of your 174^^ ^ 
church, hath been exhibited to the Rev. moderator of the 
consociation of this county of New-Haven, praying that 
the said consociation may be called to hear and determine 
upon the matters of uneasiness and difficulty, v.hich un- 
happily subsist among you, signed by a number of breth- 
ren, members in full communion in your church, and be- 
low by a larger number of members of your society, re- 
questing the same thing 5 as also a paper of many articles. 


Book IL hath been given to the said moderator, wherein they ac- 
"•^'-"^'^i^ cusc yon, both as to doctrine and practice, as also an at- 
1 746. tested copy of some votes lately passed in your church : 
This association having deliberated upon the premises. 
and being still desirous, as we always have been, that: 
your difficulties might be healed in the most tender and 
amicable manner ; do advise you, and those with you, tc> 
concur with the dissatisfied party, in choosing three or five 
of our body, and desire them to come to Branford, and en- 
deavour an accommodation of your difficulties 5 the which, 
if it be not done, or the good ends designed be not attain- 
ed thereby, we have advised the said moderator, after the 
end of June next, if properly applied to and informed, to 
call the consociation of this county, at suitable time and 
place, to hear and determine upon the premises, accord- 
ing to our ecclesiastical and established constitution. 

A true copy. Test. Thomas Ruggles, Scribe." 

In this instrument, there was an intimation of a number 
of articles of complaint given in to the moderator, but Mr, 
Robbins had never heard or seen any one of them, nor was 
he desired to ap})ear before the association to make any 
reply to them. 

Some time after receiving the above letter, several of 
die dissatisfied brethren, with the deacons of the church, 
and others of his friends, met at Mr. Robbins' to converse 
on their affairs. After some conversation on the subject, 
and vv'hat methods could be taken for peace, one who was 
present, applied himself to one of the dissatisfied party in. 
these words : " Did ever any of the ministers put you in 
any way for peace ? I have been on your side, and was 
very uneasy with Mr. Robbins, and do now dislike a great 
many things that are past. I was the promoter of the first 
complaint that was carried to the association, and have 
asked one and another of the ministers what we should do 
for peace, but never did any of them put me in any way fov 
peace, but told me, if you can get hold of Mr. Robbins, 
hold fast. That opened my eyes, and convi)iced me that 
they had no desire for peace." To this there was no reply. 

In conversation with the dissatisfied, Mr. Robbins made 
several proposals far an accommodation : that they should 
refer their difficulties to a council ; the church should nomi- 
nate three, and the dissatisfied three. That they should 
represent his errors and faults, and that he would retract 
all the errors, and confess ail the faults of which they should 
convict him, as fully and openly as the case required : or 
that the church should propose one article of agreement, 
and the dissatislied another, until there were enough, then 


each side should comply with the others articles, if thoy Book IT. 
were not sinful ; and that he would call a church meeting, v^'-vx-/ 
and know whether the church would rescind their votes. 1746. 
The dissatisfied party would not agree to either of the pro- 
posals, but insisted on having three or five of the associa- 
tion. The brethren of the church who were present, de- 
clared, " that they could a- freely refer the matter to any 
three of the dissatisfied party, as to three of the associa- 
tion." So they parted without agreeing upon any terms of 

In this state of affairs, it was judged expedient to warn 
a meeting of the society, which, after a legal warning, 
met June 16th, 1746, when, it was voted, "that this so- 
ciety is deterniined to abide by the votes We passed, Octo- 
ber 21st, 1745." And as a fm-ther testimony of their reso- 
lution, they personally and severally desired the clerk, 
in open meeting, to subscribe their names to said vote. 
Sixty five subscribed in open meeting 5 afterward twelve 
more, who were absent at the society meeting, went to the 
clerk and desired him to enrol their names with those who 
were in the vote. In the meeting were twenty eight on- 
ly who dissented. The society voted, " that John Rus- 
sell, Esq. William Gould, Esq. and Samuel Rose, or any 
two of them, be a committee to represent this society, be- 
fore any ecclesiastical council, that may be called among 
us, to lay the votes of this, and the meeting in October 
last, l>efore them ; also to deny and earnestly declare a- 
gainst their jurisdiction." It was reported, after the 
society meeting, when it was generally known that the ju- 
risdiction of the council would be denied, and neither an- 
svvcr given nor cause pleaded before them, that the arti- 
cles of charge v/ere greatly multiplied. Since none of the 
articles were to be heard, it seems that the disaffected im- 
agined it would help their cause, to multiply articles of 
complaint against Mr. Robbins, both respecting his doc- 
trines and conduct. 

Some time in September, a number of the disaffected 
people brought Mr. Robbins the citation following : 

" To the Rev. Philemon Robbins, minister of the eldest Citation of 
parish in Branford, in the county of New-Haven, and colo- ^/- I^^b- 
ny of Connecticut, and pastor there. 

" Rev. Sir,~=^A complaint against you, consisting of 
various articles, respecting both your preaching and 
your conduct and behaviour, bearing date, Branford, July 
23d, 1746, signed Joseph Frisbie, a member of said church, 
(an attested copy cf which is ordered to be delivered to 
you) being brought to roe the subscriber, as last modera- 


Book 11. tor of the consociation of said New-Haven county, with a 
v„*r->^>w» request that the consociation might be called, to hear, 
1 746. judge and determine upon the several articles of complaint, 
according to the ecclesiastical constitution and establish- 
ment of this government ; and the association of this said 
county, in their last session at East-Guilford, May 27th, 
last, having advised the moderator of the said consociation, 
to call the said consociation after the end of June» then 
next, if properly applied to, in case the grievanc e and 
difficulties in said Branford, first church and societ)^, were 
not accommodated, in the method by them prescribed j 
and being well informed that they are not so accommo- 
dated ; 1 have therefore given order for the convening of 
the said consociation, of the county of.New-Haven, at the 
dwelling house of John Factor, in said Branford, at one of 
the clock in the afternoon, on the last Tuesday of Septem- 
ber next ensuing the date hereof •, and you the said Phile- 
mon Robbins, are hereby, in the name of Christ, cited and 
required to appear before the said consociation, at the 
time and place aforesaid, then and there to answer to the 
several articles of the said complaint; and thereof you may 
not fail. By Nathaniel Chauncey, Moderator. 

Durham, August 28th, 1746-." 

With this citation the articles of complaint were deliv- 
ered. Those which respected his doctrine were, 
Complaiat " I. That he, the said Mr, Robbins, has 'in public ta- 
'm^"r*k ^^^'^ ^^ upon him to determine the state of infants, dying in 
bins. '^ ' i'lfa'icy, declaring that they were as odious in the sight of 
God, as snakes and vipers were to us ; and left it wholly 
in the dark Avhether there were any saved or not. 

" 2, That he had assumed to himself the prerogative of 
God, the righteous judge, in judging the condition of the 
dead, in a funeral sermon, saying that they were in hell, 
to the great grief of mourning friends and othei's. 

" 3. That in his public preaching he had been guilty of 
speaking evil of dignities ; declaring, that the leaders or 
rulers of the people were opposers of the glorious work of 
God in the land ; and comparing our civil authority to and 
with Darius, who cast Daniel into the lion's den. 

" 4. In judging and declaring those persons carnal and 
^mconverted, that did not approve of the late religious stir 
that has been in the land ; and in the improvement of his 
sermon dividing diem, and calling one part, that is, the 
approvers, the children of God, and branding the other 
part, with the name and character of opposers. 

" 5. The said Mr. Robbins has also publicly and 
censoriously judged those that did not fall in with and 


impute the religious stir in the land (which he calls a glori- Book IL 
ous work of God) to be the work of God's spirit, dcclar- ^-^"n/-'«w' 
ing such were guilty of the unpardonable sin. 1746= 

" 6. He has publicly asserted, and taught and laid down, 
that a man might be sincere in religion, and a strict ob- 
server of the sabbath, and yet be a hypocrite. 

" 7. Said Mr. Robbins has publicly reflected upon and 
reviled the standing ministers of this land, calling them 
Arminians, and comparingthem with and to false prophets, 
putting himself in the place of Micajah." 

With respect to his Antinomian doctrines, they com- 

" 1. That he has publicly taught us, that there is no 
promise in all the bible that belongs to sinners : thereby 
frustrating the covenant of God's free grace, and the con- 
descension and compassion of God, and his Son, our Sav- 
iour, to poor, lost and perishing sinners. 

" 2. That there is no direction in all the bible how men 
should come to Christ, nor could he direct any persons how 
they should come to him : thereby rendering the study and 
search of the holy scriptures, at least an unsafe and insuffi- 
cient way of finding Christ ; and the preaching thereof 

" 3. He has publicly taught that it is as easy for per- 
sons to know when they are converted, as it is to know 
noon day light from midnight darkness ; making the only 
sure evidence of conversion to consist in inward feqling. 
and a sense of their love to God. 

" 4. He has declared in public, that believers never 
doubt of their interest in Christ, after conversion ; and if 
they do, it is the sign of an hypocrite ; rendering sanctifi- 
cation no evidence of conversion or justification, and 
that believers are never in the dark. 

" 5. He has also taught that God could easier convert 
the seat a man sits on, than convfli't a moral man ; and that 
the most vicious or vile person stands as fair for conviction 
and conversion as the strictest moral man : thereby mak- 
ing holiness and obedience to the moral law, no way ne- 
cessary to be found in men for their salvation. 

"6. Mr. Robbins has taught that there are some sin- 
ners that Christ never died for, nor did he come to save 
them ; thereby perverting the great doctrines of redemp- 
tion in the gospel, and rendering all endeavours in men to 
obtain salvation, useless ; Arminianism, and blending the 
covenant of works and covenant of grace together." 

With relation to his enthusiasm, which they complained 
of as exceedingly grievous to them, these articles were 
charged against him ; 

212 HISTORY OF Chap, VllT. 

Book 11. '• 1. That bitter and censorious P[)irit discoverer] by the 
v<(r>rs^ said Mr. Robbins, against all, even civil magistrates, as 
well as ministers, who do not think the commotions in the 
land which bear the name of religion, a glorious work of 
God, and the effect of the agency of the Holy Spirit, dc-; 
daring all such to be guilty of the unpardonable sin. 

" 2. In that strange heat of spirit, under which the said 
Mr. Robbins has acted ; discovered in a perpetual uneasi- 
iiess, or craving to be preaching ; going into those many un- 
fc.criptural night meetings, and frequent public preaching 
Hnder a religious pretence ; consorting with, and improving 
those to preach and carry on in public, as well as in those 
private nieetings, that have been most forward and famous 
for their enthusiasm in the present day. 

" 3. In the spirit of pride and conccitedness, and ex- 
pectation to be believed only upon positive and bold asser- 
tion, discovered by said Mr. Robbins; among other in- 
stances thereof, by publicly declaring, in a sermon, thai 
the standing ministers in this land were Arminians, and 
calling them false prophets, while he put himself in thq 
place of Micajah before Ahab, in 1 Kings, xxii. pro- 
nouncing these words upon it. That if the body of this 
people were in the way to eternal life, the Lord had not 
spoken by him. 

" 4. Mr. Robbins has publicly taught, that unconverted 
persons have no right to praise God." 

With respect to his conduct, these articles were charged : 

" 1. Mr. Robbins- earnestness in promoting and improv-. 
ing strolling or travelling preachers •, and improving those 
that were most disorderly, to preach and exhort in the so- 
ciety ; more especially, in one such meeting carried on at 
liis own house, by Messrs. Brainard and Buel ; and anoth- 
er, at the same place, carried on by Messrs. Wheelockand 
Munson ; to the dishonor of religion, to the just offence of 
many of the church and people, and to the destruction oi' 
peace and gospel order, in our church and society. 

" 2. His introducing Mr. Davenport to preach and ex- 
port, and also his man to pray and sing, at the time when 
lie went through tke country, singing along the streets ; at- 
tended with this aggravating circumstance, that it was on 
sacrament day ; to the great confusion and disturbance of 
the church, and profaning of th^ sabbath in this society. 

" 3. His preaching in Wallingford, in the meeting-house 
of the anabaptists there; and that contrary to the desii-e 
of a great number of the people at Wallingford, requesting 
liim that he would not, and to the advice of neighbouring 
jninisters to the contrary." 

Though Mr, Robbins and the church were not mstructeu 

Chap. Vill. CONNECTICUT, 213 

to make answer to these articles before the council ; Book IL 
yet, for his own satisfaction and vindication, and for the ^-..^-s/-^^^' 
satisfaction of his people, he drew up a concise answer to 1746. 
them. This, in justice to his character, and the manifes- 
>ation of the truth, ought here to be inserted^ It is in eiiect 
as followeth : 

To the objections against his doctrines 5 " In a sermon, ^^i*- ^o^'- 
as I was labouring to co^ifute an error, which I apprehend- g^'^^. ^Qll^^^ 
ed was embraced by some of my people, viz. That the articles of 
death of Christ not only satisfied for, but wholly took away charge, 
original sin from all persons ; I said, even infants were by 
nature children of wrath, and while unsanctifiod were as 
odious in the sight of God, as snakes and vipers are to us ; 
adding, that serpents when first come into the world, were 
not odious on account of any mischief they had done, bur 
because of their serpentine nature ; but as to their salvation. 
110 doubt but multitudes of them were saved." 

With respect to his determining the state of the dead, hk 
reply was, " I never spake of any particular person, Avhen 
dead, as gone to hell absolutely, escept those mentioned 
in the word of God. I suppose the article refers to an 
awakening discourse I had, after the death of a particular 
person, attended with some awful and extraordinary cir- 
cumstances, wherein I said, if the last person that v/ent to 
hell, should arise and declare, &zc. you Avould not believe, 
unless you will believe Moses and the prophets." 

With respect to the third, under the head of doctrines, 
and the first article under the head of enthusiasm, his an- 
swer was, " I say again, I never declared my opinion of 
any person, or denomination of persons, as being guilty ol 
the unpardonable sin ; and do not remember that ever i 
publicly censured any as opposers of the work of God, so 
that they might be known any otherwise than by their fruit. 
1 do not know why the complainant should speak so much 
of my censuring magistrates, or ministers, unless he would 
tell me how, when, and in what discourses, I seldom have 
occasion to speak of them in public ; when I do, I careful- 
ly write what I say ; but I find what is received is pften 
very ditferent from v/hat is delivered, not only in expres- ' 

sion, but in sense. As to my comparing our authority to 
Darius, &;c. as before objected, I have looked over the 
whole sermon, from Dan. vi. 23. There is not a word 
there, of any civil authority, or civil rulers, from the 
doctrine to the end of the sermon. All I said about them . 
was in opening the context, that speaks plainly its own 
meaning : and my disaffected neighbours were very atten- 
tive — but I studiously avoided saving apy thing about any 
;duthority, since Psriiis' dav," '^ 


Book IL With respect to his calling all persons unconverted who 
^^~>^">-/ did not approve of the religious stir, he answered, " This 
1746. I deny ; and instead of so preaching, I publicly declare, 
and teach, that the line of distinction between the righteous 
and the wicked cannot be so drawn as to leave all the ap- 
provers of the religious appearances in the land on the one 
side, and all that speak against them on the other. I be- 
lieve many that are called opposers, are truly gracious, 
and many that have been approvers, are, I fear, without 
God in the world." 

The article of natural men's sincerity, as consisting with 
hypocrisy, he answered, " I own the article with this alter- 
ation, instead of in religion^ read in duty. So I expressed 
it, aad added, 2d Cor. i. lO; we read of a godly sinceri- 
ty; which may imply, that there is a sincerity which is not 
godly. So the servant that has no love to his master, sin- 
cerely labors to escape the whip." 

His answer to the charge of persons having committed 
the unpardonable sin, was this, " I believe, and have spok- 
en of those that reject the glorious work that has been in 
the land, imputing all to the devil, that they know not what 
they do, otherwise they would come near the unpardonable 
sin, if not really be guilty of it ; but never have declared 
my opinion of any person, or denomination of persons 
among us, as being guilty of it." 

The seventh article, under the head of doctrines, is es- 
sentially the same as the third article of complaint under 
the head of enthusiasm, and are both answered together, in 
reply to that. 

With regard to the first article under the head of Antino- 
mianism, relative to there being no promises to the unre- 
generate, his reply was, " The complainant knows, that I 
teach that all men are sinners, and that there are promises 
in the bible, belonging to some men ; but I have taught 
that there is no promise of any saving good, in all the bible, 
made to any unconverted man, or any sinner, while in an 
unregenerate state : And how this frustrates God's cove- 
nant of free grace, &c. I leave the orthodox world to 

In regard to article second, relating to directions how to 
come to Christ, he answered, "I firmly believe and teach, that 
the bible contains the best directions how men should come 
to Christ ; and his ministers are to make use of them to that 
end : But I have taught that an unregenerate man, merely 
by reading those directions, or hearing them from the 
mouth of a minister, will not thereby rightly understand 
ajid know them ; he may know them historically, but not 


experimentally. I cannot direct an unconverted sinner Book II. 
how to come to Christ, so that he will know what it is, un- v-^-v-^t^ 
til the Father draw him ; and then he will know that it is 1746. 
one thing to gire sinners gospel directions how to come to Mr. Hob- 
Christ, and another to enlighten their minds to understand ^^^"*' ^"" 
and receive them : the one is the duty of ministers, and ^^ '' 
the other is the work of God's holy spirit." 

As to the charge of a christian's knowing the time of 
his conversion, he said, '• The passage in a sermon, that 
I suppose this article refers to, ran in the following man- 
ner: — When a sinner is converted he knows it ; (i. e.) he 
knows the change, though it may be that he is not satisfied, 
or rather then does not think that it is conversion : (I mean 
that his mind may not then be exercised about the change 
he has experienced, as being conversion :) yet, can a man 
be brought out of the kingdom of Satan into the kingdom 
of the son of God ; can a man be brought out of midnight 
darkness into noon day light, and not know there is a 
change ?" 

Relative to the article of christians not doubting after 
conversion, &c. he replied, " These articles leave me 
wholly in the dark, as to what sermons they refer to, what 
subject, what text preached from, or when preached : oth- 
erwise, I probably could give you most of the passages re- 
ferred to. But the article, I cannot think, refers to any 
thing I ever preached : for it is not likely I should preach 
directly contrary to my sentiments ; and I never thought 
as the article speaks ; but on the contrary, do often speak 
publicly of the doubts, fears, and scruples, of real chris- 
tians ; and sanctification I esteem the very best evidence 
of justification." 

In reference to the article of its being easier to convert 
the seat than a mere moral man, Mr. Robbins sard, " I know 
iwthing of the expression of the seat, &;c. The passage 
which I suppose the article refers to, runs thus — It is a great- 
er manifestation of power to convert a mere moral man, than 
to create a world ; for in creation there is no resistance, but 
in conversion there is a blind mind and a perverse will 
to oppose. The most vicious person stands as fair, oi' 
fairer, for conviction and conversion, than the strictest 
moralist, that is settled upon his lees, and built strong on 
his own righteousness. Publicans and harlots shall enter 
into the kingdom of heaven before such. The inuendo, 
or inference, at the close of the article, I leave the ortho- 
dox to judge of; though I would fain believe the drails- 
man of the articles, (being one of the reverend consocia- 
tion, as 1 om informed.) dpes not think that mere moralitv,. 


Book li. as the Vvord is commonly used, aiiJ real holiness, are the 

1740. To (he article of Christ's not dying to save some sin- 
Mr. Roh- ners, he answered, " I own the article, that there are some.' 
^•"®' ""' sinners tlr>!t Christ never died for, with a design to save 
' ' them; and yet I believe the merits of Christ sufficient for 
all, and that his satisfaction has as much vindicated the 
honor of the broken law of God, as if all mankind had 
been damned. But what a strange inference does the 
draftsman make, from my denying universal redemp- 
tion !'' 

The first article under enthusiasm, relative to the un- 
pardonable sin, is answered above. The third article, rel- 
ative to his censorious spirit and comparing himself to 
Micajah, is also answered under a similar article already 
noticed. ^Vith respect to the second article, his heat of 
spirit,. and desire to be perpetually preaching, under pre- 
tence of religion, Mr. Robbins seems to have judged that 
the command, j^reach the word, be instant in season and 
(lut of season, and the examples of the apostles and prim- 
itive christians in their frequent night meetings, were a 
sufllcient answer. He replied, therefore, to the last article 
I of the charge only, as worthy of notice ; his improving 

ministers most forward and famous for enthusiasm in the 
present day ; " I have not admitted any man into my pulpit, 
that Avas not ordained or licensed." 

In- answer to' the charge of his teaching that the uncon- 
verted had no right to praise God, he said, " I have taught 
that unconverted persons cannot rightly praise God ; (as 
they can do no other du'y rightly, cither from a right prin= 
cii)lc, or for a right end :) but that it is the duty of all men 
to praise God ; witness more than twenty sermons 1 have 
preached on that beloved subject." 

With respect to the first article of charge, relative to im- 
proving strolling preachers, Brainard, Buel, Wheelock, &c- 
lSh\ Robbins replied, " I believe my improving itinerant 
preachers has had some happy eflect here. That the meet- 
ing carried on by Messrs. Buel and Brainard had a good ef- 
fect upon some persons, I cannot but think. But it had 
some unhappy attendants; and i believe neither they nor 
I should carry on a meeting just in the same forai again. 
The other was after Mr. Wheelock had been preaching a 
public lecture. A number of persons came to my house, 
'indcr concern about their spiritual state. Vv^e discoursed 
and prayed with them. Some evidenced great concern ; 
and I cannot but think, one especially was then, and since, 
convinced cf sin, righteousness, and judgment," 


Relative to introducinsj Mr. Davenport to preach, &ic. Book II. 
Mr. Robbins, replied, " Mr. Davenport came in on Satur- n-^'-v^^/ 
day evening ; I asked him to preach the next day. I knew 1 746. 
nothing of his design to sing in the street, until we had-^ir. Rob- 
got part of the way to meeting. When he mentioned it, I *"''*' ^^' 
labored to prevent, and did not join with him in it. I think ^^^*^'^' ^* 
he preached well, and after service was ended, in the af- 
ternoon, he spoke to his man to pray, but not with my con- 
sent, or my liking." 

In answer to his preaching at Wallingford, he said, 
" This is the grand article, and sine qua non of all the rest. 
You have an account of the matter before, in this narrative, 
and I shall here only say — the baptist minister desired that 
I would come and preach for him ; and I knew of no ob- 
jection against it, when I consented to go. The weight 
of objections that were flung in my way afterwards, the 
world must judge of." 

With respect to his being a promoter of schismaticai 
separations, baptizing at New-Haven, &:c. his reply was, 
" With respect to baptizing Dr. Mix's child, I offered this 
to the consociation, viz. had I known as much before, as I 
do now, I should not have done it. They voted to over- 
look it. I offered the same to the complainant, and sev- 
eral others, who said they were easy with respect to that, 
and all other articles they had complained of; and left it 
under their hands. Notwithstanding, most of those arti- 
cles are brought in among these. As to separating from 
the constitution, if it means Saybrook platform, I do not 
know that this church was ever fairly under it. There is no 
record nor any living member that knows any thing of its 
ever being voted into the church : and when, (after some 
of my brethren had been urging it for more than twelve 
months,) I put it to vote in the church, to renounce the Say- 
brook platform and take the Cambridge platform, there were 
but six brethren appeared in the negative. All the defence 
I desired against the association, was only to know the 
minds of my people in sundry votes, which they readily 
passed, and have since voted to abide by. 

With respect to his haughty, assuming, and unpeaceable 
spirit, and being truly self-willed, and his treatment of the 
association, his answer was, " As to the prudent and gen- 
tle measures taken by the reverend association, to com- 
pose our difficulties, and settle us in love, peace, and gos- 
pel order, it is well known, that the association has received 
articles of complaint against me, privately signed and car- 
ried into the association, time after time, when I had not 
been informed of one of the articles, or any one of the 

21i} HISTORY OF CftAJ>. tllL 

Book IL signers ; and have appointed a council, or Committee, time 
^..^-v-x-/ after time, to come to Branford, and make inquiry, when 
1746. neither minister, church or society desired it. Is this a 
Mr. Rob- prudent and gentle method to settle us in peace, kc, ? As 
bins' an- jq jjjy obstinacy, and refusing to comply with my duty and 
swer, ^^c.jip^^j^igg^ jQ ggj -j^^Q good standing, &:c. I never promised 
any more than to do my endeavour to get into good stand- 
ing ; in order to which, I have offered four written confes- 
sions, as you have seen before, but could not be received." 
As to the last article relative to the standing ministers 
not thinking as Mr. Bobbins did, &c. his reply was, "Here 
comes in standing mhiisters again : and now 1 suspect the 
article refers to the neighbouring ministers of this county ; 
for I have said of some of them, that they and I did not: 
think alike : and I am of the same mind still. As to my 
saying I had rather be under a bishop, than under our as- 
sociation, it is probably true, and I have no reason to alter 
my mind, (though I must dissent from the church of Eng- 
land, for some weighty reasons.) As to my joining with 
ministers unknown in their principles to my people, I sup- 
pose they do not know the princij^les of most ministers 
that they like, but by their preaching and conversation; 
and they may have the same trial of those I join- with. 
Prove all things." 

As the time for the meeting of the consociation ap- 
proached, Mr. Bobbins appointed a church meeting, at 
which they unanimously voted, that they would abide by 
their votes passed ISovember 4th, 1745 •, and they made 
choice of John Russell and William Gould, Esq'rs.the pas- 
tor, and deacons, to be a committee, to represent the 
church before the consociation, to lay the votes of the 
church in 1745, and of this meeting, before said consocia- 
tion, and earnestly to declare against its jurisdiction. 

In this meeting Mr. Bobbins read the articles of com- 
plaint, and his answer to them, with his citatioh fi-om the 
moderator. The consociation met, according to appoint- 
ment, on the last Tuesday in September. The council, 
immediately after dining, chose a committee, of whom their 
moderator was one, and sent over to Mr. Bobbins. The 
moderator professed a great desire to heai* their dilRcul- 
lics : he said he did not cjuestion but Mr. Bobbins might 
do much good there j but now they were not peaceable, 
and he wished to have them in peacie. Mr. Bobbins ob- 
served, he apprehended there was but a step which parted 
them — the matter of the Saybrook and Cambridge plat- 
forms : that if he should espouse the Saybrook, though it 
might satisfy the minor part, he should disaffect the ma- 


jority of the church and society : that ho knew of no way Book IL 
for peace, but for the council to advise the minor party to vw>^^<w' 
be easy as they were. He also observed, that some of 1746. 
the heads of the minor party had said, we will sit down 
easy, as we now are, if the association shall advise us to 
do it. But this did not suit the committee. They propo- , 

sed that Mr. Robbins would submit to have them, use their 
endeavours to make peace among them ; tliat he would 
answer to the articles, or only go and answer for his 
preaching to the baptists, or offer the same confession 
now that he had offered before to the association ; and that 
he would call a church meeting. Mr, Robbins referred 
these proposals to the committee, who unanimously reject- 
ed them. They acquainted the council, that they had a 
message from the church and society, which they wished 
for an opportunity to lay before them. Soon after, the 
council sent for Mr. Robbins, who went with the commit- 
tee of the church and society. Mr. Robbins offered to 
speak, but the moderator forbade him, and the council 
proceeded, by his order, to the reading of the moderator's 
letter for convening the consociation, and the articles of 
charge against him. He then begged liberty to speak, 
but the moderator would not hear him, telling him that 
there was not time to hear articles, and the council must 
be adjourned until eight o'clock to-morrow morning. He 
said he had but a word to offer. He was then reprimand- 
ed by one of the council, and told that he knew the orders 
of the council better; that it was adjourned till to-morrow, 
&LC. It was then ordered, that the citation should be read. 
Immediately after which, Mr. Robbins desired liberty to 
speak again ; but the moderator said the council was ad- 
journed, and would not hear him. After this, the scribe 
got up and adjourned the council. 

The next morning Mr. Robbins and the rest of the com- 
mittee, went to the house where the council met, and just 
as they knocked at the door, they met the committee of the .- 
consociation, who were going over again to speak with 
Mr. Robbins. They urged the same things which had 
been proposed the day before. But the committee utterly 
refused to comply with them ; and as soon as they could 
obtain liberty, exhibited the votes of the church and socie- 
ty at their first and second meetings, relative to these mat- 
ters, and denied their jurisdiction. The council urged 
them to give their reasons, but they observed the votes 
contained reasons, and they had no orders to give any. 
Indeed they agreed among themselves to give none. 

The council, finding Mr. Robbins and the church, witk 


Book II. the society, totally renounced their jurisdiction, and would 
«.-*'-v->^ make no answer or pica before them, or have any thing to 
1746. do with them, proceeded to consider the matter of juris- 
diction in this case. One of their principal members un- 
dertook, in a long and zealous speech, to prove Mr. Rob- 
bins and his church were under the Saybrook platform, 
and could not get from under it. Others insisted upon it, 
that they were not under it, and that the council had not 
jurisdiction in the case before them. But the council de- 
termined that they had jurisdiction. And then, upon an 
exparte hearing, (the evidence of the complainers,) or 
without any hearing at all,* came to the following result ; 
viz : 
The result u j^^ ^ meeting of the consociation of the county of New- 
sociation?" Haven, regularly convened, upon the request of twelve 
members of the first church, and thirty of the inhabitants 
of the first society in Branford, at the house of Mr. John 
Factor, in said Branford, September 3Qth, 1746. A com- 
plaint having been exhibited to this consociation, against 
the Rev. Mr. Philemon Bobbins, pastor of said first church 
in Branford, in various articles respecting his preaching, 
conduct and behaviour, by Joseph Frisbie, a member of 
said church, bearing date July 23d, 1746; after using re- 
peated methods to reconcile the parties, which proved in- 
effectual, Mr. Bobbins rejecting all proposals for accom- 
modation ; the consociation proceeded to the consideration 
of said complaint. The parties appearing, the R.ev. Mr. 
Bobbins denied the jurisdiction of this council, refusing to 
assign any reasons for his so doing, except what may be 
gathered from the votes of the church and society, laid be- 
fore the council ; which votes being read and considered, 
it was resolved, that what Mr. Bobbins had offered against 
the jurisdiction, was insufficient. Whereupon the conso- 
ciation entered upon the hearing of the several articles 
contained in said complaint, and examined the evidences 
in support thereof; and find the following articles of com- 
plaint against Mr. Robbins sufficiently proved, viz. 

" I. With respect to his public preaching and doctrine. 
" 1. That he hath taken upon him, to determine the 
state of infants, dying in infancy, declaring them as odious 
in the sight of God, as snakes and vipers are to us. 

"2. That he hath assumed the prerogative of God, the 

* As the complainants, or disaffected, were the only persons appearing 
before the council, upon what was called the trial, it seems that they only 
must have been the witnesses. And there is no mention of proofs on file, in 
the judgment. Mr. Robbins sent to the scribe for a copy of the evidences ; 
but he returned answer, that he had nothing to send but men's names. H^ 
fben desired the names, but could not obtain even thera. 


righteous judge, indetermining the state of the dead ; say- Book II. 
ing, that they were in hell. \^'>r"*^ 

"3. That he hath spoken evil of dignities; that the 1746, 
leaders and rulers of this people, Avere opposers of the Result of 
glorious work of God. the conso- 

" 4. That he hath reviled the standing ministry of this *^-^'^^"'"- 
land, calling them Arminians, and comparing them to 
false prophets. 

" 6. That he hath publicly taught, that there is no direc- 
tion in all the bible, how men should come to Christ, nof 
could he direct any persons how they should come to him. 

" 6. That he hath publicly taught, that God could easier 
convert the seat a man sits on, than convert a moral man : 
and that the most vicious person stands as fair, or fairer, 
for conviction or conversion than the strictest moral man. 

" 7. That he hath publicly asserted and taught, that a 
man might be sincere in religion, and a strict observer of 
the sabbath, and yet be a hypocrite. 

" 8. That he hath publicly taught, that it is as easy for 
persons to know when they are converted, as it is to know 
noon day light, from midnight darkness. 

" 9. That he hath declared in public, that believers 
never doubt of their interest in Christ after conversion ; 
and if they do, it is a sign of an hypocrite. 

" 10. That he hath publicly taught, that unconverted 
persons have no right to praise God. 

" II. With respect to his conduct and behavior, we find, 

" That he hath been ^ promoter of schismatic conten- 
tions, separations and divisions. That he hath led off a 
party with him to rise up against and separate from the 
ecclesiastical constitution of this colony, under which this 
church was peaceably established ; reproachfully insinu- 
ating, in a church meeting, that under Saybrook platform 
it was king association, in opposition to Jesus Christ, the 
only king of the church. And also, that he hath remain- 
ed obstinate, under censure of a former consociation, not- 
withstanding repeated endeavours used to bring him to his 
duty : with some errors, and many other unguarded and 
unsuitable expressions, as appears by the articles of com- 
plaint, and proofs offered upon file. In \vhich articles, 
upon mature deliberation, we judge said Mr. Robbins 
is guilty of a breach of the 3d, the 5th and the 9th com- 
mands, and many gospel rules, for which he ought to give 
christian satisfaction, by making a confession to the ac- 
ceptance of this consociation. The above voted, Jfemine 

" Test. Samuel Whittelsev, jun. > s^j.:ugg n 
Robert TreaX; 5 



Chap. VIIL 

Book II. '• Voled, that this consociation be adjourned until such 
vwi^'N^'^./ time as the moderator of the council shall see it needful to 
1746, convene it again, according to the following method, viz. 
" That the Rev. Mr. Chauncey, and the messenger of 
the church of Durham, the Rev. Messrs. Samuel Whittel- 
sey, Joseph Noyes, Thomas Ruggles, with the messengers 
of the churches of which they are pastors, be appointed 
and constituted a committee, with full power tp receive 
the satisfaction and acknowledgment of the Rev. Mr. 
Robbins, if he shall see it in his way to comply with the 
judgment of this consociation ; and to advise and concur 
with the Rev. moderator to convene this consociation, 
if it shall be needful therefor; and that the moderator be 
empowered to cite all persons that are by them esteemed 
necessary, a major part of them being empowered to act. 
Test. Samuel Whittelsey, jun. Scribe." 
Mr. Robbins remarked on the judgment to this effect. 
" The council speak of using repeated methods to reconcile 
the parties ; but that I rejected all proposals for an accom- 
modation. I thought, by their sending committees to me 
Eemarlis the first and second day, so early, before we could possi- 
on the re- }^\y have opportunity to do the message assigned us by the 
church and society, that they mtended to do something to 
make a handle of against me. But what were their pro- 
posals for an accommodation ? Not such as I had made 
to the dissatisfied party, viz : That whatever errors and 
faults they would convict me of, I would recant those er- 
rors and confess the faults, as openly and publicly as the 
nature of the thing required ; or that we should mutually 
call a council, which would be much more likely to find out 
truth and promote peace among us. But their proposals 
were evidently calculated to bring us under, or to own 
their jurisdiction ; to which we could not submit." He 
noticed, that in the council, mention was made of the 
proofs offered on file, and that he therefore concluded, 
they had proofs against him on file, in writing. That he 
sent to the scribe for a copy of the evidences ; and the 
scribe declared he had nothing to send but men's names i 
That he then desired a copy of the names, but these he 
never could obtain. These, doubtless, were no other than 
the complainants, and they were not willing that it should 
be known that they had condemned their brother merely 
upon the articles of complaint, and the evidence of the 
"very persons who had offered it. Mr. Robbins further re- 
marked, that in the close of the result, it was attested 
by the scribes that it was, nemine contradicente ; whereas, 
Qjie of the Rev. council had assijred him that he was not in 

suit of the 



the result; that he did not vote that what was oftered a- Book II» 
gainst the jurisdiction of the council was insufficient, nor ^^^-v-v^ 
that they had the right of jurisdiction. He also said, he 1746. 
opposed the passing of one of the articles. And he declar- 
ed, that as he could not vote with the council in every ar- 
ticle, so that v/hen they were proposed to be passed all to- 
gether, he did not hold up his hand. 

Mr. R,obbins further remarks, that one of the Reverend 
council, had told him, since the result, that he settled un- 
der the Say brook platform, whereas, he affirms, that at the 
time of his ordination, he had never seen it. He says, 
" I well remember the ordination council asked me whether 
I approved of the Saybrook platform ? I answered 1 could 
not tell, for I had never seen it. Then they asked me, if 
1 approved the assembly's catechism ? I replied, I did. 
And so they proceeded to my ordination, without saying 
any thing further to me on that subject." 

In this important crisis, when thus condemned by the 
consociation, Mr. Robbins judged it expedient to know 
the minds and feelings of his brethren. A church meeting 
was called on the 22d of January, 1 747< At which time, •^^°' ■^^■^^' 
the articles of charge were read, with Mr. Robbins' an- 
swer to them ; and the church passed the following votes, 

"1. We are of opinion, that what is contained in the Votes of 
said articles of charge against the pastor of this church, ^ranford 
respecting doctrine and principles, is very wrongfully and ^ ^^^ 
injuriously charged, and disagreeable to the known course 
and tenor of his preaching — We are generally steady at- 
tendants on his ministry, and do not remember that he has 
ever expressed himself as charged in those articles — And 
as to what respects his conduct, we apprehend it wrong- 
fully represented in the articles of charge. Indeed, his 
admitting Mr. Davenport to preach at that time, and so 
Messrs. Buel and Brainard to hold a meeting at his house, 
as they did carry it on, was what we could not, some of us, 
so well approve of, under circumstances, and we do not 
think that he would act in the same form again. 

" 2. We think Mr. Robbins' answers to said articles, 
are according to truth, and agreeable to his known prin- 
ciples and doctrine. Some of us remember the particular 
passages in his sermons, which are quoted in his answers 
10 said articles, and they truly represent what was deliv- 

" 3. We think Mr. Robbins preaches the doctrines of 
free grace, more clearly and pungently, than in some o^ 
the first years of his ministry among us ; and yet, we h'avc 


Book II. too much reason to fear, our uneasy brethren and neigh- 
Si^'v'^s-/ hours, especially some of the principal men among them, 
1747. are dissatisfied on account of those doctrines ; which doc- 
trines for our part we think are clearly revealed in the 
word of God, adhered to by the reformed churches, as ap- 
pears by their confessions of faith and catechisms — And 
we trust, God has and will impress them on our hearts, and 
will enable us to maintain them as long as we live. 

" 4. That the above votes be signed by the deacons ot 
this church, in behalf of the church. 

" Accordingly We, who heartily join with our brethren 
in the above votes ; subscribe our names. 

John Russell, ) Deacons of the first 
Samuel Rose, 5 church in Branford. 
" The above was voted nemine contradicente. A true 

" Test. Philemon Robbins, Pastor, &c. in Branford." 
Remarks Various remarks were made on the proceedings of the 
on the consociation with Mr. Robbins, some extracts from which 
of^Mr*^"*^ are necessary to give a just history of the times. A cer- 
Robhins, tain clergyman in a communication made to Mr. Robbins, 
by the con- printed at the close of his narrative, remarks, " The ques- 
sociation. j^-Qj^ whether your preaching there (at Wallingford) with- 
out Mr. Whittelsey's consent, was disorderly or not, de- 
pends on the meaning of the word parish, in the resolve of 
the council at Guilford, Nov. 24th, 1741, wherein it is 
said, For a minister to enter into another minister's parish 
and preach, &c. without the consent of, or in opposition 
to the settled minister of the parish is disorderly.* For, 
if in preaching there as you did, you did nothing contrary 
to the natural and true meaning of that resolve, your so 
doing cannot be disorderly by that resolve ; and I sup- 
pose it but just, to understand the word parish in the re= 
solve of the New-Haven county consociation, in the same 
sense, though they may put a different sense upon it. Now 
I take it, that by the word parish, in the said resolve of 
the council at Guilford, is to be understood an ecclesias- 
tical society, and not a circuit of ground which people 
do inhabit, that belong to several churches. For although 
it be true, most of our ecclesiastical societies have their dis- 
tinct local bounds, or circuits drawn, yet they have not 
all, as at Hartford and Guilford, are two ecclesiastical so- 
cieties in one circuit of ground ; so there are several such 

* From t.hi3 scrap of the doineis of the council, at Guilford, which is all 
that I have ever been able to obtain, i( appears that the extraordinary 
law for punishinfi^ ministers, had its origin ia the clergy M'ho were op- 
posed to the work then in the country. 


like circuits, wherein there is a baptist church, and one of Book II. 
another denomination : so also others, Avherein are those v^'-n^^^*/ 
of the church of England communion, and of our own. 1747. 
Any other understanding of the word will infer the ab- Remarks 
surdity of subjecting ecclesiastical societies and minis- &c. 
ters one to another, in an unreasonable and preposterous 
manner ; and depriving som<; ministers and churches of 
such rights as all confess they have. As for instance, I 
will suppose, that the first church in Hartford, with its pas- 
tor, may not invite or suffer any other minister to preach 
to said first church, without the consent of the second ; 
and that the minister, who should so preach in the first 
church, must be judged disorderly for it. ^ I suppose it is 
the common understanding, since this res6lve at Guilford, 
that eithePof the said ministers, or churches, has a right to 
invite a minister to preach in them without asking leave of 
one another; and that they have practised accordingly. 
Nor can I suppose a minister's preaching to the baptists 
in New-London or Groton, upbn their minister"'s desire, 
without the consent of the ministers in the first churches in 
New-London and Groton, within the bounds of which the 
baptists dwell ; or a minister's preaching to those of the 
church of England, on their incumbent's, Mr. Johnson's 
desire, without the consent of the minister of the first 
church, in Stratford, would be accounted disorderly. 

" As to the objection that they are not a lawful society, 
at Wallingford, not having taken benefit of king William's 
act of toleration, I would say, the baptists are allowed by 
the laws of this colony, to enjoy or attend their own way 
of worship, without qualifying themselves according to 
the aforesaid act. That the same privileges had been 
granted to them as to the quakers, by the act passed in 
their favor, in 1729. Agreeable to this, was the advice 
of governor Talcott to the collector, relative to the bap- 
tists at Wallingford." The remarker insists therefore, 
that Mr. Robbins' preaching at Wallingford, was not a- 
gainst the Guilford resolve, nor that of the resolve of the 
consociation of New-Haven county, understood consist- 
ently with reason, nor contrary to any law of this colony. 

On the proceedings and result of the consociation, he 
remarks, " That according to the natural construction of 
the preamble, or preface to the judgment, it must be sup- 
posed you was present at the trial, confronting the evi- 
dences brought in against you, for it is said the consocia- 
tion proceeded to consider the complaint, the parties ap«^ 
pearing, &c. 'Tis true they say you denied the jurisdic- 
ti<Tn of the counq;!], but not a word is noted of your refirs* 

22ii illSTORY O^ Chap. VIIL 

Book II. ing to plead before them, after they had determined tha^ 
v^^*-v>w/ they had jurisdiction. It is no new thing, nor uncommon 
1747. for a person to make such a plea, befoi-e a judge, who, 
Remrrks ^^"'^^'^ overruled therein, proceeds to a further plea, in his 
&c. t^ ^' defence ; and the omission of noting your refusal to an- 
swer the articles before them, must, I think, leave the rea- 
der of that judgment with an apprehension, that you ap- 
peared on the trial of the articles, especially when it is 
considered that they say, " they proceeded to hear the ar- 
ticles, examine eviderjces for the support of them, and find 
. the following things, &c. sufficiently proved." It being, 
as I conceive, contrary to an equitable procedure, for » 
council to do what they here say they did ; and the party 
to be tried, not there to answer for himself. Add to this.. 
that there is no remark made, in any part of their judg- 
ment, of your contemning the authority of the consocia- 
tion, for refusing to be tried by them : which surely a rea- 
der of their judgment would expect to find, if they had d 
right to try you, and you had refused to be tried by them. 
So that from the face of the judgment, you are represented 
as having been present at the trial, and pleading for your- 
self, and on a full trial found guilty, of publicly teaching a 
niimber of errors, &c. when really the case was otherwise. 
" You are condemned as guilty, &c. without ever being 
heard in your own defence, upon defective evidence, which 
1 take to be contrary to equity. I conceive it to be con- 
trary to Saybrook platform, which the consociation pre- 
tends to be governed by ; where it is expressly said, in the 
eleventh article, " That if any person orderly complained 
of to a council, having regular notification to appear, shall 
neglect or refuse so to do, except such person shall give 
some satisfying reason thereof, he shall be judged guil- 
ty of scandalous contempt." It is wholly silent on theii* 
proceeding to a trial of die cause in such case. Here the 
council pass no sentence of contempt for refusing to ap- 
pear ; and proceed to try the cause in such a way, wherein 
the truth is most unlikely to appear. Ten of the articles, 
ihe council in their judgment say relate to jyour public 
preaching and doctrine, which they say were sufficiently 
proved. I am of opinion, that your foregoing answers to 
the several articles, do sufficiently defend you against the 
charge of such preaching. 

" Indeed, it seems somewhat hard, such a complaint 
should be received against a minister of Christ, charging 
falsehood, &c. on his public preaching, in so general 
a manner, without mentioning time, or place, or text dis 
cOursed on, when the false doctrine v^ras supposed to be 


delivered. I suppose it coiitrary to the methods of trial Book II. 
in civil courts, and subjects a person to such difficulties -^^tf^/-^^ 
and disadvantages for his own defence, as the civil aulhori- 1747. 
ty will not suffer the king's subjects to lie under. Remarks 

"But then how are these proved against you? Why, i.c. 
by evidences (without your being present to answer for 
yourself,) who had taken offence against you, for these 
and several other things mentioned in their complaint. 
Now, if it be considered, that it is no uncommon thing, 
for persons not prejudiced against a preacher, to misap- 
prehend some passages he may deliver, either from want 
of attention, or from not observing the connection of a dis- 
course and the like, that the omission or adding of a word, 
or the alteration, or misplacing of a word, will give a dif- 
lerent meaning; that a sentence or passage abstracted 
from its relation to what preceded or followed, appears to 
be of a different sense from what it really had in the dis- 
course ; if these evidences had committed the sentences 
to writing when they supposed you spake them, or if they 
had so done before the council, and sworn to tliem, (though 
by what the scribe of the consociation says, they never 
were written at all ;) in either of the cases there would have 
been a deficiency in the proof: but then so much of pre- 
judice as is in the mind of the hearer against a preacher, 
so much is his evidence in that case weakened; which was 
the case here. Your unprejudiced hearers, it seems, nev- 
er understood any passage in your sermons, as these evi- 
dences ^pretend to have done ; and as to some of the arti- 
cles, they can witness for you, that you preach the contra- 
ry, as is evident by their declaration at a church meeting. 
And a just presumption of prejudice lies against these evi- 
dences, and so of mistake, about what they evidence ; 
when it was well known to the council, that the generalit}' 
of the church and congregation, (of many of whom it ma} 
be said without offence, that they were as understanding 
and judicious hearers as the evidences were, and as con- 
scienciously concerned to bear testimony against errors in 
doctrine, had they heard you deliver any) were satisfied of 
the soundness of your preaching. So that on the whole, I 
think it apparent, the judgment is founded on such evi- 
dence as is in its own nature deficient, for the proof oi 
your preaching false doctrine ; and will really amount to 
just nothing, if your answers thereto be considered. 

" And as to the fact, it is pretty remarkable, that they 
should judge you guilty of teaching a number of errors, 
enumerating ten, with some others say they, as appear.'i 
by the articles of complaint and proofs on file, and there 

228 fflSTORY OF Chap. \Uh 

Book II. should be no proofs on file, but men's names ; as it seem s 
v-*->^^>-/ the scribe says there are no other. So that by his, and 
1747. their own account taken together, their sufficient proof is 
Remarks ^^ article of complaint, with some names affixed to it." 
«s;:c. ' He proceeds to remark on the great difterencc between 
the judgment which the consociation gave and that of scan- 
dalous contempt, which the constitution directs them to 
have found and denounced against Mr. Robbins, had he 
in fact been under their jurisdiction. 

But he insists, thc?t Mr. Robbins and his church were 
never under Saybrook platform ; that without some vote 
oi' act of the church adopting it, or consenting to it, they 
could not be under it ; but no such vote or act could be 
found : That Mr. Russell, in his day, and the church, were 
congregational, and a majority of them had always been 
so to that day. And if tJiey ever had been, they v/ere not 
so after passing the vote, Nov. 4th, 1745; and con se- 
quendy, the consociation had no j-urisdiction over them. 
Every pastor and church had a right to judge what consti- 
tution was most agreeable to the word of God, and ought 
to conform to it. To suppose otherwise, is to suppose that 
Saybrook platform, or some other human composition or 
establishment, is the rule, and the scripture is to be set 
aside. But the right of private judgment, in religion, 
never can be given away. " On this very principle, the 
unalienable right of private judgment, I take it, those wor- 
thies acted, who were once of the church of England com- 
munion, had actually consented to its discipline, and ac- 
tually separated therefrom, many of whom came over and 
planted these New-England churches- These always 
judged themselves injuriously treated, when stigmatized 
■with the name of schismatics ; by some of those from whom 
they separated. And what wise man does not think so ';" 
And it seems hard treatment to be branded by the council 
with such an epithet, without ever being heard in your vin- 
dication, or the church's being ever cited to appear and 
answer for itself, which I take to be directly contrary to 
the 5th article, under the head of communion of churches, 
among the heads of agreement, assented to by the united 
ministers, formerly called presbyterian and congregation- 
al ; according to which, those who consent to take Say- 
brook platform, for the administration of church discipline 
are obliged to practice. The words are, " One church 
ought not to blame the proceedings of another, undl it hath 
heard what that church, its elders or messengers, can say 
in vindication of themselves, from any charge of irregular 
2ir injiuious proceedings." Tlie reason holds as gooLl 


against a council's judging in such a case, as a particular Book II. 
church : and you have done nothing to merit such a cen- s-^-n/-^ 
sure, but exercise that right ofprivate judgment, which 1747. 
you never did, nor can give up : And at the same time you Kemarks 
have voted your freedom to hold communion, not only with Lc. 
congregational churches and church members that are in 
good standing, but with those that are called presbyterian, 
and also with those under the Saybrook platform regimen ; 
as desirous of maintaining a unity of the spb-it in the bond 
of peace. 

" But further, if the ground of this harsh sentence lies 
in this, viz. your separating from an ecclesiastical consti- 
tution which has a civil establishment, as I know not but 
they intend so to be understood : To this it may be said, 
on the same foundation, multitudes of innocents in the 
christian world, as well as in our own nation, must be con^ 
demned. I will not dwell on this — but this I might say, 
that the civil authority have no power to establish any hu- 
man composure, or form of church government, as a rule 
binding to christians. This I suppose has been unexcep- 
tionably proved in a pamphlet, entitled the essential rights 
of protestants. But I add, the civil authority, so far as I 
can find, never intended by an act of theirs, to oblige the 
churches in this colony to be under or to conform to that 
platform. What they did in this matter, may be seen in 
the 141st page of the colony law book. The very title of 
the act speaks (as I take it) the sense of the legislature, so 
far as the present question is concerned. It is called " an 
act in approbation of the agreement of the Rev. elders and 
messengers of all the churches in this government, made 
and concluded at Saybrook, 1708." And in the enacting 
part, they declare their great approbation of such a hap^ 
py agreement, and do ordain that all the churches within 
this government, that are or shall be thus united in doc- 
trine, worship and discipline, be and for the future shall 
be owned and acknowledged established by law. Then 
follows a proviso : That nothing herein shall be intended 
or construed to hinder any society or church, that is or 
shall be allowed by the laws of this government, from ex- 
ercising worship and discipline in their own way, accord- 
ing to their consciences, I can see nothing in all this, that 
they intended to make a rule of discipline for the churches, 
or bind any of them to receive this platform, but the con- 
trary. They do not turn the articles of the platform into 
laws, but declare only their approbation of them. It is 
certain then, you have broken no law of the goverment in 
refusing the Saybcook platform, and preferring that dt 


Book II. " I might go on to make some further; remarks, on the 
\.**^v-N»^ extraordinary proceedings of this council, but forbear, 
1 747. having said enough to shew, both the church and its pastor, 
to be innocent of the crimes they are judged guilty of." 

As Mr. Robbins was conscious of his innocence, he 
could make no confession for the pretended faults for which 
he was condemned. Had he been guilty, and a righteous 
sentence denounced against him, he might, upon a proper 
confession, have been restored ; but as the case now was, 
he could make no confession. If the consociation Avould 
proceed, there was nothing before him but deposition. 
Nov. 4th. In this crisis of affairs, a society's meeting being regu- 
larly convened on the 4th of November, 1747, it was vo- 
ted, " That the doings of the consociation against Mr. 
Robbins, should not be read in the meeting." It was then 
further voted, "That whereas the first church of Christ in 
Branford, was first settled on, or agreeable to the platform, 
drawn up and agreed upon at Cambridge, in the year 
1648 ; agreeable to which, said church ruled and govern- 
ed in peace : And whereas, after the settlement of a plat- 
form of church government at Saybrook, the said church, 
with their minister, did, once or twice, choose their mes- 
senger to attend the consociation of the churches ; but did 
fiot renounce the form of government on which the said 
church was settled, nor vote themselves under the Say- 
brook platform : And whereas the said first church, which 
is now the church in this society, being under such circum- 
stances, settled the Rev. Mr. Philemon Robbins in the 
ministry here, Avho was chosen by this society and the 
said church, for their minister and pastor ; Avho has con- 
tinued in said office to general satisfaction : And whereas, 
by reason of some late difference, arising by means of some 
uneasy persons in this society, it v/as found necessary thai 
both the church and society should more explicitly declare 
which rule of government they would agree to, and be gov- 
erned by ; therefore, the church in this society, at their 
faceting, November 4th, 1745, declared their renunciation 
of Saybrook platform aforesaid, and declared the same to 
be a congregational church ; and this society, at thei? 
meeting, October 21st, declared their denial to be govern 
ed by, or submission to, the acts or conclusions of council, 
formed on the Saybrook platform, without their being call- 
ed by the consent of the society : And whereas, notwith 
standing the church in this society is congregational, and 
this society agree with the church in those principles ; yef 
the consociation of New-Haven county, since the said 4tli 
of Kovember, on the complaint of one mei^ber of said 

ijHAP. Yin. CONNECTICUT. 23t^ 

church, assumed to themselves a pretended government Book II. 
and jurisdiction over this church and society ; and have, v.^<->r>«w» 
without hearing the parties or persons concerned, pretend- 
ed to come into conclusions respecting our reverend elder ; 
and, without knowing the truth from him, the church, or 
society, have, as we are credibly informed, passed a sen- 
tence, by v/hich they endeavour to depose him, the said 
Mr. Robbins : — Wherefore, lest such an extraordinary step 
should tend to our disturbance, and create scruples in 
weok minds, the society do now, by this, their vote, de- 
clare, that we own the said Mr. Robbins to be our lawful 
and worthy minister; and do now renewedly declare the 
continuance of our choice of him to be our minister, ac- 
cording to the laws of this government : And further de- 
clare, that we will continue to support and assist him, as 
formerly : and that we are of opinion, that the conclusions 
of the consociation are not, by this society, to be acknow- 
ledged or regarded," 

The consociation proceeded to depose Mr. Robbins. 
The sabbath after, he preached from 1 Cor. ix. 16. " For 
necessity is laid upon me ; yea, woe is unto me, if I preach 
not the gospel." Some of the people went to meeting, with 
hesitation whether he would attempt to preach, or if he 
should, whether they should stay and hear him or not ; but 
he made such an extraordinary prayer, as arrested all their 
attention, and deeply impressed their minds. They judg- 
ed that such a prayer had never been made;,before in that 
house. They all tarried, to hear what he would preach to 
them. And here again he gained their attention, and en- 
tered" deepty into their feelings. They imagined that his 
discourses were not less extraordinary than his prayer. 
He corftinued preaching, and performed all ministerial du- 
ties, as he had done before, and the people attended his 
ministrations. The society advanced his salary, and en- 
couraged him by public acts of generosity. 

At the session of the assembly, in May, 1748, Joseph May,!? 18. 
Frisbie and Nathaniel Harrison, who had been the most 
zealous complainants and actors against Mr. Robbins, with 
some others of the disaffected party, preferred a petition to 
the assembly, to interpose, and adopt measures for their 
relief. The society, upon a citation, appointed agents to 
appear before the assembly, to act in their behalf, as occa- 
sion should require. The assembly, on hearing the par- 
ties, appointed a council, consisting of the Rev. Messrs. 
Eliphalet Adams, of New-London ; Ebenezer Williams, of 
Pomfret; Benjamin Lord, of Norwich ; Solomon Williams, 
of Lebanon; Stephen Steele, «f Tolland; Ashbel Wood- 


Book II. bridge, of Glastenbury ; and Noah Hubbard, of Fairfield. 
v«<'"v'^-/ Tiiese gentlemen were directed by the assembly, to hear 
174S. all the grievances of the respective parties, and to use their 
endeavours to make peace in the society. The assembly 
advised the parties freely to communicate all the difficul- 
ties to the council, and recommended it to them to submit 
to their advice. 
June 13th. 'Soon after the rising of the General Assembly, the firsf 
society in Branford, in a regular meeting, accepted of the 
advice which had been given, and appointed gentlemen to 
desire the ministers appointed by the General Assembly, 
with their delegates, to meet in council at Branford, and 
the day for their meeting was appointed, but the council 
did not meet. 

The society again voted their earnest desire, that the 
council vrould come, and appointed men to wait on the sev- 
eral ministers, and urge it upon them, to attend the service 
to which they had been appointed. But, it seems, the 
council never met. They perceived, undoubtedly, insu- 
perable difficulties in the way. The assembly's appoint- 
ing a council was unconstitutional, and subversive of their 
own law, by which they had established the constitution, 
and made the determinations of the consociations a final 
issue, and bound all parties to sit down by it. They could 
fasily perceive, that they could do nothing for the relief oi 
Mr. Robbins, and the church and society, without, in some 
measure, setting aside the judgment of the consociation ; 
which would, at once, involve them in a controversy with 
the ministers of New-Haven county. If they could not da 
that, they must leave the matter as it was. There was nc? 
going back nor forward, without very great difficulties. 
They, therefore, judged it expedient not to meddle* in the 
affair. The disaffected party by degrees became recon- 
ciled, and the society enjoyed peace. 

The assembly manifested their zeal to suppress the new 
lights, as the zealous Calvinistic ministers and people were 
then called,^ by turning out esquire Russell and esquire 
Gould, and by putting into the same office one Harrison, 
who had been one of the complainants against Mr. Robbins. 

Mr. Robbins was a most inoffensive gentleman ; mild, 
peaceable, and a peace-maker ; was uncommonly gifted in 
prayer ; a sound and searching preacher, and greatly be- 
loved by his people. He was popular in the neighbouring 
towns and societies, and gradually grew into esteem among 
his brethren in the ministry. In the year 1755, about sev- 
en years after, he was invited to sit with the consociation, 
at the ordination of Mr. Street, at East-Haven; and no ob- 


jections were made on the account of any thing which had Book II. 
passed in the times of his trouble. s-^'-v^^ 

The friends of Calvinism, zealous experimental preach- 1748. 
ing, and vital religion, greatly increased, and gendemen 
who had been kept out of the assembly because they had 
been friends to the religious awakening, were now chosen 
again by the freemen. The justices who had been turned 
out at Branford, were again put into office, and the severe 
measures against the zealous ministers and people, became 
unpopular, and the old lights, as they had been called, 
rather lost credit in the colony. Many, indeed, viewed 
them as haters of God, opposers to his truth, and perse- 
cutors of his servants. 

At the General Assembly, this year, upon the memorial May, 
of the first society in Hebron, presented by the principal 1748. 
men of the town, representing that the Rev. Benjamin 
Pomeroy, their pastor, conformed to the laws of the colo- 
ny, and performed the ministerial office to the great satis- 
faction of the people ; he was restored to the benefit of the 
laws. The legislature ordered that the information lodged 
against him should be given up, and that his salary, in 
future, should be paid, as though no such information had 
been lodged against him. Thus after several years pun- 
ishment and persecution, for preaching the gospel to a 
multitude of people thirsting for the words of life, and that 
without other offence, he was restored to the common 
rights of men.* 

At the same session of the assembly, Solomon Paine of 
Canterbury, and Matthew Smith of Stonington, preferred 
a memorial in their own names and in the name of about 
three hundred others, of those who had separated from the 
standing ministers and churches in the colony, represent- 
ing that " they were the loyal subjects of king George, 
and most of them freemen of the colony of Connecticut : 
That liberty of conscience in matters of religion, was the 
unalienable right of every man ; that for the enjoyment of 
this liberty, our forefathers left their native country for a 
howling wilderness ; that God had, in all ages, gready 
blessed those who, with zeal and integrity, had stood for 
the glory of God, and this liberty of conscience, in his 

* Mr. soon after Dr. Pomeroy, had an opportunity of exhibiting an ex- 
cellent spirit towards Mr. Little, who shut him out of his pulpit, and had 
been the occasion of his so lon<? losing ^lis legal salary. Mr. Little, at the 
invitation of some of Mr. Pomeroy's people, came into Hebron and preach- 
ed in his parish without his leave, in direct violation of the law. Many 
of Mr. Pomeroy's parishioners were for lodging a complaint against hira, 
but Mr. Pomeroy used all his influence against it, and prevented it, ren- 
dering good for evil. 


^■M HISTORY OF Chap. ViiL 

Book II. worsliip ; and especially our ancestors : That in the char- 
'■!-«'-^^>w ter granted to this colony, that liberty was not abridged ; 
1748. and that in the act of William and Mary, liberty of con- 
science was granted to all their subjects, and it prohib- 
ited and disallowed their subjects of every denomination, 
t.o impose ui>on, er disturb othei-s, &cc.- That this law vva?^ 
in force under his then present majesty king George : 
That in consequence, the quakers, anabaptists, and thosf- 
who worshipped in the way called the church of England, 
had applied to the honorable assembly, and had the force 
of the ecclesiastical laws aba-ted with respect to them : yet 
(hat they who worshipped God in his fear, and could not, 
■vvithout making shipwreck of a good conscience, worship 
with those denominations, were obliged to sutler fines and 
imprisonments, as many of them had done already, for 
preaching the gosjjel ai)d other acts of divine service, which 
ihcy had performed by the command andpower of God's 
.spirit ; and that great quantities of their temporal goods, 
by which they should sei've God a-nd honor the king,^ had 
been taken from them, to support a worship, which they 
fould not in conscience uphold. Therefore they prayed,, 
that their honors would be the happy instruments of un- 
l)inding those burdens, and enact universal liberty, or for- 
bid the execution of those laws."* 

The legislature, nevertheless, rejected their petition and 
granted them no relief. They suffered much in tlieir per- 
sons and estates. When they were called upon to pay 
rates to the ministers, in the towns and parishes where 
they inhabited, they utterly refused, and in some instances 
their goods and chattels were taken and sold, at the post, 
for much less than their real value. In other instances, 
they were committed to prison. This was done by mere 
force. They would neither go themselves nor ride ; the\ 
were held upon horses by main strength, and would cry 
out and scream until the blood ran out at their mouths. 
These measures were every way calculated to do mischiel', 
not only to impoverish individuals, but the governmeni, 
to beget ill will among neighbours, to prejudice peoph" 
against the government and the ecclesiastical constitution, 
and to increase and confirm, rather than prevent the sepa- 
rations. Why these people should be treated worse than 
\ quakers and baptists, while they were loyal subjects, de- 
voutly and zealously worshipped God, in their own way, 
and, excepting their peculiarities, were many of them stric;.. 
in morals, peaceable and good inhabitants, I know not. 

* The inemoriaJ was subscribed by three hundred and thirty jjersone^ 

bdoijgin^ priticipaJly tcj the counties ol" >'ew-Loiidon and Windham. 


While God was building up Zion and appearing in his Book II. 
::^lory, and these diings were transacting in the country, \.**-v-n»^ 
there were various writers infovourof the work: Particu- 1743. 
larly, the Rev. Jonathan Dickinson, president of the col- -^^j^^^g j^^ 
kge in New-Jersey ; the Rev. Gilbert Tennant ; and in favor of 
New-England, the Rev. Jonathan Edwards, of Northamp- the reli- 
?on, afterwards president. They not only endeavoured to ^'^"^ -°' 
prove the revival in the land to be the work of God, but 
to correct the errors attending the work. Mr. Edwards 
wrote the most largely «pon the subject, and brought into 
view almost every thing necessary to be said at such a 
time, relative to the work itself, the errors, and impru- 
dences attending it, and with regard to such things as had 
a tendency to hinder it ; to show tliat all ought, by all 
means to promote it ; and what things ought to be done for 
iliat purpose. 

In the first place, he undertook to prove, that it was a IMr. Erf- 
glorious work of God ; a work which nothing but the spir- wards, 
it and power of God could effect ; and that it evidently ap- 
peared so when judged of by his word only. He says, 
"• Whatever imprudences there have been, and whatever 
sinful irregularities ; whatever vehemence of the passions, 
and heats of the imagination, transports and extacies ; 
and whatever errors in judgment, and indiscreet zeal ; and 
whatever outcries, and faintings and agitations of body ; 
yet it is manifest and notorious, that there has been of late 
a very uncommon influence upon the minds of a very great 
part of the inhabitants of New-England, from one end of 
the land to the other, that has been attended with the fol- 
iov/ing effects, viz. a great increase of a spirit of serious- 
ness, and sober consideration of the things of the eternal 
world ; a disposition to hearken to any thing that is said of 
things of this nature, with attention and affection ; a dispo- 
sition to treat mattery of religion with solemnity; and as 
matters of great importance ; a disposition to make these 
things the subject of conversation ; and a great disposition 
to hear the word preached, and to take all opportunities in 
order to it; and to attend on the public worship of God 
and all external duties of religion, in a more solemn and 
decent manner ; so that there is a remarkable and general 
alteration in the face of New-England, in these respects : 
Multitudes in all parts of the land, of vain, thoughtless, re- 
gardless persons, are changed and become serious and 
considerate : There is a vast increase of concern for the 
salvation of the precious soul, and of that enquiry, JVhat 
shall I do to be saved ? The hearts of multitudes have 
?5een greatly taken off fi-om the things of the world, its prg> 

236^ HISTORY OF Chap. VilL 

Book II,. fits, pleasures and honors, and there has been a great in- 
^«*''"^^"***^ crease of scnsibleness and tenderness of conscience. Mul- 
titudes in all parts, have had their consciences awakened, 
and have been made sensible of the pernicious nature and 
consequences of sin, and what a dreadful thing it is to be 
under guilt and the displeasure of God, and to live without 
peace and reconciliation to him. They have also been 
awakened to a sense of the shortness and uncertainty of 
' life, and reality of another v/orld and future judgment, and 

the necessity of an interest in Christ : They are more 
afraid of sin, more careful and inquisitive that they may 
know what is contrary to the mind and will of God, that 
they may avoid it, and what he requires of them, that they 
might do it ; more careful to avoid temptations, more 
•watchful over their ov/n hearts, earnestly desirous of be- 
ing informed what are the means that God has directed to, 
for their salvation, and more diligent in the use of means 
that God has appointed in his word, in order to it. Many 
very stupid, senseless sinners, and persons of a vain mind, 
have been gready awakened. There is a strange altera- 
tion almost all over New-England, amongst young peo- 
ple : By a powerful invisible influence on their minds, 
ihey have been brought to forsake those things, in a general 
way, as it were at once, that they were extremely fond of, 
and greatly addicted to, and that they seemed to place the 
happiness of their lives in, and that nothing before could 
induce them to forsake ; as their frolicking, vain company 
keeping, night v/alking, their mirth and jollity, their im- 
pure language and lewd songs : In vain did ministers 
preach against those things before ; in vain were laws 
made to restrain them, and in vain was all the vigilance of 
magistrates and civil ofhccrs ; but now they have almost 
every where dropped them, as it were of themselves. And 
there is a great alteration among old and young as to drink- 
ing, tavern haunting, profane speaking, and extravagance 
in apparel. Many notoriously vicious persons have been 
reformed, and become externally quite new creatures : 
Some that are wealthy, and of a fashionable, gay educa- 
iion ; some great beaus and fine ladies, that seemed to. 
have their minds swallowed up with nothing but the vain 
shews and pleasures of the world, have been wonderfully- 
altered, and have relinquished these vanities, and are be- 
come serious, mortified and humble in their conversation. 
It is astonishing to see the alteration that there is in some 
towns, where before was but little appearance of religion, 
or any thing but vice and vanity t and so remote was all 
\hat was to be seen or heard among them, from any thing 


that savoured of vital piety, or serious religion, or that had Book II. 
any relation to it, that one would have thought, if they s^'-vv^ 
judged only from what appeared in them, that they had 
been some other species than the serious and religious, 
which had no concern with another world, and whose na- 
tures were not made capable of those things that appertain 
to christian experience and pious conversation : especially 
was it thus among young persons. And now they are trans- 
formed into another sort of people ; their former vain, 
worldly and vicious conversation and disposition seem to 
be forsaken, and they are, as it were, gone over to a new 
world. Their thoughts and their concern, aftections, and 
inquiries, are now about the favour of God, an interest in 
Christ, a renewed and sanctified heart, and a spiritual 
blessedness and acceptance, and happiness in a future 
world. And through the greater part of New-England, 
the holy bible is in much greater esteem and use than it 
used to be ; the great things contained in it, are much more 
regarded, as things of the greatest consequence, and are 
much more the subjects of meditation and conversation; 
and other books of piety, that have long been of establish- 
ed reputation, as the most excellent, and the most tending 
to promote true godliness, have been abundantly more in 
use. The Lord's day is more religiously and strictly ob- 
served: and abundance has been lately done at making 
up differences, and confessing faults, one to another, and 
making restitution ; probably more within these two years, 
than was done in thirty years before. It has been so, un- 
doubtedly, in many places. And surprising has been the 
power of that Spirit that has been poured out on the land, 
in many instances, to destroy old grudges, and make up 
long continued breaches, and to bring -those that seemed 
to be in a confirmed, irreconcilable alienation, to embrace 
each other, in a sincere and entire amity. 

" Great numbers under this iniluence, have been brought 
to a sense of their own sinfulness and vileness ; the sinful' 
ness of their lives, the heinousness of their disregard of 
the great God, and ,the heinousness of living in contempt 
of a Saviour. It has been a common thing, that persons 
have had such a sense of their own sinfulness, that they 
have thought themselves the worst of all, and that none 
ever were so vile as they : and many seem to have been 
greatly convinced, that they were utterly unworthy of any ^ 
mercy at the hands of God, however miserable they were, 
and though they stood in extreme necessity of mercy ; and 
that they deserved nothing but eternal burnings ; and have 
been sensible that God would be altogether just and right- 

233 HISTOHY OF Chap. MU, 

BookII. eous m inflicting endless damnation upon them. — And so 
^^.jCN/'-x-/ far as we are worthy to be credited, one by another, in 
what we say, multitudes in INew-England have lately been 
brought to a new and great conviction of the truth and 
certainty of the gospel ; to a firm persuasion that Jesus is 
the Son of God, and the great and only Saviour of the 
world ; and that the great doctrines of the gospel, touching 
reconciliation by his blood, and acceptance in his right- 
eousness, and eternal life and salvation through him, are 
matters of undoubted truth : together with a most affecting 
sense of the excellency and sufficiency of this Saviour, 
and the glorious wisdom of God shining in this way of sal- 
vation, &:c. — With a sensible, strong and sweet love to 
God, and delight in him, far surpassing all temporal de- 
lights, or earthly pleasures ; and a rest of soul in him, as 
the fountain of all good, attended with abhorrence of sin, 
and self loathing for it, and earnest longings after more 
holiness, Sic, And these things appear to be, in many of 
them, abiding now for many months, yea, more than a year 
and an half; with an abiding concern to live an holy life. 
And not only do these eflects appear in new converts ; but 
great numbers of those that formerly were esteemed the 
most sober and pious people, have, under the influence of 
this work, been greatly quickened, and their hearts re- 
newed with greater degrees of 'light, renewed repentance 
and humiliation, more lively exercises of faith, love and 
joy in Geo. 

" And under the influences of this work, there have been 
many of the remains of those wretched people and dregs 
of mankind, the poor Indians, that seemed to be next to a 
state of brutality, and with whom, till now, it seemed to be 
to little more purpose to use endeavours for their instruc- 
tion and av^akening, than with the beasts ; whose minds 
have been now strangely opened to receive instruction, 
and have been deeply affected ivith the concerns of their 
precious souls, and have reformed their lives, and have 
forsaken their former stupid, barbarous and brutish way 
of living ; and particularly that sin to which they have been 
so exceedingly addicted, their drunkenness ; and are be- 
com^e devout and serious persons ; and many of them 
brought, to appearance, truly and greatly to delight in the 
things of God, and to have their souls very much engaged 
in the things of the gospel. And many of the poor negroes 
also have, in like manner, been wrought upon and changed. 
" And the souls of very many little children, have been 
iemarkably enlightenigd, and their hearts wonderfully af- 
fected and enlarged ; and their months opened, expressing 

CttAP. Vlll. CONNECTICUT. 239 

themselves far beyond their years, and to the just astonish- Book II. 
ment of those that have heard them; and some of them, 'v^-v-«w 
from time to time, for many months, greatly and delight- 
fully affected with the glory of divine things, and with the 
excellency and love of the Redeemer, with their hearts 
greatly filled with love and joy in him, and have continued 
to be serious and pious in their behaviour. 

" The divine power of this work has marvellously ap- 
peared, in some instances I have been acquainted with, in 
supporting and fortifying the heart, under great trials, such 
as the death of children, and extreme pain of body; won- 
derfully maintaining the serenity^ calmness and joy of the 
soul, in an immoveable rest in God, and sweet resignation 
to him. There also have been instances of some that have 
been »the subjects of this work, that, under the blessed in- 
fluences of it, have, in such a calm, bright and joyful frame 
of mind, been carried through the valley of the shadow af 

" And noAv let us consider, — Is it not strange that, in a 
christian, orthodox country, and such a land of light as 
this is, there should be many at a loss whose work this is, 
whether the work of God, or the v/ork of the devil ? Is it 
not a shame to New-England, that such a work should be 
much doubted of here ? Need we look over the histories 
of all past times, to see if there be not some circumstances 
and external appearances that attend this work, that have 
formerly been found amongst enthusiasts ? — whether the 
montanists had not great transports of joy, and whether 
the French prophets had not agitations of body ? Blessed 
be God ! he does not put us to the toil of such inquiries. 
We need not say, who shall ascend into heaven, to bring 
us down something whereby we may judge of this work '! 
Nor does God send us beyond the seas, nor into past ages, 
to obtain a rule that shall determine and satisfy us. But 
we have a rule near at hand, a sacred book, that God him- 
self has put into our hands, with clear and infallible marks, 
sufficient to resolve us in things of this nature; which 
book, I think, we must reject, not only in some particular 
passages, but in the substance of it, if we reject such a work 
as has now been described, as not being the work of God. 
The whole tenor of the gospel proves it ; all the notion of 
religion that the scripture gives us." 

He mentions three things, in which those who judged 
unfavourably of the work, exceedingly erred, viz. — by 
judging of it a priori, from the manner in v/hich it began; 
the instruments which had been employed in it ; the means 
and manner in which it had been carried o'n, (S:c. He 

240 HIST6RY of Chap. VIIL 

Book II. shows, that no just judgment could be formed from these ; 

^-^'v-'^.' that if it was found to agree with the scriptures, that was 
sufficient ibr us. That they erred in not making the scrip- 
tures the only rule, and whole rule, in judging ; and in not 
justly separating and distinguishing the good from the bad. 
He observes, that the \veakness of human nature has al- 
ways appeared in times of a great revival of religion, by 
a disposition to run into extremes, and get into confusion ; 
and especially in these three things, enthusiasm, supersti- 
tion, and intemperate zeal. He shows this to have been 
the case, ev^n in the times of the apostles, and at the re- 
formation. He observes the great disorders, divisions, 
and evil things, which were in the church at Corinth ; and 
to what lengths we might reasonably suppose they would 
have gone, had they not been prevented by inspired 
guides. He suggests that, by the increase of their irregu- 
larities and contentions, they Would have broken to pieces, 
and dissolved in the utmost confusion^ And yet this would 
have been no evidence that the Spirit of God had not, in 
a most glorious and remarkable manner, been poured out 
upon that city. He shoivs outcries and bodily agitations, 
were no new things under great awakenings ; and that they 
were no evidences of grace, nor any evidence against it, 
as they had been found in men of the greatest eminence for 
piety and genuine religion, as well as in others : that great 
degrees of terror and of joy were no evidences that .the 
work was not the work of God, as persons eminent for ho- 
liness, both in primitive and later times, had been the sub- 
jects of them. 

He shows the indispensable duty of magistrates, minis- 
ters and people, by all means to promote, and carry on 
such a glorious work ; and the great sin and danger of op- 
posing it. He evinces that all ought to rejoice in it, and 
_^ve thanks for it. He suggests that there was reason to 
tear that God had been greatly provoked, in diat civil ru- 
lers had proclaimed no public thanksgivings to render 
praise to God for it, and that they had done so litde to 
promote it. 

He observes, that above all others, God's eye was upon 
the ministers of the gospel, expecting them to arise and 
acknowledge him, and honor him in the work, and do their 
utmost for its encouragement and promotion : That this 
was the very work and business of their office. 

With respect to others, he represented, that as all the 
people brought a willing offering unto the Lord, to build 
the tabernacle in the wilderness, so that with a willing and 
cheerful heart, every n^an, woman, and child, ought to do 

Chap. ViiL CONNECTICUT. 241 

something to promote the work : That they who could not Book IL 
bring onyx stones, gold or silver, might, at least, bring ^-^'^/'-^^ 
goats hair. 

He shows what things had been complained of, relative 
to the work, without or beyond any just cause ; and then, 
what thin2;s oua:ht to be corrected and avoided in advanc- 
ing the work, and in the behavior of the people under it. 
He notices and condemns the errors, makes clear distinc- 
tions with, respect to that in which true religion consists, 
and in what it does not, and gives excellent directions for 
the conduct of ministers and people, in such a day as that 
was. He compares those who could see nothing of th'^ 
work of God, in the reformation which had been effected, 
to subjects in the kingdom of a great and good prince, who, 
when all the people were rejoicing and proclaiming his ex- 
cellencies and honor, on the day of his coronation, should 
rather appear sorrowful than joyous, and dwell only on 
some defects they might notice in his body, vv^alk, or con- 
duct ; or who on his marriage, to a beautiful ah'; excellent 
princess, when the nation in general were rejoicing with 
great gladness, should m.anifest no joy on the occasion, 
but employ themselves in remarking upon, and aggravat- 
ing some small defects in the royal bride, in her beauty, or 
dress, or in the manner in which the marriage was conduct- 
ed ; and enquires v/hether such could be considered as 
loyal subjects, well affected towards their prince ? 

Dr. Chauncey, who had been an eye witness of the work Dr.ChRun- 
at Boston, and the wonderful reformation which had been^^^.^"^^^ 
effected in that metropolis of the province, differed entire- y^^^^ ^^^^ 
ly from those excellent men, Dr. Coleman, Dr. Sewall, against Mr 
Mr. Cooper, Mr. Gee, and most of the ministers in that F'.dwarcU 
town, and appeared to be a great opposer of the work. 
He wrote a large book, of between four and five hundred 
pages, relative to it, in which he dwells abundantly on the 
irregularities and errors attending the work, all calculated 
to set it in the most disadvantageous point of light. He 
inserts in his preface the story of the Antinomians and en- 
thusiasts, in Mr. Cotton's day in Boston, among whom the 
famous Mrs. Hutchinson was a principal actor, who were 
full of falsehood and deceit, and represents or insinuates at 
least, that the nevv^ lights, as they were called, were of the 
same character, enthusiasts and liars. In his introduction, 
he undertakes to give a general view of a work of God, 
in which many things are well said ; but nothing so dis- 
tinguishing with respect to the loving of God for his own 
perfections and glory, rejoicing in them, and in the divine 
government, with a full sense of the glory of God, of his 
F2 • 


Book II. love to iriPii, of the glory of tlu- work of redemption, the 
v-i'-v^^ transccndant cKcollency and loveliness of Christ, and the 
principles from which external acts of conformity to the 
divine law originate, as Mr. Edwards and many other di- 
vines. And it is remarkable, that all the marks of a work 
of God which he specifies, were found in most of those Avho 
made a profession of a change of heart and obedience to 
CHRist, at that time. Indeed, they were found and increas- 
ed in many of them, during their whole lives. He remarks, 
a Ibrsaking of vice and sin, as one special mark of a work 
of God. And when was there ever such a forsaking of all 
open sins and vice, and such a general reformation of man- 
ners, as at this time ? He mentions a spirit of forgiveness 
and forbearance, as a mark of the work- of God. And at 
what time before or since, did ever so many confess their 
faults one to another, and forgive one another, as at this 
time ? Persons who had been long at enmity one with an- 
other, whom nothing before could reconcile, now con- 
fessed, w.-ih shame and contrition, their ill treatment of 
each other, and became apparently reconciled in the bands 
of brotherly love. He makes love to the house of worship 
and ordinances of God, an evidence of the work of God. 
And who ever saw ministers and people in general, so in- 
stant in seaspn and out of season, to preach and to hear the 
word ? When did people ever so flow to the house of God ; 
hear with such attention ; keep the sabbath, and attend 
sacraments with such apparent zeal and pleasure ; and so 
much abound in singing the praises of God, as at this time? 
He mentions repentance and mourning for sin, as an evi- 
dence of the work of God : And when v/as there ever in 
New-England, so deep and general a sense of the evil of 
sin, of the danger of it, and such apparent mourning for it, 
as against an holy God, as at this time ? 

The first part of his book, after the introduction, the Dr. 
entitles, " Particularly pointing out the things of a bad 
and dangerous tendency in the late religious appearances 
in New-England." The first thing he mentions of this na- 
ture, is itinerant preaching. This, he says, had its rise in 
these parts from Mr. Whitefield. He owns he never could 
see from what warrant, either from scripture or reason, 
lie went about preaching ; and intimates that his design 
was his o\Vn worldly advantage, that he made large col- 
lections, &c. and faults '^him for leaving his own little 
charge ; intimates that none but himself could tell the 
amount of the presents he received in that town. Mr. 
Whitefield gave a satisfactory account of these matters to 
Other ministers in Boston, and to ministers and peopi?, 


who were well affected towards the doctrines he preached, Book II. 
and the work he was instrumental in promoting. That he v-*'~>^>*-/ 
should preach every day in the week, and often twice and Doctor 
three times a day, and often ride many miles and preach '^'^auncey 
when he was so weak as not to be able to mount his horse reliebus 
without help, pass dangerous seas, endure such fatigues appear- 
by day and night, through a whole life, and conduct him- ^"'^*?"- 
self with such piety and devotion, to the end of his days, on 
worldly motives, and that he should, after all the collec- 
tions he made for his orphans, die poor at last, is not credi- 
ble. That he Vv^as able to effect what he did with his col- 
lections, may afford abundant satisfaction on this head, and 
show that the Doctor's imputations were uncharitable. 

He equally blames Mr. Tennant, for leaving his people, 
and preaching as an itinerant in New-England. But Mr, 
Tennant undertook this only by the advice and desire of 
his brethren in the ministry, who, upon receiving the ac- 
counts of the great awakenings in New-England, and at 
Boston in particular, judged that it would be well to send 
him to the assistance of their brethren in these parts, and 
advance the interests of the Redeemer's kingdom. He 
hesitated at first; it was a matter of very great self denial, 
to leave his family and people for' such a length of time. 
He must necessarily endure much hardship and fatigue, 
and be exposed to many dangers. But at the earnest de- 
sire and mature advice of his brethren, he ujidertook the 
journey, and appears to have performed the mission on 
which he was sent, with great zeal, labour and fidelity. 
He proved himself to be a faithful brother, and received 
ihe thanks of the ministers in Boston, in general, for his 
searching, fervent preaching, and abundant labours. Dr. 
Chauncey, nevertheless, brands him, Mr. Whitefield and 
all itinerant preachers, with the odious character of busy 
bodies. " I see not but those," says he, " who make it 
their practice to go about gathering assemblies in other 
men's parishes, properly come under the character of busy 
bodies."* In short, he compares them to those deceitful 
workers, whom the apostle represents, as transforming 
themselves into the ministers of righteousness, according 
to the example of satan, wlio can transform himself into an 
angel of light.! He introduces letters, calling them by 
the worst names, and possessed of the v/orst feelings ; 
with such declarations as these : " As to the present itine- 

* Pa£;e 42. He quotes with apparent approbation, the extraordinary- 
act of the legislature of Connecticut, prohibitina: ministers preachinj!: out of 
their own parishe?, without the consent of the rainis-ter and churches wher,p 
■ihej preached. t Ppge-44, 

::44 HISTORY OF Chap. VUL 

Book II. rants, ii is remarked, as certain and obvious, that themost^ 

\..ii^-'''^^*^ if not all of theni, are swollen and ready to burst with spir- 

Dvocior itual [)ride." " Such ignorant and mischievous itinerants ab 

Chaiincey ^^.^ jj^^^. caressed and encouraged." " Those vagrants," 

the reli- ^c.* He takes up almost eighty pages in decrying itinerant 

gious ap- preachers, introducing letters, exhortations of ministers 

pear- ^^,}^q were evidently prejudiced and em! ittered against 

^"^^^° them, and quotations from authors, calculated to set them 

in the worst point of light. The next thing he takes notice 

oi', as of bad tendency, is the great fears and terrors which 

some had, and the eflects which it had upon their bodies. 

This he conceived of a very dangerous tendency. These 

he pretends were highly thought of, as sure evidences of 

grace, &c. whereas, it does not appear that any but the 

separates approved of these things, or considered them as 

any evidences of grace. Not one minister in Connecticut 

considered them as such. Mr. Edwards showed that they 

were no evidences of grace, nor were they any evidence:- 

against it. Especially in his thoughts on religion, and in 

his treatise on religious affections, he shows from scripture 

and the best writers, that the most eminent men for piety 

liave been tiie subjects of them, as well as wicked men. 

No men, so far as I am acquainted with the writers of 
New-England, and of protcstants in general, have more 
clearly distinguished between all the errors and delusions 
of these times, and shown wherein true religion consisted, 
than the gentlemen who favoured the uncommon religious 
concern and reformation, especially Dr. Coleman, Mr. 
Edwards and Mr. Bellamy in New-England,, and the Rev. 
Jonathan Dickinson, in New-Jersey. 

Dr. Chauncey collected the most exaggerated accounts 
from those who were the most zealous opposers of the 
work, and even condescended so low as to publish accounts 
from nevv'spapGrs relative to it, throwing the greatest odi- 
um and rej)roach upon it ; and represents the effects of the 
preaching at that time, such as might be expected from 
mad men, raving front bctllam, hallowing and screaming 
and frightening tlic ]ieo})le.t lie attempts to prove, that it 
was not a divine work ; and he takes it as a certain fact, 
that the spirit of God could not be in it. He trusts that 
from these things, he had made it evident, that the ap- 
pearances had been produced, only by the wild and ex- 
ti-avagant conduct of overheated preachers.l 

He employs between twenty and thirty pages, in rc- 
j-U'esenting the bad princi]')les of Mr. Davenport, Messrs.. 
Pomeroy, Wheclock, and Allen ; and represents them a^- 
* Pa-e 61,6^. t Pa-e 96, 106. X Page 99. 


having imbibed the principles of quakerism in college, Book IL 
which had now broke out again. He represents Mr. Pom- v^^vx^* 
eroy and Mr. Wheelock as the principal instruments of Doctor 
the disorders and confusion in Connecticut. Nothing, I ^^,^3'^^"!'^^^ 
suppose, was more groundless and unjust than these insinu- religious 
ations. The great body of those who were subjects of the appearan- 
divine operations at that time, were humble, prayerful, so- ^^^' *^'^- 
ber christians ; loved and adhered to their ministers, and 
were strict in their morals. Those who imbibed errors, 
and went into bad conduct, were few, when compared 
with the others. Mr. Pomeroy and Mr. Wheelock were 
not accused of any false doctrine, or any tincture of qua- 
kerism, by the associations, or consociations, to which they 
belonged ; but were in good repute, esteemed, and treated 
with respect, by their brethren in the ministry, who had 
the most intimate acquaintance with them. They were 
gready beloved by their people ; and I never knew of a 
quaker, or separate, in either of their parishes. They op- 
posed the sepfirations, and united with their brethren in 
condemning the errors of the times.! But the Doctor hav- 
ing said what he judged proper to depreciate and blacken 
the characters of those gentlemen, concludes that head with 
this observation : — " This enthusiastic spirit, it appears to 
me, is one of the most dangerous that can take place in a 
land. It is, indeed, the true spirit of quakerism ; the seed 
plat of delusion."! He proceeds but a few pages before 
he again introduces Mr. Davenport, and his conduct. Af- 
ter observing, " that there were no absurdities, either in 
doctrine or practice, but they" (that is, such men) " are 
capable of falling into, instances whereof have been com- 
mon in all ages of the world," he quotes Mr. Flavel, as fol- 
lows : — " In the beginning of our reformation, by Luther 
and Calvin, &lc. there sprung up a generation of men, call- 
ed Swenkseldians, great pretenders to revelations and 
visions ; who were always speaking of deifications ; and 
used a higher strain of language among themselves, than 
other serious christians understood ; and they, therefore, 
scornfully styled orthodox and humble christians, who 

t I had an intimate acquaintance with those gentlemen, and with their 
people; was hiouu;ht up under the preaching; of Dr. Pomeroy j lived some 
time in the family of Dr. Wheelock ; heard them both preach abundantly ; 
and [ never saw or heard of any thin<, in either of them, which savoured ia 
the least degree of quakerism. They were some of the most distinguish- 
jns; preachers, in their day, between true and false religion. They were 
strict in their morals, and extensive in their charity. They ever consider- 
ed themselves as greatly injured by Dr. Chauncey. He took up reports 
against his brethren, not at the mouth oi two or three vritnesses. and v.-ili" 
c^ut inquiring whether they were friends or enemies. 
t Page 217. 


BooK II. stuck (() scripture phrases, and wholesome forms of sound 
^^^^"T-^*^ words, granimatists, vocabulists, literalists," &c.§ 
Doctor The Doctor appears to have been a gentleman of pretty 

Ujaunccy extensive reading, and a good scholar; but it is very re- 
rcHsjious markable, that he frequently, by hi» concessions and quo- 
»}ipenran- tations, insensibly gives up his whole argument. This he 
ces, Lc. f^cenis to do in this place. If the glorious work of God, in 
the reformation, was attended with such errors and con- 
fusion, then (he work in New-England might also be a glo- 
jious work of God, notwithstanding the enthusiasm and 
errors which some imbibed. It cannot be pretended, that 
Luther and Calvin, whom God made so remarkably instru- 
metital in the reformation, Avere without great faults. Who 
can justify the bitter zeal and language of Luther, and 
some instances of Calvin's conduct? But if imperfect 
men, attended, in some instances, with great faults, have 
been used as great and principal instruments of such a 
glorious work as the reformation, then God might also im- 
prove such instruments in the reformation ifn this country ; 
and it might have been, notwithstanding, a glorious work of 
God : and so the Doctor's argument against the work is 
wholly ovei'thrown. If God hath done it in this instance, 
!t is perfectly correspondent with the operations of his pro- 
vidence in other instances. 

The Doctor inveighs exceedingly against exhorters, con- 
demns the violent things which have been said, in oppo- 
sition to tinconverted ministers, and against many errors 
and disorders of those times, and has said many things 
worthy of serious attention, with a variety of quotations 
from the best authors upon those subjects.* 

In the second part of his book, he represents " the ob- 
ligations which lay upon all the pastors of these churches 
in particular, and upon all in general, to use their endea- 
vours to su]:>pyess the disorders prevailing in the land ; 
with the great danger of their neglect in so important a 
matter." '' The obligations to this, (he says,) are solemn 
and weighty : and they are binding upon the pastors of 
these churches in particular, and upon ail in general." 
^" The churches in this land, upwards of an hundred year^ 
ago, were almost ruined with their religious disturbances. 
The spii'll which then operated was surprisingly similar to 
ihe spirit of these times. "t He represents the whole vv'ork 
as nothing but error and enthusiasm ; and about forty or 
fifty pages are em])Ioyed to stir up ministers and peopl'* 
against it. 
^i Page 221. 

* From pa?e 220 to 3C2, to the close of the first part o£ his book. 
t Page 33;:!, 324, 350. 


In his third part, he complains of instances in which Book !I. 
those who had appeared against the disorders prevailing v-«ir-v->*-< 
in the land, had been injuriously treated. He makes some DrAiiaim- 
rcmarks on Mr. Edwards' thoughts on religion ; pleads for c<^yasai"J:t 
using history and philosophy in judging with respect to j^ys appeu- 
religion, and represents that those who had opposed the rancei, 
religious appearances, had shown the greatest veneration 
for the scriptures. He complains of Mr. Edwards as be- 
ing uncharitable in reprobating those who did not think 
of the work as he did. He condemns that censorious 
spirit by which they were denounced as Arminians, Pela- 
gians, &:c. ; yet he falls into the same error himself, and 
terms the favourers of the work, false prophets, deceitful 
workers, and represents men as transforming themselves, 
like satan, into ministers of righteousness ; as having the 
same spirit as the enthusiasts at the reforn^ation, &c, " I 
am sensible (says he) that this work has been carried on 
by the weak and foolish. I am sensible also that the mi- 
nisters who have been chiefly employed, some of them, 
have been mere babes in years and standing :" and in 
the severity of his remarks spares neither ministers nor 
people ; though there was not one minister in Connecticut, 
nor one of the striding churches, that favoured these er- 
rors, but unitedly spake and preached against them. Mr. 
Edwards lamented this censorious spirit, and utterly con- 
demned it, at the same time stating who might be termed 
opposers, but named no man as such, nor gave the least 
intimation with respect to any particular person. This 
spirit of detraction prevailed only among the separates, 
who, in comparison with the great numbers who were ap- 
parently born of God, v/ere indeed very few. 

The Doctor apologizes for the harsh words in some of 
the papers he had occasion to use, and says they should 
have been altered had it been in his power. In his pre- 
face, p. 29, he says, " I have endeavored to write so as to 
give no just occasion of offence to any gentleman with 
whom I have thought it needful to concern myself." Yet 
the Doctor said these hard things, and made these injur!-:- 
ous representations, with respect to great numbers of his 
brethren in the ministry, and probably thousands of good 
people, who were truly subjects of Divine grace, and had 
proved their faith and love by lives of strict piety, right- 
eousness and temperance in all things. How could thp 
Doctor conceive that he gave no just occasion of olt'ence 
to those gentlemen in the ministry, whom he had publish-" 
ed to the world as being cjuakers in their youth, and as 
singe acting under the influence of these jDrinciples, v;heu 

248 HISTORY OF Chap. \UL 

Book II. lliey had been examined and approved by associations 
^-^'■~^>i^/ and ordaining councils, had been a number of years in 
1747. the ministry, and were of good report, not only among the 
people with whom they laboured, but among their breth- 
ren in the ministry ? Another thing is very remarkable : 
In his preface, p. 29, he says, " As to facts, I have pub- 
lished none but such as I really believe myself, and, as I 
Observa- think, upon suflicient evidence :" and further states, that 
tions on he had been a circuit of more than three hundred miles. 
Dr.Chaun- n^^j jjjj^j conversed wuth most of the ministers, and many 
cej s 00 c. Qj^i^gj. gentlemen in the country, and settled a correspond- 
ence w^ith several of them, with a particular view to as- 
certain the truth of things upon better evidence than mere 
hearsay ; when he had not probably conversed with one 
minister, nor settled a correspondence with any, but 
those who thought unfavorably of the work ; and when 
he had condescended repeatedly to take his accounts from 
the newspapers. And further, in answer to Mr. Edwards' 
observation, that the instruments of the work had been too 
much, and in many instances unreasonably blamed, by 
others, he says, " So far were they from magnifying real 
errors, that I scruple not to say, they have never set them 
in their full light : Nay, as to some of thj disorders of the 
times, I do not think it is in the power of the worst oppos- 
er of them all, to describe them to the life." (p. 391 .) Did 
Dr. Chauncey really believe all that party and prejudiced 
men said, and all the anonymous pieces in the newspapers ? 
Was he so unacquainted with the nature of facts as to ima- 
gine that newspaper publications, especially when parlies 
ran high, were sufficient evidence ? Could he suppose that 
representations of one party only, when their names were 
generally concealed, without hearing the evidence on the 
other side, were suflicient proof ? If such was the case, or 
if he was influenced by prejudice to credit unsubstantial 
facts, it must very greatly invalidate the Doctor's history 
of those times. 

How widely he differed from a great body of his breth- 
ren, will appear from the public declarations of a very 
great number of ministers, in all parts of the country. 
About ninety ministers, on previous notice, met at Boston, 
on the 7th of July, 1743, and after consultation, came to 
the following result, viz : 

" If it is the duty of every one, capable of obversation 
and reflection, to take a constant religious notice of what 
occurs, in the daily course of common providence ; how 
much more is it expected that those events in the divine 
economy, wherein there is a signal display of the power, 

Chap. VIlt» CdNNECTICUT. 049 

grace and mercy of God in behalf of the church, should be Book IL 
observed with sacred wonder, pleasure, and gratitude ? — v^<««-v-^/ 
Nor should the people of God content themselves with a Testimony 
silent notice, but publish with the voice of thanksgiving, ^j."^ advice 
and tell of all his wondrous works. sembi^'of 

" More particularly, when Christ is pleased to come in- pastors of 
to his church in a plentiful effusion of his holy Spirit, by ^li''r<"h8s 
whose powerful influences the ministration of his word is l" ' f^'j 
attended with uncommon success, salvation work carried 
on in an eminent manner, and his kingdom which is in 
men, and consists in righteousness and peace, and joy in 
the Holy Ghost, is notably advanced. This is an event, 
which above all others invites the notice, and bespeaks 
the praises of the Lord's people, and should be declared 
abroad for a memorial of the divine grace ; as it tends to 
confirm the divinity of a despised gospel, and manifests 
the work of the Holy Spirit in the application of redemp- 
tion, which too many are ready to reproach ; as it may 
have a happy effect, by the divine blessing, for the revival 
of religion in other places, and the enlargement of the 
kingdom of Christ in the world ; and as it tends to enliv- 
en the prayers, strengthen the faith, and raise the hopes, of 
such as are waiting for the kingdom of God, and the com- 
ing on of the glory of the latter days. 

" But if this is justly expected of all who profess them- 
selves the disciples of Christ, that they should openly ac- 
knowledge and rejoice in a work of this nature, wherein 
the honor of their divine master is so much concerned ; 
how much more is it to be looked for from those employecl 
in the ministry of the Lord Jesus, and so stand in a special 
relation to him, as servants of his household, and officers 
in his kingdom ? These stand as watchmen upon the walls 
of his Jerusaleni •, and it is their business, not only to give 
the alarm of war, when the enemy is approaching, but to 
-sound the trumpet of praise when the King of Zion cometh 
in meek triumph, having salvation. 

" For these and other reasons, we, whose names are 
hereunto annexed, pastors of churches in New-England, 
met together in Boston, July 7th, 1743, think it our indis- 
pensable duty, (without judging or censuring such of our 
brethren, as cannot at present see things in the same light 
with us,) in this open and conjunct manner, to declare, to 
the glory of sovereign grace, our full persuasion, either 
from what we have seen ourselves, or received upon credi- 
ble testimony, that there has been a happy and remarkable 
revival of religion in many parts of this land, through an 
uncommon divine influence, after a long time of great de- 

iJO iJlSTORY OF Chap. Vl^. 

Book If. co >/ and dcadness, and a scns^ible and vfcry awful withdrawal' 
■.^*»-N/-«^ of th.e Holy Spirit from his sanctuary among us. 

1 743. Though the work of grace \vrought in the hearts of men, 

The ie.sii- by the word and spirit of God, and which has more or less 

jiioriy of been carried on from the beginning, is ahvays the same for 

oidrdrch-' substance, and agrees, at one time and another, as to the 

es, kc. main strokes and lineaments of it, yet the present work 

appears to be remarkable and extraordinary, on account. 

of the numbers wrought upon. We never before saw s» 

many brought under soul concern, and with distress, 

making the inquiry. What shall we do to be saved ? and 

these, persons of all characters and all ages. With regard 

to the suddenness and quick progress of it, many persons 

and places were surprised with the gracious visit, together, 

or near about the same time ; and the heavenly inHuence 

dillused itself far and wide, like the light of the morning.- 

Also, in respect to the degree of operation, both in a way 

of terror and in a way of consolation ; attended in many 

with unusual bodily effects. 

" Not that all who were accounted the subjects of the 
jiresent work, have had these extraordinary degrees of 
previous distress and subsequent joy ; but many, and we 
sup})ose the greatest number, have been wrought on in a 
more gentle and silent way, and without any other appear- 
ances than are common and usual at other times, vdien per- 
sons have been awakened to a solemn concern about sal- 
vation, and have been thought to have passed out of a 
state of nature into a state of grace. 

" As to those Avhose inward concern has occasioned ex- 
traordinary outward distresses, the most of them when we 
came to converse with them, were able to give, what ap- 
peared to us, a rational account of what afiected their 
minds, viz. a quick sense of their guilt, misery and dan- 
ger ; and they would often mention the passages in the 
sermons they heard, or particular texts of scripture whicli 
were set home upon them with such pov/erllil impression. 
And as to such whose joys have carried them into trans- 
ports and estacies, they, in like manner, have accounted 
ibr them, from a lively sense of the danger they hoped 
they were freed from, and the happiness they were now 
possessed of; such clear views of divine and heavenly 
things, and particularly of the excellences and loveliness 
of the I<ci"d Jesus Christ, and such sweet tastes of redeem- 
ing love, as they never had before. 'J''he instances were 
very few, in which we had reason to think these aflections 
were produced by visionary or sensible representations, 
or .any other images, than such as the scriptui'e itself 
presents to us. 


" And here we think it not amiss to declare, that in Book IL 
dealing v/ith these persons, we have been careful to in- \,^>^>r^s^ 
form them that the nature of conversion does not consist 1743. 
in such passionate feelings, and to warn them not to look The testi- 
upon their state safe, because they have passed out of'"°"y°f 
deep distress into high joys, unless they experience a q}\^^^ °*" 
renovation of nature, followed with a change of life and a chuidie?, 
course of vital holiness. Nor have we gone into such an ^-' 
opinion of the bodily eifects with which this work has been 
attended in some of its subjects, as to judge them any 
signs that persons who have been so affected, were then 
under a saving work of the spirit of God. No, we never 
so much as called these bodily seizures, convictions ; or 
spake of them as the immediate work of the Holy Spirit. 
Yet we do not think them inconsistent with a work of God 
upon the soul at that very time 5 but judge that those in- 
ward impressions, which come from the spirit of God, 
those terrors and consolations which he is the author of, 
may, according to the natural frame and constitution which 
some persons are of, occasion such bodily eftects. And 
therefore, that those extraordinary outward symptoms, 
are not an argument that the work is delusive, or from the 
influence and agency of the evil spirit. 

" With respect to numbers of those who have been under 
the impressions of the present day, we must declare there 
is good ground to conclude they are become real chris- 
tians ; the account they give of their conviction and conso- 
lation, agreeing with the standard of the holy scriptures, 
and corresponding with the experiences of the saints, and 
evidenced by the external fruits of holiness in their lives : 
so that they appear to those who have the nearest access 
to them, as so many epistles of Christ, written, not with 
ink, but by the spirit of the living God, attesting to the 
genuineness of the present operation, and representing the 
excellency of it. 

" Indeed, many who appeared to be under convictions, 
and were much altered in their external behaviour when 
this work began, and while it was most flourishing, have 
lost their impressions, and are relapsed into their formci- 
manner of life : Yet of those who were judged hopetullj, 
converted, and made a public profession of religion, there 
have been fewer instances of scandal and apostacy thau 
might be expected. So that, as far as we are able to form 
a judgment, the face of religion is lately changed much for 
the better, in many of our towns and congregations ; and 
together with a reformation observable in divers instan~ 
oes, there appears more experimental godliness, and live= 

252 mSTORY OF Chap. VIIL 

Book II. ly Christianity, than the most of us can remember wc havo 

^>^-<">''^**-/' ever seen ]:)eftjre. 

" Thus wc have freely declared our thoughts as to the 
work of God, so remarkably revived in many parts of this 
land. And now, we desire to bow the knee in thanksgiv- 
ing to the God and father of our Lord Jesus Christ, that 
our eyes have seen and our ears have, heard such things. 
And while these are our sentiments, we must necessarily 
be grieved at any accounts sent abroad, representing this 
work as all enthusiasm, delusion and disordei-. Indeed it 
is not to be denied, that in some places, many irregulari- 
ties and extravagances have been permitted to accompa- 
ny it, which we would deeply lament and bewail before 
God, and look upon ourselves obliged for the honor of 
the Holy Spirit, and his blessed operations on the souls of 
men, to bear a public and faithful testimony against, though 
at the same time, it is to be acknowledged, that in other 
places where the work has greatly flourished, there have 
been few, if any of these disorders and excesses. But who 
can wonder if, at such a time as this, satan should inter- 
mingle himself, to hinder and blemish a work so directly 
contrary to the interests of his kingdom / Or if, \yhile so 
much good seed is sowing, the enemy should be bup.y to 
sow tares ? We would therefore, in the bowels of Jesus, 
beseech such as have been partakers of this work, and are 
zealous to promote it, that they be not ignorant of satan's 
devices ; that they watch and pray against errors and mis- 
conduct of every kind, lest they blemish and hinder that 
which they desire to honor and advance. 
" Particularly, 

" That they do not make secret impulses on their minds, 
without a due regard to the written word, the rule of their 
duty ; a very dangerous mistake, which we apprehend 
some in these times have gone into. — That, to avoid Ar- 
minianism, they do not verge to the opposite side of Antir 
nomianism ; while we would have others take heed to 
themselves, lest they be, by some, led into, or fixed in Ar- 
minian tenets, under the pretence of opposing Antinomian 
errors : That laymen do not invade the ministerial olfice, 
and, under a pretence of exhorting, set up preaching; 
Avhich is very contrary to gospel order, and tends to intro- 
duce errors and confusion into the church : That ministers 
do not invade the province of others, and, in ordinary ca- 
ses, preach in another's parish, without his knowledge, 
and against his consent ; nor encourage raw and indiscreet 
candidates, in rushing into particular places, and preach- 
ing publicly or privately, as some have done, to the m 


small disrepute and damage of the work, in places where Book II. 
it once promised well. Though, at the same time, we v-^-v^i,^ 
would have ministers shew a regard to the spiritual wel- The testi- 
fare of their people, by suft'ering them to partake of the ^°y ^°^ 
gifts and graces of able, sound and zealous preachers, as ^he pastors 
God, in his providence, may give opportunity therefor ; of the 
being persuaded God has, in this day, remarkably blest *^"''';!l^'L' 
the labours of some of his scrvrjits, who have travelled, in ' " 
preaching the gospel of Christ : That people beware of 
entertaining prejudices against their own pastors, and do 
not run into unscriptural separations : That they do not 
indulge a disputatious spirit, which has been attended with 
mischievous effects ; nor discover a spirit of censorious- 
ness, uncharitableness, and rash judging the state of others ; 
ihan which scarce any thing has more blemished the work 
of God amongst us. And while we Avould meekly exhort 
both ministers and christians, so far as it is consistent with 
truth and holiness, to follow the things which make for 
peace ; we would most earnestly warn all sorts of persons 
not to despise those outpourings of the Spirit, lest a holy 
God be provoked to withhold them, and instead thereof, 
to pour out upon this people the vials of his wrath, in tem- 
poral judgments and spiritual plagues ; and would call up- 
on every one to improve this remarkable season of grace, 
and put in for a share of the heavenly blessing so liberally 

" Finally, 

" We exhort the children of God to continue instant in 
prayer, that He, with whom is the residue of the Spirit, 
would grant us fresh, more plentiful and extensive effusions, 
that so this wilderness, in ail the parts of it, may become 
a fruitful field : That the present appearances may be an 
earnest of the glorious things promised to the church in 
the latter days, when she shall shine with the glory of the 
Lord risen upon her, so as to dazzle the eyes of behold- 
ers, confound and put to shame all her enemies, rejoice the 
hearts of her solicitous and now saddened friends, and have 
a strong influence and resplendency throughout the earth. 

" Even so come, Lord Jesus ; come quickly,"* 

" After solemn and repeated prayers, free inquiry and 
debate, and serious deliberation, the above testimony and 
advice was signed" by about seventy ministers. Forty- 
three, either at that time, or soon after, sent in their testi- 
mony to the work, as a glorious work of God, making in 
the whole about one hundred and ten. Among these, wt-. e 
* Prince's Christ. History, vol. i. from page 156 to 164_, 


Book II. nine ministers of the congregational churches in Boston, 
s^-v-x^ and the Rev. Mr. Moorhead, of the prcsbyterian congrega- 
tion in Boston. Dr. Chauncey was ahnost alone in his 
opposition to the work, among the ministers in Boston. 
Most of the hundred and fifteen ministers mentioned above 
l)elonged to the province of Massachusetts. Besides these, 
there were a considerable number of others, who after- 
wards sent in their testimoi'al to the work ; some in Mas- 
sachusetts, some in New-Hampshire, and one or two in 
~ . In Connecticut, two associations bore witness to it, as a 

of themin- glorious work of God : the whole association of Windham 
jsters in county, in their letter to the churches under their pastoral 
^^^^T-M^' ^^^^ ' ^^^ ^^^ association of the eastern district of Fair- 
cut, 7 3. i^gi^ county, in a letter to Mr.. Prince, in 1743.* Twelve 
ministers convened at Norwich, June 23d, 1743.t The 
association in Fairfield county, in their attestation say, 
" We look upon ourselves and all the ministers and peo- 
ple of God throughout the land, under infinite obligations 
for ever to admire and adore rich, free and sovereign grace, 
so amazingly displayed in visiting a professing people, in 
a day of such general security, indolence and formality ; 
causing so great an awakening of all sorts of persons, con- 
\'incing so many of sin, righteousness and judgment, and 
bringing such numbers of difterent ages, hopefully to close 
savingly with the dear Jesus, on the self denying terms of 
the gospel, so as that it far exceeded even any hopes or 
expectation of ours, as well as any thing of this nature we 
ever saw in our day. 

" We cannot but be sensibly touched with sorrow, to 
see that there are many, who (not duly distinguishing be- 
tween the blessed work, and some evils that have attended 
it, by the misconduct both of some of the instruments and 
subjects,) stumble and are in hazard of falling : as well as 
to find reason to fear, that in some places, the work itself is 

'• To conclude, Ave cannot omit giving in our public tes- 
timony, from our own happy experience and observation, 
that the frequent interchange of ministerial labors, has been 
remarkably owned and blessed of God to the hopeful 
awakening of many souls ; and could heartily wish that 
ministerial communion, and an hearty reception, as well as 
joyful improvement of each others ministerial gifts, and oc- 
casional labors might still be encouraged and maintained 
among gospel ministers throughout the land. 

Anthony Stoddard, of Woodbury, first society. 
* Prince's Christian History, vol. ji. p. 311, 312. t Vol. i, p. 195, im. 


Samuel Cook, of Stratfield. Book IF. 

John Graham, of Woodbury, second society. %..^-v«».^ 

Hezekiah Gold, of Stratford, first society. 

Jedediah Mills, of Ripton, in Stratford. 

Elisha Kent. 

Ebenezer White, of Danbury. 

Benajah Case, of New-Fairfield. 

Joseph Bellamy, of Woodbury, third society. 

David Judson, of NeAvtown. 

Reuben Judd, of Woodbury, fourth society. 
In the attestation of the Rev. gentlemen in the ministry, 
convened at Norwich, there is the following declaration, 
viz. " We are abundantly satisfied, that there has of late, 
for about three years past, been a great and wonderful re- 
vival of religion in the several places to which we minister, 
and in divers others which w^e are acquainted with ; where- 
in through the mighty power and grace of God, great num- 
bers of persons of all sorts, but especially young people, 
have been greatly awakened and convinced of sin ; and 
many, as far as we can judge, upon careful observation 
and examination, truly humbled at the foot of a sovereign 
and righteous God, and savingly brought to believe in the 
Lord Jesus Christ for everlasting life ; and have since 
lived so as to give credit and confirmation to their preten- 
sions ; and do now adorn their profe- sion in an humble and 
holy life and christian conversation; walking in the fear 
and love of God, and bringing forth fruits meet for repen- 
tance in the exercise of the graces and virtues of the Chris- 
tian life." 

" Although many who have made profession of Christian- 
ity and conversion have run into imprudent things, and 
discovered much spiritual pride by rash censorious judg- 
ings, hasty separations from their ministers and brethren, 
and some have embraced wrong notions and principles in 
religion : (though there has been little of that in the places 
where we live :) yet we know of great numbers who have 
been happily preserved from such falls and failings, and 
who carry themselves like the meek and humble disciples 
of the blessed Jesus ; and some who have been led astray 
through the subtlety of satan, have by grace been recov- 
ered in a great measure, convinced of those foiiies and 
mistakes, and humbled for the pride and haughtiness of 
their hearts. And all of a bad nature and tendency, that 
we have seen, does not give us any reason to think that 
there has not been a great and glorious work of divine 
grace carried on among us, and a great reformation and re- 
vival of rejigion ; for which \v§ desire to praii^e and adore 
the sovereign aiQrcy of God, 

2o6 ^ HISTORY Ot Chap. YUt. 

Book II. " Thus much \vc thought ourselves obliged to say to the 
'.^sy'-'^^ praise of divine grace, and the glory of Him who is the au 
thor of all good, to whom bt' all glory, &;c." 
We are your brethren, &ic. 
Joseph Meacham, pastor of a church in Coventry. 
Benjamin Lord, pastor of the first church in Norwich; 
Hezekiah Lord, pastor of a church in Preston. 
Solomon Williams, pastor of the first church in Leb- 
Daniel Kirtland, pastor of a church in Norwich. 
Jabez Wright, pastor of a church in Norwich. 
John Owen, pastor of the first church in Groton. 
Samuel Mosely, pastor of a church in Windham. 
Jonathan Parsons, pastor of the first church in Lyme^ 
Eleazar Wheelock, pastor of a church in Lebanon. 
Benjamin Pomeroy, pastor of the church in Hebron. 
David Jewett, pastor of the second church in New- 
The general association of the colony of Connecticut ac- 
Aftesta- knov/ledge the goodness of God in this revival, and give 
tionsfrom thanks unto him for such a merciful visitation.* 
i/Tnd '' '^^^^ Rev. Jonathan Dickinson, president of the college 
Peaasy.Ka- at Eliza bcthtown, attested the work as a gracious and glo- 
nia. rious visitation of God's people ; and at the close of his 

narrative of the work of God at Elizabethtown and New- 
ark, he observes, " I was exceedingly gratified by the dec- 
laration of your last convention of ministers at Boston, and 
have reason to praise God that there is such a number 
among you who are willing to give him the glory of his 
special grace so eminently displayed of late." In his nar- 
rative he says, " numbers were almost daily repairing to 
me for direction and assistance in their eternal concerns ; 
there were then probably more come to me in one day on 
that errand than usually in half a year's space before." Af- 
terwards, in a letter to the Rev. Mr. Foxcraft, he says, " I 
have still the comfortable news to inform you of, that there 
is yet a great revival of religion in these parts. I have 
had more young people address me for direction in their 
spiritual concerns within these three months, than in thirty 
years before."! The three presbyteries of New-York, 
New-Brmiswick and New-Castle, oAvned it as a glorious 
work of God. The presbytery of New- York protested 
against such things as tended to disparage the work, or re- 
flect dislionor upon it. Their protest is in these words r 
'• We protest against all those passages in any of the 

* Records of the General Association, 1742. 

i Prince's Christian Ilistoiy, vol. 1, p- 256 and 258. 


pamphlets which have been published in these parts, Book II. 
which seem to reflect upon the work of divine power and Vri*»-v>»ii*# 
grace which has been carrying on in such a wonderful 1743. 
manner in many of our congregations, and declare to all 
the world, that we look upon it to be the indispensable du- 
ty of all our ministers to encourage that glorious work with 
their most faithful and diligent endeavours. "J The pres- 
byteries of New-Brunswick and New-Castle, manifested 
their cordial concurrence with the protestation of the pres- 
bytery of New- York. The Rev. Jonathan Dickinson was 
the first signer of the protest of the presbytery of New- 

To these testimonials of this glorious work of God, it is Testimo- 
important to add the attestation of the Rev. Mr. Prince, ny of the 
one of the scribes of the convention at Boston, viz : Rev. Mr, 

" That very few of the ministers present in the late ven- 
erable assembly, complained of errors, or disorders in the 
congregations they belonged to : That several declared 
they had none from the beginning ; but, in the extraordi- 
nary revival of religion among their people, the Avork had 
been carried on with great seriousness and regularity : 
That others declared, that where there had been some dis- 
orders and mistakes at first in some, through the great num- 
bers suddenly and mightily awakened, the great dis- 
tresses of some in their convictions, the great joy of others 
on their laying hold on Christ and finding a \Vondrous 
change within them, the frailty of some, and the surprise 
of all ; yet, in a little while, they saw and owned their mis- 
takes, came into a more settled way of thinking, speaking 
and behaving, and the disorders ceased ; declaring also, 
that both errors and disorders had been greatly magnified 
and multiplied, above what they really were, in the con- 
gregations they belonged to ; and that as far as they could 
learn, the greatest errors and disorders were in those pla- 
ces where the ministers opposed the work, and thereby 
lost much of their respect and influence. 

" To this may be added, that as several of the Rev. pas- 
tors present in the said assembly, subscribed the testimo- 
ny afid advice as to the substance, others, as to substance, 
scope and end, and others without restriction : this seem- 
ed chiefly to arise from this particular passage in the ad- 
vice, viz. " That ministers do not invade the province of 
others, and in ordinary cases, preach in another's parish, 
without his consent." In which particular article, some 
of the pastors thought that ministers preaching in other 
ministers parishes, was not sufliciently testified against. 
t Priaco's Christian Hi!!l;ory, vol. 2, p. 29L 
' H2 

':i58 HISTORY OF Chap. VilL 

Book JI. Oilier pastors feared, that this article was in clanger of be- 
%^r'y^>^ ing construed and perverted to the great infringement of 
1743. christian and human liberty of conscience. And other 
pastors ajiprehended that this article was sufficiently guard- 
ed by the limitation to ordinary cases : leaving it to the 
Serious conscience, bolh of ministers and others, to judge, 
when the cases arc ordinary or not ordinary. 

" And as people of all denominations and opinions in 
the christian world, reckon it lawful, in many cases, for 
ministers to preach in the parishes of others, without their 
knowledge and against their consent : Thus the protes- 
tants preached in the parishes of papist ministers in Hun- 
gary, and formerly in France ; the presbyterians, congrc- 
gationalists, baptists and quakers, in the parishes of epis- 
copalian ministers in England, Ireland, Virginia and Caro- 
lina ; the episcopalians, baptists and quakers, in the par- 
ishes of congregational ministers in New-England ; and 
this liberty cannot be invaded, or denied, without inhu- 
manly invading the essential rights of conscience : So ii 
must be left to the serious consciences of ministers and peo- 
ple : And in the free exercise of conscience, they are 
doubtless to be indulged, with great tenderness, meekness 
and forbearance ; as every man desires to be indulged in 
the liberty of his own conscience."* 
•Vfr. Mr. Prince, in the account he gives of the work in 

Prince's Boston, observes, " Those who call tliese convictions by 
observa- ^^^ name of religious frights or fears, an4 then ascribe 
them to the mere natural or mechanical influence of terri- 
ble words, sounds and gestures, moving tones or boiste- 
rous ways of speaking, appear to me to be not sutficiently 
acquainted with the subjects of this work, as carried on in 
the town in general, or with the nature of their convic- 
tions. t No, conviction is c|uite another thing. It is the 
Avork of the spirit of God, a sovereign, free and almighty 
agent ; wherein he gives the sinful soul such a clear and 
lively view of the glory of the divine sovereignty, omni- 
presence, holiness, justice, truth and power ; the exten- 
siveness, spirituality and strictness of his law; the binding 
nature, efficacy and clreadfulness of his curses ; the multi- 
tude and heinousness of its sins, both of commission and 
omission ; the horrible vileness, wickedness, perverseness 
and hypocrisy of heai't, with its utter impotency, either right- 
ly to repent, or believe in Christ, or change itself: so that. 
it sees itself in a lost undone and perishing state 5 without 

* rriflcc's Christian History, vol. i. page 197, 198. 
t To these natural causes, Dr. Chauncey attempts to make it anpcar 
!hat the wcrk was to be ascribedj and not to the spirit of God, 


the least degree of worthiness to recommend it to the right- Book IL 
eons and holy God, and the least degree of strength to v.*^~^'>w 
lielp it out of this condition. These discoveries are made 1743. 
by some revealed truths, either in reading, hearing or re- 
membrance : When in hearing, sometimes by v/ords of 
terror, and sometimes by words of tenderness : And the 
Holy SjDirit, with such internal evidence and power, ap- 
plies them to the conscience, that they become as sharp 
arrows, piercing into the heart, wounding, paining and 
sticking in it, when all the mechanical impressions of 
frightful sounds are over, for many days, and weeks, and 
months, if not years together ; until this Divine Agent, by 
these and other convictions, agreeable to his inspired 
word, entirely subdues the soul to Christ." 

Further, to show the absurdity of those men who as- 
cribed this glorious work to natural causes, he observes, 
*' In Old England and in Nev\', I have been a constant 
preacher and observer of the religious state of those who 
heard me, for above thirty years ; they have passed un- 
der many scores of most dreadful tempests of thunder and 
lightning ; wherein, as the psalmist represents, the voice 
of the Lord was upon the waters, the God of glory thun- 
dered : Yea, even since the revival ; on Friday night, July 
30th, 1742, at the lecture in the south church, near nine 
o'clock, being very dark, there came on a very terrible 
storm of thunder and lightning ; and just as the blessing 
was given, an amazing clap broke over the church, with 
piercing repetitions, which set many a shrieking, and the 
whole assembly into great consternation. God then ap- 
peared terrible out of his high places. He thundered 
marvellously with his voice : and at this, the hearts of ma- 
ny (as Elihu's) trembled, and were moved out of their 
places, for near two hours together. And yet in all these 
displays of the majesty of God, and terrifying apprehen- 
sions of danger, of sudden destruction, neither in this sur- 
prising night, nor in all the course of thirty years, have I ' 
scarce known any, by these kinds of terrors, brought under 
genuine conviction. And what minister has a voice like 
God, and can thunder like him ?"* 

Nothing is more evident from scripture and the course Observa- 
of providence, than this, that genuine convictions and a ^"^"'"^" ^ 
general reformation among a people, cannot be effected y^^^'^of tha 
by the most alarming appearances, and the most tremen- work, 
dous judgments, without the special operations of the Holy 
Spirit upon the heart. Did all the terrible things done in 
Egypt,*and at the Red Sea, produce conviction and refer- 

* Prince's Christian History, vol. ii. p» 386. 387, 383, 389. 

260 mSTORY OF Chap. VITL 

Book II. mation in the Egyptians? Did the destruction of all the 
v-^^>^'s^ first born, in one night, bring them to repentance ? Did 
Observa- all the wonders in the wilderness, and the tremendous ap- 
t;t)ns, kc. pearancc of God on Mount Sinai, at which Moses and all 
Israel greatly feared and trembled, produce a genuine con- 
yiction and reformation '! Have mighty earthquakes, which 
have shaken cities to their foundations, and buried tliou- 
sands of the citizens in their ruins, been able to produce 
these effects ? Have the most mortal sicknesses, which 
have deprived families of a numerous offspring in a few 
weeks, and spread mourning through a whole country — 
have the terrible visitations which some of our capital 
cities have, of late years, experienced, had those happy- 
effects ? Certainly they have not. God has reserved it 
for the peculiar honour of his Holy Spirit, to convince 
men of their sins, renew their hearts, and reform their lives. 
They afford strong evidence, tEat there is a God, and of 
the truth, power, and excellency of the christian religion. 
A great outcry was made against the disorders which, 
in some places, attended the work ; but of these, in most 
of the churches, there was little or nothing ; and, perhaps, 
they were not greater in any than were found in the church 
at Corinth, even in the apostolic age. Allowing that there 
were some impostors and false teachers, this is no more 
than was found in the primitive and best ages of the church. 
How docs the apostle Paul complain of false apostles and, 
evil workers, and of such as made shipwreck of the faith. 
A great matter was made of the separations which were 
made in some places, and of the enthusiasm which appear- 
ed among theni. These, indeed, were unhappy ; their 
errors, at first, were great and dangerous 5 and the separa- 
tions, in some places, have been of lasting disadvantage, 
both in a civil and religious view. Yet, in justice, there 
ought to be some things said in their favour, and in extenua- 
tion of their faults : there were some things in the church- 
es in general, at that time, which were grievous to many 
good people, and have been judged wrong by the great 
body of judicious and learned divines ; particularly, that 
unregenerate men have a right to the sacramental table ; 
can consistently enter into covenant with God, and partake 
of the Lord's supper, and ought to do it as a means of their 
conversion to Goo ;* and that persons who did not come 
to the Lord's supper, might have their children baptized, 
upon what was called owning the covenant. Another er- 
ror of these times, was, the ordaining of ministers, or in- 

* This seems to have heen the case at Canterbury, and olher'extraor- 
^ary measures were t^kpn. . 


troducing tlieni into the ministry, without the call of the Book il. 
church, or against a majority of it; and sometimes even v.^^-n'^s^ 
where there was not a majority of the legal voters in the Observa- 
society, for the candidate to be ordained. t In some othef ^j""^ '^o"'' 
instances, separations were occasioned, not by enthusiasm, '""^ 
or error, as to the doctrines ^of the gospel, but by reasoi] 
of the ordination ; though not against a majority of the 
church and society, yet against a large minority of sober, 
respectable and orthodox members, both of the church and 
society, who were opposed to the doctrine^ and preaching 
of the candidate, who was ordained. At the same time, 
the severe and extraordinary act of the colony, enforcing 
the constitution by law, Avhich never was originally de- 
signed, and was, undoubtedly, inconsistent with the rights 
of conscience, gave further ground of disaffection to the 
constitution, and of separation from the standing churches. 
The shutting of the zealous and powerful preachers out of 
their pulpits, by numbers of the ministers ; the suspending 
of persons from the communion of the churches, for hearing 
them in other parishes, had a further ill tendency, to cre- 
ate distrust in their own ministers, as to their real religion, 
and to alienate their minds from them. 

It is also abundantly evident, from the accounts given 
of those times, that there was a great defect with respect 
to the plain and faithful preaching of the doctrines of thp 
reformation ; of original sin ; regeneration, by the super- 
natural influences of the Divine Spirit ; justification by 
faith ; effectual calling ; and the saints' perseverance. 
These doctrines were very little preached and insisted on, 
by some of the clergy. Some were evidently Arminians. 
Others there were who preached nothing distinguishing, 
so that it could be told what their opinions wxre. 

Imprisoning the separate preachers, and the cruel man 
fler in which they were treated, tended to alienate them^ 
and fix them in their prejudices and separation. 

With respect to some of the errors, which some of tha 
separates seemed to hold at first, I do not find, by inquiry, 
that ever they preached or propagated them : especially, 
with respect to the doctrine of the Trinity, they preached 
nothing, I believe, contrary to sound doctrine. Exclusive 
of some peculiarities, more especially relative to the con- 
stitutions of churches and church discipline, they maintain- 
ed the doctrines contained in the Westminster catechism 
and confession of faith. 

+ At Plainfield Uiis was in fact the case, as is proved by the manuscrip(s 
of the gentleman ordained, now in my hands. lie was persuaded to be or- 
dained by the importunity of the ordaining counciJ. who hoped that, by lr,=i 
prudence and good se^jse, he would unite theiin. 


Book II. As lo tlie admission of persons to their communion and 
church disci})h"ne, they were as strict as the standixig 
churches, at that time, if not more so. They as much in- 
sisted on the necessity of sanctification and a holy life, 
that men might be saved, as did the standing ministers and- 
churches. Some of their preachers were exemplary, and, 
considering their advantages, were good preachers. This 
character is given of the separate church, and of Mr. 
Thomas Stephens, their pastor, at Plainfield, by the Rev. 
Mr. Rowland, who was contemporary with him during the 
whole of his ministry, viz. : — " Although some things ap- 
peared among them, at first, very unwarrantable ; yet, 
considering their infant state, it must be acknowledged by 
all that were acquainted with them, that they were a peo- 
ple, in general, conscientiously engaged for maintaining 
and promoting the truth ; and the said Mr. Stephens, their 
minister, was a very clear and powerful preacher of the 
gospel, as must be acknowledged by all that heard him ; 
especially, considering his education, which was hardly 
equal to common learning."* 

How far enthusiasm may consist with true religion, it is 
difficult to determine. Governor Hutchinson relates of 
the Boston enthusiasts, who were banished for their errors, 
that " many of them returned, and were employed in posts 
of honour and trust ; were exemplary in their lives and 
conversation; and their letters and private papers shewed 
that they were pious and devout ; and, with the name of 
Antinomians, paid the strictest regard to moral virtue."! 
I cannot but hope, from the best information I have been 
able to obtain, that this was the case with many of the sepa- 
rates. They gradually became sensible of many of their 
errors, and renounced them. J 

Of all the ministers and churches in the colony, those 
of the county of New-Haven manifested the greatest op- 
position to the work which was carried on in the land, in 
the religious revival, and adopted the most severe and ty- 
rannical measures to suppress it. They not only suspend- 
ed the ministers who ordained Mr. Lee over a congrega- 

* Manuscripts of the Rev. David Rowland. 

t Hutchinson's History of Massacliusetts, vol. i. p. 75. 

X In an Historical Narrative and Declaration, agreed upon at Kjllingly, 
hy a number of their churches, convened at that place, Sept. 19th, 1781, 
they confess and condemn most of the errors of the first separates ; and 
express their willingness to hold comnjunion with such of the standing 
churches, as required a credible profession of Christianity, in the admission 
of members to full communion in their churches, and had renounced the 
half way practice, as it was called. They also declared their assent to 
the Westminster catechism, and the confession of faith in the Carabridgf 
and Saybrook platforms. 


tional church, from their associational communion ; but Book II. 
they undertook to reprimand the church, for not forming v^.^r^,-*!^ 
on the constitution, and adopting the Cambridge platform. 
They reprimanded Mr. Cook, for assisting in the formation 
of the church in New-Haven. They, indeed, proceeded 
so far as to shut their pulpits against the ministers of the 
whole presbytery of New-Brunswick, for their disorderly 
conduct, in intermeddling with the separation at Milford, 
until they should make proper satisfaction.* 

They seem to have rendered themselves unpopular, and 
to have awakened the general resentment of their brethren. 
In June, 1 749, the general association was at the Rev. Mr. 
Noyes': four members only met. There seems to have 
been such a disagreement between the ministers at this 
time, that they would not meet together. Two general 
associations successively, were so thin, that no business 
was transacted. But, notwithstanding the unreasonable 
and powerful opposition made to the work of God at this 
time, and all the clamour which was made about errors 
and disorders, it was the most glorious and extensive revi- 
val of religion, and reformation of manners, which this 
country ever experienced. It is estimated that in the term 
of two or three years thirty or forty thousand souls were 
born into the family of heaven, in New-England, besides 
great numbers in New- York and New-Jersey, and in the 
more southern provinces. 

The effects on great numbers, were abiding and most 
happy. They were the most uniform, exemplary chris- 
tians, with whom I was ever acquainted. I was born, and 
had my education, in that part of the town of Hebron, in 
which the work was most prevalent and powerful. Many 
at that time imagined they were born of God, made a pro- 
fession of their faith in Christ, were admitted to full com- 
munion, and appeared to walk with God. They v/ere ex- 
traordinary for their constant and serious attention on the 
public worship ; they were prayerful, righteous, peaceable 
and charitable. They kept up their religious meetings for 
prayer, reading and religious conversation, for many }^cars. 
They were strict in the religion and government of their 
families, and I never knew that any one of them was ever 
guilty of scandal, or fell under discipline. About eight or 
ten years after the religious revival and reformation, that 
part of the town was made a distinct society, and it w^as 
mentioned to Mr. Lothrop, the pastor elect, as an encour- 
agement to settle with them, that there was not a drunkard 
m the whole parish. While I lived in it, I did not knov; 
* Records of the 95$ociaticn of the cgmatj of N^iw-Hayen, 1713. 

.264 HISTORY OF Chap. Vllf . 

Book II. one piayerless family among his people, nor ever heard 

Some of those people, who dated their conversion fron": 
that period, lived until they were far advanced in life ; and 
after I was setded in the ministry, I became acquainted 
With them in one place and another. They appeared to 
be some of the most consistent, practical christians, with 
whom I ever had an acquaintance. Their light shone be- 
fore men, through a long life, and brightened as they ad- 
vanced on their way. Some I was called to visit, in their 
last moments, in full possession of their rational powers, 
who appeared perfectly to acquiesce in the will of God, to 
die in the full assurance of faith, and in perfect triumph 
over the last enemy. 

But the principal instruments of this work, Whitefield, 
Pomeroy, Wheelock, Bellamy, &c. were spoken of by the 
opposers as the worst of men, even with contempt and 
abhorrence. At the same time they were ever greatly es- 
teemed and beloved by the warm, zealous, experimental 
christians in the country, and many owned them as then- 
fathers in Christ.* 

* The incomparable Cowper, under the name of Leuconomus, thus 
characterizes Mr. Whitefield : 

He lov'd the world that hated him : the tear 

That dropp'd upon his bible was sincere : 

i\ssail'd by scandal and the tongue of strife, 

Jlis only answer was, a blameless life ; 

And he that forg'd, and he that threw the dart, 

Had each a brothers' interest in his hea'rt. 

Paul's love of Christ, and steadiness unbrib'd, 

Were copied close in him, and well transcrib'd- 

He followed Paul ; his zeal a kindred flame, 

His apostolic charity the same ; 

Like him, cross'd cheerfully tempestuous seas, 

Forsakmg country, kindred, friends, and ease ; 

Like him, he labor'd, and like him content 

To bear it, suffer'd shame where'er he went. 

Blush calumny ! and upon his tomb, 

tf honest eulogy can spare the room, 

Thy deep repentance of thy thousand lies, 

Which aim'd at him, have pierc'd the offended skies. 

And say, blot out my sin, confess'd, deplor'd, 

Against thine image in Ihy saint, O Lord. 

Cowper''s Poems, vol. i. p. 126. 
Dr. Haweis speaks of him, as iastruixie;;tal of more conversions than any 
man, since the apostle Paul. 



Spanish and French rvar. The colony put into a state of de- 
fence. Expeditio7i against the Spanish settlements in the 
West-Indies. Regiments raised in the colonies. His ma- 
jesty'' s requisition of the coloni/. The measures adopted 
in compliance zvith it. Porto Bello attacked, taken and 
vhindered. Unsuccessful expedition against Carthagena 
and Cuba. The French declare zvar against England. 
Canso taken by the French. Expedition against Caps 
Breton. It surrenders to Admiral Warrren and General 
Pepperell. Sickness among the Provincials zoho kept 
garrison there. The effects of its capture on the French 
court. The Duke d''Anville''s armament. Alarm in Jfezo- 
England. His total failure. Supplies furnished by Con- 
necticut during the war. The general ^'ects of it on the 
colonies. Pacification. 

S the differences which at this time subsisted between Oct. iitli, 
the courts of Great-Britain and Spain, threatened the 1739-. 
speedy commencement of hostilities between the two na- 
tions, the general assembly passed several acts for the pur- The colo- 
pose of putting the colony into a state of defence. It was ".y p"tinto 
ordered that ten cannon should be procured and put into ^gj^j^^e 
the battery at New-London, and that it should be well fur- 
nished with ammunition. It was also provided that cannon 
and swivels should be provided for a sloop of war : and that 
the new towns on the frontiers should be provided with 
arms and ammunition for their defence. The militia vv'ere 
also now formed into regiments, and a colonel, lieutenant- 
colonel, and major were appointed to each regiment. The 
militia thus formed consisted of thirteen regiments. 

About the same time war was declared between the two ^ 
nations: expeditions were soon undertaken against the^^P^"^^^.^ 
Spanish West-Indies, Porto Bello, Carthagena and Cuba, rjsd,' 
Requisitions were made on the colonies to assist in these Expedi- 
enterprises. It was contemplated that four regiments tions a- 
should be raised in the colonies in America, to be trans- gamst the 
ported to Jamaica, thereto forma junction with a power- ^6^1-111. 
ful armament from Great-Britain. His majesty required ajps. 
that the expense of victualling the troops and of providing 
all necessaries for them until they should join the arma- 
ment in the West-Indies, and of their transportation, ex- 
cept their clothing, pay, arms, tents and ammunition, 
should be borne by the colonies. Connecticut engaged 
I 2 

26b HISTORY OF Chap. IX. 

Book II. with cheerfulness and expedition in his majesty's meas- 
•^^'^^o^ ures. A special assembly was convoked in July, and it 
1740* was enacted, that "Whereas his majesty has thought fit 
to declare war against Spain, and hath appointed an ex- 
pedition against the territories of the catholic king in the 
West-Indies, and given his orders and instructions under 
his royal sign manual, now laid before this assembly by 
his honor the governor, for the raising of such troops in the 
colony as shall voluntarily enlist in the said service, to join 
the British troops in a general rendezvous in the West- 
Indies : and whereas it appears by said instructions, that 
it is his majesty's expectation that the assembly will pro- 
vide victuals, transports, and all necessaries for the said 
troops, to he raised in this colony, except their clothes, 
tents, arms, ammunition and pay, until they arrive at the 
place of the general rendezvous, which important affair 
this assembly being most willing to exert themselves to 
promote by a cheerful conformity to his majesty's instruc- 
tions, therefore be it enacted, — That there shall be pro- 
vided victuals, transports, and all other necessaries for said 
ti'oops, &;c. till their arrival in the West-Indies." Com- 
mittees were appointed to carry these measures into imme- 
diate effect. 

The governor, previously to this, had issued his procla- 
mation giving notice of his majesty's pleasure, and encour- 
aging the enlistment of volunteers for the service. The 
committees Avere now ordered to collect the names of all 
who had enlisted in the several counties. The governor 
and council were directed to appoint the officers and to 
give notice who they were, that the soldiers might choose 
under whom they would serve. The governor was desir- 
ed to issue a second proclamation, as his majesty's pleas- 
ure was now more fully known than it had been before, to 
give further information, and encourage able bodied then 
to enlist into the service. Men of influence were appoint- 
ed in every county to beat up for volunteers. The assem- 
bly wished the governor and committee of war to forward 
the expedition with the utmost dispatch. They were au- 
thorised to draw on the treasury for such sum or sums as 
should be found necessary for the service. 

At the same assembly an act was passed, that a sloop of 
war of eighty or an hundred tons should be provided for 
the defence of their seamen and the coast. At the ses- 
sion in May preceding, and this session, bills were emitted 
to supply the exigencies of the colony, to the amount of 
45,000 pounds; 30,000 pounds in May, and 15,000 pounds 
at this time. 


The ministry in Great-Britain made the utmost exer- Book II. 
tions to make effectual provision of all articles necessary \,^-v-%^ 
for the success of the expedition. The armament sailed 1740. 
for the West-Indies in October, under the command of 
lord Cathcart, a nobleman of great popularity and distin- 
guished abilities, convoyed by twenty-five ships of the line, 
besides frigates, fire ships, bomb ketches and tenders, com- 
manded by Sir Choloner Ogle. A British historian says, 
" they were like v/ise furnished with hospital ships, and 
store ships, loaded with provisions, ammunition, all sorts of 
warlike implements, and every kind of convenience. In 
a word, the ministry exerted their utmost endeavours to 
render the armament as complete as possible ; and never 
had the nation more reason to hope for success from any 
undertaking." When this armament and vice-admiral jamurr 
Vernon formed a junction at Jamaica, the whole fleet con- gth. " 
sisted of twenty-nine ships of the line, with nearly the same 
number of frigates, fire ships and bomb ketches, well man- 
ned, and plentifully supplied with all kinds of provisions, 
stores and necessaries. The number of seamen amounted 
to fifteen thousand : the land forces, including the four re- 
giments from the American colonies, were not less than 
twelve thousand. In the November preceding this junc- 
tion, admiral Vernon had taken and pl.indered Porto Bel- 
lo, on the Isthmus of Darien, and demolished its fortifica- 
tions ; and now he found himself at the head of the most 
formidable fleet and army ever sent into those seas. The 
nation Jiad great expectations from him ; but they were 
miserably disappointed. Lord Cathcart died in the West- 
Indies before the complete junction of the fleets. This 
probably gave a fatal blow to the success of the expedi- 
tion. The chief command of the army now devolved on 
general Wentworth, who was not equal to the command of 
such an army. Vernon was a man of uncommon prejudic- 
es and very much governed by his passions, and an invet- 
erate hatred of France was said to be his ruling passion. 
Under the influence of this he used his exertions and au- 
thority to obtain the consent of a council of war to beat up 
against the wind to Hispaniola, with the view of falling ia 
with a French squadron commanded by the Marquis d'Au- 
tin, which had been dispatched from France to reinforce 
the Spaniards. It happened that the French admiral be- 
fore his arrival had sailed for Europe. Disappointed in 
this quarter, it was determined to make an attempt upon 
Carthagena. It was about the tenth of March when they 
commenced their operations against the enemy. Two 
months time had been lost, and by this time the garrison 

%9 HISTORY OF Chap. tK. 

Book II. iiad been ivinluiced by the French, so Ihat it amounted tu 
■^.^o^s/-^^ lour thousand men. The fortifications had also been in- 
174]. creased and strengthened. Admiral Vernon and general 
Wentworth, ncvertlieless attacked the town, and carried on 
their o{)erations against it from the 10th of March till the 
beginning of April. They demolished the strong forts and 
raatles in the harbor, and the admiral forced his way into 
it. An attack was made by Wentworth upon the town i 
"but the troops were obliged to retire with the loss of four 
or five hundred men. In the cour&e of the expedition, they 
destroyed six Spanish men of war, eight galleons and some 
.■mailer ships. In July they made an attempt upon the isl- 
and of Cuba, They possessed themselves of a fine har- 
bor, but by reason of an extraordinary sickness and mor- 
tality, they were not able to eflfect any thin'g of conse 

According to the accounts given of the sickness, it was 
nearly as mortal as the plague. More than a thousand 
men died in a day for several days.* Of nearly one thou- 
sand men from New-England, not one hundred returned » 
Of five hundred from Massachusetts, fifty only returned. 

The Spaniards laid claim to the American seas, and in- 
leiTupted the trade between Great Britain and her colonies. 
This was one occasion of the war ; and the parliament pe- 
titioned his majesty never to make peace with Spain until 
she should renounce that claim. She had been a bad 
neighbor, especially to the southern colonies, in time of 
peace ; and as it was expected that she would be a much 
worse one in time of war, governor Oglethorpe, of Geor- 
gia, having at the commencement of the war received a 
generaPs command, undertook an expedition against the 
Kxpedi- Floridas. Assisted by Virginia and the Carolinas, he 
tion a- raised an army of more than two thousand men, consisting 
Floiidas!^ of regular troops, provincials and Indian allies. He suc- 
ceeded in reducing two Spanish forts, Diego and Moosa. 
St. Augustine v/as cannonaded and bombarded for some 
considerable time ; but after all his exertions, he was, for 
want of a sufficient naval force, obliged to raise the siege, 
and the exjiedition miscarried, 
fiTvaiiion of ^" I'J'i'i, the Spaniards, in their turn, invaded Georgia. 
Georgia. Don Manuel de MonteanOy about the last of June, with a 
formidable armament, came to anchor oft" Simons' bar. 
His fleet consisted of thirty two sail, on board of which 
v^ere more than three thousand men. The utmost exer- 
tions were made by general Oglethorpe to prevent their 

*' In tiie term of two days only, when the raodality was the greatest. 
Iberc dkci three thousand torn hundred and forty men.. 

Chap. iX. CONNECTICUT. ' 263 

sailing by fort Simons. The enemy, notwithstanding, sail- Book II. 
ed up the river Altamaha, landed their troops, erected a v.>'->^'^te^ 
battery of twenty eighteen pounders, and hoisting the bloo- 1742. 
dy flag, threatened the country with a general destruction. 
Georgia and the Carolinas were filled with trembling and 
dismay. General Oglethorpe had no force sufficient by 
any means to meet the enemy. He perceived that the 
most he could effect, was by vigilant and vigorous mea- 
sures, to act on the defensive, and to adopt all means of 
retarding the enemy, and of gaining time, until he should 
be reinforced from the Carolinas. The general watched 
all their motions by night and day. The Indian allies, ac- 
companied by his highlanders, ranged through the woods 
and harassed their out posts. When the enemy attempt- 
ed to advance, they were so impeded by morasses and 
thickets, and by the furious attacks of the Indians and high- 
landers, who laid wait for them and harassed them in eve- 
ry convenient place, that they were driven back in every 
attempt. The general at last, by a stratagem, had the good 
fortune to make the enemy believe that a great reinforce- 
ment was just at hand, and they decamped, in a panick, 
and returned to St. Augustine, without eifecting any thing 
of importance. 

Though the French made professions of peace, yet they French 
were constantly assisting the Spaniards and preparing for ^^F P*]?' 
war. It had been expected from the commencement of the March ' 
war with Spain, that France would unite with her : and ac- 4th, 1744, 
cording to the general expectation, on the 4th of March, 
1744, she proclaimed war against England. England, the 
same month, proclaimed war against France. But before 
it was known in New-England that war was proclaimed 
between the two nations, Duvivoir fitted out an expedition 
from Lou isburg, and on the 13th of May, surprised Canso. Canso ta- 
He also made an attempt upon Annapolis, but this post l^en. May 
had been reinforced by the Massachusetts people, and his ^ 
expectations Avere disappointed. While the French were 
thus attacking our settlements by land, their privateers and 
men of war captured many of our vessels, and carried them 
into Louisburg. The French cruisers were so numerous 
on the coast, that it became dangerous to prosecute the 
fishery. The fishermen determined to give up the fishing 
voyages for the ensuing summer. It was generally con- 
ceived that no maritime business could be carried on with- 
out a convoy. 

This was so grievous and wounding to the New-England 
people, that it became the general voice that Louisburg 
must be taken. It was not however the opinion of any that 

270 HISTORY OF Chap. IX. 

Book II. tlie colonies could effect it without assistance from England, 
'---^'^/-x^ It was the general opinion that application must be made 
to his majesty, both for a naval and land force, to carry it 
into execution. As winter approached, it began to be sug- 
gested that the place might probably be taken by surprise. 
It became the general opinion that if the fortress could not 
be taken by surprise, that the provisions for the garrison 
were so scant that it would be impossible for it to stand a 
siege, until the usual time of the arrival of supplies froni 
France. It was also said, that a naval force might be ob- 
tained to cruise off the harbor, sufficient to prevent the en- 
trance of any vessels which might by chance arrive. 

While this was the conversation abroad, governor Shir- 
ley, who then had the chief command in Massachusetts, 
made the most diligent enquiry of those who had been trad- 
ers and prisoners at Louisburg, concerning the state of the 
fortress, the usual time of the arrival of supplies from 
France, the practicability of cruising before the harbor, 
and whatever else might be necessary for the fullest infor- 
mation relating to the aftair. 

He had before this time written to the ministry, repre- 
senting the necessity of a naval force early in the spring, 
for the preservation of Annapolis. He hoped that if this 
should arrive, the commander would be willing to cover 
the provincial troops. Commodore Warren was cruising 
with a number of ships in the West-Indies. It was imag- 
ined probable that, when he should be acquainted with the 
expedition, he would either come with his whole force, or 
at least, would send part of it to the assistance of the colo- 
nies. These were no more than probable conjectures, 
and yet these were all the chances which the colonies had 
of a naval force in the spring, sufficient to cope with a sin- 
gle ship which might arrive at Louisburg. Though the 
ministry would be immediately acquainted with the expedi- 
tion, by express, yet the distance between Europe and 
America was so great, that no timely assistance could be 
Plan of the The plan of the expedition was, that four thousand 
expedition troops in small transports should proceed to Canso : and 
L^u^bur-^ on the first favorable opportunity, be landed in Chapeau- 
rouge bay. They were to be furnished with cannon, mor- 
tars, ammunition, and all necessaries effectually to carry 
on the siege. To prevent the arrival of provisions and 
stores for the enemy, a number of vessels, as soon as the 
season v/ould permit, were to be dispatched to cruise be- 
fore the harbor of Louisburg. An estimate was made of 
all the naval force which the colonies could muster. The 


largest ship which they could employ mounted twenty guns Book 1 1. 
only. The whole number of armed vessels did not ex- v«x->''"%-/ 
ceed ten or twelve. With this land and sea force, it was 1745. 
said there was a good chance of success. If, agreeably to 
their expectations, the men of war should arrive, it was in- 
sisted that there was every imaginable reason to expect 
the reduction of the place. The whole affair was so prov^ 
idential and extraordinary, that it merits a particular re- 

In the beginning of January, when the general court of 
Massachusetts was sitting at Boston, governor Shirley com- 
municated the plan of the expedition to both houses, who 
had previously bound themselves to secrecy. Some of the 
members, who had heard little conversation on the subject, 
were struck with amazement at the bare proposal; They 
imagined that it was an enterprize by far too great, even 
if there were a fair prospect of success. They were ap- 
prehensive that it would create an exDense which might 
ruin the country. The scheme appeared wild and extrav- 
agant, yet, in deference to the governor's recommendation, 
a committee of both houses was appointed to take the pro- 
posal into consideration. For several days it was delibe- 
rated with great attention. By those who were for the ex- _*; j:^^® 
pedition, it was insisted that if Louisburg should be suffer- p'^ct to the 
ed to continue in the hands of the French, it would infaili- expeiUtioc 
bly prove the Dunkirk of New-England, That the French 
trade had always been inconsiderable ; that their fishery 
was on the decline, and that for several years they had 
bought fish cheaper at Canso, than they could catch and 
cure them : and that by privateering, they might enrich 
themselves with the spoils of New-England. It was also 
urged, that in addition to these dangers, there was that of 
losing Nova-Scotia, which would instantly cause an in- 
crease of 5ix or eight thousand enemies. It was further 
pleaded, that the garrison at Louisburg were disaffected, 
that provisions were scarce, the works mouldering and de- 
cayed, and the governor an old man, unskilled in the arts 
of war, and that now was the only time for success. Fur- 
ther it was said, Louisburg in another year, would be so 
fortified, as to become impregnable : That there was no 
danger from any force already there, and before any could 
arrive from France, the garrison would be forced to sur- 
render : That there was no danger of the arrival of any 
capital ship from France, so early in the year : That if 
one should arrive, five or six of our small ones might be a 
match for her. But it was said, that there was a much 
greater probability of the arrival of men of war frojn Eng 

272 HISTORY OF Chap. IXe 

Book II. land, or the West-Indies, at an earlier period than of any 
^»,<-v->^ from France. It xvas observed, that there was always un- 
1745. certainty in war, and that if we were disappointed, we 
were able to bear it: That if we succeeded, the conse- 
quences would be glorious indeed. The coasts of New- 
England would not only be preserved from molestation and 
plunder, but peace might be given to Europe. It was also 
pleaded, that Great Britain in case of success, would reiiu- 
burse the whole expense. 

To this it was replied by others, that we had better suffer 
in our trade, than by such an expensive measure, to deprive 
ourselves of the means of it, for the future : That we could 
annoy the enemy in their fishery, as much as they could 
us in ours : That both parties would soon be willing to 
leave the fishery without molestation : That the accounts? 
given of the works and garrison at Louisburg, could not be 
depended on : that the garrison at Louisburg were regu- 
lar troops, who, though unequal in numbers, would, in the 
field, be more than a match for all the raw inexperienced 
militia which could be sent froni New-England : that it 
was so dilFicult at that season of the year for vessels to 
keep their station, and the weather was frequendy so thick, 
that twenty cruizers could not prevent supplies from going 
into the harbour of Louisburg, Further, it was observecl, 
that there was no sufficient ground to expect any men of war 
from England or the West-Indies, to cover our troops : that 
if one sixty gun ship should arrive from France, or the 
French islands, she would be more than a match for all the 
vessels which the colonies could provide : that our trans- 
ports in Chapeaurouge bay would all be destroyed, and the 
army on Cape Breton would be obliged to surrender to 
the mercy of the French : that the colonies Avould be con- 
demned by the British court for engaging in such an en- 
terprize without their knowledge or approbation; and 
that they vt^ould be unpitied in their misfortunes, as they 
would be the natural effects of their own wild and rash 
measures. To these arguments it v/as further added that 
there was no certainty that such a number of men as had 
been proposed, could be raised, or that provisions, artille- 
jy, military stores, and transports sufficient for the expe- 
dition, could be obtained : that the season of the year was 
a great discouragement, as in the winter it frequently hap- 
pened, for many days together, that no business could be 
done abroad ; and that though bills of public credit should 
be emitted to carry the expedition into effect, yet they 
would depreciate to a very great degree, probably nearly 
>n proportion to their "vvl^^le amount. FinaJly, it was ufgcd 


/that iTthe expedition should succeed, it would be a nation- Book IL 
A\ benefit, in which the colonies would }iave no share, in v.,*«'-v">«^ 
any measure proportionate to the expense of the blood and 1745^ 
treasure which it might cost them : and that, if it should 
prove unsuccessful, it would give the country such a 
shock, that it v/ould not recover its present state in half a 

On mature deliberation, the arguments against the ex- 
pedition, in the view of the house, preponderated, and the 
committee reported against the expedition. The houses 
accepted the report ; and, for some days, the members 
laid aside all thoughts of the enterprise. 

Though the governor ardently wished that this proposal 
misdit have been adopted by the court, yet he judged it 
inexpedient to urge the aifair any further, by message, or 
hy j)rivate influence with the members. He adopted a 
measure more prudent and influential ; by forwarding a 
petition from the merchants and men of influence, in the 
colony, to the general court, on the subject. This, for 
reasons therein expressed, and especially, for the preser- 
vation of the fishery from ruin, prayed that the houses 
V;'caild reconsider their vote, and comply with the gover- J.'\^ ^^P®" 
vj r's proposal. This produced another committee, who gai'iis" ^" 
reported in favour of the expedition. After a whole day's Cape Bfc- 
debate on the subject, a majority of one voice was obtain- 1°" •"^sol- 
ed to undertake the expedition. The whole affair was de- bythe^e'i- 
liberated with the utmost calmness and moderation. There eral court 
appeared no other division, than what resulted from a real of Massa- 
difference in opinion, with respect to the true interests of jll^!®^*^' 
tlie province and nation. 

No sooner was the great point determined than there 
was an immtdiate union in the measures necessary to carry 
the expedition into the most eftectual execution. Dispatch- 
es were immediately sent to the neighbouring colonies., 
urging them to join and assist in the expedition. None, 
however, would join in the enterprise, but those of New- 
England. An embargo was laid on all the shipping in the 
harbours. The proportion of men in the colonies, as pro- 
posed in the general plan, was, for Massachusetts, three 
thousand two hundred and fifty men ; for Connecticut, five 
hundred; and Rhode-Island and New-Hampshire, three 
hundred each. 

On the 26th of February, governor Law convened a Special as* 
special assembly at Hartford, in consequence of letters re- c™n'i[;tT- 
ceived from governor Shirley and the general court of Mas- cut. Feb. 
sachusetts, relative to the expedition. No sooner were 26th. 
the letters communicated to the assembly, than five hun- 

274 HISTORY OF Chaf. i::^ 

Book II; tired able bodied men were voted for the service. For 
^>V>»ii^ the encouragement of the men to enlist, a bounty of ten 
1745, pounds was granted to each soldier, who should furnish 
himself with arms, knapsack and blanket 5 and three pounds 
to every soldier Avho should not be able to arm himself. 
The assembly resolved that the pay of the soldiers should 
be eight pounds per month, and that one month's pay 
should be made to them before their embarkation. It Avas 
provided, that they should be under the command of their 
own officers, so far as tlie general service would permit : 
That, as soon as the expedition should terminate, they 
should be brought immediately back to New-London, the 
port where they were to embark, unless they should volun- 
tarily enlist for further service ; and that they should be 
exempted from all impresses, for the term of tivo years, af- 
ter their discharge from the expedition. The five hundred 
men were divided into eight companies.* Roger Wolcott^ 
Esq. lieutenant-governor, was appointed commander in 
chief of the Connecticut troops ; major Andrew Burr, was 
appointed colonel ; Simon Lathrop, lieutenant-colonel ; 
and captain Israel Newton, major of the regiment. It was- 
resolved, that the colony sloop. Defence, should be com- 
pletely furnished, and sail as a convoy of the troops to 
Cape Breton '. That the troops should embark at New- 
London, and sail immediately, to form a junction with the 
troops of the other colonies, at the place of their destina- 
tion : That provisions and stores, of all kinds necessary 
for the expedition, should be provided. Commissioners 
were appointed immediately, to purchase provisions, pro- 
cure transports, and to forward the expedition with the 
utmost dispatch. Jonathan Trumbull and Elisha Williams. 
Esq'rs. were appointed commissioners, with full powers, 
to repair to Boston, and to treat with such gentlemen from 
Massachusetts, and the other coIcKiies, as should be ap- 
pointed for the same purpose, relative to all matters con- 
cerning the expedition. The whole business respectinif 
the expedition was finished in three days, and the assem- 
bly adjourned until the 14th oi' March. 

The time of preparation for such an expedition was 
short ; but, from the day it was determined upon, every 
circumstance so remarkably contributed to its success, that 
a divine Providence seemed every where to watch over if 
for good. The winter was so clement and favourable, 
that business could be done as well abroad, and nearly" 
with the same dispatch, as at other seasons. Colonel Pep- 

* Five captains, Elizur Goodrich, David Wooster, Stephen Lee, Samu'rT 
Adams, and John Dwight, only, were appointed at this scfsiofl- 

Chap. IX. CONNECTrCUT. 275 

perell was appointed commander in chief. He was a gen- Book IL 
deman of a great landed interest, and largely employed in '-.t^-'^'^s^ 
commerce. He, and governor Wolcolt, the second in I7i_5^ 
command, were popular mjen. Their popularity, and the 
sacrifices which they made of ease and interest, had great 
influence on inferior officers and private soldiers, for a 
season, to sacrifice domestic ease and their private inte- 
rests, to the more important concerns of the public. Many 
of the common soldiers were freeholders, and others the 
sons of wealthy farmers, who CQuid hav€ no other view iu 
their enlistment than the public welfare. 

It was soon found, that it would be next to impossible to 
clothe and victual the men, and to obtain the warlike stores 
necessary for the expedition. Committees of war were 
authorised to enter houses, cellars, and all places, where 
these articles were, atid to take them for the use of the 
army. During the preparation, many vessels unexpect- 
edly arrived, with more or less of the very articles which 
ihe country wanted ; and such was the general zeal and 
union, tliat the people submitted to any measures which 
appeared necessary for the general good. The chief men 
in the New-England governments appeared willing to run 
all risks, and to be at any expense, to accomplish the en- . 
terprise in view. 

All the shipping which was employed in the service 
was insured by government. None could be engaged on 
any other condition. The whole naval force which New- 
England could then furnish, consisted of twelve ships and 
vessels only. These were the Connecticut and the Rhode- 
Island sloops of war ; a privateer ship, of about two hun- 
dred tons; a snow, of less burthen, belonging to Newport; 
a new snow, captain Rouse ; a ship, captain Snelling ; a 
snow, captain Smethhurst ; a brig, captain Fletcher ; three 
sloops, captains Saunders, Donehew, and Bosch ; and a 
ship of twenty guns, captain Ting. Ting was commodore, 
and commanded the whole. Several of these vessels sail- 
ed as early as the middle of March, to cruise off the har- 
bour of Louisburg. As a sufficient artillery could not be 
obtained in New-England, governor Shirley, with much, 
difficulty, procured, on loan, ten eighteen pounders from 

The General Assembly of Connecticut convened on the Generai 
14th of March, according to adjournment. They com- Assembly 
pleted the appointment of all the officers. As two of the ng^?."Jj. 
five captains appear to have failed, two other captains March ' 
were now appointed to fill the regiment.* The Rev. Eli- l<lth. 

* The captains at this time appointed, were James Church, DanieJ 
'Chapman, William Whiting, Robert Denniso|i an(J Andrew Ward, 

276 HISTORY OF Chap. IX, 

Book IJ. sha Williams, who had been rector of Yale College, Avas 

^.^•^^r^^ appointed chaplain to the regiment from Connecticut. 

1745. The assembly appointed the last Wednesday in April to 

be observed as a day of fasting and prayer, to implore the 

divine blessing upon the expedition. 

In two months, under all the existing difficulties, this 
army was enlisted, clothed, victualled and equipped for ser- 
vice. By the 23d of March, the troops of Massachusetts 
were all embarked, and the fleet was ready to sail. The 
same day an express boat which had been sent to commo- 
dore Warren in the West-Indies, arrived with advice from 
him, that as the expedition was wholly a colonial affair, 
without orders from England, and as his squadron had 
been weakened by the loss of the Weymouth, he must ex- 
cuse himself from any concern in the enterprise. Though 
this must have given great uneasiness to the goverHlf)r and 
t^tr^i general, yet they suppressed the advice, and sailed the 
armaoieut "^^'- morning as though nothing discouraging had happen- 
sajls, cd. The governor, doubtless, hoped that if the reduction 

of Louisburg should not be effected, Canso might be re- 
gained, Nova-Scotia preserved, the French fishery be des- 
troyed, and the New-England and Newfoundland fisheries 
be restored. The troops of the other colonies sailed about 
the same time, 
April 4th, On the 4th of April, the fleet and army, from Massachu- 
amves at gg^g^ arrived at Canso. The troops from New-Hampshire, 
had arrived four days before them. On the 25th, govern- 
or Wolcott arrived with the troops from Connecticut. The 
land army now consisted of more than four thousand 
troops, in health and high spirits. 

The advice from commodore Warren was truly discour- 
aging ; yet, under the all governing hand of the Supreme 
Ruler, every thing was proceeding in the happiest train. 
Had every thing been preconcerted in the wisest manner, 
it could not have been better. 

Soon after the sailing of the express boat for Boston, 
commodore Warren received orders from England to re- 
pair with such ships as could be sparejd to Boston, and to. 
concert measures with governor Shirley, for his majesty's 
general service in America. The commodore sailed im- 
mediately for Boston, dispatching an express to such ves- 
sels as were in these seas, immediately to. join him. The 
Eltham of forty guns, was at Portsmouth, in New-Hamp- 
shire, as convoy to the mast fleet. When the express ar- 
rived, she had sailed with the fleet, but was soon overta- 
ken by an express boat. The captain remanded the fleet 
into port, and sailed directly for Canso* He arrived on 


the tu^enty third of April, to the great joy of the army. Book II. 
Commodore Warren receiving intelligence, on his passage, v-^^v^s.^ 
that the fleet had sailed for Canso, proceeded directly to 1745. 
the same port, where he arrived the same day v/ith the The El- 
Eltham, in the Superb of sixty guns, in company with the ^^^"^ ^^ 
Lauceston and Mermaid of forty guns each. High indeed ^^^^ War- 
was the tide of joy which at once arose throughout the ren arrive 
whole fleet and army. They had now a sufficient naval ^^ ^f^sd 
force for their defence : a force more than equal to any ' ^ * 
which was expected from France. After a short consulta- 
tion with the general, the commodore, with his men of war, 
sailed to cruise before Louisburg. 

Before this time, the ships and vessels which had been 
sent to cruise before the harbor, had done very important 
services. They had taken several vessels bound to Louis- 
burg, with provisions and West-India goods. They had 
also engaged the Renomme, a French ship, of thirty six 
^uns, which had been sent with dispatches from France. 
For some time, she kept up a running fire with the small 
ships, as she could easily out sail them ; but after making 
several attempts to enter the harbor, she put back to 
France, to relate what she had discovered. She fell in 
with the Connecticut troops, under convoy of their own, 
and of the Rhode-Island colony sloop ; and notwithstand- 
ing she had force suflScient to have taken them both, yet, 
after exchanging some shot, and considerably damaging 
the Rhode-Island sloop, she made off for France. Thti 
fleet and army soon followed the men of war, and on the 
.^Oth of April, arrived in Chapeaurouge bay. The enemy 
had not received the least intimation of any design against 
them, till, early in the morning, they discovered the trans- 
ports from the tov;n. The crufsers had, almost every day, 
been seen before the harbor, but the enemy imagined that 
they were privateers, in quest of their fishing and trading 

The sight of the transports first gave the alarm to the 
town. Bouladrie was detached with an hundred and fifty 
^en to oppose the landing of the troops. But while the Troops 
general amused the enemy by a feint, at one place, he was '^"^ 
landing his men at another. Bouladrie, witli his detach- 
ment, soon attacked them, but as many of his men v/erc 
killed on the spot, himself and others taken prisoners, the 
remainder were obliged to make a precipitate flight, to pre- 
vent their being instantly destroyed, by the troops who 
"ivere landing in great numbers. 

The next morning, four hundred men marched round 
behind the hills to the north-east harbor, setting fire to all 

27a HISTORY OF Chap. IX. 

Book II. the houses and stores, in their way, till (hey came within 
v-^^N/-x^ a mile of the grand battery. Such a cloud of smoke arose 
1745. as made it difficult to discover an enemy at the distance of 
Burn the a few rods only. The enemy, therefore, expecting the 
adjacent -whole army upon them, threw their powder into a well 

countrv »/ i •' j 

and deserted the grand battery, and the provincials took 
possession of it without the loss of a man. The cannon, 
which were forty two pounders, were turned upon the 
town ; but the expense of powder was so great, that it was 
judged best to cease the firing, and to reserve the ammuni- 
tion for the fascine batteries. 
DifficuJ- It was soon jfound, notwithstanding the remarkable suc- 

!iltr^*^° cess which had thus far attended the enterprise, that the 
° " capture of the town would be a work of uncommon labor 
and difficulty. The fortifications were almost impregna- 
ble, and the approach to the town exceedingly difficult. 
The army had nearly two miles to drag their cannon, mor- 
tars, shot, and the like, through a morass, in which oxen 
and horses would bury themselves in mud, and be of no 
service. This was to be performed by mere dint of manual 
labor. Men of the firmest limbs, and who had been ac- 
customed to the drawing of pine trees for masts, were ap- 
pointed to this service. By the twentieth of May, the 
troops had erected five fascine batteries. One of them 
mounted five forty-two pounders. This did great execu-. 

The New-Englanders knew nothing of regular approach- 
es, but took the advantage of the night and went on in 
their own way. 

While the troops were thus busy on shore, the fleet was 
equally vigilant and active in cruising off' the harbor. The 
Vigilant, a French sixty-four gun ship, was met by the 
Mermaid, whom she immediately engaged : but as she was 
of inferior ibrce, captain Douglass suffered himself to be 
chased, till he drew the Frenchman under the command of 
the commodore, and the other ships, on which she struck 
to the British flag : She was commanded by the Marquis 
de la Maison Forte, and had on board five hundred and 
sixty men, with stores of all kinds, for the garrison. This 
r;apturc was of great consequence, not only as it increased 
the naval force before the town, and afforded considerable 
.supplies of military stores, but more especially as it was a 
capital loss and disappointment to the enemy. It depriv- 
ed them of all expectation of further supplies or succour, 
and tended to accelerate the capitulation. 

But a few days before this capture, a proposal had been, that the men of war should anchor in Chapeaurougt. 

CftAil IX. Connecticut. 279 

bay, and that the marines, and as many of the sailors as BookIL 
could be spared, should land and assist the army. Had v-*r-N^>w» 
this been done, the Vigilant would have made the harbor, 
and defeated the expedition. Such were the prodigious la- 
bors of the seige, that a great number of troops were want- 
ed ; yet their numbers were constantly diminishing, by the 
extraordinary service. This, however, was in some mea- 
sure counterbalanced, by the continual increase of the na- 
val force before the town. Four days after the capture of 
the Vigilant, the Princess-Mary, of sixty, and the Hector, of May 22d. 
forty guns, arrived. Soon after, arrived the Canterbury, j^^^ jq^^,.^ 
and the Sunderland, of sixty, and the Chester of fifty guns, and 12th, 
There were now eleven men of war ; one sixty-four, four 
sixty, one fifty, and five forty gun ships. Such was the 
naval force, it was determined that on the 18th of June, 
the ships should go into the harbor, and co-operate with 
the army, in a joint attack upon the town. 

Before this, the island battery was nearly silenced, and 
was considered as not long tenable ; the west gate of the 
town was much damaged and nearly beat down, and a 
breach was said to have been made in the adjoining wall. 
The circular battery of sixteen guns, and the principal one 
against ships, was nearly ruined. The northeast battery 
was much damaged, and the enemy driven from the guns. 
The west flank of the king's bastion was almost demolish- 
ed. From the preparations on board the men of war, the 
enemy expected a general and furious assault. This they 
were not willing to risk. 

On the fifteenth of June, they therefore desired a cessa- 
tion of hostilities, that they might enter on the considera- 
tion of articles of capitulation. On the seventeenth, after 
a siege of forty nine days, the city of Louisburg and island Louisbu^ 
of Cape Breton, were delivered up to his Britannic majes- Y^^^^^^l^ 
ty. Neither the inhabitants nor the ^rrison were to bear 
arms against Great Britain or her allies in twelve months. 
T^e captives were embarked in fourteen ships, and trans- 
ported to Rochefort. 

Nothing could have been more timely than this capitu- 
lation. Notwithstanding the capture of the Vigilant,^ laden 
with stores, the besiegers were in v/ant of powder ', and 
»uch were the hardships and length of the siege, that a 
greater number of men was found to be necessary. The 
general had sent off dispatches to the colonies for a recruit 
of men and ammunition. The colonies sent on a rein- 
forcement of seven or eight hundred men, with r'l the 
powder they could purchase : but the recruits did not ar- 
sive until after the place was faken. Th*^. assembly of July 2d 

280 HISTORY OF Chap. IX. 

Book IT. Connecticut was convened on the occasion, and voted to 
Vi-''~>^"x^ raise three hundred able bodied men, to reinforce the 
1745, army, giving the 'same encouragements which they had 
given to the other troops. 

The very day after the surrender, the rains began, and 
continued incessantly for ten days. These must have 
greatly impeded, if not broken up the siege. They must 
have been fatal to many of the troops, as they had no bet- 
ter lodgings than the wet ground, and, as their tents, gene- 
rally made of common Osnaburgs only, would not secure 
them against a single shower. But, by this opportune sur- 
render. Providence housed them in the city, in dry and 
convenient barracks. 

During this long and severe siege, the men on all occa- 
sions, at landing, in skirmishes v/ith the French and In- 
dians, and in their approaches to the city, behaved well. 
In voluntarily embarking in the enterprise, they exhibited 
a noble spirit, and in the prosecution of it, a steadiness, 
perseverance and fortitude which before had never had 
a parallel in the affairs of America. So remarkable was 
the hand which directed them, that during this long and 
dangerous siege, the w^hole loss by sickness and the ene- 
my was no more than one hundred and one ; sixty of these 
were lost in an unfortunate attack on the island battery. 
News of On the 3d of July the news of this important acquisition 
the cap- arrived at Boston and instantly flew through the colonies. 
Louilburn- '^'^^^ J'^^y which it diffused was great and universal. Those 
arrives ia colonies which had no share in the honours and dangers 
iVew- of the enterprise, were not insensible of the importance of 
iigand. the acquisition, nor that they were deeply interested in the 
event. Pennsylvania, therefore, contributed four; New- 
Jersey, two ; and New-York, three thousand pounds, in 
money and provisions, for the support of the troops. 

To France, Louislturg was a place of capital importance. 
It had been fortified with prodigious art and expense. With 
propriety it might be called the American Gibraltar. The 
fosse, or ditch, round the tov/n, was eighty feet wide, and 
the ramparts tliirty feet high. On these, round the town, 
were mounted sixty-five cannon, of different sizes. The 
entrance into the harbour, was defended by the grand bat- 
tery, and the island battery. On the former, were mounted 
thirty cannon, carrying a forty-two pound ball ; and on 
the latter, an equal number, carrying a ball of twenty-eight 
})ounds. The garrison, at the time of the surrender, con- 
sisted of six hundred regulars, and thirteen hundred mili- 
lia. There were ten thirteen, and six nine inch mortars. 
There were provisions and ammunition for five or six 


Neither by the combined armies of Great-Britain and Book U. 
her allies, nor by her formidable fleets, had France, from v-i^-v^s^ 
the commencement of the war, received so deep and sen- 1745, 
sible a wound. No event had taken place, by which her 
schemes had been so entirely disconcerted and deranged. 
The acquisition was, indeed, grand, and the consequences 
were vast and important. 

The value of the prizes taken, in consequence of the Conse= 
expedition, was little, if any thing, short of a million ster- quences of 
ling. The town was taken at a time when ships and ves- ^^^ '^^P' 
sels from all parts were expected in the harbour. To de- Louisbure, 
coy them, the French flag was kept flying. Besides the 
Vigilant, and the prizes taken before and during the siege, 
two East- India ships, and another from the South sea, 
were taken, which, together, were estimated at six hun- 
dred thousand pounds sterling.* Besides, Nova-Scotia 
and the English fisheries were preserved, and those of the 
French, in America, were totally destroyed. At the same 
time, the colonies themselves, and their trade, were much 
more secure. Indeed, the colonies were delivered from 
dangers, of which, at that time, tkey had no knowledge- 
Duvivoir, the winter after the surprise of Canso, went to 
France, on the business of soliciting an armament for the 
reduction of Nova-Scotia. On this application, he \\s,s 
dispatched with seven ships of war, for that purpose. Oa 
his passage, he took a prize, on board of which was lieu- 
tenant governor Smith, of New-York* By him, receiving 
intelligence of the reduction of Louis burg, he returned to 
France. In expectation of this fleet, Monsieur Marin ap- 
peared, with nine hundred French and Indians, from Cana- 
da, before the fort at Annapolis; but finding no shipping 
for his assistance, he soon retired.! Thus, by this enter- 
prise, were the plans of France broken, and the colonies 
secured. This enabled Great-Britain more honourably to 
treat with France, at the general pacification, and seems ta 
have been the means of restoring to her a great part of 
what she had lost in Germany. 

In this ent?'-prise, New-England, first and last, employed 
more than tue thousand men. From the time of the sur- 
render of the town, until the twenty-fourth of May, nearly 
eleven montns, it was kept l^holly by the New-England 
troops. During part of this time, great sickness and mor- 

* July 24th, an East-India ship, from Bengal, was taken, estinaated at 
75,000!. Another East-Inuianiau was soon alter taken, valued at 125,0001, 
The South sea ship was decoyed by the Boston packet, captain Fletcher, 
iinder the gnns of the men of war, and taken, August 22d. Sb^wasesti™ 
mated at 4PO,OOOI. 

t Douglas, voJ. i. page 562, 
L 2 

282 HiStORt OF Chap. IX . 

Book II. talifv prevailed, and New-England sustained a consider- 
v-^^z-'ih^ able' loss of men; After this time, the garrison consisted 
]74.'i. partly of regular troops, drawn fiom Gibraltar, and pardy 
of New-England men, both paid by the crown. 

The colony of Connecticut emjiloyed in this enterprise, 
lucre than a thcaisand men. At first, they furnished five 
hundred men for the land service, and their country sloop, 
manned with an himdred men \ and, during the siege, they 
sent on two hundred men. As the plac^ could not be 
kept, for a number of months, but by New-England men 
only, the colony provided three hundred and fifty men, to 
keep gari'ison during the winter. 

At a special assembly in August, the legislature address- 
ed a letter to his majesty, congratulating him on the suc- 
cess of his arms, in the reduction of Louisburg ; represent- 
ing the number of troops which they had employed in the 
reduction of it to the obedience of his majesty, and the num- 
ber they had dngaged to furnish, to assist in keeping gar- 
rison, until his majesty's pleasure should be further made 
known. It was also represented, that, by reason of the 
Spanish war, the great expense which they had been at 
in the expedition against Louisburg, and the large boun- 
ties they were obliged to give, to raise the men immediate- 
ly necessary for his majesty's service, in that great under- 
taking, and by the assistance the colony had given io 
Massachusetts, in defending their frontiers, it was become 
extremely in debt, and was reduced to a very low ebbo 
They humbly begged his majesty's favour and bounty to- 
wards them, in relieving their heavy burthens. They hum- 
bly prayed his majesty to permit them to recommend to 
his royal consideration, the officers and soldiers, who. 
though they had endured great hardships, and acted with 
spirit during the siege, had been allowed no share in any 
thing taken ; while his majesty's officers by sea, had, be- 
fore and after the surrender of the town, shared in great 
and valuable prizes, which fell into their hands, amounting, 
by estimation, to more than a million sterling, which would 
none of them have been taken, had it not been for the 
siege and capture of the town. They say, " We have pre- 
sumed to send your majesty a roll of the officers from Con- 
necticut, and most humbly pray your majesty's most gra- 
cious audience and favour." 

At the session in October, the assembly desired the gov- 
ernor to write a letter to the honourable Peter Warren, Esq, 
commodore, &c. acknowledging his favour of the 14th ol 
September, congratulating him on the honour his majesty 
had put upon him, in the success of his majesty's arms ; 


nnd representing the happy consequences of harmony in Book IF. 
the government of Louisburg, to the people there, and to v.^^v'''^..' 
the colonies in general-. At the same time, the governor 1743. 
was desired tg solicit the commodore's good offices with 
his majesty, in a favourable representation of the services 
rendered to his majesty by the troops of the colony ; and 
that it might please him to order a reimbursement of the 
expenses of the expedition against Louisburg; and that 
favours might be conferred on the officers and soldiers.* 

Thomas Fitch, Esq. was appointed agent for the colony, 
to proceed to England, and solicit a reimbursement of the 
expenses of it, in the expedition against Louisburg, and to 
transact the other affairs of the colony, at the court of 
Great-Britain. Mr. Fitch, notwithstanding, declined the 
service, and never went. 

Notwithstanding these important services, the colonies 
had no share in the prizes, nor in any thing taken on the 
island of Cape Breton, excepting a small sum allowed cap- 
tain Fletcher, for leading in the South sea ship.t 

In consequence of the successof this expedition, a shade 
•was thrown over the imprudence and rashness with which / 

it seems to have been imdertaken. On both sides of the 
^v<ater, pious people could not but with grateful admiration, 
notice the remarkable coincidence of circumstances which 
contributed to this great event. Governor Shirley, in his 
speech to the general court of Massachusetts, observes, 
that " scarce such an instance is to be found in history." 
The annual convention of the New-England ministers, in 
their address to his majesty, term it " the wonderful suc- 
cess God has given your American forces." A clergyman, 
WTiting from London, has this observation : " This pros- 
perous event can hardly be ascribed to any thing short of 
an interposition from above, truly uncommon and extraor- 

Both to Great-Britain and France, the reduction of Lou- Effects of 
isburg, by New-England, was an affair of no small sur-^f^e cap- 
prise. In each of these courts, it was productive of grand Lpuj^^yrg 
plans of operation. Great-Britain, flushed with victory, on the 
thought of nothing less for the business of the next cam- courts of 
paign, than the conquest of Canada, and the extirpation of ^^^"1^^"*^ 
the French from the northern continent. The French, France, 
fired with resentment at the losses which they had sustain- 

* Notwithstanding these humble and earnest solicitations, I believe no 
officer except captain, afterwards general Wooster, who went, on business, 
to England, and was honoured with a lieutenancy, and half pay during life, 
received any appointmenl; or emolument from the crown. 

t Hutch, vol. ii. p. 416, 423. Douglas, vol. i. p- 3 i?, 347, 356, Rider's 
flift. vol. xxxviii, p, 124j 12^. 

284 HISTORY OF Chap. IX. 

Book II. ed, meditated the recovery of Louisburg, the conquest of 
v.^~^^"%^ Nov^a-Scotia, the destruction of Boston, and the ravaging 
1746, of the American coast, from Nova-Scotia to Georgia. 

It was the plan of the British court, that eight battalions 
of regular troope should, in conjunction with the provincials 
to be raised in New-England, rendezvous at Louisburg, 
and, with a squadron under admiral Warren, proceed up 
the St. Lawrence to Quebec. From New- York and the 
southern colonies, as far as Virginia, another army was to 
be raised, and to rendezvous at Albany. This, under the 
command of general St. Clair, was to cross the country to 
Montreal. No proportion was fixed for the several colo- 
nies; but they were left to show their zeal for the common 
cause, by raising such numbers as they pleased. It was 
expected that they would send five thousand men, at least, 
into the field. The New-England colonies granted five 
thousand and three hundred men. The other colonies 
agreed to raise two thousand and nine hundred. Eight 
thousand two hundred, in the whole.* Notice of the plan 
Junejl746. was communicated to the colonies the beginning of June, 
and in six weeks most of the New-England troops were 
ready to embark. 

The General Assembly of Connecticut convened on the 
19th, and resolved to raise one thousand able bodied men ; 
and, that it might be done immediately, a bounty of thirty 
pounds was voted for every soldier who would enlist. It 
was also resolved, that, if provisions could not be had with- 
out, they should be impressed. Such was the zeal of the 
colony for the public service. 

While these exertions bad been making in the colonies, 
a powerful armament, under the command of Richard 
Lestock, admiral ol (he blue, had been prepared at Ports- 
mouth, with ti'ansports which had six regiments on board, 
to co-operate with the provincials in carrying the great 
plan into execution. The fleet had orders to sail by the 
first opportunity ; but its departure was unaccountably de- 
layed, till it was judged that the season was too far ad- 
vanced, to risk the great ships on the boisterous coasts of 
America. t It is not improbable, that the landing of the 
young pretender, the rebellion in Scotland, and the appre- 

* The proportion? were very unequal, New-Hampshire raised 500 ; 
Massachusetts, 2500; Rhode-Island, 300; New-York, 1600; New-Jer- 
sey, 500; Pennsylvania, 400; Maryland, 300; and Virginia, TOO — only a 
tenth part of what was raised hy the small colony of Connecticut. It ap-? 
pears from the records of the colony, and numerous facts, that Connectir 
cut, in her loyalty and zegil for the public service, had been second to pontj 
(Of the colonies. 

r Ride's History of England, vol. xxxix. p. 50, 53,. 


hensions of an invasion from France, were the occasion of Book II, 
this delay. t ^^^^>^^»*-# 

That this armament, which consisted of nearly thirty 174G. 
ships of war, might not be wholly useless, it was, in Sep- 
ember, dispatched against the coast of Brittany, with a 
view to surprise port L'Orient, the grand repository of 
all the stores and ships belonging to the French East-India 
company. But it effected nothing worthy of notice. 

Mean while, France, notwithstanding all her other pre- 
parations, fitted out her fleets and troops for America. 
The duke D'Anville, a nobleman in whose courage and 
conduct the court of France had reposed the greatest con- , 
iidence, was appointed to command the expedition. The Arma- 
armament consisted of eleven ships of the line, and of^j'^f^"""' 
thirty smaller ships and vessels, from thirty to ten guns ; '^vMe 
and of transports, carrying three thousand one hundred and D^Anville. 
thirty land forces. These, at Nova-Scotia, were to form 
a junction with sixteen hundred French and Indians from 
Canada. Monsieur Pomeret was commander of the land 
forces. As early as the beginning of May, this formidable 
armament was ready to sail ; but it was so delayed by con- 
trary winds, that the admiral was not able to leave the 
coasts of France until the twenty second of June. Admi- 
ral Martin waited, with a fleet of observation, to prevent 
his sailing ; but he got out of the harbor unnoticed, and 
proceeded without molestation. The duke D'Anville had 
detached monsieur Conflans, with three ships of the line and 
a frigate, to convoy the trade to Cape Francois in Hispa- 
niola. Conflans was ordered to join D'Anville at Che- 
bucto. In his passage, near Jamaica, he fell in with the 
British fleet, commanded by commodore Mitchell. But 
the commodore conducted in such a dastardly manner, 
that he suffered him to pass without any considerable injury. 
A British historian represents, that he refused to take him 
when in his power.* It was. now therefore left to him 
only, who disappointeth the devices of the crafty, and taketh 
the prey from the mighty, without human aid, to save the 
colonies from ruin. Let us, with grateful admiration, be- 
hold how seasonably and how powerfully he wrought for 
their salvation. 

t This was a year of alarm, perplexity and danger with Great Britain, 
on account of tlie rebellion in Scotland. The pretender landed in that 
kingdom in August, 1745, and the rebellion soon commenced. On the 
21st of September, the rebels defeated the king's troops at Preston Pans. 
They triumphed for some months, and gave great alarm to the nation, (ill 
April 16th, 1746, when they were entirely defeated by the duke of Cum- 
berland. Most of the rebel officers were killed or taken, wiUi 2500 dS 
tl^eir men. This put an end to the rebeljion, 

' * Rjdej's hist. vol. xxxix. p. 53. 



Chap. IX, 


J3ooK II. He not only laid an embargo on the enemy, and, for 
'more than six weeks, prevented his sailing, but caused 
his passage to be stormy and tedious. Like the chariot 
wheels of Pharaoh, they moved heavily. It was not until 
the third of August, that they passed the Western Islands. 
On the 24th, when they were three hundred leagues from 
Nova-Scotia, one of the great ships complained so much, 
that the enemy were obliged to burn her. In a violent 
storm, which overtook them on the first of September, the 
Mars, a sixty-four gun ship, was so much damaged Jn her 
masts, and became so leaky, that she bore away to the 
West-Indies. The Alcide, another sixty-four, was so in- 
jured, that she was sent off to keep her company. Soon 
after, the crew of the Ardent, a third sixty-four, became 
so sickly, that she put back to Brest, 

It was not till the twelfth of September, that the duke 
P'Anville arrived at Chebucto, in the Northumberland, 
accompanied with one ship of the line, the Renomme, and 
three or four transports only. One ship only had arrived 
before him. This long and disastrous passage had totally 
C-leranged his whole plan. Conlians came on the coast in 
August, but hearing nothing of the duke, had, before his 
arrival, sailed for Prance. 

While the colonies were waiting, with impatience, for 
the arrival of the English fleet under admiral Lestock, the 
squadron under Conlians was discovered, and the news of 
it brought to Boston, by the fishermen, who had made their 
escape from Chebucto ; but their report was not credited. 
In the beginning of September, the colonies had authen- 
tic intelligence of the sailing of this formidable armament 
for America. Reports were after brought them, that a 
great fleet was discovered to the westward of Newfound^ 
land. Still, however, the colonies flattered themselves 
that it was the English fleet, under admiral Lestock. But 
on the 28th, there arrived an express boat at Boston, with 
certain intelligence that these ships were the French fleet. 
The report was, that it consisted of fourteen sail of the 
line, and twenty smaller men of war ; and that the rest 
were fire ships, bomb tenders and transports. It was 
said, that there were eight thousand troops on board.* 

As the colonies knew nothing of the disasters which had 
befallen the fleet on its passage, they conceived of it as 
consisting of all the force which it possessed at the time of 
its sailing, and that the reports which they now received 
were true. England was not therefore more alarmed with 
the Spanish armada, in 1588, than Boston and New-Eng- 
land were on the report of the arrival of P'Anville's flepi 
'^ If utch. vol ii. p. 4?5. . 


atChebucto. The first advices of imminent danger often Book II. 
shake the firmest minds. v.^#-v^*w/ 

But no sooner were the colonies assured that the French 1746. 
fleet had arrived, than every practicable measure of de- 
fence was immediately adopted. In a few days, six thou- 
sand and four hundred of the inland militia were brought 
in to reinforce Boston. Six thousand more, if occasion 
should require it, were, on the first notice, to have been 
dispatched to the assistance of their brethren.! The mili- 
tia on the sea coasts, v/ere to be kept at home for their 
own defence. But as they were altogether unacquainted 
with v/hat had befallen the French armament, their prin- 
cipal dependance, under providence, was on a fleet from 
England, sufficient, in conjunction with that of Louisburg, 
to defeat the French. But with respect to this and all 
other human aid, they were totally disappointed. 

That Almighty hand, which had already wrought so con- '^^^ ^^^^ 
spicuously for the relief of the country, completed its sal- ^.^g"^'^ 
vation. The duke D'Anville waited until the sixteenth of 
the month for the arrival of the rest of his fleet, and not 
one ship of war, nor any part of it arriving, except three 
transports, he was so affected with disappointment and 
chagrin, that it brought on an apopletic fit, or he drank 
poison, and died suddenly the same morning. 

In the afternoon of the same day, the vice admiral D'Es- 
tournelle,.with four ships of the line, came into port. As 
the troops had been long on board before they sailed, and 
had a tedious passage, they arrived in a very sickly and 
miserable condition. The admiral was dead, and Conflans 
was returned to France. They had been deprived of four 
capital ships, the Ardent, Caribou, Mars, and Alcide ; and 
the Argonute fire-ship was missing. In these circumstan- 
ces, D'Estournelle, on the 18th, called a council of his ofll- 
cers ; and as they had not half the force designed for the 
expedition, and the season for military operations was far 
advanced, proposed to them to return to France. Monsieur 
de la Jonquiere, governor of Canada, was on board the 
Korthutnbcrland, and next in command to the vice admiral ; 
he, with others of the council, for seven or eight hours, 
strenuously opposed the vice admiral's proposal. They £j- . . - 
m-ged, that the sick men, with fresh air and provisions, the ene-> 
would soon recover ; and that they were able, at least, to my's cdun- 
reduce Annapolis and Nova-Scotia : that, after that, they '^''^' 
might winter safely in Casco bay, or return to France, as 
should best suit their inclinations. The debate terminated 
in the rejection of the admiral's proposition. Thi? so ex- 
t D.ous:!as.s, vol i, o. 322, 323, 

588 HISTORY OF Chap. IX. 

Book II. tremely agitated his spirits, that it brought on a fever, and 
•^^-N/^Ni^ threw him into a delirium. A divine terror seemed to fall 
1746. upon him. He imagined he was among the English, and 
D'Estour- finally ran himself through, and was no more.* Jonquiere, 
nclle kills ^ ^^^^^ gf g|^i|] g^j^^j experience in war, succeeded him, and 
the expectations of the fleet and army were much raised- 
From this time, the reduction of Annapolis and Nova-Sco- 
tia became the object of the expedition. 

The ttoops Avere landed, with a view to the recovery of 
their health, and the Acadians and Indians amply furnished 
Mortality them with provisions; Nevertheless, by dysenteries and 
Fm'di ^ scorbutic, putrid fever, a very great mortality prevailed 
and In- among them. The Nova-Scotia Indians took the conta- 
dians, gion, and by it lost not less than one third of their whole 

Governor Shirley, supposing that he had received cer- 
tain intelligence of the sailing of admiral Lestock for Ame- 
rica, sent off an express, to inform the fleet at Louisburg 
of the news. On the eleventh of October, the packet was 
taken by the French, and carried into Chebucto. This, 
probably, accelerated their sailing, and return directly to 
Oct. i3-(h, France, without attempting any thing against Annapolis, 
Jj'^^^^^^lj^jj or Nova-Scotia. Two days after they sailed from Che- 
ifom Che- bucto, on the fifteenth, they were overtaken with a severe 
bucto, for storm, which continued to increase for two days, so that 
I lance. j^}-,g ^ggj. ^^^^g exceedingly scattered. Two only, a fifty and 
a thirty gun ship, got into the bay of Fundy. The latter 
came into the bason, and put on shore an express, inform- 
ing De Ramsay, that the French fleet were returning to 
France. These ships were discovered from the fort at 
Annapolis, and the Chester man of war, the Shirley frigate, 
and a small armed vessel, well m'anned, went out in chacc 
of them ; but they made their escape to France. Thus, 
after burying two admirals, and nearly half their army, at 
Chebucto, they returned, without eflecting the least enter- 
prise against the colonies. The French burnt the Caribou ; 
the Mars was taken, on her return, by the Nottingham, just 
as she arrived on the coast of France. The Alcide was 
driven on shore by the Exeter, and burnt. This was the 
fate of the grand French armada, sent against New-Eng- 

Such a succession of disasters as pursued the French, 
from the day they sailed from France, till they returned, is 
rarely to be found in the history of human events.' The 
restraints put upon this mighty armament, and the protec- 
tion of New-England, was little less remarkable, than tlu: 
* Hntch, voj. ii. p. 427, 4^8. t Douglas, vol. i. p. 32g, 


defeat of the Assyrian monarch, and the defence of Jerusa- Book II. 
lem, when, after all his vast preparations, and haughty w-v-x^ 
menaces, he v/as not suffered to go against her, nor shoot 1746. 
an arrow there. Like him, the enemy returned, with un- 
common loss and shame, to his own land. 

The ministry in England well knew of the sailing of this 
formidable armament ; yet seem to have cared very little 
what might be the consequences to the colonies. The 
only measure which they appear to have taken in conse- 
quence of it, was an order to admiral Townshend, to sail, 
with his squadron, from the Vfest-Indies, to reinforce com- 
modore Ktiowles, at Louisburg. These combined squad- 
rons were more than a match for the French fleet, and 
might have destroyed it, in its distressed circumstances ; 
but they made not the least attempt for its annoyance or 
destruction. No admiral on the American station this 
year, appears to have acted with any tolerable zeal or spi- 
rit. Indeed, there was no exertion of military skill or prow- 
ess ; no employment of policy ; nor the adoption of a sin- 
gle measure, in Europe or America; vt^hich appeared to ^^'^^ Pj's- 
have the least influence in the preservation of the country, ^nhecob- 
The whole glory of that remarkable salvation which the nies, to be 
country esperienced, appeared to be due to Him only, ascribed 
whose kingdom ruleth over all. Pious men saw this in tht*divi!!e 
a strong point of light, and, in their most fervent and pub- interposi- 
lic devotions, ascribed the glory to Him, tioao 

Great, indeed, was the disappointment of the colonies, 
after ail their expense and exertions, that the fleet ex- 
pected from England failed, and that the expedition 
against Canada was, by that means, wholly defeated. But 
no sooner was this perceived by governor Shirley, than 
his enterprising genius projected an expedition against 
Crown Point, in conjunction with the other colonies. For 
this purpose, six months provisions, fifteen hundred men, 
tents, ordnance, and ammunition, were sent on to New- 
York ; but a great sickness, which, at that time, prevailed 
at Albany, and the alarm spread through the country, by 
D'Anville's armament, frustrated the design, 

A part of these troops were kept in pay until Septem- 
ber, 1747, Some were sent from P/lassachusetts, to rein- 
force Annapolis. Others were employed for the defence 
of the frontiers, but a considerable part were wholly in- 

De Ramsay, who had collected an army of about sis- 
teen or seventeen hundred French and Indians, at Anna- 
polis, receiving intelligence that the fieet was returned to 
France, decamped, and returned to Minas. His design 

290 HISTORY OF Chap. IX. 

Book IT. was, to canton his men here, and at Checonicto, that he 

\^^^>^->>^ might have them in readiness to join the armament, which 

1746. he expected from France, the next spring, for the reduce 

lion of Annapolis. Thus ended the campaign of 1746. 

When the General Assembly of Connecticut convene^ 

October in October, it was resolved, that the regiment raised in 

9th, 1746. this colony should be dissolved, as it appeared that his 

majesty had no further service for them. 

As the Rev. Simon Backus, who went chaplain to the 
recruits sent to Louisburg, died there, and as the vessel in 
which his clothing, and some considerable presents, sent 
by gendemen to his widow, was cast away, and all the 
property lost, the assembly granted her two hundred 
pounds, in addition to one hundred pounds, which had 
been before paid to her by the treasurer. 

The expedition against Crown Point having failed, in 
the fall of the year, a number of principal gentlemen in 
Massachusetts and New-York, were warmly engaged for a 
winter campaign, with a view to reduce that fortress. 

In consequence of a resolution of the general court of 
Massachusetts, and the report of the committee of war at 
New-York, in favour of an expedition at this time, pres- 
sing letters were received from governor Shirley, at Bos- 
ton, and governor Clinton, of New- York, soliciting C(m- 
necticut to join with them, and the other colonies, in that 
enterprise. Governor Law, on the reception of the let- 
Generrvl ^ers, convoked the assembly on the 28th of January, 1747, 
Assembly, at New-Haven, to deliberate on the subject. After the 
Jan. 28th, letters had been read before the assembly, and a full dis- 
cussion of the affair, the assembly declined to engage, or 
bear any part in the proposed expedition. The reasons 
Rea?ons alledged against it, were, That a winter campaign would 
asrain^t the be attended with many and great difficulties, and subject 
ton^ ill ^^^^ troops to such fatigues and hardships, as might dispirit, 
winter. and render them incapable of the services necessary to 
Jan. 28ih, render the success of the expedition even probable : That 
1747. j.}jg small pox had been among, and, according to the best 
accounts, was still among the troops of the western and 
southern colonies ; and that their junction with the New- 
England forces would communicate it to the whole army, 
and defeat the design : That, supposing the expedi- 
tion had been wholly laid aside, the government had sent 
on no provisions to Albany, nor any other articles neces- 
sary for such an enterprise ; and it was now impracti- 
cable to do it in so short a time as had been proposed ; 
That it was very uncertain, whether the western or south- 
era colonies would join in the expedition : That som^^ 


general agreement and plan, on which dependence might Book II. 
have been placed, ought to have been previously fixed \^-^r^-m/ 
upon, but nothing of this kind had been effected: That 1747, 
by a winter campaign, the army might be so weakened, as 
to render it incapable of the services which his majesty 
might require of them against Canada afterwards ; and 
that they might thereby incur his majesty's displeasure. 

The assembly, nevertheless, declared, that whenever a 
prob ibie plan and proper time should be fixed upon for the 
reduction of Crown Point, they would readily join with 
the other colonies : and, that whenever his majesty should 
call their troops into service, they would do all in their 
power to subserve his designs.* 

This assembly resolved on an address, congratulating '^'^'^'"^''^ ^o 
him on the glorious victory obtained by his royal highn^^ss, ^j'^ 'gp^^ 
the duke of Cumberland, over the rebels in Scotland. The 
legislature ex[)ress the strongest attachment to his majesty's 
person, family, and government. They acknowledge the 
favors which the colony enjoyed under his auspicious 
reign. They express their utmost abhorrence of that 
unnatural and wicked rebellion, raised in favor of a popish 
pretender against the best ot kings, the best constitution, 
and the best goverimient. They manifest great joy, that 
the rebels had not prevailed to introduce popery and sla= 
very, nor to endanger the protestant interest. They con- 
clude by praying, that the merciful providence v/hich had 
placed him on the British throne, and given him so long 
and so illustrious a reign, might still protect his sacred 
person, subdue his enemies, make his reign prosperous, 
and continue the crown in his royal and illustrious family 
to the latpst posterity. 

■ While these affairs were transacted in this part of the 
country, a great misfortune happened to a body of troops 
belonging to Massachusetts. Governor Mascarene, of 
Annapolis, had represented to the New-England colonies, 
that a thousand men would be necessary to reinforce that 
and the neighboring posts, and to drive the enemy from 
Nova-Scotia. Inconsequence of this representation, the 
three colonies of Massachusetts, Rhode-Island and New- 
Hampshire, agreed to reinforce those posts with that num- 
ber of men. Three hundred, furnished by Rhode-Island, 
were shipwrecked on their passage, near Martha's Vine- 
yard. The troops from New-Hampshire, after they were 
on their passage, put back and never proceeded. These 
misfortunes led to a still greater one. The Massa- 
chusetts troops had been sent on and cantoned in a loose 
* Records oj" the colony. 

2D2 HISTORY 0?' Chap. Vi. 

Book II, manner at Minas. De Ramsay having advice of their situa- 
v-^~N'-^»w' tion, detached al)Out six hundred men under the command 
1 747. of M. Ciilon and M. Lacorn, with a viev; to dispossess them 
Troops at of that post. On the last of January, they surprised, kill- 
JViiiias sur- ^^ ^nd captivated about an hundred and sisty men, who 
taken ^'"^ weve scattc^rcd in small parties. Colonel Noble, who 
Jan. 3isf, commanded the corps, was among the slain. The main 
1747. body soon collected, but as they had lost their command- 
er, were inferior in numbers, and had little ammunition, 
they capitulated, engaging not to bear anus against the 
French in Nova-Scotia, during the term of one year. They 
were allowed to march off with six days provisions, arras 
shouldered, drums beating and colours flying. 
Pr?->3-ra- Notwithstanding the uncommon misfortunes of D'An- 
lionsorthe ville's fleet, the last year, the French determined to renew 
F.rench. their attempts against the British settlements, both ia North 
America and in the East-Indies. With this view, two 
squadrons were equipped. That for North America, was 
coiomanded by De la Jonquiere, governor of Quebec : 
that destined for the East-Indies, by M. de St. George. 
The fleets made a Junction, early in the spring, and sailed 
from Rochelle. The whole consisted of sis ships of the 
Ime, six frigates, and four East-India ships fitted as men 
of war •, with twenty nine merchant ships and transports. 
The ministry dispatched admirals Anson and Warren, w th 
thirteen ships of the line and several frigates, in pursuit of 
Di-feat of them. On the third of May, they came up with the Fren(?h 
their fleet, squadron, and commenced a furious attack upon theme 
May 3d. De la Jonquiere maintained it with equal courage and con- 
duct, until, overpowered by numbers, he was obliged to 
strike to the British flag. Ten ships were taken, six ships 
of the line and the four East-lndiamen. De la Jonquiere, 
fourorfive thousand men, some bullion, and large sums of 
money, were taken with the ships.* Thus did providence 
once more interpose for the preservation of the English 
colonies in America. 

De Ramsay, on the advice of the defeat of De la Jon- 
quiere, returned to Canada, and the French gave no fur- 
ther trouble in Nova-Scotia. 
TnHians During this war, the Canada, Cape Sable, St. John's, 

hostile. Penobscot and Norridgewock Indians were hostile 5 so that 
the frontiers did not escape alarm and molestation. They 
burnt the fort and a number of dwelling-houses at St. 
George's, and destroyed a great number of catde. They, 
in a manner, destroyed Saratoga the last year, and were so 
troublesome this, that the garrison abandoned the place, 
* Rider's Hist. vol. xxxix. p. 92, 93. 

Chap. it. CONNECTICtFT. 293 

brought off the stores and ordnance, and burnt tlie fort. Book IL 
Damage was also done by them on Connecticut river, on v-<*-n/-"«^ 
the frontiers of Massachusetts and New-Ha-:-ipshire. But J747o 
the frontiers suffered very little in comparison with what 
they had done in former wars. The Indians had been 
much diminished in their numbers, and many had with- 
drawn to the frontiers of Canada. Sometimes they were 
kept at home for the defence of the enemy's frontiers, and 
at others, they were employed in the great enterprises 
which they designed against the colonies. These prevent- 
ed their doing the mischief which otherwise they might 
have done. 

Towards the clcse of the year, the war languished, and 
a general inactivity appeared among the belligerents, indi- 
cating that they were nearly exhausted, and verging to- 
wards a general pacification. 

Accordingly, the next April, preliminaries were signed, ^P*"'' '^*» 
at Aix la Chapelle, and in a few days, a cessation of hos- 
tilities was proclaimed. The definitive treaty was com- 
pleted on the seventh of October following. Prisoners q^^ ^^ 
were all to be restored without a ransom, and conquests 
were to be given up. Thus, afternearly ten years war, in 
which there had been a vast expense of blood and treasure, 
the parties had gained notiiing. On cool reflection, it 
could hardly be told for what reasons a war had been un- 
dertaken, which had so embroiled and exhausted the na- 
tions engaged in it, and occasioned such loss and expense 
to the colonies. 

The northern colonies, including New-England and Expenses 
New-York, during this war, doubtless, expended not less °jg"'?^^j^°" 
than a million sterling. The bills issued by Massachu- war, 
setts, for between two and three years of the war, amount- 
ed to between two and three millions currency. At the 
time of emission, five or six hundred pounds were equal to 
one hundred sterling. Governor Hutchinson supposed, 
that the real consideration which the government received 
from the people, was nearly four hundred thousand pounds 
sterling.* He has given it as his opinion, that, for the 
term of two or three years of the war, the province of Mas- 
sachusetts paid two hundred thousand pounds sterHng, be^ 
sides the annual taxes, which were as high as the people 
could bear. By the account which Douglass gives, the ex- 
pense of that province in the expedition against Cape Bre- 
ton, was not less than four hundred thousand pounds ster- 
ling; and its entire expense during the war, must have 
considerably exceeded half a million sterling. The other 
* Hutch, vol. ii. p. 435. 

.294 HISTORY OF Chap, it. 

Book IT. tliree New-England colonies, with New-York, probably 
A-^^v'-^Sfci/ expended nearly an equal sum. Connecticut, during the 
1748. war, omitted .'bout eighty thousand pounds currency. A 
considerable part of this was new tenor, and the currency 
of the colony was but littie depreciated at the commence- 
ment of the war. From the number of troops which Con- 
necticut raised for the expedition against Cape Breton, 
and that designed against Canada, it appears that the ex- 
pense of this colony could not have been less, in propor- 
'tion to its wealth and numbers, than that of Massachusetts: 
Especially, considering that the colony maintained a gar- 
rison in the county of Hampshire, in Massachusetts, for 
the defence of that frontier, and was at the expense of 
supporting a sloop of war, with about an hundred men. 

South-Carolina and Georgia were put to considerable 
expense, in the expedition against Florida, and in the 
Spanish invasion. All the colonies suffered in their trade 
and husbandry. 

Towards the close of the war, especially, they sustained 

very great losses in their shipping and commerce. The 

Losses by shij)s which had been placed on the coast, for the protec- 

the French tion of the trade, were called off to form a squadron under 

privateers, g^j^jj,^! Xi^Q^^jgg^ foj. the reduction of St. Jago, the capital 

of Cuba. While the coasts were left bare, the French 

privateers seized the opportunity, and carried off many of 

their vessels, without molestation. They became so bold, 

as to sail up Delaware river, almost to Philadelphia.* 

They ventured up many leagues into Chesapeake bay, 

and they sailed up Cape Fear river, in North-Carolina. 

In the expeditions against Cuba, and Louisburg, in gar- 
risoning the latter, and in the defence of Nova-Scotia, 
Loss of the New-England lost three or four thousand of her young men. 
colonies, Such were the losses of the two colonies of Massachusetts 
and New-Hampshire, in this, and in the last Indian war, 
that from seventeen hundred twenty-two, to seventeen hun- 
dred forty-nine, a term of twenty-seven years, there had 
been no increase of the number of their inhabitants. In 
this time they would, otherwise, have doubled their num- 
bers. At the time when governor Hutchinson wrote his 
history,! he observes, " It :s probable that there would 
Imve been two hundred thousand souls more than there are 
at this time in New-England, if the French had been ex- 
pelled from Canada an hundred years ago." Such a 
scourge were the French to New-England. The wars 
with the French and Indians, first and last, swept off great 
numbers of the inhabitants of Ncv/-York, as well as of 
Nevt?-En gland. 
* Douglass, vol., i. p. 343, 344 and 564. t In the year 1766, 

Chap, X. CONNECTICUT^ 295- 

In this war, the colonies had exhibited most striking ev- Book II. 
idences of their loyaky and zeal for his majesty's service, ^.^•^r's^ 
But neither from these, nor for all their losses and expen- 1743. 
diiures, did they derive any considerable advantage to 
themselves, Though it be true, that the crown, in some 

food part, repaid the bare expense of the expedition to 
lOuisburg, yet this did by no means compensate the coun- 
try. Nothing was done to compensate its loss of men, nor 
the damage sustained by the depreciation of the currency, 
nor its other numerous losses and services. Great Britain 
engrossed all the advantages of the reduction of Louisburg. 
It was finally given up, to recover what she had lost '"n 
Germany, and to purchase peace for the nation. I'he 
large quantities of clothing, arms and ammunition, pur- 
chased by the colonies for their soldiery, and for the de- 
fence of the country, while it impoverished the colonies, 
increased the trade of Great Britain, and vvas no inconsid= 
erable emolument to the parent state. 

During the war, the colonies were obliged to emit such 
sums in bills of credit, that they were scarcely able to re- 
deem them before the commencement of the next French 
war. Before the complete redemption of the bills, in the 
colonies where their credit was the best supported, the 
depreciation was nearly twenty for one. This was a great 
injury to commerce, public credit, aad the morals of the 
people, for years after the termination of the war. 


The reception of the towns of Woodstock^ Siiffield, EnfcJd 
and Somers, under the jurisdiction of Conmcticut ^ and 
the grant of the same privileges to the societies and 
churches in those towns zohich the ecclesiastical societies 
and the churches in this colony enjoyed. The oppositio7i 
made to it by the province of Massachusetts, and mea,ns 
of defence adopted by Connecticut. 

,N the running of the line between Connecticut and 
Massachusetts, an agreement was made with Massa- 
chusetts, on certain conditions, that the towns which had 
been setded by that government, should abide under its 
jurisdiction. This was matter of great grievance to the 
inhabitants of those towns, from the time of it uqtil the col- 

296 HISTORY OF Chap. X. 

Book II. ony assumed the government over them, and they were ad- 
^«>^~^^Xi^ mitted to the civil and religious liberty of the other inhab- 
1747, itants of the colony. The longer they continued under 
the government of Massachusetts, and were denied the 
privileges of the people of Connecticut, the more uneasy 
they were. Therefore, determining if possible to rid them- 
selves from the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, and to enjoy 
the privileges of the other inhabitants of the colony, they 
preferred a memorial to the general assembly of Connecti- 
cut in May, 1747, representing that they had, without their 
consent, or ever being consulted in the affair, been put un- 
der the jurisdiction of Massachusetts : that as they were 
within the limits of the royal charter, they had a just and 
legal right to the government and privileges which it had 
granted ; and that they were deprived of their charter 
rights : that the legislature had no right to put them under 
another governm.ent ; but that the charter required that 
the same protection, government and privileges should be 
extended to them which were enjoyed by the other inhabit- 
ants of the colony. For these reasons they prayed to be 
taken under the government of this colony, and to be ad- 
mitted to the liberty and privileges of its other inhabit- 

The legislature, sensible of the weight of the reasons 
suggested, and willing to grant the petition, provided it 
could be done amicably, with the consent of the govern- 
ment of Massachusetts, appointed Jonathan Trumbull and 
John Bulkley, Esq'rs. Benjamin Hall and capt. Roger 
Wolcott, or any three of them, commissioners, to meet and 
confer with such gentlemen as should be appointed by the 
province of Massachusetts bay, at such time and place as 
should be agreed upon by them, to hear, consider and re- 
port to the next assembly after their conference. 

The legislature, after a trial of two years, finding that no 
amicable settlement relative to the claim of jurisdiction over 
the towns which had preferred their memorial, could be 
made, and in consequence of the agents of said towns urging 
that the agreement relative to them was made through mis- 
take : that this government had received no equivalent for 
the jurisdiction of the said towns : that the inhabitants 
v/ere thereby deprived of their charter rights : that the 
agreement never had been completed but in part : and 
that it never had been confirmed by his majesty : the as- 
Rf. ] to ^^^n^b'y ^^soived, "that as it did not appear that ever the 
of the As- said agreement had received, so it never ought to receive 
sensbly re- the royal confirmation : and that as the respective govern- 
^atwe to jjrjpritg could not give up, exchange or alter their juri:dic=^ 

Chap. X. CONNECTICCt. ^97 

tions ; So the said agreement, sd far as it respects jurisdic- Book TT. 
tion, is void : And thereupon this assembly do declare, v,rf*~v-s«/ 
that all the said inhabitants which live south of the line 1747. 
fixed by the Massachusetts charter, are within, and have the towns 
a rifeht to the privileges of this government, the aforesaid ^^'^'^'^ ^^^ 
agreement notwithstanding." tled\y ' 

The assembly further resolved, that as there might be Massa- 
some uncertainty, both with respect to the beginning and ^"^^*!fj(j 
running of the line, it was necessary to ascertain the same - ' \ 
according to the royal charters, to the respective govern- 
ments. Jonathan Trumbull, John Bulkley, Elisha Wil- 
"iaras, and Joseph Fowler, Esq'rs. were appointed a com- 
rnittee, to join with commissioners from the government of 
Massachusetts, to ascertain and fix the line : and provided 

, t, if the legislature of Massachusetts should refuse to 

point commissioners, or in case they could not agree, 
' :(t then the agent, in London, be directed to lay the case 
b'c^fore his majesty, and pray that he would appoint com- 
ni'-^sioners, for the purpose of ascertaining and fixing said 

The legislature, having taken the towns of Woodstock, Oct. 17525 
Sutfield, Enfield, and Somers, under the jurisdiction of this J!^^!^*^'^- 
colony, and having determined to maintain their charter Wood- 
i-ights, within two and three years after, ordained, that the stock, &c. 
ecclesiastical societies in those towns should enjoy all the vested 
privileges of such societies, according to the constitution p^^j^jj^^pg 
and laws of the colony. of other 

The province of Massachusetts was totally opposed to societies, 
relinquishing the right of jurisdiction over the towns which 
had been settled by the inhabitants, and under the gov- 
ernment of it. A petition was preferred by the agent of 
the province to his majesty, in opposition to the proceed- 
ings of the legislature of Connecticut. The legislature of 
Connecticut, suspecting that such a measure would be 
adopted, had previously desired the governor to make a 
statement of the case, and prepare all the proofs relative 
to it, and transmit them to the agent of the colony, ia 
London. He Wcis directed to make the best use of them, 
which he could, for the defence of the commonwealth^ 
against any motion which might be made in behalf o( 
Massachusetts, for the establishment of any former line or 
agreement. If it should be judged advisable, and most 
expedient, by the best counsel he could obtain, to petition 
for commissioners, to ascertain, and run the line b(?tween 
Massachusetts and Connecticut, according to their respec- 
tive charters, that he should then adof)t that measure. 

When they were app^-ised by letters from their agent. 

998 HISTORY 01' Chap. XL 

BookII. thai. Mr. BollauJ hod preferred a petition to liis majesty 

v-tf'-v-^w' on the subject, iu behalf of the province of Massachusetts^ 

17.52. a. committee was appointed to prepare a plan and survey 

Maj,i755. of I he line run by the commissioners in 1713, between the 

two colonies, and the desire of the said towns to be under 

the Jurisdiction of Connecticut, and to enjoy the privileges 

granted to its inhabitants by the royal charter; and the 

evidence of thei)' desire at, and ever since the running of 

the line, in 1713; with all other exhibits which could be 

serviceable in the case : and directions were given, that 

they sho'tld be transmitted, as soon as might be, to the 

agent in Great-Britain.* 

Th^ colony was successful in maintaining its claims and 
j!jrisdiction, and the inhabitants of those towns have unin- 
terruptedly enjoyed the government and immunities of the 
people of Connecticut, from that, to the present time. 


i/i Spanish ship arrives at Merv-London^ in dislress. The 
cargo is unladen, and stored in that port. When it zoas 
called for by the supercargo, a great proportion of it could 
. not be found, Don Joseph Miguel, the supercargo, refu- 
ses to sail, zsithout the whole of his cargo. Petitions the 
assemhly. The resolution of the legislature respecting it. 

. , Ferment in the crovernmcnt., in consequence of it. 

Spani?h "^ 7 J ^ 

ship, 17:)3, 

ABOUT this time an unhappy event took place, dis- 
.. honourable to the colony, injurious to foreigners, 
and which occasioned a great and general uneasiness, and 
many unfriendly suspicions and imputations, with respect 
to some of the principal characters in the colony. A Span- 
ish ship coming into the port of New-London, in distress, 
ran upon a reef of rocks, and so damaged the vessel, that it 
was necessary to unlade her, and put her freight into stores 
at New-London. The cargo was delivered into the cus- 
tcvly of Joseph Hill, Escj. collector of the port of New-Lon- 
doii. The supercargo was Don Josej)h Miguel de St. Juan. 
That he might sail with his cargo early in the spring, he 
obtained a ship of about two hundred tons, and was ready 
to sail it\ April. But when he had shipped part of his car- 
go, other parts of it were withholden from him, or lost, and 
* Colony records ja the severtil years to which reference is had. 

Chap/X1. CONNECTICUT. 299 

could not, by any means of his, be found and recovered. Book II. 
As he could obtain no relief, and was determined not to v.^(*-v->w' 
sail without the recovery of his cargo, or some indemnifi- I75r3, 
cation for the loss of it, he waited until October, and then Oct. 1753. 
preferred a memorial to the assembly, representing his ar- 
rival in the .snow St. Joseph and St. Helena, from Havan- 
na, bound to Cadiz, at the port of New-London ; and that 
he had stored his cargo there, in the custody of Joseph 
Hill, Esq. the collector; and that when he had procured a 
vessel in April, and required his cargo, that it might be re- 
shipped, that a considerable part of it :vas withholden, 
lost, and embezzled ; and praying for relief, or that he 
might reland that part of his cargo which remained, and 
secure-it at their expense, and, also, that his men might 
be discharged. 

The assembly, after hearing and deliberating on the me- 
morial, resolved. That whatever losses he had sustained, 
it was either by means to them unknown, or which they 
were by no means able to prevent. The assembly repre- 
sented, that nothing appeared to them, but that he might 
have put all his cargo on board, about the 23d of April, 
when he shipped part of it : That Joseph Hill, Esq. col- 
lector of the port of New-London, had, at that time, deliv- 
ered his money, and part of his cargo, and they knew not 
why the residue was not put on board. They resolved, 
that they could not, according to law, discharge the mas- 
ter and mariners, nor oblige and compel Mr. Hill to receive 
the goods again into his custody, according to the desire of 
the petitioner ; especially at their own cost and risk, as 
the petitioner declared that he would be at no expense in 
the affair. It was declared. That the requests of the pe- 
titioner were unreasonable, and, therefore, could not be 
granted: but, that as protection and assistance were due 
to a foreigner, cast among them, the assembly did advise 
the governor to gTant all due protection and relief to the 
said Don Miguel, according to the laws of trade, nature, 
and nations. The governor was also desired and empow- 
ered, in case the said Joseph Miguel should desire it, to. 
direct a full search after any part of his cargo, which might 
have been embezzled, or lost; and to take all such reason- 
able measures therein, as should be necessary to do jus- 
tice in said case,* 

Before the meeting of the freemen in April, it was gene- 
rally known that the Spaniards had been robbed ; or, at 
least, that an important part of a rich and very valuable 
cargo, had been stolen, embezzled, or, by some means, 

* Piecords of the colony. 

30© HISTOHY OF Chap. XL 

Book II. lost, or kept back from the owners ; and it occasioned a 
\<^0r>r>^ great ferment through the colony. It was imagined, that 
1753. it might involve the colony in great ditficulties ; that it 
might be obliged to indemnify the owners, and that it 
would bring a heavy debt upon it; or that it might effect 
a rupture, and hostilities between the two nations. Olhers 
were moved with a sense of honour, sympathy, and jus- 
tice. They were ashamed and grieved, that, when fo- 
reigners, in distress, had cast themselves upon, not only 
a civilized, but christian people, they had been plundered 
and injured, as though they had fallen among heathens, 
thieves, and robbers. All the feelings of covetousness, 
honour, sympathy, and justice, were touched. Great 
blame was imputed to some of the principal characters 
in the colony, especially to governor Wolcott. It was 
imagined by many, that he had not taken such care, and 
adopted such measures, to secure the property of thos? 
foreigners, and to save them harmless, as he ought to 
have done. Whether there was any just foundation for 
faulting him or not, it so disaffected the freemen, that, 
notwithstanding his former popularity, he lost their suf- 
frages, and Thomas Fitch, Esq. was chosen governor, in 
his place. Mr. Hill did not escape a share of blame, 
among others. How such a quantity of stores, of various 
kinds, should be lost, or embezzled, without his know- 
ledge or privity, and that no thorough search should be 
made for them, in so many ijnonths, is very unaccount- 
able. But where the fault lay, or what became of the 
lost goods, never came to public view. Nor does it ap- 
pear that the colony was ever put to any exti'aordinary 
expense or trouble, on that account. The war was now 
commencing, and private concerns were neglected an^ 
forgotten ; while national interests, of greater moment, 
and more general concern, engrossed the public mind-^ 
both in Europe and America. 



The history of the College continued from Chapter I. Its 
state under the rectorship of Mr. Williams. Donations 
made to it while he presided. He I'esigns, and the Rev. 
Thomas Clap loas chosen prcsideiU. A new charter grant-^ 
ed. A nexv college, or Connecticut hall, built. Professor 
of Divinity settled. Labors and donations. Enemies of 
the college write against it. Petition the assembly to take ■' 
it out of the hands of the corporation, appoint visitors, c^c, 
The president appears and pleads the cause of the college 
before the assembly. Chapel is built. An account of do- 
nations is interspersed. 

ECTOR Williams, was a gentleman of solid learn-^ 
ing, great prudence, and popular talents. He was 
rector about thirteen years, during which period, the col- 
lege enjoyed peace and flourished. A number of valuable 
donations were made to it. In 1 730, the trustees received 
a deed of 628 acres of land in Salisbury, of Messrs. Fisk 
and Leavins, in exchange for lands given them many years 
before, by major James Fitch. The title to it had been 
controverted, and it was supposed that the trustees had 
expended nearly half the value of the land in defence of the 

In October, 1732, the General Assembly made a gene- Grant of 
rous donation of 1500 acres of land to the college ; 300 ^JJ""^J'^J" 
acres in each of the new townships of Norfolk, Canaan, ' 
Goshen, Cornwall and Kent. A patent was given in con- 
firmation of the donation in May, 1741. 

The Rev. Dr. George Berkeley, then dean of Derry, Pean 
in Ireland, afterward bishop of Cloyne, made a number R^^keley^s 
.of donations to the college. He came into America, with 
a view to found an episcopal college. He made a pur- 
chase of a country seat, with nearly an hundred acres of 
land, at Newport, in Rhode-Island. He resided there a- 
bout two years, in which time, he formed a correspond- 
ence with rector WUliams, and became acquainted with 
several other principal gentlemen in Connecticut. From 
them he learned the state and genius of Yale College. He, 
therefore, while he resided at Newport, made a present of 
all his own works to the college. He finally gave up the 
design of founding a college in North America, and return- 
ed to London. 

After his return, in 1732, he gave the rents of his fartp, 

30:: HISTORY OF Chap. XH. 

Bo0K II. io ihe college, to be appropriated to the maintenance of 
v.^^-Nr-«^ the three best scholars in the Greek and Latin languages, 
i732. who should reside at the college, at least nine months in a 
year, in each of the three years, between their hrst and 
second degrees. He directed, that on the 6th of May, an- 
nually, or in case that should be the Lord's day, then on 
the 7th, the candidates should be publicly examined by 
the president or rector, and the senior episcopal missionary 
within this colony, who shall be then present ; and in case 
none be present, then by the president only. And that in 
* case the president and senior missionary should not agree 
in their sentiments, who are the best scholars, the case 
should be determined by lot. It was further directed, that 
any surplusage of money which should happen by any va- 
cancies, should be distributed in Greek and Latin books, 
io such under-graduate students, as should make the best 
composition, or declamation in the Latin tongue, upon such 
a moral theme as should be given them. 

This donation happily answered the design of the donor, 
proving a great and lasting incitement in the students to 
excel in the knowledge of the classics. 

At the same time. Dr. Berkeley, in pursuit of his be- 
nevolent and noble designs, transmitted to the college the 
finest collection of books which had ever before, at any 
one time, been sent into America. It consisted of nearly a 
thousand volumes, including those which he had sent be- 
fore ; 260 of these were folios, and generally very large. 
It was estimated that the collection cost at least four hun- 
dred pownds sterling. 

Mr. Williams, though lughly acceptable to the students, 
and to the colony in general, was nevej-thcless obliged to 
resign his office, and leave the college, on account of 
bodily indisposition. The sea air and southerly winds at 
i^ew-Haven, so affected his constitution, as, sometimes, to 
incapacitate him for business. He resigned his office the 
last of October, 1 739. He received the hearty tlianks of 
the trustees, for his good services to the college. 

After his resignation, he retired to his seat at Weathers- 
field. He soon became a member of the assembly, and 
Speaker of the house of representatives. He was further 
promoted, lo be one of the judges of the superior court, and 
to the fcornmand of a regiment, in an intended expedition 
against Canada. He afterwards went to England, to re- 
ceive the wages due to himself and his regiment. Having 
contracted an intimate acquaintance with Dr. Doddridge, 
and several other gentlemen of distinction, in that country, 
and married a lady of superior accomplishmcsits, he re^ 

Chap. XII. CONNECTICtJt. 303 

turned to Weathersfield. Here, after a pious, usefal and Book If. 
honorable life, he died, July 24th, 1755. v«i<->^^sri^ 

He received his education at Harvard college, in Cam- 1732. 
bridge, in New-England, where he was graduated. Anno Character 
Domini, 1711. He was well furnished with academical °I,?"^5^^°'" 
literature, was a thorough calvinist, and is characterized 
as one of the best of men. Dr. Doddridge, in a letter to a 
friend, writes thus of him : " I look upon CoL Williams to 
" be one of the most valuable m^n upon earth : he has join- 
" ed to an ardent sense of religion, solid learning, consum- 
" mate prudence, great candor, and sweetness of temper, 
" and a certain nobleness of soul, capable of contriving 
" and acting the greatest things, without seeming to be 
'' conscious of his having done them." 

The tr^istees, sensible of the great inconveniences which 
the college had suflered, by the long intervals in which it 
had been without a rector, proceeded immediately to a new 
choice, and the Rev. Thomas Clap, minister of Windham, 
was chosen, successor to rector Williams. A council of 
neighboring elders and churches, advised Mr. Clap to ac- 
cept the appointment. Mr. Clap viewing it, as the coun- 
cil had done, as a call to greater and more extensive use- 
fulness, complied with their advice. 

At a meeting of the trustees, on the 2d of April, 1740, Installa- 
he was installed. He first gave his consent to the confes- l^^^n]^''"'^' 
sion of faith and rules of church discipline, agreed upon April 2d' 
by the churches of the colony of Connecticut, assembled 1740. 
by delegation at Say brook, in the year 1708 ; and also 
gave the trustees satisfaction, with respect to the sound- 
ness of his principles, according to their act in 1722. 

The trustees and students were then assembled in the 
college hall, and the Rev. Mr. Whitman, moderator, made 
a jirayer, and one of the students delivered an oration 
adapted to the occasion. The moderator then made a 
speech, committing the instruction and government of the 
college to rector Clap ; and he concluded with an ora- 

The committee of the first society in Windham, madn 
application to the trustees to give them a recompense for 
the removal of their pastor. Upon this, they mutually 
agreed to refer it to the judgment of three gentlemen of the 
General Assembly, what compensation they should have. 
Those gentlemen, considering that the Rev. Mr, Clap had 
been in the ministry at Winciham fourteen years, which in 
their estimate, was about half the term of a minister's life 
in general, judged that the society ought to have half the 
price of his settlement. This was about fifty- three pounds 


Book II. sterling. Upon the memorial of the trustees, the General 
^^^'-s/'-^iw/ Assembly granted that sum to the people of Windham, as a 
1740. compensation. 

No sooner had rector Clap entered upon his office, than 
he endeavored, by all means in his power, to advance the 
college to as great a degree of perfection as possible. 
There had never been made a complete body of laws, 
for regulating the college, nor had the customs and man- 
ners of other colleges been sufficiently made known. On 
the first founding of the college, it was agreed, that v/here 
no special provision was made by the trustees, the laws of 
Harvard college should be the rule. About the time the 
college was fixed at New-Haven, a short body of laws was 
drawn up. But this was only in writing, and each schol- 
ar, on his admission, was put to the labor of traescribing 
it. This, upon trial, was found defective, and sevet-al of 
its laws were become obsolete. Rector Clap, therefore, 
considered it as a business of prime importance, to com- 
pile a complete body of laws for the college^ 

As soon as he was fixed in his post, at the desire of the 
trustees, he began this business. A large body of laws 
was drawn up, partly out of the ancient laws of this col- 
lege, partly from the principal and most important customs 
which had obtained, partly from the laws of Harvard col- 
lege, and partly from the university of Oxford. To these, 
there was an addition of some new ones. This was pe- 
rused by a committee of the trustees, and by most of them 
at their own houses ; and after several readings before the 
board of trustees, in 1745, obtained their sanction. 

The rector also, about the same time, collected and 
wrote under proper heads, the customs of the college 
which had from time to time obtained, and had been estab- 
lished by practice. By these, the rules by which the offi- 
cers and students of the college should conduct themselves, 
became better known and fixed, and the government of the 
college became more steady and uniform, and less sove- 
reign and arbitrary. 
Arrange- Before this time there had been no convenient arrange- 
ment and caent, nor catalogue of the books. The rector arranged 
of lh"u-^^ all the books in proper order. In honor to the Rev. Dr. 
bvary. Berkeley for his liberal donation, his books were placed 
174'2. by themselves at one end of the library. He also made 
three catalogues of the books ; one as they stood in their 
proper order on the shelves ; another in alphabetical or- 
der ; and a third, in which the most valuable books were 
placed under proper heads, according to the subject matter 
of them ; together with figures referring to the aumber and 


place of each book. By which means it might easily be Book II. 
known what books were in the library upon any particular v-^-v^s^^ 
subject, and where they might be found with the utmost ex- 1744, 
pedition. This catalogue was printed, and had a happy 
influence on the diligence and industry of the scholars in 
reading them. 

About this time the college received another considera- 
ble benefit. The legislature augmented their annual grant 
to the college, by which the rector was enabled to support 
three tutors ; one to each class, including himself. This 
removed a considerable inconvenience which the college 
had before suffered, by one tutor's hearing two classes. It 
had another benefit ; the scholars studied and recited much 
more than they had done in the preceding years. 

Mr. Anthony Nougier, of Fairfield, in 1743, by his last Mr. Nou; 
will, bestowed on the college twenty seven pounds sterling, ^'^^^^ '^^^ 
to be put out at interest, the amount of which was princi- 1743"' 
pally to be appropriated to the maintenance of the rector 
and tutors forever. This donation was received the next 
year, and was employed according to the direction of the 

The college was now become numerous and respecta- 
ble : it had educated a large number of men, who were pil- 
lars in the commonwealth and stars of distinguished lustre 
in the firmament of the church. The under-graduates 
amounted annually to eighty or moi'e : as many as twenty 
upon an average were graduated each commencement. 
The rector and trustees conceived the idea that their pow- 
ers ought to be enlarged ; and that a new charter should be 
given, in which the founders and officers of the college 
should be named, more agreeably to the forms and usages 
of other colleges. It was imagined that this would make 
them and their respective offices better known abroad, and 
give the college a greater importance and respectability. 
The rector, therefore, who had a very accurate and exten- 
sive knowledge of the forms, powers, and usages of colleg- 
es, made a draft of a new charter, in which the trustees 
were incorporated, by the name of the president and fel- 
lows of Yale College, in New-Haven. This draft was 
revised by the horiv.;rable Thomas Fitch, Esq. afterwards 
governor of the colony, approved by the trustees, and or- 
dered by them to be presented to the honorable general as- 
sembly for their sanction. It was granted at the session in 
Mav, the next year. A copy is here exhibited. 




Book II. Bv the Governor and CojirAN^of his Majesty's colony 

^-rf^-v-^n^ of Connecticut, in New-England, in America. 

1745. Jin Act for the more full and complete establishment of Y alt, 

Charter of CoLLEGE m New-Haven, and for enlarging the poxoers 

thecoJ- and privileges thereof. 

Whereas, upon the petition of several well disposed and 
public spirited persons, expressing their desire that full 
liberty and privilege might be gi'anted unto certain under- 
takers for the founding, suitable endowing, and ordering 
a coilt^giate school within this colony, wherein youth might, 
be instri:r[:.^vj in the arts and sciences, the governor and 
company, in general court assembled, at New-Haven, on 
the 9th day of October, in the year of our Lord one thou- 
sand seven hundred and one, granted unto the Rev. 
Messrs. James Noyes, Israel Chauncey, Thomas Bucking- 
Jiam, Abraham Pierson, Samuel Mather, Samuel Andrew. 
Timothy Woodbridge, James Piei-pont, Noadiah Russell, 
and Joseph Webb, who were proposed to stand as trus- 
tees, partners or undertakers for the said society, and to 
their successors, full liberty, right and privilege to erect", 
form, direct, order, establish, improve, and at all times, in 
all suitable ways, to encourage the said school, in some 
convenient place in this colony : and granted sundry pow- 
ers and privileges for the attaining the end aforesaid. 

And whereas the said trustees, partners or undertaker^., 
m pursuance of the aforesaid grant, liberty and license, 
founded a collegiate school at Neiv-Haven, known by the 
name of Yale College ; which has received the favoura- 
ble benefactions of many liberal and piously disposed per- 
sons, and under the blessing of Almighty God, has trained 
up many worthy persons ior the service of God, in the 
state as well as in the church. 

And whereas, the general court of this colony, assem- 
bled at New-Haven, the tenth day of October, in the year 
of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and twenty-three, 
did explain and enlarge the aforesaid powers and privile- 
ges, granted to the aforesaid partners, trustees, or under- 
takers and their successors, for the purpose aforesaid ; as 
by the respective acts, reference thereunto being had, mors 
fully and at large may appear. 

And whereas, the Rev. Blessrs. Thomas Clap, Samuel 
Whitman, Jared Elliot, Ebenezer Williams, Jonathan. 
Alarsh, Samuel Cooke, Samuel Whittelsey, Joseph Noyes, 
Anthony Stoddard, Benjamin Lord and Daniel Wadsworth, 
the present trustees, partners and undertakers of the said 
school, and successors of those before mentioned, have pc 
?itioned that the said school, with all the rfghts, powers, priv- 


ileges and interests tkereof, may be confirmed ; and that Book IL 
such other additional powers and privileges may be grant- v^-no.^ 
cd as shall be necessary for the ordering and managing the 1747. 
said school in the most advantageous and beneficial manner 
for the promoting all good literature, in the present and 
iiucceeding generations. Therefore, 

The Governor and Company of his majesty's s.aid En- 
glish colqny of Connecticut, in general court assembled, 
this ninth day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
seven hundred and forty-five, enact, ordain, and declare, 
and by these presents it is enacted, ordained and declared, 

I. That the said Thomas Clap, Samuel Whitman, Jared 
Elliot, Ebenezer Williams, Jonathan Marsh, Samuel Cooke. 
Samuel Whiltelsey, Joseph Noyes, Anthony Stoddard, 
Benjamin Lord, and Daniel Wadsworth, shall be an incor- 
porate society, or body corporate and politic ; and shall 
hereafter be called and known by the name of the Presi- 
dent AND Fellows of Yale College, in New-Haven , 
and that, by the same name, they and their successors shall 
and may have perpetual succession ; and shall and may 
be persons capable in the law to plead and be impleaded, 
defend and be defended, and answer and be answered un- 
to ; and also to have, take, possess, acquire, purchase, or 
otherwise receive lands, tenements, hereditaments, goods, 
chattels, or other estates, to grant, demise, lease, use, man- 
age, or improve, for the good and benefit of the said col- 
lege, according to the tenor of the donation, and their dis- 

II. That all gifts, grants, bequests and donations of lands, 
tenements or hereditaments, goods and chattels, heretofore 
made to or for the use, benefit and advantage of the colle- 
giate school aforesaid, whether the same be expressed to be 
made to the president or rector, and to the rest of the 
incorporate society of Yale College, or to the tinistees or 
undertakers of the collegiate school in New-Haven, or to 
the trustees, by any other name, stile or title whatsoever, 
whereby it may be clearly known and understood, that the 
true intent and design of such gifts, grants, bequeste and 
donations, was to and for the use, benefit and advantage 
of the collegiate school aforesaid, and to be under the 
care and disposal of the governors thereof, shall be con- 
firmed, and the same hereby are confirmed, and shall be 
and remain to, and be vested in the president and fellows 
of the college aforesaid, and their successors, as to the 
true and lawful successors of the original grantees. 

III. The said president and fellows and their succes- 
sors, shall and may hereafter have a comjjfion seal, to serve. 


Book II. and use for all causes, matters and affairs, of them and 
v-<'~v^^>^ their successors ; and the same seal to alter, break and 
1745. make new, as they shall think fit. 

IV. That the said Thomas Clap shall be, and he is here- 
by established the present president ; and the said Samuel 
Whitman, Jarcd Elliot, Ebenezer Williams, Jonathan 
Marsh, Samuel Cooke, Samuel Whittelsey, Joseph Noycs, 
Anthony Stoddard, Benjamin Lord, and Daniel Wads- 
worth, shall be, and they are hereby established the pres- 
ent fellows of the said college : and that they and their suc- 
cessors shall continue in their respective places during 
life, or until they or either of them shall resign, or be re- 
moved or displaced, as hi this act is hereafter expressed. 

V. That there shall be a general meeting of the presi- 
dent and fellows of said college, in the college library, on 
the second Wednesday of September annually, or at any 
other time and place which they shall see cause to appoint, 
to consult, advise and act in and about the affairs and busi- 
ness of the said college : and that on any emergency, the 
president and two of the fellows, or any four of the fellows, 
may appoint a meeting at the said college, provided they 
give notice thereof to the rest, by letters sent and left with 
them, or at the places of their respective abodes, five days 
before such meeting ; and that the president and six fel- 
jows, or in case of the death, absence or incapacity of the 
president, seven fellows convened as aforesaid, (in which 
case the eldest fellow shall preside,) shall be deemed a 
meeting of the president and fellows of said college, and 
that in all the said meetings, the major vote of the mem- 
bers present, shall be deemed the act of the whole ; and 
where an equi vote happens, the president shall have a 
casting vote. 

VI. The president and fellows of the said college and 
their successors, in any of their meetings, assembled as 
aforesaid, shall and may from time to time, as occasion 
shall require, elect and appoint a president or fellow in the 
room and place of any president or fellow who shall die, 
3'esig£i, or be removed from office, place or trust ; whom 
the said governor and company hereby declare, for any 
misdemeanor, unfaithfulness, default or incapacity, shall 
be removable by the president and fellows of the said col- 
lege ; six of them, at least, concurring in said act. And 
shall have power to appoint a scribe or register, a treasur- 
er, tutoi's, professors, steward, and all such other officers 
and servants as are usually appointed in colleges or uni- 
versities, as they shall find necessary and think fit to ap- 
point •, for the promoting of jiterature, and the well ord|;r- 


ing and managing of the affairs of said college ; and them, Book II. 
or any of them, at their discretion, to remove ; and to pre- v.-<~>^>^*' 
scribe and administer such forms of oaths (not being con- 1745. 
trary to the laws of England, or of this colony) as they 
shall think proper to be administered to all those officers 
and instructors of the said college, or to such and so many 
of them as they shall think proper, for the faithful execu- 
tion of their respective places, offices and trusts. 

VII. That the present president and fellows of said col- 
lege and their successors, and all such tutors and other of- 
ficers as shall be appointed for the public instruction and 
government of said college, before they undertake the exe- 
cution of their respective offices, and trusts, or within three- 
months after, shall publicly, in the college hall, take the 
oaths and subscribe the declaration appointed by act of 
parliament, made in the first year of king George the first ; 
entitled ao act for the further security of his majesty'^ s per- 
son and government, and the succession of the crozvn in the 
heirs of the late princess Sophia, being protestants j and for 
extinguishing the hopes of the pretended prince of Wales, and 
his open and secret abettors ; that is to say, the president 
before the governor, deputy governor, or any two of the 
assistants of this colony, for the time being; and the fel- 
lows, tutors and other officers, before the president for the 
time being ; who is hereby empowered to administer the 
same. An entry of all which shall be made in the records 
of said college. 

VIII. That the president and fellows shall have the gov- 
ernment, care and management of the said college ; and all 
the matters and affairs thereunto belonging ; and shall 
have power, from time to time, as occasion shall require, to 
make, ordain and establish all such wholesome and reasona- 
ble laws, rules and ordinances, not repugnant to the laws 
of England, nor the laws of this colony, as they shall think 
fit and proper, for the instruction and education of the stu- 
dents, and ordering, governing, ruling and managing the 
said college, and all matters, affairs and things thereunto 
belonging, and the same repeal and alter, as they shall 
think fit ; which shall be laid before this assembly, as often 
as required, and may also be repealed or disallowed by 
this assembly, when they shall think proper. 

IX. That the president of said college, with the consent 
of the fellows, shall have power to give and confer all such 
honors, degrees or licenses as are usually given in col- 
leges and universities, upon such as they shall think wor- 
thy thereof. 

, X. That all the lands- and rateable estate belonging to 

310 HISTORY OF Chap. XiL 

Book II. the said college, not exceeding the yearly value of five 
^----v^^^ hundred pounds sterling, lying in this government, and 
1746. the persons, families and estates of the president and pro- 
fessors, lying and being in the town of New-Haven, and 
the persons of the tutors, students, and suqh and so many 
of the servants of said college, as give their constant at- 
tendance on the business of it, shall be freed and exempted 
from all rates, taxes, military service, working at high- 
ways, and all other such like duties and services. 

XI. And for the special encouragement and support ot 
said college, this assembly do hereby grant unto the said 
president and fellows, and their successors, for the use of 
said college, in lieu of all former grants, one hundred 
pounds silver money, at the rate of six shillings and eight 
pence per ounce, to be paid in bills of public credit, or 
other currency equivalent to the said hundred pounds, (the 
rate or value thereof to be stated from time to time by the 
assembly,) in two equal payments, in October and May 
annually. This payment to continue during the pleasure 
of this assembly. 

In full testimony and confirmation of this grant, and all 
the articles and matters therein contained, the said com- 
pany do hereby order, that this act shall be signed by the 
governor and secretary, and sealed by the public seal of 
this colony ; and that the same, or duplicate exemplifica- 
tion thereof, shall be a sufficient warrant to the said presi- 
dent and fellows to hold, use, and exercise all the powers 
and privileges therein mentioned and contained. 

JONth. law. Governor, 
By order of said governor ********** 

and company, in general | ^pp^e" . f 

court assembled. %-^^-^'^-j^'j^i(,^% 

George Wyllys, Secretary, 

This ample charter, placed the college in a much more 
perfect and honorable state than it was in before, and laid 
the foundation for its advancement to £^ very useful and 
honorable university. The grant of an hundred pounds, 
or an equivalent in bills of credit, was punctually paid for 
ten years, until the commencement of the French war, and 
the heavy taxes and burdens which it occasioned. With 
this salary, president Clap, with his singular economy, liv- 
ed with dignity. 
1746. Some years since, Mr. Samuel Lambert, a Scotch mei- 

blrti'do- ^^^"^' ^^ New-Haven, died, and by his will, d^ted Feb- 
nation. " ruary 19th, 1718, gave the principal part of his estate 
for the benefit of the college. He directed that ten Dounds 


should be paid for the building of the college, and the rest Boo'k Ih 
to be paid, three pounds sterling to each person graduated v-.*-v-n^ 
at New-Haven, who should settle in the ministry, and em- 1746, 
powered his executors to sell the lands for that purpose. 
But the executors finding the estate involved, by reason 
of a large debt due from the estate in England, paid only 
the ten pounds to the trus-tees, and neglected all payments 
to the graduated ministers. These, living at a great dis- 
tance, and some difficulties intervening, did nothing rela- 
tive to the affair for many years. In the mean time, seve- 
ral of the young ministers grew uneasy, and ventured upon 
the sale of some of the lands, though they had no right to 
sell them, and some who undertook it, had no right even 
to the money ; because as the lands were appraised in the 
inventory, the money would all be run out before it came 
to them. Some other persons, who had no pretence of 
any right, got into possession of some other parts of the 
lands, so as to claim them by possession. With respect to 
some other parcels of the land, Mr. Lambert had been de- 
frauded by the persons of whom he purchased, as they had 
no right to the lands which they sold to him. 

As the president was unwilling that the estate should be 
lost, as to the end for which it was given, he set up a notifi» 
cation in the hall, at the commendement of 1744, desiring 
those ministers who were interested in the affair, to meet 
and consult upon it. They accordingly met and appoint- 
ed a committee, to act in the affair. They soon found it 
attended with so many difficulties, that they agreed to re- 
sign the whole into the hands of the president and fellows. 
They conceived that they were under a much better capa- 
city of managing it than themselves. 

Most of the clergy, who were supposed to have any in- 
terest in the affair, freely resigned it up to the president 
and fellows, to be improved for the benefit of college, in 
such a manner as they shoujid jtidge best. The rest of the 
rights were purchased. In consequence of this, the exec= 
utors gave to the president and fellows a deed of all the 
lands of which Mr. Lambert was seized at the time of his 
death. After very considerable pains and e-xpense, they 
became finally possessed of one hundred acres of land in 
Wallingford, and sixty-two acres, lying in five parcels, in 
New-Haven, exclusive of those sold by the young minis- 

This year, the honorable Philip Livingston, Esq. one of Donation 
his majesty's council for the province of New- York, made from Mr, 
a donation of twenty-eight pounds ten shillings sterling, to Livingston 
be put out at interest, and the interest to be appFopriated 


Book II. to the support of a professor of divinity in Tale College, 
v-*'"^^"^^/ or to any other use the president and fellows should judge 
1746. most for the advantage of the college. The president and 
' fellows were of the opinion, that a professor of divinity 

would be of the greatest advantage to the college, and ap- 
propriated the donation to that purpose. In consequence 
of this donation, and in honor of Mr. Livingston, the pro- 
fessor of divinity in Yale College, was called the Livings- 
Ionian professor of divinity. Four sons of the honorable 
Mr. Livingston had been educated at this college, which 
was probably an occasion of his making this donation. 

From this time, the president and fellows, it seems, 
ivcre wishing for, and looking forward to, the settlement of a 
professor of divinity in the college, and they were con- 
certing measures for its accomplishment, as soon as might 

The college was now, under the instruction and govern- 
ment of president Clap, flourishing and honourable. His 
great mind and extensive literature, made it reputable at 
home and abroad. Its numbers were increased to an hun- 
dred and twenty students. More than half this numb^ 
were obliged, for want of room in college, to live out in 
private houses. This, on many accounts, was very in- 
convenient. The president, therefore, projected the plan 
of erecting a new college house. Upon consultation with 
several of the fellows, in 1747, he obtained liberty for a 
lottery, to assist him in the enterprise. By this, five hun- 
dred pounds sterling were raised, clear of all charges and 

The president took the whole affair of constructing and 
building the house, upon himself. He laid the foundation 
on the 17th of April, 1750, and the outside was completely 
finished in September, 1752. It was 100 feet long, 40 feet 
wide, and three stories high, besides the garrets, and a 
cellar under the whole. It contained thirty-two chambers, 
and sixty-four studies. It Avas set back in the yard, that 
there might be a large and handsome area before it, and 
toward the north side of the yard, with a view, that, when 
«he old college should come down, another college or chap- 
el, or both, should be set, on a line, to the south of it. Ad- 
ditional lands were also purchased on the north, and on 
the west, for its better accommodation. It was built of 
brick,* and made a very beautiful appearance. It was, 
at that time, the best building in the colony. The whole 
was performed withgreat economy and good judgment. 

* It took about 230,000 brick, and th.e cost of the outside was about 
£1180 sAerliiiff, 


To assist the president in building this, the General As- Book II. 
sembly, besides granting the lottery in October, 1 749, or- v«>-N,->^i 
dered, that 363 pounds, in the hands of Gurdon Salton- 1748, 
stall, Esq. which came by a French prize, taken by the Donations 
frigate belonging to the government, should be paid to the ^'"^°* ^^"^^. 
president, toward building the new college. In October, huiKimo- ^^ 
1751, the assembly gave further order, that the remainder the ne^v 
of the prize aforesaid, and the effects of the frigate, which college, 
was sold after the war, amounting to 500 pounds more, 
should be paid for the same purpose. There were 280 
pounds in the hands of Gurdon Saltonstall and Jabez 
Hamlin, Esq'rs. due to the government on some old ac- 
counts, which the assembly, in the session in October, 
1754, ordered to be paid into the hands of the president, 
for his further assistance in erecting the new college hall. 

The outside of the house having been finished, princi- 
pally by the generosity of the government, the president New col? 
and fellows, at the commencement in 1752, with a view to lege ua- 
give it an honourable perpetuation, ordered, that the new ' 
college be called, and named, Connecticut Hall, and 
then walked into it in procession. At the same time, the 
beadle, by special order, made the following declaration, 
viz : 

Cum e Providentiae Divinoe favore, per Colonias Con*- 
necticutensis munificentiam gratissimam, hoc novum asdifi- 
cium academicum, fundatum et erectum fuerit ; in perpe- 
tuam tantae generositatis memoriam, aides hsec nilida et 
splendida Aula CoNNECTicuTENsis nuncrepetur. 

Thus in English: 

Whereas, through the favour of Divine Providence, this 
new college house has been built, by the munificence of 
the colony of Connecticut : in perpetual commemoratron 
of so great generosity, this neat and decent building shall 
be called Connecticut Hall, 

The college was, at this time, greatly increasing in num- 
bers, literature, and reputation. Bishop Berkeley, from 
time to time, received such information of the management 
and effect of his generous donations, as met his approba- 
tion, and gave him very sensible pleasure. An Irish gen- 
tleman, who was present at one of the examinations for his 
bounty, carried to him two calculations made by his 
scholars, one of the place of the comet, at the time of the 
flood, which appeared anno 1G80, having a periodical re- 
volution of 575 1-2 years, which Mr. Whiston supposes to 
have been the cause of the deluge ; and another of the re- 
markable eclipse in the tenth year of Jehoiakim, mention- 
ed by Herodotus, lib. i. chap. 74, and in Usiier's Annals , 

S14 HISTaRY OF Ciup. Xlf. 

Book n. and gave him a particular account of the order of the col- 
v-K'^v-^i^ lege, and the proficiency of the students in the languages, 
1752. and other branches of literature. The bishop, therefore, 
wrote a number of complaisant letters to president Clap. 
In one of them, not long before his death, he wrote thus : 
1751o " The daily increase of religion and learning, in the 

seminary under your auspicious care and government, 
gives me a very sensible pleasure, and an ample recom- 
pense for all my donations." 

The bishop died about this time, in the 73d year of hi§ 
age. President Clap observes, " This college will always 
retain a grateful sense of his generosity and merits ; and, 
probably, a favourable opinion of his idea of material sub- 
stance, as not consisting in an unknown and inconceivable 
stratum, but in a stated union and combination of sensible 
ideas, excited from without by some intelligent being." 
He is characterized as one of the chief men of any age, for 
genius, literature, probity and beneficence. 

The college, at this time, wasunder very flourishing and 
happy circumstances, on all accounts, except that of re- 
ligion, which was its most important interest. In this, 
not only the president and felloAvs, but the churches and 
commonwealth, were deeply interested. With respect to 
this, the college laboured under great disadvantages. The 
students were obliged to attend in the old meeting-house 
of the first society, where their external accommodation;? 
were far from being agreeable ; the Rev. Mr. Noyes was 
advanced in years, had very little animation, and did not 
give satisfaction, either as to his language or doctrines. 
The corporation, sensible of this, as early as the year 
1746, voted,' " that they would choose a public professor 
of divinity in the college, as soon as they could procure a 
sufficient support.". 

The president in particular, felt himself deeply interest- 
ed in the affair. He was a witness, every sabbath day, 
of what kind of instructions the scholars had, and he em- 
ployed his mind in devising some way in which a support 
might be obtained for a professor. The lands given to 
the college in 1732, in the county of Litchfield, were in 
the most remote and uncultivated part of the colony ; and 
land was so cheap in that county, that none appeared as 
tenants, upon any terms which were advantageous. They 
had lain wholly dormant unto that time. The corporation 
wished, if possible, to turn them to some advantage, and 
u^'^ °^,, especially for the support of a professor of divinity. The 
co^lkge ^ president devised the plan of leasing the lands, for th^ 
lands. term of nine hundred and ninety-nine years; the rent t^) 


be the interest of the value of the land at that time, at five Book IF. 
per centum ; to be forfeited, in case of non-payment of v,^-v^Nk<' 
the rent, at the atmual times appointed, but redeemable 1751, 
within six months after, upon payment of the rent, with 
the lawful interest upon it. This, president Clap conceiv- 
ed to be mo.'it advantageous, both for the landlord and the 
tenant. The rents would, in the best manner, be secured 
to ihe college, and the lands would be free from the trouble 
and expense of inspection and separation. The tenants, 
at the same time, had all encouragement to cultivate and 
improve the lands, as though they were their own. The 
rents were much higher than those of most other lands, 
though cleared and fenced. On these terms, several par- 
cels were leased out, from time to time, as opportunity 
presented. The length of time for which the lands were 
leased, encouraged people to apply for them, so that, in 
a few years, a considerable revenue was produced by 

The farm given by bishop Berkeley, in Rhode-Island, 
in 1769, was leased for the same term, and upon the same 
conditions, as the other college lands. The rent was to 
be eighteen pounds sterling, and forty rods of stone wall, 
until the year 1769; then thirty-six pounds, until the year 
1810 ; and after that, 240 bushels of good wheat, until the 
end of the term of nine hundred and ninety-nine years. 

From the divided state of New-Haven, and the incon- 
venience and danger of the scholars attending public 
worship in the first church and society, the corporation 
became, more and more, sensible of the necessity of ob- 
taining a professor of divinity in the college. The corpo- 
ration, therefore, in 1752, voted, " That a professor of di- 1752, 
vinity in the college, would be, upon all accounts, advan- 
tageous ; and therefore resolved, that they would endea- 
vour to get a support for such a professor, as soon as may 
be, by all such ways and means as prudence should direct. 
They afterwards ordered, that one half of the college 
lands in the county of Litchfield, should be leased out for 
that purpose." 

The apprehension of the necessity of the settlement of a 
"learned and orthodox professor of divinity in the college, 
to preserve orthodoxy, and to exhibit the best specimens 
of preaching, became general. The legislature, therefore, 
in October, 1753, took the affair into their consideration, 
and resolved, " That one principal end proposed in erect- Resolution 
ing the college, was, to supply the churches in this colony ^^^'j^^ ^^^ 
with a learned, pious and orthodox ministry; to which ^glj^tj/j^^j 
end, it was requisite that the studentsiof the college should the settle- 

3a0 history of Chap. XII. 

Book II. have Uie i^cst instructions in divinity, and the best patterns 
"^--i^-N/^w^ of preaching set before them ; and that the settling a 
1 753* learned, pious, orthodox professor of divinity in the col- 
rficnt of a lege, would greatly tend to promote that good end and 
|)ioiessor tiesign : and therefore recommended a general contri- 
jvini y. j^y^iQpj ^Q l^g made in all the religious societies in the colo- 
ny, for that purpose." But as the French war, and ex-* 
traordinary taxes^ soon after commenced, it was judged 
best to alter the form, and to seek help by a subscription, 
which happily succeeded to answer the end designed. 

The corporation becoming more deeply sensible of the 
j^reat danger which there was of the corruption of the col- 
lege with gross errors, and the clergy of the colony gene- 
rally having the same impressions, the corporation de- 
sired the president to undertake the work of a professor of 
divinity, and to preach to the students, in the college hall, 
on tile Lord's day, until a professor of divinity could be ob- 
tained. Tlie general association advised to the same mea- 
sure. The president, therefore, with the students, with- 
drew from the first society in New-Haven, and attended 
])ublic worship in the college hall, under the immediate 
instructions of president Clap. 

The corporation, for the further preservation and secu- 
rity of the religion of the college, upon its original foun- 
dation and constitution, adopted the following act. 
Act of (he At a meeting of the president and fellows of Yale Col- 

corpora- ic<re, November 2 1 st, 1 753 : 

lioii, Nov. ° ' 

21st, 1753. , PRESENT, 

The Rev. Mr. Thomas Clap, President. 

The Rev. Mcssr;?, Jared Elliot, Joseph Noycs, Anthony 
Stoddard, Benjamin Lord, William Russell, Thomas Rug- 
gles, Solomon Williams, and Noah Hobart, Fellows. 

" Whereas, the princij)al design of the pious founders oi 
the college, v/as to educate and train up youth for the min- 
istry in the churches of this colony, according to^ the doc- 
trine, discipline and mode of worship received and prac- 
tised in them ; and they particularly ordered, that the stu- 
dents should be established in the principles of religion- 
and grounded in polemical divinity, according to the as- 
sembly's catechism. Dr. Ames' Medulla, and Cases of Con- 
science, and that special care should be taken in the edu- 
cation of the students, not to suffer them to be instructed in 
any dilierent principles or doctrines ; and that all proper 
mea^sures should be taken to promote the power and purity 
of religion, and the best edification and peace of these 
churches.. •'' 

N ^*'See the records of 169G. 1701 and 1722: 

(Jhap. XII. CONNEtTICUT. 3i1 

"We, the successors of the said founders, being in our Book II. 
own judgments of the same principles in religion with our ^.,^-v-«ii^ 
predecessors, and esteeming ourselves bound in fidelity to 1753. 
the trust committed to us, to carry on the same design, Resolu- 
and improve all the college estate committed to us, for the ^'°" °' *^® 
purposes for which it was given, do explicitly and fully re- tion reia- 
solve, as follows, viz. tive to or 

"1. That the scriptures of the Old and New Testament ^^o'^"^ J' 
are the only rule of faith and practice, in all matters of re- 
ligion, and the standard by which all doctrines, principles 
and practices in religion are to be tried and judged. 

" 2. That the assembly's catechism and confession of 
faith, received and established in the churches of this colo- 
ny, (which is an abridgement of the Westminster Confes- 
sion) contain a true and just summary of the most impor- 
tant doctrines of the christian religion : and that the true 
sense of the sacred scriptures is justly collected and sum- 
med up in these compositions : and all expositions of scrip- 
ture, pretending to produce any doctrines or positions con- 
trary to the doctrines laid down in these composures, we 
are of opinion are wrong and erroneous. 

" 3. If any doubt or dispute should happen to arise 
about the true meaning and sense of any particular terms 
or phrases in the said composures, they shall be under- 
stood and taken in the same sense in which such terms and 
phrases have been generally used in the writings of pro- 
testant divines, and especially in their public confessions 
of faith. 

" 4. That we will always take all proper and reasona- 
ble measures, such as christian prudence shall direct, to 
continue and propagate the doctrines, contained in these 
summaries of religion, in this college, and transmit them 
to all future successions and generations ; and to use the 
like measures to prevent the contrary doctrines from pre- 
vailing ifi this society. 

" 5. That every person who shall hereafter be chosen 
president, fellow, professor of divinity, or tutor, in this 
college, shall, before he enters upon the execution of his 
office, publicly give his consent to the said catechism and 
confession of faith, as containing a just summary of the 
christian religion, as before expressed ; and renounce all 
doctrines or principles contrary thereunto ; and shall pass 
through such an examination as the corporation shall think 
proper, in order to their being fully satisfied that he shall 
do i^truly without any evasion or equivocation. 

" 6. That since every such ofiicer is admitted into his 
post uoort the conditioa aforesaid, if he shall afterwards 


Book II. change Iiis sentiments, entertain any contrary set of prinfci- 
^-^"''^'Vi^ pies or scheme of religion, and disbelieve the doctrines 
1753. contained in the said catechism and confession of faith, he 
cannot, consistent with common honesty and fidelity, con- 
tinue in his post, but is bound to resign it. 

" 7, That when it is suspected by any of the corporation 
that any such officer is fallen from the profession of his 
faith, as before mentioned, and is gone into any contrary 
scheme of principles, he shall be examined by the corpora- 

" 8. That inasmuch as it is especially necessary that a 
professor of divinity should be sound in the faith, besides 
the common tests before mentioned, he shall publicly ex- 
hibit a full confession of his faith, drawn up by him in his 
own words and phrases, and shall in full and express terms' 
renounce all such errors as shall in any considerable mea- 
sure prevail at the time of his introduction. And if any 
doubt or question should arise about any doctrine or posi- 
tion, whether it be truth or error, it shall be judged by ther 
word of God, taken in that sense of it which is contained 
and declared in the said catechism and confession of faith, 
as being a just exposition of the Avord of God, in those doc- 
trines or articles which are contained in them. 

" 9. That every person who shall be chosen president-? 
fellow, professor of divinity, or tutor in this college, shall 
give his consent to the rules of church discipline, establish- 
ed in the ecclesiastical constitution of the churches of this 
colony : It being understood, that our ecclesiastical con- 
stitution may admit of additions or alterations, in such cir- 
cumstances as, according to our confession of faith, are to 
f»e regulated by the light of nature, and the rules of chris- 
tian prudence. And it is especially declared, that if any 
])erson shall deny the validity of the ordination of the min- 
isters of this colony, commonly called presbytcrian or con- 
gregational, or hold that it is necessary or convenient that 
r^uch mitiisters should be re-ordained, in order to render 
iheir administrations valid, it shall be deemed an essential 
departure from our ecclesiastical constitution, and incon- 
sistent with the intentions of the founders of this college, 
ihat such a person should be chosen an officer in it. 

" 10. Yet, we would suppose that it is not inconsistent 
v/ith the general design of the founders, and it is agreeable 
to our own inclinations, to admit protestants of all denom- 
inations to send their children to receive the advantages of 
an education in this college : provided, that while they 
are here, they conform to all the laws and orders of it." 

All the fellows who have been admitted since the above 


solemn act and declaration, have publicly given their con- Book H. 
sent to the catechism and confession of faith, in the sub- s^^-v^-*^ 
sequent form, viz : 1753. 

" I, A. B. being chosen a fellow of Yale College, do 
hereby declare, that I believe that the assembly's cate- 
chism, and the confession of faith, received and estabhsh- 
ed in the churches of this colony, and in this college, con- 
tain a true and just summary of the most important doc- 
trines of the christian religion; and that the true sense of 
the sacred scriptures is jusdy collected and summed up in 
those compositions. And all expositions of scripture pre- 
tending to deduce any doctrine or position contrary to the 
said doctrines laid down in those composures, I believe 
are wrong and erroneous, and I will always take all rea- 
fSonable measures, and such as christian prudence may di- 
rect, in my place and station, to continue and propagate 
the doctrines contained in those summaries of religion in 
this college, and transmit them to all future successions 
and generations : and use the like measures to prevent the 
contrary doctrines from prevailing in this society. 

" I do also consent to the rules of church discipline, es- 
tablished in the ecclesiastical constitution of the churches 
of this colony." 

As it was the design of the president and fellows, to es- 1754. 
tablish a professor of divinity in the college as soon as The design 
possible, and have the college under his instructions on the o^ the 
sabbath, as well as at other times, the president wrote and ^,^^'fe!lowc 
published, in 1754, a small tract, entided. The Religious t" esl^h^^ 
Constitution o/" Colleges, a very learned, cool piece, con- Ush a pro- 
taining no reflection or unfriendly insinuation, with res- ^e^^o'! ^^ 
pect to any man, or any body of men. His design was to '^'"' ^' 
show the origin and design of colleges, their rights and 
privileges. That they formed distinct religious societies, 
and had professors of divinity to preach to them, and car- 
ry on a distinct and separate worship by themselves. That 
both the students and officers were prohibited, by heavy 
penalties, from attending any worship but their own, in 
their universities. The president observes, that it is a 
maxim which runs through all moral nature, that every dis- 
tinct society, founded for religious purposes, is, or at least 
may be, a distinct worshipping assembly. Colleges as 

He insisted, that as religious worship, preaching and in- distinctso- 
struction on the sabbath, was one of the most important ^'^^*jf J 
parts of the education of ministers ; it was more necessa- rithl ^o 
ry that it should be under the conduct of the authority of worship by 
the college, than any other part of education : That the themselves 
preaching ought to be adapted to the superior capacity of 

320 ' HISTORY OF Chap. XH. 

Book II. those, who are to be qualified to be instructors of others ; 
Z%^ and upon all accounts superior to that, which is ordmanlj 
T754 to be expected, or indeed requisite for a common parish : 
and that it was more necessary that the governors of col- 
leoe should nominate its preacher, than any other otticer or 
instructor. He observed, that they were bound by aw, 
and the more sacred ties of conscience and fidelity to then- 
trust, committed to them by their predecessors, to pursue 
and carry on the design of the pious founders of the col- 
le-e, which they could not do, unless they could choose 
th?i; own officers, and direct the manner of preachmg to 
the students: That they had, therefore, for about seven 
years, been providing a fund for a professor of divinily in 
the college, and that from the unhappily divided state ot 
New-Haven, of late years, tije necessity of a professor ap- 
peared still greater; that they had, therefore, desired the 
president, with such assistance as he might be able to ob- 
tain, to carry on the work of a professor of divinity, by 
preaching in the college hall, every Lord's day, until a 
professor of divinity could be obtained. This, he sa a, 
thev were warranted to do, from the original nature, tie- 
sign and practice of colleges and universities, which were 
superior societies for religious purposes ; and also irom 
several special clauses in the acts of the General Assembly ; 
that the students might have the advantage of suchpreaclv 
in- and instruction, as was best adapted to their capacity, 
state and design. He well observed that neither of he 
three societies in New-Hafen, would be willing that the 
college should choose a minister for them ; that it was less 
reasonable that they should choose a minister for the col- 
lege, or that the college should be obliged to a.ttend on such 
priiaching as either of them should choose, as it was a re- 
ligious society of a superior, a more general and important 
nature : That no society or body politic could be sate, 
but only in its having a principle of self preservation, and 
a power of providing every thing necessary for its own 
cubsistence and defence : That without this, the college 
might be subjected to such preaching as was contrary to 
the minds of the legislature and the generality ol the peo~ 
pic, as well as to the design of the founders. ^ 

There were at this time a number of people in tnc col- 
ony, who appeared inimical both to the government and 
to the college, and employed their tongues and pens against 
both; and all manner of objections which could well be 
conceived, were brought against the college. 

Bv some it was pretended, that the design of co leges 
'vas to teach die arts ani^ sciences only ; and that religion 

6hap. XiL- CONNECTICUT. 321 

ivas no part of a college education : and therefore, that no Book II. 
religious worship ought to be upheld, or enjoined by the .^^--v*^ 
laws of the college ; but that every student shoukl be allovv- 1754. 
ed to worship how and where heoleased, or as his parents On the de- 
and guardians should direct. The president obsei-ved in^'?"°' ^'^^° 
reply, that there was not, probably, a college upon earth, * 
vpon such a constitution ; without any regard to religion. 
That it was known, that religion, and the religion of these 
churches in particular, as to doctrine and discipline, was 
the main design of the founders of this college : and that 
this their successors were obliged to pursue. 

It was pretended that every student might be obliged to 
attend on some meeting in town, where he should choose, 
or his parents should order, and that a monitor might be 
appointed to each meeting in the town, with penalties for 
non-attendance. To this it was replied, that to all who 
understood the nature of college government, such a 
scheme must plainly appear impracticable : That it was 
absolutely necessary that the governors of the college 
should be present, and strictly observe the attendance and 
behavior of the students with their own eyes : That when 
any parent put a child to school, or into another family, 
or society, he resigned his parental authority and govern- 
ment, so far as related to the order and constitution of that 
society : That no parent can have a right to put his child 
to be a member of any society, and then order him to 
break the laws and rules of it : that this would be des- 
tructive to the very nature and constitution of all societies. 
J hat if parents had a right to order what worship their 
children should attend at college, it would take the power 
of governing the college, as to religion, its most important 
interest, wholly out of the hands of the authority of the 
college^ and there might be as many kinds of religion, iri 
the college, as there were different opinions of parents. 
That the parents might be Jews, or Arians, or of such 
other religion, as the authority of the college could not 
tolerate. That parents at a distance, could not govern 
iheir children at college. It was impracticable. They 
could not give such a just system of rules as the authority 
of the college could and ought to put in execution. 

It was urged, that liberty of conscience ought to be al- Liberty of 
lowed to all, to worship as they please. con- 

The reply to this was, that the college acted upon the -^'^J^*^^- 
principles of lilDerty of conscience in the fullest sense. 
That any man, under the limitations of the lav/, might found 
a college or school, for such ends and purposes, and with 
such cQflditions and limitations, with respect to those who 



Book IT. were to enjoy the benefit of it, as he in his conscience 
'ss-^N^'N*,/ should think best ; and that his conscience, who has the 
1754. property of a thing, of gives it upon conditions, ought to 
govern in all matters relative to the use of it; and not his 
conscience who receives the benefit ; who has no right to 
it, but according to the will and conditions of the proprie- 
tor, or donor; and that liberty of conscience in him, who 
is allowed to take the benefit, extends no further, than to 
determine whether he will accept it upon those conditions. 
That to challenge the benefit without complying with the' 
conditions, would be to rob the proprietor of his proper- 
ty, and right of disposal. 

The great design of founding this school, was to edu- 
cate ministers in our own way ; and to attain that end, the 
founders, and their successors, apprehended it to be neces- 
sary that the students should ordinarily attend upon the 
same way of worship : and should they give up that law 
and order, Uhe college would serve designs and purposes, 
contrary to those for which it was originally founded. This, 
in point of conscience and fidelity to dieir trust, they could 
not permit. In this point, the college exercises no kind 
of pov/er, or authority, but that only which results from 
the natural liberties and privileges of all free and volunta- 
ry societies of men ; wliich is, to determine their own de- 
sign among themselves ; and the conditions of their owxi 
favors, and benefits to others. 
Cliiirch of It was pleaded, that the students ought to attend the wor- 
England, gjjjp gf the church of England ; or so many of them as 
shall see cause, or as their parents shall order, or permit. 
That the church of England is the established religion of 
this colony ; and that those who do not conform to it are 

In answer to this, it was observed, that the act of 
parliament in the common prayer book, for the establish- 
ment of the church of England, was expressly limited to 
England and Wales, and the town of Berv/ick upon Tweed: 
That it was a well known maxim in law, that the sta- 
tutes of England did not extend to the plantations, unless 
they are expressly mentioned : That it was presumed that 
no such act could be found with respect to the colonies irt 

It was also said, that governor Yale and bishop Berke- 
ley, who were churchmen, made large donations to this 

It was replied, that when any donation is given after 
the foundation is laid, the law presumes, that it was the 
will of the donors that their donations should be improved 


according to the design of the founders. The law pre- Book I L 
sumes, that every man knows in that thing wherein he ^.^'^•r-^ 
acts.* And since by law, the statutes of the founders can- 1754. 
notice aheredjt it jiresumes that the donor had not any de- 
sign to do it. And there was not the least reason to sup- 
pose that the governor or bishop expected any alteration 
should be made in the laws of the college, or any devia- 
lion from the design of the founders, towards the church 
of England, or in any other way. 

And since there was not the least reason to suppose that 
they expected or desired, that upon their donations any 
alteration should be made in the laws of the college, it was 
conceived that there was no obligation to do it in pouit of 

The income of the farm at Rhode-Island, given by the 
bishopj was not appropriated to any religious use ; but to 
ihe best scholars in Latin and Greek, which appropria- 
tion ought be sacredly and inviolably observed, as well as 
the design of the founders. 

Yet it was declared that the corporation had a just sense 
of the generosity of those gentlemen ; and for that and 
many other reasons, were willing to do all that they could 
to gratify the gentlemen of the church of England, consist- 
ent with the design of the founders ; ^.nd particularly had 
given liberty, to those students who have been educated 
in the worship of the church of England, and were of that 
communion, to be absent at those times when the sacrament 
was administered, in that church ; upon Christmas, and at 
some such other times, as would not be an infraction of the 
general and standing rules of the college. 

It had been further pleaded in respect to the church of 
England, that there were a number of that profession in 
the colony, who contributed something to the support of 
the college. 

With respect to this, it was allowed, that when a com- 
munity was jointly at some public charge, it is equitable, 
that the benefit of each individual should be consulted, so 
far as it was consistent with the general design and good 
of the whole, or of the majority. And though it was im* 
possible that such a benefit should be mathematically pro- 
portioned, to each individual, yet this college had edu- 
cated as many episcopal ministers and others, as they de- 
sired or needed, which had been a sufficient compensa- 
tion, for their paying about an halfpenny sterling per man, 
for the annual support of the college. And it might con- 
tinue to be as serviceable to them as it had been, if thejr 
* Jacob's £>ict. t Wood's, 113. 



Chap. XII, 

Book II. pleased ; as the orders of it remained substantially the 

1754. It was further observed, that this college was founded, 
and in a good measure endowed, many years before any 
donations were made by churchmen, and before there was 
so much as one episcopal minister in the colony.* 

This tract was written by the president, with a view to 
show the rights of colleges, as distinct societies, and the 
practice of their worshipping, as such societies, by them- 
selves ; to vindicate the authority of the college, in what 
they had already done, in ordering a distinct worship in 
the college, on the Lord's day, and to prepare the way for 
the settlement of a professor of divinity in the college. It 
•was written in the most cool and unexceptionable manner 
possible. It, however, gave great uneasiness to a certain 
class of men in the colony ; and especially the establish- 
ment of a professor, and a distinct worship in the college. 
There were some principal men in New-Haven, and in 
other parts of the colony, who were opposed to the asscm- 
. bly's catechism, and to the confession of faith, and, indeed, 
to all confessions and formulas of doctrine. They, there- 
fore, became fixed, strong opposers to the college, to the 
president, and to the settlement of a professor. They 
were displeased with the resolves and declaration of the 
corporation, at their meeting, in November, 1753, with a 
view to preserve the orthodoxy of the college, and inviola- 
bly to maintain and prosecute the design of its founders. 
Professor T'he president and fellows, agreeably to their former re- 
Bomina- solutions in Se])tember, 1755, nominated the Rev. Mr. 
ted, 1755, jvfaphtali Daggett, pastor of a church on Long-Island, to 
be professor of divinity. Upon application to the pres- 
bytery, he was dismissed from his charge 5 and, in the 
November following, came to New-Haven, and preached 
in the college, with general approbation. 

On the 3d of March, 1756, the president and fellows 
met, and spent a day in his examination, with respect to 
his principles in religion, his knowledge in divinity, cases 
of conscience, scripture history and chronology, antiquity, 
skill in the Hebrew language, and various other qualifica- 
tions for a professor. In this examination, he gave full 
satisfaction to the corporation. The next day, he preach- 
ed a sermon in the college hall, upon the text, 1 Corinth. 
ii. 2. " For I determined not to know any thing among 
you, save Jesus Christ, and him crucified." He gave 
bis full and explicit consent to all the doctrines contained 
jn our catechism, and confession of faith, and to the rule5 
* Fresidcnt Clap's religious jastitution of ColIe";cs, 


€hap. XII. CONNECTICUT. 325 

of church discipline established in the churches of this Book II. 
colony. He also exhibited a full confession of his faith, v.^--v^^«/ 
of his own composition ; and expressly renounced the prin- 1756. 
cipal errors prevailing in those times ; agreeably to the 
act of the corporation, Nov. 21st, 1753, which has been 
before recited. Thus, after preaching about four months 
in the college, and the preceding examination and formali- 
ties, he was inaugurated and installed professor of divinity, 
in Yale College, by the reverend corporation. 

About the same time, Mr. Gershom Clark, of Lebanon, 
generously gave thirty-three pounds ten shillings sterling, 
to be put out at interest, for the use of a professor of di- 
vinity. The interest of this, with that of Mr. Livingston's 
donation, before mentioned, with the rents of the college 
lands, which the corporation had agreed to lease for that 
purpose, were sufficient for the annual support of the pro- 

President Clap had previously purchased and given a 
Jot of land, for the use of a professor of divinity, for the 
time being, who should be settled and continued according 
to the act of the corporation, November 21st, 1753, and 
constantly preach in the college hall, or chapel, except in 
the vacations. 

A considerable number of the principal gentlemen of the 
colony, in approbation of the settlement of the professor, 
for his encouragement, and the benefit of the college, gene- 
rously entered into a subscription, or contribution, for the 
purpose of building the professor a house, under similar 
limitations.* This was raised in June, 1757, and com- 1757. 
pletely fmished the next summer. It cost 285 pounds ster- 
ling. The president, with all proper formalities, in the 
presence of a considerable number of gentlemen, convened 
on the occasion, put the professor in possession of it ; de- 
claring that it was built for the use of a professor of divin- 
ity in the college, who should preach all die doctrines con- 
tained in our catechism and confession of faith; and that 
in case he, or his successors, should hold, teach, or main- 
tain any contrary doctrine, he, or they, would have no right 
to any use or improvement of it. The solemnity was then 
concluded with prayer, and singing a psalm. 

At a meeting of the corporation, June 29th, 1757, they The presj- 
examined, and approved, all the accounts of the receipts dent's ac- 
and disbursements of money, for building Connecticut Hall, counts ex- 

* The governor, deputy governor, gentlemen of the council, president -.-^11 "' ' 
Clap, numbers of the corporation, and others of the clergy, were subscri- ^ 
bers. A list of them, and of their respective donationsj i? preserved in 
president Clap's history of the cgljege. 

326 HISTORY OF Chap. XII. 

Book II. Then, in view of the great care, labour, and generosity of 
v--*^v-x^ the president, they passed the following vote, viz : 

1757. "Whereas the Rev. President Clap hath had the care 
Thanks of and oversight of building the new college, called Connecti- 
tlie <^orpc'- cut Hall, and laying out the sum of 1660 pounds sterling, 
prtijjgjjt/ which appears ^^ have been done with great prudence and 
frugality ; and the college built in a very elegant and hand- 
some manner, by means of his extraordinary care, dili- 
gence, and labour, through a course of several years : all 
which the said president has generously given for the ser- 
vice of said college. And the said president having also, 
of his own proper estate, purchased a lot for the professor 
of divinity, which has cost 52 pounds, lawful money, and 
given it to the college, for the said use for ever : This cor- 
poration think themselves bound, and do accordingly, ren- 
der their hearty and sincere thanks to the Rev. President 
Clap, for these extraordinary instances of his generosity: 
And as a standing testimony thereof, voted, that this be 
entered on their records." 

At the same meeting, the tutors and a number of the 
students, made the following application, viz : 

" Whereas this reverend corporation, of their paternal 
care and goodness, have settled a professor of divinity in 
this ecclesiastical society, whom we receive as an able 
minister of the New Testament ; we, the subscribers, mem- 
bers of this society, having been admitted members, in full 
communion in sundry churches, and consenting to the ec- 
clesiastical constitution of the churches of this colony, as 
agreeable to the word of God, in doctrine and discipline ; 
are desirous to attend upon the ordinance of the Lord's 
supper, under the administration of the reverend professor; 
and to walk together in stated christian communion, and 
holy subjection to all the ordinances of Christ; and desire 
the approbation and sanction of this reverend body." 

The corporation approved of this application, and, in 
consequence of it, the professof preached a sermon in the 
hall, adapted to the occasion ; and the sacrament of the 
Lord's supper was attended, with all proper solemnities, 
on the 3d of July, for the first time in Yale College. It 
hath ever since, on the first Lord's day in each month, 
been administered in the college hall, or in the chapel, 
agreeably to the practice of the colleges in England. The 
state and constitution of the college, was, by these means, 
rendered much more perfect and agreeable. The profes- 
sor was an instructive and excellent preacher : his sermons 
were enriched with ideas and sound divinity; were doctri- 
nal, experimental, and pungent. He was acceptable tu 
the legislature, clergy, and people in general. 

Chap. Xth CONNECTICUT. 327 

Notwithstanding, the settlement of a professor in the col- Book IF. 
iege, and the administration of the ordinances in it, as a v.-^'n^^i*^ 
distinct ecclesiastial society, it was a very disagreeable and 1758. 
wounding affair to a certain class of men in the colony. 
They became enemies to the constitution of the college, 
and irreconcilable enemies to the president, notwithstand- 
ing his extraordinary care, labors, and generosity towards 
the college. They wrote one pamphlet after another a- 
gainst the college ; against its constitution, against the 
president and the government of the college. It was insin- 
uated that there was corruption in the treasmy, and that 
the money belonging to the college was embezzled or mis- 
applied. Much was said against the government of the 
college being in the hands of the clergy. It was m-gcd 
that visitors ought to be appointed by the legislature to 
examine the accounts and affairs of the college. One of 
the writers who employed his pen and talents against the 
college, was Dr. Gale of Killingworth, a gentleman well 
known to be opposed to the doctrines contained in the as- 
sembly's catechism, and in the Westminster and Savoy 
confessions of faith. The other gentlemen who were reput- 
ed to be writers against the college, lay under the imputa- 
tion of being unfriendly to those doctrines. The same class 
of men wrote against the government of the colony at the 
same time, and insinuated that there was mismanagement 
with respect to the affairs of the public treasury. When 
the dispute afterwards arose, relative to the ordination at 
Wallingford, the writers in vindication of Mr. Dana and 
the ordination council, introduced the affairs of the college, 
expressed their resentment against the writer of the Reli- 
gious institution of colleges, and their disapprobation of the 
forming a church in the college. Several answers were 
written to those writers against the college, stating the ac- 
counts, and correcting their mistakes and misrepresenta- 
tions; but they would not be satisfied. 

In May, 17G.3, nioe gentlemen preferred a memorial lo f^G;! 
the honorable General Assembly, in which they represen- ^t^'rfi j. 
ted, that the General Assembly were the founders of the colie"-e. 
college ; and as such, had a right to appoint visitors, and 
reform abuses, if any were found. This right, the memo- 
rialists suggested, ought to be seasonably, and most expli- 
citly vindicated and a^sserted ; or otherwise the college 
might become too independent ; and therefore prayed that 
the said assembly would pass an act, to authorise an appeal 
from any and every sentence given by the authority of the 
college, to the governor and council of this colony, for the, 
timq being : and that the assemblv would immediately is- 

32.8 HISTORY OF Chap. Xlf; 

Book II. sue {'oiih A commission of visitation, enabling some suita-' 
v.^'>»'>ite/ ble persons to inquire into all the airairs of said college ; 
1763* and either of themselves rectify abuses, which they may 
discover ; or make report of what they shall find, with their 
opinions thereon, to the said assembly, at their next ses- 
Counsellor The counsel for the memorialists, were Jared Ingersoll 
*!'':.'''^"^°" and Samuel W. Johnson, Esquires, the two most learned 
and famous attornies, at that day, in the colony. Great ex- 
pectations were formed by the enemies of the college from 
this measure, and the great ability of their counsel ; and 
its friends were not without fears and anxieties. Gen- 
tlemen from different parts repaired to Hartford, to hear 
the pleadings. That class of people, who had been so 
long and so strongly opposed to the college, flattered them- 
selves with tlie pleasing prospect of bringing the college 
to their feet, and of amply reaping the fruit of their past 

President Clap viewed the cause of too great conse- 
quence to be trusted in any hands but his own ; and judg- 
ed it his duty, in faithfulness to the founders of the college, 
to the truth, and to the best interests of the churches, to 
employ his talents for the defence of the college, and to 
plead the cause himself, in the face of all opposition. 
Their The council for the memorialists, ailcdged, that the 

pleading. (General Assembly founded the college, by giving a char- 
ter, in the year 1701 ; which contained a donation of about 
sixty pounds sterling, to be annually paid out of the pub- 
lic treasury ; and by sundry subsequent donations : espe- 
cially five tracts of land, in the year 1732 : and that the 
present assembly, as successors to the founders, had a right 
of visitation by the common law. They further alledged, 
that such an appeal, and visitation, were very necessary 
to preserve the good order and regulations of the college, 
upon many accounts, and particularly to preserve ortho- 
doxy in religion. 

The president replied with great respect to the assem- 
bly, and with such knowledge in the law, as commanded 
respect and admiration from all who heard him. 
Tiie reply That the General Assembly, in their legislative capaci- 
of the ty, had the same authority over the college, and all the 
president, persons and estates belonging to it, which they had over 
all other persons and estates in the colony, he readily con- 
ceded ; and ail that power which was necessary for the 
good of the college, or the general good of the community. 
And further, that an especial respect and gratitude were 
due to (hem, as its greatest benefactors 5 yet, he alledged^, 

^HAP. Xli. CONNECTICUt. 329 

that they were not to be considered as founders or visit- Book II. 
ors in the sense of the common law. That the first trus- v,^^v--v^ 
tees, undertakers and inspectors, who were norninated by 1763. 
the ministers with the general consent of the people, and 
by compact became a society or quasi corporation, (as 
lord Coke expresses it) nearly two years before they had 
a charter, were the founders of the college ; and that they 
formed it, by making a large and formal donation of books, 
above a year before they had a charter from the govern- 
ment. That the college had a being, not only inj^en, in 
the purpose and intention of the undertakers (as lord Coke 
says*) but in esse, by the donation of books, money and 
land, actually made to it, before it had a charter. That 
major Fitch, of Norwich, made a donation, in writing, to 
the undertakers, of six hundred acres of land, and some 
materials to build a college house, in the time of the sit- 
ting of the assembly, some days before the charter was 
given ; and this donation he made to the collegiate school, 
as already set up, by the great pains and charges of the 
ministers. That the king, by giving a license to found a 
college, does not thereby, in law, become the founder m 
sensu dotationis ; and that he only is the founder of those 
colleges or hospitals, to which he makes the first donation 
for founding. That lord Coke distinguished between /im- 
dator incipiens and fundator perjiciens ; and said that he 
only is the founder quoad dotationem, (to whose heirs or 
successors the law gives a right of visitation) who makes 
the first donation. t And the right of visitation arises in 
law, from the interest which the founder has in the college 
or hospital by his donation. For if it be essentially per- 
verted from the design for which it was given, the dona- 
tion became void, and reverted to the donor or his heirs. 
The first donation only created the founder, and all subse- 
quent donations were presumed in law to be given for the 
same end and design with the first, unless some particular 
limitation be expressly made. 

That if a common person makes a donation to found a 
college or hospital, though ever so small, and the king 
afterwards endows it with large possessions, yet the com- 
mon person is the founder, and not the king.J 

That a license to found, and a charter of incorporation, 
are in their own nature distinct ; either may be first, in law ; 
and may either precede or succeed the first fundamental 

When the fundamental donation is made before the li- 
cense to found, there the license is only a formal and ex- 
* Coke 10 Rep. t Coke 10 Reports. % Wood's Institutes, 
R 2 

330 HISTORY OF ' Ghap. Xlt 

Book IL plicit confirmation from the crown, of what was before 
^^-^'^''^Nw' done by the general license given by the common and sta- 
i7G3. tute law ; by which every man may give his estate for pub- 
lic, pious and charitable uses, upon such conditions and 
regulations, as he shall see cause.* And the feoffees in 
trust are the legal proprietors of such donations, accord- 
ing to the conditions and limitations with which they are 
made ; and have a legal right to hold and lease, and to- 
dispose of the profits as a quasi corporation, for those par- 
ticular purposes : and may, by a long course of stated and 
regular conduct, become a complete legal corporation, by 
prescription. And the king's charter or license only 
makes or declares that to be a legal corporation, at thfe 
first, which may become such, by immemorial usage and 

In a license to found, the words F'ound, Erect, or any 
words of the like import, are indifferent in law, and suffi-' 
cient to make a foundation ; and in the first charter or 
grant to tiie college, these words are promiscuously used 
and applied to the first trustees only. The first charter 
plainly supposes ten trustees, partners or undertakers an- 
tecedently existing ; and a school already founded in facty 
(though not fully and completely so in law) by donations^ 
of lands, goods and monies, before given ; and therefore 
gives them a full legal right, liberty and pi^ivilege to pro- 
ceed in erecting, endowing and governing the school ; 
which they had a general and imperfect ri.T;ht to do by 
the common law. And the charter declares them able in. 
a legal capacity to " demand, hold and possess, all such 
lands, goods and monies as have heretofore been given,, 
^as well as those which might hereafter be given) for the 
founding, erecting and endowing the said school." 

And there is no limitation ; that their giving to the firsK 
trustees a right to receive sixty pounds of the public trea- 
sury a year after, and annually, and to improve it at their 
discretion for the good of the school, should be deemed 
the founding of it ^ to be sure not in such a sense as to an- 
nul the former foundation ; much less could any endow- 
ments made thirty years after, make them the founders in 
ihe sense of the common law. Besides, the preamble to 
the charter of 1745, expressly says, that the first trustees, 
founded the college. 

Further, with respect to an " appeal from all and every 
sentence given by the authority of the college, to the gov- 
ernor and council of this colony for the time being," as 
prayed for by the memorialists, the president observed, 
* See- 39 Eliz. chap. v. and the laws of Connecticut. 

€hap. XII. CONNECTICUT. 331 

that it would retard and obstruct all the proceedings of the Book 1 f . 
authority of the college : That it was found by universal v«*>->^^s-^ 
experience, that in all instances wherein liberty of appeal 1763. 
is allowed, the judgment appealed from is of no force or 
efficacy ; except that which may arise from the extraordi- 
nary trouble and charge of bringing the case to trial in the 
court to which the appeal is made: That such a constitu- 
tion would take the government of the college wholly out 
of the hands of those in whom it was originally vested ; 
and be contrary to the charter. That such an universal 
liberty of appeal, especially in criminal cases, was not 
allowed in any community whatsoever ; and that in those 
few instances in which appeals are allowed in some other 
colleges, they are underpeculiarconditions and restrictions. 

With respect to the power of visitation, the president 
observed, that by the common law it was expressly limit- 
ed to the statutes of the founder ;* which are the condi- 
tions or limitations of the use of the founder's donation ; 
and the visitor can do nothing but rectify those things 
•which are plainly repugnant to those limitations ; or claim 
a forfeiture. But as no such statutes made by the Gene- 
ral Assembly, can be found, such visitors would have no 
power at all, or be altogether arbitrary, like the visitors 
isent to Magdalen college by king James II. 

If it should be supposed, that there is any need of any 
overseers, under the name and title of visitors, the first 
trustees and their successors may be properly denomina- 
ted such ; and in the first plan of the college, they are ex- 
pressly called inspectors. That to have visitors over visi- 
tors, or inspectors, would make endless trouble and con- 
fusion. That matters of property must be determined by 
the stated executive courts, according to the course of the 
common law, but to erect any new kind of court over the 
affairs of the college, which are committed to the president 
and fellows, would be an infringement on their charter. 
"Though the General Assembly still retain such a supreme 
power, as that if there should be any plain breach of 
trust, cognizable by a court of chancery, or any such mis- 
conduct in the corporation, as should be plainly detrimen- 
tal to the public good, they may rectify it in their legisla- 
tive capacity. 

The last great public good pretended to be aimed at by 
the memorialists, was the preservation of orthodoxy in the 
college. This was a mere pretence. The petitioners and 
their abettors well knew, that the most effectual measures 
had been taken to preserve the orthodoxy of the college, 
* Lord Raymond's Reports, vol. i. p. 7. 


Book II. and that it was secured in the most effectual nianner, in an 
^^^'■^^'Si-/ entire conformity to the design and will of the founders, 
1763. and to the religious constitution of the colony. This was 
the grand difficulty, and the principal cause of their oppo- 
sition to the college. There were, at that time, numbers 
of leading men in New-Haven,- and in other parts of the 
colony, who Avere strongly opposed to the doctrines conr 
tained in the confession of faith, and in the catechism : es- 
pecially to the doctrines of the decrees, of the divine sove- 
reignty, of election, original sin, regeneration by the super- 
natural influence of the divine Spirit, and the perseverance 
of the saints. They were opposed to all confessions of 
faith, and some of them wrote against them. Two, or more, 
even of the corporation, were supposed to be among this 
number. The president well knew them.* In his reply, 
therefore, to this part of the memorial, he observed. 

That, whatever Avas the occasion or design of it, he was 
glad that such an important point was moved. That it 
was well knoAvn, that the president and fellows, or trus» 
tees, had, from the beginning, shewn a proper care and 
zeal to preserve orthodoxy in all the governors of the col- 
lege ; and to such a degree, as to be disagreeable to some 
gentlemen of late ; who had, on that account, endeavoured 
to obstruct the government and flourishing state of the col- 
lege. That the orthodoxy of it was settled and secured, 
upon the best foundation that human wisdom, directed by 
the general rules of God's Avord, could devise. That, ac- 
cording to the original design of the founders of the college, 
the president, felloAA^s, professor of divinity, and tutors, are 
lo be admitted only upon condition of their consent to the 
confession of faith, agreed upon by the churches of the 
colony, anno 1708, and established by the laAA-s of the gov- 
ernment. That there Avas not the like security of the or- 
thodoxy of visitors, or any other in the civil order, except 
his most excellent majesty ; who, by the act of union, was 
obliged to consent to the Westminster confession of faith, 
received in the church of Scotland, as being agreeable to 
the Avord of God, and containing the sum and substance of 
the doctrine of the reformed churches. And that, as the 
governors of the college Avere satisfied that the body of the 
honourable assembly Avere fully orthodox, so they Averc 
•entirely easy under their superintendence, relying, princi- 
pally, upon the care of the great Head of the church; yet 
they could not have the same security in any other order of 
men, Avho might be substituted by them. And that one 

* The president Avith the fellows had atteropted to examine one of th^ 
turporatiDOj but he would not submit to it. 

€hat. XII. CONNECTICUT. 333 

principal reason why they opposed all innovations in the BooicII. 
constitution and government of the college, was, lest they •^.^^-v-vr' 
might hereafter have an ill influence upon its orthodoxy; 1763, 
which the president and fellows, according to the trust re- 
posed in them by the founders, and by the General Assem- 
bly, were fully determined to maintain and preserve, to 
the utmost of their power. 

When the pleadings and arguments of the memorialists, 
and of the president, had been fully heard and considered, 
there were but a very small number of the General Assem- 
bly, who were of the opinion that they \yere the founders 
of the college, or that the orthodoxy of it was in dange^-. 
The assembly, therefore, acted nothing upon the memorial. 

The memorialists, and their whole party, were greatly 
disappointed and chagrined, and the president got much 
honour by the defence which he made of the college. Ho 
appeared to be a man of extensive knowledge and real 
greatness. In points of law, especially as they respected 
colleges, he appeared to be superior to all the lawyers, so 
that his antagonists acknowledged that he knew more, and 
was wiser than all of them. The question relative to the 
assembly's being the founders of the college, and having a 
right of visitation, has never been publicly disputed since, 
and it is believed that it never will be again. 

About this time, the Rev. Jared Elliot, of Killingworth, 
in his last will, gave seven pounds ten shillings sterling, to 
be put out at interest, and the interest of it to be expended 
in purchasing books for the library, from time to time, ^t, 
the discretion of the president and fellows. 

While these affairs had been transacting, the president ' 
proposed the scheme of building a new hall, or chapel, for 
the greater convenience of the college. This, notwith- 
standing all the opposition which had been made to it, was 
in a very flourishing state. Though the country had been 
involved in a long and expensive war, and the burthens 
had been great, yet the number of the students, for several 
years, had been not less than an hundred and sev^enty. It 
became, therefore, extremely inconvenient to hold all re- 
ligious and scholastic exercises in the old college hall, and 
to use it also as a dining room, which had been the custom. 
The library, at the same time, was become too small to 
contain the number of books and the apparatus. A suc- 
cessful subscription for that purpose, had been set forward ^ 
and in April, 1761, the foundation of the chapel was laid, 
and the outside was nearly finished that summer. It was 
built with brick, fifty feet long and forty feet wide, with 
a steeple and galleries, in which ;^re. t^hree rostra, for orq-s 

334 HISTORY OF Chap. XII. 

m ■ 

Book II. tions, disputations, &c. with a library over the whole. It 
^^'v-'Ni^ was erected near the south end of the brick college, or 
1 764. Connecticut Hall, with a view, that when another college 
should be built, it might be set near the south end of the 
chapel, ranging in a line with the other collegiate build- 

The chapel was opened in June, 1763, by a sermon, 
preached by the professor, in the presence of the president 
and fellows, and a large number of other gentlemen, who 
assembled on the occasion. The president and fellows 
voted, that the chapel should, hereafter, be used for the re- 
ligious and scholastic meetings and exercises, for which 
the old college hall had been used before. The cost of 
the building thus far, was about seven hundred and fifteen 
pounds sterling.* The conveniences of it were found to 
be very many and great. It was not finished at this time. 
A desk only, and some seats, were prepared for present 
use. The president and fellows had not money, at that 
time, to proceed any further ; but subscriptions and means, 
not long after, were found for finishing it with a handsome 
steeple, which was an ornament, not only to the feuilding, 
but to the town. 

Richard Jackson, Esq. member of parliament, and agent 
for the colony of Connecticut, gave a hundred pounds to- 
wards finishing the chapel. 

A considerable number of gentlemen in New-Haven 
subscribed generously towards erecting the steeple. 

* £183 was raised by subscription. 
j£286 10s. was paid out of the college treasury. 

£245 ISs. 9d. out of the treasury of the colony. ■-! 

A list of the principal subscribers for building the chapel, may be seci^ M 
in president Clap's history of the college, published in 1766. 



Difficulties arise at Milford, on the account of Mr, JVhittel- 
sey. Debates and heat in the council, called to ordain 
him. There was such opposition to his ordination, that 
the council, at first, could not agree to ordain. But after" 
wards, on certain conditions, agreed upon hy the parties^ 
proceed to his ordination. TTie minority, who opposed his 
ordination, fulfil the condition mutually agreed upon. But 
the majority zvoidd by no means comply with it. They, on 
the contrary, by all means opposed their aggrieved breth- 
ren. The minority, some time after, having qualified 
themselves according to law, separated from the first church 
and society, and held a distinct meeting by themselves.; As 
the association would give them no advice, or countenanccy 
they put themselves under the presbytery. They call and 
ordain Mr. Prudden. Obtain a release from taxation by 
the first society. They are vested with the privileges of 
other ecclesiastical societies, and obtain their proportion of 
the parsonage lands. 

THE church and town of Milford, had been peculiarly- 
happy in a long succession of worthy pastors, under 
whose ministry they had enjoyed great peace and satisfac- 
tion, until nearly the close of the life of that learned, pious 
and venerable man, the Rev. Samuel Andrew. But now, 
by reason of age and many infirmities, he was rendered 
unable to perform- the labours of the ministry, and Mr^ 
Samuel Whittelsey, son of the Rev. Mr. Whittelsey, of 
Wallingford, had been invited to preach in the town, and 
to settle in the work of the ministry, as colleague pastor 
with Mr. Andrew. This occasioned an unhappy division pj^jsjoj, 
in the church and town. Though there was a majority for Milford. 
Mr. Whittelsey, yet there was a strong and respectable 
minority in opposition to his settlement. The opposition 
arose on account of his religious sentiments. The peo- 
ple in the opposition, conceived that Mr. Whittelsey was 
not sound in faith, but had imbibed the opinions of Armin- 
ius. They were not satisfied and edified with his preach- 
ing, as they wished to be. They could not choose him for 
a minister, either for themselves, or for their children. 

When the ordaining council came together, the people 
in opposition to the settlement of Mr. Whittelsey, appear- 
ed so strong, and urged their objections with so much ap- 
gtrent concern and conscientiousness, that a majority of 


Book II. the council were against the ordination, under the then 
*;-<^-v^««*^ present circumstances. This occasioned a great division 
1738. and animosity in the council. Mr. Whiltelsey's friends 
urged the ordination with great warmth and engagedness« 
Mr. Whitteisey's father, who had more influence than any 
other man in the council, pressed the ordination of his sou 
with great zeal and vehemence. Mr. Noyes, Mr. Hall, oi 
Cheshire, Mr. Stiles, and some other of the ministers in 
the council, were very much at his devotion. Besides, 
Mr. Hall was brother in law to his honour, esquire LaAv, 
then deputy governor of the colony, who was the principal 
man in the majority for the ordination. These were the 
- eldest ministers in the council, and did not know how to 
bear opposition from younger men, and from the messen- 
gers of the churches. The debate in the council wa;;, 
therefore, managed with unusual heat and engagedness.'^ 
His honour, the deputy governor, was at the head of the 
majority, who insisted on the ordination. In these cir- 
cumstances, the minority were under very great disadvan- 
tages, with respect to a fair and impartial hearing, and de» 
Thecoun- cision of the case. It, however, appeared to a majority of 
ffli at ^rst ji-^g cQunf^ii^ so unadvisable to ordain against such a mi- 
daininv'. uority, that a vote for the ordination, under the then pres- 
ent circumstances, could not be obtained^ 

In this state of the business, it was necessary to find 
some expedient, which might induce the majority of the 
council to concur in the ordination of the pastor elect ; to 
bring the parties to some compromise, which might, in 
some measure, ease the minority, and afford a more fa- 
vourable prospect of preserving the union of the church 
and town. For this purpose, the following proposal was 
made : That the minority should hear Mr. Whittelsey six 
months longer, with a view to obtain satisfaction with re- 
spect to his doctrines, and manner of preaching; and that, 
if they did not, in that time, obtain satisfaction, that then 
the church and town should call and settle another man, 
whom they should choose, as a colleague pastor with Mr. 
Whittelsey, to preach one half the time. To this the par- 
ties mutually agreed. This appeared to give a fair pros- 
pect of peace and harmony in the tov.^n, if the parties 
would do their duty, and fulfil their agreement. It would 
give time and opportunity for Mr. Whittelsey to satisfy the 
minority, and to lay a foundation for a peaceful and exten- 
sively useful ministry, if he would come forward, and 

* I have been (old by one of the elders, who was a member of Ihe conn- 
ril, that the debate wa? with so mucli ; assion, that fists iTrre doubled oa 
IKi: oci a.'-irjii. 

^aAr, Xllli CONNECTICUT. 337 

preach the distinguishing doctrines of the gospel, and ex- Book II. 
perimental, heart religion. Mr. Whittelsey would have v^-v->.,/ 
strong inducements to do this, for the good of the church 1738. 
and town, for his own honour, peace, and usefulness. As 
neither of the parties could wish to be at the expense of 
supporting two ministers, there were motives to influence 
both to be at peace. At the same time, a way was provi- 
ded, for the relief of the minority, if they should not obtain upon 
satisfaction, and for the preservation of the union of the agreement 
church and town, by the agreement of the majority to set- °/ the par- 
tie another man, who should be agreeable to their breth- council or- 
ren. In these views the council proceeded to the ordina- dain. 
tion of Mr. Whittelsey.* 

The minority continued to hear Mr. Whittelsey, not on- The mi- 
ly the whole term of six months, but for nearly two years, "^J-/ " 
wishing, if possible, to obtain satisfaction, and continue in agree- 
union and peace with their brethren, as they had always ment. 
before done. But, on a full and patient hearing of Mr. 
Whittelsey, and taking all proper pains for satisfaction, 
they became more fixed in their opinion of his unsound- 
ness in principle, and of deficiency in experimental preach- 
ing, than at the time of his ordination. They judged, that, 
in faithfulness to God, themselves, and their children, they 
could no longer continue solely under his ministry. They, 
therefore, in 1740, applied, first to the church, and then to 
the town, for relief, according to the original agreement. 
But neither would the church, nor the town, take any mea- Thema- 
sures for the setdement of another man, as colleague with Jo"*)" "'" 
Mr. Whittelsey. They were entirely satisfied with him [^^11^' 
themselves. He had been examined, and approved, as compli- 
sound in the faith, was a gentleman of respectable talents, ^i^ce. 
of gravity, and unblemished morals. They judged that Jek refu°^ 
their brethren, of the minority, therefore, had no just sal. 
grounds of uneasiness ; but ought to be satisfied, as well as 
themselves. They had postponed their application for 
another- pastor, much beyond the time agreed upon. They 
could not, therefore, by any arguments be prevailed upon 
to setde another man, nor to adopt any means for their re- 
lief or satisfaction. So far were they from this, that they 
opposed all their measures for relief, in any way whatso- 

Finding, by sad experience, that no relief was to be ob- 
tained from their brethren of the church and town, they 
made application to the association for advice, as they 
wished to proceed regularly in obtaining what they esteem- 
ed die true preaching of the gospel, for themselves and 
* Mr. Whittelsey was ordained. 

s ^ 

$39 HISTORY OP Chap. XUh 

Book II. children. But the association would give them no advice, 
v.^^-N/'^v^ nor countenance. This consisted, in a considerable part^ 
1740. of those leading gentlemen who had so zealously urged the 
The asso- ordination of Mr. VVhittelsey, without any agreement be- 
nation will f^^-pg^ the parties. They had since examined, approved, 
^l^g °Q (l^g and ordained him. Objections against him, as not ortho- 
miiiority. dox and experimental, with them, could have no weight* 
To be consistent wifh themselves, they could not but con- 
sider the minority as unreasonable, and faulty, in their un- 
easiness and opposition. They, doubtless, as well as the 
church and town, judged, that the settling of another pastor 
■was unnecessary, and would be an unreasonable and un- 
profitable burthen on the people. They might judge that 
the agreement had better be broken than kept. In these 
circumstances, nothing favourable to the minority could be- 
expected from thenr. 

After a state of controversy and perplexity, for about a; 

year longer, they qualified themselves, according to law, 

as a soberly dissenting society, and obtained leave of the 

county court to worship by themselves. They then sepa- 

^!^Jii ^ll.A rated from the first church and society, and held their first 

arate, and -ii ir iii'-i-\ 

worship by meeting by themselves, on the first sabbath m December, 
them- 1741. The next year they built them a decent house for 
selves. public worship.. In 1743, they put themselves under the 
presbytery of New-Brunswick. The brethren, who had 
been members of the fipst church in Milford, were formed 
into a church state upon- the presbyterian plan, and made 
choice of a ruling, elder. But the first society opposed and 
oppressed them. They taxed them for all society expen- 
ses, for about twelve years- after the ordination of Mr. 
Whittelsey ; and annually made them pay to his support, 
and for all other society purposes, no less than themselves. 
They also excluded them from all benefit in their propor- 
Released tion of the parsonage lands. It was not until the session 
fromtaxa-Qf ^f^^. General Assembly in 1750, that they were able to 
obtain a release from taxation by the first society. Both 
the town and association made all the opposition to them 
in their power. They took measures to prevent their ob- 
taining preaching, either by candidates, or regularly or- 
dained ministers. By the advice and assistance of the 
presbytery, they procured a learned and pious young gen- 
tlemen, Mr. Samuel Finley, afterwards president of the 
college in New-Jersey, to preach for them ; but governor 
Law, taking advantage of the persecuting laws then m 
force, ordered him to be carried from constable to consta- 
ble, and from one town to another, until he should be con- 
veyed out of the colony. 


71ie Rev. Mr. Pomeroy, of Hebron, preached to them Book IL 
occasionally, and he was arrested by a civil officer and car- ^-^-^^--v^- 
^ied to Hartford to answer for his conduct before the Gene- 1 747. 
j'al Assembly. The association of the county of Ne^^^- 
Haven, frowned upon and even censured those who preach- 
ed to them, and who assisted in forming them into a dis- 
tinct church. 

They, nevertheless, -endured their troubles with pa- 
tience and perseverance, until, at length, they obtained 
Mr. Job Prudden, a pious young gentleman, who had 
graduated at Yale College, in 1743, to preach with them. 
In his talents, preaching, meek and prudent conduct, upon t^t p ^ 
proper trial, the(y^ were entirely and universally satisfied. jp„'or- 
He was ordained by the presbytery of New-Brunswick, in daiued. 
May, 1747. The association of New- Haven county, were 
so displeased with their brethren of the presbytery, in 
countenancing the minority, afterwards called the second 
society, and ordaining their pastor, that they passed a 
^censure upon them.* This seems to have been inconsist- 
ent with the heads of agreement, which had been received 
as part of the ecclesiastical constitution of the colony. In 
this, the united ministers, formerly called presbyterian 
and congregational, expressly say, " We agree that 
particular societies of visible saints, who, under Christ 
their head, are statedly joined together, for ordinary com- 
munion with one another in all the ordinances of Christ, 
are particular churches, and are to be owned by each 
other, as instituted churches of Christ, though differing in 
apprehensions and practice in some lesser things."! 

Notwithstanding all the opposition made to this people, 
continuing united in the calvinistic doctrines, and in the 
love of experimental preaching, and having in Mr. Prud- 
den, a prudent, laborious and faithful pastor, they increas- 
ed and became respectable. Affairs and opinions were 
much altered in the colony, men of different views and feel- 
ings were chosen into the assembly, and in the session in 
May, 1760, they were vested with the same privileges as 
other ecclesiastical societies in the colony enjoy. Ten 
years after, in May, 1770, they obtained, by an act of the 
General Assembly, their part in the parsonage lands. 

Though at the time of the separation there was great 
animosity, and there were hard thoughts and unhappy 
feelings between the two societies, yet their differences 
are now overlooked and forgotten. The pastors and 
churches are united in doctrine and brotherly love. 

* Records of the associcitioQof the county of New-Haven. 

t li^ads of Agreement, Article IL of churches and church ajem!?ers. 

34# HISTORY OF Chap. XIV, 


Separation at New-Haven, Causes of if. Councils called 
by the people who were dissatisfied with the Rev. Mr. 
Moves. The doings of those councils. The call and in- 
stallation of the Rev. Mr. Bird. 

SOON after the commencement of the religious awaken- 
ing, in Connecticut and New-England, there arose a 
great uneasiness and dissatisfaction, in a considerable num- 
ber of the first church and congregation in New-Haven, 
tinder the preaching and administrations of their pastor, the 
Rev. Mr. Noyes. Though he had the gift of prayer, and 
was edifying in that part of worship, yet he was unatiimat- 
ing and unpopular in his preaching. His language was 
vulgar, and his zealous calvinistic hearers did not consider 
him as so plainly and faithfully preaching the doctrines of 
human depravity, of regeneration by the supernatural in- 
fluences of the divine Spirit, and of its absolute necessity 
that men might be saved; of effectual calling and justifica- 
tion by faith only, as a minister of the gospel ought by 
all means to do. They did not conceive him as making 
proper distinctions between true and false religion, and 
preaching in such a manner as had a tendency to show to 
hypocrites and secure sinners, their danger and misery. 
From the manner of his preaching, especially on sacra- 
mental occasions, suspicions arose, that he did not hold 
the real divinity of the Saviour. Besides, he appeared 
■wholly unfriendly to the religious awakening and concern 
in the country, and to the zealous and experimental preach- 
ers by whom it was promoted. He excluded them from 
his pulpit, and openly approved of the persecuting laws 
and measures of the civil authority of that day. These 
were all matters of grievance to them. They could not 
hear such preaching at home as they desired, nor could 
they go abroad without giving offence. After repeated 
conversations with Mr. Noyes on their grievances, and 
much pains to obtain satisfaction, they could obtain none 
either in private conversation, nor by his preaching in 
public. They drew articles of charge or grievance and 
presented them to Mr. Noyes, desiring that they might be 
communicated to the church and society, and solicited a 
mutual council, to hear and give advice in their difficulties. 
But instead of this, their grievances were greatly increas- 
ed by Mr. Noyes' leading his church to vote in the Say-? 



brook platform, and at the same time excluding some from Book II. 
the privilege of voting in the affair. In these circum- ^^^--v-w/ 
stances, as they could not obtain a mutual council, nor any 1742. 
redress of their grievances, they took benefit of the act of 
toleration, and separated from the worship and ordinances 
in the first church, to which they originally belonged, and 
set up a distinct worship by themselves. They pro- 
fessed their desires, however, to have their grievances 
heard by a mutual council ; but Mr. Noyes would not con- 
sent. Therefore, soon after their separation, they pro- 
ceeded to call a council of their own. It consisted of the 
Rev. Messrs. Samuel Cooke, John Graham, Elisha Kent 
and Joseph Bellamy. They convened at New-Haven, on 
the 5th of May, 1 742, After a full hearing of the aggriev- 
ed brethren, they came to the following resolution, in ef- 
fect, That the first church in New-Haven were, by their 
own religious and solemn profession and confederation, a 
particular church of Christ, vested with all powers neces- 
sary for their own confirmation, government and edifica- 
tion, long before, until and at the time of the Synod at 
Saybrook, in 1708, and consequently were not dependent 
on it, nor any thing consequent thereon. 

That according to the original constitution and con- 
federation, members had been admitted to full communion, 
in gospel ordinances and church privileges ; that said 
church ever continued, in fact, upon their original footing 
and ecclesiastical regimen, till the 23d of last January, 
when the Rev. Mr. Noyes, secluding a number of the 
brethren from a meeting then held, led the rest of the 
brethren to vote a conformity to Saybrook platform, which 
they considered as breaking in upon, and depriving them 
of their long and peaceably enjoyed privileges. That the 
pastor of the church and their brethren, by this means, 
had forced the aggrieved brethren, to take benefit of the 
act of toleration, that they might enjoy their ancient rights 
and privileges. That as said aggrieved brethren had now 
qualified themselves according to that act, they stood fair 
to be reinstated in their former powers and privileges, ac- 
cording to their original constitution. 

They also further resolved, that they saw no inconsisten- 
cy for ministers well approving of any other ecclesiastical 
constitution, yet to afford all needful assistance to others 
of different sentiments, in matters extra essential, on their 
calling for their help. That others had acted on the same 
principles ; particularly the congregational ministers in 

* These had assisted in the ordioatioa of a baptist minister. 



€hap. XIV. 



tion and 

Book II. That upon the desire of their brethren, seeing their way 
'-••v-'^*.^ clear to proceed to reinstate themselves, as aforesaid, un» 
der the conduct of this convention, Ave are ready on the 
morrow (in case the day be set apart to fasting and prayer) 
to attend the business openly in the place appointed for 
their public worship. 

Accordingly the next day was attended as a day of sol- 
emn fasting and prayer. Two sermons were delivered ; 
one in the forenoon by Mr. Graham, and the other in the 
afternoon by Mr. Bellamy. At the same time, eighteen 
brethren and twenty-five sisters, forty-three in the whole, 
subscribed the confession of faith and church covenant, 
which had been used in the ancient church of New-Haven, 
from the beginning ; and on their being distincdy read, 
publicly and expressly gave their assent and consent to 
them. They also publicly declared and covenanted in the 
following manner, viz : 

" Whereas, in addition to other grievances too tedious 
and unnecessary here to enumerate, of which we would 
not willingly perpetuate the memory, a considerable part 
of the first church in New-Haven have lately, viz. on the 
25t,h day of January last, under the conduct of their pres- 
ent pastor, voted a conformity to the Saybrook platform, 
and in consecjuence of it, (to show more plainly the design 
of said vote) at the same time, by their vote, carried to 
the standing consociation of this county a complaint 
against sundry members of said church, thereby ovming a 
juridical and decisive authority in the said stated consocia- 
tion, contrary to the known, fundamental principle and 
practice of said church, lime out of mind, which has al- 
xvays denied any juridical or decisive authority under 
Christ, vested in any particular persons or class, over any 
particular congregational church confederated as this : 

" We the subscribers, members of said church, firmly 
adhering to the congregational principles and privileges on 
which the said church was founded, and hath stood unsha- 
ken from the beginning, through successive generations, 
until the 25th day of January last, being by the said inno- 
vations hereunto necessitated, apprehend ourselves called 
of God, in company, to vindicate our ancient rightful pow- 
ers and privileges, and to put ourselves into a proper ca- 
pacity for the enjoyment thereof, upon the ancient footing. 
And for that purpose, do now, under the conduct of di- 
vine providence, humbly sought, by fasting and prayer, 
assume a church state of the gospel, on the ancient basis 
of that church, whereof we stood members, in fact, as well 
£3 of right, until the unhappy period abpy^ m^ntipnedj 

CriAp. XIV. eONNECTICtff . S4k 

wherein the pastor and a number of the brethren with him, Book IL 
went off from the ancient foundation as aforesaid. >^-.r-v^ 

" And we, with all affection invite others, the members 1740, 
of said church, who do or may see just cause of grievance 
at the said innovations, to join with us in asserting our an- 
cient rightful powers and privileges broken in upon. 

" We solemnly declare our belief of the christian reli= 
gion, as contained in the sacred scriptures, and with such 
a view thereof, as the confession of faith has exhibited, 
which is hereunto annexed, fully agreeing, in substance^ 
with the confession of faith owned hy said church, time 
out of mind, heartily resolving to conform our lives unto 
the rule thereof, that holy religion, as long as we live in 
this world. 

" We soleirinly renew a religious dedication of ourselves 
to the Lord Jehovah, who is the Father, the Son and 
the Holy Spirit ; and avouch him this day to be our God, 
our Father, our Saviour and Leader ; and receive him 
as our portion forever. 

_ "We give up ourselves anew unto the blessed Jesus, who 
IS the Lord Jehovah, and adhere to him, as the head of 
his people in the covenant of grace, and rely on him as' 
our prophet, priest and king, to bring us unto eternal bless- 

" We renewedly acknowledge our everlasting and indis- 
pensable obligations to glorify our God, in all the duties 
of a godly, sober and righteous life ; and very particularly 
in the duties of a church state, as a body of people asso- 
ciated for an obedience to Him, in all ordinances of the 
gospel ; and we thereupon depend on His gracious assist- 
ance for our faithful discharge of the duties thus incumbent 
on us. 

" We desire and intend, and (with dependance on His 
promised and pov/erful grace) we engage anew to walk to- 
gether as a church of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the faith 
and order of the gospel, so far as we shall have the same 
revealed unto us, conscientiously attending the public 
worship of God, the sacraments of the New Testament, 
the discipline of His kingdom, and all His holy institutions 
in common with one another, and watchfully avoiding sin- 
ful stumbling blocks and contentions, as becometh a peo- 
PJ.^' ^^^*^"^ ^'^^ Lord hath bound up together in the bundle 
of life. At the same time, we do also present our offspring 
with us unto the Lord, purposing, with His help, to do our 
part in the methods of religious education, that they may be 
the Lord's. 

"'' And all this wc do, flying to the blood of the everlasting 

344 MiSTORY OF Chap. XIV, 

Book II. covenant for the pardon of our many errors, praying that the 

y,it^~v>»m/ glorious Lord who is the great Shepherd, would prepare and 

J 742. strengthen us for every good work, to do His will, working 

in us that which will be well pleasing to Him, to whom be 

glory for ever and ever. Amen." 

Upon these solemn transactions, the Rev. Mr. Cooke, in 
his own name, and in the name of the ministers and church- 
es composing the council, owned them as a true church of 
Christ, and declared his readiness, on the desire of said 
church, to assist them as such. 

This council advised this newly formed church to make 
application to a convention of ministers, who were expect- 
ed to meet at Weathersfield the next week, for advice to 
some suitable person, to be improved by them as a preach- 
er ; and for their further improvement, if they should desire 
it. The said convention advised them to the Rev. Mr. 
Wheelock as a suitable person to assist them in their min- 
isterial affairs. 

The church accepted the advice, and voted to make ap- 
plication to him, that (on the consent of his church and con- 
gregation) he would make them a visit, and employ his 
ministerial labors among them for a time, and with some 
aspect to a future fixed improvement there, if providence 
should open the way for it. Upon this advice and appli- 
cation, Mr. Wheelock made them a visit the beginning of 
June, and continued with them about a month ; and, by the 
vote of the church, preached to them, presided in their 
meetings, examined and admitted members to full com- 
munion. But as he was peaceably settled, greatly esteem- 
ed and beloved among his own people, it did not appear 
to be his duty to remove from them. Such additions were 
made to the church that, in about two months from its for- 
mation, the number of members amounted to between sev- 
enty and eighty persons. 

The church invited Mr. Graham and Mr. Bellamy to 
preach to them by turns. The church also voted that al! 
orthodox and approved ministers and candidates should be 
invited to preach with them. But for about eight or nine 
years the church, and the congregation adhering to them, 
were under very depressed and difficult circumstances, 
Mr. Noyes and his church and congregation were opposed 
to them. This was the case with the president and corpo- 
ration of the college, and with the association of the county 
of New-Haven. No person, whether ordained minister 
or candidate, could preach to them without incurring their 
displeasure and frowns. There was at this time a very 
general and great opposition in the colony, to the people 


Called new lights, a name generally given to zealous Book IL 
people, who appeared to love animated, heart-searching ^M^~v>i^ 
and experimental preachers. There were doubts in the 
minds of many as to the regularity of their proceedings ; 
whether they had suflicient cause for their separation, or 
whether they had taken all proper means, and waited with 
due patience for a redress of their grievances. Separa- 
tions in churches were dangerous, and very sinful, unless 
in cases of real necessity, where there were just grounds 
for them ; and after all proper means had been taken, and 
sofficient patience exercised to obtain redress without suc- 
cess. For these reasons they were unable to obtain any 
stated preaching, and the administration of the ordinances 
for many years. Sometimes they had preaching; at others 
they had none. This was their condition until the year 
1751. At this time, receiving intelligence that the Rev. 1751, 
Mr. Bird, who had been minister at Dunstable, in the 
province of Massachusetts, had been dismissed from his 
pastoral labors at that place, and that he was a suitable 
person for a people in their circumstances, they made ap- 
plication to him, requesting his labors amt)ng them. Ac- 
cordingly he made them a visit in May, and after preach- 
ing with them about three months, received an unanimous 
invitation, both from the church and congregation, to settle 
with them in the work of the evangelical ministry. He 
gave them an encouraging answer, provided that the pre- 
sent difficulties could be removed. 

For this purpose a council was chosen and called; who Council at 
tpnvened at New-Haven in Sept. 1751. New-Ha- 

The gentlemen present were the Rev. Messrs. Phile- g^"^^!!' ' 
mon Robbins, Joseph Bellamy, Eleazer Wheelock, Sam- 
uel Hopkins, and Benjamin Pomeroy, with their churches. 

Upon a full hearing of the aggrieved church, of the arti- Hearing 
cles of charge or grievance exhibited against Mr. Noyes, ^/J,Jof°he. 
to him and the greater part of his church, and of the fre- council, 
quent proposals which they had made to Mr. Noyes, of re- Sept. 3d, 
ferring all their grievances to a mutual council, and of the ^^^^' 
great pains they had taken to obtain one ; and how Mr. 
Noyes had, in all instances, entirely refused, and of the 
long time they had been in their aggrieved and unhappy 
circumstances, and also of their declared willingness to 
make any reasonable confession of whatever mistakes or 
misconduct into which they had fallen, in their separation 
from the ministry of the Rev. Mr. Noyes, and from their 
brethren of the ancient church of iSfew-Haven, the council 
resolved to this eftect ; that as the articles of charge against 
Mr. Noves were made known to hira, and the greatest 

T 2 

346 HISTORY OF .CHAt-. XlV- 

Book it. pari of the first church in New-rfaveh, before they voted in 
v-^^'-^'*-/ the Saybrook platform, and as the aggrieved brethren were 
1751. hot aflowed to vote in that case; and as they had abso- 
lutely refused all subjection to the Saybrook platform, and 
as the reasons of their separation, mentioned in said 
charge, yet remained unsettled, that their request of coun- 
sel and advice, was reasonable. They also professed their 
willingness to afford them their assistance. But, consider- 
ing the great importance of the case, especially in the town 
of New-Haven, and that so many of the churches applied 
to were, by the providence of God, prevented from attend* 
ing the council, it was their opinion, that it was expedient 
lo adjourn, that an addition might be made to the council ; 
and the church were advised to apply to a number of suit- 
able churches, for that purpose. The council then ad- 
journed to the 15th day of October. 

In the mean timcj probably by the advice of council, the 
following confession was exhibited to the Rev. Mr. Noyes, 
and the first church in New-Haven. 

" To the Rev. Joseph Noyes, pastor of a church of 
Christ in New-Haven. To be communicated. 
" Reverend and beloved^ 
Declara- " We the Subscribers, who, some years since, withdrew 
tion and fy.Qj^ the public preaching of the word and ordinances in 
of the a"- said church, for reasons which we then thought to be 
grieved, just, weighty, and reasonable, 'which we delivered in wri- 
ting to said pastor, to be communicated ; and which causes 
we do still think to be just, weighty, and reasonable. As 
to those of you who do not think as we do, we would eiv 
deavour to entertain charitable thoughts of, notwithstand- 
ing, and desire the same candour from you ; remembering, 
that the great God alone is Lord of the conscience ; and 
that both you and we muct stand or fall at his impartial 
tribunal. Nevertheless, considering the public relation 
we stood in with you, our brethren, we should have ex- 
hibited to the pastor, in writing, the articles of our griev- 
ances, to be published to you ; and, after waiting a reason- 
able time, be neglecting his duty, should have complained to 
some neighbouring church or churches, for relief, before 
withdrawing horn your fellowship and communion ; which 
conduct would have been our duty : neglect whereof we 
readily condemn ; together with all heat and bitterness of 
spirit, that has, at any time, appeared in any of us towards 
you, or any of you, as being offensive to God, and unbe- 
coming to christians : for which we ask your forgiveness ; 
begging an interest in the prayers of all God's children, 
that we may behave, for the future, as becometh the gospe! 


of Christ. Upon the whole, we think, that, afterwards, Book II. 
we used all possible endeavours to bring matters to a pro- ^^t^-^/'^s^ 
per issue; but not succeeding, we thought it to be for the 175K 
glory of God, the peace of our own souls, and for our edi- 
fication, to be, with others, a distinct society. 

" We conclude, wishing you all needed blessings.*'^ 

On the 15th of October, the council convened, at New- 
Haven, according to adjournment. It consisted of the el- 
ders following, with their churches. 

John Graham, Jedediah Mills, Philemon Robbins, Dan- 
iel Humphreys, Ebenezer White, EleazerWheelock, Benja'- 
min Pomeroy, Benajah Case, Joseph Bellamy, Samuel 
Hopkins, James Sprout, Jonathan Lee, and John Searle. 

The council was large and respectable. Some of the 
churches sent two messengers. 

When the council had chosen the Rev. Mr. Mills their 
moderator, and opened with prayer, they immediately 
wrote a letter to Mr. Noyes, acquainting him with their 
convention, and that if he had any communication to 
make, they were ready to receive it. Messrs. Bellamy and 
Hopkins were appointed, to wait on Mr, Noyes, with said 

October 16th, the council proceeded to a formal hearing 
of the proceedings and state of the congregational church 
and society ; the papers containing their transactions weTe 
laid before them ; and the committee were fully heard re- 
lative to them. At the same time, the General Assembly 
held their session in New-Haven, and the governor and 
council judged the affair of such importance to the town of 
New-Haven, and to the colony, that it ought to be heard 
by a mutual council. While, therefore, the council were 
employed in hearing, they received a copy of a vote of 
the General Assembly, advising that the aftair before them 
should be heard by a mutual council. 

In consequence of this advice, the Rev. Messrs. Mills, 
Wheelock, and Bellamy, with several of the messengers, 
were chosen a committee to wait on their honours, the 
governor, deputy governor, and council, and to represent 
how repeated proposals of that nature had been made to 
Mr. Noyes, and what great pains had been taken, for a 
number of years, to obtain a hearing before a mutual coun- 
cil, and how Mr. Noyes, in all instances, had refused. 
They made a full representation of the facts. The gov- 
ernor and council, nevertheless, advised that one ofibr 
more should be made him, and that one would be sufficient. 

The council then voted, that the same committee, with 
the addition of Mr. Graham, should confer with Mr. ^oyes. 


Book IF. to know whether he would comply with the advice of the 
v^'^"^/ honourable General Assembly, or not. The commilL^j^Q 
1751. reported, that Mr. Noyes said, he had a great regard to 
the fifth commandment, but he did not thank the assembly 
for what they had done. That he looked upon them as 
infallible as the pope. He said such a council was incon- 
sistent with the constitution and the light of nature ; and, 
directing himself to one of the committee, said, What if 
you and I had a controversy, and you should choose three 
men, and I should choose three, and they should strip and 
fight it out, what good would that do us ? He liked gov- 
ernment, he said, but he did not like arbitration. What 
ground, said he, do you find in scripture for it ? 

The committee reported it as their opinion, that Mr. 
Noyes would not comply with the advice of the assembly, 
and that he had given sufficient intimations of it. The 
pext morning, however, while the council were hearing the 
fepOrt of their committee, a letter was received from Mr. 
Noyes, purporting, that he would call his church together, 
and consult the matter advised to by the General Assem- 
bly ; and that he would discourse with the committee of 
the parish, and prosecute the affair as fast as Providence 
would allow. 

As it was judged that this letter gave no certain eMi- 
^ence that Mr. Noyes would comply with the advice of the 
assembly, the committee of the church and society, in 
company with two members of the council, Mr. Bellamy 
and Mr. Lee, waited on him, with the following letter. 
" To the Rev. Joseph Noyes, of New-Haven. 
"Reverend Sir, 

"We the subscribers, a committee of those who have 
taken benefit by the act of toleration, and their adherents, 
having had a sight of your letter to the Rev. Mr. Mills, of 
this 17th of October, wherein you give general hints of a 
compliance with the advice of the honourable assembly to 
a mutual council, &:c. ; but observing you do not expressly 
declare your own compliance, nor propose immediately to 
call your church together, 5 nor fix any time for that pur- 
pose, we cannot receive it as a proper compliance with 
said advice ; and considering what fair prospects of this 
nature, in times past, have been frustrated, and a large 
ecclesiastical council is waiting for your answer, out of 
xvhose hands we are utterly unwilling to take the affair, un- 
til we see, at leafct, a proper security that said advice sliaJI 
take effect, and the members of said mutual council be 
agreed upon, and the time and place of their convention 
jpxed. As we, therefore, and our party, fully comply with 


said advice, we desire 50U would, without delay, call your Book II. 
church together, for said purpose. Short of this, we can- v-^-v->n«(/ 
not look upon as a compliance. Expecting an express 175}. 
and plain answer, we subscribe," &c. 

"October 17th, 1751." 

To this Mr. Noyes replied, 

I have read your paper of this day ; and in answer, say, 
the advice of the honorable assembly, is to the society and 
church in this place, whose minds I do not know. So far 
as it concerns me, I propose to prosecute it, and to lay it 
before my church as soon as providence will allow me, and 
confer with the society's committee on the affair. 

Gentlemen, I am, &c. Joseph Noyes." 

With the letter above, was brought the following testis 
mony into the council, attested by Mr. Bellamy, Mr. Lee 
and the committee, amounting to the number of seven per- 

"We the subscribers, desired Mr. Noyes expressly to 
say for himself, whether he would, on his part, comply witli 
the advice of the honorable assembly, and expressly prom^ 
isfi to lay it before his church, because the above answer 
.^eemed to leave that matter in doubt, and we wanted a 
certain information. We put the question to him near ton 
times, will you comply or not ? He used several evasions, 
and finally declared, I will not say that I will comply : and , 

he refused to promise to lay it before the church." 

On this testimony, the council unanimously voted, that 
Mr. Noyes' answers, comparing his letters and conversa- 
tion with the committee, were evasive. 

The next day, October 18th, the council, after a long 
conference, considering how long and how often they haci 
attempted to obtain a direct answer from Mr. Noyes, and 
could obtain none, voted to proceed to the business for 
which they had been more immediately called. 

They also voted, that according to the best light they 
could obtain, the first church in New-Haven was a con- 
gregational church until Mr. Noyes, in 1742, led a great 
part of it to vote in Saybrook platform. They also voted, 
that according to what light they had obtained, the confes- 
sion made io Mr. Noyes and his church was satisfactory. 

The Rev. Mr. Bird then presented himself for examina- 
tion, and having given full satisfaction, as to his princi- 
ples and ministerial qualifications, was installed, Octo- 
ber I8th, 1751. 

Just as the council were going to the installation of Mr. 
Bird, the following letter was presentee} by the R,ev, Mr, 

350 HISTORY OF Chap. XIV. 

Book II. To the Rev. Mr. Mills, &c. 
s-t^^'^r^^^ Gentlemen, 
i75i. Perceiving that ^vhat I have wrote is not rightly under- 
stood, I again say, I have no mental reserves. I look 
upon it my duty to prosecute the advice of the honorable 
assembly. Shall do it to my utmost : propose to call a 
church meeting the beginning of the week. I have sent 
for the society's committee to speak with them this eve- 
ning. Let there be no misunderstanding. In great haste, 
I am, gentlemen, yours, &:c. Joseph Noyes. 

P. S. I hope you will do nothing to defeat the advice. 

J. N. 

The council determined, that this letter was unseasona- 
ble, and proceeded to the installation. They advised 
however, that the aggrieved church, though Mr. Noye^ 
had for so many years refused to comply with their request 
for a mutual council, and had treated the advice of the 
honorable assembly no better, yet that they should always 
stand ready to join Mr. Noyes and his church in calling a 
mutual council. 

Soon after the installation of Mr. Bird, Mr. Noyes' 
church appointed a committee to prosecute the affair of a 
mutual council ; and in consequence of it, a committee was 
appointed by Mr. Bird's people. The committees met 
and agreed on the men for a council, but they could not 
agree on the articles which should be laid before them. 
So nothing further was ever acted in the affair. 

Mr. Bird was a popular man, made a manly appear- 
ance, spoke well, and had a very great talent, especially in 
speaking at the grave, on funeral occasions. The society 
had peace and flourished under his administration. In the 
session of the assembly, at New-Haven, October, 1759, 
it was made a distinct ecclesiastical society, by the name 
of White-IIaven, seventeen years from the separation from 
Mr. Noves, and eight from the installation of Mr. Bird. 



French 7var in 1755. Reasons of it. Colonel Washington's 
expedition. Convention at Albany. Expeditions against 
J^ova-Scotia, fort du Quesne, Crown Point and JSfiagara. 
Exertions of the J^or them colonies, especially of Connec- 
ticut. Success in Nova-Scotia. Defeat of general Brad- 
dock. General Johnson defeats Baron Dieskau and takes 
him prisoner. 

SUCH was the restless spirit, intrigue and deceit of the 
French court and nation, that the colonies had but 
short intervals of peace, while their great enemy had any 
settlements in this country. Even in these intervals, how 
fair soever they spake, they were constantly encroaching 
on their territories, giving new occasions, and making 
preparations for war. Though the whole country of Aca- 
dia, or Nova-Scotia, had been expressly ceded to Great- French 
Britain, by the twelfth article of the treaty of Utrecht, and encroach- 
that cession had been confirmed by all subsequent treaties, 
yet the French renewed their claim to a considerable part 
of that country, and in several places were erecting fortifi- 
cations and placing garrisons. While the colonists were 
vigorously pursuing the arts of peace, and exerting them- 
selves, by industry, economy and the extension of their 
settlements, to recover themselves from the losses and im- 
poverishment which they had sustained in the former wai:, 
the French were encroaching no less on their northern and 
western, than on their eastern frontiers. They were at- 
tempting to compass them with a line of posts and fortifica- 
tions, in such a manner, as would enable them, with their 
Indian allies, to harass and alarm the country, on their 
frontiers, for an extent of a thousand miles oi' more. At 
the same time, it would establish an easy and constant 
communication between their settlements in Canada, and 
OB the Mississippi, and command the trade of nil the wes- 
tern Indians. At the northward, they had encroached far j-f^jj 
on the English, by their settlements and fortifications at 
Crown Point, and they were advancing to Ticonderoga. 
At the westward, they were not only attempting to com- 
plete a line of forts from the head of the St. Lawrence to 
the Mississippi, but were encroaching far on Virginia. 

AVhile under the auspices of peace, agriculture and com- Reasons of 
merce flourished in the colonies, the Indian trade drew ^^^ ^'''^'^•. 
many of the wandering traders, from Virginia, far into the 

552 HISTOiiY OF Chap. XV :: 

Book II. inland country beyond die great mountains. IJerc they 
'a""'^^'^^^ found themselves in a very pleasing climate, fruitful, and 
1751. watered with many navigable rivers. It was conceived 
that these advantages, in conjunction with the Indian trade, 
would amply compensate for its distance from the sea. A 
settlenient was therefore immediately contemplated on the 
Ohio. A number of noblemen, merchants and planters, of 
Westminster, London and Virginia, named the Ohio com- 
])any, obtained a charter grant of six hundred thousand 
acres, on and near the Ohio river. In pursuance of the 
terms of their patent, the lands were surveyed, about two 
years after the grant, and settlements were soon made. 

The governor of Canada had early intelligence of the 
transactions of the company, and was alarmed with the ap- 
prehension, that they were prosecuting a plan, which 
would eftbctually deprive the French of the advantages 
which they derived from their trade with the Twightwees, 
and, what was much worse, would cutoff the communica- 
» tion between Canada and Louisiana. The French claim- 

ed all the country from the Mississippi, as far in upon Vir- 
ginia, as the Alleghany mountains. This claim was found- 
ed on the pretence, that they were the first discoverers of 
the river. To secure their claims and preserve the commu- 
nication between their two colonies, Canada and Louisia- 
iiia, they had not only erected a fort on the south side of 
lake Erie, but one about fifteen miles south of that, on a 
branch of the Ohio ; and another at the codAux of the Ohio 
and the Wabash. Nothing could be more directly calcu- 
lated to dash the favorite plan of France than the setdement 
of the Ohio company. 

The governor of Canada therefore wrote to the govern- 
ors of New- York and Pennsylvania, complaining, that 
tfie English traders had encroached on the French, by 
trading with the Indians, and threatening, if they should 
not desist, that he would seize them wherever they should 
be found. 

The Indian trade had been managed principally by the 
Pennsylvanians ; but the Ohio company were now about 
to divert it to a different channel. They contemplated 
the opening of a road to Will's creek, and the conducting 
of it, by the Potomac, directly to Virginia. The Penn- 
sylvanians, under the influence of selfishness, gave infor- 
mation, from time to time, both to the French and Indians. 
of the transactions and designs of the Ohio company. The 
governor of Canada, therefore, put his menaces into exe- 
cution. The French and Indians seized the British trad- 
ers among the Twightwees, and carried them to their fort 


on the south side of lake Erie. The Twightwees resent- Book II. 
ing the injury done to the British traders, who were their v-i^-v^s^ 
allies, made reprisals on the French, and sent several of 1734. 
their traders to Pennsylvania. The French nevertheless 
continued their claims, and strengthened their fortifica- 

The Indians, at the same time, jealous that settlements 
were about to l,»e made on their lands without purchase, 
and without their consent, threatened the settlers. These 
claims and threatenings of the French and Indians, struck 
at the very existence of the Ohio company. Complaints 
therefore v/ere made to lieutenant governor Dinwiddle, of 
Virginia, and the province began to interest itself warmly 
in the affair. The Indians were in some measure satisfied, 
by a pretended message from the king. Major Washing- 
ton was dispatched to M. St. Pierre, commandant on the 
Ohio, to demand the reasons of his hostile conduct, and at 
the same time to insist on the withdrawal of his troops. A 
party of Virginians were also sent forward to erect a fort 
Ut the confluence of the Ohhi and Monongahela. 

The French commander denied the charge of hostility, 
and, so far from withdrawing his troops, he made an abso- 
lute claim of the country, as the property of the French 
king, and declared that, agreeable to his instructions, he 
would seize and send prisoner to Canada, every English- 
man who should attempt to trade on the Ohio, or any of 
its branches. 

Before the Virginians had completed their designed for- 
tifications on the Ohio, the French came upon them, from-,, y. 
Vinango, in great force. They had an army of a thous- <,j-nians 
and men, and eighteen pieces of cannon, and drove them driven 
from the country. They then erected a regular fort on ^°™ ^^^ 
the very ground where the Virginians had begun their 
fortifications. They gave it the name of Fort du Quesne. 
In these ravages, the French destroyed all the English tra- ^^^^^^ 
ders but two, and plundered them of skins and other prop- ^iwed and 
erty to the amount of twenty thousand pounds.* This for- plunder- 
tress very much commanded the entrance of the whole ^^• 
country on the Ohio and the Mississippi. These measures 
gave a general alarm to the colonies^ and also to Great- 

It was easily foreseen, that if the French should unite 
Canada with their settlements at the mouth of the Mississip- 
pi, by possession of that vast country which lies between 
them, that the colonies would not only sustain the loss of a 
great part of their country, and all share in the Indian 
•' Ric]pr''s Hist, vol. xl, p, 71. 

V 2 

35^4" HISTORY OF C9A-P. XV. 

BooK-IF. imde ; but that, in time of war, their frontiers must, to a 
>4^-N/-^^ very great extent, be exposed to continual alarm and dan- 
1.754. ger. The defence of such a frontier, of more than a thous- 
and miles, would be in a great degree impracticable, as 
well as ruinously expensive. On the contrary, could the 
designs of France on Nova-Scotia and the Ohio be defeat- 
ed, it would entirely dii^unite their colonies, and as the en- 
trance into the one is, in the winter season, shut up by 
frost; and the entrance into the other is difficult, it would 
make them of much less value. It was also foreseen that 
the fortune of these colonies would immediately and very 
greatly atTcct the West-Indies. As both nations had a clear 
comprehension of the&e jioints, they were equally deter- 
mined to maintain tlieir respective claims. 

The British ministry were no sooner apprised of these 
claims and outrages of the French, than they instructed the 
Virginians, by force of arms, to resist their encroachments. ■ 
Orders were given also that several independent compa- 
uics, in America, should assist the Virginians. Major 
folopf I Washington was advanced to the rank of colonel, and ap- 
\ a?hm^- pointed to command the troops, from Virginia, destined to 
pediiion. remove the encroachments of the French on the Ohio. On 
the fir?t notice, captain James Mackay marched with his 
independent company, from South-Carolina, to the assist- 
ance of the Virginians. Two companies were ordered 
from New-York on the same service. Colonel Washing- 
ton, without waiting for the companies from New-York, 
determined to advance with the Virginians and Mackay's 
May 2i^ company, consisting of about four hundred men. InMay^ 
defeats he fell in with a party from fort du Quesne, under the 
Jaraon- command of one Jamonville, whom he totally defeatedo. 
^' ^' DeViilier, who commanded at fort du Quesne, incensed 

at this defeat, marched against him with a body of nine 
hundred men, besides Indians. The colonel had thrown 
up some imperfect works, which were, with propriety, 
termed fort Necessity ; hoping to defend himself in his post, 
I? after- ^^jjj ^^ should be reinforced by the companies expected from 
ovuitJow- New-York. In these works he made so brave and obsti- 
ered and nate a defence, that De Villier, finding he had desperate 
capitu- jj^gjj ^Q combat, offered him an honorable capitulation. 
This he accepted, and retreated with his party to Virginia. 
Recorn- The same year, instructions had been sent from the Lords 

mcndation of trade and plantations, recommending a meeting of com- 
JLo^s of niissioners from the several colonies, to concert a plan of 
trade and Union and defence against the common enemy : and in his 
planta- majesty's name to effect a league of friendship between the 
^^^' colonies and the Indians, bordering upon them. The colo- 


iiies, generally, manifested a cheerful compliance "with the Book IL 
recommendation. But as, in former wars, some colonics \..,f'-\^^**^ 
had done much, and others scarcely any thing, to the great 1 754,. 
injury of the common cause, it was now earnestly wished, 
■ihdct each colony might be obliged to do its equal propor- 
tion. It was also desired, that the five nations of Indians, 
who had been under particular governors or provinces, 
and had, too often, been influenced to measures subservi- 
ent to individuals, or to pariicular colonies, rather than to 
such as were beneficial to -the general interest, might be 
under some general direction, and contiibute to the safety 
and welfare of -the colonies collectively. 

The General Court of Massachusetts presented their 
desires to governor Shirley, that he would "pray his ma- April 10, 
jesty, that the affairs relative to the six nations, and their 
allies, might be put under such general direction, as his 
majesty should judge proper : that the several govern- 
ments may be obliged to bear their proportion of defend- 
ing his majesty's territories against the encroachments af 
•the French, and the ravages and incursions of the Indians." 

Agreeably to the recommendation of the lords of trade 
and plantations, a convention, in the summer, of the gov- 
ernors and principal gentlemen of the several colonies, 
met at Albany. The commissioners from Connecticut, 
were the honourable William Pitkin, Roger Wolcott, and 
Elisha Williams, Esq'rs. it was the ^unanimous opinion, 
that an union of the colonies was absolutely necessary for 
the common defence. The convention proposed this 
plan : — " That a grand council should be formed, of mem- Plan of un- 
bers chosen by the assemblies, and sent from all the colo- "o" ^'^^.T 
nies ; which council, with a governor general, to be ap- conven- 
pointed by the crown, should be empowered to make gen- tion, June 
eral laws, to raise money, in all the colonies, for the de- l^th. 
fence of the whole."* It was the general opi-Rion, that, 
could such an establishment be effected, the colonies 
would be competent to their own defence, against the com- 
bined force of the French and Indians. Some of the colo- 
nies, in former wars, had defended themselves against 
them, unassisted by Great-Britain, or their sister colonies. 
Their united force, therefore, they judged would certainly 
be sufficient. 

The commissioners from Connecticut were wholly op- Opposedl 
posed to the plan. They imagined that it was dangerous by the 
to the liberties of the colonies, and that such a government si°™'5^f " 
would not act with that dispatch and energy which might from Coi*- 
be reasonably expected by his majesty. It was also ima- nectkxit, 
* See the articles of agreement, in the Appendix, No. I. 


Book II. gined, that it might bring a heavier debt on the colo- 

1754. When tlie commissioners reported the plan to the Gene- 
Rojected ral Assembly in October, at New-Haven, it was opposed, 
by the as- ^^f\ totally rejected, by the legislature. They resolved, 
Oct. I'oth. " That it is the opinion of this assembly, and it is hereby 
Reasons of declared to be the opinion thereof, that the limits of the 
its rejec- proposed plan of union, are of too large extent to be, in any 
*°"' good manner, administered, considered, conducted, and 

defended, by a president general and council ; and that 
a defensive war, managed by such a government, having 
so large a frontier, will prove ruinous to it. That the 
same, in course of time, may be dangerous and hui'tful to 
his majesty's interest, and tend to subvert the liberties 
and privileges, and to discourage the industry of his ma- 
jesty's good subjects, inhabiting these colonies: and, there- 
fore, that no application be made, in behalf of this colony, 
to the parliament of Great-Britain, for an act to form any 
such government, on the said proposed plan, as is tlicreiii 
expressed 5 and that reasons be offered against any such 
Measures " Rcsolved by this assembly. That his honour the gov- 
adopted to ernor be desired, and he is hereby desired, to send the 
I""fy^°*' '*^ agent of this colony at the court of Gfeat-Britain, the reso- 
fect. * lution of this assembly concerning the plan of union pro- 
posed by the several colonies, who met at Albany, on the 
?4th of June last, to concert proper measures for the gene- 
ral defence and satety of his majesty's subjects in said gov- 
ernments ; and that he, likewise, send said agent the rea- 
sons considered and offered by this assembly, concerning 
the said plan of proposed union of the colonies of Massa- 
chusetts Bay, New-Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode-Island, 
New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Vir- 
ginia, North-Carolina, and South-Carolina, for their mu- 
tual defence, &;c. And, also, to send the representation of 
the state of the colonies of North-America, in relation to 
the French ; to be used and improved by the said agent, 
upon any consideration that may be had on said plan : And 
that the agent aforesaid, be directed, that, in case any of 
the other colonies aforesaid, shall make humble application 
for an act of the parliament of Great-Britain, by virtue of 
which one general government may be formed in America, 
including the said colonies, to be administered, in manner 
and form, as is proposed in said plan, he move the parlia- 
ment to be heard by learned council thereon, in behalf of 
this colony : And that the reasons aforementioned, with any 
yther arguments that may appear just and reasonable ia 


the case, be insisted on, and in ihe most advantageous Book II. 
manner urged, to prevent any such act being made or ^.^-v-^s^ 
passed in the parliament of Great-Britain."* 1754? 

The assembly further resolved, That the governor should 
watch all the steps v/hich the other governments should 
lake, relative to the said plan : That he should prepare 
whatever might be necessary for its prevention : That he 
should urge any further reasons against it, which his own 
mind might suggest : That he would suggest alterations in 
various parts ; particularly, that the government should be 
lessened, and divided into two districts : that the propor- 
tions allotted to each colony were unjust : and that he 
would show in what respects the liberties of the people 
would be infringed : that he would prepare the evidence of 
ihe facts, and send them to the agent, with whatever else 
might be necessary on the subject. 

The colony was greatly alarmed by this general plan of 
government, and spared no pains to ward off the evils 
which they feared ; but their exertions were unnecessary, 
and their fears soon subsided. The plan was as far fron: 
meeting the approbation of the British ministry, as that of 
die legislature and people of Connecticut, though for rea- 
sons very dissimilar. They were toq cautious to trust 
such powers with the Americans. 

They had formed a very different plan. It was, that 
the governors of the colonies, with one or more of their 
councils, should form a convention, to concert measures for 
the general defence, erect forts, and raise such numbers of 
men as they should judge necessary ; and that they shouh] 
draw on the British treasury, for such sums as should bo 
requisite to reimburse their expenses. The colonies, at 
the same time, were to be taxed by parliament, to pay the 
whole. This v/as a subtile contrivance, to provide for fh" 
vourites, sap the liberties, and engross the wealth of the 
colonies, and fix them down in perpetual poverty and 
slavery. But the colonies too well knew the imprudence 
and rapacity of kingly governors ; their embezzlement oi 
public monies ; their ignorance of the true state of the 
country ; and their want of affection for the people ; and 
how many of them came to America to make their for- 
tunes ; tamely to commit their liberty, property, and safe- 
ty to their management. They were as far from resigning 
their property into the hands of the parliament, as the par- 
liament were from trusting too much power in the hands oi 
the Americans. In the colonies, the plan received no 
countenance, but met their universal disapprobation. 
* ilcc9r4* of the colopf, October s^si'wn, 1754, 

S58 HISTORV^ OF Chap. XV. i 

■Book II. On the reception of the news of colonel Washington's 
s-»'"v^>*i^ defeat, the British court remonstrated against the conduct 
i 755. of the French in America ; but, receiving nothing but eva- 
sive answers and professions of peace from the court of 
France, gave orders for a vigorous preparation for war. 
The colonies were directed to arm and act with united ex- 
ertions against the enemy. Four expeditions were plan- 
ned : one against the Ohio, under the command of general 
Braddock; a second against Nova-Scotia; a third against 
Crown Point, and a fourth against Niagara. 
^ , The expedition against the French on the Ohio was 

Braddock j'Jc^gcd the most immediately urgent. General Braddock 
«?inbarks therefore embarked at Cork, about the middle of January, 
for Ameri- ^yji^j^ fifteen hundred regulars, for Virginia. After a pas- 
1755. ^^K^ of about six weeks, he arrived at the place of his des- 

The French, Avhilc they spoke nothing but peace, made 
vigorous preparations for the support of their claims in 
America. Early in the spring they had a powerful arma- 
ment ready for Canada. It consisted of twenty ships of 
the line, besides frigates and transports. On board were 
four thousand regular troops, with great quaiuities of mili- 
tary stores. The troops were under the command of Bar- 
on Dieskau. 

Admirals Boscawen and Holburn, with seventeen ships 
of the line, and seven frigates, with six thousand land forc- 
es, were dispatched to watch the motions of the enemy, 
A.dmiral Boscawen sailed directly for Newfoundland. Soon 
after his arrival, the French fleet, under the command of 
M. Bors de la ftlothe, came also nearly to the same sta- 
tion. But the thick fogs which prevail on the coast, espe- 
cially in the spring, prevented the fleets from discovering 
i-acli other. One part of the French fleet escaped «p the 
river St. Lawrence, while the other part went round and 
got into the river by the straights of Bellisle. But while 
the English scjuadron lay off Cape Race, the southernmost 
part of Newfoundland, two French ships, the Alcide, of 
sixty-four guns, with four hundred and eighty men, and tlie 
Lys, pierced for sixty-four guns, but mounting twenty-two 
only, having on board eight companies of land forces, fell 
in with the Dunkirk, captain Howe, and the Defiance, 
captain Andrews, and after a smart engagement, which 
lasted some hours, were taken. On board were found a 
considerable number of oflicers, engineers, and about 
eight thousand pounds in money. The other French ships 
and troops arrived safe in Canada, and were the principal 
means of the misfortunes which for some tipae attended ih'. 
English colonies. 


In the spring, the colonies, especially the northern, ^Vere Book IL 
all actively engaged in making preparations for the several ^-^-n^-***/- 
expeditions to be carried into execution. Special assem- 1 747. 
blies were called, and messengers sent from one colony to General 
another, to learn each others measures, and to form some ^*^'^™!^J^»' 

IIP ■ T r 1 Jan. oul» 

general plan 01 operation. In consequence 01 letters re- 1755^ 
ceivcd from Sir Thomas Robinson, one of his majesty's 
principal secretaries, the general assembly of Connecticut 
was convoked on the 8th of January. The letters express- 
ed his majesty's pleasure, that a considerable number of 
troops should be raised by the colonies for the defence of 
his majesty's dominions in America ; and that his majesty 
would dispatch several regiments from England to co-ope- 
rate with the colonies for their defence, and the removing, 
of the encroachments which had been made upon them. 
Connecticut was called upon in particular to exert herself in 
the common cause. 

The assembly acknowledged in the most grateful man- 
ner their sense of his majesty's regard for the security and 
welfare of his subjects in these parts of his dominions. 
They also manifested their cheerful compliance with his 
majesty's requisitions in all the particulars in which they 
had been made known unto them. The gavernor was au- 
thorised to comply with every act and thing which had been 
signified, at the expense of the government. To meet the 
extraordinary expense which might arise, it was enacted 
that seven thousand five hundred pounds lawful money 
should be forthwith emitted. The bills were emitted at 
five per cent interest, to be called in on the 8th of May, 
1758. As a proper fund for sinking said bills, a tax of 
two pence on the pound, lawful money, was levied on the 
polls and rateable estate of the colony, as exhibited in the 
list which should be brought in to the assembly in 1756: 
to be collected and paid into the treasury by the last day 
of August, 1757 ; and it was appropriated to the sole pur- 
pose of sinking the bills. 

In consequence of proposals from governor Shirley, and 
the general court of Jl^assachusetts, another special assem- 
bly was called, in March. The proposal was to raise an 
army of five thousand provincials, including governor Shir- 
ley's regiment of one thousand, in the following propor- 
tions : Massachusetts 1200, New-IIampshire 600, Rhode- 
Island 400, and Connecticut 1000 men. The original plan 
was, that this army should act against the French at Crown 
Point, to erect another fort in its vicinity, and to prevent 
farther encroachments in that quarter, and. as far as might 
be, to remove such as had been made. 

3^0^ HI^TdRY OF Chap. XV^ 

Book II. 'fhe assembly considered the propottion of men assign- 
v.^'v^'W ed (hem, to be far too great; yet to show their zeal for his 
1755. majesty's service and their regard for the public interest, 
Special as- they voted to raise a thousand men, as had been proposed, 
^'"'^^'h'n They considered the extensive frontiers which Massachu- 
1755! ' setts had to defend, and that the province of New- York- 
might be attacked in different places, and the vastimpor- 
Resolu- tance of defending the country in the present juncture ; 
J^il^ r!^„ and determined there should be no failure on their account. 

raising cin --,, ri i"i i/* •• 

army. The governor was lurther authorised, on the first intima- 
tion from the comAianders in chief that the army needed 
a reinforcement, to send forward 500 men more, with the 
utmost dispatch. The assembly also directed the govern- 
or to write to the other colonies, to make the same provis- 
ion for reinforcing the army, should it be necessary, and 
that it should be in proportion to the numbers they were 
respectively to furnish. 

To meet the exigences of the war, the assembly order- 
ed that all the outstanding bills in the possession of any 
person should be brought in, to a committee appointed for 
the purpose of receiving them, and that orders should be 
given the persons who brought in said bills, on the treasur- 
er of the colony, to the amount of the value of said bills, 
made payable at certain times fixed by the assembly, with 
the lawful interest until the times of payment. Ample 
funds were provided by taxes to make payment of the notes 
for the money called in. and for the reimbursement of the 
expenses of the war. Twelve thousand and five hundred 
pounds lawful money was emitted in bills, with interest at 
live per cent. 

At this assembly, all the officers of the army were ap- 
pointed, their wages and those of the common soldiers were 
fixed, and all proper measures adopted to forward the ex- 
pedition. William Johnson, of New- York, v/as appointed 
general of the northern army, and colonel Phinehas Ly- 
man, oneof the magistrates of Connecticut, was appoint- 
ed major-general. The firnt Connecticut regiment was 
commanded by general Lyman. His lieutenant-colonel 
was John Pitkin. The second regiment was commanded 
by Elizur Goodrich, Esq. Nathan Whiting was lieuten- 
IvPEolveof At the session in May, upon the petition of Phinehas 
the assem^ Lyman, Roger Wolcott, Jun. Samuel Gray, and Abra- 
tiveto^he ^^^^'^ Davetiport, Esq'rs. and others, their associates, to 
Suiiqiie- the number of about eight hundred and fifty, known by the 
hanaa name of the Susquehannah company, by their agents, Geo. 
comruny. Wyllys, Daniel Edwards, Samuel Talcott, Thomas Sey- 


mour, and Eliphalet Dyar, representing that the colony, Book II. 
according to the express limits of its royal charter, is in s-<*-v^*fc^ 
extent from the Narraganset Bay on the east, to the south 1755, 
sea on the west, and from the sea shore on the south, to 
the line of the Massachusetts province on the north ; that 
Avithin and towards the western part of its limits, are and 
time immemorial have been, large numbers of the Indian 
nations, commonly called the six nations, dwelling, im- 
provijig and claiming a large extent thereof: That a cer- 
tain large parcel of such their claim, situate and lying on 
the waters of the Susquehannah, about seventy miles north 
and south, and from about ten miles east of said river, ex- 
tending westward two degrees of longitude, they the said 
Indian nations, not finding necessary for their own use, 
have, for very valuable considerations, been induced to re- 
linquish, and to sell to the petitioners : and that some well 
ordered plantation, in so near a neighborhood to the said na- 
tions, might most likely be a means to cement and fix them 
in friendship with his majesty's subjects : and that they 
the said Indian nations are desirous such settlement mighc 
be promoted and carried on, as being conducive to their 
interest and safety ; and therefore praying the consent of 
this assembly, that his majesty, if it should be his royal 
pleasure, would grant said land to the petitioners and their 
associates, thereon to erect and settle a colony, for the ef- 
fectually securing said Indians in his majesty's interest, 
and the defence of his majesty's dominions in North Ameri- 
ca, with liberty of further purchases of said Indians, to 
said purpose, as occasion may be : 

Resolved by this assembly, that they are of opinion that 
the peaceably and orderly erecting and carrying on of 
some new and well regulated colony, or plantation, on the 
lands above mentioned, would greatly tend to fix and se- 
cure the said Indian nations in allegiance to his majesty, 
and friendship with his subjects ; and do accordingly 
hereby manifest their ready acquiescence therein, if it 
should be his majesty's royal pleasure to grant said land to 
said petitioners, and thereon erect and settle a new colo- 
ny, in such form and under such regulations as might be 
consistent with his royal wisdom ; and also take leave 
humbly to recommend the petitioners to his royal favor in 
the premises. 

The expedition against Nova-Scotia, was under the 
command of colonel Monckton. He was the first in the 
field. The province of Massachusetts, early in the spring, 
sent on a considerable number of men to Nova-Scotia ; 
and about the last of May, the colonel proceeded up the 


m^ HISTORY or Chap, tt^ 

BookH. bayof Funcly with a good body of troop?!, covered by 
'^^"^r^*^ three frigates and a sloop of war, under the command of 
1755. captain Rouse, with a design to dislodge the enemy from 
that quarter. On his arrival at Malagash, he found the 
passage up the river defended by a large number of French 
troops, Acadians and Indians. Four hundred were placed 
in a log house, with cannon mounted. The rest of the 
troops were defended by a strong breast-work of timbers 
thrown up around the block-house. But, the English at- 
tacked them with such order and gallantry that, after an 
action of about an hour, the enemy abandoned their work-, 
and the passage up the river was opened. The army ad- 
vanced, and on the twelfth of June, invested the French 
fort called Beausejour. This, after a bombardment of 
four days, was taken. The French had twenty-six pieces 
of cannon mounted, and ample supplies of ammunition. 
The garrison were sent to Louisburg, on condition of not 
bearing arms in America, for the t^erm of six months. As 
soon as the fort was provided with a proper garrison, the 
colonel marched further into the country, and reduced 
another French fort on the river Gaspereau, which runs 
into the bay of Verte. This was the principal magazine 
for supplying the French, Indians and Acadians with arms, 
ammunition, and aU other necessaries for war» Here,, 
therefore, were large quantities of provisions and stores oif 
all kinds, for the victorious anny. The colonel then pro- 
ceeded to disarm the Acadians, to the number of about fif. 
teen thousand men. They were pretty generally remov- 
ed froiii that part of the country. Great numbers of them 
were brought into New-Englan-1. 

Meanwdiile, captain Rouse, and the ships under his com- 
mand, sailed to St. John's river, to dislodge the enemy 
from that post. At the mouth of the river, they were erect- 
ing a new fort. But oa his approach they burst their can- 
non, blew up their magazine, and as far as time would per- 
DHt, destroyed their works, and then abandoned the post 
to the English. Thus, by this successful expedition, Great 
Britain became possessed of the whole country of Nova - 
Scotia, and its tranquillity was restored, and put on a firm. 
. establishment. 

The two expeditions against Crown Point and Niagara, 
were forwarded with great exertion and dispatch, by the 
lolonies of New-England and New- York. The troops foi*^ 
each of these enterprises, were ordered to rendezvous a? 
Albany. Most of them arrived at the place of their desti- 
nation before the end of June. Generals Johnson and Ly- 
man found themvSelves at the head of an army of betweet/ 


five and six thousand men. Besides, they were joined by Book IT. 
Hendrick, sachem of the Mohawks, with a considerable v^-v^sn^ 
body of Indians. Major-general Lyman soon marched 175,5. 
with the main body of the army, along Hudson's river, as The north- 
far as the carrying place, about fourteen miles south of the ^""^ ^™y 
south end of lake George. General Johnson tarried at S"h^son 
Albany, to forward the artillery, batteaux, and other ne-andLy- 
-cessaries for the enterprise. At the carrying place, where ™^"5 ^^^' 
ihe artillery, provisions, stores and batteaux were to be ^^"^^ |?^ 
landed, it was judged necessary to erect a fort, and to cast lake. 
up entrenchments to secure them, in order to keep up their 
communicatioQ when they should advance, and provide 
for a re-treat whenever it should be necessary. The ac- 
complishment of these works, with the transportation of 
the cannon, provisions, stores and batteaux, employed the 
army five or six weeks, before ihey could be in readiness 
to advance to the lake. 

While the New-Englasders were humbling the French 
in Nova-Scotia, and advancing towards Crown Point, gen- q , 
^ral Braddock had been slowly making preparations for Brad- 
ihe expedition against the French on tjie Ohio. Though dock^s ex- 
ihis, with the ministry, was the favorite expedition, andP*^'^^°°' ' 
though the general arrived soon enough to have begun his 
operations early in the spring, yet it was the tenth of June 
before he commenced his march from fort Cumberland, 
which the Virginians had built at Will's Creek. This, it 
has been said, was owing to the dilatoriness of the Virgin- 
ians, whom he had employed as contractors for his army. 
They were nearly three months in procuring provisions, 
horses, and a sufficient number of waggons, for the convey- 
ance of his baggage. Some waggons were procured from 
Pennsylvania, and yet but about half the number for 
which he had contracted were procured for his service. 
He began his march with about two thousand two hundred 
men. When he had advanced as far as the great mead- 
ows, he received the intelligence that the French, at fort 
Du Quesne, were in expectation of a reinforcement of five 
hundred men. This induced him to quicken his march ; 
and that he might proceed with greater expedition, he left 
-colonel Dunbar, with eight hundred men, to bring up the 
provisions and heavy baggage ; while he pressed forward 
with such provisions and necessaries as were barely suffi- 
cient for him, until colonel Dunbar should bring up the 

Before the general's departure from England, much pains Precau- 
had been taken to make him cautious, and to prepare him [^'j*^^ ^^^^^ 
for his command. Colonel Napier furnished him with aq, 



Book II. excellent set of instructions, ^vhick he had received from 
\-i^-v->^ the duke of Cumberland. Indeed, the duke in person fre- 
1755. quently admonished him to be particularly watchful against 
an arnbush or surprise. When he was on his march, col- 
onel Washington intreated him, with earnestness, to sufter 
him to precede the army and scour the woods with his ran- 
"•ers ; but the general treated this generous and necessary 
proposal with contempt. He rashly pressed on, through 
thickets and dangerous defiles, without reconnoitcring the 
woods, or obtaining any proper knowledge of the country 
through which he was to pass. By the eighth of July, he 
had advanced nearly sixty miles forward of colonel Dun- 
bar, and within twelve or fourteen miles of fort Du Quesne. 
In this situation, his officers, especially Sir Peter Halket, 
earnestly intreated him to proceed with caution, and to 
employ the friendly Indians in his army, as an advanced 
guard, against ambuscades and surprise. But he was too 
haughty and self-sufficient, to derive any benefit even from 
the experience or wisdom of the greatest characters. 

The next day, without any knowledge of the enemy, or 
any of the precautions to which he had been so repeatedly 
advised, he pressed on until about twelve o'clock, when, 
all on a sudden, he was saluted with a heavy and deadly 
fire in front, and on the whole of his left flank. The cne- 
Defeated ^Y artfully concealed themselves, and reserved their fire, 
July 9th. until the whole army had time to enter the defile. Though 
the yell and fire of the enemy w^ere tremendous, yet there 
was scarcely one of them to be seen. The suddenness of 
the attack, the horrible scream of the Indians, and the 
slaughter made by the first fire of the enemy, threw the 
advanced guard into the utmost panic, so that they, rush- 
ing back upon the main body, threw the whole of the reg- 
ular troops into irretrievable confusion. The general ex- 
hibited the greatest intrepidity and imprudence. Instead 
of retreating from the defile, and scouring the thickets with 
his cannon, or ordering the Virginians to drive the enemy 
from his flanks, he remained on the spot, giving orders for 
the few gallant oflicers and men who remained with him, to 
form regularly and advance to the charge of their invisible 
enemy. But, as the enemy kept up an incessant and de- 
structive fire, his officers and men fell thick about him. 
Five horses were soon killed under him ; but his obstina- 
cy seemed to increase with his danger : until, at length, he 
received a musket ball through his right arm and lungs» 
As he fell, those who remained, fled in great confusion. 
The general was carried from the field, by the bravery of 
ijeut, colonel Gage and another of his faithful officers. 


The artillery, ammunition, baggage, and the general's Book II. 
cabinet, with all his letters and instructions, fell into the v^-v'^s-' 
hands of the enemy. The latter of these were sent to 1755. 
Prance, and the French court availed itself of them in their 
memorials and declarations. The general died of hi? ^'^^ -^"'^ 
wounds four days after his defeat. Thus the loss of his 
own life, and the ruin of a fine army, were but the natural 
consequences of his unparalleled self-sufficiency, impru- 
dence and obstinacy. The enemy consisted of about four 
or five hundred men only, and these were chiefly Indians. 
The whole were not a match even for the Virginians, had 
they been allowed to fight in their own way. 

One of the piost remarkable circumstances of this unfor- 
tunate expedition remains yet to be told. The' Virginia 
militia, who had been despised by the general, and kept 
in the rear, though equally exposed with the regular troops, 
amidst all the dismay and confusion, stood firm and unbro- 
ken. They alone advanced against the enemy ; and, un- 
der colonel Washington, covering the retreat, seem to have 
saved the regulars from total destruction. 

The loss of officers and men was very great. Sir Peter Loss of 
Halket was killed at the head of his regiment, by the first men. , 
fire. The general's secretary, son of governor Shirley, 
fell soon after. The loss of officers much exceeded the com- 
mon proportion. The whole loss was not less than seven 
or eight hundred men.* 

The flight of the army was so precipitate and extraor- Exiraordi- 
dinary, that it never stopped until they met the rear divi- nary panic 
sion. This, on their junction, was instantly seized with ^^^ ^^- 
ihe same general panic which aflfected the main body ; and ^^^ ' 
though no enemy had been discovered in pursuit of them, 
yet the army continued retreating, without making any 
stand, or considerable halt, till it reached fort Cumberland, 
which was little less than a hundred and twenty miles from 
the place of action. Had the troops, even at this distance, 
so recovered their spirits as to have made a stand, they 
might, in some measure, have guarded the frontiers, and 
prevented those devastations, murders, and barbarities, 
which the French and Indians, during the rest of the sum- 
mer, perpetrated on the western borders of Virginia and 
Pennsylvania. But, instead of adopting this prudent and. 
salutary measure, colonel Dunbar, who succeeded in com- 
mand, leaving the sick and wounded at this post, under 
the care of the Virginians, marched off, with fourteen hun- 
dred men, to Philadelphia, t 

* Rider says he lost half his army. Hist, of England, vol. xl. p. 110 
t Rider, vol. xl. p. 111. 



CsAP. XV* 

Book II. 


In August, 
the north- 
ern army 
to the 

ment un- 
der colonel 


The northern army, under general Johnson, having 
brought on their artillery, batteaux, and provisions, to the 
caiTying place at fort Edward, towards the last of August, 
advanced fourteen miles to the south end of Lake George* 
Here preparations were making, with all possible dispatch, 
for crossing the lake, as soon as the cannon, batteaux, and 
Stores could be brought on. In the mean time, the army 
was encamped on a rising ground, covered, on its flanks, 
with a thick wood and swamp, by the lake in the rear, 
and having, in the front, a breast-work of trees. While 
the army was encamped in this situation, the Indian scouts, 
whom the general sent out daily to make discoveries, 
brought him intelligence of a large body of the enemy ad- 
vancing from Ticonderoga, by south bay, towards fort Ed- 
w^ard. There was a garrison of five hundred men, of the 
New- York and New-Hampshire troops, under the com- 
mand of colonel Blanchard. Immediately on the recep- 
tion of this intelligence, the general, comprehending the 
design of the enemy, to destroy the provisions and stores 
at fort Edward, and cut off the retreat of the army, sent 
expresses, one after another, to the colonel, acquainting 
him with his danger, and ordering him to call in all his 
detached partie , and to keep his whole force within the 
fort and entrenchments. About midnight, one of the ex- 
presses returned, with an account that the enemy were ad- 
vanced within four miles of fort Edward. A council of 
officers was called ; and, agreeably to their opinion, early 
in the morning, a party of a thousand men, with Hendrick, 
the Mohawk sachem, and his Indians, were detached to 
intercept the enemy. The party was commanded by colo- 
nel Williams, of Massachusetts, and colonel Whiting, of 
Connecticut. Baron Dieskau, who commanded the French, 
marched from Ticonderoga, with a view to cut off the gar- 
rison at fort Edward ; but when he had advanced within a 
few miles of the fort, he received information, that it was 
fortified with cannon, and that the camp, at the lake, had 
neither lines nor cannon. This, with th'e universal desire 
of his officers, determined him to attack the main camp. 
As he was advancing within about three miles of it, his ad- 
vanced parties discovered the corps under colonel Wil- 
liams, and immediately laid in ambush to surprise him. 
Notwithstanding the vigilance and keen sight of the In-- 
dians, the whole party were drawn into the snare. The 
enemy instantly rose, and, from every quarter, poured in 
upon them a tremendous fire. Colonel Williams, the In- 
dian sachem, and many other officers and men, instantly 
ic]\f Under the-3e disy.dvantages, and pressed with supc- 


rior numbers, it was with the utmost difficulty, that colonel Book II. 
Whiting, who succeeded in the command, extricated his v-*''~v"v.^ 
men from this dangerous defile, and secured his retreat 1755. 
into the camp. The enemy pressed so hard, that many Detach- 
fled singly, and some whole companies soon followed their ™®,"*^'"^" 
example. To prevent an entire overthrow, the whole ggpt. 6th. 
were obliged to retreat with as much haste as possible. 

At the same time, the firing was heard in the camp, 
which was judged to be at three or four miles distance, and 
it appeared to approach nearer and nearer. From this 
circumstance, it was rightly conjectured, that the detach- 
ment was repulsed, and retreating into camp. The alarm 
being thus given, the utmost exertions were instantly made 
to give the enemy a proper reception. A few cannon had 
been brought on ; but 'they were at the south landing of 
the lake, half a mile or more from the breast- work. Par- 
ties were sent to bring forward such pieces as could be 
moved with the greatest facility and dispatch. Fugitives 
from the retreating detachment, soon came running into 
the camp. These were Followed by company after com- 
pany, in the utmost huny and disorder. The whole party 
were soon in ; and the enemy following close upon them, 
appeared in regular order, advancing towards the centre 
of the camp. At about thirty rods distance, they made a Battle at 
little halt, and commenced the attack with a brisk and ^^^\„^ 
heavy firing of platoons. The Canadians and Indians sepi.^etb, 
covered the flank of the regular troops, and maintained a 
brisk, but irregular fire. The dismay and disorder with 
which the detachment retreated, the reports of the loss 
sustained, and of the great number of the enemy, with the 
bold countenance and regularity with which they made 
the attack, for a few minutes, caused such a general panic, 
that it required the utmost exertions of the generals and 
officers to keep the men at the lines. But they had re- 
ceived but a few fires before their spirits began to rise, 
and they fought with great resolution. The lines became 
one continual blaze and roar. Some pieces of artillery 
began to play, and so intimidated the Canadians and In- 
dians, that they were scattered, and retired behind trees 
and bushes, at too great a distance to do execution. Baron 
Diegkau, finding that he could make no impression on the 
centre of the camp, moved first to the left, and then to the 
right, attempting, by every exertion of military art and 
prowess, to force a passage. Nevertheless, as he was not 
supported by his irregulars, and as from every part of the 
lines, which he attempted to penetrate, he received a heavy 
and destructive fire, he was obliged to give over his at- 



Chap. XV. 

Book IT. 


B. Dies- 
kau de- 
feated and 

defeats a 
party of 

Smal] cir- 
ces occa- 
sion the 

tempts. The provincials, perceiving that the fire of the 
enemy abated, and that they were in confusion, leaped 
their breast- works, and attacked on all sides, with such re- 
solution and firmness, as put them to an entire rout. 

When the action commenced the number of the enemy 
was about two thousand. Of these about seven hundred 
were killed, and thirty made prisoners. Among the latter 
was Baron Dieakau himself, who was found a litde distance 
from the field, dangerously wounded, supporting himself by 
the stump of a tree. 

The loss of the provincials was about two hundred. 
These were principally of the detachment under colonel 
Williams. Of this there were killed, besides privates, col- 
onel Williams, major Ashley, six captains and several sub- 
alterns. Among the slain was the brave king Hendrick, 
and about forty of his warriors. The only officer of dis- 
tinction killed in the attack on the camp, was the gallant 
colonel Tidcomb, who about ten years before had signaliz- 
ed himself at the siege of Louisburg. General Johnson 
and major Nichols were wounded. 

The next day, captain M'Ginnes, marching from fort 
Edward with a detachment of a hundred and twenty New- 
Hampshire men, as a reinforcement to the camp, discover- 
ed between three and four hundred of the remains of the 
enemy sitting fry a pond not far from the place where col- 
onel Williams had been defeated. Though his numbers 
were so inferior to the enemy, yet he made such disposi- 
tions, and attacked them with such impetuosity and good 
conduct, that, after a sharp action, he put them to flight. 
They fled with so much precipitation as to leave many of 
their packs and other articles to the conquerors. The 
brave captain however, unfortunately received a wOund, of 
which he died a few days after his arrival in the camp.* 

Several small circumstances, which seem to have been 
merely providential, probably saved fort Edward and the 
army, and occasioned the defeat of the enemy. The re- 
port of a prisoner whom the French had taken, that the 
camp was entirely defenceless, without lines or cannon, de- 
termined the general to make the attack on the main army, 
and probably saved fort Edward. Tiiat they made not the 
attack a few days sooner, when the camp was, in fact, in 
the situation which the prisoner reported ; and that the en- 
emy began the attack at so great a distance, as rendered 
their fire in a great measure ineffectual, until the provin- 
cials had recovered their spirits and were prepared to 
make a manly resistance, were very favorable circum^stan.- 

" Rider^s Hist, vol, x!. p. 120, 


tes. Had the enemy resei'ved their fire and advanced di- Book II. 
rectly to the lines without hesitation, it is not improbable \^'>r>*i^ 
that they might have obtained a complete victory with less 1755. 
loss than they finally sustained. Had not the provincials 
strengthened their camp with lines, and brought On their 
cannon at that very juncture, or had any of these circum- 
stances been otherwise than they were, the army might 
have been lost. It is the glory of providence, by small 
means and circumstances, to produce great events. 

The action at the lake gave a general alarm to the coun- 
try, and the generals called for reinforcements from the 
several neighboring colonies. Connecticut immediately 
raised and sent on two regimental, consisting of fourteen 
hundred men, so that the colony had in actual service be- 
tween two and three thousand men. Before the battle, 
general Johnson had written to governor Fitch, desiring a 
reinforcement. A special assembly was called on the Special 
27th of August, and the legislature resolved to raise two Assemblj-j, 
I'egiments to consist of seven hundred and fifty men each. ** 
The officers were appointed and the reinforcement was for- 
warded with all possible dispatch.* In a little more than 
one week from the alarm, the regiments were raised, equip- 
ped and marched for service. 

Though the army was, with great expedition, sufficiently of^erectm"' 
reinforced, yet the necessity of strong fortifications and fortifica- "^ 
garrisons at the carrying place, and at the lake, in which ^ions. 
provisions and stores might be safely lodged, and by 
which the communication between the army and Albany 
might be kept up, now appeared more strongly than it had 
ever before done, on account of the danger in which the 
army had so lately been involved. It was from Albany 
only that they could be supplied with provisions, or be re- 
inforced upon any emergency. It was by keeping open 
this communication that the retreat of the army could be 
secured. It was therefore judged unsafe to pass the lake 
until a good fort was erected at the south landing of lake 
George, and the works at fort Edward were strengthened, 
and rendered more complete. 

It was easily foreseen that by the time the necessary 
preparations could be made, it would be too late to pro- 
ceed to Crown Point the present campaign, and all thoughts 
of it were thrown aside. But that every thing might be in 
the best state of readiness as soon as the spring should open, 
the army addressed itself with the utmost diligence to com- 
plete the works designed. A fort was erected at lake 
George, and the works at fort EdAvard were completed, 

* Records of the colony. 



rilSTOIlY OV Chap. X\ 

The army was employed in these services until the latler 
part of November. The troops then decamped, and, ex- 
cept those who kept garrison, returned to their respective 

Though the expedition had failed as to its main object- 
yet it ha-d been conducted with great labor, spirit and pru- 
dence. The colonists had advanced far through an al- 
most trackless wilderness : they cut and made roads through, 
heavy forests, fought one battle, and gained the victory 
over regular troops. They had built a great number of 
boats andbatteaux, erected two forts, furnished them with 
cannon, stores and alt necessaries, at a great distance from 
the old settlements. It *:ould hardly have been reasonable 
to expect that they could have done more. They were 
highly applauded by his majesty and the whole nation. 
The general received from his majesty the honor of being: 
f Jcneral (-leatcd a baronet, and from the- parliament a present of 

Johnson i- ,i i i *; 

promoted. "^^ thousand potmds.* 

The expedition against Niagara was commanded by- 
governor Shirky, and consisted of two thousand five hun- 
dred men. But his preparations were so deficient and di- 
latory, that nothing of any great importance was effected. 
!t was nearly the middle of July before the first division 
of his army marched^ from Albany. The governor did not 
arrive at Oswego until fhe 18th of August, and it was the 
last of the month before the artillery and rear division ar- 
rived. The great distance between Albany and Oswego 
rendered the transportation of provisions, ammunition and 
stores an exceedingly difficuk task. On the news of gen- 
eral Braddock's defeat, many of his boatmen dispersed and- 
ran home. For this reason a sufficient quantity of provis- 
ions could not be carried on for the ti-oops. Therefore, 
though several good vessels and a great number of boats 
had been built to convey the army across the lake to 
Niagara, and thoug,h the general had brought on a fine 
train of artillery, he could not proceed for want of provis- 
ions. As late as the 26th of September, he had not suffi- 
cient provisions to proceed with six hundred men only. 
Besides, the rainy season was come on, and it was judged 
impracticable. The rest of the season was spent in erect- 
ing two new forts. The ground on which the old fort was 
built, in 1727, was chosen, rather for the agreeableness of 
its situation than for defence against a regular siege. One 
fort was built on the east side of the river Onondaga, call- 
ed fort Ontario. This was about four hundred and fifty 
yards from the old fort, and was designed to command 
*Rider'sHist.vol. xl. p. 121. 


chat and the entrance of the harbor. The other v/as four Book IL 
hundred and fifty yards west of the old fort, called Oswe- v-^'-v-^i^ 
go. Colonel Mercer and seven hundred men were left at 1756. 
Oswego, to garrison the forts ; and on the 24th of October 
the rest of the army decamped and returned to Albany. 

Thus ended the campaign of 1 755. Notwithstanding 
i.he prodigious exertions of the colonies^ the French were 
not dispossessed af a single fortress, nor of the least por- 
tion of territory, either on their northern or western I'ron- 
iiers. They and their Indian allies, not only ravaged the p^^vages m 
western frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania during the Virginia 
summer, but they continued plundering, burning and lay- ^^^ ^^.""^ 
ing them waste, murdering and captivating the inhabitants ^^J^^q^" 
during the whole winter.* 

It will doubtless appear very extraordinary, if not in a 
measure unaccountable, that while New-England, New- 
York, and New-Jersey, were raising such powerful ar- 
mies, the wealthy and numerous colonies of Virginia, 
Maryland and Pennsylvania, should suffer a small num- 
ber of French and Indians thus to harass and lay waste 
their frontiers. This was occasioned by a combination of 
circumstances ; principally on account of their numerous 
slaves, and the divisions and animosities between the colo- 
nies themselves, and between their governors and the peo- 
ple. The great number of siaves in those colonies dimin- 
ished their strength, and rendered large draughts of men 
from them dangerous. The colonies had different and 
clashing interests. Pennsylvania was entirely opposed to 
the Ohio company and Virginia, for reasons which have 
been mentioned. Her inhabitants seem rather to have en- 
couraged the French and Indians at first, and to have wish- 
ed them success. Afterwards, when they began to feel 
the effects of their inhumanity, a misunderstanding be- 
tween them and governor Morris, the royal and proprieta- 
ry governor, entirely frustrated their best concerted plans. 
When the general assembly of the province saw the abso- 
lute necessity of erecting fortifications and of maintaining 
a standing military force, for the defence of their western 
frontier, and passed a bill for raising the sum of fifty thou- 
sand pounds for that purpose, he absolutely refysed giving 
his assent to it, because, the estates of the proprietors were 
taxed equally with the estates of the inhabitants. He in- 
sisted that he had express orders from the proprietors to 
oppose all taxes upon their lands. The assembly judged 
it reasonable that the proprietaries should pay an equal 
tax with themselves, as their estates were equally exposed 
* Rider's History, toI, x!. p. 127, 

372 HISTORY OF Chap. XVI. 

Book II. and would be equally benefitted by the common defence, 
'i=^~>^^>-/ and could not be prevailed upon to alter the form of the 
1756, bill. Nothing could therefore be done. 

Between the Virginians and governor Dinwiddic, there 
were violent animosities, on account of his rapacity and 
extravagant fees for grants of land. They carried the 
matter so far as to prefer a complaint to his majesty against 

Maryland was less exposed than the other two colonies, 
and was not zealous in carrying on the war. While the 
other colonies would nof; unite in their own defence, it 
could not be expected that she would undertake it sepa- 
rately. Under the influence of these circumstances no 
effectual defence was made, and the enemy ravaged Avith 

In the mean time, his majesty y/as so well pleased with 
the Zealand services of New-England, and of some of the 
neighboring colonies, that he recommended it by a message 
to the house of commons, to take into consideration, the 
faithful services of the people of New-England, and of 
some other parts of North America, and grant them a 
suitable reward, as an encouragement. In consequence 
of his majesty's recommendation, the parliament voted 
one hundred and fifty thousand pounds for those purposes.* 


Campaign in 1756. War proclaimed. British generals 
appointed. Troops raised hy Connecticut. Plan of the 
campaign in 1756. The British generals, Ahercombie 
find lord Loudon, arrive in America. Tlie reception of 
his lordship. Dilatory and unaccountable conduct of the 
generals. Colonel Bradstreet is attacked by the enemy 
and defeats them. Osroego invested and taken, hy gene- 
ral Montcalm. Loss at that post. Comparison betwee/^ 
the campaigns in 1755, and 1756. The enemy continue 
their ravages in the southern colonies. 


LL the hostilities of the preceding years had been 
carried on without any proclamation of war by Eng- 
land or France. The latter, during the whole time, had 
War ro- ^^^^ ^^^ xno?>\. pacific professions. But, notwithstanding, 
•claimed. * Rid'sr's Hist. vol. xU p. 151, 152. ' 


Great-Britain, on the eighteenth of May, proclaimed war Book II, 
against I;rance. Early in June, the king of France, in v«^-v^s-/ 
his turn, proclaimed war against Great-Britain. 175G. 

As governor Shirley had not answered his majesty's ex- 
pectations the last year, and as he determined to make 
his principal efforts in America, wherS the first hostilities 
commenced, and where it was conceived the strongest 
impressions could be made, general Abercrombie was ap- 
pointed to succeed him. But, as it was judged that a gen- 
eral command over all the operations in North America, 
would subserve the general interest, the earl of Loudon 
was appointed commander in chief of that department of 
the war. Besides his general command, he was appoint- 
ed governor of Virginia, and colonel of a royal American 
regiment, to be raised in this country. He was viewed as 
a nobleman of amiable character, and .had formerly dis- 
tinguished himself in the service of the nation. He was 
vested with great powers, little short of those of a viceroy. 

Great expectations were now formed, of a vigorous and 
successful campaign. The northern colonies exhibited a 
noble zeal in his majesty's service, and had their respec- 
tive quotas of troops early in the field. Connecticut, in 
particular, raised two thousand five hundred men, which 
■was double the number required by the commander in 
chief, as the proportion of the colony in the service of that 
year. This was done, that the service might not suffer, 
as it was expected that some of the southern colonies, 
would not send into the field the number of men allotted 
to them.t About seven thousand provincials, well prepar- 
ed, were seasonably in the field. But the conduct of the 
general was dilatory, and spiritless in the extreme. Though 
general Abercrombie took his departure for America in 
March, he did not join the army until the latter part of 
June. The earl of Loudon, who was to dh-ect the grand 
plan of operations, never left England until the last of May. 
By this time he ought to have been in America, and to have 
opened the campaign. The plan of operation in America pj^n of (he 
this year, had been concerted by a general council of war campaign, 
at New- York. It was to attack Niarara and Crown Point. 
To facilitate these operations, a body of troops was to be 
detached up Kennebec river, to alarm the capital of Cana- 
da. These enterprises were to have been effected by the 
northern colonies, in conjunction with a body of regular 
troops. At the same time, the southern colonies, assisted 
by several regular regiments, were to besiege fort Du Ques- 

t Reasons of the colony why the British colopies should not be taxe^ 
ty parliament, p. 30. 


Book II. ne, on the Ohio. The plan was extensive ; but, the colo- 
v-«''"^''^*'*i^ nies united, with men of skill and enterprise to lead them, 
Impor- were well able to have carried it into execution. Niagara, 
tance of ■^^thout doubt, was one of the most important posts in 
JN'ifl^ara.^ North America. Its situation was on the south side of lake 
Ontario, at the very entrance of the strait which joins this 
to lake Erie, and forms the only water communication be- 
tween them. This was the grand link, which connected 
the two colonies of Canada and Louisiana. It was the on- 
ly way by which the Indians, for several hundred miles 
from the north west, could pass with safety, to the southern 
parts of America ; or by which the Indians, south of the 
lake, could communicate with those north of it. Whoever 
commanded this post, must, in a greater or less degree, 
not only influence and command the five nations, and the 
Indians north of the la