UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
AT LOS ANGELES
BY HIS SON
HENRY GEORGE, JR.
THE LIFE OF
HENRY GEORGE
THIRD PERIOD
NEW YORK: DOUBLEDAY
PAGE & COMPANY 5 1904
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THIRD PERIOD
PROPAGATION OF THE PHILOSOPHY
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What I tell you in darkness, that speak ye in light : and what ye
hear in the ear, that preach ye upon the housetops.
And fear not them which kill the body, but are not able to kill the
soul : but rather fear him which is able to destroy both soul and body in
hell. Matthew x. 27, 28
CHAPTEE I.
"PROGRESS AND POVERTY" PUBLISHED.
1879-1880. AGE, 40-41.
THE diary shows that on March 22, 1879, a copy of
"Progress and Poverty" in manuscript was shipped
to D. Appleton & Co., Publishers, New York. No West
Coast house was judged to have facilities for placing a
book of this kind on the market. Moreover, the Apple-
tons were the American publishers of the works of Her-
bert Spencer, whose "Social Statics" Mr. George regarded
as having in some degree ploughed the ground for his
own book. They also published "The International Sci-
entific Series" which he had in his library and to which
he thought "Progress and Poverty" might perhaps be
added. But about the middle of April he received word
from the Appleton Company :
"We have read your MS. on political economy. It
has the merit of being written with great clearness and
force, but is very aggressive. There is very little to
encourage the publication of any such work at this time
and we feel we must decline it."
However, the author had meanwhile asked his brother,
Thomas L. George, to go on from Philadelphia and confer
on publication with Professor William Swinton, Henry
315
316 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE (1879-1880
George's old California friend, now living in New York,
and with A. S. Hallidie, a member of the Board of Trus-
tees of the San Francisco Free Library, who had gone
East to buy books. The three gentlemen called on "Wil-
liam H. Appleton, the senior member of the firm, and
found him disposed to reconsider the matter, though his
strong feeling was that the publication of such a book
would not pay. And there he halted, so that the manu-
script was submitted to other houses. Thomas George
wrote to his brother on May 13 :
"I have just telegraphed you after consultation with
Professor Swinton, and by his advice, that it 'seems
impossible to get publisher without plates.' Appleton
rejected the MS. and Harper, also, the latter emphati-
cally, considering it revolutionary and all that sort of
thing. Swinton and I called at Scribner's this morn-
ing . . . and were much pleased with our inter-
view. In the event of Scribner refusing we shall try
Boston."
Meanwhile, and before Appleton had written the first
letter of rejection, Henry George, not wishing to remain
idle, and for that matter urged by necessity to do some-
thing to make a living which his office of meter inspector
had not recently afforded, re-entered public affairs. He
started a four-paged weekly paper, "The State" "A jour-
nal of politics and opinion." It was printed by William
M. Hinton, who had opened a printing office on Clay
Street. Mr. George did most of the writing, but Dr. Tay-
lor, James V. Coffey and other friends made contribu-
tions. The paper was high in tone and temperate, though
strong in language. It forcibly opposed the new constitu-
tion that the convention had drawn up and which was to be
submitted to a popular vote early in May. Mr. George
Age, 4041] "THE STATE" 317
held that such an instrument would strengthen the land
and railroad monopolies and that it had many other seri-
ous faults. The masses of the people thought otherwise,
however, so that it was adopted by a large vote.
"The State" afterwards dealt with a number of matters
of public interest in California, and took a vigorous ad-
verse position to General Grant, who purposed completing
a circle of the globe by way of San Francisco, to the end,
as many like George believed, of becoming candidate for a
third term of the Presidency. To Henry George, Grant
was distinguished as the President who had had the worst
of all political rings and corruptionists about him.
George's attack was so sincere and so strenuous that later,
when Grant arrived, and John Kussell Young, who was of
the General's party, offered to arrange for a private in-
terview, George refused.
"The State" had a short life, suspending with the
eleventh number. Not that it was losing money, for while
it did not have much of a circulation, it was just about
paying for itself. Mr. George stopped it because, having
undertaken to make plates of his book, he found that that
far more important matter demanded all of his available
time.
It is an old story how the copyright of Milton's "Para-
dise Lost" was originally sold for five pounds, and it goes
with the history of literature how many famous books from
"Robinson Crusoe" down to "Uncle Tom's Cabin" were
at start thought to be such poor business ventures as to
have to struggle for publication. "Progress and Pov-
erty" had fallen into the same category. The ability it
showed was conceded, but aside from its doctrines to
which some objected, the book was thought unlikely to pay
the expense of handling. In truth, no works of political
economy up to that time had paid. There was nothing
318 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1879-1880
for the author to do but himself to make his plates and
then try again for a publisher.
But to a man who had no money who indeed, was in
debt the expense of making plates was a serious matter.
The way cleared, however. "My old partner, Mr. Hin-
ton," said Mr. George later, 1 "who had got himself a
printing office, thereupon said that he had faith enough
in anything I should do to make the plates; and I put
the manuscript in his hands." The diary on May 17 con-
tains the note: "Commenced to set type on book. Set
first two sticks myself."
But with characteristic pains, the author revised his
manuscript, chapter by chapter, before the printers re-
ceived it. Not a page or a paragraph escaped until it met
whatever new questions had arisen in his mind. And he
made many changes, but not one affecting principle. Most
of them related to terseness, expression and arrangement. 2
Those competent to judge will perhaps hold with the
author that taken altogether the changes made in the
1 Meeker Notes, October, 1897. See also "The Science of Political
Economy," p. 203.
2 A comparison of title pages will illustrate this :
As submitted to Appleton : As revised and printed :
" Progress and Poverty " Progress and Poverty
"An inquiry into the Cause of "An inquiry into the Cause of
Recurring Paroxysms of Industri- Industrial Depressions and of In-
al Depressions and of Increasing crease of Want with Increase of
Want with Increasing Wealth. Wealth.
' ' A Remedy Proposed. " " The Remedy. "
There was also an important rearrangement and addition. As submitted
to Appleton, the work consisted of eight grand divisions or books. The
revision cast it into ten. The original Book VI, entitled, "The Remedy,"
and consisting of ten chapters, he divided into three books, as follows :
Book VI, "The Remedy," two chapters (one of them, entitled, "The True
Remedy,") being new; BcokVII, "Justice of the Remedy, "five chapters; and
Book VIII, "Application of the Remedy," four chapters. The numbering
Age, 40-41] THE BOOK REVISED 319
manuscript at the time of putting the work into type
made a marked improvement in "Progress and Poverty,"
as still further clearing and smoothing an already grace-
ful, lucid style; hut it is to the termination of the work
that chief attention will turn. The manuscript ended
with the closing words of Book VIII, or what by subse-
quent numbering became Book X. The author had ended
his task, he had answered the riddle of industrial depres-
sions, shown the cause of increase of want with increase
of wealth and pointed to the remedy. But thought still
mounted, his heart still moved him; so that while the
printers were busy setting type on what he had previously
written, he now wrote a chapter entitled "The Problem of
Individual Life" to form the conclusion. This was not
a mere rhetorical nourish, a splendid peroration to an
elevated argument. His soul's message was going out to
the world. He had made the long, hard struggle to find
the Truth and to tell it. Would the Truth prevail? He
understood the conditions that beset it and he answered:
"Ultimately, yes. But in our own times, or in times of
which any memory of us remains, who shall say?" He
made a supreme appeal to those "who in their heart of
hearts have taken the cross of a new crusade"; to those
who seeing the Truth, "will toil for it; suffer for it; if
need be, die for it." It was a trumpet call to those who
would fight with Ormuzd ! And he followed this up later,
at the first formal publication of the work, 1 with a dedi-
of former Books VII and VIII was changed to IX and X, respectively.
Besides the motto to precede the general work, one was now set at the
head of each book, that heading Book VIII, being written by Dr. Taylor.
It was ascribed to "Old Play," which, however, gave place to Taylor's
name in the fourth edition, as George heard it highly commended and
wished its author to have full credit,
i First Appletou edition.
320 LIFE OP HENRY GEORGE [1879-1880
cation of it "to those who, seeing the vice and misery that
spring from the unequal distribution of wealth and privi-
lege, feel the possibility of a higher social state and would
strive for its attainment."
During all this labour of making plates, Taylor was of
inestimable service to his friend, encouraging and sug-
gesting, reading proofs, and even, like George, going back
to the printer's case to set a few sticks of type. Nor did
George forget his other friends. He now did as he had
done during the previous work of writing called for
their aid whenever they could give it. For instance, John
Swett has said:
"It was when he was putting 'Progress and Poverty* in
type that Mr. George came, saying that some criticisms
had been made by a friend respecting syntax, and that
as he [George] depended more upon his ear than upon
a knowledge of rules, he may have fallen into some gross
errors. He, therefore, wanted me, as a friend, to read
a set of proofs the same set, in fact, on which the
grammatical critic had made marks. I found that
these marks related almost entirely to 'so's' and 'as's/
According to my liberal view, Mr. George's use of these
marked words was in almost every instance correct. In-
deed, as I now remember, the only incorrect use of them
was in a single instance, which by some chance the
critic had overlooked.
"Mr. George did not ask me to pass upon the subject
matter of the work. Nor would I have felt in a posi-
tion to do so, because I had made no special study of
such matters. He asked me to read for grammatical
slips; and from what he said, I expected to find here
and there a break. I was greatly surprised to find prac-
tically nothing to criticise. His ear was as good as the
rules of syntax."
One of his friends had originally suggested that the
book be published by subscription, and the author con-
Age, 40-41] PROPHECY AS TO BOOK 321
eluded to follow this idea to the extent of an informal
"Author's Edition" of five hundred copies. He printed
a descriptive circular or prospectus of the work announ-
cing that he would issue in August a small "Author's Proof
Edition," under the title, "Political Economy of the So-
cial Problem." 1 He sent this circular to those of his
friends who he thought would take an interest in the mat-
ter, and he sold enough copies at three dollars apiece to
enable him to pay part of the cost of printing the edition.
One of the first copies he sent to his father in Phila-
delphia, who had reached his eighty-first year. With the
book he sent this letter (September 15) :
"It is with a deep feeling of gratitude to Our Father
in Heaven that I send you a printed copy of this book.
I am grateful that I have been enabled to live to write
it, and that you have been enabled to live to see it.
It represents a great deal of work and a good deal of
sacrifice, but now it is done. It will not be recognised
at first maybe not for some time but it will ulti-
mately be considered a great book, will be published in
both hemispheres, and be translated into different lan-
guages. This I know, though neither of us may ever see
it here. But the belief that I have expressed in this
book the belief that there is yet another life for us
makes that of little moment."
A fortnight after writing this letter, the author re-
ceived from D. Appleton & Co. of New York a proposal
to publish the book. This was in response to an effort
1 The title, " Progress and Poverty," was the name used when the book
was first submitted to Appleton and the other Eastern publishers, as shown
by the original manuscript. Why Mr. George announced a totally differ-
ent one in this circular perhaps came from a desire to protect the former
title until it had been printed with the book and copyrighted. He
showed similar care with his later books.
322 LIFE OF HENEY GEORGE [1879-1880
he had again made to find a publisher. "I sent/' he said,
"copies of the author's edition without binding to pub-
lishers both in America and England, offering to put the
plates at their disposal for printing. I received but one
proposal, that of Appleton & Co. They offered to take
it and bring it out at once, and I acceded to this." 1 The
publishers proposed to issue the book at two dollars a
copy and agreed to give a royalty of fifteen per cent.
To his friend, John Swinton, of New York, brother of
Professor William Swinton, Mr. George wrote in satis-
faction :
"So, at last, I feel sure of getting the book published !
This is a very great relief to me. I was from the first
apprehensive about finding a publisher and Somers
brought to me a message from you as to the difficul-
ties that was anything but encouraging. Turning
aside from everything else, I worked hard and faith-
fully to get the book through, only to feel when the
writing had been finished that I was but on the threshold
of the real difficulty. When, in spite of your brother's
efforts, I could get no one to publish from the manu-
script, I had to work on an uncertainty and make the
plates. To do this I had to stop the little paper that
I had started."
Soon following this letter Mr. George wrote another to
John Swinton:
"If the book gets well started, gets before the public
in such a way as to attract attention, I have no fear
for it. I know what it will encounter ; but, for all that,
it has in it the power of truth. When you read it in
its proper order and carefully, you will see, I think, that
it is the most important contribution to the science
of political economy yet made; that, on their own
1 Meeker notes, October, 1897.
Age,4(Mi] THE BOOK GOES FORTH 323
ground, and with their own weapons, I have utterly
broken down the whole structure of the current polit-
ical economy, which you so truly characterise. The pro-
fessors will first ignore, then pooh-pooh, and then try
to hold the shattered fragments of their theories to-
gether; but this book opens the discussion along lines
on which they cannot make a successful defence/*
Mr. George also received some cheer through compli-
mentary copies of the "Author's Edition" which he sent
to such distinguished persons as he thought would be
interested in it; one copy going to Gladstone, who had
just made a speech or two with radical tendencies on the
land question, another to Sir George Grey, the master
spirit of New Zealand; and others to Herbert Spencer and
the Duke of Argyll, both of whom, the one as author of
"Social Statics" and the other of "The Reign of Law,"
would, the author presumed, welcome a work harmonising
with principles they had enunciated. Spencer does not
appear to have responded, but the Duke sent a courteous
acknowledgment. Gladstone on one of his customary pos-
tal cards said (Hawarden, November 11, 1879) : "Accept
my best thanks for the copy of your interesting work,
which reached me to-day, and which I have begun to
examine. There is no question which requires a more
careful examination than the land question in this and
other countries, and I shall set great store on whatever
information you may furnish under this head." Sir
George Grey wrote in a still more gratifying way (Auck-
land, N. Z., January 27, 1880). "I have already read a
large part of the book," he said. "I regard it as one of
the ablest works on the great questions of the time, which
has come under my notice. It will be of great use to me.
. . . It has cheered me much to find that there is so
able a man working in California, upon subjects on which
324 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1879-1880
I believe the whole future of mankind now mainly
hangs."
Early in 1880 John Eussell Young went to London and
carried a number of copies of "Progress and Poverty" with
him which he presented with personal letters to notable
men of his acquaintance, among them being W. Fraser
Kae, L. H. Courtney, M. P., Dean Stanley, and Henry
Labouchere, M. P., Thomas Hughes and Henry Faw-
cett, M. P., as well as the Irish Members of Parliament,
A. M. Sullivan and J. O'Connor Power, and he wrote back
to Mr. George that most of these copies of the book were
getting read and that some would probably produce results,
But if such messages were beginning to come in from
the outside world, recognition at home was slow. Friendly
newspapers like the "San Francisco Examiner" and the
"Sacramento Bee" said complimentary things, without at-
tempting to discuss or even to notice extendedly. Most
of the papers, if they did not treat the book with con-
temptuous silence, sneered at the "hobby" of "little Harry
George," and said in substance with the "Alta California"
that the book never would be heard of. This belief found
expression beyond the newspapers, as indicated by an inci-
dent related by Mr. George in his "Science of Political
Economy" : l
"When the first few copies of my 'Progress and Pov-
erty 5 were printed in an author's edition in San Fran-
cisco, a large land-owner (the late General Beale, proprie-
tor of the Tejon Eanch, and afterwards United States
Minister to Austria), sought me to express the pleasure
with which he had read it as an intellectual performance.
This, he said, he had felt at liberty to enjoy, for, to
speak with the freedom of philosophic frankness, he was
i Pages 170, 171.
Age, 40-41] PERSONAL EXPLANATIONS 325
certain my work would never be heard of by those whom
I wished it to affect."
The Sacramento "Kecord-Union," the railroad organ,
was really the first representative of the hostile newspaper
interests to honour the book with a serious and extended
criticism. The author was moved to reply. He filled four
and a half columns, incidentally making some personal ex-
planations that we should note.
"If [in replying] I shall seem to show any of that
absence of diffidence which you deem one of the re-
markable characteristics of my book, do not charge it
to any want of respect or lack of proper modesty, but
to the fact that when a man has so thought out and
tested his opinions that they have in his mind the high-
est certainty, it would be but affectation for him to
assume doubts he does not feel. . . .
"For my own part I am not lacking in respect for
authority. Like everybody else, I am disposed to be-
lieve whatever I am told by those reputed wise and
learned, and if I have been enabled to emancipate my-
self from ideas which have fettered far abler men, it is,
doubtless, due to the fact that my study of social prob-
lems was in a country like this, where they have been
presented with peculiar directness, and perhaps also to
the fact that I was led to think a good deal before I
had a chance to do much reading."
Mr. George was depressed by hearing from the Apple-
tons that they would not attempt publication until after
the Christmas holidays. They wrote, moreover, that their
London agent had failed to induce any of the English
houses to take the book, one publisher saying that "if the
plates were sent free of cost" he would not publish it.
The Appleton agent had concluded that English publishers
generally would not look with much favour on the book
326 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1879-1880
because it antagonised the tenets of the current political
economy. Nor did the Appletons themselves see any ad-
vantage for the author in putting in the American edition
of the book the words "rights of translation reserved/'
since to their view there was small chance of anything of
importance being done in the way of translation.
This dashed the hopes that had begun to rise, and what
increased the author's depression was that though it had
brought comparatively little return to him during the last
two years, he was about to yield up his office of inspector
of gas meters, George C. Perkins, a Eepublican, having
been elected to succeed Governor William S. Irwin. While
friendly with him, Mr. George would not ask, nor did he
expect, anything from Mr. Perkins, and a few days after
taking his chair in January, 1880, the new Governor ap-
pointed a Eepublican to the office of gas meter inspector.
Henry George had written a book which he was confi-
dent would some day become famous ; but in writing it, he
had chosen the hard road of the social pioneer, and in the
fall of 1879, when his friend John Kussell Young was
in San Francisco with the General Grant party, he was
beginning to realise with secret bitterness the difficult
task he would have from now forward in making a living;
for the world regards as an impractical man and a
dreamer him who is in advance of his time. To a man
with such a mission as Mr. George had set before him-
self, the making of a living would have been a difficult
task even under good general circumstances; but Califor-
nia now was industrially under a cloud. He said later:
"I could hardly walk a block without meeting a citizen
begging for ten cents." 1 Eighteen years later Mr. Young
said:
1 "The Land Question," Chapter XV.
Age, 40-41] LETTER TO NORDHOFF 327
"I saw much of George in these California days. He
talked of his career, was swimming in heavy seas. This
could only be divined bit by bit, for the proud, self-
respecting, sensitive gentleman made no sign. Then
came the knowledge of the book, the new gospel. I
never see 'Progress and Poverty' without recalling the
pathetic circumstances under which it was written and
honouring the courage of the author. The clouds
were heavy over George. Proud, brave, smiling, hope-
ful San* Francisco did not appreciate him ; had never
given him recognition. He would speak of it as cold
and barren, ruled by strenuous men too busy with mines
and wheat and empire building to listen to prophecy." 1
About the time he was talking to Young, George ex-
pressed kindred sentiments in a letter to Charles Nordhoff,
one of the chief editorial writers for the "New York Her-
ald/' whom he had met early in the seventies in San
Francisco and whose strong belief in immortality made a
deep impression on his mind. The letter (December 21)
ran:
"Your kind letter reached me last Monday, but until
now I have not had time to acknowledge it. It has
given me a great deal of pleasure more than you
can think. It pleases me that you remember me, and it
pleases me that you like my book. Your friendship and
your opinion I value very much. You know how ear-
nest men are drawn towards those for whom they feel
an intellectual sympathy, and I have derived so much
from you that it" pleases me very much that my book
interests and pleases you.
"As for the book itself, I believe it sets forth some
very great truths that have been hitherto ignored and
slurred over, and I think they will grow on you as they
have grown on me. To write the book was not an easy
1 Signed article by John Russell Young in "New York
Herald," October 30, 1897.
328 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1879-1880
task for me, and I could not have done it but for the
animation of a very deep and very strong feeling, and
when I got through it was with such a deep thank-
fulness that I cannot express it. I had hard work, too,
to get it into print and to get it a publisher, and it
has been weary waiting. But now Appletons write me
that they will publish it in January.
"With all deference to your judgment, I think you
are wrong in your opinion that I should have briefly
stated the economic laws. That would have been suffi-
cient if I had been writing for men like you. But I
have aimed to reach a very much larger audience. I
have tried to make a book which would be intelligible
to those who have never read and never thought on
such subjects before, and to do that in such a way as to
get the primary truths firmly established in their minds.
And it is astonishing and appalling how few there are
capable of logical thought or, rather, who are willing
to undertake it.
"In the latter parts the book is too much condensed,
I know, and I had to omit a good deal I should like to
have said. The fact is it covers too wide a scope for
one volume. The chapters, for instance, relating to the
development of civilisation are but a bare skeleton of
what I should like to say, and do not begin to present
the argument as strongly as I feel it. But at least an
outline seemed to me essential, and I did not know,
even if I lived, if I should ever find opportunity to
write again.
"If this book makes success enough to insure it a re-
ception . . . and if opportunity is given me, there
are two books I should like to write one a brief political
economy, which, without controversy, should lay down
the principles of the science, and make of it a harmoni-
ous whole; and the other a dissection of this material-
istic philosophy which, with its false assumption of sci-
ence, passes current with so many.
"You speak of the intellectual poverty of this coast.
You can hardly understand how deep it is, for of course
you came in contact with the highest people, and they
Age, 40-41] THE GROUND OF FAITH 329
must have seemed to you relatively far more numerous
than they really are. This is bad enough; but what is
worse is the moral atmosphere at least in the circles in
which I have moved and lived. Do you know what im-
pressed me so much with you and made me want to talk
with you, was that you actually believed in the immor-
tality of the soul. It made you to me almost a curios-
ity, and I thought of it over and over again. It was
like meeting a man whose opinion was worth something
who told you he saw something which you would very
much like to see ; but which you could not make out for
yourself and which every one around you whose opinion
was worth anything said did not exist at all. At that
time I should have gladly hailed any assurance that was
to be found in spiritualism, but I found in it nothing
but humbug, and in its believers, fools. 1
"But now I really, and for myself, believe with you.
Out of the train of thought which is set forth in that
book; out of the earnest, burning desire to do what I
might to relieve human misery and make life brighter,
has come to me a faith, which, though it is not as defi-
nite and vivid and firm as must be the Christian's faith,
when it is really felt, is yet very much to me. The
opportunity to write that book came out of crushing
disaster, and it represents more than labour. But I
would not forego this satisfaction for any success. And
I feel that there is much, very much, of which I get
only vague glimpses or rather suggestions of glimpses.
"I should like very much to talk with you. There
are so many things on which I should like to compare
notes with you. Sometime I may have the chance."
Thus it is clear that Henry George did not look for the
initial advancemennt of his ideas in California. As John
Kussell Young subsequently said: "George never for a
moment never when under the grinding heel of bitter
1 Three years later he wrote from Brooklyn to Taylor: "There is evi-
dently something in spiritualism; but I am the more convinced that it is
a bad thing to have anything to do with."
330 LIFE OP HENRY GEORGE [1879-1880
conditions doubted the truth of his mission to mankind
and its ultimate success. But this obviously was not to be
attained in Eldorado."
All was not against him, for now two circumstances
occurred that were of importance to him. One of these
concerned the translation of "Progress and Poverty" into
German by a cultured man named C. D. F. von Giitschow,
who, having lost a fortune in Germany, had recently come
to California to begin life anew, and who, chancing to
read a copy of the "Author's Edition," was so impressed
with the work that he at once asked for permission to
translate it. Consent was gladly given on the single con-
dition that the translation should be faithful. Mr. George
could read no foreign tongue, but he afterwards had as-
surance that this translation was excellent by far the
best of three soon published in Germany.
The other circumstance of importance was the conver-
sion of a scholarly Englishman, Dr. Montague K. Leverson,
who had personally known and studied under William
Ellis and John Stuart Mill, and who had in 1876 pub-
lished in New York a primer of political economy for
grammar and high schools and the lower colleges. He had
come to California to arrange for the publication and
introduction of the book on the Pacific Coast, but learning
of "Progress and Poverty" through Professor Joseph Le-
Conte of the University of California, he declared, imme-
diately on reading it, that he had met his master in the
study and that not another copy of his primer should be
issued until the work had been re-written. This mani-
festation of rare intellectual honesty was never forgotten
by Mr. George.
But George's gaze was turned eastward. To Dr. Tay-
lor, who had gone to "Washington, D. C., on business, he
wrote (February 17, 1880) :
Age,4(Ml] GATHERING ATTENTION 331
"I got yesterday the first European notice of our
book. It is in the Parisian 'Revue Scientifique,' signed
by Emile de Laveleye. I got Phil Roach to translate
it for me. It is first-class says the book has instructed
him and led him to think; indorses substantially the
whole programme ; says the chapter on Decline of Civili-
sation is worthy of being added to 'De Tocqueville's
immortal work,' etc. So, my friend in need, your judg-
ment is being verified. The 'Graphic' of February 4,
had a very fine notice. I am told also that there have
been fine notices in the 'Boston Transcript' and in some
of the Cincinnati papers; but have not yet seen them.
'"'By the bye, there is one thing I would like to have
you do for me in the East which I forgot to mention.
Among the many projects which I have been vaguely
meditating is that of lecturing through the East. I
wish if you can get time, you would go and see Red-
path or some other of the Lecture Bureau people. I
had a card from Redpath some time since asking about
the publisher of the book. Possibly that will soon get
advertised enough to enable me to begin to draw a little,
and I have faith in my own ability if I once get started.
I know you don't share that but I have always felt it,
and on two or three occasions have tested it. For the
present I am doing a little hack work and waiting.
But soon my time for waiting will be past."
Mr. George sent his California University lecture, "The
Study of Political Economy," to the "Popular Science
Monthly," owned by the publishers of his book, D. Ap-
pleton & Co. It was accepted and appeared in the March
number (1880). For the same periodical he wrote by invi-
tation on "The Kearney Agitation in California," which
appeared in August. The lecture on "Moses" was not
suited to that magazine, but under the title of "The Leader
of the Exodus," it was sent to another American, and
afterwards to an English, periodical. The author was un-
known and the article, though one of the most brilliant
332 LIFE OF HENRY GEOEGE [1879-1880
pieces of writing that ever came from his pen, was in
both instances rejected.
Again George wrote to Taylor (March 12) :
"I am sorry you have not seen or heard of my book.
. . . I wish you would go into one of the Wash-
ington bookstores and inquire whether they have it or
have had it. You know how I feel about the ultimate
fate of the book. That does not worry me. What I
am concerned about is the meeting of my obligations
to Hinton. I have been calciilating that by the early
part of next month I could get a return or an advance
from Appleton which would enable me to square up with
Hinton. There will be no difficulty if the book is sell-
ing; but it will be hard if it has not yet begun. Well;
we shall see.
"I have been sick and am far from well the old
trouble of which I have several times spoken to you,
growing more intense. The doctor says I must rest.
That is the best prescription, but often the hardest to
take."
The illness of which he spoke was writer's cramp and
biliousness, with bladder trouble; all proceeding from
overwork and nervous strain. First had come the year
and a half of hard writing and then the long months of
striving and waiting for results. He had written in De-
cember (1879) to John Eussell Young:
"What a book of this kind, so much out of the usual
run, really needs is such a service as Mill in his auto-
biography speaks of having rendered to Carlyle's 'French
Eevolution' in a first review. But whether it is at
first applauded or denounced makes little difference,
provided it is treated with attention. The book fairly
started, will go. This is not merely my judgment; it
is my experience. I have put out enough copies to thor-
oughly test it, and I am more than satisfied of that."
Age,4<wi] FIRST IMPORTANT REVIEWS 333
Towards the middle of March (1880) a brilliant review,
that covered most of a page, appeared in the "New York
Sun," from the pen of M. W. Hazeltine. What it meant
to the author he wrote to John Swinton (March 22) :
"A year ago to-day I finished my hook and shipped it
off to seek a publisher. After the toil and the pains of
the writing came the anxiety, the rebuff, the weary
waiting; and I have longed that by this day at least
there might be some sure sign that the seed I tried to
plant there had not fallen by the wayside. This re-
view is that sign; it secures for my book that attention
which is all I ask."
Important reviews soon followed in other Eastern news-
papers and periodicals, so that the gaze in that direction
was stronger than ever. Moreover, the Appletons wrote
that if the author would consent to a reduction in copy-
right, they would issue a dollar, paper-covered edition of
the work, to which he gladly agreed. One of the instru-
ments in bringing this about was a young man in the Ap-
pleton employ, A. J. Steers, who had read the book and
was enthusiastic about it. Mr. George wrote (April 4)
in reply to a letter from him:
"I cannot tell you how grateful your letter is to me
and how much I thank you for it. I have wanted a
cheap edition very much. . . .
"But it is not this of which I speak so much as the
sympathy and interest your letter expresses and which
makes me feel that the book has spoken to you as I knew
there would be some men to whom it would speak.
This is my reward the verification of my faith. It
is very, very much to me more than profit, more than
fame. I knew when I wrote it that my book would
sometime find such men, but whether I should ever know
it, that I could not tell; for many a man does his work
334 LIFE OF HENEY GEORGE ? [1879-1880
and in this life sees no result. And no matter how
much of a success the book may become in my lifetime,
I do not think I shall be proud of it, as men are proud
of writing a successful history or novel. The feeling
is one of deep gratitude that it has been permitted me
to do something. And this, already, I know your kind
letter is one of the proofs of it that every here and
there is a man on whom these ideas have taken hold, as
they have taken hold of me, and who in his turn will be
a fresh centre.
"You speak of how little you can do. Did you ever
think of it, how little we know of what we can do, or of
what we do? Sometimes a word, a little act, starts a
train that, if we could follow it, we should see leads to
the widest results. But it is not the result so much
as the effort to do what we can, with which we are con-
cerned."
At length John Eussell Young wrote hopefully of being
able to get George a writing position in New York on the
"Herald" that would permit him to do his work away from
the office and give him much time to himself. Young per-
ceiving his circumstances, voluntarily sent him money with
which to go East. Having nothing to keep him, and
arranging to pay those to whom he owed money at the
earliest opportunity, in August of 1880 Henry George took
train for New York, leaving his family behind him. His
purse was so light that he was compelled to travel third
class. But no sooner had he got well started than his
spirits threw off their depression, and although he was
going into practically a new world where he had not half
a dozen friends, confidence came, for the time of waiting
had passed. From Winnemucca he wrote back to Taylor,
who had returned to San Francisco: "I am enjoying the
trip and am full of hope. The spell is broken and I have
taken a new start."
CHAPTEK II.
COMMENCING THE NEW YORK CAREER.
1880-1881. AGE, 41-42.
IT was towards the middle of August, 1880, that Henry
George set foot in New York almost as poor in the
money sense as any immigrant who ever landed in the
great city. He had but three personal friends there the
two Swintons (William and John) and Charles Nordhoff of
the "New York Herald." John Russell Young, who had
spoken hopefully of getting him a place on the "Her-
ald," was away. On returning, he, with Nordhoff, recom-
mended George for a vacant writing position on the paper.
No action was taken in the matter for some time, and
word eventually came that there was no chance for the
San Francisco man. The book, first fixed at two dollars
and afterwards at one dollar (when the author cut his
copyright to ten per cent.), was selling; but as yet it
yielded little. William H. Appleton, at the head of the
publishing firm, was very friendly, and so also was Pro-
fessor E. L. Youmans of the "Popular Science Monthly."
The latter invited a political article and paid for it;
though it was not used, owing to a change in editorial
policy. But there was little to do at writing just now,
and the eyes of the California man turned to politics.
TheHancock-Garfield Presidential fight had commenced,
335
336 LIFE OP HENRY GEORGE [1880-1881
and from a visit with William Swinton and William C.
De Witt of Brooklyn to Hancock at Governor's Island,
headquarters of the Department of the Atlantic, which
the General commanded, Mr. George was favourably im-
pressed with the candidate's simplicity and manly bearing.
He believed that as two generals of the Civil War were
contesting, the old <r bloody-shirt" issues could not be used
by either side, and therefore that there would be a chance
for new ideas and radical sentiments. Suddenly the Re-
publicans raised the tariff issue, declaring for protection
and denouncing the Democrats for free traders. The
Democratic managers responded with a straddle. Just
then Henry George entered the campaign.
"I was not then very well known in New York, but
just before the election, when the tariff issue was sprung,
the Democratic Committee sent for me and told me
they had heard that I was the best man in all the coun-
try to talk to the working men on the question of the
tariff. I told them I didn't know about that, but that
I could talk to working men and that I should like to
talk to them about the tariff. They asked me if I
would go out and make some speeches. I said, 'Cer-
tainly I will' ; and they made a great list of engagements
for me that ran close up to the day of election, so that
I went out. Well, it seems that what they were after
was somebody to tell the working men that the Demo-
cratic party was as good as the Republican party for
the tariff. I went to a crowded meeting. The gentle-
man who spoke before me made that kind of a speech
and then I was put on the platform. I told them that
I had heard of a high-tariff Democrat, though I could
not conceive how there could be such a thing; and I
knew there were men who called themselves revenue-
tariff Democrats; but there was also another kind of
Democrat, and that was a no-tariff Democrat; and that
what was wanted was to sweep away the custom houses
and custom house officers and have free trade. Well,
Age, 41-12] MADE A SENSATION 337
the audience applauded, but you ought to have seen the
men on the platform there; and I went off without a
man to shake my hand. I got that night as I was going
to my next engagement, a telegraphic despatch asking
me to go by midnight train to New York. The chair-
man of the committee met me and begged me not to
make any more speeches." 1
But there was one place in New York State where
Henry George could talk out plainly for free trade, and
that was in Brooklyn. Thomas Kinsella, editor of the
"Brooklyn Eagle," William C. De Witt and a number of
other influential Democrats were busy fighting the Demo-
cratic machine in the city, holding lively meetings in
Jefferson Hall. There Mr. George was invited to speak,
and he fearlessly demanded the abolition of custom houses.
Andrew McLean, then managing editor of the "Eagle,"
but now editor of the "Brooklyn Citizen," says of that
meeting :
"I had read 'Progress and Poverty' with deep pleasure
and had reviewed it in the 'Eagle/ Time and again I
discussed it with the more thoughtful men in the office.
We greeted it as giving clear expression to those vague
and misty thoughts that had been floating in our minds.
I had not met Mr. George and did not know what he
looked like. One night during the Hancock campaign
I dropped into Jefferson Hall while a mass meeting was
being held, without knowing precisely who were to
speak. I was tired out with newspaper and election
work and was glad to find a seat out of the way, and
must admit that I drowsed during the remarks of some
of our more or less familiar Brooklyn men. Presently
a new voice commenced, and the abrupt, direct, clear-
cut sentences, together with the radical meaning they
bore, startled me. I stood up and looked at the new
1 Speech in Birmingham, England, Jan. 23, 1884.
338 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1880-1881
speaker. He was a short, sturdy man, with scant hair
and full reddish beard. I had never before seen him.
But I could not mistake his style of speech. I said to
myself: 'Thou art the man! There most certainly is
the author of that book "Progress and Poverty." 1 I
did no more drowsing, and after the speech was over I
went and introduced myself to Mr. George/'
This speech of Henry George was a rarity in the cam-
paign. Democratic speakers generally dodged the tariff
question, and General Hancock himself pronounced it a
"local issue." Mr. George believed that Hancock's defeat,
which was by a very narrow vote, was due to this evasion.
After election Mr. George was still at sea about his
plans. His wife, in California, wishing to lighten his bur-
den had taken boarders, and his oldest boy was working
in a printing office there. George wrote to Taylor (October
12) : "I shall not go back to California, unless 'for some-
thing. I don't know precisely what I shall do, but some-
thing will open. . . . Don't think me a Micawber. I
shall go to work if I have to go to the case."
He did not have to go to the printer's case; yet for a
time he had to break a resolution not to seek or to accept
employment that would require the publication of any of
his work unsigned. Shortly before his death he said of
this 1880 period:
"Mr. Appleton informed me that among the men he
esteemed of great reputation who had expressed admira-
tion of 'Progress and Poverty' was Abram S. Hewitt, a
wealthy man and a Member of Congress; and when Mr.
Hewitt came from Europe I got a communication from
him asking to see me. I responded. He said some
good things of the ability shown in 'Progress and Pov-
erty' and that he would like to get me to do some work
that he had not time to do himself, on an investigation
commission's report that he intended to make to Con-
Age, 41-42] WRITING FOR HEWITT 3?9
gress. I needed work and could not refuse to put what
ability I had at his service, with the understanding that
I was to do faithfully what he required of me and to
keep the matter secret, allowing him to make whatever
use of it he might see fit over his own signature in his
report." 1
To Taylor, George wrote confidentially at the time
(November 20, 1880) :
"I have taken a job from Hewitt to prepare a
Congressional report the labour investigation. Have
agreed to give him three hours a day for $50 per week,
till the thing is done, or either of us is dissatisfied.
So, raising a little money in advance, I have taken
a room. . . . My job begins to-morrow. Before it
gets through, unless it should terminate suddenly, I
shall have got my feet down. I shall get, first thing,
a suit of clothes, and make some acquaintances."
As will be seen, other writing interrupted the Hewitt
work, which ended, as noted in a letter to Taylor (March
6, 1881) :
"I took my matter down to Hewitt and read it to him.
He was much pleased with it and laid out what he
wanted done in the further steps; but when I asked
him for another $100 he changed his tune, thought it
was costing too much, and that he would stop. I told
him I was very glad, that I felt I was working too
cheap, but that having undertaken it I had not wished
to say anything. So I stopped, though it was incon-
venient to do so right then, as I had laid my plans on
getting another $100 to-day. I got the first $100 of
1 Roused by some public remarks made by Mr. Hewitt during the 1897
New York Mayoralty campaign, Mr. George dictated this statement to a
stenographer, but subsequently concluded that its publication then was
not appropriate. His death soon followed and it never appeared.
340 LIFE OF HENEY GEORGE [1880-1881
course. It really ought to have been more under our
agreement, but I had that uncomfortable feeling that
prevents you from making out your bills in first-class
style, and though I had intended the $100 to be only
on account, said nothing about any more."
The best information as to the way "Progress and Pov-
erty" was going and other matters of interest is found in
correspondence with Taylor.
November 20, 1880.
"I did feel depressed when I wrote you before. But
it was not so much on account of circumstances. I am
in my way of thinking a good deal of a Stoic. Adverse
fortune does not much depress me. What always wor-
ries me is the thought that 7 might have done better
that it is myself who is to blame and it seemed to
me then as if I had been fooling away my time very
largely. The fact of course is that I have been labour-
ing under many disadvantages. However, there is no
use in talking about that.
"I found when I got here that the book had had noth-
ing like a fair start in the East, and the political com-
paign seemed to check its sale. I think now that it is
going to start off. The first copies of the paper [75
cent] edition were received in the store this afternoon,
and one will go to you by the mail which follows this.
The preface bothered me very much. I wrote two or
three possibly enough for ten and finally throwing it
all aside, came down to a simple summary of the book. 1
"I suppose you saw the 'Atlantic Monthly's' double-
barrelled notice. . . .
"I got to-day a letter from Wm. D. LeSueur of On-
tario, who has an article in the July 'Science Monthly.'
I gave him a copy of the book when I met him here,
and I attach a good deal of importance to his opinion,
for he is a man of weight. . . . He started in, of
1 Preface appearing in the fourth and all subsequent
editions of " Progress and Poverty."
Age 41-42] AWAKENING RECOGNITION 341
course, all against it, for, in addition to previous pre-
dilections, Gold-win Smith, for whom he has a good deal
of respect, sat down on it. But he writes me that he
has never read a book with so much interest ; that during
the last few days while he was reading the last part he
could think of nothing else; that he is a thorough con-
vert, with the exception that he thinks the men to
whom the State has sold lands ought to get some recom-
pense, though he admits that there would be infinitely
less injustice in giving them nothing than in continuing
the present system ; and that now his most ardent desire
is to be a co-worker for the destruction of private prop-
erty in land. ... In short he wants to be counted
in, and proposes to begin the campaign in Canada.
Now here is a man who in my opinion is worth half the
college professors in the United States.
"I showed the letter to Youmans, who has a very
great opinion of LeSueur, and he at the same time was
reading a letter from another man, Professor Ellis, I
believe, of whom he has also a great opinion, and to
whom he had given a copy of T. and P.' Ellis also said
it was a most remarkable book the most profound and
original book on such subjects yet produced in America ;
that it ought to be immediately translated into German
(he had just returned from three years there) and that
for his part he proposed to write a review for (some
unpronounceable name). Youmans proposed to have
these letters copied, that he might send them to Kegan
Paul [publisher] of London, to whom he wrote a few
days ago in reference to an English edition.
"Did I tell you that Michael Davitt pledged the Land
League to push it in Great Britain? I shall send him
copies by Tuesday's steamer. . . .
"I lecture in Hudson (N. Y.) on the 6th, beginning
a 'star course.' I am to be followed by David A. "Wells,
Park Godwin and Eaton (Civil-Service Keformer).
December 18, 1880.
"I got to-day copies of the German translation, as far
as out 8 numbers to beginning of Book XI. It is
very neatly and tastefully gotten up. I also got a long
342 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1880-1881
letter from the publisher. He says it will be a success,
and that a number of long reviews are being prepared.
The whole will be out this month. . . .
"I dined with Albert S. Bolles, author of 'Financial
History/ etc., on Tuesday. Last night I dined with
Dana of the 'Sun/ the company consisting of his fam-
ily, Hazeltine, the reviewer, John Swinton and myself.
He lives in magnificent style. I have plenty of chance
to go into company, but have hitherto kept out of it;
for until last week I had only my old clothes, and last
night felt rather out of place, when seated on the right
of the hostess, yet the only man in the room in a busi-
ness suit. However !
"My wife thinks she can get along cheaper at board-
ing than keeping house, and so I have told her to sell out.
. . . So life goes. My pleasant little home that I
was so comfortable in is gone, and I am afloat at 42,
poorer than at 21. I do not complain; but there is some
bitterness in it."
January 4, 1881.
"... About the book. At last, it begins to
look as though it had really taken hold. When I came
East I found that it had hardly got started here. And
during the campaign and until the last two weeks in
December it went very slow. But then a movement
began, and on the last day of the year every copy of the
previous editions and every copy of the 1,000 of the
cheap edition were gone, and orders and inquiries came
piling in from every quarter. Appleton & Co. begin to
realise for the first time that I have been telling them
the truth, and that they have got hold of a book capable
of an enormous sale; and now they are beginning to
open out. . . .
"Comparatively speaking, the success of the book is
already tremendous for, so far as I can learn, no book
on political economy has ever yet been published in the
United States (or to my astonishment, I learn in Eng-
land either) that has sold 1,000 copies in the first year
(unless forced into the schools), and in fact the entire
sales of most of them are to be counted in hundreds,
Age, 41-42] A LITEEAEY CONQUEST 343
not thousands. My book is getting to be regarded here
as the phenomenal one, and such publishers as Holt are
already regretting that they did not take it when they
had a chance.
"And to-day I get the first ringing note from the
radicals of England in a copy of the Leeds 'Indepen-
dent,' which declares it a book which every Englishman
ought to read, and proposes to receive subscriptions for
it. 1 The future of the book is, I think, secure..
"... I want to go and see John Kussell Young.
His wife is dying. Poor fellow! his cup seems filled
to the brim.
"P. S. Mrs. Young is dead. I add this in Young's
room, where I am staying to receive his brother-in-law
from Philadelphia. . . . General Grant has left,
after a long stay. That is one good thing about the old
fellow; he is true to his friends."
January|21, 1881.
"The book is a success. The sale sems now to have
commenced in good earnest, and orders are coming from
all parts of the country in ones, two and tens and
twenties. Better still, Kegan Paul, who has hardly
more than got his 500 [from Appleton] writes that he
will probably want more and arranges a cypher so that
he can cable. The German notices are way up. It has
at last got a show in Europe. . . .
"You will see by the 'Popular Science' this month
that Youmans has at last read Book X. of 'Progress
and Poverty' ['The Law of Human Progress']. He him-
self is the best example of the need of that book. He
would not take the trouble to vote at election time, said
that he should have to slowly evolute, and has told me
several times that there was no use in trying to fight
evils of which he himself is as conscious as any one,
as to get rid of them is a matter of thousands of
years I"
1 The editor of the Leeds "Independent" was Dr. F R. Lees, the dis-
tinguished temperance advocate. He had read while on a visit to United
States a copy of the " Author's Edition" of " Progress and Poverty."
344 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1880-1881
January 23, 1881.
"Slowly but steadily everything seems opening to
me. If I live I am going to fill a large place and do a
large work that now is clear.
"Do you see how the 'Sun' is opening up the taxation
question and advertising me? Chip in, if you have
leisure, with some short communications. There is some
satisfaction in writing for a paper that prints over
120,000. I suppose you have seen the 'Popular Science'
for this month. Youmans says I don't make converts;
I find them in all directions. Every day I get letters."
To the picture of conditions at this time, which these
letters from George to Taylor give, must be added a de-
scription from memory which John Eussell Young wrote
the day following his friend's death.
"These early New York days were of extreme and
honourable poverty. I saw Henry George a great deal
was almost a daily companion. It was a daring ex-
periment this unknown gentleman, with no aid but
his own high spirit, nothing in his carpet-bag but one
book of gospel, coming at 42 to make his way into the
heart of mighty Babylon. The more I studied George
under heavy conditions the more I admired him. His
ability and his courage; his honesty, independence and
intellectual power were those of a leader of men.
"We took walks on the Battery, whither we went
under the flush of strenuous midnight work, the great
city at peace and no companions this side of the stars;
strolls in the Park, in Westchester and the suburbs of
Brooklyn the brave, intrepid soul wrapped up in his
book and smiling upon fate. . . .
"George was resolute in his creed. He gave it to you
as the truth to be accepted, in a sense of worship, a
dogma of political infallibility. 'Does this not mean
war? Can you, unless when dealing with craven con-
ditions among men, hope to take land from its owners
without war?' 'I do not see/ said George, 'that a mus-
Age, 41-42] IRISH LAND QUESTION 345
ket need be fired. But if necessary, war be it, then.
There was never a holier cause. No, never a holier
cause.'
"Here was the gentlest and kindest of men, who
would shrink from a gun fired in anger, ready for uni-
versal war rather than that his gospel should not be
accepted. It was the courage which as has been writ-
ten makes one a majority."
Mr. George had for a while stopped work on the Hewitt
report to write an article on the Irish Land Question for
"Appleton's Journal." The subject growing on him, he
kept on with his writing until he had a little book of seven-
teen chapters. In this brief work he gave the first striking
evidence of a high order of practical ability, showing that,
besides the genius to formulate a philosophy, he had the
wisdom to avail himself of passing events to apply it.
On April 20, 1879, the month after the completion of
"Progress and Poverty," Michael Davitt, fresh from seven
years of penal servitude in an English prison for devotion
to the principle of Irish independence, had organised a
mass meeting in Irishtown, County Mayo, Ireland, for
John Ferguson and Thomas Brennan to address, in denun-
ciation of the landlord tyranny and rack-renting that were
driving the western peasantry into starvation. With the
cry of "The land for the people," he struck a spark that
kindled a spreading fire. The failure of physical resist-
ance to the English power, on the one hand, and of Par-
liamentary action by Parnell and his legislative colleagues,
on the other, drove all the Irish faction into Davitt's
movement, to make common war on the landlords. This
landlord class, though comparatively small and living for
the most part in England, not only made a heavy rent
charge upon the toil of the labouring masses, but wielded
pretty much all political power, filling all local offices,
346 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1880-1881
such as sheriffs', grand jurors', and justices of the peace,
besides through their class interests controlling legislation
in the Imperial British Parliament. In the fall of 1879
the Irish National Land League was formally organised
in Dublin, with Parnell as president and Davitt as one
of the honorary secretaries. It was to supersede the Home
Kule League, of which Parnell had been the head, and was
to be the official organisation of so much of the Irish Par-
liamentary party as acknowledged his leadership. Its im-
mediate purpose was to "bring about a reduction of rack-
rents." It was also, at least, so far as Parnell and his
particular adherents were concerned, to facilitate the crea-
tion of a peasant proprietary, in enabling tenants to be-
come owners of their holdings by paying a "fair" rent for
a limited number of years. There was division over this
latter purpose, however. Davitt, the fire and soul of the
extending organisation, continued to proclaim the prin-
ciple of "the land for the people," including in its benefits,
though somewhat vaguely, not only all the tenant farmers,
but the much greater class of agricultural labourers as
well. And Patrick Ford, of the "Irish World," a weekly
newspaper published in New York and devoted to Irish
and Irish-American affairs, the great organising factor in
the United States, took his stand on the old Irish doc-
trine that the land of Ireland "belongs to the whole Irish
people . . . without exception of persons," and he de-
manded that it "be restored to its owners with all pos-
sible speed."
While these differing principles and purposes were put
forward by the respective factions, all united to defend
those Irish agricultural tenants who were threatened with
eviction for refusing to pay "unjust" rents. This was
striking the ruling class on the "sensitive pocket nerve,"
and both sides prepared for war. The Irish Land League
Age, 41-42] LAND LEAGUE WAR 347
needed money. Parnell, with Dillon, came to the United
States, and with the truly powerful backing of the "Irish
World," spoke to great meetings in sixty-two cities, ad-
dressed the House of Eepresentatives at Washington, col-
lected a war chest of $200,000, and before leaving in March,
1880, formally organised the auxiliary American Land
League.
Knowing that Parnell was a land-owner, with views and
feelings of the land-owning class, and that he had been
educated in a conservative English university, George did
not expect much in the way of radical action from him,
though he believed radical public opinion would sweep him
along. But to Davitt, born a Mayo peasant, and by in-
stinct a "man of the people," George looked with high
hope, and when Davitt came to America on Land League
business, towards the fall of 1880, George met him, with
the result, as we have seen in the letter to Taylor : "Davitt
pledges the Land League to push it ["Progress and Pov-
erty"] in Great Britain."
Mr. George perceived that the Irish rent-war was fast
making that country the theatre in the world-wide drama
of the land question. He therefore addressed himself to it
in his pamphlet, under the title of "The Irish Land Ques-
tion : What It Involves, and How Alono It can be Settled."
He aimed to show that the only solution lay in observ-
ing the principle of common ownership in land, by taking,
through the medium of taxation, the rental value for all
the people. Thus the advantage that the rack-renting
landlord class had hitherto possessed would be transferred
to the people as a whole, and no one would get any ad-
vantage as a mere landholder. But he did not have Ire-
land alone in his mind. Said he: 1
i "The Land Question," Chap. XVII (Memorial Edition, pp. 106, 107).
348 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1880-1881
"What I urge the men of Ireland to do is to proclaim
without limitation or evasion, that the land, of natural
right, is the common property of the whole people, and
to propose practical measures which will recognise this
right in Great Britain as well as in Ireland. What I
urge the Land Leagues of the United States to do is
to announce this great principle as of universal applica-
tion; to give their movement a reference to America
as well as to Ireland; to broaden and deepen and
strengthen it by making it a movement for the regen-
eration of the world a movement which shall concen-
trate and give shape to aspirations that are stirring
among all nations."
The pamphlet was finished at the end of February and
was at once published by Appleton in New York, and a
month later by William Beeves in London, John Haywood
& Sons in Manchester and Cameron & Ferguson in
Glasgow.
Mr. George had meanwhile brought his family East,
and was with them boarding at Fort Washington in the
upper part of New York. At times he was very hard
pressed for money and once drew on Taylor in far-off San
Francisco for the sum of twenty dollars. We quote again
from the Taylor correspondence.
" 'The Irish Land Question' has been noticed mag-
nificently: 2y 2 columns in 'Times,' 2^ in 'Sun,' 1 in
'Express/ 2^ in 'Star,' 2 l / 2 in 'Charleston News/ etc.
And the astonishing thing is the goodness of the com-
ments. Nothing like the back action of the early no-
tices of 'Progress and Poverty.' I am getting famous,
if I am not making money. I have two magazine ar-
ticles and a cyclopedia article to write 1 and if that
'Herald' thing does not turn, can, I think, go on the
l On "Chinese Immigration " for Lalor's "Cyclopedia
of Political Science, Political Economy," etc.
Age, 41-42] INCREASING REPUTATION 349
'Brooklyn Eagle.' I am going to give the 'Moses' lec-
ture before long.
"About the railroad people : McClatchy of Sacramento
told my wife that Leland Stanford (to whom he sent
'Progress and Poverty') read it while sick, and told him
that he had become 'a disciple of Henry George.' If
that means anything, it will tell."
May 12, 1881.
"Inclosed find check for $20. . . . You do not
know, and I cannot readily tell you how much this little
accommodation has been to me. It is not so much the
want of money as the mental effect it produces the
morbid condition. The man who does not understand
that, does not know how it is possible for people to
commit suicide. This thing has weighted me very
much. Could I have felt free and been relieved of the
terrible anxiety, I could have in the same time accom-
plished many times as much. But yet it has seemed
as though a Providence helped me through.
"When I drew on you for this $20 it seemed my
darkest hour. I was weak and weary in mind and
body. . . .
"Article of mine in 'Appleton's' for this month. Got
pay for that $50. 'Scribner's' will have an article
pitching into me, which I hear privately is by Professor
Sumner. None of those people have dared attack openly
yet."
May 25, 1881.
"Why do you allow the papers there to abuse me
without sending me a copy? To be abused and not to
know of it is almost as bad as not to be abused at
all. . . .
"Yes: look at the Eepublican party, and also look at
the Democratic party ! It is pot and kettle. I am done.
"... I shall have article in 'Appleton's' for
June and in 'North American' for July 'pot boilers'
both." 1
1 "The Taxation of Land Values," "Appleton's Journal," June, 1881;
' Common Sense in Taxation," "North American Review," July, 1881.
350 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1880-1881
Meanwhile Mr. George had begun to lecture. Early
in May (1881) he spoke in Chickering Hall, New York,
and shortly afterwards in Historical Hall, Brooklyn; in
both places, of course, on the land question. The weather
on both occasions was warm, but nevertheless he made
$130 on the first and nearly $200 on the second. A lot of
young converts managed the New York lecture. Eev.
E. Heber Newton, of All Soul's Episcopal Church, intro-
duced Mr. George, having a few days before found that
this was the friend of his boyhood. Andrew McLean,
of the "Eagle," arranged for the Brooklyn lecture.
Through him Thomas G. Shearman, who had won a repu-
tation at the New York bar, as a skilful corporation law-
yer and as the successful defender and devoted friend
of Henry Ward Beecher, was interested in this lecture
and met Mr. George for the first time. It was the be-
ginning of a life-long friendship. Mr. Shearman had but
just read "Progress and Poverty" and had been deeply
impressed with it; but he doubted whether rent alone
would suffice to pay all taxes, while he objected to the use
of the word "confiscation." He was an aggressive free
trader and had spent much time and money in agitating
against the protective tariff idea. But he had not yet
fully grasped the fact that all tariffs and all indirect taxes
were unjust, because they tax poverty far more than
wealth; nor did "Progress and Poverty" call his attention
to this. He now studied the subject on statistical lines;
and in a few months starting from an opposite point of
view and on an entirely independent line of reasoning
he arrived at substantially the same conclusions with
Henry George. Soon after their meeting, by his invitation,
Mr. George addressed the Brooklyn Revenue Reform Club,
of which Henry Ward Beecher was president; and before
long the distinguished lawyer was in his own way working
Age, 4l-t2] ENTERS LECTUEE FIELD 351
on the same radical lines as Mr. George, with an energy
that caused the latter to write to him: "You suggest to
me what was said of Brougham, 'a steam-engine in
breeches.' ' ;
In this connection it may be mentioned that Mr. George
joined the New York Free Trade Club through one of
its active young men, Poultney Bigelow, son of John
Bigelow, ex-United States Minister to France. Young
Bigelow was a convert to "Progress and Poverty" and of
his abilities and prospects for influence in the community
Mr. George thought highly. Soon after joining the club
the author attended a Free Trade Club dinner. He was
surprised and disgusted at the lack of radical spirit mani-
fested in the speeches, it being evident that with the gen-
erality of members "free trade" meant only "tariff re-
form." He wrote to Bigelow, who could not get there,
that being called upon to speak, he gave them "four min-
utes' worth of horse sense."
It was with important results that Henry George now.
began to lecture before the Land League organisations,
writing Taylor (June 13), "I talk here [Saint Albans,
Yermont] to-morrow night, and then go to Montreal (two
lectures), Ottawa and Toronto, and four or five places in
New York on the way back. Eutland and this place are
$25 each; Montreal and Ottawa, speculation; Toronto,
$50, and the others $25 each. Good enough though to
see the country and get my hand in." But "getting his
hand in" involved, as most other things did with him,
concentrated effort. Here, for instance, are two of the
casual diary notes :
"Montreal, June 16. Lecture 'Irish Land Question'
a total failure. Don't know whether to attribute it to
bad physical condition, or that I cannot get up enthu-
siasm in going over same ground twice. This certain,
352 LIFE OP HENRY GEORGE [1880-1881
that I should have written it beforehand. Will try to
do better to-morrow. Feel very bad, but must try to
pluck victory from defeat."
"Montreal, June 17. Did it. Best ever have done.
Astonished and pleased them all."
The lecture programme in the North was cut short and
diverted West Mr. George making a trip to San Fran-
cisco with his wife and younger daughter to attend to
some private business of a friend. 1 On August 11 he lec-
tured there on the land question in Metropolitan Temple,
but now instead of the "beggarly array of empty benches"
which had greeted him while he was writing "Progress
and Poverty," a large audience was attracted by the world-
renown his book was winning. The early friends and be-
lievers were there and were filled with cheer and enthu-
siasm over this, to them, remarkable manifestation of
change in the public mind. But even this was not with-
out its shadow for the lecturer. On the afternoon pre-
ceding the discourse he sent a note to Taylor : "One of my
creditors has been after me, and I fear some of them may
make an attempt to garnishee proceeds to-night. I should
like to consult you, but cannot go down." However, this
1 Mr. George had found in the spring that he was not without honour in
California, for at the time that John F. Miller, Republican, was elected
by the California legislature to the United States Senate, Henry George
received two complimentary votes, those of George C. Gorham of San
Francisco and Warren S. Chase of Santa Barbara and Ventura, the latter
saying, in making the nomination : " I shall name neither a lawyer nor a
soldier, but a political economist who has distinguished himself and ac-
quired a national reputation ; who is throughout the world recognised
as the peer of such intellects as Ricardo, John Stuart Mill and Malthus."
Though Mr. George wrote to James V. Coffey, who apprised him of the
occurrence, " I presume that is about as near as I shall ever come to being
elected to anything," yet he appreciated the compliment.
Age, 41-42] FRANCIS GEORGE SHAW 353
matter was arranged and before Mr. George left San Fran-
cisco he had paid off all but a small portion of the old
debts there. On the eve of his departure for the East his
intimate friends gave him an informal little dinner at
Campi's restaurant on Clay Street, in the centre of his
old activities, and sent him off with a fervent God speed.
On his return to New York the Appleton people had
surprising news for him. One thousand copies of the
best edition of "Progresss and Poverty" had been ordered
by Francis G. Shaw, a man of means and advanced years,
living quietly on Staten Island, New York Bay. One of
his daughters had married George William Curtis, the dis-
tinguished author, editor and orator, and another into the
family of James Eussell Lowell, the poet and United
States Minister to England. Mr. Shaw was best known
in some circles for the substantial nature of his benevolent
works. George wrote to Taylor about him (September 7) :
"The book they tell me has been selling splendidly.
One item is that Francis G. Shaw ordered one thousand
copies to place in the libraries throughout the country.
I saw him to-day He is the father of the Colonel Shaw
who was killed leading coloured troops in the war and
was 'buried with his niggers/ 1 He says he had become
hopeless on social questions till sixty days ago he got my
book. 'The light broke upon him/ and he wants to
spread it.
"You, better than any one else, can understand how
this gratifies me. He did not want to be known; but
I told him it was the highest compliment and best ad-
vertisement of the book, and the knowledge of it would
spread as many copies as the donation.
"I see too, by the English papers that Alfred Kussell
Wallace has been indorsing 'Progress and Poverty'
1 The Colonel Shaw to whom the splendid bronze memorial
has been raised in Boston, Mass.
354 LIFE OF HENRY GEOEGE [1880-1881
which he says 'is undoubtedly the most remarkable and
important work of the present century/
"So the seed has begun to sprout."
Following hard upon the Shaw matter came what Mr.
George considered of even greater importance. To Taylor
(September 12) he said:
"I have concluded an arrangement with the 'Irish
World/ by which I shall go to Ireland and England
in about two weeks. I will take my wife and two daugh-
ters with me, leaving the boys here in New York. The
engagement is for three months, but of course, when
I get over there I may stay longer. My terms with
the 'World' are very good, considering how much I want
to make the trip. I am to get passage both ways for
myself and family and $60 per week. Thus the chance
I have long waited for opens. It will be a big thing
for me. I think the biggest I have had yet."
A crisis had now come in Irish affairs. The Conserva-
tive Government going out, had left the legacy of the
agrarian trouble in Ireland for the incoming Liberal Gov-
ernment, headed by Gladstone, to cope with. Lord Cow-
per was the new Irish Viceroy, and William E. Forster,
who had done so much for popular education in England
by the extension of the board schools, became the Chief
Secretary. The Irish landlords went clamouring to them
about the difficulty of getting rents from old tenants and
the intimidation of, and in some instances violence to, new
tenants, through the workings of the Land League. Fors-
ter and Cowper had both sought to secure some legal relief
for tenants; but both urged the passage of coercive mea-
sures to repress the violence of injured tenants. The
writ of habeas corpus was suspended; and hundreds of
men, known or "suspected" to be connected with the popu-
Age, 41-42] "IRISH WORLD" PROPOSAL 355
lar movement, were imprisoned without trial. Davitt had
some time before been arrested and sent back to Portland
prison on the ground of violation of the conditions of his
ticket-of-leave. And now the arrest of Parnell was threat-
ened.
The proposal for correspondence with the "Irish World/'
had come to Mr. George, but he had been unable to accept
until Mr. Shaw, seeing in this an opportunity to help the
new cause in which he had enlisted, put at his disposal a
little money that enabled him to meet some small obli-
gations and make the start. But he was delayed until
the middle of October and meanwhile he wrote to Mr.
Shaw (October 9) :
" 'Truth' to-day commences the republication of 'Prog-
ress and Poverty.' I am very glad of this. From all I
hear its circulation is between 75,000 and 100,000.
This gives an enormous audience, and largely of a kind
that cannot be reached in any other way. . . .
"One of the firm of Kegan Paul & Co., the London
publishers of 'Progress and Poverty,' was in Appleton's
yesterday. He says the book at first was dead as a log;
but has now picked up and is selling rapidly. He an-
ticipates a very large sale."
"Truth" was a New York, one cent, poor man's daily
paper. Its chief editorial writer was Louis F. Post, a
young man bred to the bar and possessing an extremely
fair and open mind. He had skimmed "Progress and
Poverty," formed hasty and loose opinions and written
flippantly about it ; but returning to a closer examination,
he had gradually changed his views, until the book whis-
pered to him, "Leave thy nets and follow me," and he
obeyed. Thenceforward Henry George had no more de-
voted friend or thorough and stanch disciple. The au-
thor was asked to permit "Truth" to republish the book
356 LIFE OP HENRY GEORGE [1880-1881
serially. Though compensation was not offered, he con-
sented, glad in this way to "spread the light" among
working men. 1
But a matter of domestic consideration engaged Mr.
George's mind before setting off. His two sons were to
stay behind; the problem was how to employ them during
the separation. The younger one, Dick, it was settled
was to return to school, and with the elder, Harry, the
question was whether he should be put in a newspaper
office or be sent to Harvard College, where special con-
siderations at the time had let down the bars to poor
men's sons. In talking the matter over with the boy the
father weighed it in this way: "Going to college, you will
make life friendships, but you will come out filled with
much that will have to be unlearned. Going to newspaper
work, you will come in touch with the practical world,
will be getting a profession and learning to make yourself
useful." So the decision was for newspaper work. An
opening was made on the "Brooklyn Eagle" by Andrew
McLean, and the boy was put to the first small reporting.
To assist him in learning to write, the father gave his son
four rules : First, to make short sentences ; second, to avoid
adjectives; third, to use small words; and fourth a gen-
eral rule not to attempt "fine" writing; to say as simply
and as briefly as possible all that should be said, and then
to stop.
Before sailing Mr. George went to Philadelphia to bid
good-bye to his parents, who were now advanced in years.
He was accompanied by his boys part of the way and was
in a meditative mood, saying, as if half to himself : "When
I had finished 'Progress and Poverty' I was certain that
1 Afterwards the "Chicago Express" followed "Truth's"
example and printed the book serially.
Age, 41-42] SAILS FOE EUROPE 357
I had written a great book and that the time would come
when the truth in it would set the world afire. But I
could not feel confident of seeing in my own lifetime more
than perhaps a hundred persons who would grasp it and
believe in it. Yet now, only two years after its publi-
cation, it is being talked of all over the world; and men
are rising up everywhere to hail it !"
All the preparations being at length made, Henry
George, with his wife and his two daughters, on Saturday,
October 15, 1881, sailed on the steamship Spain of the
National line, for Liverpool.
CHAPTEK III.
THE IKISH LAND LEAGUE MOVEMENT.
1881-1882. AGE, 42-43.
TWO days before Mr. George sailed for Europe news
had come that Parnell and two other Parliamenta-
rians, John Dillon and J. J. O'Kelly, had been sent to jail,
which swelled the list of political prisoners under the
crimes or coercion act to something like five hundred.
While George was on the sea, Patrick Ford of the "Irish
World," cabled to Patrick Egan, the Land League treas-
urer, suggesting that the League retaliate with a manifesto
calling upon agricultural tenants to pay no rent whatever
until the Government would withdraw the coercion act.
Egan approved of the idea and transmitted it to Parnell
in Kilmainham jail. The latter disliked to strike so rad-
ical a blow at the landlord interests, but nevertheless he
yielded to the necessity of using the only weapon left in
his hands. The no-rent manifesto was accordingly sent
out in the name of the Land League. At that the Gov-
ernment advanced another step and suppressed the League ;
whereupon Patrick Egan went to Paris to protect the war
chest, while the women, headed by Miss Anna Parnell,
organised the Ladies' Land League to carry on the field-
work.
As has been said, Mr. George sailed for Liverpool, but
358
Age. 42-13] NO-EENT MANIFESTO 359
he changed his plans and got off at Queenstown when
the ship put into that Irish port. He hurried to Dublin,
after stopping a few hours in Cork.
"With an area of only 32,000 square miles and a popu-
lation of little more than five millions," Mr. George said
at one time, "Ireland now required for its government in
a time of profound peace 15,000 military constables and
40,000 picked troops." The regular army and the Eoyal
Irish Constabulary, the soldier-police, he described in a
few words in his first letter to the "Irish World" (No-
vember 3) :
"The police are a stalwart body of men, clad in com-
fortable, dark-green uniforms; the soldiers are the pick
of English and Scotch regiments strong, active men, in
the very prime of life, wearing smart, clean uniforms.
. . . Every now and again you meet a detachment
marching down the street with rifles on their shoulders
and blankets on their backs, on their way to the country
to guard somebody's castle, or help evict somebody's
tenants."
Touching the nature of the government, he said:
"It is not merely a despotism; it is a despotism sus-
tained by alien force, and wielded in the interests of a
privileged class, who look upon the great masses of the
people as intended but to be hewers of their wood and
drawers of their water. . . .
"I leave out of consideration for the moment the
present extraordinary condition of things when constitu-
tional guarantees for personal liberty are utterly sus-
pended, and any man in the country may he hauled off
to prison at the nod of an irresponsible dictator. I
speak of the normal times and the ordinary workings
of government."
360 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1881-1882
But, wrote Mr. George, "the people have become accus-
tomed to act together" in wielding the weapon of passive
resistance. It is from his private letters to Patrick Ford
that we get the clearest and most intimate view of some
phases of the movement. For instance, on November 10
he wrote:
" . . . The truth is that I landed here at a most
unfortunate time for my purpose, and have found more
difficulty in 'getting my feet down' than I could have
imagined would be possible. . . .
"The first intimation I got was on the tender [in
Cork Harbour] when the agent who had the passenger
list from the steamer, called me aside and asked if I
was Henry George, and telling me he was a Land
Leaguer, told me I was expected. He wanted to change
my name [on our trunks] telling me I should cer-
tainly be dogged from the moment I landed and possibly
be arrested. I, of course, refused any such kindness,
telling him that I did not propose to disguise myself
and that the whole detective force was welcome to listen
to all I had to say.
"... As I said before, it seems hard for a
stranger to get to the bottom, and things change. But
one impression has not changed. I got indignant as
soon as I landed, and I have not got over it yet. This
is the most damnable government that exists to-day out
of Eussia Miss Helen Taylor [step-daughter of John
Stuart Mill] says, 'outside of Turkey.'
"... As to the clergy: Croke struck a harder
blow than Gladstone. It was as Dr. Nulty said to me,
'Et tu Brute.' 1
"If I had told you what the general statement of the
men I met at first was, it would have been that the
clergy were the greatest force the Land League had to
meet. It is really better than that. The majority of
the clergy are, I am inclined to think, with the people
1 Archbishop Croke became radical later and gave encour-
agement to the popular cause.
Age, 42-43] FIRST VIEWS OF IRELAND 361
and the no-rent fight, but they are for the most part
'bull-dozed' and the others are most active. . . .
"Miss Helen Taylor came [to Dublin] last week to
propose that she should . . . take charge, letting
Miss Parnell go to Holyhead and direct from there.
Her idea was that as soon as the Government found
that the Ladies' League was really doing effective work
in keeping up the spirit of the people they would swoop
down on the women, too, and that it would hurt the
Government more to arrest her [an English woman]
in Ireland than it would to arrest an Irish woman, and
would hurt them much more to arrest Miss Parnell in
England than it would to arrest her in Ireland. (Miss
Taylor, who is one of the most intelligent women I
ever met, if not the most intelligent, says the existence
of the Gladstone Government is involved ; that they will
stop at nothing, rather than lose power.) . . . Miss
ParnelPs objection was that she could not be spared.
"... I am certain that everything is working
together to the end we both desire the radicalisation of
the movement and the people. . . .
"Bishop Nulty told me that the English Catholics
and the Irish Catholic land-owners had been deluging
Eome with complaints. But, he said, the Pope is a man
of strong common sense, and had refused so far to in-
terfere."
Mr. George had not been long in Dublin before four
committees waited on him to ask him to deliver a public
speech. Edward Dwyer Gray, proprietor of the "Free-
man's Journal," advised him to speak in England first,
as that would give him more influence; but writing Ford
on the matter (November 10), George said: "My sympa-
thies go so strongly with this people that it would seem
to me cowardly to refuse anything that might encourage
them; and besides at this time it is extremely important
to get them into line. ... I will not talk politics;
but I will not stint the truth." Mr. George had not yet
362 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1881-1882
come to his full powers as a speaker and his wife wrote to
their sons (November 10) that she was very anxious about
the lecture. "I earnestly hope it will be a success," said
she, "but somehow I think he will suit an English audience
better, as he is unimpassioned like them, and not demon-
strative like Irishmen." Mr. George spoke on the 14th.
The result satisfied him, as he wrote to Ford (Novem-
ber 15) :
"My lecture last night was a grand success, and I
had the hardest work possible to avoid being dragged
through the streets. It was, in fact, the only chance
the Dublin people had had since the suppression of the
Land League to show their enthusiasm."
The demonstration after the lecture to which Mr. George
alludes was a custom with which he became abruptly ac-
quainted when a crowd surged about his carriage and
attempted to unhitch- the horse, with the intention of
themselves drawing the vehicle. He got almost indignant.
He ordered the driver to whip up and gave him a liberal
fee when he cleared the crowd. When addressing another
Dublin audience some months afterwards Mr. George re-
ferred to the incident. He said the custom was undemo-
cratic and savoured too much of the subservience to which
through the long generations they had been habituated in
giving rent and thanks for the privilege of living on the
common soil. The audience applauded to the echo. The
people were ready to hear plain speech and to embrace
new ideas. A few days after the Dublin lecture (January
1, 1882) George wrote to Taylor: "The majority of the
Irish don't know yet how to get at what they want. Like
all great movements, it is a blind groping forward. But
it is the beginning of the revolution, sure."
Bishop Nulty had been made to. feel the displeasure of
Age, 42-43] REV. DR. THOMAS NULTY 363
the higher Catholic authorities for his by this time famous
pastoral letter declaring common rights in land, and was
probably secretly reproved for an interview with him which
Mr. George had published in the "Irish World," and which
in garbled form was cabled back to a London paper. Fol-
lowing this George wrote to Ford (December 28) :
"I presume we have at last got Dr. Nulty into the
trouble he has been so anxious to avoid. One of the
reasons I went to Mullingar was to sound him about
the publication of his platform [from the pastoral let-
ter]. 1 I believe I told you that I got the Ladies [Land
League] to order a lot printed just as it appeared in
the 'Irish World/ Alfred Webb, who was printing
them, suggested to me that perhaps the Doctor would
not like it, and that he was doing such good work that
we ought to be very careful not to embarrass him.
"So I did not ask his permission, for I did not want
1 This passage from the Rt. Rev. Dr. Thomas Nulty's pastoral letter to
the clergy and laity of the Diocese of Meath, ran :
" The land of every country is the gift of its Creator to the people of
that country ; it is the patrimony and inheritance bequeathed to them by
their common Father, out of which they can, by continuous labour and
toil, provide themselves with everything they require for their main-
tenance and support, for their material comfort and enjoyment. God was
perfectly free in the act by which lie created us ; but, having created us,
He bound himself by that act to provide us with the means necessary for
our subsistence. The land is the only means of this kind now known
to us.
"The land, therefore, of every country is the common property of the
people of that country, because its real owner, the Creator who made it,
has transferred it as a voluntary gift to them. Terram autem, dedit
filiis hominum. Now, as every individual in that country is a creature
and child of God, and as all His creatures are equal in His sight, any
settlement of the land of a country that would exclude the humblest man
in that country from his share in the common inheritance would be not
only an injustice and a wrong to that man, but, moreover, would be an
impious resistance to the benevolent intentions of his Creator. "
364: LIFE OP HENKY GEOKGE [1881-1882
to commit him. I merely told him it was being done,
and he made no objection.
"Well, the thing is beginning to tell. It is going all
over the country and some of the priests are distributing
it, and it is getting pasted up, and the Tory papers and
all the English papers are reprinting it as an outra-
geous official declaration of communism from a Catho-
lic bishop; and from all I have heard of their temper,
I shall be surprised if the English prelates don't try to
raise a row at Eome about it.
"But it is going to do an immense amount of good."
In the same letter George made some comments from
his inside point of view upon persons in the movement
and its management.
"There is a great amount of Vhigging 5 in this Land
League movement, more than I thought before coming
here. And I think this is especially true of the leaders.
With very many of those for whom it is doing the most,
the 'Irish World' is anything but popular. And I have
felt from the beginning as if there was a good deal of
that feeling about myself. We are regarded as dan-
gerous allies. I have, of course, never pretended to see
or notice this, though I have had some curiosity about
it, as to how much was due to conservatism and how
much to influences from America. But come what may,
this movement is going to assume a much more radical
phase. In spite of everything, the light is spreading."
Mr. George then related how when "United Ireland,"
the official league organ, was seized, the plates of the num-
ber just to be issued were got off to his lodgings and hid-
den under his bed, whence they were sent in a trunk to
London, where the League managers, instead of putting
them to press at once, lost several days and much money
in negotiating about the matter. Ultimately "one paper
was got out in London, and another totally different in
Age,4!M3] PAENELL AND DAVITT 365
Dublin, and an edition from the Dublin plates worked off
in Liverpool." He observed to Ford in a letter from
London :
"Some of them told me that this was splendid, as
showing the Government that when one paper was sup-
pressed three would spring up; but I told them that in
my opinion the Government would laugh at such work
and see how easy it was to make them spend their re-
sources.
"... To sum up: It appears to me that there
is in many things a lack of management, and conse-
quently, waste both of opportunities and resources.
"Sometimes it seems to me as if a lot of small men
had found themselves in the lead of a tremendous move-
ment, and finding themselves lifted into importance and
power they never dreamed of, are jealous of anybody
else sharing the honour.
"I do not refer to Parnell, who, I think from all I
hear of him, is a first-class man, though he lacks quali-
ties and powers in which Davitt is strong.
"I wish I had got here before the suppression, that I
might have seen the thing in free play.
"Miss Parnell, from all I learn, is really an extraor-
dinary executive and organiser, and the Ladies are and
have been doing their work wonderfully well, consider-
ing all the difficulties. . . .
"Miss Taylor urged me not to return to Ireland, say-
ing that I was greatly needed, and that the Government
will certainly arrest me before long. But while I won't
put myself in the way of that, I don't feel like turn-
ing aside for fear of it. My sympathies are so strongly
with this fight against such tremendous odds of every
kind that it is impossible for me not to feel myself
in it."
It was at this time, when Mr. George was in London
and his wife and daughters in Dublin, that Miss Parnell
got word from a confidential source inside Dublin Castle
366 LIFE OP HENEY GEORGE [1881-1882
that the Ladies' Land League was to be proscribed; that
she and her able assistant, Miss Nannie Lynch, were to
be arrested at once; and that one of the Dublin jails was
actually being cleared out for the reception of the women.
These two ladies needed no further hint; they immedi-
ately sped for London, Miss Lynch sending her official
books to Mrs. George for safekeeping. The remaining
ladies invited Mrs. George to preside that day over the
regular business meeting of the Ladies' League. She
never before had attempted to preside at any kind of a
meeting and her embarrassment was heightened by the
presence of men, whom she afterwards was told were Gov-
ernment detectives, and a number of reporters and corre-
spondents. But the women triumphed. The absence of
Miss Parnell and the appearance of an American woman
in the chair completely nonplussed the Dublin Government
officials and the Ladies' Land League escaped proscription.
Mr. George's post of special correspondent of the "Irish
World," the mouthpiece, so to speak, of the Land League
in America, the chief source of the "sinews of war," gave
him an introduction to all the prominent men in the
Irish movement, from Parnell in Kilmainham jail to Jus-
tin McCarthy in London and Patrick Egan in Paris, while
his reputation as the author of "Progress and Poverty"
and of "The Irish Land Question" gave him a standing
outside political circles. He therefore had little difficulty
in making acquaintances. But he quickly discovered that
the members of the Irish Parliamentary party, while cor-
dial enough at dinner parties and on other social occa-
sions, and polished and polite under all circumstances,
were always guarded in speaking with him on the affairs
of the movement, and many of them absolutely uncom-
municative. As time passed on this condition of aloof-
ness grew.
Age, 42-43] MISS HELEN TAYLOR 367
Aside from these formal acquaintances, Mr. George
while in Dublin formed some friendships of a deep and
lasting kind. One of these was that of Dr. James E.
Kelly, who, upon the American's arrival in the city in the
period of national despondence consequent upon the arrest
of the leaders, was one of the first persons to welcome
him to Ireland. Dr. Kelly was thoroughly in sympathy
with and made many sacrifices for the popular cause.
During the Georges' stay in Dublin he frequently enter-
tained them at his house and almost daily saw and talked
with Mr. George on social or political matters, or on ques-
tions of philosophy.
Another warm Irish attachment formed at this time was
with Eev. Thomas Dawson of the Catholic order of the
Oblate Fathers, who then lived at Glencree. He had read
"Progress and Poverty " and had become imbued with its
spirit and with the belief that no matter what its author
called himself, the final chapter of the book proved him
to be essentially a Catholic. It was to Father Dawson
that Mr. George subsequently wrote the letter touching his
religious faith which has already been quoted. 1
As we have seen, Miss Helen Taylor was another of the
important acquaintances made in Dublin. Acquaintance
strengthened into warm friendship, and when the Georges
went to London in January they accepted her hearty invi-
tation to share her hospitality at South Kensington. She
possessed sufficient means to make her independent, and
for years had been doing all in her power, with voice, pen
and purse, to advance public ideas along the lines taught
by her famous step-father, John Stuart Mill. She be-
lieved that were Mr. Mill alive he would have been heart
and soul with the Irish in their struggle and would have
1 Pages 311-312.
368 LIFE OP HENRY GEORGE [1881-1882
been among the first to greet "Progress and Poverty" as
containing the truth, notwithstanding its contradiction of
much that he had previously taught.
After spending several weeks with Miss Taylor, the
Georges visited Mr. and Mrs. Henry M. Hyndman in
Portland Place, and afterwards Mr. and Mrs. Thomas
Briggs at Dulwich. Mr. Hyndman had long been one of
the leading writers on the London press, but a too active
sympathy with the Irish movement had caused him to be
"boycotted." An intense socialist, he was president of
the Democratic Federation, which propagated those doc-
trines in England. For a time he seemed hopeful of con-
verting Mr. George to his views, while the American
thought socialism in his friend was weakening. Hynd-
man had found at the British Museum a copy of a lecture
by Thomas Spence on "The Eeal Eights of Man," deliv-
ered before the Philosophical Society of Newcastle, No-
vember 8, 1775, a year before the publication of Smith's
"Wealth of Nations," and for which the Society, as
Spence said, did him "the honour to expel him." In the
lecture Spence proclaimed common rights in land and
proposed that land values be taken for public purposes,
all other taxes to be remitted. George had never heard
of Spence and was delighted at the discovery. He urged
Hyndman to publish the lecture in tract form, believing
that it would do much good. Mrs. George suggested that
this might prove disadvantageous to Mr. George, for peo-
ple might say that if the idea of taxing land values had
been proposed a hundred years before and had since been
ignored by the world, there was little use of George in
his "Progress and Poverty" trying to popularise the prin-
ciple now. Her husband answered that most people hesi-
tate to accept an idea thought to be new; that if the pro-
posal in "Progress and Poverty" could be shown to be
Age, 42-43] MEETS HEEBERT SPENCER 369
really an old one, it might make much more rapid way.
And so he urged Hyndman to publish the lecture, which
the latter did; while George himself sent a copy to Pat-
rick Ford for publication in the "Irish World."
It was while they were guests of the Hyndmans that
Mr. George met Herbert Spencer. Through the Hynd-
mans, Mr. and Mrs. George were invited to a reception
at Mrs. (since Lady) Jeune's. It was a "London crush,"
the drawing-rooms thronged and many notables present,
among them, Tennyson, tall, careless and dreamy in
appearance every inch a poet ; and Browning, on this occa-
sion at least, smart and dapper, and so far from appear-
ing a great poet, looked, as Mrs. George said, "like a pros-
perous merchant draper." Mr. George admired both of
these men, but was introduced to neither. He met Spen-
cer, however, as soon as the latter appeared. This gave
him real pleasure. He had been hearing stories of vanity
in the English philosopher that he could scarcely credit,
as he put him on a high plane, not because of the evo-
lutionary philosophy, for it was that to which George
referred when, in writing to Charles Nordhoff before leav-
ing San Francisco, in 1879, 1 he said he would like some-
time to write a book dissecting "this materialistic philoso-
phy, which, with its false assumption of science, passes
current with so many." But he had all along held Spen-
cer as immovably against the institution of private prop-
erty in land, and had in "Progress and Poverty" quoted
from the English philosopher's scathing ninth chapter of
"Social Statics." He, therefore, expected to find a man
who, like himself, saw in the agrarian struggle in Ireland
the raising of the question of land ownership and funda-
mental economic principles. Their conversation quickly
1 Page 328.
370 LIFE OF HENEY GEOKGE [1881-1882
turned to Ireland, for scarcely had they exchanged civili-
ties when Spencer bluntly asked what George thought
of Irish matters. The American condemned the Govern-
ment and praised the League. Spencer burst into vehe-
ment dissent. "They," said he, meaning the imprisoned
Land Leaguers, "have got only what they deserve. They
are inciting the people to refuse to pay to their landlords
what is rightfully theirs rent." This speech and the
manner of its delivery so differed from what was expected
of the man who in "Social Statics" wrote, "equity does
not permit property in land," that Mr. George was first
astonished and then disgusted at this flat denial of prin-
ciple. "It is evident that we cannot agree on this mat-
ter," was all that he could say, and he abruptly left Mr.
Spencer. The meeting had proved a deep disappointment.
Mr. George seldom outside the family circle spoke of it,
but to Dr. Taylor he wrote soon after the occurrence
(March, 1882) : "Discount Herbert Spencer. He is most
horribly conceited, and I don't believe really great men
are."
It was about this time that Mr. and Mrs. Walter Wren
entertained Mr. and Mrs. George at dinner. To put Mrs.
George at her ease, Mr. Wren, in the American fashion,
presented the other guests to her, among them Mr. and
Mrs. Walter Besant. But Mr. George was made ac-
quainted with the inconvenience of the English custom of
not introducing. For after the dinner Mrs. George asked
her husband how he liked Besant. He said he did not
know. "Why, you were apparently on good terms with
him?" "Good heavens!" he exclaimed. "Have I been
talking with Walter Besant all evening without knowing
him?"
A little while after this came a meeting with John
Bright and Joseph Chamberlain, who were members of
Age, 42~] BRIGHT AND CHAMBERLAIN 371
the Gladstone Cabinet. To Ford, George wrote privately
(April 2.2) :
"I dined with Walter Wren at the Eeform Club last
night and he had John Bright and Joseph Chamberlain
there to meet me. We started in on Irish affairs with
the soup, for Bright asked me point blank what I
thought of what I had seen in Ireland, and I had to
tell him, though it was not very nattering. We kept it
up to half past ten, when Mr. Bright had to go down
to the House, having left his daughter in the gallery,
but Chamberlain remained until nearly twelve.
"Bright has got to the end of his tether, and will
never get past where he is now; but Chamberlain is an
extremely bright man, and his conversation, which was
unreserved, was extremely interesting to me, and would
make a most interesting letter if I could use it, which
of course I cannot. . . .
"Chamberlain has evidently been reading the 'Irish
World/ for he alluded to some things in my letters, and
he told me laughingly to look out when I went back to
Ireland that I did not get reasonably 'suspected/
"I told him that I wanted to see Michael Davitt ; that
Harcourt had refused me; and asked him if he could
help me. He said he could not, as the Home Secretary
would be jealous of any interference by him; but he
added that he thought I should be able to see Davitt
before I went home, which I took to mean that Davitt
would be released before long. This I sincerely hope,
for he is badly needed in Ireland.
"Of course meeting a Cabinet Minister in that way I
could not catechise him about what the Government in-
tended; but I gathered from what he said that he at
least was in favour of going further with the land-bill
and relieving the rigours of coercion, which I take it,
at least in the line of the suspect business, will be the
policy of the Government. . . .
"Kegan Paul told me this morning that he met Jus-
tin McCarthy at dinner last night, and that he told him
that the Irish members were getting frightened at the
372 LIFE OP HENRY GEOEGE [1881-1882
length to which the movement was going, and were dis-
posed to unite with the Government on fixing up the
land bill. I only tell you this sort of stuff for what
it is worth, but my notion is that there will be some
sort of joint attempt all around to settle the Irish land
question, and that it won't settle ! . . ."
Justin McCarthy's reported utterance and Chamber-
lain's reference to the probable future policy of the Gov-
ernment were of a piece. Although the "no-rent" move-
ment was as strong as ever, if not stronger, Parnell and
some of his immediate associates had had enough. As-
serting for an excuse that the no-rent movement had
failed, they had run up the white flag. Through Captain
O'Shea and others, Parnell had entered into a pact with
the Government, by which he was to "slow down" the
Land League agitation, while the Government was to re-
lease the suspects and extend the existing land act, both
of which it was glad enough to do. George wrote to
Ford (June 6) : "Kettle says that O'Kelly, who came
over to Ireland to get Parnell to make some compromise,
and got put into prison, to the amusement of all inside,
gradually worked on his fears."
But there was at the time no public talk of a dicker with
the enemy and no previous word that there was to be a
liberation, so that when Parnell and his Parliamentary
associate prisoners, Dillon and O'Kelly, walked forth from
Kilmainham on May 2 there was general astonishment
and rejoicing over what appeared to be the Irish leader's
victory and Gladstone's defeat. But at least some of the
insiders suspected, if they did not know of, the treaty.
George wrote to Ford (June 6) : "The evening Parnell was
let out, the Ladies [Land League], instead of rejoicing,
were like mourners at a wake."
On the other side, to liberate Parnell or in any way to
Age, 42-43] PHOENIX PARK MURDERS 373
treat with the man who had been denounced as "steeped in
treason to the lips" was to discredit the policy of the Vice-
roy and the Chief Secretary. So Cowper and Forster
resigned. Earl Spencer and Lord Frederick Cavendish
were appointed to the respective places, and on May 6
made their official entry into Dublin. At seven o'clock
that evening the new Chief Secretary and Mr. Burke,
the Tinder Secretary, were killed by a band of political
assassins calling themselves "Invincibles."
Mr. George had hurried that day from Dublin to Lon-
don to meet Michael Davitt, who as publicly announced,
and evidently as a part of the Government's more lenient
policy, was to be released from Portland prison. In his
"Irish World" letter of May 9, Mr. George said that he
had been with Davitt until late that night and was to
meet him next day.
"We did meet, but earlier than either he of I ex-
pected. I was awakened early in the morning by a
telegram from a friend in Dublin [Dr. James E. Kelly],
telling me that the new Chief Secretary and the Under
Secretary had been stabbed to death in Phcenix Park.
But for the terms of the despatch and the character
of my friend I should have thought the story a wild
rumour, for Dublin is a good place for rumours. But
these left no doubt, and getting out as soon as I could,
while all London was yet asleep, I after awhile man-
aged to find a cabman dozing on his cab, and rousing
him with some difficulty, got him to drive me to the
Westminster Palace hotel. I went at once to Davitt's
room, woke him up, and handed him the despatch as he
lay in bed. 'My God!' was his exclamation, 'have I
got out of Portland for this!' And then he added
mournfully: 'For the first time in my life I despair.
It seems like the curse that has always followed Ire-
land.'
"I went and woke Dillon. He, though less surprised,
374 LIFE OP HENRY GEORGE [1881-1882
was hardly less impressed. It seems that before they
went to bed on Saturday night, or rather on Sunday
morning, word was brought to them of the murders by
one of the reporters of the 'Central News' ; but it seemed
so incredible that both the Chief Secretary and the
Under Secretary .should be stabbed to death in Phrenix
Park, that it was at once set down as a hoax. Davitt,
his mind filled with the vivid impressions of the first
hours of freedom, after fifteen long months of imprison-
ment, and with friendly greetings ringing in his ear,
had gone to sleep without reverting to the report again ;
but Dillon said he had been thinking over it all, and
that the more he brooded over it the more it seemed
'too strange not to be true' ; its very improbability seem-
ing, as he thought of it, proof that it could not be
wholly invention.
"After waking up Mr. Dillon, I went at his request
to Mr. O'Kelly's room with the same intelligence, and
soon the only London Sunday paper, the 'Observer,'
came with the confirmation of print. Mr. Dillon went
out to find Mr. Parnell, who came to the hotel, and after
a conference the manifesto to the Irish people was writ-
ten by Davitt, and having been submitted to the Par-
nellite members, who nearly all gathered in the hotel
towards the afternoon, was signed by Parnell and Dillon
as well as Davitt, sent out to the papers, and telegraphed
to Dublin, where Alfred Webb had been holding his
printing office in readiness to strike it off, and whence
prominent members of the party had been asking by
telegraph for the issuance of something of the kind."
The manifesto that Mr. George speaks of was addressed
to the Irish people. It denounced the crime as "cowardly
and unprovoked" and hoped that the murderers would
be brought to justice. George said in his "Irish World"
letter of May 9 that Parnell's "first impulse was imme-
diately to resign his seat, but after consultation with other
members he contented himself with sending a message to
Mr. Gladstone offering to do this if it would in any way
Age, 42-8] DAVITT'S GREAT MOMENT 375
make the Premier's position easier, but received a reply
expressing a hope that he would do no such thing."
That Sunday was a day of confusion. Fearing that
the English would rise in violent retaliation against the
Irish residents, some counselled the Irish leaders to seek
safety in France, and this was the sentiment among most
of the guests at the dinner party at A. M. Sullivan's, where
Mr. and Mrs. George had been invited. For when Mr.
George put the question as to what Davitt should do, Mrs.
George was alone in saying that Davitt "should go to
Ireland by the first train, and be a leader to the people
in this hour of dismay!" An exclamation went around
the table, and some one said that if Davitt went there
in the then state of passionate feeling he would be killed
by the Government supporters. Mrs. George replied:
"How could Michael Davitt die better than with his peo-
ple?" Mr. George said little more than that his wife's
words expressed his own feeling; but he never forgot
those words, and he repeated them to her fifteen years
later when his own supreme moment for decision came.
Contrary to expectation, no disturbances anywhere fol-
lowed the news of the Phoenix Park murders, though the
Government was compelled by public opinion to reverse
its intended policy of leniency, and turned the screws of
coercion even tighter than they had been at the height of
the no-rent agitation. Parnell inside the House of Com-
mons opposed this; yet outside he did all he could to kill
the old movement. He had no intention of reviving the
Land League in any form. Indeed, the day that Davitt
was released from Portland, Parnell had denounced the
Ladies' Land League to him, saying that it "must be sup-
pressed" or else he would 'leave public life," 1 and he
1 " Life of Charles Stewart Parnell," by E. Barry O'Brien, VoL I, p. 364.
376 LIFE OP HENEY GEORGE [1881-1882
actually did kill it by refusing it money from the general
fund. Dillon thought that the land agitation should be
carried on, and he went to Parnell and asked: "What are
your intentions? Do you mean to carry on the war or
to slow down the agitation?" "To slow down the agita-
tion/' said Parnell. 1 By October he had succeeded so
effectually with the "slowing down" that he organised a
new league. It was the old Irish National Land League
with "Land" left out. He became president, and Home
Kule was made the primary aim. Nothing was heard of
the principle of "The Land for the People," with which
Michael Davitt had set Ireland aflame. On the contrary,
in his first speech under the new auspices Parnell said that
"no solution of the land question can be accepted as a
final one that does not insure the occupying farmers the
right of becoming owners by purchase of the holdings
which they now occupy as tenants."
It was the old peasant proprietary cry a proposal to
swap landlords, and to swap largely on the terms of the
existing landlords. All thought of the agricultural la-
bourers and of the great mass of the Irish nation who
were too poor to buy land all reference to natural, equal
rights to land, was ignored.
But the fact of a Kilmainham treaty and of the sur-
render of the movement by Parnell to the Gladstone gov-
ernment came out only by degrees. In writing to the
"Irish World" George tried to put the best face on the
thing, refusing at first to write what he suspected; but in
his private letters to Ford he spoke without reserve. On
May 17 he wrote: "The whole situation is very bad and
perplexing. The Land League in its present form on
both sides of the water seems to me to be smashed. But
1 " Life of Charles Stewart Parnell," by K. Barry O'Brien, VoL I, p. 365.
Age, 42-43] TREATY OF KILMAINHAM 377
the seed has been planted. . . . We who have seen
the light must win because much greater forces than our-
selves are working with us." Three days later he wrote,
"Parnell seems to me to have thrown away the greatest
opportunity any Irishman ever had. It is the birthright
for the mess of pottage/*
CHAPTER IV.
STARTING THE REVOLUTION IN GREAT
BRITAIN.
1882. AGE, 43.
A FEW months of immurement in Kilmainham jail,
even while mitigated by personal comforts, if not
luxuries, and the companionship of numerous political
friends, had sufficed for Parnell ; and he came out to "slow
down" the great Land League movement that had roused
the enthusiasm of tens and hundreds of thousands on two
continents. But neither the seven years of hard penal
servitude nor the year or more of subsequent and lighter
solitary incarceration in the English prison had broken
the spirit of Michael Davitt. He had no thought of sur-
render to the Government. In a letter to the "London
Standard" he showed that while he had given up his old
idea of the efficacy of physical force and dynamite to bring
reforms, he did not wish to be a party to the Kilmainham
treaty ; and on the 21st of May he made a speech at Man-
chester on these lines. Mr. George had been invited to
lecture on the Irish question in Free Trade Hall and Mr.
Davitt to preside. To Mrs. George her husband that
night wrote: "It was Davitt's lecture, not mine. He
wanted to mak.e a pronunciamento, and had it all written
out, and got through only a few minutes before the time
378
Age, 43] DAVITT'S PEONUNCIAMENTO 379
when, according to the programme, I was to have closed
so that I spoke for only about fifteen minutes, and as usual
under such circumstances, hardly did myself justice. He
was nice about it, though, and I was very glad to have
him take the time and sit down on the 'Treaty of Kil-
mainham.' ' ;
"Disruption" was the cry at once raised by the Par-
nellites against Davitt in consequence of this speech a
fatal cry in so many Irish struggles. They who had them-
selves made the real departure in setting themselves against
the Land League movement, audaciously charged Davitt
with aiding Ford and George in trying to make a split
in the ranks. Davitt could suffer imprisonment, but he
shrank from this. He told George a few days later when
they met in Dublin that he thought it wiser for them
not to travel together into the West of Ireland as they,
or at least as George, had contemplated. Mr. George
wrote privately to Patrick Ford from Dublin (May 27) :
"I have seen Davitt ... at Dr. Joseph Kenny's.
I told him I would go into the west with him to-morrow,
but could plainly see he did not want me to go. ...
I expressed my mind to him and to Kenny (a Parnellite
first, last and all the time). I told him I thought
you had been extremely moderate; that I was sick of
this undemocratic talk of 'leaders'; that Davitt did rep-
resent a much greater idea than Parnell; that it was
not merely now, but during Davitt's long imprisonment
that we had been holding him up as such; that instead
of making a break, you were doing your utmost to pre-
vent it; that it was radical men's work and radical
men's money that had been the backbone of the Ameri-
can support, and that they would not consent to be
used, and to be told that what they had been sacrificing
for was a failure and a humbug; and that there was
no use of disguising the fact that between the pro-
gramme on which American money had been largely
380 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1882
gathered and the programme now offered them was a
wide chasm; and that in America at least I believed
the smash had already come. I told them, of course, a
good deal more than I could begin to write. Healy
came in, and without resuming the conversation I left.
"With the exception of myself, Davitt has seen no-
body since he came out but the Parnellites and the Whig
section of the Land League. He himself is all right, but
he is a very impressible man. He is to come to see me to-
morrow. I shall tell him what I think, but I won't go
down into the west with him, though I have been in-
tending to do so ever since I have been here, only re-
maining because things were so volcanic. Of course I
know what they din into his ears 'George has captured
you for the "Irish World." : He as much as told me so
before. But whatever happens now, Davitt will be to
those moderates what shall I call them a bull in a
china shop. I am confident of that."
But if Davitt shrank from an open break, he certainly
had plans distinct from those of Parnell, as shown by a
letter from George to Francis G. Shaw (May 30) :
"Davitt is all right. He believes just as we do, but
he is very much afraid of breaking up the movement,
and is sensitive to the taunt that he has been 'captured
by Henry George and the "Irish World." : . . .
"Michael Davitt is full of the idea of popularising
'Progress and Poverty.' That was the first thing he
said to me. He had read it twice before, and he read it
twice again while in Portland [prison], and as you may
see from his speeches and letters, he believes in it en-
tirely. He says if a copy of that book can be put in
every workman's club and Land League and library in
the three kingdoms the revolution will be made. His
first act was to demand of Parnell and Dillon 500 to
use in the English propaganda, 300 of which he wanted
to put in my hands for as many copies of 'Progress
and Poverty' as it would bring. Parnell and Dillon at
Age, 43] "PROGRESS AND POVERTY" 381
first agreed, and he went to Paris to get Egan's con-
sent. Egan refused; but afterwards wrote that what
Davitt wanted would have to be granted, and then after
the Manchester speech Parnell and Dillon refused.
"The fact is that the line is really drawn and the
split made, but not publicly. They [the Parnellites]
will not budge beyond extension of the purchase clause;
Davitt is for nationalisation and our programme. And
the whole strength of the Land League management is
to be used in fact, it has all along been used against
the spread of more radical ideas. Davitt says he is
going to the United States for the purpose of getting
money for the propaganda."
But the money that was wanted came suddenly from
another quarter. Mr. Shaw had that very month (May
10) sent Mr. George $500, saying: "As you do not tell me
how I can help the cause just now, I take my own way
and inclose a draft which I hope may strengthen the
hands of you, its representative." And nine days later
Mr. Shaw wrote that he had received a pledge of $3,000
for the circulation of "Progress and Poverty" from a man
richer than he was who did not want to be known. He
said that some of the money he would hold until he could
learn what Mr. George advised doing with it, but that
meanwhile he had ordered of Appleton a thousand copies
of the book specially bound in cloth covers to be sent to
the members of the Society for Political Education who
were men of importance scattered about the country, and
that he had preceded this by sending to them copies of
George's pamphlet, "The Irish Land Question." Mr.
George was at first inclined to believe that this society was
u a sort of mutual admiration affair," on the members of
which it would be useless to waste money; but the fact
of the distribution subsequently raising some contention
in the columns of the Boston "Advertiser/' he then wrote
382 LIFE OF HENEY GEORGE [1882
to Mr. Shaw (August 3) : "You have kicked up a row.
And of all the things we want to do, to kick up a row is
first and foremost. For when the row begins then those
who most bitterly oppose us serve the cause the most."
But to go back. On June 6, 1882, came an earthquake.
Michael Davitt, despite ParnelFs express opposition, made
a dashing speech in Liverpool, came out squarely against
the peasant proprietary scheme and declared himself flatly
for "land nationalisation." Davitt did not espouse the
George method of application, which was to absorb land
values through taxation. He leaned rather to Alfred Kus-
sell Wallace's plan of buying the land from the land-own-
ers (though at half the market valuation) and then exact-
ing a rent from the holders, which seemed to the socialists
to include their idea of "management." But method just
then was a secondary matter with Henry George. What
he was most interested in at this time was the assertion
of the principle of common rights in land, and he took
Davitt's speech to be the old Land League cry of "the
land for the people," advanced a stage towards practical
application. The speech created a sensation. George was
filled with exultation and wrote to Shaw (June 8) :
" 'Now, by St. Paul, the work goes bravely on !' I
think we may fairly say that we have done something,
and that our theory ( !) is at last forced into discussion.
I should have sent you a congratulatory despatch last
night; but I knew you would read the 'Irish World'
and would know I was thinking of you when sending
the news. I have gained the point I have been quietly
working for, and now those who oppose us most bitterly
will help us most. Well, after all the toil and worry
and the heart sickness, when the devil comes to whisper,
'You are doing nothing !' there are some half hours that
pay for all. And because I feel that, I know that you
must feel that, too."
Age, 43] A POLITICAL EARTHQUAKE 383
On the same day George wrote to Ford:
"Davitt will be with you as soon as this letter. So
there is no use of my saying anything about him.
. . . For the moment the Kilmainham Treatyites are
'flabbergasted/ but they will rally and fight. It is a
long fight and a wide fight it is not won or nearly won ;
but it has commenced, and there is no more sailing
under false colours. . . .
"Well, I feel like congratulating you. At last the
banner of principle is flung to the breeze, so that all
men can see it, and the real, world- wide fight begun.
' What we have been hoping and praying and quietly
working for is so far accomplished.
"Davitt proposes compensation. Of course neither
you, nor I, nor Bishop Nulty agree to anything of that
sort; but that makes no difference. It is best that
Davitt should propose it, for his great work from now
on is to be rather in England than in Ireland. . . .
I don't care what plan any one proposes, so that he
goes on the right line. . . .
"I lecture in the Kotunda (Dublin) Saturday night.
You can well imagine what I will say."
This lecture, Mr. George's second in Dublin, was deliv-
ered on June 10. It was on the "Irish Land Question"
and was for the benefit of the Prisoners' Aid Societies. It
took the line of and supported Davitt's Liverpool speech
and was well received, for he wrote to Ford three days
afterwards : "Sexton, who had been all the week in Dublin
lying quiet, put in an appearance at the lecture, and on
moving thanks to me essayed to defend somewhat the
peasant proprietary business; but I went for that in my
reply, and evidently carried the audience with me. . . .
What was a most significant thing was that from begin-
ning to end Parnell's name was not mentioned. . . .
There was not a voice for him, not a cheer."
384 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1882
Nevertheless, as Mr. George had predicted, the "Kil-
mainham Treatyites" soon rallied and began to fight, and
fight with effect. They attacked George covertly at first,
aiming to arouse national jealousy against him by speaking
of him as "an American" and a "cosmopolitan politician."
But Davitt they attacked more openly, for having con-
siderable influence on telegraphic and other large channels
of news and political comment, they could and did harry
him on both sides of the ocean at once.
Davitt's position was trying. Patrick Ford had ar-
ranged for a big reception to him in the Academy of
Music, New York; but a committee from the Parnellite
faction went down the bay, first reached him and made
out such a case that he felt the necessity of giving a promi-
nent place in his first speech in America to an explana-
tion that he had not been "captured" by Henry George
or anybody else.
Then again occurred the unlocked for. Some promi-
nent prelates in the Catholic Church in the United States
had condemned the Land League movement as attacking
the rights of property. Rev. Dr. Edward McGlynn of
St. Stephen's Catholic Church, one of the largest in New
York, had privately expressed strong approval of the move-
ment, but had never spoken publicly on this or any kin-
dred subject. He had been widely known both for the
eloquence of his utterances and the independence of his
views, and yielding to the pressure to come out and take
a public stand on the land question, he had laid prudential
considerations aside, and consented to speak at the Davitt
reception. He followed Davitt and made an extraordi-
nary speech on the lines of the land for the people. Ele-
gant in diction and oratorical in delivery, it flashed with
wit and burned with enthusiasm. He spoke as a priest
of the people, who bore witness to the everlasting truth.
Age, 43] REV. DR. EDWARD McGLYNN 385
He encouraged Davitt to "preach the gospel" and not to
apologise for it or explain it away. His address made
such a sensation that the Doctor was invited to speak at
most of the meetings with Davitt during the short tour,
and he did speak at three, at one of them saying :
"If I might take the liberty of advising him [Davitt]
I should say: 'Explain not away one tittle of it, hut
preach the gospel in its purity!' [Cheers.] I say it
is a good gospel, not only for Ireland, but for England,
for Scotland and for America, too. [Great cheering.]
And if in this country we do not as yet feel quite so much
the terrible pressure of numbers upon the land, the same
terrible struggle between 'Progress and Poverty/ as is felt
in other lands, no thanks are due at all to our political
system, but thanks only to the bounties of nature, and
to the millions of acres of virgin lands with which God
has blessed us. But when these virgin lands shall have
been occupied ; when the population shall have increased
here as it has elsewhere in proportion to our extent of
territory, we shall have precisely the same problem to
solve, and the sooner we solve it the better. [Loud
cheering.] And so I quite agree with Michael Davitt
to the full, and with Henry George to the full [loud
cheering, and three cheers for Henry George], and lest
any timid, scrupulous soul might fear that I was falling
into the arms of Henry George, I say that I stand on
the same platform with Bishop Nulty, of Meath, Ire-
land. [Cheers.] But for that matter to let you again
into a secret my private opinion is, that if I had to
fall into the arms of anybody, I don't know a man Into
whose arms I should be more willing to fall than into
the arms of Henry George." [Loud cheers.]
These speeches were too marked in their effects on popu-
lar thought in this country, the main source of Land
League funds, to go unnoticed by those at Rome and
elsewhere bent on suppressing the Irish cause; and the
386 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1882
powers which had silenced so many of the clergy of Ire-
land, among them Dr. Nulty, for the same kind of utter-
ances, now turned towards New York. They caused Car-
dinal Simeoni, Prefect of the Propaganda, in the name
of the Pope, to write several letters to Cardinal McCloskey
in New York complaining of "the priest McGlynn" who
seemed "very much inclined to favour the Irish Eevolu-
tion" and who was making speeches containing "proposi-
tions openly opposed to the teachings of the Catholic
Church." The Cardinal Prefect ordered Dr. McGlynn's
suspension, unless Cardinal McCloskey should deem an-
other course advisable. Dr. McGlynn after the first letter
of complaint had an interview with Cardinal McCloskey.
He explained his doctrine, and as he said five years later, 1
he defended it from the Cardinal's "misunderstandings and
misapprehensions." "I told him substantially," said Dr.
McGlynn, "that I knew my theology well enough not to
sin against it ignorantly, and that I loved my religion too
well to sin against it wilfully." As a result of this inter-
view Dr. McGlynn said he would not speak further for
the Irish Land League cause. "I voluntarily promised
to abstain from making Land League speeches, not be-
cause I acknowledged the right of any one to forbid me,
but because I knew too well the power of my ecclesiastical
superiors to impair and almost destroy my usefulness in
the ministry of Christ's Church to which I had conse-
crated my life."
While to Patrick Ford, Dr. McGlynn was a revelation,
to Henry George he was more than that, for never before
had he heard of the clergyman. McGlynn was a new star
in the sky ; as George wrote to the "Irish World," a "Peter
the Hermit" in the new crusade; and as he wrote to Ford
l Dr. McGlynn's review of his own case, "The Standard," Feb. 5, 1887.
Age, 43] A PETER THE HEEMIT 387
privately: "If Davitt's trip had no other result, it were
well worth this. To start such a man is worth a trip
around the world three times over. He is 'an army with
banners.' ''
But it was of Davitt that George wrote chiefly to Ford
at this time. Before any adequate report of the New
York meeting had reached him, he said (June 20) : "To-
day there is a despatch that Davitt says that there is no
dispute between him and Parnell, and that the latter's
scheme will be carried first. It won't. Davitt has awak-
ened the echoes both in Ireland and in England. He is
first and Parnell is nowhere, if he [Davitt] will only stand
firm and not get scared. Tell him so for me." George wrote
ten days later, "It's a nice combination [against Davitt]
Government, Fenians, Whigs and Parliamentarians!
When I say Fenians I mean only those of the Devoy
stripe." But Davitt yielded to the pressure, both while
in America and subsequently when he returned to the
British side. He allowed the great work of his life to
be subordinated to the comparatively trifling Parliamen-
tary programme. George's views are reflected in letters
to Ford:
London, July 1.
"I got the New York 'Tribune's' report of Davitt's
speech, sent to me by Mr. Shaw. It is several shades
more apologetic than I should like to see it. Think of
a man having seriously to defend himself from the
charges of being captured by Henry George and run by
the 'Irish World' ! . . . But whatever temporary
events may be, we can afford to laugh at those who op-
pose us. They are simply drifting, while 'the stars in
their courses are with us.' Don't lose heart for a
moment, however much you may be tempted. Those
who oppose us most bitterly will help our cause the
most."
388 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1882
London, July 4.
"The Kilmainham treaty has gone to smash sure
enough at last. The situation, though, is not a good
one the old fight in the dark is to go on again. Ire-
land has plenty of good minor officers and guerilla
chiefs, but not a single general. Davitt is nearest, but
he lessened his influence and injured his usefulness by
what seems to me like weakness. ... A great
leader would not begin an important campaign by an
apology, and I am well satisfied that you had nothing
to do with that. Well, I am sorry for Davitt's sake,
but the cause moves on no matter who falls."
Dublin, August 4.
"As for me, Davitt should have had sense enough
to know that no one could have made him my 'trumpet.'
He had too great a position. And surely he need not
have been afraid of my trying to put him in the posi-
tion of a disciple of mine. For in public and in pri-
vate I have been engaged in pushing him to the front
as the 'great leader/ But his enemies O'Kelly first,
I think charged him with being captured by Henry
George and the 'Irish World.' They saw that that an-
noyed and affected him, and then they pushed it. All
he had to do was simply to go forward and not mind
them. But their talk affected him so much that he was
afraid to be seen with me or to have me go where he
went. And so they made him morbidly afraid of the
'Irish World.' It seems to me pitiable weakness when
a man's enemies can thus make him afraid of and un-
just to his friends. Davitt has let his enemies turn
him and swerve him in various ways; he has put him-
self on the defensive when he ought to have been on the
aggressive, and has kept himself in hot water and
dropped from the position he might have held.
"But he is a noble character, and by far the best of
the lot."
The palpable fact was that Henry George felt increas-
ingly lonely in the Irish movement all the leaders save
Age, 43] TO INVADE AFRICA 389
Pavitt and Brennan hostile to him in principle, and even
Davitt now shunning close connection and Brennan gone
off to the South of France in utter disgust with the Kil-
mainham business. George had come in touch with many
representative men in England like Joseph Cowen, pro-
prietor of the "Newcastle Chronicle/' Thomas F. Walker,
manufacturer, Birmingham ; and William Saunders, Presi-
dent of the Central News Agency in London. He had
also met on very friendly terms the new Chief Secretary
for Ireland, George 0. Trevelyan; and for John Morley
he wrote a "Fortnightly" article. But these men were
of the general British radical movement and not of the
Irish movement per se.
Yet on the other hand, such men as John Ferguson of
Glasgow and Eev. Harold Eylett of Belfast joined with a
host of Scottish and English radicals in wishing the war
carried into Africa, believing that the most effective way
to carry on the Irish land-for-the-people fight would be by
raising the issue in England and Scotland. To this end
Mr. George was invited to deliver an address in Glasgow
on St. Patrick's night, the 17th of March. He accepted
and spoke before a great public meeting in the City Hall.
Three nights later he spoke before another big meeting in
the National Hall. John Ferguson took the chair at the
first meeting and Eichard McGhee at the second. Many
persons date the radical land movement in Scotland from
these meetings, and it is clear that they put the spark to
the agitation among the crofters, or small farmers, which
soon blazed up.
Davitt had had something of this idea of spreading the
war to the British side of the Irish Sea in wishing to
circulate "Progress and Poverty," and now George, get-
ting the Shaw money, obtained the means with which to
carry the idea forward. Shaw cabled that he would send
390 LIFE OP HENRY GEORGE [1882
300, and George replied by letter, "Now we shall start
the revolution !"
He made an arrangement with James C. Durant, who
had a printing office in Clement's Inn-Passage, for setting
type and making plates of "Progress and Poverty" for a
book of eighty-eight pages, quarto form, and paper cover,
to sell at sixpence a copy. Durant was an enthusiastic
admirer of the book and agreed to risk one third of the
expense, and to take his pay out of the profits, if there
should be any. George was to meet the other two thirds
of expense. He did not look for any profit to himself
after paying Durant; indeed, unless the sale should be
very large they both stood to lose on the operation; but
both were moved by the spirit of the propaganda.
Kegan Paul, Trench & Co. were to handle the sixpenny
edition on commission. From thinking nothing at all of
the book, they had come to have great expectations of it,
George writing Shaw as early as February 11 (1882) :
"Paul, of Kegan Paul, Trench & Co., says it is the
most astonishing success he ever knew. When they first
got it out no one would touch it. They laughed at
the idea of selling an American book on political econ-
omy. It was a long while before they got rid of twenty
copies. Then, as he says, purely on its own strength,
the book to their astonishment began to make its way.
Their first edition was out early in December (1881).
They have got another; that is going faster, and they
anticipate a big sale."
It was Mr. George's idea to push the reading of "Prog-
ress and Poverty" all over the three kingdoms. As a pre-
liminary to this, he bought a set of plates of "The Irish
Land Question" from the Glasgow publishers, Cameron
& Ferguson the Ferguson who had with Davitt and
Age, 43] A SIXPENNY EDITION 391
Brennan begun the Land League movement. From those
plates an edition of five thousand copies of the pamphlet
was struck off and sold at threepence each. Copies of it,
together with a little four-paged tract by Mr. Shaw, en-
titled "A Piece of Land," were sent to all the newspapers
in the United Kingdom and to all the Members of Parlia-
ment. In a similar way copies of "Progress and Pov-
erty" were sent out when it appeared. Sample copies were
also sent to every Land League organisation and every
working men's club with a circular offering to supply quan-
tities at wholesale rates. This edition of the book was
also advertised in some of the papers, so that the 300
from America was made to go as far as it would in the
propaganda work, and Mr. George was enabled to write by
June 30 to Mr. Shaw : "So, my dear friend, we are in the
way of doing something so much that I don't like to say
what I really think. The big stone is really moving. All
it wants is a little push to start it rolling. And that, I
think we are about to give. It is not what we do so much
as what we start other people doing."
As if in a measure to meet the "slowing down" policy
of the Parliamentary party, Patrick Ford had asked Mr.
George to stump Ireland; but he had dissented. "I am
willing and anxious to do all I can," he wrote (June 22),
"and I have done all I have been asked to do ; but you must
remember I am not an Irishman, and these people are jeal-
ous of advice or interference from an outsider. That is
the reason they are thrusting me forward, saying I have
captured Davitt, etc. You see how Harris alludes to me
as a 'cosmopolitan politician.' I don't like to mix in Irish
politics on this account."
Nevertheless, he now concluded to make a correspon-
dence trip to Western Ireland. He set off early in August,
accompanied by an Englishman, James Leigh Joynes, one
392 LIFE OF HENEY GEORGE
of the masters of Eton College, who wished to see some-
thing of the popular side of the Irish movement and who
was engaged to write some descriptive articles for the
London "Times." Joynes started out with the average
Englishman's idea that rural Ireland was a place of out-
rages and murders. As they rode along part of their
journey on an open jaunting car, he appeared somewhat
apprehensive of their being mistaken for landlords and
shot from behind the walls or hedges that fringed the
roads. But the most peaceable of rural country met their
view, and many pictures of industry that gave rise to
Mr. George's expression in an "Irish World" letter (Au-
gust 22) that "of all the libels upon the Irish, that which
stigmatises them as idlers is the worst. If there are on
the earth's surface any people who will work harder and
suffer more for those who cling to them, I do not know
where they are to be found."
At length the travellers arrived at the little town of
Loughree. It was "guarded by seven police fortresses,"
besides having "two police barracks and a large military
barrack." "As we drove down the street to the only hotel,"
said Mr. George, "the police seemed to start from the
houses on each side and follow us." And the moment the
travellers sprang to the ground both were arrested under
the Crimes Act as "suspicious strangers." Said Mr.
George :
"The whole thing struck me as infinitely ridiculous.
There was, after all, a good deal of human nature in
Artemus Ward's declaration that he was willing to sac-
rifice all his wife's relatives to save the Union. And
in my satisfaction in seeing an Eton master lugged
through the town as too suspicious a stranger to be left
at large I lost all sense of annoyance at my own arrest.
In fact, my only regret was that it was not Kegan
Paul."
Age, 43] ARRESTED IN IRELAND 393
They were taken into a barred room in the barrack, and
despite Joynes' profuse protestations that there must be
some mistake, the police went through the baggage and
examined all the papers. Mr. George says:
"A rough draft of a bit of poetry was scanned over
by a knot of constables as though it had been a Moon-
light general order or a receipt for making dynamite,
while as for a little leaflet, 'A Piece of Land/ by our
countryman, Francis G. Shaw, I think they must almost
have got it by heart the way they stared at it. . . . I
could not feel angry the whole thing was too supremely
ridiculous, but the Eton master could not see the joke.
To come to Ireland only to be mistaken for an emissary
of sedition, a would-be assassin of landlords, or maimer
of cattle, was something that had not entered into his
calculations."
Resident Magistrate Byrne who came to examine them
apparently soon concluded that there had been a mistake,
even if the police had acted upon telegraphic orders from
some source. At any rate, after three hours' detention
the suspects were released, not, however, without a formal
protest from Mr. George against the proceedings as "need-
lessly annoying and insulting."
After spending that night at the hotel they visited Prior
Corbett of the Carmelite Order and the stores of several
"suspects." Then they drove to the town of Athenry, a
few miles distant and within the same police district "a
town of one pump," an ordinary hand pump, from which
the entire water supply of the place is drawn. Yet in so
small a town, which furthermore could not support a sin-
gle doctor, were quartered no less than twenty-six police
constables and fifty-six soldiers. The travellers visited
Father McPhilpin and then viewed the antiquities of the
place, after which they went to the railway-station to take
394 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE
train for Galway. But the police, a great number of
whom had appeared to be lounging around, closed in and
arrested George, but not Joynes. After several hours'
detention, Mr. George was taken before Magistrate Byrne
the same magistrate who had examined him at Loughree
and a lot of foolish testimony was presented touching
the prisoner's movements and the nature of his printed
papers and written notes. One of the papers put in evi-
dence was a list of names, with the supposed letters "F.
C." after some of them, which the Head Constable believed
meant "Fenian Centre," but which the magistrate inter-
preted to be "T. C.," and to mean "Town Councillor."
The upshot of the matter was Mr. George's discharge.
"The magistrate then summed up with a justification
of the police for arresting me, and to my surprise fin-
ished by discharging me. Whether what had seemed
to me the manifest purpose to require bail had been
altered by the telegrams which Mr. Trevelyan stated in
the House of Commons he had sent to Ireland on the
subject, or whether it was the magistrate's own sense,
I cannot tell."
The trip affected a radical change in Mr. Joynes' views
of the state of Ireland, and he wrote letters to the Lon-
don "Times" based upon what he had seen and heard
that seemed incomprehensible to the editor, so that the
arrangement between Joynes and the newspaper was can-
celled.
When Mr. George got back to Dublin in the middle of
August he wrote to Mr. Shaw : "I have just returned from
a very interesting trip into the west, in which among other
things I saw the inside of two 'British Bastiles.' " He
also sent to the President of the United States a letter
Age, 43] A SECOND AEBEST 395
of protest at the uselessness of the American Ministerial
representation at the Court of St. James, making his own
case the occasion of his writing and saying that while he
fully realised the duty of an American citizen "in a for-
eign country to conform his conduct to the laws of that
country, and that he cannot expect exemption from such
police regulations as its Government may deem necessary,"
yet "that it is due to their own dignity that the United
States should claim for their citizens travelling in countries
with which they maintain relations of amity, exemption
from wanton annoyances, unreasonable inquisitions and
imprisonment upon frivolous pretexts." He averred that
American citizens had been imprisoned there "without
trial, and even without specific accusation," while the only
action taken by the United States so far as known and
currently reported there was on the part of American
consuls who "attempted to bribe them by offers of money
into acknowledgment of the justice of their arbitrary im-
prisonment by agreeing to leave the country as a condition
of release." The letter was aimed at James Eussell Low-
ell, the United States Minister to the Court of St. James
"a place," as Mr. George often afterwards described it,
"for the spoiling of good poets." To make the protest
more direct seemed inadvisable on account of the relations
existing between Lowell and Mr. Shaw^ Nevertheless, the
letter stirred up the Administration at Washington to call
upon the Government representatives for proper action in
such cases. When Mr. George returned to the United
States he was invited by Secretary of State Frelinghuy-
sen to put in a claim for damages, but he declined, saying
that all he asked for was protection to the citizen in his
proper rights abroad.
In a letter to Mr. Shaw (September 12) Mr. George
wrote with some amusement :
396 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1882
"By the bye, I met "William H. Appleton in London.
He told me that Lowell had been talking to him about
me, and asked, 'Why, who in the world buys such a
book as that?'
" 'Well,' said Appleton, 'one man who buys it is a
friend of yours Francis G. Shaw. He bought a thou-
sand, and then he came back and bought another thou-
sand."
" 'Goodness !' exclaimed Lowell or words to that
effect; 'he is a dear, good friend of mine, but but, he
must be getting eccentric !'
"I brought a letter to Lowell from John Russell
Young, but never presented it."
The incident of Mr. George's arrest and the Parliamen-
tary questioning relative to it were noticed by all the news-
papers in Great Britain and Ireland, all of which fell in
most aptly with George's plans to "start the revolution."
The press had just been noticing "The Irish Land Ques-
tion" pamphlet very liberally and now at last the English
printers had the sixpenny edition of "Progress and Pov-
erty" ready. Twelve thousand copies were printed in the
first edition, and two thousand were distributed free.
Within a few days there was, perhaps, reason for his joy-
ous words to Shaw, "I feel as though we are really begin-
ning to 'move the world,' " for the London "Times" set
an example to the British newspapers and periodicals by
seriously reviewing "Progress and Poverty" in a five-col-
umn article an example that brought reviews tumbling
in. Kegan Paul sold all the copies of the book he had on
hand by the afternoon of the day on which the "Times"
article appeared. John Russell Young, then United States
Minister to China, sent George congratulations from
Pekin, saying that the fact of such a lengthy review, was,
regardless of its spirit, the "blue ribbon of critical appro-
bation," and that it ranked George "at once among the
Age, 43] LONDON "TIMES" REVIEWS 397
thinkers of the age," whose words were "worth heeding in
England." No one more fully appreciated the signifi-
cance of the article than the author himself, and he wrote
to his San Francisco friend, Dr. Taylor (September 16) :
"I send you the 'Times' notice. The book which the
'Alta California' said never would be heard of is at last,
it is now safe to say, famous. The cheap edition is going
off well. One house in Melbourne took 1,300 copies and
300 went to New Zealand." To Mr. Young, he wrote
shortly after returning to New York (January 17, 1883) :
"The review in the 'Times' gratified me very much.
The 'Times' had alluded to me previously in several
editorials, saying that I could no longer be ignored, and
a good many other things not too flattering. I saw in
a moment that the review was from a friendly hand.
If you noticed it, you must have seen that it was writ-
ten with great skill; for the purpose of directing atten-
tion to the book, slurring over those things that would
be disagreeable to the British people and dwelling on
those things that would attract them. The 'Atheneum,'
alluding to it, said it was by Fraser Rae. I went to
see him, delivering your letter; and had a very pleasant
talk. He had got the book originally from you. He
was very anxious for me to dine with him and meet a
professor of political economy at one of the Scotch uni-
versities, who desired to meet me; but I was leaving
London for Ireland and could not do so."
Then, too, came encouragement from another quarter.
Early in 1882 the Land Nationalisation Society had been
started in London. The eminent Alfred Russell Wallace
was at its head and his recent book, "Land Nationalisa-
tion," ostensibly embodied its aim. It contained in its
membership those who like Wallace desired to take posses-
sion of the land by purchase and then have the State exact
an annual quit-rent from whoever held it; those who had
398 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1882
the socialistic idea of having the State take possession of
the land with or without compensation and then manage it ;
and those who with Henry George repudiated all idea
either of compensation or of management and would rec-
ognise common rights to land simply by having the State
appropriate its annual value by taxation. Such conflict-
ing elements could not long continue together, and soon
those holding the George idea withdrew and organised on
their own distinctive lines, giving the name of the Land
Eeform Union to their organisation. But meanwhile the
Land Nationalisation Society invited Mr. George to lec-
ture under the auspices of a working men's audience in
Memorial Hall on September 6, Professor Wallace presid-
ing. This was Henry George's first public speech in Lon-
don and he addressed the class he was very anxious to
reach. For as he said in April in writing to Mr. Shaw:
"I have little hope of the literary class here never at all
of the men who have made their reputations. It is the
masses whom we must try to educate, and they are hard
to get at through ordinary channels."
This working men's lecture was followed by a meeting
on the afternoon of the 19th that gave him real satisfac-
tion a meeting of Church of England clergymen. The
proceedings had much the nature of a conference, Mr.
George making a few preliminary remarks explanatory of
his principles and then answering questions. He wrote to
Mr. Shaw (September 21) : "The meeting of clergymen
was most remarkable. It occupied three hours. The ball
has surely commenced to roll." That evening he was hon-
oured with a two shilling working men's banquet, and then
he bade adieu to his English friends and started for Dub-
lin and home.
On the eve of his departure from Dublin, Mr. George
was entertained at a banquet by T. D. Sullivan, M. P.,
Age, 43] SAILS FOR HOME 399
Dwyer Gray, owner of the "Freeman's Journal/' Michael
Davitt, Dr. James E. Kelly, Father Behan, Dr. Joseph
Kenny, and other well-known citizens ; and then, the eldest
daughter who had been ill with typhoid fever being strong
enough to travel, the family proceeded to Queenstown and
on October 4 embarked on the National liner Helvetia
for New York.
But before leaving Dublin Mr. George wrote to Mr.
Shaw (September 26) :
"Sure as we live, we have kindled the fire in Eng-
land, and there is no human power that can put it out.
Thanks to you, and the friend who made the contribu-
tion through you, I think I have in this year done a
bigger work (or rather started bigger forces) than any
American who ever crossed to the old country. I say
this freely to you, because without you 1 could not have
come or stayed.
"Our English friends are very earnest for me to stay ;
but I know the movement will go ahead without me.
No man is necessary to it now. We may help a little;
but whether we help or not, it will go on.
"Hope to have a twenty thousand new edition of
'Progress and Poverty' printed by next Monday."
CHAPTER V.
KINDLING THE FIEE AT HOME.
1882-1883. AGE, 43-44.
A YEAR before Henry George had sailed away from
New York scarcely noticed. Now he returned to
find himself, as he said, "pretty near famous"; the news-
papers heralding him, the labor unions crowding spacious
Cooper Union for a formal welcome, and men notable at
bench and bar, in politics, the ministry and commercial
pursuits banqueting him at Delmonico's. Hon. Algernon
S. Sullivan was toastmaster at the banquet, with Justice
Arnoux, Justice Van Brunt, Henry Ward Beecher, Thomas
G. Shearman, Andrew McLean, and Francis B. Thurber
among the speakers. Mr. George alarmed his immediate
friends by mistaking the hour and arriving late, and
amused others by having forgotten to get his shoes pol-
ished. But the occasion passed with fine effect, the
guest's speech being marked by quiet delivery, yet intense
feeling, for he believed this to be but another indication
that the world was awakening to the truth. That differ-
ent feelings were also awakening elsewhere was manifest
from the fact that amid the generally favourable notices
of the press was one observing that a number of the per-
sons present representing special privileges probably had
400
Age, 43-44]] .HONOURED AT HOME 401
no notion of the ideas promulgated by the man they
honoured, since they acted like a lot of fat sheep who had
without realising their danger invited a wolf into the fold.
If Mr. George did not feel the force of this remark at
once, he did when, three years later, lines of interest were
drawn, and many of those who had feted him at Del-
monico's took front rank among the "Society Savers" ar-
rayed against him. Then he said with a twinkling eye
to those about him: "Those gentlemen gave me a com-
plimentary dinner once/'
But no matter to what changed feelings some of the
banqueters afterwards awakened, the fact of such an event
gave evidence, as much as the working men's reception,
of a strong tide setting in the direction to which the
George ideas pointed, so that it was with a consciousness
of rising power that he wrote to Eev. Father Dawson of
Ireland (October 23) : "I find that the prophet is hon-
oured, even in his own country"; and that he wrote to
Taylor at the same time : "It is a good deal like going to
sleep and waking up famous."
Charles Nordhoff of the "New York Herald" thought
the time had come for Mr. George to be most useful in
Congress; that there he could get the best hearing before
the country and make his influence felt in tangible laws,
primarily towards a liberation of trade, for Nordhoff was
a radical free trader. To Nordhoff's letter suggesting
that he talk with Patrick Ford about the matter, George
replied (October 29) : "I think I can be quite as useful
outside of Congress as in, and I should not now seek a
nomination in any way. So I shall not say anything to
the 'Irish World' people about the matter. But I quite
as fully appreciate your kindness and your esteem as
though I wanted the place."
One of the first things that Mr. George did after get-
402 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1882-1883
ting back was to call upon Eev. Dr. Edward McGlynn
and pay his respects. The clergyman was a native of
New York, of Irish parentage. At an early age he be-
came a protege of Archbishop Hughes, who sent him to
the College of the Propaganda at Eome to study for the
priesthood. He was distinguished as a student and was
ordained at twenty-two, becoming at first the assistant,
and at thirty, the successor to Eev. Dr. Cummings of St.
Stephen's Church, New York. Dr. Cummings was a man
of extensive learning and very liberal views. As such he
had large influence in the community, an influence which
his young successor, with like qualities, acquired and ex-
tended. Dr. McGlynn was two years Henry George's
senior, and when they met was in his forty-sixth year.
A copy of "Progress and Poverty" had been given to him
by A. J. Steers, the young man in D. Appleton & Co.'s
employ who had helped persuade that house to get out
a dollar edition of the book in 1880.
On meeting Dr. McGlynn, Henry George found a large
man physically, of urbane manners, many intellectual
graces and remarkable conversational gifts; and with
those qualities of heart and mind that made him the loved
and venerated priest, confessor, adviser, leader the fa-
ther among the poor of a great New York City parish.
Dr. McGlynn subsequently speaking of this meeting, said :
"Already captured by 'Progress and Poverty,' I was now
captured by its author. I found united with his lofty
intellect and virile character, the simplicity and sweet-
ness of a child in fact, that 'something feminine' which
a Frenchman has said is to be found in all men truly
great." The two men talked simply, yet they understood
each other. That meeting began the intimate friendship
between "the Priest and the Prophet."
There were many calls for lectures 'alicl some for arti-
Age, 43-44]
DEATH OF MR. SHAW 403
cles from Mr. George's pen, and he was in the midst of
his plans when death struck down his friend, Francis G.
Shaw, after seventy-two years of usefulness to his kind.
To Mrs. George, who was in Philadelphia, her husband
hastily wrote (November 8) : "I got this morning a letter
from Mrs. Lowell saying that her father, Mr. Shaw, was
very sick and could not live. I went over there as soon
as I could and found he had died last night. I have no
sorrow for his sake, but I feel the loss of such a friend
and deeply regret that I did not get an opportunity to
see him again. Yet this is generally the way our last
partings seem to us partings for a day !"
Beautiful memorial sketches of Mr. Shaw were written
by Sydney Howard Gay and George William Curtis and
printed for private circulation. Mr. George made the
dedication of a new book later in the year the wreath of
his lasting tribute, but in the first days he expressed his
sentiments to the daughter, Mrs. Lowell (November 15) :
"There was between us something of that feeling that
among the ancients was the closest of ties. I was, in
some respects at least, his proxy, his younger man, whom
he sent into the struggle he would have made himself;
and this thought will always be to me a satisfaction and
a strength."
Mr. George made a lecturing trip to St. Louis, Terre
Haute and Wheeling, speaking on the land question.
When he got back to New York he wrote to Taylor
(January 17) :
"I have received $1000, which Mr. Shaw left me.
This puts me at ease. I shall use it in the way I know he
intended it to give me leisure to do some writing and
before that is gone I shall have my feet well under me.
"What a curious life mine is literally from hand to
mouth ; and yet always a way seems to open.
404 LIFE OP HENRY GEOEGE [1882-1883
"I want to do something strong on the tariff; and
then a popularisation in the form probably of question
and answer of our doctrines, with special view to the
farmers. And by that time the cheap 'Progress and
Poverty' will have told, and I shall have made some pay-
ing lecture engagements.
"My article goes in the 'North American Beview 5 next
month (March number).
"Get the 'Modern Eeview' for January. It is the
best review of 'Progress and Poverty' yet." 1
Isiote should be taken of the "North American Eeview"
article of which Mr. George spoke. It was entitled
"Money in Elections." In it he advocated, as the correc-
tive of purchase and intimidation of voters, the adoption
of the Australian secret ballot system. In San Francisco
twelve years before he had made the same proposal in
the "Overland Monthly," and when in 1886 he became
candidate for the New York Mayoralty, this principle
formed one of the planks of his platform.
But this "North American" article was now merely
by the way. The English cheap edition of "Progress and
Poverty" was doing so well that the author was set on a
cheap American edition. He thought of importing a
duplicate set of the English plates, but abandoned this to
put the book in the hands of John W. Lovell, a publisher
of standard books in cheap form, who had just started a
serial library, with a complete book in each number. They
were paper covered, compact, attractive volumes. "Prog-
ress and Poverty," like the average number, was sold for
twenty cents more than the English edition, but there
were compensating advantages in size and appearance and
as to distribution. Mr. George was to get ten per cent.
1 Signed article by George Sarson, M. A.
Age, 43-14] CHEAP EDITION OF BOOKS 405
royalty, the same as from Appleton for the better edition;
but this in effect amounted to very little, for the author
gave away so many copies and made such large personal
discounts to those who bought quantities for educational
purposes, that the Lovell edition brought small return to
him, considering the great sale.
"The Irish Land Question" also was put in Lovell's
Library, and at ten cents a copy. In order to make it
apply to the United States and the world, rather than to
Ireland exclusively, the title was modified to "The Land
Question," which the book has since carried.
The Land League organisation in the United States
had since Parnell's change of policy pretty generally gone
to pieces. What remained was used to push the cheap
editions of the books. But a far greater agency was found
in the Order of the Knights of Labour. This organisa-
tion had sprung from a local secret society formed by
ten Philadelphia garment cutters in 1869. Not until the
close of the seventies did it assume great proportions, and
by 1883 it had local assemblies or branch organisations all
over the country. Its more recent declaration of prin-
ciples, though in some respects vague and confused, had
a clear central purpose that of equal rights for all and
special privileges to none. Its "fifth demand" ran:
"The land, including all the natural sources of wealth,
is the heritage of all the people, and should not be sub-
ject to speculative traffic. Occupancy and use should
be the only title to the possession of land. Taxes upon
land should be levied upon its full value for use, exclu-
sive of improvements, and should be sufficient to take for
the community all unearned increment."
While this had for several years been in the declara-
tion of principles, nobody had paid much attention to
406 LIFE OF HENRY GEOEGE [1882-1883
it as a practical idea, and it had been allowed to lie
dormant. But discussion of the Irish land question had,
with other things, drawn attention to the land question at
home; and T. V. Powderly, Grand Master Workman,
made a personal declaration on the question and helped
Mr. George, who had joined the order, to get "Progress
and Poverty" and "The Land Question" into the local
assemblies. George set high value on this and wrote
Thomas F. Walker of Birmingham, England (April 21) :
"I inclose you a very significant clipping. Powderly
is head of the great organisation of the 'Knights of La-
bour.' Up to this he (as most of the leaders of labour
organisations) has considered the land question as of no
practical importance. His change will have a very im-
portant effect. It is, moreover, only o'ne indication of
the general change that is going on.
"The 20-cent edition of 'Progress and Poverty 5 got
out in February and is working powerfully. We are
gaining rapidly in every direction. It will not be long
now before the movement will show in politics."
Mr. George and his little bunch of immediate friends
in New York at this time started an organisation called
the Free Soil Society. Besides being fairly descriptive
of their purpose to free the soil from speculation the
name had historical associations, having been used by an
aggressive anti-slavery party before the civil war. The
new organisation was federal in its plan, starting from
local groups. Louis F. Post, formerly of "Truth" but now
returned to his law practice, was president ; Rev. R. Heber
Newton, treasurer ; and Charles F. Adams, a young lawyer
of brilliant parts, secretary; with John P. Cranford, a
prosperous city contractor in Brooklyn; T. L. McCready,
A. J. Steers, who had given "Progress and Poverty" to
Age, 43-44] FEEE SOIL SOCIETY 407
Dr. McGlynn; several members of the "Irish World"
editorial staff, Professor L. E. Wilmarth, Clinton Furbish,
William McCabe, John Beverly Robinson, and Henry
George, his wife (for women were eligible), his sons and
his eldest daughter were of the first members. The ob-
ject was purely propaganda; the method, all means that
would promote thought. The society proved effective for
a time in getting together those who were already per-
suaded ; but it brought in few new people and died a quiet
death before a great while.
It resulted, however, in some informal, half-past six
o'clock dinners in a small restaurant in the wholesale dis-
trict on Duane Street, New York, kept by a Portuguese
named Pedro D. Beraza. These dinners were occasional,
and talk was informal. Mr. George, light-hearted and
sanguine as a boy, generally sat at the head of the board
and passed a question around to each by turn when he
wanted an expression of views. They were essentially
"experience" meetings. Nor was any allowed to pass
without delivering his personal testimony to the progress
of "the cause." In those days small events gave the
brethren much cheer.
The thousand dollars left by Mr. Shaw enabled Mr.
George to commence early in the year on the cherished
plan of writing a book on the tariff question. To James
McClatchy of the "Sacramento Bee," who in some alarm
admonished him not to attempt too much, he wrote (March
28) : "Don't be afraid that I shall get out of my depth. I
am well conscious of the limits of human effort of which
you speak, and there is too much in my own line to do
for me to venture beyond it. My real purpose in treat-
ing the tariff question is to show workingmen that the
question is the land question, and that they are to a great
extent wasting their efforts in barking up the wrong tree."
408 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1882-1883
When Mr. George had got well along in the writing two
important proposals came to him. One was from Allen
Thorndike Kice, proprietor of the "North American Re-
view/' for a political and economic weekly paper, to be
edited and partly owned by George. The other was for
a series of signed articles for "Frank Leslie's Illustrated
Newspaper." He wrote Taylor (March 25) :
"As to the paper negotiations, they finally came to
this. Capitalist to put up $25,000, to take fifty-five
shares of stock, I to have forty-five. I to have control
and a salary of seventy-five dollars a week until the
thing paid, and then a hundred dollars a week, in addi-
tion to the earnings of my stock. They' wanted to start
on the 15th of May. After a good deal of consideration
I refused. I think I shall go into a paper, though,
about September or October, and believe I can make a
combination that will assure success. This will solve
the bread and butter question for good.
"In the meantime I have made an arrangement to
write a weekly article for thirteen weeks for 'Prank Les-
lie,' the articles to be two columns and a half and I to
get $100 for each.
"My free-trade matter I think of selling to a news-
paper in the same manner before bringing it out in book
form."
So he laid aside work on the tariff book to write the
"Frank Leslie" articles. They were intended by the
paper's managers to be a counter-attraction, as it were, to
a series of articles just started by "Harper's Weekly" from
the pen of Professor William G. Sumner of the chair of
political economy at Yale. George's articles were to deal
with current social questions from his own standpoint,
under the title of "Problems of the Time." His purpose
was, as he wrote in the preface to their book form after-
wards, "to present the momentous social problems of our
Age, 43-44] PROBLEMS OF THE TIME 409
time, unencumbered by technicalities, and without that
abstract reasoning which some of the principles of po-
litical economy require for thorough explanation."
The fifth article dealt with "The March of Concentra-
tion." It spoke of the obvious increase in size of land
holdings, incidentally stating that a mere glance at the
United States Census reports for 1870 and 1880 showed
that the general figures utterly contradicted the deduc-
tions that the average size of farms was decreasing, and
that the reports were, therefore, unreliable and worthless.
This brought to the front the man who had superintended
both censuses Professor Francis A. Walker, who had
held the chairs of political economy in two colleges and
was author of a text book on the subject. In a curt letter
to "Frank Leslie's" he offered if the reports were not
clear to Mr. George to supply "a more elementary state-
ment, illustrated with diagrams," in support of the official
statement that the average size of farms was decreasing.
George at once replied, Walker made a surrejoinder, and
George a rebutter, all of which served to show George's
keen, analytical powers. The "New York Sun" in subse-
quently reviewing the case said: "It is amusing because,
while there is no lack of suavity and decorum on the part
of Mr. George, his opponent squirms and sputters as one
flagrant blunder after another is brought forward and the
spike of logic is driven home through his egregious falla-
cies." Nor was the matter cleared up until the Census
Bureau explained what at the time of the controversy it
had not realised that the tables for 1870 were based on
improved area and those of 1880 on total area, thus mak-
ing Walker's comparison of the two censuses impossible,
and proving George's charge of carelessness. 1
"Statistics of Agriculture." U. S. Census for 1880,
issued 1883, p. xiv.
410 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1882-1883
In the summer Mr. George put the "Leslie'*' articles
together with the view to publication in book form. He
made each article a chapter, and added eight more and
a conclusion. He named the book "Social Problems" and
dedicated it to the memory of Francis G. Shaw, with the
quotation from Eevelation: "Yea, saith the Spirit, that
they may rest from their labours; and their works do fol-
low them." With the book he printed as appendices, Mr.
Shaw's little tract, "A Piece of Land"; a letter on "The
Condition of English Agricultural Labourers," by William
Saunders of London; and the Walker Census controversy.
The book was put into the hands of Belford, Clarke & Co.,
publishers, of New York and Chicago, but was not brought
out until January.
In April, 1883, a proposal had come before the New
York Legislature for the establishment of a State Bureau
of Labour Statistics. Before the bill was passed before
he had decided whether or not he wanted it Mr. George's
name was urged by a number of labour unions for the
place of Commissioner. But when the bill creating the
Bureau was passed, Governor Cleveland appointed a polit
ical supporter.
At the end of July Mr. George wrote to Mrs. Lowell
in connection with some other matters : "I have met with
a loss that bites out a big piece of my work and quite
disarranges my calculations as to what I should accom-
plish. All the manuscript that I have been making for a
book to be published this fall has gone where I cannot
tell, but I presume into an ash barrel." It was the free
trade book, and was equal to about a hundred printed
pages. The family had been boarding on Fourteenth
Street, near Seventh Avenue. Thence they moved to a
furnished house on Hancock Street, Brooklyn. The manu-
script was lost in the Fourteenth Street house, Mr. George
Age, 43-44] LOSS OF MANUSCRIPT 411
ultimately settling down to the conclusion that he had
inadvertently included it in a lot of waste papers that he
told a servant to carry off and destroy. This was a loss
in several senses. Taylor early in August became his
confidant.
"For past two weeks I have heen staying home push-
ing doggedly at work. I find there is considerable I
want to add to 'Social Problems/ though for my own
exigencies I should hurry it into print. And I have
found it hard to make headway. Writing well on exact
subjects is of all work the hardest. Yet I should be de-
lighted if I could see my way clear to keeping at it.
How blessed are they for whom the pot boils of itself !
I have now just $25 in the world, about half a week's
living with economy; no, not that. However, this is no
new experience to me.
"That MS. is a very serious loss even in the financial
aspect.
"I shall get out this book, and I have several other
things in mind.
"One suggested to me by William Swinton is to take
Smith's 'Wealth of Nations,' cut out the parts not
necessary to a clear understanding of Smith's economy
(giving a synopsis of such parts), annotate it, and pub-
lish at a popular price. I have nearly finished a reading
really the first thorough one I ever gave the book
with this view, and think I could make an exceedingly
useful volume, rendering Smith much more intelli-
gible to the general reader, and pointing where he goes
astray and all his successors have followed him.
"What do you think of it ? Write me -how it strikes
you. I would give $20 of my available assets for a good
Saturday afternoon talk with you."
As the latter part of this letter shows, there was no
sitting down for repining. And the idea he threw out
for an annotated "Wealth of Nations," was later on taken
412 LIFE OP HENRY GEORGE [1882-1883
up and the work begun, though more pressing things pre-
vented it from being carried forward any considerable
distance, and it was never finished.
That summer he went with his family and Louis F.
Post and family to Budd's Lake in New Jersey for a two
weeks' camping trip, which gave him, he told Taylor,
"more of a dead rest," than he "had had for years." But
he continued (August 12) :
"There is, it seems to me, an undertone of sadness in
life which engulfs a man at least a thoughtful man
who does not keep moving. Pleasure is in action and
the highest pleasure in action directed to large and gen-
erous social objects. . . .
"How it is all passing ! I have been lying under the
trees thinking of that, and of the infinite mystery with
which we are surrounded. What fools are these posi-
tivists. Our positive knowledge! More and more cer-
tain it seems to me that this life must be only a stage, a
passage. You are right, conduct is the one thing."
The problem of individual life it was the constant
problem with Mr. George in the seasons of quietness.
Yet the abstraction of the philosopher did not in his
case work the result so often shown in history make the
man on the domestic side less attentive and tender, as wit-
ness the note written by the husband on the night of
October 12 for the wife to find on waking next morning:
"It is twenty-three years ago to-night since we first
met I only a month or two older than Harry, and you
not much older than our Jen. For twenty-three years we
have been closer to each other than to any one else in the
world, and I think we esteem each other more and love
each other better than when we first began to love. You
are now 'fat, fair and forty/ and to me the mature
Age,43-t4] A LITTLE LOVE LETTER 413
woman is handsomer and more lovable than the slip of
a girl whom twenty-three years ago I met without know-
ing that my life was to be bound up with hers. We are
not rich so poor just now, in fact, that all I can give
you on this anniversary is a little love letter; but there
is no one we can afford to envy, and in each other's love
we have what no wealth could compensate for. And so
let us go on, true and loving, trusting in Him to carry
us further who has brought us so far with so little to
regret. For twenty-three years you have been mine and I
have been yours, and though twenty-three years your
husband, I am more than ever your lover."
Just as philosophical meditations did not draw him
into forgetfulness of the tender relations of his partner-
ship, neither did his widening fame spoil, or in the least
change him. The same directness and simplicity that
had characterised the obscure San Francisco editor now
distinguished the man whose book was being read in many
lands. Take a letter that he wrote to his English friend
Thomas F. Walker of Birmingham regarding the British
Cabinet Minister, Joseph Chamberlain. Walker wrote of
a report that Chamberlain "with one keen question had
once 'floored' the author of 'Progress and Poverty/ *
Walker afterwards found that the report was mere gossip,
but at the time George wrote to him (March 27) :
"As for Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, I had the pleasure
of meeting him once, dining at the Eeform Club on in-
vitation of Mr. Wren with Messrs. Chamberlain and
Bright. If Mr. Chamberlain floored me with one keen
question, I was certainly ignorant of the fact, and I
think he is ignorant of it, too. Mr. Bright left after
we got through the dinner, about ten, and then we three
adjourned to the smoking room and continued the con-
versation until midnight. This conversation, which was
very interesting to me, was not in the nature of a dis-
414 LIFE OF HENEY GEOEGE [1882-1883
cussion, and I do not think my views upon the land ques-
tion were even once alluded to, either by me or any one
else. I did not attempt in any way to impress my ideas
upon Mr. Chamberlain. I was too much interested in
finding out what kind of a man he was and what were
the opinions of the foremost English Eadical leader
upon the general course of English politics. We talked
mainly of the Irish question, the relation of the Par-
nellites and the Liberals (this was just before the Kil-
mainham Treaty, and Mr. Chamberlain intimated that
something of that kind was coming) and the democratic
feeling in England. Mr. Chamberlain said a great
many things which interested me very much. He gave
me the English Eadical views of the mistakes of the
Irish Parliamentarians, and he made a number of very
keen observations upon the feeling of the English peo-
ple, saying among other things that the great lower class
had no ill feeling towards the aristocracy, and looked on
the display of wealth with admiration rather than envy.
He impressed me as a very able man, who had carried
into politics keen business sense and power of combina-
tion; but nothing of the reformer. My judgment of
him was that he was an ambitious man who would go as
far towards democracy as was popular, but no farther;
and that if he did not get his locks shorn by the fasci-
nations of aristocratic society, might play an important
part in English politics in the years to come. I do not
think we talked about principles of any kind as to
whether anything was right or wrong. All our talk was
of politics, the feelings of the people, what might be and
what might not be.
"As for being floored with keen questions, I am per-
fectly willing, if I ever go to England again, to go
into the largest hall that can be filled and to allow any
one to put to me what questions he pleases.
"I was firmly convinced of the truth of the views ad-
vanced in 'Progress and Poverty* when I wrote it. I
came to them slowly and carefully, and had tried them
by every test that I could apply. But I am all the more
convinced since I have seen how utterly impossible it
Age, 43-14] INVITED TO ENGLAND 416
seems to be for any one to controvert or shake them.
There is not a single one of all the criticisms of 'Prog-
ress and Poverty' that have yet appeared that I have
deemed even worth the answering. The points they make
are in all cases founded on misrepresentation and are
abundantly answered in the book itself."
The reference in this letter to going to England again
touched a subject on which some of the British friends
kept harping. They had much of that implicit confi-
dence in the cause that Henry George at all times exhib-
ited. Some of them had desired him to remain there in
the fall of 1882; and when William Saunders, President
of the Central News Agency, crossed to the American
side on a business visit a few months later, he offered
Mr. George an engagement to start a paper in London,
which however George refused. Later still James C. Du-
rant wrote that a lecturing campaign through England
and Scotland could be arranged, and this was followed
by a formal letter from E. P. B. Frost, Secretary of the
Land Keform Union, inviting him to speak under its
auspices and guaranteeing his expenses, with prospect of
some profits, for he was known to depend upon constant
exertions for a living. Mr. George thought this a great
chance to push the work. He concluded that he would
embrace it so soon as he had "Social Problems" off his
hands and an article for the "North American Eeview." *
With a feeling of natural pride his thoughts ran from
the fame he was getting in the world to the old folks at
Philadelphia, the father nearing the completion of his
eighty-fifth year; the mother, in her seventy-third year.
On the eve of his father's birthday, the son wrote a letter
inclosing a little present and telling about the books, the
l "Over-production," "North American Review," December, 1883.
416 LIFE OP HENKY GEORGE [1882-1883
English friends and the lectures, to which came the reply
(October 17) :
"Yesterday was the anniversary of my birthday.
Time goes quickly with Old Dad. I was expecting
something from my children and the postman brought
six letters for me.
"By-gone days come back to me as if it was only last
week when you came to me saying that you would go to
California and that you would try your fortune there.
I did not object ; and now the result has been all I could
have wished.
"And then when I opened the letters from your dear
wife and children I broke down. The old parental heart
gave way and burst."
This was the last letter R. S. H. George wrote to his
son. Within a few days he was prostrated with pneu-
monia and on the 26th died. He was conscious until al-
most the last and contemplated approaching dissolution
with a serene mind. He had all of his children at his
bedside and he blessed each by turn, with their marriage
partners and children. He had, he said, been favoured
above the average. The Scriptures set man's allotted days
at three score and ten; his had been above four score.
He had had for the most part a peaceful, happy life; and
Providence had sent him many loving children. He was
now ready, he said, to be gathered to his fathers. And
thus like a patriarch of old passed Richard Samuel Henry
George. His wife, weakened by grief, was seized with in-
flammation of the stomach, and of this died one week
after her husband, and was buried in the same grave with
him in Mt. Maria Cemetery, Philadelphia.
They had died when their son, Henry, was getting, so
far as they could see from the quiet Philadelphia home,
as much blame as praise from the world. "Progress and
Age, 43-44] DEATH OF PARENTS 417
Poverty" had come too late for them. The father read
it, and pride of his son's valiant courage and high pur-
pose filled his heart. He saw at once that it was based
upon justice and equality, and he pronounced it a great
book. But he was in his eightieth year when it was
printed. He was living in the past; he did not give
enough heed to the pressing, struggling world about him to
see the full purpose and strength of the book. It was the
brave, sturdy son that he thought of, rather than of the
son's book. And to the mother, the son had been still
the child, to be encouraged and guided in the moral ways.
"I am too old to read the book," she said when it came;
and though a calm smile overspread her face at the sound
of the public applause of her son, it was sweeter to her
devout mind to have him join the morning prayers when
the father read as of yore from the Scriptures; or to have
him sit with her and the family in old St. Paul's and
listen to the preaching of the Blessed Word.
"Their deaths were as beautiful as their lives," Henry
George wrote to Dr. Taylor; and death seemed much
nearer to him than before. Yet he did not shrink. His
heart's most precious desire was at last safe. "Yes, I
could die now," he exclaimed one day as he was crossing
Broadway with his son, Kichard. The street was clear
for the moment. He had stopped short in the middle of
the roadway and spoke as if musing, his eyes turned up-
ward, as though intently regarding the building tops.
"Why do you say that?" asked the son in amazement.
The question brought the father out of his reverie with
a start. "I was thinking," he answered, walking to the
sidewalk, "that I could die now and the work would go
on. It no longer depends upon one man. It is no longer
a 'Henry George' movement a one-man movement. It is
the movement of many men in many lands. I can help
418 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1882-1883
it while I live; but my death could not stop it. The
Great Eevolution has begun."
But if he felt this way, his friends in the cause felt that
there was need of his fiery zeal everywhere. So that in
answer to the increasing calls from England he set sail
four days before Christmas with his son, Harry, on the
City of Richmond of the Inman Line. As when a boy
on his first voyage before the mast, he entered in his pocket
diary, "East wind and smooth sea."
CHAPTEE VI.
BEITISH LECTURE CAMPAIGN.
1884. AGE, 45.
THE scenes into which Mr. George was hurrying ex-
ceeded his fondest wishes. Next to Gladstone, he
was at the moment the most talked of man in England.
This was chiefly because more than forty thousand copies
of the sixpenny edition of "Progress and Poverty" had
been sold. The book was the burning theme. It en-
gaged the critical reviews and the newspapers; it entered
into lectures, debates and mock parliaments. It had
stormed the redoubts of conservatism the great seats of
learning. Et. Hon. Henry Fawcett, M.P., Postmaster-
General and Professor of Political Economy at Cambridge,
had grappled with the book's chief proposal and after-
wards incorporated his views in his "Manual of Political
Economy." For Oxford spoke one of its professors, Ar-
nold Toynbee, M.A., a young man of high character and
brilliant parts, who in two lectures before fashionable
West End London audiences essayed to answer the book. 1
1 Mr. Toynbee died of brain fever soon after these lectures. Failure to
carry conviction to all those present, and especially to some socialists who
made rude and noisy opposition, is believed to have preyed on the in-
tense, sensitive, high-purposed mind, until chagrin induced the fatal
fever. The lectures were published after his death by his close friend,
SirAlfred Milner.
419
420 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1884
So wide had become the interest in it, that timid Privi-
lege grew alarmed and the landlord "Liberty and Property
Defense League," through Lord Bramwell, one of its
council, made a furious attack; while the "Edinburgh Re-
view" linked Herbert Spencer's "Social Statics" with
"Progress and Poverty" in a common condemnation, and
brought from the English philosopher his first indirect
denial of the truth he had proclaimed in the unequivocal
words that "the right of mankind at large to the earth's
surface is still valid; all deeds, customs and laws not-
withstanding." 1
And well might the special interests take alarm. Not
only had no work on political economy excited such gen-
eral attention, but no book of the kind had ever struck
so boldly at the mother of vested rights private property
in land. "Abolition, without compensation," was the cry.
A fleeting curiosity in an audacious and brilliantly writ-
ten work might perhaps account for its circulation among
the educated classes ; but how explain its popularity among
the labouring masses who could rarely afford to buy or find
time or inclination to read a book of any kind? Yet cer-
tain it was that literature could furnish no precedent for
the way this book was going the rounds of working
men's unions, clubs and societies; and indications were
not wanting that its sentiments with time must crystal-
lise political and social discontent among the file leaders
of the all-pervading army of the poor and rouse a demand
not to be satisfied with the trifling reforms that hitherto
had been conferred with much show and condescension.
True, no less a personage than the Prime Minister, Mr.
1 " Social Statics," p. 134. Spencer made his denial in a letter to a
London Tory newspaper, "St. James's Gazette." Referring to this Spencer
letter, George at the time wrote Taylor: "Spencer is going the way of
Comte going insane from vanity."
Age, 45] GEORGE ON ALL TONGUES 421
Gladstone, had pronounced as "in form and substance the
best answer to George," an address delivered by the Gov-
ernment Statistician, Kobert Giffen, who proved by fig-
ures the "progress of the working classes in the last cen-
tury." But on the other hand, those missionaries among
the miserably poor, the Congregational Union, gave voice
to "the bitter cry of outcast London" in a pamphlet that
showed with startling vividness that a vast part of the
population lived in homes "compared with which the lair
of a wild beast would be a comfortable and healthy spot" ;
while the "Pall Mall Gazette," helped by the Salvation
Army, soon afterwards revealed indubitably the existence
of a horrible traffic in young girls. Even so-called Badi-
cal leaders could see what might come. "If something is
not done quickly to meet the growing necessities of the
case," cried the Et. Hon. Joseph Chamberlain, "we may
live to see theories as wild and methods as unjust as those
suggested by the American economist adopted as the creed
of no inconsiderable portion of the electorate." 1 Cham-
berlain, like a shrewd politician, had his ear to the ground.
NOT did he overlook the subsequent fact that a typical
English audience crowded into St. James's Hall, in West
End London, late in December to hear the Irish patriot,
Michael Davitt, lecture on "The Land for the People"
under the auspices of the Land Eeform Union. As Mr.
Chamberlain said: social reform was in the air.
It was on the last day of December (1883) that Henry
George arrived in Liverpool. He was met by Davitt and
Eichard McGhee, of Glasgow. Davitt was now without
let or hindrance preaching the doctrine of land nation-
alisation and paying no more attention to the Parnellites
^"Laborers' and Artisans' Dwellings," by Rt. Hon. Joseph Chamberlain,
"Fortnightly Review," December, 1883.
422 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1884
(who for the time were in eclipse) than to those physical-
force men, who were trying dynamite explosions in Eng-
land as a means of compelling public recognition of Irish
claims. After stopping off over night at Birmingham to
consult with Thomas F. Walker, who had been distribut-
ing. "Progress and Poverty" extensively among the mem-
bers of the Liberal Association, the political sponsors for
Joseph Chamberlain and John Bright, Mr. George went
up to London; which however he left again, to make
a formal entry on Sunday afternoon, January 6, when
he was received just outside Euston Station by a con-
course of labour organisations; and from the top of a
four-wheel cab he made a short speech, thanking them for
their welcome and explaining the purpose of his coming.
The conspicuous movers in the Land Reform Union
were William Saunders, Miss Helen Taylor, Thomas F.
Walker, Rev. S. D. Headlam, James Durant, Rev. Phillip
A. Wicksteed, Richard McGhee, Thomas Briggs, Dr. Gavin
B. Clark, H. H. Champion, R, P. B. Frost, J. L. Joynes,
Rev. J. E. Symes and William Reeve, the publisher.
These and others made up a fund to meet the expenses
of the George campaign, for, unlike the custom of pay-
lectures in the United States, most lectures in Great Brit-
ain are delivered practically free, only a few front seats
being charged for and reserved. Arrangement had been
made for George to lecture in most of the important cities
and towns of Great Britain, the campaign to be opened
in St. James's Hall, London, on January 9.
But before he opened the course, Mr. George had to
settle two important questions. The first affected his at-
titude towards socialism. Mr. Champion, the treasurer,
and Mr. Frost, the secretary of the Land Reform Union,
were in reality not wholly in harmony with the individ-
ualism of "Progress and Poverty," but believed rather in
Age, 45] BRUSH WITH SOCIALISTS 423
the collectivism of Karl Marx, who had a few months
before died in London after a long residence there. These
two men, with one or two others, waited on Mr. George
and plainly said that if he did not make the socialistic
programme part of his own and call for nationalisation of
capital, including all machinery, the socialists would be
compelled to oppose his campaign. Mr. George replied
with some sharpness that he had come across the sea on
invitation of the Land Reform Union to lecture on the
principles with which his name was identified and no
others; that his principles were clearly explained in his
books; and that the socialists could support or oppose,
as they pleased. As a matter of fact Champion and Frost
made no further objection and quietly acquiesced in
George's plans, but men like Hyndman at the head of the
socialistic movement per se made covert opposition.
The other question for settlement was as to "confisca-
tion." 1 This was the most common objection to the George
proposal, and even some of the members of the Land Re-
form Union urged him to be as mild as possible and to
say nothing against compensation to landlords, for, said
they, the English nation will never consent to take prop-
erty from the landlords without paying for it. His an-
swer to them was short and clear. The land of right be-
longed to all the people, or it belonged to those who
1 August Lewis on this point says : " In a conversation with Mr. George
one day, I said : ' Thomas G. Shearman thinks that it was a grave error
and a great detriment to the progress of the movement that the word
"confiscation" should ever have been used. You should have called it
instead the gradual absorption of rent. What is your opinion about that ?
Would you avoid the term "confiscation" were you to write "Progress
and Poverty " to-day ? ' His face assumed a sort of a troubled and dis-
pleased expression, and he said : ' I don't know what I should do to-day ;
but when I wrote the book, I was not in the humour to have much con-
sideration for anybody's feelings." "
424 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1884
called themselves landlords. If it belonged to the land-
lords, they might do what they pleased with their own;
and no one could have basis for complaint. If it be-
longed to all the people, then it should be restored at once ;
nor could they in justice be called upon to pay one penny
for getting back what was of right theirs. To give com-
pensation, would be to concede the landlords' right of
title. He himself did not want confiscation he wanted
to stop confiscation to stop those who called themselves
landlords from taking rent, which did not belong to them,
and to give it to the community to which it did belong,
which he proposed to do by means of taxation. However,
he said he would tell his audience that they could com-
pensate if they pleased, but that he did not think it would
be just to do so. Thus Mr. George had to contend
with two sets of his own supporters before he met the
common enemy. But he hesitated no more with the one
than with the other.
As showing the habits and temperament of the man, it
may be interesting to note the way he prepared himself
for what he believed was to be the most important address
in the tour the lecture in St. James's Hall. Most of
the day before he kept to his lodgings near Kussell Square
thinking out the line of his discourse, which was to be
on the subject of "Progress and Poverty." Slowly and
with labour he dictated to his son. In the afternoon he
sent for another stenographer and worked late into the
evening alternately with the two writers. In this way he
used his son up and sent him off to bed, continuing with
the other shorthand writer. Early next morning when
the son waked he found that his father had been up and at
work betimes. The father announced, somewhat to the
young man's dismay, that he had cast aside all the work
of the day before and that since rising he had commenced
From London photograph taken during lecture tour of 1883 -4.
Age, 45] ST. JAMES'S HALL SPEECH 425
on a new, and the true, line. Proceeding along this new
line, Mr. George dictated to his son and the other sten-
ographer who was again called in, all that day, except
when interrupted by members of the committee. He was
in fact busy almost up to the moment when the committee
called to conduct him to the hall. Then there was a scram-
ble to get papers together, to dress and get off. And the
upshot of it all was that the notes were not used, for only
in main points and general sequence of ideas was that
which was delivered like that which had been dictated
with so much labour.
The great hall was packed; every seat and every foot of
available standing room was filled. The platform even
was crowded, mostly with members of the Union, and
Michael Davitt conspicuous. All classes and vocations were
represented there nobles and commoners, men noted in
politics, literature, the ministry and the professions, or
leading in the world of manual labour. Ill health prevented
John Ruskin from presiding or even attending, but Henry
Labouchere, M.P., editor of "Truth," filled the chair with
capital effect. He said that the country had in the last
two centuries four Georges who had meddled with and
muddled public affairs. Now came George the Fifth who
did not wear a crown, but who came with keen intelli-
gence and a generous impulse a man whose sympathies
were with the poor and lowly, instead of with the high
and mighty.
Just before rising Mr. George whispered to his friend,
Thomas F. Walker: "If I speak too long, pull my coat-
tail. I have the habits of a writer, rather than those of
a speaker. When I get thinking, ideas come with a rush;
so that when I am on my feet I lose the sense of time."
But Mr. Walker forgot the suggestion in the charm of the
finished address. The pre-eminent qualities of the lee-
426 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE
ture were sincerity and confidence. As in California he
had said to the early California reviewer that "when a
man has so thought out and tested his opinions that
they have in his mind the highest certainty, it would be
but affectation for him to assume doubts he does not feel,"
so now, as he stood up before the great and distinguished
audience in the capital of the world, he had that dead cer-
tainty of air, which, accompanied by a direct, sympa-
thetic manner, a flow of clear language, a logical order,
quick response and complete command of the subject, cap-
tivated his listeners, and caused the arch Tory newspaper,
"The Standard," next morning to say sarcastically: "He
is perfectly simple and straightforward; a man with a
mission ; born to set right in a single generation the errors
of six thousand years."
The climax of the lecture was reached when Mr. George
said that charity could not lift the poor of London from
the misery and squalor of the slums that resort must be
made to justice. Cheers interrupted, and a voice cried:
"Who brought them into the world?" "God Almighty,
in my opinion," cried the lecturer, electrifying his audi-
ence; "and whom God Almighty brings into the world
who shall dare to put out?"
Justice, he went on to say, compelled the returning of
the land to the people without cost but if doing this
should work a hardship upon some the helpless widow,
for instance whose case was constantly being brought
forward he would favour some provision for that. Sta-
tistics showed some two hundred thousand widows in Eng-
land of all kinds and ages. Every widow, from the lady
who sat on the throne down to the poorest labourer's
widow, could receive, not as a matter of charity, but as
a matter of justice, a pension of 100 a year Laughter,
cheers and some hissing followed this, and the Tory papers
Age, 45] A SPAEK TO GUNPOWDER 427
next day denounced George for disrespect to the Queen.
In response to calls at the close of the lecture, Michael
Davitt made a short, spirited speech, thus again publicly
associating himself with Henry George.
The London lecture was to the press throughout the
three kingdoms like a spark to gunpowder. Mr. George
wrote to his wife, "I can't begin to send you the papers
in which I am discussed, attacked and commented on, for
I would have to send all the English, Scottish and Irish
press. I am getting advertised to my heart's content,
and I shall have crowds wherever I go. ... I could
be a social lion if I would permit it. But I won't fool
with that sort of thing.''
The new book "Social Problems," British rights to which
the author sold to Kegan Paul, Trench & Co., was now
out in various editions; and this, with his former books,
was to be seen on every bookstall of any pretensions in
the British Islands. He had received 400 for "Social
Problems," which he sent home to pay some debts in New
York and California.
The first provincial lectures were at Plymouth on the
15th and Cardiff on the 16th of January, touching both
of which Mr. George wrote Mr. Walker of Birmingham,
from Cardiff: "My lectures both at Plymouth and here
were, I think, telling successes." Then relative to "con-
fiscation," he said:
"I believe I am wise in taking the advance ground
clearly and plainly. No matter how moderate I had
been, there would have been precisety the same denun-
ciation. The real cause of this is that the land-owning
classes begin to realise the danger, not any particular
thing I say.
"The advance, whatever it may be, will draw the fire;
and I am doing a service to more moderate men in draw-
428 LIFE OF HENRY GEOEGE [1884
ing that fire so much ahead of the ground they occupy.
It will make them seem and feel quite moderate.
"As for your Radicals who have got into a flurry,
don't mind that. In a very short time they will rally
again. In a few months from now you will see many
of the men who are now so fearful of confiscation openly
avowing themselves 'confiscators.'
"The Tory press are doing our work. They will do
more for us than we could by any exertion do for
ourselves."
A fortnight afterwards George wrote to Walker: "The
thing to do is for you to pose as a compensationist, and
me as a confiscationist, just as Snap & Gobble join differ-
ent churches. With you and Miss Taylor representing
the conservative wing, the landlords may well ask to be
preserved from their friends." 1
After Cardiff, Mr. George spoke in Bristol and Bir-
mingham. The Birmingham "Owl" said of the latter
lecture :
"It was a magnificent audience that gathered to hear
Henry George, and one which gave forth no uncertain
sound. It was one of the most unanimous and enthu-
siastic audiences I have seen in town for years. When
1 While on a visit to Birmingham, Mr. George, in company with Mr.
Walker, Edward McHugh, lecture agent for the Land Reform Union, and
young George, went to hear Miss Helen Taylor address a big working
men's meeting at Smethwick, a suburb. As they entered the hall she
had reached the compensation point in her address and said in substance :
"Compensation? Yes, I am in favour of compensation to the landlords.
And this can be easily arranged. First let the landlords pay to the na-
tion the back taxes of four shillings in the pound on the actual value of
their land from the time of Charles II.-*- from which time they have been
paying little or nothing and, moreover, let them pay to the nation in-
terest and compound interest on the money thus withheld, and then out
of this great fund we can compensate the present individual cases. " Mr.
George joined heartily in the general laughter and applauded vigorously.
Age, 45] TABOOED BY POLITICIANS 429
Mr. George first came forward the cheering was tre-
mendous. And again, when, after a portrayal of the
evils consequent on the present state of things, the lec-
turer asked 'Was it not time that a missionary came from
somewhere ?' the applause was deafening, as the crowded
audience recognised and accepted the missionary in
Henry George."
Hard upon the London lecture, the official Liberals had
followed suit of the Tory and Parnellite parties, and
tabooed George. Evidence of this was given in each place
where he spoke; but it was most marked in Liverpool,
where he appeared on January 25. The Junior Eeform
Club, which had invited him to be its guest at dinner,
withdrew the invitation; Mr. Samuel Smith, M.P., a
wealthy and distinguished citizen of Liverpool, who had
spent much in public benevolence, delivered a set lecture
against the American; and the papers were united in
condemnation. So that, although a large audience gath-
ered in the Eotunda to hear the radical land reformer,
the customary platform support had to be dispensed with.
He wrote to Walker:
"My lecture here was a victory that would have done
your heart good. The set against me in Birmingham
was nothing to the set against me here. Poor Jackson,
on whom all arrangements devolved, seemed utterly
demoralised. ... He had not ventured to send out
any complimentary tickets said no clergyman or man
of note would accept one. Not a soul was to go on the
stage with me save Dr. Cummins, M.P. ; and I urged
him not to, but he insisted that he would. Samuel
Smith's relatives and family were in the audience, which
was evidently largely in sympathy with him, and warmly
applauded his name when I mentioned it. But the con-
sciousness of opposition, which always rouses me, gave
me the stimulus I needed to overcome physical weakness,
430 LIFE OF HENEY GEOEGE
for I was in bad trim from loss of sleep, and I carried
the audience with me, step by step, till you never saw a
more enthusiastic crowd. Jackson has told me since
that he believed organised opposition had been planned ;
but that before I got to the place where they could object
I had the audience, and the fuglemen left in disgust.
At the close I called for a vote on compensation, and
there were only three hands held up against it two
of which Jackson afterwards told me were those of land
speculators. A rush was made for the platform as soon
as I got through, and I could not get away for some
time for the handshaking. Of the effects at the time
there could be no doubt, and I hear of the most grati-
fying effects upon those who did not go."
The Liverpool "Post" next day said editorially: "Mr.
George's lecture in Liverpool last night had all the sweet
and seductive beauty which has stolen away the judgment
of many a reader of his famous book. . . . He appa-
rently has convinced a large number of persons that thiev-
ing is no theft, for his great audience last night pro-
nounced unanimously in favour of appropriating the land
of the country and giving the present owners no com-
pensation."
But if Mr. George was making conquests, his oppo-
nents were not idle, the most conspicuous among them
being Frederic Harrison, the Positivist, and John Bright.
After George had spoken in Birmingham, Bright made a
speech there on "the most extraordinary, the greatest, the
wildest, the most remarkable" social proposition "im-
ported lately by an American inventor." George read
Bright's speech in Scotland, whence he wrote Walker
(Dundee, February 3) :
"I can fancy your disgust if you heard Mr. Bright.
The old man is utterly ignorant of what he is talking
Age, 45] BRIGHT AND HAERISON 431
about. If John Bright would meet me on the platform
and discuss the matter, I would be glad of the oppor-
tunity. If you think it would be a good thing to do,
write to him to that effect.
"Frederic Harrison is lecturing against me. Has
delivered two lectures in Edinburgh, and lectures again
to-night at Newcastle. His is the very craziness of
opposition, if I can judge by the reports.
"We are certainly getting the animals stirred up, and
before the Liberals know it will have the Kadical rank
and file, no matter what may become of their leaders.
I am glad it was Bright and not Chamberlain that came
out against us not that I care for any one's opposition,
but that I arn glad that he has not taken a stand which
might injure his future usefulness."
Mr. George's confidence of getting the "Radical rank
and file" came not only from what he had seen in Eng-
land, but from what he was observing in Scotland, which
he had entered after lecturing in Bolton and Newcastle.
If England had discontent among her slum population
to make her ripe for the consideration of the land ques-
tion, so Scotland had her own condition, perhaps more di-
rectly traceable to the land problem. Two years pre-
viously the crofters in the Western Island of Skye, had
centred attention by resisting, for a time with force, the
inclosure, by a large land-owner, of a piece of land that
had been a common grazing ground from time immemo-
rial. Physical resistance was put down only when the
crofters had been brutally clubbed by a body of police
sent up from Glasgow for the purpose. Public opinion
sided strongly with the peasants, and the incident blew
into live sparks again the seemingly dead ashes of wrath
originally set into fierce glow by clearances and evictions
in many parts of Scotland, some of them within com-
paratively recent times. Sheep and deer of large pro-
432 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1884
prietors had become the solitary occupants of regions once
studded with the habitations of a hardy people. A Eoyal
Commission had been appointed to examine into crofter
grievances and the still worse cotter troubles. This Com-
mission subsequently effected what had been brought
about in Ireland a reduction in rents. But this could
not be a complete remedy. The questions of property,
ownership, equal rights, justice had been raised. It only
needed a man like Henry George, with a simple, clear-
cut proposition to give point and force to the general con-
viction of wrong, by turning all thought into a single
channel which he proceeded to do by demanding the
restoration of the common rights in land. The opening
of the Scottish course with a lecture in Dundee was there-
fore under auspicious circumstances. The lecture was
in Newsome's Circus. Rev. David Macrae, a vigorous no-
compensationist, was in the chair, and three or four other
clergymen and several councilmen among those on the
platform.
Yet there was the fly in the ointment. To many minds
Henry George had desecrated the Lord's Day by partici-
pating in a mass meeting in London on the Sunday of his
public entry into the Metropolis. But this lapse was
quickly forgotten in the glow of religious fervor he excited
when, by invitation, he delivered in Eev. Mr. Macrae's
temporary church, in the Kinnaird Hall, the lecture on
"Moses" which, while at work on "Progress and Poverty,"
he had delivered, in San Francisco, before the Young
Men's Hebrew Association of that city. Its eloquence
and fire and vivid picturing spoke to the hearts and minds
of a people still possessing many of the traits of the
Covenanter of old, and as it were, gave the active, speak-
ing support of the Scriptures to the proclamation of
equal rights to the land. Mr. George repeated the "Moses"
Age, 45] AWAKENS RELIGIOUS FERVOUR 433
lecture several times in Scotland during this and subse-
quent trips, and latterly had it put in pamphlet form for
free distribution. This lecture and other things tended
in the minds of many to give a religious benediction to all
his utterances; and a number of his lectures in the High-
lands on the land question were opened or closed with
prayer, pronounced by some devout person on the plat-
form or in the audience.
The lecture course was north to Wick and Keiss, and
incidentally Mr. George visited John o' Groat's house at
the extreme northeastern point of Great Britain. Then
he retraced his steps and turned west to the Island of
Skye. He lectured at Portree and made informal speeches
on the land question at Glendale and Uig. Edward Mc-
Hugh, who was acting as Mr. George's lecture agent,
says of the Portree lecture:
"McDonald of Skeabost, an important landlord in the
island, was present and showed a lively interest. After
the address proper he took the floor to ask what Mr.
George recommended the people to do with the landlords
if their lands should be taken from them. Mr. George
replied that he would do with the landlords as the fisher-
man does with the oyster open it, take out the fish and
throw the shells away. The answer made a sensation
and McDonald stalked out of the hall. Mr. George did
not learn until afterwards of the singular aptness of his
reply, since this same McDonald had taken from the
people of Skye the immemorial privilege of fishing for
oysters in the shallow waters of the island and had
thereby increased his own and his fellow landlords' in-
come by sending the supply to the London market."
From Skye, Mr. George proceeded to Glasgow, Inver-
ness, Aberdeen and Edinburgh. But of all the lectures
in Scotland, that in Glasgow proved to be the most im-
434 LIFE OP HENRY GEORGE [1884
portant. He spoke there twice, on February 18 and again
on February 25, both times in the City Hall. The first
lecture was of the regular course. There were some
empty seats in the hall, but the audience was anything
but apathetic, for at the close five hundred persons re-
mained to take part in the formation of an organisation
to propagate the ideas held by the lecturer. To launch
this organisation in good style, the second meeting was
held, with Mr. George as the chief spokesman, John Mur-
dock in the chair, and William Forsyth, proprietor of the
Cobden Hotel of the city, to move the resolutions for-
mally establishing the Scottish Land Eestoration League
a title suggested by Eichard McGh.ee, one of the active
workers in the plan. The hall was jammed, and enough
people were turned away to have made another big meet-
ing. Mr. George was at his best, as were all the other
speakers. The audience was hot with enthusiasm and
gave itself up to wild cheering when a couple of pipers in
costume came pressing through the throng playing na-
tional airs. In a word, the Scottish Land ^Restoration
League started off with a furor, and 1940 signatures
were handed in to the committee for enrollment on the
membership list. William Forsyth was elected President,
and Mr. George wrote the League's proclamation to the
people of Scotland. The action in Glasgow was conta-
gious. Similar societies were formed very quickly in
Dundee, Aberdeen, Inverness, Edinburgh, Greenock and
several other cities.
Entering England again, Mr. George lectured in Leeds,
Oxford, Cambridge and Hull, and then went back to Lon-
don. He had set out on the tour expecting to meet with
all manner of opposition arising from frightened special
interests, class feelings, local prejudices and other cir-
cumstances. Yet strange as it may appear, it remained
Age, 45] UPROAE AT OXFORD 435
for Oxford, that ancient and famous seat of learning, to
earn the distinction of discreditable conduct. Michael
Davitt, who came there shortly afterwards to lecture, was
locked in his hotel chambers by a body of the University
students, and did not get out in time to speak. Mr.
George did not suffer this treatment, but his lecture in
this intellectual centre was attended by the turmoil of
the hustings. There were honours, for during his two
days' stay in Oxford he was the guest of Professor F. Max
Miiller; and at the lecture, which was held in the Claren-
don Assembly room, F. York Powell, M.A., lecturer in
law, presided, and a number of ladies and men prominent
in the University attended. But in the midst of the
audience, which consisted chiefly of under-graduates, sat
a bunch of unruly young aristocrats, who, by shouting,
ironically cheering and general noise, kept up a disturb-
ance throughout the proceedings. This made a smooth
and connected discourse impossible; but when the lec-
turer, assuming his audience for the most part to be well
grounded in economic subjects, cut short his address
proper to answer questions, one man after another took
the floor, not to put simple interrogatories, as invited,
but, possibly following the University debating habit, to
make a speech, often with the harsh manner and strong
epithets of a special pleader.
Alfred Marshall, lecturer on political economy at Bal-
liol College, was the first to rise. He observed, among
other things, that not a single economic doctrine in Mr.
George's book was both new and true, since what was
new was not true, and what was true was not new. He
announced that he had repeatedly challenged any one to
disprove this, but that no one had come forward. More-
over, he was of opinion that Mr. George in Ms book had
not understood a single author whom he had undertaken
436 LIFE OP HENRY GEORGE [1884
to criticise; but lie (Marshall) offered no censure, be-
cause Mr. George had not had the special training neces-
sary to understand them. Interspersed with assevera-
tions of this kind was a shower of questions.
The lecturer's chief reply was that he was willing to
subject "Progress and Poverty" to Mr. Marshall's test
that it contained nothing that was both new and true.
Because, said Mr. George, the book was based upon the
truth; and the truth could not be a new thing; it al-
ways had existed and it must be everlasting. He endeav-
oured to pick out and answer a number of Marshall's
questions, and he really succeeded in winning the support
and applause of a considerable part of the audience. But
there were cheers from others for the Balliol man; and
he, after rising very often and engaging much time,
turned to his supporters and announced that the lec-
turer had failed to meet his queries; whereupon he sat
down. 1
But the climax of disorder was reached when Mr. Cony-
beare, son-in-law of Professor Miiller, denounced Mr.
George's remedy as a "nostrum" that was "scandalously
immoral." He delivered this with a tone and manner
that called forth mingled cries of dissent and approval
from the divided audience and that excited the lecturer
himself to say for he did not recognise the speaker that
he must withdraw the compliment he had paid early in
the evening to the University's learning and good man-
ners. This remark increased the uproar for a time; and
Professor Miiller sat on the platform, an uncojnfortable,
yet outwardly calm, witness to this caustic interchange
between a member of his family and his guest. The tur-
1 George's final views of Marshall as a political economist may be found
in " The Science of Political Economy." See Marshall in index.
Age, 45] PROF. F. MAX MttLLER 437
bulence was stilled when Mr. Conybeare arose and said
that he intended no reflection upon Mr. George's charac-
ter that he intended only frankly to criticise ideas. Mr.
George had met the young man before, but had lost sight
of his relationship to his host. When attention was
drawn to the matter after the lecture, he was pained and
mortified and expressed to Professor Miiller his sorrow
that he had shown weakness in allowing the young man's
words to chafe him. The professor on his side was much
moved. He apologised for what he called a public in-
sult to a guest by a member of the family; the offence
being the more flagrant he said, since the one who had
caused it had not read "Progress and Poverty" and could
not properly judge of its doctrines. Nothing could have
added to the sincere and graceful bearing of the eminent
scholar in the difficult circumstances.
The Cambridge lecture proved to be as quiet and or-
derly as the Oxford lecture had been noisy and disorderly.
The audience was very large; and though the questions
indicated that opposition to the principles enunciated
was not wanting, the proceedings were stamped with every
mark of propriety.
When Mr. George got back to London he found that
his managers could not again obtain St. James's Hall
for him that on one pretext or another it had been re-
fused; but he spoke four times in other halls, and so
closed his triumphal tour. He had been speaking with
fiery zeal for the best part of three months; had travelled
from Plymouth in the South to John o' Groat's House
in the North, and from Hull in the East to the Hebrides
in the West. On the 5th of April he was given a fare-
well banquet at the Criterion by the Land Eestoration
League, when he said in his address that a flame had been
lit in Great Britain that would be fanned by every wind.
438 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [IBM
On invitation, chiefly of Michael Davitt, Mr. George
crossed to Ireland and lectured to a large audience in the
Ancient Concert Booms, Dublin, on "The Land for the
People," Mr. Allingham, the Mayor of Waterford, in
the chair. On Sunday morning, April 13, Mr. George em-
barked at Queenstown with his son on the Guion liner
Oregon and sailed for New York.
Although the several months in Great Britain had been,
as a whole, strenuous, there were intervals of relaxation.
One of these was when Wilfred Meynell, editor of the
Catholic "Weekly Eegister," took Mr. George to meet Car-
dinal Manning. Mr. Meynell said after the death of
both men:
"It was my great privilege to introduce Henry George
to Cardinal Manning. I have a vision of the two pro-
files facing each other in the dim light of the growing
dusk, and I recall the emotion of tone in which each
man made frankly to the other a sort of profession of
faith. They had travelled to the same goal from oppo-
site directions. 'I loved the people/ said Henry George,
'and that love brought me to Christ as their best friend
and teacher.' 'And I/ said the Cardinal, 'loved Christ,
and so learned to love the people for whom He died.'
They faced each other in silence for a moment in a
silence more eloquent than words."
There were also lighter moments, when Mr. George's
sunshiny nature gave itself free play. Humour was one
of his salient qualities, and there were many amusing
incidents in passing. For instance, on reaching Cardiff,
he went to a Turkish bath to relieve his fatigue. When
the bath itself was over and he lay resting in the cooling
room, he was treated to a discussion of "this American,
Henry George," between an attendant and a visitor; nei-
ther of whom apparently had the least idea that Mr.
Age, 45] INCIDENT AT THE BATH 439
George was in the apartment with them. In whatever
else they differed, the talkers were agreed that "the Ameri-
can" was preaching robbery; that he wanted to take prop-
erty away from people; that Americans were "all a set
of liars." "All except the Canadians/' said Mr. George,
getting into the conversation. Continuing, he said:
"Those American busybodies like Henry George should
be sent back to America to try their doctrines there be-
fore they try to force them upon us."
"Yes, yes," answered both the other men.
"Why, just to think what he teaches," exclaimed George,
with show of indignation. "Here is the Marquis of Bute,
who owns so much of the land of Cardiff. Of course the
land is his."
"Yes," said the men.
"And he can do what he pleases with his own property."
"Yes," was the response.
"And, of course, since the land is his and he can do
what he pleases with his own property, he can, if he wants
to, clear off a large part of the population of Cardiff
can, if he should choose to do so, destroy an important
section of the city."
At this the men made protest; and as Mr. George
pressed for the rights and privileges of the Marquis of
Bute, the men became more and more radical, until they
asserted that the nobleman really had no better right to
the land there than anybody else in Cardiff the very
principle they had previously condemned in "the Ameri-
can." Mr. George played the staunch conservative to the
last and left the building without revealing himself.
At another time, while on a train to Aberdeen, he fell
into conversation with the only other occupant of the
compartment a man who talked well and freely, and
who said he was a newspaper writer. Various subjects
440 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [i 8 84
were passed under contribution until, with a bright and
airy way, the stranger came to the subject of "Henry
George and his lecture trip." "Ah, what do you think of
him ?" said Mr. George. "A Yankee with a Yankee
money-making scheme," said the other. "Our trans-At-
lantic cousins are clever at such things. The man writes
well; he puts things in a plausible way. He makes a
proposition which for very hugeness has the charm of
novelty. And really, the fellow is as entertaining as a
speaker as he is as a writer."
"Then you have heard him lecture," said Mr. George
calmly.
"Oh, yes," was the gay reply, and then in response to
questions that drew him on, he gave a ludicrous descrip-
tion of Henry George's personal appearance, his companion
joining in his laughter over it. The entertainment contin-
ued until the journalist left the train. Just as he was
stepping out of the compartment, Mr. George said : "I owe
you an apology; but you interested me so deeply that
I did not like to stop you. Please accept my card."
The gentleman gave one glance at the bit of pasteboard
and then almost fell out on the platform.
Thus while at times he might pass for a native, he did
not always. "Watch me play Englishman," said he one
day to his son as their train pulled into Euston station.
"Here, porter," he called, "get my luggage." "Is it an
American trunk, sir?" said the man. Mr. George turned
to his son and silently admitted the failure of the ex-
periment.
It was while travelling in a third-class carriage in Eng-
land that a poor woman got in at a way station and
brought with her a jute or hemp satchel, such as is com-
monly seen in the hands of school children. She put
this satchel down on the seat beside her, doubtless not
Age, 45] WOMAN WITH THE SHOES 441
noticing that one just like it was already there a satchel
which belonged to Mr. George and which was one of
many receptacles for books and papers that he had, as
by custom, accumulated on his travels. Presently the
woman got out; and later Mr. George, thinking of some
notes, put his hand into his satchel to get them. Instead
of the notes, he found a strange and dilapidated pair of
shoes. He was thrown into a sea of wonder, from which
he did not emerge until thought recurred of the woman
passenger who had just before gotten out. At a station
where he had a few minutes' time, he telegraphed back
along the line in hope of hearing of his papers, and
word came that a complaint had been lodged by an in-
dignant woman who protested that she had been robbed
of a pair of shoes by a man who stuffed her satchel with
a lot of paper trash. The philosopher was glad enough
to forward her bag and a day later got his own in
exchange.
CHAPTER VII.
"PROTECTION OR FREE TRADE?"
1884-1886. AGE, 45-47.
HENRY GEORGE at home had passed beyond the
world of letters into the world of practical things.
Besides being an author, he was recognised as a leader
among the restless labouring classes to be with the
House of Want, rather than with the House of Have.
The working men honoured his return with a mass meet-
ing in Cooper Union. But men who made a business of
politics or who moved in the privileged and fashionable
world, held aloof, for instead of standing for glittering and
unmeaning generalities, Henry George began to be under-
stood to menace a revolution in political and social affairs.
They instinctively drew away; and hence it was that a
complimentary dinner given to him on the 30th of April,
1884, at the Cosmopolitan Theatre, New York, lacked the
lustre of the Delmonico banquet of the year before; and
a lecture in the Academy of Music proved a total failure,
scarcely enough people being present to pay for rent and
advertising. This lecture was given under the manage-
ment of the theatrical and lecture firm of Brooks &
Dickson, who made a six months' contract with Mr.
George for a tour of the United States and Canada, he to
get his expenses and sixty per cent, of the profits. Mr.
442
Age, 45-47] GEORGE'S SPEAKING STYLE . 443
Brooks had been in England and had witnessed Mr.
George's great success there, and both men looked for
like success in this country. The utter fiasco attending
the first lecture threw the firm into gloom, as they could
see nothing but failure all along the line. Mr. George
no sooner learned of their views than, with characteristic
promptness, he released them from their contract and with-
out consideration. Whatever lectures he delivered during
the next year were under other management, generally
his own.
Mr. George had during the British tour won great lau-
rels as a platform speaker. Yet there were many who
had spoken of his power as commonplace. The fact was
that he was not even. He did not memorise, nor, except
in the single lecture on Moses, did he read. He some-
times used a skeleton of heads, but his common practice
was to speak without written notes of any kind. For
this he prepared by meditation shortly before speaking;
lying down, if possible, and perhaps smoking. He merely
arranged a line of thought, and left the precise form of
expression to inspiration when on his feet. This subjected
him largely to conditions; a quiet audience, no matter
how friendly, drawing forth a subdued speech, while a
lively audience, friendly or hostile, provoked animation.
He himself was conscious of this and said he could do
best when facing opposition. Charles Frederick Adams
tells how his friend returned from a lecture in Massa-
chusetts one day and said: "Come out to lunch, Charley;
I am so ashamed of that lecture as an artistic perform-
ance that I want to spend the money I got for it." Louis
F. Post supplies an illustration of Henry George's two
ways of speaking. He went to the working men's wel-
come meeting in Cooper Union on Mr. George's return
in 1884.
444 LIFE OP HENRY GEORGE [1884^1886
"It was there that I had my first taste of his power
as an orator. His London speech at St. James's Hall
had been described by the English press in such super-
lative terms as an oratorical effort that I wondered. The
London 'Times/ in a column editorial, had compared
him as an orator with Cobden and Bright so much to
their disadvantage that I began to question the standards
of English oratory. George had seemed to me the best
writer I had ever read, but no orator at all at best only
a plain speaker. And when he responded to the speech
of welcome at Cooper Union I was still much puzzled
by the estimate the London 'Times' had made. It
was far from oratory in any sense. In matter it was
excellent. George's oratory never failed in that respect.
But in manner it was tame and unimpressive. After
he had finished, and while some one else without orator-
ical ability was speaking, I went out for a ruminative
smoke. Upon returning after possibly an hour's ab-
sence, a voice came up to me through the subterranean
corridors as I entered the street door of Cooper Union,
which made me think that now an orator had certainly
come forth. As I descended, and a burst of applause fol-
lowed a period, this impression grew. The voice was
strange to me, and I wondered as its volume swelled
what prodigy of platform eloquence this man could be.
Hurrying forward with that impression deepening, and
coming to one of the doors which disclosed the stage and
a large part of an enthusiastic audience, there I beheld
upon the platform, with one arm extended and head
thrown back, his voice filling the hall and his sentiments
stirring the blood of his auditors, no one else but Henry
George. He had again been called upon to speak, and
for nearly an hour he held his audience entranced, my-
self among the rest. Long before he had finished I knew
why the London 'Times' thought him as great or greater
than Cobden or Bright."
While he did some intermittent lecturing and speaking,
Mr. George's chief purpose at this period was to apply
himself to writing. The first thing he took up was an
Age, 4^47] EEPLY TO AEGYLL 445
attack made on him and his principles by the Duke of
Argyll in an article in the "Nineteenth Century" for
April, entitled, "The Prophet of San Francisco." The
article had appeared during the closing days of the Brit-
ish lecture trip, and the "Nineteenth Century," the "Fort-
nightly," and the "Pall Mall Gazette" hastened to offer
their columns for reply. When Mr. George decided to
answer he chose the same periodical through which he had
been attacked.
But Mr. George was reluctant to enter the lists. He
treated the attack as chiefly abusive, and abuse he be-
lieved not worth heeding. Whatever of principle ap-
peared he considered to be answered in advance in "Prog-
ress and Poverty." But the active men in the Scottish
Land Restoration League pointed out that, besides being
a Peer of the Eealm, close in rank to Royalty itself, the
Duke was titular chief of the great Campbell clan. A
controversy between the "Peer" and the "Prophet" would,
the League advisers argued, carry the land question into
every household in Scotland and arouse the highlanders.
So Mr. George set himself to the task of replying in the
brief moments of leisure that remained to him during his
tour. He sat up a considerable part of the night in
Cork, previous to sailing for America, working on the
article. He actually had it written, and the ordinary
critic would perhaps have said, completely written; but
it did not satisfy its exacting author. He said to his son :
"I'll not send it off now, but take it to New York and
polish it like a steel shot." And with the title of "The
'Reduction to Iniquity,' " the reply appeared in the July
number of the "Nineteenth Century."
The Duke had dropped as suddenly and as far in
Henry George's estimation as had that other philosopher,
Herbert Spencer. George acknowledged his obligations
446 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1884-1886
to the Duke as the author of the "Reign of Law," and as
pointing out "the existence of physical laws and adapta-
tions which compel the mind that thinks upon them to
the recognition of creative purpose." Like the Duke, he
had beheld "the grand simplicity and unspeakable har-
mony of universal law." But he now learned with
amazement that the Duke's splendid philosophy broke
down when it trenched on social affairs, and that "a trum-
pery title and a patch of ground" fettered "a mind that
had communed with nature and busied itself with causes
and beginnings." How little he eared for the Duke's un-
fairness and personal bitterness is shown by his passing
them with contemptuous silence. But he considered the
Scotsman as untrue to his own philosophy; and a dis-
honest philosopher kindled his wrath. For an intellec-
tual leader who would consciously mislead, he had no
mercy; so that in his reply, he coupled false philosopher
and false philosophy, and together held them up to gen-
eral scorn.
This one article, "polished like a steel shot/' seemed
to suffice. It was received by the Duke of Argyll in
silence; nor did he ever attempt to make rejoinder. It
was accepted by the reading world with the mixed feel-
ings excited by the other writings from George's pen.
But by all those in sympathy with the objects of the
Scottish Land Eestoration League it was hailed with dem-
onstrations of joy. Accompanied by the Duke's article,
it was soon published in pamphlet form under the cap-
tion of "The Peer and the Prophet," and in the hands
of the League, was carried into the homes and factories
of the cities, while it became a kind of "fiery cross"
through the Highlands and Islands of Scotland, sum-
moning the clansmen to the great struggle for natural
rights. A similar pamphlet was published in the United
Age, 45-47] TABIFF BOOK BEGUN ANEW 447
States with the title of "Property in Land," and became
an effective instrument for propaganda.
The reply to the Duke of Argyll Mr. George regarded as
a mere thing in passing, compared with the work to which
he now settled down the tariff book, or pamphlet, for he
did not determine beforehand what size he would make
it. A year had passed since the loss of the manuscript
of the first book. Mr. George with his family spent the
summer on a farm on Long Island, near Jamaica, worked
by Walter Cranford, son of John P. Cranford of Brooklyn,
an early and ardent advocate of the Georgeian ideas, and
who with his purse gave much help to their spread. There
on the Cranford farm Mr. George applied himself with
steady industry to his task.
The book, intended primarily for working men, aimed,
as he said in his preface, not only to examine the argu-
ments commonly used, but, carrying the inquiry farther
than the controversialists on either side had yet ventured
to go, sought to discover why protection retained such
popular strength in spite of all exposures of its fallacies;
endeavoured to. trace the connection between the tariff
question and those still more important social questions,
then rapidly becoming the "burning questions" of the
times; and sought to show to what radical measures the
principle of free trade logically led. In a letter to Walker
of Birmingham (September 25) the author explained:
"I first knock all the claims of protection; then turn
around and show that the mere abolition of protection
would accomplish nothing for the working classes; but
that to accomplish anything for them, the principle of
free trade must be carried out to its full extent, which
means, of course, the abolition of all taxes and the appro-
priation of land values."
When the writing was well advanced, Mr. George had
448 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1884-1886
some correspondence about it with Dr. Taj'lor of San
Francisco, who suggested employment of the inductive
method. George replied (September 14) : "My view of
the matter is the reverse of yours. I do not think induc-
tion employed in such questions as the tariff is of any
use. What the people want is theory; and until they get
a correct theory into their heads, all citing of facts is
useless/'
Mr. George was much interested in the animals on the
Cranford farm and particularly in a fine blooded bull
that was often tethered in a grass field just outside the
window. The animal was much annoyed by flies, and in
walking around would wind his rope short until his head
was drawn close to the stake, and he could do little more
in the hot summer sun than switch his tail and bellow.
Often and often the philosopher stopped work to go out
and drive the bull in the opposite direction and free his
rope. This commonplace incident, oft repeated, suggested
the opening illustration in the introductory chapter,
which, instead of first, was about the last part of the
book to be written at the Cranford farm.
In the fall the family moved to a house in Brooklyn,
on Macon Street. Soon after that, on the urging of his
boyhood friend, Eev. Dr. R. Heber Newton, Mr. George
accepted an invitation to attend the Ninth Congress of
the Episcopal Church, at Detroit, and speak to the topic,
"Is our civilisation just to working men?" Rev. John
W. Kramer, of New York, who was secretary of the Con-
gress, afterwards said.
"Mr. George's first words were in answer to the ques-
tion asked. He said: 'It is not. Try it by whatever
test you will, it is glaringly, bitterly and increasingly
unjust.' I remember the emphatic fervour with which this
opening was uttered. It attracted the audience; it
Age, 45-47] CLEVELAND AND BLAINE 449
startled men. But hearty applause came, given by
many hearers who were not ready to agree with the
strong statement, but who were for the moment captured
by the sublime courage of the speaker. The address
was published in full in the proceedings of the Congress."
The presidential campaign had for some weeks been in
full swing, but for the first time in many years Mr.
George could not warm up. Elaine, the Eepublican can-
didate, had avowed himself a champion of what George
called the "protection humbug," and Patrick Ford was
out with the "Irish World" strongly in Elaine's support.
Benjamin F. Butler of Massachusetts was running as a
Greenback-Labour candidate, but George quickly con-
cluded that Butler was insincere in this and a mere "de-
coy duck for the Eepublican party." Yet the Democrats
avoided the issue. George wrote Taylor as early as Au-
gust: "I am utterly disgusted with the attitude of the
Democratic party. It is a mere party of expediency, and
as such can never win. Cleveland's nomination was an
expediency nomination." George, however, in effect voted
for Cleveland. Leaving for Scotland before election day,
he paired with a friend who had intended to vote for
Elaine. And after the election was over and Cleveland
was known to have won, George wrote a signed article
for William Saunders' London paper, "The Democrat,"
stating among other things that events had shown that
now the tariff issue could no longer be avoided, that it
would split the Democratic party in two and that it
would raise the underlying question of why some grow so
rich while others, though they work hard, are yet so poor.
The managers of the Scottish Land Eestoration League
had sent a pressing call to Mr. George to come and make
a lecture and speaking campaign through the lowlands
450 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1884^1886
which contained the important political centres, for it
was the purpose to force the land question into politics.
And in order that he might the easier do this, they raised
a fund with which to meet the heaviest expenses. Mr.
George decided that this would be the most important
work he could do for the time and in October he crossed
the Atlantic alone.
In order to draw general attention to the campaign, a
big meeting was held under the auspices of the English
League in St. James's Hall, London. The hall was
packed. Mr. George, of course, was the central figure,
and Miss Taylor, Michael Davitt, William Forsyth, Presi-
dent of the Scottish League, and others spoke. George
had now come to full powers as a speaker and his address
was thought by many to be the finest he had yet deliv-
ered in Great Britain. The effect of this meeting was
to set the press, and particularly the Scottish press, agog
on the subject.
The Scottish campaign opened in the City Hall in
Glasgow on November 21. The hall was crowded with a
pay audience and people were turned away. Lectures in
other towns followed in close succession, the one in Kil-
marnock on Christmas Eve being appropriate to the night
and particularly fine.
Trouble had again broken out between the crofters and
the half dozen or less landlords in Skye and the other
Western Islands. Police from Glasgow and Eoyal Naval
Marines had been sent there to keep the peace. The
League arranged for several meetings in Skye for Mr.
George, all of which were eminently successful, some of
the soldiers attending and applauding the lecturer's sen-
timents. On returning to Glasgow, Mr. George was in-
terviewed at length by a representative of the "Pall Mall
Gazette" of London. In answer to the question what,
Age, 4^7] BELIEF FOR THE CEOFTEES 451
apart from his radical remedy, could he suggest in the
way of immediate measures of relief for the crofters,
he said:
"The withdrawal of the army of invasion, the suspen-
sion, at least as to crofter holdings, of all laws for the
collection of rent ; the suspension ^of all laws for the
preservation of game, and of the law requiring gun
licenses. The enactment of a short bill of this kind
would greatly relieve the crofters, while larger measures
were being considered, and would obviate the neces-
sity for any charitable fund, such as the Earl of Breadal-
bane and the Kev. Mr. McDonald of Inverness, are rais-
ing, which could be turned to the relief of the landlords,
if any of them really suffered by not getting rents. The
suspension of the gun license and of game laws would
enable the crofters to protect their crops, and vary their
diet, while accustoming them to the use of arms, a thing
in itself much to be desired among a free people."
The campaign was closed as it began, with an address
in London. The English League had asked the Lord
Mayor for the use of Guildhall. Being refused that, they
decided to hold a meeting of the unemployed outside the
hall, or more precisely, in front of the Eoyal Exchange.
The meeting took place Saturday afternoon, January 17.
It was estimated that seven thousand people were in the
gathering. William Saunders, Rev. Stewart Headlam,
Eev. Mr. Hastings, Eev. C. Fleming Williams, William
Miller, Peter Hennessy (tailor), A. Pike (shoemaker)
and A. Brown (joiner) were among the speakers. The
strongest point in Mr. George's speech was when he
pointed to the inscription in great letters across the front
of the Eoyal Exchange and said: "Look up there. 'The
Earth is the Lord's/" [A voice: "The landlords'!"]
"Aye, the landlords'. They have substituted the land-
452 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1884^1886
lords for the Lord above all; and the want of employ-
ment, the misery which exists from one end of the king-
dom to the other the misery which encircles society
vherever civilisation goes, is caused by the sin of the
denial of justice/'
Before sailing for home, Mr. George was induced to
lecture in Liverpool* and also to cross the Irish Sea and
address a North of Ireland audience at Belfast, the capi-
tal of Ulster. Both gatherings were large, the latter, fill-
ing Ulster Hall, numbering between four and five thou-
sand people. Enthusiasm in both cities was very great.
The result of the trip across the Atlantic was summed
up by Miss Taylor in a note to Mrs. George : "Mr. George's
name is in our papers every day for praise or blame, and
he has more warm friends here than bitter enemies."
She might also have said that Joseph Chamberlain, the
then leading Radical, had in a speech taken such advanced
ground for the taxation of land values that his name
was very frequently coupled with Mr. George's. The
visit had a further significance in that some of the friends
urged George to return and stand for Parliament, assur-
ing him that he could be elected in any one of a number
of constituencies. He wrote to Durant in the matter
(February 11) : "I am at heart as much a citizen of Old
England as of New England, but I think that from the
accident of my birth I should be under disadvantage on
your side of the water. At any rate, I should not deem
it prudent to go over there, unless there was such a con-
siderable call as made it seem clearly my duty. When
this point is reached it will be time to talk about it."
Within that year a general election took place under
the new franchise act and redistribution of seats, and
to use Mr. George's words "a little knot of thorough-
going 'Land Restorationists' " were "returned" to the new
Age, 45-47] A SEAT IN PARLIAMENT 453
Parliament, "with quite a large fringe of men sufficiently
advanced for immediate purposes." However, Irish mat-
ters engaged British politics for some time afterward and
little more than educational work could be done along
land restoration lines in Parliament.
In addition to the foregoing signs of progress in Great
Britain was one to which, if not Mr. George's recent trip,
at least his former visits and the extensive reading of his
books might reasonably be supposed to have been a con-
tributing cause. It was the truly extraordinary report
made in spring of 1885 by a "Boyal Commission on the
Housing of the Working Classes," which recommended
that a local tax of four per cent, of its selling value be
placed upon vacant or inadequately used land, as tend-
ing to relieve general "rates" (i. e., local taxes), and
by forcing new land into use, to bring down the price
of general building land. 1 The members of the Commis-
1 This passage of the report ran as follows : " At present, land available
for building in the neighbourhood of our populous centres, though its capi-
tal value is very great, is probably producing a small yearly return until
it is let for building. The owners of this land are rated [taxed locally],
not in relation to the real value, but to the actual annual income. They
can thus afford to keep their land out of the market, and to part with
only small quantities, so as to raise the price beyond the actual monopoly
price which the land would command by its advantages of position.
Meantime, the general expenditure of the town on improvements is in-
creasing the value of their property. If this land were rated [taxed lo-
cally] at, say, four per cent, on its selling value, the owners would have a
more direct incentive to part with it to those who are desirous of building,
and a twofold advantage would result to the community. First, all the
valuable property would contribute to the rates [local taxes], and thus
the burden on the occupiers would be diminished by the increase in the
rateable property. Secondly, the owners of the building land would be
forced to offer their land for sale, and thus their competition with one
another would bring down the price of building land, and so diminish the
tax in the shape of ground rent, or price paid for land, which is now
levied on urban enterprise by the adjacent land-owners a tax, be it re-
454 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1884-1886
sion were, Sir Charles W. Dilke, Bart, (chairman),
H.E.H. the Prince of Wales, Cardinal Manning, Lord
Salisbury, Lord Brownlow, Lord Carrington, George J.
Goschen, Sir R. A. Cross, Rt. Rev. W. Walshaw How,
Bishop of Bedford; Hon. E. Lyulph Stanley, W. McCul-
logh Torrens, Henry Broadhurst, George Godwin, F.R.S.,
Samuel Morley, Sir George Harrison, E. Dwyer Gray and
Jesse Collings. The large majority of the commissioners
seem to have approved of this proposal. At any rate,
but three formally dissented from it Salisbury, Goschen
and Cross.
While on this trip to Great Britain Mr. George, as on
former occasions, met many people interesting to him,
but one of particular interest was the Rt. Hon. James
Bryce, notable in literature and politics, and who, the
American found on personal contact, bore out his reputa-
tion for broadness of mind and democracy of spirit. The
two men had a long talk on subjects of common interest
to them. Mr. Bryce says of this meeting:
"Mr. George quite won the heart of my sister by ad-
miring her cat which was quite a privileged character in
our household so privileged that it walked over my
papers with impunity and spoiled many of 'The Ameri-
can Commonwealth' proofs by lying down on them while
the ink was fresh."
Mr. George intended to do some lecturing on reaching
home, but the general lecture season had been bad and
two or three that he tried proved unprofitable financially.
membered, which is no recompense for any industry or expenditure on
their part, but is the natural result of the industry and activity of the
townspeople themselves. Your Majesty's Commissioners would recom-
mend that these matters should be included in legislation when the law
of rating comes to be dealt with by Parliament."
Age, 45-47] CONVERSATION WITH FIELD 455
He therefore settled down to writing, which engaged him
mainly until the close of the summer of the next year,
1886. Articles for the "North American Review" con-
stituted much of this writing. First appeared in the July
number, 1885, a "conversation" on the subject of "Land
and Taxation" between him, representing his own ideas,
and the eminent jurist, David Dudley Field, speaking
for the established ideas. The managing editor of the
"Review," Lorettus S, Metcalf, brought the gentlemen to-
gether at luncheon and explained that in order to place
in juxtaposition the two views he would ask them to con-
verse, each from his own standpoint, on the subject of
"Land and Taxation," while a shorthand writer should
take down all that was said. Of this matter Mr. Metcalf
later said:
"The gentlemen had not met before, but they quickly
measured each other and fell into cordial, easy, deferen-
tial interchange of thought. The remarkable feature of
this meeting was the exhibition on both sides of the art
of exact expression. So accurately did each speak that,
except to catch typographical errors, not a single change
was made in either manuscript or proof. The conver-
sation was a marvel of clear thinking and precise utter-
ance."
Mr. George always considered that he had by far the
better part of the conversation; indeed, later he had
the article reprinted in tract form for general circulation.
In the "North American Review" for February, 1886,
the author had an article treating of trans- Atlantic social
and political affairs under the caption of "England and
Ireland"; and in the April number one entitled, "More
about American Landlordism," showing the concentrat-
ing tendency of ownership. Mr. Metcalf had now with-
456 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1884-1886
drawn from the management of the "North American
Review" and James Redpath, who took his place, engaged
Mr. George to write a series of articles on "Labour in
Pennsylvania" Pennsylvania, the home of "protection"
and strikes. The author visited the State and presented
in four numbers between August, 1886, and January,
1887, his findings, based largely upon official statements
and the evidence of the labourers themselves. The arti-
cles related chiefly to the great coal and iron regions
owned by a comparatively few men, each in his own dis-
trict as autocratic as a baron of old, for. said the writer,
reaching the bottom of his conclusions, "the power of the
sole landlord enables the operator or superintendent to
exercise such control as he cares to and may deem pru-
dent. He may enact dog laws, goat laws, chicken laws,
liquor laws, or any other laws that he pleases, short of
the point of producing a general revolt; may regulate
trade and control amusements."
But though these magazine articles engrossed much of
his time, what chiefly absorbed him after his return from
Scotland up to the middle of 1886 was the completion
and publication of the book, "Protection or Free Trade ?"
Some of the chapters of this work had appeared in serial
form in a combination of newspapers in the fall and
winter of 1885. From this the author obtained nearly
$3,000, which more than paid for the printing in book
form early in 1886. The latter he concluded to do him-
self under the name of Henry George & Co., his son,
Eichard, being, in James Redpath's language, "Co." The
office was in Astor Place, New York, in joint occupancy
with an agency of Porter & Coates, Philadelphia publish-
ers, the representative of which was Gaybert Barnes,
whose acquaintance had been made through William
Swinton. Besides handling the new book, Henry George
Age, 45-47] TOM L. JOHNSON 457
& Co. became the sole publishers of the cloth editions
of the other George works.
It was while he was putting the new book through the
newspapers that the acquaintance with Tom L. Johnson
began. Mr. Johnson was a young man of just thirty-one,
flushed with success as an inventor and Western street
railroad manager and owner. He was born in Kentucky
of a line famous in that State's politics. His father had
been a planter and had lost all in the Civil War. Young
"Tom, with little more than a year's schooling, went to
work at fifteen and quickly developed a mechanical and
managing genius, which, with the acquisition of street
railroad franchises in Cleveland and other cities, rapidly
led to fortune. One day in a railroad car he bought and
read Henry George's "Social Problems." That led him
to read "Progress and Poverty," and to accept the doc-
trines that these books taught, even though their funda-
mental principle was based upon the destruction of
monopolies, the very things that were the source of his rap-
idly increasing wealth. It was when he came to Brook-
lyn to purchase a street railroad that he called on Mr.
George. He says of this interview:
"I had looked forward with more intense interest to
the meeting than I was aware of, for when I tried to
speak in a manly way of what was in my heart, I was
conscious of much emotion. I said that I should rather
have it to say to my children that I had met Henry
George and had entertained him under my own roof as
my guest than to be able to transmit to them any worldly
blessing.
"I did not want to talk about myself. I did not go
there for that. I went to talk to Mr. George about his
cause ; and I wanted in some way to call it my cause, too.
But he stretched out on a lounge and I sat in a chair and
I found myself telling him the story of my life.
468 LIFE OP HENRY GEORGE [1884-1886
"Then I said: 'Mr. George, your book on the tariff
question will soon be out. I want to help to do good
with it. I want 200 copies so as to send one to each
lawyer and clergyman in Cleveland.' I also said to him :
'I cannot write, and I cannot speak. The least I can
do is to make money with which to push our cause.'
"Mr. George answered : 'You do not know whether or
not you can write; you have not tried. You do not
know whether or not you can speak ; you have not tried.
Take an interest in political questions. It is well enough
to make money, but the abilities that can make money
can do other things, too.' "
CHAPTER VIII.
CANDIDATE FOR MAYOR OF NEW YORK.
1886. AGE, 47.
BUSY during the summer of 1886 in pressing the
circulation of his new book, "Protection or Free
Trade?" and in preparing the series of articles on "La-
bour in Pennsylvania" for the "North American Review" ;
proposing towards the end of the year to start the long
thought of weekly, and contemplating before that another
short lecturing trip through Great Britain, as friends
there suggested, Mr. George saw his time well laid out.
But one day, while in his office talking with Tom L.
Johnson and Gaybert Barnes, young Richard George en-
tered with a newspaper that announced that the labour
unions of the city proposed to enter politics in the fall
in the hope of bringing about better political and social
conditions and intended to invite Henry George to be
their candidate for mayor. The little group thought the
story entertaining, but none regarded it seriously. Nor
did Mr. George think much of the matter even when
waited upon by a committee from a conference of trade
and labour unions, which, representing nearly all the
labour organisations in New York, was being held with
the view to political action. Mr. George was qualified to
run for the office, having moved to Pleasant Avenue, New
459
460 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE
York, but he told the committee that he had planned
important work that he would not like to interrupt.
Nevertheless, the committee after a few days returned
and was more urgent. Mr. George told them that he
was in sympathy with the trade unions and that he be-
lieved that the remedy for the evils of which they com-
plained lay through the ballot, but that trade union
candidates the year before had not only met with igno-
minious defeat, but had not received anything like the
united support of the trade union members themselves.
He was willing to stand for principle, he said, but did
not wish to be made ridiculous by a miserably small vote.
Therefore, he did not care to consider the matter. Yet
again the committee returned, this time to assure him
that, whereas, the unions the year before had not been
harmonious, they were entirely so now; and that though
there was a long list of offices to fill in the fall election,
the unions would concentrate their entire efforts on the
single candidate for Mayor.
Mr. George had meanwhile been talking quietly to some
of his friends, most of whom seemed extremely flattered
over the recognition he was getting. They were anxious to
use the occasion to preach the land question and the many
things that it involved. Charles Frederick Adams argued
that the great majority of working men held various and
confusing views and that if George stood he would supply
a clear, concise, coherent body of principles, which, while
educating and rallying the working men themselves,
would appeal even more strongly to the book-reading,
thoughtful elements of the community. Tom L. John-
son said that he was not acquainted with conditions in
New York, but that if George decided to fight, he would
heartily support. In the emergency Mr. George con-
sulted Dr. McGlynn ; who possessed a large knowledge of
Age, 47] THE MASTER STROKE 461
political affairs and manifested a lively interest in this
particular matter. The Doctor counselled him to run.
Matters were in this state when the labour committee
for the third time waited upon Mr. George and urged him
to consider the matter and to write a formal letter to
James P. Archibald, Secretary of the Labour Conference,
either accepting or declining the proposition. Mr. George
consented, for he believed now that a large proportion
of the men in the unions were earnestly looking to him
for leadership in a fight against their hard living condi-
tions. Then he conceived what Dr. McGlynn called his
"master stroke." At the end of August he wrote the
letter to Archibald. In it he set forth fully and clearly
his own views and stated that his sense of duty would
not permit him to refuse any part assigned to him by
the common consent of earnest men really bent upon
carrying into politics the principles he held dear. Yet
failure would hurt the very cause they wished to help.
"For this reason," he wrote, "it seems to me that the
only condition on which it would be wise in a Labour
Convention to nominate me, or on which I should be justi-
fied in accepting such a nomination, would be that at least
thirty thousand citizens should, over their signatures, ex-
press the wish that I should become a candidate, and
pledge themselves in such case to go to the polls and vote
for me. This would be a guarantee that there should be
no ignominious failure, and a mandate that I could not
refuse. On this condition I would accept the nomina-
tion if tendered to me."
Unusual and difficult of fulfilment as this condition
was, it was nevertheless hailed by the labour bodies not
only in New York but elsewhere with many marks of
satisfaction and enthusiasm. This was particularly
shown at the annual Labour Day parade early in Sep-
462 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [188
tember, which Mr. George was invited to review in Union
Square with the then mayor of the city, William R.
Grace.
The working men were without political machinery
and the election laws at the time made party machinery
greatly advantageous. The laws were such as to make
bribery, intimidation, and miscounting so common a
practice as to give singular force to the cynical observa-
tion of a Democratic subordinate manager, who said:
"How can George win? He has no inspectors of elec-
tion!" Nevertheless, the way signatures to George
pledges were rolling in daunted and even frightened the
Democratic leaders; for a large part of George strength
was developing in what had been Democratic strongholds.
New York City was, and under one name or another had
been for the most part since the organisation of the Tam-
many charitable and political society a hundred years be-
fore, strongly Democratic. That society had started out
with Jeffersonian principles and an opposition to aris-
tocracy and Hamilton's federalism, but long years of po-
litical power had corrupted its principles and made it the
instrument of the unscrupulous, until the Tweed expo-
sures in the seventies made its name synonymous with
political debauchery. 1 Tammany went into eclipse and a
regenerated party under the name of County Democracy
arose triumphant. But power corrupted that, too, and
it fell into the hands of professional politicians, though
it retained in its membership list many of the respectable
names with which it had started out. In the last pre-
ceding city election the County Democracy party had
1 In exposing the naturalisation frauds, Dr. Montague R. Leverson
struck the first blow at Tammany, though it was not until later, when
evidences of the theft of public money were obtained, that the Tweed
ring fell
Age, 47] TALK WITH W. M. IVINS 463
elected William E. Grace to the mayoralty. Now both
factions saw a common danger in the rise of George.
They, therefore, sent a joint emissary to wait upon the
proposed labour candidate. About this interview Mr.
George a few days before his death said r 1
"Before my nomination had formally taken place I
received a request from Mr. William M. Ivins, then
Chamberlain of the city, and a close political friend and
representative of Mr. Grace, to privately meet him. I
did so at Seighortner's, on Lafayette Place. We sat
down in a private room, unattended, and smoked some
cigars together. Mr. Ivins insisted that I could not
possibly be elected Mayor of New York, no matter how
many people might vote for me ; that the men who voted
knew nothing of the real forces that dominated New
York. He said that I could not possibly be counted in.
He offered on behalf of Tammany Hall and the County
Democracy that if I would refuse the nomination for
mayor they would run me for Congress, select a city
district in which the nomination of the two was equiva-
lent to election; that I should be at no expense what-
ever, but might go to Europe or anywhere I willed, and
when I came back should receive a certificate of election
to the House of Eepresentatives. I said to him finally :
'You tell me I cannot possibly get the office. Why, if
I cannot possibly get the office, do you want me to with-
draw ?' His reply was : 'You cannot be elected, but your
running will raise hell !' I said : 'You have relieved me
of embarrassment. I do not want the responsibility and
the work of the office of the Mayor of New York, but I
do want to raise hell ! I am decided and will run.' "
It was not the office he was after; he wanted to plant
the seed. He wrote to Taylor (September 10) : "It is
by no means impossible that I shall be elected. But the
1 Published reply to statement made in the newspapers by Abram S.
Hewitt, October, 1897.
464 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1886
one thing sure is that if I do go into the fight the cam-
paign will bring the land question into practical politics
and do more to popularise its discussion than years of
writing would do. This is the only temptation to me."
Election really looked more than possible even prob-
able. With four other candidates in the field Bepubli-
can, Prohibitionist, and one for each of the Democratic
factions it was estimated that George would require for
election little more than twice the thirty thousand votes
guaranteed in the pledges now being rapidly signed;
whereas, the labour organisations themselves were sup-
posed to have a membership of sixty-five thousand. The
nominating convention of the Trade and Labour Confer-
ence took place in Clarendon Hall on September 23. It
adopted a platform written by Henry George, which the
"New York World" characterised as "an epitome of Mr.
George's popular essay entitled 'Progress and Poverty.' ' ;
One hundred and seventy-five labour organisations were
represented by 409 delegates, from whom George received
on the first ballot 360 votes, while 31 votes were cast for
a popular furniture dealer named J. J. Coogan; and 18,
purely by way of compliment, for William S. Thorn, Su-
perintendent of the Second Avenue Bailroad, who had
treated his men extremely well. The proceedings were
remarkable for enthusiasm and harmony among the usually
hostile and warring factions of the labour bodies. Sel-
dom before had labour representatives manifested such
confidence of success in a political contest.
And interest in the nomination extended beyond the
labour unions. It sprang up among "that great body of
citizens," said Mr. George, "who, though not working men
in the narrow sense of the term, feel the bitterness of
the struggle for existence as much as does the manual
labourer, and are as deeply conscious of the corruptions
Age, 47] BEYOND THE LABOUR UNIONS 465
of our politics and the wrong of our social system."
These had not to any number signed the pledge to vote
for George, but they gave voice to their support by a
meeting in Chickering Hall on October 2, at which Kev.
John W. Kramer presided, and Rev. Dr. R. Heber New-
ton, Professor Thomas Davidson, Daniel DeLeon, Ph.D.
of Columbia College; Charles F. Wingate, Professor
David B. Scott of the College of the City of New York,
and the Rev. Dr. Edward McGlynn spoke. The meeting
packed the hall and with a roar of approval passed reso-
lutions indorsing George's nomination by the Trade and
Labour Conference.
Dr. McGlynn spoke, said one who heard him, "as if he
expected that night to be his last." And it was a mighty
moment in his life. He had been forbidden by his eccle-
siastical superior to speak. Some days before Archbishop
Corrigan had written Dr. McGlynn expressing anxiety
about the latter's "relations with Henry George" and
hoping that he would "leave aside" anything that would
seem "to coincide with socialism." In order to show
what manner of man Henry George was and the true
nature of his teachings, Dr. McGlynn suggested that Mr.
George call on the Archbishop, which he did, bearing a
letter of introduction from Dr. McGlynn. The Arch-
bishop received Mr. George courteously, but was not pre-
pared to hear him explain the land doctrine, as he said,
after giving a history of the case, that Dr. McGlynn had
violated an understanding made in 1882 that he was to
make no more public utterances. "The Archbishop told
me," said Mr. George afterwards, 1 "that he had called his
council to meet at twelve that day for the purpose of
taking into consideration the case of Dr. McGlynn, and
l"The Standard," January 8, 1887.
466 LIFE OF HENKY GEORGE
as I understood at the time, of suspending him." "On
leaving the Archbishop," continued Mr. George, "I called
on Dr. McGlynn and informed him of the result of my
interview. He said that his understanding of the prom-
ise he had felt himself obliged to make in 1882 was that
he should deliver no more speecnes on the Irish question,
which promise he had kept; that he had since made
speeches on behalf of Mr. Cleveland [during the presi-
dential canvass] to which there had been no remonstrances
whatever, and that he had not up to that time received
any inhibition from speaking at the Chickering Hall
meeting; yet even should one come, he could not, now
that he had been announced to speak, refrain from doing
so consistently with his own self-respect and without pub-
licly renouncing the rights of an American citizen."
Then it was that Dr. McGlynn received a letter from
the Archbishop forbidding him to take part in the Chick-
ering Hall meeting or "to take any part in future in any
political meeting whatever without permission of the Sa-
cred Congregation of Propaganda Fide." Other priests
who were expected to attend the meeting and speak had
been warned and stayed away. But the pastor of St.
Stephen's attended and spoke as never before in his life.
Nor did any not even Mr. George know for many days
after the campaign was over that on the morning fol-
lowing the meeting Archbishop Corrigan had suspended
Dr. McGlynn for two weeks.
'he formal nomination of Henry George having been
made by the labour conference and indorsed by business
and professional men in public meeting, a formal accept-
ance was arranged to take place in the historic Cooper
Union Hall on October 5. The multitude was so great that
Mr. George had some difficulty in squeezing in, and an
immense overflow meeting took place outside. Several
Age, 47] COOPER UNION NOMINATION 467
large bundles containing the signatures of more than
thirty-four thousand voters who had pledged them-
selves to support George at the polls were, amid much
excitement, passed in over men's heads and placed upon
the edge of the platform in general view. Eev. Mr..*
Kramer first presented the resolutions of the Chickering
Hall meeting to John McMackin, Chairman of the Execu-
tive Committee of the Labour Party, and then Mr. Mc-
Mackin tendered the nomination with its indorsement to
Mr. George, who on rising was received with a long ova-
tion of cheering. When quiet was restored he said:
"The step I am about to take has not been entered
upon lightly. When my nomination for Mayor of New
York was first talked of I regarded it as a nomination
which was not to be thought about. I did not desire to
be Mayor of New York. I have had in my time political
ambition, but years ago I gave it up. I saw what prac-
tical politics meant; I saw that under the conditions as
they were a man who would make a political career must
cringe and fawn and intrigue and flatter, and I resolved
that I should not so degrade my manhood. Another
career opened to me; the path that I had chosen that
my eyes were fixed upon was rather that of a pioneer
that of the men who go in advance of politics, the men
who break the road that after they have gone will be
trod by millions. It seemed to me that there lay duty
and that there lay my career, and since this nomination
has been talked about my friends here and through the
country and beyond the seas have sent me letter after
letter, asking me not to lower, as they are pleased to
term it, the position I occupied by running for a muni-
cipal office. But I believe, and have long believed, that
working men ought to go into politics. I believe, and I
have long believed, that through politics was the way,
and the only way, by which anything real and perma-
nent could be secured for labour. In that path, however,
I did not expect to tread. That, I thought, would de-
468 LIFE OP HENRY GEORGE [1886
volve upon others, but when the secretary of this nomi-
nating convention came to me and said, 'You are the only
man upon whom we can unite, and I want you to write
me a letter either accepting or refusing to accept and
giving your reasons,' that put a different face on the
* matter. When it came that way I could not refuse, but
I made my conditions. I asked for a guarantee of good
faith ; I asked for some tangible evidence that my fellow-
citizens of New York really wanted me to act. That
evidence you have given me : All I asked, and more."
The office of Mayor of New York, he said, important
though it was, was fettered by commissions, the occu-
pants of only two of which he could remove. But still
he had the power of visitation and inquisition of find-
ing out how things were going and the further power
of appealing to the people; and those powers he pro-
posed, if elected, to use to their utmost and to destroy
political corruption. But the mayoralty movement meant
even more. Chattel slavery was dead ; there now devolved
upon them the task of removing industrial slavery.
"We have hordes of citizens living in want and in vice
born of want, existing under conditions that would appall
heathen. Is this by the will of our Divine Creator ? No.
It is the fault of men; and as men and citizens, on us
devolves the duty of removing this wrong; and in that
platform which the convention has adopted and on
which I stand the first step is taken. Why should there
be such abject poverty in this city? There is one
great fact that stares in the face any one who chooses to
look at it. That fact is that the vast majority of men
and women and children in New York have no legal
right to live here at all. Most of us ninety-nine per
cent, at least must pay the other one per cent, by the
week or month or quarter for the privilege of staying
here and working like slaves. . .
"Now, is there any reason for such over-crowding?
Age, 47] HEBE HE MADE A VOW 469
There is plenty of room on this island. There are miles
and miles and miles of land all around this nucleus.
Why cannot we take that and build houses upon it for
our accommodation ? Simply because it is held by dogs
in the manger who will not use it themselves nor allow
anybody else to use it, unless he pays an enormous price
for it because what the Creator intended for the habi-
tation of the people whom He called into being is held
at an enormous rent or an enormous price. . . .
"But what do we propose to do about it ? We propose,
in the first place, as our platform indicates, to make the
buildings cheaper, by taking the tax off buildings. We
propose to put that tax on land exclusive of improve-
ments, so that a man who is holding land vacant will
have to pay as much for it as if he was using it, just
upon the same principle that a man who should go to a
hotel and hire a room and take the key and go away would
have to pay as much for it as if he had occupied the
room and slept in it. In that way we propose to drive
out the dog in the manger who is holding from you what
he will not use himself. We propose in that way to re-
move this barrier and open the land to the use of labour
in putting up buildings for the accomodation of the
people of the city. . . .
"I am your candidate for Mayor of New York. It is
something that a little while ago I never dreamt of.
Years ago I came to this city from the West, unknown,
knowing nobody, and I saw and recognised for the first
time the shocking contrast between monstrous wealth
and debasing want. And here I made a vow, from
which I have never faltered, to seek out and remedy,
if I could, the cause that condemned little children to
lead such lives as you know them to lead in the squalid
districts. It is because of that that I stand before you
to-night, presenting myself for the chief office of your
city espousing the cause, not only of your rights but of
those who are weaker than you. Think of it! Little
ones dying by thousands in this city ; a veritable slaugh-
ter of the innocents before their time has come. Is it
not our duty as citizens to address ourselves to the ad-
470 LIFE OP HENRY GEORGE [1886
justment of social wrongs that force out of the world
those who are called into it almost before they are here
that social wrong that forces girls upon the streets and
our boys into the grog shops and then into penitenti-
aries? We are beginning a movement for the abolition
of industrial slavery, and what we do on this side of the
water will send its impulse across the land and over the
sea, and give courage to all men to think and act. Let
us, therefore, stand together. Let us do everything that
is possible for men to do from now until the second of
next month, that success may crown our efforts, and that
to us in this city may belong the honour of having led
the van in this great movement."
The press gave large reports of the meeting. All of
them confessed that George, because of his high char-
acter and personal abilities, and because of the unprece-
dented signs of harmony among the labour unions in
support of him, would be an important factor in the muni-
cipal contest. Most of the papers did not seem to know
exactly what attitude to assume as yet. Only two of
them showed downright ill will, "The Daily Illustrated
Graphic" calling George another Jack Cade and the
"Evening Post" saying that while not apprehending his
election, he might "get a vote large enough to demoralise
the officers of the law and diminish the protection we
now enjoy against mob violence."
By voluntary contributions and assessments, the labour
unions raised some money for the uses of the election
committee, though the amount was inadequate to meet
even the necessary and legitimate needs imposed by the
election laws, which, among other things, required each
party to print and distribute its own tickets. The cam-
paign on the working men's side began and ended with few
brass bands and little red fire. The working men's head-
quarters on Eighth Street were anything but garish; nor
Age, 47] AUGUST LEWIS' FRIENDSHIP 471
was there any show or pretence about Mr. George's head-
quarters in the Colonnade Hotel, around the corner on
Broadway. Most of the work was done by volunteers,
and hall rent for some of the larger meetings, at least,
was, contrary to all political usage, collected from the
audience by "passing the hat." Other money came from
some of Mr. George's close friends, chiefly from Tom
L. Johnson; and some, in small sums, came through the
mails from unknown sympathisers in the city and outside.
A notable contribution was a cheque for $100 from a
stranger, August Lewis of August Lewis & Co., straw
goods importers and manufacturers on Greene Street, New
York. The cheque was accompanied by a short note of
good will, and Mr. Lewis soon afterwards followed this
by a personal visit. He was born in Aix-la-Chapelle,
Germany, of Jewish parents and received an ordinary
grammar school education. Coming to this country in
1869, whither some members of his family had preceded
him, he joined one of them in business. As a member of
the Society for Political Education he had in 1882 re-
ceived one of the complimentary copies of "Progress and
Poverty" presented to that organisation by Francis G.
Shaw; but not until .Mr. George was a candidate and
began to be vigorously discussed in the newspapers did
Mr. Lewis read the book. It immediately did for him
what it had done for Mr. Shaw brought him hope where
before had been despair of the social problem. And
feeling so, though it ran counter to his political habits
and social affiliations, Mr. Lewis gave Henry George his
moral and material support. He quickly took his place
as one of Mr. George's closest friends, and in the end
he shared with Tom L. Johnson the honour of the dedi-
cation of the philosopher's last book.
Mr. George's refusal to withdraw from the mayoralty
472 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1886
contest, and his rapidly gathering strength left little hope
of victory for the Democracy, save in the course some of
the party papers urged the union of the two factions.
But it was evident when the Tammany convention met
on October 11, that a considerable number of the dele-
gates were for George and would have favoured his in-
dorsement. But the little group controlling the machine
had no thought of such a thing. Yet they did not see
hope in a candidate from their own factional ranks. They
therefore selected a man identified with the other faction
Abram S. Hewitt. Hewitt's name was presented to
the convention and the perfunctory form of nomination
was gone through with by the delegates, though few of
them had had a hint of what was coming and astonish-
ment for a time was supreme.
Abram S. Hewitt was of the large iron manufacturing
firm of Cooper, Hewitt & Co. He was son-in-law of the
then late philanthropist, Peter Cooper, and brother-in-
law of Edward Cooper, sometime Mayor of New York.
For years he had been Congressman from New York.
He was the same Abram S, Hewitt who in 1880 had
spoken in praise of "Progress and Poverty" to William
H. Appleton, the publisher, and who, through Mr. Apple-
ton, had invited an acquaintance with Mr. George, whom
he engaged privately to work on a Congressional report,
which work was discontinued on Hewitt's refusal longer
to pay what George regarded as reasonable compensation.
Their agreement had been for privacy on both sides, as
the Congressman intended to use the report as his own;
but Hewitt now, during the mayoralty campaign, broke
the seal of confidence, and gave to one of the newspapers
a story that George had once been his secretary, but had
to be discharged because he would run the land tax into
everything. No response was made to this at the time,
Age, 47] ABRAM HEWITT'S CANDIDACY 473
but eleven years later, during the second mayoralty can-
vass, when Mr. Hewitt was reported to have made some
personal statements about him that called for reply, Mr.
George dictated to a stenographer a statement of the 1880
episode, although afterwards he concluded that the occa-
sion was inappropriate to publish it.
Mr. Hewitt in his letter of acceptance took the ground
that he had been called upon to save society.
"An attempt is being made to organise one class of
our citizens against all other classes, and to place the
government of the city in the hands of men willing to
represent the special interests of this class, to the ex-
clusion of the just rights of the other classes. The in-
jurious effects arising from the conclusion that any con-
siderable portion of our people desire to substitute the
ideas of anarchists, nihilists, communists, socialists, and
mere theorists for the democratic principle of indi-
vidual liberty, which involves the right to private prop-
erty, would react with the greatest severity upon those
who depend upon their daily labour for their daily bread,
and who are looking forward to a better condition for
themselves and their children by the accumulation of
capital through abstinence and economy. The horrors
of the French Eevolution and the atrocities of the Com-
mune offer conclusive proof of the dreadful consequences
of doctrines which can only be enforced by revolution
and bloodshed, even when reduced to practice by men of
good intentions and blameless private life."
Mr. Hewitt seemed to believe that since he was under-
taking to defend social order and institutions against
"anarchists, nihilists, communists, socialists and mere
theorists," the Kepublicans should make common cause
with him and support him. But the Eepublicans cleaved
to themselves and nominated for mayor an able young
474 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [igse
man of large personal fortune and artistocratic connec-
tions and ideas Theodore Koosevelt.
Practically all the politicians and all the daily press
except the "Volks Zeitung" and a little paper called "The
Leader," which had started for the campaign and of
which Louis F. Post was made the editor, 1 were now in
full cry against George; and the lies, intentional and
accidental, that one paper started the others took up and
circulated. For instance, George was reported by the
"Sun" to have said in a speech that with all its horrors
the great epoch of the French Eevolution was about to
repeat itself, and the "Evening Post," with a seeming
malice prepense, repeatedly in editorials (and "Harpers
Weekly," with letterpress and a cartoon) quoted this in
the face of its obvious inconsistency with George's known
principles and direct denials. Mrs. Lowell, Francis G.
1 Mr. Post says: " 'The Leader' was the only newspaper support that
the George party had after the campaign opened, except the 'Volks
Zeitung,' the socialist paper, printed in German. At first the ' Volks
Zeitung ' opened its editorial columns to articles in support of George in
English, and I did the work. But early in the campaign ' The Leader' was
started. It jumped at once to a circulation of 35,000 daily, and was self-
supporting from the beginning. But to make it self-supporting all the
editorial and reportorial work had to be contributed without pay. And
this was done. Though the other newspapers unanimously opposed
George, their sub-editors and reporters almost unanimously supported
him. As they could do nothing for him in their own papers, they vol-
unteered in large numbers for work upon ' The Leader. ' After doing a full
day's work on their respective papers, they would turn in and do an-
other day's work, in the same twenty-four hours, for us. And this they
continued to the last. Where all were so devoted it would be invidious
to mention names, even if I could remember them. But the managing
editor's and the city editor's chairs were filled in this way ; and as fine a
body of reporters ts ever came together on any paper joined with the rest
of us in working for ' The Leader ' without pay throughout the campaign.
Editorial writers on other papers also contributed to this unpaid work by
sending in editorials and special articles."
Age, 47] AN AGGEESSIVE CAMPAIGN 475
Shaw's daughter, wrote in some alarm to Mr. George
about the reported utterances, and he replied : "I not only
never meant to encourage lawlessness or disorder, but
never did, by direction or indirection. On the contrary,
I have told my people in the most emphatic way that I
would preserve order and enforce the law."
But George did not have much time for explanations
of this kind. His campaign was not defensive, but offen-
sive ; not one of excuses, but of aggression. He addressed
an open letter to the Democratic candidate pointing out
that Hewitt himself represented the dangerous and un-
scrupulous classes, as personified by Kichard Croker and
the many other professional politicians about him ; whereas
he (George) represented the great working mass of the
community the workers with head as well as with hand;
and that as an English statesman had happily phrased it,
the working men's movement was one of "the masses
against the classes." Finally he proposed that Hewitt
and he discuss the various questions of the campaign in
joint debate.
Hewitt's reply was quite as spirited. He ascribed
George's candidacy to his "peculiar views as to the nature
of property"; and asserted again that he was supported
by "all the anarchists, nihilists, communists and social-
ists in the community," with whom he (Hewitt) did
"not wish to confound the men supporting him whom"
George had "stigmatised as politicians." He also re-
gretted that he could not "accommodate in debate a gen-
tleman for whose 'remarkable acuteness, fertility and lit-
erary power' [he had the] highest respect."
Two other open letters passed between the candidates,
one from George, in which he offered Hewitt half his
time at a meeting to take place that week at Chickering
Hall; and one from Hewitt declining the proffer and de-
476 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1886
claring it George's purpose "to array working men against
millionaires." 1
This was the kernel of opposition from press and plat-
form to George. He was denounced as a "marauder," an
"assailant of other people's rights," a "leveller," a "rob-
ber of the poor," a "revolutionist," an "apostle of an-
archy and destruction," a "man who attacks the sacred
foundations of property," and a "recreant to liberty"
so that that came to pass which Mr. George predicted in
his speech of acceptance, when he said : "This, in my opin-
ion, will be one of the fiercest contests that ever took
place in this or any other American city. Every influ-
ence that can be arrayed against me will be used. There
will be falsehoods and slanders, everything that money
and energy and political knowledge can command."
One instance of this was given when a story was pub-
lished that Dr. McGlynn had withdrawn his support from
George. At the risk of further displeasure to his eccle-
siastical superiors, the Doctor gave out a statement to
the newspapers in which he said that his "admiration
and affection for Henry George's genius and character"
were, "if possible, increasing every day." Though it was
not yet known, Dr. McGlynn had been "disciplined" for
disobeying his Archbishop's order, which was literally,
not to speak at the Chickering Hall meeting, but which
was really, as subsequent events proved, not to help
George. But now towards the close of the contest,
when the last supreme efforts were being made, and
when McGlynn's great influence was strongly felt, the
higher resident dignitaries in the Church did not hesitate
*For the full text of this correspondence and a sketch of the contest,
see a small compilation by Louis F. Post and Fred C. Leubuscher, en-
titled "The George-Hewitt Campaign," formerly published by John W.
Lovell Company, New York.
Age, 47] POLITICS FEOM THE ALTAR 477
themselves to enter the conflict. For, in answer to a
letter from one of Mr. Hewitt's chief managers, Kt. Kev.
Monsignor Preston, Vicar-General of the Diocese, made
a formal, written reply condemning George's principles
as "unsound, unsafe and contrary to the teachings of the
Church," and averring that if "logically carried out,"
they "would prove the ruin of the working men he pro-
fesses to befriend"; adding that "although we never in-
terfere directly in elections, we would not wish now to be
misunderstood at a time when the best interests of so-
ciety may be in danger." This letter was promptly given
to the press and distributed at the Church doors the Sun-
day preceding election day, and it strengthened the de-
nunciation launched in sermons from several Catholic
altars against Henry George and what he was declared
to represent.
A single furtive attempt was made on George's per-
sonal character. A story was published in some San
Francisco papers, and telegraphed to some New York
papers, that he was once connected with a piratical expe-
dition. This referred to the Brontes Mexican Eevolution
enterprise, with the details of which the reader has al-
ready been made acquainted. 1 The tale of piracy was
seen to be ridiculous and was quickly dropped. As by
common accord, George's enemies spoke of him as of pure
private life and unquestionable abilities an honest and
dangerous fanatic.
Yet the cries of threatened machine politicians and
corruptionists and an opposing press frightened into co-
operation the timid rich and a large commercial class,
who always fear changes, even though they be the sweep-
ing away of long-standing abuses; so that Henry George
1 Pages 165-67.
478 LIFE OP HENRY GEOEGE
had a tremendous combination of forces, good and bad,
respectable and disreputable, arrayed against him. But
if such powers opposed, he had the intense, burning en-
thusiasm of the great working masses behind him "a
power," to use his own words, "stronger than money, more
potent than trained politicians"; something to meet and
"throw them aside like chaff before a gale."
Louis Prang, the Boston art publisher, who feared for
George's dignity as an author and teacher of a great idea
if he should enter upon a speaking campaign, urged him
to follow General Grant's custom and make no speeches.
But George replied: "I appreciate all you say. Never-
theless, I have been called into this fight, and I propose to
go through with it. While it was perfectly proper for
Grant to make no campaign speeches, that is the very
thing I must do ; and I look forward to a month of speak-
ing every night."
And never before in New York, and perhaps nowhere
else in the country, had there been such a speaking cam-
paign. In halls and from "cart-tails," at the noon din-
ner hour or at midnight, before exclusive audiences and
before street throngs, in the commercial centres and
through the tenement regions, Henry George spoke.
Bather than a seeker for office, he was a man with a
mission, preaching the way to cast out involuntary pov-
erty from civilisation. Bather than a politician ready
to pare away and compromise, he pressed straight for
equality and freedom, and in a breath-taking way struck
at the ignorant prejudices of his own followers as sharply
as at those of his fiercest antagonists. While it was, for
instance, the rule to temporise on the tariff and liquor
questions, George called for the abolition of custom houses
and of excise and licenses. He made speeches, frequently
as many as twelve or fourteen a day, of a variety, strength,
Age, 47] A NEW KIND OF POLITICS 479
clearness, fire and human sympathy that amazed and
thrilled the multitudes that flocked to hear him, and that
inspired with increasing energy the scores and hundreds
of all walks of life who sprang up to talk for him and
his cause. Among these were Patrick Ford, who, though
he did not actually speak, sat upon the Cooper Union
platform and gave the strong editorial backing of the
"Irish World"; General Master Workman Powderly of
the Knights of Labour; Samuel Gompers, President of
the American Federation of Labour; and Kev. J. 0. S.
Huntington, son of the Protestant Episcopal Bishop of
Central New York, and head of the Episcopal Order
of the Holy Cross. There had been many municipal elec-
tions in New York before, but none like this. They had
been purely political; this involved social questions as
well. The sure sign of internal interest was the registra-
tion of voters, preparatory to the formal balloting. This
year, with no accompanying State or national contests to
augment it, the registration was extremely heavy.
Outside, the press of the country noted, discussed and
divided, as though they were active participants; while
beyond the broad seas, men at the antipodes watched and
waited, and the British public, in placid ignorance of
most things American, was by cable reports in its news-
papers daily informed of each important event in this
New York mayoralty struggle, as though it involved the
advancement or downfall of a sovereign State. The truth
the vital spark the expression of hope of a less bitter
struggle for subsistence for all men, even the meanest
and lowest, that had raised the California writer from
obscurity, that had given his book on political economy
a world-wide circulation, that had gathered throngs to
hear him speak from one end of Great Britain to the
other, was now infused into a city election and centred
480 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1886
the gaze of millions made the world its audience. Let-
ters of God-speed poured in upon the candidate from a
thousand sources from organisations whose hearts beat
responsive to his trumpet call; from isolated individuals
he never saw and never could expect to see. "The great
question" he dashed off in a note of cheer to Mr. Gut-
schow, German translator of "Progress and Poverty," who
had sent money out of his small purse for the campaign
"The great question is at last in politics and the struggle
has begun."
The campaign closed with the Republicans deprecating
both Hewitt and George, and the Democrats crying that
a vote for Roosevelt was a vote for George, while the
policy of those who feared the rise of the labour power
was "anything to beat George." The last and most sig-
nal proof to them that their fears were well founded was
a parade of labour unions on the Saturday night three
days before election. Through a cold, drenching rain,
without brass bands, uniforms or any of the usual polit-
ical trappings, bearing aloft their trade-union banners,
and with here and there a few torches, but mostly in
darkness, the long, dense line of men, headed by William
McCabe, a journeyman printer, were two hours in march-
ing past the reviewing platform in Union Square, and
made one continuous, fervid shout of salutation to the
man, their candidate, standing there.
So the campaign closed, and election day came. Then
was seen the great disadvantage of the working men's
party. It had no representatives in the polling places to
count the votes. Moreover, under the election law it had
to print its own ballots and distribute them to voters, and
some of the election districts were actually without distrib-
utors and ballots. The law worked for the benefit of the
party "machines." Yet men without pay and without
Age, 47] A BUNKER HILL VICTORY 481
food stood from dawn till nightfall working for George.
Late in the evening the returns showed that Abram S.
Hewitt had been elected Mayor, with George second, and
Eoosevelt third; the official canvass subsequently showing
for Hewitt, 90,552; for George, 68,110; and for Eoose-
velt, 60,435. Mr. George believed at the time, and many
circumstances afterwards confirmed his belief, that he
had really been elected, but had been "counted out."
But he had got all that he really wanted a big vote.
At twelve o'clock election night, when the event was no
further in doubt, he made a speech at the working men's
headquarters on Eighth Street, crowded with the more
active among his supporters. Disappointment was writ-
ten on most faces there. They had fought with the con-
fidence of winning. Defeat was bitter. But George's
voice rang out bell-like and clear:
"I congratulate you to-night upon the victory we have
won. The future is ours. This is the Bunker Hill.
We have been driven back as the continental troops were
from Bunker Hill. If they won no technical victory,
they did win a victory that echoed round the world and
still rings. They won a victory that made this Eepublic
a reality; and thank God, men of New York, we in this
fight have won a victory that makes the true Eepublic
of the future certain. We have lit a fire that will never
go out. We have begun a movement that, defeated, and
defeated, and defeated, must still go on. All the great
currents of our time, all the aspirations of the heart of
man, all the new forces of our civilisation are with us
and for us. They never fail who die in a good cause.
This has been but a skirmish that prepares our forces
for the battles that are to follow."
These words of courage thrilled all who heard and
called out round after round of cheers.
CHAPTER IX.
"THE STANDARD" AND THE ANTI-
POVERTY SOCIETY.
1886-1887. AGE, 47-48.
AFTER an undisturbed night's sleep, Henry George on
JL\. the morning following the mayoralty election was
back at his Astor Place office. To a "Sun" reporter who
came to ask him of his plans, he said : "I shall buy a bottle
of ink and a box of pens and again go to writing."
The press, abroad as well as at home, recognised in him
a new power in the public world. The London papers
were thoroughly alive to this, the Tory "St. James's Ga-
zette" observing that "the election should cause all re-
spectable Americans to forget the trumpery of party
fights and political differentism and face the new danger
threatening the commonwealth." On the other hand, the
Radical "Pall Mall Budget" said:
"The two words 'Henry George' on the voting paper
against which 68,000 persons put their mark did not
even to these 68,000 mean only the five feet, nine inches
of commonplace flesh and blood, thatched with sandy
hair and shod with American leather. They meant
much more than that. They meant an embodied pro-
test against the kingdom of this world, which after
nineteen centuries, alike under democracies and monar-
cies and empires, is still ruled by Mammon 'the least
482
Age, 47-48] THE FIEST SKIRMISH 483
erected spirit that fell from heaven.' He stood as the
incarnation of a demand that the world should be made
a better place to live in than it is to-day ; and his candi-
dature was a groan of discontent with the actual, and
therefore of aspiration after the ideal."
The "New York Times" expressed the views of many
thoughtful persons at home in saying: "That a new party
should suddenly have been called into existence in this
city, and without an existing organisation, without a
party fund, and under the leadership of men inexperi-
enced in political work, should have given its candidate a
vote nearly equalling that cast in recent years by any of
the existing political parties is at once seen to be an
event demanding the most serious attention and study."
And well might the press so speak. For letters of con-
gratulation poured in upon Mr. George from all parts of
the country, and in many places he was talked of as
labour candidate for the presidency in 1888. Moreover,
four days after the election a crowded meeting for rejoic-
ing was held in the large hall of Cooper Union. Mr.
George's speech was fine in tone. "It is not the end of
the campaign," said he; "it is the beginning. We have
fought the first skirmish." They must go on, press-
ing forward the land question and the kindred ideas.
And he now demanded a radical reform of those voting
laws which, as he believed was instanced in the recent
contest, enabled the unscrupulous to manipulate elections.
He demanded the Australian ballot system. He had ad-
vocated this reform in magazine articles in 1871 and
1883; he had inserted it, though not in express terms, in
the platform he had written and stood on in the may-
oralty fight. But at this Cooper Union congratulation
meeting on November 6, 1886, began the agitation of
the idea for the first time seriously in American politics.
484 LIFE OF HENEY GEORGE [1886-1887
It was taken up by the trade unions and labour move-
ments in various parts of the country, and acquiring sup-
port from other sources, was, in one form or another,
within a few years adopted by most of the States in the
Union, and ultimately by all.
With a view to carrying the land reform, ballot reform
and lesser principles into practical effect, resolutions were
passed at the Cooper Union meeting declaring that a per-
manent political organisation be effected in New York
and elsewhere. It was also resolved to carry on syste-
matic educational work through the medium of lectures
and speeches and reading matter. A committee to direct
this consisting of John McMackin, Eev. Dr. McGlynn and
Prof. David B. Scott was named. The latter, on ac-
count of ill health, soon gave place to James Eedpath,
managing editor of the "North American Keview." This
committee opened an office in the Cooper Union building,
and with Gaybert Barnes as secretary, at once com-
menced the organisation through the country, and espe-
cially through New York State, of "Land and Labour
Clubs."
But more important than this, at least to Mr. George
personally, was the announcement of his intention to
start a weekly newspaper the first number to be issued
on January 8 of the new year. A prospectus he sent out
brought in many yearly subscriptions, with money in ad-
vance; and with this money and $500 borrowed from a
deeply interested English friend, Thomas Briggs of Lon-
don, the paper was started, the printing being done on
the presses of the "New York Herald," by courtesy of
James Gordon Bennett. Mr. George had thought of nam-
ing his paper "Light," but on the suggestion of John
Eussell Young, he adopted the title of "The Standard/*
The paper started with high expectations and a large
Age, 47-48] "THE STANDARD" STAFF 485
salaried staff. Besides Mr. George as editor and pro-
prietor, there were Wm. T. Croasdale, a trained news-
paper man, as managing editor ; Louis F. Post as editorial
and special writer, Eev. John W. Kramer as special
writer, J. W. Sullivan as labour editor and special writer,
W. B. Scott as stenographer to Mr. George and exchange
editor, Henry George, Jr., as correspondence editor; T. L.
McCready, John V. George and Kichard F. George in the
business department, and William McCabe as foreman of
the composing room eleven men in all, besides the type-
setters.
Mr. George said in his salutatory that he established the
paper with the hope of aiding in the work of abolishing
"industrial slavery." "Confident in the strength of
truth," he said, "I shall give no quarter to abuses and
ask none of their champions. ... I shall endeavour
to conduct this paper by the same rules on which a just
man would regulate his conduct. ... I hope to make
this paper the worthy exponent and advocate of a great
party yet unnamed that is now beginning to form, but
at the same time to make its contents so varied and inter-
esting as to insure for it a general circulation." .^
The first issues of the paper contained many well writ-
ten articles on political and economic matters in fact
were "varied and interesting." But everything was
thrown into eclipse by signed articles from Mr. George's
pen on "The McGlynn Case," which was now attracting
international attention.
As has been said in the previous chapter, Dr. McGlynn
was suspended from his priestly office for two weeks dur-
ing the mayoralty campaign for refusing to absent him-
self from the George meeting in Chickering Hall, while
the Vicar-General of the diocese a few days before elec-
tion wrote a letter that was published in the newspapers
486 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1886-1887
condemning Mr. George's principles as "unsound, unsafe
and contrary to the teachings of the Church." A fortnight
or more following the election the Archbishop, in a pastoral
letter that was read in all the Catholic churches in New
York, attacked "certain unsound principles and theories
which assailed the rights of property." Though not naming
Henry George, it was clear that the principles were those
with which he was identified. A few days later an inter-
view with Dr. McGlynn appeared in the "New York
Tribune" avowing the very principles that the Archbishop
had condemned, and taking direct issue in asserting that
they were not contrary to the doctrines of the Church.
For this the Archbishop suspended Dr. McGlynn for the
remainder of the year and wrote a letter to the Cardinal
Prefect of the Propaganda laying the matter before him. 1
This letter procured a cable ordering Dr. McGlynn to
Rome. When the Archbishop by letter informed him of
this, Dr. McGlynn by letter replied that several grave
reasons, among them his physician's orders (he had heart
trouble, which, with other complications, ultimately
caused his death) would prevent his undertaking the jour-
ney. But he added:
"As I cannot go to Eome to give an account of my
doctrine about land, I would say that I have made it
clear in speeches, in reported interviews and in published
articles, and I repeat it here: I have taught and shall
continue to teach in speeches and writings as long as I
live, that land is rightfully the property of the people in
common and that private ownership of land is against
natural justice, no matter by what civil or ecclesiastical
laws it may be sanctioned; and I would bring about
instantly, if I could, such change of laws all the world
1 Statement of Rt. Rev. M. A. Corrigan, " The Standard, "
January 29, 1887.
Age, 47-48] McGLYNN'S LAND DOCTRINE 487
over as would confiscate private property in land, with-
out one penny of compensation to the miscalled owners." 1
The Archbishop responded to this declaration by ex-
tending Dr. McGlynn's suspension until such time as
Cardinal Simeoni or the Pope should act.
Meanwhile, Mr. George had early in December (1886)
addressed an open letter to the Archbishop answering
that part of the pastoral "taken by the press as placing
the Catholic Church in the attitude of a champion of
private property in land." The article did not pass be-
yond a quiet discussion of economic principles. But
when Archbishop Corrigan procured the order for Dr.
McGlynn to go to Eome, Mr. George came out in a blaz-
ing article in the first issue of "The Standard." He
presented the importance of the subject in this style:
"The case of Dr. McGlynn brings up in definite form
the most important issues which have ever been presented
in the history of the Catholic Church in the United
States. It has in fact an interest far transcending this
country, in so much as the question which it involves
is the attitude of the greatest of Christian Churches
towards the world-wide social movement of our times,
and its decision will be fraught with the most important
consequences both to the development of that movement
and to the Church itself."
He reached the heart of the matter when he said:
"What Dr. McGlynn is punished for is for taking
the side of the working men against the system of in-
justice and spoliation and the rotten rings which have
made the government in New York a by-word of corrup-
tion. In the last Presidential election Dr. McGlynn
*Dr. McGlynn's review of his case, "The Standard," February 5, 1887.
488 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [188&-1887
made some vigorous speeches in behalf of the Democratic
candidate without a word or thought of remonstrance.
His sin is in taking a side in politics which was opposed
to the rings that had the support of the Catholic hier-
archy."
Some of Dr. McGlynn's friends, said George, advised
the clergyman's obeying the summons to Rome, "in order
to present the case of those Catholics who believe in the
common right to land, and to force the question to an
issue, which would forever still any pretence that this doc-
trine was condemned by the Church." 1 To this Mr.
George replied:
"This might be all very well if Dr. McGlynn could go
to Rome after some such unequivocal popular express-
ion as would convince the Roman authorities that he
was the ambassador of American Catholics, and that
they did not propose to be trifled with. But for him to
go to Rome as a suspended priest with any expectation
of getting a hearing as against an Archbishop, backed by
all the influence of the rich Catholics of the United
States, and by all the powerful influence of the English
Colony and English intriguers at Rome, would be folly.
Dr. McGlynn would have no chance in Rome to make
any presentation of the case, even if the Propaganda
were a perfectly impartial tribunal. ... Is it
likely that they would give any hearing now to the 'priest
McGlynn/ whom they condemned four years ago because
of his partiality to the 'Irish revolution' ?"
Mr. George quoted Vicar-General Preston to the effect
that Dr. McGlynn was "not sent for to be complimented,"
1 This was Mr. George's own view at first, but he yielded to the judg-
ment of Dr. McGlynn, who, from what he had seen in Rome while at the
College of the Propaganda, believed he would be unable to get a hearing
at the Vatican.
Age, 47-48] ORDERED TO RECANT 489
but "to be disciplined." Proof, if any was needed, that
the plan was to have the case prejudged came a little
later when the Archbishop published, as coming from
Cardinal Simeoni, a cable message directing him to "give
orders to have Dr. McGlynn again invited to proceed to
Home and also to condemn in writing the doctrines to
which he has given utterance in public meetings or which
have been attributed to him in the press."
The first issue of "The Standard," or more particularly
Mr. George's article, made a sensation, and two extra
editions of the paper, or in all seventy-five thousand
copies, were struck off. But "The Standard" was prac-
tically alone in the fight for Dr. McGlynn. Even papers
with a strong Protestant bias and generally ready to
seize upon any circumstances disadvantageous to the Cath-
olic Church, now, because of the social and political up-
heaval threatened by George and McGlynn, were glad to
side with an Archbishop who used tyrannical power
against a liberal and public-spirited priest and with a
foreign power that dared to interfere with and curtail
the rights of a citizen of the United States. And the
newspapers approved of the Archbishop's action when, in
the middle of January, he removed Dr. McGlynn from
the pastorate of St. Stephen's Church. Nor did they
make any derogatory comments at the unseemly manner
in which the order was executed, Rev. Arthur Donnally,
until then of St. Michael's Church, the appointee, going
to St. Stephen's rectory, without notice of any kind, and
in the absence of Dr. McGlynn, walking into the latter's
private room and attempting to take instant possession,
notwithstanding the fact that clothes, books and papers
scattered about gave evidence that the man who had occu-
pied the chamber for twenty years was yet its occupant
and would need a brief time to remove his effects. Fa-
490 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1886-1887
ther Donnally afterwards went into the Church proper
and tore Dr. McGlynn's name from the confessional, and
later still, attended by a police captain, ruthlessly broke
in upon the solemn duties of confession, and in a loud
voice ordered two of the assistant priests, and the people
who had come to devotions, out of the place ; and this and
much more against the all but violent protestations of a
great congregation by whom for a generation Dr. Mc-
Glynn had been deeply loved and venerated.
A chorus went up from the press that Henry George in
"attacking the Catholic Church" had destroyed his political
future and hope of "The Standard's" success. He replied
that he did not attack "the Church," but the men who mis-
used the Church; that he had no political aspirations, else
he would not have re-entered journalism; and that if the
time came when "The Standard" could not "freely and
frankly take a stand on any question of public interest,"
then it would be "high time for it to give up the ghost."
The case of Dr. McGlynn now seemed to be in the
hands of the Church authorities at Eome. Yet strangely
enough at this very time Cardinal Gibbons wrote from
Kome to Kev. Dr. Eichard L. Burtsell, of the Epiphany
Church, Dr. McGlynn's lifelong friend and legal adviser,
that in personal interviews with Cardinal Simeoni and
the Pope, both had stated to him that they had not passed
judgment, much less condemned Dr. McGlynn. Car-
dinal Gibbons therefore urged Dr. McGlynn to go to
Kome. As we have seen Dr. McGlynn had reluctance to
going to Kome as he felt that he would get small chance
of a hearing. Nevertheless he now sent word through
Dr. Burtsell that he would go as soon as the weak state
of his heart would permit, on condition that he should
first be reinstated and that a public statement be made
by some one in authority that no judgment had been
Age, 47-48] CBOSS OF THE NEW CRUSADE 491
passed upon the case and that his land doctrines had not
been condemned at Rome. But Cardinal Gibbons for
some reason or other failed to place before the Propa-
ganda or the Pope Dr. Burtsell's letter and no effort at
reinstatement or correction of public utterances was made.
Dr. McGlynn had not the least idea of receding from
his position. He held that there was no conflict between
the doctrine of the land for the people and the funda-
mental truths of the Church. Towards the end of March
he repeated his land doctrines in a most emphatic and elo-
quent manner in a lecture in the Academy of Music on
"The Cross of the New Crusade/' before a very large
audience, that was composed chiefly of Catholics and
largely of St. Stephen's parishioners; and which marked
every period with a burst of applause.
This led almost immediately to a movement to awaken
in the hearts and minds of the poor and outcast of the
great city a hope for a civilisation that should be based
on social justice and bring peace and plenty to all. The
idea had originated some time before with Thomas L.
McCready of "The Standard" staff. His plan was to
form a militant society against poverty, and with it to
go into and rouse the New York tenement regions. It
was a new scheme to educate the masses on the land ques-
tion. After Dr. McGlynn's lecture on "The Cross of the
New Crusade," the McCready idea took fire. The first
steps towards organisation were taken at a little meeting
in "The Standard" office, and a name suggested by Mc-
Cready was chosen "The Anti-Poverty Society." 1
x The declaration of the Anti-Poverty Society consisted of a single para-
graph, viz: "The time having come for an active warfare against the
conditions that, in spite of the advance in the powers of production, con-
demn so many to degrading poverty, and foster vice, crime, and greed,
the Anti-Poverty Society has been formed. The object of the Society is
492 LIFE OP HENRY GEOKGE [1886-1887
By common voice Dr. McGlynn was named president,
and Henry George, vice-president; with Benjamin Urner,
a commission merchant, for treasurer, and Michael Clark,
an editorial writer on the "Irish World," for secretary.
The first public meeting took place in Chickering Hall
on Sunday evening, May 1. The hall was crowded and
thousands were turned away. Dr. McGlynn's address
was the chief feature of the meeting. Of it Mr. George
said in his signed editorial in "The Standard" :
"Never before in New York had a great audience
sprung to its feet and in a tumult of enthusiasm cheered
the Lord's Prayer; but it was the Lord's Prayer with a
meaning that the Churches have ignored. The simple
words, 'Thy kingdom come, Thy will be done on earth
as it is in heaven/ as they fell from the lips of a Christ-
ian priest who proclaims the common fatherhood of God
and the common brotherhood of man ; who points to the
widespread poverty and suffering not as in accordance
with God's will, but as in defiance of God's order, and who
appeals to the love of God and the hope of heaven, not
to make men submissive of social injustice which brings
want and misery, but to urge them to the duty of sweep-
ing away this injustice have in them the power with
which Christianity conquered the world. And in New
York to-day, as by the sea of Galilee eighteen centuries
ago, though the Scribes and Pharisees are filled with
rage and the high priests and rich men are troubled and
dismayed, the people hear them gladly."
Men and women of all religious denominations and of
no religion at all came in flocks to enroll as members of
to spread, by such peaceable and lawful means as may be found most de-
sirable and efficient, a knowledge of the truth that God has made ample
provision for the need of all men during their residence upon earth, and
that involuntary poverty is the result of the human laws that allow indi-
viduals to claim as private property that which the Creator has provided
for the use of alL"
Age, 47-48] ANTI-POVERTY SOCIETY 493
the Anti-Poverty Society, and the next meeting on the
following Sunday evening was in a larger place, the Acad-
emy of Music, when Henry George made the chief address.
The press turned loose denunciation and ridicule, but that
only served to extend the membership and to advertise
the meetings which came to be held regularly every Sun-
day evening in the Academy.
The Archbishop early in May had apparently received
a letter from Cardinal Simeoni, summoning Dr. McGlynn
to Eome and giving him forty days from receipt of the
letter in which to do so, under pain of excommunication,
"to be incurred by the act itself and also by name," if he
should fail.
Dr. McGlynn contented himself with his former reply
that grave reasons would prevent his making the journey
then. The conspicuous signs in the Anti-Poverty move-
ment were that for his personal character, his doctrines
on the land question and his consequent attitude towards
his ecclesiastical superiors, Dr. McGlynn had a large and
strong following indeed, that a large part of his former
parishioners had joined the movement and hung on every
word that dropped from his lips. If these signs failed
there could be no mistaking the size and character of a
parade and demonstration held in his honour and in pro-
test against the impending excommunication. It was
composed mainly of Catholic working men. A not-
friendly newspaper the "New York Herald" estimated
that seventy-five thousand persons took part. But in an-
ticipation of what seemed certain to occur, Henry George
wrote in "The Standard" (June 25) :
"There stands hard by the palace of the holy inquis-
ition in Eome a statue which has been placed there since
Eome became the capital of a united Italy. On it is
this inscription :
494 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1886-1887
GALILEO GALILEI
was imprisoned in the neighbouring palace
for having seen
that the earth revolves around the sun.
"In after years when the true-hearted American priest
shall have rested from his labours, and what is now
being done is history, there will arise by the spot where
he shall be excommunicated such a statue and such an
inscription. And days will come when happy little chil-
dren, such as now die like flies in tenement houses, shall
be held up by their mothers to lay garlands upon it."
The term of forty days having expired on July 3, the
threatened penalty fell. The Archbishop did not attempt
to make any ceremony of it. He merely wrote two let-
ters, one to Dr. McGlynn and one to a Catholic news-
paper addressing the clergy and laity of the diocese, say-
ing that the Doctor having failed to comply with the
order from Eome within the time set, had thereby in-
curred excommunication. Dr. McGlynn had already been
stripped of his church and the right to perform his
priestly offices, so that excommunication so far as the
outside world could see went for little. And the loving
regard of the Catholic poor of St. Stephen's parish re-
mained unaltered. They continued to crowd into the
Anti-Poverty meetings and wherever else their "soggarth
aroon" publicly appeared. Nor did the excommunication
in the least change Dr. McGlynn's own belief that he was
still a Catholic and a priest, or lessen his sense of obligation
to be true to the Catholic faith. Not only did he continue
strictly to follow in private life that course which had
made it impossible for searching enmity to breathe against
Age, 47-48] McGLYNN EXCOMMUNICATED 495
his character as a priest or a man, but in the addresses
before the Anti-Poverty Society and elsewhere he invari-
ably opened with the reverent spirit of a devout minister
of the gospel, and at the heart of every discourse was
religion. "Once a priest, always a priest," he cherished
in his heart of hearts as among the most precious of the
ancient sayings.
Not content with the excommunication of Dr. Mc-
Glynn, Archbishop Corrigan, in the interpretation of gen-
eral instructions he had received from Home, based upon
his own presentation of matters in New York, punished,
by transferrence to less important missions in the diocese,
a number of priests who failed to give outward sign of
condemnation of Dr. McGlynn. Even Dr. Burtsell, emi-
nent in the United States as an ecclesiastical jurist, was
deprived of an important office in the diocese and even-
tually of his church in New York City, being sent in 1890
to the little Church of St. Mary, at Rondout, up the
Hudson. The Archbishop in his reasons to the Propa-
ganda for this latter action said: "Dr. Burtsell has the
name of being, and is held by public opinion, as well as
by the followers of Dr. McGlynn, as by the clergy and
the faithful of New York, to be not only a personal friend
of Dr. McGlynn, but also the leader of those few discon-
tented priests who more or less sustain Dr. McGlynn, and
moreover the counsellor, defender and abettor of the lat-
ter." Nor did the Archbishop stop here. In two in-
stances he prevented burial of persons in the Catholic
Calvary Cemetery, because, while these persons were
known to be strict in their duties to the Church, they
attended the Anti-Poverty Society lectures of Dr. Mc-
Glynn.
Meanwhile Henry George had been doing some lectur-
ing in other cities on what now began to be called the
496 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1886-1887
"Single Tax" question. 1 He made' an important trip,
under the auspices of Major James B. Pond's bureau, to
Madison and Milwaukee, Wis., Burlington, la., Saginaw,
Mich., and Chicago. But work on "The Standard" en-
gaged most of his time up to the middle of summer
of 1887.
Discussion over the excommunication had not entirely
subsided when a new excitement commenced a political
contest for State and municipal offices. A State con-
vention called by the United Labour Party of New York
City, met in Syracuse on August 17, with representatives
from political labour parties or Land and Labour Clubs
in all the important centres in the Empire State. This
was the direct outcome of the great vote for Henry
George's candidacy for mayor the year before. George
and most of his immediate supporters were confident that
the labour movement would draw out a very large vote in
the State this year, which would permanently establish
the new party and make it a factor in the presidential
campaign in 1888.
But weeks before the convention met it became evident
that the socialists, who had supported George in 1886
and raised no objection to the platform on which he
J The term "Single Tax" may be said to have been anticipated in
" Progress and Poverty" (Book VIII, chap, iv ; "Memorial Edition," p.
425), but the commencement of its general use probably dates from early
in 1887 ; Mr. George, in a speech at a single tax conference in Chicago in
1893, saying that no one had been able to devise a suitable title for the
cause until one day Thomas G. Shearman of New York remarked to him :
"It seems to me that the proper title should be "The Single Tax.'"
" And then," said Mr. George, "an article was published under that title
and somehow or other the name stuck. " The article referred to was a
report in "The Standard" of a speech by Mr. Shearman (See "Standard,"
May <28, 1887). Mr. George never regarded the term as describing his
philosophy, but rather as indicating the method he would take to apply it.
Age, 47-48] FIGHT WITH SOCIALISTS 497
stood, and which he had himself written, were now bent
on getting their principles to the front. They consisted
of comparatively few men in New York City, but what
they lacked in numbers they made up in earnestness and
activity. They now undertook to steer the new political
movement. They not only wished to keep their social-
istic organisation intact while they acted as members in
the larger United Labour Party, but their executive com-
mittee issued a statement insisting "that the burning
social question is not a land tax, but the abolition of all
private property in instruments of production." It was
the same kind of opposition that George had encountered
from the London socialists at the outset of his 1883-84
lecture campaign in Great Britain. He wrote in "The
Standard" the week before the convention met that there
could be no place for the socialists in the new party if
they pressed their principles. "Either they must go out,"
said he, "or the majority must go out, for it is certain
that the majority of the men who constitute the United
Labour Party do not propose to nationalise capital and
are not in favour of the abolition of all private property
in the 'instruments of production.' ' ;
The matter came to a head in the convention, to which
the socialists sent contesting delegates from three of the
New York City districts. They were given a hearing, but
they were refused seats because they belonged to another
political party. During that hearing they insisted on put-
ting socialism forward and on the right to be members
of the Socialistic Labour Party while active in the United
Labour Party as well. They became very bitter about
their exclusion and taxed George with throwing them over
from motives of policy. They and their associates and
supporters put in the field a list of their own candidates
on a purely socialistic platform.
498 LIFE OP HENRY GEORGE [1886-1887
Thus Mr. George was compelled in public action to
draw a line of demarcation which in writing "Protection
or Free Trade?" in 1885 he had been at pains to make
very clear as separating his own philosophy from that of
socialism. 1 It also happened that occasion arose for him
to draw a line on anarchy, or rather on the Chicago an-
archists sentenced to death for being accessory to the kill-
ing of several Chicago policemen in 1885. The breaking
up in October, 1887, by the police of a public meeting in
New Jersey called to express sympathy with the Chicago
anarchists caused Mr. George to protest in "The Stand-
ard" in behalf of free speech, but at the same time to say
that he believed after reading the review of the testimony
which was given in the Supreme Court decision 2 when the
cases were appealed that the Chicago anarchists were
guilty under the laws of Illinois. However, he thought
mitigating circumstances and the fact that a "tragical
death always tends to condone mistakes and crimes" would
plead the commutation of the sentence of death to a
sentence of imprisonment. He wrote this publicly in
"The Standard," and privately he wrote a letter to the
Governor of Illinois urging clemency on the same grounds.
But to return to the convention. Henry George and
Dr. McGlynn, who also was a delegate, were the central
figures. Henry George drafted the platform, in prin-
ciple the same as that he had written for his mayoralty
campaign the year before. It soon became evident that
he would be pressed to accept the nomination for the
111 Protection or Free Trade?" chap, xxviii. (Memorial Edition,
pp. 299-312), "Free Trade and Socialism."
2 Some of Mr. George's friends have believed that had he read the full
testimony of the case, and not what they believed to be the Supreme
Courts' very unfair view of it, he would have come to a different con-
clusion.
Age, 47-18] GEORGE AGAIN CANDIDATE 499
chief place on the ticket that of Secretary of State. He
shrank from this because he did not like to appear as an
office hunter and because he thought it bad party policy
to run him just then. But an intimation that it might
be said that he held back and wished another put forward
because he saw small hope of election decided him to
accept. The rest of the State ticket was filled out with
men known in the labour movements of their respective
localities, but little known in general politics.
Mr. George early entered on an active speaking cam-
paign through the State and was accompanied by corre-
spondents of the "Herald" and "World" of New York
City, who gave fair reports of his speeches and their ap-
parent effects. The Governor of the State, David B. Hill,
having in a public speech made some reference to the
labour party candidate and his principles, Mr. George in-
vited him to joint debate, but the Governor ignored the
challenge. However, Sergius E. Shevitch, 1 an able rep-
resentative of the socialists one of the unseated Syra-
cuse convention delegates challenged Mr. George to de-
bate their respective principles. The latter accepted and
they met in Miner's Theatre on Eighth Avenue, New
York City. Dr. McGlynn also travelled over the State
making speeches, as did Louis F. Post, Judge James G.
Maguire of California, Rev. Hugh 0. Pentecost of New-
ark, and many others. Moreover, a million tracts, mostly
on the land question, were distributed. It was a canvass
remarkably widespread and effective, considering the lack
of money and organisation. Collections were made at
many of the meetings, and small sums came from indi-
vidual sources, but most 'of the scant fund obtained for
1 A few years afterward Mr. Shevitch accepted a position in Russia under
the Czar's government.
500 LIFE OP HENRY GEORGE [1886-1887
the campaign came from a fair held under the auspices
of the Anti-Poverty Society and the superintendence of
William T. Croasdale in Madison Square Garden during
the first three weeks in October.
All the while opposition was not asleep. The poli-
ticians in both the great parties considered that this elec-
tion involved the fate of Xew York, a pivotal State, in
the national contest the next year, and therefore were
bent on making strong party showings. The hierarchy of
the Catholic Church of New York City of course set the
seal of condemnation upon the new party and openly and
secretly stirred up opposition everywhere. But what
proved a great surprise to both George and McGlynn was
that Patrick Ford broke with them and took the side of
the Catholic Church authorities. He set aside the under-
lying land question, upon which in the past Henry George
himself had not taken more radical ground, nor given a
deeper foundation in ethics. He ignored the fact that
Dr. McGlynn had on his invitation in 1882 made the very
speeches that brought the first censures of the ecclesias-
tical authorities. He made no distinction between the
officers or human representatives of the Church, whom
they opposed, and the doctrines or spiritual part of the
Church, which they did not oppose. He professed a con-
tinuance of personal friendliness to both men, but said that
he must separate himself from their public course because
they were warring on the Catholic Church. He set forth
his views in three long, signed, double-leaded articles in
the "Irish World," special editions of which were distrib-
uted widely over the State.
Then, too, George's attitude towards the socialists and
the Chicago anarchists, while losing what support their
small numbers represented, together with the far wider
and more important support they were able to influence for
Age, 47-48] THE CHICAGO ANARCHISTS 501
the time being by charging him with mean motives, 1 did
not draw to him the privileged classes, who had the year
before charged him with preaching blood and revolution.
But notwithstanding opposition his courageous, san-
guine nature soared. He was filled with high hopes.
Neither the Democratic candidate for Secretary of State,
1 Mr. George wrote after election (November 25) to C. D. F. Giitschow
of San Francisco, the German translator of "Progress and Poverty":
"I have no doubt whatever that the notion that I had turned on the
socialists as a mere matter of policy was widely disseminated among our
German population and did me harm, for this was the socialists' per-
sistent cry through their German papers, and I had no way of correcting
it The truth, however, is just the reverse. Beginning about January
of this year, they made the most persistent efforts to force socialistic doc-
trines upon us. I did not resist, and refused even to enter into con-
troversy with them until it became absolutely necessary. There was no
alternative other than to consent to have the movement ranked as a
socialistic movement or to split with the socialists. Although this lost
us votes for the present, I am perfectly certain that it will prove of ad-
vantage in the long run. Policy, however, did not enter into my calcu-
lations ; I was only anxious to do the right thing.
"Second, as to the anarchists. The article to which you refer
[averring that the accused men had not had a fair trial], published in the
second issue of the paper, was not written by me, but by a gentleman in
whom I have confidence, Mr. Louis F. Post. The opinion there ex-
pressed was my opinion, simply because I had received it from him, until
I found that the Supreme Court of Illinois had made a unanimous deci-
sion. Our bench is not immaculate, but I could not believe that every
one of seven men, with the responsibility of life and death hanging over
him, could unjustly condemn these men. In spite of all pressure I re-
fused to say anything about the matter until I had a chance to somewhat
examine it for myself, and a reading of the decision of the Supreme Court
convinced me, as it did everyone else whom I got to read it, that the men
had not been condemned, as I had previously supposed, for mere opinion
and general utterances. Not satisfied, however, with this, I sought the
opinion of Judge Maguire, who expressed the same opinion which you say
he has expressed in California. At my earnest request he said he would
read the papers. The result on his mind you see in the last copy of ' The
Standard' (November 19, letter of Judge Maguire to S. R. M .) [His
502 LIFE OF HENEY GEOEGE [1886-1887
Fred. Cook, nor the Republican candidate, Colonel Fred.
D. Grant, son of the late General U. S. Grant, made any
particular canvass; whereas George spoke everywhere and
to large audiences. He therefore became confident, as
did those about him, of a big vote he hoped 150,000.
But fate decreed otherwise. He received only 72,000
votes, as against 459,000 for the Republican and 480,000
for the Democratic candidate, respectively. In New York
City he received less than 38,000, as against 68,000 the
year before. Louis F. Post, who was candidate for Dis-
trict Attorney on the local or county ticket of the labour
party, was with Mr. George when news of the crushing
defeat came. He has said:
"He and I went to the Astor House to watch the re-
turns on the 'Herald' bulletins across the way. They
were frightfully disappointing. It was soon evident to
both of us that the United Labour Party movement had
that day collapsed. In that frame of mind we went up-
town, and just as our car was about to start, we standing
on the front platform, I said : 'Well, George, do you see
the hand of the Lord in this?' He looked at me with
an expression of simple confidence which I shall never
forget, and answered : 'No, I don't see it ; but it's there/
Then he went on to say how he had thought a way of
bringing back the people to the land had opened in the
labour campaign of the preceding year, but now that
way had closed; yet another way would open, and when
that closed still another, until the Lord's will on earth
would be done."
finding was that the condemned anarchists were "all guilty of wilful,
deliberate, premeditated murder."]
"It is in the nature of things that the man who acts solely by con-
science must often be misunderstood and seem to others as if he were
acting from low motives, when in reality he is acting from the highest.
This cannot be avoided, but I so much value your esteem and friendship
that I want to make this personal explanation to you."
Age, 47-48] THE HAND OF THE LORD 503
Mr. George left the car to go to the labour party
headquarters. There he found a crowd of men struck
dumb and utterly disheartened with the defeat. He
sprang upon the platform and words of hope and courage
came from him, which loosed in his hearers a flood of
emotions that showed themselves in frantic cheer on cheer
and a pressing forward to grasp the leader's hands.
CHAPTEE X.
PEOGRESS THROUGH DISSENSIONS.
1887-1889. AGE, 48-50.
""WTTHO is there to whom 'years have brought the phil-
T T osophic mind/ who, looking back over his own
career, may not see how often what seemed at the time to
be disaster has really proved a blessing in disguise; that
opportunity has come out of disappointment; and that
the thing which he at the moment most strove to gain
would have proved the thing which it would have been
worst for him to have?"
Thus wrote Henry George in "The Standard" immedi-
ately after the election of 1887. He expected a new hope
to rise out of the great defeat. It was a repetition of
the thought he had uttered to Louis F. Post on election
night, that, though the old road had closed, a new way
would open. And the new way did open within a few
weeks, for President Cleveland sent to Congress a mes-
sage advising a reduction of the tariff. It was not a
free trade message; it expressly repudiated free trade.
It was the weak little cry of "tariff reform." But it was a
crack in the tariff dike that discussion would wear larger.
The hitherto dominant rings and reactionary protection-
ist powers inside the Democratic party, and Mr. Elaine
and the Republicans outside, made dire threats against
504
Age, 48-50] TAEIFF ISSUE RAISED 505
this policy. But the President was firm. He prepared
for a hard, stubborn fight. This could only be educa-
tional and bear upon the campaign in the fall of 1888,
as a Eepublican Senate stood ready to checkmate any-
thing the Democratic House of ^Representatives might
choose to do in the matter.
This laying aside of the old war issues and raising the
tariff question was precisely what Henry George had
hoped for since 1876, when he made free trade speeches
in California for Tilden, and to bring on which he sev-
eral years later wrote "Protection or Free Trade?" For
the abolition of the tariff was necessary to establish the
single tax as a national policy. And because parties at
all times had been nothing to him, but principles every-
thing, he quickly announced that while he thought it
unwise for single taxers to commit themselves to a line
of policy so far in advance of possible changes in the
political situation, yet it seemed to him that he would
have to vote with the Democratic party and support Cleve-
land should Cleveland be renominated and should he con-
tinue his assault on the tariff.
Post, Croasdale, Johnson, Lewis, Shearman, Garrison
of Massachusetts, Maguire of California and a great num-
ber of active single taxers in New York and over the
country viewed the matter in the same light; and many
so expressed themselves in "The Standard."
But there were others who wished to avoid the tariff
issue. They desired to put an independent single tax
candidate in the field. Some of these had left the Ee-
publican party, yet thought little good could come from
the Democratic party. Others, headed by John Mc-
Mackin and Gaybert Barnes, plainly said they favoured
an independent campaign in the "doubtful" States of
Connecticut, New York, New Jersey and Indiana. When
506 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1887-1889
drawn into the debate in the columns of "The Standard"
over the matter, Mr. George said that this did not look
like standing up even for the single tax, but rather like
leading the "United Labour Party into the same igno-
minious death trap into which Butler led the Greenback-
Labour Party" in 1884 Butler going into the field osten-
sibly as an independent candidate, but towards the end
of the canvass showing an undisguised purpose to defeat
the Democratic candidate, Cleveland, and elect the Ke-
publican candidate, Blaine.
This independent movement probably would have had
no standing whatever but for the support of Dr. McGlynn.
He had made speeches for Cleveland in 1884 and was
still on friendly terms with him. Moreover, he was a
thorough free trader. But he could not endure the idea
of even the loosest kind of an alliance with Tammany
Hall, the representative of Democracy in New York City.
Tammany Hall had worked hand in hand with Archbishop
Corrigan and his advisers in seeking to crush the land
or single tax movement and those who headed it. Hence
association with it was for him intolerable.
Barnes and McMackin had control of the central ma-
chinery of what was left of the United Labour Party.
They also controlled the executive committee of the Land
and Labour clubs. The names of both of these organi-
sations were used in February in a call for a national
convention. George was aspersed for refusing to join.
And here, indeed, to the superficial was the spectacle of
the prime mover in the single tax cause refusing to con-
tinue in the direct line of the single tax movement. Fric-
tion was bound to arise, and friction did arise, between
those who were for George's policy and those against it.
A split occurred in the Anti-Poverty Society. Not to
make scandal, Mr. George and his supporters withdrew.
Age, 48-50] ANTI-POVERTY SPLIT 507
At this time, when feeling among single taxers all over
the country was running high, Mrs. Frances M. Milne,
the California poet, wrote a letter of approval to "The
Standard" office in which, quoting a taunt that Henry
George "belonged to a party," she exclaimed: "Belonged
to a party! No! not even a nation, not even an era
can claim him he belongs to the world ! to all time !"
Mr. George replied (March 7, 1888), and none but Mrs.
Milne saw this letter till after his death :
"I am very glad to know that you approve of my
course, and I thank you for your good opinion; but, to
speak frankly, I do not like the extravagance of your
praise. This is not affectation. Such praise is the
deadliest poison that can be offered to the human soul,
and were I ever to accept it, my power would soon be
gone. What power I have had comes from the fact that
I know my own weakness; and when duty lay on me,
have neither feared blame nor sought praise. If you
shall survive me, as in the order of nature will be the
case, then, when you have heard that I am dead, and it
can be said of me, he 'has fought the good fight, he has
kept the faith/ write me a requiem song of gladness and
hope." *
Before the Presidential battle opened other things of
prime importance to Mr. George occurred. In January,
1888, "The Standard" had entered its second year. With
subsidence of the excitement arising from Dr. McGlynn's
excommunication and the State campaign, the circulation
ran down to between 20,000 and 25,000. Though this
was several times as large as other weeklies that were re-
garded as "good advertising mediums," its radical doc-
1 A few days after his death a requiem by Mrs. Milne, entitled "From
the Battle," appeared in the San Francisco "Star."
508 LIFE OF HENET GEOEGE [1887-1889
trines made advertisers shy and the journal had to fol-
low the pathway of the elder Garrison's "Liberator" and
of almost all social reform papers (go almost without ad-
vertising the mainstay of a newspaper). It was being
read by thinking people in the various walks of life and
was having strong intellectual influence; but its large
staff was expensive and Mr. George was financially draw-
ing less and less from it. Lecturing, however, now began
to yield something, yet this, like his books, did not return
what many of his friends doubtless supposed. Only the
year before (January 29, 1887), he wrote to his friend
Giitschow of San Francisco:
"That you should share in the notion that I have
made so much money somewhat surprises me and not a
little amuses. I allow all such newspaper statements to
go uncontradicted and do not publish my real condition
to the world; but the truth is, I have made very little
out of my books a few hundred dollars a year, that is
all. With the exception of $2,000 I got for the English
edition of 'Social Problems,' I have had almost nothing
from abroad and I am not a good saver, and besides
my living expenses, have large demands to meet. But
the net truth is that on the day I started 'The Standard'
I was some thousands of dollars poorer than when I left
San Francisco, owing that much more money. The sort
of work that I have done does not pay. In lecturing, for
instance, I have never made anything. The times that
I have lectured for nothing and given up my fee have
eaten up all I got in at other times. I merely mention
this that you may know the real truth."
Mr. George sacrificed his copyrights or gave away books
whenever he thought one or the other would help to
spread his principles; and as for lecturing, he wrote to
his wife from the West in 1887: "The working class
won't come to high priced lectures and there is not enough
Age, 48-50] THE HUTCHINS' BEQUEST 509
of the other." At another time he wrote: "I can't go
around assessing the people." 1 Happily this improved
with time, for his pay lectures became increasingly at-
tended. Yet 1888 was like many a year preceding one
of financial concern. Mr. George removed "The Stand-
ard" office up-town to 12 Union Square, and his residence
from Harlem to East Nineteenth Street, the one in this
way being brought within a short walk of the other.
What may have widened the belief that Henry George
enjoyed ample means were frequent references in the
newspapers to his obtaining a substantial bequest, some
setting the figures as high as $30,000. Cynics marked
how the philosopher "progressed from poverty." The
truth of the matter is that this bequest, first and last,
brought little but expense and trouble.
George Hutchins of Ancora, Camden Co., New Jersey,
a retired farmer, dying in the fall of 1886, left the bulk
of an estate officially appraised at something less than
$10,000 to Henry George in trust for the dissemination
of the George books. Mr. George had never before heard
of this man, but regarded the bequest as a sign of the
times and was prepared to enter upon the terms of the
trust, when he learned from the widow that she had not
been adequately provided for. Concluding that the en-
tire estate was not more than she morally ought to have,
he took legal advice with the view of refusing, in her
favour, the bequest to him. But he found this step to
be impossible, for the collateral heirs opposed. Indeed,
they wished to break the will, hoping thereby to get two-
thirds of the estate for themselves. They brought action
!0ne of these letters to Mrs. George calls attention to a marked char-
acteristicpreoccupation. "I flatter myself," he wrote, "that I lost
nothing until to-night, when I found I had left my nice new dress
boots somewhere."
510 LIFE OF HENRY GEOEGE [1887-1889
and saddled big expenses for lawyer's fees upon the estate.
Vice-Chancellor Bird in May, 1888, held the will void
on the ground that Mr. George's books were opposed to
public policy in declaring private property in land to be
robbery. 1 Mr. George was indignant and disgusted over
this condemnation of his principles, but notwithstanding
his desire to vindicate them, he offered to forego appeal
if the collateral heirs would allow the property to go to
the widow. They refused. He therefore appealed and
won, 2 his attorneys at this stage being James F. Minturn,
Corporation Attorney of Hoboken, N. J., and L. A. Bus-
sell of Cleveland, 0., neither of whom, as Mr. George
himself said, "asked nor received even the cost of print-
ing their briefs." Mr. George then tried to have the
widow made trustee in his stead. Failing in this, he in-
structed his attorney not to oppose any claims made by
her, and her share was thereby largely increased at the
expense of the bequest. This left Mr. George as trustee
a claim to the real estate (which he made over for nothing
to Mrs. Hutchins) and $584 from the personal property.
This money had been paid for him to John T. Woodhull
of Camden, his former attorney. Woodhull handed
George $256, of which the latter gave $70 to the widow
and retained $186, to pay for the actual cost of paper,
presswork and mailing of some of his books to fulfill the
letter of the bequest. But George had to bring suit
against Woodhull to recover money still in the latter's
hands, and this suit dragged along for several years. The
sequel came in 1892, when Mrs. Hutchins, the childless
widow, was forced upon public charity. Her mind had
been weakened by her troubles, and she had lost every
1 Hutchins vs. George, 44 N. J. Equity Reports, p. 124.
a William S. Braddock exec. vs. George, 45 N. J. Equity Reports, p. 757.
Age, 48-50] CLEVELAND'S CAMPAIGN 511
penny she had obtained under the will and through Mr.
George's efforts. The announcement was made in some
of the newspapers that the woman whose husband had left
Henry George $30,000 was in the almshouse! But this
was corrected as soon as the real facts became known.
Mr. George now quietly sent little sums of money for the
care of the heartsick and brain- weary old woman; and
when she died, which she did soon afterwards, he bore
the expense of her simple interment in a grave beside her
husband at Ancora.
But to go back to 1888: Grover Cleveland, despite
strong opposition of the protectionists in the party, was
renominated by the Democrats for the presidency, with
United States Senator Allen G. Thurman of Indiana for
the vice-presidency. Ex-United States Senator Benja-
min Harrison of Indiana and Levi P. Morton of New
York, were the Kepublican candidates. In his letter of
acceptance, Cleveland stood by his guns, and the tariff
became the main issue in the fight. "The Standard" went
with might and main for absolute free trade. Mr. George
made a number of speeches in New York State and sev-
eral in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, and he and his
friends held a series of crowded mass meetings in Cooper
Union. One of these latter meetings was of unusual na-
ture in politics. The entire time was devoted by Mr.
George to answering questions from the audience on the
tariff issue. Another of these meetings marked the ap-
pearance of William Lloyd Garrison, the younger, in the
cause. He had come to be interested in the single tax
question by reading the controversy with the Duke of
Argyll. He subsequently said:
"It was at Cooper Union in New York, August 27,
1888, at a great free trade meeting, that I formally and
publicly declared my adherence to the cause, unreserv-
612 LIFE OP HENRY GEORGE [1887-1889
edly joining the ranks of the workers who are to know no
pause or rest while life and strength persist. The bap-
tism was complete. Thereafter, it was my privilege to
stand on many platforms by the side of Henry George;
to share the intimacy of his home, and to use my tongue
and pen in behalf of the new abolition."
In these and other ways the single taxers carried on
such a vigorous, radical canvass in support of Cleve-
land 1 as to make the moderate Democrats murmur, "de-
liver us from our friends" and to cause the Democratic
managers in New York to give out as a marching refrain
in the party parade the lines
"Don't, don't, don't be afraid,
Tariff reform is not free trade/'
Mr. George believed that this timid, defenceless posi-
tion of the Democratic managers and lack of radical,
aggressive tactics was the cause of Cleveland's defeat, just
as a similar timidity had defeated Hancock in 1880. But
looking beyond individual success or failure, he believed
that the fight had brought the people face to face with
the taxation question and helped to make way for their
education on the single tax. As he had expected, Cowdrey
and Wakefield, the United Labour Party's candidates for
the presidency and vice-presidency had got an insignifi-
cant vote in New York and Brooklyn, its strongest cen-
tres, less than eighteen hundred. It was charged that
some of the managers had openly worked for the Eepub-
lican candidate on election day. Perhaps the charge was
made with reason, as one of the early acts of the new ad-
1 Such was the enthusiasm among single taxers that Silas M. Burroughs
crossed the Atlantic expressly to vote for Mr. Cleveland.
Age, 48-50] PROGRESS OVER SEA 513
ministration was to appoint several of the leading man-
agers of the United Labour Party to Federal office.
There had been a year of hard work for Henry George.
His English friend, William Saunders, M.P., who was
about to return to London after a short business visit in
the United States, invited Mr. George to take a run with
him across the sea for a change of scene. Mr. George
accepted, and left soon after the election. But, as he
wrote back to "The Standard" : "When I heard the shouts
from the approaching tender in Southampton and saw the
placards of 'Welcome/ and still more when, at the Water-
loo Station, the surging crowds of Mr. Saunders' con-
stituents, who had been waiting from two o'clock in the
afternoon till half past ten at night, pressed round us,
I realised that I should not get much rest in England."
In the four years since he had last been there the
truths he held so dear had made great progress towards
the last of those three stages into which the progress of
an idea has been divided, viz. : I It is too ridiculous to
be considered; II It is against religion; III We al-
ways knew it. One striking sign of this progress ap-
peared in the form of a text-book on political economy.
It was by Professor J. E. Symes of University College,
Nottingham, England, and was written from the single
tax point of view. Another unmistakable sign was that
in starting a daily newspaper in London, "The Star,"
T. P. O'Connor, one of Mr. Parnell's most brilliant par-
liamentary supporters, announced in his salutatory the
"taxation of ground values" (the term used in England for
single tax) to be one of the basic principles of the paper.
Still a third sign was the utterance of Lord Chief Justice
Coleridge in an address to the Scottish Judicial Society
the year before, in which, speaking with reference to the
land laws of the United Kingdom, he was reported as
514 LIFE OF HENRY GEOEGE
[1887-1889
saying: "These may be for the general advantage, and
if they can be shown to be so, by all means they should
be maintained; but if not, does any man with any-
thing he is pleased to call his mind deny that a state
of law under which mischief can exist, under which
the country itself would exist not for its people but for
a mere handful of them, ought to be instantly and abso-
lutely set aside?" Yet a fourth sign was an interview
with Count Leon Tolstoi which appeared in the "Pall
Mall Gazette." In it the great Eussian moralist said:
"In thirty years private property in land will be as much a
thing of the past as now is serfdom. England, America
and Eussia will be the first to solve the problem. . . .
Henry George had formulated the next article in the pro-
gramme of the progressist Liberals of the world."
But without these and many similar signs, the size,
character and warmth of the assemblages before which
Henry George spoke during his short stay in Great Britain
must have been to the most casual observer an unmistak-
able indication of the set and strength of the tide of
thought. He addressed a gathering of clergymen of the
Established Church in Zion College under the auspices
of the Guild of St. Matthew, of which Eev. Stewart D.
Headlam was chief spirit; the congregation of Eev. Dr.
Parker at the midweek service in the City Temple; a
conference of Congregational ministers in Memorial Hall,
on invitation of Albert Spicer; a meeting of the Knights
of Labour at Smethwick, near Birmingham; a meeting
of the Council of the Financial Eeform Association at
Liverpool, by whom he was presented with an engrossed
address; a mixed audience in the City Hall, Glasgow;
another at Lambeth Baths, London, and an assemblage of
banqueting friends before leaving. It was at the Lambeth
meeting that he uttered the pithy sentence which has since
Mrs. George.
From photograph taken in 1898.
Age, 48-50] IN THE BRITISH ISLES 515
been much quoted: "Don't buy the landlords out, don't
kick them out, but tax them out."
So strong seemed the effect of the two weeks' visit, that
the friends in Great Britain Saunders, Walker, Durant,
Burroughs, McGhee and the others pressed Mr. George
to return very soon and make an extended speaking trip. 1
This he consented to do. His stay in the United States
was therefore short. After some lecturing in the West;
an address on taxation matters, in company with Tom
L. Johnson and Thomas G. Shearman, before an inves-
tigating committee of the Ohio legislature; and attend-
ence at a tariff reform conference in Chicago as a delegate
from the New York Free Trade Club, Mr. George early
in March (1889) returned to England, accompanied by
his wife, his two daughters and Miss Cranford, daughter
of John P. Cranford of Brooklyn.
Measuring his strength by his zeal, Mr. George laid out
an immense amount of work for himself. In addition
to lecturing almost nightly and meeting and talking with
great numbers of people, he planned to write weekly let-
ters to "The Standard." He spoke through the length
and breadth of Great Britain and twice in Ireland. His
audiences were no larger than on the former trips, but
their character was different. He said at the reception
given to him on his return home:
"The temper of the audience had changed. It was
not this time to hear a strange thing that they gathered ;
it was to hear something of which they had more than an
inkling. And the men who took part who came for-
1 At the New York welcome meeting to Mr. George on his return from
Great Britain, Louis F. Post announced that an enthusiastic single taxer
who had selected the name of Henry George for a new comer expected in
his family, had found it necessary, on the development of events, to com-
promise on the name Henrietta Georgina.
516 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1887-1889
ward to occupy the chairs sat on the platform to move
the votes of thanks that are customary there on such
occasions were men who formerly would not have
thought of being in such a place. They were, generally
speaking, the local notables, the file leaders, the active
workers, as we here would say, of the Eadical wing of the
Liberal party. . . . Our ideas are in the air; men
get them without knowing where they come from; men
get them without thinking they are getting them, and
men get them who still look upon us as cranks and vi-
sionaries. Mr. Henry Labouchere, M.P., for instance,
recently declared in a speech to his constituents that he
was not such a visionary as Henry George. He did not
propose to take the land from the landlords and rent it
out again. What he was in favour of was putting a
tax upon land values!"
The first lecture was on the Eighth Commandment and
was delivered in a London Church Camberwell Green
Chapel, Albert Spicer in the chair and the last was on
the world-wide land question in the Dublin Rotunda,
Michael Davitt in the chair and making a straight-out
single tax speech in introduction. "Heckling" on this,
as on the former trips, was a distinct feature. We may
pause for a moment for a glimpse of a meeting showing
Mr. George's characteristics a meeting of Welsh miners
at Eica. He opened in this way:
"Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : I shall gladly
answer any questions after my lecture, but 'turn about
is fair play.' Let me ask you a few questions first.
How much can a collier earn? (A voice: 'From 20s. to
25s.') For how long? ('All the year round.') How
much does that come to? ('Between 60 to 70.')
Well, for 60 to 70 a year a collier can get steady work
by risking his life and limb. It is not an easy occupa-
tion, I suppose? ('No.') And coal miners don't live
Age, 48-50] SPEAKING ANECDOTES 517
as long as Lord Chancellors? (Laughter. A voice:
'Not usually.') But men get used to anything. It is
no wonder that people worship snakes, that human sac-
rifices are made, that women's feet are squeezed so that
they cannot walk. I believe we could do all this if we
were only educated to it. Look at the advent of the
steam-engine, the railway, the telegraph, the sewing
machine. Everywhere around us we see amazing things
invented by the ingenuity of man to facilitate produc-
tion, to lighten labour. All these things should have
increased wages. But they cannot have increased wages
if colliers can earn only 60 to 70 a year. Prof. Thor-
old Eogers of Oxford University told me last night that
after making calculations of the purchasing value of
money in the reign of Henry VIII. and that of to-day,
he found that the labourers in those days had 145 a
year. In those days when neither skill nor science had
advanced to help mankind, they got as much and more
than labourers get to-day."
Here is a passage from a lecture in the Town Hall at
Aston-under-Lyne, England (Rev. Thomas Green, M.A.,
Chairman of the Liberal Association, presiding), that put
the audience in roars of laughter.
"The man who owns the land, owns the air as well.
(Laughter and applause.) . . . There has been
only one attempt that I have ever heard of to make air
separately property. . . . Near Strasburg, in Ger-
many, about the 12th or 13th century, there was a con-
vent of monks, who put up a windmill. One of the lords
in that neighbourhood they would be called robbers
now (cheers) finding he could not get any tribute
from them, set up a claim to the ownership of the air,
and when they put up their windmill said, 'All the wind
in these parts belongs to me.' (Laughter.) The monks
sent in hot haste to the bishop, and told him of this
claim. The bishop 'got up on his hind legs' (laughter)
and cursed in ecclesiastical language. (Renewed
518 LIFE OP HENRY GEORGE [1887-1889
laughter.) He said the baron was a son of Belial; that
he did not own the wind in that province; that all the
wind that blew over it belonged to Mother Church
(laughter) and that if the baron did not take back his
demand for rent, he would launch with bell, book and
candle the curse of Rome. (Laughter.) Mr. Baron
backed down. But if he had owned the land he would
not have needed to set up a claim to the wind. Men
cannot breathe the air unless they have land to stand
on."
In Richard McGhee's words, "Henry George made a
triumphant march through Scotland/' The chief event
was in the City Hall, Glasgow, where on Sunday evening
April 28, Mr. George delivered a sermon on the subject
of "Thy Kingdom Come," under the auspices of the
Henry George Institute. Rev. J. M. Cruikshanks of St.
Rollox United Presbyterian church, assisted by two choirs,
conducted the services. Scarcely another person could
have squeezed into the large hall. 1
I Among the more notable events during Mr. George's
'appearance in London were two debates one in St.
James's hall with Henry M. Hyndman, the accomplished
socialist, and the other at the National Liberal Club with
Samuel Smith, M.P., the highly esteemed Liverpool bene-
factor, who defended established interests. Hyndman
reprobated the single tax for making no attempt to abol-
ish industrial competition; Smith opposed it as immoral.
In each case time was so brief that Mr. George contented
himself merely with presenting the chief postulates of
the single tax doctrine.
A respite from the hard work came towards the end of
1 This sermon, like many other of his Scottish' addresses, was later
printed in tract form by the Scottish Land Restoration League, and scat-
tered broadcast through Scotland. _,
Age, 48-50] THE PARIS CONFERENCE 519
the tour when, accompanied by his family and by a party
of English, Scottish, Irish and American friends, Mr.
George went to Paris to join in a land reform conference
that Michael Flurscheim of Germany, an energetic land
reformer, availing himself of the encouraging auspices
held out by the management of the exposition then in
progress in the French capital, had got up at short notice.
The conference was in no sense a single tax gathering. 1
All shades of opinion were represented and half a dozen
tongues. The latter fact put Mr. George at much disad-
vantage, since he could speak only his native language.
Nevertheless he met Michael Flurscheim of Germany,
Agathon de Potter of Belgium and Jan Stoffel of Hol-
land; the Frenchmen G. Eug. Simon, author of "The
Chinese City," M. A. Toubeau, Professor Charles Gamier
and Charles Longuet of the Paris City Council, besides
other men of continental thought and action, who were
interesting both for their personalities and views. M.
Toubeau especially invited attention by showing that land
ownership in France was more concentrated than had been
the case before the great revolution.
Mr. George had deep private anxieties at this time.
Almost as soon as the family reached Paris the eldest
daughter was taken down with a malignant form of scar-
let fever and had a slow recovery. But the more lasting
anxiety came from "The Standard" office in New York.
For more than a year Mr. George's eldest son had been
acting as managing editor of the paper. But the staff,
1 "Progress and Poverty " had been translated into most of the European
languages, and except in France, was getting attention, though as yet
few advocates had appeared. The French translation, made by P. L.
Le Monnier, had been published the year before, and the translation of
" Protection or Free Trade ? " by Louis Vossion, French Consul at Phila-
delphia, about the same time j but neither work sold widely.
520 LIFE OP HENRY GEOEGE [1887-1889
composed of strong, masterful men with individual per-
sonalities and opinions, and brought together by Henry
George himself, was not as a whole to be controlled by
his son or by any one else. Discord soon began to brew
in the chiefs absence, and T. L. McCready and J. W.
Sullivan, each of whom in his own way had done telling
work in the columns of the paper, went outside and pub-
lished in a weekly just started by Hugh 0. Pentecost what
Mr. George regarded as an attack upon the policy of
"The Standard." Mr. McCready did not wait for Mr.
George's return to withdraw from "The Standard," but
Mr. Sullivan nominally remained and was dismissed.
Two months and a half later he published in the Pentecost
paper a long article entitled "A Collapse of Henry
George's Pretensions," which began with abuse and ended
with a charge that "Progress and Poverty" was based
upon Patrick Edward Dove's "The Theory of Human
Progression." Mr. George would have ignored the article
as unworthy of attention had not the charge of plagiar-
ism been extensively noticed in the press and elsewhere.
He therefore reprinted the Sullivan article in "The Stand-
ard" (October 19, 1889), passed over the abuse, and an-
swered the remainder by showing the absurdity of the
charge on its face and by pointing out that if similarity
of thought and priority of authorship on Dove's part had
proved George a plagiarist, then the same reasoning would
prove Dove to have copied from Herbert Spencer, who
wrote similarly and earlier; it would likewise prove that
Spencer stole from William Ogilvie, Professor of Humani-
ties in Kings College, Aberdeen, from 1765 to 1819;
that Ogilvie took from Thomas Spenee of Newcastle-on
Tyne, who wrote an essay on the subject in 1775; and
so on. Then Mr. George made a direct denial in these
words :
Age, 48-50] CHARGE OF PLAGIARISM 521
"When I first came to see what is the root of our social
difficulties and how this fundamental wrong might be
cured in the easiest way by concentrating taxes on land
values, I had worked out the whole thing for myself
without conscious aid that I can remember, unless it
might have been the light I got from Bissett's 'Strength
of Nations' as to the economic character of the feudal
system. When I published 'Our Land and Land Policy,'
I had not even heard of the Physiocrats and the impot
unique. But I knew that if it was really a star I had
seen, others must have seen it, too. And so with 'Pro-
gress and Poverty.' I said in that book that it would
come to many to whom it would seem like the echo of their
own thoughts. And beyond what I then knew, I was
certain that there must have been others before me who
saw the same essential truths. And as I have heard of
such men one after the other, I have felt that they gave
but additional evidences that we were indeed on the true
track, and still more clearly showed that though against
us were ignorance and power, yet behind us were hope
and faith and the wisdom of the ages the deepest and
clearest perceptions of man."
This ended the controversy.
CHAPTER XL
AUSTRALIA AND AROUND THE WORLD.
1890. AGE, 51.
TTTHILE in England in the fall of 1889, Mr. George
? T had met Charles L. Garland, member of the New
South Wales Parliament and President of the Sydney
Single Tax Association. Mr. Garland travelled about with
Mr. George for a short time and made some speeches from
the same platforms. He brought urgent entreaties to Mr.
George to arrange for a lecture tour through the Austra-
lian Colonies, such as had repeatedly been made through
Great Britain. "Progress and Poverty" and the other
books had been extensively circulated, discussion of eco-
nomic subjects was on and all things seemed ripe for a
big harvest. Letters bearing the same burden reached
Mr. George after he had returned to New York, so that he
concluded to go to Australia. He arranged to start in
January of the new year.
Since his early boyhood, Australia had been a country
of peculiar interest to him. At fifteen he had sailed to
Melbourne, then famous for its gold discoveries. Since
his manhood Australia obtained and held his admiration
as a country of progressive thought and action; the home
of the secret ballot system in advance of the rest of the
world; the land where railroads and telegraphs are pub-
622
Age, 51] STARTS FOR AUSTRALIA 523
licly owned and operated, where savings banks and a par-
cels express service are part of the postal system, and
where many other things are done as a matter of course
by the public which in many other countries would seem
revolutionary.
Mr. George arranged to write letters for "The Stand-
ard" as frequently as lecturing and the mails would per-
mit, but as a matter of fact, the campaign in Australia
proved to be so extraordinarily exacting that he was able
to write only irregularly and briefly.
The route lay by way of San Francisco. Mrs. George
accompanied him on this trip to her native Australia,
he playfully calling it their honeymoon. The truth was
that he had grown so dependent upon her companionship
that he would no longer consent to go far without her.
On the other hand, his preoccupation needed her atten-
tion, for she wrote back from St. Louis to their children:
"Your father this far on the journey has changed his
own for other people's hats only five times !"
Mr. George spoke at Bradford, Pennsylvania; Den-
ver, Colorado; and Los Angeles, California, on the way
to the Golden Gate. In each city he had large, appre-
ciative audiences. He also was induced during the few
hours' lie over in St. Louis, where they stopped to see
Sister Teresa, Mrs. George's sister, to accept a reception
and six o'clock dinner at one of the large commercial
clubs. It was a shining success, many of the representa-
tive men of the city being present, and as Mr. Keeler,
one of the managers on the occasion, sententiously said,
"twenty-five million dollars sitting down to table." All
along the line of travel across country friends came troop-
ing to the stations to greet the traveller, invariably bring-
ing word of progress by personal propaganda.
One of these incidents had a touch of pathos. It was
524 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE
in the Glorietta Mountains, in New Mexico, on the Santa
Fe road. The train stopped at nightfall for dinner at a
wretched little station in the barren country. As Mr.
and Mrs. George got off, a tall, thin man, with long,
ragged, grizzled beard approached and welcomed them.
But the stranger had to make some explanation before
Mr. George recognised him as a Methodist minister whom
he had met some years before farther East. "Yes," said
the clergyman, "I came West for my lungs, and now I
am going to die of heart disease in this thin atmosphere.
But while I am still here I propose to do all I can for the
cause. Go in to dinner, and when you come out your
disciples will be here to greet you." And when the trav-
ellers came from the repast they found the clergyman
waiting, and with him five other men, one of them a train
hand. There in that lonely place in the mountains they
were doing what they could to preach to whomsoever came
their way the doctrine of equal rights.
When Mr. George entered California all the papers of
the State talked of him in complimentary terms and of
the name he had won in the world; and they did not
leave off until he had sailed for Australia. A party of
San Franciscans went to Martinez and boarded the train,
and filled the car so full that the rest of the passengers
considerately withdrew to other cars. Henry George was
very happy sitting with his old comrades about him, lis-
tening and laughing over the stories they poured out.
Dr. Taylor with moistened eyes whispered to Mrs. George :
"Look at him. Not one bit spoiled by the world's hom-
age; just the same light-hearted boy!"
The time was fully occupied from the moment they
arrived in San Francisco on Tuesday to the moment of
sailing out through the Golden Gate on Saturday. Mr.
Gteorge lectured twice in San Francisco and once in Oak-
Age, 51] REACHES SAN FRANCISCO 525
land, made an address to a body of clergymen whom he
met at the San Francisco Y. M. C. A., and was enter-
tained at dinner at Delmonico's by his old-time friends.
The two San Francisco lectures, both in Metropolitan
Hall (formerly called Temple) were on Tuesday and Fri-
day nights, the first to a paid, general audience and the
second to a free audience of working men. Both were
successful in every respect. The building was packed
each time. One of the daily papers said that "for fully
five minutes after stepping to the front of the stage, Mr.
George looked upon a scene of wild applause." When
silence had come a breathless silence with a low trem-
bling voice, that almost broke from emotion the "Prophet
of San Francisco" the prophet who was being honoured
by his former fellow-townsmen, said:
"As I rise on this stage, the past comes back to me.
Twelve years ago it seems so far and yet so near
twelve years ago; when I was halt of speech; when to
face an audience, it seemed to me, required as much
courage as it would to face a battery I stood on this
platform to speak my first word in the cause for which
I stand now. I stood on this platform to see, instead
of the audience that greets me to-night, a beggarly
array of empty benches. It is a long time. Many
times, in this country and in the dear old world, I have
stood before far greater audiences than this. I have
been greeted by thousands who never saw me before,
as they would greet a friend long known and well
loved. But I don't think it ever gave me such pleasure
to stand before an audience as it does to stand here
to-night. (Applause.) For years and years I have
been promising myself to come back to San Francisco.
I have crossed the Atlantic five times before I could
fulfill that desire. I am here now to go in a few days
to the Antipodes; perhaps I may never return wno
knows? If I live I shall try to. But to San Fran-
526 LIFE OF HENEY GEORGE [1890
cisco, though I never again can be a citizen of Cali-
fornia though my path in life seems away so far
that California looks as but a ridge on the horizon
my heart has always turned, and always will turn, to
the home of my youth, to the city in which I grew up,
to the city in which I found so many warm friends to
the country in which I married and in which my chil-
dren were born. Always it will seem to me home ; and it
is sweet to the man long absent to be welcomed home.
"Aye, and you men, old friends, tried and true you
men who rallied in the early times to our movement,
when we could count each other almost as upon one's
fingers I come back to you to say that at last our
triumph is but a matter of time (applause) ; to say
that never in the history of thought has a movement
come forward so fast and so well.
"Ten years ago, when I left, I was anything but hope-
ful. Ten years ago I should not have dared to say that
in any time to which I might live, we should see the
beginning of this great struggle. Nor have I cared.
My part (and I think I can speak for every man who
is enlisted in this movement) my part has never been
to predict results. Our feeling is the feeling of the
great stoic emperor: 'That is the business of Jupiter;
not ours.' 'Tis ours to do the work as we may; ours
to plant the seed which is to give the results. But now,
so well forward is this cause ; so many strong advocates
has it in every land; so far has it won its way, that
now it makes no difference who lives or who dies, who
goes forward or who holds back. Now the currents of
the time are setting in our favour. At last at last,
we can say with certainty that it will be only a little
while before all over the English speaking world, and
then, not long after, over the rest of the civilised world,
the great truth will be acknowledged that no human
child comes into this world without coming into his
equal right with all."
The lecture was a finished one. It told upon those who
had not heard Henry George before, and with perhaps
Age, 51] IN SAN FRANCISCO 527
greater effect upon those who had known him at the be-
ginning of his speaking career. Judge Coffey wrote East:
"I was most gratified to find that Mr. George had devel-
oped such extraordinary capacity as a platform speaker."
The "Examiner" said of the lecture to working men:
"Hundreds unable to find seats stood in the aisles and
along the walls. Woollen shirted men sat side by side
with elegantly dressed women. The audience was thor-
oughly republican and cosmopolitan, and all the different
elements that went to make up the crowd were equally
enthusiastic, and the frequent applause shook the build-
ing."
All this demonstration over the returned San Francis-
can was like honey-dew to the souls of his old comrades
who clustered around him with every attention of affec-
tion. One of them tells how, while Mr. George stood on
Market Street talking with acquaintances, one beggar
after another came and asked him for money, which each
one got. Some one observed to the philosopher that he
was being imposed upon; that the men who were begging
were lazy good-for-nothing fellows who would not work.
"How can I tell about that ?" he answered ; "let the respon-
sibility for their actions rest upon them."
Amid the sincerely warm wishes of a crowd of friends
who came to the wharf to see them off, Mr. and Mrs.
George sailed on February 8 on the steamship Mariposa
for Sydney. The voyage to the Hawaiian Islands was
pleasant but uneventful, and the vessel stopped a whole
day at Honolulu, giving time for driving and sight-
seeing. Mrs. George was sadly affected by a change for
the worse in the general appearance of the city since her
childhood's residence there. The familiar places showed
the wreck of age, without the accompaniment of new build-
ings or improvements. But more significant than any-
528 LIFE OF HENRY GEOEGE
thing else was the large numher of Chinese, who seemed
to have pushed aside the Kanakas or effaced them by in-
termarriage. Mr. and Mrs. George were entertained at
dinner at Honolulu by a party of officers belonging to
the United States war vessels, Nipsic and Mohegan, most
of whom proclaimed themselves to be believers in the single
taxer.
Of still more importance was the stop at Auckland,
New Zealand. On setting foot ashore the Georges found
a party of friends at the wharf, who notified them that
the Anti-Poverty Society of Auckland had prepared an
illuminated address for presentation later in the day.
The travellers first drove to the residence of Sir George
Grey at Parnell and received a hearty welcome, for that
diplomatist and statesman had been one of the very first
among the eminent men of the world to read "Progress
and Poverty" and to hail its author. Mr. George wrote
to "The Standard" (February 28) :
"I was especially glad to meet him and to find his
eightieth year sitting on him so lightly. It is worth
going far to meet such a man, soldier, scholar, states-
man and political leader an aristocrat by birth, who
when hardly thirty wielded the powers of a dictator;
who has been four times governor of important colo-
nies in the most important crises of their affairs, and
then premier of the colony in which he made his home ;
who is yet an intense democrat, and who, unsoured by
disappointments and undaunted by defeats, retains in
the evening of life all the faith and hope that are com-
monly associated with youth. . . . What struck
me particularly in his conversation was not merely his
wealth of information of European as well as colonial
history and politics, but his earnest, religious tone, his
calm, firm conviction that this life is but a part of the
larger life beyond, and his deep interest in the well-
being of those who are yet to come."
Age, 51] SIR GEOEGE GREY 529
After luncheon Sir George drove his guests to one of
the Auckland hotels, where the members of the Anti-
Poverty Society had gathered. The complimentary ad-
dress was presented to Mr. George, and Sir George Grey
made a fine little speech, attesting his entire faith in the
gospel of the single tax. He and Mr. George conversed
until the very last moment of the stay, walking on the
wharf together while the captain considerately held the
ship something heyond her time. Mr. George promised
to return to New Zealand and lecture on the single tax, if
his Australian engagements would permit. But events
were against his carrying out this plan, for two weeks
after reaching Australia, he wrote hack to New York: "I
have spoken every night, Sundays included, and had I
been able to cut myself up into half a dozen, would still
have been unable fairly to meet and talk with those who
have come to see me and who have had interesting things
to say."
On the day of landing at Sydney, Mrs. George's native
city, there was an official reception at the town hall by
Mayor Sydney Burdekin, and a number of other city as
well as colonial dignitaries, irrespective of political par-
ties. Indeed, the Mayor himself was one of the largest
land-owners of Sydney, so that his action bespoke a broad,
generous mind. Mr. George had first to make a short
speech from a carriage to a dense throng before the
hall; and then when he entered and received the formal
welcome of the Mayor, he made a long speech, of which
this was a passage, as reported by the Sydney "Daily
Telegraph" :
" 'In 1883 I wrote an article in the "North American
Eeview" proposing the introduction of the Australian
system of voting in the United States, and I was warned
to beware of the action I was taking. But when I left
630 LITE OF HENRY GEORGE [U oo
my country a month ago ten States had adopted it,
and it is certain eventually to be carried in every one
of the forty-two States and to become the American
system. If you can teach us more, for God's sake teach
it. Advance Australia!' A thunder of applause fol-
lowed this declaration, which was delivered with an
effect at once remarkable and indescribable."
Then began a whirl of meetings, receptions, interviews
and handshakings, uninterrupted during the stay in Aus-
tralia, except while sleeping and travelling. Every one
showed the utmost kindness. Mrs. George wrote home:
"These people make Americans blush when thinking of
hospitality. ... I am at this moment sitting in a
bower of flowers."
The second night in Sydney the Single Tax League of
New South Wales honoured its guest with a banquet in
the town hall, with C. L. Garland, M.P., President of
the League, as toastmaster. Again the "Telegraph"
reports :
"Mr. George, who was received with enthusiastic and
long-continued cheering, said: 'I do not like these ban-
quets. To be stuffed first is not a good preparation for
making a speech, and for a man to sit and listen to
laudations such as the chairman has made is not pleas-
ant. (Laughter.) If I am here this night, if I am
here as an honoured guest; if I know this night that
go where I may over the civilised world, I would find
men who would gladly clasp hands with me if it has
been given to me to help forward a great movement
it is through no merit of mine; it is not from my
energy; it is not from my learning; it is not from my
ability it is from the simple fact that, seeing a great
truth, I swore to follow it. ("Hear, hear.") When
I found the duty to do, I determined that with all the
strength I could command, I would do it. ("Hear,
Age, 51] BANQUET IN SYDNEY 531
hear.") If I were to take to myself such flattering
things as have been said to me to-night, my usefulness
would soon be ended/ ''
The first formal lecture took place on Saturday night,
March 8, in Protestant Hall; a sermon followed next day
in Pitt Street Congregational Church, the site of Mrs.
George's childhood's home; and the next week was filled
with lectures in Exhibition Hall and other places. The
weather was unusually rainy, but the audiences were nev-
ertheless very large. People flocked from far and near;
and the newspapers, especially the "Telegraph," gave fine
reports and extended editorials.
The single taxers who had long been labouring in the
cold and with little to cheer them were now, as Mrs. George
wrote home, "fairly delirious with delight" over the unex-
pected platform abilities Mr. George exhibited and the
great public attention he awakened and held. "What is
all the crowd about," John Farrell said he heard one man
ask another outside the Pitt Street Church. "Oh, a nov-
elty that's all," was the reply; "there's a man in there
who is going to preach Christianity !" John Farrell and
John Eamsey, two burning single taxers, were among the
most brilliant writers in Australia. Another writer who
had carried the fiery cross, Frank Cotton, editor of the
Australian "Standard," wrote in his paper a fortnight or
so after the lecturing had begun:
"Of the great reformer himself, all must admit that
as a speaker and as a man he more than justifies all
our preconceived admiration. His genial manner and
outspoken democracy take the hearts of all true Austra-
lians by storm; and his infinite variety of illustration,
his incisive logic, and at times passionate eloquence,
stir his audience to laughter, to deep thought, or to
tears almost at his will. ... I have had the plea-
532 LITE OF HENRY GEOEGE
sure of hearing all his metropolitan utterances and al-
most every speech delivered in the country districts,
yet out of thirteen different orations, in no case was
there any repetition of words or phrases, although in
each the central truth was portrayed with the utmost
clearness."
What occurred in Sydney was repeated in all the lesser
towns of New South Wales in which Mr. George spoke,
and the experiences in the colony of New South Wales
were illustrations of what took place in the other colonies
of South Australia, Western Australia, Queensland and
Victoria. Few of the public officials appeared in Vic-
toria; but in the majority of places in the other colonies,
the mayor and aldermen led the prominent men of the
respective localities to tender hospitalities, one accom-
paniment of which in a number of places was the presen-
tation of handsome, illuminated addresses. At Newcas-
tle, N. S. W v Mr. George was entertained at luncheon by
the mayor and aldermen, and the mayors of eight or nine
small neighbouring towns were said to have been at the
board. Lithgow, a New South Wales mining town,
varied things somewhat by turning out with a brass band
and a torchlight procession. Nor were the smaller places
to be ignored; for one morning the train on which the
Georges were travelling unexpectedly stopped at a way
station. The breakfast station lay beyond, and Mr.
George, who always was impatient for breakfast, put his
head out of the window and asked: "What in heaven's
name are we stopping here for?" "It is the Mayor and
Aldermen who have obtained permission from the Com-
missioners to stop the train for ten minutes to read an
address to Mr. Henry George," some one said. And the
hungry, informal man, who hated such ceremonies, had
to get out and be honoured.
Age, 51] PREMIER OF QUEENSLAND 533
In Queensland, Sir Samuel Griffith, formerly Premier
and soon again to hold that office, was among the first
to welcome the American. But South Australia, though
small, impressed Mr. George as being perhaps the most
advanced of the colonies. He told an English audience
on his way home that it "led the world in the single tax
policy." "There," said he, "they have a tax imposed on
land values, irrespective of improvements; and they have
at least shown the practicability of such a tax. The tax
imposed is only one half -penny in the pound on the capital
value, but the Government is proposing to increase it
upon a graduated scale to twopence in the pound."
Almost as soon as he set foot in South Australia, Mr.
George made the acquaintance of Chief Justice Way,
whose high standing, intellectually as well as officially,
in the colony made his attendance at every lecture and
speech Mr. George delivered in Adelaide a compliment that
the latter did not fail to appreciate. Another man who
strongly impressed him was Eev. Hugh Gilmore of Ade-
laide, who was preaching the single tax faith pure and
simple in the face of hot opposition and who on one occa-
sion exclaimed : "By God's grace, so long as I have breath
in me, no man shall terrify me." Mr. George accounted
him to be a man of large personal powers and wide influ-
ence a Dr. McGlynn of South Australia. Among the
younger single taxers in the colony at this time were
Louis H. Berens and Ignatius Singer, who together sub-
sequently wrote "The Story of My Dictatorship" a re-
markable little work of fiction depicting political and social
conditions under an imagined regime of the single tax
and which came to be extensively read in Great Britain
and the United States.
But it was perhaps in Victoria that Mr. George achieved
his greatest success during the Australian tour Victoria,
534 LIFE OP HENRY GEOKGE [1390
as strong in the faith of the protection principle as his
own native State of Pennsylvania. It was said in Sydney
that no matter how large his audiences might be in the
other colonies, in Melbourne and throughout Victoria
he must expect slender attention. But when the train
on which the Georges travelled drew into the Melbourne
station, there was a greater gathering than usually
came to greet him, and a reception committee headed by
Dr. Maloney, President of the Land Nationalisation So-
ciety. "Good heavens ! another reception !" the philoso-
pher exclaimed in dismay to Mrs. George, and explaining
that he would meet her at the hotel, he bolted out of the
door on the opposite side of the coach. When she recov-
ered from her surprise, Mrs. George likewise tried to flee,
but she was too late and was escorted by the committee
with much politeness to a carriage in waiting. Presently
Mr. George came, also, surrounded by an immense throng.
He had been recognised and was compelled to endure the
honours.
The first lecture (on the single tax) was delivered in
the Town Hall to a fine audience in numbers and char-
acter. In this discourse the lecturer drew a picture of
his coming to Melbourne thirty-five years before. The
second lecture was to working men, on the subject of
"Labour and the Tariff." Daniel Cottier, art connois-
seur, of New York and London, with whom the Georges
had become acquainted on the Mariposa, called upon Mrs.
George before this second lecture, and though a strong
free trader himself, earnestly advised her to influence her
husband not to speak on that subject in Victoria. "The
people will not stand it," he said. "They think protec-
tion brings them their bread and butter, and they will
stone him if he denounces it." Mrs. George replied that
Mr. George was not to be diverted from what he consid-
Age, 51] THE MELBOUENE TRIUMPH 535
ered to be his duty, even if she wished to influence him
in another way, which she did not. Mr. Cottier admired
the courage, but deprecated the wisdom of such a policy.
The City Hall was crowded, with President Hancock of
the Trades and Labour Council in the chair. Mr. George
lost little time in going to the pith of his subject.
"I am a free trader a free trader absolutely. I
should abolish all revenue tariffs. I should make trade
absolutely free between Victoria and all other coun-
tries. I should go further than that; I should abolish
all taxes that fall upon labour and capital all taxes
that fall upon the products of human industry, or any
of the modes of human industry. How then should I
raise needed revenues? I should raise them by a tax
upon land values, irrespective of improvements a tax
that would fall upon the holder of a vacant plot of land
near the city as heavily as upon like land upon which
a hundred cottages stood."
Thunders of applause that threatened to bring down
the gallery greeted this and the long series of audacious
free trade utterances of which this custom house abolisher
made up his address. It was as if Melbourne had waited
for but the radical word to bring forth an extraordinary
exhibition of clear and emphatic dissent from the policy
which hitherto had been only timidly opposed. Mr. Cot-
tier sat in the audience beside Mrs. George, the embodi-
ment of astonishment and delight; and he was almost
past words when, after the lecture, three cheers were given
and hundreds of men in the audience lingered to hand in
their names for the formation of a free trade league
some of them being prominent in Melbourne. All the
papers gave good reports and the Melbourne "Telegraph"
said:
536 LIFE OF HENEY GEOEGE
"The lecturer very adroitly led up to his subject of
land nationalisation and the single tax. Imperceptibly,
almost, he landed his hearers in the midst of it, through
a panegyric of Melbourne city, and regrets about pov-
erty, and pleasant jokes and amusing anecdotes.
Whether the lecture was carefully prepared in writing
beforehand, or was absolutely extempore is not ceriain;
but in either case the result was admirable. Mr. George
must possess a marvellous memory; or equally wonder-
ful powers of extemporaneous speech. Every sentence
was carefully constructed and well rounded off; every
word was in its proper place, and the most forcible and
expressive word was used."
At a subsequent date, Mr. George debated the tariff
question with Mr. W. Trenwith, M.P., who was put for-
ward as representative of protectionist working men.
The meeting occurred in Exhibition Hall before a
crowded audience, "which," said Mr. George in "The
Standard" (May 21), "though for the most part protec-
tionist, gave me their heartiest applause and so laughed
at Mr. Trenwith's alleged facts and preposterous asser-
tions that I did not have to trouble myself to reply to
them, but could occupy my time in pressing home the
general principles, which, when once fairly considered,
will destroy the protectionist superstition in the mind of
any one who thinks at all."
Although he sailed for home from Adelaide, South Aus-
tralia, and lectured there before embarking, the formal
close of the Australian lecture campaign took place in
Sydney a few days before. George H. Keid, M.P., Presi-
dent of the Free Trade Association and subsequently Pre-
mier of the colony, took Mr. and Mrs. George and a party
of their friends on a steam yacht excursion over the fa-
mously beautiful bay. Mayor Burdekin at his residence
gave a dinner in honour of Mr. George at which were
Age, 51] FAEEWELL TO AUSTRALIA 537
present all the members of the New South Wales Min-
istry, except the Minister of Lands and the Premier, Sir
Henry Parks, who was confined by an accident. Several
ex-Ministers and other leading men of the community
were also present. On the last day a reception was held
in Temperance Hall, when Mrs. George was presented
with a large album containing photographs of Australian
friends. To her consternation and Mr. George's corre-
sponding merriment, she was made the object of short but
formal speeches, the gentlemen of the committee standing
and addressing her directly. When she recovered from
her first surprise, she looked towards her husband, sitting
close beside her. He winked, and presently dropping his
handkerchief to the floor said as he reached down, just
loud enough for her to hear : "How do you like it ?"
The farewell lecture was in Protestant Hall. The sub-
ject was "Protection a fallacy; real free trade a neces-
sity." Mr. George was at his best and had the audience
cheering throughout what the Sydney "Telegraph" called
his "splendid deliverance." The men who called them-
selves free traders, but who had been afraid of what he
called free trade, had come out at last, and President Reid
of the Free Trade League was in the chair and paid him
this high tribute on behalf of Australia:
"I don't think we should allow him to make this fare-
well address to us without the assurance that his name,
famous in so many lands, has now become in Australia
a household word. (Cheers.) The teachings of his
wonderful books have already created a host of enthu-
siastic disciples to welcome him to these shores
(cheers) and even I, who in some respects cannot call
myself one of his disciples, can fully understand that
enthusiasm. (Cheers.) He has thrice earned it. He
has earned it as a thinker, he has earned it as a writei
and he has earned it as an orator. (Cheers.) And I
538 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1390
venture to say and these are the concluding words in
which, on behalf of this great meeting, I bid him fare-
well that he may and probably will be regarded by
posterity as one of those leaders of men who rise above
the sordid level of things as they are, who seek to revive
the spirit and the power of Christianity, who seek to
enrich the human intellect with humane and generous
ideas, who create in the minds of. all noble ambition
new spheres of philanthropy and justice quickening
the world's great heart with the throbbings and glad-
ness of the time to come, when the curse of toil shall
cease from troubling, banished forever by the universal
dignity and happiness of labour." (Prolonged cheer-
ing.)
There were mistakes serious mistakes in the man-
agement of the Australian campaign which caused Mr.
George much round-about travelling and loss of time.
This was due chiefly to unexpected demands from scores
of places, which disarranged the plans. It is probably
safe to say that no man speaking on social questions had
ever before been so warmly and so generally greeted on
the Island Continent. But it was three months and a
half of hard work for Henry George, speaking every night
that he was not travelling, save one Sunday, and fre-
quently he spoke twice a day. Letters and cables came
from Sir George Grey in New Zealand and from the Pre-
mier and Attorney-General of Tasmania warmly inviting
him to each of these places but he was tired out and had
to refuse.
Incidentally to his long exacting occupation he had
seen much to interest and instruct him. At Melbourne
he met and talked briefly with Henry Drummond; at
the largest cities he was complimented with temporary
membership in the clubs, and at Sydney he was greatly
amused at the exploit of an enthusiastic single taxer, who,
Age, si] THROUGH THE BED SEA 639
thinking that the American visitor ought to witness an
Australian horse race, applied to a racing official to have
Henry George made an honorary member. The official
asked "Who is Henry George has he any horses ?" "Yes,"
said the single taxer ; " 'Progress' and 'Poverty' and they
are running with great success in the United States !"
The changes of sea and sky as they passed over the
ocean's great expanse were the travellers' chief matters of
observation from day to day as the steamship Valetta car-
ried them north and eastward towards home. Then came
India with its tropical scenes and the passage through
the Eed Sea. In traversing the Gulf of Suez they skirted
the "barren shore of the peninsula of Sinai, its bare
rugged mountains gleaming in the fierce sun, presenting
in all probability precisely the same appearance that they
did when Moses led the Israelites along their base." Pass-
ing into the Mediterranean, the Georges touched at the
foot of Italy Brindisi where they disembarked and
made a short, hurried tour through Naples, Pompeii and
Herculaneum to Home, which they reached in the worst
possible time of year, all who could having fled from the
heat and fear of fever. Writing to his art-loving friend.
Dr. Taylor, afterwards, Mr. George said: "You would get
sick of old masters. We had a good time in our own
way, unknown and unknowing, and working our way by
signs, largely." From Eome they proceeded to Venice
and some other places, and thence through Switzerland
and France to Great Britain, where Mr. George, during
a few days' sojourn, made two speeches, one in the Glas-
gow City Hall and one under the auspices of the Eadical
Association of Walworth, London, in which he told of the
great progress of the cause at the antipodes.
Accompanied by Eev. J. 0. S. Huntington of New
York, Mr. George during this short trip called upon Gen-
540 LIFE OF HENEY GEOEGE
eral Booth of the Salvation Army, whom he had met in
London six years before. He now learned that Mrs.
Booth, who had large influence in the management and
spiritual guidance of the great army organisation, had
heen for some time thinking of social questions, mainly
along single tax lines, and wished to initiate a policy
which should preach the salvation of the body as well as
of the soul that should seek to better material condi-
tions here, while holding out hope of a life hereafter.
Mr. George came away from this visit to the Booths with
sanguine feelings that the Salvation Army with its mili-
tary organisation radiating from London all over the
globe would soon become a kind of world-wide Anti-
Poverty Society, that, with a religious enthusiasm, would
awaken thought and make way for the single tax idea.
But Mrs. Booth even then was stricken with an incurable
disease, and it soon after carried her away. With her
seemed to go the clearest head and the boldest heart in
that movement for a social reform policy, for only small
steps, and those along the lines of charity, were taken
by the army; and Mr. George reluctantly gave up hope
that the organisation would do anything towards the
single tax.
Mr. and Mrs. George arrived in New York harbour on
the steamship Servia on September 1, in time to take
part in the first national conference of single tax men,
which for two days met in the large hall of Cooper Union,
where the delegates exchanged glad tidings and discussed
measures for the propagation of the faith. It was an
exultant home-coming to him who since January had made
a circle of the globe, everywhere finding men and women
in twos or threes, in tens or scores, in hundreds or thou-
sands, holding the same faith and glowing with the same
enthusiasm. On the second day of the conference, Sep-
Age, 51] STROKE OF APHASIA 641
tember 2, he was introduced as being "fifty-one years old
to-day." He said:
"I have sat on this platform to-night with feelings
of joy and pride. I have sat on this platform to-night
with heartfelt thankfulness to God; and I believe that
I only speak your voice, fellow single taxers of New
York, when I say that the samples we have here to-
night of the single tax men of the rest of the Union
have nerved us and inspired us and given us more hope
for the future than anything else could. (Applause.)
"Yes; it is my birthday to-day. (Voice: 'Long may
you live.' Vociferous applause.) But not too long.
Life, long life is not the best thing to wish for those
you love. Not too long; but that in my day, whether
it be long or short, I may do my duty, and do my best."
(Applause.)
A consciousness of the uncertainty of life seemed ever
present to Henry George, and suddenly death seemed to
come close to him, for on December 5, on returning home
from a little informal repast with some friends, he was
stricken with aphasia. The long hard trip around the
world, a lecturing trip into New England, then a longer
one into the Southwest as far as Texas, and following
on this, worry over the present and future of "The Stand-
ard," which, while not paying, was an embarrassment to
plans he had for other work, had brought the climax.
Dr. James E. Kelly, the family physician, was next
morning to sail to Europe on professional business, but
he brought in Dr. Frederick Peterson, a young brain-spe-
cialist, and himself remained until within an hour of the
ship's sailing. Dr. Peterson says of the case:
"Mr. George had a great pain on the left side of his
head, in the neighbourhood of the motor speech centre
in the brain. He talked quite clearly, but used wrong
642 LIFE OP HENKY GEORGE [iggo
words, and manufactured words at times. Shown a
watch and asked what it was, he said: 'That is a sep';
shown a pencil: 'That is a sep'; shown a thermometer
he said : 'That is a sep,' and seemed to think he had used
the correct words. He repeated words very well and
was very much interested in asking about his condition
and comprehended clearly the 'form of aphasia he was
suffering from and the nature of the lesion. He ex-
pressed great anxiety as to the prognosis. The trouble
was a slight hemorrhage in the particular part of the
brain which presides over articulate speech. He im-
proved very rapidly; his mind was perfectly clear in
every way, aside from the difficulty in expressing him-
self. There was no paralysis of any kind. In three
days he was able to name objects correctly. By the
first of January the whole condition had been recov-
ered from."
The friends showed loving attention, John Eussell
Young personally calling at the house every day, and
August Lewis and Tom L. Johnson establishing a benevo-
lent joint dictatorship and decreeing that as soon as he
should be strong enough, the sick man and Mrs. George
should go off to Bermuda to stay there beyond the reach
of all anxiety until he should have recuperated. Mr.
George fell in with the plans of his good friends. He
sailed early in the new year with Mrs. George, and accom-
panied by Mr. and Mrs. Simon Mendelson, parents of
Mrs. August Lewis. He was well enough to take out-
door exercise and to do a little simple writing before he
left, and among other things he made a brief entry on the
last page of his pocket diary for 1890 "A memorable
year. Much to be thankful for."
CHAPTER XII.
PERSONAL AND DOMESTIC MATTERS,
1891-1897. AGE, 52-58.
u nnHE invalid is quite himself, eating and sleeping well,
JL and constantly on the go," wrote Mrs. George from
Bermuda. Mr. George took the exercise of a young man
walking, driving and rowing; and a young single taxer,
William E. Hicks, came from New York with a bicycle
expressly to teach him to ride. This came easily; nor
was a boy ever more proud of a physical accomplishment
than was Henry George of this achievement. Regardless
of dusty and dishevelled appearance, he would come in
from a "spin," his blue eyes shining and his face all
aglow with pleasure. All his children learned to ride,
and later became his frequent wheeling companions. His
wife likewise made many attempts to learn, so as to be
with him in this as in other things; but several acci-
dents warned her to desist.
The wheel brought mental as well as physical good to
Mr. George, for it proved to him that he had not lost his
active powers; and up to a short time of his death he
rode with keen enjoyment, getting much of the kind of
exhilaration that in his younger manhood had come from
horseback riding. It became at once a means of recrea-
tion and method of stirring his mind; and if the origin
543
544 LIFE OP HENEY GEOKGE [1891-1897
of some of the boldest conceptions and loftiest passages
of his later writings could be traced, it might be found
in these wheel rides.
This was Mr. George's second mechanical triumph, his
first being over the type-writing machine, which he began
to use in 1884 and continued to use until his death.
With it he "blocked out" his work, and one of his sons
or daughters, whoever at the time was doing amanuensis
work for him, used another. The machine in 1884 was
unknown in some parts of the world, and a correspondent
in Paraguay, South America, inquired how he could afford
to have his letters put in type and printed. Mr. George
explained that he used a little mechanism having keys
for the fingers to play on like a kind of piano.
For a while in 1891, Mr. George tried the phonograph,
endeavouring to record dictations and have his amanuen-
sis transcribe at leisure. But he could not habituate him-
self to talking into the inanimate machine and he suc-
cumbed to the disconcerting effects that almost invariably
attack the user at the outset. The instrument was deliv-
ered at the Nineteenth Street residence one afternoon
when Mr. George was at home writing and the other mem-
bers of the family were absent. He sat down at once to
do some dictating, but could not induce himself to take
the instrument seriously. He could treat it only as a toy,
and accordingly fell to playing with it. Into it he shouted
a sailor song of his boyhood to the effect that
"Up jumped the shark with his crooked teeth,
Saying, Til cook the duff, if you'll cook the beef';"
and then another song about a winsome bumboat damsel,
who, saluted by the admiral of the fleet in terms she re-
sented, answered
Age, 52-58] TRAITS OF CHAEACTER 645
"Kind admiral, you be damned!"
This last line was roared into the machine in a hurricane
voice that brought the wondering and dismayed domes-
tics running up-stairs, only to find, when they peered into
the room, that Mr. George was alone, seated before a
little table and singing into a speaking tube.
During the stay in Bermuda Mr. Simon Mendelson
noted some conversations in promise to his daughter, who
had remained in New York. Among the notes is this:
" Monday, February 16, 1891.
"In the evening E. [Mrs. Mendelson] said to Mr.
George: 'You put abrupt questions; may I ask you a
similar one?'
"G. 'Certainly/
"E. 'What is your conception of God? 7
"G. 'Of this chair, or this bag, or the ship out there
I can trace the genesis to man's mind. God is the
Great Mind, the essence of all that is great and high.'
"E. 'And you consider Him a personal God ?'
"G. 'Not necessarily, but I do like to believe Him
such and do believe Him; but not in any positive shape
or form.' ' :
Louis F. Post tells how one day, perhaps a year after
the Bermuda trip, when out bicycling with Mr. George
and riding a strange wheel, he spoke of the queer fact
that one's own wheel comes to seem like part of one's own
self. They had just previously conversed about the spirit :
Mr. George had been giving reasons for belief in its ex-
istence. Upon his friend's remark, Mr. George asked if
he saw nothing suggestive in that ; if he could not discern
an analogy between the relation of the wheel to his body
and of his body to his spirit?
At another time while riding slowly along Fifth Ave-
546 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1891-1897
nue, New York, with a son and a daughter, he observed
an undertaker's wagon stop before a residence, and two
men get down and carry up armfuls of black drapery.
"None of that when 1 am dead," he said to his children.
"Death is as natural as life; it means a passage into an-
other life. If a man has lived well if he has kept the
faith it should be a time for rejoicing, not for repining,
that the struggle here is over."
Death was much in his thoughts from now forward.
"How much there is of joy and sorrow and tragedy in
the years that have rolled so noiselessly by since we first
knew each other !" he wrote to Judge Coffey of Califor-
nia; "and now we are what we then thought were old
men, and the years move all the faster." On another
occasion he wrote to Thomas F. Walker: "I have long
since ceased to have any dread of death, except for the
shock of parting." While on a western lecturing trip he
wrote to Mrs. George concerning the death of a fine St.
Bernard dog they had raised from a pup : "Poor old Thor !
I cannot help feeling so sorry for him, and I know that
you all must miss him very much. But we cannot tell.
Perhaps if not that, something worse might have hap-
pened. Even in a dog, though, we feel the mystery of
death. Let us love the closer, while life lasts."
Staunch as a rock was his belief in immortality, and
many of his friends loved to talk to him about it, even
those like Louis Prang of Boston who had little faith.
"Do you think we shall ever meet you in California
again?" asked Mrs. Francis M. Milne of San Francisco,
during the trip around the world. "I don't know," he
answered; "for there is much to do. But if not here,
then hereafter." Another friend, A. Van Dusen of New
York, questioned: "What do you regard as the strongest"
evidence of the immortality of the soul ?" The answer
Age, 52-^8] BELIEF IN IMMORTALITY 647
was prompt, and to Mr. Van Dusen, conclusive: "The
creation of human beings is purposeless if this is all."
Over the body of William T. Croasdale, who died in the
single tax faith in August, 1891, and was cremated, Mr.
George in a funeral address said:
"Ceased to be? No; I do not believe it! Cease to
be? No; only to our senses yet encompassed in the
flesh that he has shed. For our hearts bear witness to
our reason that that which stands for good does not
cease to be. ... The changing matter, the pass-
ing energy that gave to this body its form are. even now
on their way to other forms. In a few hours there will
remain to our sight but a handful of ashes. But that
which we instinctively feel as more than matter and
more than energy ; that which in thinking of our friend
to-day we cherish as best and highest that cannot be
lost. If there be in the world order and purpose, that
still lives/'
When a young man, troubled in mind, raised the ques-
tion of whether or not suicide was justifiable, Mr. George
replied: "Many wise men among the ancients thought it
was. But what do we know about life; and what do we
know about death? We are here, conscious of things to
do. We came here not of ourselves. We must be part
of a plan. We have work to perform. If we refuse to
go forward with the work here, how do we know but that
it shall have to be performed elsewhere?"
August Lewis had on Mr. George's setting off for Ber-
muda given him a translation of Schopenhauer's "World
as Will and Idea." Mr. George found it absorbingly in-
teresting, but " 'From A to Izzard' like a red rag to a
bull," for the German philosopher represented that hope-
lessness of things earthly and a negation of life hereafter
which proved a direct antithesis to George's ever-strength-
548 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1891-1897
ening hopefulness and faith. With all that, the brilliant
mind of the great German exercised its fascination. Rec-
ognising in him a philosopher of rare originality and
astonishing versatility, Mr. George became fond of con-
sulting (or rather comparing) his views on the most
varied topics. And he seemed to derive satisfaction from
the fact that, in spite of its atheism, the underlying prin-
ciple of Schopenhauer's philosophy was spiritual and not
material. 1 Mr. George also seemed to take great delight
in Schopenhauer's well known outspokenness against the
professors, and indeed saw in the way that Schopenhauer
had so long been ignored by them, a case analogous to
his own. Perhaps many passages in Mr. George's later
works bearing on this subject are somewhat to be ascribed
to this influence. 2
Mr. George's views of the essence of Christianity he set
forth in his published writings. His beliefs relative to
the person of Christ were, he said one day in the last
year of his life to his son Henry, most nearly represented
by a short sketch written by Thomas Jefferson, entitled
"Syllabus of an estimate of the merits of the doctrines of
Jesus," 3 from which he quoted in "The Science of Polit-
ical Economy/' 4
l See "A Perplexed Philosopher," Part III, Chapter iii, (Memorial
Edition, pp. 125-128).
* While having only a grammar school education, Mr. Lewis' tastes and
talents had always led him to spend his leisure hours; in the study, and
capacious and well filledjbook^shelves in his home showed the choiceness
and range of his reading. On questions of philosophy he was, at least in
later years, the closest of Mr. George's friends ; and as to the Schopen-
hauer philosophy, they had frequent conversations subsequent to the
Bermuda trip, in the studio 'of George Brush, to whom Mr. ^George, at
Mr. Lewis' request, sat for a full-length portrait.
3 " The Writings of Thomas Jefferson," collected and edited by Paul
Leicester Ford, Putnam's Sons, Vol. VIII. p. 227.
*Book II., Chapter ii., p. 132.
Age, 53-58] TASTE IN LITEKATURE 549
To take another view of Henry George here is a fur-
ther excerpt from the Mendelson Bermuda notes :
"Sunday March 1, 1891.
"Read Henry IV. aloud. Mr. George thinks it highly
superior in 'every way' to Coriolanus. He particularly
enjoys the character of Falstaff. Finds no attraction
whatever in the character of Coriolanus; considers him
a bad, selfish man from beginning to end; and more-
over cannot enjoy or approve of 'a piece of art without
a high purpose.' Considers this business of war in
Henry IV. as 'poor business.' 'The Chinese look down
on soldiers. And is that valour? A big man ever so
heavily armed like Douglas, the Scot, slashes the un-
armed soldiers and kills and crushes them by his mere
weight.' >:
"Mr. George feels not the necessity of talking and
of giving his thoughts to others, not even for the pur-
pose of getting at their thoughts. In the latter case,
he prefers asking direct questions abruptly. In his
talk he seldom gets animated and seldom says things
of a higher order. When he does, he looks very absorbed
in his subject and quite handsome. . . .
"Though of deep feeling, he does not feel poetically.
The poetry which he likes is not of the divine art, but
the eloquence of feeling; that which finds its strong
echo in his own heart. Of art per se he has no notion.
"His mind is of a beautiful caste simple, direct
and comprehensive."
The reading of Tennyson, Whittier, Swinburne, Brown-
ing, Longfellow,- Macaulay, Buchanan and Arnold to him-
self or aloud in the family circle showed the poetic na-
ture; and the frequent word of encouragement to such
rising singers as Alice Werner of London, John Farrell
of New South Wales and Frances M. Milne of California
showed the listening ear. But like the Psalms to Crom-
550 LIFE OF HENEY GEOEGE [1891-1897
well's Ironsides, the poetry that spoke most strongly to
him was that which moved with the intense purpose of
his soul. For verses solely of sentiment or reflection, no
matter how fine the language or picturing, his feeling was
set forth in a note to Dr. Taylor (June 1, 1892) : "Thanks
for 'The Quiet Wood.' It is good, but why, when the
great struggle is on, and history is being made, will you
go off into the woods and play the flute? I should rather
see you put your lips to the trumpet."
Perhaps it may be well to add some lines from a letter
Mr. George wrote subsequently (April 22, 1893) to his
actor friend, James A. Herne, who had just produced a
successful play, "Shore Acres":
"I left Boston with the spell of your genius upon me,
wishing very much to see you and sorry when I found
I could not.
"I cannot too much congratulate you upon your suc-
cess. You have done what you have sought to do
made a play pure and noble that people will come to
hear. You have taken the strength of realism and
added to it the strength that comes from the wider
truth that realism fails to see; and in the simple por-
trayal of homely life, touched a universal chord. . .
In the solemnity of the wonderfully suggestive close,
the veil that separates us from heaven seems to grow
thin, and things not seen to be felt.
"But who save you can bring out the character you
have created a character, which to others, as to me,
must have recalled the tender memory of some sweet
saint of God for such loving and unselfish souls there
have been and are. I never before saw acting that im-
pressed me so much as yours last night. I did not feel
like talking when I left the theatre; but I wanted to
grasp your hand. I did not want to see you in that
wonderful piece of acting of which they told me, where
you reduced man to the mere animal. I am glad to
have seen you in this, where the angel gleams forth."
Age, 52-58] HAMLET AND MACBETH 551
In early life Kichard III. and Hamlet of the Shake-
spearian plays most attracted Mr. George ; but towards the
close of life the vaulting ambition pictured in Macbeth
made him think that in that the poet had reached his
supreme conception. He himself, who had come out of
obscurity and won intellectual triumphs such as no man
in his domain of thought had ever before so quickly won,
was keenly conscious of the dangers of ambition; and the
poet's impersonation stood forth as the very incarnation
of this tremendous human passion.
Eeflecting upon the personality of Shakespeare and
history's brief account of him, Mr. George once in con-
versation with his elder son said: "No man can do great
writing without being conscious that it is great. But the
great man is a modest man, and may be careless of his
fame further than his achievements will speak for him.
England's greatest poet, like the great poet whose mem-
ory Scotland reveres to-day, Burns, was contented, after
doing his work, to live in retirement; feeling probably
that 'not marble, nor the gilded monuments of princes'
would outlive his 'powerful rhyme.' ' ;
But always in comparing man with man, there entered
the relation of proportion. In answer to a question put
by one of his family he said: "Napoleon's mind at his
downfall was in no worse plight than that of the poor
devil who cannot make or borrow ten dollars is relatively
to the things that enter into his life." Edward McHugh
tells how, being out for a stroll with Mr. George at Fort
Hamilton, they dropped into the branch post office. There
they met a man who wished to send away some money,
but did not know how to fill out the official order. Mr.
George did it for him. "It is not every day that such a
man can have a philosopher to write for him," said Mr.
McHugh when the stroll was resumed. "A philosopher,"
652 LIFE OF HENEY GEORGE [1891-1897
was the reply, "is no better than a bootblack. Such terms
are only relative to our own small affairs."
As President Lincoln modestly said he would hold Mc-
Clellan's horse if that would help the general win the
country a battle, so Henry George always refrained from
assuming leadership. It was never "my principles," "my
movement," "my cause"; but always "our principles,"
"our movement," "our cause." To Dr. Taylor he wrote
(April 28, 1891) : "How persistent is the manner in which
the professors and those who esteem themselves the learned
class ignore and slur me; but I am not conscious of any
other feeling about it than that of a certain curiosity."
This was not assumed humility. He spoke in the sim-
plicity of his nature a simplicity that shone out in his
private life, as witness in a letter to Mrs. George, during
the summer of 1893 :
"I slept at home last night. Post wanted me to go
down with him, but I thought I should prefer to sleep
here, I had unfortunately drank two glasses of iced tea
at supper (which I took with Post and the Hibbards)
and owing I suppose to that, I did not get to sleep till
after two. But the house was delightfully cool, and I
slept until after nine, then took a bath, and for fifteen
cents got two cups of coffee and all I wanted to eat at
the little bakery on Twentieth Street and Second Ave-
nue. Then I came back to the house, where I have
been waiting for the carpets to come, having sent yes-
terday a notice that I should be here between 10 and
12 to-day."
As with many famous men, money matters gave Mr.
George much worry. Very little money would put him
at his ease, although to get it he was often put to borrow-
ing. But unlike many celebrities, borrowed money with
him was always a sacred debt, and he never failed to re-
Age, 52-58] AN ARDENT CHAIRMAN 553
turn a loan punctually, if a time had been set; borrowing
elsewhere, if he could meet the payment in no other way.
One of his last acts before leaving New York in 1890 for
the trip around the world was to send a check to John
Kussell Young in final settlement of loans that enabled
the philosopher to leave California in 1880 and helped
to sustain him until he got his start in New York.
Personal homage in every form Henry George treated
with disfavour. "I do not like your over-praise/' he
wrote to Mrs. Milne, who sent him greetings on his
return to New York from around the world. "If my
words have spoken to your heart, it was because they
came from my own ; and though we may like to be praised
for the little things, we do not for the big things." Once
when an enthusiastic young chairman at a large meeting
in Harlem, New Y^ork City, was making an earnest and
sincere but very nattering speech in introducing Mr.
George, the latter wriggled and writhed as though his
character was being aspersed, instead of praised. Unable
to bear it longer, he suddenly leaned forward and poked
the chairman in the back with a walking-stick he had
found beside him. The chairman, in a flood of bellow-
ing eloquence, chopped off in the middle of a word, looked
behind him, had a whispered conference with the philoso-
pher, turned back to the audience, and said quietly : "Mr.
George don't want me to get the rest of that off"; which
tickled the assemblage into spasms of laughter.
The dislike of his younger manhood to social forms
Mr. George never conquered. He could not endure the
accompanying vapid, small talk. Moreover, he found the
necessity of giving special attention to his raiment par-
ticularly irksome, a dress coat and its adjuncts amount-
ing to an affliction; but he nevertheless tried to bear these
ills with tranquillity, because as he reasoned, to conform
554 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1891-1897
to the small, polite usages tended to disarm antagonism to
his crusade against giant wrongs in the vast body politic
and body social. Yet a preoccupied mind often inter-
fered with the carrying out of his good intentions, as for
instance, he appeared at a reception at his home in Nine-
teenth Street with the studs of his shirt bosom wrong
side out, the ladies of the family being busy with the
guests. At a later period, when residing at suburban Fort
Hamilton, he spent a whole day in the business portion of
New York and the night at the somewhat formal Hotel
Waldorf with Tom L. Johnson without discovering that
he had been going about with very dusty boots. But he
made amends by having them polished before starting
back for Fort Hamilton.
This carelessness about dress led to many minor adven-
tures, one of which was in a sleeping-car, of which Mr.
George was the sole occupant. The colored porter, whose
livelihood largely depended upon fees from passengers,
lamented to him the "po'ness of business." He made out
such a deplorable case that Mr. George was inspired to
surprise him with a large tip, mentally resolving to give
him all the change in his pocket. This proved to be much
more than Mr. George expected and four or five times
the customary fee, but he offered it nevertheless.
"Dat all fo' me?" exclaimed the man incredulously,
looking from the money to Mr. George's not over-fas-
tidious clothes, and then back to the money. And when
Mr. George assured him that all the money was for him,
the porter accepted it with a burst of thanks, adding:
"I of'en heard it said, but I never would believe it; yo'
never can tell about a frog until yo' see him jump !"
Forgetfulness from preoccupation brought many petty
losses. Once on a lecturing trip, with mock gravity he
upbraided his wife, who travelled some of the way with
Age, 52-58] HABIT OF PREOCCUPATION 555
him, for forgetting her umbrella at one of the stops.
"And what have you to report, sir?" she retorted. A
smile swept his gravity aside. "Only that I left my night
apparel in one place, my tooth brush at another and my
overshoes with the Governor of Missouri" Half an hour
later he might have added the loss of his watch, which
he left in a hotel at the first stopping place, though this
was speedily recovered. So common were losses of this
kind with him that he was positively relieved when he
found that other members of the family could lose things,
too. Returning with one of his sons from a Western
journey, he saluted Mrs. George on reaching home with:
"I can see that your children grow more like you every
day." "In what way ?" asked Mrs. George. "Why, in los-
ing things. Your son here lost our tickets from St. Louis
back to New York." Neither Mrs. George nor the son
saw much in the loss of two one-thousand-mile tickets to
smile at, but to Mr. George the incident had something
of humour, because, while the tickets were lost, he him-
self was not this time the culprit.
Abstraction not uncommonly carried him into a wrong
street, took him to a wrong house and gave a wrong di-
rection to a letter, but perhaps his most surprising ex-
perience was while travelling with one of his sons in a
sleeping-car from Cincinnati to Cleveland, Ohio. They
went to bed in opposite, lower berths. Unable to sleep
part of the night, Mr. George arose, put on some of his
clothes, went to the smoking section and enjoyed a cigar.
Drowsiness at length creeping upon him, he returned to
bed and slept until the breakfast call of the porter awoke
him in the morning. Reaching across the passageway,
he gave the curtains of the berth opposite a vigorous shake,
calling out: "Do you hear the joyful cry?" But instead
of his son's voice, a feminine voice replied: "I think you
556 LIFE OF HENKY GEORGE [1891-1807
have made some mistake." Mr. George drew back in
confusion. He looked about him to get his "bearings,"
only to find that on returning from his smoke during the
night, he had taken the berth that some one else had ap-
parently vacated, and so had finished his night's sleep in
wrong quarters.
It has been said that Mr. George dreaded social occa-
sions. Yet there were gatherings of a social nature
which he really enjoyed attending. These were little pri-
vate dinners that John Eussell Young gave, sometimes at
the Astor House in New York and sometimes at the
Union League in Philadelphia. At one or the other of
these dinners he met John Mackay, William Florence,
Joseph Jefferson, General Sherman, Colonel Alexander
McClure, Murat Halstead, Judge Eoger A. Pryor, Chaun-
cey M. Depew and Grover Cleveland. He had never be-
fore met the ex-President, and was much pleased with
him, believing from what fell in conversation, that if re-
nominated for the Presidency in 1892, Cleveland would
make a radical fight.
John Eussell Young, though he was always a strict party
Kepublican, was at heart a radical an absolute free trader
arid a good deal of a single taxer. But though he talked
unreservedly in private, his public utterances were veiled,
one of his signed newspaper articles drawing out this
message from his downright friend, George :
"I don't like your "Press" article. ... I have
some question whether the ordinary reader will know
whether you are for Elaine or Harrison, and I fear that
your delicate damnation of the tariff will in many
cases be deemed by him an indorsement. The fine in-
ferences by which skilled diplomatists may convey their
meaning to one another will not be understood in a
town meeting."
Age, 52-58] SINGULAR JUDGMENT 557
Henry George's judgment had to most of his friends a
very singular quality. Of this Louis P. Post speaks, hav-
ing many occasions, both public and private, for putting
his impressions to the test:
"There was something unique about Mr. George's
judgment. It was not intuitive, and yet it seemed at
times to be infallibly so. I say it was not intuitive,
because I never knew it to be of the slightest value,
except when his intellect was aroused by a sense of
responsibility ; and then it was startling in its directness
and accuracy. I have often said that if Henry George
told me how best to go to Europe, and did so without
a sense of responsibility in the matter, I should go the
other way; but that if he acted under a sense of re-
sponsibility, I should follow his directions blindfold
without a question or doubt."
An instance of the highly practical cast of Mr. George's
mind when responsibility concentrated his faculties was
given in 1893, when a general financial stringency was
squeezing the banks of the country, and crippling and
destroying strong and weak industrial enterprises. The
large steel rail manufacturing company named after Tom
L. Johnson, and located at Johnstown, Pa., was soon
brought face to face with this problem. The president
of the company, Arthur J. Moxham, had come into the
single tax faith soon after Mr. Johnson's conversion in
the middle eighties. His strength of character and high
executive ability were attested by the people of Johns-
town when the never-to-be-forgotten flood lay the centre
of the city in ruins, killed thirty-six hundred persons,
and sweeping away all established authority and order,
gave place to horror, terror and frantic confusion. In
that time of disaster Mr. Moxham was made dictator,
with life and death powers; and for three days he held
658 LIFE OP HENRY GEORGE [1891-1897
that extraordinary office. Mr. George happened to visit
Johnstown and Mr. Moxham in 1893, at the moment when
the financial stringency had brought the affairs of the
Johnson Company to a crisis. He was told by Mr. Mox-
ham that no course seemed to be left but to shut down,
for while he could get plenty of orders for rails, he could
get no money in payment. Whereupon Mr. George sug-
gested that the bonds of the street railroad companies or-
dering rails should be taken in payment of their orders;
and that certificates to be used as money be issued against
them. Mr. Moxham took the idea and developed a plan,
calling a meeting of his employees, explained to them the
proposal to take steel railroad bonds, place them in the
hands of a trustee mutually acceptable to the company
and its men, and against these bonds to issue certificates
in small denominations with which to pay salaries and
wages by the Johnson Company. The employees gladly
accepted the proposal and appointed a committee to act
for them, and the plan was put into execution, one-third
of all salaries and wages being paid in currency and the
other two-thirds in these bond certificates. The store-
keepers and other townspeople accepted the certificates as
readily as money; and the company, with its several thou-
sand employees, passed through the "tight" period with-
out further trouble. Indeed, the earnings of the em-
ployees were greater at this time than at any other period
in the history of the company. Subsequently every one
of the certificates was drawn in and redeemed. Mr.
George regarded this as an illustration of what the United
States Government could do to clear up the currency
difficulties issue from its own treasury a paper currency,
based upon its credit and interchangeable with its bonds.
Mr. George lived in the Nineteenth Street house, New
York, until the spring of 1895, when the family stored the
Age, 52-58] HOME AT POET HAMILTON 669
furniture and went to Merriewold Park a little unpre-
tentious, woodland resort in the hills of Sullivan County,
New York State, where some single taxers had built a
few houses and had commenced to go each summer as
early as 1889. In the fall of 1895 the Georges came
down from Merriewold and occupied a house at Fort
Hamilton, Long Island, which had probably been stand-
ing there thirty or forty years when Henry George, as a
boy, had sailed out of the harbour past it on the ship
Hindoo, bound for Australia and India. It stood on the
bluffs at the "Narrows," between the inner and outer
bays. The house belonged to Tom L. Johnson, who, with
his father, had bought considerable land there with a
view to making themselves summer homes. "In the mov-
ing and arranging," Mr. George wrote to his friend, "I
have not been able to get fairly to work, but shall to-
morrow, and thanks to you, in the most comfortable quar-
ters I have ever worked in since 'Progress and Poverty'
was written."
The first marriage among the children had occurred in
1888; the second son, Richard, having wedded Mary E.
Robinson of Brooklyn; and to this couple several children
had been born. Another marriage came in the spring
of 1895, Jennie, the third child and first daughter, being
united to William J. Atkinson of New York. The good
friend in the cause, Rev. James 0. S. Huntington, had
performed the first marriage ceremony in a little Episco-
pal Church in Brooklyn. Dr. McGlynn, who had now
been restored to his priestly offices in the Catholic Church,
performed the second marriage at the George residence
on Nineteenth Street.
Up to the Doctor's reinstatement in December, 1892,
Edward McGlynn and Henry George had had no written
communication since their separation during the presi-
560 LIFE OF HENRY GEOEGE [1891-1897
dential campaign of 1888 and had met only casually.
The clergyman, while living the exemplary life of a priest,
just as though exercising his full office, had meanwhile,
with unabating persistence, preached the single tax faith
at his Anti-Poverty meetings in New York and in lec-
tures in many other cities. At length the wise men of
the Church concluded that justice required a reconsidera-
tion of the case. Many have thought that the reply that
Henry George made to the papal encyclical in 1891, of
which we shall speak later, had influenced the broad-
minded Leo XIII. to review the case. 1 This may have
been a contributing cause. When the Pope sent Arch-
bishop Satolli to this country as his representative, Eev.
Dr. Burtsell called upon him to suggest a reversal of the
act of excommunication. Archbishop Satolli, evidently
following instructions of the Pope, suggested that Dr.
McGlynn should present to him a full explanation of his
doctrine on the land question. Dr. Burtsell first pre-
sented an exposition of the doctrine, which Dr. McGlynn
indorsed as clear and accurate. Later Dr. McGlynn pre-
sented his own statement of his teachings. It was direct
and explicit, without extenuation, just as he had been
teaching it from the beginning. These written state-
ments were carefully considered by a committee of the
professors of the Catholic University in Washington, who
declared that they contained nothing contrary to the teach-
ings of the Catholic Church. These professors were the
Revs, Thomas Bouquillon, D.D. (Dean of the Theological
Faculty), Thomas O'Gorman, D.D. (since appointed
1 To Rev. Thomas Dawson, then of London, Mr. George wrote (Decem-
ber 23, 1892) : "I have for some time believed Leo XIII. to be a very
great man. . . . Whether he ever read my ' Open Letter ' I cannot
tell, but he has been acting as though he had not only read it, but had
recognised its force. "
Age, 52-58] DR. McGLYNN RESTORED 561
Bishop of Sioux Falls, S. D.), Thomas J. Shahan, D.D.,
and Charles Grannan, D.D. Dr. McGlynn subsequently
made a profession of his adhesion to the teachings of the
Church and of the Apostolic See, and in general terms he
recalled any word that may have escaped him not in con-
formity with the respect due to the Holy See. The papal
representative suggested that, as Dr. McGlynn had not
been able to join with the clergy in the regular annual
retreat, he should go on retreat preparatory to reinstate-
ment; but when he was made to realise that this was
likely to be construed as a punishment, the ablegate re-
frained from urging it, and left the matter to Dr. Mc-
Glynn's judgment. The latter expressly stipulated that
he should be free to continue to expound the single tax
as long as he thought proper, to the Anti-Poverty Society
or any gathering, at Cooper Union or elsewhere. With
these things clearly understood, Dr. McGlynn gave his
word to Archbishop Satolli to present himself to the
Pope within three or four months to obtain his blessing.
Then Archbishop Satolli in formal words, and in the
name of the Pope, removed the ban of excommunication
from Dr. McGlynn, and the first announcement of the
Doctor's reinstatement was made by the papal represen-
tative from the Catholic University at Washington.
The next day, Christmas day, 1892, for the first time
since 1887, Dr. McGlynn celebrated mass. 1 In the even-
ing he addressed the Anti-Poverty Society as usual. It
1 By his own wish, Dr. McGlynn at the time of his restoration was not
attached to any parish ; and it was not until December, 1894, two years
later, that, on the advice of Archbishop Satolli, he applied for a parish to
Archbishop Corrigan 'of the Diocese of New York. The latter had, as
Mi\ George wrote to a friend, been ' ' completely flabbergasted " by the res-
toration and the refusal of the Roman authorities longer to uphold the
New York Archbishop in his declaration that the single tax doctrine was
contrary to the teachings of the Church. But Archbishop Corrigan made
562 LIFE OP HENRY GEORGE [1891-1897
was a time with him for great rejoicing. He had made
the long fight and had triumphed. The odds had been
tremendous, but he had overcome them. Never again
could any man say that the teachings of the Catholic
Church were opposed to the single tax. And he cele-
brated mass with a thankfulness that he had been given
the strength to fight the great battle. He went to Home
some months afterwards and was accorded an interview
by the Pope. The reference to the social question was of
the briefest description. "Do you teach against private
property?" asked his Holiness. "I do not; I am staunch
for private property," said the Doctor. "I thought so,"
said his Holiness, and he conferred his blessing.
When Henry George heard of Dr. McGlynn's restora-
tion, his own rejoicing swept all other considerations
aside. He at once sent a telegram : "My wife and I send
heartfelt congratulations." Sentiments of warm feeling
were returned, and thus the relations of friendship, inter-
rupted for four years, were re-established ; and they lasted
until death.
the best of his utter defeat. He quietly assigned Dr. McGlyim to the
parish of St. Mary, iu the little town of Newburgh, on the Hudson River,
close to Rondout, where Dr. Bnrtsell had been sent. Archbishop Corri-
gan at the same time engaged to give to him the first vacant parish in
New York City that would be suitable to Dr. McGlynn's talents.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE LAST BOOKS.
1891-1896. AGE, 52-57.
IT was in April, soon after the return from Bermuda,
fully restored to health and vigour, that Mr. George
wrote to Dr. Taylor : "During the last week I have got to
work on the 'Political Economy' I have long contemplated,
and if my health continues good I shall keep at it. I
have thought that perhaps it would be useful if I could
put the ideas embodied in 'Progress and Poverty' in the
setting of a complete economic treatise and without con-
troversy."
This was the "primer" that he had mentioned to Charles
Nordhoff before leaving California in 1879. In answer
to the pressing calls of Richard McGhee and other British
friends, who believed they could get such a book into some
of the schools there, he planned in the summer of 1889 to
go straight at it and to publish by the fall. But other
things crowded in to exclude this. Now, however, when he
returned from Bermuda, August Lewis and Tom L. John-
son confirmed his judgment that he should withdraw
altogether from "The Standard." And to this end they
voluntarily, and "without suggestion or thought" from
him, assured him that they would regard it as their best
contribution to the cause to be allowed for a season to
563
564 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1891-1896
make him independent, so that he might, if he judged
that to be best, devote himself to book-writing, such as
only he was qualified to do. Subsequently dedicating
"The Science of Political Economy'' to his two friends,
he made open acknowledgment of this in the inscription.
But almost at the outset of work on the proposed primer
Mr. George realised the difficulty of making a simple
statement of the principles of political economy the real,
everlasting political economy while so much confusion
existed as to the meaning of terms in the literature relat-
ing to the science. He therefore changed his plan, left
the primer for an after labour and laid out at once a
much larger work one that should recast political econ-
omy and examine and explicate terminology as well as
principles, and which, beginning at the beginning, should
trace the rise and partial development of the science in
the hands of its founders a century ago, and then show
its gradual emasculation and at last abandonment by its
professed teachers; accompanying this with an account of
the extension of the science outside and independently of
the schools in the philosophy of the natural order now
spreading over the world under the name of the single tax.
"Progress and Poverty" was "an inquiry into the cause
of industrial depressions and of increase of want with
increase of wealth." This new book, as it broadened out,
became far more ambitious in scope. It purposed to de-
fine the science that names the conditions in which civi-
lised men shall get their living. No writer on political
economy had ever before set himself so great a task; in-
deed, no writer ever before had assumed that he understood
the full relations of the science, Adam Smith's immortal
work being "An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of
the Wealth of Nations," and the most authoritative recent
work, that of John Stuart Mill, being a treatise on the
Age, 52-57] COMMENCES LAST BOOK 565
"Principles of Political Economy." To Henry George's
view, none of the economists, from Smith to Mill, realised
the correlation of the laws of production or likewise those
of distribution. But though he believed he himself saw
clearly and felt that he could prove his reasoning, he
nevertheless hesitated to give his book the name its scope
seemed to warrant until the writing was nearing its com-
pletion, a few months before his death. Then he defi-
nitely decided on the title which in his judgment the book
should justly have "The Science of Political Economy."
But scarcely had the enlarged plan of work begun to
take shape in the spring of 1891 when a remarkable in-
terruption occurred. No less a personage than Pope Leo
XIII. entered the controversy on the land question, ad-
dressing an encyclical letter "to our venerable brethren,
all patriarchs, primates, archbishops and bishops of the
Catholic world." The encyclical was on "The Condition
of Labour," and while there was a confusion of socialism
and anarchism with the single tax, and neither Henry
George nor the single tax proposition were specifically
named, yet Archbishop Corrigan of New York hailed the
papal letter as the highest sanction of his own opposition
to the single tax doctrine as preached by Dr. McGlynn
and Henry George. In London, Cardinal Manning told
Mr. George's eldest son, who chanced to be there, that the
Pope's letter aimed at the Henry George teachings; al-
though he intimated that between the postulates and the
deduction Henry George could drive a coach and four.
Mr. George wrote to his son: "For my part, I regard the
encyclical letter as aimed at us, and at us alone, almost.'^
1 On the other hand, a number of Mr. George's Catholic friends from
the first contended that the Pope did not condemn the single tax doc-
trine, some like Rev. Dr. Burtsell holding that that was "free doctrine,"
to be adopted or rejected by individuals without justly incurring the dis-
566 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1891-1896
And I feel very much encouraged by the honour." He
later wrote (June 9) : "I think I ought to write something
about it. Of course the Pope's letter itself is very weak;
but to reply to him might give an opportunity of explain-
ing our principles to many people who know little or
nothing about them."
But this was not the trifling matter that Mr. George at
first purposed to make of it ; for the reply, which took the
form of an open letter to the Pope, grew in his hands,
as his writing usually did. It was not finished until
September, and comprised twenty-five thousand words;
twice as many as the encyclical, which he printed with it.
He had intended also to publish Bishop Nulty's pastoral
letter with it, but concluded that that would make the
pleasure or the rebuke of the Church through her officers. Mr. George
himself, answering a correspondent in the columns of the "New York
Sun," in January, 1893f said: "That the encyclical on the 'Condition
of Labour ' seemed to me to condemn the ' single tax ' theory is true.
But it made it clear that the Pope did not rightly understand that
theory. It was for this reason that in the open letter to which your cor-
respondent refers I asked permission to lay before the Pope the grounds
of our belief and to show that ' our postulates are all stated or implied in
your encyclical ' and that ' they are the primary perceptions of human
reason, the fundamental teachings of the Christian faith'; declaring that,
so far from avoiding, ' we earnestly seek the judgment of religion, the
tribunal of which your Holiness, as the head of the largest body of Christ-
ians, is the most august representative." The answer has come. In the
reinstatement of Dr. McGlynn on a correct presentation of ' single tax '
doctrines, the highest authority of the Catholic Church has declared in
the most emphatic manner that there is nothing in them inconsistent
with the Catholic faith. From henceforth the encyclical on the ' Con-
dition of Labour' a most noble and noteworthy declaration that religion
is concerned with the social evils of our time, and that chronic poverty is
not to be regarded as a dispensation of Providence is evidently to be
understood not as disapproving the 'single tax,' but as disapproving of
the grotesque misrepresentations of it that were evidently at first pre-
sented to the Pope."
Age, 52-57] LETTER TO THE POPE 567
volume too bulky. He wrote to his son (August 21) :
"I think I have done a good piece of work and that it
will be useful and will attract attention. . . . What I
have really aimed at is to make a clear, brief explanation
of our principles; to show their religious character, and
to draw a line between us and the socialists. I have
written really for such men as Cardinal Manning, General
Booth and religious-minded men of all creeds."
The book was published simultaneously in New York
(United States Book Company) and London (Swan Son-
nenschein & Company) and at the same time an Italian
translation by Ludovico Eusebio was brought out in Turin
and Eome by the Unione Tipografico-Editrice, publishers
of the Italian translation of "Progress and Poverty,"
which Sr. Eusebio had made a year or two before. A
copy of the translation of the "Letter to the Pope," beau-
tifully printed and handsomely bound, was presented to
Leo XIII. personally by Monsignor Caprini, Prefect of
the Vatican Library, though Mr. George never received,
directly or indirectly, aught in reply.
Mr. Walker of Birmingham voiced the feelings of the
multitude of friends everywhere who had been shocked
at the news of Mr. George's illness and had had linger-
ing fears of impaired powers. "The great charm of the
book to me," wrote Walker, "was that the work revealed
you in all your old intellectual vigour and showed in
every paragraph that you had recovered all your mental
powers, for which, most reverently I say, thank God !"
But the little book did not start the large immediate
discussion that its author expected, and he relapsed into
a feeling he had entertained before the papal encyclical
had appeared and which he had expressed in a letter (May
18) to a New Church friend, James E. Mills: "How sad
it is to see a church in all its branches offering men stones
568 LIFE OF HENEY GEORGE [laoi-iaw
instead of bread, and thistles instead of figs. From Prot-
estant preachers to Pope, avowed teachers of Christianity
are with few exceptions preaching almsgiving or social-
ism, and ignoring the simple remedy of justice." George
at times had regrets that he had stopped work on his
political economy to make reply to the Pope, but many
of the friends thought the latter writing could ill have
been spared on account of its brevity and exalted religious
tone. After three editions had been exhausted in Eng-
land, James C. Durant, of London, who had joined Mr.
George in bringing out the sixpenny edition of "Progress
and Poverty" in 1882, himself paid for a special edition
of the "Open Letter to the Pope" for free circulation.
Subsequently in the United States this little book became
a favourite in propaganda work.
As has been pointed out many times, the essence of
Henry George's economics is ethical the natural order,
justice. It carries with it a profound belief in an All-
maker; it pulses with the conviction of the fatherhood of
God and the brotherhood of man. When, therefore, Her-
bert Spencer, goaded by a hot controversy raised in the
British newspapers and periodicals over his early "Social
Statics" (quoted by single taxers in support of single
tax principles) made a recantation of his former senti-
ments on the land question and repudiated the principle
he had put in such clear and unqualified terms that God
had made the land for all the people equally, Mr. George
was stirred to the depths. To his mind Spencers offence
was not merely that of a philosopher who attempted to ex-
plain away and shiftingly deny what before he had as-
serted to be a fundamental, obvious and everlasting truth,
but that with his later philosophy, he had allowed mate-
rialism to take the place of God. Moreover, three maga-
zine articles in denial of "natural rights," written in the
Age, 52-57] A PERPLEXED PHILOSOPHER 669
materialistic vein, had appeared in 1890 from the pen of
Professor Thomas H. Huxley, and the chief postulates
of "Progress and Poverty" were probably to the emi-
nent scientist's belief overthrown. 1 George wrote to Tay-
lor at the time (September 16, 1890) : "I suppose you
read Huxley's 'Nineteenth Century' articles. What do
you think of him as a philosopher? T am itching to get
at him, and will, as soon as I can get a little leisure."
It was early in the new year (1892) that George again
laid aside work on his political economy and took up
Spencer. And he took the opportunity to include Hux-
ley, picturing him in passing as "Professor Bullhead" in
the allegorical chapter entitled "Principal Brown."
All of Mr. George's immediate friends who learned of
his intention to write on Spencer were greatly pleased;
and remembering his achievements in his "Letter to the
Pope" and his preceding reply to the Duke of Argyll,
they prepared themselves for an intellectual treat. But
some of the friends were alarmed when told that he
would incidentally touch on the synthetic philosophy. Dr.
Taylor, whom Mr. George called "of old my representa-
tive of Spencerianism," thought that George ought to
"leave any review of the Spencerian system of phil-
osophy to those who are in that special field and who
have had special training for such work." Continuing
he said : "In your own particular field, I am satisfied you
are invincible; but I should not feel so sure of you in
metaphysics, philosophy or cosmogony. Eemember that
life is short, and the powers of the human mind limited,
and that you have not yet produced (what you should
produce) a monumental work on political economy."
1 Professor Huxley republished these essays in a volume entitled
"Method and Results."
570 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1891-1896
George thanked Taylor for his frank counsel, which he
took to be "the strongest proof of friendship." But there
was no change of position. George wrote of the harsh-
ness of his tone towards Spencer and of his views on
evolution in successive letters.
April 18, 1892.
"While I shall trim down or rather, alter in places
my harsher references to Spencer, so as to bring them
later and had in fact already done so I think they
must appear somewhere. I do not regard this as con-
troversy. It is rather exposure. In turning his back
on all he has said before, Mr. Spencer has not argued,
and no explanation is possible that does not impute
motives.
"As for the philosophy, I think I take a truer view
of it than you do. It is substantially the view I took
in 'Progress and Poverty" ; but it has been fortified by a
closer examination. John Fiske does not truly repre-
sent Spencerianism, but has grafted his own ideas on
it. So too, I think, with Professor LeConte or rather
that he holds what I should call the external of evolu-
tion, with which I do not quarrel; for though I do not
see the weight of the evidence with which it is asserted,
it seems to me most reasonable. What I do quarrel
with is the essential materialism of the Spencerian
ideas; and this seems to me to inhere in them in spite
of all Spencer's denials/'
April 29.
"I simply don't see evolution from the animal as the
form in which man has come. I don't deny it, and as
I said in a sentence I hardly think you noticed, I at-
tach no importance to the question. All I contend for
is something behind the form."
The book, bearing title of "A Perplexed Philosopher,"
was out in October (1892). But while it was widely and
well read, it awakened no general demonstration in press
Age, 52-57] ATTITUDE ON EVOLUTION 571
or periodicals and the author had the same kind of mis-
givings that immediately followed in the wake of the
"Letter to the Pope" misgivings that he had misused
his time in not keeping along with the political economy.
Even while writing the Spencer book (in April, 1892) he
wrote incidentally to Dr. Taylor : "Several times since be-
ginning it, I have thought that perhaps it would have
been better to have pushed ahead with other work."
Spencer himself never directly or indirectly during
George's life noticed the tremendous indictment, and "A
Perplexed Philosopher" was the sole one of the George
books that, for many years at any rate, was not trans-
lated into other languages. Whatever may have been
the reason of the comparative non-success of this book,
it could not have been that Henry George's name had lost
its potency, for about this time occurred what must stand
out as remarkable in the history of economic literature.
Tom L. Johnson of Cleveland, 0., following the advice
given by Mr. George at their first interview in 1885, had
gone into politics, run for Congress as a free trade, sin-
gle tax Democrat in 1888, had been defeated, had run
again in 1890 in the same way and been elected. The'
Democrats were in power in the House of Representatives
at Washington and brought forward a timid little tariff-
reducing bill. Mr. Johnson conceived the idea of getting
Henry George's "Protection or Free Trade?" into the
"Congressional Record," the official report of the pro-
ceedings of Congress. "Protection or Free Trade?" had
up to then had an extremely wide circulation, first in
serial form in a number of newspapers, then in regular
book form, and afterwards in cheap, popular form, through
the efforts of educating groups known as "Hand to Hand
Clubs," of which William J. Atkinson of New York and
Logan Carlisle, son of John G. Carlisle, then United
572 LIFE OF HENRY GEOEGE [1891-1896
States Senator from Kentucky, were the prime movers,
and through whose efforts close to two hundred thousand
copies had been put into circulation.
Tom L. Johnson now determined to exceed this. Under
a 'leave to print" rule, members of the House of Repre-
sentatives had long been accustomed to publish speeches
that limited time for debate prevented them from deliv-
ering, or to publish extensive supplementary printed mat-
ter to their delivered "remarks." But as the issue of the
"Congressional Record" was necessarily limited, members
invariably reprinted matter from the "Record" to send to
their constituents or whoever else in the United States
they chose. This printing they themselves had to pay
for; but they had the privilege of sending out such mat-
ter free through the mails, under the "franking privi-
lege." It was a time-honoured custom for members in
this way to send a great quantity of reprinted "Congres-
sional Record" matter into their districts, especially pre-
ceding congressional or presidential elections.
Acting upon this "leave to print" privilege, Mr. John-
son, with Mr. George's hearty approval, divided "Protec-
tion or Free Trade?" between himself and five other con-
gressmen, namely, William J. Stone of Kentucky, Joseph
E. Washington of Tennessee, John W. Fithian of Illinois,
Thomas Bowman of Iowa and Jerry Simpson of Kansas.
Each man on a separate day introduced his section of the
book as a "part of his remarks" in the tariff debate. The
Republican minority beheld this performance with aston-
ishment. They wanted to expunge the work from the
"Record" on the ground that an entire book had never
before been so published. That it was not the "abuse" of
the "leave to print" privilege, but that particular book
which they opposed, became clear, when after having
motions to expunge voted down, they endeavoured to offset
Age, 52-57] "ST. GEOEGE" IN CONGRESS 573
the effect of the Henry George book hy themselves in-
serting in the "Eecord" a book by George Gunton defend-
ing monopolies, though there was not afterwards enough
call for the Gunton book to pay the cost of reprinting it
outside the "Eecord."
The Eepublicans then tried to make capital out of the
incident oy charging the Democrats with going headlong
into the free trade heresy and making Henry George, with
his single tax doctrine, their political prophet. But the
Democrats, delighted to find something that made their
political adversaries cry out, and not over-particular as to
whether or not this book was consistent with their own
professed principles and policy, showed something resem-
bling enthusiasm in circulating the enormous edition of
the work that Mr. Johnson had printed. The Eepubli-
can press all over the country took up and increased the
outcries of the Eepublican Congressmen, with the misrep-
resentation, perhaps unintentional, that the work was
being printed at public expense; while the Democratic
press defended the action of the Democratic Congressmen
and to some extent defended the book itself; so that the
entire country was for the time turned into debating clubs,
with "Protection or Free Trade?" for the subject matter.
Nothing could have better suited Mr. Johnson's purpose.
He had the book printed compactly in large quantities at
the rate of five-eighths of a cent a copy. The great adver-
tising the Eepublican and Democratic papers had given
it made an immense demand for what was known collo-
quially in the House as "St. George," even stalwart Ee-
publicans from the State of Pennsylvania being pestered
for copies. Many congressmen sent large numbers of the
book into their districts, and Mr. Johnson himself sent
two hundred thousand copies into the State of Ohio. The
National Democratic Committee had seventy thousand
574 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1891-1896
copies distributed in Indiana and the Keform Club of
New York, which was active in anti-tariff educational
work, placed one hundred and fifty thousand in the north-
west. In all more than one million two hundred thou-
sand copies of this edition of "St. George" were printed
and distributed, and perhaps as much as two hundred
thousand copies of a better, two-cent edition; sb that of
this single book by Henry George almost two million
copies were printed within less than eight years after
being written something never approached by any other
work in economic literature save by the incomparable
"Progress and Poverty," which with its many translations
may have exceeded that number of copies.
The expense of printing "St. George" was met partly
by small popular contributions from free traders and
single taxers scattered about the country ; partly by larger
sums from men like Thomas G. Shearman of New York,
James E. Mills of California, Thomas F. Walker and
Silas M. Burroughs of England; and partly by money
from the National Democratic committee and the Eeform
Club of New York. But the chief expense was borne by
Tom L. Johnson. Of course there was no thought of
copyright in all this, Mr. George invariably sacrificing
that when it would appreciably help the circulation of
his writings. He looked to the propagation of the faith
above everything else.
It was during this period, or more precisely, on the last
day of August, 1892, that "The Standard" succumbed to
the inevitable, and ceased publication. After William T.
Croasdale's death, Louis F. Post had by general request
taken editorial control. But the paper kept running be-
hind and became too much of a financial burden longer
to carry, as what Mr. George said in a signed statement
in the last number had become more and more evident.
Age, 52-57] DEATH OP "THE STANDAED" 575
"The work that 'The Standard' was intended to do has
been done, and in the larger field into which our move-
ment has passed, there is no longer need for it. For
the usefulness of a journal devoted to the propagation
of an idea must diminish as its end is attained. Needed
while it is the only means of presenting that idea to
the public and keeping its friends in touch, that need
ceases as the idea finds wider expression and journals
of general circulation are open to it. ... Its files
. . . record an advance of the great cause to which
it was devoted unprecedented in the history of such
movements. Where in the beginning it stood alone,
there are now scattered over the United States hun-
dreds of local journals devoted to the same cause, while
the columns of general newspapers of the largest circu-
lation are freely opened to the advocacy of our views.
They are, indeed, making their way through all avenues
of thought the pulpit, the stage and the novel, in leg-
islatures, in Congress and on the political stump. The
ignorance and prejudice which the earlier files of
'The Standard' showed that we then had to meet, have,
in their cruder forms at least, almost disappeared, and
among our most active friends are thousands of men
who then believed our success would be the destruction
of society. Within the last few months nearly a mil-
lion copies of a single tax book have been distributed
under the sanction of one of the great political parties;
and the free trade sentiment to which we were the first
to give practical and determined expression, has so
grown that at the recent Democratic National Conven-
tion it was strong enough to break the slated pro-
gramme and to force a free trade declaration into the
platform.
"Let us say good-bye to it; not as those who mourn,
but as those who rejoice. Times change, men pass, but
that which is built on truth endures."
The hot and comparatively radical campaign, with most
of the Democratic newspapers hammering on the tariff
question, made up to some extent for the death of "The
576 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1891-1896
Standard"; and then came Grover Cleveland's re-election
to the presidency.
All seemed propitious for great events. Henry George
wanted no office; he asked only that President Cleveland
apply the chief principle involved in his election, and
make war on the tariff. But Cleveland's first important
official act brought a great disappointment, for he switched
issues, by subordinating the tariff to the money question,
in calling a special session of Congress to deal with the
currency. While it worked directly into the hands of the
protectionist faction in the Democratic party, it made the
educational work of Johnson and George in circulating
"Protection or Free Trade?" go for naught at that time,
whatever might result in the future from so great a circu-
lation of this book. And then, when the tariff question
was up a year later, George wrote to Johnson (July 24,
1894) : "The President's letter to Chairman Wilson of
the Ways and Means Committee is very bad. Free raw
material is taking the burden off the manufacturers and
keeping it on the consumers."
Nevertheless, Mr. George sat in the gallery of the House
of Representatives and listened with great happiness to
Tom L. Johnson a steel rail manufacturer move to put
steel rails on the free list and make a fervent free trade
speech in support. The moderates in the Democratic
party of course could not let such an incident pass. One
of them, by voice and pointing finger, called attention
of the House to the master in the gallery and the pupil
on the floor; whereupon a lot of the more independent
Democrats streamed upstairs to shake hands with the
man who held no political office, who asked for no po-
political patronage, who said bold things without counting
consequences and who had a fascinating, indescribable in-
fluence over the thoughts of multitudes.
Age, 52-57] CHICAGO RAILKOAD STRIKE 677
If Henry George was disappointed in Mr. Cleveland's
first actions in this second term of the presidency, he was
moved to great hostility to him over the matter of the
Chicago railroad strike; when, setting aside State author-
ity, indeed, in spite of the protests of Governor Altgeld,
the President sent Federal troops to the scene. Not a
New York newspaper opposed the Executive action. Yet
ten thousand men, mostly working men, assembled at a
mass meeting in and about Cooper Union. Eev. Thomas
A. Ducey of St. Leo's Catholic Church, Charles Fred-
erick Adams and James A. Herne the actor, were among
the speakers, and spoke effectively and forcibly; while
Henry George's speech seemed to hit the target's centre :
"I yield to nobody in my respect for law and order
and my hatred of disorder ; but there is something more
important even than law and order, and that is the
principle of liberty. I yield to nobody in my respect
for the rights of property; yet I would rather see every
locomotive in this land ditched, every car and every
depot burned and every rail torn up, than to have them
preserved by means of a Federal standing army. That
is the order that reigned in Warsaw. (Long applause.)
That is the order in the keeping of which every demo-
cratic republic before ours has fallen.* I love the Ameri-
can Eepublic better than I love such order." (Long
applause.)
And a little later Mr. George became freshly angered
against the President for his special message to Congress
that threatened war with Great Britain over the Vene-
zuelan boundary dispute. Much as he hated war, George
justified it when waged for natural rights for liberty.
But even talk of war between two great and enlightened
nations like Great Britain and the United States, espe-
cially over what at bottom he believed to be a mere squab-
578 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [ig9i-i896
ble of private parties as to mineral claims, raised the wrath
within him, and he made an indignant speech against the
President at a mass meeting at Cooper Union.
Henry George's estimation of the President had under-
gone a great change since he spoke and voted for him in
1892. He wrote in the New York "Journal" on the day
before the Presidential election, 1896 :
"The philosophic historian, who, after our grand-
children have passed away, reviews our times, must
write of him [Cleveland] as more dangerous to the
Kepublic than any of his predecessors. The sequel has
proved that it was the Whitneys and the Huntingtons
who had really cause for rejoicing in his election; not
men like me. For no Harrison, no McKinley; no chief
of trusts and rings, such as Eockefeller or Morgan;
no king's jester of monopoly, such as Chauncey M. De-
pew or Bob Ingersoll, could, if elected as a Eepublican,
have used the place so to strike at the vitals of the
Kepublic."
Despite this disappointment, cheer came from other
points. Encouraging news of the progress of the single tax
idea in political affairs was coming from Australia and
New Zealand. Similar good news came from Great Britain.
In the House of Commons in March, 1891, James Stuart's
motion, that "in the opinion of this House, the freeholders
and owners of ground values in the metropolis ought to
contribute directly a substantial share of local taxation,"
had received 123 votes to 149 against ; thus showing great
strength for the idea. Since then it had been stead-
ily creeping over the country and more and more becom-
ing a leading question in the constituencies. The English
Land Restoration League had been conducting, under the
management of its able and untiring secretary, Frederick
Verinder, a "Red Van" educational campaign several
Age, 52-57] MILESTONES OF PROGRESS 579
large vans that afforded two or three speakers living quar-
ters, slowly travelling from village to village, for nightly
open-air meetings and the preaching of the faith. Wil-
liam Saunders, Thomas F. Walker, D'Arcy W. Reeve,
and S. M. Burroughs were among the contributors towards
this work; but the largest individual contribution came
from an Englishman in the United States who wished not
to be publicly known in the matter.
At home had occurred what must be a landmark in the
history of the single tax. Henry George wrote Richard
McGhee, of Glasgow (February 13, 1894) :
"Tom Johnson is doing great work in Congress, and
James G. Maguire's single tax amendment to the in-
come tax bill has brought our views for the first time
into the Congressional arena. It got six votes: Thoso
of James G. Maguire of California, Tom L. Johnson
and Michael D. Harter of Ohio, Jerry Simpson of Kan-
sas and John DeWitt Warner and Charles Tracy of
New York double what I had counted on, as there
was no hope of carrying it and the measure was in a
position in which we could not show our strength; but
the sympathy is such among radical Democrats that
the House cheered when the six men stood up. The
direct line of our advance is however in State legisla-
tion, and the single tax may in that way be brought
into political issue at almost any time."
As Henry George surveyed the world from the quiet of
his workroom the hand of Providence seemed to show in
the rapid progress of the cause, and he set down, in rough
abbreviated form, these notes for a preface for "The Sci-
ence of Political Economy," writing on the sheets the date
of March 7, 1894:
"The years which have elapsed since the publication of
'Progress and Poverty' have been on my part devoted
580 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1891-1896
to the propagation of the truths taught in 'Progress
and Poverty' by books, pamphlets, magazine articles,
newspaper work, lectures and speeches, and have been
so greatly successful as not only far to exceed what
fifteen years ago I could have dared to look forward
to in this time, but to have given me reason to feel that
of all the men of whom I have ever heard who have
attempted anything like so great a work against any-
thing like so great odds, I have been in the result of
the endeavour to arouse thought most favoured. Not
merely wherever the English tongue is spoken, but in
all parts of the world, men are arising who will carry
forward to final triumph the great movement which
'Progress and Poverty 7 began. The great work is not
done, but it is commenced, and can never go back."
Mr. George's purpose was to allow nothing to interfere
with the finishing of his "Political Economy," which he
looked forward to bringing out in the fall of 1896 or
spring of 1897; but the new alignment of national par-
ties drew him from his retirement and once more into the
current of politics.
The industrial depression and currency famine that
reached its most acute stage in the summer of 1893,
dragged along into 1896. Every field of industry in the
country had suffered more or less during the protracted
depression. Through the West and South the popular
belief was that the cause of this lay mainly in an arti-
ficial shrinkage of the currency, and the demand now
swelled to thundering tones for the remonitisation and
free coinage of the silver dollar. In the East, at least
among the working men, the tariff-protected trusts, the
railroads and other monopolies were denounced as having
much to do with the hard times. President Cleveland
had no sympathy with any of this, and he added fuel to
the fire of strong feeling, for he used his office against
Age, 52-57] WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN 581
what Mr. George, among many others, conceived to be
popular rights, and in support of property rights, by pro-
tecting and fostering the monopolies, and by making great
concessions to the bank and bond powers. And when the
election lines were eventually drawn and William McKin-
ley, representing the House of Have, was nominated by
the Eepublican party, and William J. Bryan, at the hands
of the radical majority in the Democratic convention,
and for the House of Want, became the champion of free
silver, anti-monopoly and equal rights, Cleveland openly
took the side of the House of Have and directly and indi-
rectly worked for its success.
Since a young man, Henry George had advocated as the
best possible money, paper issued by the general Govern-
ment paper based on the public credit. He regarded the
silver coinage proposal as another form of the protective
idea to raise, artificially, the price of the silver com-
modity. But economically unsound as he held this prin-
ciple to be, and expensive as he believed its adoption
would prove to those least able to help themselves the
mass of the working population he thought it greatly
preferable to the principle of privilege which the monopo-
listic powers gathered around the gold, or so-called
"sound money" candidate represented. He went to both
the Eepublican and Democratic National Conventions and
afterwards travelled over the middle West, writing signed
articles to the New York "Journal" as to what he saw
and thought. His sympathies were with Bryan in spite
of the free silver doctrine; but at first he could see little
hope of success. As he travelled, however, he became hope-
ful and at length confident that Bryan would win.
Tom L. Johnson, Louis F. Post and a great majority
of the single taxers shared Mr. George's political views.
But there were some who opposed Bryan on account of
582 LIFE OP HENRY GEORGE [1891-1896
his free silver doctrine, which they raised above all other
considerations. "To make the public understand" their
position, they issued a kind of proclamation of their views,
and noticeable among the signatures were those of
Thomas G. Shearman, William Lloyd Garrison, Louis
Prang and August Lewis, which proved the independent
relations subsisting between Mr. George and his friends.
This surprised Mr. George. His attitude was character-
istic. On the day before election he declared in the
"Journal" his view of the issue to be, "Shall the Eepublic
Live?"
"Of those friends of mine, the few single taxers who,
deluded, as I think, by the confusion, purpose to sepa-
rate from the majority of us on the vote, I should like
to ask that they consider how they expected to know
the great struggle to which we have all looked for-
ward as inevitable, when it should come? Hardly by
the true issue appearing at first as the prominent issue.
For all the great struggles of history have begun on
subsidiary, and sometimes on what seemed at the mo-
ment irrelevant issues. Would they not expect to see all
the forces of ill-gotten wealth, with the control of the
majority of the press, on one side, and on the other a
reliance upon the common people the working farm-
ers and the artizan bread-winners? Is not that so
to-day ?
"Would they not expect to see the reliance of the
aristocratic party to be upon an assumed legality
and a narrow interpretation of the command, 'Thou
shalt not steal'; based not upon God's law, but upon
man's law? Is not this true in this case?
"Would they not expect to have every man who stood
prominently for freedom denounced as an anarchist, a
communist, a repudiator, a dishonest person, who
wished to cut down just debts ? Is not this so now ?
Would they not expect to hear predictions of the most
dire calamity overwhelming the country if the power
to rob the masses was lessened ever so little? Has it
Age, 52-57] "SHALL THE REPUBLIC LIVE!" 583
not been so in every struggle for greater freedom that
they can remember or have ever read of?
"Let me ask them before they vote to consider the
matter coolly, as if from a distance in time or space.
. . . Gold and silver are merely the banners under
which the rival contestants in this election have ranged
themselves. The banks are not really concerned about
their legitimate business under any currency. They are
struggling for the power of profiting by the issuance of
paper money, a function properly and constitutionally
belonging to the nation. The railroads are not really
concerned about the 'fifty-cent dollar,' either for them-
selves or their employees. They are concerned about
their power of running the Government and making
and administering the laws. The trusts and pools and
rings are not really concerned about any reduction in
the wages of their workmen, but for their own power
of robbing the people. The larger business interests
have frightened eadh other, as children do when one
says, 'Ghost !' Let them frighten no thinking man."
But they did frighten thinking men. For though
Bryan received nearly a million more votes than elected
Cleveland in 1892, the fear of a commercial panic, of
closed factories and reduced wages, with the factors of
intimidation and corruption, piled up a still greater vote
for McKinley. Mr. George had seen what he believed to
be sure signs of Bryan strength and in the "Journal" ar-
ticles had confidently predicted Bryan's election; so that
when the returns on election night showed how he had
miscalculated the strength of the opposing elements, he
sustained a great shock. "Men will say that I am unre-
liable," he said with simple frankness to his eldest son
as they went home together. And afterwards he said:
"This result makes our fight the harder." But early
next morning he went to the telegraph office and wired
to Bryan a message of congratulation on his splendid
fight and of cheer to keep his heart strong for the future.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE LAST CAMPAIGN.
1897. AGE, 58.
THOUGH now only in his fifty-eighth year, Mr. George
felt further advanced in life than most men do at
that age. While organically sound, the iron constitution
with which he had started out was perceptibly weakening
under the incessant toil since boyhood and the extraordi-
nary strain of the last sixteen years in putting the breath
of life into a world-wide movement and inspiring it with
his own passionate enthusiasm. He became conscious as
he travelled about during the recent presidential cam-
paign that he had lost his old physical elasticity, and he
found it required an effort to get back to the newspaper
habits of his younger days. And when, instead of the
victory he had expected, defeat came, he was more keenly
disappointed than over any previous public event during
his lifetime. It seemed to him, as he said afterwards, that
the century was closing in darkness; that the principle
of democracy, which had triumphed in 1800 with the
acendancy of Thomas Jefferson to the presidency of the
United States, might be conquered by the Hamiltonian
principle of aristocracy and plutocracy in 1900. If he
said little about these sombre thoughts at the time, he
said less of the consciousness that he probably would not
584
Age, 58] THE WEAKENED BODY 585
much longer be able physically to lead in the cause for
equal rights. Yet that that must be done by younger
men was clearly in his mind. But if he could not lead
the army, ho could define the law; and he quietly settled
down again to "The Science of Political Economy" the
book that he hoped would prove the supreme effort of his
life. And over and over he read in the family circle and
softly repeated to himself, as was one of his habits, the
lines of Browning's "Rabbi Ben Ezra," beginning :
"Grow old along with me !
The best is yet to be,
The last of life, for which the first was made :
Our times are in his hand
Who saith, 'A whole I planned,
Youth shows but half; trust God: see all, nor
be afraid !' "
Mr. George found some diversion in overseeing the
building of a house adjoining the old house that the fam-
ily occupied at Fort Hamilton. This was to be Mrs.
George's home, and he took great interest in it. It was
practically the only thing that took him away from his
desk.
But while with an iron will he held himself to his
work, he had not the old snap and vigour; and in March
came what seemed like a severe bilious attack nausea,
dizziness, utter muscular weakness. Dr. Kelly gave warn-
ing that work must stop for a while. He proposed a sea
voyage. Mr. George would not listen to going away. "I
must finish the book before anything else," was the reply
to all suggestions of cessation.
Yet the family made every effort to divert him. There
was much reading aloud a little of Conan Doyle, of
Stevenson, of DeFoe for lighter things; of Tennyson,
586 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [ 18d7
Browning and Macaulay for poetry; of Thomas Jeffer-
son's letters and Schopenhauer's works to engage reflection.
The scriptures were a great solace. Again he listened to
the old story of the image with head of gold and feet of
clay; and to the story of the prophet at the king's feast
reading the writing upon the wall : "Thou art weighed in
the balances and art found wanting."
During all the early part of this year the second son,
Kiehard, who had developed a talent for sculpture, was
at work upon a bust of his father, doing the modelling
in a chamber adjoining the writing room. At various
times of day, suiting his own inclination, Mr. George
came and posed; or rather reposed in an easy-chair, talk-
ing, reading or going to sleep, in any position, innocently
supposing that he was doing all that the artist could ask.
As with everything his children did, he took great inter-
est in this piece of work, and he believed that under the
patient, faithful fingers of his son, this piece of sculpture
acquired essentials that former busts of him, one by Carl
Kohl-Smith in 1888 and one by John Scott Hartley in
1894, did not possess. One day when both of his sons
were present he said, after he had been for a while sitting
for the sculptor and musing: "When I am dead, you
boys will have this bust to carry in my funeral procession,
as was the custom with the Komans."
This was not uttered in any spirit of morbidness, but
in the calm contemplation of things touching death as
well as life. For, one day, after he had quite recovered
from the temporary illness and lay stretched on the couch
in his work room, his wife in a chair beside him, and he
talked of the progress of the cause, he sprang up and
vigorously paced the room. "The great, the very great
advancement of our ideas," said he, "may not show now,
but it will. And it will show more after my death than
Age, 58] DEATH OF DAUGHTER JENNIE 587
during my life. Men who now hold back will then ac-
knowledge that I have been speaking the truth. Neither
of us can tell which of us will die first. But I shall be
greatly disappointed if you precede me, for I have set
my heart on having you hear what men will say of me
and our cause when I am gone."
And now came the lightning stroke out of the clear
sky. The married daughter, Jennie, with her seven
months' old baby boy, had come to visit the parents'
house, and after a few days' illness that seemed to be but
a form of influenza and neuralgia, suddenly died early in
the morning of May 2. As the light of dawn came into
his room, Henry George sat alone with his eldest son.
He said that he had for some time felt a disaster im-
pending; that now it had come; that Herodotus, in his
own way and according to the imagery of the time, had
depicted a great truth in the story of Polycrates the
Tyrant of Samos and Amasis the King of Egypt; that
it was not in the order of things for men to have un-
broken prosperity; that evil comes mixed with good; that
life is a strife; that there are defeats as well as victories
disappointments as well as triumphs. Eealising this,
he had felt that of late years he had had too much good
fortune; that success had crowded upon his efforts; that
even the seeming setbacks had turned into advancements.
Just within a few days a draft of several thousand dol-
lars had come from England as the first part of a bequest
made by Silas M. Burroughs, the ardent single tax friend,
who had carried on a large drug business in Great Brit-
ain and her colonies. Mr. Burroughs, following William
Saunders in death, had bequeathed to Henry George a
one twenty-fourth interest in his estate. This filled the
cup of prosperity full to overflowing, so that Mr. George
had come to look for a reverse, a disaster just as disas-
588 LIFE OF HENliY GEORGE
ters come to other men. He had apprehended that he
might be incapacitated from further work in the cause.
But the blow had come in another way.
Though this death was the first break in the family;
though it came like a knife thrust in the heart, Henry
George showed that outward cheer and courage and
thought of others that seldom failed him. Even in
so small a thing as sending messages to friends, he waited
until the little telegraph station at Fort Hamilton should
open, so as to help swell the business of the woman oper-
ator there, and to that extent increase her importance and
help increase her pay.
As soon as they learned of the death, the intimate
friends hurried to Fort Hamilton to pour out their hearts'
deep but scarcely spoken sympathy. Mr. George, accom-
panied by one of his sons, went to Greenwood Cemetery,
not far from Fort Hamilton, and selected a spot beside
where Tom L. Johnson's father, Colonel A. W. Johnson,
was buried just over the crest of Ocean Hill, looking
south and east toward the Atlantic. And there the dear
daughter was laid on a radiant spring afternoon; Dr
McGlynn, who had married her two years before, now
conducting the simple burial service.
To Thomas F. Walker, Mr. George wrote: "This is the
bitter part of life that we had not tasted, but we have
nothing but beautiful memories, and my wife and I have
rallied for the duties that life still brings." Mr. Mendel-
son wrote and quoted the words of a German song "wenn
Menschen von einander gehn so sagen sie 'auf Wieder-
sehn' " "When people take leave of each other, they say,
'To see you again.' ' : Mr. George replied : "The old Ger-
man song you quote is very sweet. But it really goes
back to the year 1. In one shape or another, that is the
constant song of our race."
I
05
o
-
If
Age, 58] DEAWING UP OF WILLS 589
Among the first of these duties, was, they believed, that
of preparing for the future, for the duration of life now
seemed most uncertain. Both husband and wife drew
wills, each making the other sole beneficiary, with their
two sons as witnesses. Besides this there was the finish-
ing of the house then being built to see to. But for Mr.
George, the chief duty was to complete "The Political
Economy" that had cost him so much more hard labour
than any of his other books. So again he settled down
quietly to writing.
Mr. George had divided "The Science of Political Econ-
omy" into five divisions or "books" and a general intro-
duction, but, as with "Progress and Poverty," its final
form followed many changes and rearrangements. 1
Once or twice when conscious of physical weakness he
had expressed to Mrs. George a doubt of being able to
hold out to complete the work, and probably it was this
feeling that impelled him to write Chapter VIII of
lr The divisions settled upon were : " Book I The Meaning of Political
Economy"; " Book II -The Nature of Wealth"; "Book III The Pro-
duction of Wealth "; " Book IV The Distribution of Wealth"; "Book
V Money : The Medium of Exchange and the Measure of Value." The
last three books were largely written in the summer of 1897, but were
not completed at the time of Mr. George's death ; and when the work was
published as it had been left by his hand, many critics spoke of the evi-
dences of declining powers in the last three divisions and especially in the
broken and even rough places in the part on money. The truth is that
" The Science of Political Economy" as posthumously published is the
best example that can be found of Henry George's method of work; for
the last three divisions or "books " present much of his earlier drafting
of the general work. The money division was written in 1894 and 1895,
as dates on the rough-draft manuscript and in note-books indicate. The
really last work he did was in smoothing and polishing the first two di-
visions, which Dr. Taylor assured him were equal in force, clearness and
finish to his earlier high-water performance of "Progress and Poverty ";
and in this opinion his own judgment concurred.
690 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [iso?
Book II, entitled, "Breakdown of Scholastic Political
Economy Showing the Reason, the Reception and Effect
on Political Economy of 'Progress and Poverty/ }i This
chapter consists of nine and a half pages treating of the
history of "Progress and Poverty" and of the standing
of the new political economy it represents. No person save
the second son, who was asked by the father to make a
copy of this chapter, saw it until the author's decease,
three months later, and there can be small doubt that
feeling that death might claim him at any time, Henry
George deemed it necessary to take this means of making
clear to the world certain facts relating to the genesis of
his writing and the progress and standing of his ideas.
This did not come from any petty sense of vanity, but
from passionate pride in and zeal to press forward the
cardinal cause with which the very fibres of his nature
were interwoven. He had long thought of writing an
autobiography, for he held that no one could have so exact
a knowledge of essential facts as the subject himself.
This he had looked to do at the close of his life. But
the sudden death of his daughter and his own recurring
weakness made him conscious that the end might be
nearer than would be compatible with such a plan, so
that without speaking of the matter, he now slipped these
autobiographical notes into the manuscript of his big book,
and he quietly put in order his more important papers,
to many attaching notes and dates. He also more freely
than ever before in his life talked of his personal his-
tory, and in the household and to immediate friends, in
a casual way told of past scenes with a candour and un-
affectedness that left lasting impressions on the listeners'
ears. Later in the year, just after he had entered on
his last campaign against the solemn warning of his med-
ical friends, he was obviously more strongly impressed
Age, 58] GEORGE'S SUMMING UP 591
than ever with the necessity of making autobiographical
notes, and he told Ralph Meeker, a newspaper friend,
who had a stenographer present to take his words ver-
batim, something of the story of his life.
Henry George's final view of the effect of his teachings
on the orthodox presentation of political economy he set
forth in the "Progress and Poverty" chapter of his last
work:
" 'Progress and Poverty* has been, in short, the most
successful economic work ever published. Its reason-
ing has never been successfully assailed, and on three
continents it has given birth to movements whose prac-
tical success is only a question of time. Yet though
the scholastic political economy has been broken, it has
not been, as I at the time anticipated, by some one of
its professors taking up what I had pointed out; but a
new and utterly incoherent political economy has taken
its place in the schools.
"Among the adherents of the scholastic economy,
who had been claiming it as a science, there had been
from the time of Smith no attempt to determine what
wealth was; no attempt to say what constituted prop-
erty, and no attempt to make the laws of production
or distribution correlate and agree, until there thus
burst on them from a fresh man, without either the
education or the sanction of the schools, on the remot-
est verge of civilisation, a reconstruction of the science,
that began to make its way and command attention.
What were their training and laborious study worth if
it could be thus ignored, and if one who had never
seen the inside of a college, except when he had at-
tempted to teach professors the fundamentals of their
science, whose education was of the mere common
school branches, whose alma mater had been the fore-
castle and the printing office, should be admitted to
prove the inconsistency of what they had been teaching
as a science? It was not to be thought of. And so
while a few of these professional economists, driven to
592 LIFE OF HENET GEORGE
Bay something about 'Progress and Poverty' resorted
to misrepresentation, the majority preferred to rely
upon their official positions in which they were secure
by the interests of the dominant class, and to treat as
beneath contempt a book circulating by thousands in
the three great English-speaking countries and trans-
lated into all the important modern languages. Thus
the professors of political economy seemingly rejected
the simple teachings of 'Progress and Poverty,' re-
frained from meeting with disproof or argument what it
had laid down, and treated it with contemptuous silence.
"Had these teachers of the schools frankly admitted
the changes called for by 'Progress and Poverty,' some-
thing of the structure on which they built might have
been retained. But that was not in human nature. It
would not have been merely to accept a new man with-
out the training of the schools, but to admit that the
true science was open to any one to pursue, and could
be successfully continued only on the basis of equal
rights and privileges. It would not merely have made
useless so much of the knowledge that they had labor-
iously attained, and was their title to distinction and
honour, but would have converted them and their sci-
ence into opponents of the tremendous pecuniary in-
terests that were vitally concerned in supporting the
justification of the unjust arrangements which gave
them power. The change in credence that this would
have involved would have been the most revolutionary
that had ever been made, involving a far-reaching
change in all the adjustments of society such as had
hardly before been thought of, and never before been
accomplished at one stroke; for the abolition of chattel
slavery was as nothing in its effect as compared with
the far-reaching character of the abolition of private
ownership of land. Thus the professors of political
economy, having the sanction and support of the
schools, preferred, and naturally preferred, to unite
their differences, by giving what had before been in-
sisted on as essential, and to teach what was an incom-
prehensible jargon to the ordinary man, under the as-
Age, 58] PROFESSORS ARRAIGNED 593
sumption of teaching an occult science, which required
a great study of what had been written by numerous
learned professors all over the world and a knowledge
of foreign languages. So the scholastic political econ-
omy, as it had been taught, utterly broke down, and,
as taught in the schools, tended to protectionism and
the German, and to the assumption that it was a recon-
dite science on which no one not having the indorse-
ment of the colleges was competent to speak, and on
which only a man of great reading and learning could
express an opinion. . . .
"Such inquiry as I have been able to make of the
recently published works and writings of the authori-
tative professors of the science has convinced me that
this change has been general among all the colleges,
both of England and the United Slates. So general
is this scholastic utterance that it may .now be said that
the science of political economy, as founded by Adam
Smith and taught authoritatively in 1880, has now been
utterly abandoned, its teachings being referred to as
teachings of 'the classical school' of political economy,
now obsolete." 1
But to turn to external things. As early as June began
the preliminary rumbling of fall politics. Various ru-
mours were afloat that Henry George was to be asked to
run as an independent candidate for the office of Mayor
1 "The Science of Political Economy," pp. 203-208. It may also be
said that Mr. George during the last months of his life had occasion to
reset " Progress and Poverty " for new electrotype plates. Notwithstand-
ing the very large controversial literature to which it had given birth, he
had found no reason to change the book in any essential, though he did
make some alterations respecting syntax and punctuation, cleared the
phraseology of the plane illustration in the chapter on interest and the
cause of interest, and made a distinction between patents and copyrights,
condemning the former and justifying the latter something he had
not formerly done. With these minor exceptions, the book was reset
identically as it had been set in San Francisco in 1879, notwithstanding
tb / battery of criticism of eighteen years.
594 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1897
of the Greater New York which had just been formed
by the absorption of Brooklyn and other adjoining mu-
nicipalities, so that it now had become the second city in
the world in respect to population. Though Mr. George
discouraged the idea that he desired to run, and even told
a number of his friends that the necessity of continuous
work on the book and his physical condition would not
permit him to run, yet only those closest about him un-
derstood his real condition and hundreds and thousands
in the cause beyond were urgent for his candidacy. Mr.
George's medical adviser, Dr. Kelly, hastened to warn
him against the ordeal that such a campaign would cer-
tainly entail; and Dr. M. E. Leverson, a neighbour at
Fort Hamilton, and a friend since the California days,
set down some notes of a conversation with Mr. George
touching the matter:
"One afternoon, after talking over the mayoralty
subject, we went for a walk on Shore Road, just in
front of his house. Mr. George was convalescent merely,
indications showing to the physician the still existant
condition. Continuing the conversation commenced
in the house, Mr. George said to me :
" 'Tell me : If I accept, what is the worst that can
happen to me?'
"I answered: 'Since you ask, you have a right to be
told. It will most probably prove fatal.'
"He said: 'You mean it may kill me?'
" 'Most probably, yes.'
" 'Dr. Kelly says the same thing, only more posi-
tively. But I have got to die. How can I die better
than serving humanity ? Besides, so dying will do more
for the cause than anything I am likely to be able to do
in the rest of my life/ ' :
To another medical friend, Dr. Walter Mendelson,
brother-in-law to August Lewis, he wrote (September 30)
Age, 58] WARNED OP DANGER 595
in response to a letter of friendly warning: "I thank you
very much for your friendly counsel. I shall take it,
unless as I can see it duty calls. In that case I must
obey. After all, how little we can see of the future.
God keep you and yours."
And when some of the intimate friends came to Mrs.
George to emphasize the danger and advise her to influ-
ence her husband to desist, she answered :
"When I was a much younger woman I made up my
mind to do all in my power to help my husband in his
work, and now after many years I may say that I have
never once crossed him in what he has seen clearly to
be his duty. Should he decide to enter this campaign
I shall do nothing to prevent him; but shall, on the
contrary, do all I can to strengthen and encourage
him. He must live his life in his own way and at
whatever sacrifice his sense of duty requires; and I
shall give him all I can devotion."
Some of the friends, anxious for his safety and seeing
that he was not to be frightened off by the condition of
his health, endeavoured to divert him in another way.
They appealed to his sense of fitness, saying that while he
was pre-eminent as a political economist and as a teacher
of the principles of democratic government, he was un-
fitted by temperament and training for the laborious
routine and multifarious harassments of such a position,
and that he had not the experience such as made most
appropriate the candidature, on an independent Repub-
lican ticket, of Seth Low, who had twice been Mayor of
Brooklyn, and who had since held with distinction the
great administrative office of the presidency of Columbia
University, one of the largest and wealthiest educational
institutions in the country, if not in the world. Mr.
George's reply was that there might be many men fitted
596 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [irr
to make better executives than he; but that sharing
Thomas Jefferson's view, that democratic government
called upon the people not to select men best qualified to
fill public office so much as to select men best qualified
to represent popular sentiment, if he ran for the may-
oralty, it would not be because he thought he could make
a better executive than any other man, but that he would
represent certain principles that those who put him for-
ward would wish to see promoted.
As time advanced it looked as though the Democratic
ring that ruled New York proposed to carry the election
With a high hand, putting up for its mayoralty candidate
Judge Robert Van Wyck, who was regarded as a mere
"machine" man, who would readily lend himself to the
kind of rotten politics that for generations had made the
name of New York Democracy a reproach to all the coun-
try. The call for George as an independent candidate
therefore became stronger than ever. The radical ele-
ment in the Democratic party, moreover, appeared to be
ready to rally for a new fight against the plutocratic pow-
ers the Jeffersonian forces once more lining up before
the Hamiltonian forces.
Following his custom, Mr. George called a meeting of
his more intimate friends early in October for consulta-
tion. The meeting took place in the New York office of
the Johnson Company. About thirty persons were pres-
ent. It was a mixed company and much advice for and
against the fight was given, to all of which Mr. George
listened and said little, except to cut short every reference
to his health and strength, saying that the sole question
to consider was the one of duty; and to reply to allusions
relative to work on the book by saying that the essentials
were completed, the remainder indicating, should any-
thing befall him, the direction of his thought.
Age, 58] ENTERS THE LAST FIGHT 597
As a result of this conference, Mr. George decided to
make the fight, and the moment he came to that decision
there was a remarkable change in his condition. A new
vigour came to him. He had but one other person to con-
sult with his wife and as he started for Fort Hamil-
ton to talk with her, a new vivacity shone in his face,
a spring was in his step, and he softly whistled to him-
self in the old, hopeful, boyish way; all unconscious as
he passed down the steps from the Johnson Company
office and out into the street that he almost brushed
against Eichard Croker, the political boss of New York,
whose misrule he should denounce almost with his dying
breath.
When he reached home, Mr. George told his wife of the
conference with the friends and then said :
"Annie : Eemember what you declared Michael Davitt
should do at the time of the Phoenix Park murders in
1882 go to Dublin and be with his people, even though
it should cost him his life. I told you then that I
might some day ask you to remember those words. I
ask you now. Will you fail to tell me to go into this
campaign? The people want me; they say they have
no one else upon whom they can unite. It is more than
a question of good government. If I enter the field it
will be a question of natural rights, even though as
mayor I might not directly be able to do a great deal
for natural rights. New York will become the theatre
of the world and my success will plunge our cause into
world politics."
Mrs. George answered: "You should do your duty at
whatever cost." And so it was decided that he should run.
Mr. George's prediction as to the change his candidacy
would make in the character of the campaign was verified
at once. From the Tammany-Democracy point of view
598 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE
the issue was merely a "spoils-of-office" one, with a man
for a figurehead who had for some years sat upon a judi-
cial bench, but who outside of strictly local legal circles
was scarcely known. The Eepublican party had set up
a man of much wider name, General Benjamin F. Tracy,
who stood high at the bar of the country and had held a
portfolio in President Harrison's cabinet ; but who scarcely
less than the Tammany candidate stood for "spoils."
Each was put forward by a "machine" and each was domi-
nated by a "boss." Neither stood for any principle that
from the outside country could claim other attention than
distrust and regret. The candidacy of President Seth
Low of Columbia College as an independent Kepublican
in protest against corrupt politics awakened widespread
interest an interest which the entrance of Henry George
at the head of a regenerated Democracy broadened and
deepened.
But Henry George's appearance brought to the can-
vass more than a strengthening of the fight against "ma-
chine rule" and for "pure politics." Besides a political
contest, it became a social struggle; for while, even if
clothed with the mayoralty powers, there was no possi-
bility of his doing much at once and directly to improve
economic conditions, his victory would mean that social
questions had found a strong lodgment in the body politic
and must soon turn the larger, potent politics to its ends.
Eleven years had passed over since he had stood for the
mayoralty of the smaller New York eleven years full of
work with tongue and pen to spread broadcast through the
world the hope of and faith in a natural order that would
root out from the earth want and suffering, sin and crime.
Those who had heard him speak had multiplied to scores
upon scores of thousands and those who had read his writ-
ten message had swelled to millions. Those who had aban-
Age, 58] COOPER UNION SPEECH 699
doned old beliefs or awakened from dull despair and
claimed his optimistic faith and called him leader were
among all nations and spoke all tongues. Justice, Liberty,
Equality were the watchwords; where his banner waved,
there for them was the thick of the battle to make life for
mankind better and brighter. For that reason men trav-
elled from distant parts of the country to participate in
this mayoralty campaign; and when news of the conflict
was brought, fervent words of God-speed went out from
responsive hearts across the wide seas in England and
Scotland and Ireland, in Germany, in Italy, in far-away
South Africa and the farther still antipodes; in the cen-
tres of knowledge and on the frontiers of civilisation;
even in those remote and isolated parts of the world
where communication is slow and intelligence of the can-
didacy did not reach until after death had intervened,
like starlight that for a time continues to shine on, though
the orb that gave it has ceased to be.
The canvass opened amid intense anxieties for those
nearest Mr. George. For when he arose in crowded
Cooper Union on the evening of October 5 to accept the
nominations of several political organisations, he was not
as he had been eleven years before flushed with strength
and vigour but with thin body and ashen face. He had
almost fainted on his way to the hall. But his words
had the old ring and courage:
"I have not sought this nomination directly or indi-
rectly. It has been repugnant to me. My line lay in
a different path, and I hoped to tread it; but I hold
with Thomas Jefferson that while a citizen who can
afford to should not seek office, no man can ignore the
will of those with whom he stands when they have
asked him to come to the front and represent a prin-
ciple.
600 LIFE OP HENRY GEOBGE [isov
"The office for which you name me gives me no
power to carry out in full my views, but I can repre-
sent the men who think with me men who think that
all men are created equal; and whether it be success or
failure matters nothing to me. (A shout: 'But it's
something to us!') Aye, something to all of us; some-
thing to our friends and relatives in far off lands;
something for the future, something for the world.
(Cheers.) To make the fight is honour, whether it be
for success or failure. To do the deed is its own re-
ward. You know what I think and what I stand
for. . . .
"A little while ago it looked to me at least that the de-
feat that the trusts, the rings and money power, grasping
the vote of the people, had inflicted on William Jen-
nings Bryan (applause) was the defeat of everything for
which the fathers had stood, of everything that makes
this country so loved by us, so hopeful for the future. It
looked to me as though Hamilton had triumphed at
last, and that we were fast verging upon a virtual aris-
tocracy and despotism. You ask me to raise the stand-
ard again (applause); to stand for that great cause;
to stand as Jefferson stood in the civil revolution in
1800. I accept. (Applause. Three cheers for Henry
George were called for and given with cries of 'And
you will be elected, too!')
"I believe I shall be elected. (Applause.) I believe,
I have always believed, that last year many so-called
Democrats fooled with the principles of the Chicago
platform, but that there was a power, the power that
Jefferson invoked in 1800, that would cast aside like
chaff all that encumbered and held it down; that unto
the common people, the honest democracy, the democ-
racy that believes that all men are created equal, would
come a power that would revivify, not merely this im-
perial city, not merely the State, not merely the coun-
try, but the world. (Vociferous applause.)
"No greater honour can be given to any man than
to stand for all that. No greater service can he render
to his day and generation than to lay at its feet what-
Age, 58] THE CALL OP DUTY 601
ever he has. I would not refuse if I died for it. (Ap-
plause. )
"What counts a few years? What can a man do
better or nobler than something for his country, for his
nation, for his age?
"Gentlemen, fellow Democrats, I accept your nomi-
nation (applause) without wavering or turning,
whether those who stand with me be few or many.
From henceforward I am your candidate for the May-
oralty of Greater New York."
Thus Henry George bravely spoke, but his words at
times were low and slow, and only the few who crowded
about him at the end and were with him until he left
the hall realised the great physical effort he had made.
They said little, but affection held them close about him
like a bodyguard to save him every step, every effort,
possible.
Thus commenced the campaign to be closed on Novem-
ber 2, a little over three weeks off. They were three
weeks of happiness for Henry George. The breath of
battle had entered into his nostrils, and when occasion
called, roused to something like former strength his lion's
soul. He had seriously agreed at the outset that he
would make only three, four or five speeches during the
whole canvass; but soon he had swept this aside as an
idle resolve, until, by his own will, he was speaking at
three, four and five meetings every night, more, prob-
ably than the other three candidates put together.
The new party called itself "The Party of Thomas
Jefferson," a name suggested by Mr. George, as opposed
to the name of "Democratic Party," which Tammany had
degraded. It had headquarters in the Union Square
Hotel, beside the old "Standard" office. The party had
none of the machinery of organisation that professional
602 LIFE OF HENRY GEOKGE [1397
politicians believe essential, but it had the intense, almost
religious, enthusiasm that makes up for organisation.
Tom L. Johnson, August Lewis and John R. Waters made
liberal contributions towards what there was of a fund
for legitimate campaign expenses, and small sums were
collected at some of the meetings and came from other
minor sources. Against the wishes of his friends who
thought he should keep it all for his personal maintenance,
Mr. George turned over some of the money from the Bur-
roughs bequest towards this purpose. But all told the
fund was ridiculously small in comparison with the other
party funds. It sufficed, however, as there were no cam-
paign trappings and with but few exceptions, the host of
speakers paid their own expenses.
Willis J. Abbott, prominent in New York and Chicago
daily journalism and author of several popular histories,
was chairman of the campaign committee. Tom L. John-
son, being a citizen of another State, could not properly
be one of the committee. Nevertheless, he was too deeply
interested to be inactive, and he was consulted in every-
thing, letting his own private affairs take care of them-
selves. And August Lewis, who at the outset had not the
remotest idea of taking a personal part in the fight,
quickly got into the very thick of it and became treasurer
of the committee. These were the two men to whom
Henry George had dedicated his yet unfinished book, and
love for the man and devotion to his cause and their cause
held them close beside him in this crisis.
The committee was composed of men schooled in the
art of politics, yet as one of them said to Arthur McEwen,
one of the intimate friends: "How it is I don't know,
but every move we have made in politics against George's
advice we have been wrong, and every time we have fol-
lowed his advice we have come out right. We all think
Copyrighted, Sckatdntr, 1897.
Last photograph taken, October, 1897.
Age, 58] TRUE TO THE END 603
we know more about the ins and outs of the game than
he does, but he has a sort of instinct that guides him
straight."
The friends shielded him from work as much as they
could. August Lewis lived in the neighbourhood. Every
day he took Mr. George off there to lunch, gently compel-
ling him afterward to take a little rest. And it was in
intervals of relaxation that Mr. George on invitation sat
for his portrait in four different photograph galleries. 1
There was not time for much correspondence, but one
letter that Mr. George found opportunity to write reveals
the man. Eev. E. Heber Newton, the boyhood friend,
had written words of God-speed, but said that in the pecu-
liar circumstances he must vote for Low. Mr. George
answered (October 22) :
"DEAR HEBER: Thanks for your advice and counsel.
We have been wiser than you at this time thought.
But this makes no matter. Vote for Low or vote for
me, as you may judge best. I shall in any event, be
true. What doth it profit a man to gain the whole
world and lose his own soul?"
Mr. George was confident of success, but showed only
flashes of enthusiasm, which Mrs. George noticed and
spoke of to him. "No," he answered; "little of the old-
time enthusiasm. Perhaps it is that with success, such
as has come to our cause, the mind advances to the con-
templation of other things."
One night a raw night, towards the end after he
had come in from speaking, he left the hotel again with
Edward McHugh to look at one of the fruits of our one-
sided civilisation a long line of decent-looking men
standing before a Broadway bakery, silently waiting^ for
1 Schaidner's, Prince's, See & Eppler's, and Rockwood's.
604 LIFE OF HENRY GEOEGE [1397
a customary midnight dispensing of stale loaves of bread.
Mr. George said little, but that little showed a full heart.
And then came the last night Thursday, October 28
five days before election. Five speeches had been
planned, but the places were so far apart that the last had
to be declared off, and as it was Mr. George did not get
back to headquarters till near midnight.
Mrs. George, whom he now wanted near him at all
times, had attended every meeting and was as usual with
him this night, as also was his brother, John V. George.
The first meeting was at Whitestone, Long Island, where
he showed signs of weariness. But his sentences were
clear, his words well chosen and his sentiments direct
and strong.
"What I stand for and what my labour has been, I
think you know. I have laboured many years to make
the great truths known, and they are written down in
the books. What I stand for is the principle of true
Democracy, the truth that comes from the spirit of
the plain people and was given to us and is embodied
in the philosophy of Thomas Jefferson. The Democ-
racy of Jefferson is simple and good, and sums up the
majesty of human rights and the boundaries of govern-
ment by the people. . . .
"Slowly but surely the Democracy of Jefferson has
been strayed from, has been forgotten by the men who
were, by its name, given office and power among the
people. Error and wrong have been called by the name
of the truth, and the harvest of wrong is upon this
land. There are bosses and trusts and sumptuary laws.
Labour-saving machinery has been turned like captured
cannon, against the ranks of labour, until labour is
pressed to earth under the burden !
"And must no one rise up in the land of liberty
when labour must humbly seek, as a boon, the right to
labour?"
Age, 58] EQUAL RIGHTS FOR ALL MEN 605
In Turner Hall, College Point, Mr. George next spoke.
There was a large audience, mostly of working men, and
he was introduced as "the great friend of labour and
Democracy/' His first utterance was one of dissent:
"I have never claimed to be a special friend of labour.
Let us have done with this call for special privileges
for labour. Labour does not want special privileges.
I have never advocated nor asked for special rights or
special sympathy for working men!
"What I stand for is the equal rights of all men!"
Long and loud cheers showed that the speaker's senti-
ments found instant echo in the hearts of his hearers.
The third speech was in the Town Hall at Flushing.
Dan Beard, the artist, was in the chair. He relates this
incident :
"I escorted Mr. George from the reception room to
the stage and bowed to the audience, as the only way
that the applause would permit me to introduce him.
Mr. George took a few steps, faced the side of the
stage, looked upward for a moment, and raising his
right hand as if addressing some one overhead, said:
'Time and tide wait for no man.' His arm fell to his
side, his head fell forward, the chin on the breast, and
he stood as if lost in thought. Presently he roused,
turned to the audience and said: 'I have only time to
come, take a look at you and go away.' "
In this speech Mr. George said:
"Let me say a word about Mr. Low. On election
day as between Mr. Low and myself, if you are yet un-
decided, you must vote for whom you please. I shall
not attempt to dictate to you. I do entertain the hope,
however, that you will rebuke the one-man power by
not voting for the candidate of the bosses. I am not
606 LIFE OP HENEY GEORGE [1897
with Low. He is a Kepublican and is fighting the
machine, which is all very good as far as it goes. But
he is an aristocratic reformer; I am a democratic re-
former. He would help the people; I would help the
people to help themselves."
Many surged after Mr. George as he left the hall with
his wife and his brother. Nearest of all to them was a
poor, but neat, old woman, pale with emotion or ill health,
who in low tones said and many times repeated: "God
bless you ! God bless you, Henry George ! You are a
good man." Presently Mr. George noticed the voice, and
turning, said reverently: "And may God bless you, too;
you must be a good woman to ask God to bless me." In
a moment more there was a movement towards the car-
riage and the woman was lost in the throng.
On the way to the last meeting in the Central Opera
House, New York proper, the candidate showed great
weariness and climbed the stairs with evident labour. It
was close to eleven o'clock when he arose to speak and
a large part of the audience that had left the hall and
got into the street to go home crowded back again. But
while in the former speeches that evening, especially in
the one at Flushing, he spoke with clearness and con-
tinuity, this last speech was disconnected and rambling.
The contrast was marked to Mrs. George and the brother.
But Mr. George spoke only briefly and then the party
took carriage for the Union Square Hotel, where Mr. and
Mrs. George were to sleep.
It was nearly midnight when the Georges and such of
the friends who still lingered about the headquarters
ten in all went to the hotel dining-room for a little sup-
per. Mr. George had for several weeks been eating spar-
ingly, breakfast being the largest meal. At half past five
that evening, before starting on his speaking engagements,
Age, 58] DEATH OF HENRY GEORGE 607
he had taken a little soup and toast, and some weak tea.
At the midnight supper he had a few small oysters and a
glass of milk. Some of the friends spoke of the pallor
and extreme fatigue showing in Mr. George's face. Nev-
ertheless, after the light supper he seemed to take comfort
from a cigar. Before retiring he complained to his wife
of a slight feeling of indigestion, and she waked in the
early morning hours to find that he had arisen from his
bed. She called and he answered that he was well, but
he did not return to bed. After a time she arose and
found him in an adjoining room of their suite. He was
standing, one hand on a chair, as if to support himself.
His face was white; his body rigid like a statue; his
shoulders thrown back, his head up, his eyes wide open
and penetrating, as if they saw something; and one word
came "Yes" many times repeated, at first with a quiet
emphasis, then with the vigour of his heart's force, sink-
ing to softness as Mrs. George gently drew him back to
his couch. He moved mechanically and awkwardly, as
though his mind was intently engaged, and little con-
scious of things about him.
The elder son, the only other member of the family in
the hotel, was called, and then Dr. Kelly and Mr. Lewis
and Mr. Johnson, who lived close at hand. Mr. George
was entirely unconscious when Dr. Kelly arrived. A
stroke of apoplexy had fallen. The great heart had worn
out the physical bod} r , and a thread in the brain had
snapped. The physician's sympathy went out to the wife,
and then in utter helplessness he cast himself face down-
ward upon the floor. For at that moment Henry George's
spirit was answering the call of the All-Father.
With tears and fierce resolution his party companions
vowed to push on with the contest. They put forward
608 LIFE OF HENEY GEORGE [1397
the dead man's oldest son and namesake to carry the cam-
paign banner; but the son drew only the votes that his
unknown and untried personality could command.
Beyond party lines, Henry George's fellow-men gave
him the acknowledgment he had said would come when
he was dead. He had made his fight the theatre of the
world, and messages poured in not merely from neigh-
bouring cities and all parts of the nation, but from Great
Britain, France, Germany and Denmark, from Africa,
Australia, Japan and China to lay garlands of tribute on
his bier. To the watching world he had fought the
greatest of battles and won the supremest of victories: he
had risked and met death to proclaim justice. "To-day,"
they said, "the earth loses an honest man." The press
far and wide rang with encomiums. "He was a tribune
of the people," said a city paper not of his camp "poor
for their sake when he might have been rich by mere com-
promising; without official position for their sake when
he might have had high offices by merely yielding a part
of his convictions to expediency. All his life long he
spoke, and wrote, and thought, and prayed, and dreamed
of one thing only the cause of the plain people against
corruption and despotism. And he died with his armour
on, with his sword flashing, in the front of the battle,
scaling the breastworks of intrenched corruption and des-
potism. He died as he lived. He died a hero's death.
He died as he would have wished to die on the battle-
field, spending his last strength in a blow at the enemies
of the people. Fearless, honest, unsullied, uncompromis-
ing Henry George!" Said a paper of another faction:
"Stricken down in the moment of supremest confidence,
Henry George, the idol of his people, is dead. He was
more than a candidate for office, more than a politician,
more than a statesman. He was a thinker whose work
Age, 58] LYING IN STATE 609
belongs to the world's literature. His death has carried
mourning into every civilised country on the globe. As
a thinker, a philosopher, a writer, he was great; but he
was greatest as an apostle of the truth as he saw it an
evangelist, carrying the doctrines of justice and brother-
hood to the remotest corners of the earth."
While the press of the world hailed this man's name,
the pulpit, trade union meetings, gatherings of the unlet-
tered, councils of the learned, in many nations and many
tongues, sounded praises of his purity of heart and the
greatness of his purpose; while in his own city came
the unknown and forlorn and wretched to gaze wistfully
into the casket and burst into tears at this last glimpse
of him whom they instinctively felt to be their champion.
All day Sunday the body lay in state in the Grand
Central Palace, with the bronze bust executed by the son
Richard looking down upon the bier. From early morn-
ing old and young, poor and rich, passed to take a silent
farewell. "Never for statesman or soldier," said one of
the press, "was there so remarkable a demonstration of
popular feeling. At least one hundred thousand persons
passed before his bier and another hundred thousand were
prevented from doing so only by the impossibility of get-
ting near it. Unconsciously they vindicated over his dead
body the truth of the great idea to which his life was
devoted, the brotherhood of man."
And in the afternoon, with doors closed and the great
hall thronged to the last possible inmate, occurred the sim-
ple but majestic public services, as catholic as his own broad
religion. Voices from Plymouth's Congregational choir
sang the solemn hymns; Dr. Heber Newton read from the
beautiful ritual that as boys he and the dead man had
listened to each Sunday in old St. Paul's in Philadelphia ;
Dr. Lyman Abbott recounted the peerless courage, Eabbi
610 LIFE OF HENRY GEORGE [1397
Gottheil the ancient wisdom, Dr. McGlynn the pulsing
sympathy and John S. Crosby the civic virtue of the great
heart lying silent in their centre, till strong feeling rent
the funeral hush and cheers burst from smothering
bosoms.
As night descended the long funeral procession moved.
In advance a volunteer band alternated the requiem
throb of Chopin's "Funeral March" with the Marseillaise'
exultant "March on to Victory I" Then followed the
mortal remains, mounted high upon a draped and gar-
landed funeral car, drawn by a double line of led horses.
Behind came the vast, winding column of those, riding
and walking, rich and poor, high and low, distinguished
and unknown, who wished to pay homage to the dead
man's worth and high-born principles moving along
without pomp or demonstration, save only the fluttering
of occasional trade union banners. Chief in the multi-
tude were such as had personally known and talked with
Henry George, who had accepted his teachings and were
counted among the faithful. Now in the closing drama
they followed their friend and leader, so eloquent in
death that all the world seemed to reverence gathering
each present shifting scene, each past look and word, to
leave as a priceless heritage to their furthermost posterity.
Night deepened and the great city's lights shone out
as the funeral concourse moved on through the people-
lined avenues, heads uncovering and eyes glistening as
the funeral car rolled by. There was a halt for a silent
moment before the hushed and darkened City Hall, where
perhaps had he lived Henry George may have sat as chief
magistrate; thence the procession crossed the bridge to
the Brooklyn City Hall, where the cortege was disbanded
and the casket given to the relatives. "The world yester-
day paid the highest tribute, perhaps, it has ever paid to
Age, 58] THE LAST SCENE 611
the quality of sincerity/' were the words of an opposing
party paper.
Next morning Monday, November 1, 1897 with the
light streaming in on the home at Fort Hamilton, two
Episcopal divines George Latimer, the cousin, and John
W. Kramer, the friend read the service of their Church,
after which Dr. McGlynn testified to their dear one's
inspiring faith in immortality. Then the relatives and
intimates bore the body to Greenwood and lowered it at
the chosen spot on the hill-crest, beside the beloved daugh-
ter. All was enveloped in the soft grey light of an au-
tumn day, and beyond to the south lay the shimmering
Atlantic.
On the stone that his fellow-citizens soon raised there
are fixed in metal letters these words from Henry George's
first great book words to which, after long years of
labour, he bore final testimony with his life:
"Tlie truth that I have tried to make clear
will not find easy acceptance. If that could be,
it would have been accepted long ago. If that
could be, it would never have been obscured. But
it will find friends those who will toil for it;
suffer for it; if need be, die for it. This is the
power of Truth."
INDEX
Abbot, Willis J., last campaign, 602.
Abbott, Rev. Dr. Lyman, address at
G's funeral, 600.
Abelard ;md Heloise, 260.
Abstraction. See Preoccupation.
Accidents, suffocation, 205; horses,
214, 231.
Adams, Charles Fred., Free Soil
Bociety, 400 ; poor speaking anec-
dote, 443; first mayoralty cam-
paign, 460; Chicago strike meeting,
577.
Adelaide, 8. A., visit to, 533, 536.
" Advertiser," Boston, 381.
Affectation, absence of, 309-310, 325,
426.
Affection, shown by friends, 61, 73-
74, 305-309 ; by G., 54-55, 412-413, 546.
Air, private property in, 517-518.
Alabama, blockade runner, 169.
Alabama, secession of, 108.
Alexander, Charles W., of Philadel-
phia, 9.
Alliugham, mayor of Waterford,
438.
"Alta California," San Francisco,
161-166, 324, 397.
Alt geld, Gov. J. P., of Illinois, 577.
Ambition, guards against, 507, 530-
531, 551.
" American Commonwealth," the
cat and, 454.
" American Flag," 144.
American Press Association, 211-213.
Anarchists, Chicago, 498, 500-502.
Anderson, Stephen, 37-38.
Animals, fondness for, 36-37, 448, 454,
546.
Anti-Coolie Party, 288.
Anti-Poverty Society, organization,
491; principles, 491-492; officers,
492 ; first meeting, 492 ; growth and
work, 492-493, 499-500; Dr. Mc-
Glynn and, 492-495, 506, 560 ; Cath-
olic hierarchy and, 493-495; split
in, 506; Salvation Army and, 539-
540.
" A Perplexed Philosopher." See
Works.
Aphasia, stroke of and recovery
from, 541-545, 567.
Apoplexy, cause of G's death, 607.
Appearance, personal, G's, 6, 00, 53-
54, 84, 119, 121, 174, 242, 246, 250, 268,
269, 296, 301, 337-338, 342, 402, 440, 444,
502, 549, 599, 605, 607; carelessness
Of, 78, 81, 250, 303, 304, 553-554.
Appleton, D., & Co. and " Progress
and Poverty," 315-316, 321-322, 325-
326, 331, 333, 342-353.
Appleton, George 8., of Philadel-
phia, 5
Appletou, William H., of D., & Co.,
335, 336, 396, 427.
" Appletons' Journal," 345, 349.
"Arabian Nights," fascination of,
253.
Archibald, James P., of New York,
461.
Archy case, decision in, 97.
" Arena," article, " Henry George :
A Study from Life," 245.
Argyll, Duke of, receives " Progress
and Poverty," 323 ; attack and re-
ply, 444-447.
Army, abolition of privilege in, 176 ;
against standing, 577.
Arnold, Edwin, 549.
Arnoux, Justice, of New York, 400.
Arrests, G's, in Ireland, 392-395.
Asbury, Samuel, & Co., of Philadel-
phia, 10.
Assembly of California, aspiration
for, 206, 218.
Associated Press, fight against, 120,
180-181, 183-186, 211-213.
Atkinson, Henry George, son of
William J., 587.
Atkinson, Jennie T., wife of William
J. See George, Jennie T.
Atkinson, William J., marries G's
daughter, Jennie, 559; circulates
" Protection or Free Trade." 571-
572.
"Atlantic Monthly," 340.
Auckland, visit to, 528-529.
Austin, Joseph, of San Francisco,
244.
Australia, fascination of, 19, 522-523 ;
first visit, 29-33; lecture trip, 522-
542 ; South, visit, 532-533 ; first iu
single tax policy, 533, 536 ; Western,
visit, 532 ; ballot system, adoption
advocated, 235, 404, 483-484, 522-
523, 529-530.
Authority, respect for, 169, 196, 325.
Autobiography, intentions regard-
ing, 589-593.
613
614
INDEX
Ballot. See Australian ballot sys-
tem.
Baltimore Convention, delegate, 239-
210.
Baltimore riots, 290.
Bai-!>adoes, visit, 62.
Barnes, Gaybert, of New York, 456,
4o'J, 505-506, 512-513.
}>iirmun, P. T., lln.
iiarry, John, of Ban Francisco, 166,
205t.
Barstow, , of San Francisco, 152.
Bailsman, William, of San Fran-
cisco, 174, 175.
Beale, Gen., of California, 324-325.
Beard, Dan, of New York, 605.
Bedford, Duke of, 454.
" Bee, Sacramento," 173, 264-265, 324.
Beecher, Rev. Henry Ward, 350, 400.
Beggars, G. and, 527.
Behan, Father, of Dublin, 398-399.
Belford, Clarke & Co., publish "So-
cial Problems," 410.
Benhaui, Anson C., of San Francisco,
109.
Bennett, James Gordon, 484.
Bequest, by Francis G. Shaw, 403 ;
by George Hutchins, 509-511 ; by 8.
M. Burroughs, 587.
Berazai restaurant, dinners at, 407.
Berens, Louis H., author of "The
Story of my Dictatorship," 533.
Bermuda, visit to, 542, 543, 545, 549.
Besaut, Walter, 370.
Bicycle riding, 543-544, 545-546.
Bigelow, Poultney, of New York,
351.
Bigler, Ex- Governor, of California,
211.
Bird, Vice-Chancellor, Hutchins'
case, 510.
" Birmingham Owl," 428-429.
Bisset, Andrew, 225, 228, 521.
"Bitter Cry of Outcast London,"
421.
Bladder trouble, 332.
Blaine, Hon. James G., 504-505, 506.
Blessing of an old woman, 606.
Body, its relation to the spirit, 545,
547.
Bohemian Club, member of, 255.
Bolles, Albert 8., author of " Finan-
cial History," 342.
Bonanza, Kings, 101 ; the Big, 266.
Bond, David, 83, 94-95.
Bootblack and Philosopher, 551,
652.
Booth, John Wilkes, assassinates
Lincoln, 161.
Booth, Gen. William, Salvation
Army, 540, 567.
Booth, Mrs., wife of General, 540.
Bouquillon, Rev. E. Thomas,
McGlynn case, 560-561.
Bowman, Hon. Thomas, of Iowa,
572.
Braddock exec. vs. G., 610.
Bradford, , on " American Flag,"
144.
Brady, Thomas A., of San Francisco,
161.
Brain well. Lord, against " Progress
and Poverty," 420.
Breadalbaue, Earl of, 451.
Breakdown, OS's, 584-586, 589, 594-
595, 599, 601, 603, 604-607.
Brennan, Thomas, Irish Land
League, 345, S89, 390.
Bret Harte, 160, 176, 177.
Briggs, Thomas, of London, 368, 422,
484.
Bright, John, 370-371, 413, 422, 430-
431, 444.
Broadhurst, Henry, M. P., 454.
Broderick, David C., of California,
97-98.
Brontes expedition, 165-167, 477.
Brooks, Noah, of San Francisco, 173-
175, 176-177.
Brooks & Dickson, lecture agents,
442-443.
Brown, A., of London. 451.
Brown, Beriah, of San Francisco,
161.
Brown, John, 97, 98.
Browning, Robert, 253, 369, 549, 585,
586.
Browning, Mrs., wife of Robert, 112.
Browulow, Lord, 454.
Brush, George D., paints portrait,
54871.
Bryan, William Jennings, 580-5as.
Bryce, Rt. Hon. James, 454.
Buchanan, President James, 43, 108.
Buchanan, Robert, the poet, 549.
Buddi Lake, camping at, 412.
"Bulletin," of San Francisco, 144,
152, 201, 205.
Burdekin, Sydney, mayor of Sydney,
529, 536-537.
Burke, Irish Under-Secretary, 373.
Burn, , Brontes expedition, 166.
Burns, Robert, 551.
Burroughs, Silae M., of London, 512,
515, 574, 579, 587, 602.
Burtsell, Rev. Dr. Richard, 490-491,
495, 560-561, 662, 565/i-566n.
Busts of G., 586, 609.
Butler, Gen. Benj. F., 449, 506.
Byrne, Resident Magistrate, Ire-
land, 393, 394.
Calcutta, visit to, 34-37.
California, conditions in, 69-70, 74-
75, 80, 89-90, 91-93, 206, 209-210, 220,
221-227,231-232; Bank of, 237-238,
248; new constitution of, 298-300,
316-317 ; Legislature, and G., 204,
206, 218, 258, 264-2C5 ; University of,
G. talked of for chair in, 274-276,
27U-2S1, 288; his lecture before,
274-281.
" Californian," magazine, 63>i, 151,
159-160, 171, 177.
INDEX
615
Cameron & Ferguson, of Glasgow,
publish " Irish Land Question,"
348.
Camp, Freeman A., of San Fran-
cisco, 90, 101), 120.
Caprini, Mousiguor, Vatican Li-
brary, 567.
Carlisle, Logan, President Hand to
Hand organization, 571.
Carlisle, U. H. Senator John G., 671-
572.
Carrington, Lord, 454.
Casey, Mrs., of 8an Francisco, 154.
Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. Joseph, 370-
371, 413-414, 421, 431, 452.
Champion, H. H., of London, 422-
423.
Charter Oak Hall, of San Francisco,
288.
Chase, Warren 8., of California,
352n.
" Chesterfield's Letters, Lord," 205.
Children, rearing of, 251, 252-254.
Guilds, E. F., of San Francisco, 70-71.
Chinese, and wages, 80 ; movement
against, 290-201. (See Writings.)
Christ, as to person of, 548.
"Chronicle, San Francisco," 143/i.,
180, 212-213.
Clark, Dr. Gavin B., of London, 422.
Clark, Michael, secretary Anti-Pov-
erty Society, 492.
Cleveland, Grover, 410, 449, 504-506,
511-513, 550, 576-578, 580-581.
Clothes wringers, G. peddles, 143.
Cobden, Richard, 444.
Coddington, Charles, of San Fran-
cisco, 103, 108-109, 124, 125, 152.
Coffey, James V., of San Francisco,
85-86, 246-247, 275, 300, 307, 316, 527.
Coffin, Capt, G. W., U. S. N., 57n.
Cohen, Rabbi Elkan, of San Fran-
cisco, 297.
Coleman, William T., of San Fran-
cisco, 290-291.
Coleridge, Lord Chief Justice, 513-
514.
Colleges, attitude towards, 274-281,
356.
Collings, Jesse, M. P., 454.
Compensation. See Confiscation.
Comte, Auguste, compared with
Spencer, 420w.
Confiscation of land values, 350, 423-
424, 427, 428, 430.
Congress, G. and seat in, 401, 463 ;
"Protection or Free Trade" in,
571-574 ; single tax amendment in,
579.
"Constitution," of San Francisco,
109.
Conybeare, , of Oxford, 436-437.
Coogan, J. J., of New York, 464.
Cook, Frederick, of New York, 501-
502.
Cooper, Edward, ex-mayor of New
York, 472.
Cooper, Peter, of New York, 472.
Cooper, Hewitt & Co. See Hewitt.
Copyrights, sacrifice of, 508, 593z.
Corbett, .prior of Loughrea, 393.
" Coriolanus." See Shakespeare.
Corrigan, Archbishop Michael A., of
New York, opposes teachings, 46:>,
486, 506, 56ln., 565 ; refusal of church
authorities to uphold, 560-562 ; visit
to, 465-466 ; and reply to, 487. (See
McGlynn.)
Cottier, Daniel, of New York, 534-
635.
Cotton, Frank, editor "Australian
Standard," 531-532.
Courtney, L. H., M. P., 324.
Cowdery, , candidate tor presi-
dency, 512.
Cowen, Joseph, M. P., 389.
Cowper, Lord, 364, 373.
Cramp, Theodore, of Philadelphia, 9.
Cranford, Mary P., daughter of John
P., 515.
Crauford, John P., of Brooklyn, 406.
Crauford, Walter, son jof John P.,
447, 448.
Croasdale, William T., of New York,
485, 500, 605-506, 547, 674.
Crocker, Charles, of California, 142,
211, 290.
Croke, Archbishop, of Ireland. 360.
Croker, Richard, of New York, 475,
597.
Crosby, John S., of New York, 610.
Cross, Sir R. A., 454.
Crowley, chief of San Francisco po-
lice, 244.
Cruikshank, Rev. J. M., of Glas-
gow, 518.
Cummings, Rev. Dr., of New York,
402.
Cummins, Dr., M. P., at Liverpool,
429.
Currency question, G's views on,
176, 558, 581.
Curry, Emma, daughter of Rebecca
D., 40. (See Letters.)
Curry, Florence, daughter of Re-
becca D., 46.
Curry, George, governor of Oregon,
46.
Curry, Martha, daughter of Rebecca
D., 46.
Curry, Rebecca D., of Philadelphia,
46. (See Letters.)
Curtis, George William, of New
York, 353, 403.
Daley, Peter, of San Francisco, 144,
145-146, 147.
Dana, Charles A., of New York, 122,
124, 342.
Davidson, Prof. Thomas, of New
York, 465.
Davitt, Michael, relations with G.,
341, 317, 373-375, 378-381, 382-385, 387-
389, 391, 398-399, 421-422, 425-427, 438,
616
INDEX
450, 516, 597; land nationalisation,
382-383; his Oxford lecture, 435.
(See Land League, Irish.)
Dawson, Rev. Thomas, of Glencree,
Ireland, 367, 560n.
Day, Hon. John M., of California,
230, 232-234, 288, 293, 307.
Death, G's views on, 507, 546, 547,
586-587 ; scene at his, 606-607.
Debts, sacred to G., 552-553; paid by
" Social Problems." 427.
De Camp, Commander John, of U. 8.
steamer Shubrick, 52, 71-72.
Defoe, Daniel, 585. (See "Crusoe,
Robinson.")
De Leon, Daniel, of New York,
465.
Delmonico, banquet to G., 400-401.
Democracy, inherited, 11; G's final
interpretation of, 584, 595-602, 604-
606.
Democracy, County, of New York.
See Politics.
" Democrat, The," William Saunders'
London weekly, 449.
" Democratic Press," of San Fran-
cisco, 161.
Depew, Chauncey M., of New York,
556, 578.
Depressions, Industrial, G's inquiry
into the cause of, 291-292 ; preced-
ing, 30-31, 32, 49, 50-51, 146-153, 283,
290-291.
De Witt, William C., of Brooklyn,
336 337
De Young, Charles, owner "San
Francisco Chronicle," 143., 180,
212-213.
Dilke, Sir Charles W. , housing of the
working classes, 454,
Dillon, John, and the Irish Land
League, 347, 358, 372, 374, 376 ; and
" Progress and Poverty," 380, 381.
Domestic side of G., 250-261, 543, 556,
558-559.
Donally, Rev. Arthur, succeeds Dr.
McGlynn, 489-490.
Donally, , Tarpey case, 243.
Donovan, P. J., of San Francisco,
298, 307.
Douthitt, A. B., who spoke of Physi-
ocrats, 229.
Dove, Patrick Edward, G. charged
with plagiarism from, 520.
Downey, ex-governor of California,
240.
Doyle, Conan, 585.
Drummond, Henry, 438.
Ducey, Rev. Thomas A., Chicago
strike meeting, 577.
Dull, , and carriage brake, 155.
Duncan, Jos. C., owner of "Home
Journal," 102-108.
Durant, James C., "Progress and
Poverty," 390, 568; G's lecture
tours, 415, 422, 515 ; " Open Letters
to the Pope," 568. (See Letters.)
" Eagle, Brooklyn," G. and, 348-349,
356.
Eastman's printing-office, where G.
worked, 83, 88, 152-153, 154.
Easton, Dr., of San Francisco, 146,
147.
Eaton, Dorman B., civil service re-
former, 341.
"Edinburgh Review" on G. and
Spencer, 420.
Edwards, Henry, actor, 255.
Egan, Patrick, treasurer Irish Land
League, 358, 366, 381-383.
Eliot, George, G's opinion of, 289.
Ellis, Prof., on " Progress and Pov-
erty," 341.
Ely, B. F., 50-51.
Emancipation Proclamation, effect
of, 141.
Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 116.
Episcopal Acaxlemy of Philadelphia,
G. attends, 8-9.
Episcopal Church, G. raised in, 4-6,
8-9, 10, 12, 14-15, 19-20, 36.
Eureka Typographical Union, G.
joins, 105.
Eusebio, Ludovico, Italian trans-
lator of two of G's books, 567.
Evans, J. H., married Harriet G., 4n.
Evolution, G's opposition to, 328,
369-370.
" Examiner, San Francisco," 265,
287-288, 324, 527.
" Express, Chicago," publishes
"Progress and Poverty" serially,
356.
Fair, James G., Bonanza King, 101,
256.
Farming, G's experience, 93.
Farr, Rev. Wm. C., of Philadelphia, 7.
Farrell, John, of New South Wales,
531, 549.
Faulkner, , and wringing ma-
chine, 154.
Fawcett, Rt. Hon. Henry, and
" Progress and Poverty," 324, 419.
Federation, Democratic, of Eng-
land, 368.
Fell, William Jenks, of Philadel-
phia, 9.
Ferguson, John, in Irish Land
League, 345 ; and G., 348, 389, 390.
Ferral, Robert, of San Francisco,
241-242, 293-294.
Feudal revenues, 225, 228.
Field, David Dudley, conversation
with G., 455.
Field, Stephen J., Justice U. 8. Su-
preme Court, 98n.
Financial Reform Association, ad-
dress to G., 514.
Fiske, John, evolution, 570.
Fithian, Hon. John W., of Illinois,
572.
Flintoff, Joseph, 122-124.
, Mrs., 107.
INDEX
617
Flood, James C., Bonanza King, 101,
256.
Flood, Sacramento, G. in, 135-137.
Florence, William, actor, 556.
Florida, blockade runner, 169.
Florida, State of, secession, 108.
Flurscheim, Michael, Paris confer-
ence, 518-519.
Ford, Patrick, and Land League,
346, 358, 379 ; reception to Davitt,
384; Dr. McGlynn, 386; urges G.
to stump Ireland, 391 ; supports
Blaine, 449 ; supports G. for mayor
(1886), 479; breaks with G., 500.
(See Letters.)
Fornihals, Ferdinand, 80, 81.
Forster, William E., 354, 373.
Forsyth, William, 434, 450.
" Fortnightly Review," 421, 445.
Fort Sumter, firing on, 111-112.
Foster, George, of San Francisco,
152-153.
Fox, Annie C. See George, Annie
Corsina.
Fox, Elizabeth A., mother of Annie
C. George, 105, 106, 107, 121.
Fox, John, father of Annie C.
George, 105, 106, 107.
Fox, Sister Teresa, 107, 175, 293, 523.
Franchise, public, obligations of,
176.
Franklin, Benjamin, his story of the
sign, 289.
Franklin Institute of Philadelphia,
11-12, 14-16.
Free silver coinage, G. on, 580-581.
Free Soil Society, 406-407.
Free trade, G. converted to princi-
ples of, 168-170; and advocates,
176, 336-338, 505, 515,533-536, 537, 575.
Free Trade Club, New York, G.
joins, 351 ; League, American, G.
joins, 207, 208.
Frelinghuysen, U. 8. Secretary of
State, 395.
Fremont, John C., 43.
Frost, R. P. B., secretary Land Re-
form Union, 415, 422-423.
Funeral, his own references to, 546,
586; G's, 607-611.
Furbish, Clinton, 407.
Galilei, parallel with McGlynn, 493-
494.
Gallagher, Rev. Nathaniel, of Cali-
fornia, 124-125.
Gallagher, Walter, G's first set
speech, 266; and informal follow-
ing, 269.
Gamage's history of chartism, 230.
Gannon, James, of San Francisco,
243-244.
Garfield, James A., 335.
Garland, Charles L., M. P., New
South Wales, 622, 530.
Gamier, Prof. Charles, of Paris, 519.
Garrison, William Lloyd, 43, 507-508.
Garrison, William Lloyd, the young-
er, 195, 202-203, 505-506, 511-512, 582.
(See Letters.)
Gas-meters, Inspector of, G. holds
Office of, 249, 262-264, 283, 293, 316,
326.
Gay, Sydney Howard, of New York,
403.
" Gazette, Evening," of Boston, 159.
Gee, Abel, partner in "Evening
Journal," 109, 120.
Gee, Major, father of, 109.
George, Anna Angela, daughter of
G., 289, 293, 515.
George, Annie C., wife of G's, birth
and family history, 105-107, 529,
531 ; courtship and marriage, 121-
125, 126-128; life in Sacramento,
129-131. 132-133, 135-137; birth of
first child, 138; poverty in San
Francisco, 143, 147 ; birth of sec-
ond child, 148-149; paid rent by
sewing, 153; domestic matters,
154; Mexican expedition, 165-167;
third child, 175; goes East with
children, 180, 181 ; reconciled with
her uncle, 206; back in Sacra-
mento, 214 ; again East, 240 ; fam-
ily life, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254-255,
256-261 ; California University lec-
ture, 275, 279-280; Saucelito cot-
tage, 283; birth of fourth child,
289, 293; advises about first lec-
ture, 294 ; lecture on "Moses," 297-
298 ; assists 9n " Progress and Pov-
erty," 305; literary task, 310 ; influ-
ence over G., 312 ; takes boarders,
338 ; sells household goods, 342 ;
about Stanford, 349; goes with
daughters and G. to Ireland, 357 ;
presides at Land League, 365-366 ;
visiting in Ireland and Eng-
land, 367, 368 ; conversation about
Thomas Spence, 368-369 ; sees Ten-
nyson and Browning, 369; and
Besant, 370 ; on Davitt's duty, 375 ;
member Free Soil Society, 407 ; ac-
companies G. to Europe, 615 ; and
to Australia, 523-540 ; his depend-
ence on her, 523; Sister Teresa,
623; in the Glorietta mountains,
523-524; Taylor about G., 524;
Hawaiian Islands, 527-528; Syd-
ney, 529, 531 ; tries to escape hon-
ors, 534 ; on G's duty, 634-535 ;
courtesies, 536; receives a me-
mento, 537 ; arrives New York, 640 ;
accompanies G. to Bermuda, 542 ;
attempts the bicycle, 543; preoc-
cupation, 554-555 ; G's prediction,
586-587 ; G. fears his own waning
strength, 589 ; her will, 589; G's
duty, 595, 597; and little enthu-
siasm, 603; G's last night, 604,
606-607. (See Letters.)
George, Captain Richard, G's pa-
ternal grandfather, 1, 2-3.
618
INDEX
George, Caroline L., sister of G., 5,
15, 60. (See Letters.)
George, Catharine, sister of G., 5,
60. (See Letters.)
George, Catharine Pratt, mother of
G., birth and parentage, 1, 4 ; mar-
riage and children, 4, 5, 6 ; literary
taste, 11, 304 ; religious nature, 11,
104 ; chattel slavery, 43-44 ; counsel
to make acquaintances, 103 ; last
days and death, 416-417. (See Let-
ters.)
George, Chloe, sister of G., 5.
George, Dunkin, uncle of G., 16, 17,
70.
George, Ellen, cousin of G., 71-72,
83-44, 90, 93.
George, Harriet, adopted sister of
G., 4.
George, Henry, (1839-1855) birth, pa-
rentage, and ancestry, 1-5 ; school-
ing, 6-9 ; goes to work, 10 ; reading,
10-12; yearns for the sea, 13-18;
(1855-1856) sails as foremast boy to
Australia and India. 18-23 ; (1856-
1857) learns to set type, 42 ; reason-
ing, 42-44 ; shifts about, 45-46 ; Law-
rence Literary Society, 49 ; sails to
Boston as ordinary seaman on
coal schooner, 50; appointed as
ship's steward on ShubricJc, 52;
(1858) phrenological chart, 53-56;
voyage to California, 56-68 : ar-
rives Ban Francisco, 68-70 ; leaves
Shubrick, 71 ; goes to Frazer River,
75-81 ; returns to San Francisco,
81-82; (1858-1859) setting type, 83;
reading, 85-86; weigher in rice
mill, 88-89 ; off for the mines, 91-
93 ; farming and tramping, 83 ;
type-setting in San Francisco, 94-
95; (1860-1861) joins typographical
union, 105 ; becomes foreman, 105 ;
meets Miss Fox, 105 ; buys interest
in "Evening Journal," 109^120;
courtship and runaway marriage,
121-125 ; gets type-setting work in
Sacramento, 126 ; first child born,
138; losses in mining ventures,
138-141 ; joins Odd Fellows order,
160; (1864) returns to San Fran-
cisco, 142; peddles clothes wring-
ers, 143 ; sets type on " Bulletin "
and is discharged, 144 ; enters job-
printing partnership, 144; suffers
extreme poverty, 146-153 ; birth of
second child, 148 ; asks stranger on
street for money, 149; (1865-1866)
begins to write, 155-159; articles
on Lincoln's death, 161-165 ; joins
Brontes Mexican expedition, 166-
167 ; goes to Sacramento on State
printing, 167-168; joins National
Guard, i68 ; first speech and con-
version to free-trade belief, 168-
170; (1866-1869) gets printing-case
on San Francisco "Times," 173;
writes article and becomes man-
aging editor, 174-176; third child
born, 175; writes "What the Rail-
road Will Bring Us," 176-180 ; first
managing editor of " Chronicle,"
180; goes East to get telegraph
news service for "Herald," 181;
fight with press and telegraph
monopolies, 183-186 ; returns to San
Francisco, 186; conceives his life
mission, 191-193; writes Chinese
article for " New- York Tribune,"
193-197; sends copy to Mill, 197-
201; tries to get nominated for
legislature, 206 ; joins Free Trade
League, 207 ; votes for Grant, '208 ;
edits Oakland "Transcript," 208;
perceives the natural order, 209-
210 ; (1870) becomes editor and part
ownerof " Sacramento Reporter,"
211 ; wars on press and telegraph
monopolies, 212-213 ; fight against
railroad monopoly, 214-218 ; moves
to San Francisco, 216; secretary
Democratic State Convention, 218 ;
defeated for legislature, 218; (1871)
writes "Our Laud and Land
Policy," 219-235 ; (1871-1875) starts
" Evening Post," 236-237 ; delegate
to Democratic National Conven-
tion at Baltimore, 239-240; loses
"Post," 248-249; breaks his arm,
251 ; (187C) appointed inspector of
gas meters, 262; travels about
California, 264; writes on per-
sonal journalism, 264-265 ; first set
speech, 266-269; " stumps" State,
269-270 ; (1877) lectures before Uni-
versity of California, 274-181 :
Fourth of July oration, 182-188;
begins " Progress and Poverty,"
289; fourth child born, 293; Land
Reform League organised, 293-
294; begins crusade, 294-297; lec-
tures on " Moses," 297-298 ; helps
establish Free Public Library, 298 ;
defeated for Constitutional Con-
vention, 298-300; (1879) "Progress
andPoverty " finished, 301-312 ; MS.
of " P. and P." rejected by East-
ern publishers, 315-318 ; G. makes
plates in San Francisco, 318;-320;
and prints "Author's Edition,"
321; "The State," 316-317; (1880)
G. goes to New York, 334, 335;
works for election of Hancock
for presidency, 336-338 ; works for
Hewitt, 338-340 ; (1881) writes " The
Irish Land Question," 345, 347-348;
first lecture in New York, 350;
ioins Free Tra<le Club, 351; lec-
tures before Land League organi-
sations, 351-352; makes brief trip
to California, 352-353 ; meets Fran-
cis G. Shaw, 353 ; goes to Europe
to correspond with " Irish Worm,"
357; first lecture in Dublin, 362;
INDEX
619
(1882) goes to England, 365 ; meets
Spencer, 369-370 ; meets Bright and
Chamberlain, 371-372 ; first English
speech, 378-379 , Davitt declares for
"land nationalisation," 082; Mc-~\
Glyun's New York speech, 384-387 ;.X
first address in Scotland, 3K9;
" Progress and Poverty," 389-391 ;
arrested in Ireland, 392-395 ; re-
turns to New York, 399-400 ; meets
McGlyun, 402; death of Shaw, 403;
Shaw legacy, 403 ; Western lecture
trip, 403 ; cheap editions of books,
404-405 ; Free Soil Society, 406-407 ;
writes " Problems of the Time"
("Social Problems "), 408-410; loses
MS., 410, 411 ; death of parents,
415-417 ; (1884) British lecture tour,
419-441 ; replies to Argyll, 444-
447 ; British lecture trips, 449-452 ;
meets James Bryce, 454 ; writes on
" Labor in Pennsylvania," 456 ;
publishes " Protection or Free
Trade 1 " 456 ; meets Tom L. John-
son, 457-458 ; mayoralty candidate,
459-481; (1887) starts "The Stan-
dard," 484-485; Anti-Poverty So-
ciety started, 491-492; McGlynn
excommunicated, 493-494; candi-
date for Secretary of State of New
York, 498-503; dissensions, 505-
506 ; Hutchins legacy, 509-511 ; sup-
ports Cleveland, 511-512; brief visit
to England, 513-515; third British
tour, 515-519 ; charge of plagiarism,
519-521 ; (1890) Australian tour,
522-540 ; first national single tax
conference, 540-541 ; stricken with
aphasia, 541-542 ; (1891) visits Ber-
muda, 542 ; marriage of daughter
Jennie, 559 ; marriage of son Rich-
ard, 559; McGlynn reinstated, 559,
562; withdraws from "The Stan-
dard," 563; "The Science of Po-
litical Economy," 563-565 ; " Open
Letter to the Pope," 565-568; "A
Perplexed Philosopher," 568-572 ;
"Protection or Free Trade?" in
Congress, 571-574; death of "The
Standard," 574-575; supports Bryan
for presidency, 580-583; (1897) fail-
ing strength, 584-586; death of
daughter Jennie, 587 ; makes will,
689; autobiographical notes, 589-
593 ; mayoralty candidate, 593-606 ;
death, 606-607 ; funeral, 607-611.
" George, Henry ; A Study from
Life," 245u.
George, Henry, & Co., 456.
George, Henry, Institute, of Glas-
gow, 518.
" George the Fifth," 425.
" George-Hewitt Campaign, The,"
George, Henry, jr., son of G., born,
138; amanuensis to G., 30r. ; sets
type, 338; newspaper work, 350;
Free Soil Society, 407; goes to
Great Britain with G., 418; anec-
dotes about G., 424-425, 440; G.
playing, 428w, 548, 555-556, 583, 587 ;
"The Standard," 485, 519-520; pa-
pal encyclical, 565; mayoralty
nomination, 607-608. (See Letters.)
George, James, cousin of G., 70-71,
75, 76, 77-78, 80-81, 94, 124, 151.
George, Jane Vallance, sister of G.,
5, 60, 114, 126, 128, 129, 132, 134. (See
Letters.)
George, Jennie Teresa, daughter of
G., born, 175; goes to Europe, 357 ;
typhoid fever, 399; Free Soil So-
ciety, 407 ; goes to Europe, 515 ;
scarlet fever, 519; marriage, 559;
death, 587 ; burial, 588, 611.
George, John Vallance, brother of
G., 5, 129, 180, 242-243, 244, 485, 604,
606.
George, Mary, infant sister of G.,
5.
George, Morris Reid, brother of G.,
5,22.
George, Rebecca, infant sister of
G., 5.
George, Richard Fox, son of G.,born,
148-149, 293; baptism, 154-155, 165-
166; school, 356; Free Soil Society,
407 ; talks with G. on phrenology,
56>t, and progress of single tax,
417-418 , Henry George & Co., 456 ;
"The Standard," 485; marriage,
559; models bust of G., 586, 609.
George, Richard Samuel Henry,
father of G., ancestry, birth and
early history, 2-4; marriage to
Catherine P. Vallance, 4 ; children,
5; book business and custom-
house, 4-5, 8, 9 ; nature and habits,
5-6, 11, 12-13, 17-18, 44-45, 113 ; puts
G. to setting type, 42; slavery
question, 43, 44; influence on G.,
304, 305; death, 415-416; view of
G's work, 416^17. (See Letters.)
George, Sophia, second wife of
James, 124, 151.
George, Thomas L., brother of G.,
5, 14, 79, 129, 315-316.
German, "Progress and Poverty"
translated into, 480.
Getz, Henry 8., of Philadelphia, 7.
Gibbons, Cardinal, and McGlynn,
490-491.
Gifl'en, Robert, reply to G., 420-421.
Giffln. O. F., of San Francisco, 75.
Gilmore, Rev. Hugh, of South Aus-
tralia, 533.
Gladstone, Rt. Hon. William E., 323,
354, 360, 372, 374, 375, 419, 420-421.
Goddard, Rev. Dr., of Philadelphia,
133
Godwin, George, F. R. 8., 454.
Godwin, Park, of New York, 341.
Golden Age, G'e early yearnings
for, 117-118.
620
INDEX
Gompers, Samuel, President Amer-
ican Federation of Labour, 479.
Gorham, George C., of California,
352u.
GottheU, Rabbi, of New York, 609-
610.
Grace, William R., Mayor of New
York, 462.
Gracey, Rev. Samuel L., of Phila-
delphia, 9.
Graham, Mrs., private school where
H. G. first attended, 8.
Grannan, Rev. Dr. Charles, Mc-
Glynn case, 560-561.
Grant, Col. Fred. D., political candi-
date against G., 502.
Grant, Gen. Ulysses 8., when at
"What Cheer House," 85; G voted
for, 208 ; afterwards opposed, 239,
247n-248n, 317; G. meets, 343; pub-
lic speaking, 478.
"Graphic, The Daily Illustrated,"
of New York, 331, 470.
Gray, Edward Dwyer, M.P., 361,
398-399, 454.
Greeley, Horace, 193, 207, 239-240.
Greenback-Labour Party of 1884, 506.
Greene, Rev. Thomas, of Aston-
under-Lyne, 517.
Greenwood Cemetery, G. lot at, 588,
611.
Grey, Sir George, of New Zealand,
323-324, 438, 528-529.
Griffith, Sir Samuel, of Queensland,
533.
Gunn, Dr., of San Francisco
"Times," 176.
Gunton, George, of New York, 573.
Goschen, George J., M. P., 454.
Haight, Governor Henry H., G's
relations with, 207-208, 210, 218, 235.
Hall, Rt. Rev. Charles R., of Illi-
nois. 7.
Hallidie, A. 8., of San Francisco,
307, 315-316.
Halstead, Murat, of New York, 556.
Hamilton, Alexander, principles of,
584, 596, 600.
Hamilton, Fort. See Residences.
" Hamlet." See Shakespeare.
Hancock, Winfleld Scott, G. in the
presidential campaign of, 335-338,
512.
Hancock, , President Melbourne
Trades and Labour Council, 535.
Hand to Hand Clubs, circulate
" Protection or Free Trade ? " 571.
Hare, Rev. Dr., of Episcopal Acad-
emy, 8.
Harper & Brothers, publishers,
New York, and "Progress and
Poverty," 316.
" Harper's Weekly," 408, 474.
Harris, George F., of San Francisco,
241-242.
Harris, Matthew, of Ireland, 391.
Harrison, , of San Francisco, 155.
Harrison, Benjamin, 511 ; and the
presidency, 511, 578.
Harrison, Ebenezer, of Philadel-
phia, 48-49.
Harrison, Frederic, of London, 430-
431.
Harrison, Sir George, 454.
Hart, Jauies Morgan, of Philadel-
phia, 9.
Barter, Michael D., of Ohio, 579.
Hartley, John Scott, models bust of
G., 586.
Hasson, John, of Philadelphia, 45,
181, 183, 186, 205, 207, 213.
Hastings, Rev. M., of London, 451.
Hawaiian Islands, G. at the, 527-
528.
Hayes, Rutherford B., G. opposes
his candidacy for presidency, 266-
272.
Raymond, Creed, of San Francisco,
215.
Haywood, John, & Sons, publishers,
Manchester, 348.
Hazeltine, M. W., of New York
" Sun," 332, 342.
Headlam, Rev. 8. D., of London,
422, 451, 514.
Healy, T., M.P., 380.
Hennessy, Peter, of London, 451.
" Henry IV." See Shakespeare.
"Herald, New York," 183, 334, 335,
348, 484, 493, 499, 502.
"Herald," San Francisco, 180-181,
183-186, 205, 212.
Herne, James A., of New York, 556,
577.
Herodotus, G. on, 587.
Hewitt, Abram 8., first meets, 338;
works on Congressional report
for, 338-340 ; G. candidate for may-
oralty against, 472-481.
Hibbard, Charles, of New York, 552.
Hickox & Spier, San Francisco
money brokers, 248.
Hicks, William E., teaches G. to ride
bicycle, 543.
Hill, Governor David B., 499.
Hinton, Charles, son of William M.,
307
Hinton, I. T., father of William M.,
236.
Hinton, John Howard, brother of
I. T., 236.
Hinton, William M., G's partner in
"Evening Post," 236-249; Land
Reform League, 293 ; prints " The
State," 316; "Progress and Pov-
erty," 307, 318.
Hittell's " History of California,"
109-110, 135.
Holt, Henry, and " Progress and
Poverty," 343.
" Home Journal " of San Francisco,
G. works on the, 95, 96, 102, 105,
108.
INDEX
621
Hopkins, Mark, of California, 142,
290, 211.
Hoppel, , of San Francisco, 103,
104, 108-109, 125.
Homer, " Bill," of Philadelphia, 13,
15, 48-49, 118.
Horstmaim, Rt. Rev. Ignatius, of
Cleveland, 6, 8.
Housing of the working class, 453-
454.
How, Rt. Rev. W. Walsh aw, of
Wakeneld, 454.
Hughes, Thomas, 324.
Huugerford, , Brontes' expedi-
tion, 16C.
Huntington, Collis P., of California,
142, 211, 290, 598.
Huntingtou, Rev. J. O. S., of the
Order of the Holy Cross, 479, 539-
540, 559.
Hutchins, George, bequest to G.,
509-511.
Huxley, Prof. Thomas H., and G.,
568-569.
Hyndman, Henry M., of London,
368-369, 423, 518.
Immortality, G's belief in, 134, 328-
329, 546-548, 588, 611.
Impol unique, G's first hearing of,
521.
"Independent," Leeds, England, 343.
India, G's first visit to, 18, 19, 32-37 ;
later visit, 539.
Inductive method, 'G. and the, 447-
448.
Ingersoll, Col. Robert J., 578.
Interest, rate in California, 178, 179-
180; relative to wages and rent,
231.
Introspection, G's habit of, 56.
", Invincibles " and Phoenix Park
murders, 373.
Ireland, G's first trip to, 358-399.
Italian, G's " Letter to the Pope " in,
567.
Italy, G's visit to, 539.
Irwin, William 8., Governor of Cali-
fornia, 249, 262-2C3, 268, 326.
Ivins, William M., of New York, 463.
Jackson, Hawden, of Liverpool, 429,
430.
Jefferson, Joseph, actor, 556.
Jefferson, Thomas, Letters of, 586 ;
principles of, 584, 596, 599, 600, 604 ;
the Party of, 601-608.
Jefferson, Thomas, belief as to the
person of Christ, 548.
Jeffreys, Jo., of Philadelphia, 40, 48-
49, 58, 59-61, 73, 78, 87-88, 96.
Jeuue, Mrs. (Lady), of London, 369.
John o' Groat's House, G. visits, 433.
Johnson, Col. A. W., father of T. L.,
588.
Johnson, Tom L., early history of,
457; meets G., 457-458; G's first
mayoralty campaign, 459, 460, 471 ;
Anti-Poverty split, 506; before
Ohio Legislative Committee, 575;
G's attack of aphasia, 542 ; G's vui-
blacked boots, 554 ; house at Fort
Hamilton, 559; provision for G's
literary work, 563-564 ; dedication
of " The Science of Political Econ-
omy" to, 564, 602; takes " Protec-
tion or Free Trade?" into Con
gress, 571, 574, 575, 576 ; free-trade
speech, 676 ; for Maguire amend-
ment, 579 ; supports W. J. Bryan,
581; G's last campaign, 602, 607.
(See Letters.)
Johnson Company, named after
Tom L., 557 ; G's paper-money idea,
658.
Jones, U. 8. Senator John P., and
theSan Francisco "Evening Post,"
247-249 ; connection with San Fran-
cisco " Evening Post," 256.
Jones, William, of Philadelphia, 13,
48^9, 61, 87, 96, 131-132.
Josselyn, Dr., of San Francisco,
160.
*' Journal, Evening," of Philadel-
phia, 60.
'Journal, Evening," of San Fran-
cisco, 109, 111, 123, 126 ; history of,
136, 137, 143, 144.
"Journal, Home," G's connection
with, 236.
" Journal, New York," 578 ; G's presi-
dential campaign articles in (1896),
581, 582-583.
" Journal of the Trades and Work-
ing Men " 155, 158 r 159.
Joynes, James Leigh, of London,
391-392, 392-394, 422.
Juarez, Benito, of Mexico, 165-167.
Judgment, qualities of G's, 557-558,
602-603.
Junior Reform Club, of Liverpool,
and G., 428.
Kalloch, Rev. Isaac 8., of San Fran-
cisco, 294-295.
Kearney movement in California,
290-291, 299-300, 331.
Keeler, B. C., St. Louis, 523.
Kegan, Paul, Trench & Co., of Lon-
don, 390, 427.
Kelley, William D., of Pennsylva-
nia, 46.
Kelly, Dr. James E., makes G's ac-
quaintance, 367 ; story of G's
asking money on the street, 149 ;
Phcemx Park murders, 373-374;
banquet to G., 398-399; G's apha-
sia, 541 ; warning to G., 585, 594 ; at
G's death-bed, 607.
Kennedy, Aleck, of San Francisco,
155.
Kenny, Dr. Jas., of Dublin, 379, 398-
399.
Kettle, , of Dublin, 372.
622
INDEX
King, Cameron H., of San Francisco,
269.
King & Baird, where G. learned to
set type, 42, 45, 73, 83.
KiiiM'l la. Thomas, editor " Brooklyn
Eagle," 337.
Knights of Labour, G. joins, 405 ; his
books among, 405-406.
Knowlton, James J., partner In
"Evening Journal," 109, 120, 143,
150, 152.
Kramer, Rev. John W., of New York,
448-449, 465-467, 485, 611.
Labouchere, Henry, M. P., 324, 425,
616.
Labour Statistics, New York State
Bureau of, G*s name suggested
for, 410.
"Labour, The Condition of." See
Works.
Laud and Labour Clubs, 484, 496, 506.
Land, speculation in, and G's dis-
covery, 209-210; grants in United
States, 220-221; relation of labour
to, 222-223 ; effect of private owner-
ship, 224 ; true policy towards, 225-
227, 232-234, 469; the Chinese ques-
tion and, 80, 203; California con-
stitution and monopoly of, 316-317 ;
old English two-shilling tax on,
428ra; Chamberlain's proposal to
tax, 452; and Royal Commission's
Eroposal, 453-454; Coleridge on
i\\s relating to, 613-514; concen-
tration of ownership in France.
519; Tolstoi predicts abolition of
private property in, 514; nation-
alisation of, espoused by Davitt,
382, 383; G. and ParneU's attitude.
382, 383 ; Wallace's plan for natu-
ralisation Of, 382, 397.
Land League, American, 347, 405;
Irish, organisation and work of,
345-348, 364-365, 368-366, 371-376;
disorganisation of, 376 ; " Progress
and Poverty" and, 341, 347, 380-
381; G's relations with, 351-352,
358-366, 371-376; Irish nationalisa-
tion of, 376; ladies' work of, 358,
361, 365-366, 372, 375-376.
Land Nationalisation Society, Eng-
land, 397-398.
" Land Question, The" (Irish). See
Works.
Land Reform League, of California,
G's lectures under auspices of,
293-294 ; in Constitutional Conven-
tion fight, 299.
Land Reform Union, England, Its or-
ganisation and principles, 397-398 ;
Davitt lectures for, 421; G's lec-
ture tour arranged by, 419-437.
Laud Restoration League, English,
437, 578-579.
Land Restoration League, Scottish,
434, 449-452.
Lande, Edward, G's first secretary,
247.
Landers. Mrs., of San Francisco, l.vj.
Laue, David H., of Philadelphia, a.
Latiiuer, Catharine, if..
Latinier, Rev. George A., cousin of
G'H, 6, 13-17, 41w, 611.
Latimer, Rebecca, wife of Thomas,
4, 15, 16, 17.
Latiiner, Thomas, G's uncle, 4-5, 9-
10, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 20, 13:2, l:)3.
Lauderbach, Henry Y., of Philadel-
phia, 9.
La\elcye, Kinile de, and "Progress
and Poverty," 330-331.
Law, G. reads, 267-258; lynch, <;. on,
243i.
Lawrence Literary Society, 49.
" Leader, The," of New York, 474.
Le Coute, John, President Univer-
sity of California, 275, 281.
Le Conte, Prof. Joseph, 281, 330. 670.
" Ledger, The," of San Francisco,
brief history of, 248.
Lees, Dr. F. R., editor Leeds " Inde-
pendent," 343.
Letters to: J. P. Archibald,
mayoralty nomination, 461 Wil-
liam J. Bryan, congratulations,
683 J. V. Coffey, politics, 352;
age, 546 Emma Curry, printing,
45-46,47-48 Mrs. Curry, Philadel-
phia and Oregon, 47-48; California
and Oregon, 90 J. C. Durant,
Parliament, 452 Rev. Thomas
Dawson, G's mission, 193, 31l-:il2 ;
home honours, 401; reply to the
Pope, 560H B. F. Ely, hid n.-t rial
depression, 50-51 Hon. Thos. B.
Florence, the Shiikrick, 51-52
Patrick Ford, state of Ireland, ;t(X),
361; lecture in Dublin, 361-362;
Bishop Nulty, 362-364; "whig-
ging," 364, 365 ; Bright and Cham-
berlain, 370-371 ; Parucll, 372 ;
"slowing down," 376-377 : Parnell
and Davitt, 379-380; Davitt, 382;
Parnell, 383; McGlymi, 386-387;
Davitt, 387; Kilrnainhain treaty,
388 ; Davitt, 388 ; Irish leaders, 391
William Lloyd Garrison, Chi-
nese immigration, 202-203 Annie
C. George (wife), outlook for work,
143 " Evening Post," 266 ; forti-
tude, 257; reading law, 257-268;
divorce bill, 258; true marriage,
258-259 ; Abelanl and Heloise. 260 ;
higher pleasures, 260; signature
bill, 265; Davitt ami I'arncll, 378-
379; Francis G. Shaw, 40;t; mar-
riage anniversary, 412-413; press
notices, 427; lecturing, 508-609;
preoccupation, 509n; on death,
546; domestic matters, 552 Caro-
line L. George (sister), mission-
aries in California, 90; rice mill,
96; silver mines, 108-109; "Even-
INDKX
023
Ing Journal," 114; condition of
work, i:7; type-setting, \m
Cal.hcrilic Pratt (ieorgc (mother;,
In -l'or<- Kailiritf for sea, 20-21 ; India,
:i:j; Hlniln-ii-1: voyage, r>8-. r i!> ; rice
inillH, 88 '.); "Harper's Ferry re-
bellion," !>'.I7; lll'Hl, HCl, Speech,
270271 iicnry George, jr., papal
encyclical, 666, r.iic, r,r,7 Jennie V.
fieorge (sister), life in Victoria,
78,83 84; reading and thinking, 95-
'.;, KM) 101 ; Washoc gold dincovcr-
ie.s, 100 101 ; habits, 102 10:1; " Kven
ing Journal," 111; tlic golden age,
llfi-ll'J; Miss Fox, 12(i; desire lor
wealth, 12'.) 1:12 K. H. H. (Jeorge
(father), India, 33 ; Hliulirir.l.: voy-
age, 58 .VJ; !!<, mill, KM Hit; I lie
:ilric:il enlert aiiiments. 99-100;
Han Francisco "Times/' 171-172;
" Progress and Poverty," 321 ;
birtnday, 4ir>-4Hi -<;o>. i-.mor of
Illinois,' Chicago anarchists, 498
C. I). K. von Outschon, first may-
oralty campaign, 480; socialists and
;iii;ticliiHtM, 601i-502n ; iii-rsonal
finances, M)H Jame.s A. Heine,
his acting, 550 A drain H. Howitt,
mayoralty cMiiipai^n, 475-478
Tom L. Jo)iurt(Mi, l'ort Ilaiuiltxin
home; (J rover (Cleveland, 570
.Mi- Lowell, di-.ath <>( i''. <i. Hhaw,
40:i; IOHH of manuscript, 410; first
mayoralty cainp.-iifni, 474-475
Mrs. Maltlirop, Han I i iim -i-eo, 75 ;
James Mc(;ial.chy, t.arill' liook, H;
Iili;liard Mc'iliee, sint-'ln tax in
f,'oii{_'rcss, B7'J Dr. McXjlynn, <;on-
t/ral .illations on re.inHtal.c'rnent, .062
v 'imon M enil el son, iuc.tr I in-.' after
life,, r,KH Dr. Waller Mendelsou,
|H;,|I(I, 504-595 James K. Mills,
r-liiii-c!ie,s and Injustice, WJ7-50H
Mi>.Krance,sM.; Vfilue, over |ralK<;,
M/7, 053 J Jr. H. Ifclter Newton,
duty, W. ''harles Nordholf,
" 1'ro^iess and Poverty," immor-
tality, etc., 1)27-329; CoilffTOHH, 401
John Nu'!nt, lx)le<?rapli aud
juetJri m'Miojioly, 184-185 Francis
<;. Hhaw," Progress aud Poverty,"
8615, 380 :sHl ; l>avitt, :W2, 389-3'JO,
391; arrests, :i'J4; hope of the
inanHCH, 398; <i's work in British
Ile. 399 A. J. KU-ers, " J'roKress
and Poverty," 3IJS-334 C. A. Hum-
in -r. New York. 181-182; politics,
206 John Hwluton, " Progress
and Poverty," 822, 322-IJ23, :xu
B. E. Taylor, spiritualism, 329;
" ProL'j-e ., and Poverty," :i:)-331,
:j:!2, :jlO Ml, :H2 344, 347, 397; illness,
e.tving California, 334; New
York, :j:i8 ; H -,\vit.t Congressional
report, '.Ki'J, 340; <Iennan transla-
tion and breaking.' up Lome,, :'A\
312; "Irish Laud education" and
heland Htanford, 34R H49; poverty
and Hilieide, :i49; polilic.s, 349 ; lee
line prices iinil plan:<, >>! ; c.n-di
tors, :iW/i ; Hhaw and Wnllace, 3f.U
:i.VI;" Irish World, " :ir,4 ; Irisli Land
League, :n;a; llerhe.rt Hpi'iK^-r,
:)70; home OOnOHZM. 401; Hhaw lie
quest and tariff book, 104 ; " ! r:i nl<
Leslie," articlcH,40H; "(Soc.ial Pruli-
lems"; loss of MHH. and anno
tilted "VV<t:ill,h of Nations," 411;
jili :i iiri- and posit! vists, 1 1 .: ; dea I h
of p;irenl.s, 417; Hpencer and
(,'onil.e, 4'JO; " Protection or Free
Trade 1" 448; Cleveland's first
nomination, 44'.); first mayoralty
light, 403-464; Italy, r,:t'.); urging
activity, 550 ; professors, 552 ; " The
Hcience of Political lOconomy,"
603; Huxley, Mi'.); Hjiencer, 669 1
evolution, 509; "A Perplexed Phi-
losopher," 571 I sane '1 rump, min-
ing ventures, 138-140 The Presi-
dent of the. United Ht.alcs, arrests
in Ireland, 394-396 Mary Val-
lance (aunt), before sailing to sea,
Al, 21-23; California fruits, 94
Thomas F. Walker, " Progress and
Poverty," 40fi, 413 415 ; Hright anrl
< :ii a in i M ri .1 1 n , 413-415 ; " Connsea-
tion," 427-428; Liverpool lecture,
42'.* 4:tO; Bright, Harrison and
Chamberlain, 4:0 i::i ; larill'book,
4-17 ; on death, 54<> ; death of daugh-
ter, 588 Charles Walton, Nhu-
lii-i<-k. voyage, <!2 fill- John Kussell
Young, " Progress and Poverty,"
M'2, :v.n ; veiled writing, 556.
Letters from : I). A]ipletou <k Co.,
" Pi-o;'re.'-.T and I'ovcrty." 315 ; It.
P. H. Frost, British lecture, tour,
415; A. C. Oeorge (wife), news-
jiajiern, '207; (ireeley campaign,
2-10; Mock speculation, 25. r ,; Cath
e.rine I'ralt (ii orj/e, (mot.hi-,r), fam-
ily and religious mattei's, :v\ i<
ligious revival, 72; depreciiiing
Victoria trip, 76; snares in seeking
riches, 7fi ; social Influence of
women, 8fi-87; on roving, '.<0; need
of friends, 'JO ; death of Jeffreys, '.M! ;
:!.".-i.inst roving, 101; religion, 104-
106 ; war, 112 ; urging courage, 127 ;
sister Jennie's deai.n, i:;:>. r.'A ;
Catiiarine (jeorge (sister), news
of marriage, 128 Caroline I,
<ieorge (sinter), cooking, 78 Jen-
nie V. (1 (forge (sister), a dream,
72 73; affection of boy friends, 73;
the war and Mrs. Browning, 112;
I. euing Journal," jji; coffea in-
cident, 116; MiH Fox, 12ft-127;
domestic, 128-129 Thomas L.
Gtoorgfi 'brotln n, " J'rogros and
P-. .< rty," 316 It. H. H. ie,orge
(father), toy brig, 36; Mormoninn,
72; prudence, 70 77 ; business ad-
624
INDEX
vice and home news, 79 ; business
habits, 8C ; John Brown and state
of country, 98 ; egotism of English-
men, 102; secession of Southern
States, 108 ; war, 112-113 ; affection
of his children, 113-114; "Sacra-
mento Reports," 214; last let-
ter, 416 William E. Gladstone,
" Progress and Poverty," 323
Sir George Grey, "Progress and
Poverty," 323-324 Jo Jeffreys,
Shubrick voyage, 59-61 ; restless-
ness, 78 ; habit of steadfastness,
87-88 William Jones, death of
Jeffreys, 96 John Stuart Mill,
Chinese immigration, 197, 198-200
Frances M. Milne, over-praise,
607 F. G. Shaw, sending money
gift, 381 ; money pledge for "Prog-
ress and Poverty," 381 Dr. Tay-
lor, Spencerian philosophy, 569
Isaac Trump, mining ventures,
140-141 Thomas F. Walker, " Let-
ter to the Pope," 567 Edmund
Wallazz, voyage of Shubrick, 73-^74 ;
John R. Young, " Times " review
of "Progress and Poverty," 396-
397.
Lee, Gen. Robert E., surrender of,
166.
Leggett, Joseph, President Land
Reform League of California, 293-
294.
Le Monnier, P. L., French trans-
lator of " Progress and Poverty,"
519n.
Lenbuscher, Fred. C., part author of
" The George-Hewitt Campaign,"
476n.
Leo XIII, Pope, issues encyclical on
" The Condition of Labour," 565 ;
regarded by many as condemna-
tion of single-tax doctrine, 565-
566 ; so viewed by others, 565w ;
G's reply, 566-568 ; G's after-view,
666w; effect of G's reply to, 560; G's
admiration for, 56on. (See Mc-
Glynn.)
Le Sueur, William D., of Ontario,
340-341.
Leverson, Dr. Montague R., of New
York, 330, 462w, 594.
Lewis, August, forms friendship
with G., 471; biographical notes
of, 471, 548n, ; during G's attack of
aphasia, 542; provision for G's
work, 563-564; dedication of G's
" Science of Political Economy,"
471, 564, 602; in politics, 505-506,
682, 602, 603, 607; reports G. on
"confiscation," 423?i; introduces
Schopenhauer's philosophy to G.,
547-548; has Brush paint G's por-
trait, 548w.
Lewis, Louisa, first wife of G's
father, 4.
Lewis, Mrs., wife of August, 542.
" Liberator, The," Garrison's, 508.
Liberty and Property Defence
League against " Progress and
Poverty," 420.
Liberty, G's apostrophe to, 285-287.
Library, San Francisco Free Public,
G. helps to establish, 298; Quaker
Apprentices', at Philadelphia, 11;
Franklin Institute, at, 11; G's pri-
vate, 301-302.
Life, meaning of, to G., 412, 541, 547.
Lincoln, Abraham, G. cast his first
vote for, 107 ; inaugurated, 108 ;
Emancipation Proclamation, 141 ;
assassination of, 160-161 ; " Copper-
head " newspapers, 161 ; G's sketch
on death of, 161-164; G. on char-
acter and work of, 164-165; what
nerved him against chattel slav-
ery, 191 ; incident of McClellan's
horse, 552.
Liquor licenses, G. on, 478.
Literary class, G's small hope of
the, 398.
Longfellow. 549.
Longuet, Charles, of Paris, 519.
Louisiana, State of, secession, 108.
Loyell, John W., of New York, pub-
lishes cheap edition of G's books,
404-405 ; also " The George-Hewitt
Campaign," 476n.
Low, Beth, mayoralty candidate
against G., 695, 598, 605-606.
Lowell, James Russell, related to
Francis G. Shaw, 353, 395 ; G. and,
395-396.
Lyceum, Sacramento, 170, 265-2C6.
Lynch, Nannie, of Dublin, 366.
Macaulay, Thomas Babingtou, 253,
586.
" Macbeth." See Shakespeare.
Mackay, John W., " Bonanza King,"
101, 166, 256, 556.
Macrae, Rev. David, of Dundee, 432.
Magnetism, G's uersonal, 698-599,
601-G02, 605, 606. ~
Maguire, James G., of San Fran-
cisco, 202, 268, 293, 307, 499, 501w,
502n; to independent party, 605-
506, 579.
Mahou, Frank, of San Francisco,
155, 239.
Malouey, Dr., of Melbourne, 534.
Malthus, Rev. Thomas Robert, 228,
352n.
Malthusianism, G. against, 426.
Mann, A. L., of San Francisco, 293.
Manning, Cardinal, 438, 454, 565, 567.
Manuscript, loses, 410-411.
" Mark Twain," 138, 160.
Marriage, G. and the tie of, 123-125,
126-128, 131, 250-261, 289, 305.
Marshall, Alfred, at G's Oxford lec-
ture, 435-436.
Marriot, Frederick, editor San Fran-
cisco " Newa-Letter," 161.
INDEX
625
Martin, S. W., died on Shubrick, 63-
67.
Marryat, Captain, 3Qn-31n.
Marx, Karl, his followers and G.,
422^3.
Maslin, E. W., of Sau Francisco,
262-263.
Materialism, G's opposition to, 328,
369, 548, 568.
Matthew, St., on preachtugthe f nitli,
314.
Maximilian, Archduke, 165-167.
Maynell, Wilfred, of London, 438.
Mazzini, Giuseppe, 190.
McAlpine, Vice-President Western
Union Telegraph Co., 183-185.
McCabe, William, of New York, 407,
480, 485.
McCarthy, Denis E., of California,
138.
McCarthy, , Supervisor of San
Francisco, 244.
McCarthy, Justin, M.P., G. meets,
366, 372.
McClatchy, James, of Sacramento,
173, 307, 349, 407.
McCloskey, Cardinal, of New York,
386.
MeCloskey, Elizabeth A., mother of
Mrs. George, 105, 106.
McCloskey, Henry, 105-106.
McCloskey, Mary Ann, 105-106, 107,
121.
McCloskey, Matthew, 121-123,201,257.
McCluro, Col. Alexander, of Phila-
delphia, 556.
McComb, John, of San Francisco,
152.
McCready, of New York, I. L., of
New York, 406, 485, 491, 520.
McDonald, , of Skeabost, 433.
McDonald, Rev. M., of Inverness,
451.
McEwen, Arthur, of New York, 246,
602-603.
McGhee, Richard, of Glasgow, 389,
421, 422, 434, 515, 518, 563, 579.
McGlynn, .Rev. Dr. Edward, birth
and education, 402; speech at Dav-
itt reception, 384-385 ; silenced by
Church authorities, 385-386, 466; biit
speaks for Cleveland, 466; G's
opinion of, 386-387 ; first meeting
of G. and, 401-402; counsels G.
(1887) to run for mayoralty ,460-461 ;
in respect to, 465-466 ; punishment
Of, 465-466, 476-477, 484, 485-489 ; dec-
laration of single-tax doctrine, 486-
487; removal from St. Stephen's,
489-490; Cardinal Gibbons and,
490-491 ; lecture " The Cross of the
New Crusade," 491; President
" Anti-Poverty Society," 492 ; ex-
communication threatened, 493 ;
G's tribute, 493-494; excommuni-
cation, 494-495; politics of, 487,
498-500 ; Patrick Ford breaks with,
500 ; separates from G. over Cleve-
land, 506,512-513; friendship with
G. renewed, 559, 562; officiates at
Jennie George's wedding, 559; ex-
communication reconsidered and
renewed, 500-501 ; freedom to ex-
pound single-tax doctrine, 561, 562 ;
visit to Pope, 562 ; appointed to a
church, 562n; Jennie George At-
kinson's funeral, 588; at funeral
of G., 610-611.
McHugh, Edward, of Liverpool,
428n, 433, 551-552, 603-604.
McKinley, William, G. opposes, 578,
580-583.
McLean, Andrew, of Brooklyn, 337-
338, 350, 356, 400.
McLean, Mrs. C. F., sketch of G.,
245-246.
McMackln, John, of New York, 467,
484, 505-506, 512-513.
McMullen, James, of Philadelphia,
59-60.
McPhilpin, Father, of Athenry, 293-
294.
Meeker, Ralph, notes of conversa-
tion with G., 93, 148, 169, 166-167,
181, 196, 210, 238-239,247-249, 264, 318,
322, 590-591.
Mendelson, Rebecca, wife of Simon,
542, 545.
Mendelson, Simon, of New York, 542,
545, 549, 588.
Menzies, Stuart, of San Francisco,
244.
Merriewold Park, life at, 558-559.
Merrill, Annie, on San Francisco
" Times," 175.
Metcalf, Lorettus S., on G's power
of statement, 455.
Methodist church, G. joins at, 103-
104: married in a, 124-125.
Mexico, G. in expedition to free,
165-167.
Mill, John Stuart, In, ion, 196, 197,
200, 208, 228, 230, 234, 239, 352n, 360,
367-368, 564-565. (See Letters.)
Miller, Joaquin, of California, 176.
Miller, John F., United States Sen-
ator, 352w.
Miller, Samuel, Captain of ship
Hindoo, 13-18, 19-39, 41.
Miller, William, of London, 457.
Mills, James E., of California, 567-
568, 574. (See Letters.)
Mills, William H., of Sacramento,
169-170, 256, 260.
Milne, Frances M., of Calif ornia, im-
mortality, 546, 549 ; G's encourage-
ment of, 549 ; " From the Battle,"
607w. (See Letters.)
Milner, Sir Alfred, 419w.
Milton, John, 317.
Mining ventures, G's, 75-82, 91-93,
120, 138-141, 255-256.
Minturu, James F., of New Jersey,
510.
626
INDEX
Mississippi, State of, secession, 108.
Modesty, in great men, 551; G's,
507, 530-531, 534, 537, 552, 553.
" Monitor," of San Francisco, 161,
205;t.
Monroe League, G. member of, 167.
Montgomery, Zachariah, editor San
Francisco "Occidental," 161.
Moore, H. H., of San Francisco, 307.
Moreau, < ;en. Jean Victor, 3.
Morgan, J. P., of New York, 578.
Morley, John, 389.
Morley, Samuel, 454.
"Morning Ledger," of San Fran-
cisco, 262.
Morse, Dr., of San Francisco, 146,
147.
Morton, Levi P., of New York, 511.
" Moses." See Works.
Moxham, Arthur J., of Johnstown,
557-558.
Miiller, Prof. F. Max, 435, 436-437.
Murdock, John, of Glasgow, 434.
Murphy, Patrick J., of San Fran-
cisco, 292-293.
Napoleon, his downfall, 551.
National Guard of California, G.
member of, 168.
Ntural order, G. observes the, 209-
210; writes first book on, 219-235;
explanation of the, 564; essence
of G's economics, 563.
Nevada, mining condition in, 100-
101, 10S-109, 255, 256.
"News-Letter," of San Francisco,
161, 287-288.
New South Wales, G's visit to, 529-
532. 536-539.
Newton, Rev. Dr. R. Heber, 7-8, 350,
406, 448-449, 4C5, 609. (See Letters.)
Newton, Rev. Dr. Richard, of Phila-
delphia, 5-6, 14.
Newton, Rev. D. W. W., 6-7, 8, 12, 13.
New York City, as G. saw it, 20, 21 ;
G's row in the streets of, 204, 209 ;
G. arrives to settle in, 335.
New Zealand, "Progress and Pov-
erty " in, 397. See Ankland.
"Nineteenth Century, " 444-445. 569.
Nordhoff, Charles, of New York, 335.
(Kee Letters.)
" North American Review," 349, 404,
415, 456, 456, 529-530.
Novel, G's thought of writing a, 171.
Nugent, John, of San Francisco
" Herald." 180-181, 184-185, 205.
Nulty, Thomas, Bishop of Meath, on
Irish Land League movement,
360-361; pastoral letter, 362-364,
E66-5C7; on compensation, 383;
supported by McGlynn, 385; si-
lenced, 385-386.
O'Brien, , "Bonanza King," 101.
O'Brien, Brouterre, writings of, 230.
O'Brien, R. Barry, " Life of diaries
Stewart Pamell," 375-376.
O'Brien, William S., "Bonanza
King," 256.
" Occidental," San Francisco, 161.
O'Connell, Daniel. 244, 255.
O'Connor, T. P., M. P., 513.
Odd Fellows' Order, member of, ICO,
168.
Odenheimer, Rt. Rev. Wm. H., of
New Jersey, 7.
CEdipus and the Sphinx, 116, 204.
Oirilvie, William, 520.
O'Gorman, Rev. Dr. Thomas, of
Washington, 560-561.
Ohio legislative committee, G. be-
fore, 515.
O' Kelly, J. J., M. P., 358, 372, 374, 388.
O'Meara, James, "Broderick and
Gwin," 98.
Oqton, President Western Union Tel-
egraph Co., 185.
O'Hiiea, Captain, and "Kilmainham
Treaty, " 372.
" Our American Cousin " and Lin-
coln's assassination, lf>0.
"Our Land and Land Policy." See
Works.
"Overland Monthly," 171, 176-180,
230, 331, 404.
Overland stage, 109, 130.
Oxford, G's lecture in. See Works.
' Pall Mall Budget," of London, 482.
" Pall Mall Gazette," of London, 421,
445, 450-451.
, 'aria Land Reform Conference, 518-
619.
Parker, Rev. Dr., of London, 514.
Parks, Sir Henry, of New South
Wales, 537.
Parliament, G. declines to stand for,
452; G's friends elected to, 452-
453 ; report of Royal Commissioner
on housing of the worknig classes,
453-454; taxation question in, 578.
Parliament, House of Commons,
taxation in, 578.
Parnell, Anna, of the Ladies' Land
League, 358, 361, 365-3o6.
Parnell, Charles Stewart, heads
Land League movement, 345-347,
354, 358; abilities of Davitt arid,
365 ; G. meets, 3S6 ; " KiLmaiiiham
Treaty," 372, 376-377; Phrenix
Park murders ami, 374-375; organ-
izes Irish National League, 376;
against " Progress and Poverty,"
380-381 ; against Davitt's nationali-
sation programme, 382, 383-384,
387, 388; in eclipse, 421-422; fol-
lowers Of, oppose (j., 380, 391, 429.
Patents, G's distinction of copy-
rights from, 593>i.
Paul, Kegan, of London, Publish-
ers, 341, 343, 371-372, 390. See Ke-
gan, Paul, Trench & Co...
INDEX
627
Payne, Missionary Bishop, 7.
Peddling, G. tries, 154.
Pentecost, Hugh O., of New York,
499, 520.
Perkins, George C., Governor of
California, 326.
Peters, E. T., of Washington, 234.
Petersburg taken, 155.
Peterson, Dr. Frederick, on G's
aphasia, 541-542.
Phillips, Wendell, 43.
" Philosopher, A Perplexed." See
Works.
Philosopher, bootblack compared
with, 551-552.
PlMBnix Park assassinations, 373-
375.
Phonograph, G's attempt to use,
644-545.
Photographs, G's last, 603.
Phrenology, G's views on, 53-56.
Physiocrats, G. and the, 228-229, 521.
Pierson, William M., of California,
258, 264-265.
Pike, A., of London, 457.
Piracy, G. charged with, 477.
Pittsburg riots of 1877, 290.
Placerville, California, 92-93, 100-101.
Plagiarism, G. charged with, 520-521.
Pleasure, where G. thought it lay,
412.
Plunkett, William A., of San Fran-
cisco, 244-245.
Poetry, G's love of, 11, 122, 124, 251-
252, 253, 549-550.
Political economy, genesis of G's
thought on, 43, 80, 100, 142, 159, 168-
170, 176, 177-180, 191-203, 204, 209-210,
216; G's effort to formulate his,
219-235 ; G's lecture on the study
of, 272-281 ; its study open to all
men, 278-279, 305-306 ; G's hope that
his teachings would be fitted into
the current, 281 ; state in which he
found, 564-565; sale of G's writ-
ings compared with other works
on, 217, 342-343, 390,574 ; his opinion
of his effect on the teaching of,
322-323, 591-593; his proposed
primer on, 328, 563; the Chinese
question and, 195-196; special in-
terests and, 276-277; Greeley's
work on, 193n; Byrnes' work on,
513 (see Works); English publishers
refused "Progress and Poverty"
because it antagonised the cur-
rent, 325-326.
" Political Economy, Principles of,"
by Mill, scope of, 564-565.
"Political Economy, Science of."
See Works.
Political Education. Society for, G's
books for, 381-382, 471.
Politics, G's Fremont and Lincoln
Republican, 43, 107 ; Jeffersonian
Democrat, 206, 207-208, 214, 216-218,
238, 239-240, 262, 266-273, 288, 298-300,
299-300, 335-338, 449, 459-481,496-503,
504,511-513, 572-574, 575-578, 580-583,
584, 593-607.
Pompeii, G's visit to, 539.
Pond, Major James B., manages lec-
tures for G., 496.
Pony Express, its importance in
West, 109-110.
Popper, Max, of San Francisco, 297.
" Popular Science Monthly," 331, 335,
340, 343, 344.
Porter & Coates, G. shares office
with, 456.
Portrait of G., painted by Brush,
64891 ; last photographs of G, 603.
Positivists, G's contempt for, 412.
" Post," of Liverpool (1884), 430.
"Post, Evening," of New York, 470,
474.
" Post, Evening," of San Francisco,
history of, 236-249, 256.
Potter, Agathon de, of Belgium, 519.
Potter, Rt. Rev. Alonzo, of Phila-
delphia, 8.
Potter, Rev. Dr. E. N. , of New York, 8.
Potter, Rt. Rev. Henry C., of New
York, 8.
Potter, Stephen, of San Francisco,
247.
Post, Louis F., beginning acquain-
tance with G., 355-356; President
Free Soil Society, 406; camping
with G., 412 ; on G's two styles of
speaking, 443-444; G's lirst mayor-
alty campaign, 474, 476n; "The
Standard," 485, 574; Chicago anar-
chists, 501 w; (1887) campaign,
499, 502 ; G's hope in defeat, 502,
504 ; split in Anti-Poverty Society,
506 ; " Henrietta Georgina," 615w ;
body and spirit, 545 ; G's domestic
life, 552 ; G's quality of judgment,
657 ; William J. Bryan, 581.
Poverty, G's personal contact with,
119, 146-153, 293, 301, 310, 326-327,
334, 335, 344, 348, 349, 352-353, 411,
552-553 ; how men may be driven
to misdeeds by, 149n ; its contrast
with wealth started G's inquiry,
191-193, 219, 311, 469; why it accom-
panies advancing wealth, 210 ; in-
voluntary, due to violationof God's
ordinance, 252, 468-469 ; involun-
tary, G. begins speaking crusade
against, 294-297. (See Anti-Poverty
Society.)
Powderly, T. V., grand master
workman Knights of Labour, 406,
479.
Power, J. O'Connor, of London, 324.
Powell, F. York, M. A., of Oxford,
435.
Practical joke, G. frightened by, 59w.
Prang, Louis, of Boston, 478, 546, 582.
Pratt, Henry, of Philadelphia, 4.
Pratt, Margaret, G's maternal
grandmother, 4.
628
INDEX
Preoccupation, G's, 247, 309, 417-418,
50971, 523, 554-556.
Presidency, G. talked of for, 483.
President, the, G'8 letter on arrests
in Ireland, 394-305.
Preston, Rt. Rev. Monsignor, of New
York, 477, 485-486, 488-489.
Prince, photograph of G. by, 603.
Printing, G's employment at, 42, 43-
46, 83-84, 88, 94-95, 102-103, 105, 108,
99-120, 125-126, 130-131, 132, 135, 137,
142-143, 135-152; G's connection
with, 154-172, 154, 175.
"Problems of the Time." See
Works.
Procrastination, G's habit of, 246-
247.
" Professor," attractiveness of title
to G., 275.
" Professor Bullhead," G's name for
Huxley, 569.
Professors, G. and the, 280-281, 322-
323, 325, 341, 548, 552, 591 ; Schopen-
hauer and the, 548.
"Progress and Poverty." See
Works.
" Proletarian." See Works.
Propaganda Fide, Sacred Congrega-
tion of the, 386, 486-487, 488.
" Property in Land." See Works.
"Prophet of San Francisco," by
Duke of Argyll, 444-^45.
Prosperity, G's fear of much, 587-
588.
Protectionism, G. opposed to. See
Free Trade.
"Protection or Free Trader* See
Works.
Pryor, Judge Roger A., of New
York, 556.
"Public Ledger," of Philadelphia,
59-60.
Punishment, corporal, for children,
253.
Queensland, G's visit to, 532, 533.
Quesnay, teachings of G. and those
of, 229.
Questioning, a feature of G's speak-
ing, 511, 516.
Rae, W. Fraser, of London. 324, 397.
Railroad, Central Pacific, early his-
tory of, 142; completion of, 209-
210; Chinese question and, 195-196,
290 ; G. fights, 182-183, 186, 192, 206,
210-211, 214-218, 235, 316-317 ; G. and
the natural order, 209-210. (See
Works.)
Ralston, William H., of San Fran-
cisco, 254.
Ramsey, John, of Sydney, 531.
Rapp, A. H., partner in " Post," 237-
ooo
zoo.
Reading, G's love and habits of, 10-
12, 84, 85-86, 91, 95, 101, 102-103, 122,
131, 253, 257-258, 288, 289, 301-303.
Reasoning, early development in
G., I3n.
" Record-Union," of Sacramento,
216n, 325.
"Reduction to Iniquity," G's reply
to Argyll. See \v orks.
Redpath, James, of New York, 331,
455-456, 484.
Reed, D'Arcy W., of London, 579.
Reed, Rev. Dr., of Philadelphia, 133.
Reeves, William, Publisher, Lon-
don, 348-422.
Reform Club, of New York, circu-
lates " Protection or Free Trade? "
574.
Reid, George H., M.P., of New
South Wales, 536, 537-538.
Reid, Mary, G's paternal grand-
mother, 1-2.
Reid, Whitelaw, of New York, 187.
"Reign of Law," G's obligations to,
445-446.
Reinhart, Amelia, of Philadelphia,
48.
Religion, G's training and views, 14,
15, 36, 41, 48, 61, 90, 103-104, 105, 126-
127, 128, 132-134, 252, 257, 260, 311-
312, 328-329, 432-433, 502, 541, 545-548,
568.
Rent, relation to/wages and interest,
178, 179-180.
"Reporter," Sacramento, G. editor
and part owner of, 201, 216, 211-
216.
Representation, proportional, 176.
Residences, G. South Tenth Street,
Philadelphia, 1; South Third
Street, 8 ; Wharf Street, Victoria,
B. C., 78; "What Cheer House,"
San Francisco,'84 ; Watoma Street,
89; Pine Street, 89; City Hotel,
Sacramento, 135 ; Russ Street, San
Francisco, 144 ; Perry Street, 152 ;
old Federal Building, 205 ; Steven-
son Street, 216 ; Valencia Street,
250 ; first Rincon Hill, 251 ; second
Rincon Hill, 288; third Rincon
Hill, 301; Sancilito, 283; Fort
Washington, New York, 348 ; Four-
teenth Street, 410 ; Hancock Street,
Brooklyn, 410; Crawford Farm,
Jamaica, L. I., 447 ; Macon Street,
Brooklyn, 447 ; Pleasant Avenue,
New Yorlf, 459-400; Nineteenth
Street, 509 ; Merriwold Park, New
York State, 558-55 ; Fort Hamil-
ton, Greater New York, 559.
Responsibility, G's judgment un-
der, 557.
Revenue Reform Club, of Brooklyn,
350.
Ricardo, David, G. and, 228, 352.
Rice, Allen Thorndike, of New York,
408.
Rice mills, G's employment in, 88-
89,91.
" Richard III." See Shakespeare.
INDEX
629
Richmond taken, 155.
Ridge, John K., of San Francisco,
linn.
Riding, G's fondness for horseback,
209, 214, 250-251 ; bicycle, 543-544,
545-546.
"Rights of Man, The Real," by
Thomas Spence, 368-369.
Rio Janeiro, G's visit to, 62, 63.
Riots, industrial, 290.
Roach, Philip A., of San Francisco,
265, 331.
Roberts, Joseph, of Philadelphia, 20.
Robinson, John Beverly, of New
York, 407.
Robinson, Mary E., wife of R. F.
George, 559.
Rockefeller, William, of New York,
578.
Rockwood, photograph of G. by, 603.
Roel-Smith, Carl, bust of G., 586.
Rogers, Prof. J. E. Thorold, on
wages, 617.
Rome, visit to, 539.
Roosevelt, Theodore, mayoralty
candidate against G., 473-474, 480,
481.
RoyalExchange.London, G's speech
before, 451-452.
Royalties, G's book, 322, 333, 404-405,
574.
Ruskin, John, 425.
Russell, L. A.,Hutchins will case,
510.
Ryan, Thomas P., G's first set speech,
268-269.
Rylett, Rev. Harold, of Belfast, 389.
Salisbury, Lord, 454.
Salvation Army, 421 ; traffic in girls,
421 ; G's hopes for, 539-540.
San Diego, G's visit to, 68.
Sarson, George, M. A., of London,
404.
Satolli, Archbishop, McGlynn case,
560-561.
"Saturday Night," Philadelphia, 171.
Saunders, William, President Cen-
tral News Agency, 389 ; " The Con-
dition of English Agricultural La-
bourers," 410 ; offers to back G. for
London newspaper, 415 ; Land Re-
form Union, 422 ; "The Democrat,"
449 ; Royal Exchange meeting, 451 ;
G. his guest across Atlantic, 513 ;
G's third British lecture tour, 515 ;
"Red Van" work, 579; death, 587.
Schaidner, photograph of G. by, 603.
Schooling, G's, 8, 8-9, 10.
Schopenhauer, Arthur, G. and phi-
losophy Of, 547-548, 586.
"Science of Political Economy,
The," See Works.
Scott, Col. John, of Oakland, 208.
Scott, Gen. Wintiold, 97.
Scott, Prof. David B., of New York,
465, 484.
Scott, W. B., "Standard " staff, 485.
Scribner's, Charles, Sons, Publish-
ers, of New York, 316.
"Scribner's Magazine," 349.
Sea, G's early love for the, 12-18 ; first
voyage, 19-39 ; secoiid voyage, 50 ;
third voyage, 53-68; fourth voy-
age, 77 ; final parting from, 32, 94-
95 ; G's journal at, 23-32, 34-35, 37-
39.
Secret! veness, G's habit of, 275.
Secretary of State, New York, G's
campaign for office of, 488-503.
Secretary of State, United States,
arrests in Ireland, 395.
See & Eppler, photograph of G. by,
602.
Seighortner's restaurant, New York,
463.
Senate, California, G. for the, 288.
Senate, United States, and G., 352n.
Sexton, Thomas, M. P., 383.
Shahan, Rev. Dr. Thomas J., Mc-
Glynu case, 560-561.
Shakespeare, G's liking for, 99 ; in-
cident connected with, 100 ; reflec-
tions as to, 549, 551.
Sharp, John, and advice, 79.
Shaw, Col. Robert Gould, of Massa-
chusetts, 353 ; son of
Shaw, Francis G., biographical
notes, 353; circulates G's books,
353, 381, 390-391; author of "A
Piece of Land," 391,393, 410; death
of, 403; "Social Problems" dedi-
cated to, 403, 410; bequest to G,,
407; Lewis gets "Progress and
Poverty" from, 471. (See Letters.)
Shearman, Thomas G., G's first lec-
ture in Brooklyn, 350 ; close to
Beecher, 350; Delmonico's ban-
quet, 400; the word "confisca-
tion," 353, 423i; suggests term
"single tax," 496n; politics and
Anti-Poverty Society, 505-506; be-
fore Ohio legislative committee,
515 ; " Protection or Free Trade 1 "
574 ; William J. Bryan, 682.
Sherman, General W. T., 656.
Shevitch, Bergius E,, of New York,
499.
Shipping, American, 2-3, S0n-3ln.
Ship's steward, G. as, on Sfiubrick,
50-52.
Shoes, exchange of G's papers for,
440-441.
Shot, G's danger of being, 241-242,
243-244.
Short, Dr., of San Francisco, 270.
ShubricTc, U. S. lighthouse tender,
in which G. went to California, 50-
52, 53-68, 71-72, 74, 252 ; ship's stew-
ard on, 50-52.
"Shore Acres," play by James A.
Herne, 650.
"Sic Semper Tyrannis." See
Workfl.
630
INDEX
Simeon!, Cardinal, McGlynn case,
383, 386, 486-487,489, 490-491,493-495.
Simon, G., English author of "The
Chinese City," 519.
Simonds, Mrs., 124 ; wife of
Simonds, Rev. 8. D., of San Fran-
cisco, 104, 124-125, 155.
Simplicity, G's, 412-417, 425-426, 542,
543-546, 547, 549-552, 553-556.
Simpson, Hon. Jerry, of Kansas, 572.
Sinai, G. sees, 539.
Sincerity, G's, 425-426, 467-470, 478,
479-480, 594, 596, 598, 603, 605, 608-
609, 610-611.
Singer, Ignatius, joint author of
" The Story of uiy Dictatorship,"
533.
Single Tax, explanation of, 229, 468-
469, 514-515; based on feudal sys-
tem, 225 ; and effect, 226-227 ; elu-
cidated in "The Science of Politi-
cal Economy," 564; first use of
term, 495-496 ; G. on the term, 496n;
and line of least resistance to, 579 ;
application to Ireland, 347; and
the world, 348 ; first national con-
ference in the United States, 540-
541; Chicago 1893 Conference,
4% ; policy first tried in South
Australia, 533 ; first appearance in
Congress, 679 ; progress of the idea,
613-514, 515-516, 575, 578-580; de-
nounced as against Catholic doc-
trine, 485-486, 487 ; McGlynu's de-
fence, 486, 491 ; and G's, 487 ; Papal
encyclical against, 565 ; G's an-
swer, 565-568; "free doctrine,"
565n-566rt. ; Pope's changed view
of, 566n ; formally declared not to
be contrary to Catholic doctrine,
661-562.
Sisters of Charity, 107, 123.
Skye, crofter agitation in, 431-432,
450-451; G. lectures in, 433, 450;
his suggestions for immediate re-
lief, 451.
Slavery, chattel, 43-44, 61-62, 97-98,
107-108, 111, 141, 191.
Slavery, Industrial, what nerved G.
against, 191-193 ; way to abolish,
468-470.
Sleep, G. and, 303.
Smith, Adam, In, lOn, 86, 228, 276,
368, 411-412, 564-565, 591, 593.
Smith, Goldwin, 340-341.
Smith, John G., partner in "Even-
ing Journal," 109, 120, 150, 151, 152.
Smith, Samuel, M. P., lectures
against G.,428 ; G's debate with, 518.
Smoking, G. and, 203, 555.
Social forms, G's dislike of, 254-255,
563-554.
Socialism, G. against, 397-398, 498.
Socialists, G's friction with, 422-423,
496-498, 499, 500-501 ; Arnold Toyn-
bee and, 419 ; " Letter to Pope Leo
XIII "and, 567.
" Social Problems." See Works.
" Social Statics," 315, 369-370, 420.
South Carolina, State of, secession.
107-108.
Speaking, G's early, 168-170, 266-269,
270-271, 294-298, 336-837, 351-352, 361-
362 ; his two styles, 426, 429-430,
443-444 ; stage fright in, 295 ; Britr
ish press, 427, 428-429, 430, 450; Cali-
fornia press, 524, 525-527; Austra-
lian press on G's powers of, 529-
530, 530-531, 531-532, 535-536, 537-538.
Spelling, early weakness in G., 20,
24 ; sets type to correct it, 42.
Spence, Thomas, 368, 369, 520.
Spencer, Earl, Irish Viceroy, 373.
Spencer, Herbert, G. quotes " Social
Statics," 315; and sends "Progress
and Poverty" to, 323; G'B early
opposition to materialistic philos-
ophy of, 328; G's meeting with,
369-370; G's letters to Dr. Taylor
on, 370, 420?i ; recantation of land
principles, 420, 568; G's "Per-
plexedPhilosopher,"569-57l; Dove,
Ogilvie, and, 520.
Sphinx, 116, 204, 209.
Spicer, Albert, of London, 514, 516.
Spirit, G's conception of its relation
to the body, 545 ; its immortality,
546-547.
Spiritualism, G's views of, 329.
Sprague, W. 8., Senator, 186.
" Standard, The," of Australia, 531-
532.
" Standard," of London, 426.
" Standard," of New York, edited by
John Russell Young, 212.
"Standard, The, "started by G., 484;
staff, 484-485; first number, 485;
McGlynn case, 485-489, 493-494;
Anti-Poverty Society started in
office of, 491; term "single-tax"
first used in, 496 w; supports
Cleveland for second term, 505-
606, 511; business affairs of, 507-508 ;
office removed, 509 ; dissensions in
staff, 519 7 520 ; G's reply to charge
of plagiarism, 520; G's worry
about, 541 ; and retirement from,
563 ; death of, 574-575. (See Works.)
Stanford, Leland, of California, 141-
142, 211, 290, 349.
Stanley, Dean, 324.
Stanley, Hon. E. Lyluph, 454.
Stanley, " Jim," of the Shubrick, 58,
118.
" Star," of San Francisco, 507n.
" Star, The," of London, 513.
" State, The," started by G., 316; and
brief history of, 316-317.
Steers, A. J., gives " Progress and
Poverty " to McGlynn, 402, 407 ; in
Free Soil Society, 406. (See Let-
ters.)
Stevenson, Robert Louis, 585.
" St. George," in Congress, 573.
INDEX
631
Sticlmey, A. A., of Sacramento, 151,
153, 160, 168.
"St. James's Gazette," of London,
420i, 482.
Btoft'el, Jan, Holland, 519.
Stone, Hon. William J., of Kentucky,
572.
Stone, Mrs., of San Francisco, 152.
Stowe, Harriet Beecher, and " Uncle
Tom's Cabin," 43.
St. Paul's Church, of Philadelphia,
5-7.
" Strength of Nations, The," by An-
drew Bisset, 225, 228, 621.
Strong, Col., of San Francisco, 152.
Strpwbridge, Jerome, of San Fran-
cisco, 70-71.
Strowbridge, W. C., of San Fran-
cisco, 70-71.
St. Thomas, West Indies, visit to,
57-59.
Stuart, James, M. P., taxation reso-
lution, 578.
Subsidies, G. against, 210-211, 214-
218.
Suez, Gulf of, G. travels through,
539.
Suicide, G's thoughts on, 349, 547.
Sullivan, Hon. Algernon 8., of New
York, 400.
Sullivan, A. M., M. P., 324, 375.
Sullivan, J. W., of New York, 485,
520-521.
Sullivan, T. D., M. P., 398.
Simmer, Charles A., of San Fran-
cisco, 181-182, 206.
Sumner, Professor W. G., 349, 408.
"Sun," Of New York, 247-248, 333,
344, 409, 474, 482.
Sunrise, case of, 241.
Superstition, absence of, in G., &Jn.
Swan, Sonnenschein & Co.. London,
publish G's " Letter to the Pope,"
567.
Swett, John, of San Francisco, 293,
307, 320.
Swinburne, A. C., 549.
Swinton, John, of New York, 209,
335, 342. (See Letters.)
Swinton, Prof. William, 208-209, 281n,
315-316, 335-336, 411-412, 456.
" Syllabus of an estimate of the
merits of the doctrine of Jesus,"
by Thomas Jefferson, 548.
Symes, Prof. J. E., 422, 513.
Sympathy, in G's character, 27w,
306-307.
Synthetic philosophy, G's position
on the, 569-570.
Tammany Hall, its rule in New
York, 462-463 ; the 1886 mayoralty
campaign, 472 ; intimacy with
Catholic hierarchy, 506; the 1807
mayoralty campaign, 598, 601.
Tariff question, G. and the, 336-338,
407, 408, 410-411, 449, 476, 504-606, 611-
513, 515, 533-536, 537, 571, 576, 580,
583.
Tarpy, Matthew, case of, 242-243, 244.
Taxation, feudal system of, 225-226;
how present system operates, 267 ;
English four shilling, 428n. (See
Single Tax and Works.)
Taylor, Edward R., Secretary Gov-
ernor Haight, 214, 292 ; " Progress
and Poverty," 292-293, 297-298, 307-
309,319?i,320; on G's marriage tic,
305; "The State," 316; welcomes
G. back to California, 524. (See
Letters.)
Taylor, Helen, of London, 360-361,
365, 367-368, 422, 428w, 450, 452. (See
Letters.)
Telegraph, news by, in California,
109-110; transcontinental liue,
120; G's fight against monopoly,
183-186, 204, 206, 211-213.
"Telegraph, Daily,'' of Sydney, 529-
531, 537 538.
" Telegraph," Melbourne, 535-536.
Tennyson, Alfred, 253, 369, 519, 586.
Terra del Fuegians, 68.
Terry, David 8., of California, 97-98.
Theatre, American, its drop curtain,
100.
Theatre, Ford's, and Lincoln's assas-
sination, 160.
Theatricals, G's taste for, 99, 255,
449-450.
Themistocles, 219.
"Theory of Human Progression,
The," by P. E. Dove, 520.
Thinking, G's habits of, 13, 34, 42-44,
80, 91, 209-210, 251, 303, 325, 543-544.
Thomas, George C., of Philadel-
phia, 7.
Thomas, Rev. Richard N., of Phila-
delphia, 7.
Thomson, H. W., of San Francisco,
238-239.
Thor, G's pet dog, 546.
Thorn, William 8., New York, 464.
Thurber, Francis B., of New York,
400.
Thurman, Hon. Allen G., of Ohio,
511.
Tilden, Samuel J., of New York, G.
supports, for presidency, 266-272,
505 ; G's later estimate of, 272-273.
"Time," essay on use of. See
Works.
" Times, New York," 483.
"Times," of London, 391-392, 394,
396-397, 444.
" Times," of San Francisco, G's con-
nection with, 171, 173-176, 180, 208.
(See Works.)
Timmins, John, of Sacramento, 142-
143, 180.
Tolstoi, Count Leon, 514.
Tonbeau, M. A., of Paris, 519.
Torreus, W. McCullogh, 454.
Toynbee, Arnold, of Oxford, 419.
632
INDEX
Tracy, Gen. Benjamin F., 598.
Tracy, Hon. Charles, of New York,
579.
Trade-unions, G's sympathy with,
105, 460.
Transatlantic cable, the tirst, 79.
"Transcript," of Oakland, G. editor
Of, 197, 200, 201, 208, 209, 211.
" Transcript, The Boston," 331.
Translations of G's books, French,
519n; German, 330; Italian, 567;
general notes, 571, 592.
Treadwell, N. 8., of San Francisco,
174, 175.
"Treaty of Kilmainham," 371-372.
Treuwith, W. M. P., of Melbourne,
536.
Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. George O., 389,
394.
" Tribune, New York," 182, 186-187,
193-203, 230, 486.
"Tribune," of Chicago, 201.
Trump, Isaac, of San Francisco, 124,
125, 138-141, 143, 145-147, 149-150, 151,
152, 161.
" Truth," of New York, 355-356.
Tubbs, Hiram, of Oakland, 208.
Turkish bath, anecdote of G. in a,
438-439.
Turrell, O. B., in San Francisco, 174-
175.
Type-setting. (See Printing.)
Type-writing machine, G's use of,
544.
Typographical Union, Eureka, G.
joins, 105.
" Uncle Tom's Cabin," effect on G.,
43; parallel, 317.
Uiiione Tipograftco-Editrice, Italian
publishers of G's works, 567.
" Union," of Sacramento, G. com-
positor on, 126, 130, 132, 135, 137,
142-143, 180.
Union Square Hotel, G's political
headquarters, 601 ; where G. died,
606,607.
" United Ireland," G. helps it, 364-
365.
United Labour Party of New York,
its organisation, 459-481 ; the 1887
campaign, 496-503; G's break with,
505-506 ; national politics, 512 ; Re-
publican recognition, 512-513.
United States Book Company, New
York, publishes G's " Letter to the
Pope," 567.
Urner, Benjamin, treasurer Anti-
Poverty Society, 492.
Valdivia, G. touches at, 68.
Vallance, John, G's maternal grand-
father, 1, 4.
Vallance, Mary, G's aunt, 4, 21, 130.
Valparaiso, G. touches at, 68.
Van Brunt, Justice, of New York,
MO.
Van Dusen, A., of New York, im-
mortality, 546-547.
Van Duseu, Joseph, G's uncle, 16,
20, 43, 79.
Van \Vyck, Judge Robert, Greater
New York mayoralty, 596.
Venice, G. visits, 539.
Victoria, Australia, G's first visit, 18,
19, 29-32; second visit, 533-536;
"Progress and Poverty" in, 397.
Victoria, B. C., G's life there, 75-83, 84.
Victoria, Queen, G's alleged disre-
spect to, 426-427.
" Volks-Zeitung," of New York, 474.
Von Giitschow, C. D. F. , translates
" Progress and Poverty " into Ger-
man, 330, 480.
Vossion, Louis, French translator
of "Protection or Free Trade!"
519n.
Wages, in California, 74n-75/i, 80, 84,
95, 100 ; G. on real law of, 196-197,
230-231 ; currentpolitical economy
on, 196,230; G's first puzzling ques-
tion about, 43.
Waite & Battles, of San Francisco,
88-89.
Wakefleld , vice-presidential
candidate, 512.
Wales, Prince of, 454.
Walker, Prof. Francis A., census re-
ports, 409-410.
Walker, Thomas F., G's first ac-
quaintance with, 389; G. visits,
422 ; Land Reform Union, 422 ; St.
James's Hall lecture, 425 ; Taylor
lecture anecdote, 428i; G's third
British lecture trip, 515 ; circulates
" Protection or Free Trade ? " 574 ;
propaganda work, 579. (See Let-
ters.)
Walker, Gen. William, of Tennessee,
62.
Wall, Mary Ann. (See McCloskey,
Mary Ann.)
Wallace, Alfred Russell, 353-354, 382,
397-398.
Wallazz, Edmund, of Philadelphia,
42, 63, 73-74, 87, 150, 151, 171.
Walton, Charles, of Philadelphia, 13,
14, 49, 62, 73, 131-132.
Walton, Collis, brother of Charles,
13, 20, 60.
Warner, Hon. John De Witt, of New
York, 579.
Washington, Hon. Joseph H. t of
Tennessee, 572.
Washoe discoveries, 100-101, 102.
Way, Chief Justice, of South Aus-
tralia, 533.
Wealth, G's dream of, 156-157; de-
parture of dream, 255; concentra-
tion, 279, 284-285,468-469; contrast
with poverty, 191-193, 219; deep-
ening poverty with advancing,
210, 222-227, 469-470.
INDEX
633
" Wealth of Nations," G. first sees
the, 86; intention to abridge and
annotate, 411-412; political econ-
omy and, 276, 368, 564-665.
Webb, Alfred, of Dublin, 363, 364.
Webb, Charles Henry, editor " Cali-
fomian," 160.
Wells, David A., of New York, 225,
234, 341.
Wells, Fargo Express, 182, 186, 192,
206.
Welsh miners, G. among, 516-517.
Werner, Alice, of London, 549.
" What Cheer House," of San Fran-
cisco, 84, 85, 89, 90.
" What the Railroad Will Bring Us."
See Works.
White, Horace, of Chicago, 201, 234.
Whitney, William C., of New York,
578.
Whittier, John Greenleaf, 549.
" Why Work is Scarce, Wages Low
and Labour Restless." See
Works.
Wicksteed, Rev. Phillip A., of Lon-
don, 422.
Widows, G. on annuities to, 426-427.
Wilbur, George B., of San Francisco,
70, 81-82, 89, 105, 154, 294.
Will, G'S, 589.
Williams, Rev. C. Fleming, of Lon-
don, 451.
Wilmarth, Prof. L. E., of New York,
407.
Wilson, Hon. William L., of West
Virginia, 576.
Wingate, Charles F., of New York,
465.
Women, social influence of, 86-87.
Woodhull, John T., of Camden, N. J.,
510.
Woodward, R. B., of San Francisco,
84.
Work, G'o method of. See Writing.
Works, G's :
Books :
"Our Land and Land Policy"
(1871), nature and history of, 220-
235, 236, 237, 239, 263, 272, 274, 282,
521.
"Progress and Poverty" (1879),
nature and history of, 74n-75w,
110, 134, 179-180, 214, 233-234, 281,
282-283, 289-334, 335, 337-338, 340-
343, 348, 349, 353-357, 366-369, 380-382,
389-391, 396-397, 399, 402, 404-400, 414-
415, 419-424, 427, 430, 436, 445-448, 457,
464, 471-472, 480, 496>l, 519, 520-521,
522, 538-539, 559, 563, 564, 567, 568, 570,
579-580, 589-593, 611.
"The (Irish) Land Question"
(1881), nature and history of, 212-
213, 326, 345-348, 381-382, 390-391,
396, 405.
" Social Problems " (1883), nature
and history of, 403, 408-410, 411, 427,
157, 508.
"Protection or Free Trade?"
(1885), nature and history of, 168-
169, 272-273, 447-448, 456, 458, 469,
498, 505, 619n, 571-576.
"The Condition of Labour"
(1891), nature and history of, 665-
568.
" A Perplexed Philosopher "
(1892), nature and history of, 568-
571.
" The Science of Political Econ-
omy" (posthumous publication),
nature and history of, 145w, 193,
197, 228-229, 230, 234-235, 245n, 310-
311, 324-325, 471, 563-565, 669, 571,
679-580, 685, 589-593, 602.
Magazine articles:
" A Plea for the Supernatural,"
169 ; " Bribery in Elections," 235,
404; "Common Sense in Taxa-
tion," 349; "England and Ire-
land," 455; "How Jack Breeze
Missed being a Pasha," 235 ; " La-
bour in Pennsylvania," 456, 469;
" Land and Taxation," 455 ;" Mon-
ey in Elections," 404. 529-530;
" More about American Landlord-
ism," 456 ; " Over-production," 415 ;
" The Kearney Agitation in Cali-
fornia," 331 ; " The Prayer of Ko-
honah," 171 ; "The Reduction to
Iniquity" (reply to Argyll), 444-
445 ; "The Study of Political Econ-
omy," 331 ; "The Taxation of Land
Values," 349 ; " What the Railroad
Will Bring Us," 176-180, 196, 230-
231.
Newspaper articles :
" Abraham Lincoln," 164-165 ;
" Democrat," article, 449 ; " Dust
to Dust," 63-67, 171 ;" Irish World,"
359-360, 373-374, 392-394; "Personal
Journalism," 264-265 ; " New York
Journal," articles, 581 ; " Problems
of the Time," 408-409; San Fran-
cisco "Post," editorials, 238, 239,
240, 241, 242-245, 246; San Francisco
" Times," editorials, 167, 176 ; " Sio
Semper Tyrannis," 161-164 ; " The
Chinese on the Pacific Coast," 193-
203, 274; "The Standard," signed
articles, 215w, 227-228, 485-490, 492,
493-494, 497, 498, 501n-50in, 504, 513,
615, 520-521, 528, 529, 636, 574-675,
578, 579-580.
Miscellaneous writings :
" Chinese Immigration" (Lalor's
Cyclopedia), 202, 348; communica-
tions to newspapers, 159, 171 ;
"East and All," 298; essay on
. "The Profitable Employment of
Time," 156-158 ; phrenological
chart, 53-55; political platforms,
464, 483, 498; Scottish Land Res-
toration League Proclamation,
434 ; " Who Shall Be President ?"
371-272.
634
INDEX
Diary notes :
14-17, 23-32, 34-35, 37-39, 48-49, 146-
147, 149-153, 154-155, 289, 418, 542.
Lectures and speeches :
First set speech, 266-269 ; before
California University, 274-281 ;
"The American Republic," 274,
282-288; "Why Work is Scarce,
Wages Low and Labour Restless,"
203, 294-297 ; " Moses," 297-298, 331-
332, 432^33, 443 ; first British tour,
419-441 ; second British tour, 450-
452; third British tour, 513-519;
bef oreEpiscopal Church Congress,
448-449 ; " The Single Tax," 289,
496n ; first mayoralty campaign,
446-470, 478-479, 481, 483-484; first
Anti-Poverty speech, 493; Secre-
tary of State campaign, 499, 503 ;
" Thy Kingdom Come," 518 ; " Jus-
tice the Object Taxation the
Means," 525-527 ; Australian tour,
529-538 ; Croasdale funeral, 547 ;
" Peace by Standing Army," 577 ;
last campaign, 599-601, 604-607 ;
other addresses, 169-170, 216-217,
269-270, 299, 331,336-338,341, 350,351-
352, 361-362, 378, 383, 389, 398-399, 400-
401, 403, 495H196, 511, 515, 523-525, 540-
641.
1 World, Irish," 354, 355, 362-363, 364,
371, 373-375, 380, 386, 387, 388, 392-394,
107, 149, 479, 492, 500.
" World, New York," 464, 499.
" World of Will and Idea," G's views
On, 547-548.
Wren, Walter, of London, 370-371,
413.
Wrist, G's broken, 251.
Writing, G's habits in, 246-247, 251,
303-305, 338-319, 424-425, 445; style,
155, 176, 262-203, 318-319; G's pri-
mary rules for, 356; an author's
appreciation, 551.
Youmans, Prof. E. L., friendliness
to G., 335, 340-344.
Young, John Russell, managing
editor " Tribune," 186-187 ; invited
G's Chinese article, 193 ; praised
G. to Greeley, 207 ; Associated
Press war, 213; with General
Graut, 317 ; distributes " Progress
and Poverty " abroad, 324 ; G's
poverty, 326-327, 329-330 ; G's ear-
nestness, 329-330 ; helps G. go east,
334 ; " New York Herald," 335 ;
death of wife, 343 ; G. in New York,
344-345 ; letter to Lowell, 396 ; sug-
gests name for G's paper, 484 ; G's
illness, 542 ; dinners given by, 556.
(See Letters.)
Young, Sallie, of Philadelphia, 48.
Young Men's Christian Association,
of San Francisco, 525.
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