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Chap.i.l:Z.®o4yright No 

















C^ffï&â of tes 

APR 14 1900 

tfgUter of CopyHghii^ 


COPTBIGHT, 1898 AND 1900, 



,i~f^ . /C, /fui) 



I. Progress of Kotaltt in France 1 

Principal Divisions of Modern History. 

Louis XI (1461-1483) . League of Public Welfare (1465) . 

Interview of Péronne (1468). 

Death of the Duke of Guyenne (1472). 

Mad Enterprises and Death of Charles the Bold (1477). 

Union of the Great Fiefs with the Crown. 

Administration of Louis XI. 

Charles VIII (1483). 

II. Progress of Kotalty in England. War op the Eoses 7 

Henry VI. Richard of York, Protector (1454) . 
Edward IV (1460). 
Richard III (1483). 
Henry VII (1485). 

III. Progress of Royalty in Spain 11 

Abandonment of the Crusade against the Moors. 
Marriage of Ferdinand of Aragon with Isabella of Cas- 
tile (1469). 
Conquest of Granada (1492). 
The Inquisition. The Power of Royalty. 
Progress of Royalty in Portugal. 

IV. Germany and Italy from 1453 to 1494 ... 15 

Frederick III (1440) and Maximilian (1493). 
Italy. Republics replaced by Principalities. 

V. The Ottoman Turks (1453-1520) 19 

Strong Military Organization of the Ottomans. Mo- 
hammed II. 
Bayezid II (1481). Selim the Ferocious (1512). 




VI. Waes in Italy. Charles VIII and Louis XII . . 22 

Consequences of the Political Revolution. The First 

European Wars. 
Expedition of Charles VIII into Italy (1494). 
Louis XII (1498). Conquest of Milan and Naples. 
League of Cambrai (1508). The Holy League (1511). 
Invasion of Erance (1513). Treaties of Peace (1514). 

VIL The Economical Revolution , .... 26 

Discovery of the Cape of Good Hope (1497). 
Colonial Empire of the Portuguese. 
Christopher Columbus. Colonial Empire of the Span- 
iards. Results. 

VIII. The Revolution in Arts and Letters, or the Renais- 
sance 30 

Invention of Printing. 
Renaissance of Letters. 
Renaissance of Arts. 
Renaissance in Science. 

IX. The Revolution in Creeds, or the Reformation . 33 

The Clergy in the Sixteenth Century. 

Luther (1517). 

The Lutheran Reformation in the Scandinavian States. 

The Reformation in Switzerland. Zwingli (1517). 
Calvin (1536). 

The Reformation in the Netherlands, France, Scot- 
land, and England. 

Character of the Three Reformed Churches. 

Consequences of the Reformation. 

X. The Catholic Restoration ...... 41 

Reforms at the Pontifical Court and in the Church. 

The Jesuits. 
Council of Trent (1545-1563). 

XI. New Wars in Italy. Francis I, Charles V, and 


Francis I, Victory of Marignano (1515). 
Power of Charles V. 

Pavia (1525). Treaties of Madrid (1526) and Cam- 
brai (1529). 



Alliances of Francis I. Successes of Souleïman I. 
New War between Charles V and Trancis I. 
Abdication of Charles V (1556). 
Continuation of the Struggle between the Houses of 
Trance and Austria (1558-1559). 

XII. The Eeligiofs Wars in Western Europe (1559- 

1598) . . . ., 51 

Philip IL 

Character of this Period. 

Erance the Principal Battlefield of the Two Parties. 

The Pirst War (1562-1563). 
Successes of Catholicism in the Netherlands and 

Prance (1564-1568). The Blood Tribunal (1567). 
Dispersion of the Porces of Spain. Victory of Le- 

panto (1571). 
Catholic Conspiracies in England and in Prance. 
Progress of the Protestants (1573-1587). 
Defeat of Spain and of Ultramontanism (1588-1598). 

XIII. Eesults op the Eeligious Wars in Western 

Europe q\ 

Decline and Euin of Spain. 
Prosperity of England and Holland. 
Eeorganization of Prance by Henry IV (1598-1610). 

XIV. The Eeligious Wars in Central Europe, or the 

Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) .... 65 

Preliminaries of the Thirty Years' War (1655-1618). 
Palatine Period (1618-1625). 
Danish Period (1625-1629). 
Swedish Period (1630-1635). 
Erench Period (1635-1648). 

XV. Eesults op the Eeligious Wars in Central 

Europe 70 

Peace of Westphalia (1648). 

Advantages won by the Protestants. Eeligious Inde- 
pendence of the German States. 
Political Independence of the German States. 
Acquisitions of Sweden and Prance. 


ICAL France (1610-1661) 72 

Minority of Louis XIII (1610-1617). 

Richelieu humiliates the Protestants and the High 

Mazarin and the Fronde. 
Treaty of the Pyrenees (1659). 

XVn. England from 1603 to 1674 77 

Europe in 1661. 

James I (1603-1625). 

Charles I (1625-1649). 

The Civil War (1642-1647). 

Execution of Charles I. 

The Commonwealth of England (1649-1660). 

Charles II (1660-1685). 

XVIII. Louis XIV from 1661 to 1685 84 


Lou vois. 

War with Flanders (1667). 

War with Holland (1672). 

Revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1685). 

XIX. The English Revolution (1688) .... 89 

Reawakening of Liberal Ideas in England (1673-1679). 
Catholic and Absolutist Reaction. James II (1685). 
Fall of James II (1688). Declaration of Rights. 

William III (1689). 
A New Political Right. 

XX. Coalitions against France (1688-1714) ... 92 

Formation of the League of Augsburg (1686). 
War of the League of Augsburg (1689-1697). 
War of the Spanish Succession (1701-1714). 
Treaties of Utrecht (1713) and Rastadt (1714). 
Louis XIV the Personification of Monarchy by Divine 

XXL Art, Literature, and Science in the Seventeenth 

Century 97 

Letters and Arts in France. 
Letters and Arts in Other Countries. 
Science in the Seventeenth Century. 



XXII. Creation of Eussia. Downfall of Sweden . , 101 

The Northern States at the Beginning of the Eigh- 
teenth Century. 
Peter the Great (1682). 

XXIII. Creation of Prussia. Decline of Prance and 

Austria 105 

Kegency of the Duke of Orleans. Ministries of 
Dubois, the Duke of Bourbon, and Pleury (1715- 

Pormation of Prussia. 

Maria Theresa and Frederick II. The War of the 
Austrian Succession (1741-1748). 

The Seven Years' War (1756-1763). 

XXIV. Maritime and Colonial Power of England , 111 

England from 1688 to 1763. 

The English East India Company. 

XXV. Foundation of the United States of America . 114 

Origin and Character of the English Colonies in 

The Revolutionary War (1775-1783). 
Washington. The Part of France in the War. 

XXVI. Destruction of Poland. Decline of the Otto- 
mans. Greatness of Russia .... 117 

Catherine II (1761) and Frederick II. First Parti- 
tion of Poland (1773). 
Treaties of Kainardji (1774) and Jassy (1792). 
Second and Third Partitions of Poland (1793-1795). 
Attempt at Dismembering Sweden. 

XXVII. Preliminaries of the French Revolution . , 120 

Scientific and Geographical Discoveries. 
Letters in the Eighteenth Century. 
Disagreement between Ideas and Institutions. 
Reforms effected by Governments. 
Last Years of Louis XV (1763-1774). 
Louis XVI. 


XXVIII. The Révolution (1789-1792) 125 

Divine Right and National Sovereignty. 

The Constituent Assembly until the Capture of the 

The Days of October. The Emigrants. The Con- 
stitution of 1791. 

XXIX. Ineffectual Coalition of the Kings against the 

Revolution (1792-1802) 132 

The Legislative Assembly (1791-1792). 
Effect outside of France produced by the Revolu- 
tion. The First Coalition (1791), 
The Commune of Paris. The Days of June 20 and 

August 10, 1792. The Massacres of September. 
Invasion of France. Defeat of the Prussians at 

Valmy, September 20, 1792. 
The Convention (1792-1795). Proclamation of the 

French Republic (September 21, 1792). Death 

of Louis XVL 
The Reign of Terror. 

The Ninth of Thermidor, or July 27, 1794. 
Glorious Campaigns of 1793-1795. 
Campaigns of Bonaparte in Italy (1796-1797). 
The Egyptian Expedition (1798-1799). Second 

Coalition. Victory of Zurich. 
Internal Anarchy. The Eighteenth of Brumaire, 

or November 9, 1799. 
Another Constitution. The Consulate. 
Marengo. Peace of Lunéville (1801) and of Amiens 


XXX. Greatness of France (1802-1811) . . . .149 

The Consulate for Life. 

Bonaparte Hereditary Emperor (May 18, 1804). 

Third Coalition. Austerlitz and the Treaty of 

Presburg (1805). 
The Confederation of the Rhine and the Vassal 

States of the Empire. 
Jena (1806) and Tilsit (1807). 
The Continental Blockade. 
Invasion of Spain (1807). 
Wagram (1809). 

XXXI. Victorious Coalition of Peoples and Kings 

AGAINST Napoleon (1811-1815) . . . .158 

Popular Reaction against the Spirit of Conquest 
represented by Napoleon. 





Preparations for Insurrection in Germany. 

Progress of Liberal Ideas in Europe. 

Pormation or Awakening of the Nations. 

Moscow (1812). Leipsic (1813). Campaign in 
Prance (1814). 

The First Eestoration. The Hundred Days. Water- 
loo (1814-1815). 

Eeorganization of Europe at the Congress op 

Vienna. The Holt Alliance .... 167 

The Congress of Vienna. 
The Holy Alliance (1815). 

XXXIII. Secret Societies and Eevolutions (1815-1824) . 173 

Character of the Period between 1815 and 1830. 

Efforts to preserve or reestablish the Old Régime. 
Peculiar Situation of France from 1815 to 1819. 

Alliance of the Altar and the Throne. The Con- 

Liberalism in the Press, and Secret Societies. 

Plots (1816-1822). Assassinations (1819-1820). 
Revolutions (1820-1821). 

The Holy Alliance acts as the Police of Europe. 
Expedition of Italy (1821) and of Spain (1823). 

Charles X (1824). 

XXXIV. Progress op Liberal Ideas 

. 192 

The Romantic School. The Sciences. 
Formation in France of a Legal Opposition. 
Huskisson and Canning in England (1822). New 

Foreign Policy. Principle of Non-intervention. 
Independence of the Spanish Colonies (1824). 

Constitutional Empire of Brazil (1822). Liberal 

Revolution in Portugal (1826). 
Liberation of Greece (1827). 
Destruction of the Janissaries (1826). Success of 

the Russians (1828-1829). 
Summary. State of the World in 1828. 

XXXV. New and Impotent Efforts op the Ancient 

RÉGIME against THE LIBERAL SpIRIT . , 205 

Dom Miguel in Portugal (1828). Don Carlos in 

Spain (1827). 
The Wellington Ministry (1828). The Diet of 



The Tsar Nicholas. 

The Polignac Ministry (1829). Capture of Al- 
giers (1830). 
The Revolution of 1830. 

XXXVI. Consequences op the Revolution of July in 
France. Struggle between the Liberal 
Conservatives and the Republicans (1830- 
1840) 210 

Character of the Period comprised between 1830 
and 1840. 

King Louis Philippe. 

The Lafitte Ministry (1830). 

The Casimir-Périer Ministry (1831). 

Success Abroad. 

Insurrections at Lyons and at Paris (1834). At- 
tempt of Fieschi (1835). 

The Thiers Ministry (1836). 

The Mole Ministry (1836-1837). 

Ministry of Marshal Soult (1839). 

XXXVII. Consequences in Europe op the Revolution op 
July (1830-1840) ...... 

General State of Europe in 1830. 

England. Whig Ministry (1830). The Reform 
Bill (1831-18.32). 

Belgian Revolution (August and September, 1830). 

Liberal Modifications in the Constitutions of Swit- 
zerland (1831), Denmark (1831), and Sweden. 

Revolutions in Spain (1833) and Portugal (1834). 
Treaty of the Quadruple Alliance (1834). 

Impotent Efforts of the Liberals in Germany and 
Italy (1831) . Defeat of the Polish Insurrection 


XXXVIII. The Three Eastern Questions (1832-1848) 

Interests of the European Powers in Asia, 
The First Eastern Question : Constantinople. 
Decline of Turkey. Power and Ambition of the 

Viceroy of Egypt. 
Conquest of Syria by Ibrahim Pasha (1832). 

Treaty of Hunkiar Iskelessi (1833). 
The Treaty of London (1840) and the Treaty of 

the Straits (1841). 
The Second Eastern Question : Central Asia. 




Progress of the Russians in Asia. 

Indirect Struggle between the English and the 

Russians in Central Asia. 
The Third Eastern Question : The Pacific Ocean. 
Isolation of China and Japan. 
Opium War (1840-1843). 
Treaty of France with China (1844). 
Russia and China. 
Summary of the Three Eastern Questions in 1848. 

XXXIX. Preliminaries op the Revolution op 1848 . 244 

Character of the Period comprised between 1840 

and 1848. Progress of Socialistic Ideas. 
Prance from 1840-1846. 
England. Free Trade. The Income Tax and the 

New Colonial System (1841-1849). 
Establishment of the Constitutional System in 

Prussia (1847). Liberal Agitations in Austria 

and in Italy. 

XL. America prom 1815 to 1848 . . .... 256 

American Progress. The Monroe Doctrine. Ad- 
vantage of Liberty. 

XLI. The Revolution op 1848 259 

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Principal Divisions of Modern History. — Tlie Middle 
Ages have been characterized by the predominance of local 
powers like fiefs and communes, and by the small consider- 
ation paid the state. Modern Times until the nineteenth 
century are characterized by the preponderance of a central 
power or absolute royalty, and by governmental action sub- 
stituted for that of individuals and communities. But 
while the political life of the nations was becoming con- 
centrated in their chiefs, the intellect by an opposite ten- 
dency was bursting its bonds and diffusing itself over 
everything to renew all. 

The political revolution will result in the Italian wars 
and the rivalry through centuries of the houses of France 
and Austria. 

The intellectual movement will cause: a pacific revolu- 
tion in art, science and letters, or the Eenaissance; an 
economical revolution, or the discovery of the New World 
and of the route to India, thereby creating a prodigious 
commerce which will place personal property in the hands 
of the common people ; a religious revolution, or the Refor- 
mation of Luther and Calvin, against which fanaticism will 
excite abominable wars; a philosophic revolution, brought 
about by Bacon and Descartes and continued in the eigh- 
teenth century. The latter will result in a new political 
and social revolution whose success unhappily will be com- 
promised by blind resistance and criminal violence. 

This in its general features is the history of the centuries 
which compose the period from 1453 to 1848, called Modern 

2 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1465-1468. 

Times. First, then, we have to show how the political in- 
stitutions of the Middle Ages gave way in the principal 
states of Europe to a new system of government. 

Louis XI (1461-1483). The League of Public Welfare 
(1465). — Charles VII had reconquered Franfee from the 
English. He had also to reconquer it from the nobles. 
The work was already begun. More than one rebellious 
noble had been drowned or beheaded or banished. The 
dauphin himself, the son of Charles, who afterwards be- 
came Louis XI, ifad entered into every plot against his 
father and had been forced to demand a refuge with the 
Duke of Burgundy. He was with him when Charles VII 
died (1461). When this former leader of discontent 
ascended the throne, it was thought that the good old 
days of feudalism were returning. Such expectation was 
quickly undeceived. At first Louis bungled. He dismissed 
most of the officers whom his father had appointed, in- 
creased the perpetual villein tax from 1,800,000 livres to 
3,000,000, and notified the University of Paris of the papal 
prohibition to interfere in the affairs of the king and the 
city. By other acts he offended the parliaments of Paris 
and Toulouse. He incensed the ecclesiastics and the nobil- 
ity, and rendered the great dukes of Brittany and Burgundy 
his enemies. Five hundred princes and nobles formed the 
League of Public Welfare against him. 

The danger was great. Louis met it with little heroism 
but with much cleverness. After a show of military ac- 
tivity he shut himself behind the walls of his capital and 
labored to dissolve the League by offering pensions and 
lands to those greedy nobles. By a variety of public 
and private arrangements he promised them each what- 
ever each one desired. As for the public welfare, no one 
spoke or thought of that. 

Interview of Peronne (1468). — After the confederates 
were satisfied and all had returned home, he began syste- 
matically to retract everything he had granted. To the 
Duke of Berri he had ceded Normandy, which it was most 
important to the king to retain. Inciting insurrections in 
several Burgundian towns, he thus occupied Charles the 
Bold, Duke of Burgundy, and at the same time purchased 
the neutrality of the Duke of Brittany by the present of 
100,000 crowns. Then he entered Normandy and made 
himself its master. Meanwhile by seasonable gifts or bribes 

A.D. 146&-1472.] PROGRESS OF nOYALTT m FRANCE 3 

of money or office lie shrewdly attaclied to himself some of 
the most influential persons in France. 

Charles the Bold tried to revive the whole feudal system 
and to make an alliance with Edward IV, king of England. 
As an English army was preparing to disembark in France, 
Louis went to the court of Charles to negotiate in person 
and avert the danger. At that moment a rebellion, which 
he had previously incited and which he had forgotten to 
countermand, broke out at Liège. Charles, profoundly 
incensed, imprisoned his guest in the castle of Peronne. 
Louis obtained his freedom only by hard concessions and 
by marching with the duke against Liège. That unhappy 
city, whose inhabitants fought to the cry of "Long live 
the king," was given over to sack (1468). 

The treaty of Peronne was the last mistake of Louis XL 
To his one rival, the Duke of Burgundy, it was the begin- 
ning of impossible dreams and enterprises. Louis sent his 
brother, the Duke of Berri, to the other end of France by 
giving him Guyenne instead of Champagne. He shut up 
the cardinal La Balue and the bishop of Verdun for ten 
years in an iron cage because they had betrayed him. The 
king of England, allied to the Duke of Burgundy, had a 
mortal enemy in the Earl of Warwick. Louis reconciled 
the latter to Margaret of Anjou and furnished him the 
means of overthrowing Edward IV and restoring Henry VI. 
Now sure of having isolated Charles the Bold, he convoked 
at Tours an assembly of notables. He caused this assembly 
to repudiate the treaty of Peronne. Forthwith he seized 
Saint Quentin, Montdidier, Amiens and other towns. He 
set on foot 100,000 men and a powerful artillery (1471). 

Death of the Duke of Guyenne (1472). — The rage of 
Charles was raised to frenzy by the death of the Duke of 
Guyenne or Berri, upon whom rested the hopes of feudalism 
(1472). Rumors of poison circulated. Charles the Bold 
openly accused Louis XI of fratricide, and entered the king- 
dom dealing everywhere fire and blood. At Nesle the 
entire population was butchered. The inhabitants of Beau- 
vais resisted with a heroism of which the women and espe- 
cially Jeanne Hachette set the example. Charles was forced 
to retrace his steps. Moreover ambition called him in 
another direction. He signed the truce of Senlis. 

Mad Enterprises and Death of Charles the Bold (1477).— 
The chief attention of the Duke of Burgundy was now di- 

4 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1472-1478. 

rected toward Germany, Lorraine and Switzerland. He 
wished to unite Ms two duchies and his possessions in the 
Netherlands by the acquisition of the intermediate countries, 
Lorraine and Alsace. That done, he aimed at conquering 
Provence and Switzerland and restoring old Lotharingia 
under the name of Belgian G-aul. He already held Upper 
Alsace and the county of Ferrette, which the Austrian Arch- 
duke Sigismund had pawned to him for money, and he was 
soliciting from the Emperor Frederick III the title of king. 
Louis XI, by his activity and his money caused the ship- 
wreck of these ambitious plans. The archduke suddenly 
paid the duke the 80,000 florins agreed upon as the ransom of 
Alsace. Hagenbach, the agent of Charles in that coun- 
try, was seized and beheaded by the inhabitants of Brisach 
(1474). Lastly the Swiss, whom he had molested^ entered 
Franche-Comté and gained over the Burgundians the battle 
of Hericourt. While these events were taking place in the 
south, Charles himself in the north was m^eeting failure in 
his attempt to support the archbishop of Cologne against 
the Pope and the Emperor. Edward lY, who had landed 
in France at his invitation, concluded the treaty of Pec- 
quigny with Louis XI, who loaded him with money and 
sent him back to his island. 

That he might be free to finish his affairs with Lorraine 
and Switzerland, the duke signed with the king of France 
a new treaty at Soleure. A few days later he entered Nancy 
and conquered Lorraine. The Swiss remained to be dealt 
with. He made a foolish attack and was completely routed at 
Granson (1476). Three months later he was again defeated 
at Morat. Then Lorraine rose in favor of René de Vaude- 
mont, and Charles went to his death in battle under the 
walls of Nancy (1477). 

Union of the Great Fiefs with the Crown. — While the 
mightiest feudal house of France was thus crumbling to 
ruin on the plains of Lorraine, Louis XI was destroying the 
others. Many lords were guilty either of plots against the 
king or of monstrous crimes. Jean Y of Armagnac had 
married his sister and slew whoever opposed him. Besieged 
and captured in Lectoure, he and his wife were put to death. 
The Duke of Nemours was beheaded in the market-place. 
The Duke of Alençon was imprisoned and the constable of 
Saint Pol also executed. Louis confiscated not only their 
heads, but their property. 


As to the immense possessions left by Charles the Bold, 
he could obtain only a portion. His disloyal policy forced 
Mary, the heiress of Burgundy, to marry the Archduke 
Maximilian. From this marriage, unfortunate for France, 
arose the enormous power of Charles V, which caused the 
houses of France and Austria long and bloody struggles. 
Nevertheless Louis succeeded in incorporating Picardy and 
part of Burgundy into the royal domain. He even com- 
pelled the conditional cession of Franche-Comté. During 
the preceding year he acquired all the inheritance of the 
house of Anjou. Thus when he died in 1483 he had res- 
cued from feudalism and added to France, Provence, Maine, 
Anjou, Boussillon and Cerdagne, Burgundy with the Ma- 
çonnais, Charolais, and Auxerrois, , Franche-Comté, Artois, 
half of Picardy, Boulogne, Armagnac, Etampes, Saint Pol 
and Nemours. 

Administration of Louis XI. — He rendered tenure of 
office permanent, established posts, created the parliaments 
of Grenoble, Bordeaux and Dijon, enlarged opportunity of 
appeal to the royal tribunal, assured the public tranquillity 
and the safety of the highways, multiplied fairs and mar- 
kets, and attracted from Venice, Genoa and Florence arti- 
sans who founded at Tours the first manufactures of silk. 
He encouraged mining industry and entertained the idea 
of giving France a common system of weights and measures. 
He delighted in learned men, founded the Universities of 
Caen and Besançon and favored the introduction of printing. 
"Everything considered, he was a king." Villon and his 
councillor Commines are the poet and the prose writer of 
his reign. 

Charles VIÏI (1483). — Charles VIII succeeded, a child 
of thirteen, feeble in mind and body. His guardian was 
his eldest sister, Anne of Beaujeu, in shrewdness and deci- 
sion the worthy daughter of her father. A violent reaction 
against the late policy made many victims, but the nobles 
could not overthrow the work of Louis XL They demanded 
and obtained the convocation of the States General, but their 
expectations were disappointed. The deputies, especially 
those of the Third Estate, would not make themselves the 
tools of feudal grudges. They reformed some abuses, but 
left entire power to Anne of Beaujeu, together with guar- 
dianship of the king's person, whom they declared of age. 
This princess continued her father's policy without his cru- 

6 BlSTOnr of modern times [a.d. 1488-1498. 

elty. The Duke of Orleans entered into an alliance with 
the Duke of Brittany and the Archduke Maximilian to 
overthrow her. He was defeated and captured in what is 
called the Mad War. The regent won another triumph as 
to the succession in Brittany. That great fief was almost 
as formidable as Burgundy. She married its heiress to 
Charles VIII, and thus paved the way for its union with 
France. Unfortunately the king broke away from his sis- 
ter's guardianship in ambition for distant expeditions. 
Eager to put his dreams into execution, he signed three 
deplorable treaties. By that of Etaples he continued to 
Henry VII the pension which his father had paid to Ed- 
ward ly. By that of Barcelona, he restored Roussillon and 
Cerdagne to the king of Aragon. Lastly by that of Sen- 
lis, still more disastrous, he enabled Maximilian to gain 
Artois and Franche-Comté. Thus through the folly of her 
sovereign France receded on three frontiers. It required 
nearly two centuries and the astuteness of Bichelieu and 
Louis XIV to regain what Charles VIII threw away in 
pursuit of a dangerous chimera. 





Houses of Lancaster and York. — England had outstripped 
Europe in her political institutions. Parliament and the 
jury system gave the English control of the taxes and trial 
by their peers, the double guarantee of political and civil 
liberty. The nobles, united with the commoners, did not 
allow the kings to abandon themselves to their caprices. 
Then came a civil war of thirty years' duration, which over- 
rode all these pledges of prosperity and opened to royalty 
the path of absolutism. This was the War of the Roses, 
originating in the rivalry of the house of Lancaster, or E^ed 
Eose, and the house of York, or White Rose. 

The house of Lancaster, seated on the throne by the 
accession of Henry IV, had given England the glorious 
Henry V and his successor, the feeble and imbecile Henry 
VI. Under the latter Erance was lost, and the national 
pride of the English was greatly wounded by their reverses. 
They beheld with indignation the truce of 1444, and were 
incensed at the marriage of the king with Margaret of 
Anjou, who as a Erench princess became the object of their 
aversion. Eichard, Duke of York, thought the moment 
propitious to assert his claims to the throne. The house of 
Lancaster descended from the third son of Edward III. 
The house of York was in the female line descended from 
the second son, and in the male line from the fourth son. 
Eichard caused the Duke of Suffolk, the king's favorite 
minister, to be attainted by the House of Commons. The 
court enabled the accused to escape, but he was overtaken 
on the high seas by an English vessel, whose crew seized, 
condemned and beheaded him (1450). 

At the same time an Irishman, Jack Cade, stirred up the 
county of Kent to rebellion. He got together a crowd of 
60,000 men, and was master of London for several days. 
The robberies committed by this mob armed every one 

8 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1459-1470. 

against them, and an amnesty offered by the king brought 
about their dispersion. Their leader was captured and 
executed (1459). He was regarded as an agent of the Duke 
of York. 

As the king suffered from a mental trouble, Richard 
caused himself to be appointed protector (1454). When the 
monarch on restoration to health tried to take away his 
powers, he took up arms. He was abetted by the high aris- 
tocracy, especially by Warwick, surnamed the king-maker, 
who was rich enough to feed daily 30,000 persons on his 
estates. Victorious at Saint Albans (1455), the first battle 
in that war, and master of the king's person, Richard had 
Parliament again confer on him the title of protector. After 
a second battle at Northampton (1460), he was declared 
legitimate heir to the throne. Margaret protested in the 
name of her son. Aided by the support of Scotland which 
she purchased by the cession of Berwick castle, she defeated 
and slew Richard at Wakefield. The head of the rebel 
was adorned in derision with a paper crown, and exposed on 
the walls of York. His youngest son, the Earl of Rutland, 
aged barely eighteen, was butchered in cold blood. From 
that time on the massacre of prisoners, the proscription of 
the vanquished and the confiscation of their goods became 
the rule with both parties. 

Edward IV (1460). — Richard of York was avenged by 
his eldest son, who had himself proclaimed king in London 
under the name of Edward IV. The Lancastrians gained 
the second battle of Saint Albans, but suffered that same 
year (1461) a sanguinary defeat at Towton, southwest of 
York. Margaret took refuge in Scotland, and fled thence 
to France where Louis lent her 2000 soldiers on her promise 
to restore Calais, but the battle of Hexham destroyed her 
hopes (1463). She herself was able to regain the continent, 
but Henry VI, a prisoner for the third time, was confined in 
the Tower of London, where he remained seven years. 

The new king displeased Warwick, who rebelled, defeated 
him at Nottingham (1470), and forced him to flee to the 
Netherlands to his brother-in-law, Charles of Burgundy. 
Parliament, docile to the will of the strongest, reestablished 
Henry VI. 

This triumph of the Lancastrians was brief. Their 
excesses roused bitter discontent. Edward was able to 
reappear with a small army, which Charles the Bold had 


helped him get together. Warwick fell at Barnet (1471) 
and Margaret was no more fortunate at Tewksbury. This 
last action had decisive results. The Prince of Wales 
murdered, Henry VI dead, Margaret a prisoner, the parti- 
sans of the Bed Rose killed or exiled, Edward IV remained 
in peaceable possession of the throne. The rest of his reign 
was marked by an expedition to France, terminated by the 
treaty of Pecquigny, and by the trial of his brother Clar- 
ence, whom he put to death. He died in consequence of his 
debauches in 1483. 

Eichard III (1483). — His brother Eichard of York, 
Duke of Gloucester, took advantage of the youth of 
Edward's children to usurp their rights, and smother them 
in the Tower of London. Horror of his crimes divided his 
followers. The Duke of Buckingham revolted and invited 
to England Henry Tudor, Earl of E-ichmond, the last scion 
on the female side of the Lancastrian house. Henry hired 
2,000 men in Brittany, landed in Wales and at Bosworth 
overthrew Eichard, who fell fighting bravely (1485). 

Henry VÎI. — He united the two Eoses by wedding the 
heiress of York, the daughter of Edward IV. He founded 
the Tudor dynasty, which reigned until the accession of 
the Stuarts, 118 years afterward. Though a few plots 
were formed by such obscure impostors as Lambert Simnel 
and Perkin Warbeck, he ruled as absolute master over the 
remnants of the decimated aristocracy. Eighty persons of 
royal blood had perished. Nearly one-fifth of the lands of 
the kingdom through confiscation had become part of the 
domains of the crown. Thus when the War of the Eoses 
ended English royalty found increased resources at its dis- 
posal and fewer enemies to fear. 

Henry VII r.arely assembled Parliament. The money 
which he would not ask for fear of making himself depend- 
ent, he procured by forced loans or benevolences, and by 
confiscations, which he multiplied on every sort of pretext. 
The Star Chamber became a servile tribunal to strike down 
those whom a jury would not have permitted him to reach. 
The ruin of the aristocracy was completed by the abolition 
of the rights of maintenance, whereby the nobles had been 
able to rally round them a whole army of followers, and of 
substitution, whereby the nobles had been prevented from 
alienating or dividing their lands. By the treaties which 
he concluded, by the voyages which he caused to be under- 


taken and by his attention to the shipping, he favored com- 
merce and industry, to which the nation devoted itself with 
zeal. He paved the way for the union of Scotland and 
England by marrying his daughter Margaret to James IV. 
He died in 1506. Perfidious, rapacious and cruel, without 
grandeur of mind or action to redeem his vices, he founded 
like Louis XI in France and Ferdinand the Catholic in 
Spain an absolute government, which in England became 
truly great only under Elizabeth. 




Abandonment of the Crusade against the Moors. — The 

Spanish people had thus far remained almost entirely aloof 
from European affairs. They had been obliged to wrest 
their soil foot by foot from the Moors. Tha>t task, the first 
condition of their national existence, was not yet finished. 
The southern extremity of the peninsula still belonged to 
the Mussulmans and formed the kingdom of Granada, the 
last of the nine states into which the caliphate of Cordova 
had been broken. Thus Spain had lived a life apart 
throughout the Middle Ages. She had been engrossed in 
the single undertaking of expelling the Moors, odious both 
as Mussulmans and as foreigners. This isolation and this 
perpetual crusade gave her a peculiar character. Nowhere 
else has religion exercised such ascendency over the mind. 
It was the sole bond which united the various states of the 

We have seen however that, forgetting the Moors, the 
four Christian states had diverted their attention and their 
forces in different directions : Portugal toward the ocean, 
Aragon toward Sicily and Italy, Navarre toward Trance, 
while Castile was rent by internal discords. Everywhere 
royalty was in a humiliating position. A spirit of indepen- 
dence reigned in the cities which had their fueros, and 
among the nobles who defended their privileges of war and 
brigandage. But the need of uniting for mutual protection 
against violence made itself felt as early as 1260 in the cities 
of Aragon, and afterward in those of Castile. The Santa 
Hermandad or Holy Brotherhood, a confederation of the 
principal cities, was instituted. This organization became 
so prosperous that it furnished the king at the siege of 
Granada 8000 armed men and 6000 beasts of burden. 

Marriage of Ferdinand of Aragon with Isabella of Castile 
(1469). — In Aragon John II poisoned his son Charles, 
Prince of Viana, who disputed his claim to the kingdom of 

12 HISTORY OF MODERir TIMES [a.d, 1461-1499. 

!N"avarre (1461). The Catalans; rising in revolt, gave them- 
' selves in succession to the king of Castile, to Pedro of 
Portugal and to the house of Anjou. They submitted only- 
after eleven years of war. 

In Castile Henry TV rendered himself odious and des- 
picable by his predilection for Bertrand de la Cueva, a 
greedy and cowardly favorite who disgraced him. The 
nobles went through the form of deposing the king in ejB&gy 
in the plain of Avila, and in his place proclaimed Don Al- 
phonso, who died in 1467. Then they forced Henry IV to 
recognize as princess of the Asturias his sister Isabella, to 
the prejudice of his own daughter (1468). Prom many 
suitors to her hand Isabella chose Perdinand, the eldest son 
of the king of Aragon, and married him secretly at Valla- 
dolid (1469). It was stipulated in the contract that the 
government of Castile should remain vested exclusively in 
her. She took possession at the death of her father (1474) 
and strengthened her authority by defeating the king of 
Portugal, who undertook to dispute her rights. Three years 
afterward Perdinand, her husband, became king of Aragon 

Conquest of Granada (1492). — Prom that day Spain ex- 
isted. The firm Isabella and the clever though perfidious 
Perdinand toiled vigorously to establish national unity for 
the benefit of royalty. Pirst of all, they rendered the whole 
peninsula Christian by destroying the last remnants of Mus- 
sulman domination. G-ranada had more than 200,000 in- 
habitants. The Moors were promised after the capture of 
their city (1492) that they should be allowed to remain in 
the country and enjoy their own laws, property and religion. 

The Inquisition. The Power of Koyalty. — The popula- 
tion of the peninsula then presented a singular mixture of 
Mussulmans, Jews and Christians. Isabella and Perdinand 
decided to bring dissenters to a common religious faith by 
persuasion, and above all by terror. With this intent they 
had already instituted that tribunal of melancholy fame, the 
Holy Office or Inquisition. It was established in Castile 
about 1480, and in Aragon four years later. Between 
January and November, 1481, in Seville alone the inquisi- 
tors sent to torture 298 Christian proselytes, accused of 
Judaizing in secret, and 2000 in the provinces of Cadiz and 
Seville. In 1492 they expelled the Jews of whom 800,000 
departed from Spain. In 1499 they deprived the Moors of 

A.D. 1499-1521.] PROGRESS OF ROYALTY m SPAm 13 

tlie religions liberty which, the treaty of Granada had guar- 
anteed. Torquemada, the first grand inquisitor, alone con- 
demned 8800 persons to the flames. 

The king controlled the terrible tribunal, for he appointed 
its chief and the property of the condemned was confiscated 
to his use. Thus the Inquisition was for Spanish royalty 
not only a means of ruling the conscience but an instrument 
of government. Any rebellious or suspicious person could 
be denounced to the Holy Office. This was a mighty engine. 
Ferdinand acquired another together with considerable 
revenues by making himself grand master of the orders 
of Calatrava, Alcantara and Saint James. He reorganized 
the Holy Brotherhood, announced himself its protector, that 
is to say its master, and employed it for the police service 
of the country at the expense of the barons, whose castles 
he razed to the ground. In a single year forty-six fortresses 
were demolished in Galicia. Commissioners were sent into 
all the provinces, who listened to the complaints of the peo- 
ple and made the nobles tremble. 

At the death of Isabella (1504) Ferdinand became regent 
of Castile. As king of Aragon, he acquired the Two Sicilies. 
The acquisition of JSTavarre put him in possession of one of 
the two gates of the Pyrenees. The other, Eoussillon, had 
been ceded to him by Charles VIII (1493). Already Chris- 
topher Columbus had given America to the crown of Castile 
(1492). This immense heritage reverted on his death in 
1516 to his grandson Charles, already master of Austria, 
the Netherlands and Franche-Comté, whose history we shall 
trace farther on. 

In the absence of the new king. Cardinal Ximenes exer- 
cised the power with an energy which forced obedience from 
the nobles. The communeros, taking alarm too late at the 
menacing progress of royalty, formed a Holy League, which 
committed the mistake of demanding the abolition of the 
pecuniary immunities of the nobility. The aristocracy sepa- 
rated its cause from that of the cities and rallied around the 
sovereign. The army of the League was routed at Yillalar 
and its leader, Don Juan de Padilla, died on the scaffold 
(1521). Thus Spanish royalty triumphed over the burgher 
class as it had triumphed over the nobles, but the nation 
was about to lose its wealth, its vigor and its honor for the 
sake of serving the ambition of its masters. 

Progress of Royalty in Portugal. — In Portugal the same 

14 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1481-1515. 

revolution was accomplislied. JoTin II restored alienated 
property to tlie royal domain, withdrew from the lords the 
right of life and death over their vassals, sent the Duke of 
Braganza to the scaffold and stabbed the Duke of Viseu with 
his own hand. He transmitted absolute power to his son 
Manuel the Fortunate (1495), who during twenty years did 
not assemble the Cortes. Under the latter prince the Por- 
tuguese discovered the road to the Cape of Good Hope and 
the Indies. 

Thus throughout all Western Europe royalty became pre- 
dominant. This condition indicated the approach of great 
wars. Because the countries of Central Europe remained 
divided, they were to become the battlefield of royal am- 

A.D. UZS-U93.] GERMANY AND ITALY FROM 1453-1494 15 



Frederick III (1440) and Maximilian (1493). — In Ger- 
many the house of Austria had just recovered possession 
of the imperial crown (1438), to which hardly a shadow 
of authority was attached. Frederick III was not a man 
to modify this state of affairs, but was content with bare 
existence. His reign of fifty-three years is marked only 
by an unfortunate war against Matthias Corvinus, king of 
Hungary, and by the marriage of his son Maximilian to 
Mary of Burgundy, daughter of Charles the Bold and heir- 
ess of the ISTetherlands. 

Maximilian endeavored to restore the public peace in 
Germany. The Diet, which exercised legislative power, 
prohibited all war between the states. The empire was 
divided into ten circles, in each of which a military director 
was charged with maintaining order. This police organiza- 
tion did not succeed, because the German princes had no 
idea of being checked in their enterprises. They had seized 
upon the absolute power in their lands, as the kings had 
done in their kingdoms. The monarchical revolution accom- 
plished in France, England and Spain had also taken place 
in the empire, but not to the profit of the emperor. In 
1502 the seven electors concluded the Electoral Union and 
decided to convene every year for the purpose of consulta- 
tion as to the best means of preserving their independence 
from imperial authority. With another object in view sev- 
eral of the cities had already set up the Hanseatic League. 
This was the mercantile association of all the cities along 
the banks of the Bhine and the German coast. It had 
counting houses in the Netherlands, France, England and 
even in the heart of Bussia, and was prosperous for cen- 

As archduke of Austria and sovereign of the Nether- 
lands, Maximilian acquired by the treaty of Senlis (1493) 
Artois and Franche-Comté. Then in an erratic manner he 

16 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1453-1480. 

meddled in Italy. The most important event in his reign 
was the marriage of his son Philip the Eair with Jane the 
Foolish, daughter of Isabella of Castile and of Eerdinand of 
Aragon, who brought to the house of Austria as her dowry- 
Spain, Naples and the New World. Maximilian died (1519) 
during the first throes of the Eeformation. 

Italy. Republics Replaced by Principalities. — In the 
middle of the twelfth century Italy was the centre of 
Mediterranean commerce. She had a skilful agricultural 
system and well developed manufactures. She was rich, 
luxurious and corrupt, with a passion for arts and letters 
but no taste for arms. More divided than Germany, she 
had not even a nominal head like the emperor, nor a body 
like the Diet which could sometimes speak in her name. 
Almost universally the republics had been changed into 
principalities, whose princes reigned as tyrants or magnifi- 
cent despots. The capture of Constantinople by the Otto- 
mans caused a momentary panic, and the different states of 
Italy formed a confederation at Lodi (1454). Men talked of 
a crusade. Pius II wished " the bell of the Turks " to be 
rung every morning throughout Christendom. But when 
the first moment of fright was over, each one went back to 
his own private interests. 

At Milan the condottiere Francesco Sforza, who had suc- 
ceeded the Visconti in 1450, left the ducal crown to his son, 
who was assassinated by the nobles (1476). His grandson 
Giovanni Galeazzo, a child of eight years, fell under the 
tutelage of his uncle Ludovico il Moro, who for the sake 
of usurping the power was destined to call in the French 
and begin the fatal Italian wars. Genoa incessantly dis- 
turbed by factions offered itself to Louis XI, who had the 
wisdom to refuse the fatal gift and transfer it to the Duke 
of Milan. The Lombards, as the inhabitants of that rich 
duchy were called, continued to be the bankers of Europe, 
and their agents were found everywhere in the commercial 

Venice remained the chief power in northern Italy. No 
republic could more fully resemble a monarchy. After 1454 
its exclusive oligarchy was governed by three state inquisi- 
tors, who watched each other and made their own laws. 
The state existed tranquilly in the lap of pleasure under 
this strong but pitiless government, whose principal instru- 
ments of action were spies and secret accusation. Provedi- 

A.D. 1460-1492.] GERMANY AND ITALY FROM 1453-1494 17 

tors kept watch, of the generals, who were carefully chosen 
from among the foreign mercenaries or condottieri, so that 
she might have nothing to fear from them at home. On 
the continent she had just subjugated four provinces, while 
the Turks were ruining her domination in the East. She 
lost Negropont and Scutari and beheld their swift horse- 
men threaten her lagoons. In order to save their commerce 
the Venetians consented to pay tribute to the new masters 
of Constantinople. When they were taunted with this dis- 
grace, they replied, " We are Venetians first of all, Chris- 
tians afterward." In Italy the wealth of the " Most Serene 
Eepublic" excited the covetousness of the neighboring 
princes, while her recent acquisitions endangered their se- 
curity. In 1482 they formed a league against her, but she 
triumphed over the excommunications of the Pope and over 
the arms of his allies. 

At Florence the Medici had supplanted the Albizzi by 
relying on the Minor Arts, or the middle class. They were 
rich bankers with many debtors in the city whom they held 
attached to their fortune. Cosmo de Medici, the head of 
this house, was master of Florence until 1464 though he 
bore no title. He caused commerce, manufactures, arts and 
letters to thrive, and expended more than $6,000,000 in 
building palaces, hospitals and libraries, though continuing 
to live like a private citizen. He was surnamed the " Father 
of the Country." Liberty no longer existed. The nobles 
tried to restore it by the conspiracy of the Pazzi (1478), and 
assassinated Giuliano de Medici at the foot of the altar. 
Lorenzo, his brother who escaped the dagger, punished the 
murderers. One of the conspirators. Archbishop Salviati, 
was hanged in his episcopal robes from a window of his 
palace. Lorenzo, the most illustrious of the Medici, wel- 
comed the Greek fugitives from Constantinople. He had 
a translation of Plato made, an edition of Homer published, 
and encouraged artists and learned men. Ghiberti cast for 
him the doors of the Baptistery of San Giovanni, which 
Michael Angelo deemed " worthy to be the gates of Para- 
dise." In 1490, ruined by his magnificence, he was about 
to suspend payment. To save him the republic became 
bankrupt herself. 

Under Pietro II, his unworthy successor, a new popular 
party, the frateschi, demanded public liberty. Its leader, 
the Dominican monk Girolamo Savonarola, wished to restore 


to the clergy purity of manners, to the people their ancient 
institutions, and to letters and the arts the religious senti- 
ment which they had already lost. Beholding the opposi- 
tion of the young nobles and of the wealthy classes to every 
reform, he declared that all those gilded vices were about to be 
chastised by a foreign hand. " Italy ! Eome ! Do pen- 
ance, for lo, the barbarians are coming like hungry lions ! " 

The papacy was unable to avert these disasters, because 
the Holy See was occupied by popes who disgraced the 
tiara. Thus Sixtus IV busied himself in carving a princi- 
pality in the E-omagna for his nephew, and to attain success 
had taken part in the conspiracy of the Pazzi. Alexan- 
der VI Borgia is the scandal and the sorrow of the Church. 
His election had been defiled by simony. His pontificate 
was polluted by debauchery, perfidy and cruelty. He indeed 
delivered the Holy See from the many turbulent petty lords 
who infested the neighborhood of Eome, but his weapons for 
their overthrow were ruse, treason and assassination. His 
son, Csesar Borgia, is an infamous example of a man de- 
voured with ambition and destitute of scruples, marching 
to his goal by any road. To create for himself a state in 
the Eomagna, he waged against the lords of that country 
the same sort of war that his father had carried on against 
those of the papal states. No crime troubled him, whether 
by dagger or poison. More than any other man he con- 
tributed to earn for Italy the surname which was then 
applied to her of the " Poisonous." 

At Naples Ferdinand in 1459 had succeeded Alphonso the 
Magnanimous. He triumphed at Troia over John of Cala- 
bria, his Angevine rival, but he seemed desirous of bringing 
about a new revolution by reviving hatreds instead of effac- 
ing them. The harshness of his rule stirred up his barons 
against him. He deceived them by promises, invited them 
to a banquet of reconciliation, then had them seized at his 
very table and put to death. The common people fared no 
better. Ferdinand claimed the monopoly of all the com- 
merce of the kingdom and crushed the people with taxes. 
He did not prevent the Ottomans from seizing Otranto and 
the Venetians from taking Gallipoli and Policastro. The 
profound contempt which he excited explains how subse- 
quently Charles VIII could drive him from his kingdom 
of Naples without breaking a lance. All the Italian states 
from one end of the peninsula to the other were in the same 



Powerful Military Organization of the Ottomans. Mo- 
hammed II. — The Ottomans were apparently the foe whom 
Italy had most to dread. By the conquest of Constantinople 
they had definitely established themselves in the great 
peninsula which separates the Adriatic and Black Seas. 
Mohammed II was obeyed from Belgrade on the Danube 
to the Taurus in Asia Minor. But this mighty empire had 
two classes of enemies. On the west were the various 
Christian nations, and on the East the Persian schismatics. 
These two parties by taking turns at fighting the Ottomans 
were to keep them within bounds. The one checked their 
progress on the Tigris, and the other along the lower valley 
of the Danube. 

The Ottoman government was like that of all Asiatic 
peoples despotism tempered by insurrection and assassi- 
nation. Nevertheless above the Sultan or Padishah was 
the Koran, whose interpreters, the Sheik ul Islam and the 
Oulema, often won the ear of the ruler or of the people. 
The Turkish armies were then stronger than those of the 
Christians. Their most effective force consisted of 40,000 
janissaries, a regular and permanent troop. The Christians 
had as yet hardly more than the feudal militia. Moreover 
the sultan could quickly raise 100,000 men from the tima- 
riots, or lands given for life on condition of military service. 
They thoroughly understood the art of fortification and pos- 
sessed an unequalled artillery. These efiicient means of 
action were put in play for two centuries by ten successive 
and energetic princes. Above all account must be taken of 
the religious fanaticism and martial ardor of a race which 
also saw its victories fruitful in acquisition of lands and 
wealth. It is not difS.cult to explain the rapid progress of 
the Ottomans. 

20 HISTORY OF MODE BIT TIMES [a.d. 145a-1512. 

After making Constantinople his capital, Mohammed II 
undertook the subjugation of Hungary and Austria. But 
he was hurled back in 1456 by Hunyadi from the walls of 
Belgrade. He then attacked the remnants of the Greek 
Empire and seized Athens, Lesbos, the Morea and Trebizond. 
Christendom ought to have united in one common effort. 
Pope Pius II demanded it. But the sovereigns were busy 
about other things. Matthias Corvinus, king of Hungary, 
who was most endangered, and Frederick III, emperor of 
Germany, were warring against each other. Corvinus did 
at least force the Turks to a halt on the Danube. But the 
Albanian Scanderbeg, Prince of Epirus, was their one per- 
sistent enemy. During twenty-three years he fought them 
without repose and gained more than twenty battles. His 
death in 1468 and the fall of Croïa, his capital, delivered 
Albania into their hands. Two years afterward they 
wrested Negropont from the Venetians. Also they 
triumphed over the Tartar Ouzoun Hassan, who had just 
founded in Persia the dynasty of the White Sheep, and was 
stirred up against them by Pope Paul II. 

Fortunately the Moldavians on the lower Danube, the 
Albanians and some Greek mountaineers compelled Moham- 
med II to divide his forces. Although he had sworn to feed 
his horse with oats on the altar of Saint Peter's in E-ome, 
he could undertake no serious enterprise against Italy. The 
surprise of Otranto by his fleet was hardly more than a 
bold and sudden raid by sea (1480). When his horsemen 
came and burned villages within sight of Venice, that 
republic took alarm. She sued for peace, ceded Scutari on 
the coast of the Adriatic and promised an annual tribute. 
Mohammed II was heading a great expedition, the object of 
which was known only to himself, when death overtook him 
in 1481 at the age of fifty -three. 

Bayezid II (1481) and Selim I the Ferocious (1512). —His 
son, Bayezid II, was a scholar rather than a soldier. More- 
over he was forced to consult prudence, inasmuch as his 
brother Zizim after an unsuccessful rebellion had escaped 
as a fugitive to the Knights of Bhodes. By them he had 
been delivered into the hands of Pope Alexander VI. As 
long as Zizim was with the Christians, he was a constant 
menace to his brother. Yet despite his pacific inclination, 
it was necessary to keep the janissaries busy and somehow 
win their favor. So Bayezid sent them to conquer Bosnia^ 

A.D. 1512-1520.] THE OTTOMAN TURKS 21 

Croatia and Moldavia on the left bank of the Danube where 
the Ottomans already possessed Wallachia. The soldiers be- 
came discontented with their indolent sultan and placed his 
son Selim on the throne. At once the movement of conquest 
resumed its course. The new monarch attacked Persia, 
beginning the religious war by the massacre of 40,000 
Shiite Mussulmans who inhabited his states. A bloody 
battle near Tauris was indecisive, but he soon subjugated 
the provinces of Diarbekir, Ourfa and Mossoul, which ex- 
tended the Turkish Empire as far as the Tigris (1518). 
. Syria belonged to the Mamelukes of Egypt. Selim attacked 
them. He defeated them at Aleppo, at Gaza and finally on 
the banks of the Nile, where the Copts and fellahs, down- 
trodden by the Mamelukes, welcomed him as a liberator. 
Moutawakkel, caliph of Cairo, confided to him the Standard 
of the Prophet and resigned the religious authority into his 
hands. The Arab tribes in their turn submitted. The 
scherif of Mecca came to offer the conqueror the keys of the 
Kaaba. Thus the sultan became the Commander of the 
Eaithful, the spiritual as well as the temporal chief of 
the Mussulmans. 

By this conquest the road to the East by way of Egypt was 
closed to Europeans. This was the death-blow of Venice. 
Master of the eastern basin of the Mediterranean, Selim also 
held in its western basin the strong fortress of Algiers, 
which the pirate Horouk, surnamed Barbarossa, had wrested 
from Spain and placed under his protection in return for 
the title of Bey (1518). From that time until 1830 Algiers 
was a nest of pirates who preyed upon European commerce. 
Abominable cruelties accompanied the conquests of Selim 
and earned for him the surname of the Ferocious. He died 
in 1520 and had for his successor Souleïman the Magnificent, 
the worthy rival of his illustrious contemporaries Charles V 
and Francis I. 




Consequences of the Political Revolution in European Wars. 

— One general fact had been evolved during the second 
half of the fifteenth century. It was that society in all 
the states had reverted to a form of government, lost since 
the Roman Empire and based upon the absolute power of 
kings. This is the political side of the revolution in prog- 
ress. It was to affect the arts, sciences and literatures, and 
even for a part of Europe the beliefs, at the same time 
that it modified institutions. The inevitable consequence 
of this first transformation, which places the peoples with 
their wealth and forces at the disposal of their sovereigns, 
will be to imbue the kings with the desire of aggrandizing 
their dominions. Thus European wars are about to follow 
feudal wars, just as kings have followed nobles. France, 
the first ready, is also the first in the endeavor to issue 
from her frontiers. 

Expedition of Charles VIII into Italy (1494). — The prudent 
Louis XI had been careful not to assert the rights which 
the house of Anjou had bequeathed him over the kingdom 
of Naples. His son, Charles VIII, revived these claims 
with ambitious projects. Not to be hampered in the exe- 
cution of plans which he thought would carry him from 
Naples to Constantinople, and from Constantinople to Jeru- 
salem, he abandoned Cerdagne and Eoussillon to Ferdinand 
the Catholic, and Franche-Comté, Charolais and Artois to 
Maximilian. He crossed the Alps at Mount Ginevra and 
was well received at Turin and in the duchy of Milan, 
where Ludovico il Moro then needed his support against the 
Neapolitans. He forced Pietro de Medici to deliver to him 
Sarzana and Pietra Santa, the two fortresses of the Apen- 
nines, and arrived without encountering any obstacle at 
Florence, which he entered as a conqueror. But when he 
demanded a war contribution, the inhabitants threatened a 
riot and he withdrew, though still holding Pisa and Siena. 

A.D. 1494-1498.] WARS IN ITALY 23 

At Kome the cardinals and nobles, who had been harshly- 
treated by Alexander YI, opened the gates to the French. 
The Pope took refuge in the castle of San Angelo. Charles 
trained his cannon on the ancient fortress and demanded 
the son of the pontiff, Csesar Borgia, as hostage. Also he 
demanded that Zizim, the brother of Sultan Bayezid II, 
who was then with the Pope, should be surrendered to him, 
thinking this prisoner would advance his ultimate plans in 
the East. A few days later the former captive escaped. 
The latter was given up, but soon afterward died, perhaps 
from poison. At San Germano, Perdinand II, king of Na- 
ples, wished to fight but his soldiers deserted and Charles 
entered the capital without breaking a lance (1495). There 
he had himself crowned King of Naples, Emperor of the East, 
and King of Jerusalem. He speedily alienated all parties. 

While he gave himself up to festivity, in his rear Venice 
formed a league against him, which included Ludovico il 
Moro, Pope Alexander VI, Maximilian, Perdinand the 
Catholic, and Henry VII of England. Forty thousand men 
lay in wait for him at the foot of the Apennines. Warned 
by Commines, he hastily marched northward, leaving in 
the south 11,000 men. The battle of Fornovo reopened his 
road to the Alps, but Italy was lost and no fruit remained 
from this brilliant expedition. 

Italy freed from the foreigner returned to her domestic 
quarrels. Ludovico implored the aid of the Emperor Maxi- 
milian, who suffered a ridiculous defeat before Leghorn. 
In the Pomagna civil war continued between the Pope and 
the barons, in Tuscany between Pisa and Florence, in Flor- 
ence itself between the partisans and the enemies of Savona- 
rola. The latter perished at the stake (1498), but his death 
did not restore harmony. 

Louis XII (1498). Conquest of Milan and Naples. — 
Louis XII, grandson of a brother of Charles VI, suc- 
ceeded his cousin, whose widow he married to prevent her 
carrying Brittany to another house. He inherited not only 
the claims of Charles VIII to Naples, but also those of his 
grandmother, Valentine Visconti, to Milanese territory 
which had been usurped by the Sforza. Cajoling or brib- 
ing the neutrality or support of Csesar Borgia, Venice and 
Florence, he sent Trivulcio, an Italian mercenary, to con- 
quer Milan. Ludovico il Moro lost, regained and again lost 
the city, but was finally betrayed by his troops and was 

24 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1500-1511. 

confined in Erance in the castle of Loches. Master of 
Milan, Louis sought to acquire the kingdom of Naples with- 
out striking a blow. Therefore he shared it in advance 
with Ferdinand the Catholic. He reserved for himself the 
title of King, together with the Abruzzi, Terra di Lavoro, 
and the capital. Ferdinand asked nothing but Apulia and 
Calabria. The unfortunate Frederick, king of Naples, find- 
ing himself betrayed by the Spaniard Gonsalvo of Cordova, 
placed himself at the mercy of the king of France, who 
offered him a retreat on the banks of the Loire. But the 
conquest made, disputes soon arose between the Spaniards 
and the French. Perfidious negotiations gave Gonsalvo 
time to bring up his troops. The French generals were 
everywhere defeated and their forces again evacuated the 
kingdom (1504). 

To retain at least the Milanese territory, Louis XII 
signed the disastrous treaty of Blois. His claims to Na- 
ples he renounced in favor of Prince Charles, the sovereign 
of the Netherlands, who was destined to become Charles V 
of Germany. It was stipulated that Charles should wed 
Madame Claude, the daughter of the king. The dowry of 
the bride was to be Burgundy and Brittany. Public opin- 
ion cried out against this dangerous marriage, so Louis 
assembled the States General. They declared that the two 
provinces were inalienable, and implored the king to betroth 
his daughter to his presumptive heir, Francis, Duke of 

League of Cambrai (1508). The Holy League (1511). — 
Julius IL succeeded Alexander YI. This warlike Pope 
undertook to expel from Italy those whom he called bar- 
barians. He also aimed at humbling Venice and at render- 
ing the Holy See the dominating power of the peninsula. 
First he managed to unite every one against Venice. Louis 
XII wished to recover from that republic the places for- 
merly acquired from the duchy of Milan. Ferdinand the 
Catholic claimed from it several maritime cities of the 
kingdom of Naples. The Emperor Maximilian was desir- 
ous of extending his sway in Friuli. All the jealousies and 
desires coalesced therefore in 1508, at Cambrai. 

At Anagdello Louis gained over the Venetians a victory 
which permitted his allies to fill their hands with Venetian 
booty. Thereupon the Pope promptly turned this league 
against his successful confederate, and formed the Holy 

A.D. 1511-1515.] WÂES IK ITALY 25 

League to expel the French from Italy. Setting an ex- 
ample, in person he stormed the cities and entered them 
through the breach. Louis assembled at Pisa a council to 
depose him. Julius convoked another council at the Lat- 
eran, which excommunicated the king, and drew into alli- 
ance all the Catholic powers, even including the Swiss, upon 
whom Louis was lavishing his money. 

Invasion of France (1513). Treaties of Peace (1514). — 
At first France was victorious, thanks to the talents of the 
youthful Gaston de Foix, who drove the Swiss back to their 
mountains, captured Brescia from the Venetians and de- 
feated all the allies at Eavenna. But he was slain in that 
last battle. Under his successor, La Palisse, the French 
retreated to the Alps. Maximilian Sforza, the son of Ludo- 
vico il Moro, reentered Milan. Then France was invaded 
from three sides. Ferdinand the Catholic threatened French 
Navarre. The English and Germans routed the French 
cavalry at the battle of Spurs. Lastly, the Swiss pene- 
trated as far as Dijon, and their withdrawal was purchased 
by payment in gold. The only ally of France was James 
IV, king of Scotland. He shared her evil fortune and was 
defeated and slain at Flodden Field by the English. Louis 
begged a truce from his enemies. He disavowed the council 
of Pisa, and persuaded Henry VIII to return to his island, 
promising a pension of 100,000 crowns for ten years. Thus, 
after fifteen years of war, after immense loss of blood and 
money, France was no farther advanced than when the 
reign of Charles VIII began. Louis died on January 1, 
1515. His domestic administration had been superior to 
his foreign policy. He created two parliaments, one in 
Provence and another in Normandy, suppressed the use of 
Latin in criminal procedure, stopped pillage by soldiers, and 
caused commerce and agriculture to thrive. So he has been 
surnamed the Father of his People. 

26 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1497-1512. 



Discovery of the Cape of Good Hope (1497). — The end 
of the Middle Ages is marked, not only by the destruction 
of hitherto prevalent political forms, but also by the simul- 
taneous revolution in commercial affairs, consequent upon 
the discovery of America and of the passage to the Indies 
around the Cape of Good Hope. 

Up to that time, commerce had followed the routes 
marked out by the Greeks and the Eomans. The products 
of the East reached Europe by the Eed Sea and Egypt, or 
through Persia and the Black Sea. But the peoples who 
bordered on the Atlantic had long been turning their gaze 
toward the mysterious expanse of its unknown waters. 
They had become familiar with its tempests and had gained 
confidence in the compass. The Normans had been the 
first to enter upon the path of maritime discoveries along 
the western coast of Africa. There the Portuguese, more 
advantageously situated, followed and outstripped them. 
In 1472 they crossed the equator. In 1486 Bartolomeo 
Diaz discovered the Cape of Storms, which King John II 
more wisely named the Cape of Good Hope. In fact, 
Vasco da Gama soon sailed round the African continent and 
reached Calicut on the Malabar coast (1498). Later on 
Camoens in his Lusiad painted this heroic expedition. At 
Calicut Alvarez Cabrai founded the first European estab- 
lishment in the Indies. On the way thither he had been 
cast upon the coast of Brazil. 

Colonial Empire of the Portuguese. — The true creator of 
the Portuguese colonies was Albuquerque. By the capture 
of Socotora and Ormuz, he closed the ancient routes of 
Indian commerce to the Mussulmans and to Venice. He 
gave to Portuguese India its capital by taking possession 
of Goa (1510). He conquered Malacca and secured the 
alliance of the kings of Siam and Pegu and the possession 
of the Molucca Islands. While preparing one expedition 

■ Columbus 1st Voyage, 1492-3 ; 

tFerdinand Magellan, ,1519-22 


Bartholomew Dias, 1486-87 - 

i+++HVasco da Gama, 1497-99 Columbus 4tli Voyage, 1502-4 °— =-^-»'Pizarro, 1524 and 1532-34 

HHf* Amerigo Vespucci, 1501-2 l-H-i-i-iOjedaand Vespucci, 1499-1500 "-«—^-sAlmagro, 1535-37 
IVIarco Polo, 1271-95 ■■•+— ft.Jolin Cabot, 1497-98 









Copyright. 1898, by T. Y. Crowell & Co. 

Engraved by Colton. ■Ohman i Co., N.Y. 


against Egypt and another against Arabia, where he wished 
to destroy Mecca and Medina, he was arrested by an un- 
merited disgrace (1515). The conquest continued under 
John de Castro, who seized Cambaye. Japan was dis- 
covered in 1542, and a trading station set up opposite 
Canton in the island of Sanciam. Goa was the centre of 
Portuguese domination. The other principal points in 
their empire were Mozambique, Sofala and Melinda on the 
African coast, whence they obtained gold-dust and ivory ; 
Muscat and Ormuz, on the Persian Gulf, whither came the 
products of Central Asia; Diu, on the coast of Malabar; 
Negapatam, on that of Coromandel; Malacca, in the pe- 
ninsula of the same name, which threw into their hands the 
commerce of the countries of Indo-China ; and the Moluccas, 
where they occupied Ternate and Timor, and whence they 
exported spices. Their trading stations on the western 
coast of Africa and on the Congo were of no importance 
until after the establishment of the slave trade. For a long 
time, the only colonists whom Brazil received were crim- 
inals and deported Jews. 

Christopher Columbus. Colonial Empire of the Spaniards. 
— The discovery of America had taken place earlier, in 1492. 
The Genoese navigator, Christopher Columbus, engrossed 
with the idea that India must extend far toward the west 
as a counterbalance to the European continent, hoped to 
reach its furthest shore by directing his course westward 
across the Atlantic. Eebuffed as a visionary by the Senate 
of Genoa and by the king of Portugal, as well as for a 
time by the court of Spain, he succeeded in obtaining from 
Isabella three small vessels. After sailing for two months 
he landed on October 11, 1492, in Guanahani, one of the 
Lucaya Islands, which he named San Salvador. Only dur- 
ing his third voyage in 1498 did he touch the continent, 
without knowing it, and on the fourth in 1502 discovered 
the coast of Columbia. He still believed that he had reached 
the shores of India. Hence was derived the name. West 
Indies, which long prevailed. The name America refers to 
Amerigo Vespucci, who merely enjoyed the inferior distinc- 
tion of landing on the mainland before Columbus. 

The route once found, discoveries followed each other in 
rapid succession. In 1513 Balboa traversed the Isthmus of 
Panama and caught sight of the Great Ocean. In 1518 Gri- 
jalva discovered Mexico, of which Fernando Cortes effected 

28 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1519-1534. 

the conquest (1519-1521). In 1520 Magellan reached the 
"strait to which his name has been given between Sonth 
America and Tierra del Euego. He traversed the Pacific 
Ocean, where he died, and his comrades returned to Spain 
by way of the Moluccas and the Cape of Grood Hope. They 
were the first to make the circuit of the globe. The advent- 
urers, Almagro and Pizarro, gave to the crown of Spain 
Peru and Chili. Others founded on the opposite coast 
Buenos Ayres, at the mouth of the Plata. In 1534 Cartier 
discovered Canada for Prance. 

The Portuguese colonies rapidly declined. They were 
only a line of trading posts along the coasts of Africa and 
Hindustan, without power of resistance, because few Portu- 
guese settled there. The Spanish colonies, which in the 
beginning aimed not so much at commerce as at the develop- 
ment of the mines, attracted on the contrary many Spaniards 
to the New World, and formed in America a compact domi- 
nation, divided into the two governments of Mexico and 
Lima. At the present day Mexico and South America are 
dominated by Spanish blood, while Brazil is Portuguese. 

Results. — These discoveries threw open to the industrious 
activity of the men of the West both a New World and also 
that East where so much idle wealth was locked up. They 
changed the course and form of trade. For land commerce, 
which hitherto had held first rank, maritime commerce was 
about to be substituted. As a result the cities of the in- 
terior were to decline and those on the coast to expand. 
Moreover commercial importance passed from the countries 
bathed by the Mediterranean to the countries situated on 
the Atlantic, from the Italians to the Spaniards and the 
Portuguese, and later on from these latter to the Dutch 
and the English. ISTot only did these peoples grow rich, 
but they were enriched in a peculiar manner. The mines 
of Mexico and Peru threw into European circulation an 
enormous mass of specie. Industry, commerce and agri. 
culture developed on receiving the capital which they re» 
quired in order to thrive. " The third part of the kingdom 
of France," says a writer of the sixteenth century, "was 
put under cultivation in the course of a few years." All 
this created a new power in personal wealth which fell into 
the hands of the burgher class, and which in after centuries 
was to battle with the landed wealth still remaining in the 
hands of the lords. 


By means of the posting stations which Louis XI had 
organized, and the canals with locks which Venice began to 
construct in 1481, communication became more rapid and 
more easy. When to the letters of exchange, devised by 
the Jews in the Middle Ages for the purpose of saving 
their fortunes from their persecutors, were added the deposit 
and credit banks, instituted by the Hanse, the Lombards 
and the Tuscans, it came to pass that capital circulated as 
easily as produce. We have already seen a banker, Cosmo 
de Medici, become a prince. Lastly, the system of insurance, 
practised first at Barcelona and Florence, and later on at 
Bruges, began the great system of guarantees which at the 
present day gives to commerce such audacity and security. 
Thus labor was making for itself a place in the new society. 
Through it, by means of order, economy and intelligence, the 
descendants of the slaves of antiquity and of the serfs of 
the Middle Ages became the leaders of the industrial world 
and masters of money, and were one day to find themselves 
the equals of the ancient masters of the land. 




The Invention of Printing. — The ardor which impelled men 
of action to abandon beaten paths and rush into unexplored 
ways was shared by men of learning. They also aspired 
after another world. They sought it, not in front but in 
the rear. Like Columbus, they thought they were only 
travelling toward the old land, but on their route thither 
they, like him, found a new one. 

Weary of the vain disputes of scholasticism and the quib- 
bles of a school which its barbarous Latin speech rendered 
obscure, they threw themselves toward the half-extinguished 
lights of antiquity. They ransacked monastic libraries, those 
storehouses of old books. The discovery of a Greek or 
Latin manuscript, or of an antique statue, caused the joy of 
a victory. But only a few men would have profited by the 
new spirit, which reviving antiquity was breathing upon 
the world, had not an invention appeared by means of which 
the treasures, otherwise reserved to. a small number, could 
become the domain of all. Guttenberg created printing by 
devising movable characters. As early as 1455, the first 
printed book made its appearance. This was a Bible. The 
new art spread rapidly throughout all Christian Europe, and 
the price of books marvellously decreased. In 1500 Aldus 
Manutius at Venice placed on sale a whole collection of 
ancient authors at about fifty cents the volume. A single 
bookseller of Paris, Josse Bade, published as many as 400 
works, the majority in folio. In 1529, the Colloquia of Eras- 
mus was printed in an edition of 24,000 copies. Thus eager 
were people to learn, " for they began to perceive that they 
had been living in mental slavery as well as in bodily servi- 

The ancients wrote upon parchment or papyrus, both ma- 
terials of great cost, the Chinese upon silk, the Arabs of 
Damascus upon cotton, the Spanish Arabs upon a paper 


made from flax and hemp. Thus the printers, at the very 
beginning of their labors, had at their disposal a low-priced 
product which could receive the imprint of the characters. 

Renaissance of Letters. — Italy eagerly seized upon the new 
invention. Before the year 1470, there were already printers 
at Eome, Venice and Milan. Everywhere schools, libraries 
and universities were founded. The ancient authors were 
published and translated. Not only the Fathers of the 
Church were published to uphold the faith, but also the ora- 
tors, historians and philosophers. Thereby faith was ex- 
posed to peril, for thus were opened to the mind new horizons 
where reason was to seek and find its domain. Pope Julius 
II was not always surrounded by captains and diplomats. 
Quite as many learned men and artists were to be seen at 
his side. " Polite letters," he said, '' are the silver of plebe- 
ians, the gold of nobles, the diamonds of princes." The day 
on which the Laocoon was discovered in the Baths of Titus, 
he caused the bells of all the churches in Eome to be rung. 
Leo X paid 500 sequins for five books in manuscript of 
Titus Livius, and was the friend as well as the patron of 
Eaphael and Michael Angelo. 

At that period only three countries thought and produced. 
Italy was foremost with Ariosto, Machiavelli, Guicciardini 
and all her artistic geniuses. Prance came second, with 
Marot, Eabelais, Calvin, Amyot, Montaigne and a host of 
learned men or jurisconsults whose fame still endures, like 
Cujas, Pithou, Godefroy and Dumoulin. Germany stood 
third, with Ulric von Hutten, the cobbler-poet Hans Sachs 
and the Ciceronians, with Luther and his Latin writings at 
the head. The Netherlands presented Erasmus, a hardy 
thinker but timid-hearted man, whose Latin works enjoyed 
an immense success. As for England, she was healing the 
wounds inflicted by the War of the Eoses. As for Spain, 
her eyes were turned far less upon antiquity than toward 
America and her mines, toward Italy and the Netherlands, 
where the bands of Charles V so loved to indulge in war 
and pillage. 

Renaissance of Arts. — Italy was their natural cradle, since 
there the finest remains of ancient art were to be found. As 
early as the beginning of the fifteenth century, Brunelleschi 
substituted the rounded for the pointed arch, and for the 
tortured lines of the florid Gothic, the straight line of the 
Greek temples or the elegant curve of the Eoman dome. Por 

32 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1500-1550. 

Julius II Bramante constructed Saint Peter's at Eome, 
which Michael Angelo crowned with the immense cupola, 
the idea of which he had derived from the Pantheon of 
Agrippa. The sculptors of Florence and Rome were unable 
to excel their classic rivals, but Leonardo da Vinci, Michael 
Angelo, Raphael and Titian far surpassed their most illus- 
trious predecessors and created painting, which with music 
has remained the distinctive modern art. 

In the field of the arts, Italy in the sixteenth century was 
the teacher of the nations. France followed her close be- 
hind. Her architects reared many chateaux and palaces, 
the Louvre, the Tuileries, Fontainebleau, Blois and Cham- 
bord, where elegance and grace are blended with strength. 
Two French sculptors are still famous, Jean Goujon and 
Germain Pilon. Germany had but two painters, Albert 
Durer and Holbein. Engraving, recently invented, multi- 
plied the masterpieces of the artists, just as printing had 
popularized masterpieces in literature, and Palestrina began 
the great school of music. 

Renaissance in Science. — Science was still hesitating 
between the dreams of the Middle Ages and the stern reason 
which guides it at the present day. Men did not know 
that the physical world is subject to changeless laws. 
They continued to believe in capricious powers, in magicians 
and sorcerers, whom they burned by thousands. At Wtirz- 
burg 158 persons were sent to the stake in the course of 
two years (1527-1528). But Italy had several geometers, 
and as early as 1507 the Pole, Copernicus, discovered the 
truth concerning the planetary system. 

Thus, while the navigators were opening new worlds to 
human activity and through artists and learned men 
modern genius was acquiring fresh vigor from the ancients, 
science was assigning its place to the sun and to the earth 
and the planets their parts in the universe. Is it a marvel 
that the century which beheld these mighty results of 
audacity and intelligence should have abandoned itself to 
the resistless power of thought ? 




The Clergy in the Sixteenth Century. — By its reverence 
for the two antiquities, the sacred and profane, which had 
just been as it were rediscovered, the literature of the six- 
teenth century led to the religious Reformation, whose true 
character was a mixture of the reasoning spirit borrowed 
from the pagans, and of theological ardor derived from 
the Bible and the Fathers. The prime author of this revo- 
lution was the clergy itself. What was there in common 
between the Church of the early days, poor, humble, ardent, 
and the opulent, lordly, indolent Church of Leo X, who 
lived like a gentleman of the Renaissance, with huntsmen, 
artists and poets, rather than with theologians ? And of 
those bishop-princes who had armies, and of those monks 
who were so vicious and so ignorant, what was not said? 
For a long time the most devout had been demanding the 
reform of the Church in its head and its members. "I 
see," said Cardinal Julian to Pope Eugenius IV, "that 
the axe is laid to the root; the tree leans, and instead of 
propping it up, we are hurling it to the earth.'^ Bossuet 
himself recognized the necessity of a reform. 

Luther (1517). — The strife began with the pamphlets of 
Erasmus and Hutten. It became serious only when Luther 
had drawn the theologians after him into the lists. This 
son of a Saxon miner of Eisleben was an Augustinian 
monk. He became the most esteemed doctor of the Uni- 
versity of Wittenberg. During a journey to Rome he beheld 
the disorders of the Church. The scandal of indulgences, 
whence Leo X sought money for the completion of Saint 
Peter's, led him to examine the very principles of this doc- 
trine. Finding the system of indulgences contrary to the 
teachings of the primitive Church, he fought against it. 
The Dominican Tetzel was the broker of these spiritual 
wares in Germany. Luther nailed to the doors of the 
church in Wittenberg ninety-five propositions concerning 

34 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1517-1525. 

indulgences. Tetzel replied by 110 counter propositions. 
The battle had begun. 

At first Leo X would see in it nothing but a quarrel 
between monks and sent to Germany the legate Cajetano 
to bring them to their senses. Luther appealed from the 
legate to the Pope, then from the Pope to a future council. 
Finally^ rejecting even the authority of councils, or of all 
human utterances as opposed to the Word of God, as set 
forth in the Gospels and as he understood it, he admitted 
no other law for the believer than the very text of Scripture. 

Thus Luther " plunged into schism." The Eoman Cath- 
olic faith was nourished from the two sources of Scripture 
and tradition. He denied the latter source. Retaining 
the former, he admitted no mediator between him and the 
sacred text to interpret the latter and solve its_ diffi- 
culties. He beheld in the Scriptures neither the author- 
ity of the Pope, nor sacraments, nor monastic vows. Hence 
he rejected them. The Church on becoming organized had 
taught that even a society of believers is impossible unless 
its members think that they are bound to add to the merits 
of their faith those of their works. Luther, an ardent monk, 
and a theologian reared in the spirit of Saint Paul and 
Saint Augustine, did not hesitate before the formidable 
problem of grace. In his book On Christian Liberty, 
addressed to the Pope in 1520, he immolated the free will 
of man, and grace became the essential principle of faith. 
Calvin hence deduced later the doctrine of predestination. 
Leo X excommunicated the bold innovator, who neverthe- 
less was simply looking backward, and returning to the 
apostolic age. Luther returning blow for blow publicly 
burned the papal bull (1520). He was protected by the 
Elector of Saxony, Frederick the Wise. When Charles V 
in order to win over the Catholics cited him to appear 
before the Diet of Worms, he boldly presented himself. 
He was so well defended that the Church did not dare 
seize him as it had formerly seized John Huss and send 
him to the stake. The elector prudently had him carried 
off and kept under guard at the Castle of the Wartburg, 
whence Luther stirred up all Germany by his pamphlets. 

As a matter of fact, the reformer was serving well the 
interests of the princes. He restored to their hands the 
direction of religious affairs. The secularization of church 
property tempted their greed. In 1525 the Grand Master of 


the Teutonic Order declared himself the Hereditary Duke 
of Prussia. Already the Elector of Saxony, the Landgrave 
of Hesse Cassel, the Dukes of Mecklenburg, Pomerania, and 
Zell, and a great number of imperial cities, had embraced the 
Beformation and at the same time seized the ecclesiastical 
domains situated in their territories. 

The people wished to have its share in this immense 
booty. In Suabia and Thuringia the peasants rose, not to 
hasten the reform in the Church, but to accomplish that of 
societj^, wherein they meant to establish absolute equality 
and community of goods. Luther himself preached against 
them a war of extermination and those wretched persons 
perished by thousands (1525). 

This savage demagogy, which appeared again with the 
Anabaptists of Munster, frightened every one, but especially 
the Catholics. The Diet of Spires forbade the propagation 
of the new doctrines (1529). The followers of the Eeforma- 
tion protested against this decree in the name of liberty of 
conscience, and hence received the name of Protestants. In 
the following year, they published at Augsburg a confession 
of their belief which has remained the creed and the bond 
of all Luther's followers (1530). 

Thanks to Francis I and to Souleïman, the emperor was 
occupied in defending himself on all his frontiers. He 
shrank from creating for himself a new enemy in the heart 
of the empire by attacking the Reformers. He avoided 
such risk until after the battle of Crespy and the death 
of the king of France. The victory of Miihlberg (1547) 
seemed to place Germany at his discretion. In order to 
impose religious peace he promulgated the Interim at Augs- 
burg, which displeased both parties and reduced the Ger- 
man princes to the powerlessness of French or English 
nobles. The supreme power of Charles V was overthrown 
by the alliance of the Protestants with the king of France, 
Henry II. Maurice of Saxony came near capturing the 
emperor at Innsbruck (1551), and the peace of Augsburg 
granted the E-eformers entire liberty of conscience (1555). 

The Lutheran Reformation in the Scandinavian States. — 
At that period the new doctrines had already triumphed 
through almost all Northern Europe. Gustavus Vasa, who 
had delivered Sweden from the Danish domination, wel- 
comed them as a means of humbling the episcopal aris- 
tocracy and of raising himself to absolute power. 

36 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1517-1550. 

In Denmark on the contrary the revolution was effected 
in the interests of the secular aristocracy, which suppressed 
the States General, held royalty in tutelage for 120 years 
and bowed the people under a harsh subjection. 

The Reformation in Switzerland. Zwingli (1517). Calvin 
(1536). — In Switzerland the Eef ormation was born as early 
as in Germany. In 1517 Zwingli declared that the Gospel 
was the only rule of faith. The evangelical religion spread 
in German Switzerland, except in the original cantons of 
Lucerne, Uri, Schwyz and Unterwalden, which remained 
faithful to the ancient faith. The war, which broke out in 
1531, and in which Zwingli perished, was favorable to the 
Catholics. Each canton still remained sovereign as to regu- 
lating its worship, but the evangelical doctrine was expelled 
from the common possessions. This was a defeat for^Protes- 
tantism. On the other hand, it acquired Geneva, which had 
long been discontented with its bishop, its temporal sov- 
ereign, and was divided between the so-called parties of the 
Mamelukes and the Huguenots. Thanks to the support of 
Berne, the Huguenot party carried the day and maintained 
the independence of the city against Savoy (1536). 

At this juncture Calvin arrived. He was a Frenchman 
from Noyon, who had just published a remarkable book, 
The Christian Institutes, wherein he condemned every- 
thing which did not seem to him prescribed by the Gospel, 
while Luther, less audacious, allowed everything to subsist 
w"hich did not appear to him positively contrary to it. His 
eloquence, the austerity of his life and his radical doctrines 
gave him in Geneva an authority which he used to convert 
that joyous city into a sombre cloister, where every frivolous 
word or deed was punished as a crime. A poet was beheaded 
for his verses. Michael Servetus was burned for having, 
thought otherwise concerning the Trinity than did the spirit- 
ual director. But none the less, Geneva became the citadel, 
and as it were the sanctuary of the Calvinistic E-eformation. 

The Reformation in the Netherlands, France, Scotland 
and England. — The seventeen provinces of the Low Coun- 
tries formed a federated state under the direction of an 
Austrian or a Spanish governor. Each had its own con- 
stitution and its assembly. These free institutions, the 
independent spirit of the population and its nearness to 
Germany favored the propagation in that country of Luther's 
Reformation. Charles Y stifled it by the horrors of a spe- 


cial inquisition, which punished with death more than 30,000 
persons. But Lutheranism gave way to Calvinism, which 
had come from Switzerland by way of Alsace, or from Eng- 
land, during the reign of Edward VI, and which spread 
rapidly throughout the Dutch provinces. 

Protestantism was not established in Erance until com- 
paratively late. The Sorbonne refuted the new doctrines 
and the law suppressed them by force. Moreover there had 
been fewer abuses among the Gallican clergy, as they had 
possessed little wealth or power. Though many provincial 
nobles regretted the domains formerly ceded to the Church 
by their fathers, though more independent doctrines grat- 
ified their feudal inclinations, and though desires for politi- 
cal enfranchisement were mingled with desires for religious 
liberty, yet the inhabitants of the great cities remained 
strongly Catholic. In Erance a foothold was gained, not by 
Lutheranism, but by Calvinism. Erancis I, who supported 
the Protestants in Germany, did not tolerate them in his 
own kingdom. He had the Lutherans burned before his 
eyes and approved the horrible massacre of the Vaudois. 
Henry II, by the edict of Chateaubriand, decreed the same 
death penalty against heretics. He even had two magis- 
trates, suspected of heresy, arrested in open Parliament; 
and one of them, Anne Dubourg, was burned at the stake. 
Persecution was destined, as always, to bring about plots 
and a frightful struggle. 

It was Calvinism which won the day in Scotland. Marie 
of Guise, the widow of James V, left the management of 
affairs to Cardinal Beaton, who defended Catholicism by 
extremely rigorous measures, but was assassinated (1546). 
The Reformation took possession of all Scotland, where 
Knox, who was summoned from Geneva, established the 
Presbyterian system. 

In England the Eeformation was not the work of the 
people, but of a despot, who found the country disposed 
for this revolution by the memories of Wicliffe and the 
Lollards. Being smitten with Anne Boleyn, Henry VIII 
asked Pope Clement VII to dissolve his marriage with 
Catherine of Aragon. As the pontiff hesitated, he made 
his own Parliament pronounce the divorce. On being ex- 
communicated, he proclaimed himself the head of the Angli- 
can Church (1534), suppressed the monastic orders, and 
confiscated the property of the convents (1539). Though 

38 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1539-1562. 

Henry YIII separated himself from the Holy See, he 
claimed that he remained orthodox. He retained the title 
of Defender of the Faith, which the Pope had bestowed 
upon him for writing a book against Lnther. Without dis- 
crimination, he punished with death the man who denied 
the E-eal Presence in the Eucharist, and the man who de- 
nied the religious supremacy of the king. Very many sen- 
tences of death were pronounced. Spoliation followed 
murder. The nation, which through love of repose had 
abandoned its political liberty after the War of the Eoses, 
beheld its money, its blood, its very beliefs, sacrificed to a 
tyrant. But by publishing an English translation of the 
sacred Scriptures, Henry unwittingly favored the spirit of 
investigation, which caused many sects to spring forth in 
England and paved the way for the revolution of^ 1648. 
Under Edward VI this "beheaded Catholicism," as the 
Keformation of Henry VIII was called, gave way to Prot- 
estantism pure and simple (1547). 

A Catholic reaction set in after the death of the latter 
prince (1553). Earl Warwick placed upon the throne Lady 
Jane Grey. Mary, the daughter of Henry VIII, caused this 
ten days' queen to be beheaded, then married Philip II, 
king of Spain, and reconciled England with the Holy See. 
This restoration was marked by numerous executions. Be- 
tween February, 1555, and September, 1558, 400 reformers 
perished, 290 of whom were burned at the stake. Drawn 
by Philip into the war against Prance, Mary lost Calais, and 
only survived this disaster by a few months (1558). She 
often said that if her body were opened, the word Calais 
would be found written upon her heart. The Anglican 
Church, as it exists to-day, was finally constituted in 1562 
by Queen Elizabeth, the successor of Mary. 

Character of the Three Reformed Churches. — Thus in 
less than half a century, Switzerland, Great Britain, Sweden, 
Denmark, half of Germany and a part of France had sepa- 
rated themselves from Catholicism. As the principle of re- 
form was free examination, it had already produced many 
sects, whose number was destined to be still further in- 
creased. However, three great systems were dominant: 
Lutheranism in the north of Germany and the Scandi- 
navian States ; Calvinism in Switzerland, France, the Neth- 
erlands and Scotland ; and Anglicanism in England. Their 
common dogma was justification. 


Of the three systems, Calvinism differed most from Eo- 
man Catholicism. It regarded the Lord^s Supper as a sim- 
ple, commemorative rite. The Lutherans admitted the Real 
Presence, but not transubstantiation. The Anglicans were 
Calvinistic in dogma, and Koman Catholic in liturgy. Their 
Church, with its archbishops, bishops, and its numerous 
revenues, differed from the Catholic Church mainly in the 
simplicity of costume, in the cold austerity of its worship, 
in the employment of the vernacular language, and in the 
marriage of its priests. Subject to royal supremacy, its exist- 
ence was intimately bound up with the maintenance of the 
monarchy ; and the clergy in England was, as it has been 
in the Catholic countries, the firmest support of royalty. 
The Presbyterian Church of Scotland was democratic, like 
all Calvinistic churches, and its clergy were equal. Puri- 
tans were later to declare every Christian a priest, if he has 
the inspiration. The Lutheran countries retained the epis- 
copal form. Their bishops had neither wealth nor liberty, 
as the prince had inherited nearly all the spiritual power 
which had been wrested from the Pope, and drew up the 
creeds. "Luther,'' said Melancthon, "has placed on our 
heads a yoke of iron, instead of a yoke of wood." 

Consequences of the Reformation. — The religious revolu- 
tion at first strengthened the political revolution, since it 
added to the civil rights of princes the right to control the 
conscience. The Calvinistic communities, however, recog- 
nized spiritual power as vested only in the assembly of the 

As to the effect on general civilization, this insurrection 
of the investigating spirit was at first of small advantage to 
the progress of public reason. In Germany all utterance 
was bent upon theology. As in the palmy days of scholas- 
ticism, men neglected classic literature to occupy themselves 
only with barren and insolvable questions. The Eenais- 
sance died in consequence. Painters and poets disappeared 
before the iconoclastic rage of the one party and the theo- 
logical vagaries of the other. 

Luther and Calvin, the former of whom intrusted to the 
princes the spiritual power, and the latter of whom burned 
Michael Servetus and taught predestination, are not directly 
the fathers of modern liberty. But on the field, where man 
toils and sows, a harvest which he does not expect springs 
up. The denial of the Pope's absolute authority in the 

40 mSTOEY OF MODEBIT TIMES [a.d. 1560. 

spiritual order inevitably ended in the denial of the abso- 
lute authority of kings in the philosophical and social order. 
Luther and Calvin unwittingly led to Bacon and Descartes, 
and Bacon and Descartes as unconsciously led to Locke and 



Reforms at the Papal Court and in the Church. The 
Jesuits. — The papacy had in a few years lost half of its 
empire. Eoused by this solemn warning, it began a work 
of internal reformation which did honor to four great Popes 
— Paul III, Paul IV, Pius V and Sixtus V. The tribunal 
of the Pota, the penitentiary, the Poman chancellery, were 
better organized. A new Inquisition, whose superior tri- 
bunal sat at Pome, was instituted in 1542 to search out and 
punish, at home and abroad, all attacks upon the faith. 
Neither rank nor dignity could protect from the jurisdiction 
of the inquisitors, who set to work with such energy that 
the roads leading from Italy to Switzerland and Germany 
were thronged with fugitives. The Congregation of the 
Index permitted no book to be printed until after it had 
been examined and revised. As individuals were executed, 
likewise books were burned. These means, obstinately pur- 
sued, were successful. Poman Catholicism was saved in 
the peninsula, but at what a price ! The subjection of the 
Italians to the house of Austria had suppressed political 
life. The measures taken to prevent or extirpate heresy 
suppressed literary life. Men ceased to think and art de- 
clined like letters. 

The Inquisition was considered only a measure of defence. 
In order to attack, the Holy See multiplied the militia which 
fought in its name. Pirst the ancient monastic orders were 
reformed: in 1522 the Camaldules; in 1525 the Pranciscans, 
whence sprang the Capucins. Then new orders were cre- 
ated, as the Theatines in 1524 and the Barnabites in 1530. 
In 1540 the Jesuits were established, whose statutes reveal 
one of the strongest political conceptions which has ever 
existed. In addition to the ordinary vows, the Jesuits swore 
absolute obedience to the Holy See. Instead of shutting 
themselves up in the recesses of a convent, they lived in 
the midst of society, so they might there grasp all the means 

42 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1545-1563. 

of influence. They travelled over the world to keep believ- 
ers in the faith, or convert heretics and barbarians, and they 
sought to control the education of the young. When their 
founder, Ignatius Loyola, died in 1556, the society already 
numbered fourteen provinces, 100 colleges, and 1000 mem- 
bers. Spain and Italy were under their influence, and 
their missionaries were traversing Brazil, India, Japan and 

Council of Trent (1545-1563). — Thus fortified, the 
Church could repudiate those ideas of conciliation which 
had repeatedly arisen, but which the Protestant princes had 
rejected lest they should be compelled to restore the eccle- 
siastical property. The Council of Trent proclaimed the 
inflexibility of the Catholic doctrines. Convoked in 1545 
by Paul III and presided over by his legates, it was sub- 
scribed to by eleven cardinals, twenty-five archbishops, 
168 bishops, thirty-nine procurators of absent bishops, and 
seven generals of religious orders. The Italian prelates 
were in the majority, generally two to one. As the voting 
was by individuals and not by nations, they were the 
masters of the council. The ambassadors of the Catholic 
powers were present at the deliberations. 

Transferred from Trent to Bologna in 1546, restored to 
Trent in 1551, the council dispersed in 1552, at the ap- 
proach of the Lutherans under Maurice of Saxony. Its 
sessions were interrupted for ten years, while Paul IV 
with the help of France, was trying to overthrow the Span- 
ish rule in Italy. When the sword of the Duke of Alva 
had terminated this conflict to the advantage of Spain, 
Pius IV abandoned the temporal cause of Italian inde- 
pendence. He was recompensed in spiritual matters by 
the last decrees of the Council of Trent, which instead of 
following the Fathers of Constance and Basle and setting 
itself above the Pope, humbled itself before his authority. 

The pontiff remained sole judge of the changes to be 
made in discipline, supreme interpreter of the canons, 
undisputed head of the bishops, infallible in matters of 
faith, but nevertheless without possessing the personal 
infallibility (se solo) which Pius IX extorted from the 
council of 1870. Thus Eome could console herself for the 
final loss of a part of Europe, as she beheld her power 
doubled in the Catholic nations of the south, which pressed 
religiously about her. 


The Pope also, in Ms quality of king, was his own master. 
Pins V celebrated in the victory of Lepanto, won by Don 
John of Austria over the Ottomans, a sort of revival of the 
crusades. Gregory XIII attached his name to the useful 
reform of the calendar. Sixtus V restored order in the papal 
states, displaying therein the inflexibility of Louis XI. He 
cleared the Eoman country of the hordes of brigands, im- 
proved the finances, enlarged and adorned his capital, whose 
population rose to 100,000 souls, built the Vatican Library 
and annexed to it a printing-office, for the publication of 
sacred books and of the writings of the Fathers. 

Thus reform in the temporal administration of the pontif- 
ical states and reform in the bosom of the Church resulted 
from the efforts of Catholicism, in the second half of the 
sixteenth century, and caused its subsequent greatness. 
When discipline was revived and the scandal of the worldly 
life of prelates was repressed, the religious spirit reawoke. 
Asceticism and consecration again appeared. 

At Eome something more was hoped for than this restora- 
tion of Catholicism to its diminished empire. The image 
of Gregory VII had passed before the eyes of his succes- 
sors, and the regenerated Church had resumed the ambition 
of her great pontiffs. Democratic in the first centuries, 
aristocratic in the Middle Ages, with her powerful bishops, 
who in case of need, threatened the Pope with excommuni- 
cation, and with her councils which enforced her will, she 
had followed the tendency of the civil power, and through 
the necessities of her own defence had culminated in abso- 
lute royalty. 

Unfortunately for her, this constitution of sacerdotal 
royalty took place at the moment when the temporal 
monarchies were too strong to humble themselves under 
any authority whatever. The decisions of the Council of 
Trent as to matters of discipline, were not received iii 
France, not even in Spain, and the Catholic sovereigns 
appropriated to themselves a portion of the prerogatives 
which the Protestant princes had obtained by force. But 
when the authority of these monarchs yielded under the 
pressure of a new political revolution, ultramontanism in 
the nineteenth century resumed the work of the sixteenth. 
It was too late, for though the struggle was to be conducted 
this time with greater concentration, the force of the Church 
was less, and the spirit of the world ran in other channels. 

44 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1515-1516. 



The Victory of Marignano (1515). — The successor of 
Louis XII was Francis I. Young, ardent and warlike, he 
commenced his reign by an invasion of the Milanese terri- 
tory. He crossed the Alps by the Neck of Argentière and 
at Marignano attacked 30,000 Swiss, whom he overthrew in 
the " Battle of the Giants." The Swiss were disgusted with 
these Italian wars. They returned to their mountains, where 
they signed the " perpetual peace " which assured their 
alliance with Prance until the French Revolution. To 
arrest the young conqueror. Pope Leo X made haste to sign 
a treaty, to the cost of the Church of France, but to the 
mutual profit of the Pope and the king. The Concordat of 
1516 suppressed the ecclesiastical elections which had been 
recognized by the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, and gave 
the king the direct appointment of the bishops and of the 
beneficed clergy. To the Pope it assigned the annates, or 
first year revenues of vacant sees. In this partition the 
pontiff left the spiritual share to the prince and took the 
temporal share for himself. 

Power of Charles V. — By a series of fortunate marriages, 
a rival and dangerous power had been formed over against 
France. In 1516 Charles of Austria took possession of 
Spain, where Ferdinand the Catholic had just died. He 
found himself master of Austria, the Netherlands, Franche- 
Comté, Naples, Sicily, Spain and America. Francis I, still 
elated by the victor}^ of Marignano, did not fear the master 
of so many divided states. Instead of trying to dismember 
this monstrous power before it could consolidate, he con- 
cluded with Charles the treaty of Noyon, which permitted 
his youthful a^ntagonist at his leisure to gather together all 
his crowns (1516). 

This friendship was broken three years later, when the 
imperial throne became vacant through the death of Maxi- 

A.D. 1519-1521.] FURTHER WARS IN ITALY 45 

milian. Charles and Francis became competitors for it. 
The electors deemed those candidates too powerful and chose 
Frederick the Wise. He declined the honor, but advised the 
choice of Charles, since that prince was more interested than 
any one else in defending Germany against the Ottomans, 
who were daily becoming more menacing. So Charles of 
Austria became the Emperor Charles V. His power aided 
by his astuteness threatened the independence of the other 

France accepted the task of resisting the new Charle- 
magne. The forces of the two adversaries were really less 
unequal than they seemed. France formed a compact and 
in a degree a homogeneous whole which it was difficult to 
crush. Her resources were controlled by a royal house 
which encountered resistance nowhere at home. By the 
Concordat Francis I had just placed the clergy under 
his hand. The feudal aristocracy was already in his 
power, and he boasted of being a king free from tutelage. 
Charles V, on the contrary, met opposition on every side : 
in Spain, from the comuneros ; in Flanders, from the 
burghers ; in Germany, from the princes and later on from 
the Protestants. In Austria he had to combat the then 
terrible Ottomans. Besides, he found it very difficult to 
concentrate in one direction all his instruments of action, 
then scattered through so many countries. 

First of all the rivals sought allies. Francis I at the 
interview of the Field of the Cloth of Gold, only succeeded 
in wounding the self-love of Henry YIII, king of England, 
whom he eclipsed in elegant luxury and knightly accom- 
plishments. Charles, less pretentious, gained Wolsey, the 
prime minister of Henry, by promising him the tiara, and 
thus secured the English alliance for himself. Pope Leo X 
also declared for the man who seemed able to arrest the 
fermenting reformation in Germany. 

Francis began hostilities by just complaints against the 
emperor, for not having executed one of the principal clauses 
of the treaty of Noyon in the restitution of French Navarre. 
Six thousand men invaded that country, and the Duke of 
Bouillon attacked Luxemburg. But the French were de- 
feated in Castile, and the Imperialists would have taken 
Mezières, had not Bayard thrown himself into the place 
(1521). In Italy Lautrec was left without resources, and 
forced to submit to his Swiss mercenaries, who demanded 

46 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1522-1527. 

money, discharge, or battle. So he was completely routed 
at Bicoque (1522). The loss of the Milanese entailed the 
defection of Venice and G-enoa. In that same year, Charles 
Y placed his preceptor, Adrian VI, on the pontifical throne. 

Battle of Pavia (1525). Treaties of Madrid (1526) and of 
Cambrai (1529). — The very existence of France was then 
imperilled by the treason of the constable of Bourbon, the 
last of the great feudal lords, whom injustice had driven into 
the camp of Charles V. He vanquished the incapable 
Bonnivet at Biagrasso where Bayard was slain (1524), and 
led the Imperialists into Provence. However the peasants 
rose and compelled them to retreat in disorder. The French, 
the king at their head, rushed in pursuit and attacked them 
at Pavia. The artillery was accomplishing marvels, when 
Francis I, charging with his cavalry, placed himself in front 
of his own fire. The battle was lost and the king himself 
was captured (1525). 

Europe was roused and showed herself unwilling to allow 
the destruction of France. Italy, menaced in her indepen- 
dence, and Henry VIII, who was overshadowed by the 
glory of Charles V, and whose minister, Wolsey, had been 
twice tricked by the emperor in his hopes of the promised 
papal tiara, formed a league against the victor. Meanwhile 
Francis I, impatient to escape from captivity, signed the 
disastrous treaty of Madrid (1526), whereby he ceded to 
Charles the province of Burgundy, renounced Milan, Naples 
and Genoa, with the suzerainty over Flanders and Artois, 
reestablished Bourbon in his possessions, and promised to 
wed the sister of the emperor, the queen dowager of 

Once free, he caused the deputies of Burgundy in the 
assembly of Cognac to declare that the king had no right 
to alienate a national province. The emperor treated 
Francis as a perjurer and the latter accused him of lying. 
The two princes challenged each other to single combat and 
the war again began. Italy was the first victim. Bourbon 
threw upon it an army of fanatical Lutherans, whose leader, 
George Frondsberg, wished to hang the Pope with a golden 
chain. Bourbon was killed under the walls of Rome, but 
his horde captured the city and avenged him by abpminable 
rapine and most odious cruelty (1527). Lautrec, who had 
reconquered Milan, marched upon Naples. The defection 
of the Genoese fleet made the expedition a failure. The 

A.D. 1528-1532.] FURTHER WARS m ITALY 47 

general died of the pest, and the defeat at Landriano drove 
the French from Italy once more. Then Charles V made 
his appearance there as a master. He forced the dukes of 
Ferrara, Milan and Mantua to acknowledge themselves 
vassals of the empire ; Savoy and Montferrat to renounce 
the French alliance ; Pope Clement YII to crown him king 
of Italy and emperor (1529). France even signed the treaty of 
Cambrai, less harsh but hardly less humiliating than that of 

Alliances of Francis I. Successes of Souleïman. — Francis 
paved the way for revenge by negotiations which showed 
that the religious spirit, a main characteristic of the Middle 
Ages, was yielding to the political spirit, the sole inspira- 
tion of governments in modern times. He entered into alli- 
ance with the Protestants of Germany, with Souleïman, the 
Ottoman sultan, and later on with the Swedish and Danish 
reformers. Souleïman (1520-1566), as a friend of the arts, 
a protector of letters and the author of the code entitled 
the Khanounname, deserved his triple surname of the Con- 
queror, the Magnificent and the Legislator. In 1521 he 
captured Belgrade, the bulwark of Hungary. In 1522 he 
wrested Rhodes from the Knights of Saint John, despite 
their heroic resistance through five months under their 
Grand Master, Yilliers de I'Isle Adam. Souleïman passed 
the Danube with 200,000 men, and destroyed the Hungarian 
army on the fatal field of Mohacz (1526), where perished 
Louis II, the last of the Jagellons. The crown of Hungary 
fell to Ferdinand of Austria. Souleïman supported against 
this brother of Charles V, a Magyar claimant, John Zapoli. 
All Hungary was ravaged, Buda itself fell into his power 
and he marched through Austria to the very walls of 
Vienna, which repelled twenty assaults. To cause this 
reverse to be forgotten the sultan, with his own hands 
crowned his vassal king of Hungary in Buda. 

Two years later he appeared again in Austria at the head 
of 300,000 men. Fortunately Gratz, a small fortress in 
Styria, delayed him for a month. During the siege of this 
town he received the first embassy of Francis I. He in- 
tended to invade Germany, but Charles V had had time 
to collect 150,000 combatants. Lutherans and Catholics 
joined hands against the crescent, and Francis I dared not 
aid his formidable ally by a diversion on the Rhine or in 
Italy. No general battle was fought. At the end of six 

48 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1532-1340. 

weeks the sultan learned that a Spanish, fleet had just 
entered the Dardanelles and was threatening Constanti- 
nople, so he withdrew (1532). Meanwhile the Turkish 
navy was being developed under the celebrated Khaireddin 
Barbarossa. This corsair, now become the admiral of the 
Ottoman fleets, scoured the Mediterranean with 100 vessels. 
While in Asia the sultan was taking Tauris and Bagdad 
from the Persians, he seized Tunis, which became a lair 
whence pirates devastated the whole Spanish and Italian 
coast. Charles V sent two expeditions against them. In 
the first with 400 vessels commanded by Doria he took 
possession of La Gouletta at the entrance of the Gulf of 
Tunis, and freed 22,000 captives (1535). Less fortunate six 
years later at Algiers, he beheld his fleet dispersed by a 
tempest, and could scarcely save its pitiable remnants. 
The emperor afforded more effectual protection to the com- 
merce of Christian peoples by ceding the island of Malta to 
the Knights of Rhodes, who for a long time repressed the 
pirates. While Charles Y played the part of Defender of 
Christianity, Erancis I seemed to be its enemy. The very 
year of the expedition to Tunis, he signed with Souleïman 
the first of those treaties called capitulations. 

New War between Charles V and Francis I. — Charles V 
provoked a new war with France by causing an agent of 
the French king to be put to death in Constantinople. His 
second invasion of Provence was no more successful than 
the first. He found the country systematically devastated 
by Montmorency, who refused to give battle, and was 
forced to a disastrous retreat (1536). 

Then Francis I cited him before Parliament as a trai- 
torous vassal, since he still held the fiefs of Flanders and 
Artois. A desperate struggle seemed begun, but a grand 
victory won by Souleïman at Essek over the Austrians, and 
the ravages of Barbarossa rendered the emperor more pa- 
cific. Francis I was content with having conquered Pied- 
mont, so through the mediation of the Pope, he signed at 
Nice, a truce of ten years with his rival (1538). The two 
sovereigns appeared reconciled. In 1540, Ghent revolted, 
and Francis offered Charles a free pass through France on 
his way to subjugate it. The emperor accepted and prom- 
ised to restore Milan. Hardly had he arrived in Flanders 
when he retracted his promise, and furthermore caused the 
murder of two French envoys who were on their way to 

A.D. 1541-1558.] FURTHER WARS m ITALY 49 

Turkey. This assassination and the failure of Charles at 
Algiers decided Francis I to again take up arms. His fleet, 
united to that of Barbarossa, captured Nice, and the Duke 
of Enghien won the splendid victory of Cerisoles (1544). 
But in the north Charles V penetrated as far as Chateau 
Thierry, fifteen leagues from Paris, and his ally, the king of 
England, laid siege to Boulogne. Famine and disease stopped 
the Imperialists who signed the peace of Crespy (1544) on 
terms of mutual restitution. Henry VIII continued the 
war and took Boulogne, but gave it back on payment of 
2,000,000 francs at the treaty of Ardres (1546). 

Abdication of Charles V (1556). — Francis died in 1547. 
His death left Charles V apparently free to restore the 
empire of Charlemagne. Souleïman was at that time chiefly 
absorbed in wars in Asia against the Persians, and the 
Hungarians seemed capable of checking the Ottomans on 
the Danube. The Protestants already formed a powerful 
body in Germany, which the emperor wished to crush be- 
fore France could send them support. He defeated them 
at Muhlberg (1547) through the treachery of Maurice of 
Saxony, and dictated the Interim of Augsburg, which dis- 
pleased everybody. Henry II, the new king of France, took 
advantage of the general discontent to declare himself the 
protector of German liberties. He entered Lorraine, took 
possession of the Three Bishoprics, Metz, Toul, and Verdun 
(1551), while the Protestants surprised the emperor and 
forced him to flee to Italy. By the compromise of Passau 
Charles accorded them freedom of conscience (1552), and 
turned against France, his ancient enemy, to avenge this 
humiliation. His good fortune deserted him before Metz. 
Then weary of so many fruitless struggles, he renounced the 
crown of Spain, Italy, and the Netherlands in favor of his 
son Philip II (1556). Next he abdicated the imperial 
throne in favor of his brother Archduke Ferdinand, already 
king of the Eomans. From that day forth the house of 
Austria separated into two branches, and the vast dominion 
of Charles V was henceforth divided (1556). 

Continuation of the Struggle between the Houses of France 
and Austria (1558-1559). — Thus the integrity of France 
had not been broken, and Charles V had failed in realizing 
his dream of a universal monarchy. Germany also pre- 
served her liberties, or in other words her divisions. Italy 
alone found herself in the hands of the Spaniards, who were 

50 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1558-1559. 

quartered at Naples and Milan. An energetic Pope, Paul 
IV, undertook to expel them. He counted upon the aid of 
Prance for success. So the war continued. One Prench 
army was sent towards the Netherlands and another towards 
Italy. They intended to leave to Philip nothing but Spain. 

The Duke of Guise was already marching upon Naples 
when he was recalled to Prance by the defeat of Saint 
Quentin. The bold captain struck a great blow. Unex- 
pectedly in the dead of winter he besieged Calais and 
captured it in a week (1558). The Spaniards were still 
on the Somme, and a defeat of the Marshal of Thermes at 
Gravelines destroyed all hope of their prompt expulsion. 
Moreover Italy was at their mercy, and the plan of the Pope 
became impossible of execution. Henry negotiated the 
treaty of Chateau Cambresis by which Prance restored to 
the Duke of Savoy his states minus a few cities, Siena to 
the Medici, and Corsica to the Genoese ; but she retained the 
Three Bishoprics, and on payment of 500,000 crowns, the 
city of Calais (1559). 

Thus the Spanish domination was strengthened in north- 
ern and southern Italy. The still existing Italian princes 
possessed hardly more than the shadow of independence. The 
Prench kings had thrown Prance into these wars, hoping to 
conquer Naples and Milan, but instead had given them to 
Spain. Their royal rivalries had engrossed the attention 
and the forces of the sovereigns for forty years. Mean- 
while the Reformation had spread over half of Europe. 
The peace of Chateau Cambresis ended the Italian wars 
only to permit the kings of Prance and Spain to begin, 
with the aid of the Pope and the Catholic clergy, the 
religious wars. 




Philip II. — Tlie rehabilitated diurch could now make 
war witli arguments. She required also an arm wherewith, 
to do battle with the sword. For this end she possessed, in 
the sixteenth century, Philip II, the son of Charles V and 
his successor in Spain, and in the seventeenth the heir of 
his German possessions, Ferdinand of Austria. 

Philip 11, whom the Protestants call the Demon of the 
South, was master of Sicily, Sardinia, Naples and Milan in 
Italy; of Flanders, Artois, Franche-Comté, Koussillon in 
France ; of the Netherlands at the mouth of the Scheldt, 
Meuse and E.hine ; of Tunis Oran, Cape Verd and the 
Canary Isles in Africa; of Mexico, Peru, Chili and the 
Antilles in America ; and lastly of the Philippine Islands in 
Oceanica. He had seaports without number, a powerful 
fleet, the best disciplined troops and the most skilful 
generals in Europe, and the inexhaustible treasures of the 
New World. He increased this domination still further in 
1581 by the acquisition of Portugal and her immense co- 
lonial empire. The sun never set upon his states. It was a 
common saying then, "When Spain moves, the earth 

All this power did not satisfy his ambition. As a Cath- 
olic he hated the Protestants ; as an absolute king he feared 
them. Both from self-interest and conviction he declared 
himself the armed leader of Catholicism, which was able 
out of gratitude, to raise him to the supreme power in 
Western Europe. This was the thought of his whole life. 
He recoiled before no means which might crush the hostile 
principle. To this struggle he consecrated rare talents. 
Therein he expended all his military forces. He lavished 
all his gold to foment assassination in Holland, conspiracy 
in England and civil war in France. We shall see with 
what success. 

52 HISTORY OF MOlJERN TIMES [a.d. 1559. 

Character of TMâ Period — When tlie Erench and Span- 
ish, kings signed the peace of Chateau Cambrésis (1559), 
they purposed to introduce into their government the new 
spirit which animated the Church, and to wage a pitiless 
war against heresy. The one undertook to stifle the Eef- 
ormation in France ; the other sought to prevent its birth 
in Italy and Spain and to crush it in the ISTetherlands and 
England. When Henry II died, his three sons, the last of 
the Valois, carried on his plans. At first they required 
only the advice of Spain. The oldest, Francis II, reigned 
less than a year and a half (1559-1560). The second, 
Charles IX, died at the age of twenty-four (1574). The 
third, Henry III (1574-1589), who alone attained full 
manhood, always remained in a sort of minority, whence he 
emerged only in fits of passion." Hence this Valois line was 
incapable of conducting in France the great battle of creeds. 

But at their side or confronting them, there were per- 
sons more strongly tempered for good or ill. Such were 
Catherine de Medici, their mother, unscrupulous and astute ; 
the Guises, uncles of Mary Stuart, queen of Scotland, who 
organized the Catholics into a party when they saw the 
Protestants forming a faction around their rivals, the 
princes of the house of Bourbon; the general Conde; 
Coligny, who, from a moral point of view, was the superior 
of them all; in the ^Netherlands, William the Silent, the 
Prince of Orange ; in England Elizabeth, daughter of Henry 
VIII, who, during the reign of her sister Mary, was the 
hope of the English Protestants. 

In the war, many diverging interests were about to en- 
gage. The Dutch desired liberty, England her indepen- 
dence, the cities of France their ancient communal rights, 
and provincial feudalism its former privileges. But the 
religious form, which was that of the times, covered all. 
When we survey the whole from the heights of the Vatican 
or the Escurial, we recognize the fact that the chief aim 
pursued in Western Europe during the second half of the 
sixteenth century was the triumph of the Church, as con- 
stituted by the Council of Trent, and the triumph of the 
king of Spain, her military chief. 

France the Principal Battlefield of the Two Parties. The 
First War (1562-1563). — The contract, entered into by the 
two kings at Chateau Cambrésis, had immediately been put 
into execution. In France, Anne Dubourg was burned at 


the stake, and the edict of Ecouen threatened the Protes- 
tants with death. In Spain Philip II had autos-da-fe 
celebrated in his presence, in order to show the provincial 
governors that they must grant no mercy to heretics. At 
Naples and Milan all suspected persons perished. Even 
the archbishop of Toledo was persecuted for his opinions. 
Sanguinary edicts spread the terror to the Netherlands, 
where the creation of new bishoprics notified the population 
of a stricter surveillance. This declaration of war against 
heresy was answered as early as 1559, by acts of the Eng- 
lish Parliament, which recognized Elizabeth as the supreme 
head of the Anglican Church ; by the secularization of all 
the bishoprics of Brandenburg ; and by the suppression of 
the religious and military Order of the Sword Bearers of 
Livonia. Thus did the Reformation consolidate and extend 
from the Irish Sea to the recesses of the Baltic, despite the 
thunders of Eome and the threats of two mighty kings. 

It even tried to win Erance by the plot of Amboise, 
which came near success, and which the Guises defeated by 
shedding rivers of blood (1560). In vain did a great magis- 
trate, L'Hôpital, preach moderation and tolerance to those 
furious men who listened only to their passions. The 
massacre of Protestants at Vassy (1562) inaugurated a war 
which only ended thirty-six years later. During this time 
Erance was the principal battlefield of the two parties. 
The atrocious character of the war was evident from the 
very beginning of hostilities. As soon as Philip II learned 
that the sword had been drawn, he sent to the south, to 
Montluc, ^' the Catholic butcher," 3000 of his best soldiers 
and directed others from the Netherlands upon Paris. 
At the same time the German Protestants gave 7000 men to 
Conde, to whom Elizabeth also despatched reënforcements 
and money. The defeat of this prince at Dreux and the 
death of the Duke of Guise, who was assassinated before 
Orleans, restored influence to the advocates of peace. Cath- 
erine de Medici granted to the Protestants the edict of 
Amboise (1563). Its principal clauses will be found again 
in the last edict of pacification, that of Nantes, a proof of 
the uselessness of those thirty-six years of murder, ravage 
and conflagration. 

Success of Catholicism in the Hetherlands and in France 
(1564--1568). The Blood Tribunal (1567). — The edict of 
Amboise irritated Spain and Eome. Pius V, who had been 

54 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1565-1570. 

grand inquisitor before lie became Pope, reproached Cath- 
erine for her weakness. During a journey which she made 
in the south Philip II sent to meet her at Bayonne the 
most pitiless of his lieutenants, the Duke of Alva, who in- 
formed the queen of the policy of his master, which con- 
sisted in ridding himself of hostile leaders by assassination. 
This doubtless was the germ whence the subsequent mas- 
sacre of Saint Bartholomew developed. The Jesuits were 
spreading everywhere and were everywhere, preparing the 
way for a mortal combat with heresy. This time it was in 
the Netherlands that the fire broke out and thence spread 
to France. 

The Spaniards poured into the Netherlands. They intro- 
duced the despotic spirit among a people whose municipal 
life had always been very strong. The publication jof the 
decrees of the Council of Trent was the signal for insurrec- 
tion. The nobles, threatened with the loss of their religious 
and political liberty, bound themselves by the Compromise 
of Breda (1566) to lend each other mutual aid in obtaining 
the redress of their grievances. The people among whom 
the Eeformation had already made great progress flung 
themselves with the blind fury of mobs upon the churches, 
broke the images of the saints, overthrew the altars and 
burned the pulpits. Shocked at these demagogical excesses 
the nobles held aloof, and the revolt, thus isolated, calmed 
down at once. But Philip decided to make an example. 
He sent to the Low Countries the Duke of Alva, who in- 
stituted the Tribunal of Blood. Eighteen thousand persons 
perished on the scaffold, among whom were the counts 
Horn and Egmont. Thirty thousand persons were stripped 
of their property, 100,000 emigrated, and a ruinous tax 
destroyed the fortunes of those who remained. 

These events found their echo in France, where the second 
civil war broke out (1567), marked by the battle of Saint 
Denis. Then came the third civil war (1568), where Italians 
hired by Pius V, Spaniards despatched by the Duke of Alva, 
and Catholic Germans fought against the Protestants of all 
countries. At Jarnac Conde was slain, and at Moncontour 
Coligny was defeated. 

Thus the victory remained with the Catholics. In France, 
Catherine resolved to sign the Peace of Saint Germain (1570) 
that she might gain time to devise "something else." In 
the Netherlands the Catholic triumph was apparently com- 


plete, and preparations were carried on for an invasion of 
England, where since 1563 Spanish gold had been cleverly- 
employed to keep up the agitation. In Spain every attempt 
to escape from religious and political tyranny was merci- 
lessly repressed. The wrath of the king hung over all. He 
drove his son to suicide, his wife to death and the Moors of 
the Alpuj arras to revolt. He established the Inquisition in 
the Spanish colonies, and from one end to the other of his 
dominions silence and terror reigned. During this period 
Catholicism suffered only one serious check, when the errors 
and the fall of Mary Stuart (1568) assured the victory in 
Scotland to the followers of the Reformation. 

Dispersion of the Forces of Spain. Victory of Lepanto 
(1571). — Meanwhile the forces of Spain were being dis- 
persed in all directions. Much money was expended and 
many soldiers were employed. In Andalusia they fought 
the Moors who supported by England resisted until 1571. 
On the Mediterranean they fought the Ottomans, whose 
progress continued and who conquered Cyprus in 1570. In 
the Netherlands they fought the Gueux or " beggars," who 
along the coast and at the mouth of the rivers intercepted 
the Spanish vessels, prevented the provisioning of the strong- 
holds and thus inspired uneasiness in one party and hope in 
the other. At Naples, at Milan, on the coast of Africa, in 
the colonies, in Mexico, in Peru, everywhere, strong garri- 
sons were required and Spain drained herself of men to 
maintain her domination of the world. 

The only honorable war carried on was that against the 
Ottomans, but it was ruinous. Thus in 1558 a squadron and 
army sent against Tlemcen were destroyed. In the follow- 
ing year 15,000 soldiers on 200 vessels tried to capture 
Tripoli and suffered a frightful disaster. Eour years later, 
the fleet of Naples was overwhelmed by a tempest. In 
1565 Souleiman, who had already wrested Rhodes from the 
Knights, besieged them in Malta, but was repulsed by their 
Grand Master, La Valette. These efforts of the Ottomans 
to render themselves masters of the whole Mediterranean 
forced Philip II to direct a large proportion of his resources 
against them. After the loss of Cyprus he got together 300 
ships manned by 80,000 soldiers and rowers, and his natural 
brother, Don Juan of Austria, won the famous but useless 
victory of Lepanto (1571). " When we take a kingdom from 
you," said Sultan Selim to the Venetian ambassador, " we 

56 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1567-1572. 

deprive you of an arm. When you disperse our fleet, you 
merely shave our beard, which does not hinder its growing 
again." In fact he equipped immediately 250 vessels. 

Catholic Conspiracies in England and in France. — Such 
expenditure of men and money rendered Philip unable to 
interfere in the affairs of France and England except by 
plots. The victory of Lepauto encouraged the Catholics. 
The Duke of Norfolk vainly tried to overthrow Elizabeth 
and enthrone Mary Stuart, while Catherine de Medici 
sought to annihilate the Calvinist party by the massacre of 
Saint Bartholomew. 

When Darniey, the husband of Mary Stuart, was mur- 
dered by the Earl of Bothwell (1567) and the queen married 
the assassin, all Scotland rose against her. Mary took ref- 
uge with Elizabeth, who treated her as a prisoner (1568). 
The expiation of such injustice began almost immediately, 
and England thenceforth was constantly agitated by Catho- 
lic plots to deliver the captive. Philip pensioned the Eng- 
lish Catholics, who had fled to the continent. He threw 
open to their priests the seminaries of Elanders, so as to 
hold the British coast under the perpetual menace of an 
invasion more formidable than that of an army of soldiers. 
In 1569 the Pope excommunicated Elizabeth. Thereupon 
many lords got together a little army, which had as its 
standard a picture of Jesus Christ with his five bleeding 
wounds. In the following year a fresh rebellion was re- 
pressed like the first. A third unsuccessful attempt was 
made in 1572 by the Duke of Norfolk, to whom Mary Stuart 
had promised her hand, but who was defeated and mounted 
the scaffold. 

Thus in England Protestantism made a victorious de- 
fence. In Prance it seemed on the point of perishing. 
After the peace of Saint Germain Admiral Coligny gained 
great influence over the mind of the king, the young Charles 
IX. He wished to lead the French Protestants against the 
Spaniards in the Netherlands, and thus by one stroke end 
the civil wars in France, and commence a national war 
against the foreigner. The execution of this sagacious 
plan was in preparation, when a professional assassin in 
the pay of the house of Guise severely wounded the ad- 
miral. The king was finally persuaded to order a general 
massacre of the Protestants on Saint Bartholomew's day, 
August 24, 1572. The unsuspecting victims were butchered 


by thousands. For this abominable crime the king received 
warm congratulations from the courts of Eome and Spain. 
"Be fully assured," Philip II wrote, "that in furthering 
thus the affairs of God, you are furthering your own still 
more." This is the countersign of that atrocious and odious 
policy which masked political ambition under the guise of 

Progress of Protestantism (1572-1587). — Protestantism, 
mutilated and bleeding, rose up stronger than ever. De- 
spite the loss of its most experienced captains and most 
valiant soldiers, the Calvinist party rushed to arms after 
the massacre of Saint Bartholomew and at the peace of 
La K/Ochelle enforced the recognition of its right to liberty 
of conscience. That political crime of August 24 was 
therefore as always happens useless. When Henry III, 
a man of distinguished ability, but of corrupt heart, suc- 
ceeded Charles IX in 1574, he found himself face to face 
with three parties which he was incapable of controlling : 
the politicians, headed by his youngest brother, Prançois 
d'Alençon; the Calvinist, who recognized as their leader 
Henry of Beam, king of ÎTavarre; and the enthusiastic 
Catholics, whom Henry of Guise organized into the faction 
of the league, and who opposed both the king and the 
Huguenots. Unimportant wars and treaties carry us to the 
year 1584, when the Duke of Alençon died. As Henry III 
had no son, Henry of Navarre, the leader of the Protes- 
tants, became heir presumptive to the crown. In the war of 
the three Henrys he consecrated his rights by the brilliant 
victory of Coutras (1587). Thus it seemed that the re- 
ligious wars in Prance were on the point of elevating a 
heretic to the throne of Saint Louis, in spite of the excom- 
munication of the Pope, who had declared Henry of Na- 
varre unworthy to succeed to the crown. 

In the Netherlands, there was likewise Protestant suc- 
cess. After having long carried on a piratical war which 
effected nothing, the Gueux undertook war on land which 
might lead to some result. In 1572 they seized Briel, and 
the two provinces of Holland and Zealand immediately 
took up arms. 

Supported by the Protestants of Germany, England and 
France, aided by the nature of their country intersected by 
canals, above all commanded by William of Nassau, Prince 
of Orange, who was surnamed the Silent despite his elo- 

58 HISTORY OF MOBEBir TIMES [a.d. 1576-1585. 

quence and who understood quite as well as Coligny, Ms 
father-in-law, how to extort advantage even from reverses, 
the insurgents defended themselves with success. Violence 
having failed, Philip wished to try mildness and replaced 
the Duke of Alva. But the army, left without pay and 
without provisions, sacked the principal cities. The general 
irritation gave rise to the confederation of Ghent (1576), 
which united for a time all the Netherlands against the 
Spanish rule. 

Unfortunately this union could not long be maintained 
between the ten Walloon provinces, or modern Belgium, 
which were manufacturing and Catholic, and the seven 
Batavian provinces, or modern Holland, which were com- 
mercial and Galvinistic. Opposition of interests and beliefs 
was bound to bring about opposition of political views.- In 
1579 in fact the Walloons, by the treaty of Msestricht, 
recognized Philip II as their king. On the other hand the 
northern provinces made a closer union at Utrecht, and con- 
stituted themselves a republic, with William of Orange as 
stadtholder or governor general. Two years later the States 
General of The Hague, the federal capital of the United 
Provinces, solemnly separated themselves from the crown 
of Spain, and declared that Philip II had forfeited all 
authority in the Netherlands. 

The king set a price on the head of William the Silent. 
A rascal, who wished to earn this reward, murdered the 
stadtholder (1584), but the liberty of the United Provinces 
no longer hung upon the life of one man. The Dutch 
understood how to defend their independence, even against 
the skilful Farnese Duke of Parma. They were also aided 
by England, which in 1585 sent them 6000 men, and by 
Prance, whither the duke was twice obliged to go to the 
succor of the League, and where in his second journey he 
died. Thus the war undertaken by the Catholics in the 
Netherlands resulted in the establishment of a new people 
among the nations. 

England and Spain had not yet grappled in hand to hand 
combat. But Elizabeth was sending to all the enemies of 
Philip II arms, soldiers and money, and by means of bold 
corsairs was carrying on a disastrous war against Spanish 
commerce. Drake in 1577 pillaged the cities on the coast 
of Chili and Peru, captured many ships, and after making 
the circuit of the globe returned at the end of three years 


with immense booty. Cavendisli in 1585 devastated the 
Spanish establishments for the second time, while the Dutch 
laid waste those of Portugal, which had become a province 
of Spain. The king could not revenge himself, because his 
two enemies then had no trading posts or commerce, and 
there were no vulnerable points outside their territory where 
he could strike them. Thus against Elizabeth he saw no 
weapon but conspiracy. The cruel situation created for 
English Catholics by the queen rendered this easy. In one 
year 200 persons were beheaded, for the Protestants prac- 
tised toleration no more than their adversaries, and on both 
sides they defended heaven by torture or assassination. A 
final attempt to kill the queen of England decided her to 
send Mary Stuart to the scaffold (1587). With the head 
of the niece of the Guises fell all the hopes of a Catholic 
restoration in Great Britain. 

Defeat of Spain and of Ultramontanism (1588-1598). — 
The Ultramontane party, vanquished in the Netherlands 
and in England and menaced in Prance, resolved upon a 
supreme effort. As early as 1584 the Guises had treated 
with Philip II and infused fresh life into the League." He 
himself exhausted all the resources of his states to organize 
an army and a fleet strong enough to bring back the Nether- 
lands and England, and after them France, to the Catholic 
faith, and subject them to the law of Spain. On June 3, 
1588, the invincible Armada issued from the Tagus. It 
was to land in England an army of 50,000 men. Storms 
and the English and Flemish sailors with their fire-ships 
got the better of this arrogant expedition. The plan, over 
which Philip II had toiled for five years and u.pon which 
he had meditated for eighteen, was utterly shipwrecked 
in the space of a few days. 

At the moment when Philip believed that his Armada 
was carrying him back victorious to London, Guise, his best 
ally, was making a triumphal entry into Paris, whence the 
king escaped as a fugitive. But the Spanish fleet once 
destroyed, Henry III began to hope again. He enticed 
Henry of Guise to Blois, where he had him murdered. 
Then joining the heretic king of Navarre, he returned to 
lay siege to his capital. A monk assassinated him in his 
camp (1589). 

The Huguenot Henry of Navarre was immediately pro- 
claimed king of France as Henry IV. Though many Cath- 

60 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1589-1598. 

olics abandoned him, 7000 English, 10,000 Dutch and 12,000 
Germans came to his help, which permitted him to hold his 
own against the Spaniards and Italians who had hastened 
to the aid of the League. The battles of Arques and of 
Ivry confirmed his fortune and his renown (1590). Twice 
the Duke of Parma endeavored to capture Paris and Eouen 
(1591). But demagogic excesses, the general lassitude, and 
the imprudence of Philip II, who demanded of the States 
General of 1593 the crown of Prance for his daughter Isa- 
bella, the promised bride of an Austrian archduke, rallied 
the politicians around Henry lY. Soon afterward he ab- 
jured Protestantism at Saint Denis, " because Paris was well 
worth a mass," and was generally accepted as king (1593). 

The League had no longer any reason to exist. It re- 
tarded but could not prevent the triumph of Henry- IV. 
Brissac sold him Paris when he expelled the Spanish garri- 
son. A few months later papal absolution consecrated his 
rights even in the eyes of the leaguers. The chiefs were 
then compelled to acknowledge him. The Duke of Guise 
yielded, as did Villars, Brancas and Mayenne, but all made 
him pay for their submission. A brief war with Spain, 
signalized by the battle of Fontaine Française and the siege 
of Amiens, brought about the peace of Vervins, which rees- 
tablished the boundaries of the two kingdoms, on the foot- 
ing of the treaty of Chateau Cambresis. Three weeks 
earlier Henry lY had assured peace at home by signing 
the edict of Nantes, which guaranteed the Protestants lib- 
erty of conscience, freedom of worship in their castles and 
in a great number of cities, equal representation in the par- 
liaments of the south, and places of surety. Lastly, they 
were accorded the right of assembling by deputies, every 
three years, to present their complaints to the government 
(1598). Thus they constituted a state within the state. 





Decline and Euin of Spain. — There is no greater moral 
lesson in history than that afforded by the reign of Philip 
II. That man, for the sake of ruling the human will and 
conscience, devoted to his ambition apparently inexhausti- 
ble resources, and an energy that flinched at nothing. 
Everything seemed legitimate to his mind, devoured by a 
double fanaticism, at once political and religious. In the 
task which the Pope and the king pursued in common, the 
Church was far more the instrument than the end, for Cath- 
olic restoration was to result in the consolidation of Spanish 
supremacy. And when to attain his object Philip II had 
shed torrents of blood, he found that he had slain neither 
heresy nor popular liberty, but had destroyed Spain. 
Everything was perishing in the peninsula. Commerce 
and industry, which had been cruelly attacked by the ex- 
pulsion of the Jews and Moors, were still further affected 
by the monopolies which the government set up. Agricul- 
ture was succumbing under the periodical ravages of the 
flocks of the Mesta. The population, decimated by war 
and emigration, was also diminished by the multiplication 
of convents. For all these reasons labor decreased and the. 
country was forced to purchase abroad what it could no 
longer produce. Thus the gold of America traversed Spain 
without rendering it fruitful and flowed rapidly towards 
the productive nations. This explains the astonishing fact 
that the possessor of the richest deposits of metals in the 
world was twice obliged (1575 and 1596) to suspend pay- 
ment, and that he left a debt of over $200,000,000. ^ Men 
had not yet learned that real wealth does not exist in the 
gold which represents it, but in the labor which creates it. 

Philip II died in 1598, four months after the edict of 
Nantes and the treaty of Vervins. He had witnessed the 
crumbling of all his plans and the strengthening of his two 

62 HISTORY OF MODERN" TIMES [a.d. 1598. 

great adversaries, Henry TV and Elizabeth, on the thrones 
which they had gloriously reconquered or preserved. A 
century later the Marquis de Torcy said : " Spain is a body 
without a soul." We have seen that Italy shared the fate 
of Spain. 

Prosperity of England and Holland. — The perils from 
internal conspiracies and foreign war, which England had 
just escaped, permitted Elizabeth to finish the work of the 
Tudors by constituting the most absolute royalty which ever 
existed in the land. As head of the Church she persecuted 
the Non-Conformists with cruelty. In order that she might 
more effectively reach their adversaries, the Anglicans 
delivered over to her the public liberties. The jury was 
nearly suppressed. In Parliament not a voice dared raise 
itself against the ministers. " In the trials for high treason 
which were instituted on the slightest pretext, the courts 
of justice differed little from regular caverns of assassins." 
This is what the War of the Eoses, the Reformation and 
religious hatreds had made of free England. Beneath this 
despotism a revolution was in secret preparation, which was 
to break out against the second successor of Elizabeth. 

At least she had developed all the sources of national 
wealth for her country by favoring commerce and the 
marine; by the creation of the Exchange in London; by 
the colonization of Virginia, whence were brought the 
potato and tobacco ; by the immigration into England of 
the Elemish who fled from Spanish tyranny, and caused 
their adopted country to profit by their industrial and com- 
mercial skill. Under Queen Elizabeth lived one of the 
greatest dramatic poets of the world, Shakespeare, and a 
philosopher. Bacon, who brought about a salutary revolution 
in the sciences by effecting the final adoption of the experi- 
mental method. 

The Dutch, while defending against Philip II their half- 
submerged land, had already become the carriers of the 
ocean and the harvesters of the sea. They bartered their 
tons of herrings for tons of gold, by provisioning with salted 
viands the Catholic countries where the practice of fasting 
rendered such food a necessity. In a single year the fisher- 
men turned into the treasury 5,000,000 florins as their share 
of the taxes. Moreover they carried on an enormous com- 
mission trade, taking merchandise where it was cheap and 
transporting it where it was needed. Philip II closed 


Lisbon to them. Therefore they sought their Oriental 
wares at the places of production, and by the conquest 
of the Moluccas laid the foundations of a colonial empire 
which the great East India Company, organized in 1602, 
developed and strengthened. The two provinces of Holland 
and Zealand alone possessed 70,000 sailors, through whose 
hands the entire commerce of Spain and Portugal was des- 
tined to pass. 

Eeorganization of France by Henry IV (1598-1610). — 
Henry IV, by the treaty of Vervins and the edict of Nantes, 
gave France peace at home and abroad. The country's 
wounds remained to be healed. The finances were in the 
most deplorable state. The public debt amounted perhaps 
to 1,300,000,000 francs and the income was barely 30,000,000 
a year. Henry IV chose for superintendent of the finances 
the soldier Sully, the faithful comrade of his fortunes. This 
energetic and devoted minister made the revenue farmers dis- 
gorge. He himself verified the product of the imposts and 
fixed them at only a proper amount. In less than a dozen 
years, although the taxes had been reduced by 4,000,000, 
the public service was assured, 147,000,000 of debts had 
been paid, 8,000,000 worth of domains redeemed, and a sur- 
plus of 20,000,000 placed in reserve in the vaults of the 

^^ Tillage and pasturage," said Sully, '^ are the two breasts 
which nourish Erance. They are the real mines and treas- 
ures of Peru." Therefore he decreed the draining of 
marshes, prohibited the destruction of the forests and per- 
mitted the free exportation of grain. Tax collectors were 
forbidden to seize the beasts or instruments of tillage. And 
lastly, Olivier de Serres, a great scientific agriculturist, popu- 
larized by his works the true maxims of rural culture and 
economy. Sully despised manufactures, but the king, who 
was less exclusive, had 50,000 mulberry trees planted and 
revived the factories of Lyons, Nîmes and Tours, which 
Prancis I had established. He founded factories for glass 
and pottery at Nevers and Paris, concluded treaties of com- 
merce with Holland and England, restored to Prance the 
monopoly of commerce in the East, and had Champlain 
build the city of Quebec in Canada (1608). 

Henry IV longed to restore peace to Europe as he had 
restored it to France, He conceived the plan of a grand 
confederation of European states, with a diet to settle in- 


ternational differences. With, this aim in view, he was 
about to begin a war with Austria and had already taken 
the field with 40,000 men, to determine the succession of 
Cleves and Juliers, when the dagger of Eavaillac saved 
Austria (1610). 

Such were the results of the formidable enterprise di- 
rected by the papacy and Spain against the modern spirit 
which was awakening. The independence of Europe was 
saved. Toleration had won its first victory and liberty of 
the mind could begin. A new state, the United Provinces, 
was about to treat on terms of equality with the most glori- 
ous kings. An ancient state, England, had received the 
revelation of her future greatness. France was placed by a 
great prince at the head of Europe. Spain, in conclusion, 
fell from the hands of Philip II, exhausted and agonizing; 
and the Eoman Inquisition made of Italy for three cen- 
turies the land of the dead. 





Preliminaries of the Thirty Years' War (1555-1618). — 
The struggle of ultramontanism against the Reformation, 
after the Catholic restoration effected by the Council of 
•Trent and the papacy, broke out first in Western Europe. 
Vanquished in France, the Netherlands, England and Scot- 
land, and constrained to submit to the edict of toleration 
proclaimed at ]N"antes in 1598, ultramontanism attempted 
twenty years later to regain Germany and the countries of 
the North. The first war had lasted thirty-six years and 
covered with ruins all the lands situated between the 
Pyrenees and the North Sea. The second lasted thirty 
years (1618-1648) and extended its ravages from the Dan- 
ube to the Scheldt, from the shores of the Po to those of 
the Baltic, destroying cities, ruining nations, decimating 
the population and bringing back barbarism. Men em- 
ployed two-thirds of a century in murdering each other in 
the name of the God of charity and love. 

When Charles V, fallen from the height of his hopes, 
resolved to abdicate, he first promulgated the peace of 
Augsburg. This could be only a truce, because it contained 
an ecclesiastical reservation which forbade any holder of 
a benefice on becoming a Protestant to retain any church 
property which he had formerly held. Moreover Luther- 
anism had split up into a multitude of sects which inter- 
preted differently the question of grace. The universities 
of Jena, Wittenberg and Leipzig excommunicated each 
other in turn, and in the midst of this confusion the Duke 
of Saxony, a temporal sovereign, arrogated the right of 
dictating a creed and of expelling or imprisoning all 
infringers thereof. In 1580 the followers of the Eeforma- 

66 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1580-1618. 

tion in Saxony and Brandenburg signed a "formula of 
concord," to which, the three electors and a great number 
of princes and cities gave their adhesion, but which other 
states of northern Germany rejected. In conclusion, the 
separation was so profound between the Lutherans and the 
Calvinists, that the former allowed the Catholics to deprive 
of his electorate Gebhard von Truchsess, archbishop of 
Cologne, who had become a Calvinist (1583). These 
quarrels permitted the Catholics to regain ground, thanks 
to the cleverness of the Jesuits, who from Bavaria, their 
headquarters in Germany, extended their action to a dis- 
tance. They caused the Protestants of Aix-la-Chapelle to 
be expelled, the republic of Donauwerth to be degraded from 
its rank as an imperial city, and prevented a reformer from 
becoming bishop of Strasburg. Thus the plan of a Catholic 
restoration was being carried out in Germany. 

The uneasy Protestants drew together and formed the 
Evangelical Union (1608). To this their adversaries op- 
posed the Catholic League, the direction of which Austria 
under feeble princes abandoned to Maximilian, Duke of 

The succession to Cleves, Berg and Juliers (1609) came 
near setting Europe aflame. Two Protestant heirs pre- 
sented themselves, the Duke of ISTeuburg and the Elector of 
Brandenburg. When the emperor sequestered the duchies, 
the Protestants complained and Henry IV was about to 
uphold them when he died by assassination (1610). The con- 
tention was prolonged. Neuburg became Catholic ; Bran- 
denburg, Calvinist. The Spaniards entered the country from 
one side and the Dutch from the other. At that moment 
the policy of Austria was changed hf the accession of 
Eerdinand II, an energetic prince, who blew up with gun- 
powder the heretical churciies in his states and on one 
occasion burned 10,000 Bibles. 

Palatine Period (1618-1625). — The Bohemians, whose 
privileges he had violated, rose in revolt and chose 
Frederick, the elector palatine, son-in-law of the king of 
England, as their king (1618). Thus, just a century after 
the outbreak of the Reformation, began a struggle which 
repeated in Central Europe what we have already seen 
in the west ; namely, a political war under the mask 
of a war for religion. Ferdinand II in fact was deter- 
mined to make ultramontanism triumph, but like Philip II, 


he intended it to redound to his personal profit and to 
render Germany an Austrian province. 

Frederick was a Calvinist. Hence the Lutherans de- 
serted him, while the Spaniards on the contrary made 
common cause with the Austrians and their allies. When 
the battle of White Mountain, won by the forces of the 
League, delivered Bohemia to ^Ferdinand II, he committed 
abominable cruelties. Two centuries later the country still 
showed the effects of this sanguinary restoration of 

The proscribed Bohemians were formed into an army by 
Count von Mansfeld and Christian of Brunswick. They 
long held in check the Bavarian General Tilly and the 
Spaniards of the Netherlands who had come to his help. 

Banish Period (1625-1629). — The Protestant princes had 
time to penetrate the designs of Ferdinand and call in the 
kings of the North, whom the defeat of the German 
Keformers would leave exposed to the blows of Austria. 
Christian lY, king of Denmark, was the first to enter the 
lists (1625) and occupied the country between the Elbe and 
the Weser. While in that direction he was arresting the 
forces of the Catholic League, in his rear an adventurer 
called Wallenstein was bringing to the emperor, who had 
no army, 50,000 men and later 100,000, who lived by pil- 
lage and whose leader reserved for himself the absolute 
command. Bouted by Tilly at Lutter, and threatened by 
Wallenstein with being cut off from Holstein, the Danish 
king retreated to his peninsula and signed the peace of 
Lubeck (1629). Then northern Germany, despoiled 
by the edict of restitution and occupied by 100,000 
imperialists, bowed its head before the Austrian power. 
Wallenstein said openly "that no more princes or elec- 
tors were needed in Germany; that everything there 
ought to be subject to a single king, as in France and 
Spain." Thus what Prussia has done in our day, Austria 
believed herself on the point of accomplishing. 

Fortunately, the French Cardinal Richelieu thwarted this 
plan. He sent secret emissaries to arouse the jealousy and 
the courage of the princes. At the Diet of Eatisbon, he 
persuaded them to demand the recall of Wallenstein, who 
was crushing Germany with his requisitions and to refuse 
the title of King of the Romans to the son of Ferdinand IL 
At the same time, he induced Poland and Sweden to con- 

68 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1630-1640. 

elude a peace, so tliat the king of the latter, already so re- 
nowned under the name of Gustavus Adolphus, might be 
free to hasten to the succor of the Eeformers. 

Swedish Period (1630-1635). — That great captain took 
alarm when he saw Catholicism and the Austrians obtaining 
a foothold on the shores of the Baltic. He disembarked in 
Pomerania (1630) with 16,000 admirably disciplined men. 
Erance could not join him in offensive alliance. But at 
least she promised him an annual subsidy of 400,000 
crowns. When he had conquered Pomerania, he made his 
way into Saxony, defeated Tilly at Leipzig (1631), and ex- 
pelled all the Catholic or Spanish garrisons from Pranconia, 
Suabia, the Upper Ehine and the Palatinate, while the 
Elector of Saxony invaded Lusatia and Bohemia. Having 
thus separated the Imperialists and the Spaniards, he en- 
tered Bavaria and forced the passage of the Lech, where 
Tilly was slain. But the emperor had recalled Wallenstein, 
who rapidly formed another army, flung himself upon Sax- 
ony and forced Gustavus to come to its defence. The Swe- 
dish king won at Lutzen his last victory, and died in his 
triumph (1632). Skilful generals, his pupils, took his place 
at the head of the armies. The chancellor Oxenstiern suc- 
ceeded him in the council. Perdinand made their task 
easier by assassinating Wallenstein of whose ambition he 
was afraid (1634). But that same year the defeat of Ber- 
nard of Saxe-Weimar at Nordlingen deprived SAveden of all 
her German allies except the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel ; 
and Eichelieu considered it necessary to set the armies of 
Prance in motion at last. 

French Period (1635-1648). — At first he was unfortunate. 
The Spaniards crossed the Sommée and took possession of 
Corbie. The court and Paris had a moment of terror. But 
Pichelieu averted the danger, reconquered Corbie and im- 
posed victory upon his generals under pain of death. La 
Meilleraye and Chatillon captured Arras (1640). Bernard 
of Saxe-Weimar, bought by Pichelieu, conquered Alsace, 
and dying shortly afterward, bequeathed his army, and his 
conquest to Prance. D'Harcourt won three victories in 
Piedmont, which v^^as then the ally of the Spaniards. The 
king himself marched to take possession of Perpignan, 
which is still Prench. In order to give Spain occupation 
at home, Pichelieu encouraged revolts in Catalonia and 
Portugal. The Swedish generals Banner and Torstenson 


completed the Frencli successes in the west by victories in 
Brandenburg, Silesia and Saxony. Guebriant, triumphant 
at Wolfenbuttel and at Kempen (1641-1642), was effecting 
his junction with the Swedes, so as to hurl their combined 
forces upon exhausted Austria, when Eichelieu died (1643). 
His death emboldened the Spaniards, who invaded France. 
Conde routed them at Eocroi (1643), at Fribourg (1644), at 
ISTordlingen (1645) and lastly at Lens (1648). Thus the 
conclusion of the peace of Westphalia was compelled. 





Peace of Westphalia (1648). — ITegotiations for peace had. 
been begun in 1641, but were not seriously undertaken until 
1644 in two cities of Westphalia. At the last moment Spain 
withdrew hoping to profit by the troubles of the Fronde, 
which were then breaking out in France, and to regain 
Cerdagne, Eoussillon and Artois, which she had lost. The 
other states signed the treaty in October, 1648. 

Advantages won by the Protestants. Eeligious Inde- 
pendence of the German States. — Austria had tried to stifle 
the religious liberties of Germany. Since she was van- 
quished, whatever she had wished to overthrow still existed. 
The princes enjoyed full liberty of conscience. Their sub- 
jects possessed it only under many restrictions ; for in each 
state one religion dominated, either Catholic, Lutheran, or 
Galvinist. No other religious organizations were recognized. 
These three obtained equality of rights. As to the posses- 
sion of ecclesiastical property and the exercise of worship, 
everything was restored in Germany to the condition of 
1624, except in the Palatinate, which was set back to the 
year 1618. Thus the territorial acquisitions and conver- 
sions, effected since the peace of Augsburg in 1555, were 
recognized. In order to indemnify the Protestant princes, 
many bishoprics and abbeys were secularized. It was a 
cardinal, Richelieu, who brought about this treaty. It was 
another cardinal, Mazarin, who signed it. Two princes of 
the Church had been the instruments to defeat ultramon- 
tanism and the papacy. It was a proof that politics were 
no longer based upon creeds, and that temporal interests 
must henceforth depend solely on themselves. 

Political Independence of the German States. — When 
Wallenstein was pressing upon Germany with his immense 
army and when Ferdinand II was distributing to his kins- 
men the spoils of the princes, one might have thought that 

{ioyfùghl, 1898, by T. Y. Croivtil i Ce 

,£ngra»ed by CoUon, Uhnjuii i Co N. Y. 


the dream of Otho tlie Great, of Frederick Barbarossa and 
of Charles V was being realized, and that the unity of the 
empire was assured under the absolute authority of the 
emperor. France and the Swedes dispelled this dream. 
The German princes and states were assured the right of 
suffrage in the diet on questions of alliance, war, treaty 
and new laws. They were confirmed in the full and entire 
exercise of sovereignty in their territory. They had also 
the right to ally themselves with foreign powers, provided, 
as said a restriction, that it was not against the emperor or 
the empire. Thus the imperial authority was only a title 
and Germany henceforth formed not a state, but a con- 

For a long time Switzerland and Holland had been for- 
eign to the empire. This separation in fact was formally 

Acquisitions of Sweden and France. — The victors lacked 
moderation. Sweden caused such territories to be ceded 
her as placed in her hands the mouths of the three great 
German rivers, the Oder, Elbe and Weser. These were 
useless acquisitions, because she could not keep them. They 
were dangerous acquisitions, because tempting her to inter- 
fere in continental wars, whereby she was to lose her good 
fortune. France retained Pignerol in Piedmont, that is to 
say, a door open upon Italy ; also Alsace, a precious posses- 
sion, and beyond the E-hine Vieux Brisach and Philipsburg, 
where she had the right to keep a garrison. Moreover by 
forcing recognition of the right of the German states to con- 
tract alliance with foreign powers, she always had the means 
of purchasing support among those indigent princes. Thus 
the French had on the west, like the Swedes on the north, 
an offensive position. Germany, divided into four or five 
hundred states, Lutheran and Catholic, monarchical and 
republican, secular and ecclesiastical, was of necessity to be- 
come the theatre of every intrigue and the battle-ground of 
Europe. Such, from the same causes, her divisions and an- 
archy, had been the condition of Italy at the beginning of 
modern times. 

If the Bourbons had not inherited the ambition of the 
Hapsburgs and stirred up against themselves the same co- 
alitions, the peace of Westphalia would have constituted 
the grandeur of France and the political liberty of Europe. 

72 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1610-1621. 




Minority of Louis XIII (1610-1617). —While the papacy, 
the chief power of the Middle Ages, was growing weaker, 
royalty, the chief power of modern times, was growing 
stronger. E-ichelieu had the genius to continue the work 
of Louis XI, of Francis I and of Henry IV ; but his min- 
istry was preceded by fourteen troubled years which came 
near reversing their gains. The feeble regent, Marie de 
Medici, abandoned both the foreign and domestic policy of 
Henry IV. Her favorite Concini alienated the nobles, who 
revolted in order to force her to purchase their submission 
by of&ces and pensions. Then, to disguise their covetous- 
ness as a desire for the public welfare, they exacted the 
convocation of the States General, the last which was con- 
voked before the French Eevolution. At this assembly the 
Third Estate or the Commons showed a remarkable appre- 
ciation of the needs of the country. The nobility displayed 
its insulting contempt for the people, and the court its dis- 
dain for reforms. A second rebellion headed by Conde 
was appeased by bribes to the leaders. Finally Concini 
was killed and his wife, Eleanor Galigaï, burned alive on 
accusation of having bewitched the queen mother by magic 

Louis XIII and his favorite, the Duke de Luynes, gov- 
erned no better. The nobles now rebelled in behalf of the 
mother against the son. A more serious war broke out in 
1621. Incensed by the order to restore the ecclesiastical 
property which some of the reformers had seized, the Prot- 
estants revolted. They planned to found in the marshes of 
Aunis a French Holland, of which La Eochelle was to be 
the Amsterdam. De Luynes, who had appointed himself 
Constable of France, laid siege to Montauban. He failed 

A.D. 1624r-1628.] RICHELIEU AND MAZARIN 73 

and was himself carried off by a malignant fever. The 
king succeeded the following year in expelling Soubise from 
the Isle of Ré and the Protestants sued for peace. The 
treaty of Montpellier confirmed the edict of Nantes, granted 
them La Eochelle and Montauban as cities of refuge, but 
forbade their holding any public meeting without the king's 

Richelieu humbles the Protestants and the High Nobility. 
— Richelieu was raised to the ministry (1624) by the reviv- 
ing influence of Marie de Medici. He resumed the grand 
policy of Louis XI and Henry' IV. His twofold object 
was at home to destroy the power of the nobility and the 
independence of the Protestants, and abroad to humble the 
house of Austria. Like Louis XI he began too eagerly, 
but moderated his pace in time and attacked his different 
enemies in succession. Two treaties with the Protestants 
and Spain enabled him to turn all his forces against the 
nobles, whom he smote with terrible sentences. Marshal 
d'Ornano was thrown into the Bastile ; the Count de Chalais 
was beheaded as a conspirator; Bouteville, Montmorency 
and the Marquis de Beuvron were executed for duelling. 
At the same time the terrible cardinal deprived the nobles 
of the high dignities which gave them too much influence. 
The ofiice of constable was abolished and that of grand 
admiral was brought in. 

These acts of severity made the nobles pause. Richelieu 
found himself free to end with the French Protestants who 
were upheld by England, although by marrying Henrietta 
of France to the English king, Charles I, he had flattered 
himself that he could prevent any such alliance. La Ro- 
chelle was besieged. An immense dike closed the port to the 
English fleets. After the most heroic resistance, when out 
of 30,000 inhabitants only 5000 remained, this capital of 
French Protestantism opened its gates (1628). The peace 
of Alais left to the Protestants the civil guarantees and the 
religious liberty which the edict of Nantes had given them, 
but their strongholds were dismantled. They ceased to 
form a state within the state, and the political unity of 
France was definitely reestablished. *^You will see," said 
Marshal de Bassompierre, " that we shall be fools enough 
to capture La Rochelle." 

The nobles were fully aware that royalty, no longer dis- 
quieted by the Protestants, would so act as to rid itself of 

74 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a. d. 1629-1642. 

future anxiety on tlie score of the grandees, Richelieu in 
fact was obliged all his life to stifle their plots. No sooner 
was La Eochelle subdued than they formed about the king 
a cabal led by Marie de Medici, who did not find her former 
confessor, Eichelieu, sufliciently docile. When common 
rumor reported him fallen in disgrace, a final interview 
with Louis XIII restored to him all his influence. The 
victims of that "Day of Dupes" were Marshal de Marillac, 
beheaded for extortion, and Marie de Medici, who retired 
into exile at Brussels (1631). After the king's mother, 
the king's brother Gaston d'Orleans incited to rebellion 
the Duke de Montmorency, whom he basely abandoned, 
and who on being made prisoner at the battle of Castel- 
naudary, died on the scaffold (1632). Another civil war 
undertaken by the Count of Soissons, a member of- the 
house of Conde, suddenly ended with the death of that 
prince, who was slain at the battle of La Marfée (1641). 
The final conspiracy, that of Cinq Mars, might have suc- 
ceeded, had not that favorite of Louis XIII ruined him- 
self by signing a treaty with Spain. Cinq Mars was 
executed, together with De Thou, his too faithful friend 

The great minister died during the following year. At 
home he had overcome every obstacle to the royal authority. 
Without equalling Sully, he had introduced some order into 
the finances. He had destroyed many feudal fortresses, 
and by the creation of intendants (1635) had diminished the 
hitherto excessive authority of the provincial governors. 
Abroad his services had been still more illustrious, as we 
have seen in the history of the Thirty Years' War. 

Mazarin and the Fronde. — On the death of Louis XIII, 
France had again to undergo the reign of a minor. 
Louis XIV was only five years of age. His mother, Anne 
of Austria, made Parliament intrust her with the regency 
contrary to the late king's will, which gave the power to 
a council. The regent confided the authority to Mazarin, 
a shrewd and supple minded Italian, obstinate rather than 
great. Sent as papal nuncio to France, he had been dis- 
tinguished by Kichelieu, who caused his nomination as a 

A reaction against the severe government of Eichelieu 
immediately set in. Pensions, honors and privileges were 
lavished by the " Good Queen," but they did not restrain 

A.D. 1642-1649.] RICHELIEU AND MAZABIN 75 

the great lords, some of whom formed the cabal of "the 
Consequential Persons/^ The regent, or rather Mazarin, 
perceived the danger in time. Beaufort was sent to the 
Bastile, and Vendôme, Duchess de Chevreuse, and the rest 
"to their country houses." 

The finances were in extreme disorder. Mazarin had 
neither financial instinct nor the necessary degree of self- 
sacrifice. To obtain money two unpopular edicts were 
issued. Mazarin demanded from the sovereign courts their 
salaries for four years as a loan. This time the Parliament 
flew into a rage and undertook to play the part which the 
English Parliament had just assumed as reformer of the 
state. It proposed for the royal sanction twenty-seven 
articles, which forbade the collection of taxes until they 
had been verified and registered, abolished the ofiice of the 
intendants, and prohibited any servant of the king being 
detained in durance for more than twenty-four hours with- 
out examination. Just then Conde won the victory of Lens. 
Mazarin, emboldened by this great success, had three coun- 
cillors, Charton, Blancmesnil and Broussel, arrested during 
the Te Deum (1648). Immediately the people rose; 200 
barricades were constructed, and the court in order to gain 
time sanctioned the demands of Parliament. At that 
moment the treaty of Westphalia was being signed. 

When peace was concluded with Austria, the regent 
summoned Conde to her presence. Immediately the par- 
liament party began raising troops. They were joined by 
many of the intriguing and covetous nobles. The soul of 
the movement was Paul de Gondi, afterwards archbishop 
of Paris and later on Cardinal de Eetz, who boasted of 
having studied the art of plotting in Sallust and Plutarch, 
and who had himself written the conspiracy of Fiesco. He 
flattered himself that he could force the court to appoint 
him as successor of Eichelieu by creating himself a party 
among the people, as though the people already had a part 
to play. He was a talker and made adroit use of the Duke 
of Beaufort, grandson of Henry IV, a popular man despite 
his emptiness of mind, who was called the king of the 
markets but who could not be anything more. After a 
short war in which the insurgents were constantly beaten, 
peace was signed at Euel (1649). 

This is the famous war of the Fronde, so called from a 
child's game. The haughty Conde, who had won the 

76 mSTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1649-1661. 

victory for the court, rendered himself unendurable to the 
queen and to Mazarin who had him arrested. The provincial 
nobility took up arms in favor of the rebellious prince, and 
Turenne, drawn into rebellion by his passion for the Duch- 
ess de Longueville, was vanquished at Rethel by the royal 
troops. Thus Mazarin was triumphant, when Paul de Gondi, 
incensed at failing to obtain the cardinal's hat which had 
been promised him, rekindled the war of the Fronde. 
Mazarin was obliged to flee to Liège (1651). Fortunately 
Turenne returned to his allegiance and saved the king by his 
skill at Bleneau and at the battle of the Faubourg Saint 
Antoine (1652). Condé was compelled to flee to Flanders 
and entered the Spanish service. The Fronde was ended 
(1653). Two years afterwards, when Parliament wished to 
oppose the registration of several edicts, the young king, 
booted and whip in hand on his way from the chase, entered 
the hall and forbade that assembly to continue its delibera- 

Treaty of the Pyrenees (1659). — Peace being established 
at home, war abroad was prosecuted with energy. Turenne 
forced the Spanish lines before Arras (1654) and then won 
the battle of the Downs, which opened to him the Nether- 
lands (1658). Several months later Mazarin signed the 
treaty of the Pyrenees (1659). Spain renounced Eoussillon, 
Cerdagne and Artois. The Infanta Maria Theresa married 
Louis Xiy, renouncing all claims on the crown of Spain, 
but Mazarin so managed matters that the renunciation 
should be void. In the preceding year he had concluded 
with many German princes the league of the Ehine, which 
Napoleon renewed a century and a half afterwards, though 
without greater profit to France. 

Mazarin died in 1661. His administration without being 
grand had been clever. His financial management, disas- 
trous for the treasury, had been lucrative for him and his 
friends. Nevertheless he left royalty free from all domestic 
obstacles, and France glorious in politics and arms, and 
even in letters and arts. Corneille, Descartes, Pascal and 
Poussin had long before begun what is called the century of 
Louis XIV. 

A.D. 1603-1615.] ENGLAND FROM 1603-1674 77 

ENGLAND PROM 1603 TO 1674 

Europe in 1661. — Thus France was entering upon the 
most brilliant reign of her old monarchy. Meanwhile the 
two defeated powers of the religious wars, Spain and 
Austria, were dressing their wounds : the former listlessly, 
for she remained thirty-five years under a moribund king ; 
the latter with the energy which Hungarian turbulence and 
the nearness of the Ottomans imposed, yet without either 
brilliancy or grandeur because of the insignificance of her 
princes. In Eastern Europe other ambitions were in motion, 
the Swedes against the Danes, the Russians against the 
Poles. From the midst of these contentions the Elector of 
Brandenburg was trying to reap a harvest. The Turks from 
time to time were making terrible invasions, the last threats 
of an exhausted and declining power. The attention of man- 
kind was not as yet seriously attracted in that direction, but 
was already fixed upon Louis XIV. 

On examining the history of England during the Thirty 
Years' War we shall perceive that to the humiliation of the 
house of Austria in its Spanish and imperial branches cor- 
responds the political abasement of Great Britain during the 
same period, condemned to civil war or impotency by the 
secret or avowed Catholicism of its kings. 

Accession of the Stuarts. — James VI of Scotland, the son 
of Mary Stuart and great-grandson of Henry VII, succeeded 
Elizabeth in 1603. He wore the two crowns without as yet 
uniting the two states in one. He abandoned the Protes- 
tant policy which in the preceding reign had saved Eng- 
land. He refused to cooperate in the projects of Henry IV, 
sought alliance with Spain and remained almost indifferent 
to the ruin of his son-in-law, the elector palatine. Never- 
theless he upheld Anglicanism against the Catholics, who 
formed the Gunpowder Plot (1615), and against the Non-Con- 
formists, whom he persecuted without pity. " No bishop, 
no king/' said he with reason. Elizabeth had bequeathed 

78 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1614-1625. 

to Mm absolute power. But a firm and glorious hand, is 
required to exercise unfettered authority and under a vain 
and feeble prince Parliament was no longer docile. In vain 
did James send five deputies to the Tower in 1614. The 
Commons refused subsidies. In order to obtain money which 
his extravagance rendered necessary, he had recourse to the 
most shameful traffic, put the court offices and judicial func- 
tions up at auction, created and sold titles, and then wasted 
the riches shamefully acquired upon greedy favorites, of 
whom the most notorious was George Villiers, Marquis of 

When the Thirty Years' War broke out, James took ad- 
vantage of the perils which Protestantism in Germany was 
incurring to summon a new Parliament. But the Commons 
granted subsidies only on condition that justice should-be 
done to the nation's grievances. The old spirit of liberty, 
repressed by the Tudors, was awakening. The king again 
dissolved the assembly (1622). Allured by the bait of a 
rich dowry, he sought for his son the hand of an infanta of 
Spain. This was a fresh outrage to the keenest feelings of 
the English people, but the plan failed, thanks to the folly 
of Buckingham. The marriage of the Prince of Wales with 
Henrietta of France, sister of Louis XIII, was almost as 
unpopular, because it placed a Catholic princess upon the 
throne of England. James I died in 1625. He published 
the True Law of Free Monarchy wherein he expounded the 
divine right of kings. The Anglican clergy, in its canons 
of 1608 erecting this right into a dogma, made absolute obe- 
dience to the reigning prince an article of faith. Thus the 
alliance of the altar and the throne against the public liber- 
ties was everywhere ratified, even in the heart of the 

Charles I (1625-1649). — Charles I, a prince of sedate and 
pure character, thus found himself from childhood imbued 
with the principles of despotism. His wife showed the 
Catholics a preference which wounded the nation. Buck- 
ingham, who had contrived to remain the favorite of the 
son as he had been the favorite of the father, retained an 
influence which diminished the respect of the country for 
the king. The struggle with the Commons immediately 
began afresh. This assembly was composed of the younger 
sons of the nobility and of citizens of the middle class, who, 
having grown rich under Elizabeth and James, filled all the 

A.D. 1626-1640.] ENGLAND FROM 1603-1674 79 

liberal professions. It was the practice to vote the customs 
duties for the whole duration of the reign. The lower 
Chamber granted them only for one year and Charles in 
anger dismissed the assembly. The Parliament of 1626 
went still farther. It impeached Buckingham and was 
immediately prorogued. In the hope of acquiring some 
popularity Buckingham persuaded Charles I to support 
the Protestants of France and conducted a fleet to the 
rescue of La Rochelle. The expedition failed through the 
incapacity of the general (1627). 

This check encouraged the Commons, who forced the king 
to give his sanction to the Petition of Right and addressed 
to him two remonstrances, one against the illegal collection 
of the customs duties, the other against his favorite, who 
was described as the author of the public wretchedness. 
The king again prorogued Parliament, and John Felton, a 
fanatic, assassinated Buckingham (1628). Charles then 
called to the ministry Archbishop Laud and the Earl of 
Strafford, and decided to govern without a Parliament, that 
is to say, contrary to the spirit of the British constitution. 

But without Parliament there were no subsidies, and con- 
sequently no means of taking part in the great events which 
were agitating Europe. This inaction discredited the Eng- 
lish government in the eyes of its own subjects. The enor- 
mous fines imposed upon opponents and the cruelty of Laud 
toward the dissenters, as in torturing Leighton and Prynne, 
intensified the general discontent. The prevailing senti- 
ment was manifest in the intense sympathy shown John 
Hampden when he opposed the tax of ship-money by legal 
resistance (1636). Scotland had been attacked in its Pres- 
byterian polity by Laud. It protested by an insurrection 
at Edinburgh (1637), and formed the political and religious 
league of the Covenant (1638), against which the English 
army led by Strafford refused to fight (1640). 

After eleven years without the Chambers, the king con- 
fessed himself vanquished and convoked a fourth Parlia- 
ment. It refused the least subsidy until justice should be 
done to the complaints of the nation, and was speedily 
prorogued. Compelled by necessity the king assembled a 
fifth Parliament (1640), which is famous in history as 
the Long Parliament. Exceeding its original purpose, it 
took charge of the taxes and of the judicial authority, 
abolished extraordinary tribunals, proclaimed its own peri- 

80 HISTORY OT MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1641-1644. 

odical character, and impeaclied of high crimes the Earl 
of Strafford, whose head fell upon the block (1641). 
Meanwhile a formidable insurrection broke out among the 
Irish, who slew 40,000 Protestants. When the king asked 
for means to reduce the rebels. Parliament replied by bitter 
remonstrances, and voted the militia bill, which put the 
army under its own control. Charles endeavored to arrest 
the leaders of the opposition in the very midst of the assem- 
bly. Failing in his purpose he quitted London to begin the 
civil war (1642). 

The Civil War (1642-1647). — Parliament held the capi- 
tal, the great cities, the seaports and the fleet. The king 
was followed by most of the nobility, who were better 
trained to arms than the burgher militia. In the northern 
and western counties the B-oyalists or Cavaliers were in the 
majority. The Parliamentarians or Roundheads predomi- 
nated in the east ; the centre and the southeast, which were 
the richest sections, were close together, and formed a sort 
of belt round London. At first the king had the advantage. 
From Nottingham, where he had raised his standard, he 
marched upon London. The Parliamentarians, defeated at 
Edge Hill and Worcester (1642), redoubled their energy. 
Hampden raised a regiment of infantry among his tenants, 
friends and neighbors. Oliver Cromwell, then beginning to 
emerge from obscurity, formed in the eastern counties from 
the sons of farmers and small landed proprietors select 
squadrons, who opposed religious enthusiasm, to the senti- 
ments of honor which animated the Cavaliers. The Par- 
liamentarians, victorious at Newbury, allied themselves 
with the Scotch by a solemn covenant. 

Parliament was composed of various parties. The chief 
were Presbyterians, who though abolishing grades in the 
Church wished to preserve them in the state, and the Inde- 
pendents, who rejected both the peerage and the episcopacy, 
both the temporal and religious sovereignty of the king. 
Around the latter were the numerous sects derived from 
Puritanism, such as Levellers, Anabaptists and Millenarians. 
Their leaders were clever men. Ablest of all was Oliver 
Cromwell, an ambitious and sphinx-like genius, a politician 
and an enthusiast. With his squadrons surnamed Ironsides, 
he won the battle of Marston Moor in 1644 and then that 
of Newbury, which saved the revolution. These successes 
helped the Independents, although a minority in Parlia- 

A.D. 1645-1653.] ENGLAND FROM 1603-1674 81 

ment, to pass the self-denying ordinance wliicli excluded 
the deputies from public affairs. This was equivalent to 
handing over the army to the Independents. Cromwell then 
prosecuted the war with vigor. The king's last army was 
crushed at Naseby (1645), while his lieutenant Montrose 
was beaten by the Scotch Covenanters. The disheartened 
king withdrew through weariness to the camp of the Scotch, 
who sold him to Parliament for 400,000 pounds sterling 

Execution of Charles I (1649). — The Presbyterians would 
gladly have treated with their captive. Supported by the 
army, Cromwell "purged" Parliament of the Presbyterian 
deputies, and the Independents cited the king before a court 
of justice, which sent him to the scaffold (January 30, 1649). 
His bloody death caused his acts of violence and perfidy to 
be forgotten. It revived the monarchical creed of England 
and royalty again became popular on the day when the head 
of the king rolled from under the axe of the executioner. 

The Commonwealth of England (1649-1660). Cromwell. — 
The Eepublic was proclaimed. Catholic Ireland and Scot- 
land, who remembered that the Stuarts were of Scottish 
race, protested against the revolution which had been ac- 
complished. Cromwell subdued the former by an atrocious 
war. By the victories of Dunbar and Worcester, he forced 
the latter to recognize the authority of the Parliament of 
London (1651). The new government announced its foreign 
policy by the daring but sagacious Navigation Act. Thereby 
it prohibited the entrance into English ports of all vessels 
laden with merchandise, not produced on the soil or by the 
people whose flag the vessel bore. This act remained in 
force until January 1, 1850. In consequence England was 
forced to develop her manufactures and her marine. To 
the Dutch, " the teamsters of the sea," this measure meant 
ruin, and they declared war but were defeated. 

The country was tired of the Long Parliament, now called 
the E-ump. One day Cromwell went to the hall of session, 
announced to the deputies that God was no longer with them, 
and had them driven out by his soldiers, who fastened to 
the door this notice, " House to let " (1653). But some time 
later he formed another Parliament, which he declared con- 
voked in the name of the Holy Spirit and which he soon 
dissolved. Then he had himself proclaimed Lord Protector. 
He was king without the name. He employed his power 

82 HISTORY OF MODERN' TIMES [a.d. 1654-1660. 

for the welfare and greatness of his country. At home he 
ensured order and developed commerce and industry. 
Abroad he beheld his alliance entreated by Spain and sought 
by France. Blake, his admiral, thrice defeated the Dutch 
and forced them to abandon hope of provisioning the Eng- 
lish market. The Spaniards lost their galleons as well 
as Jamaica and Dunkirk. The Barbary States were chas- 
tised ; the Pope was threatened with hearing " the English 
cannon thunder at the Castle of San Angelo " if his perse- 
cution of the Beformed Party did not cease. Thus Crom- 
well resumed the rôle which the Stuarts had abandoned 
and which Louis XIV was about to abandon, of defender 
of Protestant interests. Unfortunately for England he re- 
tained power only five years (1658). His son Bichard suc- 
ceeded, but could not replace him and abdicated after a few 
months. England relapsed into anarchy. The clever Gen- 
eral Monk paved the way for the return of monarchy. He 
dissolved the Bump Parliament, which had again assembled, 
formed a Parliament devoted to himself, and the combined 
Tories and Whigs recalled the Stuarts without conditions 

It was an error to declare that twenty years of revolution 
had passed over England in vain, and to believe that the 
ancient order of things could be reestablished unchanged. 
That mistake was soon to render necessary a second revo- 
lution. Moreover the despotism of the Tudors was not 
according to the ancient order of things, for the oldest thing 
in England was public liberty, which had been temporarily 
eclipsed by the fatigue of thirty years' warfare during the 
struggle of the Boses. Then had come the Beformation 
which had engrossed all minds, and the war with Philip 
II, when the very existence of England had been at stake. 
Confronted by such perils, the country had allowed the 
authority of its kings to increase. But now that Spain was 
dying and Prance no longer threatening and the religious 
questions definitely settled, England wished to reenter her 
ancient path. 

Charles II (1660-1685). — Charles II seemed at first to 
understand the state of the popular mind. He remained 
faithful to Anglican Protestantism and permitted the Par- 
liament to enjoy its ancient prerogatives. But frivolous 
and debauched, he soon found himself forced through need 
of money to make himself dependent upon the Commons 

A.D. 1660-1674.] ENGLAND FROM 1603-1674 83 

for the sake of receiving subsidies, or upon some foreign 
power for the purpose of obtaining therefrom a pension. 
His choice was quickly made. The spectacle of France and 
of her king revived in him the despotic instincts of his 
fathers. The dread of Parliament, of its remonstrances 
and its complaints, threw him into the arms of Louis XIV. 
He sold to him Mardick and Dunkirk, two of Cromwell's 
conquests (1662). After the triple alliance of The Hague 
(1666), which his people imposed upon him that they might 
arrest France in the JSTetherlands, he sold himself. Louis 
paid him a pension of 2,000,000 francs until his death. 

But the fear of anarchy, which in 1660 had prostrated 
England at the feet of Charles II, had vanished. Little by 
little, there had been formed in the heart of the nation and 
in Parliament an opposition, which in 1674 was strong 
enough to extort the Test Bill. This bill was the prelude 
to the second and imminent revolution. Let us pause for a 
time at this point in the history of Charles II. Under him 
during the first part of the reign of Louis XIV, England 
counted no more in continental affairs than did Spain or the 
empire. Later on we shall trace the events which will hurl 
the Stuarts from the throne and give to Great Britain the 
leadership in the opposition to France. 

84 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [ajj. 1661-1683. 


LOUIS XIV FROM 1061 TO 1685 

Colbert. — After tlie death of Mazarin Louis XIV an- 
nounced his intention of governing without any prime min- 
ister. This sovereign, then aged twenty-four, throughout his 
after life kept the pledge which he had taken to exercise 
manfully his royal trade. His was not a great intellect, 
and yet despite his faults he was a great king. At least 
during the first half of his reign, he practised the chief art 
of sovereigns, which is to understand how to choose good 
depositaries of their power. 

Colbert, intrusted from 1661 to 1683 with the finances, 
agriculture, commerce, manufactures and the navy, caused 
all these branches of the national activity to prosper. The 
period of his ministry is the most glorious in the reign of 
Louis XIV, for he moderated the king's ambition and de- 
veloped the national forces. He found a debt of 430,000,000 
francs, the revenues expended two years in advance, and the 
treasury receiving only 35,000,000 out of the 84,000,000 of 
annual taxes. He severely investigated cases of fraud, re- 
duced such taxes as were imposed only on the humbler 
classes, but increased the indirect imposts which every one 
paid. Every year he drew up a sort of national budget, and 
raised the net revenue of the treasury to 89,000,000. He 
encouraged industry by subsidies, and protected it by tar- 
iffs which imposed heavy duties upon similar products from 

In order to facilitate business and transportation internal 
customs-duties were abolished in many provinces, highways 
were repaired or created, and the canal of Languedoc was 
constructed between the ocean and the Mediterranean. He 
organized the five great commercial companies of the East 
Indies, the West Indies, the Levant, Senegal and the North, 
which competed with the merchants of London and Amster- 
dam ; and he encouraged the merchant marine by bounties. 
The military marine developed such vigorous life that in 

A.D. 1667-1672.] LOUIS XIV FROM 1661-1685 85 

1692 it became possible to equip more tban 300 vessels of 
all sizes. Thanks to tbe Maritime Inscription, wMcb. fur- 
nished 70,000 mariners, the recruiting of the crews was 
ensured. The port of Rochefort was created, that of Dun- 
kirk was bought back from the English, Brest and Toulon 
were enlarged, and a magnificent colonial empire, founded 
in the Antilles and in North America, would have delivered 
that continent to French influence had men understood how 
to carry out the plans of the great minister. 

Louvois. — At the same time Louvois was organizing the 
army, which he compelled to wear a uniform. He created 
the companies of grenadiers and hussar corps, and intro- 
duced the bayonet. He founded the artillery schools of 
Douai, Metz and Strasburg, organized thirty regiments of 
militia which the communes equipped, and companies 
of cadets, in which originated the school of Saint Cyr and 
the Polytechnique. Furthermore he subjected even officers 
of noble birth to strict discipline. A great engineer and 
patriotic citizen, Vauban, fortified the frontiers. 

War with Flanders (1667). —Louis XIY, dazzled by the 
forces which two clever ministers placed at his disposal, 
conducted himself arrogantly toward all the foreign powers. 
He exacted from the Pope and from the king of Spain 
ample satisfaction for insults to the French ambassadors, 
chastised the corsairs of Tunis and Algiers, and, abandon- 
ing the policy of Francis I, sent 6000 men to aid the 
emperor against the Ottomans, and thus made himself 
ostensibly the protector of the empire. At the death of 
Philip IV, availing himself of the right of devolution in 
force in Brabant, he claimed to inherit the Spanish Nether- 
lands through his wife, Maria Theresa, the eldest sister of 
the new king of Spain, Charles II. Holland and England 
were at first neutral. Spain thus left alone could not de- 
fend herself. The French armies in three months' time 
captured the strongholds of western Flanders, and in 
seventeen days in the depth of winter overran all Franche- 
Comté (1668). Then the maritime powers took the alarm. 
Holland, England and Sweden concluded the triple alli- 
ance of The Hague. As the king lacked audacity on the 
one day when it was most essential, he signed the peace 
of Aix-la-Chapelle, which left him only a dozen such towns 
as Charleroy, Douai, Tournay, Oudenarde and Lille (1668). 

The War with Holland (1672). — Four years of peace 

86 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1672-1678. 

were employed in preparing a terrible storm against a lit- 
tle country, Holland. Colbert, wbo wished to develop tbe 
maritime commerce of France, grew anxious at tlie 15,000 
merchant vessels of the Dutch. Moreover, when he im- 
posed exorbitant duties on their cloths, they retaliated by 
onerous duties on French wines and brandies. Therefore 
Colbert did not oppose a war which seemed likely to rid 
French commerce of a formidable rival. Louvois desired 
war to render himself necessary, Louis XIY declared it 
that he might humble those republicans who had just placed 
a check on his good fortune. Thereby he abandoned the 
policy of Henry IV and of Richelieu, which was the pro- 
tection of small states and of Protestantism and opposition 
to useless conquests. Louis XIV, however, was far more 
the successor of Philip II than the heir of Henry IV and 
of the great cardinal. 

Having subsidized Sweden and England, he suddenly 
deluged (1672) Holland with 100,000 men commanded by 
Turenne and Conde. The Ehine was passed. All the 
strongholds opened their gates and the French encamped at 
four leagues' distance from Amsterdam. But the delays of 
Louis XIV saved the Dutch. They deposed and murdered 
their Grand Pensioner, Jan de Witt, put in his place as 
stadtholder William of Orange, who opened the locks, 
flooded the country and forced the invaders to retreat 
before the inundation. At the same time he formed a for- 
midable coalition against Louis. Spain, the emperor, many 
German princes, and even England, though her king was 
pensioned by Louis, joined Holland. 

France made headway everywhere. The king in person 
subjugated Franche-Comté (1674). Turenne by an admirable 
campaign drove the imperialists out of Alsace; but was 
killed himself the following year. Conde after the bloody 
battle of Senef no longer commanded an army, and Luxem- 
bourg and Crequi were poor substitutes for the two great 
generals. Meanwhile the invasion of France, on the north 
by the Spaniards, and on the east by the imperialists, was 
repulsed. Duquesne and d'Estrees defeated the fleets of 
Holland and ravaged her colonies. His abandonment by 
England decided Louis to accept the treaty of Nimeguen 
which awarded him Franche-Comté with fourteen Flemish 
strongholds, and forced Denmark and Brandenburg to restore 
all the conquests which they had made from Sweden. Thus 

A.D. 1685.] LOUIS XIV FROM 1661-1685 87 

France, emerged greater than before from a struggle with, all 
Europe. The French northern and eastern frontiers became 
farther from Paris. But this proudest period of the reign 
was also the point of departure for the calamities which 
were soon to follow. The war with Holland had directed 
against France the coalitions which France had formerly- 
organized against Austria, and had founded the good fortune 
of William of Orange, who a few years afterwards became 
king of England. 

Revocation of the Edict of Hantes (1685). — Thus that war 
was a first mistake. Other similar mistakes were sure to 
follow, for after the death of Colbert in 1683 the hard and 
narrow influence of Louvois and of Madame de Maintenon 
was no longer counteracted. " If it hath not pleased God," 
said Henry IV, in the preamble to the edict of Nantes, "to 
permit His Holy Name to be adored by all our subjects in 
one and the same form of religion, let it at least be adored 
with the same intent ... ; and pray ye unto the Divine 
Goodness that He may make men understand that in the 
observance of this ordinance exists the principal foundation 
of their union, tranquillity and repose, and of the re- 
establishment of this State in its pristine splendor." These 
glowing words had worthily inaugurated the new era which 
E-ichelieu and Mazarin continued abroad by their Protes- 
tant alliances, and at home by their respect for religious 

But Louis XIV, intoxicated with his omnipotence and 
led astray by the fatal counsels of a party, which during 
three centuries had ruined every cause which it defended, 
undertook to repudiate the toleration of Henry IV as he 
had repudiated his diplomacy. As he allowed in his king- 
dom but one will, his own, and but one law, that of the 
absolute prince, so he wished that there should be but one 
religion, Catholicism. To convert the Protestants he first 
sent into the cantons where they were numerous booted 
missionaries or the dragonades. In 1685 he officially 
revoked the edict of Nantes. The Eeformers were bound to 
undergo conversion or to leave the kingdom. Their children 
were taken from them by force to be reared in the Catholic 
Church. They had furnished to French industries its most 
skilful workmen. Two or three hundred thousand quitted 
the kingdom, among whom were 9000 sailors, 12,000 soldiers, 
and 600 officers. One suburb of London was peopled by 


these refugees. Berlin and Brandenburg welcomed great 
numbers. Foreigners became possessed of the secrets of the 
French manufactures. Among the learned men who during 
the last century and a half have been the honor of Holland 
Germany, England and even of Italy, there are many 
descendants of the exiles of Louis XIV. 


L.y T. Y. Cl 

Engraved by Cuko.., OI,uia„ i Cu.. à'. .Vj, 




Awakenings of Liberal Ideas in England (1673-1679). — 

The reply of the Protestant powers to the revocation of the 
edict of Nantes was the English revolution, which hurled 
from the throne the Catholic James II and placed thereon 
the Calvinist William III. 

Charles II had hired himself out to Louis XIV, but 
England had not ratified the bargain. In 1668 she forced 
her king to join the Swedes and Dutch in rescuing the 
Spanish Netherlands. Again in 1674 she compelled him to 
renounce the French alliance, and then by opposing France 
to bring about the peace of Nimeguen. The king, defeated 
on a political question, was defeated again on a question of 
religion. He was suspected of favoring Catholicism. 
Therefore Parliament voted the Test Bill, which obliged 
officials to declare under oath that they did not believe in 
tr an substantiation. Thus public employment was closed 
to Catholics and their exclusion lasted until 1829. The 
Popish plot, imagined by the wretched Titus Gates, 
and the memory of the fire of London in 1666 which had 
been attributed to the Catholics, provoked extremely rigor- 
ous measures. Eight Jesuits were hanged. Viscount Staf- 
ford was beheaded in spite of his seventy years, and the 
Duke of York, the king's brother, who had abjured Protes- 
tantism, was threatened with deprivation of his rights to 
the crown. In order to restrain the royal despotism the 
Whigs or liberals who controlled Parliament passed the 
famous bill of habeas corpus in 1679, which confirmed 
the law of personal security written in Magna Charta, and 
so often violated. Every prisoner must be examined by the 
judge within twenty-four hours after his arrest, and released 
or set at liberty under bail if the proofs were insufficient. 

Catholic and Absolutist Reaction. James II (1685). — 

90 HISTORY OF MODERN' TIMES [a.d. 1680-1689. 

Thus Parliament at the same time repressed the dissenters 
and the court. The English were peacefully effecting their 
internal revolution when the violent put everything in peril. 
The Puritans rose in Scotland. They were crushed and a 
new Test Bill imposed upon the Scotch passive obedience to 
the king. At London a conspiracy to prevent the Duke 
of York from succeeding his brother led to the execution 
of many Whig chiefs and to the exile of others. Thus the 
liberal party was defeated. So James II quietly took pos- 
session of the throne in 1685, the year when the edict of 
Nantes was revoked. His nephew Monmouth and the 
Duke of Argyle tried hard to overthrow him, but both per- 
ished after the defeat of Sedgemoor, and the odious Jef- 
fries sent many of their partisans to the block. If the 
Anglican clergy and those among the aristocracy who were 
called Tories or conservatives were disposed to pardon the 
Stuarts for their despotism, they had no intention of allow- 
ing royalty by right divine, a deo rex, a rege lex, to bring 
back Catholicism which surely would demand restitution of 
the immense church property which they had seized. When 
James sent to the Vatican a solemn embassy to reconcile 
England with the Roman Church, the archbishop of Can- 
terbury protested. He was thrown into the tower with six 
of his suffragans. 

Fall of James II (1688). Declaration of Rights. Wil- 
liam III (1689). — These acts of violence together with the 
birth in 1688 of a Prince of Wales whose mother was an 
Italian Catholic, and whose rights of inheritance would 
precede those of the Calvinist William of Orange, the son- 
in-law of James II, made the stadtholder of Holland ac- 
cede to the propositions of the Whigs. James deserted by 
all fled to France, and Parliament proclaimed William III 
king. It first made him sign the Declaration of Rights, 
which substituted royalty by consent for royalty by divine 
right, and which contained nearly all the guarantees of a 
free government : the periodical convocation of Parliament, 
the voting of taxes, laws made by the joint consent of the 
Chambers and the king, and the right of petition. A few 
months later Locke, one of those whom James II had per- 
secuted, set forth the theory of the revolution of 1688, by 
recognizing national sovereignty and liberty as the sole 
legitimate a.nd durable principles of a government. 

A "New Political Eight. — Thus a new right, that of the 


people, arose in modern society in opposition to tlie abso- 
lute riglit of kings, and humanity entered upon a new stage 
of its journey. Feudalism had been an advance over Car- 
lovingian barbarism. Royalty bad been likewise an ad- 
vance over mediaeval feudalism. After having constituted 
the modern nations, developed commerce and industry, 
favored the blossoming of the arts and letters, royalty 
undertook to render its absolute right eternal, and demanded 
of the Catholic Church to aid it in maintaining itself 
therein. England had the good fortune, thanks to her 
insular position and to her traditions, to grasp the principle 
which was destined to be that of the future. To her wis- 
dom she already owes two centuries of tranquillity amid 
the ruins which have been crumbling around her. 

92 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1681-1692. 



Formation of the League of Augsburg (1686). — In tte 
sixteenth century and in the first half of the seventeenth, 
France took in hand the defence of Protestantism and of 
the general liberties of Europe against the Hapsburgsof 
Madrid and of Vienna and against the ultramontanism 
of the Vatican. But with Louis XIV she threatened the 
conscience of the adherents of the E-eformation and the 
independence of states. England took up the rôle which 
Erance was abandoning and grew mighty in it, as had done 
Henry IV and E,ichelieu. 

While the Protestants who had been expelled from Erance 
carried in all directions their resentment against Louis, he 
wantonly braved Europe by aggressions made in time of 
peace. By duplicity he gained possession of twenty cities, 
among which was Strasburg (1681). He treated the Pope 
with arrogance and compelled the Doge of Genoa to come 
and humble himself at Versailles. He bought Casal in Italy 
so as to dominate the valley of the Po, claimed a part of the 
Palatinate as the dowry of his sister-in-law, opposed the 
installation of the archbishop of Cologne, and occupied 
Bonn, Neuss and Kaiserwerth. The Powers, rendered 
uneasy by such ambition, formed as early as 1686 the 
League of Augsburg which England joined in 1689. 

War of the League of Augsburg (1689-1697). — Louis 
directed his first blows against William. He gave James 
II a magnificent reception, and furnished him with a fleet 
and army, which landed in Ireland but lost the battle of 
the Boyne. Tourville, forced by the king's orders to attack 
ninety-nine vessels with forty-four, suffered the disaster of 
La Hogue (1692). Thenceforth the sea belonged to the 
English and French commerce was at their mercy despite 
the exploits of bold captains like Jean Bart. On land the 


French, maintained the advantage. Luxemburg beat the 
allies at Eleurus, and Neerwinden. Catinat occupied Pied- 
mont and assured its possession by the victories of Staffarde 
and La Marsaille. But France was exhausting herself in 
an unequal struggle. "Half of the kingdom," wrote 
Vaubauj "lives on the alms of the other half." Moreover 
Charles II of Spain was dying. The Spanish succession 
was at last about to be thrown open, and Europe needed 
repose in order to prepare herself for this event. Hoping 
to obtain peace, Louis instigated dissensions among his 
enemies. The desertion of the Duke of Savoy, to whom 
his states and even Pignerol were restored, induced the 
allies to sign the treaty of Ryswick (1697). Louis XIV 
recognized William III as king of England, restored to the 
empire with the exception of Alsace whatever had been 
awarded him, put the Duke of Lorraine again in possession 
of his duchy, but kept the west of San Domingo, Landau 
and Sarrelouis. 

War of the Spanish Succession (1701-1714). — At Madrid 
the elder branch of the house of Austria was about to 
become extinct. France, Austria and Bavaria each dis- 
puted the inheritance of Charles 11. Louis XIV asserted 
the rights of his wife, Maria Theresa, the eldest child of 
Philip IV. Leopold I had married her younger sister, 
Margarita. The Elector of Bavaria laid claim in the name 
of his minor son, the grandson of this same Margarita. The 
first plan for the partition of the Spanish monarchy, favor- 
ably entertained by William, was rejected by Charles II 
who preferred the boy Duke of Bavaria. That youth died. 
France and Austria being thus left as the only claimants, 
Charles by a will bequeathed his estates to the Duke of 
Anjou, grandson of Louis XIV, in the hope of preserving 
the integrity of his monarchy. 

Europe was alarmed at this added greatness of the French 
Bourbons. Louis XIV alarmed it still more by preserving 
for the new king, Philip V, his rights of eventual succes- 
sion to the crown of Saint Louis. Such, succession would 
have reestablished to the advantage of France the enormous 
power of Charles V. Louis posted French garrisons in the 
Spanish Netherlands to the great consternation of Holland. 
Then on the death of James II he recognized his son as 
king of England, thereby openly violating the treaty of 
Ryswick (1701). A new league was soon concluded at The 

94 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1701-1713. 

Hague between England and the United Provinces. Prus- 
sia, tlie empire, Portugal and even the Duke of Savoy, the 
father-in-law of Philip V, successively joined it (1701- 
1703). Three superior men, Heinsius, Grand Pensioner of 
Holland, Marlborough, leader of the Whig party in England, 
a clever diplomat and great general, and Prince Eugene, a 
Frenchman who had emigrated to Austria, guided the coali- 
tion. France had Chamillart to replace Colbert and Louvois. 
Fortunately her generals, except the incapable Villeroi, were 
better than her ministers. 

Austria began hostilities by reverses. Eugene was de- 
feated at Luzzara by the Duke of Vendôme (1702), as was 
another imperial army at Friedlingen and at Hochstedt by 
Yillars. But Marlborough landed in the Netherlands, and 
the Archduke Charles in Portugal. The Duke of Savoy 
deserted France and the Camisards rose in the Cevennes. 
The loss of the second terrible battle of Hochstedt or Blen- 
heim drove the French out of Germany (1704). The battle 
of Eamillies gave the Netherlands to the allies ; that of 
Turin gave them Milan and the kingdom of Naples (1706). 
Toulon was menaced (1707). To arrest the enemy in the 
Netherlands Louis XIY collected another magnificent army. 
It was put to rout at Oudenarde. Lille surrendered after 
two months of siege (1708). The winter of 1709 added its 
rigors to the French disasters and Louis sued for peace. 
The allies required that he should himself expel his grand- 
son from Spain. He preferred to continue the fight. Villars 
had still 100,000 men. They were defeated at Malplaquet. 

In the meantime Vendôme secured the throne of Spain 
to Philip V by the victory of Villaviciosa (1710), and the 
Archduke Charles, the candidate of the allies, became em- 
peror of Germany by the death of his brother (1711). The 
European balance of power would have been disturbed in 
a much more threatening manner by his uniting to the 
imperial crown the crowns of Naples and Spain, than by 
Philip V at Madrid. Thus England had no more interest 
in this war. The Whigs who wished to continue it fell 
from power, and the Tory ministry that replaced them 
entered upon negotiations with France. Several months 
later the imperial army was beaten at Denain b}^ Villars. 
This glorious victory hastened the conclusion of peace, 
which was signed at Utrecht, by England, Portugal, Savoy, 
Prussia and Holland (1713). 


Treaties of Utrecht and Rastadt (1713-1714). — Louis 
accepted the succession as established in England by the 
revolution of 1688, ceded to the English the island of New- 
foundland, pledged himself to demolish the fortifications 
of Dunkirk and agreed that the crowns of France and 
Spain should never be united on one and the same head. 
Holland obtained the right of placing garrisons in most of 
the strongholds of the Spanish Netherlands so as to pre- 
vent their falling into the hands of France. The Duke of 
Savoy received Sicily with the title of king. The Elector 
of Brandenburg was recognized as king of Prussia, having 
just purchased that title from the emperor. The latter, 
left alone, continued the war, but the capture of Landau 
and Freiburg induced him to sign the treaty of Eastadt 
(1714) by which he acquired some of the foreign posses- 
sions of Spain, the Spanish Netherlands, Naples, Sardinia, 
Milan and the fortresses of Tuscany. 

France made many sacrifices but Spain, no longer dis- 
tracted by her Netherlands, became her natural ally instead 
of being as for two centuries her constant enemy. This 
change meant security on the southern French frontier and 
hence greater strength in the northeast. Louis XIV died 
shortly afterwards (1715). He had reigned seventy-two years. 

Louis XIV the Personification of Monarchy by Bivine 
Right. — He left the kingdom without commerce, without 
manufactures, drained of men and money, with a public debt 
which would amount at the present day to $1,600,000,000. 
Thus the setting of that long reign did not fulfil the 
promise of its dawn. The acquisition of two provinces, 
Flanders and Franche-Comté, and of several cities, Stras- 
burg, Landau and Dunkirk, was a small compensation 
for the frightful misery which France endured and which 
she might have been spared, had Louis remained faithful 
to the policy of Henry IV and of Richelieu. More- 
over she had declined in just the same degree as others 
had risen. Spaiù had not recovered her strength. Austria 
still remained feeble. But two youthful royal houses, Sar- 
dinia and Prussia, formed in Italy and Germany the corner- 
stones of mighty edifices whose proportions could not as 
yet be described, and England already grasped the rôle, 
which she was to retain for a century and a half, of the 
preponderant power in Europe by virtue of her commerce, 
her navy, her colonies and her gold. 


By tlie matcMess brilliancy of his court, Ms magnificent 
festivals, his sumptuous buildings, his taste for arts and 
letters ; by his lofty bearing, the dignity which he showed 
in everything, the serene confidence which he cherished in 
his rights and his superior intelligence, Louis was the most 
majestic incarnation of royalty. To him is attributed the 
saying : " I am the state." In consequence of the ener- 
getic centralization which placed all France at Versailles, and 
Versailles in the study of the prince, the saying was true. 
He firmly believed, and others believed with him, that the 
property as well as the lives of his subjects belonged to 
him ; that he was their intelligence, their will, their spring 
of action; that is to say, that 20,000,000 of men lived in 
him and for him. But his errors, his vices, were sacred 
also, like those of the gods of Olympus whose images 
filled his palaces. At need the judiciary served his pas- 
sions, the army his caprices, the public treasury his pleas- 
ures, and debauchery became a royal institution which 
conferred on the mistresses of the king rank at court. 

Such a government might suit the Orient which knows 
only force and submits to it with resignation. It could not 
last in our Western world where humanity has come to con- 
sciousness of itself and of its lofty rights. By developing 
manufactures and commerce and consequently the fortunes 
of his people, and by favoring arts and letters or in other 
words the development of the mind, Louis himself paved 
the way for the formation of two new powers which were 
destined, first to undermine, then to overthrow his system. 





Letters and Arts in France. — Tlie sixteenth century 
effected religious reform. The eighteenth was to effect 
political reform. Placed between these two revolutionary 
ages, the seventeenth was and has stood forth, especially 
in Prance, as the great literary epoch. The generations 
which live in stormy times rise higher and descend lower, 
but never reach that calm beauty which is the reflection 
of a peaceful yet fertile age, where art is its own end and 
its own recompense. Long before Louis XIV took the 
government in hand and reigned by himself (1661), France 
had already reaped half of the literary glory which the 
seventeenth century had in store. Many of her great 
writers had produced their masterpieces and nearly all 
were in full possession of their talent. The Cid was acted 
in 1636, and the Discourse on MetJiod appeared in 1637. 

Thus the magnificent harvest, then garnered by French 
intellect, germinated and fructified of itself. When under 
Henry IV and Richelieu, calm succeeded to the sterile 
agitation of religious struggles, intellectual questions took 
the precedence over those of war ; and when several great 
men appeared, all the higher society followed them. People 
discussed a beautiful verse as formerly they had discussed 
a handsome gun. They would, even have lost themselves in 
the mental refinements and elaborate subtleties of the Hôtel 
de Rambouillet, had it not been for the manly accents of 
Corneille and of his heroes, the supreme good sense of 
Molière, Boileau and La Fontaine, the biblical eloquence 
of Bossuet, the energy of Pascal and the penetrating grace 
of Racine. On that roll of honor let us also place the 
names of Madame de Se vigne for her Letters, of La Roche- 
foucauld for his Ma?:i7ns, of La Bruyère for his Characters, 
of Fenelon for his Télémaque, of Saint Simon for his 
formidable Memoirs and of Bourdaloue for his Sermons. 

98 HISTORY OF MODERN' TIMES [a.d. 1650. 

Sucli learned men as Casaubon, Scaliger, Saumaise. du 
Cange, Baluze and the Benedictines illumined tlie con- 
fusion of our origin and gave us a better acquaintance with, 
antiquity. Bay le continued the traditions of Rabelais and 
of Montaigne. Descartes was the great revolutionist of the 
time, demanding that the mind should banish all preexist- 
ing ideas, so as to be free from all prejudice and all error 
and thus admit only ^uch truths as evidence should invin- 
cibly force upon the reason. Through prudence Descartes 
veiled the eyes of his contemporaries to the consequences of 
his Method, yet that method became the essential condition 
of philosophical progress. It is the law of science and it 
will become the law of the world. 

At that time France possessed four painters of high 
rank : Poussin, Lesueur, Claude Lorraine, and at some dis- 
tance from them Lebrun ; one admirable sculptor, Puget ; 
the talented architects, Mansart and Perrault ; and a clever 
musician, Lulli. 

Letters and Arts in Other Countries. — In Italy there was 
literary as well as political decline. In Spain appeared 
Lope de Vega and Calderon. The Don Quixote of Cer- 
vantes belongs in date and subject to another century 
when men still thought of the Middle" Ages, even though 
only with ridicule. Then England boasted her glorious 
literary age with Shakespeare, Milton, Dry den and Addison. 
Germany was passing through her age of iron. The Ref- 
ormation, which had fallen into the hands of princes as 
Italian Catholicism had into the hands of the Jesuits, 
seems to have arrested thought. 

The Dutch Grotius and the Swede Puffendorf settled the 
rights of peace and war according to the principles of 
humanity and justice. The English Hobbes, a pensioner of 
Charles II, maintained in his Leviathan that war was the 
natural state of humanity and that men needed a good 
despot to keep them from cutting each other's throats. 
This was the theory of absolute power according to phi- 
losophy, as Bossuet had expounded it according to religion. 
This doctrine was happily refuted by another philosopher, 
Locke, in his essay on Civil Government. Therein the 
councillor of William III demonstrated that civil society is 
subjected to the established power not otherwise than by the 
consent of the community. "The community," said he, 
" can set up whatever government it sees fit. That govern- 


ment in order to conform to reason must fulfil two condi- 
tions : the first is, that the power of making the laws, 
binding upon the subjects as well as upon the monarch, 
ought to be separated from the power which executes them ; 
the second is that no one shall be required to pay taxes 
without his consent, given personally or by his representa- 
tives." "Equality," he said, in another place, "is the 
equal right which each man has to liberty, so that no one 
is subjected to the will or authority of another." This 
treatise appeared in 1690, just a century before the French 
Revolution, of which Locke is one of the precursors. What 
is the necessity of common consent, established as a prin- 
ciple of all political society, but the recognition of the 
sovereignty of the nation ! The ideas of the English phi- 
losopher, like those of Descartes, were destined to make 
progress slowly throughout the eighteenth century. 

Two other philosophers deserve mention for their influ- 
ence in the realm of metaphysics. They are the pantheist 
Spinoza, a Jew of Amsterdam, and Leibnitz, the universal 

In the arts the first rank then belonged to the Dutch 
and Flemish schools, represented by Eubens, Van Dyck, 
Eembrandt and the two Teniers. Spain possessed Velas- 
quez, Murillo and Ribera, who left no heirs. Italy brought 
forth Guido and Bernini, who mark the decline against 
which nevertheless Salvator Eosa was a protest. England 
and Germany had not a single artist. 

Science in the Seventeenth Century. — The universe is two- 
fold. There is a moral and a physical world. Antiquity 
traversed the one in every direction. It extended and 
developed the faculties of which God has deposited the 
germs in our mortal clay. But of the physical world it 
knew almost nothing. This ignorance was destined to last 
so long as the true methods of investigation were unknown. 
They could be found only after men had become convinced 
that the universe is governed by the immutable laws of 
eternal wisdom and not by the arbitrary volitions of capri- 
cious powers. Alchemy, magic, astrology, all those follies 
of the Middle Ages, became sciences on the day when man, 
no longer halting at isolated phenomena, strove to grasp 
the laws themselves which produced them. That day be- 
gan in the sixteenth century with Copernicus, but it is only 
in the seventeenth that the revolution was accomplished 

100 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1600-1700. 

and triumphant with. Bacon and Galileo. The former pro- 
claimed its necessity ; the latter by his discoveries demon- 
strated its benefits. 

At the head of the scientific movement of this century 
were Kepler of Wurtemberg, who proved the truth of 
Copernicus' system; Galileo of Pisa, who expiated in the 
cells of the Inquisition his demonstration of the motion of 
the earth; the Englishman JSTewton, who discovered the 
principal laws of optics and universal gravitation; Leibnitz, 
who disputes with him the honor of having created the 
differential calculus; Pascal, the inventor of the calculus 
of probabilities; Descartes, equally celebrated as a man of 
learning and a philosopher, for these mighty minds did not 
confine themselves to a single study. 

In their train a throng of men entered eagerly upon the 
paths thus thrown open. Papin ascertains the power of 
steam as a motive force; Eœmer, the velocity of light; 
Harvey, the circulation of the blood; and Cassini and Picard 
fix the meridian of Paris. To the thermometer constructed 
by Galileo, Toricelli adds the barometer, Huygens the 
pendulum clock, and science finds itself armed with pre- 
cious instruments for investigation. 

Thus in this century three countries were in full decline. 
They are Germany, which had Leibnitz but almost allowed 
Kepler to die of misery; Italy, which persecuted Galileo, 
and Spain, where we find only painters and playwrights. 
The two peoples, France and England, to whom strength 
and preponderance had passed, were on the contrary in the 
full tide of their literary age. 

AJ). 1476-1656.] CREATION OF RUSSIA 101 



The Northern States at the Beginning of the Eighteenth 
Century. — The East and Northern Europe were an unknown 
region to the Eomans and Greeks. In the Middle Ages, 
the activity of the nations was displayed in countries of the 
centre and west. The Slavs and Scandinavians remained 
generally apart, uninfiuential and obscure. The Eussians 
had been subjugated by the Mongols. After long silence 
the Swedes had burst upon the empire under Gustavus 
Adolphus like a thunderbolt. Thanks to their victories 
over the Germans, Poles and Eussians, the Baltic at the 
middle of the eighteenth century was a Swedish lake sur- 
rounded by an extended line of fortified posts, but their 
domination was fragile. It was constructed in defiance of 
geography and was surrounded by enemies who had an 
interest in its ruin. 

Poland still stretched from the Carpathians to the Baltic 
and from the Oder to the sources of the Dnieper and Volga, 
but its anarchical constitution and its elective royalty ren- 
dered it defenceless to the attacks of foreigners. An elector 
of Saxony was then king of Poland. 

The Russians were cut off by the Swedes, the Poles and 
the duchy of Courlaiid from access to the southern Baltic. 
Likewise they were separated on the south from the Black 
Sea by Tartar hordes and by the warrior republic of the 
Cossacks, unruly subjects of Poland. They were shut in 
from every direction except toward the desert regions of 
Siberia. When the powerful republic of Novgorod fell in 
1476, their road was open to the Arctic Ocean and the east- 
ern Baltic. By the destruction of the Tartars of Astrakan, 
they had reached the Caspian Sea. At the treaty of Vilna 
(1656) they forced from the Poles the cession of Smolensk, 
Tchernigoff and the Ukraine. This was their first step 
toward the West. They already possessed formidable ele- 
ments of power. Ivan III had abolished in his family the 

102 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1682-1706, 

law of appanage, thereby establishing the unity of authority 
a.nd of the state. On the other hand he had retained it 
among the nobility, which in consequence became divided 
and enfeebled. In the sixteenth century Ivan IV spent 
fifteen years in breaking the boyars to the yoke with that 
implacable cruelty which won for him the surname of the 
Terrible, and a ukase in 1593 reduced all peasants to the 
servitude of the soil by forbidding them to change master 
and land. 

Peter the Great (1682). — He, who was destined to be the 
creator of E-ussia, in 1682, when ten years old, received the 
title of Tsar. Guided by the Genevese Lefort, who extolled 
to him the arts of the West, in 1697 he went to Saardam in 
Holland to there learn the art of building vessels. After- 
wards he studied England and her manufactures, and Ger- 
many and her military organization. At Vienna the news 
reached him that the Strelitzi had revolted. He hurried to 
Moscow, had 2000 hanged or broken on the wheel and 5000 
beheaded. Then he began his reforms. He organized regi- 
ments, in which he compelled the sons of the boyars to 
serve as soldiers before becoming officers. He founded 
schools in mathematics and astronomy, and a naval acad- 
emy, and undertook to unite the Don and the Volga by a 
canal. A great war interrupted these achievements. 

The preponderance of Sweden weighed upon her neigh- 
bors. At the death of the Swedish king, Charles XI, Rus- 
sia, Denmark and Poland thought the time had come for 
despoiling his successor, Charles XII, a youth of eighteen, 
and for wresting from the Swedes their provinces on the 
Baltic (1700). "If Charles XII was not Alexander, he 
might have been Alexander's foremost soldier." He fore- 
stalled the attack by an impetuous invasion of Denmark. 
Then he marched rapidly against 80,000 E.ussians, whom he 
defeated with 8,000 Swedes at the battle of Narva, expelled 
the Saxons from Livonia, pursued them into Saxony, de- 
throned Augustus II and forced him by the treaty of 
Altranstadt to abdicate his Polish crown in favor of Stan- 
islaus Lechzinski. 

But while he was wasting five years in these successful 
but fruitless wars (1701-1706), in his rear Peter the Great 
was creating an empire and forming an army modelled upon 
what he had seen in the kingdoms of the West. Peter con- 
quered Ingria and Carelia and founded Saint Petersburg 

A.D. 170S-1721.] CREATION OF RUSSIA 103 

(1703), so as to take possession of the Gulf of Finland. 
Charles XII then returned against him. While trying to 
effect a junction with Mazeppa, the Hetman of the Cos- 
sacks, who had promised him 100,000 men, he lost his way 
in the marshes of Pinsk and afforded the Tsar time to crush 
a Swedish relief force. The cruel winter of 1709 increased 
his distress. His defeat at Poltava (1709) forced him to 
flee with 500 horse to the Ottomans. Prom Bender, his 
place of refuge, he roused them against the Russians. One 
hundred and fifty thousand Ottomans crossed the Danube, 
and Peter, surrounded in his camp on the banks of the 
Pruth, would have been crushed had not the grand vizier 
been bribed by Catherine the Tsarina (1711). The Tsar 
restored Azoff and promised to withdraw his troops from 

By this treaty Charles XII was vanquished a second 
time. He persisted in remaining three years longer in 
Turkey and then set out again for Sweden, which the 
northern powers were despoiling. George I of England, 
Elector of Hanover, was buying Bremen and Verden. The 
king of Prussia was seizing Stettin and Pomerania. Stral- 
sund still held out. Charles XII threw himself into it, 
defended it for a month, then returned to Sweden and met 
his death at the siege of Prederickshall, perhaps by treason 

He left Sweden exhausted by this war of fifteen years' 
duration. She was deprived of her foreign possessions, 
without agriculture, without manufactures, without com- 
merce, and had lost 250,000 men, the flower of her people, 
and her ascendency in northern Europe. This heroic advent- 
urer had annihilated the fortune of his people and ruined 
his country for a century. 

Peter on the contrary was creating the fortune of his 
empire. By the treaty of Nystadt he granted peace to the 
Swedes (1721), but only on condition of their renouncing 
all claim to Livonia, Esthonia, Ingria, a part of Carelia and 
the country of Viborg and Finland. When the ambassador 
of Prance implored less onerous terms, Peter replied, " I do 
not wish to see my neighbor's grounds from my windows.'^ 

Thus Sweden declined and Russia ascended. Thus a two- 
fold example was furnished to the world of what one man 
can do for the ruin or the advancement of nations not yet 
capable of controlling their destiny themselves. In 1716 

104 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1716-1725. 

the Tsar undertook another journey throughout Europe. 
This time he came to France, where he offered to replace 
Sweden as the ally of France against Austria. Cardinal Du- 
bois, who was the hireling of England, caused the rejection 
of his proposals. 

This journey was as fruitful as the first one in develop- 
ing the resources of Russia. From it she gained engineers 
and workmen of all sorts, with manufactories and foundries. 
The Tsar established uniformity in weights and measures, 
a com.mercial tribunal, canals and shipyards. He opened 
mines in Siberia and highways for the products of China, 
Persia and India. He foresaw the future of the Amour 
Kiver, which empties into the Eastern Sea. In order to 
make the clergy entirely dependent upon him, he replaced 
the Patriarch by a synod, which he recognized as the 
supreme head of the Church, and he made of the Russian 
nation a regiment, by applying the military hierarchy to the 
whole administration of his empire. His son Alexis was 
active against these reforms. The prince was tried, con- 
demned to death and probably executed. At all events 
Alexis died on the day after his sentence and many of his 
accomplices perished. A general was impaled and an arch- 
bishop was broken on the wheel. By means of this savage 
energy he succeeded, as he himself said, in dressing his herd 
of animals like men. " The Tsar Peter," said Frederick II, 
" was the nitric acid which eats into iron." He died in 1725. 

A.D. 1715-1718.] CREATION OF PRUSSIA 105 




Regency of the Duke of Orleans ; Ministries of Dubois^ the 
Duke of Bourbon and of Fleury (1715-1743). — The suc- 
cessor of Louis XIV was only five years old. Therefore, 
Parliament conferred the regency upon the Duke of Orleans, 
a brave and intelligent prince, but weakly amiable and of 
dissolute character, who intrusted the power to his former 
preceptor, Cardinal Dubois. Through fear of Philip V of 
Spain, who by birth was nearer to the throne of Prance than 
was the regent, Dubois made a close alliance with England, 
which paid him a pension ; and the spectacle was presented 
of the Prench being on their guard against the Spaniards, 
their friends of yesterday. Suddenly Cardinal Alberoni, the 
minister of Philip V, revealed his plan 'of restoring to Spain 
what the treaty of Utrecht had taken from her. He en- 
deavored, by the help of the Ottomans, to keep Austria 
busy, to overthrow the regent by a conspiracy and reestab- 
lish the Stuarts through the sword of Charles XII. But 
Prince Eugene defeated the Ottomans at Belgrade (1717). 
The conspiracy against the regent failed. Charles XII per- 
ished in Norway. The English destroyed the Spanish fleet 
near Messina. The Prench entered î^avarre. So Spain 
found herself crippled by the struggle and Prance was still 
under the regent and Dubois. 

Louis XIV had left behind him financial ruin. The 
state owed 2,500,000,000 francs, of which nearly one-third 
was already due. Two years' revenues had been spent in 
advance. Though the budget was 165,000,000 francs, the 
deficit was 78,000,000. The regent, after having exhausted 
every other means to no purpose, decided to have recourse 
to the expedients of Law. That bold Scotch financier had 
founded a wonderfully successful bank and also the India 
Company, which, successful at first, ended in a complete fail- 
ure. By clever manœuvres, the bonds of the company were 

106 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1719-1738. 

raised to the fictitious value of 2,000,000,000 francs. The 
mirage could not last and men's eyes were opened. To 
save the company. Law united it with the bank, thereby 
entailing a double ruin. The public which had formerly 
crowded to the Eue Quincampoix for the sake of obtaining 
its paper, now crowded there to obtain its coin. Every- 
thing crumbled to pieces and Law fled, pursued by curses. 
Nevertheless he had opened up a new horizon as to the 
power of credit. The regency has a melancholy fame on 
account of the scandalous depravity of manners which, in 
the upper classes, suddenly followed the ostentatious piety 
of the last years of Louis XIV. 

The regent and Dubois died in 1723. The succeeding 
ministry of the Duke of Bourbon is notable only for the 
marriage of Louis XV to the daughter of Stanislaus Lech- 
zinski (1725), whom Charles XII had made for a brief time 
king of Poland. That minister was overthrown by an ambi- 
tious septuagenarian, Fleury, bishop of Frejus and precep- 
tor to the king, who held the reins from 1726 to 1743. The 
single idea in his whole administration was to economize in 
the finances and maintain peace in Europe. For that end 
he sacrificed the reputation of France and especially the 
interests of her navy, submitting to the exigencies of the 
English. At the death of Augustus II the Poles, by an 
immense majority, elected Stanislaus Lechzinski king, while 
the Elector of Saxony was nominated under the protection 
of Eussian bayonets (1733). The king of France could not 
abandon his father-in-law. Nevertheless the assistance sent 
him was only a mockery and comprised no more than 1,500 
soldiers. Stanislaus escaped with great difficulty from 
Dantzic and returned to France (1734). To make his dis- 
graceful inactivity forgotten, Fleury joined Savoy and 
Spain against Austria, which they wished to expel from 
Italy. This, at least, was true French policy, and it proved 
successful. After the victories of Parma and Guastalla, 
France imposed upon the emperor the treaty of Vienna 
(1738). In place of the kingdom of Poland Stanislaus 
received the duchy of Lorraine, which after his death was 
to revert to the king of France. The Duke of Lorraine 
received Tuscany as indemnity. The Infante Don Carlos 
acquired Sicily with the kingdom of Naples and the king 
of Sardinia gained two Milanese provinces. Some of the 
French ministers wished still more advantageous terms, 

A.D. 1417-1713.] CREATION OF PRUSSIA 107 

but rieury cared only to make peace rapidly. " After the 
peace of Vienna," said Frederick II, " France was tlie 
arbiter of Europe." She had then just conquered Austria 
in Italy and was on the point of aiding the Turks to win 
Servia by the treaty of Belgrade (1739). Thus Austria was 
at that moment retreating everywhere, in Italy as well as 
on the Danube. The two Seven Years' Wars were to reduce 
her lower still, but to drag down France in her fall. 

Formation of Prussia. — A new power, Prussia, was to 
humble the traditional rivals, Austria and France. In 
1417 Frederick of Hohenzollern, Burgrave of Nuremberg, 
bought from the Emperor Sigismund the margravate of 
Brandenburg, which possessed one of the seven electoral 
votes. Albert, the Ulysses of the North (1469), founded 
the power of his house by decreeing that future acquisitions 
should always remain united to the electorate and that the 
electorate should remain indivisible. In 1618 that house 
acquired ducal Prussia with Konigsberg. In 1624 it 
gained the duchy of Cleves, with the counties of Mark and 
Ravensberg. Thus the state of the Hohenzollerns extended 
from the Meuse to the Niémen and formed on the Rhine, 
the Elbe and the east bank of the Vistula, three groups 
separated by foreign provinces. To gain possession of those 
provinces has been, even to our day, the object of Hohen- 
zollern ambition. At the treaty of Westphalia the great 
elector fortified himself upon the Elbe by occupying Magde- 
burg. Then he approached the Vistula by the occupation 
of Further Pomerania (1648). 

Although a member of the League of the Ehine, which 
Mazarin had formed and placed under the protection of 
France, Frederick William supported Holland against 
Louis XIV and founded the reputation of the Prussian 
army by defeating the Swedes at Fehrbellin. His states 
had scanty population. He attracted thither Dutch col- 
onists and many Protestants, expelled by the edict of 
Nantes, who peopled Berlin, his new capital. His son, 
Frederick III, bought from the emperor the title of king 
and crowned himself at Konigsberg (1701). In Branden- 
burg he was still only an elector, for ducal Prussia, which 
formed the new kingdom, was not included in the limits of 
the German Empire. Frederick William I (1713), the 
Sergeant King, created the Prussian army, raising it to 
80,000 men, and spent his life as a drill-master. From 

108 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1714-1743. 

Sweden lie acquired nearly the whole of Pomerania, with 
Stettin, and had already meditated the dismemberment of 

Maria Theresa and Frederick II. The War of the Aus- 
trian Succession (1741-1748). — While this Protestant 
power, inheriting the rôle of Sweden and Gustavus Adol- 
phus, was waxing strong in the North, Catholic Austria was 
declining. Hemmed in by the Protestants of Germany, 
who were upheld by Sweden, by the Turks, who showed a 
remnant of vigor, and by the France of E-ichelieu, Mazarin 
and Louis XIY, Austria had received many severe blows, 
but had been saved by a great general and set on her feet 
again by fortunate circumstances. Eugene, vanquished at 
Deuain, gained a victory over the Turks at Zenta (1697), 
Peterwardein (1716) and at Belgrade (1717). From the 
war of the Spanish Succession Austria obtained the Nether- 
lands, Milan and Naples. The latter was exchanged, later 
on, for Parma and Piacenza. 

When the Emperor Charles YI died in 1740, the same 
year as the Sergeant King, the male line of the Hapsburgs 
became extinct. In order to secure his inheritance to his 
daughter Maria Theresa, Charles had taken every diplomatic 
but not a single military precaution. Hardly had he expired 
when the solemnly signed parchments were torn up and 
five claimants appeared. Some, like the king of Spain and 
the electors of Bavaria and Saxony, demanded the whole of 
Maria Theresa's inheritance. The other two laid claim to 
the provinces which suited them. Then the king of Sar- 
dinia found Milan very attractive and Frederick II was 
greatly tempted by Silesia. Hostilities had already broken 
out between the English and Spaniards, on account of the 
contraband trade which the former carried on in the colo- 
nies of the latter. A general war was grafted upon this pri- 
vate war, since Frederick II had drawn France into alliance 
with him and thus threw England into alliance with Maria 
Theresa. That Prussian prince, hitherto devoted to art and 
literature, suddenly revealed himself as a great king and 
the cleverest military leader of the century. At Molwitz, 
he struck the first blow of the war by a victory over the 
veterans of Prince Eugene, and that victory gave him Si- 
lesia, while the French invaded Bohemia. 

The subsidies of England and the enthusiasm of the 
Hungarians furnished Maria Theresa with unexpected 

A.D. 1744-1756.] CREATION OF PRUSSIA 109 

resources. Slie abandoned Silesia to Frederick, who at 
once violated his alliance with France, on whom now fell 
the whole weight of the war. The French army, besieged 
in Prague, made a glorious but painful retreat in the dead 
of winter. After Bohemia had been thus retaken, the 
Austrians invaded Bavaria. The frontiers of France were 
exposed to attack. Louis XY, or rather Marshal Saxe, 
had entered the Netherlands with 120,000 men and captured 
many towns. Those successes ceased when it became nec- 
essary to send a large detachment to cover the frontiers. 
Frederick had again taken up arms against Austria and 
invaded Bohemia. The French line on the E-hine was thus 
relieved, the Emperor Charles VII returned to Munich and 
his son made a treaty with Maria Theresa (1745). 

While Frederick was again defeating Austria and impos- 
ing upon her the treaty of Dresden, which put Brussels in 
his power, Charles Edward, the Stuart pretender, landed 
in Scotland to stir up the Highlanders against the house of 
Hanover, which had been seated upon the English throne 
since the death of Queen Anne (1714). The victories of 
Marshal Saxe and the alliance of Bussia with France made 
the opposite party ready for peace. Victorious on the con- 
tinent, France had suffered terribly on the sea, where her 
navy had been almost destroyed, and she had lost her 
opportunity of founding in Hindustan that Indian empire 
which Dupleix had begun. By the treaty of Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle (1748) England and France mutually restored their 
conquests, but Silesia was definitely assigned to the king 
of Prussia. 

The Seven Years' War (1756-1763).— France employed 
the peace to reconstruct her marine and extend her com- 
merce. England was annoyed at this prosperity and, with- 
out any declaration of war, began to capture the French 
vessels which were sailing under the protection of treaties 
(1755). It was the interest of France to maintain the ex- 
clusively maritime character of this fresh struggle, but the 
English sought with gold som.e continental ally, and Fred- 
erick II, rendered uneasy by the unlooked-for good under- 
standing between France and Austria, accepted their 
subsidies. After the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle he had 
gained the good-will of Silesia by wise measures. He 
began the reformation of the courts and the finances and 
incorporated East Friesland into his kingdom. But his 

110 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1756-1777. 

wit injured his policy. His epigrams wounded the Em- 
press Elizabeth, and Madame Pompadour, the favorite of 
Louis XIY. Maria Theresa, who could not see a Silesian 
without weeping, cleverly inflamed the wrath of the offended 
ladies and roused against Prussia the very coalition which 
had threatened her during the preceding war. 

Frederick anticipated his enemies by invading Saxony, 
whose troops he incorporated into his army. Then he 
made his way into Bohemia and defeated the Austrians at 
Lowositz. France threw two armies into Germany, one of 
which forced the Anglo-Hanoverians to capitulate, while 
the other suffered the shameful defeat of Rosbach (1757). 
For many years the king of Prussia, alone save as assisted 
by subsidies from England, waged a heroic war against 
combined Austria, Russia, France and Sweden. The con- 
flict was marked by the battles of Prague, Kollin, Joegern- 
dorf, Zorndorf, Kunnersdorf, Liegnitz, Minden and Crevelt. 
In 1761 he seemed at the end of his resources and strength. 
He was saved by the death of the Tsarina, whose successor, 
Peter III, was an admirer of the Prussian hero and made 
haste to recall the Russian troops. A final campaign re- 
stored to him Silesia and disposed Austria for peace. 
France had not been invaded, but she lost Pondicherry, 
Quebec and all her navy. She accepted the treaty of Paris 

The second Seven Years' War resulted, on the one hand 
in the continental grandeur of Prussia and the maritime 
supremacy of England, and on the other, in the humiliation of 
Austria and the decline of France. This war cost the lives 
of 1,000,000 human beings. In Prussia alone 14,500 houses 
were burned. 

After having saved his country and gloriously constituted 
a new nation in Europe, Frederick saved it from misery by 
a wise and vigilant administration. He drained marshes, 
constructed dikes and canals, encouraged manufactures, 
created a new system of landed credit, reorganized public 
instruction and reformed the administration of justice. 

In 1772 he accomplished the dismemberment of Poland, 
as we shall see more fully later on. In 1777 he inflicted 
upon Austria a fresh political defeat by forcing her to re- 
nounce her claims to Bavaria, which she had bought after the 
death of the last elector. Thus Frederick made himself the 
protector of the German Empire against half Slavic Austria. 

A.D. 1688-1757.] COLONIAL F OWER OF ENGLAND 111 



England from 1688 to 1763. —The English revolution of 
1688 had as its result: at home the revival of both polit- 
ical and religious liberty and, abroad, the substitution of 
strong and resourceful England for exhausted Holland as 
the adversary of France. The wars of the League of Augs- 
burg and of the Spanish Succession had ruined the French 
navy. The fleets of Holland were at the orders of William 
III, and thus England took possession of the ocean, which 
her merchants covered with their ships. William, who died 
in 1702, was succeeded by Queen Anne, the second daughter 
of James II. A zealous Protestant, she brought about the 
union of Scotland and England, under the oflBcial title of the 
Kingdom of Great Britain (1707). Until 1710 the Whigs 
were in power. They represented the revolution of 1688 
and consequently were strongly opposed to Louis XIV. So 
Anne pursued the policy of her brother-in-law in continuing 
war against France, in which Marlborough won the great vic- 
tories of Blenheim, Oudenarde, Eamillies and Malplaquet. 
The advent of a Tory minister in 1710 brought about the 
peace of Utrecht (1713). On the death of the queen, 
Parliament bestowed the crown upon George of Brunswick, 
Elector of Hanover (1714). 

That prince knew neither a word of English nor a single 
article of the Constitution. He allowed Sir K-obert Walpole 
to be the real ruler. Walpole was the leader of the Whigs, 
who had regained a majority in Parliament and who retained 
it until 1742, thanks to the system of bribery openly em- 
ployed by the prime minister. The unscrupulous minister 
was overthrown by the outbreak of the war of the Austrian 
Succession. England in that war acquired not an inch of 
territory but great havoc was caused by the invasion of the 
Pretender, Charles Stuart (1745), and the national debt was 
almost doubled. Already the Great Commoner, William 
Pitt, was attracting the attention of England. In. 1757 he 

112 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1727-1763. 

became prime minister. France realized too well his talents 
and his hatred during the Seven Years' War, which he 
directed with an energy that was fatal to both the French 
marine and the French colonies. 

George I died in 1727 and George II in 1760. Both 
were faithful to the compact of 1688. Having neither a 
soldier nor a party, they accepted the ministers which the 
parliamentary majority imposed, so that to change her 
policy Great Britain had only to change her ministers. 
Thus the Whigs or Liberals and the Tories or Conservatives 
came into power through a vote of Parliament and not 
through an insurrection in the street. For this reason, dur- 
ing the last two centuries, England has been able to effect 
many reforms without either the pretext or the necessity 
of a revolution. George III, who reigned sixty years, 
several times even lost his reason, but governmental action 
was not affected thereby. In London the king reigns, but 
does not govern. He accepts the councillors whom the 
Chambers assign him and signs the decrees which his 
ministers present. He is the wheel which is required to 
set the machine in motion, but he does not command its 
movements, so that by his permanence he represents con- 
servatism, while the ministry, by its mobility, ensures 

The English East India Company. — The Seven Years' War 
ruined French affairs in India and delivered America over 
to England. Leaving their colonies to spread freely over 
the rich valleys of the St. Lawrence, the Ohio and the 
Mississippi, the English flung themselves upon India, where 
Dupleix had just revealed how an empire could be created. 
As early as the reign of Queen Elizabeth, an East India 
Company had been organized, which obtained from the 
Grand Mogul the right to traffic in Bengal and which 
founded Calcutta. The French privateers, during the war 
of the League of Augsburg, cost the commerce of Great 
Britain 675,000,000 francs and ruined the company whose 
aggrandizement the emperor of India, Aurangzeb, also was 
arresting. The death of that prince (1707) delivered India 
over to anarchy. The English counted upon profiting 
thereby, when they found a dangerous rival in a company 
founded by Colbert and reconstructed in 1723. Dupleix, 
the director-general of the French trading posts in India, 
transformed his commercial company into a powerful state^ 


•with, fortresses, arsenals and arms, and a vast territory- 
extending from Cape Comorin to the Krishna River. For 
many years he governed 30,000,000 Hindus with absolute 
power. But Louis XY abandoned him. Recalled to France 
in 1754, he died in misery. The English took his place, 
copying the organization which he had bestowed upon his 
conquest, and France retained only Pondicherry. 

The empire of the Grand Mogul in the valley of the 
Ganges was in a state of dissolution. The soubahs or vice- 
roys and the nabobs or governors of districts rendered them- 
selves independent after the death, of Aurangzeb, so that in 
Bengal, the company, or " The Great Lady of London '' as 
the Hindus called it, could easily expand. In the Deccan 
it found brave and active adversaries. The Mussulman 
Haidar Ali, sovereign of Mysore, and his son, Tippoo Sahib, 
from 1761 to 1799 maintained a constant resistance. The 
latter perished defending his capital. From 1799 to 1818 
the English fought against the valiant population of the 
Mahrattas, who half a century earlier had come near sub- 
jugating the whole of India. The Punjaub, the country of 
the Five Rivers, ceased to be independent in. 1846. 

114 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1608-1767. 



Origin and Character of the English Colonies in America. 

— The English did not reckon upon India, but India is to 
them now a mine of wealth. They did reckon upon America 
and America is to-day free and their rival. 

Founded by companies or by private individuals who 
fled from the persecutions inflicted in the mother country 
upon dissenters, the English colonies in America, unlike 
the French, were not kept in leading-strings by the home 
government and developed rapidly under the protection of 
religious, civil and commercial liberty. There was no 
party, worsted in the revolutions of England, which did 
not find in America an asylum to receive it. New England 
was the refuge of the K-oundheads and Republicans, Vir- 
ginia of the Cavaliers and Maryland of the Catholics. 
With their creeds the emigrants brought the political ideas 
of old England and held to the administration of public 
affairs by representatives of the persons interested. In all 
these colonies a legislative assembly directed the affairs of 
common weal. But the French in Canada were not even 
allowed to appoint a syndic or mayor of Quebec, " since it is 
not good," Colbert wrote to them, " that any one should speak 
for all." Printing, which was not introduced into Canada 
until 1764, or five years after it was lost by the French, 
existed in Massachusetts as early as 1636, '^ in order," as it 
was stated, " that the knowledge of our fathers may not be 
buried with them in their tombs." In this national differ- 
ence of colonial organization is to be found the explanation 
of the ruin of the one and of the prosperity of the other. 

The Revolution (1775-1783). — After the Seven Years' 
War the English Ministry, wishing to make the colonies 
bear a part of the expenses of the home government, tried 
first to subject them to a stamp-tax and then to a tax upon 
glass, paper and tea (1767). The colonists, who had no 
representative in the House of Commons, invoked that 


principle of tlie English. Constitution which, provides that 
no citizens are bound to submit to any taxes not voted by 
their representatives. Ninety-six towns pledged themselves 
not to buy any English merchandise so long as their com- 
plaints were unheeded. At Boston in 1773 three cargoes 
of tea were thrown into the water. A few months later 
war broke out. On July 4, 1776, the Continental Con- 
gress at Philadelphia proclaimed the independence of the 
thirteen colonies. They united in a confederation wherein 
each state preserved its political and religious liberty. 

Washington. The Part of France in the War. — Wash- 
ington, a wealthy planter of Virginia, was appointed gen- 
eral. Calm, methodical, persevering, audacious, but never 
rash, never permitting himself to be crushed by a reverse 
nor elated by a success, he was the ideal leader for such a 
conflict. His inexperienced soldiers had to combat veteran 
troops. The German princes sold to the English 17,000 
men to take part in the war. Washington lost New York 
and Philadelphia. But by keeping Howe busy, he enabled 
the insurgents in the north to stop Burgoyne, who came 
down from Canada with an army, and to force his surrender 
at Saratoga (October, 1777). Erance recognized the inde- 
pendence of the colonies. She sent them, first a fleet, and 
then an army, whose chiefs, Eochambeau and La Eayette, 
aided Washington to compel the capitulation of Cornwallis 
at Yorktown. Spain joined her forces to those of Erance. 
The secondary navies formed the League of the Neutrals 
for the protection of such vessels as were not carrying con- 
traband of war. England bowed under the burden, signed 
the peace of Versailles, which restored several trading posts 
to Erance, and acknowledged the independence of the 
United States (1783). 

Thus England lost America, with the exception of Canada, 
which she had wrested from Erance and which she still 
holds. She found a partial compensation for this loss in 
the development of her commerce with the new state. 
Half a century however had not elapsed before the Star- 
Spangled Banner was competing with the British flag in all 
the markets of the world. Moreover the new republic 
had inspired in the ancient mother country a sentiment of 
respect which was akin to fear, because, invulnerable on her 
continent, she could deal a thousand blows before receiving 

116 mSTOBY OF MODERN' TIMES [a.d. 1783-1799. 

Washington won even more honor in peace than in wdjr. 
He might have retained power or have prompted a military 
revolution for his own benefit. But he was the most faith- 
ful servant of the law. He disbanded his troops even 
against their will and became again a plain private indi- 
vidual on the banks of the Potomac. There it was that 
they, whom he had saved on the field of battle, sought him 
in 1789, that he might save them again by his political sa- 
gacity. Twice in succession they elected him President of 
the United States. After that double presidency he per- 
sisted in retiring to his estate of Mount Vernon. Carried 
to the tomb in 1799 he left behind the purest name of 
modern times. 

A.D. 1761-1772.] DESTRUCTION OF POLAND 117 



Catherine II (1761) and Frederick 11. First Partition of 
Poland (1773). — While a new nation was being born on the 
other side of the Atlantic, an ancient people was dying in 
old Europe under the pressure of two states which had as- 
sumed a place among the great powers only a few years 
before. The real successor of Peter the Great was the wife 
of his grandson, Peter III, the Princess of Anhalt, who 
had her husband strangled and reigned under the name of 
Catherine II. Poland, with her elective and powerless 
royalty, with her anarchical nobility and her religious pas- 
sions, was a sort of anomaly among the absolute monarchies 
of the eighteenth century. Now in politics anomalies can- 
not last. Poland was doomed either to reform herself or to 
perish. Her people and her neighbors alike prevented 
reforms. Hence she fell. 

Catherine II caused her favorite Poniatowski to be elected 
king and signed with Frederick II, who had already pro- 
posed the dismemberment of the country, a secret treaty 
for the maintenance of the Polish constitution. Doubtless 
Catherine hoped to avoid the partition and to reserve the 
entire kingdom for herself alone. When she saw that the 
Polish Diet was determined to persecute dissenters, she 
took the latter under her protection and had two bishops 
arrested whom she sent to Siberia. Forthwith the Catholics 
formed the Confederation of Bar, which adopted a banner 
with the Virgin and the Child Jesus as its standard. The 
Latin cross marched against the Greek cross. The peasants 
murdered their lords. From civil war Poland weltered in 
blood. The Prussians entered on the west, the Austrians 
on the south, and the Eussians were everywhere. 

France did not feel herself ready to succor Poland. Still, 
she roused the Turks against Russia, but they lost their 
provinces and their fleet, which was burned at Tchesmeh. 

118 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1773-1793. 

Frederick II, uneasy at these victories of the Tsarina, 
recalled her to the affairs of Poland and reminded her of 
the idea of partition, threatening that she would have to 
fight Prussia and Austria in case of refusal. Catherine 
yielded. On April 19, 1773, the partition was accomplished. 
Maria Theresa took Galicia or the northern slope of the 
Carpathians; Frederick seized the provinces which he 
needed to unite Prussia to his German states and Catherine 
occupied many Palatinates of the east. 

Treaties of Kaïnardji (1774) and Jassy (1792). — Having 
satisfied in Poland her own greed and that of Prussia, 
Catherine resumed her projects against Turkey, on which 
she imposed the treaty of Kaïnardji (1774). Thereby the 
Russians acquired many towns, the right to navigate the 
Black Sea, and a protectorate over Moldavia and Wallachia. 
The Tartars of the Crimea and the Kouban became inde- 
pendent of the Sultan, preliminary to their speedy subjec- 
tion to the Tsar. The amnesty accorded the Greek subjects 
of Turkey revealed that they had a zealous protector in the 
Muscovite prince at St. Petersburg, recognized as the 
champion of the Orthodox Church. In the following year, 
Catherine II put an end to the republic of the Zaperoguian 
Cossacks, whose territories lay between the Eussian power 
and the Black Sea. In 1777 she bought his sovereignty 
from the khan of the Crimea, and built Sebastopol. She 
even caused the king of Georgia on the southern slope of 
the Caucasus to accept her protection ; and finally came to 
an understanding with the Emperor Joseph II for the par- 
tition of the Turkish Empire. 

The Divan declared war (1787) and prosecuted it bravely 
for four years. But the Ottomans would have succumbed, 
had not the Tsarina, menaced by the evident hostility of 
Prussia, which had assembled 80,000 men on its eastern 
frontier, and by the unfriendly tone of England and Hol- 
land, consented to the treaty of Jassy. Thereby the 
Dniester was fixed as the boundary of the two empires 
(1792). Turkey, formerly so dangerous to Europe, had just 
been saved for the first time by three Christian states, 
which were unwilling to have the European balance of 
power disturbed for the benefit of a single people. 

Second and Third Partitions of Poland (1793-1795).— 
The Poles paid for the Turks. Warned by the first dis- 
memberment, they had tried to reform their constitution^ 

A.D. 1772-1793.] DESTRUCTION OF POLAND 119 

abolish the liberum veto, render the monarchy hereditary 
and share the legislative power between the king, the 
senate and the nuncios or deputies. But Prussia and Aus- 
tria, who were then engaged in stifling the revolution in 
Erance, had no intention of allowing another revolution to 
be kindled in their rear. A second and third partition, 
effected at an interval of two years, blotted out the country 
of Sobieski. If in later treaties the German people were 
divided up like cattle and their countries like farms to suit 
the convenience of a conqueror, their fate was only the 
repetition of the example furnished by the authors of the 
great Polish spoliation. Austria in 1806 and in 1809, and 
Prussia at Tilsit, endured only what the Poles had suffered 
at their hands. 

Attempt at dismemberings Sweden. — Prussia and Eussia 
had acquired an appetite by their success and began to pre- 
pare the same fate for Sweden. By a recent treaty they 
pledged themselves to maintain in that country the factions 
which had existed there since the death of Charles XII, 
and which were kept alive by foreign money. The coup 
d^état of Gustavus III in 1772 and the constitutional act 
of 1789 forestalled the danger. The nobles indeed at 
last assassinated their prince, who was friendly to reform 
and hostile to Eussia (1792), but Catherine II, then busy in 
the East, and Prussia, busy in the West, left the Swedish 
kingdom in peace. 

120 mSTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1700-1800. 



Scientific and Geographical Discoveries. — The eighteenth 
century was for the sciences what the seventeenth had been 
for letters, and the sixteenth for arts and creeds. It was 
a period of renovation. Physics was regenerated by the 
brilliant electrical experiments of Franklin, Volta and Gal- 
vani, who invented the lightning-rod and the voltaic battery. 
So was mathematical analysis by Lagrange and Laplace; 
botany by Linnaeus and Jussieu; zoology by Buffon, who 
also introduced geology, while Lavoisier gave to the science 
of chemistry firm foundations. Mankind, when master of 
the laws of nature, wished at once to make them of advan- 
tage. In 1775 vaccination was discovered. In 1783 a 
steamboat ascended the Saône and the first balloon was 
launched into the air. 

At the same time the skilful navigators, Cook, Bougain- 
ville and La Perouse, completed the work of the great sailors 
of the fifteenth century, not through hope of gain or from 
religious sentiment as three hundred years earlier, but in 
the interest of science. 

Letters in the Eighteenth Century.— While the physicists 
were discovering new forces and the navigators new lands, 
the writers for their part were revealing a new world. Lit- 
erature was not, as in the preceding century, controlled by 
art. It had invaded everything and claimed the right to 
regulate everything. The most virile forces of the mind 
seemed directed to the advancement of public welfare. Men 
no longer labored to make fine verses but to utter fine 
maxims. They no longer depicted the whims of society for 
the sake of a laugh, but for the purpose of reforming society 
itself. Literature became a weapon which all, the impru- 
dent as well as the skilful, tried to wield. And by a strange 
inconsistency, those who had the most to suffer from this 
inroad of literary men into the field of politics were the ones 
who applauded it the most. This society of the eighteenth 


century, frivolous and sensual as it was, nevertheless clier- 
ished an admiration for mental power. Talent almost took 
the place of birth. 

Three men headed the movement. They were : Voltaire, 
whose whims and passions and vices cannot be forgotten, 
but who fought all his life long for liberty of thought; 
Montesquieu, who studied the reason of laws and the nature 
of governments, who taught men to examine and compare 
existing constitutions in order to seek therein the best, which 
he found in liberty-loving England ; and lastly, E/Ousseau 
with his Social Contract, wherein he proclaimed the doctrine 
of national sovereignty and universal suffrage. At their 
side the encyclopedists reviewed human knowledge and set 
it forth in a manner often menacing to social order and 
always hostile to religion. Finally Quesnay created the new 
science of political economy. Thus human thought, hitherto 
confined to metaphysical and religious speculations, or ab- 
sorbed in unselfish worship of the Muses, now claimed the 
right to attack the most difficult problems of society. And 
all, philosophers as well as economists, sought the solution 
on the side of liberty. From the school of Quesnay had 
sprung the axiom, "Let well enough alone," just as in poli- 
tics D'Argesson had said, " Do not govern too much." 

Disagreement between Ideas and Institutions. — Thus the 
mental agitation, formerly excited by the discussion of dog- 
mas, now was produced by wholly terrestrial interests. 
Men no longer sought to determine divine attributes, or the 
limits of grace and free will, but they studied man and 
society, rights and obligations. The Middle Ages and feu- 
dalism, when they expired under the hand of kings, had left 
the ground covered with their fragments, so the most shock- 
ing inequalities and the strangest confusion were to be met 
on every side: Therefore the complaints were vigorous, 
numerous and pressing. 

Men desired that government should no longer be a fright- 
ful labyrinth wherein the most clever must lose his way. 
They meant that the public finances should cease to be 
pillaged by the king, his ministers and the court ; that per- 
sonal liberty should be secured against arbitrary orders of 
arrest or lettres de cachet, and that property should be pro- 
tected from confiscation. They wished that the criminal 
code, still aided by torture, should become less sanguinary 
and the civil code more equitable. 

122 HISTORY OF MODERN' TIMES [a.d. 1700-1780. 

They demanded religious toleration instead of dogma 
imposed under penalty of death ; law, founded on principles 
of natural and rational right, instead of the privilege of a 
few and the arbitrary government of all ; unity of weights 
and measures, instead of the most extreme confusion ; taxes 
paid by every one, instead of the taxation of poverty and 
the exemption of wealth ; the emancipation of labor and free 
competition, instead of monopoly of corporations ; and free 
admission to the public offices, instead of favoritism shown 
to birth and fortune. 

To accomplish this a revolution was necessary and every 
one saw that it was coming. As early as 1719, Fenelon 
exclaimed, " The dilapidated machine still continues to work 
because of the former impetus imparted to it, but it will go 
to pieces at the first shock." 

Reforms effected by Governments. — These words did^ not 
apply to France alone. They included the whole of abso- 
lutist Europe. If the people did not everywhere understand 
the need of reforms, the princes felt the necessity of under- 
taking them. Bold or clever ministers like Pombal of Lis- 
bon, Aranda at Madrid and Tanucci at Naples, encouraged 
industry, agriculture and science, opened roads, canals and 
schools, suppressed privileges and abuses, and banished the 
Jesuits, who seemed to embody all the evil influences of 
the past. The Grand Duke of Tuscany created provinces 
by transforming pestilential marshes into fertile lands. The 
king of Sardinia allowed his subjects to emancipate them- 
selves from feudal taxes. Joseph II in Austria abolished 
tithes, seignorial rights, forced labor and convents, and sub- 
ordinated the Church to the state. In Sweden Gustavus III 
diminished the church festivals, forbade torture and doubled 
the product of the iron and copper mines. We have already 
noted the reforms of Frederick II in Prussia. 

Catherine the Great cultivated the acquaintance of Vol- 
taire, Diderot, D'Alembert, so as to influence public opinion 
through them. She had a magnificent constitution drawn 
up, which, however, she did not put into execution. She 
built schools which remained empty. When the governor 
of Moscow was in despair at the lack of scholars, she wrote 
him : " My dear prince, do not complain that the Kussians 
have no desire to learn. If I set up schools, it is not for 
our own sake, but because of Europe which is watching us. 
As soon as our peasants wish to become enlightened, neither 


you nor I shall remain in our places." Cardinal Pole had 
expressed the same idea at the beginning of the E/cf ormation : 
*' It is dangerous to make men too learned." 

Thus a new spirit of reform was breathing over Europe. 
It was social and no longer a religious reform. It was 
preached by philosophers or economists and not by monks 
or theologians. The princes now too placed themselves at 
the head of the movement, hoping to derive profit therefrom, 
as they had done from the secularizations of church prop- 
erty during the Lutheran and the Anglican Reformations. 
They sought to promote the welfare of their peoples. They 
freed them at the expense of the feudal and ecclesiastical 
aristocracy, from vexatious or onerous burdens, but they 
specially labored all the time to augment their own revenues 
and strength. These princes all said, as did the emperor of 
Austria : " My trade is to be a royalist." So they preserved 
the discretionary power which feudal anarchy had permitted 
them to grasp, but which the enlarging interests of the peo- 
ple doomed them no longer to retain. 

Thus, at bottom, nothing was changed. Despite this pa- 
ternal solicitude and from default of regular institutions, 
everything still depended on individuals, so that public 
prosperity fluctuated with those who remained its supreme 
dispensers. Hence Spain under Charles IV and Godoy 
again fell as low as under Charles II. The days of the 
Lazzaroni flourished once more at Naples under Queen Caro- 
line and her minister, Acton. Joseph II disturbed Austria 
without regenerating it, and Catherine II played with re- 
forms for her people. In Prussia alone a great man did 
great things. In France when skilful ministers, who wished 
to do them likewise, were expelled from power, the nation 
undertook to accomplish the reforms itself. 

Last Years of Louis XV (1763-1774). — At the treaty 
of Aix-la-Chapelle (1748), France was still the leading mili- 
tary power of Europe. This rank was taken from her by 
the disgraces of the Seven Years' War. Afterwards the 
army had no chance of reviving its ancient renown, for 
French intervention in the affairs of Eastern Europe was 
mostly limited to diplomatic notes and a few volunteers. 
The acquisition of Corsica (1769) under Louis XV was the 
result of a bargain v/ith Genoa, which sold the island for 
40,000,000 francs. The acquisition of Lorraine was only the 
execution of a treaty, for which the occupation of the duchy 

124 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1771-1789. 

for almost a century by French troops had long since paved the 
way. Hence there was little glory in those territorial gains. 
But the war in America, a few years later, shed some bril- 
liancy upon the navy. While Prussia, Austria and Eussia 
were murdering one nation, France had the honor of aiding 
in the birth of another. The American Revolution was 
popular, so France resumed before the end of the century 
something of the proud bearing which Eosbach had taken 
from her. 

At home Louis XY disgraced the monarchy by his vices 
and hastened its ruin by his political conduct. The expul- 
sion of the Jesuits offended one party and the suppression 
of the parliaments was a blow at another. Frequent and 
arbitrary arrests exasperated the public mind. Public inter- 
ests received a shock in the proceedings of the comptroller- 
general. Abbé Terray, who excused the bankruptcy he 
declared by saying, "The king is the master." Louis 
realized that a terrible expiation was approaching, but he 
thought he himself would escape it. " Things will last quite 
as long as I shall. My successor must get out of the scrape 
as best he can.'' 

Louis XVÎ until the Eevolution. — This sovereign was the 
most honest and the weakest of men. He abolished forced 
labor and torture. He summoned to the ministry Turgot, 
who could have forestalled the devolution by reforms or at 
least could have controlled and guided it. But when the 
courtiers complained, he dismissed him, saying, " Only 
Monsieur and I love the people." ISTecker, the Genevese 
banker, did not succeed in covering the frightful deficit 
which the expenses of the American war increased. The 
state existed only by loans. Calonne, in the space of three 
years and in time of peace, increased the debt 500,000,000 
francs. An Assembly of Notables, convoked in 1787, could 
point out no remedy. On all sides men clamored for the 
States General. The government, at the end of its resources, 
promised to convoke them. Necker, recalled to the minis- 
try, rendered the decision that the number of deputies from 
the Third Estate should equal that of the other two orders. 
This was the same thing as deciding that by the Third 
Estate alone the great reforms were to be effected. 





Divine Right and National Sovereignty. — In tlie Middle 
Ages, for the purpose of combating feudalism, the jurists 
had again asserted the proposition of the Roman juris- 
consults concerning the absolute power of the prince. The 
Church with her religious authority had sanctioned this 
doctrine, borrowed from Oriental monarchies, which made 
the kings through the religious rite of coronation the direct 
representatives of God on earth. On the other hand, the 
doctrine of the sovereignty of the people, which had ruled 
the Greek, German, Celtic and Roman world, and which 
even Augustus had made the basis of his power, had never 
been completely forgotten and proscribed. This doctrine had 
been many times reasserted. Thus did in France the States 
General of 1484, in Spain, the Aragonese, who imposed 
upon their kings so harsh an oath. In England it was 
announced before the Tudors and repeated under Henry VI 
by Chancellor Fortescue, who declared that governments 
had been constituted by the peoples and existed only for 
their benej&t. Again was it maintained under William III 
by Locke, who proclaimed the necessity of the common con- 
sent. In the eighteenth century it was set forth by the 
majority of writers. Thus the most ancient system in the 
West was that of national sovereignty. The principle of 
divine right, represented by Louis XIV and James I, had 
come later into the field. Reason and history were against 
it. It was accepted only as an accidental political form 
which had had certain temporary advantages and on that 
account, a temporary validity. 

In the France of 1789, the absolute monarchy by right 
divine found that its faults had reduced it to such a condi- 
tion that it was impossible for it to govern. After royalty 
ceased to live upon the revenues of its own possessions^ 

126 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1789. 

it had set up as an axiom of public law that, for the com- 
mon weal of the state, the Third Estate would contribute 
its goods, the nobility its blood, and the clergy its prayers. 
Now the court clergy prayed but little, the nobility no longer 
formed all the army ; but the Third Estate still remained 
faithful to its functions. It still continued to pay the 
taxes and it paid more every year. As the monarchy in- 
creased in prodigality, the more dependent did it become upon 
the Third Estate, and the more inevitable did it render 
the moment when, tired of paying, the Third Estate 
would demand a reckoning. That awful day of account 
is known as the Eevolution of 1789. 

The court wanted the States General to occupy them- 
selves solely with financial affairs and then, as soon as the 
deficit was covered and the debts paid, the deputies to go 
home. But France was suffering from two maladies, one 
financial and one political, from the deficit and from abuses. 
To heal the former, economy was necessary together with 
a new system of taxation. To heal the latter, entire re- 
organization of the power was needed. Royalty had under- 
gone many transformations since the times of the Roman 
emperors. It had been barbarian with Clovis, feudal with 
Philip Augustus, and by right divine with Louis XIV. 
In its latest form it had furnished unity of territory and 
unity of authority, but it must now submit to another 
change. France, with her immense development of in- 
dustry, commerce, science, public spirit and personal 
property, now had interests too complex and needs too 
numerous to trust itself to the omnipotence of a single 
man. She required a guarantee against the unlucky 
hazards of a royal birth or the frivolity of incapable 

The National Assembly until the Capture of the Bastile. 
— On May 5, 1789, the deputies assembled at Versailles. 
The clergy and nobility were represented by 561 persons, 
while the Third Estate, or ninety-six per cent of the popula- 
tion, had 584 or a majority of twenty-three votes. This 
majority was an illusion unless they voted as individuals 
and not as orders. The whole spirit of '89, briefly expressed, 
consisted in establishing equality before the law and guaran- 
teeing it by liberty. Now this spirit had penetrated even 
the privileged classes. Many of their members came and 
joined the deputies of the Third Estate who, assembled in 


the common hall, had proclaimed themselves the National 
Constituent or Constitutional Assembly. 

On June 27 the fusion of the three orders was accom- 
plished. This the court tried to prevent, first by closing 
the place of assembly and then by having the king make a 
threatening speech. The sole effect of their opposition vsras 
to determine the deputies to declare themselves inviolable. 
The court hoped for better results from military action, and 
an army of 30,000 men, in which foreign regiments had 
been carefully incorporated, was stationed around Paris and 
Versailles. The threat was perfectly plain, but the courage 
to strike a great blow was lacking. To this imprudent 
provocation another challenge was added in the exile of 
Necker, the popular minister (July 11). To this challenge 
the Assembly replied by renewing the oath, taken at the 
tennis court, that the representatives would not separate 
until they had given France a constitution. But Paris took 
alarm and flew to arms. Some of the populace marched 
against the troops, encamped in the Champs Elysees, who 
fell back upon Versailles. Others rushed to the Bastile, 
captured it and massacred its commandant. The provost 
of the merchants, the minister Poulon, and the intendant 
Berthier were also slain. The mob began to get a taste of 
blood (July 14, 1789). 

The insensate conduct of the court, which called the 
Assembly together and then wished to get rid of it, which 
threatened but dared not act, which provoked yet knew 
neither how to intimidate nor to coerce, which cherished 
childish hatreds and had no resolution, in only two months 
had caused the reformation to deviate from its pacific 
methods. That fourteenth of July is explained by circum- 
stances and by the state of men's minds. It was, never- 
theless, the first of those revolutionary days, which were 
destined to demoralize the people by habituating them to 
regard the power and the law as a target against which they 
could always fire. 

The Days of October. The Emigration. The Constitution 
of 1791. — "It is a riot," exclaimed Louis XVI when he 
heard the news of the Bastile. "No, Sire,'' replied the 
Duke de la Eochefoucauld, " it is a revolution." In fact on 
August 4 the Assembly abolished all feudal rights and the 
sale of ofiices. In September it voted the Declaration of 
Eights, established a single legislative chamber and rejected 

128 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1789. 

the absolute veto power of the king. Then the court re- 
turned to the idea of employing force. It was proposed to 
the king that he should withdraw to Metz and place himself 
in Bouille's army. That measure would have been the 
beginning of civil war. He remained at Versailles and 
summoned thither troops numerous enough to produce un- 
easiness, but too few to inspire any real fear. 

Famine was ravaging France and in Paris men were 
dying of hunger. On October 5 an army of women set out 
for Versailles, imagining that abundance would reign if the 
king were brought back to Paris, his capital. National 
guards, recently organized by La Fayette, accompanied them 
and provoked quarrels in the courtyards of the palace with 
the body-guard. Many of the latter were killed, the queen 
was insulted and the royal dwelling was broken in upon. 
As a final confession of weakness, the king and the Assem- 
bly followed this crowd to Paris, where both were about to 
fall into the hands of the mob. The success of the expedi- 
tion to Versailles showed the ringleaders of the faubourgs 
that thenceforth they could rule everything, Assembly or 
government, by intimidation. 

Sanguinary scenes took place in the country districts also. 
The peasants were not satisfied by destroying feudal coats- 
of-arms and breaking down drawbridges and towers. They 
sometimes also killed the nobles. Terror reigned in the 
castles, as it reigned at court. Already the king's most 
prudent counsellors, his brother, the Count d'Artois, the 
princes of Coudé and Conti, the dukes of Bourbon and 
Enghien, the Polignacs, and others of their class had fled, 
leaving him alone in the midst of a populace whose wrath 
they were about to inflame by every means and whose 
fiercest passions they were going to unloose by turning the 
arms of foreign nations against their country. 

Nevertheless the Assembly nobly went on with its work. 
In the name of liberty it removed all unjust discriminations 
from the dissenting sects, the press and industry. In the 
name of justice it suppressed the right of primogeniture. 
In the name of equality it abolished nobility and titles, 
declared all Frenchmen of whatever religion eligible for 
public office, and replaced the ancient provincial boundaries 
by a division into ninety-three departments. Money poured 
out of the kingdom with the emigrants, or was above all 
concealed through the fear of a rising. The Assembly 

A.D. 1789-1790.] THE FRENCH REVOLUTIOÎT 129 

ordered tliat 400,000,000 francs in assignats or paper 
money should be issued, secured by the property of the 
clergy, which it ordered to be sold. At the same time the 
law ceased to recognize monastic vows. The cloisters were 
declared to be open and the parliaments were replaced by 
elective tribunals. The sovereignty of the nation having 
been proclaimed, men drew the natural inference that all 
power ought to emanate from the people. Thus the elective 
system was introduced everywhere. A deliberative council 
in the departments, districts and communes was placed by 
the side of the elective council, as beside the king was 
placed the legislative body. And some people were 
already of the opinion that in such a system a hereditary 
king was an absurdity. 

But the court did not accept the Constitution. Van- 
quished at Paris on July 14 and at Versailles on October 
6, the nobles fled to Coblentz and there openly conspired 
against France. The nobles, who remained with the king, 
plotted in secret. Louis, who had never a will of his own, 
let them do Avhat they liked. In public he accepted the 
decrees of the Assembly. In secret he protested against 
the violence done to his rights. Such a double game has 
always been productive of evil. Nevertheless, there was a 
moment when universal confidence reigned. This was at 
the Festival of the Federation, offered by the Parisians on 
the Champs de Mars to the deputies of the army and of 
the ninety-three departments. From November, 1789, to 
July, 1790, in the villages and in the cities, the inhabitants 
in arms fraternized with the men of the neighboring village 
or city, all uniting in the joy of their new-found country. 
These local federations made common cause and finally 
formed the great French federation which sent, on July 14, 
1790, 100,000 representatives to Paris. The king in their 
presence solemnly swore fidelity to the Constitution. 

But nothing came of this festival. Secret hostilities were 
immediately resumed between the court and the Assem- 
bly. The immediate cause of the trouble was the civil con- 
stitution of the clergy, which, by applying to the Church 
the reform introduced into the state, subjected even curates 
and bishops to election and disturbed the whole exist- 
ing ecclesiastical hierarchy. This was an abuse of power 
on the part of the Assembly, for secular society was not 
competent to regulate the internal organization of religious 

130 mSTORY OF MODEBN' TIMES [a.d. 1790-1791. 

society. The Pope condemned this intervention of the 
state in the discipline of the Church and prohibited obe- 
dience to the new law. The king interposed his veto^ 
which he removed only after a riot. But the great ma- 
jority of the clergy refused to take the oath of allegiance 
to the civil constitution. Then schism entered into the 
Church of France. In its train were to come persecutions 
and a frightful war. 

The king, to whose conscience this decree did violence 
just as violence had been done to his affections by the 
measures which the Assembly forced him to take against 
the emigrants, no longer felt himself free. He thought 
that he would find that liberty, denied him in the Tuileries, 
by taking refuge in the camp of Bouille, whence he could 
summon Austria and Prussia to his aid. Arrested in his 
flight at Varennes (June 21, 1791), he was suspended from 
his functions by the Assembly. The people on July 17, 
in the Champs de Mars, demanded his abdication. Bailly 
ordered the red flag to be unfurled and the mob to be fired 
upon. On September 14, the king, who up to that time 
had been detained like a prisoner at the Tuileries, accepted 
the Constitution of 1791, which created a single assembly, 
charged with making the laws, and left to the monarch, 
together with the executive power, the right of suspending 
for four years the expressions of the national will by the 
use of his veto. The electoral body was divided into pri- 
mary assemblies, which appointed the electors, and electoral 
assemblies which appointed the deputies. The former com- 
prised the active citizens, that is to say, men twenty-five 
years of age, who were inscribed on the rolls of the national 
guard and paid a direct tax equal to three days' labor. The 
latter were formed by the proprietors or tenants of an 
estate, which brought in at least between 150 and 200 
francs. All active citizens were eligible. 

The National Assembly ended worthily with expres- 
sions of liberty and concord. It proclaimed universal am- 
nesty, suppressed all obstacles to circulation and repealed 
all exceptional laws, hoping thereby to recall the emigrants 
to their country. Among its members the most distin- 
guished were Mounier, Malouet, Barnave, the Lameths, 
Cazalès, Maury, Duport, Sieyès, and especially Mirabeau. 
The last named, had he lived, might perhaps have recon- 
ciled royalty with the Eevolution. It is from Mirabeau 


that we have the beautiful formula of the new era, " Eight 
is the sovereign of the world." 

The National Assembly prohibited the reelection of 
its members to the new assembly. This was an unwise 
self-abnegation, for the E-evolution needed that its veterans 
should hold its standard high and firm above the supersti- 
tious worshippers of the past and the fierce dreamers of 
the future. Thus the way might be paved for the peaceful 
triumph of that new state of mind and institutions which 
has so often been disturbed and compromised by the regrets 
of the former and the rashness of the latter. In spite of 
every mistake the National Assembly was the mother 
of French liberties. Its ideas have reappeared in all the 
French constitutions and are now fundamental in the French 
political state. 






The Legislative Assembly (1791-1792). — This Assembly, 
so tame in comparison with its two great and terrible sisters, 
the National Assembly and the Convention, began its ses- 
sions on October 1, 1791, and ended them on September 21, 
1792. Its leaders, the Girondists, Brissot, Petion, Vergniaud, 
Gensonne, Dncos, Isnard and Valaze, labored to overthrow 
the monarchy, although leaving the extremists to initiate 
the Eepublic. In consequence the Eepublic was founded in 
blood which the Girondists might have founded in modera- 

Effect Outside France produced by the Revolution. The 
First Coalition (1791). — To the internal difficulties which 
the National Assembly had encountered, the embarrassment 
of foreign complications was added under the Legisla- 
tive Assembly. The devolution had awakened in foreign 
lands numerous echoes of its principles and hopes. In 
Belgium, in Italy, in Holland, all along the Bhine and in 
the heart of Germany, in England and even in distant Eussia, 
it seemed a promise of deliverance. The French ambassador 
to the court of the Tsar wrote in his memoirs : " Although 
the Bastile certainly was not a menace to any one here, I 
cannot describe the enthusiasm which the fall of that state 
prison and the first tempestuous triumph of liberty excited 
among the merchants, the tradesmen, the burghers and some 
young men of higher rank. Frenchmen, Russians, Germans, 
Englishmen, Danes, Dutchmen, everybody in the streets, con- 
gratulated and embraced each other as though they had 
been delivered from a ponderous chain which pressed upon 

The Swiss historian, von Millier, beheld in this victory 
the will of Providence. The philosophers and poets, Kant 


and Fichte, Schiller and Goethe, then thought the same. 
The latter said, on the evening of Valmj : " In this place 
and on this day a new era for the world begins.'^ Five 
years later he again recalled, in Hermann and Dorothea, 
"those days of sweet hope, when one felt his heart beat 
more freely in his breast, in the early rays of the new sun.'' 
Thus at first the nations sympathized with France, because 
they understood that for them also Mirabeau and his col- 
leagues had drawn up at Versailles the new charter of 

But the princes were all the more incensed against this 
Revolution which threatened not to confine itself, like the 
English revolution of 1688, to the country where it had 
broken out. 

As early as January, 1791, the emperor of Germany 
haughtily demanded that the German princes who held 
possessions in Alsace, Lorraine and Franche-Comté should 
be secured in their feudal rights. The emigrants found 
every facility for collecting troops at Coblentz and Worms. 
The Count d'Artois kept up with the emperor, according to 
the king's own confession, negotiations which had culmi- 
nated in a secret convention. The sovereigns of Austria, 
Prussia, Piedmont and Spain, and even the aristocratic rulers 
of Switzerland, bound themselves to place 100,000 men on 
the frontiers of the kingdom (May, 1791). This convention 
had determined the flight of the king (June 20). The 
National Assembly, moved by apprehension rather than 
certain knowledge, had replied by voting a levy of 300,000 
national guards for the defence of the territory. 

At that time, the various wars in which the Northern 
powers were engaged, the Swedes against the Russians, the 
Russians against the Ottomans, the Ottomans against the Aus- 
trians, the Austrians against the Belgians, were nearing their 
end. Prussia had recovered from the anxiety which all those 
armaments in her vicinity had excited. Austria finally put 
down the insurrection of the Belgians, though the hatred of 
foreign domination survived. The peace of Sistova with 
the Ottomans left the Austrian emperor free to act. He and 
the king of Prussia had an interview at Pilnitz, where a 
plan was drawn up for the invasion of France and the res- 
toration of Louis XVI. The famous declaration of Pilnitz 
was made on August 27, 1791. The Legislative Assembly 
assumed a haughty tone with these monarchs. "If the 

134 mSTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1791-1792. 

princes of Germany continue to favor the preparations di- 
rected against the French, the Erench will carry among 
them, not fire and sword, but liberty. It is for them to cal- 
culate what results may follow this awakening of the 
nations." Louis XVI transmitted to the Powers a request 
for the withdrawal of their troops from the French frontiers. 
They maintained " the legality of the league of the sover- 
eigns, united for the security and the honor of their crowns." 
The king of Sweden, G-ustavus III, offered to put himself 
at the head of a sort of royal crusade against the revolu- 

Thus between the two principles the struggle which had 
arisen, first at Versailles and then at Paris, between the 
king and the Assembly, after the defeat of absolutism in 
Prance, was about to be continued on the frontier between 
Prance and Europe. The princes who, like the French 
kings, had seized absolute power, were unwilling to aban- 
don it. They entered into a coalition "for the safety of 
their crowns " against the political reform which the States 
General had inaugurated and which they esteemed the com- 
mon enemy. Thus they were about to enter upon that 
frightful war of twenty-three years' duration, which for 
them, except at the very end, was only one long series of 
disasters, but which excited passion as well as heroism, and 
covered Prance equally with blood and glory. 

The Commune of Paris. The Days of June 20 and August 
10, 1792. The Massacres of September. — The first decrees 
of the Assembly, after the declaration of Pilnitz, dealt a 
blow at the emigrants and the nonjuring priests who, by their 
refusal to take the civic oath, had become sources of trouble 
in La Vendée and Brittany. At first, the king was unwill- 
ing to approve those decrees. The declaration of war, which 
he made against Austria on April 20, 1792, was not sufficient 
to dissipate the fear of secret negotiations on the part of the 
court with the enemy. The rout of the French troops at 
the engagement of Quievrain caused the cry of treason to be 
raised. The constitutional party, which was friendly to the 
king and had at first predominated in the Assembly, could 
not control the municipal council of Paris. A Girondist, 
Piéton, was appointed mayor in preference to La Fayette. 
Prom that time forth the most violent propositions against 
royalty originated at the city hall. They were repeated 
and still further exaggerated in the famous clubs of the 


Jacobins and tlie Cordeliers. They thence spread among 
the people by the thousand voices of the press and especially 
by the journal of Marat, who was beginning his sanguinary 
dictatorship. The masses did not long resist such appeals, 
which seemed justified by the threats from abroad and by the 
inadequate measures taken for defence of the territory. On 
June 20 the Tuileries were invaded. The king, insulted 
to his face, was constrained to pat on the red cap. In vain 
did La Fayette demand reparation for this violation of the 
royal dwelling. He himself was proscribed two months later 
and forced to quit his army and France. He had been the 
last hope of the constitutional party. His flight announced 
the triumph of the E-epublicans. 

The Duke of Brunswick invaded France. His insolent 
manifesto (July 25), threatening death to every armed in- 
habitant who should be captured, and the declaration of 
the Assembly that the country was in danger, fanned still 
further the popular excitement. France responded to the 
patriotic appeal of Paris. But with cries of hatred for 
foreigners were mingled denunciations of the court, the 
secret ally of the enemy. On August 10 volunteers from 
Marseilles and Brittany, the people of the faubourgs and 
many companies of the national guard attacked the Tuileries 
and massacred its defenders. The king took refuge in the 
midst of the Assembly, which declared him suspended from 
his functions and imprisoned him and all the royal family 
in the Temple. Four thousand persons perished in the 

As the constitution had been repudiated, a convention 
was summoned to draw up a new one. Before it assembled, 
and when by its approaching end the Legislative Assembly 
had finally lost its little remaining authority, a great crime 
startled France. The prisons of Paris were forced between 
the second and the fifth of September and 966 prisoners 
were butchered. Danton had uttered these sinister words : 
" We must terrify the royalists. Audacity ! Audacity ! 
and still more audacity ! " A small body of assassins, sup- 
ported by the Commune, had committed this crime, which 
the Assembly and the frightened burghers allowed to be 
perpetrated and which to the grief and shame of France 
was to be repeated. 

Invasion of France. Befeat of the Prussians at Valmy, 
September 20, 1792. — However, hostilities had begun. 

136 HISTORY OF MODERJSr TIMES [a.d. 1792-1793. 

The moment liad been well chosen by the Powers. All 
their wars in the North and the East were finished. Eng- 
land herself had just imposed peace npon Tippoo Sahib, 
and had acquired half his states. France was menaced on 
three sides : on the north by the Austrians ; on the Moselle 
by the Prussians, and in the direction of the Alps by the 
king of Sardinia. The rawness of the troops and the 
mutual distrust between officers and soldiers in the army of 
the North, at first occasioned some disorders, which were 
speedily repaired by the capture of several cities. Savoy 
and Nice were conquered. The Prussians, who had entered 
Champagne, were defeated by Dumouriez at the important 
battle of Valmy and driven back upon the Rhine. Cus- 
tine, assuming the offensive, seized Spires, Worms and 
Mayence, whose inhabitants regarded his soldiers rather as 
liberators than as enemies. The attention and forces of 
Prussia had been again directed towards Poland. She 
desired to finish her work of spoliation in that unhappy 
country rather than undertake the dangerous but chivalrous 
task of freeing the queen of France. The Austrians, more 
interested in the defence of a princess of their blood, inau- 
gurated at Lille a savage war. Instead of attacking the 
defences, they bombarded the city and in six days burned 
450 houses. Their cruelty was useless. They were forced 
to raise the siege, while, with the army of Valmy, Dumouriez 
won (November 6) the battle of Jemmapes, which placed 
the Netherlands in his power. 

The Convention (1792-1795). Proclamation of the French 
Republic, September 21, 1792. Death of Louis XVI. — 
At its first sitting the Convention abolished royalty and 
proclaimed the Republic. On December 3 it decided that 
Louis XVI must be brought to trial. This decision was 
contrary to the Constitution, which declared the king invio- 
lable and subject to no other penalty than deposition. 

Louis was condemned in advance. The venerable Male- 
sherbes solicited and obtained the honor of defending his 
former master. A young lawyer, Desèze, was the spokes- 
man. "I seek in you judges," he said, " and I behold 
only accusers." He spoke the truth. The situation was 
desperate. England was threatening. The Austrians were 
about to make the greatest efforts and a coalition of all 
Europe was impending. " Let us throw them the head of a 
king as a challenge ! " exclaimed Danton. Louis ascended 


the scaffold on January 21, 1793, Men had believed that 
the fall of that royal head would create an impassable abyss 
between old France and new France. It was the monarchy 
rather than the individual which they beheaded. Carnot 
wept on signing the death-warrant of Louis. Thus the 
perverted doctrine of the common welfare added another 
crime to history. Again men had forgotten that the 
common weal springs from great hearts, not from the 

The Eeign of Terror. — At the news of the death of 
Louis XVI the still hesitating powers declared against 
France. All the French were threatened and civil war 
burst out in La Vendee and Brittany. The Constitution 
everywhere held its own. Carnot organized fourteen 
armies. A revolutionary tribunal was created which pro- 
nounced judgment without appeal and punished with death 
a word, a regret or even the mere name which a man bore 
(March 10, 1793). The desertion of Dumouriez, who for- 
sook his army and escaped to the Austrian camp (April 
4, 1793) increased the alarm and caused revolutionary 
measures to be multiplied. In order that none of those 
who were called traitors might escape, the convention 
abrogated the inviolability of its members. It even re- 
signed a part of its prerogatives by creating in its bosom a 
Committee of Public Safety, which was invested with the 
executive power. In fact suspicion was rife everywhere. 
Robespierre firmly believed that the Girondists wished to 
dismember France and surrender it to foreigners. The 
Girondists thought that Marat, E/obespierre and Danton 
wished to make the Duke of Orleans king, then to assas- 
sinate him and found a triumvirate from which Danton would 
expel his two colleagues and reign alone. Each with con- 
viction attributed to his adversaries the most absurd plans. 
From distrust arose panic, that terrible counsellor, and the 
axe hung suspended above and striking upon all heads. 
This system is called The Terror. 

The executioners were dominated by it as much as were 
the victims and were in consequence still more merciless. 

The party of the Mountain, whose leaders were Marat, 
Danton and E,obesi)ierre, caused a formal accusation to be 
passed against thirty-one Girondists (June 2), many of whom 
had escaped and were rousing the departments to insurrec- 
tion. Then Caen, Bordeaux, Lyons, Marseilles, and most 

138 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1793-1794. 

of the cities of the south declared against the Convention. 
Toulon with the whole Mediterranean fleet was delivered 
over to the English. Conde and Valenciennes fell into the 
hands of the enemy. Mayence, then occupied by Erench 
troops, capitulated. The enemy invaded both the northern 
and southern frontiers. At the same time the insurgents in 
La Vendée were everywhere victorious and another enemy, 
a frightful famine, was added to the general disorder. 

The cause of the Revolution, defended by less than thirty 
departments, seemed lost. The Convention saved it by dis- 
playing a savage energy. Merlin drew up the law concern- 
ing suspected persons, which cast more than 300,000 persons 
into prison. Barrère declared in the name of the Committee 
of Public Safety : " The Eepublic is now only an immense 
besieged city. France must henceforth be only one vast 
camp. All ages are summoned by the fatherland to defend 
liberty. The young men will fight. The married men will 
forge arms. The women will make clothes and tents for the 
soldiers. The children will turn old linen into lint. The aged 
will have themselves carried to the public squares to excite 
courage." Twelve hundred thousand men were raised. Bor- 
deaux and Lyons returned to their duty. Bonaparte, then an 
artillery captain, retook Toulon. The Vendeans were driven 
from the gates of Nantes, and Jourdan, who commanded the 
principal army, checked the allies. 

All these achievements were not accomplished without 
terrible intestine commotions. The nobles and priests, pro- 
scribed as suspects, perished in crowds upon the scaffolds 
which were erected in all the towns. Carrier, Freron, Collot- 
d'Herbois, Couthon, Fouche and Barras were merciless. The 
assassination of Marat by Charlotte Corday, who thought 
that by killing him she was killing the Terror (July 13), 
rendered it more implacable. Queen Marie Antoinette, her 
sister Madame Elizabeth, Bailly, the Girondist leaders, the 
Duke of Orleans, G-eneral Custine, Madame Roland, Lavoisier, 
Malesherbes and a thousand other illustrious heads fell. 
Then the party of the Mountain fell upon one another. 
Robespierre and Saint Just, supported by the powerful 
society of the Jacobins, first proscribed the hideous parti- 
sans of the anarchist Hébert and then Camille Desmoulins 
and Danton, who had suggested clemency. 

The KTinth of Thermidor, or July 27, 1794. —Not yet could 
peace reign among the remnants of the Mountain. Robes- 


pierre was threatening many of the fiercest leaders and sev- 
eral members of the Committee whose dictatorship he wished 
to destroy for his own advantage. Among them were Fouche, 
Tallien, Carrier, Billaud-Varennes, Collet-d'Herbois, Vadier 
and Amar. On the ninth of Thermidor these men succeeded 
in decreeing a formal act of accusation against Robespierre, 
Couthon, Saint Just and two other representatives, Lebas 
and the younger Robespierre, who demanded the right to 
share their fate. One hundred of Robespierre's followers 
perished with him. Two days earlier, this revolution would 
have saved the young and noble André Chénier. 

Several of the men who had overthrown Robespierre had 
themselves been extreme partisans of the Terror. But such 
was the force of public opinion that they were compelled to 
represent themselves as favorable to moderation. Thus the 
fall of Robespierre became the signal for a reaction which, 
despite some frightful excesses, nevertheless allowed France 
to take breath. The guillotine ceased to be the means of 
government. Though the parties still continued for a long 
time to proscribe each other, the people at least no longer 
were afforded the hideous spectacle of thirty or forty heads 
every day falling under the knife. 

Glorious Campaigns of 1793-1795 — After the death of 
Louis XVI the coalition of Austria, Prussia and Piedmont 
was joined by England, who readily improved the opportu- 
nity to deprive France of her commerce and her colonies. 
Spain and Naples through family reasons, Holland and Por- 
tugal through obedience to England, and the German Empire 
under the pressure of its two leading states, had also entered 
it. This was to declare almost universal war against France. 
Distance for a time prevented Russia from taking part. 
Denmark and Sweden resolutely maintained neutrality. 

Fortunately for France, Austria and Prussia were mainly 
occupied by Polish affairs and the invading armies frittered 
their strength away in sieges. Instead of fighting for prin- 
ciples, each hostile country hoped to aggrandize itself at the 
expense of France. Thus the English wished to seize or 
destroy the French posts in Flanders. The Austrians de- 
sired the French fortresses on the Scheldt. The Prussians 
counted upon seizing Alsace and the S]3aniards aimed at 
Roussillon. But while the allies wasted three months before 
Conde, Valenciennes and Mayence, and another month in 
preparation for the siege of Dunldrk, Le Quesnoy, Mau- 

140 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1793-1794. 

beuge and Landau, the French volunteers were getting into 
shape, their armies were being organized and their generals 
were gaining experience without losing their dash. At the 
end of August, 1793, the situation of France, attacked at 
every frontier and torn by civil war, seemed desperate. By 
the end of December she was everywhere victorious. 
Houchard had routed the English at Hondschoote, Jourdan 
had defeated the Austrians at Wattignies, Bonaparte had 
recaptured Toulon, and Hoche had carried the lines of 
Wissemburg. Moreover the tedious Vendean war was 
drawing to a close. 

A few months afterwards the victory of Fleury gave 
France the Netherlands. The Spaniards were driven back 
beyond the Pyrenees, the Piedmontese beyond the Alps, the 
imperialists and the Prussians beyond the Ehine, and dur- 
ing the winter Pichegru fought his way into Holland. 
These reverses induced Spain and Prussia to abandon the 
coalition. Spain, at the mercy of a shameless court, was 
appalled at the sound of arms. Prussia needed repose in 
order to assimilate Poland, which had been finally dis- 

England, Austria, Sardinia and the South German states 
remained in line. Russia entered their league and sent her 
vessels to assist England in starving the French coasts and 
in building an immense British colonial empire. The sub- 
sidies from the English aristocracy fed the war and pre- 
vented defections of the allies. While men aimlessly cut 
one another's throats on the Rhine, the English fleets scoured 
the seas and seized the vessels and trading posts of France 
and of her ally, Holland. 

On land the young volunteers had quickly learned how 
to fight the veterans of Frederick II. But maritime war 
demands other tactics and long practice. All the brilliant 
naval staff which had combated England in the American 
Revolutionary War had emigrated. The French fleets had 
no sea-captains and were always worsted in sea-fight. In 
1794, Admiral Villaret-Joyeuse, formerly captain of a 
merchantman, with twenty-six vessels manned by peasants 
attacked an English fleet of thirty-eight sail, in order to 
protect the disembarkation of an immense convoy of grain. 
The convoy passed, a part of France was saved from famine, 
but the French fleet lost seven ships. One of them. Le 
Vengeur, rather than strike its flag, went to the bottom, its 


crew singing the Marseillaise. Martinique, Guadaloiipe and 
even Corsica, wMch could not be defended, were seized by 
the English. 

Constitution of the Year III. The Thirteenth of Vendé- 
miaire or October 5, 1795. — But the Convention, issuing 
victorious from the tumults which followed the overthrow 
of Eobespierre, repealed the democratic Constitution of 
1793, which had not yet been put in execution, and in- 
trusted the legislative power to two councils, the Five 
Hundred and the Ancients. It confided the executive 
power to a Directory of five members, one of whom was to 
be changed each year. At first the Convention had central- 
ized everything. JSTow everything was divided. The legis- 
lative power was to have two heads, which is not too many 
for good counsel, but the executive power was to have five, 
which is unfavorable to action. Thus they hoped to escape 
dictatorship and to create a moderate republic. The result 
was a republic feeble and doomed to anarchy. The local 
assemblies accepted the Constitution, but disorders broke 
out in Paris. The royalists, who had so often suffered from 
sedition, committed the error of employing it in their turn. 
They carried with them many companies of the national 
guard, who marched in arms upon the Convention. Barras, 
whom the Assembly had appointed general-in-chief, charged 
Napoleon Bonaparte with its defence. That fifth of 
October began the successes and assured the triumph of 
the young officer, whose astute management overcame 
the superiority of numbers. Three weeks later the Con- 
vention declared its mission at an end (October 26). 

In the midst of civil commotions and foreign victories, 
the Convention had pursued its political and social reforms. 
In order to strengthen the unity of France it decreed 
national education. It founded the Normal School, several 
colleges, primary and veterinary schools, schools of law and 
medicine, the Conservatory of Music, the Institute and the 
Museum of Natural History. It also established unity of 
weights and measures by the metrical system. By the sale 
of national property it enabled many to become proprietors. 
By the creation of the public ledger, it founded the state 
credit. By the invention of the aerial telegraph the orders 
of the central government could be transmitted rapidly to 
the very frontiers, and establishment of museums revived 
taste for the arts. The Convention wished to have the in- 


firm and foundlings brought together and cared for by the 
country. The last act of these terrible legislators was a 
decree that the death penalty should be abolished after the 
general pacification. 

The Directory (1795-1799). — Before it dissolved the Con- 
vention decreed that two-thirds of the members of the Coun- 
cil of the Ancients and of the Council of the Five Hundred, 
should be chosen from the members of the Convention. 
Thus the latter formed the majority in the Council. They 
elected as directors Laréveillère-Lepeaux, Carnot, Rewbell, 
Letourneur and Barras. These five directors established 
themselves in the palace of the Luxembourg. The situa- 
tion was difl&cult. The local elective councils, which were 
to administer the departments, the cantons and the com- 
munes, were doing nothing or doing it badly. This paraly- 
sis of authority was compromising all the interests of Ifche 
country. The treasury was empty. The paper currency 
was completely discredited. Commerce and industries no 
longer existed. The armies lacked provisions, clothing and 
even ammunition. But three such years of war had devel- 
oped soldiers and generals. Moreau commanded the army 
of the Rhine and Jourdan that of Sambre-et-Meuse. Hoche 
kept watch over the coasts of the ocean to defend them 
against the English and to pacify Brittany and La Vendée. 
And in conclusion, he who was destined to eclipse them all, 
Bonaparte, then twenty-seven years of age, had just won on 
October 5 the command of the Army of the Interior, which 
he soon afterwards exchanged for that of the Army of Italy. 

Campaigns of Bonaparte in Italy (1796-1797). — On pla- 
cing himself at their head, he found his troops pent up in 
the Alps, where they were struggling painfully with the 
Sardinian troops, while the Austrians were threatening 
Genoa and marching on the Var. With the eye of genius 
Bonaparte chose his field of battle. Instead of wearing out 
his forces amid sterile rocks where no great blows could be 
struck, he flanked the Alps, whose passage he might have 
forced. By this skilful manœuvre he placed himself be- 
tween the Austrians and the Piedmontese, cut them in 
pieces, defeated them in succession, drove the former into 
the Apennines and the latter back upon their capital, and 
thrust the sword into the loins of the Sardinian army until 
it laid down its arms. Thus delivered from one enemy, he 
turned upon the other. 


In vain did the Austrian Beaulieu, alarmed by his de- 
feats at Montenotte (April 11), Millesimo (April 14), Dego 
(April 15), and Mondovi (April 22), retreat with, utmost 
speed. Bonaparte followed him, overtook him and crushed 
him. At Lodi the Austrians tried to stop him. The French 
fought their way across the river over a narrow bridge and 
won a magnificent victory. Beaulieu was succeeded by 
Wurmser, Austria's best general, with a larger and more 
veteran army. It disappeared like the first at Lonato and 
Castiglione (August 3 and 5), and Bassano (September 8). 
Alvinzi, who replaced Wurmser, was routed at Areola 
(November, 1796) and at Rivoli (January, 1797). The 
Archduke Charles succeeded no better. All the armies 
and the generals of Austria dashed themselves in vain 
against less than 40,000 men led by a general eight and 
twenty years of age. On the flag which the Directory pre- 
sented to the Army of Italy, were inscribed these words : 
"It has taken one hundred and fifty thousand prisoners, 
captured seventy flags, five hundred and fifty siege guns, 
six hundred field guns, five pontoon equipages, nine vessels, 
twelve frigates, twelve corvettes, eighteen galleys, has given 
liberty to the peoples of Northern Italy, sent to Paris the 
masterpieces of Michael Angelo, Guercino, Titian, Paul 
Veronese, Correggio, Albani, Caracci, and Raphael, gained 
eighteen pitched battles, and fought sixty-seven com- 

While these marvellous campaigns of Italy were going 
on, Jourdan had allowed himself to be beaten by the Arch- 
duke Charles at Wtirzburg, and Moreau, left unguarded, had 
found himself obliged to retreat into Alsace. His retreat 
was as glorious as a victory; for he took forty days to 
march a hundred leagues without allowing himself to 
be attacked. Moreover, the Army of Italy had won for 
France as a boundary that great river which for nearly a 
thousand years, had separated Gaul and Germany. The 
treaty of Campo Formio, signed by Bonaparte (October 
17, 1797), restored to France the Rhine as her frontier. 
Beyond the Alps she possessed a devoted ally in the new 
Cisalpine republic founded in Lombardy. 

Egyptian Expedition (1798-1799). Second Coalition (1798). 
Victory of Zurich. — Austria had laid down her arms ; but 
the English, unassailable in their island, could not consent to 
allow France so many conquests. Therefore the war with 

144 HISTORY OF MODERJSr TIMES [a.d. 1798-1799. 

them continued. To strike them to the heart by destroy- 
ing their commerce, the Directory despatched to Egypt an 
expedition commanded by Bonaparte. From the banks of 
the Nile he hoped to reach England in India and over- 
throw her empire there. At the battles of the Pyramids 
and Mount Tabor, he scattered the Mamelukes and the 
Turks before him. But the loss of the French fleet at 
Aboukir had deprived him of siege guns and caused his 
siege of Saint Jean d'Acre to fail. After that disaster he 
could accomplish nothing important by remaining in Egypt. 
Destroying another Turkish army at Aboukir, he quitted 
his conquest and returned to France. 

During his absence the weakness of the Directory had 
permitted all the fruits of the peace of Formio to be lost. 
The spectacle of French internal disorganization and jfche 
absence of Bonaparte with the best French army, which 
seemed lost in the sands of Egypt, induced the continental 
Powers to lend an ear to the persuasions of Pitt. As early 
as 1798 that great and hostile minister began to form a sec- 
ond coalition against France. It was composed of Eussia, 
where Paul I had just succeeded to Catherine II, of that 
part of Germany which was under Austrian influence, of the 
emperor, who could not console himself for having lost Mi- 
lan, of Naples, Piedmont and Turkey. The alliance of the 
latter power with France, after lasting three centuries, had 
been ruptured by the expedition to Egypt. The Barbary 
States offered their assistance against the nation which 
seemed to have become the foe of the Crescent. 

France, without either money or commerce, no longer borne 
on by the patriotic impulse of '93 and not yet possessing 
the military enthusiasm and strong organization of the em- 
pire, found herself exposed to the most serious dangers. 
Still the first operations were fortunate ; Joubert drove the 
king of Sardinia from Turin, and Championnet proclaimed at 
Naples the Parthenopeian Eepublic. But the coalition had 
360,000 soldiers against 170,000 Frenchmen. An Anglo- 
Russian army landed in Holland. The Archduke Charles 
vanquished Jourdan at Stockach, and laid siege to Kehl, 
opposite Strasburg. Scherer at Magnano, Macdonald at Tre- 
bia, and Joubert at Novi lost Italy, which was invaded by 
100,000 Austro-Russians. 

The victory of Massena at Zurich and that of Brune at 
Bergen saved France from invasion. 


Internal Anarchy. The Eighteenth of Brumaire, or Novem- 
ber 9, 1799. — At home the struggle between parties was 
beginning again with fury, but fortunately with less 
bloodshed. -After the overthrow of Robespierre the Revo- 
lution seemed almost desirous of retracing its steps. The 
emigrants returned in crowds and the royalists showed them- 
selves everywhere. The condemnation of several hot-headed 
republicans, who preached the abolition of property, and the 
success of the " whites " in the elections, thereby giving the 
monarchists the majority in the councils, increased their 
hopes. The pretender, Louis XVIII, brother of Louis XVI, 
believed that he was on the point of being recalled and was 
already formulating his conditions. 

To the parliamentary coup d'état which was preparing, the 
Directory retorted by a coup d'état of the government and 
the army. It proscribed two of its members : Carnot, who 
was unwilling to employ violence against the royalists, and 
Barthélémy, who was royalist at heart. It sentenced fifty- 
three members of the two Councils to deportation. Among 
them were Pichegru, Barbé-Marbois, Boissy-d'Anglas, Por- 
tails and Camille Jordan (September 4, 1797). On May 11, 
1798, there was another coup d'etat, but this time it was 
directed against the deputies, called " patriots," whose elec- 
tions were annulled. The legislative body, thus attacked by 
the Directory, struck back on June 18, 1799, and three direc- 
tors were forced to resign. In the Councils, at Paris, in the 
armies, men talked openly of overthrowing the Constitution, 
which by dividing the executive power compelled it to be 
by turns weak or violent, but never strong or apparently 

Thus weary of the anarchy in which a feeble and undig- 
nified government let her exist, France accepted Bonaparte 
as her leader on his return from the East with the prestige 
of fresh victories. Sieyès, one of the directors, who wished 
a new constitution which he had long been meditating to be 
accepted, thought he had found in the general a useful tool. 
Bonaparte did not deprive him of his illusions, but accom- 
plished the military revolution of the eighteenth of Bru- 
maire, or November 9, 1799, which resulted in the fall of the 
Directory and the creation of the Consulate. 

The eighteenth of Brumaire was another national day 
crowned by an act of violence. Eoyalists and republicans., 
generals and magistrates, priests and laymen, had employed 

146 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1799. 

alternately during the last ten years conspiracies or weapons 
to modify or overtlirow the law. 
Another Constitution. The Consulate. — In order to 

strengthen the executive power the new chiefs of the state 
were reduced from five to three, and their functions were 
prolonged for ten years. The three consuls were Bonaparte, 
Sieyès and Koger Ducos. 

From the first Sieyès recognized that he had given him- 
self a master. Bonaparte rejected his plans and had a Con- 
stitution adopted, known as that of the year VIII, which 
placed in his hands under the title of First Consul the most im- 
portant prerogatives of authority. The two associate consuls, 
Cambacérès and Lebrun, had only the right of consultation. 

According to the new Constitution, the laws, prepared 
on the order of the consuls by the council of state, were 
discussed by the Tribunate and adopted or rejected by 
the legislature. The Tribunate expressed its opinions, 
which the government heeded or not as it pleased, concerning 
existing or proposed laws, abuses to be corrected, and im- 
provements to be introduced. When after examination by 
the tribunes a proposed law was submitted to the legislative 
body, it was discussed by three speakers from the Tribunate 
and by three Councillors of state. The members of the leg- 
islative body had no right to participate in the debate. 
They voted in silence. 

The Senate, composed of eighty members appointed for 
life, was charged with the maintenance of the Constitution, 
the judgment of all acts contrary to the organic law, and 
the nomination from the national list of all members of the 
Tribunate and of the legislature. All Frenchmen twenty- 
one years of age and inscribed on the public registers were 
electors. The electors of each communal district chose a 
tenth of their number to draw up from among themselves a 
list of communal notables, and from this list the First Con- 
sul selected the public functionaries of each district. The 
notables placed on the communal list named a tenth of 
their number to form the departmental list, and from this 
the First Consul selected the functionaries of the depart- 
ment. The persons named on the departmental list drew 
up the national list, which included one-tenth of their num- 
ber, and from which the national functionaries were chosen. 
Also from this third list of notables the Senate was to name 
the members of the Tribunate and the legislative body. 


Thus the assemblies which discussed and passed the laws were 
the result of four successive elections. This Constitution 
was submitted to a plebiscite or popular vote. There were 
cast 3,011,007 votes in favor of its adoption and 1562 against it. 

Bonaparte was known as a great general. He showed 
himself a still greater administrator. His first care was to 
reestablish order. He himself proclaimed oblivion of the 
past and endeavored to reconcile all parties. He declared 
the former nobles eligible to public office, recalled the later 
exiles, reopened the churches and permitted the emigrants 
to return. The country districts were cleared of bandits. 
In order to found an administration which should be at once 
firm and enlightened, he constituted the departments after 
the pattern of the state itself. The departments had been 
administered by elective directories over which the central 
power had little influence, and which worked badly or not 
at all. He replaced them by a Prefect who depended 
directly upon the Minister of the Interior, and he con- 
centrated all the executive authority in the hands of that 
official. At his side he placed the Council of the Pre- 
fecture, a sort of departmental council of state, and the Gen- 
eral Council, a sort of legislature. The sub-prefect had also 
his District Council. The mayor of each commune had a 
Municipal Council. Each district or sub-prefecture had a 
civil tribunal and for the finances a special receiver. Each 
department had a criminal tribunal and a receiver-general. 
Twenty-seven appellate tribunals were instituted over the 
land. A Court of Cassation or Supreme Court of Appeal 
maintained the uniformity of jurisprudence. A commission, 
composed of Portalis, Tronchet, Eigot de Préameneu and 
de Malleville and often presided over by Bonaparte himself, 
prepared the civil code, which was discussed by the council 
of state, and which the legislative body, after full examina- 
tion by the great judicial bodies and the Tribunate, adopted 
in 1804, One of the most useful creations of this period 
was the Bank of France, which has rendered great services 
to the country in times of difficulty. 

Marengo. Peace of Lunéville and of Amiens. — The 
royalists, disappointed in their hopes, raised the standard 
of insurrection in the west. By energetic measures Bona- 
parte stifled this new civil war. On the frontiers, especially 
in the direction of Italy, serious dangers menaced the 
Republic. The situation of 1796 seemed repeated. Instead 

148 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1800-1802. 

of flanking the Alps, as on the former occasion, Bonaparte 
crossed them by the Pass of St. Bernard and fell npon the 
rear guard of Melas who, master of Genoa, "was threatening 
to cross the Var. By the single battle of Marengo he re- 
conquered Italy (June 14, 1800). This dazzling success and 
the victory of Moreau at Hohenlinden forced Austria to 
sign the peace of Luné ville (February 9, 1801). 

England alone, still governed by Pitt the mortal enemy 
of Prance, obstinately persisted in war. But men's eyes 
were opening. They began to see why that one power, 
which gained by the war in which all the other powers 
were the losers, refused to lay down arms. The ideas, 
which twenty years earlier had armed against England the 
northern Powers, again made their appearance in the 
councils of the kings. The Tsar, the kings of Prussia, 
Denmark and Sweden, whose commerce the English were 
molesting, renewed the League of the Neutrals (December, 
1800). England replied by placing an embargo in her 
ports on the vessels of the allied states, and Nelson forcing 
the passage of the Sund threatened Copenhagen with bom- 
bardment. This audacious act and the assassination of 
Paul I broke up the League of the Neutrals. The new 
Tsar, Alexander I, renounced the policy of his father, 
and France found herself left to defend the liberty of the 
seas alone. The capitulation of Malta after a blockade of 
twenty-six months and the evacuation of Egypt by the 
French army seemed to justify the persistence of England; 
but she was staggering under a debt of over #2,000,000,000, 
enormous even for her. The misery of her laboring classes 
produced bloody riots. For a long time the Bank of Lon- 
don had paid out no coin. Moreover the French marine 
was springing into new life. At Boulogne immense prep- 
arations were under way for an invasion of England. 
Just as the peace of Luneville was signed Pitt fell from 
power. A few months later the new ministry concluded 
with France the preliminaries of the peace which was 
signed at Amiens, March 2^, 1802. The acquisitions of 
France and the republics which she had founded were 
recognized. England restored the French colonies, gave 
back Malta to the Knights, and the Cape to the Dutch. 
She retained only the Spanish Island of Trinidad, and 
Ceylon, which completed her establishment in India. 
Peace was reestablished on all the continents and on all 
the seas. The coalition of the kings was vanquished ! 




The Consulate for Life. — The treaty of Amiens carried 
the glory of Bonaparte to the zenith. For the second time 
he had given peace to France. Egypt was indeed lost and 
an expedition, intended to make the blacks of San Domingo 
recognize the authority of France, was doomed to failure. 
But those distant misfortunes hardly awakened an echo at 
home. They were forgotten as men beheld parties calmed 
and order reviving everywhere under the firm, skilful hand 
of the First Consul. 

He renewed the powerful impulse imparted by Colbert 
to manufactures. Commerce was encouraged, the finances 
were reorganized, the roads and ports repaired, the arsenals 
stocked. At Paris he threw three bridges across the Seine. 
Between the valleys of the Seine and the Oise he dug the 
canal of Saint Quentin. Between France and Italy he 
opened the magnificent road of the Simplon, and founded 
hospices on the summits of the Alps. The civil code was 
being discussed under his supervision, and he was already 
elaborating the project of complete organization of national 
education. A marvellous activity and an unprecedented 
ability to labor made him see everything, understand every- 
thing, do everything. Arts and letters received from him 
precious encouragement. For the purpose of rewarding 
civil and military services, talent and courage, he instituted 
the Order of the Legion of Honor, a glorious system of 
social distinction which the spirit of equality could accept. 
A stranger to the hatreds of the past ten years, he welcomed 
the exiles, recalled the priests, and signed the Concordat 
with the Pope. He tried to efface petty animosities and to 
form only one great party, that of France. Finally, while 
he harnessed the Bevolution to his chariot, he preserved its 
principles in his civil code and thereby rendered it im- 

150 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1803-1804. 

But he could not disarm all Ms enemies. Every day- 
fresh, conspiracies were formed against his life. The in- 
fernal machine of the Rue Saint Nicaise came near de- 
stroying his life. In order, as he himself said, to make his 
enemies tremble even in London, he caused the execution 
of Georges Cadoudal who had come to Paris to assassinate 
him. He exiled Moreau and imprisoned Pichegru, who 
strangled himself in his cell. Seizing the Duke d'Enghien 
contrary to international law at the castle of Ettenheim in 
the margravate of Baden, he handed him over to a military 
commission which condemned and executed him that same 
night in the moat of Vincennes (March 20, 1804). 

On August 2, 1802, four months after the treaty of Amiens, 
he was appointed consul for life. In order to bring institu- 
tions into harmony with its new powers, the Constitution 
was remodelled. The lists of notables were replaced by 
electoral colleges for life, and important changes were made 
to the advantage of the Senate. Invested with the constit- 
uent power, this body had the right of regulating by 
senatorial decrees whatever had not been provided for in 
fundamental laws, to suspend the jury and to dissolve the 
legislature and the Tribunate. But organic senatorial de- 
crees were to be previously discussed in a privy council, all 
of whose members were to be selected each time by the First 

Bonaparte Hereditary Emperor (May 18, 1804). — Ad- 
miration for a transcendent genius, gratitude for great ser- 
vices, and a crying need of order after so many agitations, 
caused these dangerous innovations to be accepted. A few 
members protested in the Tribunate. But the murmurs of 
Daunou, Lanjuinais, Chenier, Carnot and Benjamin Con- 
stant, like the opposition of Madame de Staël and Chateau- 
briand, were lost in the splendor which surrounded the new 
power. Finally the Senate invited the First Consul to rule 
the French Republic with the title of hereditary emperor 
as Napoleon I. The mighty master of France was unable 
to master himself and to restrain his ambition. 

More than three and a half million voters declared in 
favor of the empire. Pope Pius VII himself came to Paris 
and crowned the new Charlemagne on December 2, 1804. 
To give the throne which had just been set up the bril- 
liancy of the old monarchies and to unite under the same 
titles the men of the Revolution and those of the old régime, 


Napoleon created a new nobility of counts, dukes and princes. 
He appointed eighteen titled Marshals : Berthier, Murat, 
Moncey, Jourdan, Massena, Augereau, Bernadotte, Soult, 
Brune, Lannes, Mortier, Ney, Davoust, Bessières, Keller- 
man, Lefèvre, Pérignon and Serrurier, with large endow- 
ments in money and lands. Again were seen oE&cers of 
the court, its great dignitaries, its chamberlains and even 
its pages. 

Napoleon was president of the Italian Republic. Hav- 
ing become emperor in France, he became king of Italy 
(March 18, 1805). That fair country, enervated by a servi- 
tude of four or five centuries' duration and by divisions 
which dated from the fall of the E-oman Empire, was then 
unable either to defend itself, or of itself to unite. If the 
hand of France were withdrawn, either Austria would seize 
it once more or it would fall back again into its eternal 
rivalries. "You have only local laws,'' said Napoleon to 
the deputies of the Cisalpine E-epublic ; " you need general 
laws." That is to say, they were only municipalities, hos- 
tile to each other, and ought to become a state. The unity 
which Napoleon I wished to give the inhabitants by first 
making them French, Napoleon III afterwards assured 
them by leaving them Italians. 

Beginning with 1803 the emperor was Mediator of the 
Helvetian Eepublic. He took advantage of the right con- 
ferred upon him by this title to give Switzerland a con- 
stitution which, by maintaining peace between the rival 
cantons, ultimately led the Swiss to form a real nation with- 
out destroying local patriotism. Six new cantons, Argovie, 
Thurgovie, Saint Gall, Grisons, Yaud and Tessin, were added 
to the thirteen old cantons, and all unjust privileges disap- 
peared. After the proclamation of the empire. Napoleon 
made no change in his relations toward Switzerland, but 
took many Swiss regiments into his service. 

Third Coalition. Austerlitz and the Treaty of Presburg 
(1805). — Pitt returned to the ministry on May 15, 1804. 
Thus the war party again obtained the upper hand. In 
fact England could not bring herself to evacuate Malta 
despite her word pledged at the treaty of Amiens, and 
without declaring war she seized 1200 French and Dutch 
ships. Napoleon replied to this provocation by invad- 
ing Hanover, the patrimony of the English king, and 
by immediately setting on foot preparations to cross the 

152 HISTOBY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1805. 

Straits of Dover with an army. The American Pulton 
offered the means for crossing by the steamboat which he 
had constructed, but his proposals were refused. England 
was in danger. Nelson himself failed against the Boulogne 
flotilla which, should the tempest drive away the English 
vessels for a few days or should a calm render them motion- 
less, was ready to transport 150,000 men on its thirteen hun- 
dred boats. Admiral Villeneuve with the Toulon fleet might 
have protected the passage, but he lacked the daring. Through 
fearing a defeat in the Channel, he suffered a terrible disas- 
ter a few months later on the coast of Spain at Trafalgar 
(October 21, 1805). 

England had warded off the peril by dint of gold. She 
subsidized a third coalition, which Sweden, Eussia, Austria 
and Naples entered. Prussia held back and awaited de- 
velopments. The emperor was in the camp at Boulogne 
when he learned that 160,000 Austrians, preceding a Eus- 
sian army, were advancing under Archduke Charles upon 
the Adige and under General Mack on the Ehine. He was 
compelled to postpone his invasion. Napoleon immediately 
broke up his camp at Boulogne, sent the grand army post 
haste to the Ehine and, while Massena held back the 
archduke's vanguard, flanked Mack, shut him up in Ulm 
and forced his surrender (October 19). Two days later the 
destruction of the French fleet at Trafalgar forced him to 
renounce the sea, where he could not cope with his enemy. 

Still he controlled the land and was already planning 
the ruin of the English by closing the continent to them. 
On November 19, he entered Vienna, and on December 2, 
he won the battle of Austerlitz over the emperors of 
Austria and Eussia. The remnants of the Eussian army 
returned to their country by forced marches. Austria at 
the treaty of Presburg ceded the Venetian states with 
Istria and Dalmatia, which Napoleon united to the king- 
dom of Italy. She also surrendered the Tyrol and Austrian 
Suabia to the Dukes of Wurtemberg, Bavaria and Baden. 
The first two princes he made kings and the third a grand 
duke. Thus by the cession of Venice Austria lost all 
influence over Italy, and by that of the Tyrol all influence 
over Switzerland. The proposed cession of Hanover to 
the court of Berlin in exchange for Clèves and Neuchatel, 
was designed to remove Prussia also from the Erench 


The Confederation of the Rhine and the Vassal States of 
the Empire. — The emperor dreamed of inaugurating a new 
European system. He wished to be the Charlemagne of 
modern Europe. He had conceived a plan of empire which 
was not completed until after Tilsit. Still, we may present 
it now as a whole, so as to escape returning to it again. 
Eesuming the idea which Mazarin had cherished of a 
league among the states of western Germany, he organized 
after Austerlitz the Confederation of the Rhine. The old 
Germanic empire was dissolved after a duration of ten 
centuries. Francis II, reduced to his hereditary domains, 
abdicated the title of Holy Roman Emperor to assume that 
of emperor of Austria. The 370 petty states, which 
shared among them the German soil and maintained 
permanent anarchy, were reduced to thirty or forty. 
Thereby the more powerful states were enlarged and some 
of their princes received from France the name and the 
dignity of kings. They were united under the protection 
of Napoleon into a federated state, from which the half- 
Slav states, Prussia and Austria, were excluded. 

The new diet which sat at Frankfort was divided into two 
colleges. The College of Kings comprised the kings of 
Bavaria and Wurtemberg, the prince primate, ex-elector of 
Mayence, the Grand Dukes of Baden, Berg and Hesse- 
Darmstadt. The College of Princes included the Dukes of 
Nassau, Hohenzollern, Salm and others. The nobles, whose 
possessions were enclosed within the territories of these 
divers princes and whom former emperors had favored so as 
to weaken their greater vassals, were made subject to their 
territorial chiefs, and were thus deprived of their sovereign 
legislative and judicial rights and of control of police, 
taxation and recruiting. Each of the confederated states 
was to be absolutely free in its internal government. 
Resolutions in common were taken only with reference 
to foreign relations. Though successively enlarged, the 
Confederation comprehended but thirty-four members in 
1813. Nevertheless Napoleon had made Germany take an 
immense step toward unity. For this progress France 
was ultimately to pay dearly by the suppression of the 
Diet of Frankfort and by the establishment of a new Ger- 
man empire far more powerful than the old. 

But for the advancement of civil order in Germany and 
for the maintenance of European peace, the idea of inter- 

154 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1806. 

posing between tlie tliree great military states of Erance, 
Prussia and Austria a confédération, wMcli would be slow 
in action and necessarily pacific and which would prevent 
their frontiers from touching, was a happy combination. 
In order to make the plan truly successful, Napoleon should 
have left the confederates really independent. By trying 
to render this Confederation of the Ehine too French, his 
exactions repelled the Germans of the centre and west, 
then friendly to France, toward the northern and eastern 
Germans from whom it was his interest to separate them. 
Had the emperor confined himself to his first conception of 
the treaty of Presburg and of the Confederation of the 
Rhine, he would have assured for a long time the peace of 
Europe and the grandeur of France. 

The creation of this new state was only a part in. the 
stupendous plan of bold combinations which his genius had 
in mind. He made all his own relatives kings and princes. 
His three brothers, Louis, Jerome and Joseph, became kings 
of Holland, Westphalia and Naples. Eugene de Beau- 
harnais, his stepson, was viceroy of Italy. Murat, his 
brother-in-law, was made Grand Duke of Berg and after- 
wards king of Naples, when Napoleon judged it expedient 
to transfer Joseph to Madrid as king of Spain. His sister 
Elisa was Princess of Lucca and Piombino, and later on 
Grand Duchess of Tuscany. His other sister, Pauline, was 
Duchess of Guastalla. He himself was king of Italy and 
mediator of Switzerland. His ministers, his marshals and 
the great officers of the crown, had sovereign principalities 
outside France. Thus did Berthier at Neuchatel, Talley- 
rand at Benevento, Bernadotte at Pontecorvo. Others had 
duchies in Lombardy, the Neapolitan territory, or the states 
of Venice and Illyria, without feudal power, it is true, but 
yet with a share in the public property and revenues. 

Thus dynastic policy replaced national policy. Napoleon 
was guilty of the imprudence of j)lacing in one family, but 
yesterday poor and obscure, more crowns than the ancient 
houses of Hapsburg and Bourbon had ever worn. But by 
this sudden elevation of all his kindred he thought that he 
was serving France even more than his own house. Believ- 
ing in the strength of administrative organization rather than 
in that of ideas or popular sentiments, he imagined that he 
was fortifying his empire by surrounding it with these feu- 
datory states, like so many buttresses to support it and 

A.D. 1806-1807.] GREATNESS OF FRANCE 155 

advance posts to guard its approaches. These kings, 
princes and dukes, who were renewing royal races in so 
many countries, were only prefects of France seated on 
thrones and wearing the ermine. No one could fail to rec- 
ognize that, under one form or another, half of Europe obeyed 

Jena (1806) and Tilsit (1807). — In face of this daily in- 
creasing ambition it was inevitable that those powers which 
were still erect should do what France had done legitimately 
in the sixteenth century against the house of Austria and 
Europe in the seventeenth century against the house of 
Bourbon. That the weaker should unite to repress him who 
aims at omnipotence is a necessary policy. Thus Napoleon 
was himself largely responsible if war was always either 
threatening or declared. 

The cannon of Austerlitz had killed William Pitt. His 
rival. Fox, a man of larger scope and without the former's 
hatred for France, succeeded as minister. Napoleon imme- 
diately offered to treat. As the restitution of Hanover, the 
patrimony of the English kings, would be the guarantee of 
a durable peace, he suggested the possibility of this arrange- 
ment. Prussia, who believed that she already held in her 
grasp this long-coveted province, was angered at what she 
considered a piece of perfidy. The death of Fox having 
restored power to the war party, the court of Berlin com- 
menced hostilities. The victories of Jena and Auerstadt 
broke the Prussian monarchy (1806). Behind Prussia 
Napoleon again found the Russians. After the drawn battle 
of Eylau, he crushed them at Friedland, and the Emperor 
Alexander signed the treaty of Tilsit which reduced Prussia 
by a half and gave Finland to Russia (1807). 

The Continental Blockade. — A few days after Jena Napo- 
leon endeavored to attack England by promulgating the de- 
cree of Berlin. It declared the British Isles to be in a state 
of blockade and forbade all commerce with them. This was 
an act of reprisal against the maritime despotism of the 
English. But in order to render it effective it was neces- 
sary that not a single port of the continent should remain 
open to British merchandise. After having closed the ports 
of Holland, northern Germany and Prussia, he must neces- 
sarily close those of Eussia and Spain, which was equivalent 
to rendering himself the master everywhere. The conti- 
nental blockade was a gigantic engine of war, sure to deal a 

156 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1807-1809. 

mortal blow to one of the two antagonists. It was Napoleon 
whom it slew. 

Invasion of Spain (1807-1808). — As Portugal refused to 
join in the new policy, Napoleon formed an army corps to 
drive the English from that kingdom. The court of 
Madrid was then presenting to the world a pitiable spec- 
tacle. Ferdinand, the heir presumptive, was conspiring 
against his father Charles IV who was wholly controlled 
by Godoy, an unworthy favorite, and he in terror besought 
the aid of the emperor. Napoleon employed duplicity out 
of keeping with his strength. He invited the two princes 
to Bayonne and persuaded the aged monarch to abdicate in 
his favor (May 9, 1808). Ferdinand was relegated under a 
vigilant guard to the castle of Yalençay. Charles retired 
with a sort of court to Compiègne. Napoleon wished to 
resume the policy of Louis XIV and make sure of Spain 
on the south, so as to have full freedom of action in the 
north. The idea was correct, but its execution was unwise. 
This attempt to lay hands on Spain was a main cause in the 
fall of the Empire. 

The French troops had already entered Spain. But the 
courage of the French soldiers and the skill of their leaders 
were of no avail against the religious and patriotic fanati- 
cism of the Spaniards. In vain did Napoleon win victories 
and conduct to Madrid his brother Joseph, whom he took 
away from his throne of Naples in order to make him king 
of Spain. In that mountainous land insurrection when 
crushed at one point reappeared at another. Moreover 
England all the time was furnishing arms, money, soldiers 
and generals. 

Wagram (1809). — Despite the assurances which Napoleon 
received from all the continental powers at the interview of 
Erfurt, the English managed to organize a fifth coalition, 
which forced the emperor to leave his enterprise in Spain 
unfinished and hasten again to Germany. On May 12, 1809, 
he entered Vienna for the second time. On July 6, he won 
the sanguinary battle of Wagram, followed by the peace of 
Vienna. Austria lost 3,400,000 inhabitants whom France, 
Bavaria, Saxony, the grand duchy of Warsaw and Russia 
shared between them. 

Napoleon then appeared to be at the acme of his power. 
His empire extended from the mouth of the Elbe to that 
of the Tiber. His marriage with the Archduchess Maria 

A.D. 1810-1811.] GREATNESS OF FRANCE 157 

Louisa had just secured his entrance into one of the oldest 
royal houses in Europe. The birth of a son (March 20, 
1811), who was proclaimed King of Eome in his cradle, 
but was to die Duke of Eeichstadt, was his last gift from 

158 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1809. 




Popular Reaction against the Spirit of Conquest repre- 
sented by Napoleon. — The revolution of 1688 in England 
remained wholly English, so it did not leave its own island. 
The French Eevolntion was cosmopolitan. The memlSers 
of the Erench National Assembly, not merely solicitous of 
the ancient liberties of the country, had the larger idea of 
rights common to all men united in society. Thus they 
placed the Declaration of Rights as a preamble to the Con- 
stitution of 1791. They thought of humanity no less than 
of Erance. This largeness of view constituted the grandeur 
and also the misery of the Erench Revolution. As a result 
the new order of things emerged from the past only with 
frightful throes. 

But the general character of the first Erench Constitution 
and of the principles of 1789 applied as fully to the banks 
of the Meuse, the Rhine and the Po, as to the banks of the 
Seine. Hence this sentiment aided in Erench success. One 
day the Revolution abdicated its principles into the hands 
of a soldier of genius. He separated the legacy of 1789 into 
two parts. The one, liberty, he postponed ; the other part, 
civil equality, he undertook to establish everywhere. In 
this task he sought the greatness of Erance, but above all 
his own. Condemned by the hatred of the English aristoc- 
racy to an endless war, he forgot in the intoxication of 
victory and power his true rôle and assumed that of a con- 
queror whose hand brushes aside or reduces to powder every 
obstacle. Thus at Presburg and Tilsit, Napoleon rearranged 
the map of Central Europe according to his will and indulged 
in dreams even greater than the realities of which he 
furnished a specta^cle to the world. The nations, formerly 
allies of Erance, became for him the pieces on a chess board 


wherewith he ]played the game solely according to the com- 
binations of his own mind. He seized some, he delivered 
others, without the slightest heed to those old traditions, 
affections, or interests which would not change. And he 
never dreamed that from the midst of those masses, for a 
time inert, a force was soon to spring greater than that of 
the best drilled armies, more formidable than those coali- 
tions of kings which he had already for four times destroyed. 
This force was found in the will of men resolved that they 
would no longer be treated like cattle which are bought 
and sold, yoked or separated. Indifferent at first to the 
fall of their royal houses, the peoples at length understood 
that they were the cruelly tried victims of those political 
convulsions. They learned that independence is not only 
national dignity as liberty is individual dignity, but that it 
is also the safeguard of personal interests. They learned 
that habits, ideas and one's most private feelings are sadly 
wounded by a foreign master, even though he presents him- 
self with his hands full of benefits. Then, to defend their 
political conscience, men regained the enthusiasm which 
they had possessed three centuries earlier to defend their 
religious conscience. It is a painful confession for France, 
though none the less too true, that the force which shattered 
Napoleon and the French state was of the same nature, 
though of another order, as that which had shattered Philip 
II and the Inquisition. 

Preparation for Insurrection in Germany. — After having 
broken up a fifth coalition at Wagram, Napoleon thought 
that he was more secure than ever. But his arms were no 
longer invincible. Junot and even Massena were unable to 
conquer Portugal and General Dupont signed in 1808 the 
shameful capitulation of Baylen. The hopes of the enemy 
increased and England was confirmed in her resolution to 
fight to the death, when she beheld hostility against Napo- 
leon on the part of the government gradually descending 
into the hearts of the people. 

After Jena Prussia had given up the struggle. Army 
corps capitulated without a combat. Powerful fortresses 
surrendered without firing a shot. Nevertheless she was the 
principal instrument of German vengeance against France, 
although her ov/n virtues did not prepare her for that great 
rôle. Her king, Frederick William, was a mystic and re- 
plied to those who demanded reforms by saying, ^^ I am he 

160 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1809. 

wliom Providence has reserved for the welfare of Prussia." 
But none of the persons around him and not even he him- 
self had the conception of anything different from the 
ancient Prussian monarchical system. The number of 
those who resigned themselves to the existing condition of 
affairs was very large. Germans like Stein of Nassau and 
Scharnhorst and Hardenberg of Hanover, who were strangers 
to Prussia, provoked the regeneration of that country. Baron 
Stein set to work immediately after Tilsit. " The sentiment 
of a common existence must be aroused," said he. " The 
forces which lie quiescent must be utilized. An alliance 
must be concluded between the spirit of the nation and the 
spirit of authority." He abolished serfdom of the soil. 
He granted to the peasants the right of holding property 
and to the cities the right of appointing their own magis- 
trates and of administering their own affairs by elective 
councils. He reformed the higher administration in a 
liberal sense and caused it to be decided that rank and 
office, hitherto reserved to the nobles, should form the 
reward of courage and merit. Scharnhorst, on being ap- 
pointed Minister of War, undertook to elude the article of 
the treaty of Tilsit which reduced the standing army of 
Prussia to 42,000 men. He insisted upon obligatory service 
under the flag for all men of an age to bear arms, sending 
them home as soon as they were sufficiently trained. In a 
short time in this way he prepared an army of 150,000 men 
who only awaited the signal of a grand uprising to make 
their appearance on the field of battle. These reforms, 
inspired by the ideas of 1789, renewed patriotism and created 
a public spirit in Prussia by interesting all classes of the 
population in the public safety. An association, founded 
by several professors under the title of the Association of 
Virtue, or Tugendbund, had at first only twenty members, but 
rapidly spread throughout all Germany where the affiliated 
were soon numbered by thousands. Its self-appointed mis- 
sion was to restore " German strength and character." In 
1809 one of its members, the student Staaps, tried to assas- 
sinate Napoleon at Schonbrunn. Though proscribed, the 
Association continued to exist in secret. It penetrated the 
deepest strata of the population and prepared the way for 
the awakening of 1813. 

Progress of Liberal Ideas in Europe. — The resistance of 
Spain produced a great sensation in Germany. Stein turned 


to profit every piece of news whicb. readied him concerning 
that heroic struggle. Napoleon, a genius of the military 
order, took little heed of moral forces. He believed in 
himself and in his strategic or administrative combinations, 
and never dreamed that an idea could stand firm against 
the shot of cannon. Thus the significance of Stein's re- 
forms escaped him. He laughed at the minister who " in 
default of troops of the line meditated the sublime project 
of raising the masses." But later on he demanded his dis- 
missal and finally in an insulting decree dated from Madrid 
he proscribed "the said Stein" (1809). The insult was 
deeply resented throughout the whole of Prussia and Ger- 
many. Nevertheless Hardenberg continued his reforms in 
the emancipation of the peasants, in securing freedom of 
industry for the purpose of stimulating labor and in abolish- 
ing some exceptional laws levelled against the Jews. Not 
to leave any force unemployed, he created the University of 
Berlin (1810) whence Eichte was to address his discourses 
to the German people, and which sent as many recruits to 
the insurrection as did the burning poems of Arndt and 
Schenkendorff, the Death Song of Korner and the Sonnets 
of Euckert. " Then was born in tears, in blood and despair, 
but also in prayer and faith, the idea of liberty, the con- 
sciousness of the fatherland." 

Thus liberal ideas were likewise turning against Prance 
in Spain and Italy. The Cortes of Cadiz drew up a con- 
stitution derived from the principles of 1789. It declared 
the sovereignty of the nation, the delegation of the executive 
power to the king and of the legislative power to the repre- 
sentatives of the country, the responsibility of the ministers 
and the suppression of privileges in adjusting taxation. The 
former king of Naples, who fled to Sicily, gave that province 
a constitution modelled upon that of England. Thus kings 
and peoples were preparing to fight France with the very 
weapons which at the beginning of the Revolutionary wars 
had ensured the conquest of the Netherlands, Holland, the 
right bank of the Rhine, Switzerland and Italy. Privileges 
were abolished. What still survived of feudalism was re- 
placed by free institutions. As Prance now represented 
military dictatorship, an ancient and worn-out form of 
government, she was bound, despite the extraordinary man 
placed at her head, to succumb in the struggle. 

Formation or Awakening of the Nations. — Prance was 

162 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1811-1812. 

now opposed by two irresistible forces. One force she had 
herself created. It was that of liberal ideas and of the 
sovereign rights of the nation with all the consequences 
which flow therefrom. The foundation of the other force 
she had provoked by doing violence to the peoples. This 
force was the new principle of nationality. Under the 
pressure of French weapons the Spanish insurgents and the 
members of the Tugendbund had recovered the fatherland, 
to which their ancestors in the eighteenth century had paid 
so little heed. While they demanded the abolition of un- 
just privileges, they wished to preserve their autonomy. 
Thus in the mountains of Castile, of the Tyrol and of 
Bohemia, on the banks of the Elbe and the Oder, as in the 
plains of Brandenburg, this idea of nationality had its birth 
or its revelation. It renewed history by introducing the 
question of race ; literature, by investigation of folk songs ; 
philology, by comparison of languages; politics, by the 
study of the interests which result from a common origin, 
a common language and common traditions. It is this idea 
which in our own day has made Italy and Germany into 

As early as 1809, when Austria had completed her armar 
ments against France, public opinion in Germany with energy 
demanded that Prussia should take part in the war. Scharn- 
horst urged the king to this step, but Frederick William dared 
not undertake anything so bold. After Wagram he humbly 
made reparation to the victor for the premature patriotism 
of Prussian subjects. Nevertheless the secret movement, 
undermining the earth beneath the feet of the mighty auto- 
crat of the West, was making progress. Many persons 
even in France discerned the signs of impending ruin. It 
was at this crisis that Napoleon undertook the rashest of 
all his expeditions. 

Moscow (1812). Leipzig (1813). Campaign in France 
(1814). — To compel Eussia not to abandon the scheme of 
continental blockade he led his armies 600 leagues dis- 
tant from France, while 270,000 of his best troops and 
his most skilful captains were occupied at the other extrem- 
ity of the continent in front of Cadiz and of the English 
army under Wellington. On June 24, 1812, he crossed the 
Niémen at the head of 450,000 men. Six days previous the 
Congress at Washington had declared war against the cabi- 
net of St. James, because English cruisers insisted obsti- 


nately on the right to search vessels engaged in American 
commerce. Had the emperor renounced his mad expedition 
to Russia, had he, as in 1804, centred his forces and his 
genius upon the war with England and aided the new ally 
who was arising on the other side of the Atlantic, unlooked- 
for results might have been brought about. Unfortunately 
he trusted in himself alone. At first the expedition ap- 
peared to be successful. The Kussians were everywhere 
routed as at Vitesk, Smolensk and Velutina. The bloody 
battle of the Moskva delivered into his power Moscow, the 
second capital of the empire, to which the Eussians set fire 
as they retreated. 

To his misfortune he thought he had secured a peace by 
his victories. He waited for it and wasted precious time. 
When he realized that to extort it a second expedition 
against St. Petersburg was necessary, it was too late. It 
was impossible to winter in the heart of a ravaged country 
and he was compelled to retreat. The retreat might have 
escaped disaster, had not the winter been unusually early 
and severe, and had not provisions failed. The greater part 
of the army, all the horses, all the baggage, perished or were 
abandoned, either in the snows or at the fatal passage of the 

While the grand army was melting away, infidelity and 
treason against which Napoleon should have provided were 
breaking out behind him. He had forced Prussia, Austria 
and the Confederates of the E-hine to furnish him numerous 
contingents. But Arndt, who had taken refuge in Sweden, 
and Stein, who had fled to Bussia, were inundating Ger- 
many with patriotic pamphlets, wherein they called upon 
the Germans in the French army to desert, and represented 
the Tsar Alexander as the liberator of the nations. Their 
counsels were heeded. York who commanded a part of the 
Prussian contingent passed over to the Russians. Frederick 
William III at once engaged in a two-faced policy. He 
assured Napoleon " that he was the natural ally of France.'' 
He informed Alexander that he was only waiting for the 
right moment to join him with all his people. He even sug- 
gested to Napoleon that everything might be arranged by 
giving the kingdom of Poland to the king of Prussia and 
trusting him to arrest " the aggressions of the Russian power." 
This proposition was a treason even to the " German father- 
land," the Vaterland. 

164 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1813. 

Frederick William believed that such duplicity was re- 
quired by the circumstances. Therein he continued the 
policy of Frederick II, which justified whatever furthered 
the success of the Hohenzollerns. But Btilow, who com- 
manded another Prussian corps, followed York's example. 
Then Stein hastened to Konigsberg, the capital of the prov- 
ince of Prussia, which was in full revolt against the king 
because the latter appeared to disavow his generals and still 
to side with Napoleon. The states of the province organized 
war to the death. On February 7 was issued the order 
concerning the whole military force of the country, the 
landwehr and the landsturm. A population of a million 
inhabitants furnished 60,000 soldiers. Then, while still 
negotiating, the king of Prussia decided to take up arms. 
Not however till February 28, 1813, did he sign the treaty 
of Kalisch with Russia. But here again he did not forget 
the interests of his house, for he made Alexander guarantee 
him aggrandizement in Germany in exchange for Polish 
territories. He desired the acquisition of Saxony, which 
would strengthen Prussia toward the mountains of Bohemia 
and fortify his position in Silesia. 

The long hesitation of Frederick William was due to his 
uneasiness at the popular movement incited by his ministers. 
He regarded the people as valuable for saving his crown, 
but had no idea of rewarding their service by the grant of 
public liberty. But he could no longer hold back. He 
launched the " appeal to my people," together with an edict 
full of warlike fury concerning the landwehr and the land- 
sturm. ^' The combat to which thou art called justifies all 
the means ! The most terrible are the best ! Not only 
shalt thou harass the enemy, but thou shalt destroy his sol- 
diers whether singly or in troops. Thou shalt slay ma- 
rauders. . . .'' At the same time the lecture-rooms of the 
universities and the churches rang with calls to arms. The 
generals and the ministers in their proclamations were lav- 
ish of promises of liberty. The war of the nations had begun. 

After the passage of the Beresina, Napoleon, who had 
hastened to Paris, raised another army. But his allies with 
the exception of Denmark had turned against him. Sweden, 
led by a former French general, Bernadotte, had set the ex- 
ample of defection. Austria was waiting for a favorable 
opportunity to unite her arms with those of the Russians, 
victors without a battle. The whole of Germany, under- 


mined by secret societies, held itself ready to pass over even 
on tlie battlefield itself to tlie ranks of the enemy. The 
brilliant victories of Llitzen, Bautzen and Wurschen, won 
by Napoleon with conscripts in the campaign of 1813, ar- 
rested for a time the action of Austria. But that power at 
last forgot the ties which she had formed and the emperor 
Francis soon marched to aid in dethroning his daughter and 

Three hundred thousand men assembled at Leipzig against 
Napoleon's 170,000 soldiers. After a gigantic struggle of 
three days' duration, aided by the treachery of the Saxons 
who in the middle of the action deserted to their side, they 
forced Napoleon to abandon the field of battle, for the first 
time vanquished. He was obliged to retreat as far as the 

In the following year began that memorable campaign in 
France where the military genius of the emperor worked 
miracles. But while he was heroically struggling with a 
few thousand brave men against combined Europe the royal- 
ists raised their heads and the liberals made untimely 
opposition to his measures. At that critical moment a 
dictatorship was needed to spare France foreign invasion, 
that greatest shame which a nation can undergo, but men 
talked only of political rights and of liberty ! To many 
the enemy seemed a liberator. In vain did Napoleon con- 
quer at Campaubert, at Montmirail and at Montereau. The 
allies continued to advance, favored by the desertions which 
broke out in all directions, especially in the south, by which 
road came Wellington and the English whom Marshal Soult 
brought to a temporary halt at the battle of Toulouse. 

A bold attack on the hostile rear guard might perhaps 
have saved France. If Paris could but stand firm for a few 
days, the allies, cut off from their communications, would 
have been ruined. But Paris, defended only for twelve 
hours, capitulated (March 30), and the Senate proclaimed 
the deposition of the emperor. He himself signed his abdica- 
tion at Fontainebleau (April 11). 

The First Restoration. The Hundred Days. Waterloo 
(1814-1815). — The French princes of the house of Bourbon 
had fought in the enemy's ranks. The Tsar, the king of 
Prussia and the emperor of Austria, finding themselves 
embarrassed as to the choice of government, were persuaded 
by Talleyrand and the royalists to recognize Louis XVIII 

166 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1814-1815. 

wlio dated his reign from the death of his nephew, the son 
of Louis Xyi. The white flag replaced the flag of Auster- 
litz and France reentered the boundaries of the days before 
the Eevolution. She surrendered fifty-eight strongholds 
which her troops still held, 12,000 cannon, thirty vessels, 
and twelve frigates by the first Treaty of Paris, May 30, 
1814. In compensation for so many sacrifices Louis XVIII 
granted a constitutional charter which created two Chambers 
wherein national interests were to be discussed. The emi- 
grants, who had returned with the princes, were irritated 
by these concessions made to new ideas. The greed of some, 
the superannuated pretensions of others, the excesses of all, 
excited a discontent whose echo reached the island of Elba 
whither Napoleon had been banished. He thought that in 
consequence of the general dissatisfaction he could retrieve 
his disasters. On March 1, 1815, he landed with 800 men 
on the coast of Provence. All the troops sent against him 
passed over to his side. Without firing a shot he reentered 
Paris, whence the Bourbons fled for the second time. But 
the allied princes had not yet dismissed their troops. They 
were then assembled at the Congress of Vienna, occupied in 
settling after their own pleasure the affairs of Europe. 
They again launched 800,000 men against France and placed 
Napoleon under the ban of the nations. 

In the meantime the emperor had tried to rally the lib- 
erals to his side by proclaiming the Act, additional to the 
Constitution of the Empire, which confirmed most of the 
principles contained in the charter. As soon as he had 
reestablished order at home, he hastened to march against 
Wellington and Blticher. He defeated the Prussians at 
Ligny (June 16, 1815) and for half a day fought victoriously 
with 71,000 men against 80,000 English, Belgians and Han- 
overians. Wellington was near retreat, when the Prussians, 
who had escaped through a fatal combination of circum- 
stances from Marshal Grouchy, fell upon the exhausted 
French (June 18). The catastrophe of Waterloo was a death- 
blow to the empire. Napoleon again abdicated in favor 
of his son, Napoleon II (June 22). Paris for the second 
time beheld foreigners enter her walls, pillage her museums 
and strip her libraries. Napoleon was exiled to Saint 
Helena in the middle of the Atlantic Ocean. There he died 
on May 5^ 1821, after six years of painful captivity. 

Engraved by OMluj., Ulnuiu i Cu., N. V. 




Reorganization of Europe at the Congress of Vienna. The 
Holy Alliance. Congress of Vienna (1815). — The second 
Treaty of Paris (November 20, 1815) was more disastrous 
than the first. A war indemnity was imposed of 700,000- 
000 francs, not reckoning special claims which amounted 
to 370,000,000. The foreign occupation was to last five 
years. Rectifications of the frontier deprived France of 
Chambery, Annecy, Phillippeville, Marienburg, Sarrelouis, 
Landau and the duchy of Bouillon, and created in the 
line of defence the gaps of the Ardennes, the Moselle 
and Savoy. In Alsace Strasburg was uncovered by the 
loss of Landau, and the dismantling of Huningue opened a 
new road for invasion. On the sea Tobago, Santa Lucia, 
the île de France and the Seychelles were lost. England, 
while leaving France her trading posts in India, denied her 
the right to fortify them. But some still greater disasters 
were escaped. England, through a wise policy unwill- 
ing to shake the throne of the Bourbons, and the Emperor 
Alexander, on account of his personal sympathy for France, 
vetoed the plans of Prussia, who was already ambitious of 
securing Alsace and Lorraine. 

The Congress of Vienna to regulate European affairs 
opened in September, 1814. All the excesses with which 
Napoleon had been reproached were repeated there. The 
four sovereigns of Eussia, England, Prussia and Austria, 
who had declared themselves the instruments of Providence 
against revolutionary France, remodelled the map of Europe 
as best profited their own ambition. It resembled a market 
of mankind. The commission, charged with dividing up the 
human herd among the kings, was greatly troubled by the 
exigencies of Prussia who demanded 3,300,000 additional 
subjects as an indemnity. The Congress even discussed the 
quality of the human merchandise and gravely recognized 
the fact that a former Frenchman of Aix-la-Chapelle or 

168 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1815. 

Cologne was worth more than a Pole. In order to equalize 
the lots they reckoned a number of men from the left bank 
of the Ehine equivalent to a larger number from the right 
bank of the Oder. 

The agreement of the four Powers removed all difficulties 
at the expense of the weak. In Germany the petty princes, 
secular or ecclesiastical, and the free cities were shared with- 
out scruple as almost worthless booty. But this trade in 
white men came near rupturing the coalition. Russia and 
Prussia had come to an understanding that the former should 
annex the whole of Poland, and the latter in exchange for 
her Polish provinces the whole of Saxony. "Each must 
find what suits him," said the Tsar. England, Austria and 
France united in frustrating this plan by the secret treaty 
of January 3, 1815. The French ambassador, M. de Talley- 
rand, succeeded in saving the king of Saxony. At the same 
time he ruined France by proposing to annex to Prussia in 
exchange for the Saxon provinces which she specially de- 
sired the Phenish provinces for which she cared less. Later 
French misfortunes sprang from this substitution. 

Pussia received the greater part of the grand duchy of 
Warsaw, together with western Galicia and the circle of 
Zamosk. Austria gained the Venetian states, Pagusa, the 
valleys of the Valtelina, Bormio and Chiavenna. Also 
Saltzburg and the Tyrol were restored to her. Prussia ac- 
quired the duchy of Posen, Swedish Pomerania, West- 
phalia and 700,000 inhabitants in Saxony. England asked 
nothing on the continent. The electorate of Hanover 
with increased territory was restored to her royal family. 
Moreover she might well be content with retaining the 
acquisitions made in every sea in the struggle against 
the Révolution and the Empire. She retained Heligoland, 
opposite the mouth of the Elbe and the Weser; the pro- 
tectorate of the Ionian Isles at the entrance to the Adriatic ; 
Malta, between Sicily and Africa ; Santa Lucia and Tabago 
in the Antilles ; the Seychelles and the île de France in the 
Indian Ocean, and finally Ceylon and the Dutch colonies of 
the Cape of Good Hope. 

France, relatively weaker as the power of the four great 
states increased, still seemed formidable enough to render 
precautions necessary against her even along her exposed 
frontiers. The coalition shrewdly established its advance 
posts. On the north it united Belgium and Holland into 


one kingdom under tlie Prince of Orange. On tlie north- 
east was the Ehenish country, the larger part of which was 
assigned to Prussia, while the remainder was divided between 
Holland, Hesse-Darmstadt and Bavaria. The latter was 
formerly the ally but now about to become the enemy of 
France. Finally on the south the restoration of Savoy to 
the king of Piedmont placed Lyons, the second capital of 
France, within two days of the armies of the coalition. 

The most difficult problem had been to reconstitute the 
Confederation of the E/hine, which was directed against 
France as the Germanic Confederation. Long and violent 
debates arose on this subject in the Congress, where the 
petty states made energetic efforts to preserve their in- 
dependence. The advocates of German union, including 
Prussia, wished to reestablish the ancient German Empire. 
Austria dared not resume the ancient crown of the Haps- 
burgs. The kings of Bavaria and Wurtemberg were re- 
solved that the crowns which Napoleon had placed on their 
heads should not fall. Already, when the extinction of 
Saxony was discussed, Bavaria had promised M. de Talley- 
rand 30,000 men if France, joining Austria and England, 
would drive Prussia into Brandenburg and Bussia beyond 
the Vistula. Wurtemberg, Hanover, Baden and Hesse ad- 
vocated the same project. It was agreed that the empire, 
destroyed in 1806, should not be set up again. 

When the news of Napoleon's return from Elba arrived, 
^^ a hut was constructed in all haste to shelter Germany 
during the storm, a miserable refuge, which the princes them- 
selves destroyed later on." This Confederation, of which a 
German diplomat spoke with such contempt, was to consist 
of thirty-nine states, which were to send deputies to Frank- 
fort to a Diet, over which Austria was always to preside. 

This Diet was to be composed of two assemblies. The 
first or ordinary assembly numbered seventeen votes, that is 
to say, one vote for each of the great Confederates and one 
also for each group into which the petty states had been col- 
lected. In the general assembly each Confederate had a 
number of votes proportioned to its importance. The 
former assembly was to settle current affairs ; the latter was 
to be convoked whenever a question arose concerning funda- 
mental laws or important interests of the federal act. The 
Confederates were to retain their sovereign independence, 
their armies and their diplomatic representation. But thç 

170 HISTORY OF MODERN' TIMES [a.d. 1815. 

Confederation was also to have its own army and to hold the 
fortresses which were built with the indemnity paid by 
France. Thus Luxemburg, Mayence and Landau were to 
cut off from France the approach to the E-hine, just as Kas- 
tadt and Ulm could prevent a French advance to the Black 
Forest or the valleys of the Danube. 

In Switzerland, Geneva and Yaud were enlarged at French 
expense by a part of the country of Gex and some com- 
munes in Savoy. Valais, Greneva and Neuchatel were 
added to the nineteen original cantons and formed the Hel- 
vetii confederation, which the Congress declared neutral 
territory. In Italy the king of the Two Sicilies and the Pope 
recovered what they had lost, but Austria again became all 
powerful in the peninsula. Mistress of Milan and Venetia, 
she made sure of the right bank of the Po through the right 
of placing a garrison in Placentia, Ferrara and Comacchio. 
She had enthroned an archduke in Tuscany, and had stipu- 
lated that the duchies of Parma, Placentia and Guastalla, 
ceded for life to the ex-Empress Marie Louise, and the 
duchy of Modena, given to an Austrian prince, should revert 
to the Austrian crown. Moreover the king of Piedmont, 
although he had received Genoa and Savoy, was exposed on 
the Tessin border and seemed at the mercy of his formida- 
ble neighbor. 

In the north of Europe Sweden, in compensation for Fin- 
land which had been taken by Russia, received Norway 
which was taken from Denmark. Denmark in turn was to 
have in compensation Swedish Pomerania and Btigen. But 
Prussia, implacable against the little Danish state which 
alone had been always faithful to France, forced her to ex- 
change these countries for Lauenburg. This duchy like 
that of Holstein was only the personal domain of the king, 
who through his possession of these two German provinces 
became a member of the Germanic Confederation, that is, of 
a state organized against France. Denmark experienced 
later the effect of these artificial combinations. 

The Holy Alliance (1815). — The stipulations of the Con- 
gress of Vienna (June 9, 1815) constituted the most impor- 
tant act which diplomacy had effected in Europe since the 
conclusion of the peace of Westphalia. The sovereigns of 
Russia, Austria and Prussia undertook to give it religious 
consecration. On September 14, 1816, under the inspira- 
tion of the Tsar Alexander, they signed at Paris the Treaty 


of the Holy Alliance, wherein they asserted ^' in the face of 
the universe their unalterable determination to take as their 
rule of conduct, both in the administration of their respec- 
tive states and in their political relations with every other 
government, only the precepts of the Christian religion, 
precepts of justice, charity and peace." In consequence 
they bound themselves, in the first article, to regard each 
other as " brethren," in the second, " to display to one 
another an unalterable good-will," considering themselves 
" delegated by Providence to govern three branches of one 
and the same family, to wit, Austria, Prussia and Russia," 
to form but one Christian nation, which should have for its 
sovereign ^' Him to Whom alone power belongs as His pos- 
session, because in Him are found all the treasures of love, 
of knowledge and of infinite wisdom." The kings of con- 
stitutional countries could not sign the Treaty of the Holy 
Alliance, but in all lands a party upheld its principles. 

Thus was crowned by a mystical and sentimental act the 
most self-seeking work of politics. These words, "justice 
and love," present a singular contrast to the real state of 
things. " Public right," said Hardenberg, " is useless ; " to 
which Alexander added, " You are always talking to me of 
principles. I do not know what you mean. What, think 
you, do I care for your parchments and your treaties?" 
However, it was at the Congress of Vienna that Talleyrand 
invented the word " legitimacy." That city, where so many 
jealousies were in conflict and where so little consideration 
was paid the wishes and the true interests of kings and 
nations, was a strange cradle for any idea of rights. 

In order to satisfy political requirements Belgium had 
been yoked with Holland much against her will, and Italy 
had been handed over to Austria. Thus the way was paved 
for insurrection in the Netherlands and the peninsula. 
Poland, dismembered, remained a perpetual cause of conflict 
between the three " brother monarchs." And lastly, by 
forgetting the liberal promises made to the peoples in order 
to stir them up against Napoleon, the spirit of revolt was 
destined soon to shake that edifice so laboriously erected 
and of which at the present time nothing remains. 

The Germanic Confederation seemed fitted, it is true, to 
assure continental peace by separating the three great mili- 
tary states of Prussia, Austria and France. The temporiz- 
ing German character seemed interposed between three 

172 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1815. 

countries accustomed to rapid action: between Russia, 
wliicli utilizes to the utmost ideas of race and religion; 
England, which obeys the commercial spirit; and France, 
which is prone to move with sudden and hasty impulse. As 
the Germany of 1815 was built on perpetual compromises, 
it represented in European affairs the genius of compromise, 
which is that of diplomacy. To fully render this service to 
the peace of the world, of necessity the Confederation should 
have been organized for defence and not for attack, and 
should have been independent both of Berlin and Vienna. 
But the rivalries and antagonisms of the two were to keep 
the Confederation in constant anxiety and turmoil and to 
cease only when one should be able to expel the other. 

In 1815 the preponderance in Europe seemed for a long 
time assured to Russia and England, the two powers which 
had been invulnerable even to the sword of Napoleon. 

A.D. 1815.] THE HOLY ALLIANCE 173 




Character of the Period between 1815 and 1830. — As the 

National Assembly of 1789 paid more heed to ideas than 
to facts, — a course which philosophy always pursues but 
which politics never does, — it had revived and applied to 
vast multitudes such principles of political liberty and civil 
equality as had seldom been realized except in small cities 
and tribes. Unfortunately society, like an individual, can 
never carry two ideas to victory at the same time. Equal- 
ity, inscribed in the Code Napoléon, very quickly passed 
into the national character, and the Erench soldiers carried 
its fruitful germ throughout all Europe. The Terror, civil 
discords and the ambition of a great man postponed the 
triumph of civil liberty. None the less the spirit of liberty 
among many European peoples united with the sentiment 
of nationality and added strength to the forces which threat- 
ened Napoleon. But the victors of Leipzig and Waterloo 
had no idea of giving it a place in the national law. They 
combined on the contrary to fetter what they called revo- 
lutionary passion, but what was only, if we eliminate its 
excesses and crimes, a new and legitimate evolution of hu- 
manity. The struggle which they engaged against the new 
spirit forms the principal interest of the drama unrolling 
between 1815 and 1830. 

In this drama, on which side was justice and consequently 
the right to life and success ? This is the question which 
must be put in front of every great social conflict. Setting 
aside commonplace accusations of hypocrisy and obstinacy, 
of fondness for disorder and search for Utopias, there always 
remains the inevitable battle between an old society, which 
is unwilling to die, and a new society, which persists in 
making a place for itself in the world and which deserves 
to have one. 

174 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1815-1824. 

_ Unfortunately this struggle was envenomed by passions 
which impelled one party to cruel acts of violence and the 
other to criminal conspiracies. The golden mean would 
have been attained by following the example of England in 
1689. Thus the spirit of conservatism would have been 
retained from the past but vivified for the satisfaction of 
new needs by the spirit of progress, which absolute royalty 
had formerly favored but which in the nineteenth century 
could be favored only by liberty. Louis XVIII, whom a 
long residence in England had enlightened as to the ad- 
vantages of representative government, might perhaps have 
managed to effect this miracle in France. He saw plainly 
that the country was divided into two camps armed against 
each other, and he understood that a wise and prudent policy 
alone could unite them. "One must not," he said to his 
brother, the Count d'Artois, who had become the leader of 
reaction, "one must not be the king of two peoples. All 
my efforts are directed to the end of there being but one 
people." This sagacity did not suit the violent. Its appli- 
cation was rendered impossible by the Holy Alliance through 
a system of stern repression which excited revolutionary 
activity throughout all Europe. 

Moreover the misfortunes of that period sprang from the 
fatal idea contained in the word "restoration." To some, 
taken literally, it seemed a threat, to others a promise. It 
became both the war-cry of those whom the return of abuses 
alarmed, and the countersign of the new crusaders who were 
ready to set out to battle "for God and the king," that 
is to say for the reëstablishment of ancient privileges. In 
politics one changes by going forward but restores nothing 
by going back, for society in modern nations is composed of 
elements so mobile and variable that the generations follow 
but do not resemble each other. 

Efforts to preserve or reestablish the Old Régime. 
Peculiar Situation of France from 1815 to 1819. — The 
Eevolution of 1789, undertaken to secure for the individual 
the greatest sum of liberty, had on the contrary increased 
the strength of the government in the countries where it 
temporarily triumphed, as well as in those which felt only 
its counter-shock. Twenty-three years of war trained the 
people to furnish more liberally their tribute of blood and 
their tribute of money. They paid more and conscription 
or voluntary service took the place of voluntary enlistment. 

A.D. 1815-1824.] THE HOLT ALLIANCE 175 

Moreover administrative authority, formerly dispersed 
among many intermediate bodies, had reverted to the 
prince, and an energetic centralization had restored to his 
hands all the national forces. 

Thus the " paternal " governments were stronger in 1815 
than in 1789. They had larger resources to enforce obedi- 
ence. They found in their path fewer of those traditional 
obstacles which seem so fragile and which are sometimes so 
unyielding. Leipzig and Waterloo made them the masters 
of the world. They insisted upon so organizing their con- 
quest as to restore order. It soon seemed to them that this 
order could be assured only on condition of arresting all 
movement, that is to say, of stifling the new life which was 
for them, according to the expression of Frederick William 
IV, only the " contagion of impiety.'^ Victorious over the 
Revolution by virtue of arms, they wished to be victorious 
also by virtue of institutions and by inflexible severity. 
Some clever persons even believed that popular passions 
rendered useful service to the absolute cause, and in certain 
places persecution of the liberals was inaugurated by throw- 
ing the populace on their scent. 

At Palermo and Madrid the Constitutions of 1812 were 
abolished and absolute power was restored. At Milan the 
Austrian Code replaced the French Code and cannon, trained 
with lighted fuses on the public square, indicated what 
system of government was being reestablished. The States 
of the Church and Piedmont returned to the same situation 
as in 1790. The institutions of Joseph II in Austria, of 
Leopold I in Tuscany and of Tanucci at Naples were con- 
demned as mischievous. In order to prevent the return of 
^' those reforms, more abusive than the abuses themselves," 
a secret article of the treaty, signed at Vienna on June 12, 
1815, by Frederick IV, stated, "It is understood that the 
king of the Two Sicilies, in reestablishing the government 
of the kingdom, will tolerate no changes which cannot be 
reconciled with the principles adopted by his Imperial and 
E-oyal Apostolic Majesty for the internal management of 
his Italian possessions." Then too, south of the Alps and 
of the Pyrenees, the privileges of the clergy and nobility 
were revived and the Inquisition flourished once more, 
while the friends of public liberty set out on the road to 
exile, to prison and even the scaffold. 

In Germany the princes forgot their promises of 1813, 

176 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1815-1824 

except in Bavaria and a few petty states belonging to the 
ancient Confederation of the Ehine. As for Austria and 
Prussia, it seemed as if nothing had taken place in the 
world during a quarter of a century. In both the patri- 
archal system was maintained, defended by 300,000 soldiers 
on the Danube and 200,000 on the Spree, and also by the 
immense army of functionaries. Even a Prussian league 
of nobles was formed to maintain the distinction of classes 
and feudal immunities. The Tories continued to govern 
England in the interest of the aristocracy. The royalists 
of Erance would have gladly reorganized everything in the 
same way for the advantage of the great proprietors and of 
the clergy. In the Chamber of Deputies under the leader- 
ship of La Bourdonnaye, Marcellus and Villèle, men talked 
openly of returning to the old régime even by a bloody 
path. The emigrants of Coblentz and the fugitives of 
Ghent were determined to have their revenge for their two 
exiles. In the official world they obtained it by means of 
laws and decisions which were often dictated by passion, 
and among the masses, by means of murders which the 
authorities dared not or could not prevent or punish. A 
royal ordinance proscribed fifty-seven persons. Marshal 
Ney and several generals were condemned to death and 
shot. Marshal Brune and Generals Eamel and Lagarde 
were assassinated. The provosts' courts, from which there 
was no appeal and the sentences of which were executed 
within twenty-four hours, deserved their sinister reputation. 
The restored monarchy had its prison massacres, its terror, 
which was called the White Terror, its executioners and its 
purveyors of victims who rivalled those of the Convention. 

In Spain and in Italy there were the same excesses. Fer- 
dinand VII at Madrid imprisoned, exiled and condemned to 
death jealous partisans of the Constitution of 1812. At 
Naples the Calderari, or coppersmiths, who had been pitted 
against the Carbonari, pillaged and assassinated on behalf 
of the Minister of Police, the Prince di Canosa, whose 
deeds of violence went so far that the allied kings, fearing 
serious troubles, demanded his removal. 

Louis XVIII was also disturbed by the excessive zeal of 
his dangerous friends, more royalist than the king himself. 
By the ordinance of September 6, 1816, which the extrem- 
ists called a coup d'état, he dismissed the ultra-royalist 
Chamber. This measure was in accordance with public 

A.D. 1815-1824.] THE HOLY ALLIANCE 177 

sentiment, for France was by no means exclusively com- 
posed of reactionaries. In spite of her misfortunes she 
showed remarkable vitality. Furthermore the ideas of 
1789, grafted in part on the civil code, had maintained a 
liberal spirit in the country in advance of the rest of Europe. 
In the Charter granted by Louis XVIII the idea of national 
sovereignty was greatly obscured by vestiges of the theory 
of divine rights. But offices were no longer sold, or lettres 
de cachet issued, or secret procedure indulged in. Justice 
did not depend upon the ruling power. The treasury be- 
longed to the nation. The laws were discussed by repre- 
sentatives of the country instead of being made by the 
sovereign. The publicity of debate furnished a powerful 
guarantee for the impartiality of the judge and the wisdom 
of the legislator, over whose actions and votes public opinion 
kept watch. Thanks to the wisdom of the sovereign, the 
era of representative government really began for France 
at the time when it was disappearing in Spain and Italy 
and when the German princes were evading the execution 
of article thirteen of the Federal Compact which promised 
it to their peoples. Thus, although 150,000 foreigners 
still occupied the French provinces, all eyes remained 
fixed upon this country, where the new era had first 
dawned and where it seemed on the point of reviving. 

Alliance of the Altar and the Throne. The Congregation. 
— But this return to the wise ideas of the first National 
Assembly did not suit the calculations of the clergy, the 
nobility, the adherents of right divine and the privileged 
classes of all sorts, who, for the sake of combating a social 
order contrary to their habits of mind and existence, em- 
ployed every weapon. Beligion was the special weapon 
which seemed bound to be most efficacious. 

The considerations of the princes were mainly temporal. 
Although they had concluded a holy alliance, religion was 
in their eyes only the tool of politics. But the papacy, 
which had also just recovered its territorial power, took 
alarm at the state of men's minds. Philosophy, the sciences 
and liberty of thought seemed to it far more to be dreaded 
than Luther and Calvin. It wished on behalf of the Church 
to take part in the campaign upon which the kings had 
entered for the sake of maintaining royal power. The 
B/Oman curia became the resolute, implacable adversary of 
that modern spirit which is destined to triumph, since it is 

178 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1815-1824. 

only the necessary and divine development of hnman reason 
and conscience. With, each generation Kome enlarged her 
claimsj the final word of which has been uttered in our own 
day in the Syllabus and in papal infallibility. 

Those who in the sixteenth century had been her ablest 
auxiliaries against the Reformation offered her their con- 
sistent aid. The Jesuits, whose order, half a century before 
Pope Clement XIY had declared abolished, had just been 
reestablished by Pius YII (1814). From Rome they rapidly 
spread over the Catholic world, especially through France 
where, although not yet legally recognized, they were 
always more numerous than elsewhere. They displayed 
against the new enemy the same skill which they had mani- 
fested after the Council of Trent. Their deservedly famous 
missions brought about many conversions. But the Jesuits 
then inspired zealous Roman Catholics and most of the clergy 
with such distrust as prevented their being intrusted with 
the education of the young. The superintendence of the 
higher schools in France was committed to the bishops. 
This they had already secured in the other Catholic coun- 
tries. After the fall of the Directory a reaction had sprung 
up in France against the irreligious spirit of the eighteenth 
century. This reaction spread through all European coun- 
tries, Chateaubriand with his Genius of Christianity being 
its most brilliant exponent. At his side stood a logician, 
De Bonald, with his Primitive Legislation, and De Maistre, 
" a savage Bossuet," a man of passionate eloquence and of 
uncompromising disposition. These two, full of mediaeval 
theories, dreamed of such a triumph for the ideas of Gregory 
VII as that tireless old man had never been able to secure 
himself. Because Chateaubriand, De Bonald and De Maistre 
were not priests, but laymen, they drew the more attention. 
An audacious priest, Lamennais, wrote the Essay on Indif- 
ference and aimed at governing the world by papal infalli- 
bility. A society was formed to put in practice the ideas 
of Count de Maistre and to subject Italy at least to that 
theocratic government of which the Pope was to be the head. 

In the sixteenth century in one-half of Europe the inter- 
ests of the princes and of Rome were opposed. Religious 
parties were even at times revolutionary parties. Thus the 
League desired the commune, the Protestant gentlemen of 
France aimed at ridding themselves of royalty, and the Ana- 
baptists declared war on society as a whole. After 1815 

A.D. 1815-1824.] THE HOLY ALLIANCE 179 

politics and religion were everywhere in accord, even in 
Protestant monarchies, where the civil authorities sought 
alliance with the religious spirit. Poets, as in the early 
Odes of Victor Hugo and the Méditations of Lamartine, 
sang the majesty of worship and the sweetness of pious sen- 
timents. Philosophers erected theocracy into a system. 
Politicians wished to restore to the clergy its landed pos- 
sessions, together with its civil power. Writers of all sorts 
furbished up a fantastic revival of the Middle Ages, peo- 
pled with brilliant cavaliers and fair and high-born ladies, 
with mighty kings and well-obeyed priests who together 
governed virtuous and disciplined populations. Society, 
which was profoundly moved by these various influences, 
especially in its upper classes, readily lent itself to the 
organization, ^^ for the defence of the altar and the throne," 
of a secret body, the Congregation. This association num- 
bered in France as many as 50,000 members, lay and 
ecclesiastical. Finally, in the last years of the Restoration, 
it controlled the government and the king and ended by 
overthrowing both. 

The focus of this religious expansion was the very coun- 
try where philosophy had reigned supreme. The phenome- 
non however was universal. In all churches fervor had 
redoubled. The Methodists in England and the United 
States, the Moravian Brethren, the Pietists in Germany and 
Switzerland, reawoke the iconoclastic zeal of the sixteenth 
century. Bible Societies found themselves possessed of 
sufficient funds to distribute gratuitously between 1803 and 
1843, 12,000,000 Bibles. Madame Krtidener won over to her 
mystical ideas the Tsar Alexander, who expelled the Jesuits, 
but declared himself the protector of an association formed 
for the purpose of diffusing the New Testament among all 
the peoples of his empire. The Russian Princess Galitzin 
returned to the communion of Pome and her son became a 
missionary to the Indies. A Dane of almost royal blood, 
the Count von Stolberg, who had abjured Protestantism, 
wrote (1806-1818) a history of the Roman Church, so favora- 
ble to the Holy See, that the Roman propaganda made haste 
to translate and publish it in Italian. In Switzerland a 
grandson of the great Haller declared himself a Catholic 
and became the disciple of De Bonald. The most ancient 
university of England was agitated by the "Oxford 

180 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1815-1824:. 

One special attempt was made, not destitute of grandeur, 
if grandeur can attach in human affairs to undertakings 
condemned in advance to failure by their very nature. The 
protectorate over Protestant interests in Germany had be- 
longed at first to the house of Saxony, the cradle of the 
Reformation, but that dynasty had lost this distinction on 
becoming Catholic for the sake of obtaining the Polish 
crown. This protectorate was claimed by the Electors of 
Brandenburg and was exercised by the sceptic Frederick 
II himself. After 1815, Frederick William II from reli- 
gious zeal and dynastic self-interest tried to discipline the 
churches born of the Reformation, so as to oppose Protes- 
tant unity to Catholic unity, Berlin to Bome, the king of 
Prussia to the pontiff of the Vatican. He aimed at weld- 
ing together the members of all the Protestant confessions, 
including those of England, into one evangelical chlirch. 
He built them a temple and drew up a liturgy for the new 
cult. On October 18, 1817, the three hundredth anniversary 
of the foundation of Protestantism, he caused to be cele- 
brated a Holy Communion, in which a Lutheran minister 
gave him the bread and a Calvinist minister the wine of the 
Sacrament. " They are uniting in a void ! " exclaimed Gans ; 
and he was right, for such union was a denial even of the 
Reformation, whose fundamental principle is liberty of in- 
dividual examination. Therefore the scheme of Frederick 
William failed, but its political usefulness was too great to 
be abandoned. 

So, in spite of the charters accorded and the constitutions 
granted or promised and in spite also of the good inten- 
tions of certain princes to effect reforms, the ancient sys- 
tem, aided by the powerful organization of the Catholic 
Church and by the revival of religious sentiment, tried to 
hold its own or to renew itself in order to restore what the 
Revolution had destroyed. It wished to restore domination 
over human will and conscience with that preeminence of 
the powerful and that dependence of the lowly which 
seemed to some to have maintained tranquil and prosperous 
periods. But this reaction was often in contradiction with 

Liberalism in the Press and Secret Societies. — Confronting 
the powerful party which was dominated by the memory of 
past glories and recent misfortunes and which wished to 
protect society from storm by placing it under the double 

A.D. 1815-1824.] THE HOLY ALLIAITCE 181 

guardianship of monarcMcal faith and religions faith, there 
were enormous numbers who ardently cherished the memory 
of the ideas for which the revolution and the national 
insurrections of the later days of the empire had been 
made. There were in Belgium, Italy and Poland, patriots 
who would not accept the sway of the foreigner. There 
were everywhere the mixed multitudes, former freemasons 
or republicans, liberals or Bonapartists, who through self- 
interest, sentiment, or theory clung to the institutions of 
1789 or 1804 and believed them necessary to good social 
order. In their ranks were men of heart and talent who 
openly advocated the new ideas in legislative chambers 
where such existed ; in the courts, when a political case was 
on trial 5 in newspapers and books, and even in songs, 
wherever the censorship allowed them to appear. Such 
heroes in France were Benjamin Constant, Foy, Manuel, 
Etienne, Lafitte, the elder Dupin, Casimir-Perier, Paul 
Louis Courier, Béranger, Augustin Thierry, Cousin and a 
thousand others. In Germany there were the great patriots 
of 1813, such as Arndt, Gorres, Jahn, whom the Prussian 
police soon forbade to speak or to write. In Italy there 
were Manzoni, who in his Sacred Hymns endeavored to 
reconcile religion and liberty, Berchet with his patriotic 
Odes, Leopardi with his fiery Canzones and the gentle 
Silvio Pellico with his tragedy of Eufemio di Messina, 
wherein Austria discerned a war-cry against the foreigner. 

These men, the orators and writers, were the friends of 
free discussion and of that pacific progress which alone is 
effective. But others, fanatics of a new creed, moved rest- 
lessly in the dark and organized secret societies wherein the 
impatient dreamed of insurrection and the criminal of assas- 
sination. They existed in all forms and under every sort 
of name, as the Knights of the Sun, the Associates of the 
Black Pin, the Patriots of 1816, the Vultures of Bonaparte. 
Some already possessed an international character which, 
fifty years later, was destined to manifest other passions 
and above all other appetites. The "E-eformed European 
Patriots '^ and the ^' Friends of Universal Eegeneration *' 
proposed to unite the nations against their kings, just as 
their successors to-day wish without distinction of country 
to unite the poor against the rich, the workmen against their 
employers, for the purpose of bringing about a revolution, 
not indeed in creeds or institutions, but in social order. The 

182 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a. d. 1815-1824. 

most famous was an old Guelph organization, wMcli owed 
its name to the fact that its members, the Carbonari, met in 
the depths of the forests in the huts of the charcoal-burners. 
It covered Italy, France and Spain, the lands of the Latin 
tongue. Greece had her " Hetairias " and Poland the 
" Knights of the Temple " and the " Mowers," when the se- 
verity of Alexander impelled the patriots to employ secret 
societies, the grand engine of the times. Even the victors 
used the same weapon. They had the Sanf edists in Italy, 
the Army of the Faith in Spain, the Adelskette in Prussia, 
the Ferdinandians in Austria, and the Congregation every- 

Two societies peculiar to Germany, the Arminia and the 
Burschenschaft, or Union of Comrades, had succeeded to the 
Tugendbund, which was dissolved as early as 1815 by those 
whom it had so powerfully helped recover or save^their 
crowns. These societies, now that the German land was 
freed from the foreigner, aimed at causing the disappearance 
of internal divisions and of the absolute or pseudo-liberal 
government of its princes. In October, 1817, on the very 
day when the king of Prussia at Berlin was trying to master 
the E,eformation in order to make of it a great instrument, 
an instrumentum regni, an immense throng was joyfully 
celebrating at the Wartburg the third centennial of Protes- 
tantism and the anniversary of the battle of Leipzig. Now 
that religious liberty had been achieved and national inde- 
pendence assured, it demanded the advent of political liberty. 
It raised the colors of united Germany. It burned in its 
bonfires of rejoicing those works which opposed philosophi- 
cal and liberal ideas, as Luther had burned the papal bulls. 
" In the sixteenth century," they said, " the Pope was Anti- 
christ ; in the nineteenth the despotism of the kings is Anti- 
christ." To this manifestation the princes replied by the 
suppression of many universities. In the Prussian states 
alone four universities were closed and " instead of a consti- 
tution, Prussia had a countersign." 

^ Plots (1816-1822). Assassinations (1819-1820). Revolu- 
tions (1820-1821). — Eepression produced its customary 
fruits. Compressed force exploded. This is a law of physics 
which also exhibits itself in the realms of morals. There is 
this difference, that when repression acts upon ideas which 
are in consonance with material needs, it distorts them and 
renders them all the more formidable. Thus the students 

A.D. 1815-1824.] THE HOLY ALLIANCE 183 

were uttering generous sentiments in tlie open air and in the 
beer halls. Such public declamation was forbidden. Then 
they conspired in profound secrecy, and one of them took upon 
himself the office of assassin. In 1819 Sand stabbed, with 
the cry, " Vivat Teutonia,'' a writer who was in the pay of 
the Holy Alliance. Another tried to kill the president of 
the regency of Nassau. A few months later, ^^ in order to 
drain the blood of the Bourbons at its very source," a crazy 
fanatic, Louvel, knifed the Duke de Berri, who then seemed 
to be the last heir of the elder branch. Even in London, 
Thistlewood plotted the murder of fourteen ministers at a 
dinner given by Lord Harrowby, president of the council. 

In all the states of the Holy Alliance conspiracy was the 
permanent state of affairs, so too in Trance, Spain, Naples, 
Turin, the Germanic Confederation and even in Sweden. 
From time to time a riot broke out in the barracks or a wine- 
shop or a university and several heads fell on the scaffold. 
The governments felt the ground quake beneath them as at 
the approach of great eruptions. Two countries however, 
from directly opposite reasons, escaped these subterranean 
convulsions. Eussia repressed them by her ponderous 
mass, in whose vastness nothing seemed as yet to be in prog- 
ress of fermentation. The Tsar was then even lavish of 
promises and liberal reforms in his German or Polish prov- 
inces. England had forestalled danger by allowing free ex- 
pression to all ideas. Thanks to the right of assembly, 
English discontent had no need to form secret societies and 
conspiracies. Thistlewood's plot is exceptional. But meet- 
ings were held of 100,000 persons who carried flags whereon 
were to be read such menacing mottoes as " The Eights of 
Man," "Universal Suffrage," "Equality." Those tumultu- 
ous assemblies occasioned bloody conflicts which compelled 
the suspension of the law of habeas corpus (1817). 

When in 1814 the Spaniards restored to Ferdinand VII 
the crown, " conquered for him and without him," the dep- 
uties of the Cortes went as far as the frontier to meet him, 
in order to present him with the Constitution of 1812. " Do 
not forget," they said Avith the pride of the ancient Aragon- 
ese, "that on the day when you violate it, the solemn com- 
pact which has made you king will be torn up." A few 
weeks later Ferdinand tore up this Constitution and urged 
on the reaction with such cruelty that even the members of 
the Holy Alliance remonstrated with him on the subject. 

184 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1817-1821. 

These remonstrances were useless (1817). So plots mnlti- 
plied with executions, and the isolated cases of recourse to 
arms were followed by an insurrection of the entire army. 
Eiego at Cadiz and Mina in the Pyrenees proclaimed the 
Constitution of 1812. Ferdinand, abandoned by everybody, 
swore fidelity to this Constitution, " since such was the will 
of the people." On the same day he banished the Jesuits, 
his counsellors. He abolished the Inquisition, whose prop- 
erty was confiscated to extinguish the public debt, and 
restored the liberty of the press. Thus the two opposite 
principles, which were contending for the world, met again 
in what had just fallen and in what had just been raised up 
in Spain. 

The Spanish revolution had its counterpart at Lisbon, in 
Sicily, and in the Neapolitan kingdom (July) at Benevento 
and at Ponte Corvo, in the States of the Church and in Pied- 
mont, whose king abdicated (March, 1821). Many persons 
were already thinking of constituting an Italian confed- 
eration such as Napoleon III afterwards desired, or a 
kingdom of Italy such as events have made. A parallel 
movement even spread into Turkey, where the Eoumanians 
and Greeks flew to arms (March and April, 1821). The 
whole south of Europe was returning to liberal ideas. In 
the rest of the continent the ferment was increasing. On 
the other side of the Atlantic the Spanish colonies were 
making themselves independent republics, as the English 
colonies had done forty years earlier. 

Moral contagions are as active as physical contagions. A 
breath of liberty was blowing over the world. It agitated 
even venerable England under her Tory ministry and aroused 
Poland where the Tsar proceeded from kindness to severity. 
Alexander established a censorship over everything pub- 
lished in the kingdom (1819). He closed the Diet of 1820 
with harsh words and was soon to declare that the Polish 
nation no longer existed. To these threats Poland immedi- 
ately replied by secret societies and every preparation was 
made for a grand insurrection. 

The Holy Alliance acts as the Police of Europe. Expe- 
dition of Italy (1821) and of Spain (1823). — Thus it appeared 
that the Holy Alliance was doomed to be vanquished by 
the mere movement of life in the bosom of the nations. 
Pive years had barely passed over the political edifice so 
laboriously erected in 1815 and already it was tottering 

A.D. 1818-1821.] THE HOLY ALLIANCE 185 

to its fall. To prevent its entire ruin, tlie congresses of 
sovereigns multiplied, and Prince Metternich, a man of 
great skill, assumed the guidance of it. He was the real 
ruler of Austria. To that state, formed of so many frag- 
ments patched together, any shock was dangerous. There- 
fore Metternich made the status quo the rule of his policy 
everywhere and in everything. He contrived to instil into 
the unstable mind of the Tsar Alexander the idea that, 
after having defended civilization against despotism, he 
ought to save it from anarchy even though to attain success 
he should set in motion all the armies of the coalition. It 
must be confessed that the activity of secret societies and 
the permanence of conspiracies and assassinations, which 
disgraced the liberal cause, afforded only too many pretexts 
for court-martials. Men did not yet comprehend that the 
best way to make an end of the violent is to satisfy the 
moderate. So they employed the sword, which decided 
nothing, instead of introducing reforms, fitted to conciliate 
the hostile parties. 

Prussia followed in the wake of Austria and Russia. 
Thus it was easy for Prince Metternich, after winning over 
the Tsar to his views, to establish harmony between the 
three Powers. At the Congress of Aix-larChapelle (Novem- 
ber, 1818) they renewed the alliance of 1815 and bound 
themselves by conferences, either of these sovereigns or 
their ministers, to examine questions relative to the mainten- 
ance of peace or upon which other governments should 
formally request their intervention. This idea was more 
precisely stated later on in the declaration of the Congress of 
Laibach (February, 1821). " Useful or necessary changes in 
the legislation and administration of the states are to ema- 
nate only from the free will, the enlightened and deliberate 
impulse, of those whom God has rendered depositaries of 
power." This was a fresh affirmation of the divine right of 
kings, with the interpretation that the prince upon whom 
his people wished to impose that contract called a constitu- 
tion could summon to his aid his royal colleagues. 

The majority of the Prench royalists were ready to follow 
this policy, which was that of Pilnitz and the emigrants. 
This time Great Britain held herself apart. So long as it 
had been a question of destroying French commerce and 
French military domination, she had lavished her guineas 
freely. But she was beginning to be alarmed at the claim, 

186 HISTORY OF MODERir TIMES [a.d. 1819-1820. 

put fortli by tlie continental Powers, to act as the police of 
Europe in the name of ideas which at bottom only repre- 
sented interests which might some day or other become 
inimical to the interests of England. Castlereagh, who 
seemed to have inherited Pitt's feelings toward France, 
was obliged to declare in the British Parliament that no 
power has the right to interfere in the affairs of another 
power, simply because the latter makes changes in its gov- 
ernment which do not please the former ; and that by erect- 
ing one's self into a tribunal to judge the affairs of others, 
one usurps a power which both international law and 
common sense condemns. In the country, which owed its 
greatness and its liberty to the national insurrection of 1688, 
the friend of Wellington, the leader of the Tories, admitted, 
while deprecating the revolutionary spirit, " that there are 
revolutions which are just and necessary." 

Thus the two policies, which wrestled all through the 
nineteenth century, publicly stated their principles. The 
one policy rejected and the other approved armed interven- 
tion. In 1820 England alone upheld the former. As she 
was alone, she was unable to make it prevail. The Holy 
Alliance adopted the second, which was nothing more than 
the continuation of the policy pursued by the European 
Cabinets ever since 1791. 

The Congress of Carlsbad in Bohemia, after the assas- 
sination of Kotzebue (1819), was composed only of German 
ministers. It was decided to place the universities and 
the press under rigorous surveillance. A commission of 
inquiry was set up at Mayence, charged with searching out 
and punishing the enemies of established order. A new 
congress, which sat for six months in the capital of Austria, 
studied the means of stifling liberalism. One of these 
means was to ask from the Pope a bull against secret so- 
cieties. The final act of the Congress of Vienna (1820) 
retracted nearly all the concessions which had been made 
in 1815 in the joy of victory. " As the Germanic Confedera- 
tion," said Article 57, "has been formed by the sovereigns, 
the principle of this union requires that all prerogatives of 
sovereignty shall remain united in the supreme head of the 
government, and that he shall not be bound to admit the 
cooperation of the assemblies, except for the exercise of 
proscribed rights." The Diet of Frankfort was declared to 
be the sole interpreter of Article 13 of the convention which 

A.D. 1820-1821.] THE HOLY ALLIANCE 187 

promised constitutions. It was empowered to employ tlie 
confederated troops against all disturbers of public tran- 
quillit}^, even without the consent of the local governments. 
The police of the Holy Alliance persecuted the patriots of 
1815 as Napoleon had persecuted those of 1807. News- 
papers and reviews were suppressed. The philosopher 
Fries and the naturalist Oken were dismissed. Other pro- 
fessors and students were exiled. Gorres was expelled 
from Prussia; Jahn, Arndt and Welker were imprisoned. 

In France liberal ideas, till then encouraged in a certain 
degree by Louis XVIII, were held responsible for the as- 
sassination of the Duke de Berri by Louvel. The king, 
swept on by the reaction, was forced to form a new ministry, 
which caused the government to enter upon the fatal path 
wherein the throne was wrecked in 1830. Individual lib- 
erty was suspended, the censorship of the press restored, 
and the double vote was introduced so that political influ- 
ence might pass into the hands of the great landed pro- 
prietors, who voted twice, that is, in the college of the 
department and in the college of the district. The birth 
of the Duke de Bordeaux (September 29, 1820), the post- 
humous son of the Duke de Berri; the elections of Novem- 
ber, 1820, in which only a few liberals were chosen to the 
Chamber; and the death of Napoleon (May 5, 1821), in- 
creased the joy and the hopes of the ultra-royalists. Men 
spoke openly of restoring their ancient prerogatives to the 
monarchy and the Church. Béranger was condemned to 
prison for his songs. The University received a stern 
warning that it was under suspicion when the lectures of 
Cousin and Guizot were suppressed. Lastly, in order to 
intimidate the press, journals were placed on trial, not for 
any definite act of transgression, but on the charge that 
their tendency was injurious. 

These measures tended to reestablish a superficial calm 
in the countries which had been the principal theatres of 
militant liberalism. The Congresses of Troppeau (1820), 
Laibach (1821) and Verona (1822) aimed at stifling liber- 
alism in the two peninsulas where it had just triumphed. 
They refused to discriminate between legitimate complaints 
and inopportune demands. The revolutions in Greece, 
Spain, Naples and Turin were represented in a circular 
note " as being the same in origin and deserving the same 
fate.^' If no measures were taken against the Greeks, it 

188 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1821-1825. 

was because Eussia was interested in that revolt of her 
co-religionists whereby she obtained allies at the very heart 
of the Ottoman Empire. In Italy Austria undertook to 
destroy "the false doctrines and the criminal associations 
which have brought down upon rebellious nations the 
sword of justice." A numerous army, to be followed at 
need by 100,000 Russians, set out from Venetian Lombardy. 
At Rieti and Novara the recruits of Pepe and of Santa Eosa 
could not stand against the veterans of the Napoleonic 
wars, and the Austrians entered IsTaples, Turin and Messina. 
Behind them the prisons were filled and scaffolds erected. 
Austria lent her prisons as well as her soldiers. The dun- 
geons of Venice, Laibach and the Spielberg were crowded 
with victims, but there was a still larger number in the 
native prisons. There were 16,000 at one time in the cells 
of the Two Sicilies. In Piedmont all the leaders who had 
been captured were beheaded. Those who escaped were 
executed in Q^^j. ISTo insurrection had really broken out 
in the States of the Church, but four hundred persons were 
incarcerated there. Many of them were condemned to the 
death penalty which the Pope commuted into perpetual or 
temporary confinement. The Piedmontese Silvio Pellico, 
imprisoned at first at Venice and then in the Spielberg, has 
narrated with a martyr's calmness what tortures this piti- 
less policy added to his captivity. 

After the executions administrative measures and a clever 
police maintained external order. The king of Sardinia 
reestablished forced labor (1824) and permitted no persons 
to learn to read unless they possessed property to the 
value of 1500 francs (1825). To demonstrate his zeal 
for the Church he ordered a fresh and equally useless per- 
secution against the peaceable Waldenses. The Pope re- 
established episcopal jurisdiction in civil affairs, restored 
the right of asylum to churches, and from hatred of all 
novelties suppressed even the Vaccination Commission as 
a revolutionary institution. When Leo XII succeeded 
Pius VII (1823), a violent encyclical condemned civil mar- 
riage, and excited the kings to intolerance. Eome set the 
example. The Inquisition opened a new prison, which was 
immediately filled with heretics (1825). The king of 
Naples, Francis I, almost absolutely interdicted the en- 
trance of foreign books, so as to establish a sort of sanitary 
cordon around his kingdom, and cause his peoples to recover 

A.D. 1883.] THE HOLY ALLIANCE 189 

in their isolation their holy ignorance. Then he hired ten 
thousand Swiss mercenaries to assure the collection of the 
taxes and the obedience of his subjects, the two chief 
anxieties of his government. Wherever there was material 
welfare, a formidable spy system wormed its way into the 
midst of social relations and even into the privacy of the 
domestic hearth. 

The spirit of the century desired three things. These 
were free institutions, equality before the law, and national 
independence. To the first two demands the Holy Alli- 
ance replied by reverting to the principles of pure monarchy 
and of the feudal system. To the third the answer was 
the disdainful remark of Metternich, " Italy is only a geo- 
graphical expression," or that of the Tsar Alexander, "The 
Polish nationality is nonsense." 

In 1823 this policy seemed successful. There were fewer 
conspiracies and no more assassinations. The insurrections 
were crushed at one of the points where, because there the 
people and the army had entered into them, they had been 
most threatening. With her docile lieutenants seated on 
the different thrones of Italy, with her army of occupation 
at all the strategical points, with her numerous spies and 
the assistance of the Holy Father, Austria did in fact believe 
that she had effected the durable work of restoration. To 
her allies she pointed with pride at that peninsula formerly 
so distracted where, from the base of the Alps to the Straits 
of Messina, she had brought about the silence of death. 
Then the Holy Alliance thought of undertaking the same 
task beyond the Pyrenees. There all passions had been let 
loose. Eeactionaries, crucifix in hand, were murdering 
their enemies, and, meanwhile, the rabble were cutting 
throats to the revolutionary song of the Tragala. 

To lull the suspicions which France had for a moment 
inspired by her hesitation at Austrian intervention in 
Italy, the government of Louis XVIÎI asked permission to 
stifle the disorders in Spain. Chateaubriand, who was 
then minister, believed that this expedition would confer 
upon the young fleurs de lis of the Restoration the splendor 
with which fifty victories had crowned the imperial eagles. 
England, where the irritation was increasing at the claims 
of the Holy Alliance to govern Europe, held aloof. Wel- 
lington, her ambassador at Verona, would allow France 
nothing more than an army of observation along the Span- 

190 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1823-1824. 

ish frontier. Canning, who, since the snicide of Castle- 
reagh, had become the British prime minister, threatened 
in open Parliament to recognize the independence of the 
Spanish American colonies as retaliation for the French 

The army, commanded by the Duke of Angouleme, entered 
Spain on April 7, 1823. It had little opportunity for fight- 
ing and encountered no serious resistance except at the siege 
of Cadiz. On August 31 the French troops took possession 
after a brilliant assault of the stronghold of the Trocadero, 
and this success brought about the surrender of the city. 
Although fighting for the despot Ferdinand, the French 
army carried its liberal spirit to Spain. The Duke of 
Angouleme, by the ordinance of Andujar, sought to forestall 
the fury of a royalist reaction and to prevent arbitrary 
arrests and executions. But Ferdinand had no intention 
of permitting his saviors to impose conditions. The mili- 
tary commissions were implacable. Eiego, grievously 
wounded, was carried to the gibbet on a hurdle drawn by 
an ass. A counter revolution took place at Lisbon as well 
as Madrid. The king declared the constitution abolished 
and for a few months reestablished absolute power. 

Despite the congratulations sent by the princes and the 
Pope to the honest but commonplace prince who had just 
conducted this easy campaign, the elder branch of the 
Bourbons had won in it little military glory. Most appar- 
ent in this expedition was the fact that French soldiers had 
been placed at the service of a knavish and cruel prince and 
French finances depleted by an expenditure of 200,000,000 
francs. Still, petty as was this success, it encouraged the 
French ministry in their reactionary projects. The elec- 
tions increased this confidence, only nineteen Liberals ob- 
taining seats in the Chamber, 

Charles X (1824). —The death of Louis XVIII, a 
prudent and moderate king, seemed to assure the triumph 
of the ultra-royalists, by transferring the power to the 
Count d'Artois (September 16, 1824) . He was one of those 
people who gain nothing from experience. In 1789 this 
prince had been among the first to emigrate. While learn- 
ing nothing, he had forgotten nothing. Louis XVIII on 
his death-bed, placing his hand on the head of the Duke de 
Bordeaux, said to him, "Let Charles X look out for this 
child's crown," but he had paid no heed. He felt himself 

A.D. 1825.] THE HOLY ALLIANCE 191 

called upon to revive the ancient monarchy. "In France," 
he said, "the king consults the Chambers. He pays great 
heed to their advice and their remonstrances ; but, when the 
king is not persuaded, his will must be done." These 
words were a denial of the Charter and an intimation of its 
speedy violation. At the very beginning of his reign, he 
asked from the Chambers an indemnity of $200,000,000 for 
the emigrants, the reëstablishment of convents for women, 
the restoration of the rights of primogeniture, a rigorous 
law against the press and another concerning offences com- 
mitted in churches. The latter was called the law of sacri- 
lege. The new Chamber of extremists accorded everything. 
There was no resistance, except in the Chamber of Peers, 
which by its opposition won a few days of popularity. 

In May, 1825, the new monarch revived the solemnity of 
coronation with all traditional ceremony, with the ancient 
oath and with touching for the king's evil. A popular 
manifestation was the response to this royal and religious 
festival. General Poy, a leader of the liberal party, had 
just died. One hundred thousand persons followed his bier, 
and a national subscription provided for the future of his 

192 mSTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1815-1830. 



The Romantic School. The Sciences. — Nevertheless 
liberal opinions were gaining ground every day and oppo- 
sition to the spirit of the Congregation was increasing. 
Voltaire seemed alive again, there were so many editions 
of his works. Béranger was in every hand, and the people 
wanted to see Tartuffe played in every theatre. In letters 
and arts a great movement was to be noted. This move- 
ment was in the direction of liberty, for it ran counter to 
discipline and traditions. The almost volcanic eruption 
of the romantic school (1825-1830) overwhelmed worn-out 
formulas and. emitted dazzling light, despite its scoria and 
ashes. Goethe and Schiller, Shakespeare and Byron, had 
been the forerunners of the new men of letters. They had 
even been precursors of those artists who, in their search 
for fresh expressions of the beautiful, gave the human mind 
a salutary shock and aided the work of statesmen in advan- 
cing society. Thierry, Guizot, De Barante, Mignet and 
Michelet reformed history. Cousin and Jouffroy reformed 
philosophy. Hugo, Lamartine, De Vigny, Dumas, Musset 
and Balzac reformed poetry, the drama and romance. 
Villemain and Sainte-Beuve reformed literary criticism. 
Gericault, Delacroix, Ary Scheffer and Delaroche reformed 
painting. David d'Angers and Eude reformed sculpture. 
The overthrow of the ancient classical system rendered 
still more difficult the victory of the ancient social system. 

Learned letters also enlarged their horizon. Champollion 
forced the Egyptian Sphinx to speak. De Sacy and De 
Bemusat lifted some of the veils which hid the Orient. 
Guigiaut began the publication of Creuzer's Symhologism 
and Mythology, and made the religions of antiquity com- 
prehensible. All this meant new ideas put into general 

The sciences continued their serene and majestic march, 
and added great names to the list of honor. There were 


Poisson, Ampère, Fresnel, Cauchy, Chasles, Arago, Biot 
and Dulong in mathematics and physics; Gay-Lussac, 
Thenard, Chevreul and Dumas in chemistry; Cuvier, 
Geo&oy, Saint Hilaire, Brongniart, De Jussieu, and Élie 
de Beaumont in the natural sciences. By the successful 
efforts of so many superior men, natural philosophy mas- 
tered truths whose application to manufactures by creating 
new interests aided also to transform society. The light- 
houses of Fresnel began to illuminate the coasts and guided 
vessels thirty-five miles out at sea (1822). The steamboats 
of the Marquis de Jouffroy, kindred spirit with Watt and 
Fulton, appeared on the French rivers and in their ports 
(1825) . The company of Saint Etienne laid the first French 
railway (1827). Two years later Séguin d'Annonay con- 
structed the tubular locomotive. The discoveries of 
Oersted (1820) and of Ampère and Arago (1822) indicated 
the electric telegraph. 

Thus, during those fruitful years (1815-1830) were 
brought into being the great inventions of railways and 
steamers which have transformed the commerce of the 
world. This immense advance had no direct connection 
with politics; but they who brought it to pass thereby 
increased confidence in the might of human genius. They 
accustomed men's minds to severe methods of scientific in- 
vestigation. They showed what are the necessary con- 
ditions of truth. Thereby they contributed, some of them 
unconsciously, to the development in modern civilization 
of that reasoning spirit which was a main force of liberal 

Formation in France of a Legal Opposition. — In the 
Chamber men of talent or authority, like Chateaubriand, 
Eoyer-Collard, De Broglie, Pasquier, De Barante, Mole, 
and Benjamin Constant served the cause of public liberty. 
Serious journals, like the Globe, the Censeur, the Débats, 
the Constitutionnel, and the Courier Français, founded a 
new power in the state, that of the press, and defended it 
before the public, while higher education popularized it in 
the schools. The French Academy itself protested against 
the proposed law which aimed at suppressing the freedom 
of periodicals. 

In short, ten years of peace had afforded commerce and 
manufactures an opportunity to expand. The public finances 
were economically administered and the country was rapidly 

194 HISTORY OF MODERN- TIMES [a.d. 1817-1825. 

replacing tlie capital whicli had been destroyed by war, in- 
vasion and indemnities. But amidst the general pros- 
perity there were manifestations of that nervous impatience 
to which France is subject after a prolonged calm has made 
her forget the ruins caused by the great commotions which 
appall her, and which down to the present day seem con- 
genial to her strange national temperament. 

Even social questions began to be agitated. As philoso- 
phy and religion, those two ancient teachers of the human 
race, had no new lessons to impart to the fresh life upon 
which the world was entering through manufactures and 
politics, dreamers attempted to take their place. The 
Count de Saint Simon issued his JSfew Christianity, in 
which he formulated the famous principle : " To each man 
according to his capacity; to each capacity according to its 
works." This doctrine was not calculated to please the 
favorites of birth and fortune. Many extravagances were 
destined to spring from the little church which the Saint 
Simonians tried to found. The teachings of their master, 
of Eobert Owen in England, and of Fourier in France, gave 
birth to dangerous Utopias which, after covertly working 
their way beneath official society, broke out in the frightful 
civil wars of 1848 and 1871, and went on in the workshop 
after the tumult had ceased in the street. Some ideas of 
those dangerous theorists would have made humanity retro- 
grade, since they wished to render the state the absolute 
master in even industrial and private life. Still they turned 
men's attention to new problems, which a sentiment of 
equity commands us to study even if the wisdom of the 
legislator cannot solve them. Already men were to be 
found who, quarrelling with society as a whole, with its 
laws and its religion, undertook to overturn everything. As 
yet they were only solitary dreamers. Later on sinister 
figures will appear with violent passions and monstrous 
appetites. At that moment the extravagance of some of 
their doctrines excited laughter rather than uneasiness in 
the crowded ranks, where to demand from the government 
a more liberal policy seemed sufficient. 

The country was with the Liberals. After May 5, 1821, 
Bonapartism, placing little confidence in the son of Napo- 
leon, then a half prisoner in Vienna, and not yet sure of his 
nephew. Prince Louis, existed rather as a m^emory than a 
hope. In the influential class the Eepublic found but few 


advocates. Socialism was rather a doctrine than a party. 
Thus the real masters of the situation were the Liberals, 
who were ready to rally round the dynasty if it broke with 
the Congregation and with the men of 1815. On their side 
were the merchants, who do not love the privileged by birth; 
the burgher class, which rails as soon as it ceases to fear; 
the persecuted opponents of the Congregation, and all those 
people who in the cities are hostile to any government, and 
in the rural districts are afraid of seeing tithes and feudal 
rights restored. The great cities were in opposition, and 
Paris most of all. At a review of the national guard in 
April, 1827, the cry, ^'Down with the ministers,'^ rang 
through the ranks. That very evening the national guard 
was disbanded. Under the circumstances this measure was 
necessary, but it estranged the burgher class from the court. 
To overcome the opposition of the upper Chamber seventy- 
six peers were created at once. But a general election was 
imprudently provoked which sent to the Chamber a Liberal 
majority. The Conservative ministry fell from office 
(December, 1827). 

A few years earlier the various elements of opposition 
had agitated only by secret societies and plots, resulting in 
riots and assassinations which injured the cause of liberty. 
But now in gradually enlightened public opinion a far more 
formidable foe to the ancient system of government had 
arisen. A great Liberal party, organizing and disciplining 
itself, introduced legal opposition at the very heart of the 
government into the two Chambers, and thence it was to 
force an entrance into the ministry. Thus, with definite 
ideas men were marching openly to their goal without 
either rash deeds or violence, accepting the royalty of the 
Bourbons, but requiring of them "to make the Charter a 
truth." The accession of Monsieur de Martignac to the 
presidency of the Council seemed a reason for believing 
that France would escape disasters by necessary reforms at 
the proper time. His ministry abolished censorship of 
the press and sought to prevent the electoral frauds which 
preceding ministries had favored. It asserted the liberty 
of conscience, which had formerly been menaced, reopened 
at the Sorbonne the courses of lectures which the Congre- 
gation had closed, and placed under one common system the 
educational establishments controlled by ecclesiastics. This 
was only a beginning. Nevertheless it was easy to infer 

196 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1822-1829. 

that the conntry was again returning to the era of pacific 
progress, from which the assassination of the Duke de 
Berri and a reactionary ministry had caused it to depart. 

The general condition of the world, which must always 
be taken into account in any endeavor to discover resistless 
movements of public opinion, confirmed this hope, for the 
ancient system was everywhere on the retreat. 

Huskisson and Canning in England (1822). New For- 
eign Policy. Principle of Non-Intervention. — Beginning 
with 1822 the Tories, or rather the Tory policy, had lost 
the direction of English affairs. The most influential min- 
ister, George Canning, the pupil of William Pitt, had just 
gone over to the Whigs. England, irritated by the arro- 
gant interference of the northern courts in every conti- 
nental matter, was beginning to restrain her former^allies 
by favoring the ideas which they combated. In 1823 
Canning caused the presidency of the Board of Trade to 
be given to Huskisson, whose customs reforms opened great 
breaches in that tariff fortress, behind which the aristoc- 
racy sheltered their privileges and fortunes. This eco- 
nomical revolution was dictated by the liberal spirit, and 
because of its consequences was far more serious than many 
a political revolution. It was destined, step by step, to 
control all the industrial world; to give work to the poor, 
comfort to many, and the habit and necessity of individual 
and untrammelled action to all. 

Ireland was a prey to frightful misery, the result of 
atrocious legislation. " The wigwam of the Indian in the 
New World," said one deputy, "is more habitable than 
the hut of the poor Irishman. I have seen the peasants of 
Kerry offer to work for twopence a day." This state of 
things could not change until the day when the representa- 
tives of that unhappy country were able to plead her cause 
in Parliament. But the Roman Catholic Irish were smitten 
with political disability. The lords rejected the bill in 
their behalf which the Commons had accepted. But two 
years after Canning's last speech in their favor, Eobert 
Peel was himself compelled to propose and pass the 
Catholic Eelief Bill (1829). In 1817 Parliament, at the 
pious instigation of Wilberforce, had voted for the abolition 
of the slave-trade. Men now desired that, like the Con- 
vention, it should decree the emancipation of the slaves. 
Canning rejected immediate emancipation, but proposed 


such amelioration as' made the slave a man and opened to 
him the door of liberty. That humane law of 1825 led a 
few years later to the suppression of slavery (1833). 

Thus the English Parliament allowed itself to be affected 
by generous ideas. Still, that great body rightly was not 
regarded as sufficiently liberal. The aristocracy held the 
House of Lords by the hereditary rights of its older sons. 
It held the House of Commons by its younger sons and its 
dependents, seats for whom it obtained by means of rotten 
boroughs. Twelve families controlled 100 seats at West- 
minster, and sometimes sold them for cash. One village 
of seven houses sent two members to the House. Gatton 
and Old Sarum belonged to one landed proprietor, who 
elected the representative himself, while the great city of 
Manchester possessed neither elector nor deputy. The 
powerful Birmingham Union was formed to rouse the coun- 
try on the double question of parliamentary reform and 
abolition of the corn laws, so as to secure cheaper bread. 
Of these two reforms, the one was effected in 1832, but the 
other had to wait until 1846. Thus under the influence of 
the new spirit old England was being transformed, without 
disturbance and through free discussion. The prosperity 
of the country gained thereby. As early as 1824 Canning 
was able to diminish the taxes ^10,000,000, create a sink- 
ing-fund for the public debt, and reduce the customs-duties 
on rum, coal, silks and woollens. These measures favored 
manufactures, commerce and the rising public credit. 

Foreign policy was assuming the same character. In 
1821 England had resigned herself to the intervention of 
Austria in Italian affairs ; but in 1823, at the Congress of 
Verona, she was already opposing the Erench expedition 
against the constitutional party of Madrid, although still 
showing the latter nothing but barren sympathy. The irri- 
tation against the Holy Alliance was on the increase; so 
when the allies, in order to include the New World in their 
sphere of action, had the Erench ambassador, M. de Polignac, 
propose to Canning that they should discuss the means of 
putting down the rebellion of the Spanish colonies, the 
minister replied: "If any power assists Spain to recover 
her transmarine provinces, England will take measures to 
protect her own interests.^' To her it was not a question 
of sentiment, and we must not consider her policy more 
generous than it was. Nor did France intend to close the 

198 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1810-1822. 

immense market which, was opened to her by the inde- 
pendence and free trade of the Spanish colonies. 

However, the policy of the future gained by the definite 
and even threatening affirmation of the principle of non- 
intervention. Without ranging herself on the side of de- 
mocracy, England meant that governments should be left 
to extricate themselves as best they could from the diffi- 
culties which their own violation of national ideas and 
interests might bring upon them. 

Independence of the Spanish Colonies (1824). Constitu- 
tional Empire of Brazil (1822). Liberal Revolution in Por- 
tugal (1826). — Spain had subjected her transatlantic 
provinces to a system which inevitably brought about 
revolt. All manufactures, all foreign commerce, and 
many branches of agriculture, including cultivation of the 
vine, had been forbidden the colonists. They were bound 
to obtain from their mountains the gold and silver which 
the galleons bore away to Spain, and to receive from the 
mother country all manufactured articles, including even 
iron and building timber. In short, Spanish America was 
a farm worked to the uttermost by its proprietor, the gov- 
ernment of Madrid. Inhuman penalties upheld this un- 
natural state of affairs. The smuggler was punished with 
death, and the Inquisition placed its religious authority 
and its tribunals at the service of this strange economical 
despotism. Insurrection broke out in Mexico in 1810, 
when the French invasion of Spain prevented the mother 
country from supporting its viceroys. The revolt spread 
from one province to another. In 1816 the countries com- 
posing the viceroyalty of La Plata proclaimed their inde- 
pendence. In the following year Chili followed this 
example. Toward 1821 Peru, Colombia, Central America 
and Mexico became free ; and the Spaniards retained only 
a few points in the New World, together with the islands 
of Cuba and Porto Eico. As no one foresaw the unhappy 
dissensions into which these young republics were to fall, 
this defeat of absolutism in the New World reacted upon 
public opinion in the Old and the liberal cause was strength- 
ened thereby. One of the heroes of independence, Bolivar 
the Liberator, was almost as popular in Paris as in Caracas. 

The Congress of Washington speedily recognized the new 
states. In 1822 England was disposed to do the same, 
although an Act of Parliament in 1819 had forbidden Eng- 


lish subjects to furnish munitions of war to the insurgents. 
The French expedition beyond the Pyrenees decided her, 
toward the end of 1824, to send diplomatic agents to Span- 
ish America and to ask commercial treaties from the new 
states. In order to justify his new policy, Canning ad- 
dressed to the European Powers a circular note in which he 
repudiated the doctrine of Pilnitz, still the basis of the Holy 
Alliance. He tried to eliminate from the wars against 
France their original character, which was that of two hos- 
tile principles in hand-to-hand conflict. He set forth only 
the character they had assumed later on as a struggle for 
the independence of the states. He claimed that the coali- 
tion was formed against imperial ambition and not, out of 
respect for legitimacy, against the government actually 
established in Prance. And he recalled with cruel malice 
that in 1814, even after having deposed Napoleon from the 
throne, the allies had thought of bestowing the conquered 
crown upon another than a Bourbon. 

In 1826 and 1827 England made a fresh application of 
these doctrines, but this time on the European continent, 
and consequently nearer to inflammable materials. 

Imperial Prance, without designing it, had given liberty 
to Spanish and Portuguese America by overturning at 
Madrid and Lisbon the two governments which held their 
colonies in such strict dependence. Brazil was still subject 
to the unnatural severity of the old colonial system when the 
house of Braganza, driven from the banks of the Tagus by 
the army of Junot (1808), took refuge there. The king, 
whom his colony sheltered and saved, was obliged to remove 
the ancient prohibitions and inaugurate a liberal system 
which, under the form of royalty (1815) and then of a 
constitutional empire (1822), guaranteed to those immense 
provinces internal peace and growing prosperity. The 
mother country was unwilling, after the fall of Napoleon 
and the return of her former king, to be left behind. John 
VI was obliged, in 1820, to grant Portugal a constitution 
which the intrigues of his second son, Dom Miguel, and the 
defeat of the Spanish Liberals (1823) caused to be torn up. 

At the death of John VI (1826), Dom Pedro, the eldest 
son of that prince, the ex-emperor of Brazil and legitimate 
heir of the Portuguese throne, again abdicated that crown 
in favor of his daughter Dona Maria. But first he granted 
a new constitution. The absolutists on the banks of the 

200 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1826. 

Tagus and of the Douro, supported by those of Spain, re- 
jected both the Charter and the child-queen. Portugal 
was both a farm and a market for Great Britain. Many 
Englishmen possessed vast territories there. Its wines 
went to London and its manufactured goods came from 
England. An absolutist victory at Lisbon appeared to 
Canning as a defeat for English influence and English in- 
terests. He promised assistance to the Portuguese regency. 
On December 11, 1826, he announced to Parliament the 
measures which had been taken to that end. His speech 
made a great sensation, because for the first time since 
1815 a great power stated in public, and with truth, the 
moral condition of Europe. Canning recalled the fact that 
when France had crossed the Pyrenees to restore to Ferdi- 
nand YII the powers of which his subjects had deprived 
him, England, without an army, without foolish expendi- 
ture, had wrested a hemisphere from this restored monarch; 
that, in a word, she had with one stroke of the pen re- 
established the balance of the Old World by giving existence 
to the New. His country was not ignorant, he said, how 
many hearts and energetic arms, in their desire for what is 
best, were stretched out toward it. This force was that of 
a giant. The duty of England was to make the champions 
of exaggerated sentiments feel that their interest lay in not 
making such an empire their enemy. England in the con- 
flict of opinions which agitated the world was in the position 
of the master of winds. She held in her hands the leathern 
bottles of ^olus. With a single word she could let loose 
the hurricane upon the world. These threats were directly 
levelled at the Holy Alliance. They disturbed Prince 
Metternich, who accused the English minister of wishing 
"to unchain the Revolution once more," but in every coun- 
try they rejoiced the heart of the Liberals. A medal, 
struck in France in honor of Canning, bore on one side these 
words, "Civil and Eeligious Liberty in all the Universe"; 
and on the other side, " In the name of the nations, the 
French to George Canning." • 

The motto told the truth. It certainly was for two great 
things, civil liberty and religious liberty, or the rights of 
the citizen and the rights of conscience, that mankind had 
engaged in the great combat; and our fathers were right to 
wage it. 

The intervention of England in Portugal, "authorized 


by former treaties," was nevertheless far less striking 
than the eloquence of her minister. The enterprises of 
Dom Miguel, arrested for a time, had free course after the 
premature death of Canning (August 8, 1827), which was 
speedily followed by the return to power of the Tories. 
Further on we shall see this question solved by the triumph 
of a new policy among the western Powers. 

Liberation of Greece (1827). — A few days before his 
death Canning signed the Treaty of London, by which three 
of the great Powers bound themselves to compel the Sultan 
to recognize the independence of the Greeks. 

The insurrection of that people, long favored by Eussia 
and rendered inevitable by Turkish cruelty, broke out in 
1820. The governments condemned it at first. The Eng- 
lish government opposed it because that struggle compro- 
mised the existence of Turkey, on whose ]3i'6servation 
apparently depended the security of its Indian empire. 
" British liberalism," said Chateaubriand, " wears the liberty 
cap in Mexico and the turban at Athens." As for the Holy 
Alliance, it saw in this insurrection nothing but a rebellion. 
By a strange application of the doctrine of divine right it 
insisted that the principles of legitimacy ought to protect 
the throne of the chief of the Osmanlis. "Do not say Hhe 
Greeks, ' " Nicholas one day replied to Wellington, who was 
expressing to him England's sympathy for them. "Do not 
say 'the Greeks,' but ^the insurgents against the Sublime 
Porte.' I will no more protect their rebellion than I would 
wish the Porte to protect sedition among my own subjects " 

A few months later, it is true, this language was contra- 
dicted by acts, for public opinion was becoming irresistible 
in favor of the Hellenes. All liberal Europe espoused a 
cause heroically maintained for national independence and 
religion. Sympathy was excited, even among the Conserva- 
tives, by that magic name of Greece, by the struggle of 
Christians against Mussulmans. In France the finger of 
scorn would have stigmatized any one who did not applaud 
the exploits of Odysseus, Botsaris, Canaris and Miaoulis, 
the audacious chieftains who led their palikaris into the 
thickest ranks of the janissaries and their fire-ships to 
the heart of the Mussulman squadrons. Poetry came to 
the succor of the insurgents. Lord Byron devoted to them 
his fortune and his life. The politicians were forced to 

202 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1826-1827. 

follow the current. Canning easily involved England. 
Beholding Italy subject to Austrian influence, Spain re- 
stored to friendly relations with France, and the East agi- 
tated by Eussian intrigues or threatened by her arms, 
England was growing uneasy as the northern Powers thus 
approached the shores of the Mediterranean whither enor- 
mous trade was on the point of returning. She had many 
formidable vantage points in that sea, in Gibraltar, Malta 
and the Ionian Isles. But they were fortresses and not 
provinces. From them she could watch and not control. 
It was of vital importance to England not to allow the 
Romanoffs to dominate at Nauplia and Constantinople, as 
the Hapsburgs were dominating at Naples, Eome and 
Milan, or the Bourbons at Madrid. 

To forestall an armed intervention, which the Russians 
were already preparing, the British minister tried to settle 
everything himself by making the two parties accept his 
mediation. In March, 1826, Sir Stratford Canning, cousin 
of the prime minister, thought that, merely by the pressure 
of England, he was on the point of wresting from the Porte 
and imposing upon the Greeks a pacific solution. He asked 
the one party to renounce their " grand idea " of replacing 
the cross of Constantine upon Sancta Sophia and to be con- 
tent at first with having a small but free country. To the 
Ottomans he said that the body of the empire would be 
strengthened by the amputation of a limb in which a germ 
of death was endangering the whole state. By this double- 
faced policy England reckoned upon keeping as her friends 
both the adversaries whom she had reconciled. But the 
Divan, deceived by the successes of the Egyptian army 
which had just captured Misolonghi and which held nearly 
the whole Morea, haughtily rejected these conditions. So 
the only resource was to reach an understanding with the 
Tsar for common action, or else see him reap alone the 
reward of isolated action. 

France, the protectress of the Roman Catholics in the 
Levant, could not hold aloof. Austria, whom every move- 
ment terrified, remained inactive, awaiting events and 
husbanding her strength. Prussia was then too remote to 
interfere. Thus the three Powers, France, Russia and 
England, bound themselves by the Treaty of London (July 
6, 1827) to put an end to the war of extermination which 
had been carried into the Peloponnesus by Ibrahim Pasha^ 


son of the viceroy of Egypt. The three allied squadrons 
burned the Ottoman fleet in the Bay of ISTavarino (October 
20, 1827). Over this easy success far too much noise was 
made, and in his speech at the opening of Parliament the 
king of England deplored its occurrence. As the Sultan 
did not yet yield the Eussians, who had just conquered Per- 
sian Armenia, declared war against him (April 26, 1828). 
Eifteen thousand Erenchmen disembarked in the Morea to 
aid in settling as quickly as possible this Greek question, 
so small at the beginning but now able to give rise to the 
most dreaded complications. 

Destruction of the Janissaries (1826). Success of the Rus- 
sians (1828-1829). — The Ottomans were incapable of re- 
sistance. Sultan Mahmoud had just exterminated the 
janissaries, a lawless militia, which had deposed or 
strangled several sultans, but had also victoriously car- 
ried the green standard from Buda to Bagdad. The corps 
had been corrupted by many abuses, which it defended by 
constant rebellions. This soldiery refused to drill or to 
obey, and Mahmoud, mowed them down with grape-shot. 
Between the sixteenth and the twenty-second of June, 
1826, in Constantinople alone 10,000 janissaries were slain 
by cannon or the bowstring, or burned alive in their bar- 
racks. Those in the provinces were hunted down in every 

The Sultan had just destroyed the inefficient but only 
military force of the empire before organizing another. 
The Eussians made rapid progress, capturing Silistria in 
June, 1829, Erzeroum in July and Adrianople in August. 
The Turkish Empire seemed crumbling to pieces. Austria, 
trembling as the Eussians approached the gates of Stam- 
boul, joined Erance and England in imposing peace upon 
Nicholas. The latter, in spite of a visit to Berlin, could 
not obtain the effective assistance of Prussia. So, on Sep- 
tember 14, 1829, he accepted the Treaty of Adrianople, 
which compelled restoration of his conquests. Neverthe- 
less it gave him the mouths of the Danube, the right for 
his fleets to navigate the Black Sea, thus facilitating a 
direct attack upon Constantinople, and the protectorate 
over Moldavia, Wallachia and Servia. The first two prov- 
inces were to be henceforth governed by hospodars for life 
and the last by a hereditary prince. This treaty, which 
saved Turkey, handed over the Danubian principalities to 

204 HISTORY OF MODERN' TIMES [a,d. 1828. 

Eussian influence. But the allies hoped that the new 
Greek state, converted into a monarchy in 1831, would 
serve them as a basis of operations to counteract the diplo- 
macy of the Tsar in the Eastern peninsula. 

Summary. State of the World in 1828. — Without any 
violent revolution, but in consequence of the persevering 
efforts of wise men, France with Martignac, England with 
Canning and Portugal through Dom Pedro, took up again 
liberal traditions. To them Spain was to be led back by 
a change in the law of succession. In the New World ten 
republics were born and the only monarchy which remained 
there had become constitutional. On the old continent the 
new Hellenic state, the work of sentiment as much as of 
politics, had taken its place among the nations on the side 
of free institutions. In Italy, especially at Milan and 
Rome, in Germany, Hesse, Baden, Brunswick and Saxony 
a portentous fermentation announced to unpopular govern- 
ments that revolutions could only be prevented by reforms. 
In Belgium and in Poland, under the lead of the clergy, 
the insurrection of nationalities and of religions was pre- 
paring which antagonistic religions and nationalities wished 
to smother. And lastly, commerce and manufactures, 
which had been developed in the calm of peace, letters, 
which were animated by a breath of renewal, and the peri- 
odical press, which was becoming a power, all favored the 
advance of public spirit toward popular independence and 
individual liberty. Thus, everything warned the govern- 
ments to keep in that great liberal current which was trav- 
ersing the world from one pole to the other, from Paris to 
Lima. Unfortunately there were princes and ministers 
who tried once more to resist that force which some call 
Providence or fate, and which to others is the irresistible 
result of a thousand causes, great or small, by which the 
common life of a nation and of humanity is determined. 




Dom Miguel in Portugal (1828). Don Carlos in Spain 

(1827). — Absolutism, astonished and uneasy after its re- 
verses, made a supreme effort to regain possession of the 
countries which had just broken from its control. The 
signal was given by Vienna which, under the direction of 
Prince Metternich, was the citadel of reaction. Dom Miguel 
had taken refuge there and from it kept Portugal in a state 
of incessant agitation, hoping to dethrone his niece, Dona 
Maria, then a child of seven. Dom Pedro had believed he 
could save his daughter's throne by marrying her to Dom 
Miguel and investing him with the regency. The regent 
swore fidelity to the Constitution (February 22, 1828), but 
four months afterwards proclaimed himself king. This 
perjury and usurpation was supported by the English Tories 
and seemed successful at first. Despotism terrorized the 
country. The victims of assassination, execution or ban- 
ishment were numbered by thousands (1829). 

Dom Miguel was the son of a sister of Ferdinand VII. 
The nephew was as bad as the uncle, and the king of Spain 
had given bloody pledges to the absolutists. jSTevertheless 
the friend of the Jesuits was deemed too liberal. In 1825 
Bessières, an adventurer of French origin, took up arms 
" to deliver the king held captive by the negroes " or Con- 
stitutionals. In 1827 the former soldiers of the Army of 
the Faith proclaimed his brother, Don Carlos, the leader 
of the clerical party, as king. This attempt' did not suc- 
ceed: but it was the beginning of an interminable war. 
Dom Miguel had rebelled two or three times against his 
father. The representatives of the old régime, the Apos- 
tolicals, as they called themselves in Spain, were accord- 
ingly as revolutionary as their adversaries of 1820. It will 
not be surprising to find soon this same contempt for law 
in the spirit and acts of their friends in France. 

206 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1824-1828. 

The Wellington Ministry (1828). The Diet of Frankfort. 

— Some time after the death of Canning the Tories re- 
turned to power with the Wellington ministry and tried to 
give a different direction to the policy of Great Britain. 
Zeal for the cause of Greece immediately slackened. The 
protection accorded the Portuguese Liberals was withdrawn. 
Wellington recalled the English corps which had been sent 
to the Tagus, stopped by main force an expedition of Con- 
stitutionals, and recognized Dom Miguel as king (1829). 
At home the importation of foreign grain was discouraged. 
The emancipation of the Eoman Catholic Irish was opposed 
although O'Connell, "the great agitator," had already begun 
to stir the masses with the cry, "Justice for Ireland." 
Liberal opinion gained strength. In the following year it 
carried the Irish Bill. Lord John Eussell, the Whig 
leader, succeeded in passing a resolution which made it no 
longer incumbent on all candidates for offices under the 
crown to prove that they received the sacrament according 
to the rites of the Anglican Church. Hitherto all except 
Episcopalians had been excluded from office. Thus the 
Tories were obliged to bow before the current which was 
flowing toward free institutions. 

Italy, in the stern grasp of Austria, no longer made any 
movement, and Germany was becoming equally silent. 
"Since 1815," wrote a Prussian ambassador, the personal 
friend of his king, "since 1815 we have lived weighed 
down with heavy chains. We have beheld all voices sti- 
fled, even those of the poets, and we have been reduced to 
seeking refuge in the sanctuary of science." Nevertheless, 
reforms in material interests were accomplished. The 
Zollverein was introduced, which suppressed internal cus- 

But in defiance of the independence of the Confederated 
States, the Diet of Frankfort in 1824 renewed its declara- 
tion that it would everywhere uphold royalty. That was 
saying in effect that for the simplest reforms the Liberals 
would be obliged to conquer the resistance of their respec- 
tive sovereigns and of the armies of the entire Confedera- 
tion, since the latter was self-appointed judge of whatever 
acts might compromise ^^the monarchical principle." The 
law was continued which in 1819 had established rigorous 
penalties against the press for a period of five years. A 
commission was further charged with " examining defects 


in instruction," so as to subject the rising generation to an 
education in keeping with the spirit of the Holy Alliance. 
Lastly, as the debates of the Diet, hitherto public, seemed 
to disturb men's minds, the assembly decided to hold its 
deliberations in future only behind closed doors. The 
federal government hid itself in the shadow like the in- 
quisitors of Venice. Alexander adopted the same measures 
with regard to the Polish Diet (1825). 

The Tsar Mcholas. — In Eussia the nation was summed 
up in one man, the Tsar. The prohibition issued by 
Alexander against bringing into Russia any books which 
treated of politics " in a manner hostile to the principles of 
the Holy Alliance" had been a hindrance to very few 
readers. But the moral contagion, which cannot be kept 
out by a line of custom-houses, crossed the frontier, and 
the new ideas gained a meagre following here and there. 
Alexander's last moments were darkened by the discovery 
of a formidable conspiracy which extended even to the 
army. " What harm have I done them ? " he exclaimed 
sadly. No harm except in seeking to be the intelligence 
and will of 60,000,000 souls. Even in Russia there were 
already men who believed that that rôle was ended. 

When Alexander died at Taganrog (December, 1825), 
his brother, the Grand Duke Constantine, voluntarily re- 
peated his renunciation of the crown. Nicholas, a third son 
of Paul II, was proclaimed Tsar. He was a man of iron, 
no harder to others than to himself. Convinced that he 
was a representative of the divine will, he consequently 
acted with perfect calmness, whether ordering the punish-' 
ment of an individual, the execution of a people, or a war 
which was to carry off a million men. The plots formed 
under Alexander were not abandoned. Some of the con- 
spirators aimed at overthrowing Tsarism by uniting all the 
Slavic population in one federal republic, like the United 
States. Others thought to force its surrender by imposing 
upon it a constitution. They brought over many regiments 
to their cause. On the day when the garrison of St. Peters- 
burg was to take the oath to the new ruler, the sedition 
broke out. Before nightfall it was crushed. After a 
few executions in the provinces, Eussia recognized her 
master in that prince who for a quarter of a century was 
to Europe the haughty and all-powerful incarnation of 

208 HISTORY OF MOBERIT TIMES [a.d. 1829-1830. 

The Polignac Ministry (1829). Capture of Algiers. — ■ 

Thus in Germany, Hussia, and the Iberian and Italian 
peninsulas, the liberal spirit was again repressed. The 
allies of 1815 seemed to have conquered once more. In 
Great Britain it was awakening but under the prudent 
guardianship of the Tories. Hitherto it had been the privi- 
lege of France to move the world. To which side would 
she incline? If she were able to continue her liberal evo- 
lution peacefully, the new light would shine abroad with- 
out a shock and with a penetrating force well-nigh 

So long as M. de Martignac remained in the government 
the Liberals retained their hopes. Unhappily Charles X, 
docile to the counsels of the Congregation, supported his 
minister without liking him. After eighteen months his 
self-control was exhausted. On August 8, 1829, taking 
advantage of a slight rebuff imprudently inflicted by the 
Chamber on his ministers in a matter of minor importance, 
he replaced them by Messieurs De Polignac, De Labourdon- 
naie, and De Bourmont. The choice of such men by the 
monarch amounted to a declaration of war against the coun- 
try. A crisis was inevitable. For ten months the oppo- 
sition press constantly repeated that the government would 
end of necessity by a coup d'état, and the deputies declared 
in their address of reply to the king's speech, that the 
ministry did not possess their confidence. The Chamber 
was dissolved, but the 221 signers of the address were re- 
elected. Eoyalty, vanquished in the elections, decided to 
make its own revolution. 

The military success of the Algerian expedition encour- 
aged this resolve. Thirty-seven thousand French troops, 
under the Count de Bourmont, had landed in Africa to 
avenge an affront to a French consul and had taken posses- 
sion of the country and city of Algiers. The booty seized 
defrayed the cost of the expedition. Since that time Alge- 
ria has been a possession of France. 

The Eevolution of 1830. — On the 26th of July ordinances 
appeared which annulled the liberty of the press, rendered 
the last elections void and created a new electoral system. 
This was a coup d'état against public liberty. It overthrew 
the Charter, on which the return of the Bourbons to the 
throne of their fathers had been conditioned. The magis- 
trates declared these ordinances illegal. Paris replied to 


the provocation of the court by the three days of July 27, 
2S and 29, 1830. This time resistance was legitimate, 
since both the burghers and populace fought those who 
had infringed the Constitution. Despite the bravery of the 
royal guard and of the Swiss, Charles X was vanquished. 
When he offered to withdraw the ordinances and then abdi- 
cated in favor of his grandson, the Duke de Bordeaux, he 
was answered by the watchword of revolutions, " It is too 
late." He again went into exile. Six thousand men had 
been slain or wounded. They were victims to the obstinacy 
of an old man, who, in the words of Eoyer-Collard, "had 
set up his government counter to society as if it existed 
against society, as if to give society the lie and defy it." 
France saluted with almost unanimous acclamations this 
separation from the men and ideas of 1815. In again 
adopting the flag of 1789, she seemed also to be regaining 
possession of herself. She seemed to be winning the liber- 
ties which the Eevolution had promised but had not yet 
bestowed. Eeverentially she was about to divorce religion 
from politics in order to restore it to the place which it 
ought never to have quitted, in the temple and the individual 

210 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1830. 




Character of the Period comprised between 1830 and 1840. 

— Under the Eestoration only two policies found them- 
selves face to face. These were the policy of the Holy 
Alliance and that of the liberals. Thus the victory of 
that period is a summary of the obscure or brilliant, the 
generous or criminal, struggle between these two principles. 
After 1830 this conflict continued but was complicated by 
new interests. 

The revolution of July, 1830, which in certain countries 
assured the victory to liberal ideas, seemed to promise it to 
others which it incited to insurrection. Meanwhile the 
half-ruined alliance of 1815 made an effort to maintain 
itself. If the western Powers, France, England, Belgium, 
Switzerland, Spain and Portugal, escaped therefrom for- 
ever, the central and eastern states, Prussia, Austria and 
Russia, remained faithful to that alliance. But the prin- 
ciple of free society daily enlarged its scope like a sea which 
eats away its shores and thrusts its waves always farther 
inland. Thus gradually spreading it agitated Italy, shook 
Germany and raised Poland a moment from her bier. 

The principal representative of the spirit of reaction in 
the preceding period had been Prince Metternich, with his 
calm skill and his cautious and temporizing policy. Now 
the Emperor Nicholas was its highest expression by his im- 
placable energy and his activity as well as by the grandeur 
of his plans. 

But new questions arise and divert attention from internal 
anxieties. The immense heritage of the Turkish Empire 
seemed about opening up, and men asked themselves un- 
easily who were to be its heirs. Egypt, on the shortest 


road to India, was becoming civilized under a barbarian 
genins and the maritime powers were quarrelling over their 
influence on the Nile. Central Asia became the battlefield 
for the rival intrigues of England and E-ussia. The bar- 
riers which shut off the extreme East opened a little and 
were soon to fall before the commerce of the world. The 
activity of mankind expanded. Erom 1789 to 1815 men 
thought only of France, victorious or vanquished, and forgot 
Asia, where England was growing strong, and the New 
World, where the American Republic was noiselessly 
becoming a giant. Between 1815 and 1830 attention, still 
centred upon Europe, turned aside for a moment only to 
behold the birth of the new states of Spanish America. 
In the third period one must go from pole to pole, would 
he keep pace with civilization which wishes to complete its 
possession of the globe by commerce or by war, its two 
mighty instruments. 

King Louis Philippe. — La Eayette said to the people at 
the city hall, pointing toward the Duke of Orleans, " There 
is the best of republics." Many thought like La Eayette. 
The private virtues of the prince, his noble family, his 
former relations with the leaders of the liberal party, the 
carefully revived memories of Jemmapes and Valmy, his 
simple habits and the popular education given to his sons 
in the public schools — all encouraged the hopes of the 

The Duke of Orleans, the head of the younger branch of 
the house of Bourbon, was proclaimed king on August 9, 
after having sworn to observe the revised charter. The 
changes then made in the constitutional compact, or during 
the following months in the existing laws, were unimpor- 
tant. The heredity of the peerage and the censorship of 
the press were abolished. The qualification for election 
was fixed at 500 francs and the qualification to serve as an 
elector at 200 francs. Thus the political rights of persons 
of fortune were maintained without specially stipulating 
those of intelligence. The article was suppressed which 
recognized the Roman Catholic religion as the state reli- 
gion, and all the peerages created by Charles X were abol- 
ished. But in 1814 Louis XVIII had seemed to grant a 
charter of his own good will. In 1830 Louis Philippe 
accepted one which the deputies imposed. Therein lay the 
whole révolution» Nevertheless the fact must not be for- 

212 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1830. 

gotten that rights, first violated by royalty, had been again 
violated by the Chamber, since the deputies had disposed 
of the crown and re-made the Constitution without a man- 
date from the country. This will prove for the Orleans 
dynasty an incurable source of weakness. The govern- 
ment, born of a fact and not of a principle, will not enjoy 
either the force formerly conferred by legitimacy or that 
which is to-day conferred by the national expression. 

The Laffitte ''Ministry (1830). — The shock caused by the 
fall of the Restoration had imparted an unexpected strength 
to the republican party. This party must be taken into 
account first of all. It was flattered for awhile in the 
person o'f two men whom the republicans respected. Gen- 
eral La Fayette, who was appointed commander of all the 
national guard of France, and M. Lafiitte, who was called 
to the ministry (November 2). The popularity of the for- 
mer was cleverly exploited until after the trial of the min- 
isters of Charles X, and that of the second until the moment 
when it became necessary to make a plain declaration of 
sentiments on foreign policy. 

France had the distinguished honor of riveting the atten- 
tion of the world upon herself. At the crash of the throne 
which crumbled at Paris all the unpopular powers were 
compromised. We shall soon see that in Switzerland the 
aristocratic governments fell, and that liberal innovations 
were introduced into Germany. Italy was quivering with 
excitement. Spain was preparing a revolution. Belgium 
was separating from Holland. England herself, troubled 
and agitated, was on the point of wresting the Reform Bill 
from the Tories. Peace was more profitable to liberty than 
war and French ideas re-won the conquests which French 
arms had lost. 

But was France to champion every European insurrection 
at the risk of inciting a general war and of shedding torrents 
of blood? The new king did not think so. Belgium had 
separated from Holland and wished to unite with France. 
Her advances were discouraged for fear of exciting the jeal- 
ousy of England. The Spanish refugees wanted to make a 
revolution in their country. They were arrested on the 
frontier so that international law should not be violated 
even against a prince who was a secret enemy. Poland, 
liberated for a few moments by a heroic effort, appealed to 
France. Was it possible to save her by arms? As the 


Poles themselves said in their national calamity, " God is 
too high and France is too far." The meagre assistance 
sent to her did not prevent Warsaw from succumbing. 
Its fall found a sad echo in the heart of every Frenchman. 
Italy, bound hand and foot by Austria, strove to break her 
chains. M. Laffitte wished to aid her. The king refused 
to follow his advice and called Casimir-Perier to the presi- 
dency of the Council. 

The Casimir-Perier Ministry (1831). — This policy was 
esteemed too prudent. Casimir-Perier imparted to it a 
momentary grandeur by the energy with which he supported 
this system of moderation. He made two distinct declara- 
tions. The first was, that he desired order and legality, 
and consequently would combat the republicans and le- 
gitimists to the death if they employed riots to effect the 
triumph of their opinions ; the second was that he would 
not plunge France into a universal war and consequently 
for the sake of peace would make every sacrifice compatible 
with the honor of the country. This haughty language was 
supported by deeds. Dom Miguel in Portugal had mal- 
treated two Frenchmen. A fleet forced the defences of the 
Tagus, which were reputed impassable, and anchored 300 
fathoms from the quays of Lisbon. The Portuguese min- 
isters humbly made proper reparation. The Dutch invaded 
Belgium. Fifty thousand French entered the country and 
the flag of the Netherlands retreated. The Austrians who 
had once left the pontifical states returned thither. Casi- 
mir-Perier, determined to enforce the principle of non- 
intervention, sent a flotilla into the Adriatic, and troops 
landed and seized Ancona. This appearance of the tri- 
colored flag in the centre of Italy was almost equivalent to 
a declaration of war. Austria did not accept the challenge 
but withdrew her troops. 

At home the President of the Council followed with the 
same energy the line of conduct which he had marked out 
for himself. The legitimists were disturbing the western 
departments. Flying columns stifled the revolt. The 
workmen of Lyons, excited by their misery but also by agi- 
tators, rose, inscribing on their banners this plaintive and 
sinister motto: "To work and live or to fight and die." 
After a horrible conflict in the heart of the city they were 
disarmed and on the surface order seemed to be restored. 
Grenoble was a scene of blood in its turn. The so-called 

214 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1832- 

plots of Notre Dame and of the Eue des Prouvaires broke 
out in Paris. 

Sucli was tlie ministry of Casimir-Périer, an energetic 
struggle in which his strong will did not recoil at any ob- 
stacle for the cause of order. Colleagues, Chambers, the 
king himself, he dominated over them all. Such a life 
had exhausted his strength when he was stricken down by 
cholera (May 16, 1832). 

Ministry of October 11, 1832. — Society was profoundly 
undermined by the partisans of Saint Simon and Fourier, 
who demanded another social order. These men as yet 
played the part of pacific apostles only, but the insurrection 
in Lyons had revealed the masses as an army fully prepared 
to apply their doctrines. The national guard with energy 
defended royalty when, after the funeral of General La- 
marque, the republicans fought and lost the battle of June 
5 and 6 behind the barricades of Saint Méry. This check 
disconcerted their party for a time. A month later the 
death of the Duke of Eeichstadt, the son of ISTapoleon, re- 
moved a formidable rival from the Orleans dynasty, which 
at the same time seemed to gain support by the marriage 
of Princess Louise to the king of the Belgians. 

Another claimant also lost an opportunity. The Duchess 
de Berri had secretly landed on the coast of Provence with 
the title of regent, and endeavored to kindle civil war in 
the west in the name of her son, Henry V. But there 
were no longer either Vendeans or Chouans. The new 
ideas had penetrated thither almost more than elsewhere. 
"These people are patriots and republicans," said an 
officer, charged with fighting them. The country was 
promptly pacified and the duchess, after wandering from 
farmhouse to farmhouse, entered Nantes disguised as a 
peasant woman. Her adventurous freak showed the weak- 
ness of the legitimists. To complete their overthrow, M. 
Thiers, then minister, caused active search to be made for 
the duchess. She was found and confined at Blaye, where 
circumstances forced her to acknowledge a secret marriage 
which rendered all similar attempts in the future impossible. 

Success Abroad. — Certain results of the French foreign 
policy reacted on their domestic policy. Thus the capture 
by French troops of the citadel of Antwerp, which the 
Dutch refused to restore to the Belgians, terminated a 
critical situation which might any moment have brought 


on war. Purtlier acquisitions in Africa as well as an expe- 
dition to the banks of the Scheldt cast a little glory on the 
French army. 

In the East French diplomacy mediated between the 
Sultan and his victorious vassal, Mehmet Ali, the pasha 
of Egypt. The treaty of Kutaieh, which left Syria to 
Mehmet Ali, strengthened the viceroy of Egypt, the 
guardian in behalf of Europe of the two chief commercial 
routes of the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf which England 
wished to seize. 

In Portugal Dom Miguel, an absolutist prince, was de- 
throned and replaced by Dona Maria, who gave her people 
a constitutional charter (1834), In Spain Ferdinand VII 
died (1834), excluding from the succession his brother, Don 
Carlos, who was upheld by the retrograde party. Thus 
the whole peninsula might escape at the same time from 
the absolutist party had England and France been ready to 
combine and prevent another Congress of Laibach or 
Verona. The treaty of the Quadruple Alliance, signed on 
April 22, 1834, between the courts of Paris, London, Lis- 
bon and Madrid, did, in fact, promise to the new Spanish 
and Portuguese governments the support of the two great 
constitutional countries against the ill-will of the northern 
courts. An army corps of 50,000 men was formed at the 
foot of the Pyrenees for the purpose of supporting, in case 
of need, the young Queen Isabella against the Spanish le- 
gitimists, the natural allies of the French legitimists. 

Insurrections at Lyons and at Paris (1834). Attempt of 
Fieschi (1835). — At home the Chambers had at last passed 
a law organizing primary instruction (1833). In Parlia- 
ment, on important questions, the ministry was sure of the 
majority. Though the jury often acquitted persons accused 
of political crimes, the army was faithful, and the first 
attempt against the life of the king caused royalty to profit 
by the horror which such crimes always inspire. " Well ! 
They have fired at me," said the king. "Sire," replied 
Dupin, "they have fired at themselves." 

The insurrections of April, 1834, at Lyons and at Paris, 
and the dramatic incidents of the trial of 164 republicans 
before the Court of Peers, led to the imprisonment or flight 
of nearly all their leaders and the momentary ruin of that 
party as a militant faction. 

Meanwhile the violent had recourse again to assassina- 

216 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1835- 

tion. At the review of July 28, 1835, Fiesclii, a returned 
convict and forger, directed an infernal machine at the 
king. Eighteen persons were killed and twenty wounded. 
Among the slain was Marshal Mortier. 

This horrible attempt appalled society. The ministry 
took advantage of the universal indignation to present the 
Laws of September concerning the Court of Assizes, the 
jury and the press. They were planned to render punish- 
ment for crime more severe and more prompt. They pro- 
hibited all discussion as to the principles of the government 
and curtailed the press. 

The Thiers Ministry (1836). — The cause of order, ear- 
nestly upheld at home, was now triumphant. M. Thiers, 
President of the Ministerial Council after February 22, 
1836, wished to repeat the foreign policy of Casimir-Perier. 
The Spanish Carlists were making threatening progress in 
the peninsula. M. Thiers decided to interfere. England 
herself requested it. This course indicated closer relations 
with that power and the intention of defending liberal ideas 
in Europe. The memory of the unfortunate intervention 
of 1823 would thus have been gloriously effaced. 

The same ministry conceived and prepared another expe- 
dition. Desirous of further acquisitions in Algeria, M. 
Thiers ordered Marshal Clausel to attack Constantine, one 
of the strongest fortresses in Africa. He also intended to 
have General Bugeaud enter Spain at the head of 12,000 
men. Thus the government, which had put down troubles 
at home, was about to exercise the activity of France abroad. 
The timorous king gave his consent to the expedition 
against Constantine, because cannon-shots fired in Africa, 
he said, were not heard in Europe ; but he would allow no 
intervention in Spain. M. Thiers, rather than yield, 
quitted the ministry, where he was replaced by M. Mole as 
President of the Council. 

The Mole Ministry (1836-1839). —The first part of M. 
Mole's ministry was marked by misfortunes. Marshal 
Clausel, whose forces were insufficient, failed in the expe- 
dition against Constantine. Prince Louis, the nephew of 
Napoleon, tried to rouse the garrison of Strasburg to re- 
volt. He was arrested and conducted beyond the frontiers. 
His accomplices were brought before the jury, which dis- 
charged them because the principal culprit had been re- 
moved from its jurisdiction. This verdict displeased the 


court. The ministry proposed a peculiar law which aimed 
at trying citizens and soldiers by different courts though 
accused of the same crime. The Chamber rejected it. 

These checks were relieved during the following year by 
some successes. The army at last planted its flag upon the 
walls of Constantino (1837). To end a long standing quar- 
rel with Mexico an expedition was despatched which took 
possession of Vera Cruz. Mexico paid a war indemnity. 
The Prince de Joinville was on the fleet. He displayed 
the same courage which his brothers had often shown in 
Africa. The birth of a son to the Duke of Orleans, to 
whom the king gave the name of Count of Paris, seemed 
to consolidate the dynasty. 

But vigorous attacks upon the ministry were already 
preparing in the heart of Parliament. M. Mole had just 
recalled the French troops from Ancona in compliance with 
the terms of the treaty of 1833. It was asserted that the 
removal of the tri-colored flag from Ancona was a humilia- 
tion to France in Europe and the abandonment of a precious 
guarantee against Austria. French diplomacy was no more 
happy in the final regulation of the 33utch-Belgian affair. 
The Belgians by their revolution had aimed at separating 
two peoples of different language, religion and interests. 
But the treaty of the twenty-four articles, accepted by the 
French ministry, ceded to the king of Holland Belgian 
populations which had fought against him. Europe would 
not allow the friendly province of Luxemburg to be annexed 
to France, which would have covered a vulnerable point in 
the French frontier. 

With a little more regard for the national honor and with 
a little more confidence in the national strength, it was said 
that those concessions for peace at any price might have 
been spared. But the real pretext of these attacks was 
what was called the insufiiciency of the ministry. M. 
Guizot, the leader of the doctrinaires, who were a small but 
talented and ambitious party; M. Thiers, the leader of the 
Left Centre which vigorously condemned personal govern- 
ment; and M. Odilon Barrot, leader of the deputies op- 
posed to the policy, but devoted to the person of the king, 
formed a coalition with the motto of 1830: "The kins: 
reigns, but does not govern." The ministry wished to 
resign. The king, whose cause was at stake, refused to 
allow it, and appealed to the country by dissolving the 

218 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1839. 

Chamber. The ministry fought vigorously in the electoral 
battle, but was vanquished and fell. Jealousies in the dis- 
tribution of offices caused the coalition to disband the day 
after its victory. Difficulties over the formation of a new 
ministry kept Paris in suspense for more than a month. 
Certain republicans, with more faith in gunshots than in 
the propaganda of ideas, attempted a revolution. They 
could not even get up a riot. 

Ministry of Marshal Soult (1839). — At last a cabinet was 
formed under the presidency of Marshal Soult. None of 
the leaders of the coalition were members of it. Therefore 
it could be nothing but a Ministry ad interim. It did not 
last ten months. 

Meanwhile, the Emir Abd-el Kader in Africa proclaimed 
the Holy War. Within two months the regular infantry of 
the Moslem chieftain was crushed at the battle of Chiffa. 
Still the great concern of this cabinet was not Algiers, but 
the redoubtable Eastern question, as we shall see later on. 






General State of Europe in 1830. — The revolution of 
July was not the cause of the memorable events which oc- 
curred in Europe after the three days of Paris. Everything 
was ripe in England for the fall of the Tories ; in Belgium, 
Italy and Poland for a national insurrection ; in Spain and 
Portugal and in the bosom of the Germanic Confederation 
for enforcing the complaints of the constitutionals. The 
repressive policy, followed by the great states after 1815, 
had prepared the inflammable materials upon which fell a 
spark from the conflict at Paris. Then the fire burst out in 
every direction. At certain points it did its work and 
cleared the ground for new edifices. At others it was 
stopped, smothered for the moment. Some of the nations 
abandoned the system of authority for the contract system. 
That is, they repudiated the theory of aristocratic or royal 
rights and adopted that of the rights of the nation. Other 
peoples, held to the earth by powerful hands, moved rest- 
lessly, but were unable to gain their feet. 

England. Whig Ministry (1830). The Reform Bill 
(1831-1832). — The first Parliament which assembled at 
London after the French Revolution of 1830 overthrew the 
Tory ministry, despite its illustrious leader, the Duke of 
Wellington. The Whigs assumed the direction of affairs 
and introduced a Reform Bill which suppressed fifty-six 
rotten boroughs, . gave representation to the towns which 
had none, and created a multitude of new electors by 
lowering the electoral requirement in the towns to a house- 
hold franchise of ten pounds sterling. Thus the English 
reform was much more liberal than the French. Thus the 
number of electors was almost doubled. England alone 
then had more than 800,000. But we shall see in 1848 the 

220 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1830-1833. 

fate of the Orleans monarchy staked on the question of 
adding 24, 000 electors to a body of voters only a fourth as 
numerous as the voters in aristocratic England. Yet the 
population of the latter country was only half that of 
France. For fourteen months the Lords resisted the Com- 
mons, the ministers, the king himself, as well as popular 
demonstrations which brought together as many as 300,000 
persons. They only yielded before the threat of the crea- 
tion of enough liberal peers to change the majority. The 
Whigs also made Parliament pass two other liberal meas- 
ures. The one in 1833 emancipated 600,000 negroes. This 
cost England 16,500,000 pounds sterling. The other in 
tTie following year was the new Poor Law which, while 
relieving distress, diminished the expenditure. In order 
to induce the Lords to accept the Eeform Bill, Wellington, 
the Tory leader, had acknowledged sadly that the time was 
when the upper Chamber could make its sentiments pre- 
vail; that England must resign herself to wishing what 
the Commons wished. The English aristocracy, the strong- 
est and richest in the world, and also the one which, during 
the past century and a half, had displayed the most politi- 
cal sagacity, announced in plaintive words its abdication as 
a governing class. The useful function was left it, which 
it has well fulfilled even to the present hour, of acting as 
a moderator or restrainer. Such a curb is as necessary in 
those great organisms called states as in powerful and 
dangerous machines of industry. 

Thus, in the credit column of the revolution of July 
must be set down its influence upon the English people. 
This influence was bloodless and useful to both countries. 
In helping to hurl the Tories from power and elevating the 
Liberals to their place, France secured friends on the other 
side of the Channel. King Louis Philippe was able to 
offset the cold and haughty attitude of the courts of Ger- 
many and Eussia by the '^ cordial understanding" with 
England. Hence the two western Powers, united for many 
years by a community of ideas and interests, were able to 
check reactionary ambitions and favor the legitimate 
aspirations of the peoples. 

The first fruit of this alliance was the pacific solution of 
the Belgian question. 

Belgian Eevolution (August and September, 1830). — -In 
1815 the English had had Belgium given to Holland as in- 


demnity for the Dutch colonies which they wished to keep. 
Moreover, they had descried in this combination a means of 
repressing and keeping watch upon France from the north- 
east. But Belgium, which had the French language, French 
laws and the French religion, felt the same repugnance as 
in the sixteenth century to joining the Batavian provinces. 
The king of the Netherlands increased this antipathy by 
quarrels with the Eoman Catholic clergy and with the 
court of Eome. He prohibited French in the schools and 
law-courts and forbade the students of his kingdom to attend 
foreign universities. Writers were thrown into prison; 
journalists were condemned. Such was the irritation of the 
Belgians in 1829 that innumerable petitions addressed to 
the two Chambers protested against the abuses of authority 
perpetrated by the government. Thus, one month after 
the Paris revolution Brussels took fire. All the towns of 
Brabant and Flanders followed its example, and the Dutch 
army was driven back upon the citadel of Antwerp, the 
only point in the Belgian territory which remained to it. 
England had viewed with displeasure this overthrow of 
the work of 1815. She lived in dread that France would 
occupy Antwerp and thus hold the mouths of the Scheldt 
and Meuse. The Speech from the Throne, drawn up by 
the Tory Ministry, censured the Eevolution of Brabant. 
The broader spirit of the Whigs, aided by the moderation 
of Louis Philippe, prevented complications. In the con- 
ference which assembled at London on- November 4, 1830, 
the northern Powers themselves acknowledged the impos- 
sibility of maintaining the union under the same sceptre of 
two so different populations. It was decided to permit the 
organization of a Belgian kingdom on the sole condition 
that the king should not be selected from any one of the 
five royal houses whose representatives sat in the confer- 
ence. Thus, when the Congress of Brussels elected the 
Duke de Nemours, the second son of Louis Philippe, that 
prince refused for his house an honor which would have 
imperilled France (February, 1831). A few months later 
another election called to the throne of Belgium the Prince 
of Saxe-Coburg, whose sagacity assured the new state an 
unflagging prosperity through forty years. The conference 
finished its work by deciding that 50,000 French troops 
should enter Belgium to repel the aggression of the Dutch. 
The capture of Antwerp, after operations memorable for the 

222 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1831. 

skill of both the besiegers and the besieged, settled the 
question from a military point of view. Diplomacy spent 
more than six years in reaching the point of persuading the 
two parties to sign the definite treaty in April, 1839. The 
perpetual neutrality of Belgium was recognized by all 
the Powers. 

Liberal Modiâcations in the Constitutions of Switzerland 
(1831), of Denmark (1831) and of Sweden (1840). — In 
northern countries, whether it be those regions which in- 
cline toward the pole or those which, under a less elevated 
latitude, lie at the foot of Alpine glaciers, passion is less 
vigorous and action is more restrained. Switzerland in 
1815 was compelled to conform to the Holy Alliance. The 
wealthier classes of Europe and America did not then as 
now every summer flock to the mountains and spend their 
money. The principal source of revenue was the wages of 
Swiss regiments at Eome, Naples, Madrid, in France, and 
even in the Netherlands. Until 1830 Switzerland was 
necessarily deferential to the powers of the day. She tol- 
erated the Jesuits in the Valais and at Ereiburg. At the 
demand of foreign ministers she dealt severely with the 
press and restricted the right of asylum which refugees from 
every land invoked on her soil. On the news that France 
was freeing herself from the reactionary policy, nearly all 
the cantons, by legal means and the pressure of public opin- 
ion, demanded more liberal institutions. Austria massed 
troops in the Yorarlberg and the Tyrol to intimidate the 
Liberals, but the Diet decreed a levy of 60,000 men and 
100,000 took up arms. The sovereigns, menaced by the 
Belgian revolution and the ever increasing agitation of Italy 
and Germany, made haste to send assurances of peace. 
Abandoned to themselves the aristocratic governments of 
Switzerland crumbled to pieces. The nobles lost their 
former immunities, and that wise people effected its politi- 
cal evolution without shedding a drop of blood. Only later 
on were there violent disturbances at Neuchâtel, whose 
inhabitants rebelled against the king of Prussia, their 
sovereign, and at Basle, where the burghers insisted upon 
retaining privileges to the detriment of the rural communes. 

Denmark did not experience even these slight disorders. 
The king, of his own initiative, instituted four provincial 
assemblies for the Islands, Jutland, Sclileswig, and Hol- 
stein (1831). Later on he gave a General Diet to the 


whole kingdom (1849). Sweden was still more patient. 
Permeated after 1830 by liberal ideas, she waited until 1840. 
Then she reconstructed her government by instituting two 
elective chambers, made the ministers responsible, and 
abolished the hereditary rights of the nobility, although 
maintaining the distinction of orders. 

Revolutions in Spain (1833) and in Portugal (1834). 
Treaty of the Quadruple Alliance (1834). —The South, 
where passions are more ardent, was disturbed by armed 
insurrections and revolutions. At Madrid Ferdinand VII 
still satisfied the heart of the absolutists. At first he re- 
fused to recognize the new king of France and encouraged 
by sympathy at least the mad enterprise of the Duchess of 
Berri. But he exhumed a secret declaration of Charles IV 
in 1789 which revoked the pragmatic sanction of Philip V. 
That sanction allowed a daughter to ascend the throne only 
in default of sons. This declaration was a return to the 
ancient law of succession, which had formed the greatness 
of Spain by the union of Aragon and Castile under Isabella 
the Catholic, and which had bestowed the crown on Charles 
V. Moreover, the king felt no scruples at dispossessing 
his brother, Don Carlos, who had twice tried to dethrone 
him. Maria Christina gave birth to a daughter, Isabella, 
who, on the death of Ferdinand, became queen in Septem- 
ber, 1833; under the guardianship of her mother. The 
"apostolicals,'^ trampling on national traditions and faith- 
less to their principle of the divine right of kings which 
had permitted Charles II in 1700 to bequeath his peoples 
as his own property even to a stranger, took the part of 
Don Carlos. He prepared to claim the throne sword in 
hand. In consequence the regent, to save the crown for 
her daughter, was obliged to seek the support of the con- 
stitutionals. Thus a family quarrel was destined to re- 
store the Spanish government to the Liberal party; but a 
civil war of seven years' duration was unchained upon the 

Don Carlos first took refuge with Dom Miguel who, aided 
by Marshal Bourmont, by French legitimists, and the ab- 
solutists of Portugal, was defending his usurpation against 
his brother, Dom Pedro. The latter was upheld by the 
effectual sympathy of France and England. On July 8, 
1832, the constitutionals seized Oporto. In the following 
year the victories of Saint Vincent and Lisbon put them in 

224 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1834-1835. 

possession of tlie capital. At last the treaty of the Quad- 
ruple Alliance was concluded in April, 1834, with England 
and France by Dom Pedro and Maria Christina in the name 
of their daughters, the young Queens Dona Maria and 
Isabella II. This constrained Dom Miguel to leave the 

Thus defeated in Portugal, the absolutists understood 
that they must hold their ground in Spain or their cause 
would be lost in Western Europe and compromised every- 
where. Don Carlos raised the northern provinces to insur- 
rection, and especially the whole Basque country, which 
was still devoted to its ancient fueros and hostile to cen- 
tralization at Madrid. The Carlist bands infested all the 
Pyrenees. Under Gomez and Cabrera they penetrated to 
the environs of Madrid. Zumalacarreguy even succeeded 
for a time in substituting the guerilla conflicts, which settle 
nothing, by war on a great scale, which might end every- 
thing. He was mortally wounded in 1835 before Bilbao. 

The Carlists had summoned to their aid all those whom 
the revolution of July had vanquished or menaced. As 
a matter of course the partisans of Henry V upheld the 
Spanish pretender. But it was impossible for the northern 
courts to send him regular forces. The fleets of England 
and France barred the sea and the Pyrenees were remote 
from Vienna, Berlin and Moscow. The Tsar looked with 
wrath upon this struggle which was going on far from his 
reach. Secret encouragement and subsidies came above all 
from Naples and St. Petersburg. For their part the western 
Powers encouraged the formation of English and French 
legions, which were veritable armies. The French legion 
numbered 7000 men (1835). Thus the two policies, which 
divided Europe between them, did not dare to come into 
direct collision, but fought at a distance, and by intermedi- 
aries, on the banks of the Ebro. This was because Austria 
and Prussia, who felt Italy and Germany quivering beneath 
them, hesitated to unleash the dogs of war, and because 
Louis Philippe, despite his alliance with England, did not 
wish to endanger the general peace by less discreet and 
indirect intervention. 

The struggle was conducted with the horrors usual in 
Spanish wars, although in the ranks of both parties were 
many volunteers. Some had joined out of devotion to a 
cause or to serve a military apprenticeship. Others came 


from the curiosity of a tourist or even to give vent to rest- 
lessness and love of adventure. Instead of hunting the 
wolf and the wild boar a man passed a spring or autumn in 
hunting the Christinos or the Carlists in the mountains. 
This lasted until 1840 amid sanguinary vicissitudes and 
political intrigues which overthrew many ministries at 
Madrid. Espartero, whom the regent pompously created 
Duke de la Victoria, put an end to the Carlist war and 
then expelled Maria Christina (October, 1840) and usurped 
her place as regent. Three years later he was expelled 
in turn by Narvaez (July, 1843). Under the hand of this 
rough soldier the Spanish monarchy became almost consti- 
tutional though strongly conservative. 

Impotent Efforts of the Liberals in Germany and Italy 
(1831). Defeat of the Polish Insurrection (1831) .— Thus, 
Northern Europe and all the West entered into the move- 
ment which began on the fall of Charles X. Other coun- 
tries would gladly have followed this example, but they 
found themselves restrained by bonds too strong to be 
broken. Their princes cherished aversion and wrath, which 
they did not always control, for what had just taken place 
in France. 

The consequences of the revolution of July did not make 
themselves felt, at least ostensibly, in the two great German 
monarchies. Absolute power in Austria and Prussia was 
protected by a powerful military establishment, by the 
alliance of the government at both Berlin and Vienna with 
the state church, by the support of a numerous nobility 
.which took for its motto " God and the king, " and by the 
politic reserve of a burgher class on whom manufactures and 
commerce had not as yet bestowed fortune, and with it the 
sense of strength and a legitimate pride. Frederick Wil- 
liam III contented himself by relaxing the control of the 
press and by rendering censorship more mild. These con- 
cessions were not dangerous. Moreover, he counterbal- 
anced them by the advantages which resulted for Prussia 
from the completion of the ZoUverein. Thus he turned 
men's minds aside from burning questions of government 
and paved the way for the political hegemony of Prussia 
by her commercial hegemony (May 11, 1833). 

Things went on otherwise in the petty states. Bruns- 
wick, the two Hesses, Saxony, Hanover, Oldenburg and 
Bavaria were agitated by movements which dethroned many 

226 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1832-1833. 

princes and obliged others to concede charters and reforms. 
But, when Eussia had " caused order to reign in Warsaw " 
and when the French government had triumphed over the 
revolutionary spirit by its victory over both the legitimists 
and the republicans, the diplomats of Austria and Prussia 
returned to the stage and again put in action the Diet of 
Frankfort, a convenient instrument on which they played 
to perfection. The Diet was still presided over by Austria 
and was under her influence. In June, 1832, it decreed 
that the princes required the cooperation of the represen- 
tative assemblies only for the exercise of certain rights, 
and that these assemblies could not refuse the means neces- 
sary for the execution of the measures which interested the 
Confederation as a whole. A commission was appointed 
to watch over the deliberations of the Chambers, as com- 
missions had already been appointed to keep an eye upon 
the press and education. Of these three suspects Prince 
Metternich never lost sight. Another regulation ordered 
the princes to lend each other mutual aid and to surrender 
to each other political prisoners. A few months later 
(August, 1833) the two great Powers, who distrusted the 
activity of the Diet and the energy of its commissioners, 
had themselves authorized to constitute a commission whose 
task was to put a stop to revolutionary attempts. In this 
commission they admitted the representatives of Bavaria, 
so as to disguise the sort of abdication which the Diet had 
just made into their hands. Arrests and proscriptions 
began again all over Germany. The Tsar, who had come 
to Miinchengrâtz in Bohemia for the purpose of personally 
strengthening the sovereigns of Prussia and Austria in their 
ideas of resistance, obtained from them the expulsion of the 
Polish refugees who were to be transported to America. 

One can realize how much liberty remained to the thirty- 
nine states whose independence had been recognized by 
the Congress of Vienna. From her hatred of liberal insti- 
tutions Austria was constantly inciting the Diet to encroach 
upon the sovereignty of the princes. Thus, little by little, 
the Confederation became a motley body which lacked only 
a head. Austria was firmly convinced that she was destined 
to become that head. But on the day when the stage cur- 
tain of Frankfort was torn away, it was Prussia which was 
to appear, victorious and menacing with her motto, " Might 
makes right." Prince Metternich was to learn too late that 


he had toiled for half a century only to aid Austria's rival 
and to enable her without scruple to dethrone kings and 
humiliate kings and effect the unity of Germany against 
Austria quite as much as against France. 

In Italy the king of Naples, Ferdinand II, reassured by 
the paid fidelity of his Swiss regiments, waited for an in- 
surrection which every one foresaw. Louis Philippe, his 
brother-in-law, sent him a memorandum of General Pepe, 
indicating the reforms which must be made in order to 
avert a catastrophe. He read it, returned thanks, and re- 
plied, like Caesar, "They will not dare." He was right so 
far as Naples was concerned, at least during his lifetime. 
But on February 4, 1831, Bologna rose, then Umbria and 
the Romagna, and at the end of a month the Pope retained 
hardly more than the Eoman Campagna. The brothers, 
Charles and Louis Napoleon, offered their aid to the leaders 
of the insurrection, in which the former lost his life. 
Parma and Modena also expelled their princes. The 
Austrians seized upon this pretext to cross the Po, reestab- 
lish the fugitives, and crush the movement in the Éomagna. 

The Italian patriots had counted upon France. The 
French government announced to the Powers that its for- 
eign policy would be regulated by the principle of non- 
intervention; but it had no idea of going to war for the 
purpose of forcing this principle into European law. So 
the Austrians were left free to overwhelm the inhabitants 
of the Romagna and to violate the conventions which they 
had signed. Only when they seemed to be establishing 
themselves permanently in Ferrara and Bologna Louis 
PhilipX^e occupied Ancona for seven years. This action 
possessed a certain grandeur and exercised due influence. 
Following the example of the king of Naples, the Pope 
hired a small army of mercenaries. The States of the 
Church presented the singular spectacle of the sovereign 
pontiff living under the protection of foreign bayonets ; for 
the Swiss were at Rome, the French at Ancona and the 
Austrians at Bologna. In the midst of these trans-Alpine 
troops the cardinals and legates administered affairs and 
judged and condemned to exile, to prison and the galleys 
just as under the paternal absolutist governments. But the 
five great Powers recognized the fact that the spirit of re- 
volt was being nursed in a manner dangerous to the repose 
of Europe by such a detestable administration. At the 

228 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1830-1831. 

invitation of Erance they drew up tlie memorandum of 
May, 1831, in which they begged the Holy Father to grant 
certain civil rights to laymen and to introduce certain re- 
forms. Cardinal Bernetti promised "a new era," but, the 
danger once past, everything went on as before. From one 
end of the peninsula to the other, except in Tuscany and 
Piedmont, the rigors of 1816 and of 1821 appeared again. 
Military commissions were formed, severe measures were 
taken against the universities, foreign books were pro- 
hibited, men were condemned to the galleys for a word, 
for a thought. After a riot at Syracuse, Ferdinand II 
ordered fifty -two persons to be shot. Never were rulers 
and ministers blinder to the dangers with which an un- 
seasonable policy is attended. They did not perceive that 
by repressing the legitimate aspirations of the constitu- 
tionals they were forming republicans. Mazzini was 
replacing Pepe and Santa Posa. 

In Eastern Europe a most formidable insurrection began. 
Poland rose as one man, set up a regular government, or- 
ganized a powerful army, made war on a great scale and 
for a time held in check all the forces of the Eussian 
Empire. Here again as in Italy, men desired political 
freedom, but national independence above all. The move- 
ment broke out on November 29, 1830. Through excess of 
prudence, after an excess of rashness, no attempt was made 
to propagate the insurrection in the Polish provinces out- 
side the eight palatinates that formed the kingdom as con- 
stituted by the Congress of Vienna. The partitioners of 
1773 were of one mind in upholding their work. While 
100,000 Eussians marched on Warsaw, 60,000 Prussians 
in the Duchy of Posen and as many Austrians in Galicia 
guarded against the revolutionary contagion the share of 
Polish spoils which had fallen to them. Moreover, the two 
governments of Vienna and Berlin agreed to intercept all 
communication of the insurgents with Europe and to unite 
their forces with those of Eussia if the revolt invaded their 
provinces. Prussia did even more. After the sanguinary 
battles of Wawre and Grochow in February, 1831, and of 
Dembe and Ostrolenka in March and May, Marshal Paske- 
vitch changed his plan of forcing Warsaw from the front 
and resolved to attack the city by the right bank of the 
Vistula. This bold and dangerous march would separate 
him from his base. Frederick William III opened to him 


Konigsberg and Dantzic, so that he might be able to re- 
victual his army. This was direct cooperation in the vv^ar 
and a violation of the principle of non-intervention pro- 
fessed by the western Powers. Nevertheless they raised 
no serious objection, although the Polish cause was very 
popular in Prance and England. In those two countries 
committees were formed which sent to Poland money, vol- 
unteers and arms. But at Paris, as at London, the gov- 
ernments were fully resolved not to intermeddle in a 
quarrel which lay outside the sphere of their military 

King Louis Philippe negotiated, so as to have the air of 
doing something. The British Cabinet, which also held 
hostile nations, like Ireland and India, in harsh depen- 
dency, declared that the rights of the Tsar were indisputable. 
Abandoned to their own resources, the Poles were doomed 
to succumb. Warsaw fell on September 8, 1831, after a 
heroic resistance. Nicholas, erasing from the treaties of 
1815 the articles which conceded to Poland an independent 
existence with national institutions, converted her territory 
into Russian provinces. The patriots were exiled and 
suspected persons were stripped of their possessions. Eus- 
sian became the official language. Poman Catholicism was 
the religion of the land. It was deprived of a number of 
churches which were bestowed upon the Orthodox Greek 
faith. While all Poman Catholic propaganda was pro- 
hibited, religious apostasy as well as political desertion was 
encouraged. Nicholas would have liked to suppress even 
the history of Poland. At all events he blotted out her 
name. In official documents Poland is now called the 
governments of the Vistula. 

230 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1832. 



Interests of the European Powers in Asia. — The Eastern 
Question is threefold rather than single or double. The 
first form is discussed on the shores of the Bosphorus, and 
the second in the centre of Asia. In both the antagonists 
are Eussia and England. It is of prime necessity to the 
latter to control every route which leads to her Indian 
Empire. Therefore she desires the maintenance of those 
states in Western Asia which Eussia menaces by her arms 
or her diplomacy. The third form of the Eastern Question 
concerns the eastern portions of the Asiatic continent, 
including China and Japan. It interests Russia and Great 
Britain primarily, but in less degree the United States and 
all maritime nations. Such questions require many years 
to settle. Although puzzled over so long by the world, 
they are still only in their preliminary stages. 

This portion of modern history does not present the spec- 
tacle, which we have just considered in the West, of two 
societies in the name of different ideas striving with each 
other for universal acceptance. In place of a war of two 
abstract principles, we shall behold a hand-to-hand conflict 
of mercantile interests and territorial expansion. The two 
Powers which play the principal part in these events seek 
mainly the acquisition of provinces or guineas. Moral 
considerations are constantly lost from sight. Thus British 
cannon force the Chinese government to allow the introduc- 
tion of opium from British India, so that the deficit of the 
East India Company may be made good. But man often 
accomplishes a better work than he designs. After the 
violent deeds of Lord Clive and Warren Hastings and the 
aggressive wars and cruel sentences of the Tsars, India is 
being covered with a network of railroads, and the Siberian 
waste dotted with commercial cities. Security and social 


life are transforming the steppes of tlie nomads which they 
never visited before. 

The First Eastern Question. Constantinople. — The Tsar 
Nicholas cherished vast designs. His states already cov- 
ered half of Europe and a third of Asia. But Eussia had 
no outlet of the south, and her ports on the Baltic were 
frozen up a large portion of the year. Only by the Bos- 
phorus and the Dardanelles could she reach the Mediter- 
ranean, and they were closed against her. " Constantinople 
is the key of the Russian house." It dominates Greece, 
Western Asia, and the passages to the Indies by the Red 
Sea and the Persian Gulf. Between the Russians and most 
of the Christian subjects of the Sultan there was strong 
religious affinity, as both were members of the Ortho- 
dox or Greek Church. In 1829 the troops of Nicholas had 
captured Adrianople and advanced within a few leagues of 
the Golden Horn. His eyes were still fixed upon the 
"second capital of the Roman Empire." Once established 
in that impregnable position, he could have undertaken the 
project of Napoleon against the British domination in India. 

But, though Austria was in political alliance with the 
Russians, their ambitious hopes caused her great anxiety. 
Herself a half-Slav state, she dreaded to have them pene- 
trate the valley of the Danube and wave the flag of pan-Slav- 
ism before her populations of the same blood. Moreover, 
herself a maritime power, their establishment in the sea- 
ports of the Levant would ruin her commerce. But the 
Tsar could not reach Constantinople by land without a sort 
of permit of transit from the Austrians, and the English 
would bar his path by sea. By securing Galicia and Buko- 
vina as her share of Poland, Austria had occupied the upper 
valleys of the Pruth and Dniester. Hence the road which 
the Russian army must follow to the Marmora was a line 
400 miles in length, perpendicular to the military roads of 
Austria, and might be cut at a thousand points, whenever 
the Sultan should summon that power to his aid and throw 
open to its armies the valley of the Danube. Certain of 
finding the Austro-Hungarian forces on this road and the 
English in the Dardanelles, Nicholas waited for fresh com- 
plications and contented himself with imposing on the Sul- 
tan his haughty protection. 

Decline of Turkey. Power and Ambition of the Viceroy 
of Egypt. — Turkey was rapidly descending that declivity 

232 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1832. 

whicli is so difficult for a nation to reascend. In 1774 she 
had lost the Crimea and the month of the Dnieper ; in 1772, 
the left bank of the Dniester ; in 1812, Bessarabia as far as 
the Pruth ; in 1829, the months of the Danube and a part 
of Armenia. Thus the bulwarks of the empire had been 
falling away one after the other. Greece had won her 
freedom. Montenegro had never been subdued. The Ser- 
vians, Moldavians and Wallachians under the protection 
of Russia had formed national governments and owed only 
a small tribute to the Porte. Although the rebellion of 
Ali Pasha of Yanina had been put down, the reforms of 
Sultan Mahmoud for the time being weakened rather than 
strengthened this state because they roused the indignation 
of the faithful and of the Oulema. Thus the domination 
of the Sultan was seriously threatened in Europe. - The 
four or five million Ottomans, swallowed up in the midst 
of twelve or fifteen million Christians, seemed destined to 
retain their supremacy only a short time longer. The in- 
tervention of Europe had been required to save them when 
the treaty of Adrianople was made. They maintained a 
precarious existence, partially through their ancient habit 
of command and specially by the quarrels of their subjects, 
who belonged to different races and had conflicting passions 
and interests. 

While everything was on the decline in the north of the 
empire, a new power was forming in its southern provinces. 
Mehmet Ali, a Roumelian adventurer, had taken advantage 
of the disorganization of Egypt, after the departure of the 
Erench, to carve a place for himself and in 1806 to grasp 
the power. He had crowned this usurpation by throwing 
into the sea an English corps which had seized Alexandria 
(1807). Then he had fortified his authority after the Ori- 
ental fashion by massacring the Mamelukes whom he had 
lured into an ambush. The fierce Wahabites, the Protes- 
tants of Islam, had captured Mecca, Medina and Damascus. 
He exterminated them in a war which lasted six years. 
Thus to Mussulman orthodoxy he restored its holy cities 
and its sanctuary, and enabled it in safety to make the 
annual pilgrimage. His conquest of Sennaar, Kordofan 
and Dongola, in the valley of the upper Nile, restored some 
pride to that empire which was wasting away everywhere 
else. After the terrible expedition of his son, Ibrahim, to 
the Morea, it was believed that he would have crushed the 


Greek insurrection had not the European powers interfered 
at Navarino. In consequence, in the East the viceroy of 
Egypt was encircled with a double halo as religious restorer 
and invincible conqueror. In Europe, and especially in 
Erance, he was considered a reformer. With the aid of 
Erench engineers and officers he created a merchant and a 
war-fleet, organized an army, which was drilled in Euro- 
pean style, constructed various arsenals and workshops, and 
founded schools. To render these enterprises possible, he 
had effected such a revolution as was possible only with the 
fellahs, one of the meekest peoples on earth. They had 
been trained by sixteen centuries of servitude to endure 
everything without a murmur. Not only had he as sover- 
eign declared himself sole proprietor of the soil, which in 
Mussulman countries is in full accordance with the written 
law, but he had gone still farther and appropriated to him- 
self the monopoly of agriculture and trade. Hence, as sole 
proprietor, sole producer and sole merchant in all Egypt, 
he never lacked money for an undertaking or soldiers for 
his regiments. 

Conquest of Syria by Ibrahim Pasha (1832). Treaty of 
Hunkiar Iskelessi (1833) . — In all ages the masters of 
Egypt have been desiroas to possess Syria and the great 
islands of the eastern Mediterranean. Thus they might 
obtain building timber, in which Egypt is absolutely lack- 
ing, and harbors to supplement Alexandria, which until the 
creation of Port Saïd by M. De Lesseps was the only port 
in the Delta. To reward his services in Greece, Crete was 
added to the provinces of Mehmet Ali. This did not sat- 
isfy his ambition, which could only content itself by regen- 
erating or dismembering the empire. Eor his share he 
aimed at Syria, whose mountain fastnesses covered the 
approach to Egypt and overhung the route to India by way 
of the Euphrates and the Persian Gulf. Under the pretext 
of pursuing some fellah fugitives and ending a personal 
quarrel with the pasha of Saint Jean d'Acre, his son, Ibra- 
him Pasha, in 1831 attacked that stronghold which had 
resisted General Bonaparte. He captured it and subdued 
the whole of Syria. The first army sent by the Sultan 
against him was destroyed in many encounters. A second 
Ottoman army lost the great battle of Konieh, north of the 
Taurus, in December, 1832. The road to Constantinople 
was open, and Ibrahim was hurrying thither. Mahmoud in 

234 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1833-1840. 

terror implored tlie assistance of Eussia. The fleet from 
Sebastopol immediately entered the Bosphorus, where 
15,000 Russians landed while 45,000 crossed the Danube 
"to save the Sultan." France and England were in con- 
sternation at the arrival of the Russians, and persuaded 
Mahmoud and his vassal to accept the Convention of Ku- 
taïah in May, 1833, which gave over Syria to Mehmet Ali. 
The Russians withdrew, but by the treaty of Hunkiar 
Iskelessi, signed in June, 1833, an offensive and defensive 
alliance was concluded between the Tsar and the Sultan. 
A single clause, aimed at France and England, stipulated 
that the Dardanelles should be shut to all foreign war- 

The Treaty of Adrianople had closed one act in the 
momentous drama of the Eastern Question. That of Hun- 
kiar Iskelessi closed another. After having begun the dis- 
memberment of Turkey, the Tsar placed that empire under 
his protection. Had Europe interposed no obstacle to that 
protection, it would soon have reduced the Ottoman Empire 
to a Russian dependency. 

The Treaty of London (1840) and the Treaty of the Straits 
(1841). — Six years passed, during which Sultan Mahmoud 
made every preparation to overthrow the pasha by whom 
he had been humbled. In 1839 he thought that his troops 
were sufficiently disciplined to cope with the Egyptians, 
and he confided to them the task of regaining the provinces 
which the Convention of Kuta'iah had wrested from him. 
Ibrahim Pasha at the battle of Nezib again destroyed the 
Ottoman army. By that victory, for a second time the road 
to Constantinople lay open. But if he marched upon it, 
he was sure to find it defended by the Russians. The 
intervention of Europe brought the victorious Egyptian to 
a halt. 

Sultan Mahmoud died six days before the news of the 
fatal battle of Nezib reached Constantinople. He was suc- 
ceeded by his son. Sultan Abd-ul Medjid, who desired peace 
with his resistless vassal. The Kapoudan Pasha, Achmet, 
through hatred for the grand vizier, surrendered the entire 
Ottoman fleet to the viceroy of Egypt in the harbor of 
Alexandria. The Ottoman Empire, then without ships and 
soldiers, could be saved from annihilation only by the 
interference of the great Powers. 

England was haunted by the dread of a Russian army in 


Constantinople. Nor was she willing that Egypt, which, 
lay upon one route to India and in which French influence 
was then paramount, should become too strong. Austria 
and Prussia followed in her wake. Russia, who was not 
then ready to act alone, preferred to have the feeble Otto- 
mans at Constantinople rather than the energetic and suc- 
cessful viceroy. France only was warmly on his side. 

On July 15, 1840, Great Britain, Russia, Prussia and 
Austria signed the Treaty of London. It specified that 
Mehmet Ali should enjoy the hereditary possession of Egypt 
and should retain Saint Jean d'Acre during his life, but 
that within the space of ten days he should evacuate all his 
other provinces and restore them to Turkey. The four 
Powers charged themselves with the execution of these 
terms and also agreed to depose Mehmet Ali in case of his 

The viceroy refused to submit. Thereupon an English 
squadron bombarded Beyrout, burned the Egyptian fleet, 
and almost destroyed Saint Jean d'Acre, the base of Egyp- 
tian supplies. The contest was too unequal. Mehmet Ali 
yielded, being guaranteed the possession of Egypt. 

France had not even been invited to the congress which, 
drew up the Treaty of London. The tortuous and ignoble 
policy of Louis Philippe which, while sacrificing much to 
retain alliance with England, was making overtures to the 
absolutist Powers, had gained France only isolation and 
humiliation. The tidings that she had been utterly ignored, 
while the other states decided the question of the hour, 
caused intense indignation throughout the country. The 
timorous government seemed at first to sympathize with 
the explosion of national sentiment. It commenced forti- 
fying the strongholds, increasing the army and throwing up 
extensive works around the city of Paris. It seemed threat- 
ening to draw the sword, v/hich, however, it did not draw. 

The king became alarmed. He abandoned the ministry, 
which he had followed at first. M. Thiers yielded his place 
to M. Guizot, and the new head of the Cabinet made haste 
to offer his hand to the Powers from whom his country had 
just received an insult. On July 13, 1841, he signed the 
Convention of the Straits. This was a double success for 
Lord Palmerston. He could point at the humble return of 
France to "the European concert" and at Russia under 
compulsion renouncing the secret clause of the treaty of 

236 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1796-1859. 

Hunkiar Iskelessi, for the new treaty closed both the 
straits to ships of war. So this third act in the drama, 
acted around Constantinople, terminated to the advantage 
of England. 

The Second Eastern Q,uestion. Central Asia. — The Eng- 
lish had taken possession of India, and the Russians of 
Siberia. Between them there intervened the whole breadth 
of China, Turkestan, Persia and Afghanistan. The two 
nations might well imagine that their frontiers would never 
touch. But during half a century they were drawing ever 
nearer. To-day they stand almost face to face. To-morrow 
they may be engaged in a hand-to-hand death struggle. 

Progress of the Eussians in Asia. — The king of Georgia, 
a country on the southern slope of the Caucasus, in 1796 
implored and obtained the assistance of Catherine II 
against the Persians. For the purpose of affording him 
better protection the .Russians took possession of Derbent 
on the Caspian, of Daghestan, and of nearly the whole 
country as far as the Koura. Gradually the entire kingdom 
became a Russian province. Later on they seized from the 
Ottomans the mouth of the Paz (1809), and from the Per- 
sians Shirvan (1813), and Armenia south of the Koura as 
far as its tributary, the Aras (1828). They had reached 
Mount Ararat. The central barrier of the Caucasus was 
not yet crossed, but it was flanked, and some day was sure 
to fall. This occupation of the trans-Caucasian isthmus 
gave moreover to the Russians an excellent base of opera- 
tions, either to attack Turkey from the rear and threaten 
Persia, or to control the Caspian and the Euxine. The 
Koura emptied into the one sea, and the Faz into the other. 
The lawless Circassian mountaineers were still unsubdued. 
A line of fortified posts was drawn year by year more 
closely around them, and by degrees forced them back into 
the wild gorges and upon the desolate mountain tops. 
Nevertheless Schamyl, their hero and prophet, maintained 
the "holy war" for twenty-five years and wore out succes- 
sive Russian armies. In 1859 he was surrounded and capt- 
ured. With him fell the independence of those restless 
tribes. South of the Caucasus the Tsar then possessed 
eight provinces, buttressed by the mountains which were 
occupied by his troops and covered on their flanks by strong 
fortresses and two great seas. United in one great military 
government, of which Tiflis is the centre, these provinces 


form an impregnable advanced post for the Enssian Empire. 
Thence her armies can take, on the right, the road to Scu- 
tari, whose heights command Stamboul, or, on the left, the 
road to Teheran, the capital of Persia. The merchant 
marine of Odessa and Taganrog, protected by the fleet of 
Sebastopol, the new military post, commanded the Black 
Sea. The Caspian became a Eussian lake, for an article of 
the treaty of Tourmantchai stipulated that the Eussians 
should have full liberty to navigate its waters and that no 
other nation should maintain armed vessels thereon. Thus 
steamer-landings, even in Persian waters, might be con- 
verted into small forts and mark out the track of future 
expeditions, either toward the south shore, not far distant 
from which rises the capital of Persia, or toward the east- 
ern shore in the direction of Khiva and Turkestan. At 
the same time, Eussia was advancing toward the latter 
countries over the immense steppes of the Kirghiz Kazaks. 
Stationing a war flotilla on the Sea of Aral and staking out 
the desert with fortresses, they would be able some day to 
reach the fertile regions of ancient Bactriana. 

Progress of the English in Asia. — While Europe was oc- 
cupied against republican and imperial Prance with wars, 
which England subsidized, England was completing the 
subjection to herself of the 200,000,000 inhabitants of 
India. In 1816 Nepaul, in the north of Hindustan, and 
two years later, the valiant Mahratta tribes in the Deccan, 
were forced to submit to British control. Each prince 
received at his court a resident or officer of the Company 
who exercised supervision. At each capital, to hold the 
native sovereign in submission, an English garrison was 
stationed, the pay of which was guaranteed from the reve- 
nues of one district in the state. Thus, without any cost 
to therci^elves, the English provided themselves with a 
numerous army, which ruled the Deccan and the valley of 
the Ganges. In 1824-1826 they made their way into 
India beyond the Ganges, wrested 200 leagues of sea-coast 
from the people of Burmah, rendered the kingdom of 
Assam tributary and seized Singapore and Malacca. Thus 
the Bay of Bengal was converted into an English sea and 
the great commercial highway to Indo-China was com- 
manded. In that quarter they were thinking only of their 
commercial interests. On the northwest they had to take 
measures for their security. 

238 HISTORY OF MOBERIT TIMES [a.d. 182&-1838. 

Underhand Conflict between the English and the Russians 
in Central Asia. — After the treaty of Tourmantchai (1828), 
the Russian influence was predominant at Teheran. When 
the populace of that city, angry at the harsh conditions of 
peace, massacred the E-ussian ambassador, his family and 
all the members of his household, the king of kings hastily 
sent his grandson to St. Petersburg to make the amplest 
reparation. The Tsar was merciful. But Feth Ali, the 
founder of the Khadjar dynasty, who since 1797 had bravely 
resisted his formidable neighbor, was forced to realize that 
the glorious days of Nadir Shah, when Ottomans, Mongols 
and Russians retreated before the Persian armies, were 
passed and would probably never return. 

The two great cities of Herat and Caboul command the 
communications between Persia and India. The check of 
General Bonaparte at Saint Jean d'Acre prevented his 
undertaking a march to the East. After Tilsit, Napoleon 
proposed to the Tsar Alexander that they should unite in 
that grand enterprise. For years one of his secret agents 
traversed Mesopotamia and Persia to prepare the way. 
Nicholas inherited the plan and at first assigned the chief 
part in its execution to the Shah, who had become his vas- 
sal. Herat was in the hands of an Afghan prince. He 
urged the shah to attack him. A first attempt in 1833 
failed. A second in 1837 succeeded no better. A third 
was made the following year. The operations of the siege 
were conducted by Russian oflicers. Great Britain watched 
these movements with a jealous eye. Russian spies were 
supposed to be travelling over India. Greek and Armenian 
merchants, settled in Calcutta or Bombay, were suspected 
of furnishing the court of St. Petersburg with information 
concerning the army, the finances and all the affairs of the 
East India Company. The natives themselves were affected 
by rumors, shrewdly put in circulation, concerning the 
decline of the power of England and the grandeur of the 
Muscovite Empire. "You cannot imagine," wrote a gov- 
ernor-general a few years later to the queen's ministers, 
" what an idea the peoples of India have of the strength of 
Russia." The Tsar Nicholas hardly made a secret of 
his purpose some future day to haul down the English flag 
in India. One of his official organs declared before the 
Crimean War that, " If an attempt were made to place ob- 
stacles in his way in Europe, he would go to Calcutta and 


there dictate the terms of peace." Hesat was one of the 
stages of the Russian army on its way to the valley of 
the Ganges, and consequently it was an advanced post of the 
Company. The two rivals met under its walls. Before 
the Persian troops had arrived in sight of the city, the 
English were inside to direct the defence. Also a squadron 
had sailed up the Persian Gulf and was making a demon- 
stration against the southern provinces of Persia. The 
Shah was obliged to call back his forces (1838). This was 
a check to the Tsar. The following year he tried to indem- 
nify himself by an expedition against Khiva, which his own 
generals conducted. This city lies on the second highway 
to India which passes by the Amou Daria and Bokhara. 
Frightful deserts separate Khiva from the Caspian, and the 
Russian army corps perished almost to a man. 

Before the failure of this expedition, the English had 
decided to forestall the Russians, or at least to occupy on 
the other side of the Indus the lofty chain of the Afghan 
Mountains. By so doing an impregnable bulwark would 
defend their Indian empire on the west. Early in 1839 
the army of Bengal crossed the river, marched through the 
Bolan Pass, and took possession of Candahar, the fortress 
of Ghazni, and Caboul. It placed on the throne Shah 
Soujah, who had been deposed and banished thirty years 
before. The valiant native tribes, though disconcerted for 
a time, speedily recovered their courage. When the gov- 
ernor-general tried to curtail the subsidies, at first fur- 
nished the chiefs, a general insurrection broke out. Fif- 
teen thousand English soldiers, hemmed in on all sides, 
perished. Only one man, Dr. Brydon, survived to recross 
the Indus and tell the story (1842). The East India Com- 
pany could not rest under the blow of so terrible a disaster. 
A fresh army entered the country, devastated it frightfully, 
and then inarched away. That catastrophe was a warning 
to the English not to spread outside of their peninsula, but 
rather to fortify themselves in it and allow no independent 
state to exist there which might serve as the rallying point 
of a revolt or of an invasion. In 1843, by the submission 
of the emirs of Scinde and Beloochistan, they became mas- 
ters of the mouth of the Indus. On the upper course of 
that stream they established the system of residents. 
Thus was indicated the speedy annexation of the Punjaub 
or Country of the Five Rivers, a vast region inhabited by 

240 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1848-1860. 

the warlike Sikhs. Six years later the Punjaub was united 
to the other domains of the Company. The famous valley 
of Cashmere shared the fate of the kingdom of Lahore on 
which it depended. This was also one of the gates of India. 
Not far distant, on the right bank of the Scinde, rises the 
chain of the Bolan Mountains, whence flows the Amou Daria, 
which empties into the Kussian waters of the Sea of Aral. 
The English wished to close this gate. Thus before 1848 
they had a firm hold of the whole course of the Indus. 
They were trying to submit Afghanistan to their influence, 
having failed to place it under their control. Meanwhile 
they were pushing toward the Pamir plateau, the ancient 
cradle of the European races and the point where the 
principal mountain ranges of Asia converge. 

The Third Eastern Question. The Pacific Ocean. — The 
Pacific Ocean, formerly an untravelled sea, is now^the 
meeting-place of all the navies of the world. Upon its 
shores dwell ancient and industrious nations, which even 
in our time have closed their gates with jealous care against 
foreigners, and youthful colonies of Europeans or Americans 
which have rapidly become flourishing. Toward the north- 
west are 400,000,000 Chinese producers and purchasers and 
40,000,000 more active Japanese. Toward the southwest 
are the English colonies of Australia, importing goods 
the value of which is reckoned by hundreds of millions. 
The Moluccas or Spice Islands lie between. At the south- 
east of the Asiatic continent is Cochin-China, where 
Erance planted her flag in 1860. Still farther west are 
the 300,000,000 Hindus, among whom civilization creates 
wants and from whom it demands products. On the 
eastern shores of the Pacific stretch the Spanish Ameri- 
can republics and the United States. Kailways, traversing 
the whole American continent, connect New York, the 
great port of arrival . for European goods, with San Eran- 
cisco. Erom the latter port steamers sail regularly for 
Chinese and Japanese waters, where other steamers arrive 
twice a month from Marseilles and Southampton. There- 
fore the Pacific Ocean, upon which open the great markets 
of the world, has in our day acquired a commercial impor- 
tance like that of the Mediterranean in ancient and medi- 
seval times. An economical revolution has been here 
accomplished, almost as great as that which followed the 
discoveries of Columbus and far more rapid, being the crea- 
tion of hardly a century. 


Isolation of China and Japan. — For a long time foreigners 
knocked at the doors of China. Koman Catholic mission- 
aries went there to evangelize the people as early as 1581. 
The Portuguese had preceded them and were followed by 
the Dutchj and then by France and England. The Jesuits 
succeeded in obtaining due admission at Pekin under the 
name of literati, and a Russian religious mission was also 
established. Foreign merchants could only obtain permis- 
sion to open trading-houses outside the walls of Canton. 
Such a station Russia had at Kiakhta, where Siberian furs 
were exchanged for Chinese tea and silk. In vain did 
England (1793-1806) and Russia (1805) send solemn 
embassies. The Son of Heaven required the ambassadors 
to undergo a humiliating ceremony as condition of their 
reception. Some refused. Others reached Pekin only as 
prisoners. All returned without the commercial treaty 
which they had been commissioned to obtain. Said the 
eyewitness of one of the least unsuccessful of these embas- 
sies, "We entered Pekin as beggars. We remained there 
as captives. We departed as condemned criminals." The 
situation became even worse. In 1828 the Roman Catholic 
missionaries were expelled, despite the religious toleration 
professed by the government. China remained walled in. 
Japan, no less tightly closed, tolerated the presence of the 
Dutch in the harbor of Nagasaki only on condition of their 
confining themselves to an island in the roadstead, and per- 
mitted no other nation to approach its coast. 

Opium War (1840-1843). — All the nations, barbarous or 
civilized, have created for themselves artificial wants and 
indulgences. Some chew the betel nut, others smoke to- 
bacco, and the Chinese intoxicate themselves with opium, 
notwithstanding the injurious effects upon the human sys- 
tem. The English found this vice to their financial advan- 
tage. They covered Bengal with fields of poppies and, when 
the Chinese government strictly prohibited the introduction 
of opium, organized a vast contraband trade. The Middle 
Kingdom continued to be inundated with the fatal drug, 
from which the English made a yearly profit of several 
million dollars. In 1839 the imperial commissioner ordered 
20,000 chests of opium, worth about $18,000,000, to be 
seized and thrown into the sea. This seizure was legal, and 
no just claim could be entered against it. But several acts 
of violence, committed against Englishmen, were grasped 

242 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1842^-1848. 

at as a pretext. An expedition sent to Chinese waters 
occupied the island of Chusan and destroyed the forts which 
commanded the entrance to the river of Canton. The first 
convention not being ratified, the English made two cam- 
paigns to dictate peace under the walls of Nankin. By the 
treaty of August, 1842, China opened five ports to foreign 
commerce, ceded Hong Kong to Great Britain, and promised 
an indemnity of nearly $21,000,000. The two govern- 
ments in their official declarations continued to treat the 
opium trafiic as illicit. Nevertheless smuggling was made 
easy by the opening of the five ports. During the following 
year 40,000 chests were introduced. This meant a profit 
of many millions to the landed proprietors of Bengal. 

The Russians meanwhile had been careful not to dis- 
please the court of Pekin. The Tsar Nicholas had severely 
prohibited the introduction of opium into China through 
the Russian frontiers. 

Prance tried to obtain a share in the trade of those re- 
gions. In 1844 she sent to China an embassy which signed 
a commercial treaty and caused the edicts against the Chris- 
tians to be revoked. Confiscated churches were to be re- 
stored and the Roman Catholic missionaries were to enjoy 
freedom in disseminating their faith wherever they would. 
Such stipulations were honorable to France. Not only the 
danger but the distance was relatively greater than in these 
days of rapid communication. The French government 
assumed a heavy responsibility in declaring itself the offi- 
cial protector of Catholic missions among the Chinese. 

Summary. State of the Three Eastern Questions in 1848. 
— In the extreme East the two chief antagonists are hardly 
aware of each other's presence. There the' question is 
hardly more than at the beginning of its initial stage. In 
Central Asia both Powers have received disastrous checks 
at the hands of the fierce natives, and neither has fully re- 
trieved its damaged prestige. The English are fortifying 
themselves behind the mountains and show no present in- 
tention of issuing westward through the Bolan or Khaiber 
Pass. Russia has not yet resumed her march toward 
Khiva. At Constantinople they are indeed face to face, 
but there the contest is diplomatic. It is waged by bring- 
ing to bear pressure upon the Porte, by successive and 
short-lived treaties, and by the search for allies among the 
other European states. Neither in China, Central Asia, 


nor the Ottoman Empire have the two rivals met in arms 
JNor are they so keenly conscious of their rivalry as thev 
are to become in the succeeding fifty years. Not yet, not 
even at Constantinople, does any one of the Three Questions 
reveal all of its ultimate immense importance. 

244 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1840. 



Character of the Period comprised between 1840 and 1848. 
Progress of Socialistic Ideas. — The treaty of the Straits 
marks a sort of halting-point for Europe. During several 
subsequent years we see hardly any risings or insurrections. 
The Powers talk of peace, and order reigns in nearly every 
state. In England the Tories return to power (1841). 
Prince Metternich continues his " paternal " rule in Austria. 
The Tsar Nicholas devotes his energies to organizing Rus- 
sia like an immense barrack, whence can issue against 
Europe or Asia armies which he believes invincible. Nar- 
vaez recasts for Spain a constitution more monarchical 
than that of 1837. 

Prance, which nearly every year since 1830 had beheld 
a new Cabinet, no longer has any ministerial changes. 
M. Guizot, the prime minister, or President of the Council, 
builds up a conservative party which, convinced that every- 
thing is for the best in a social order where it monopolizes 
the power and honors, believes there is nothing which 
needs change. A sort of temporary calm is the result. 
The political agitations of the preceding ten years are fol- 
lowed by the fruitful labors of manufactures and commerce. 
From one end of Europe to the other nothing is to be heard 
but the sound of railways in process of construction and 
of factories which spring up and work with feverish ardor. 
Financial institutions of all sorts are multiplied. Wealth 
is accumulated and the Exchange regulates business trans- 

And yet this society with its material interests so pros- 
perous is approaching an abyss, because its leaders in their 
turn believe in the immobility of the world and forget to 
ask whether there are not other needs which must be sat- 
isfied. While official society was content with the tran- 
quillity which reigned in the street and the activity which 
showed itself in business, the two already old ideas of na- 

A.D. 1843-1845.] ANTECEDENTS OF 1848 245 

tional and individual independence were making converts. 
A new idea had risen at their side in the realization that 
the lot of the laboring classes must be improved. 

In Poland and Italy the Russian and the Austrian were 
still odious. In Bohemia and Hungary the new study of 
national history and literature revived memories of au-, 
tonomy which had seemed to be long effaced. Germany 
dreamed of her unit}^ and of the fatherland. Some of her 
princes talked about it, for the sake of rendering themselves 
popular. To this idea the king of Bavaria erected a Wal- 
halla, a Pantheon of all German glories. At Berlin the 
head of the Hohenzollern lauded "the German country." 

After the nationalists came the liberals, some of whom 
asked for the liberties which had been promised and others 
claimed the enlargement of liberties already obtained. The 
inhabitants of the Eomagna demanded from the papal gov- 
ernment, sometimes with threats as in 1843, a regular ad- 
ministration with a code of laws. Each year the Rhenish 
provinces expressed a strong desire for a constitution. Even 
in the Prussian provinces of the Vistula and the Oder lib- 
eral tendencies were displayed which caused uneasiness at 
Berlin. Turin printed a journal whose very title was sig- 
nificant, II Risorgimento or the " Resurrection " ; and Count 
Balbo published his Speranze d'Italie (1843). The ambi- 
tions of the French opposition party were equally modest 
and even more legitimate. 

But in the darkness a still more formidable faction was 
forming, which twice already has flooded Paris with blood, 
made illustrious victims, laid palaces in ashes, and which 
will, perhaps, long continue to be the terror of Europe, 
unless wisdom and energy provide a remedy. 

The Revolution of 1789, accomplished by and for the 
burgher class, seemed complete wherever royal despotism 
and the privileges of birth had disappeared. This double 
conquest, equality in the eye of the law and the free dis- 
cussion of national interests, satisfied the ambition of the 
middle class, every man of which was accustomed to be the 
architect of his own fortune and asked nothing of the state 
except assurance of public order without interference in 
private affairs. 

The application of steam to manual trades and the in- 
vention of hand-machines, which were first seen in Prance 
at the Exposition of 1845, led to a revolution in the mode 

246 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1840-1848. 

of manufacture and in the very constitution of labor. Small 
workshops disappeared and gave way to immense factories, 
to which the railways brought the inhabitants of the coun- 
try districts in crowds. In a few years the capitals and 
the manufacturing or mercantile cities of both hemispheres 
doubled the number of their inhabitants. In the bosom of 
these formidable agglomerations of humanity industry was 
carried to a high degree by the powerful means placed at 
its disposal, and created great wealth and also great 

In order to compete, it was necessary to produce much 
and to produce cheaply. In other words, longer days were 
required of the workman, but the wages were so diminished 
as to prevent provision against sickness or cessation of 
work. Hence arose hardships which the Utopians, some 
of whom were generous souls, proposed to suppress by 
causing indigence to disappear, as the two great miseries of 
times past, domestic slavery and serfdom, had disappeared. 
But instead of proceeding gradually, they undertook to 
change everything at a stroke. Their panacea might cause 
a thousand evils without even healing one, because their 
remedies ran counter to the very nature of man and of 
society. A convent can exist with community of goods or 
a religious or charitable association depend upon the devo- 
tion of each member to the good of all. But under such 
conditions no regular society is constituted. The Phalan- 
steries and the Icaria, attempted in France, Belgium, Bra- 
zil and Texas, came to a miserable end. But the ignorant 
populace were not deaf to formulas like the following: 
"Property is robbery," "Every man has a right to work, 
even when there is no work to be done, or money where- 
with to pay for it," " Wages shall be equal, however unequal 
the product," "The individual must disappear in a vast 
solidarity wherein each man will receive according to his 
needs and will give according to his ability." 

These socialistic reveries, which are absolutely opposed 
to individual liberty, the most imperious need of our days, 
were destined to be put into political action through the 
alliance of certain republicans with the new sectaries. 
The latter, to give realization to their dreams, desired to 
make the state interfere in everything. But as the gov- 
ernment was in the hands of the burghers, the first essen- 
tial was to take it away from them. The masses trouble 

A.D. 1840-1848.] ANTECEDENTS OF 1848 247 

themselves little about political questions which they do 
not understand. But, listening eagerly to those who prom- 
ised them prosperity, they were ready to follow on being 
told that " social liquidation " could be attained only with a 
government of their own choice. Thus socialism, born 
under the Eestoration amid apparently harmless humani- 
tarian Utopias, gave existence to a numerous party which 
included all the poor, and which the logicians of '48 
strengthened by decreeing universal suffrage. 

This movement was not peculiar to France alone. As 
early as 1817 England had had the Chartists, in 1836 the 
Workingmen's Association, and three years later disturb- 
ances in Wales. In 1844 a central association for the 
welfare of workingmen was formed in Prussia, and grave 
troubles agitated Silesia and Bohemia. This was the 
beginning of that war between wages and capital, between 
the workingman and the employer, which was to break out 
with violence. 

Of this subterranean ferment official society, as is often 
the case, saw nothing. At least it troubled itself little 
about an evil from which the classes, accustomed for many 
centuries to suffering, were now suffering. Up to the eve 
of February 24, 1848, it was occupied with entirely differ- 
ent issues, yet a few months later it found itself obliged to 
wage a four days' battle with 100,000 men from the poorer 

France from 1840 to 1846. — The history of France during 
these years lies far more in the obscure facts just mentioned 
than in those stirring events of the time which a quarter 
of a century had sufficed to restore to their true proportions. 
This was a golden age of orators. Much eloquence was ex- 
pended and only small things were done. A friend of the 
government summed up in 1847 this policy of mere words. 
"What have you done with your power?" he asked the 
ministers. "Nothing! Nothing! Nothing!" 

The national feeling had been profoundly wounded by 
the events of 1840. M. Guizot as a compensation to French 
pride caused the sterile rocks of the Marquesas Islands in 
the Pacific Ocean to be occupied (May, 1842^ New Zealand 
was more valuable. France was on the point of seizing it 
when England took possession of it first. A French officer 
planted the flag of France upon the great oceanic island of 
New Caledonia. The ministry had it torn down. The 

248 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1840-1846. 

states of Honduras and Nicaragua asked for the protection 
of France. Hayti wished to do the same. This protection 
was refused and the refusal was apparently inspired by Eng- 
land. Though France acquired the Society Islands, her 
commercial interests in those regions were not great enough 
to necessitate an imposing establishment. The acquisition 
of Mayotte (1843) was a wiser operation, because that islet 
provided French ships a better haven than the island of 
Bourbon could afford them and a naval station in the vicinity 
of Madagascar. At Tahiti an Englishman named Pritchard, 
at once consul, missionary and apothecary, stirred up the 
natives against France. The unworthy agent was driven 
from the island (1844). His complaints were listened to in 
Parliament, and the French Cabinet demanded from the 
Chambers an indemnity for the intriguer who had caused 
the shedding of blood. The official disavowal of E-ear- 
Admiral Dupetit Thouars, who had tried to extend the 
French establishment in Oceanica, increased the public 
irritation. This disavowal was regarded as a humiliation 
before the British government. A more serious conces- 
sion, made to the English, was the recognition of England's 
right of search for the suppression of the slave trade. This 
time the opposition was so vigorous throughout the land 
that the Chamber forced the minister to repudiate the 
treaty and to place the French merchant marine by fresh 
conventions once more under the exclusive protection of 
the national flag (May, 1845). 

The Chamber and public opinion desired the conquest of 
Algeria to be completed. The ministry had the merit of 
choosing an energetic and skilful man, General Bugeaud, 
who was able to inspire the Arabs with both respect and 
terror. Abd-el Kader was preaching a holy war and by 
the rapidity of his movements had spread terror through 
the province of Oran and even to the gates of Algiers. The 
emir was defeated and his family and flocks were captured. 
Taking refuge in Morocco he prevailed on the emperor of 
that country to join his cause. In reply France bombarded 
Tangiers and Mogador and gained the victory of Isly. The 
emperor was glad to sign a treaty of peace on easy con- 
ditions. France was rich enough, said her minister, to 
pay for her glory. 

The Anglo-French alliance was of no direct advantage to 
France, but was supposed to assure the general tranquillity. 

A.D. 1840-1846.] ANTECEDENTS OF 1848 249 

Louis Philippe sought above all the welfare of his family. 
Marrying his son, the Duke of Montpensier, to the sister 
of the Spanish queen, he aroused the resentment of the Brit- 
ish, who considered that the king was seeking to render 
France and his dynasty preponderant in the peninsula. 
Alarmed at the alienation of England and the general isola- 
tion of France, the ministry made advances to Austria, and 
in order to win her favor sacrificed Switzerland and Italy. 
Switzerland wished to remodel her constitution and give 
more authority to the central power. Such a change would 
have benefited France, whose frontier would be better pro- 
tected by a strong than by a divided Switzerland. But this 
reform, urged by the liberals, was opposed by the seven 
Koman Catholic cantons. M. Guizot went so far as to ac- 
cept the diplomatic intervention of the foreign Powers, 
although that might be followed by military intervention. 
However, the Separatists or Sonderbund, whom he favored, 
were defeated in a nineteen days' campaign, and the Jesuits 
were expelled (November, 1847). 

On the banks of the Po the Austrians had occupied 
Ferrara. Pope Pius IX, who was then arousing Italy from 
her torpor, protested and was not supported. At Milan 
the Austrian garrison committed outrages in February, 
1848. M. Guizot contented himself with negotiations in 
favor of the victims. Thus France became the ally of an 
empire which maintained itself only by causing the various 
peoples which it held in servitude to oppress each other. 
When the opposition complained, the minister replied by 
pointing to the national prosperity. Popular instruction 
was developing, the penal code had been modified and 
lotteries suppressed. The law of appropriation for public 
purposes rendered it possible to carry on works of public 
utility without hindrance from private interests. Indus- 
try sprang into life and vigor, commerce extended its do- 
main, the sea-coasts were lined with lighthouses, the public 
roads were improved, and the construction of a vast net- 
work of railways was decided upon. This prosperity, as 
often happens, gave rise to frantic speculation. The evil 
was of wide scope. One of the king's ministers was con- 
demned for having sold his signature, and a peer of France 
for having bought it. 

The elections of 1846 were carefully manipulated by the 
administration and gave it a majority. But among the 

250 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1841-1849, 

deputies cliosen were many officials. It became evident 
that in the very small class of electors, who numbered only 
220,000, political feeling hardly existed and that calculation 
was taking the place of patriotism. Electors sold their 
votes to deputies. The persons elected sold their support 
to the ministers. Thus the representative system was 
vitiated at its source. Hence a ministry, rejected by public 
opinion, was retained in power by an artificial majority. 
The President of the Council thought himself strong because 
he counted upon a Chamber made up according to his will. 
So he assumed a lofty tone with the parliamentary oppo- 
sition, the only antagonists whom he consented to notice. 
He had said at the time of the elections : " All platforms 
will promise progress ; the conservative platform alone will 
give it." Meanwhile he granted no concessions under the 
pretext that one must not allow anything to be extorted 
from him. 

England. Free Trade. The Income Tax and the New 
Colonial System (1841-1849). — Such resistance was very 
impolitic at a moment when liberal ideas, though repressed 
by the governments, were everywhere springing up again. 
The leader of the Tories, Sir Eobert Peel, had kept his 
ministry in office from 1841 to 1846 only by becoming more 
of a reformer than the Whigs. Snatching from his adver- 
saries their own weapons, the ideas of Huskisson and Can- 
ning, he abolished the corn laws, favored free trade, and 
reestablished the income tax. In this manner he destroyed 
what had been looked upon as the corner-stone of aristo- 
cratic power. He abolished the Navigation Act, which 
had served to establish the maritime greatness of his coun- 
try, but which had already become a piece of warlike 
machinery fit only for a place among other antiquated 
machines. Lastly, he made the rich pay in order that the 
poor might live cheaply. 

Centuries had been required for the parliamentary insti- 
tutions of Great Britain to react upon other governments. 
But only a short time was necessary for Sir Eobert PeePs 
economical revolution to issue from the island where it had 
its birth. . Enacted in the name of the principles of free 
trade and applied to the greatest market of the world, it 
possessed a character of universal expansion. This great 
act, which presented such a contrast to the trivial anxieties 
of France, was destined accordingly to exercise a great in- 

A.D. 1841-1849.] ANTECEDENTS OF 1848 251 

fluence over tlie custom-house legislation of the continent. 
But things are bound together. The triumph of liberty in 
the realm of economics necessarily paves the way for its 
victory in the realm of politics. 

Already, under the control of these ideas, England had 
renounced the colonial system which modern Europe had 
inherited from ancient Rome and which some states still 
retain. She no longer sought the absolute domination of 
the mother country over her colonies that they, like docile 
slaves, might exist only for her, and toil, produce and 
purchase for her profit. That outworn system had cost 
North America to the English ; South America to the Span- 
ish and the Portuguese ; and Canada and Louisiana to the 
French. To the new system England was led moreover 
by her own genius. Reserving to the mother country only 
the appointment of a governor, the colonies were allowed 
to manage their own affairs by a legislative body elected by 
themselves. Thus was developed the prosperity of the colo- 
nists and that of the mother country. The constitutional 
liberty granted to Canada was productive of marvellous 
progress. All the English colonies, with the exception of 
India and the purely military outposts, found themselves 
endowed with this fruitful liberty in 1849. Liberty is not 
only a noble thing, but is also a useful thing. Thus Eng- 
land could abolish some of her taxes, while in the ten years 
between 1832 and 1842 her commerce nearly doubled. The 
budget of the continental states showed a deficit, while 
that of England presented a surplus. 

England does not like revolutions. Her government 
resembles a skilful pilot who always keeps an eye on the 
horizon to discern the great currents and steer the ship into 
them. So, since 1832, she escaped political storms by fol- 
lowing the impulse of the public mind. Thus between 1822 
and 1826 Huskisson's reforms were accomplished. In 1829 
came Roman Catholic emancipation. In 1832 electoral re- 
form was decreed. In 1841 the income tax was revised, 
not indeed as a war measure, but for the purpose of freeing 
from all imposts bread, beer and the raw materials which 
feed manufactures. In 1846 the corn laws were suppressed 
and free trade established. Eor these reasons England 
escaped bloodshed and revolution. 

Establishment of the Constitutional System in Prussia 
(1847). — In the time of Voltaire and Montesquieu echoes 

252 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1845-1847. 

from the House of Commons rarely crossed the Channel 
and reached only a few superior men. Now, thanks to the 
press, they were heard everywhere and awoke and excited 
men's minds. In 1845 the states of Silesia, of the grand 
duchy of Posen and of royal Prussia demanded freedom 
of the press, publicity of debate and a penal code in accord- 
ance with the principles of modern legislation. The king 
refused everything. To those who asked for a constitution, 
he replied that he would never allow a sheet of paper to 
interpose between his people and himself. Two years later 
he was obliged to convoke a general Diet, although he was 
willing to recogni'ze in it solely a consultative character. 
But the Diet claimed the right of receiving the annual ac- 
count of the administration of the public debt and of delib- 
erating upon all general laws, including taxation. At once 
it arrogated to itself the superintendence of the finances 
with legislative power. To guarantee against all surprises 
it declared in advance that it would recognize in no other 
assembly or commission, even if sprung from its own ranks, 
the right of exercising its functions. Thus the constitu- 
tional system was set up in Berlin. Only two great states, 
Austria and K;ussia, were left to represent unyielding 
opposition to the new ideas. 

Liberal Agitations in Austria and Italy. — Nevertheless 
the general movement was invading even changeless Aus- 
tria. In Styria and Carinthia, her oldest duchies, men 
desired reforms. In Hungary a great constitutional party 
was already organized. Bohemia also was in a ferment. 
But, as the country was divided between two hostile popu- 
lations, the Germans and the Czechs, Prince Metternich 
was able to rely upon the one to resist the other. In 1847 
he deprived the state of Bohemia of the right to vote the 

His policy had just suffered a signal check on the west- 
ern frontier of the empire, by the prompt defeat of the 
Sonderbund which he had tried to save. The victory of the 
Swiss liberals was only one more bad example given to 
the docile subjects of the Hapsburgs and did not consti- 
tute a danger. But on the other side of the Alps a storm 
was muttering, all the more threatening because this time 
the tempest came from E-ome. 

The disastrous attempt of the Bandiera brothers, sons of 
an Austrian admiral, who tried to stir up the Calabrians 

A.D. 1843-1846.] ANTECEDENTS OF 1848 253 

in 1844, and the insurrection of Rimini in 1845, undertaken 
to obtain the application of the Memorandum of the Great 
Powers in 1831, had been the last appeals to arms on the 
part of the Italians. But what the propaganda of gunshots 
did not succeed in effecting, the propaganda of ideas brought 
about among that intelligent people. Gioberti, with his 
book, Del primato . . . degli Italiani, in 1843 had won over 
a part of the clergy to the national cause. Later on he had 
tried in the Modern Jesuit to remove the Pope from the 
fatal influence of " the degenerate sons of Loyola.'' Father 
Ventura, a famous preacher, exclaimed: "If the Church 
does not march with the age, the nations will not halt, but 
they will march on without the Church, outside the Church, 
against the Church." What pontiff would be capable of 
comprehending that religion must be reconciled with liberty ! 
The Italians believed they had found such a Pope, a re- 
former for the universal Church and a national ruler for 
Italy, in Pius IX, elected in June, 1846. At the very 
beginning he dismissed his Swiss guard, threw open the 
prisons, recalled the exiles, subjected the clergy to taxation 
and prepared the way for reform in the civil and criminal 
laws. He instituted an assembly of notables, chosen by 
himself, but possessing only a consultative voice. He 
created a Council of State, restored municipal institutions 
to Rome, and for the first time published the budget of the 
papal states. The king of Sardinia and the Grand Duke 
of Tuscany followed his example. Italy again revived with 
the double hope of regaining her political liberty and her 
national independence. On December 5, 1846, tires were 
kindled from one end of the Apennines to the other. The 
hundredth anniversary of a defeat of the Austrians before 
Genoa was being celebrated to the cry of, " Expel the bar- 
barians ! " " Fuori i barbari ! " England, governed after 
June, 1846, by the Whig ministry of Lord Russell, sent 
the Mediterranean fleet into Sicilian waters, and Lord 
Minto, her ambassador, travelled all over Italy urging the 
princes into constitutional paths. The opposition in the 
Erench Chamber cried aloud to the Pope, " Courage, Holy 
Eather! Courage!" But the Cabinet of the Tuileries, 
while favorable to administrative reforms, discouraged 
political reforms, so as to keep on good terms with Austria, 
alliance with whom seemed necessary in consequence of 
the Spanish marriages. 

254 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1847-1848. 

By joining in the liberal movement Austria might have 
restrained and guided it; but that Power was still under 
the fatal influence of the party, which accused "the car- 
bonaro Mastaï " of having usurped the Holy See by intrigue, 
and which even dared to call him, " A Eobespierre wearing 
the tiara. ^^ She addressed to the Pope a severe note against 
his reforms in June, 1847, fomented a conspiracy in Rome 
itself, and, contrary to all treaties, occupied the city of 
Perrara in August. Cardinal Perretti sent to Vienna an 
energetic protest, which was backed up by the courts of 
Turin and Plorence, but of which M. Guizot expressed dis- 
approbation. "Pather Ventura," said Pius IX, discour- 
aged, "Prance is deserting us. We are alone!" "No," 
replied the Theatine monk, "God is with us. Porward! " 

And Italy did move forward. At the end of November 
the Eoman Council opened. Leopold II and Charles 
Albert effected reforms which were equivalent to the prom- 
ise of a constitution and their ministers signed with the 
Papal Cabinet an alliance " for the development of Italian 
industry and the welfare of the peoples " on November 3. 
The Duke of Modena and the king of the Two Sicilies were 
invited to adhere to the treaty. This union was a threat 
against Austria, to which she replied by the military occu- 
pation of Parma and Modena in December. The extremi- 
ties of Italy immediately caught fire. 

Three months previously an insurrection at Reggio and 
Messina and a disturbance in Naples had been severely put 
down, but promises of reform had been made. On January 
12, 1848, as these reforms had not been effected, Palermo 
took up arms to the cry of, "Long live Pius IX." On the 
16th the insurrection had mastered the whole island. On 
the 18th 10,000 men marched upon Naples demanding, as 
in 1821, a constitution. On the 28th Perdinand II yielded; 
two weeks later a charter, modelled on the Prench charter 
of 1830, was promulgated at Naples, and four days after- 
wards at Plorence, and on March 4 at Turin. 

The Italian peoples were quivering with excitement, 
especially in the Lombardo-Venetian territory, where exas- 
peration against the Austrian had seized even the women 
and children. On January 3 Austrian dragoons put to the 
sword groups of people in the streets of Milan. Troubles 
broke out in Pavia and Padua on Pebruary 8; on the 15th 
at Bergamo. On the 22d Marshal Eadetzki proclaimed 

A.D. 1848.] ANTECEDENTS OF 1848 255 

martial law at Milan, saying to his soldiers, " The guilty 
efforts of fanaticism and of rebellion will be shattered upon 
your courage like glass upon a rock/' 

Almost at the same moment a revolution burst out at 
Paris which, seventeen days later, found its echo in Vienna. 
Nothing remained to Austria in Italy at the end of March 
except the fortresses of the quadrilateral. 

The general situation of Europe at the beginning of the 
year 1848 indicated that the critical hour had come. After 
a struggle, lasting more than a generation, between the old 
régime and liberal ideas, the latter felt themselves strong 
enough to look upon their approaching triumph as sure. 
But was that victory to be won peaceably, by intelligent 
and patriotic agreement of the government and the gov- 
erned, or was a blind resistance to arouse useless riots and 
even war, and thus open up the way for republican advent- 
ures and socialistic violence? The answer depended upon 
France. If she leaned to the side whither all civilized 
Europe was proceeding, free institutions would be peace- 
ably established. Prussia and Austria, weakened by in- 
ternal disorders, would have recoiled before Prance and 
England, united in one thought and at need in one action. 
The old system, like a corpse still erect though long since 
bereft of life, would have fallen to rise no more. Such was 
the grand opportunity which the French ministry then held 
in its hand, and which it threw away. 

256 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d. 1823. 


AMERICA FROM 1815 TO 1848 

American Progress. The Monroe Doctrine. Advantages 
of Liberty. — During all this period the New World fur- 
nished little to general history. Spanish America writhed 
for a long time in periodical convulsions, the fruit of a 
double despotism under which the political education of the 
citizens was impossible. Portuguese America was slowly 
developing her riches and her population, under the protec- 
tion of a constitutional government. Canada prospered 
through liberty.- The United States, having behind them 
no past to arrest their movements or excite their violence, 
and having before them infinite space, were engaged in 
expending upon nature the forces of an exuberant youth 
without yet turning those forces against themselves, as in 
the old states of the European West. Eaithful to the insti- 
tutions with which they had endowed themselves, they 
tilled the prairies, cleared the forests, and covered the 
Indians' hunting-grounds with cities to which flocked a 
population that often doubled itself in twenty years. 

Not to be disturbed in this work they had used haughty 
language toward Europe. After having recognized in 1821 
the independence of the Spanish colonies. President Mon- 
roe, in 1823, in a message to the Senate, established the 
principle which has remained the rule of the Cabinet at 
Washington in its foreign policy. " The American conti- 
nents . . . are not to be considered as subjects for colo- 
nization by European powers. . . . We should consider 
any attempt on their part to extend their system to any 
portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and 
safety. Any such interference would be regarded as the 
manifestation of an unfriendly spirit to the United States.'' 
This declaration was renewed in decided terms when the 
success of the French invasion of Spain aroused fear of an 
attempt at restoration in Buenos Ayres, Lima, or Mexico. 
The Old World, separated from the New by 1500 leagues 
of sea, dared not accept the challenge. 

A.D. 1812-1848.] AMERICA FROM 1815 TO 1848 257 

ISFevertlieless, although since the war of 1812-1815 
against England, the United States had been at peace with 
Europe, and though the European courts received from 
Washington nothing but proposals for treaties of commerce 
or the regulation of unimportant matters, the spectacle of 
that nation waxing great day by day with the most liberal 
institutions in the world was contagious to the society of 
the Old Continent. Every year the latter sent across the 
ocean many thousands of their poor in quest of land and 
liberty. Every year, also, there returned engineers, mer- 
chants and politicians who had admired on the banks of 
the Ohio and Mississippi the power of individual energy. 
The tales which were told concerning the greatness of the 
American republic encouraged the liberal party and made 
it desire still more to limit the rights of the state and ad- 
vance the rights of the citizens. 

This young republic lacked, it is true, the elegances and 
distinction of old societies where aristocracy has left behind 
something of its refined manners, of its tastes for the arts, 
of its sentiment of honor which is a sort of personal reli- 
gion. In haste to live and to enjoy life, the Americans ad- 
vanced little beyond the useful. But the useful is one of 
the two necessities of life. The other, the ideal, was sure 
to come later on with hereditary wealth and leisure. Some 
day they would no longer be obliged to say, " Time is money." 
Some day, when their soil was placed under cultivation and 
their railways and canals were completed, they would de- 
vote time to solitary meditation, to pure art, to theoretical 
science, and in a word to all the glorious but immaterial 
pursuits which make great peoples. 

Eeading this history of Europe and of the New World 
between 1815 and 1848, it would seem as if kings and peoples 
all had but one idea during those three and thirty years ; 
as if they sought only either to destroy or to save political 
liberty. Nevertheless men's minds were occupied with 
art, poetry, science, thought, religion, and a thousand mat- 
ters besides. Manufactures and commerce were in process 
of transformation. Useful reforms were made. The gen- 
eral welfare increased. Ignorance and crime were on the 
decrease. In short, almost everywhere there was security 
for property and persons. But under absolute government 
those great and beneficent things which they enjoyed lacked 
guarantees and could possess them only under constitutional 

258 HISTORY OF MODERN TIMES [a.d, 1848. 

government. Civil liberty is indispensable for every citi- 
zen. Each individual needs it that he may live like a 
man. Political liberty, on the contrary, would be merely 
a luxury, necessary to a few but useless to the majority, if, 
like a faithful guardian of a house, it were not there for 
the purpose of giving warning when thieves approach and 
of preventing their entrance. Since its part is to assure 
the safety of our welfare, we must draw the inference that, 
the richer and happier societies are, so much the greater 
is the fruitful development of the active faculties and so 
much the more indispensable is political liberty. It is the 
only pledge that their welfare shall endure. For this rea- 
son it was, and deserved to be, the object of the great 
battle which we have sketched so rapidly. 

A.D. 1848.] REVOLUTION OF 1848 259 



The victory of liberal Switzerland and of the constitu- 
tional party in Prussia, the agitation of Germany, Hun- 
gary and the Austrian duchies, the conduct of Pius IX, 
and the efforts of Italy to escape from the despotism of her 
rulers as well as from the grip of the Hapsburgs, had 
caused an immense sensation in France. In the legislative 
body the deputies of the Left Centre and of the Dynastic 
Left, led by MM. Thiers and Odilon Barrot, called upon 
the ministry to fulfil its promises. They demanded the 
modification of certain taxes, and electoral and parliamen- 
tary reform. The latter had been proposed in vain at each 
session since 1842. The ministry rejected these harmless 
demands and ridiculed the opposition for its ineffectual 
efforts to awake the country from political torpor. To this 
challenge the opposition replied by seventy banquets in the 
most important cities. These national complaints found a 
voice. They deplored the degradation of Prance, which no 
longer possessed its legitimate influence in Europe. They 
showed how the most legitimate reforms had been refused, 
and denounced the electoral and parliamentary corruption 
fostered by the government. Their demands were most 
moderate. They asked only the addition of 25,000 persons 
to the voters and that government officials should be refused 
membership in the Chamber. 

Paris, by instinct and tradition fond of fault-finding 
when free from fear, was entirely devoted to the opposition. 
In the recent municipal elections not a single candidate of 
the ministry had succeeded in the richest and, consequently, 
the most essentially moderate quarter. A journal founded 
by the conservatives was unable to live. Dissatisfaction 
showed itself in the very heart of that party. Many in- 
fluential members of the majority passed over to the oppo- 
sition. Prince de Joinville openly showed his disapproval 
and went to Algiers in a sort of voluntary exile with his 


brother the Duke d'Aumale. Several members of the min- 
istry even were disgusted with an extreme policy. M. de 
Salvandy, who had undertaken numerous and liberal re- 
forms in the Department of Public Education, retained his 
place only from the desire to defend certain proposed laws 
which he had introduced. But the President of the Council 
began the battle by causing the king in his speech at the 
opening of the session on December 20, 1848, to declare 
100 deputies enemies of the throne. 

For the space of six weeks irritating debates kept public 
opinion in an uproar. The opposition made a final demon- 
stration by appointing a banquet in the twelfth district. 
The republicans who had long been discouraged let things 
go on without opposition, but held themselves in readiness. 
"If the ministry authorizes the banquet," said one of their 
leaders on February 20, "it will fall. If it prohibits it, 
there will be a revolution." The Dynastic Left made a last 
effort to forestall the explosion. On February 21 M. Odilon 
Barrot laid upon the table of the Chamber an accusation 
against the ministers. 

The latter prevented the banquet. Immediately vast 
crowds got together and here and there conflicts broke out. 
But on the evening of February 23 the opposition had 
won its case. A liberal ministry was appointed under the 
presidency of M. Thiers. But those who had so well begun 
the movement had made no preparations for arresting its 
course at the exact point which the majority of the country 
desired. Men, able to attack rather than to resist, critics 
rather than men of action, in a few hours they saw the 
control of the uprising slip from their hands and pass into 
those of a party which included professional conspirators 
and veterans of barricades. The latter were men of com- 
bat. They mixed among the masses, with whom the gayly 
decked and illuminated boulevards were crowded. A shot 
was fired by an unknown person at the guardhouse of the 
Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The troops replied by a dis- 
charge which killed fifty innocent promenaders. At the 
sight of these dead bodies borne into the city, the people of 
the faubourgs shouted, " They are assassinating our breth- 
ren ! Vengeance ! " and flew to arms. The king could 
count upon the army, commanded by General Bugeaud. 
That energetic leader had already taken measures to quell 
the riot, when, during the night of the 23d, he received 

A.D.1848.] REVOLUTION OF 1848 261 

orders from the president of tlie new ministry to fall back 
with his troops upon the Tuileries. Eather than obey this 
senseless order he resigned his command, and the resistance 
was paralyzed. The national guard had been tardily as- 
sembled. They believed that the whole matter would be 
confined to a change of ministers, and allowed the move- 
ment to go on. Eevolution followed. Soon they tried to 
arrest what their inactivity had aided, but it was too late. 
Even the Order of the National Guard, which dated from 
July 14, 1789, was morally overthrown on February 24. 
Abandoned by the burghers of Paris, Louis Philippe 
thought he was deserted by all Prance. At noon he abdi- 
cated, while fighting was still going on at the Palais Royal. 
He departed under the protection of several regiments with- 
out being either pursued or disturbed. 

The Duke of Orleans, whose influence over the army had 
been great, was dead. The Prince de Joinville and the 
Duke d^Aumale, who enjoyed a well-earned popularity, 
were absent. There remained in addition to the Duke de 
Montpensier, who was still too young to be known, only a 
woman and a child, the Duchess of Orleans and the Count 
of Paris. The duchess, respected for her virtues and lofty 
spirit, but a stranger and alone, had no power. While the 
populace was entering the Tuileries, she went to the Cham- 
ber with the Count of Paris. The insurgents followed her 
here and caused a provisional government to be proclaimed. 

Thus, through the incapacity of the government and the 
audacity of a faction, instead of legal accomplishment of 
requisite reforms, the monarchy was overthrown. The 
successful insurrection was to paralyze labor, waste hun- 
dreds of millions of francs and divert the country far from 
the path of peaceful progress. Two men above all others 
should have put on mourning for this useless revolution and 
for the overthrown dynasty. One of the two, the king, 
might have forestalled the insurrection by taking away its 
pretext. The other, the minister, might have crushed it 
by force, but did not dare. 


Abd-el-Kader, holy war of, 218, 248. 

Abd-ul-Medjid, Sultan, 234. 

Aboukir, battle of, 144. 

Achmet Pasha, 234. 

Acton, 123. 

Addison, 98. 

Adrian YI, Pope, 46. 

Adrianople, treaty of, 203. 

Aix-la-Chapelle, peace of (1668), 85 ; treaty 

of (1748), 109 ; Congress of (1818), 185. 
Alais, peace of, T3. 
Alberoni, Cardinal, 105. 
Albert, " Ulysses of the North," lOT. 
Albizzi, 17. 
Albuquerque, 26, 27. 
Alcantara, Order of, 13. 
Aldus Manutius, 30. 
Alexander VI, Pope, 23, 24. 
Alexander I, Tsar, 148, 179, 184, 185, 207. 
Alexandria, 232, 233. 
Alexis, son of Peter the Great, 104. 
Algeria, Algiers, 208, 248. 
Ali Pashi of Tanina, 232. 
Alliance, Holy, 170-171, 173-191, 197, 201. 
Alsace, 133. 
Altran stadt, 102. 
Alva, Duke of, 42, 54, 58. 
Alvinzi, General, 143, 
Amar, 139. 

Amboise, edict of, 53 ; plot of, 53. 
America, discovered, 27 ; English in, 114- 

American Eevolution, 115. 
Amiens, siege of (1598), 60 ; peace of (1802), 

Ampère, 193. 
Amyot, 31. 
Anabaptists, the, 178. 
Anagdello, battle of, 24. 
Ancona, 213. 

Andujar, ordinance of, 190. 
Anglican Church, 37, 88. 
Anne of Austria, 74, 75. 
Anne of Beaujeu, 5, 6, 
Anne Boleyn, 37. 
Anne Dubourg, 52. 
Anne of England, Queen, HI. 
Apostolicals, 205, 223. 
Arabs, 21, 
Arago, 193. 
Aranda, 122. 
Architecture, Gothic, 31. 
Areola, battle of, 143. 

Ardres, treaty of, 49. 

Argyle, Duke of (1685), 90. 

Ariosto, 31, 

Armada, the Invincible, 59. 

Arndt, 161, 163, 181, 187, 

Arques, battle of, 60, 

Arras, 68. 

Asia, Eussians in, 236 : British progress in, 

Assam, 237. 

Assembly, French National or Constitu- 
tional, 126-131 ; the Legislative, 132. 

Auer stadt, battle of, 155. 

Augereau, Marshal, 151. 

Augsburg, peace of, 35, 65 ; League of, 92. 

Augustus II, 102. 

Aurangzeb, 112, 113. 

Austerlitz, battle of, 152. 

Austria, house of, obtains imperial crown, 
15 ; Souleïman the Magnificent in, 47 ; 
division of house of, 49 ; in Thirty Tears' 
War, 66, 67 ; in War of Spanish Succes- 
sion, 94, 95; War of Succession, 108- 
109 ; and French Eevolution, 133-139 ; 
and Napoleon I, 142-143, 152, 156, 164 ; 
Metternich real ruler of, 185; attitude 
toward Eussian domination in Turkey, 
230. ^' 

Austrian Succession, War of the, 108-109. 

Bacon, Francis, 1, 40, 62, 100. 

Bade, Josse, 30. 

Bailly, 130, 138. 

Balbo, Count, 245, 

Balboa, 27, 

Baluze, 98. 

Balzac, 192, 

Bandiera brothers, 252. 

Bank of France, 147. 

Banner, General, 68. 

Bar, Confederation of, 117. 

Barbé-Marbois, 145. 

Barcelona, treaty of, 6. 

Barnabites, 41. 

Barnet, battle of, 9. 

Barras, 138, 141, 142. 

Barrère, 138. 

Barrot, Odilon, 217, 259, 260. 

Bart, Jean, 92. 

Barthélémy, 145. 

Bassano, battle of, 143. 

Bassompierre, Marshal de, 73. 

Bastile, fallofthe, 127. 




"Battle of the Giants," 44. 

Bautzen, battle of, 165. 

Bavaria, 37, 110, 169, 225. 

Bayard, Chevalier, 45, 46. 

Bavezid II, 20-21. 

Bayle, 98. 

Baylen, capitulation of, 159. 

Beaufort, Duke of, 75. 

Beauharnais, Eugène de, 154. 

Beaulieu, General, 143. 

Beaumont, Élie de, 193. 

Belgium, united with Holland, 168-169 ; 

separates from HoUand, 212, 220-222. 
Belgrade, 47 ; treaty of, lOT ; battle of, 108. 
Beloochistan, 694. 
Benedictines, 98. 
Béranger, 181, 187, 192. 
Berchet, 181. 
Bergen, battle of, 144. 
Berlin, University of, 161. 
Bernard of Saxe- Weimar, 68. 
Bernadotte, Marshal (Charles XIV of 

Sweden), 151, 154, 164. 
Bernetti, Cardinal, 228. 
Bernini, 99. 
Berri, Duchess de, 214. 
Berri, Duke de, 183. 
Berthier, intendant, 127. 
Berthier, Marshal, 151, 154. 
Bertrand de la Cueva, 12. 
Bessières, Marshal, 151, 205. 
Beuvron, Marquis de, 73. 
Biagrasso, battle of, 46. 
Bicoque, battle of, 46. 
Billaud-Varennes, 139. 
Biot, 193. 

Birmingham Union, 197. 
Black Prince, Edward the, 68. 
Black Sea, 237. 
Blake, Admhral, 82. 
Bléneau, battle of, 76. 
Blenheim, battle of, 94. 
Blockade, Continental, 155. 
Blois, treaty of, 24. 
Blùcher, 166. 

Bohemia, 66-67, 108, 109, 110, 162. 
Boileau, 97. 
Boissy-d'Anglas, 145. 
Bolan Pass, 239, 240. 
Bolivar the Liberator, 198. 
Bonaparte, Elisa, 154. 
Bonaparte, Jerome, 154. 
Bonaparte, Joseph, 154, 156. 
Bonaparte, Louis, 154. 
Bonaparte, Napoleon. See Napoleon I. 
Bonaparte, Pauline, 154. 
Bordeaux, Duke de, son of Duke of Berri, 

Borgias, the, 18. 
Bossuet, 33, 97. 
Boston, 115. 
Bosworth, battle of, 9. 
Bothwell, Earl of, 56. 
Botsaris, 201. 
Bougainville, 120. 

Bourbon, Duke of, regent of France, 106. 
Bourbons, 71, 165, 166. 
Bourdaloue, 97. 

Bourdonnaie, M. de, 208. 

Bourmont, M. de, 208. 

Bourmont, Marshal, 223. 

Bouteville, 73. 

Boyne, battle of the, 92. 

Brabant, Révolution of, 221. 

Braganza, house of, 199. 

Bramante, 32. 

Brandenburg, Elector of, 66. 

Breda, Compromise of, 54. 

Brongniart, 193. 

Brumaire, Eighteenth of, 145. 

Brune (General), 144, (Marshal), 151, 176. 

BruneUeschi, 31. 

Brunswick, Duke of, 135 ; state of, 225. 

Brussels, Congress of, 221. 

Brydon, Dr., 239. 

Buckingham, Marquis of. See Villiers. 

Buffon, 120. 

Bugeaud, General, 216, 248, 260. 

Billow, General, 164. 

Burgoyne, General, 115. 

Burgundy, 2, 3. _ 

Burmah, 237, 

Burschenschaft, 182. 

Byron, Lord, 201. 

Caboul, 238, 239. 

Cabrai, Alvarez, 26. 

Cabrera, 224. 

Cadoudal, Georges, 150. 

Cajetano, papal legate, 34. 

Caiatrava, Order of, 13. 

Calderari, 176. 

Calderon, 98. 

Calonne, 124. 

Calvin, 1, 31, 34, 36. 

Camaldules, 41. 

Cambacérès, 146. 

Cambrai, League of, 24 ; treaty of, 47. _ 

Camisards, 94. 

Camoens, 26. 

Campaubert, battle of, 165. 

Campo Formio, treaty of, 143. 

Canada, 256. 

Canaris, 201. 

Candahar, 239. 

Canning, George, 190, 196, 197, 199, 200, 201. 

Canning, Sir Stratford, 202. 

Canosa, Prince di, 176. 

Cape of Good Hope, discovery of, 26. 

Capucins, 41. 

Carbonari, 176, 182. 

CarUsts, 205, 224, 225. 

Carlos, Don, 205, 215, 223. 

Carlsbad, Congress of, 186. 

Carnot, Count, 137, 142, 145, 150. 

Caroline of Naples, Queen, 123. 

Carrier, 138, 139. 

Cartier, Jacques, 28, 

Casaubon, 98. 

Casimh'-Périer, President of Council, 181, 

Cassini, 100. 

Casteinaudary, battle of, 74. 
Castiglione, battle of, 143. 
Castlereagh, 186, 190. 
Castro, John de, 27. 



Catherine II of Eussia, 117-119, 122, 123, 
144, 236. 

Catholic League, 66. 

Catholic Relief Bill, 196. 

Catholicism, and the Eeformation, 33-40 ; 
restoration of, 41-43 ; and Philip II, 51- 
52 ; success of, in Netherlands and 
France, 53-55 ; conspiracies in Eng- 
land and France, 56 ; and Evangelical 
Union, 66 ; and Louis XIY, 87 ; and 
Charles II of England, 89 ; and James II, 
89-90 ; and Napoleon, 149 ; reaction 
after Napoleon's downfall, 1ÎT-180, 

Cavaliers, 80. 

Cauchy, 193. 

Central America, 198. 

Cérisoles, battle of, 49. 

Chalais, Count de, 73. 

Chamber of Deputies, French, created, 176. 

Chambord, Count of (Henry V), 214. 

Chamillart, 94. 

Championnet, General, 144. 

Champlain, 63. 

Champollion, 192. 

Charles VIII of France, 5-6, 22-25. 

Charles IX of France, 52, 56. 

Charles X of France, 190-191, 208, 209. 

Charles V, Emperor, 5, 24, 36, 44-49. 

Charles VI, (Archduke Charles), Emperor, 
94, 108, 143, 144, 152. 

Charles VII, Emperor, 109. 

Charles I of England, 73, 78-81. 

Charles II of England, 82-83. 

Charles II of Spain, 85, 93. 

Charles IV of Spain, 123, 156. 

Charles XII of Sweden, 102-103, 105. 

Charles XIV of Sweden. See Bernadotte. 

Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, 

Charles Albert of Piedmont, 254. 

Chartists, 247. 

Chasles, 193. 

Château Cambrésis, treaty of, 50. 

Chateaubriand, 150, 178, 189, 201, 

ChatiUon, 68. 

Chénier, André, 139, 150. 

Chevreul, 193. 

Chiffa, battle of, 218. 

Chili, 198. 

China, 230, 241. 

Christian of Brunswick, 67. 

Christian IV of Denmark, 67. 

Christian InstiUUes, The, 36. 

Church, in the sixteenth century, 33 ; and 
the Eeformation, 34-40. See Catholicism, 

Cid, Corneille's, 97. 

Cinq Mars, 74. 

Cisalpine Eepublic, 143, 151. 

Civil Government, Locke's, 98-99. 

Civil War, English, 80-81. 

Claude Lorraine, 98. 

Claude, Madame, 24. 

Clausel, Marshal, 216. 

Clement VII, Pope, 37. 

Clive, Lord, 230. 

Coalitions against Napoleon I, 132-148, 

Code, Khanounnamé, 47; Napoléon, 147, 

149, 173. 
Colbert, 84, 86, 87. 
Coligny, 52. 

College of Princes, 153 ; of Kings, 153. 
Colloqrda of Erasmus, 30. 
Collot-d'Herbois, 138, 139. 
Colombia, 198. 

Columbus, Christopher, 13, 27. 
Commines, 5, 23. 

Committee of Public Safety, 137, 138, 139. 
Commonwealth, English, 81-82. 
Commune of Paris (1792), 134-135. 
Concini, 72. 

Condé, 52, 54, 69, 75, 76, 86. 
Condottieri, 17. 
Congregation, the, 179. 
Congregation of the Index, 41. 
"Consequential Persons," cabal of the, 

Constant, Benjamin, 150, 181. 
Constantine, African fortress, 216, 217. 
Constantino, Grand Duke, 207. 
Constantinople, 16, 20, 203, 231. 
Constitution, in Denmark, 222 ; French, of 

1791, 128 ; of Year III, 141 ; of Tear 

VIII, 146; Portuguese, 199, 215; in 

Sweden, 223. 
Constitutional Assembly, French, 126-131. 
Constitutional system in Prussia, 251-252. 
Consulate in France, 145-147. 
Continental Congress, 115. 
Convention, French National, 136, 138, 

Cook, Captain, 120. 
Copernicus, 32, 99. 
Corbie, 68. 

Corday, Charlotte, 138. 
Cordeliers (French political club), 135. 
Corn laws, 251. 
Corneille, 76, 97. 
Cornwallis, General, 115. 
Cortes, Fernando, 27. 
Corvlnus, Matthias, 15, 20. 
Courier, Paul Louis, 181. 
Cousin, Victor, 181, 187, 192, 
Couthon, 138. 
Coutras, battle of, 57. 
Covenant, league of the, 79. 
Crespy, battle of, 35 ; peace of, 49. 
Creuzer, 192. 
Crevelt, battle of, 110. 
Cromwell, Oliver, 80-82. 
Cromwell, Eichard, 82. 
Cuba, 198. 
Cujas, 31. 

Custine, General, 136, 138. 
Cuvier, 193. 
Czechs. See Bohemia. 

D'Alembert, 122. 

Damascus, captured by the Mahabites, 232. 

D'Angers, David, 192. 

D'Annonay, Seguin, 193. 

Danton, 135, 136, 137, 138. 

D'Argesson, 121, 

Darnley, 56. 

D'Artois, Count, 128, 133, 174, 190. 



D'Aumale, Duke, 260, 261. 

Daunou, 150. 

Davoust, Marshal, 151. 

"Day of Dupes," 74. 

Death Song, Korner's, 161. 

De Barante, 192. 

De Bonald, 178. 

Declaration of Eights, English, 90; 
French, 127, 158. 

Decree of Berlin, 155. 

Dego, battle of, 143. 

Delacroix, 192. 

Delaroche, 192. 

Dembe, battle of, 228. 

De Maistre, Count, 178. 

Denain, battle of, 94. 

D'Enghien, Duke, 150. 

Denmark, 38, 67, 222. 

De Eemusat, 192. 

De Sacy, Le Maistre, 192. 

Descartes, 1, 40, 76, 98, 100. 

Desèze, 136. 

Desmoulins, Camille, 138. 

D'Estrées, Count, 86. 

De Thou, 74. 

De Vigny, 192. 

D'Harcourt, 68. 

Diderot, 122. 

Directory, 142-145. 

Discourse on Method, 97. 

Divine Eight, 125 ; Louis XIV personifica- 
tion of monarchy by, 95. 

Doctrinaires, 217. 

Don Quixote, Cervantes', 98. 

•D'Orleans, Gaston, 74. 

D'Ornano, Marshal, 73. 

Downs, battle of the, 76. 

Drake, Sir Francis, 58. 

Dresden, treaty of, 109. 

Dryden, 98. 

Dubois, Cardinal, 104, 105-106. 

Du Cange, 98. 

Ducos, Eoger, 146. 

Dulong, 193. 

Dumas, novelist, 192. 

Dumas, chemist, 193. 

Dumoulin, 31. 

Dumouriez, General, 136, 137. 

Dunbar, battle of, 81. 

Dupin, the elder, 181. 

Dupleix, 112. 

Dupont, General, 159. 

Duquesne, 86. 

Diirer, Albert, 32. 

East India Company, English, 63, 112, 239, 

East Indies, French Company of the, 84. 
Eastern Question. 230-243. 
Écouen, edict of, 53. 
Edge Hill, battle of, 80. 
Edict of Nantes, 60, 63 ; revocation of, 87. 
Edward IV, 3, 4, 8. 
Edward VI, 38. 

Edward the Black Prince. See Black Prince. 
Egmont, Count, 54, 
Elba, Napoleon at, 166. 
Elefiwor Galigaï, 72. 

Electoral Union, 15. 

Elizabeth, Madame, 138. 

Elizabeth of England, Queen, 88, 52, 56, 59, 
62, 77. 

Emancipation of slaves by British Parlia- 
ment, 220. 

Empire, first French, 150-166; German, 
dissolved, 153. 

Encyclopedists, the, 121. 

England, progress of royalty in, 7-10 ; the 
Eeformation in, 37-38 ; Catholic conspir- 
acies in, 56 ; revolution in, 89-111 ; in 
Seven Years' War, 109-110; colonial 
power of, 111-113 ; and America, 114- 
115, 162, 163 ; Scotland united mth. 111 ; 
in India, 112-113 ; against Napoleon, 148, 
166; progress of, in Asia, 237. See Britain. 

Erasmus, 30, 31, 33. 

Erfurt, interview of, 156. 

Espartero, Marshal, 225. 

Essay on Indifference, 178. 

Etaples, treaty of, 6. 

Etienne, 181. 

Eufimio di Messina, Peliico's, 181. 

Eugene, Prince, 94, 105, 108. 

Eugenius IV, Pope, 33. 

Evangelical Union, 66. 

Eylau, battle of, 155. 

Faubourg Saint Antoine, battle of the, 76. 

Fehrbellin, battle of, 107. 

Felton, John, 79. 

Fénelon, 97, 122. 

Ferdinand of Aragon, 12-13. 

Ferdinand of Austria, 47. 

Ferdinand II of Austria, 66-67. 

Ferdinand the Catholic, 23, 24, 25, 44, 

Ferdinand II of Naples, 23, 227, 228, 254. 

Ferdinand VII of Portugal, 200. 

Ferdinand VII of Spain, 156, 176, 183, 184, 
190, 215, 223. 

Ferrara, 227, 249. 

Ferretti, Cardinal, 254. 

Festival of the Federation, 129. 

Feth Ali, 238. 

Fichte, 133, 161. 

Field of the Cloth of Gold, 45. 

Fieschi, 215. 

Fire of London, 89. 

Fh-st Consul, Bonaparte as, 146-150. 

Fleurus, battle of, 93. 

Fleury, 106. 

Flodden 'Field, battle of, 25. 

Florence, 17. 

Foix, Gaston de, 25. 

Fontaine Française, battle of, 60. 

Fornova, battle of, 23. 

Fortescue, Chancellor, 125. 

Fouché, 138, 139. 

Foulon, 127. 

Fourier, 194. 

Fourierists, 214. 

Fox, George, 155. 

Foy, General, 181, 191. 

France, royalty in, 1-6; the Eeformation 
In, 37 ; Catholics in, 56 ; reorganization 
of, by Henry IV, 68-64 ; in Thirty Years' 
Ww:, ^-^ ; completion of monarchy in, 



72-76 ; under Louis XIY, 84-88, 92-96 ; 
letters and arts in, 97-98 ; in Seven Years' 
War, 109-110; Eevolution, 125-139; under 
Napoleon I, 149-166; liberalism in, 192- 
196 ; after the July Eevolution, 210-218 ; 
under Louis Philippe, 247-249. 

Francis II, Emperor, 153, 165. 

Francis I of France, 37, 44-49. 

Francis II of France, 52. 

Francis I of Naples, 188. 

Franciscan friars, 41. 

Frankfort, Diet of, 206. 

Franklin, Benjamin, 120. 

Frederick III, Emperor, 15, 20. 

Frederick II the Great, of Prussia, 107, 
108-110, 117-119. 

Frederick III of Prussia, 107. 

Frederick, elector palatine, 66. 

Frederick the Wise of Saxony, 84, 85, 

Frederick William I of Prussia, 107-108. 

Frederick WilUam III of Prussia, 159, 160, 
168-164, 225. 

Frederick William IV of Prussia, 175. 

Fredrickshall, siege of, 103. 

Freemasonry, 182. 

Free trade in England, 250. 

Fréron, 138. 

Fresnel, 193. 

Friedland, battle of, 155. 

Friedlingen, battle of, 94. 

Fries, 187. 

Fronde, 70, 75-76. 

Frondsberg, George, 46. 

Fulton, Eobert, 152. 

Galeazzo, Giovanni, 16. 

Galileo, 100. 

Galitziu, Princess, 179. 

Galvani, 120. 

Gans, 180. 

Gay-Lussac, 198. 

Geneva, 36. 

Geni^os of Christianity, 178. 

Genoa, 16, 123. 

Geoffroy, 193. 

George I of England, 103, 111-112. 

George II, 112. 

George III, 112. 

Géricault, 192, 

Germanic Confederation, 169-172, 186-187. 

Germany, under house of Austria, 15 ; 
Eeformation in, 33-35; and Emperor 
Charles V, 44-49 ; in the Eeligious Wars, 
65-66 : at time of Napoleon I, 153-155, 
159-160. 162 ; after 1830, 225. 

Ghazni, 2.39. 

Ghent, revolt of, 48 ; confederation of, 58. 

Ghiberti, 17. 

Gioberti, 253. 

Girondists, 132, 137, 138, 139. 

Godefroy, 81. 

Godoy, 123, 156. 

Goethe, 133. 

Gomez, 224. 

Gondi, Paul de, 75, 76. 

Gonsalvo of Cordova, 24. 

•'Good Queen," 74. 

Gôrre», 181, 187. 

Goujon, Jean, 82. 
Granada, conquest of, 12. 
Grand Mogul, 112, 113. 
Granson, battle of, 4. 
Gravelines, battle of, 50. 
Great Britain, 111. 

Greece, Ottoman Tui-ks conquer, 20; lib- 
eration of, 201. 
Gregory XIII, Pope, 43. 
Grenoble, 213. 
Grey, Lady Jane, 88. 
Grochow, battle of, 228. 
Grotius, 98. 
Grouchy, Marshal, 166. 
Guastalla, battle of, 106. 
Guébriant, 69. 
Gueux, the, 55, 57. 
Guicciardini, 31. 
Guido, 99. 
Guigiaut, 192. 
Guises, the, 52, 53, 59. 
Guizot, 187, 192, 217, 235, 244, 247, 249, 254. 
Gunpowder Plot, 77. 
Gustavus AdolphuB, 68. 
Gustavus Vasa, 35. 

Gustavus III of Svreden, 119, 122, 134. 
Guttenberg, 30. 
Guyenne, Duke of, 8. 

Habeas corpus, bill of, 89. 

Haidar Ali, 113. 

Hampden, John, 79, 80. 

Hanover, 109, 110, 151, 168, 169, 225. 

Hanseatic League, 15. 

Hardenberg, 161, 171. 

Harvey, 100. 

Hastings, Warren, 230. 

Hébert, 138. 

Heinsius, 94. 

Helvetian Eepublic, 151, 

Henrietta of France, 73. 

Henry IV of Aragon, 12. 

Henry IV of England, 7. 

Henry V of England, 7. 

Henry VI of England, 7. 

Henry VII of England, 9-10, 23. 

Henry VIII of England, 37, 88, 46. 

Henry II of France, 47, 49, 52. 

Henry III of France, 57. 

Henry IV (Henry of Navarre), 57, 59. 60, 

63, 64. 
Henry V of France, See Chambord. 

Count of. 
Henrys, War of the Three, 57. 
Herat, 238, 239. 
Héricourt, battle of, 4. 
Hermann and Dorothea, Goethe's, i33. 
Hesse, 169, 225. 
Hexham, battle of, 8. 
Hobbes, 98. 

Hoche, General, 140, 142. 
Hochstedt, battle of, 94. 
Hohenlinden, battle of, 148. 
Holbein, 32. 
Holland, 57, 58 ; after PhHip II, 62, 63 ; and 

Louis XIV, 86. 
Holy Alliance, 170-171, 17&-191, 197, 201. 
Holy Brotherhood, 11» 



Holy League of Pope Julius II, 25. 

Holy League in Spain, 13. 

Holy Office, 12, 13. 

Holy War, African, 218. 

Hondschoote, battle of, 140. 

Hong Kong, 242. 

Horn, Count, 54. 

Horouk Barbarossa, 21. 

Houchard, General, 140. 

Howe, General, 115. 

Hugo, Victor, 179, 192. 

Huguenots, 36, 56, 87, 88. 

Hundred Days, the, 166. 

Hungary, 47, 108. 

Hunkiar Iskelessi, treaty of, 234. 

Hunyadi, John, 20. 

Huskisson, 196. 

Hutten, Ulric von, 31, 33. 

Huygens, 100. 

Ibrahim Pasha, 202, 232, 233. 

Icaria, 246. 

II Risorgimento, 245. 

Income Tax, 250. 

Independents, English party, 80, 81. 

India, English in, 112-113. 

India Company, Law's, 105. 

Indulgences, 33. 

Inquisition, in Spain, 12, 13, 55 ; (abolished), 
184, 198 ; in Italy, 41, 64, 175, 188. 

Intendants, 74. 

Interim of Augsburg, 49. 

Ionian Islands, 168. 

Ireland, 81, 196, 206. 

Ironsides, Cromwell's, 80. 

Isabella of Castile, 12-13. 

Isabella II of Spain, 223, 224. 

Isly, battle of, 248. 

Italy, principalities in, 16-18 ; feudal wars 
in, 22-25, 44-50 ; and. the Eenaissance, 
31-32 ; campaigns of Napoleon in, 142- 
143 ; revolutions of 1831, 227-228. 

Ivan III of Kussia, 101. 

Ivan IV the Terrible, 102. 

Ivry, battle of, 60. 

Jack Cade, 7. 

Jacobins, 135, 138. 

Jahn, 181, 187. 

James I of England (VI of Scotland), 77-78. 

James II of England, 89-90, 92. 

James IV of Scotland, 10, 25. 

Jane the Eoolish, 16. 

Janissaries, destruction of the, 203. 

Japan, 27, 230, 241. 

Jassy, treaty of, 118. 

Jean V of Armagnac, 4. 

Jeanne Hachette, 3. 

Jeffreys, Chief Justice, 90. 

Jemmapes, battle of, 136. 

Jena, battle of, 155. 

Jesuits, 54, 66, 122, 178 ; order of, founded, 
41 ; expelled from Eussia, 179 ; from 
Spain, 184 ; in Switzerland, 222, 249 ; in 
China, 241. 

Joegerndorf, battle of, 110. 

John of Austria, Don, 43, 55. 

John II of Aragon, 11. 

John II of Portugal, 14. 

John VI of Portugal, 199. 

Joinville, Prince de, 217, 259, 260. 

Jordan, Camille, 145. 

Joseph II, Emperor, 118, 122, 123. 

Joubert, General, 144. 

Jouffroy, Marquis de, 192, 193. 

Jourdan (General), 140, 142, 143, 144; 

(Marshal), 151. 
Judaizing, crime of, 12. 
Julius II, Pope, 24, 31. 
July Eevolution, 208. 
Jussieu, Bernard de, 193. 
Jussieu, Laurent de, 120. 

Kaïnardji, treaty of, 118. 
Kalisch, treaty of, 164. 
Kant, 132. 

Kellerman, Marshal, 151. 
Kempen, battle of, 69. 
Kepler, 100. 
Khadjar dynasty, 238. 
Khaiber Pass, 239, 240. 
Khaireddin Barbarossa, 4S. — 

Khanounnamé, the code, 47. 
Khiva, 239. 
Knox, John, 37. 
KolKn, battle of, 110. 
Konieh, battle of, 233. 
Koran, 19. 

Kotzebue, assassination of, 186. 
Kriidener, Madame, 179. 
Kunnersdorf, battle of, 110. 
Kutaïeh, treaty of, 215 : Convention of, 

La Bourdonnaye, 176. 

La Bruyère, 97. 

La Fayette, 115, 128, 134, 135, 211. 212. 

Laffitte, 212. 

Lafitte, 181. 

La Fontaine, 97. 

Lagarde, General, 176. 

Lagrange, 120, 

La Hogue, battle of, 92. 

Lahore, kingdom of, 240. 

Laibach, Congress of, 185, 187. 

La Marfée, battle of, 74. 

Lamarque, General, 214. ' 

La Marsaille, battle of, 93. 

Lamartine, 179, 192. 

La Meilleraye, 68. 

Lammennais, 178. 

Lancaster, house of, 7-9. 

Landriano, battle of, 47. 

Lanjuinais, 150. 

Lannes, Marshal, 151. 

La Pérouse, 120. 

Laplace, 120. 

Laréveillère-Lepeaux, 142. 

La Eochefoucauld, 97. 

La Eochelle, peace of, 57 ; siege of, 73. 

Laud, Archbishop, 79. 

La Vallette, 55. 

Lavoisier, 120, 138. 

Law, John, 105, 106. 

League of the Neutrals, 115, 143. 

League of Public "Welfare, 2. 



Lebas, 139. 

Lebrun, 98, 146. 

Lech, battle of the, 68. 

Lefèvre, Marshal, 151. 

Legion of Honor, Order of the, 149. 

Legislative Assembly, 135. 

Leibnitz, 99, 100. 

Leipzig, battle of (1631) 68, (1813) 165. 

Lens, battle of, 69, 75. 

Leo X, Pope, 33, 44, 45. 

Leo XII, Pope, 188. 

Leonardo da Vinci, 32. 

Leopardi, 181. 

Leopold II, Archduke, 254. 

Lepanto, battle of, 43, 55. 

Lesseps, Ferdinand de, 233. 

Lesueur, 98. 

Letourneur, 142. 

Le Vengeur, 140. 

Lemaihan, Hobbes', 98. 

L'Hôpital, 53. 

Liberals in France, 194-195. 

Library, Vatican, 43. 

Liège, rebellion of, 3. 

Liegnitz, battle of, 110. 

Ligny, battle of, 166. 

Lille, siege of, and surrender, 94. 

Linnseus, 120. 

Locke, John, 40, 98-99, 125. 

Lodi, battle of, 143. 

Lombardy, 143. 

Lonato, battle of, 143. 

London, treaty of (1827), 201, 202, (1840) 

Long Parliament, 79-81. 
Lord Protector, OromweU as, 81-82. 
Lorraine, 4. 133. 
Louis XI, 2-5, 16. 
Louis XII, 23-25. 
Louis XIII, 72-74. 
Louis XIV, 6, 74-76, 84-88, 92-96. 
Louis XV, 105-106, 124. 
Louis XVI, 124, 126-137. 
Louis XVIII, 145, 165-166, 174, 176-177, 

187, 189, 190. 
Louis Napoleon. See Napoleon III. 
Louis Philippe (Duke of Orleans), king of 

France, 211-218, 235, 249, 261. 
Louvel, 183, 187. 
Louvois, 85. 
Lawositz, battle of, 110. 
Loj''ola, Ignatius, 42. 
Lubeck, peace of, 67. 
Lulli, 98. 

LunéviUe, peace of, 148. 
Liisiad, the, 26. 
Luther, 1, 31, 33-34. 
Lutter, battle of, 67. 
Lutzen, battle of (1632), 68, (1813) 165. 
Luxemburg, 217. 
Luynes, Duke de, 72. 
Luzzara, battle of, 94. 
Lyons, insurrection at (1831), 213, (1834) 


Macdonald, General, 144. 
Macellus, 176. 
Machiavelli, 31. 

Mack, General, 152. 

Mad War, 6. 

Madrid, treaty of, 46. 

Maastricht, treaty of, 58. 

Magellan, 28. 

Magnano, battle of, 144. 

Mahmoud, Sultan, 203, 232, 234. 

Main tenon, Madame de, 87. 

Malacca, 237. 

Malesherbes, 136, 138. 

Malleville, de, 147. 

Malplaquet, battle of, 94. 

Mamelukes, and Selim I, 21 ; and Napo- 
leon, 144 ; massacre of, 232. 

Mamelukes, Swiss political party, 36. 

Mansart, 98. 

Mansfeld, Count von, 67. 

Manuel, 181. 

Manuel the Fortunate, 14. 

Manutius, Aldus, 30. 

Manzoni, 181. 

Marat, 135, 137, 138. 

Marengo, battle of, 148. 

Margaret of Anjou, 7. 

Maria Dona, Queen of Portugal, 199, 200, 
205, 215, 224. 

Maria Christina, 223, 224, 225, 

Maria Louisa, wife of Napoleon I, 156, 170. 

Maria Theresa, Empress, 108-110. 

Maria Theresa, Infanta, 76. 

Marie Antoinette, Queen, 138. 

Marignano, battle of, 44. 

Marillac, Marshal de, 74. 

Maritime Inscription, 85. 

Marlborough, Duke of, 94, 111. 

Marot, 31. 

Marquesas Islands, 247. 

Marston Moor, battle of, 80. 

Martignac, M. de, 195, 204, 208. 

Mary of Burgundy, 5, 15. 

Mary of England, Queen, 38. 

Mary Stuart, 55, 56, 59. 

Masséna (General), 144, (Marshal) 151, 152. 

Maximilian, Duke of Bavaria, 66. 

Maximilian, Emperor, 5, 15-16, 23, 44. 

Mayotte, 248. 

Mazarin, Cardinal, 70, 74-76. 

Mazeppa, 103. 

Mazzini, 228. 

Mecca, captured by the Wahabites, 232. 

Medici the 17 49. 

Medici' Catherine de, 52, 53, 56, 72, 73, 74. 

Medici, Cosmo de, 17, 29. 

Medici, Guiliano de, 17. 

Medici, Lorenzo de, 17. 

Medici, Pietro de, 22. 

Medina, 232. 

Méditations, Lamartlne's, 179. 

Mehemet Ali, 215, 232-235. 

Melancthon, Philip, 39. 

Merlin, 138. 

Meilwd, Descartes', 98. 

Methodists, 179. 

Metternich, Prince, 185, 189, 200, 226, 244, 

Metz, 49. 

Mexico, 198. 

Miaoulis, 201. 



Michael Angelo, 31, 32, 

Miclielet, 192. 

Middle Kingdom. See China. 

Mignet, 192. 

Miguel, Dom, 199, 201, 205, 206, 213, 215, 

Milan, 16, 23, 24, 25, 50, 55, 94, 170, 175, 255. 
Millesimo, battle of, 143. 
Milton, 98. 

Minden, battle of, 110. 
Minor Arts, 17. 
Minto, Lord, 253. 
Mirabeau, 40, 130, 131. 
Misolonghi, 202. 
Modena, 170, 254. 
Mohacz, battle of, 47. 
Mohammed II, 19-20. 
Moldavia, 21. 
Mole, M., 216-218. 
Molière, 97. 
Molwitz, battle of, 108. 
Moncey, Marshal, 151. 
Mondovi, battle of, 143. 
Monk, General, 82. 
Monmouth, Duke of, 90. 
Monroe doctrine, 256. 
Montaigne, 31. 
Montenotte, battle of, 143. 
Montereau, 165. 
Montesquieu, 121. 
Montmirail, battle of, 165. 
Montmorency, Duke de, 73, 74. 
Montpellier, treaty of, 73. 
Montpensier, Duke of, 249, 261. 
Montrose, 81. 
Moors, power of, reduced, 12; expelled, 

Morat, battle of, 4. 
Moravian Brethren, 179. 
Morea, the, 202, 232. 
Moreau, General, 142, 143, 148, 150= 
Moro, Ludovico il, 18, 23. 
Mortier, Marshal, 151, 216. 
Moscow, Napoleon at, 163. 
Moskva, battle of the, 163. 
Mount Tabor, battle of, 144. 
Mountain, party of the, 137, 138. 
Muhlberg, battle of, 35, 49. 
Millier, von, 132, 
Murat, Marshal, 151, 164, 
Murillo, 99. 
Musset, 192. 

Nantes, Edict of, 60, 63, 65, 73 ; revoked, 87. 

Naples, 18, 22, 23-24, 44, 50, 53, 94, 175, 184, 

Napoleon I (Napoleon Bonaparte), at Tou- 
lon, 138, 140 ; in Paris, 141 ; campaigns in 
Italy, 142-143; First Consul, 146-150; 
Emperor, 150-165; the Hundred Days, 
165 ; Waterloo, 166 ; death, 187. 

Napoleon II, 157. 

Napoleon III (Louis Napoleon), 151, 194; 
in Italian insurrection of 1831, 237. 

Napoleon, Charles, 221, 

Narva, battle of, 102. 

Narvaez, 225, 244. 

NaBeby, haAm of^ 81. 

National Assembly, French (1789), 126-131, 

National Guard, Order of the, 261. 

Navarino, 203, 233. 

Navarre, 11, 13, 45, 53. 

Navigation Act, 81 ; repealed, 250, 

Necker, 124, 127. 

Neerwinden, battle of, 93. 

Nelson, 148, 152. 

Nemours, Duke de, 221, 

Netherlands, the Eeformation in, 36, 38; 
under Philip 11, 51, 54-55, 57-58; and 
Louis XIV, 93, 94, 95 ; kingdom of, 168- 
169, 220-222. See Holland. 

Neuburg, Duke of, 66. 

Neutrals, League of the, 148. 

Newbury, battle of, 80. 

New Caledonia, 247. 

New OhrisUanity, Saint Simon's, 194. 

Newfoundland, 95. 

Newton, Sir Isaac, 100. 

New Zealand, 247. 

Ney, Marshal, 151. 

Nezib, battle of, 234. _ 

Nicholas I, Tsar, 207, 210, 238, 244. 

Nimeguen, treaty of, 86. 

Non-Conformists, 62, 77. 

Non-intervention, principle of, 197 ; vio- 
lated 229 

Nordhngen,' battle of, 68, 69. 

Normandy, 2. 

Northampton, battle of, 8. 

Norway, 170. 

Notables, Assembly of, 124, 

Notre Dame, plot of, 214. 

Novi, battle of, 144, 

Noyon, treaty of, 44. 

Nystadt, treaty of, 103. 

Gates, Titus, 89. 

O'ConneU, 206. 

Odysseus, 201. 

Oersted, 193. 

Oken, 187. 

Oldenburg, 225. 

Old Sarum, 197. 

On Christian Liberty, 34. 

Opium War, 230, 241-242. 

Orleans, Duchess of (1S48), 261. 

Orleans, Duke of, regent of France, 105- 

Orleans, Duke of, Girondist leader, 138. 

Ostrolenka, battle of, 228. 

Ottoman Empire, formation of, 19-21. 

Ottoman Turks, 18, 21 ; under Souleïman, 
47-48 ; Spain and the, 55 ; defeated by 
Prince Eugene, 105 ; and Eussia, 117. 

Oudenai'de, battle of, 94. 

Ouzoun Hassan, 20. 

Oxenstiern, 68. 

Oxford Movement, 179. 

Owen, Eobert, 194. 

Padilla, Don Juan de, 13. 
Padua, 254, 
Palermo, 175. 
Palestrina, 32. 
Palmerstwn, Lord, 205. 



Papacy, in sixteenth century, 18, 88 ; and 
the Eeformation, 34, 41-43 ; and Enghsh 
monarchy, 37, 58, 56 ; and Napoleon I, 
149, 150. See Church. 

Papin, 100. 

Paris, treaty of (1763), 110, (1814) 166, 
(1815) 167 ; University of, 2, 187. 

Paris, Count of, son of Duke of Orleans, 
217, 261. 

Parliament, British, 79-81, 197. See As- 
sembly, National Assembly. 

Parma, 106. 

Parma, Duke of, 58, 60. 

Parthenopeian Eepublic, 144. 

Pascal, 76, 97, 100. 

Paskevitch, Marshal, 228. 

Paul I, Tsar, 144, 148. 

Paul II, Pope, 20. 

Paul III, Pope, 41. 

Paul IV, Pope, 41, 42, 50. 

Pavia, battle of, 46. 

Pazzi, conspiracy of the, 18, 

Pecquigny, treaty of, 4, 9. 

Pedro I of Brazil (Dom Pedro), 199, 223. 

Peel, Eobert, 196. 

Peel, Sir Eobert, 250. 

Pellico, Silvio, 181, 188. 

Pepe, General, 227. 

Pérignon, Marshal, 151. 

Péronne, interview of, 3. 

Perrault, 98. 

Peru, 198. 

Peter the Great, 102-104. 

Peter III, Tsar, 110. 

Peterwardein, battle of, 108. 

Petition of Eight, 79. 

Phalansteries, 246, 

Philadelphia, 115. 

Philip IV the Fair, of Germany, 16. 

Philip II of Spain, 38, 49, 51-61. 

Philip V of Spain, 93, 94, 

Philippines, 51. 

Picard, 100. 

Pichegru, battle of, 140, 145, 150. 

Piedmont, 139, 170, 

Piéton, 134. 

Pietists, 179. 

Pietro II of Florence, IT. 

Pilnitz, declaration of, 13S, 

Pilon, Germain, 82. 

Pisa, council of, 25. 

Pitt, Wilham, Lord Chatham, 111, 

Pitt, "William, son of Lord Chatham, 144, 
148, 151, 155. 

Pius II, Pope, 16, 20. 

Pius V, Pope, 41, 43, 54. 

Pius VII, Pope, 150, 178, 188. 

Pius IX, Pope, 42, 249, 253, 254. 

Poisson, 193. 

Poland, 101, 102; partition of, 117-119; 
revolutionary feeling in, 181 ; revolution 
of 1830, 228 ; divided up into Eussian 
provinces, 229. 

Pole, Cardinal, 128, 

Polignac, M. de, 197, 208. 

Poltava, battle of, 103. 

Pombal, 122, 

Ft>mpailbiur, Madame^ 110. 

Poniatowski, 117. 

Poor Law, 220. 

Popish Plot, 89. 

Portails, 145, 147. 

Porto Eico, 198. 

Portugal, 13-14, 26-27, 199, 200,205, 206, 224. 

Portuguese America, 256. 

Poussin, 98. 

Pragmatic Sanction, of Bourges, 44. 

Prague, battle of, 110. 

Préameneu, Eigot de, 147. 

Presburg, treaty of, 152. 

Pretender. See Stuart, Charles. 

Primitive Legislation, De Bonald's, 178. 

Principalities, Italian, 16-18. 

Printing, invention of, 30. 

Pritchard, 248. 

Protectorate. See Cromwell. 

Protestantism, in England, 37, 88, 56, 77, 
82-83; in France, 37, 73; in Germany, 
38, 70 ; in the Netherlands, 36, 54, 57 ; in 
Scotland, 37 ; in Switzerland, 36. See 

Prussia, 94; creation of, 105-110 ; and 
Polish partitions, 118-119 ; and Napoleon 
I, 133, 136, 139, 140, 152, 155, 159-162, 
164, 166 ; after Napoleon, 176, 185, 

Puffendorf, 98. 

Pugt, 98. 

Punjaub, 239, 240. 

Puritans, 80, 90. 

Pyramids, battle of the, 144. 

Pyrenees, treaty of the, 76, 

Quadrilateral, Italian, 255. 
Quadruple Alliance, 215. 
Quebec, 63, 110. 
Quesnay, 121. 

Eabelais, 31. 

Eacine, 97. 

Eadetzki, Marshal, 254, 255. 

Esemer, 100. 

Eailway, first French, 193, 

Eamel, General, 176. 

EamiUies, battle of, 94. 

Eaphael, 31, 32. 

Eastadt, treaty of, 95. 

Eatisbon, Diet of, 67. 

Eavaillac, 64, 

Eeform BiU, English, 213, 219-220. 

Eeformation, the, 16, 33-40. 

Eeichstadt, Duke of (Napoleon IV), 157. 

Eeligious wars, 51-71. 

Eembrandt, 99. 

Eenaissance, 1, 30-32. 

Eepubhc, French, proclaimed, 136; Hel- 
vetian, 151 ; Itahan, 151 ; of Novgorod, 
101 ; Pai-thenopeian, 144 ; Svdss, 151 ; of 
Zaperoguian Cossacks, 118. See United 

Eepublics replaced by principalities, 16-18. 

Eestoration, of Charles II of England, 82 ; 
of Bourbons, 165. 

Kevolution, American, 115 ; Belgian, 220- 
222 ; of Brabant, 221 ; English, 80 ; 
HVench, 125-131 ; of 1880 in France, 308- 
V9i ; of 1&48, la^-iei, 960-861. 



Eewbell, 142. 

Ehine, League of the, 76 ; Confederation 
of the, 153. 

Eibera, 99. 

Eichard III of England, 9. 

Eichard, Duke of York. 7. 

Eicheheu, Cardinal, 6, 67-69, 73-74, 

Eiego, 190. 

Eight of Search, 162, 163, 248. 

Eimini, 253. 

Eivoli, battle of, 143. 

Eobespierre, 137, 138, 139. 

Eobespierre, the younger, 139. 

Eochambeau, General, 115. 

Eochefoucauld, Duke de la, 127. 

Eocroi, battle of, 69. 

Eoland, Madame, 138. 

Eomantic School, 192. 

Eome, Bishop of. See Papacy. 

Eosbach, battle of, 110. 

Eoses, War of the, 7-9. 

Eoundheads, 80. 

Eousseau, 121. 

Eoyalty, progress of French, 1-5 ; English, 
7-10, 77-81, 82-83, 89-91; progress of 
Spanish, 11-14 ; Spanish, under Philip II, 
51, 61-62 ; French, under Henry IV, 63, 
and Eichelieu, 72-74, and Mazarin, 74-76, 
under Louis XIV, 84-83, 95, under Louis 
XV, 105-106, under Louis XVI, 124, 126, 
129-130, 136 ; and Napoleon I (coalitions 
of kings), 132-148, 158-166. 

Eoyer-Collard, 209, 

Eubens, 99. 

Eiickert, 161. 

Eude, 192. 

Eue des Prouvaires, plot of, 214. 

Euel, peace of, 75. 

Eump Parliament, 81, 82. 

Eussell, Lord John, 253. 

Eussia, creation of, 101-104 ; under Cath- 
erine II, 117-119 ; and Napoleon I, 133, 
140, 144, 148, 152, 162-163; after 1815, 
167, 168 ; progress of, in Asia, 236-237. 

Eyswick, treaty of, 93. 

Sachs, Hans, 31. 

Saint Albans, battles of, 8. 

Saint Bartholomew, massacre of, 54, 56, 57. 

Saint Denis, battle of, 54. 

Saint Germain, peace of, 54. 

Saint Helena, 166. 

Saint Hilaire, 193. 

Saint James of Castile, Order of, 13. 

Saint Jean d'Acre, besieged by Napoleon, 

144 ; captured by Ibrahim Pasha, 233 ; 

English nearly destroy, 235. 
Saint John, Knights of, 47. 
Saint Just, 138, 139. 
Saint Peter's built, 32. 
Saint Petersburg founded, 102. 
Saint Quentin, battle of, 50. 
Saint Simon, 97. 
Saint-Simonians, 194. 
Saint-Simonists, 214. 
Sainte-Beuve, 192. 
Salvandy, M. de, 260. 
Salvator Eosa, 99. 

San Domingo, 149. 

Sand, 183. 

Saratoga, battle of, 115. 

Saumaise, 98. 

Savonarola Girolamo, 17, 18, 23. 

Saxe, Marshal, 109. 

Saxe-Coburg, Prince of, king of Belgium, 

Saxons, 102. 

Saxony, 168, 169, 204, 225. 

Saxony, Duke of, 65. 

Scaliger, 98. 

Scanderbeg, Prince of Epirus, 20. 

Schamyl, 236. 

Scharnhorst, 160, 162. 

Scheffer, Ary, 192. 

Schenkendorff, 161. 

Schérer, General, 144. 

Schiller, 133. 

Scotland, 37, 111. 

Sebastopol, built, 118. 

Secret societies, 181-182. 

Sedgemoor, battle of, 90. _ 

Self-denying ordinance, 81. 

Selim I the Ferocious, 21. 

Senef, battle of, 86. 

Seuis, truce of, 3 ; treaty of, 6, 15. 

Serfs, emancipation of, 160. 

Sergeant King, the, 107. 

Serres, Olivier de, 63. 

Serrurier, Marshal, 151. 

Servetus, Michael, 36, 

Seven Years' War, 107, 109-110. 

Sévigné, Madame de, 97. 

Sforza, Francesco, 16. 

Shakespeare, 62, 98. 

Ship-money, 79. 

Siéyès, 145, 146. 

Silesia, 69, 108, 109, 110. 

Simnel, Lambert, 9. 

Singapore, 237. 

Sistova, peace of, 133. 

Sixtus IVs Pope, 18. 

Sixtus V, Pope, 41, 43. 

Slave-trade, Enghsh abolition of, 196. 

Smolensk, battle of, 163. 

Sobieski, 119. 

Social Contract, Eousseau's, 121. 

Society Islands, France acquires the, 248. 

Soissons, Count of, 74. 

Sonderbund, 249. 

Soujah, Shah, 239. 

Souieïman the Magnificent, 21, 47, 48, 49, 

Soul't (Marshal), 151, 165; (President of 
Council), 506. 

Spain, progress of royalty in, 11-13 ; under 
Philip II, 51-59, 61 ; letters and arts in, 
98, 99 ; and Napoleon I, 139, 140, 154, 
156, 161, 162, 165 ; after 1815, 176, 183- 
184, 190 ; absolutism in, 205 ; revolutions 
of 1833, 223. 

Spanish America, 198, 256. 

Spanish Succession, War of the, 93-94. 

Speranze de' JiaUe, 245. 

Spinoza, 99.» 

Spires, Diet of, 35. 

Spurs, battle of, 25. 



Staaps, 160, 

Staël, Madame de, 150. 

Staffarde, battle of, 93. 

Stafford, Viscount, 89. 

Stanislaus Lechzinski, 102, 106. 

Star Chamber, 9. 

States General, 5, 24, T2, 126. 

Steamboats, first French, 193. 

Stein, Baron, 160, 161, 163, 164. 

Stockach, battle of, 144. 

Stolberg, Count von, 179. 

Strafford, Earl of, 79, 80. 

Straits, treaty of the, 235, 244. 

Stuart, Charles, the Pretender, 109, 111. 

Stuarts, the, 9, TT, 82-83. 

Sully, 63. 

Sweden, 35, 102-103, 223. 

Switzerland, 222, 249; and Charles the 

Bold, 4; the Eeformation in, 36; and 

Napoleon I, 133, 151. 
Symbologism and Mythology, 192. 
Syria, 233-234. 

Tahiti, 248. 

Talleyrand, 154, 165, 168, 171. 
Tallien, 139. 
Tanucci, 122. 
Tartars, 101. 
Tartuffe, 192. 
TéUmaque, Fénelon's, 97. 
Téniers, the two, 99. 
Terray, Abbé, 124. 

Terror, Eeign of, 137-139 ; White, 176. 
Test Bill, 83, 89. 
Tetzel, 33, 34. 
Tewksbury, battle of, 9. 
Theatines, the, 41. 
The Hague, triple alliance of, 83, 85. 
Thénard, 193. 

Thermidor, Ninth of, 138-139. 
Thierry, Augustin, 181, 192. 
Thiers, 214, 217, 235, 260. 
Third Estate, 5, 72, 126. 
Thirty Years' War, 65-69. 
Thistlewood, 183. 
Thouars, Admiral Dupetit, 248. 
Three Henrys, War of the, 57. 
Tilly, General, 67, 68. 
Tilsit, treaty of, 155. 
Tippo Sahib, 113, 136. 
'Titian, 32. 

Torcy, Marquis de, 62. 
Toricelh, 100. 
Torquemada, 13. 
Torstenson, General, 68. 
Toul, 49. 

Toulouse, battle of, 165. 
Tourmantchai, treaty of, 237, 238. 
Tourville, 92. 
Towton, battle of, 8. 
Trafalgar, battle of, 152. 
Tragala, the, 189. 
Trebia, battle of (a.d. 1798), 144, 
Trent, Council of, 42. 
Tribunal of Blood, 54-55. 
Troia, battle of, 18. 
Tronchet, 147. 
Troppeau, Congress of, 187. 

Truchsess, Gebhard von, 66. 

True Law of Free Monarchy, 78. 

Tudor dynasty, 9. 

Tugendbund, 160. 

Tuileries, built, 32. 

Tunis, 48. 

Turenne, 76, 86. 

Turgot, 124. 

Turin, battle of, 94. 

Turkey, 118 ; recognizes Grecian inde- 
pendence, 201 ; war with Eussia, 203 ; 
key to one division of Eastern question, 
231. See Ottoman Empire. 

Two SicUies, 13, 175. 

Ulm, 152. 

Ultramontanism, 59, 65. 

Union, Birmingham, 197; Electoral, 15; 

Evangelical, 66. 
United Provinces, 58, 64, 94. See Belgium, 

Holland, Netherlands. 
United States, 114-116, 256-258 ; war with 

England (1812), 162-163. 
University, of Berhn, 161 ; of Besançon, 

5; of Caen, 5; of Paris, 2, 187. 
Unterwalden, 36. 
Uri, 36. 
Utrecht, treaty of, 95 ; peace of, 111, 

Vaccination discovered, 120. 

Vaccination Commission, 188, 

Vadier, 139. 

Valmy, battle of, 136. 

Van Dyck, 99. 

Varennes, 130. 

Vasco de Gama, 26. 

Vassy, massacre of, 53. 

Vatican hbrary, 43. 

Vauban, 85, 93. 

Vaudois, massacre of the, 37. 

Vega, Lope de, 98. 

Velasquez, 99. 

Velutina, battle of, 163. 

Vendean war, 137, 140. 

Vendémiaire, Thirteenth of, 141. 

Vendôme, Duke of, 94. 

Venice, 16, 21, 23, 24, 25. 

Ventura, Father, 253, 254. 

Verona, Congress of (1822), 187, (1823) 197. 

Versailles, peace of (1783), 115; States 

General at, 126 ; attacked, 129. 
Vervins, treaty of, 60, 63. 
Vespucci, Amerigo, 27. 
Vienna, treaty of (1738), 106 ; occupied by 

Napoleon I, 152, 156 ; peace of (1809), 

156 ; Congress of (1815), 167-170, (1820) 

Villalar, battle of, 13. 
Villaret-Joyeuse, Admiral, 140. 
Villars, 94. 

Villaviciosa, battle of, 94. 
Villèle, 176. 
Villemain, 192. 
Villeneuve, Admiral, 152. 
Villeroi, 94. 
Vilhers, George, Marquis of Buckingham, 

78, 79. 
Villiers de I'lsle Adam, 47. 



Villon, 5. 

Vilna, treaty of, 101. 

Virginia, 62. 

Virtue, Association of, 160. 

Visconti, the, 16. 

Vitesk, battle of, 163. 

Volta, 120. 

Voltaire, 121, 122. 

Wagram, battle of, 156. 

Wahabites, 232. 

Wakefield, battle of, 8. 

Waldenses, 188. 

"Wallachia, 21. 

Wallen stein, 6T, 68. 

Walpole, Sir Eobert. 111. 

War of 1812, 162-163. 

Warbeck, Perkin, 9. 

Warsaw, 228, 229. 

Warwick, "the king-maker," 8, 9. 

Washington, George, 115-116. 

Waterloo, battle of, 166. 

Wattignies, battle of, 140. 

Wawre, battle of, 228. 

Welker 187. 

Wellington, "162, 165, 166, 189, 206, 219, 220. 

Westminster, 197. 

Westphalia, peace of, 69, 70-71 ; treaty of, 

White Mountain, battle of, 67. 
White Sheep, dynasty of the, 20. 

Wilberforce, 196. 

William III of England (Prince of Orange), 

86, 87, 90, 111. 
William the Silent, 52, 57, 58. 
Witt, Jan de, 86. 
Wittenberg, 33. 
Wolfenbuttel, battle of, 69. 
Wolsey, 45, 46. 
Worcester, battle of, 80 ; second battle of, 

Workingmen's Association, 24T. 
Worms, Diet of, 34. 
Wurmser, General, 143. 
Wurschen, battle of, 165. 
Wurtemberg, 169. 
Wiirzburg, battle of, 143. 

Ximenes, Cardinal, 13. 

York, General, 163. 
York, house of, 7-9. 
Yorktown, 115. 

Zapoli, John, 47. ~ 

Zenta, battle of, 108. 

Zizim, brother of Bayezid II, 28. 

Zollverein, 206, 225. 

Zorndorf, battle of, 110. 

Zumalacarreguy, 224. 

Zurich, battle of, 144. 

Zwingli, 36.