THE
CONQUEST OF CANADA.
S. J~refman.se
TH. H^MEL, AFTKB- THE ORIGINAL PICTURE AT S
^^
c
THE
CONQUEST OF CANADA.
BY
THE AUTHOR OF " HOCHELAGA
.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
LONDON :
RICHARD BENTLEY,
in ©tbmarg to
1849.
v.
LONDON :
BRADBURY AND KVANS, PRINTKRS, WHITKFRIARS.
INTRODUCTION.
and France started in a fair race for the
magnificent prize of supremacy in America. The
\ advantages and difficulties of each were much alike, but
)
the systems by which they improved those advantages
and met those difficulties, were essentially different.
New France was colonised by a government, New
d by a people. In Canada the men of intellect,
influence, and wealth, were only the agents of the
mother country ; they fulfilled, it is true, their colonial
duties with zeal and ability, but they ever looked to
France for honour and approbation, and longed for a
return to her shores as their best reward : they were
in the colony but not of it ; they strove vigorously to
repel invasion, to improve agriculture, and to encourage
commerce for the sake of France, but not for Canada.
The mass of the population of New France were
descended from settlers sent out within a short
VI INTRODUCTION.
^
after the first occupation of the country, and who were
not selected for any peculiar qualifications. They were
not led to emigrate from the spirit of adventure,
disappointed ambition, or political discontent ; by far
the larger proportion left their native country under
the pressure of extreme want or in blind obedience to
the will of their superiors. They were then established
in points best suited to the interests of France, not
those best suited to their own. The physical condition
of the humbler emigrant however became better than
that of his countrymen in the Old World ; the fertile
soil repaid his labour with competence ; independence
fostered self-reliance, and the unchecked range of forest
and prairie inspired him with thoughts of freedom.
But all these elevating tendencies were fatally counter-
acted by the blighting influence of feudal organisation.
Restrictions humiliating as well as injurious pressed
upon the person and property of the Canadian. Every
avenue to wealth and influence was closed to him and
thrown open to the children of Old France. He saw
whole tracts of the magnificent country lavished upon
the favourites and military followers of the court, and
through corrupt or capricious influences the privilege
of exclusive trade granted for the aggrandisement of
strangers at his expense.
France founded a state in Canada ; she established a
INTRODUCTION. Vll
feudal and ecclesiastical frame-work for the young-
nation, and into that Procrustean bed the growth of
population, and the proportions of society were forced.
The State fixed governments at Montreal, Three Rivers,
and Quebec ; there towns arose : she divided the rich
banks of the St. Lawrence and of the Richelieu into
seigneuries ; there population spread : she placed posts
on the lakes and rivers of the far west ; there the
fur-traders congregated : she divided the land into
dioceses and parishes, and appointed bishops and
curates ; a portion of all produce of the soil was
exacted for their support : she sent out the people at
her own cost, and acknowledged no shadow of popular
rights ; she organised the inhabitants by an unsparing
conscription, and placed over them officers either from
the Old Country or from the favoured class of Seigneurs :
she grasped a monopoly of every valuable production
of the country, and yet forced upon it her own manu-
factures to the exclusion of all others : she squandered
her resources and treasures on the colony, but violated
all principles of justice in a vain endeavour to make
that colony a source of wealth : she sent out the ablest
and best of her officers to govern on the falsest and
worst of systems : her energy absorbed all individual
energy ; her perpetual and minute interference aspired
to shape and direct all will and motive of her subjects.
viii INTRODUCTION.
The State was everything, the people nothing. Finally,
when the J3owj3rj)f the State was brokenby a foreign foe,
there remained no power of the People to supply its place.
On the day that the French armies ceased to resist,
Canada was a peaceful province of British America.
A few years after the French Crown had founded a
State in Canada, a handful of Puritan refugees founded
a People in New England. They bore with them from
the Mother Country little beside a bitter hatred of the
existing government, and a stern resolve to perish or
be free. One small vessel — the Mayflower — held them,
their wives, their children, and their scanty stores. So
ignorant were they of the country of their adoption,
that they sought its shores in the depth of winter
when nothing but a snowy desert met their sight.
Dire hardships assailed them ; many sickened and died,
but those who lived still strove bravely. And bitter was
their trial ; the scowling sky above their heads, the
frozen earth under their feet, and sorest of all, deep in
their strong hearts the unacknowledged love of that
venerable land which they had abandoned for ever.
But brighter times soon came ; the snowy desert
changed into a fair scene of life and vegetation. The
woods rang with the cheerful sound of the axe ; the
fields were tilled hopefully, the harvest gathered grate-
fully. Other vesseJa^^arrived bearing jnore settlers,
INTRODUCTION. IX
men for the most part like those who had first landed.
Their numbers swelled to hundreds, thousands, tens
thousands. They formed themselves into a community ;
they decreed laws, stern and quaint, but suited to their
condition. They had neither rich nor poor ; they
admitted of no superiority save in their own gloomy
estimate of merit ; they persecuted all forms of faith
different from that which they themselves held, and
yet they would have died rather than suffer the
religious interference of others. Far from seeking or
accepting aid from the government of England, they
patiently tolerated their nominal dependence only
because they were virtually independent. For pro-
tection against the savage ; for relief in pestilence
or famine ; for help to plenty and prosperity, they
trusted alone to God in heaven, and to their own right
hand on earth.
Such in the main were the ancestors of the men
of New England, and in spite of all subsequent
admixture such in the main were they themselves.
In the other British colonies also, hampered though
they were by Charters, and proprietary rights, and
alloyed by a Babel congregation of French Huguenots,
Dutch, Swedes, Quakers, Nobles, Roundheads, Canadians,
Rogues, Zealots, Infidels, Enthusiasts, and Felons, a
general prosperity had created individual self-reliance,
X INTRODUCTION.
and self-reliance had engendered the desire of self-
government. Each colony contained a separate vitality
within itself. They commenced under a variety of
systems ; more or less practicable, more or less liberal,
and more or less dependent on the Parent State.
But the spirit of adventure, the disaffection, and the
disappointed ambition which had so rapidly recruited
their population gave a general bias to their political
feelings which no arbitrary authority could restrain, and
no institutions counteract. They were less intolerant
and morose, but at the same time also less industrious
and moral than their Puritan neighbours. Like them,
however, they resented all interference from England
as far as they dared, and constantly strove for the
acquisition or retention of popular rights.
The British colonists, left at first in a great measure
to themselves, settled on the most fertile lands, built
their towns upon the most convenient harbours, directed
their industry to the most profitable commerce, raised
the most valuable productions. The trading spirit of
the mother country became almost a passion when
transferred to the New World ; enterprise and industry
were stimulated to incredible activity by brilliant suc-
cess and ample reward. As wealth and the means
of subsistence increased, so multiplied the population.
Early marriages were universal ; a numerous family
INTRODUCTION. XI
was the riches of the parent. Thousands of immigrants
also from year to year swelled the living flood that
poured over the wilderness. In a century and a half
the inhabitants of British America exceeded nearly
twenty-fold the people of New France. The relative
superiority of the first over the last, was even greater
wealth and resources than in population. The
f merchant navy of the English colonies was already
larger than that of many European nations, and known
in almost every port in the world, where men bought
— — ~« c~.
and sold. New France had none.
The French colonies were founded and fostered by
the State with the real object of extending the dominion,
increasing the power, and illustrating the glory of
France. The ostensible object of settlement, at least
that holding the most prominent place in all Acts and
Charters, was to extend the true religion, and to minister
to the glory of God. From the earliest time the
ecclesiastical establishments of Canada were formed on
a scale suited to these professed views. Not only was f
ample provision made for the spiritual wants of the
European population, but the labours of many earnest j
and devoted men were directed to the enlightenment \
of the Heathen Indians., At first the Church and the
civil government leant upon each other for mutual
support and assistance, but after a time, when neither
Xll INTRODUCTION.
of these powers found themselves troubled with popular
opposition, their union grew less intimate ; their interests
differed, jealousies ensued, and finally they became
antagonistic orders in the community. The mass of
the people, more devout than intelligent, sympathised
with the priesthood ; this sympathy did not, however,
interfere with unqualified submission to the government.
The Canadians were trained to implicit obedience
to their rulers, spiritual and temporal : these rulers
ventured not to imperil their absolute authority by
educating their vassals. It is true there were a few
seminaries and schools under the zealous administration
of the Jesuits ; but even that instruction was unat-
tainable by the general population ; those who walked
in the moonlight which such reflected rays afforded,
were not likely to become troublesome as sectarians or
politicians. Much credit for sincerity cannot be given
to those who professed to promote the education of the
people, when no printing-press was ever permitted in
Canada during the government of France.
Canada, unprovoked by Dissent, was altogether free
from the stain of religious persecution : hopelessly
fettered in the chains of metropolitan power, she was
also undisturbed by political agitation. But this calm
was more the stillness of stagnation than the tranquillity
of content. Without a press, without any semblance of
INTRODUCTION. Xlll
popular representation, there hardly remained other
alternatives than tame submission or open mutiny. By
hereditary habit and superstition the Canadians were
trained to the first, and by weakness and want of
energy they were incapacitated for the last.
Although the original charter of New England
asserted the king's supremacy in matters of religion,
a full understanding existed that on this head ample
latitude should be allowed ; ample latitude was accord-
ingly taken. She set up a system of faith of her own,
and enforced conformity. But the same spirit that had
excited the colonists to dissent from the Church of
England, and to sacrifice home and friends in the cause,
soon raised up among them a host of dissenters from
their own stern and peculiar creed. Their clergy had
sacrificed much for conscience-sake, and were generally
" faithful, watchful, painful, serving their flock daily
with prayers and tears," some among them also men of
high European repute. They had often, however, the
mortification of seeing their congregations crowding to
hear the ravings of any knave or enthusiast who broached
a new doctrine. Most of these mischievous fanatics
were given the advantage of that interest and sympathy
which a cruel and unnecessary persecution invariably
excites. All this time freedom of individual judgment
was the watchword of the persecutors. There is no
XIV INTRODUCTION.
doubt that strong measures were necessary to curb the
furious and profane absurdities of many of the seceders,
who were the very outcasts of religion. On considering
the criminal laws of the time, it would also appear that
not a few of the outcasts of society also had found their
way to New England. The code of Massachusetts
contained the description of the most extraordinary
collection of crimes that ever defaced a statute-book,
and the various punishments allotted to each.
In one grand point the pre-eminent merit of the
Puritans must be acknowledged : they strove earnestly
and conscientiously for what they held to be the truth.
For this they endured with unshaken constancy, and
persecuted with unremitting zeal.
The suicidal policy of the Stuarts had, for a time,
driven all the upholders of civil liberty into the ranks
of sectarianism. The advocates of the extremes of
religious and political opinion flocked to America, the
furthest point from Kings and Prelates that they could
conveniently reach. Engrafted on the stubborn temper
of the Englishman, and planted in the genial soil of the
West, the love of this civil and religious liberty grew
up with a vigour that time only served to strengthen ;
that the might of armies vainly strove to overcome.
Thus, ultimately, the persecution under the Stuarts
was the most powerful cause ever yet employed
I
INTRODUCTION. XV
towards the liberation of man in his path through
earth to Heaven.
For many years England generally refrained from
interference with her American Colonies in matters of
local government or in religion. They taxed them-
selves, made their own laws, and enjoyed religious
freedom in their own way. In one State only, in
Virginia, was the Church of England established, and
even there it was accorded very little help by the
temporal authority : in a short time it ceased to receive
the support of the majority of the settlers, and rapidly
decayed. On one point, however, the mother country
claimed and exacted the obedience of the colonists to
the imperial law. In her commercial code she would
not permit the slightest relaxation in their favour,
whatever the peculiar circumstances of their condition
might be. This short-sighted and unjust restriction
was borne, partly because it could not be resisted, and
partly because at that early time the practical evil was
but lightly felt. Although the principle of repre-
sentation was seldom specified in the earlier charters,
the colonists in all cases assumed it as a matter of
right : they held that their privileges as Englishmen
accompanied them wherever they went, and this was
generally admitted as a principle of colonial policy.
In the 1 7th century England adopted the system of
XVI INTRODUCTION.
transportation to the American Colonies. The felons
were, however, too limited in numbers to make any
serious inroad upon the morals or tranquillity of the
settlers. Many of the convicts were men sentenced
for political crimes, but free from any social taint ; the
labouring population therefore did not regard them
with contempt, nor shrink from their society. It may
be held, therefore, that this partial and peculiar system
of transportation introduced no distinct element into
the constitution of the American nation.
The British colonisation in the New World differed
essentially from any before attempted by the nations of
modern Europe, and has led to results of immeasurable
importance to mankind. Even the magnificent empire
of India sinks into insignificance, in its bearings upon
the general interests of the world, by comparison with
the Anglo-Saxon empire in America. The success of
each, however, is unexampled in history.
In the great military and mercantile colony of the
East an enormous native population is ruled by a
dominant race, whose number amounts to less than
a four-thousandth part of its own, but whose superiority
in war and civil government is at present so decided as
to reduce any efforts of opposition to the mere outbursts
of hopeless petulance. In that golden land, however, even
the Anglo-Saxon race cannot increase and multiply ;
INTRODUCTION. XV11
the children of English parents degenerate or perish
under its fatal sun. No permanent settlement or
infusion of blood takes place. Neither have we effected
any serious change in the manners or customs of the
East Indians ; on the other hand, we have rather assimi-
lated ours to theirs. We tolerate their various religions,
and we learn their language ; but in neither faith nor
speech have they approached one tittle towards us.
We have raised there no gigantic monument of power
either in pride or for utility ; no temples, canals, or
roads remain to remind posterity of our conquest and
dominion. Were the English rule over India suddenly
cast off, in a single generation the tradition of our
Eastern empire would appear a splendid but baseless
dream, that of our administration an allegory, — of our
victories a romance.
In the great social colonies of the West the very
essence of vitality is their close resemblance to the
parent State. Many of the coarser inherited elements
of strength have been increased. Industry and adven-
ture have been stimulated to an unexampled extent
by the natural advantages of the country, and free
institutions have been developed almost to license by
general prosperity, and the absence of external danger.
Their stability, in some one form or another, is undoubted :
it rests on the broadest possible basis — on the universal
I
XV111 INTRODUCTION.
will of the nation. Our vast empire in India rests only
on the narrow basis of the superiority of a handful of
Englishmen ; should any untoward fate shake the Atlas
strength that bears the burthen, the superincumbent
mass must fall in ruins to the earth. With far better
cause may England glory in the land of her revolted
children than in that of her patient slaves : the prosperous
cities and busy seaports of America are prouder
memorials of her race than the servile splendour of
Calcutta, or the ruined ramparts of Seringapatam. In
the earlier periods the British Colonies were only the
reflection of Britain ; in later days their light has served
to illumine the political darkness of the European
Continent. The attractive example of American
democracy proved the most important cause that has
acted upon European society since the Reformation.
Towards the close of George II.'s reign England had
reached the lowest point of national degradation
recorded in her history. The disasters of her fleets
and armies abroad were the natural fruits of almost
universal corruption at home. The admirals and gene-
rals, chosen by a German king and a subservient
ministry, proved worthy of the mode of their selection.
An obsequious parliament served but to give the appa-
rent sanction of the people to the selfish and despotic
measures of the crown. Many of the best blood and
INTRODUCTION. XIX
of the highest chivalry of the land still held loyal devo-
tion to the exiled Stuarts ; while the mass of the nation,
disgusted by the sordid and unpatriotic acts of the
existing dynasty, regarded it with sentiments of dislike
but little removed from positive hostility. A sullen
discontent paralysed the vigour of England, obstructed
her councils, and blunted her sword. In the cabinets
of Europe, among the colonists of America, and the
millions of the East alike, her once glorious name
had sunk almost to a bye-word of reproach. But
" the darkest hour is just before the dawn :" a new
disaster, more humiliating, and more inexcusable than
any which had preceded, at length goaded the passive
indignation of the British people into irresistible action.
The spirit that animated the men who spoke at Runny-
mede, and those who fought on Marston Moor, was not
dead, but sleeping. The free institutions which wisdom
had devised, time hallowed, and blood sealed, were
evaded but not overthrown. The nation arose as one
man, and with a peaceful, but stern determination,
demanded that these things should cease. Then for
"the hour," the hand of the All Wise supplied "the
man." The light of Pitt's genius, the fire of his
patriotism, like the dawn of an unclouded morning,
soon chased away the chilly night which had so long
darkened over the fortunes of his country,
62
XX INTRODUCTION.
But not even the genius of the great minister, aided
as it was by the awakened spirit of the British people,
would have sufficed to rend Canada from France with-
out the concurrent action of many and various causes :
the principal of these was, doubtless, the extraordinary
growth of our American settlements. When the first
French colonists founded their military and ecclesiastical
establishments at Quebec, upheld by the favour and
strengthened by the arms of the mother country, they
regarded with little uneasiness the unaided efforts of
their English rivals in the South. But these dangerous
neighbours rose with wonderful rapidity from few to
many, from weak to powerful. The cloud, which had
appeared no greater than "a man's hand" on the
political horizon, spread rapidly wider and wider,
above and below, till at length from out its threatening
gloom the storm burst forth which swept away the flag
of France.
As a military event, the conquest of Canada was a
matter of little or no permanent importance : it can
only rank as one among the numerous scenes of blood
that give an intense but morbid interest to our national
annals. The surrender of Niagara and Quebec were
but the acknowledgment or final symbol of the victory
of English over French colonisation. For three years
the admirable skill of Montcalm and the valour of his
INTRODUCTION. XXI
troops deferred the inevitable catastrophe of the
colony : then the destiny was accomplished. France
had for that time played out her part in the history
of the New World ; during 150 years her threatening-
power had served to retain the English colonies in
interested loyalty to protecting England. Notwith-
standing the immense material superiority of the
British Americans, the fleets and armies of the mother
country were indispensable to break the barrier raised
up against them by the union, skill, and courage of the
French.
Montcalm's far-sighted wisdom suggested consolation
even in his defeat and death. In a remarkable and
A almost prophetic letter, which he addressed to M. de
»erryer during the siege of Quebec, he foretells that
the British power in America shall be broken by suc-
cess, and that when the dread of France ceases to exist,
the colonists will no longer submit to European control.
One generation had not passed away when his predic-
tion was fully accomplished. England by the conquest
of Canada breathed the breath of life into the huge
Frankenstein of the American Republic.
The rough schooling of French hostility was neces-
sary for the development of those qualities among the
British colonists, which enabled them finally to break
the bonds of pupilage, and stand alone. {Some degree
xxii INTRODUCTION.
of united action had been effected among the several
and widely different states ; the local governments had
learned how to raise and support armies, and to con-
sider military movements. On many occasions the
Provincial militia had borne themselves with distin-
guished bravery in the field ; several of their officers
had gained honourable repute ; already the name of
WASHINGTON called a flush of pride upon each American
cheek. The stirring events of the contest with Canada
had brought men of ability and patriotism into the
strong light of active life, and the eyes of their country-
men sought their guidance in trusting confidence.
Through the instrumentality of such men as these the
American Revolution was shaped into the dignity of a
national movement, and preserved from the threatening
evils of an insane democracy.
The consequences of the Canadian war furnished the
cause of the quarrel which led to the separation of the
great colonies from the mother country. England had
incurred enormous debt in the contest; her people
groaned under taxation, and the wealthy Americans
had contributed in but a very small proportion to the
cost of victories by which they were the principal
gainers. The British Parliament devised an unhappy
expedient to remedy this evil : it assumed the right of
taxing the unrepresented colonies, and taxed them
INTRODUCTION. XX111
accordingly. Vain was the prophetic eloquence of
Lord Chatham ; vain were the just and earnest remon-
strances of the best and wisest among the colonists : the
time was come. Then followed years of stubborn and
unyielding strife ; the blood of the same race gave
sterner determination to the quarrel. The balance of
success hung equally. Once again France appeared
upon the stage in the Western World, and Lafayette
revenged the fall of Montcalm.
However we may regret the cause and conduct of the
revolutionary war, we can hardly regret its result. The
catastrophe was inevitable : the folly or wisdom of British
statesmen could only have accelerated or deferred it.
The child had outlived the years of pupilage ; the
interests of the old and the young required a separate
household. But we must ever mourn the mode of sepa-
ration : a bitterness was left that three quarters of a
century has hardly yet removed ; and a dark page
remains in our annals, that tells of a contest begun in
injustice, conducted with mingled weakness and seve-
rity, and ended in defeat. The cause of human freedom,
perhaps for ages, depended upon the issue of the quarrel.
Even the patriot minister merged the apparent interests
of England in the interests of mankind. By the light
of Lord Chatham's wisdom we may read the dis-
astrous history of that fatal war, with a resigned and
XXIV INTRODUCTION.
tempered sorrow for the glorious inheritance rent away
from us for ever.
The reaction of the New World upon the Old may
be distinctly traced through the past and the present ;
but human wisdom may not estimate its influence on
the future. The lessons of freedom learned by the
French army, while aiding the revolted colonies against
England, were not forgotten. On their return to their
native country they spread abroad tidings that the
new people of America had gained a treasure richer a
thousand fold than those which had gilded the triumphs
of Cortes or Pizarro — the inestimable prize of liberty.
Then the down-trampled millions of France arose, and
with avaricious haste strove for a like treasure. They
won a specious imitation, so soiled and stained, however,
that many of the wisest amongst them could not at
once detect its nature. They played with the coarse
bauble for a time, then lost it in a sea of blood.
Doubtless the tempest that broke upon France had
long been gathering. The rays that emanated from
such false suns as Voltaire and Rousseau had already
drawn up a moral miasma from the swamps of sensual
ignorance : under the shade of a worthless government
these noxious mists collected into the clouds from
whence the desolating storm of the revolution burst.
It was, however, the example of popular success in the
INTRODUCTION. XXV
New World, and the republican training of a portion of
the French army during the American contest, that
finally accelerated the course of events. A generation
before the " Declaration of Independence " the struggle
between the rival systems of Canada and New
England had been watched by thinking men in Europe
with deep interest, and the importance to mankind of
its issue was fully felt. While France mourned the
defeat of her armies, and the loss of her magnificent
colony, the keen-sighted philosopher of Ferney gave a
banquet to celebrate the British triumph at Quebec, not
as the triumph of England over France, but as that of
freedom over despotism.1
The overthrow of French by British power in
America, was not the effect of mere military superioril
""" .. _
The balance of general success and glory in the field is
no more than shared with the conquered people. The
morbid national vanity, which finds no delight but in the
triumphs of the sword, will shrink from the study of this
chequered story. The narrative of disastrous defeat
and doubtful advantage must be endured before we arrive
at that of the brilliant victory which crowned our arms
with final success. We read with painful surprise
of the rout and ruin of regular British regiments by
1 See Appendix, No. I.
XXVI INTRODUCTION.
a crowd of Indian savages, and of the bloody repulse
of the most numerous army that had yet assembled
round our standards in America, before a few weak
French battalions, and an unfinished parapet.
For the first few years our prosecution of the Canadian
war was marked by a weakness little short of imbecility.
The conduct of the troops was indifferent, the tactics of
the generals bad, and the schemes of the minister
worse. The coarse but powerful wit of Smollett and
Fielding, and the keen sarcasms of " Chrysal," convey
to us no very exalted idea of the composition of the
British army in those days. The service had sunk into
contempt. The withering influence of a corrupt
patronage had demoralised the officers ; successive
defeats incurred through the inefficiency of courtly
generals had depressed the spirit of the soldiery, and
were it not for the proof shown upon the bloody fields
of La Feldt and Fontenoy we might almost suppose
that English manhood had become an empty name.
Many of the battalions shipped off to take part in
the American contest were hasty levies without organi-
sation or discipline : the colonel, a man of influence,
with or without other qualifications as the case might
be; the officers, his neighbours and dependants. These
armed mobs found themselves suddenly landed in a
country, the natural difficulty of which would of itself
INTRODUCTION. XXvii
have proved a formidable obstacle, even though un-
enhanced by the presence of an active and vigilant
enemy. At the same time, there devolved upon them the
duties and the responsibilities of regular troops. A due
consideration of these circumstances tends to diminish
the surprise which a comparison of their achievements
with those recorded in our later military annals might
create.
Very different were the ranks of the American army
from the magnificent regiments, whose banners now
bear the crowded records of Peninsular and Indian
victory ; who within the recollection of living men
have stood as conquerors upon every hostile land, yet
never once permitted a stranger to tread on England's
sacred soil, but as a prisoner, fugitive, or friend. In
Cairo and Copenhagen ; in Lisbon, Madrid, and Paris ;
in the ancient metropolis of China ; in the capital of the
young American Republic, the British flag has been hailed
as the symbol of a triumphant power, or of a generous
deliverance. Well may we cherish an honest pride in
the prowess and military virtue of our soldiers; loyal
alike to the crown and to the people ; facing in battle,
with unshaken courage, the deadly shot and sweeping
charge, and, with a still loftier valour, enduring in times
of domestic troubles, the gibes and injuries of their
misguided countrymen.
XXV111 INTRODUCTION.
In the stirring interest excited by the progress and
ivalry of our kindred races in America, the sad and
solemn subject of the Indian people is almost forgotten.
The mysterious decree of Providence which has swept
them away may not be judged by human wisdom.
Their existence will soon be of the past. They have
left no permanent impression on the constitution of the
great nation which now spreads over their country.
No trace of their blood, language, or manners may be
found among their haughty successors. As certainly
as their magnificent forests fell before the advancing
tide of civilisation, they fell also. Neither the kindness
or the cruelty of the white man arrested or hastened
their inevitable fate. They withered alike under the
Upas-shade of European protection, and before the
deadly storm of European hostility. As the snow in
spring they melted away, stained, tainted, trampled
The closing scene of French dominion in Canada was
marked by circumstances of deep and peculiar interest.
The pages of romance can furnish no more striking
episode than the battle of Quebec. The skill and
daring of the plan which brought on the combat,
and the success and fortune of its execution, are
unparalleled. There a broad open plain, offering no
advantages to either party, was the field of fight.
INTRODUCTION. Xxix
The contending armies were nearly equal in military
strength if not in numbers. The chiefs of each were
men already of honourable fame. France trusted
firmly in the wise and chivalrous Montcalm : England
trusted hopefully in the young and heroic Wolfe. The
magnificent stronghold which was staked upon the issue
of the strife, stood close at hand. For miles and miles
around, the prospect extended over as fair a land as
ever rejoiced the sight of man ; mountain and valley,
forest and waters, city and solitude, grouped together
in forms of almost ideal beauty.
The strife was brief, but deadly. The September
sun rose upon two gallant armies arrayed in unbroken
pride, and noon of the same day saw the ground where
they had stood, strewn with the dying and the dead.
Hundreds of the veterans of France had fallen in the
ranks, from which they disdained to fly ; the scene of
his ruin faded fast from Montcalm's darkening sight,
but the proud consciousness of having done his duty
deprived defeat and death of their severest sting. Not
more than a musket-shot away lay Wolfe ; the heart
that but an hour before had throbbed with great and
generous impulse, now still for ever. On the face of
the dead there rested a triumphant smile which the last
agony had not overcast, a light of unfailing hope that
the shadows of the grave could not darken.
XXX INTRODUCTION.
The portion of history here recorded is no frag-
ment. Within a period comparatively brief, we see the
birth, the growth, and the catastrophe of a nation.
The flag of France is erected at Quebec by a handful
of hardy adventurers ; a century and a half has passed,
and that flag is lowered to a foreign foe before the
sorrowing eyes of a Canadian people. This example
is complete as that presented in the life of an indivi-
dual : we see the natural sequence of events ; the
education and the character, the motive and the action,
the error and the punishment. Through the following
records may be clearly traced combinations of causes,
remote, and even apparently opposed, uniting in one
result, and also the surprising fertility of one great
cause in producing many different results.
Were we to read the records of history by the light
of the understanding, instead of by the fire of the
passions, the study could be productive only of un-
mixed good ; their examples and warnings would
afford us constant guidance in the paths of public and
private virtue. The narrow and unreasonable notion of
exclusive national merit, cannot survive a fair glance
over the vast map of time and space which history lays
before us. We may not avert our eyes from those dark
spots upon the annals of our beloved land where acts
of violence and injustice stand recorded against her, nor
INTRODUCTION. XXXI
may we suffer the blaze of military renown to dazzle
our judgment. Victory may bring glory to the arms,
while it brings shame to the councils of a people : for
the triumphs of war are those of the general and the
soldier; increase of honour, wisdom and prosperity,
are the triumphs of the nation.
The citizens of Rome placed the images of their
ancestors in the vestibule, to recal the virtues of the
dead, and to stimulate the emulation of the living.
We also should fix our thoughts upon the examples
which history presents, not in a vain spirit of selfish
nationality, but in earnest reverence for the great and
good of all countries, and a contempt for the false,
and mean, and cruel, even of our own.
THE
ERRATA TO VOL. I.
P. 61— for " cornibotz " read cornibolz.
63- for reference to Appendix XIV. read XV.
73-<fcte XV.
82— /or " traitre" in note 5, read traiter.
— after " deja" insert distingue.
89, note 8—; for "mene" read me"ner.
_ _ /or "Gruercheville"readGuerchevillc.
100-/br XVI. read XVII.
—for XVII. read XVIII.
184— /or "Faraquai " read Paraguai.
188-/or XLI. read XLIII.
189— /or XLII. read XLIV.
234 —dele reference to Appendix.
387-/OT LXIV. read LXHI.
tenons empire, wnere uiie-imru ui uur itjiiow men
still stand apart from the brotherhood of nations.
Among the various and astounding exaggerations
induced by the vanity of the narrators, and the
ignorance of their audience, none was more ready
VOL. I. B
THE
CONQUEST OF CANADA
CHAPTER I.
THE philosophers of remote antiquity acquired
the important knowledge of the earth's spherical
form ; to their bold genius we are indebted for the
outline of the geographical system now universally
adopted. With a vigorous conception, but imperfect
execution, they traced out the scheme of denoting
localities by longitude and latitude : according to
their teaching the imaginary equatorial line, encom-
passing the earth, was divided into hours and
degrees.
Even at that distant period hardy adventurers had
penetrated far away into the land of the rising sun,
and many a wondrous tale was told of that mys-
terious empire, where one-third of our fellow men
still stand apart from the brotherhood of nations.
Among the various and astounding exaggerations
induced by the vanity of the narrators, and the
ignorance of their audience, none was more ready
VOL. I. B
2 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
than that of distance. The journey, the labour of
a life ; each league of travel a new scene ; the day
crowded with incident, the night a dream of terror
or admiration. Then as the fickle will of the
wanderer suggested, as the difficulties or encourage-
ment of nature, and the hostility or aid of man
impelled, the devious course bent to the north or
south, was hastened, hindered, or retraced.
By such vague and shadowy measurement as the
speculations of these wanderers supplied, the
sages of the past traced out the ideal limits of the
dry land which, at the word of God, appeared from
out the gathering together of the waters.1
1 " La sphericite de la terre etant reconnue, Tetendue de la terre ha-
bitee en longitude determine, en meme temps la largeur de 1'Atlantique
entre les c6tes occidentales d'Europe et d'Afrique et les cotes orien-
tales d'Asie par differens degres de latitude. Eratosthene (Strabo,
ii., p. 87, Gas.) evalue la circonference de 1'equateur a 252,000
stades, et la largeur de la chlamyde du Cap Sacre (Cap Saint Vincent)
a 1'extremite dela grande ceinture de Taurus, pres de Thinse & 70,000
stades. En prolongeant la distance vers le sud est j usque au cap des
Coliaques qui, d'apres les idees de Strabon sur la configuration de
1'Asie, represente notre Cap Comorin, et avance plus a 1'est que la
cote de Thinse, la combinaison des donnees d'Eratosthene offre
74,600 et meme 78,000 stades. Or, en reduisant, par la difference
de latitude, le perimetre equatorial au parallele de Rhodes, des portes
Caspiennes et de Thinse c'est a dire, au parallele de 36° 0' et nou de
36° 21', on trouve 203,872 stades, et pour largeur de la terre habitee,
par le parallele de Rhodes, 67,500 stades. Strabon dit par conse-
quence avec justesse, dans le fameux passage ou. il semble predire
1'existence du Nouveau Continent, en parlant de deux terres habitees
dans la meme zone temperee boreale que les terres occupent plus du
tiers de la circonference du parallele qui passe par Thinse. Par cette
supposition la distance de 1'Iberie aux Indes est au dela de 236° a
peu pres 240°. Ou peut Mre surpris de voir que le resultat le plus
ancien est aussi le plus exact de tons ceux que nous trouvons en
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 3
The most eminent geographer before the time of
Ptolemy, places the confines of Seres — the China of
to-day — at nearly two-thirds of the distance round
the world, from the first meridian.2 Ptolemy
descendant d'Eratosthene par Posidonius aux temps de Marin de
Tyr et de Ptolemee. La terre habitee offre effeetivement, d'apres nos
connoissances actuelles, entre les 36° et 37° 130 degres d'etendue en
longitude ; il y a par consequent des cotes de la Chine au Cap Sacre
a travers 1'ocean de Test a 1'ouest 230 degres. L'accord que je
nommerai accidentel de cette vraie distance et de revaluation d'Era-
tosthene atteint done dix degres en longitude. Posidonius * soup-
gonne, (c'est 1'expression de Strabon, lib. ii. p. 102, Gas.) que la
longueur de la terre habitee laquelle est, selon lui, d'environ 70,000
stades, doit former la moitie du cercle entier sur lequel le mesure se
prend, et qu' ainsi a partir de 1'extremite occidentale de cette meme
terre habitee, en naviguant avec un vent d'est continuel 1'espace de
70,000 autres stades, ou arriverait dans 1'Inde." - Humboldt's
Geographic du Nouveau Continent.
2 " La longueur de la terre habitee comprise entre les meridiens
des iles Forturiees et de Sera etoit, d'apres Marin de Tyr (Ptol. Geogr.
lib. i. cap. 11) de 15 heures ou de 225°. C' etoit avancer les cotes de
la Chine jusqu'au meridien des iles Sandwich, et reduire 1'espace a
parcourir des iles Canaries aux c6tes orientales de 1'Asie a 135°,
erreur de 86° en longitude. La grande extension de 23^° que les
anciens donnoient a la mer Caspienne, contribuoit egalement beau-
coup a augmenter la largeur de 1'Asie. Ptolemee a laisse intacte,
dans 1'evaluation de la terre habitee, selon Posidonius, la distance des
iles Fortunees au passage de 1'Euphrate a Hierapolis. Les reduc-
tions de Ptole'me'e ne portent que sur les distances de 1'Euphrate a
la Tour de Pierre et de cette tour a la metropole des Seres. Les
225° de Marin de Tyr deviennent, selon 1' Almagest (lib. ii., p. 1) 180°,
selon la Geographic de Ptolemee (lib. i., p. 12) 177J. Les cotes des
Sinse * reculent done du meridien des iles Sandwich vers celui des
Carolines orientales, et 1'espace a parcourir par mer en longitude n'etoit
plus de 135°, mais de 180° a 182f°. II e'toit dans les interets de
* In opposition to the opinion of Malte Brun and M. de Josselin, Mr. Hugh
Murray is considered to have satisfactorily proved the correctness ef Ptolemy's asser-
tion that the Seres or Sina; are identical with the Chinese. —See Trans, of the Royal
Society of Edinburgh, vol. viii., p. 171.
B 2
4 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
reduces the proportion to one half. Allowing for
the supposed vast extent of this unknown country
to the eastward, it was evident that its remotest
shores approached our western world. But, beyond
the Pillars of Hercules, the dark and stormy waters
of the Atlantic3 forbade adventure. The giant
minds of those days saw, even through the mists
of ignorance and error, that the readiest course to
reach this distant land must lie towards the setting
sun, across the western ocean.4 From over this
Christophe Colomb de preferer de beaucoup les calculs de Marin de
Tyr a ceux de Ptolemee et a force de conjectures Colomb parvient a
restreindre 1'espace de 1'Ocean qui lui restait a traverser des lies du cap
Vert au Cathay de 1'Asie orientale a 128° " ( Vida del Almirante}.
— Humboldt's Geographic du Nouveau Continent) vol. ii., p. 364.
3 That the vast waters of the Atlantic were regarded with " awe
and wonder, seeming to bound the world as with a chaos," needs no
greater proof than the description given of it by Xerif al Edrizi, an
eminent Arabian writer, whose countrymen were the boldest naviga-
tors of the middle ages, and possessed all that was then known of
geography. " The ocean," he observes, " encircles the ultimate
bounds of the inhabited earth, and all beyond it is unknown. No
one has been able to verify anything concerning it, on account of its
difficult and perilous navigation, its great obscurity, its profound
depth, and frequent tempests ; through fear of its mighty fishes and
its haughty winds ; yet there are many islands in it, some peopled,
others uninhabited. There is no mariner who dares to enter into its
deep waters ; or if any have done so, they have merely kept along
its coasts, fearful of departing from them. The waves of this ocean,
though they roll as high as mountains, yet maintain themselves with-
out breaking ; for if they broke it would be impossible for ship to
plough them." — Description of Spain, by Xerif al Edrizi : Conde's
Spanish translation. Madrid, 1799. — Quoted by Washington Irving.
4 Aristotle, Strabo, Pliny, and Seneca arrived at this conclusion.
The idea, however, of an intervening continent never appears to have
suggested itself. — Humboldt's Cosmos.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 5
vast watery solitude no traveller had ever brought
back the story of his wanderings. The dim light
of traditionary memory gave no guiding ray, the
faint voice of rumour breathed not its mysterious
secrets. Then poetic imagination filled the void;
vast islands were conjured up out of the deep,
covered with unheard of luxuriance of vegetation,
rich in mines of incalculable value, populous with
a race of conquering warriors. But this magnificent
vision was only created to be destroyed ; a violent
earthquake rent asunder in a day and a night the
foundations of Atlantis, and the waters of the western
ocean swept over the ruins of this once mighty em-
pire.5 In after ages we are told, that some Phoenician
5 In the Atlantic Ocean, over against the Pillars of Hercules, lay
an island larger than Asia and Africa taken together, and in its
vicinity were other islands. The ocean in which these islands were
situated was surrounded on every side by mainland, and the Mediter-
ranean, compared with it, resembled a mere harbour or narrow
entrance. Nine thousand years before the time of Plato this island
of Atlantis was both thickly settled and very powerful. Its sway
extended over Africa, as far as Egypt, and over Europe as far as the
Tyrrhenian Sea. The farther progress of its conquests, however,
was checked by the Athenians, who, partly with the other Greeks,
partly by themselves, succeeded in defeating these powerful invaders,
the natives of Atlantis. After this a violent earthquake, which
lasted for the space of a day and a night, and was accompanied with
inundations of the sea, caused the islands to sink, and for a long
period subsequent to this, the sea in that quarter was impassable by
reason of the slime and shoals.— Plato, Tim. 24—29, 296 ; Crit.
108 — 110, 39, 43. The learned Gessner is of opinion that the Isle
of Ceres, spoken of in a poem of very high antiquity, attributed to
Orpheus, was a fragment of Atlantis. Kircher, in his *' Mundus
Subterraneus, " and Beckman, in his " History of Islands," suppose
the Atlantis to have been an island extending from the Canaries to
6 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
vessels, impelled by a strong east wind, were driven
for thirty days across the Atlantic : there they found
a part of the sea where the surface was covered with
rushes and seaweed, somewhat resembling a vast
inundated meadow.6 The voyagers ascribed these
the Azores ; that it was really ingulfed in one of the convulsions of
the globe, and that those small islands are mere fragments of it.
Gosselin, in his able research into the voyages of the ancients, sup-
poses the Atlantis of Plato to have been nothing more nor less than
one of the nearest of the Canaries, viz. Fortaventura or Laiicerote.
Carli and many others find America in the Atlantis, and adduce
many plausible arguments in support of their assertion. — Carli,
Letters Amer. ; Fr. Transl., ii. 180. M. Bailly, in his " Letters
Bur 1' Atlantide de Platon," maintains the existence of the Atlantides,
and their island Atlantis, by the authorities of Homer, Sanchoniathon,
and Diodorus Siculus, in addition to that of Plato. Manheim
maintains very strenuously that* Plato's Atlantis is Sweden and
Norway. M. Bailly, after citing many ancient testimonies, which
concur in placing this famous isle in the north, quotes that of Plu-
tarch, who confirms these testimonies by a circumstantial description
of the Isle of Ogygia, or the Atlantis, which he represents as situated
in the north of Europe. The following is the theory of Buffon :
after citing the passage relating to the Atlantis, from Plato's
"Timseus," he adds : "This ancient tradition is not devoid of pro-
bability. The lands swallowed up by the waters were, perhaps, those
which united Ireland to the Azores, and the Azores to the continent
of America ; for in Ireland there are the same fossils, the same
shells, and the same sea bodies as appear in America, and some of
them are found in no other part of Europe." — Buffon's Nat. Hist.
by Smellie, vol. i., p. 507.
6 The first authentic description of the Mar di Sargasso of
Aristotle is due to Columbus. It spreads out between the nineteenth
and thirty-fourth degrees of north latitude. Its chief axis lies about
seven degrees to the westward of the island of Corvo. The smaller
bank, on the other hand, lies between the Bermudas and Bahamas.
The winds and partial currents in different years slightly affect the
position and extent of these Atlantic " sea- weed meadows." No
other sea in either hemisphere displays a similar extent of surface
THE CONQUEST OP CANADA. 7
strange appearances to some cause connected with
the submerged Atlantis, and even in later years
they were held by many as confirmation of Plato's
marvellous story.7
In the Carthaginian annals is found the mention
of a fertile and beautiful island of the distant Atlantic.
Many adventurous men of that maritime people were
attracted thither by the delightful climate and the
riches of the soil ; it was deemed of such value and
importance that they proposed to transfer the seat
of their republic to its shores in case of any irrepa-
rable disaster at home. But at length the Senate,
fearing the evils of a divided state, denounced the
distant colony, and decreed the punishment of death
to those who sought it for a home. If there be any
truth in this ancient tale, it is probable that one of
the Canary Islands was its subject.8
covered by plants collected in this way. These meadows of the ocean
present the wonderful spectacle of a collection of plants covering a
space nearly seven times as large as France. — Humboldt's Cosmos.
7 See Appendix, No. II.
8 See Aristotle, De Mirab. Auscult., cap. Ixxxiv. 84, p. 836. Bekk.
This work, "A Collection of Wonderful Narratives," is attri-
buted to Aristotle ; the real compiler is unknown. According to
Humboldt, it seems to have been written before the first Punic war.
— Diodorus of Sicily, vol. xix. Aristotle attributes the discovery of
the island to the Carthaginians ; Diodorus to the Pho3nicians. The
occurrence is said to have taken place in the earliest times of the
Tyrrhenian dominion of the sea, during the contest between the
Tyrrhenian Pelasgi and the Pho3nicians. The island of the Seven
Cities (see Appendix, No. II.) was identified with the island mentioned
by Aristotle as having been discovered by the Carthaginians, and
was inserted in the early maps under the name of Antilla. Paul
Toscanelli, the celebrated physician of Florence, thus writes to
Columbus.: "From the island of Antilia, which you call the Seven
8 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
Although the New World in the West was unknown
to the Ancients, there is no doubt that they enter-
Cities, and of which you have some knowledge," <kc. In the middle
ages conjectures were religiously inscribed upon the maps, as is
proved by Antilia, St. Borondon (see Appendix), the Hand of
Satan, Green Island, Maida Island, and the exact form of vast
southern regions. Humboldt refers the name of Antilia so far back
as the fourteenth century. The earliest date given by Ferdinand
Columbus is 1436. " Beyond the Azores, but at no great distance
towards the west, occurs the Ysola de Antilia, which we may conclude,
even allowing the date of the map to be genuine (in the library of
St. Mark, at Venice, date, 1436), to be ajnere gratuitous or theoretic
supposition, and to have received that strange name because the
obvious and natural idea of antipodes has been anathematised by
Catholic ignorance." He elsewhere says that "some Portuguese
cosmographers have inserted the island described by Aristotle in maps
under the name of Antilia." — Hist, of the Discovery of America, by
Don Ferdinand Columbus, in Ker, vol. iii., pp. 3 — 29.
The origin of the name Antilia, or Antilia, is still a matter of con-
jecture. Humboldt attributes to a " litterateur distingue " the
solution of the enigma, from a passage in Aristotle's " de Mundo,"
which speaks of the probable existence of unknown lands opposite to
the mass of continents which we inhabit. " These countries, be they
small or great, whose shores are opposed to ours, were marked out
by the word porthornoi, which in the middle ages was translated by
antinsulae." Humboldt says that this translation is totally incorrect ;
however, the idea of the "litterateur distingue" is evidently the
same as Ferdinand Columbus's. The following is the hypothesis
favoured by Humboldt : — " Peut-etre meme le nom d' Antilia qui
parait pour la premiere fois sur une carte Venitienne de 1436 n'est il
qu'une forme Portuguaise donnee a un nom geographique des Arabes.
L 'etymologic que hasarde M. Buace me parait tres ingenieuse.
La syllabe initiale me parait la corruption de 1'article Arabe. D'al
Tinnin et d'Al tin on aura fait peu d peu Antinna et Antilia, comme
par un deplacement analogue de consonnes, les Espagnols ont fait de
crocodile, corcodilo et cocodrilo. Le Dragon est al Tin, et 1'Antilia est
peut-etre, 1'ile des dragons marina. " — Humboldt's Ex. Grit., vol.ii., 21 1 .
Oviedo applies the relation of Aristotle to the Hesperian islands,
and asserts that they were the " India " discovered by Columbus
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 9
tained a suspicion of its existence ; 9 the romance of
Plato — the prophecy of Seneca, were but the off-
springs of this vague idea. Many writers tell us it
was conjectured that, by sailing from the coast of
Spain, the eastern shores of India might be reached;1
" Perche egli (Colombo) conobbe come era in effetto che queste terre
che egli ben ritrovava scritte, erano del tutto uscite dalla memoria
degli uomin ; e io per me non dubito che si sapissero, e possedessero
auticamente dalli Re de Spagna : e voglio qui dire quello che Aris-
totele in questo caso ne scrisse, <fcc. . . . io tengo che queste Indie
siano quelle autiche e fainose Isole Hesperide cose dette da Hespero
12 Re di Spagna. Or come la Spagna e 1'Italia tolsero il nome da
Hespero 12 Re di Spagna cosi anco da questo istesso ex torsero
queste isole Hesperidi, che noi diciamo, onde senza alcun dubbio si
de tenere, che in quel tempo queste isole sotto la signoria della
Spagna stessero, e sotto un medesmo Re, che fu (come Beroso dice)
1658 anni prima che il nostro Salvatore nascesse. E perche al pre-
sente siamo nel 1535 della salute nostra, ne segue che siano ora tre
niilo e cento novantatre anni che la Spagna e'l suoRe Hespero signoreg-
giavauo queste Indie o Isole Hesperidi. E come cosa sua par che
abbia la divina giustizia voluto ritornargliele." — Hist. Gen. delV
Indie de Gonzalo Fernando D'Oviedo, in Ramusio, torn, iii., p. 80.
9 " It is very possible that in the same temperate zone, and almost
in the same latitude as Thinse (or Athens ?), where it crosses the
Atlantic Ocean, there are inhabited worlds, distinct from that in
which we dwell."* — Strabo, lib. i., p. 65, and lib. ii., p. 118. — It is
surprising that this expression never attracted the attention of the
Spanish authors, who, in the beginning of the sixteenth century,
were searching everywhere in classical literature with the expecta-
tion of finding some traces of acquaintance with the .New World.
1 " D'Anville a dit avec esprit que la plus grande des erreurs dans
la geographic de Ptolemee a conduit les homnes a la plus grande
* " The idea of such a locality in a continuation of the long axis of the Mediterranean
was connected with a grand view of the earth by Eratosthenes (generally and exten-
sively known among the ancients), according to which the entire ancient continent,
in its widest expanse from west to east, in the parallel of about thirty-six degrees, pre-
sents an almost unbroken line of elevation." — Humboldt's Cosmos.
10 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
the length of the voyage, or the wonders that might
lie in its course, imagination alone could measure or
describe. Whatever might have been the suspicion
or belief2 of ancient time, we may feel assured that
none then ventured to seek these distant lands, nor
have we reason to suppose that any of the civilised
European races gave inhabitants to the New World
before the close of the fifteenth century.
To the barbarous hordes of North-eastern Asia
America must have long been known, as the land
where many of their wanderers found a home. It is
not surprising that from them no information was
obtained ; but it is strange that the bold and adven-
turous Northmen should have visited it nearly five
hundred years before the great Genoese, and have
suffered their wonderful discovery to remain hidden
from the world, and to become almost forgotten
among themselves.3
decouverte de terres nouvelles c'est, a dire la supposition que 1'Asie
s'etendait vers Test, au dela du 180 degre de longitude."
Both Strabo and Aristotle speak of "the same sea-bathing oppo-
site shores," Strabo, lib. i., p. 103 ; lib. ii., p. 162. Aristotle, De
Ccelo, lib. ii., cap. 14, p. 297. The possibility of navigating from
the extremity of Europe to the eastern shores of Asia, is clearly
asserted by the Stagyrite, and in the two celebrated passages of
Strabo. Aristotle does not suppose the distance to be very great,
and draws an ingenious argument in favour of his supposition from
the geography of animals. Strabo sees no obstacle to passing from
Iberia to India, except the immense extent of the Atlantic Ocean.
It is to be remembered that Strabo, as well as Eratosthenes, extend
the appellation of Atlantic sea to every part of the ocean." — Hum-
boldt's Geog. du Nouveau Continent.
2 See Appendix, No. IIL
3 " Au milieu detant de discussions acerbes qu'une curieuse malignite
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 11
In the year 1001 the Icelanders touched upon the
American coast, and for nearly two centuries subse-
quent visits were repeatedly made by them and the
Norwegians, for the purpose of commerce or for the
gratification of curiosity. Biorn Heriolson, an Ice-
lander, was the first discoverer : steering for Green-
land he was driven to the south by tempestuous
and unfavourable winds, and saw different parts of
America, without however touching at any of them.
Attracted by the report of this voyage, Leif, son of
Eric the discoverer of Greenland, fitted out a vessel
to pursue the same adventure. He passed the coast
visited by Biorn, and steered south-west till he reached
a strait between a large island and the mainland.
Finding the country fertile and pleasant, he passed
the winter near this place, and gave it the name of
Vinland4 from the wild vine which grew there in
et le gout d'une fausse erudition classique firent naitre sur le merite
de Christophe Colomb, parmi ses contemporains, personne n'a
pense aux navigations des Normands comme precurseurs des Ge'nois.
Cette idee ne se presenta que soixante quatre ans apres la mort
du grand homme. On savait par ces propres reeits ' qu'il etoit alle
a Thule ' mais alors ce voyage vers le nord ne fit naitre aucun
soupgon sur la priorite, de la decouverte . . . . Le merite d 'avoir
reconnu la premiere decouverte de 1'Amerique septentrionale par les
Normands appartient indubitablement au geographe Ortelius, qui
annonga cette opinion de's 1'annee 1570. ' Christophe Colomb, dit
Ortelius, a seulement mis le Nouveau Monde en rapport durable de
commerce et d'utilite avec 1 'Europe' ( Theatr. Orbis Terr., on pp. 5, 6).
Ce jugement est beaucoup trop severe." — Humboldt's Geog. du
Nouveau Continent.
4 " Biorn first saw land in the island of Nantucket, one degree
south of Boston, then in New Scotland, and lastly in Newfoundland.'7
— Carl Christian Rafn, Antiquitates Americance, 1845, p. 4, 421 ;
Humboldt's Cosmos.
12 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
great abundance.5 The winter days were longer in
this new country than in Greenland, and the weather
was more temperate.
" The country called * the good Vinland ' (Vinland it goda) by
Leif, included the shore between Boston and New York, and there-
fore parts of the present states of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and
Connecticut, between the parallels of latitude of Civita Vecchia and
Terracina, where, however, the average temperature of the year is
between 46° and 52° (Fahr.) This was the chief settlement of the
Normans. Their active and enterprising spirit is proved by the
circumstance, that after they had settled in the south as far as
41° 30' north latitude, they erected three pillars to mark out the
boundaries near the eastern coast of Baffin's Bay, in the latitude of
72° 55' upon one of the Women Islands north-west of the present
most northern Danish colony of Upernavik. The Runic inscription
upon the stone, discovered in the autumn of 1824, contains, accord-
ing to Rask and Finn Magnusen, the date of the year 1135. From
this eastern coast of Baffin's Bay, the colonists visited, with great
regularity on account of the fishery, Lancaster Sound and a part of
Barrow's Straits, and this occurred more than six centuries before the
bold undertakings of Parry and Ross. The locality of the fishery is
very accurately described ; arid Greenland priests, from the diocese
of Gardar, conducted the first voyage of discovery in 1266. These
north-western summer stations were called the Kroksjardar, heathen
countries. Mention was early made of the Siberian wood, which was
then collected, as well as of the numerous whales, seals, walrus, and
Polar bears."— Rafn, Antiq. Amer., pp. 20, 274, 415—418, quoted
by Humboldt.
5 One of the objections brought forward by Robertson against the
Norman discovery of America is, that the wild vine has never since
been found so far north as Labrador ; but modern travellers have
ascertained that a species of wild vine grows even as far north as the
shores of Hudson's Bay.* Since Robertson's time, however, the loca-
lity of the first Norman settlement has been moved further south, and
into latitudes where the best species of wild vines are abundant.
* Sir A. Mackenzie's Travels in Iceland. 1812. Preliminary Dissertation by
Dr. Holland, p. 46.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 13
Leif returned to Greenland in the spring; his
brother Thorvald succeeded him, and remained two
winters in Vinland exploring much of the coast and
country.6 In the course of the third summer the
natives, now called Esquimaux, were first seen ; on
account of their diminutive stature the adventurers
gave them the name of Styr&Kngar? These poor
savages, irritated by an act of barbarous cruelty,
attacked the Northmen with darts and arrows, and
Thorvald fell a victim to their vengeance. A
wealthy Icelander, named Thorfin, established a
regular colony in Vinland soon after this event ; the
settlers increased rapidly in numbers, and traded
with the natires for furs and skin§jtQ_greai_advan-
tage. Sfter three years the adventurers returned
to Iceland enriched by the expedition, and reported
favourably upon the new country. Little is known
of this settlement after Thorfin's departure till early
in the twelfth century, when a bishop of Greenland8
went there to promulgate the Christian faith among
the colonists ; beyond that time scarcely a notice of
its existence occurs, and the name and situation of
the ancient Vinland soon passed away from the know-
ledge of man. Whether the adventurous colonists
ever returned, or became blended with the natives,9.
6 Rafn, Antiq. Amer.
7 The Esquimaux were at that time spread much further south than
they are at present. — Humboldt's Cosmos, vol. ii., p. 268.
8 Eric Upsi, a native of Iceland, and the first Greenland hishop,
undertook to go to Vinland as a Christian missionary in 1121.
9 " The learned Grotius founds an argument for the colonisation of
14 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
or perished by their hands, no record remains to
tell.1
Discoveries such as these by the ancient Scandi-
America by the Norwegians on the similarity between the names of
Norway and La Norimbegue, a district bordering on New England." —
Grotius, De Origine Gentium Americanarum, in quarto, 1642. See
also the Controversy between Grotius and Jean de Lae't.
1 Accurate information respecting the former intercourse of the
Northmen with the continent of America reaches only as far as the
middle of the fourteenth century. In the year 1349 a ship was sent
from Greenland to Markland (New Scotland), to collect timber, and
other necessaries. Upon their return from Markland, the ship was
overtaken by storms, and compelled to land at Straumfjord, in the
west of Iceland. This is the last account of the " Norman America,"
preserved for us in the ancient Scandinavian writings. The settle-
ments upon the west coast of Greenland, which were in a very flou-
rishing condition, until the middle of the fourteenth century, gradually
declined from the fatal influence of monopoly of trade, by the invasion
of the Esquimaux, by the black death which depopulated the north
from the year 1347 to 1351, and also by the arrival of a hostile fleet,
from what country is not known.
By means of the critical, and most praiseworthy efforts of Christ-
ian Rafn, and the Royal Society for Northern Antiquities in Copen-
hagen, the traditions and ancient accounts of the voyage of the
Normans to Helluland (Newfoundland), to Markland (the mouth of
the River St. Laurence at Nova Scotia), and at Winland (Massachu-
setts), have been separately printed, and satisfactorily commented
upon. The length of the voyage, the direction in which they sailed,
the time of the rising and setting of the sun are accurately laid down.
The principal sources of information are the historical narrations of
Erik the Red, Thorsinn Karlsefue, and Snorre Thorbrandson, pro-
bably written in Greenland itself, as early as the twelfth century,
partly by descendants of the settlers born in Winland. Rafn, Antiq.
Amer., pp. 7, 14, 16. The care with which the tables of their
pedigrees was kept was so great, that the table of the family of
Thorfinn Karlsefne, whose son Snorre Thorbrandson, was born in
America, was kept from the year 1007 to 1811.
The name of the colonised countries is found in the ancient
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 15
navians — fruitless to the world and almost buried
in oblivion — cannot dim the glory of that transcend-
ant genius to whom we owe the knowledge of a
New World.
The claim of the Welch to the first discovery of
America, seems to rest upon no better original
authority than that of Meridith-ap-Rees, a bard who
died in the year 1477. His verses only relate that
Prince Madoc, wearied with dissensions at home,
searched the ocean for a new kingdom. The tale of
this adventurer's voyages and colonisation was
written 100 years subsequent to the early Spanish
discoveries, and seems to be merely a fanciful com-
pletion of his history : he probably perished in the
unknown seas. It is certain that neither the ancient
principality nor the world reaped any benefit from
these alleged discoveries.2
In the middle of the thirteenth and the beginning
of the fourteenth centuries, the Venetian Marco
Polo,3 and the Englishman Mandeville,4 awakened
the curiosity of Europe with respect to the remote
parts of the earth. Wise and discerning men
selected the more valuable portions of their observa-
tions ; ideas were enlarged, and a desire for more
perfect information excited a thirst for discovery.
While this spirit was gaining strength in Europe,
the wonderful powers of the magnet were revealed
national songs of the natives of the Faroe islands.— Humboldt's
Cosmos, vol ii., pp. 268-452. 2 See Appendix, No. IV.
3 See Appendix, No. V. 4 See Appendix, No. VI.
16 THE CONQUEST OP CANADA.
to the Western world.5 The invention of the
mariner's compass aided and extended navigation
more than all the experience and adventure of pre-
ceding ages: the light of the stars, the guidance
of the sea-coast, were no longer necessary ; trusting
to the mysterious powers of his new friend, the
sailor steered out fearlessly into the ocean, through
the bewildering mists, or the darkness of night.
The Spaniards were the first to profit by the
bolder spirit and improved science of navigation.
About the beginning of the fourteenth century,
they were led to the accidental discovery of the
Canary Islands,6 and made repeated voyages thither,
5 See Appendix, No. VII.
6 The numerous data which have come down to us from antiquity,
and an acute examination of the local relations, especially the great
vicinity of the settlements upon the African coast, which incontestably
existed, lead me to believe that Phoenicians, Carthaginians, Greeks,
and Romans, and probably even the Etruscans, were acquainted with
the group of the Canary Islands. — Humboldt's'(7o5mo5, vol.ii., p. 414.
" Porrb occidentalis navigatio, quantum etiam fama assequi
Plinius potuit, tantum ad Fortunatas Insulas cursum protendit, earum-
que prsecipuam a multitudine canum Canariam vocatam refert." —
Acosta, De Natura Nom Orbis, lib. i., cap. ii.
Respecting the probability of the Semitic origin of the name of
the Canary Islands, Pliny, in his latinising etymological notions, con-
sidered them to be Dog Islands ! (Vide Credner's Biblical Repre-
sentation of Paradise, in Illgeri's Journal for Historical Theology,
1836, vol. vi., pp. 166 — 186.) — Humboldt's Cosmos, vol. ii., p. 414.
The most fundamental, and, in a literary point of view, the most
complete account of the Canary islands, that was written in ancient
times down to the middle ages, was collected in a work of Joachim
Jose da Costa de Macedo, with the title " Memoria cem que se pre-
tende provar que os Arabes nao connecerao as Canarias autes dos
Portuguesques. 1844." (See also Viera y Clavigo, Notic. de la Hist,
de Canaria.) — Humboldt's Cosmos.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 17
plundering the wretched inhabitants, and carrying
them off as slaves.7 Pope Clement VI. conferred
these countries as a kingdom upon Louis de la Cerda,
of the royal race of Castile ; he, however, was power-
less to avail himself of the gift, and it passed to
the stronger hand of John de Bethancourt, a Norman
baron.8 The countrymen of this bold adventurer
explored the seas far to the south of the Canaries,
and acquired some knowledge of the coast of Africa.
The glory of leading the career of systematic
exploration, belongs to the Portuguese:9 their
7 See Appendix, No. VIII.
8 " Jean de Bethancourt knew that before the expedition of Alvaro
Beccara, that is to say before the end of the 14th century, Norman
adventurers had penetrated as far as Sierra Leone (lat. 8° 30'), and
he sought to follow their traces. Before the Portuguese, however,
no European nation appears to have crossed the equator." — Humboldt.
" Les Normands et les Arabes sont les seules nations qui, jusqu'au
commencement du douzieme siecle, aient partage la gloire des grandes
expeditions maritimes, le gout des aventures etranges, la passion du
pillage et des conquetes ephemeres. Les Normands ont occupe suc-
cessiveinent 1'Islande et la Neustrie, ravage les sanctuaires de
1'Italie, conquis la Pouille sur les Grecs, inscrit leurs caracteres
runiques jusque sur les flancs d'un des lions que Morosini enleva au
Piree d'Athenes pour en orner 1'arsenal de Venise." — Humboldt 's
Ge'og. du Nouveau Continent, vol. ii., p. 86.
9 " No nation," says Southey, " has ever accomplished such great
things in proportion to its means as the Portuguese." Its early
maritime history does, indeed, present a striking picture of enterprise
and restless energy, but the annals of Europe afford no similar
instance of rapid degeneracy. There was an age when less than
40,000 armed Portuguese kept the whole coasts of the ocean in awe
from Morocco to China ; when 150 sovereign princes paid tribute
to the treasury of Lisbon. But in all their enterprises they aimed
at conquest and not at colonisation. The government at home
exercised little control over the arms of its piratical mariners ; the
VOL. i. c
18 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
attempts were not only attended with considerable
success, but gave encouragement and energy to those
efforts that were crowned by the discovery of a
world : among them the great Genoese was trained,
and their steps in advance matured the idea, and
aided the execution of his design. The nations of
Europe had now begun to cast aside the errors and
prejudices of their ancestors. The works of the
ancient Greeks and Romans were eagerly searched
for information, and former discoveries brought to
light.1 The science of the Arabians was introduced
and cultivated by the Moors and Jews, and geometry,
astronomy, and geography, were studied as essential
to the art of navigation.
In the year 1412, the Portuguese doubled Cape
Non, the limit of ancient enterprise. For upwards
of seventy years afterwards they pursued their ex-
plorations with more or less of vigour and success
along the African coast, and among the adjacent
islands. By intercourse with the people of these
countries they gradually acquired some knowledge
of lands yet unvisited. Experience proved that the
torrid zone was not closed to the enterprise of man.2
mother country derived no benefit from their achievements. To the
age of conquest succeeded one of effeminacy and corruption. — Meri-
vale's Lectures on Colonisation, vol. i., p. 44.
1 See Appendix, No. IX.
2 The zones were imaginary bands or circles in the heavens,
producing an effect of climate on corresponding belts on the globe of
the earth. The frigid zones between the polar circles and the poles
were considered uninhabitable and unnavigable, on account of the
extreme cold. The torrid zone, lying beneath the track of the sun,
or rather the central part of it, immediately about the equator, was
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 19
They found that the form of the continent con-
tracted as it stretched southward, and that it tended
towards the east. Then they brought to mind the
accounts of the ancient Phoenician voyagers round
Africa,3 long deemed fabulous, and the hope arose
that they might pursue the same career, and win
for themselves the magnificent prize of Indian
commerce. In the year 1486 the adventurous
Bartholomew Diaz 4 first reached the Cape of Good
considered uninhabitable, unproductive, and impassable, on account of
the excessive heat. The temperate zones, lying between the torrid
and the frigid zones, were supposed to be the only parts of the globe
suited to the purposes of life. Parmenides, according to Strabo, was
the inventor of this theory of the five zones. Aristotle supported the
same doctrine. He believed that there was habitable earth in the
southern hemisphere, but that it was for ever divided from the part
of the world already known by the impassable zone of scorching heat
at the equator. (Aristot. Met. ii., cap. v.) Pliny supported the
opinion of Aristotle concerning the burning zones. (Pliny, lib. i., cap.
Ixvi.) Strabo (lib. ii.), in mentioning this theory, gives it likewise
his support ; and others of the ancient philosophers, as well as the
poets, might be cited, to show the general prevalence of the belief. —
Cicero, JSomnium Scipionis, cap. vi. ; Geminus, cap. xiii., p. 31 ; ap.
Petavii Opus de Doctr. Tempor. in quo Uranologium sive Systemata
var. Auctorum. Amst. 1705, vol. iii.
3 See Appendix, No. X.
4 Barros, Dec. I., lib. iii., cap. iv., p. 190, says distinctly, " Bar-
tholomeu Diaz, e os de sua compantica per causa dos perigos, e
tormentas, que em o dobrar delle passa"ram che puyeram nome
Tormentoso." The merit of the first circumnavigation, therefore;
does not belong to Vasco de Gama, as is generally supposed. Diaz
was at the Cape in May, 1487, and, therefore, almost at the same
time that Pedro de Covilham and Alonzo de Payva of Barcelona
commenced their expedition. As early as December, 1487, Diaz
himself brought to Portugal the account of his important discovery.
The mission of Pedro Covilham and Alonso de Payva, in 1487, was
set on foot by King John II., in order to search for " the African
c2
20 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
Hope; soon afterwards the information gained by
Pedro de Covilham, in his overland journey, con-
firmed the consequent sanguine expectations of
success. The attention of Europe was now fully
aroused, and the progress of the Portuguese was
watched with admiration and suspense. But during
this interval, while all eyes were turned with anxious
interest towards the East, a little bark, leaky and
tempest-tossed, sought shelter in the Tagus.5 It had
come from the far west, — over that stormy sea
priest Johannes." Believing the accounts which he had obtained
from Indian and Arabian pilots in Calicut, Goa, Aden, as well as in
Sofala, on the eastern coast of Africa, Covilham informed King
John II., by means of two Jews from Cairo, that if the Portuguese
were to continue their voyages of discovery upon the western coast in
a southerly direction, they would come to the end of Africa, whence
a voyage to the Island of the Moon, to Zanzibar, and the gold
country of Sofala, would be very easy. Accounts of the Indian and
Arabian trading stations upon the east coast of Africa, and of the
form of the southern extremity of the Continent, may have extended
to Venice, through Egypt, Abyssinia, and Arabia. The triangular
form of Africa was actually delineated upon the map of Sanuto, made
in 1306, and discovered in the " Portulano della Mediceo-Lauren-
ziana," by Count Baldelli in 1351, and also in the chart of the world
by Fra Mauro. — Humboldt's Cosmos, vol. ii., pp. 290, 461.
5 Faria y Sousa complains that " the admiral entered Lisbon with a
vain-glorious exultation, in order to make Portugal feel, by displaying
the tokens of his discovery, how much she had erred in not acceding
to his propositions."- — Europa Portugueses, t. ii., pp. 402, 403.
Ruy de Pina asserts that King John was much importuned to
kill Columbus on the spot, since, with his death, the prosecution of
the undertaking, as far as the sovereigns of Castile were concerned,
would cease, from want of a suitable person to take charge of it ;
but the king had too much magnanimity to adopt the iniquitous
measure proposed. — Vasconcellos, Vida del Rie Don Juan II., lib. vi. ;
Garcia de Resende, Vide de Dom Joam II. ; Las Casas, Hist. Ind.,
lib. i., cap. Ixxiv. ; MS. quoted by Prescott.
, THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 21
where, from the creation until then, had brooded an
impenetrable mystery. It bore the richest freight6
that ever lay upon the bosom of the deep, — the
tidings of a New World.7
It would be but tedious to repeat here all the
well-known story of Christopher Columbus ; 8 his
early dangers and adventures, his numerous voyages,
his industry, acquirements, and speculations, and
0 See Appendix, No. XL
7 " A Castilla y a Leon
Nuevo Mundo dib Colon,"
was the inscription on the costly monument that was raised over the
remains of Columhus, in the Carthusian Monastery of La Cuevas at
Seville. " The like of which," says his son Ferdinand, with as much
truth as simplicity, " was never recorded of any man in ancient or
modern times." — Hist, del Almir ante, cap. cviii.
His ashes were finally removed to Cuba, where they now repose in
the cathedral church of its capital. — Navarrete, Coleccion de Viages,
torn. ii.
" E dandogli il titol di Don volsero che egli aggiungesse presso
alTarme di casa sua quattro altre, cioe quelle del Regno de Castiglio
di Leon, e il Mar Oceario con tutte 1'isole e quattro anchore per
dimostrare I'ufficio d'Almirante, con un motto d'intorno che dicea,
4 Per Castiglia e per Leon, Nuovo Mundo trovo Colon.' " — Ramusio,
Discorso, torn. iii.
The heir of Columbus was always to bear the arms of the admiral,
to seal with them, and in his signature never to use any other title
than simply " the Admiral."
8 See Appendix, No. XII. — In the middle ages the prevalent opinion
was that the sea covered but one-seventh of the surface of the globe ; an
opinion which Cardinal d'Ailly (Imago Mundi, cap. viii.) founded on
the apocryphal fourth book of Ezra. Columbus, who always derived
much of his cosmological knowledge from the Cardinal's work, was much
interested in upholding this idea of the smallness of the sea, to which
the misunderstood expression of the " the ocean-stream " contributed
not a little. He was also accustomed to cite Aristotle, and Seneca,
and St. Augustine, in confirmation of this opinion. — Humboldt's
Examen Critique de VHist. de la Geographic, torn, i., p. 186.
22 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
how at length the great idea arose in his mind, and
matured itself into a conviction ; then how convic-
tion led to action, checked and interrupted, hut not
weakened, by the doubts of pedantic ignorance,9 and
the treachery,1 coolness, or contempt of courts. On
Friday 2 the 3rd of August, 1493, a squadron of three
9 See especially the details of the conference held at Salamanca,
(the great seat of learning in Spain) given in the 4th Chapter of
Washington Irving' s "Columbus." One of the objections advanced
was, that, admitting the earth to be spherical, and should a ship succeed
in reaching in this way the extremity of India, she could never get
back again ; for the rotundity of the globe would present a kind of
mountain, up which it would be impossible for her to sail with the
most favourable wind. — Hist, del Almir ante, cap. ii. ; Hist, de Chiapa
por Remesel, lib. ii., cap. 27.
1 Columbus was required by King John II., of Portugal, to furnish
a detailed plan of his proposed voyages with the charts and other
documents ; according to which, he proposed to shape his course for
the alleged purpose of having them examined by the royal coun-
cillors. He readily complied, but while he remained in anxious sus-
pense as to the decision of the council, a caravel was secretly
dispatched with instructions to pursue the route designated in the
papers of Columbus. This voyage had the ostensible pretext of
carrying provisions to the Cape de Verde islands ; the private
instructions given, were carried into effect when the caravel departed
thence. It stood westward for several days ; but then the weather
grew stormy, and the pilots having no zeal to stimulate them, and
seeing nothing but an immeasurable waste of wild trembling waves
still extending before them, lost all courage to proceed. They put
back to the Cape de Verde islands, and thence to Lisbon, excusing
their own want of resolution by ridiculing the project of Columbus.
On discovering this act of treachery, Columbus instantly quitted
Portugal. — Hist, del Almirante, cap. viii. ; Herrera, Dec. I., lib. i.,
cap. vii. ; Munoz, Hist, del Nuevo Mundo, lib. ii. — Quoted by Prescott.
2 " Le Vendredi n' etant pas regard e dans la Chretiente comme un
jour de bon augure pour le commencement d'une entreprise, les
historiens du 17me siecle, qui gemissaient deja sur les maux dont,
selon eux, 1'Europe a ete accable par la decouverte de I'Amerique,
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 23
small crazy ships, bearing ninety men, sailed from
the port of Palos, in Andalusia. Columbus, the
commander and pilot, was deeply impressed with
sentiments of religion ; and, as the spread of Chris-
tianity was one great object of the expedition, he
and his followers before their departure had implored
the blessing of Heaven 3 upon the voyage, from which
they might never return.
They steered at first for the Canaries, over a well-
known course ; but on the 6th of September they
sailed from Gomera, the most distant of those islands,
and, leaving the usual track of navigation, stretched
westward into the unknown sea. And still ever
westward for six-and-thirty days they bent their
course through the dreary desert of waters ; terrified
on fait remarque que Colomb est parti pour la premiere expe-
dition vendredi, 3 aout 1492, et que la premiere terre d' Amerique
a etc decouverte vendredi 12 Octobre de la nieme annee. La
reformation du ealendrier appliquee au journal de Colomb, qui
indique toujours a la fois, les jours de la semaine et la date du mois,
feroit disparoitre le pronostic du jour fatal." — Humboldt's Geog. du
Nouveau Continent, vol. iii., p. 160.
3 His first landing in the New World partook of the same cha-
racter as his departure from the old.
" Christoforo Colombo — primo con una bandiera nella quale era
figurato il nostro Signore Jesu Christo in croce, salto in terra, e quella
piantd, e poi tutti gli alti smontarono, e inginocchiati baciarono la terra,
tre volti piangendo di allegrezza. Di poi Colombo alzate le mani
al cielo lagrimando disse, Signor Dio Eterno, Signore omnipotente,
tu creasti il cielo, e la terra, e il mare con la tua santa parola,
sia benedetto e glorificato il nome tuo, sia ringraziata la tua Maestk,
la quale si e degnata per mano d' uno umil suo servo far ch' el suo
santo nome sia conosciuto e divulgato in questa altra parte del
mondo." — Pietro Martire, Dell' Indie Occidentali, in Ramusio,
torn, iii., p. 2 ; Oviedo, Hist. Gen. dell1 India.
24 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
by the changeless wind that wafted them hour after
hour further into the awful solitude, and seemed to
forbid the prospect of return ; bewildered by the
altered hours of day and night, and more than all
by the mysterious variation of their only guide, for
the magnetic needle no longer pointed to the pole.4
Then strange appearances in the sea aroused new
fears : vast quantities of weeds covered the sur-
face, retarding the motion of the vessels ; the sailors
4 Columbus not only has, incontestably, the merit of first discovering
the line where there is no declination of the needle, but also of first
inducing a study of terrestrial magnetism in Europe, by his observa-
tions concerning the increasing declination as he sailed in a westerly
direction from that line. It had been already easily recognised in
the Mediterranean, and in all places where, in the twelfth century,
the declination was as much as eight or ten degrees, even though
their instruments were so imperfect that the ends of a magnetic
needle did not point exactly to the geographical north or south. It
is improbable that the Arabs or Crusaders drew attention to the fact
of the compass pointing to the north-east and north-west in different
parts of the world, as to a phenomenon which had long been known.
The merit which belongs to Columbus is, not for the first observance
of the existence of the declination, which is given, for example, upon
the map of Andrew Bianca in 1436, but for the remark which he
made on the 13th September, 1492, that about two degrees and a
half to the east of the island of Corvo, the magnetic variation
changed, and that it passed over from north-east to north-west.
This discovery of a magnetic line without any variation indicates a
remarkable epoch in nautical astronomy. It was celebrated with just
praise by Oviedo, Casas, and Herrera. If with Livio Sanuto we
ascribe it to the renowned mariner, Sebastian Cabot, we forgot that
his first voyage, which was undertaken at the expense of some mer-
chants of Bristol, and which was crowned with success by his touch-
ing the main land of America, falls five years later than the first
expedition of Columbus. — Humboldt's Cosmos, vol. ii., p. 318;
Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib, i., cap. 6.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 25
imagined that they had reached the utmost boundary
of the navigable ocean, and that they were rushing
blindly into the rocks and quicksands of some
submerged continent.
The master mind turned all these strange novelties
into omens of success. The changeless wind was the
favouring breath of the Omnipotent ; the day length-
ened as they followed the sun's course ; an ingenious
fiction explained the inconstancy of the needle ; the
vast fields of sea- weed bespoke a neighbouring shore;
and the flight of unknown birds5 was hailed with
happy promise. But as time passed on, and brought
no fulfilment of their hopes, the spirits of the timid
began to fail, the flattering appearances of land had
repeatedly deceived them ; they were now very far
beyond the limit of any former voyage. From the
timid and ignorant these doubts spread upwards,
and by degrees the contagion extended from ship to
ship : secret murmurs rose to conspiracies, com-
plaiiits, and mutiny. They affirmed that they had
already performed their duty in so long pursuing an
5 " In sailing towards the West India Islands birds are often seen
at the distance of 200 leagues from the nearest coast." — Sloane's
Nat. Hist, of Jamaica, vol. i., p. 30.
Captain Cook says, " No one yet knows to what distance any of
the Oceanic birds go to sea ; for my own part I do not believe that
there is any one of the whole tribe that can be relied on in pointing
out the vicinity of land." — Voyage towards the South Pole, vol. i.,
p. 275.
The Portuguese, however, only keeping along the African coast
and watching the flight of birds with attention, concluded that they
did not venture to fly far from land. Columbus adopted this erro-
neous opinion from his early instructors in navigation.
26 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
unknown and hopeless course, and that they would
no more follow a desperate adventurer to destruc-
tion. Some even proposed to cast their leader into
the sea.
The menaces and persuasions that had so often
enabled Columbus to overcome the turbulence and
fears of his followers, now ceased to be of any
avail. He gave way to an irresistible necessity,
and promised that he would return to Spain, if
unsuccessful in their search for three days more.
To this brief delay the mutineers consented. The
signs of land now brought almost certainty to the
mind of the great leader. The sounding line
brought up such soil as is only found near the
shore : birds were seen of a kind supposed never to
venture on a long flight. A piece of newly cut
cane floated past, and a branch of a tree bearing
fresh berries was taken up by the sailors. The
clouds around the setting sun wore a new aspect,
and the breeze became warm and variable. On the
evening of the llth of October, every sail was
furled, and strict watch kept, lest the ships might
drift ashore during the night.
On board the admiral's vessel all hands were
invariably assembled for the evening hymn ; on
this occasion a public prayer for success was added,
and with those holy sounds Columbus hailed the
appearance of that small shifting light,6 which
6 " Puesto que el amirante a los diez de la noche vio lumbre.
. . . y era como una candelilla de cera que se alzaba y levantaba,
lo cual a pocos pareciera ser indicio de tierra. Pero el amirante
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 27
crowned with certainty his long cherished hope,7
turned his faith into realisation,8 and stamped his
name for ever upon the memory of man.9
It was by accident only that England had been
deprived of the glory of these great discoveries.
Columbus when repulsed by the Courts of Portugal
and Spain, sent his brother Bartholomew to London,1
to lay his projects before Henry VIL, and seek
tuvb por cierto estar junto a la tierra. Por lo qual quando dijeron
la * Salve ' que acostumbran decir y cantar a su manera todos los
marineros, y de hallan todos, vogo y amonestolos el amirante que
hiciesen buena guarda al Castillo de proa, y mirasen bien por la
tierra." — Diar. de Colon. Prem. Viag. 11 de Oct.
7 " Let those who are disposed to faint under difficulties, in the
prosecution of any great and worthy undertaking, remember that
eighteen years elapsed after the time that Columbus conceived his
enterprise before he was enabled to carry it into effect ; that most of
that time was past in almost hopeless solicitation, amidst poverty,
neglect, and taunting ridicule ; that the prime of his life had wasted
away in the struggle, and that when his perseverance was finally
crowned with success, he was about his fifty-sixth year. This
example should encourage the enterprising never to despair." — Wash-
ington Irving 's Life of Columbus, vol. i., p. 174.
8 " While Columbus lay on a sick bed by the river Belem, he was
addressed in a dream by an unknown voice, distinctly uttering these
words : ' Maravillosamente Dios hizo sonar tu nombre en la tierra ;
de los atamientos de la Mar Oceana, que estaban cerradas con cadenas
tan fuertes, te dio las Haves.' (Letter to the Catholic Monarch,
July 7th, 1503.)"— Humboldt's Cosmos.
9 See Appendix, No. XIII.
1 " The application to King Henry VII. was not made until 1488,
as would appear from the inscription on a map, which Bartholomew
presented to the king. Las Casas intimates, from letters and writings
of Bartholomew Columbus, in his possession, that the latter accom-
panied Bartholomew Diaz in his voyage from Lisbon, in 1486, along
the coast of Africa, in the course of which he discovered the Cape of
Good Hope." — Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i., cap. vii.
28 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
assistance for their execution. The king, although
the most penurious of European princes, saw the
vast advantage of the offer, and at once invited the
great Genoese to his court. Bartholomew was,
however, captured by pirates on his return voyage,
and detained till too late, for in the meanwhile
Isabella of Castile had adopted the project of Colum-
bus, and supplied the means for the expedition.
Henry VII. was not discouraged by this dis-
appointment : two years after the discoveries of
Columbus became known in England, the king
entered into an arrangement with John Cabot, an
adventurous Venetian merchant, resident at Bristol,
and on the 5th of March, 1495, granted him
letters patent for conquest and discovery. Henry
stipulated that one-fifth of the gains in this enter-
prise was to be retained for the crown, and that the
vessels engaged in it should return to the port of
Bristol. On the 24th of June, 1497, Cabot dis-
covered the coast of Labrador, and gave it the name
of Primavista. This was, without doubt, the first
visit of Europeans to the continent of North
America,2 since the time of the Scandinavian
2 " The American continent was first discovered under the auspices
of the English, and the coast of the United States by a native of
England (Sebastian Cabot told me that he was born in Bristowe)." —
History of the Travayles in the East and West Indies, by R. Eden
and R. Willes, 1577, fol. 267. Posterity hardly remembered that
they* (the Cabots) had reached the American continent nearly four
* " The only immediate fruit of Cabot's first enterprise is said to have been the
importation from America of the first turkeys ever seen in Europe. Why this bird
received the name it enjoys in England has never been satisfactorily explained. By
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 29
voyages. A large island lay opposite to this shore :
from the vast quantity of fish frequenting the
neighbouring waters, the sailors called it Bacallaos ;3
Cabot gave this country the name of St. John's,
having landed there on St. John's day. Newfound-
land has long since superseded both appellations.
John Cabot returned to England in August of
the same year, and was knighted and otherwise
months before Columbus, on his third voyage, came in sight of the
mainland. — Bancroft's Hist, of the United States, vol. i., p. 11.
Charlevoix's " Histoire de la Nouvelle France," and the " Fastes Chro-
nologiques," endeavour to discredit the discoveries of John and
Sebastian Cabot, but the testimonies of contemporary authors are
decisive. Unfortunately no journal or relation remains of the voyages
of the Cabots to North America, but several authors have handed
down accounts of them, which they received from the lips of Sebas-
tian Cabot himself. See Hakluyt, iii. 27 ; Galearius Butrigarius, in
Ramusio, torn. ii. ; Ramusio, Preface to torn. iii. ; Peter Martyr
ab Angleria, Dec. III., cap. vi. ; Gomara, Gen. Hist, of West Indies,
b. ii., c. vi. In Fabian's Chronicle, the writer asserts that he saw,
in the sixteenth year of Henry VII., two out of three men who had
been brought from " Newfound Island " two years before). The grant
made by Edward VI. to Sebastian Cabot of a pension, equal to 1000^.
per annum of our money, attests that " the good and acceptable ser-
vice" for which it was conferred, was of a very important nature.
The words of the grant are handed down to us by Hakluyt, vol. iii.
p. 31. — See Life of Henry VII., by Lord Bacon ; Bacon's Works,
vol. iii., pp. 356, 357.
3 Baccalaos was the name given by the natives to the cod-fish with
which these waters abounded. Pietro Martire, who calls Sebastian
Cabot his "dear and familiar friend," speaks of Newfoundland as
Baccalaos ; also Lopez de Gomara, and Ramusio.
the French it was called ' Coq <T Inde,' on account of its American original ; America
being then generally termed Western India." — Graham's Hist, of the United States,
vol. i., p. 7.
30 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
rewarded by the king ; he survived but a very short
time in the enjoyment of his fame, and his son
Sebastian Cabot, although only twenty-three years
of age, succeeded him in the command of an
expedition destined to seek a north-west passage to
the South Seas.
Sebastian Cabot sailed in the summer of 1498 :
he soon reached Newfoundland, and thence proceeded
north as far as the fifty-eighth degree. Having
failed in discovering the hoped for passage, he
returned towards the south, examining the coast as
far as the southern boundary of Maryland and per-
haps Virginia. After a long interval the enterprising
mariner again, in 1517, sailed for America, and
entered the bay4 which a century afterwards received
the name of Hudson. If prior discovery confer a
right of possession, there is no doubt that the whole
eastern coast of the North American continent may
be justly claimed by the English race.5
4 Mr. Bancroft pronounces this " fact to be indisputable," though
he acknowledges that "the testimony respecting this expedition is
confused and difficult of explanation." Sebastian Cabot wrote " A
Discourse of Navigation," in which the entrance of the strait, leading
into Hudson's Bay, was laid down with great precision " on a card,
drawn by his own hand." — Ortelius, Map of America in Theatrum
Orlis Terrarum ; Eden and Willis, p. 223 ; Sir H. Gilbert, in
Hakluyt, vol. iii., pp. 49, 50 ; Bancroft, vol. i., p. 12.
5 The learned and ingenious author of the " Memoirs of Sebastian
Cabot " has brought forward strong arguments against the discovery
of the continent of America by Jean Vas Cortereal in 1494. — Hum-
boldt's Geog. du Nouvcau Continent, vol. i., p. 279 ; vol. ii., p. 25.
' ' The discoverer of the territory of our country was one of the
most extraordinary men of his age. There is deep cause for regret,
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 31
Gaspar Cortereal was the next voyager in the
succession of discoverers : he had been brought up
in the household of the King of Portugal, but
nourished an ardent spirit of enterprise and thirst
for glory, despite the enervating influences of a court.
He sailed early in the year 1500, and pursued the
track of John Cabot as far as the northern point of
Newfoundland ; to him is due the discovery of the
Gulf of St. Lawrence,6 and he also pushed on
northward by the coast of Labrador,7 almost to the
entrance of Hudson's Bay. The adventurer returned
to Lisbon in October of the same year. This expe-
dition was undertaken more for mercantile advan-
tage than for the advancement of knowledge ; timber
and slaves seem to have been the objects ; no less
than fifty- seven of the natives were brought back
to Portugal, and doomed to bondage. These
unhappy savages proved so robust and useful, that
great benefits were anticipated from trading on their
servitude;8 the dreary and distant land of their
that time has spared so few memorials of his career. He gave
England a continent, and no one knows his burial-place." — Bancroft,
vol. i., p. 14.
6 Ramusio, vol. iii., p. 417. This discovery is also attributed to
Jacques Cartier, who entered the gulph on the 10th August, 1535,
and gave it the name of the saint whose festival was celebrated on
that day. — Charlevoix.
7 In an old map published in 1508, the Labrador coast is called
Terra Corterealis.
8 It has been conjectured that the name Terra de Laborador was
given to this coast by the Portuguese slave merchants, on account of
the admirable qualities of the natives as labourers. — Picture of
Quebec.
32 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
birth, covered with snow for half the year, was
despised by the Portuguese, whose thoughts and
hopes were ever turned to the fertile plains, the
sunny skies, and the inexhaustible treasures of the
East.9
But disaster and destruction soon fell upon these
bold and merciless adventurers. In a second voyage
the ensuing year, Cortereal and all his followers
were lost at sea: when some time had elapsed
without tidings of their fate, his brother sailed to
seek them, but he too, probably, perished in the
stormy waters of the North Atlantic, for none of
them were ever heard of more. The King of Por-
tugal feeling a deep interest in these brothers, fitted
out three armed vessels and sent them to the north-
9 It was an idea entertained by Columbus, that, as he extended his
discoveries to climates more and more under the torrid influence of
the sun, he should find the productions of nature sublimated by its
rays to more perfect and precious qualities. He was strengthened in
this belief by a letter written to him at the command of the queen,
by one Jayme Ferrer, an eminent and learned lapidary, who, in the
course of his trading for precious stones and metals, had been in the
Levant, and in various parts of the East ; had conversed with the
merchants of the remote parts of Asia and Africa, and the natives of
India, Arabia, and Ethiopia, and was considered deeply versed in
geography generally, but especially in the nature of those countries
from whence the valuable merchandise in which he dealt was procured.
In this letter, Ferrer assured Columbus that, according to his expe-
rience, the rarest objects of commerce, such as gold, precious stones,
drugs and spices, were chiefly to be found in the regions about the
equinoctial line, where the inhabitants were black, or darkly
coloured, and that until the admiral should arrive among people of
such complexions, he did not think he would find those articles in
great abundance. — Navarrete, Coleccion, torn, ii., Document 68.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 33
west. Inquiries were made along the wild shores
which Cortereal had first explored, without trace or
tidings being found of the bold mariner, and the
ocean was searched for many months, but the deep
still keeps it secret.
Florida was discovered in 1512 by Ponce de Leon,
one of the most eminent among the followers of
Columbus. The Indians had told him wonderful
tales of a fountain called Bimini, in an island of
these seas ; the fountain possessed the power, they
said, of restoring, instantly, youth and vigour to those
who bathed in its waters. He sailed for months in
search of this miraculous spring, landing at every
point, entering each port however shallow or dan-
gerous, still ever hoping ; but in the weak and pre-
sumptuous effort to grasp at a new life, he wasted
away his strength and energy, and prematurely
brought on those ills of age he had vainly hoped to
shun. Nevertheless this wild adventure bore its
wholesome fruits, for Ponce de Leon then first
brought to the notice of Europe that beautiful land
which, from its wonderful fertility and the splendour
of its flowers, obtained the name of Florida.1
The first attempt made by the French to share in
the advantages of these discoveries, was in the year
1504. Some Basque and Breton fishermen at that
time began to ply their calling on the Great Bank
1 Ramusio, vol. iii., p. 347 ; Charlevoix, vol. i., p. 36 ; See Osorio,
History of the Portuguese, b. i. ; Barrow's Voyages, pp. 37 — 48; Her-
rera, Dec. I., lib. vii., cap. ix.; Ensayo Chronologico para la Historia
general de la Florida. En Madrid, 1723. — Quoted by Murray.
VOL. i. D
34 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
of Newfoundland, and along the adjacent shores.
From them the island of Cape Breton received its
name. In 1506, Jean Denys, a man of Harfleur,
drew a map of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Two
years afterwards, a pilot of Dieppe, named Thomas
Aubert, excited great curiosity in France by bringing
over some of the savage natives from the New World:
there is no record whence they were taken, but it
is supposed from Cape Breton. The reports borne
back to France by these hardy fishermen and adven-
turers, were not such as to raise sanguine hopes
of riches from the bleak northern regions they had
visited: no teeming fertility or genial climate
tempted the settler, no mines of gold or silver
excited the avarice of the soldier;2 and for many
years, the French altogether neglected to profit by
their discoveries.
In the meantime, Pope Alexander VI. issued a
bull bestowing the whole of the New World upon
the kings of Spain and Portugal.3 Neither England
2 " Les demandes ordinaires qu'on nous fait sont, ' Y a-t-il des
tresors ? Ya-t-il de 1'or et de 1'argent ? ' Et personne ne de-
mande, * Ces peuples la sont il disposes a entendre la doctrine
Chretienne ? ' Et quant aux mines, il y en a vraiment, mais il les
faut fouiller avec Industrie, labeur et patience. La plus belle mine
que je sache, c'est du bled et du vin, avec la nourriture du bestial ;
qui a de ceci, il a de 1'argent, et des mines, nous n'en vivons point."
— Marc L' Escarbot.
3 This bold stretch of papal authority, so often ridiculed as chime-
rical and absurd, was in a measure justified by the event, since it did,
in fact, determine the principle on which the vast extent of unappro-
priated empire in the eastern and western hemispheres was ultimately
divided between two petty states of Europe. Alexander had not
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 35
nor France allowed the right of conferring this mag-
nificent and undefined gift; it did not throw the
slightest obstacle in the path of British enterprise
and discovery, and the high-spirited Francis I. of
France, refused to acknowledge the papal decree.4
In the year 1523, Francis I. fitted out a squadron
of four ships to pursue discovery5 in the west; the
command was intrusted to Giovanni Verazzano of
Florence, a navigator of great skill and experience,
then residing in France : he was about thirty-eight
years of age, nobly born, and liberally educated ; the
causes that induced him to leave his own country
and take service in France, are not known. It has
often been remarked as strange, that three Italians
should have directed the discoveries of Spain, Eng-
land, and France, and thus become the instruments
of dividing the dominions of the New World among
alien powers, while their own classic land reaped
neither glory nor advantage from the genius and
even the excuse that he thought he was disposing of uncultivated
and uninhabited regions, since he specifies in his donation hoth towns
and castles : " Civitates et castra in perpetuum tenore prsesentium
donamus."
4 "What," said Francis I., "shall the kings of Spain and Portu-
gal divide all America between them, without suffering me to take a
share as their brother ? I would fain see the article in Adam's will
that bequeaths that vast inheritance to them." — Encyclopedia,
vol. iv., p. 695.
5 " In the latter years of his life, Francis, by a strict economy of the
public money, repaired the evils of his early extravagance, while at the
same time he was enabled to spare sufficient for carrying on the
magnificent public institutions he had undertaken, and for forwarding
the progress of discovery, of the fine arts, and of literature." — Bacon's
Life and Times of Francis /., pp. 399 — 401.
D2
36 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
courage of her sons. Of this first voyage the only
record remaining is a letter from Verazzano to
Francis L, dated 8th of July, 1524, merely stating
that he had returned in safety to Dieppe.
At the beginning of the following year Verazzano
fitted out and armed a vessel called the Dauphine,
manned with a crew of thirty hands, and provisioned
for eight months. He first directed his course to
Madeira; having reached that island in safety, he
left it on the 17th of January and steered for the
west. After a narrow escape from the violence of a
tempest, and having proceeded for about nine hun-
dred leagues, a long low line of coast rose to view,
never before seen by ancient or modern navigators.
This country appeared thickly peopled by a vigorous
race, of tall stature and athletic form ; fearing to
risk a landing- at first with his weak force, the
adventurer contented himself with admiring at a
distance the grandeur and beauty of the scenery,
and enjoying the delightful mildness of the climate.
From this place he followed the coast for about fifty
leagues to the south without discovering any harbour
or inlet where he might shelter his vessel ; he then
retraced his course and steered to the north. After
some time Verazzano ventured to send a small boat
on shore to examine the country more closely: num-
bers of savages came to the water's edge to meet the
strangers, and gazed on them with mingled feelings
of surprise, admiration, joy, and fear. He again
resumed his northward course, till driven by want
of water, he armed the small boat and sent it once
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 37
more towards the land to seek a supply; the waves
and surf, however, were so great that it could not
reach the shore. The natives assembled on the
beach, by their signs and gestures eagerly invited
the French to approach: one young sailor, a bold
swimmer, threw himself into the water, bearing some
presents for the savages, but his heart failed him on
a nearer approach, and he turned to regain the boat ;
his strength was exhausted however, and a heavy sea
washed him almost insensible up upon the beach.
The Indians treated him with great kindness, and
when he had sufficiently recovered, sent him back in
safety to the ship.6
Verazzano pursued his examination of the coast
with untiring zeal, narrowly searching every inlet
for a passage through to the westward, until he
reached the great island, known to the Breton fisher-
men— Newfoundland. In this important voyage he
surveyed more than two thousand miles of coast,
nearly all that of the present United States, and a
great portion of British North America.
A short time after Verazzano's return to Europe,
he fitted out another expedition with the sanction of
Francis L, for the establishment of a colony in the
newly discovered countries. Nothing certain is known
of the fate of this enterprise, but the bold navigator
returned to France no more ; the dread inspired by
his supposed fate7 deterred the French king and
6 See Appendix, No. XIV.
7 " Navigo anche lungo la detta terra 1'anno 1524 un gran capi-
tano del Re Christianissimo Francesco, detto Giovanni da Verazzano,
38 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
people from any further adventure across the
Atlantic during many succeeding years. In later
times it has come to light that Verazzano was alive
thirteen years after this period :8 those best informed
on the subject are of opinion, that the enterprise fell
to the ground in consequence of Francis I. having
been captured by the Emperor Charles V., and that
the adventurer withdrew himself from the service
of France, having lost his patron's support.
The year after the failure of Verazzano's last
enterprise, 1525, Stefano Gomez sailed from Spain
for Cuba and Florida ; thence he steered northward
in search of the long hoped for passage to India, till
he reached Cape Race, on the south-eastern extremity
Florentine, e scorse tutta la costa fino alia Florida, come per una sua
lettera scritta al detto Re, particolarmente si vedia la qual sola
abbiamo potuto avere perciocche 1'altre si sono smarrite nelli
travagli della povera citta di Fiorenza e nell' ultimo viaggio che esso
fece, avendo voluto smontar in terra con alcuni compagni, furono tutti
morti da quei popoli, e in presentia di colo'ro che erano rimasi nelle
navi, furono arrostiti e mangeati." (Ramusio, torn, iii., p. 416.) The
Baron La Houtau and La Potherie give the same account of Veraz-
zano's end ; they are not, however, very trustworthy authorities.
Le Beau repeats the same story ; but Charlevoix's words are, " Je
ne trouve aucun fondement a ce que quelques uns ont public, qu'ayant
mis pied a terre dans un endroit ou il voulait batir un fort, les
sauvages se jeterent sur lui, le massacrerent avec tous ses gens et le
mangerent." A Spanish historian has asserted, contrary to all pro-
bability, that Verazzano was taken by the Spaniards, and hung as a
pirate. — D. Andres Gonzalez de Barcia, Ensayo Chronologico para
la Historia della Florida.
8 Tiraboschi, Storia della Literatura Italiana, vol. vii., pp. 261,
262. — Quoted in the Picture of Quebec, to which valuable work
J. C. Fisher, Esq., President of the Literary and Historical Society
of Quebec, largely contributed.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 39
of Newfoundland. The further details of his voyage
remain unknown, but there is reason to suppose that
he entered the Gulf of St. Lawrence and traded upon
its shores. An ancient Castilian tradition existed
that the Spaniards visited these coasts before the
French, and having perceived no appearance of
mines or riches, they exclaimed frequently, " Aca
nada ; " 9 the natives caught up the sound, and when
other Europeans arrived, repeated it to them. The
strangers concluded that these words were a desig-
nation, and from that time this magnificent country
bore the name of CANADA. l
9 Signifying "here is nothing." The insatiable thirst of the
Spanish discoverers for gold is justified by the greatest of all disco-
verers, the disinterested Columbus himself, on high religious principles.
When acquainting their Castilian majesties with the abundance of
gold* to be procured in the newly-formed countries, he thus speaks,
" El oro es excelentisimo, del oro se hace tesoro ; y con el quien lo
tiene hace quanto quiere en el mundo, y elega a que echa las animas
al paraiso." (Navarrete, Coleccion de los Viages, vol. i., p. 309.) A
passage which the modern editor of his papers affirms to be in con-
formity with many texts of Scripture.
1 Father Hennepin asserts that the Spaniards were the first dis-
coverers of Canada, and that finding nothing there to gratify their
extensive desires for gold, they bestowed upon it the appellation of
El Capo di Nada, " Cape Nothing," whence by corruption its present
name. — Nouvelle Description d'un tre's grand pays situe dans
* The historian Herrera, writing in the light of experience, makes use of the strong
expression, that " mines were a lure devised hy the Evil Spirit, to draw the Spaniards
on to destruction." " L' Espagne," says Montesquieu, " a fait comme ce roi insense,
qui demanda que tout ce qu 'il toucheroit se convertit en or, et qui fut oblige de revenir
aux Dieux, pour les prier de finir sa misere." — Esprit des Loix, lib. xxi., cap. 22.
" Les mines du Perou et du Mexique ne valoient pas meme pour 1' Espagne ce qu'
clle auroit tire de son propre fonds en les cultivant. Avec tant de tresors Philippe
II. fit banqueroute." — Millot. " Paturage et labourage," said the wise Sully, " valent
mieux que tout 1' or du Perou."
40 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
L'Ame'rique entre le Nouveau Mexique et la Mer Glaciale, depuis Van
1667 jusqu' en 1670. Par le Pere Louis Hennepin, Missionaire
Recollet a Utrecht, 1697.
La Potherie gives the same derivation. Histoire de V Amerique
Septentrionale par M. de Bacquemlle de la Potherie, a Paris, 1722.
The opinion expressed in a note of Charlevoix (Histoire de la Nouvelle
France, vol. i., p. 13), is that deserving most credit. " D'autres
derivent ce nom du mot Iroquois ' Kannata,' qui seprononce Cannada,
et signifie un am as de cahanes." This derivation would reconcile the
different assertions of the early discoverers, some of whom give the
name of Canada to the whole valley of the St. Lawrence ; others,
equally worthy of credit, confine it to a small district in the neigh-
bourhood of Stadacona (now Quebec). Seconda Relatione di Jacques
Cartier, in Ramusio, torn, iii., pp. 442, 447. " Questo popolo (di
Hochelaga) non partendo mai del loro paese, ne essendo vagabondi,
come quelli di Canada e di Saguenay benche dette di Canada sieno
lor suggetti con otte o nove altri villaggi posti sopra detto fiume."
Father du Creux, who arrived in Canada about the year 1625, in his
" Historia Canadensis," gives the name of Canada to the whole valley
of the St. Lawrence, confessing, however, his ignorance of the etymo-
logy : " Porro de Etymologia vocis Canada nihil satis certe potui
comperire ; priscam quidem esse, constat ex eo, quod illam ante
annos prope sexaginta passim usurpari audiebam puer."
Dupongeau, in the Transactions of the Philosophical Society of
Philadelphia, founds his conjecture of the Indian origin of the name
of Canada upon the fact, that in the translation of the Gospel of
St. Matthew into the Mohawk tongue, made by Brandt, the Indian
Chief, the word Canada is always used to signify a village. The
mistake of the early discoverers in taking the name of a part for that
of the whole, is very pardonable in persons ignorant of the Indian
language. It is highly improbable that at the period of its discovery
the name of Canada was extended over this immense country. The
migratory habits of the Aborigines are alone conclusive against it.
They distinguished themselves by their different tribes, not by the
country over which they hunted and rode at will. They more pro-
bably gave names to localities than adopted their own from any fixed
place of residence. The Iroquois and the Ottawas conferred their
appellations on the rivers that ran through their hunting grounds, and
the Huron tribe gave theirs to the vast lake now bearing their name/
It has, however, never been pretended that any Indian tribe bore the
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 41
name of Canada, and the natural conclusion therefore is, that the
word " Canada" was a mere local appellation, without reference to
the country ; that each tribe had their own " Canada," or collection
of huts, which shifted its position according to their migrations.
Dr. Douglas, in his "American History," pretends that Canada
derives its name from Monsieur Kane or Cane, who he advances to
have heen the first adventurer in the River St. Lawrence. — Knox's
Historical Journal, vol. i., p. 303.
CHAPTER II.
IN the year 1534, Philip Chabot, Admiral of France,
urged the king to establish a colony in the New
World,1 by representing to him in glowing colours
the great riches and power derived by the Spaniards
from their transatlantic possessions. Francis I,
alive to the importance of the design, soon agreed
to carry it out. JACQUES CARTIER, an experienced
navigator of St. Malo, was recommended by the
admiral to be intrusted with the expedition, and
was approved of by the king. On tlie 20th of April,
1534, Cartier sailed from St. Malo with two ships of
only sixty tons burden each, and 120 men for their
crews:2 he directed his course westward, inclining
rather to the north ; the winds proved so favourable
that on the twentieth day of the voyage he made
Cape Bonavista in Newfoundland. But the harbours
of that dreary country were still locked up in the
winter's ice, forbidding the approach of shipping: he
then bent to the south-east, and at length found
1 Hist, de la Nouvelle France, par le Pere Charlevoix, de la Com-
pagnie de Jesus, vol. i., p. 11 ; Fastes Clironologiques, 1534.
2 Prima Relationc de Jacques Cartier della Terra Nuova, detta
la Nuova Francia, in Ramusio, torn, iii., p. 435.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 43
anchorage at St. Catherine, six degrees lower in
latitude. Having remained here ten days, he again
turned to the north, and on the 21st of May reached
Bird Island, fourteen leagues from the coast.
Jacques Cartier examined all the northern shores
of Newfoundland without having ascertained that
it was an island, and then passed southward through
the Straits of Belleisle. The country appeared
everywhere the same bleak and inhospitable wilder-
ness,3 but the harbours were numerous, convenient,
and abounding in fish. He describes the natives, as
well-proportioned men, wearing their hair tied up
over their heads, like bundles of hay, quaintly
interlaced with birds' feathers.4 Changing his
course still more to the south, he then traversed
the Gulf of St. Lawrence, approached the mainland,
3 " Se la terra fosse cosi buono, come vi sono buoni porti, sarebbe
un gran bene, ma ella non si debba chiamar Terra Nuova, anzi sassi
e grebani salvaticbi, e proprij luoghi da fiere, per cio cbe in tutto
1'isola di Tramontana — [translated by Hakluyt "the northern part of
the island"] — io non vidi tanta terra che se ne potesse coricar un
carro, e vi smontai in parecchi luoghi, e all' isola di Bianco Sabbione
non v'e altro che musco, e piccioli spini dispersi, secchi, e morti, e in
somma io penso che questa sia la terra che Iddio dette a Caino."—
J. Cartier, in Ramusio, torn, iii., p. 436.
The journal of the two first voyages of Cartier is preserved
almost entire in the " Histoire de la Nouvelle France," by L'Escarbot ;
there is an Italian translation in the third volume of Ramusio. They
are written in the third person, and it does not appear that he was
himself the author.
4 " Sono uomini d'assai bella vita e grandezza ma indomiti e sal-
vatichi : portano i capelli in cuna legati e stretti a guisa d'un pugno
di fieno rivolto, mettendone in mezzo un legnetto, o altra cosa in
vece di chiodo, e vi legano insieme certe penne d'uccelli." — J. Car-
tier, in Ramusio, torn, iii., p. 436.
44 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
and on the 9th of July, entered a deep bay ; from
the intense heat experienced there he named it
the "Baye de Chaleurs." The beauty of the
country, and the kindness and hospitality of his
reception, alike charmed him ; he carried on a little
trade with the friendly savages, exchanging Euro-
pean goods for their furs and provisions.
Leaving this bay, Jacques Cartier visited a con-
siderable extent of the gulf-coast; on the 24th
July he erected a cross thirty feet high, with a shield
bearing the fleurs-de-lys of France on the shore
of Gaspe Bay.5 Having thus taken possession 6 of
the country for his king in the usual manner of
those days, he sailed, the 25th of July, on his home-
ward voyage : at this place two of the natives were
seized by stratagem, carried on board the ships, and
borne away to France. Cartier coasted along the
northern shores of the gulf till the 15th of August,
and even entered the mouth of the River St.
Lawrence, but the weather becoming stormy, he
determined to delay his departure no longer : he
passed again through the Straits of Belleisle, and
5 De Laet, vol. i., p. 58.
6 This was ingeniously represented to the natives as a religious
ceremony, and, as such, excited nothing but the " grandissima ammi-
razione " of the natives present ; it was, however, differently under-
stood by their Chief. " Ma essendo noi ritornati alle nostra navi,
venne il Capitano lor vestito d'im pella vecchia d'orso negro in una
barca con tre suoi figliuoli, e ci fece un lungo sermone mostrandaci
detta croce e facendo il segno della croce con due dita poi ci mostrava
la terra tutta intorno di noi come s'avesse voluto dice che tutta era
sua, e che noi non dovevamo piantar detta croce senza sua licenza."
— J. Cartier, in Ramusio, torn. Hi., p. 439.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 45
arrived at St. Malo on the 5th of September, 1534,
contented with his success and full of hope for the
future.
Jacques Cartier was received with the considera-
tion due to the importance of his report. The court
at once perceived the advantage of an establishment
in this part of America, and resolved to take steps
for its foundation. Charles de Money, Sieur de la
Mailleraye, vice-admiral of France, was the most
active patron of the undertaking; through his
influence Cartier obtained a more effective force, and
a new commission, with ampler powers than before.
When the preparations for the voyage were com-
pleted, the adventurers all assembled in the cathedral
of St. Malo on Whitsunday, 1535, by the command of
their pious leader; the bishop then gave them a
solemn benediction with all the imposing ceremonials
of the Romish Church.
On the 19th of May Jacques Cartier embarked,
and started on his voyage with fair wind and
weather. The fleet consisted of three small ships,
the largest being only 120 tons burthen. Many
adventurers and young men of good family accom-
panied the expedition as volunteers. On the morrow
the wind became adverse, and rose to a storm ; the
heavens loured over the tempestuous sea ; for more
than a month the utmost skill of the mariners could
only enable them to keep their ships afloat, while
tossed about at the mercy of the waves. The little
fleet was dispersed on the 25th of June : each vessel
then made for the coast of Newfoundland as it best
46 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
might. The general's vessel, as that of Cartier was
called, was the first to gain the land on the 7th
July, and there awaited her consorts ; but they did
not arrive till the 26th of the month. Having taken
in supplies of fuel and water, they sailed in company
to explore the Gulf of St. Lawrence. A violent storm
arose on the 1st of August, forcing them to seek
shelter. They happily found a port on the north
shore, at the entrance of the great river, where,
though difficult of access, there was a safe anchor-
age. Jacques Cartier called it St. Nicolas, and it is
now almost the only place still bearing the name he
gave. They left their harbour on the 7th, coasting
westward along the north shore, and on the 10th
came to a gulf filled with numerous and beautiful
islands.7 Cartier gave this gulf the name of St.
Lawrence, having discovered it on that saint's
festival day.8
On the 15th of August they reached a long rocky
island towards the south, which Cartier named L'Isle
de 1'Assumption, now called Anticosti.9 Thence they
continued their course, examining carefully both
7 " Trovavamo un molto bello e gran golfo pieno d'isole e buone
entrate e passaggi, verso qual vento si possa fare." — J. Cartier, in
Ramusio, torn, iii., p. 441.
8 " Carthier donna au golphe le nom de St. Laurent, ou plutot il
le donna a, une baye qui est entre 1'isle d'Anticoste et la cote septen-
trionale, d'oii ce nom s'est etendu a tout le golphe dont cette baye
fait partie." — Hist, de la Nouvelle France, torn, i., p. 15.
9 " Des sauvages 1'appelloient Natiscotec, le nom d' Anticosti paralt
lui avoir etc donne par les Anglais." — Charlevoix, torn, i., p. 16. This
island is 125 miles long, and in its widest part 30 miles, dividing the
River St. Lawrence into two channels. Throughout its whole extent
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 47
shores of the Great River,1 and occasionally holding
communication with the inhabitants, till on the 1st
of September they entered the mouth of the deep
and gloomy Saguenay. The entrance of this great
tributary was all they had leisure to survey ; but
the huge rocks, dense forests, and vast body of water,
it has neither bay nor harbour sufficiently safe to shelter ships. It is
uncultivated, being generally of an unprofitable soil, upon which any
attempted improvements have met with very unpromising results.
Since the year 1809, establishments have been formed on the island
for the relief of shipwrecked persons ; two men reside there at two
different stations all the year round, furnished with provisions for
the use of those who may have the misfortune to need them. Boards
are placed in different parts describing the distance and direction to
these friendly spots ; instances of the most flagrant inattention have,
however, occurred, which were attended with the most distressing and
fatal consequences." — Bonchetti, vol. i., p. 169.
" At present the whole island might be purchased for a few hundred
pounds. It belongs to some gentlemen in Quebec ; and you might,
for a very small sum, become one of the greatest landowners in
the world, and a Canadian seigneur into the bargain." — Grey's
Canada.
1 This is the first discovery of the River St. Lawrence, called by
the natives the River Hochelaga, or the River of Canada. Jacques
Cartier accurately determined the breadth of its mouth ninety miles
across. Cape Rosier, a small distance to the north of the point of
Gaspe, is properly the place which marks the opening of the gigantic
river. " V'e tra le terre d'ostro e quelle di tramontana la distantia
di trenta leghe in circa, e piii di dugento braccia di fondo. Ci dis-
sero anche i detti salvatichi e certificarono quivi essere il cammino e
principio del gran fiume di Hochelaga e strada di Canada." — J.
Cartier, in Ramusio, torn, iii., p. 442.
J. Cartier always afterwards speaks of the St. Lawrence as the
River of Hochelaga, or Canada. Charlevoix says, " Parceque le
fleuve qu'on appelloit auparavant la Riviere de Canada se decharge
dans le Golphe de St. Laurent, il a insensiblement pris le nom de
Fleuve de St. Laurent, qu'il porte aujourd'hui (1720)."
48 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
forming a scene of sombre magnificence such as had
never before met their view, inspired them with an
exalted idea of the country they had discovered.
Still passing to the south-west up the St. Lawrence,
on the 6th they reached an island abounding in deli-
cious filberts, and on that account named by the
voyagers Isle aux Coudres. Car tier, being now so
far advanced into an unknown country, looked out
anxiously for a port where his vessels might winter
in safety. He pursued his voyage till he came upon
another island, of great extent, fertility, and beauty,
covered with woods and thick clustering vines. This
he named Isle de Bacchus :2 it is now called Orleans.
On the 7th of September Donnacona, the chief of
the country,3 came with twelve canoes filled by his
2 " Lorsque Jacques Carthier decouvrit cette ile, il la trouva toute
remplie de vignes, et la nomma 1'Ile de Bacchus. Ce navigateur
etait Breton, apres lui sont venus des Normands qui ont arrache les
vignes et a Bacchus ont substitue Pomone et Ceres. En effet elle
produit de bon froment et d'excellent fruits." — Journal Historique,
lettre ii., p. 102.
Charlevoix also mentions that when he visited the islands in 1720,
the inhabitants were famed for their skill in sorcery, and were sup-
posed to hold intercourse with the devil !
The Isle of Orleans was in 1 676 created an earldom, by the title
of St. Laurent, which, however, has long been extinct. The first
Comte de St. Laurent was of the name of Berthelot. — Charlevoix,
vol. v.,p. 99.
3 " II signor de Canada (chiamato Donnacona per nome, ma per
signore il chiamano Agouhanna)." — J. Carthier in Ramusio, torn, iii.,
p. 442. Agouhanna signified Chief or lord.
Here, says Jacques Cartier, begins the country of Canada.
" II settimo giorno di detto mese la vigilia della Madonna, dopo
udita la messa ci partimmo dalP isola de' nocellari per andar all'insu
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 49
train, to hold converse with the strangers, whose
ships lay at anchor between the island and the
north shore of the Great River. The Indian Chief
approached the smallest of the ships with only two
canoes, fearful of causing alarm, and began an
oration, accompanied with strange and uncouth ges-
tures. After a tune he conversed with the Indians
who had been seized on the former voyage, and now
acted as interpreters. He heard from them of their
wonderful visit to the great nation over the salt
lake, of the wisdom and power of the white men,
and of the kind treatment they had received among
the strangers. Donnacona appeared moved with
deep respect and admiration; he took Jacques
Cartier's arm and placed it gently over his own
bended neck, in token of confidence and regard.
The admiral cordially returned these friendly demon-
strations. He entered the Indian's canoe, and pre-
sented bread and wine, which they ate and drank
together. They then parted in all amity.
After this happy interview, Jacques Cartier with
his boats pushed up the north shore against the
stream, till he reached a spot where a little river
flowed into a " goodly and pleasant sound," forming
a convenient haven.4 He moored his vessels here
di detta fiume, e arrivamo a quattordici isole distanti dall' isola de
Nocellari intorno setto in otto leghe, e quivi e il principio della pro-
vincia, e terra di Canada. — J. Cartier, in Ramusio, torn. iii. p. 442.
4 The writer of these pages, adds the testimony of an eye-witness
to the opinion of the ingenious author of " the Picture of Quebec,"
as to the localities here described. The old writers, even Charle-
voix himself, have asserted that the " Port St. Croix was at the
VOL. I. E
50 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
for the winter on the 16th of September, and gave
the name of St. Croix to the stream, in honour
of the day on which he first entered its waters:
entrance of the river now called Jacques Cartier, which flows into
the St. Lawrence, about fifteen miles above Quebec. Charlevoix,
indeed, mentions that " Champlain pretend que cette riviere est celle
de St. Charles, mais," he adds, " il se trompe, &c." However, the
localities are still unchanged ; though three centuries have since
elapsed, the description of Jacques Cartier is easily recognised at the
present day, and marks out the mouth of the little river St. Charles*
as the first winter station of the Europeans in Canada. The follow-
ing are J. Cartier's words — "per cercar luogo e porto sicuro da
metter le nave, e andammo al contrario per detto fiume intorno di
dieci leghe costezziando detta isola (di Bacchus) e in capo di quella
trovammo un gorgod' acqua bello e ameno — (" the beautiful basin of
Quebec," as it is called in the "Picture of Quebec,") nel quel luogo
e un picciol fiume e porto, dove per il flusso e alta 1'acqua intorno a
tre braccia, ne parve questo luogo comodo per metter le nostre navi,
per il che quivi le mettemmo in sicuro, e lo chiamammo Santa Croce,
percio che nel detto giorno v' eramo giunti. . . Alia riva e lito
di quell' isola (di Bacchus verso ponente v'e un goejo d' acque molto
bello e dilettevole, e convenientemente da mettere navilij, dove e uno
stretto del detto fiume molto corrente e profondo ma non e lungo piii
d' un terzo di lega intorno, per traverse del quale vi e una terra tutta
di colline di buona altezza . . . quive e la stanza e la terra di Donna-
cona, e chiamasi il luogo Stadacona .... sotto la qual alta terra
verso tramontana e il fiume e porto di Santa Croce, nel qual luogo e
porto siamo stati dalli 15 di Settembre fino alii 16 di Maggio 1536,
nel qual luogo le navi rimasero in secco." The "one place" in
the River St. Lawrence "deep and swift running, " means, of course,
that part directly oppposite the Lower Town, and no doubt it
appeared, by comparison, " very narrow " to those who had hitherto
seen the noble river only in its grandest forms. The town of Stada-
cona stood on that part of Quebec which is now covered by the
* It received this name, according to La Potherie, in compliment to Charles des
Boiies, Grand Vicar of Pontoise, founder of the first mission of Recollets in New
France. The River St. Charles was called Coubal Coubat by the natives, from its
windings and uieanderings. — Smith's Canada, vol. i., p. 104.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 51
Donnacona, accompanied by a train of 500 Indians,
came to welcome his arrival with generous friend-
ship. In the angle formed by the tributary stream
and the Great River, stood the town of Stadacona,
the dwelling-place of the Chief; thence an irregular
slope ascended to a lofty height of table-land : from
this eminence a bold headland frowned over the
St. Lawrence, forming a rocky wall 300 feet in
height. The waters of the Great River — here nar-
rowed to less than a mile in breadth — rolled deeply
and rapidly past into the broad basin beyond.
When the white men first stood on the summit of
this bold headland, above their port of shelter,
most of the country was fresh from the hand of the
Creator ; save the three small barks lying at the
suburbs of St. Roch, with part of those of St. John, looking towards
the St. Charles. The area or ground adjoining, is thus described
by Cartier as it appeared three centuries ago : " terra tanta buona,
quanto sia possibile di vedere, e e molto fertile, pieria di bellissimi
arbori della sorte di quelli di Francia, come sarebbeno quercie, olmi,
frassine, najare, nassi, cedri, vigne, specie bianchi, i quali producono il
frutto cosi grosso come susine damaschini, e di molte altre specie d'
arbori, sotto de quali vi nasce e cresce cosi bel canapo come quel di
Francia, e nondimeno vi nasce senza semenza, e senza opera umana
o lavoro alcuno. — Jacques Cartier, in Ramusio, torn, iii., pp, 443,
449, 450.
The exact spot in the River St. Charles, where the French passed
the winter, is supposed, on good authority, to have been the site of
the old bridge, called Dorchester Bridge, where there is a ford at low
water, close to the Marine Hospital. That it was on the east bank,
not far from the residence of Charles Smith, Esq., is evident from
the river having been frequently crossed by the natives coming
from Stadacona to visit the French. — Picture of Quebec, pp. 43 — 46,
1834.
E2
52 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
mouth of the stream, and the Indian village, no
sign of human habitation met their view. Far as
the eye could reach, the dark forest spread ; over
hill and valley, mountain and plain; up to the
craggy peaks, down to the blue water's edge ; along
the gentle slopes of the rich Isle of Bacchus, and
even from projecting rocks, and in fissures of
the lofty precipice, the deep green mantle of the
summer foliage hung its graceful folds. In the
dim distance, north, south, east and west, where
mountain rose above mountain in tumultuous
variety of outline, it was still the same ; one vast
leafy veil concealed the virgin face of Nature from
the stranger's sight. On the eminence command-
ing this scene of wild but magnificent beauty,
a prosperous city now stands ; the patient industry of
man has felled that dense forest, tree by tree, for miles
and miles around ; and where it stood, rich fields
rejoice the eye : the once silent waters of the Great
River below, now surge against hundreds of stately
ships ; commerce has enriched this spot, art adorned
it ; a memory of glory endears it to every British
heart. But the name QUEBEC,S still remains un-
5 " Quebec en langue Algonquine signifie retrecissement. Les
Abenaquis dont la langue est une dialecte Algonquine, le nomment
Quelibec, qui veut dire ce qui estferme, parceque de 1'entree dela
petite riviere de la Chaudiere par ou ces sauvages venaient a Quebec,
le port de Quebec ne paroit qu' une grande barge." — Charlevoix,
vol. i., p. 50.
" Trouvant un lieu le plus etroit de la riviere que les habitans du
pays nomment Quebec ;" — "la pointe de Quebec, ainsi appellee des
sauvages." — Champlain, vol. i., pp. 115, 124.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 53
changed ; as the savage first pronounced it to the
white stranger, it stands to-day among the proudest
records of our country's story.
The Chief Donnacona and the French continued
in friendly intercourse, day by day exchanging
good offices and tokens of regard. But Jacques
Cartier was eager for further discoveries ; the two
Indian interpreters told him that a city of much
larger size than Stadacona, lay further up the river,
the capital of a great country ; it was called in the
native tongue Hochelaga : thither he resolved to
find his way. The Indians endeavoured vainly
to dissuade their dangerous guests from this
Others give a Norman derivation for the word : it is said that
Quebec was so called after Caudebec, on the Seine.
La Potherie's words are : " On tient que les Normands qui etoient
avec J. Cartier a sa premiere decouverte, apercevant en bout de 1'isle
d' Orleans, un cap fort eleve, s'e'crierent ' Quel bee ! ' et qu' a la suite
du terns la nom de Quebec lui est reste. Je ne suis point garant de
cette etymologic." Mr. Hawkins terms this "a derivation entirely
illusory and improbable," and asserts that the word is of Norman
origin. He gives an engraving of a seal belonging to William de la
Pole, Earl of Suffolk, dated in the 7th of Henry V., or A. D. 1420.
The legend or motto is, " Sigillum Willielmi de la Pole, Comitis
Suffolckiae, Domine de Hamburg et de Quebec." Suffolk was
impeached by the Commons of England in 1450, and one of the
charges brought against him was, his unbounded influence in Nor-
mandy, where he lived and ruled like an independent prince ; it is
not, therefore, improbable, that he enjoyed the French title of Quebec
in addition to his English honours.
The Indian name Stadacona, had perished before the time of
Champlain, owing, probably, to the migration of the principal tribe
and the succession of others. The inhabitants of Hochelaga, we are
told by Jacques Cartier, were the only people in the surrounding
neighbourhood who were not migratory.
54 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
expedition ; they represented the distance, the late-
ness of the season, the danger of the great lakes
and rapid currents ; at length they had recourse to
a kind of masquerade or pantomime, to represent
the perils of the voyage, and the ferocity of the
tribes inhabiting that distant land. The interpreters
earnestly strove to dissuade Jacques Cartier from
proceeding on his enterprise, and one of them re-
fused to accompany him. The brave Frenchman
would not hearken to such dissuasions, and treated
with equal contempt the verbal and pantomimic
warnings of the alleged difficulties. As a precau-
tionary measure to impress the savages with an
exalted idea of his power as a friend or foe, he
caused twelve cannon loaded with bullets to be
fired in their presence against a wood : amazed and
terrified at the noise, and the effects of this dis-
charge, they fled howling and shrieking away.
Jacques Cartier sailed for Hochelaga on the 19th
of September ; he took with him the Hermerillon—
one of his smallest ships, the pinnace and two
longboats, bearing thirty-five armed men, with
their provisions and ammunition. The two larger
vessels and their crews were left in the harbour
of St. Croix, protected by poles and stakes driven
into the water so as to form a barricade. The
voyage presented few of the threatened difficulties ;
the country on both sides of the Great River was
rich and varied, covered with stately timber, and
abounding in vines. The natives were everywhere
friendly and hospitable, all that they possessed was
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 55
freely offered to the strangers. At a place called
Hochelai, the Chief of the district visited the French,
and showed much friendship and confidence, pre-
senting Jacques Cartier with a girl seven years of
age, one of his own children.
On the 29th, the expedition was stopped in Lake
St. Pierre by the shallows, not having hit upon the
right channel. Jacques Cartier took the resolution
of leaving his larger vessels behind, and proceeding
with his two boats ; he met with no further interrup-
tion, and at length reached Hochelaga on the 2nd
of October, accompanied by De Pontbriand, De la
Pommeraye, and De Gozelle, three of his volunteers.
The natives welcomed him with every demon-
stration of joy and hospitality ; above a thousand
people, of all ages and sexes, came forth to meet
the strangers, greeting them with affectionate kind-
ness. Jacques Cartier, in return for their generous
reception, bestowed presents of tin, beads, and other
baubles upon all the women, and gave some knives
to the men. He returned to pass the night in the
boats, while the savages made great fires on
the shore, and danced merrily all night long. The
place where the French first landed was, probably,
about eleven miles from the city of Hochelaga,
below the rapid of St. Mary.
On the day after his arrival Jacques Cartier
proceeded to the town ; his volunteers, and some
others of his followers, accompanied him, arrayed in
full dress ; three of the natives undertook to guide
them on their way. The road was well beaten, and
56 THE CONQUEST OP CANADA.
bore evidence of being much frequented ; the country
through which it passed was exceedingly rich and
fertile. Hochelaga stood in the midst of great fields
of Indian corn ; it was of a circular form, containing
about fifty large huts, each fifty paces long and from
fourteen to fifteen wide, all built in the shape of
tunnels, formed of wood, and covered with birch
bark ; the dwellings were divided into several rooms,
surrounding an open court in the centre, where the
fires burned. Three rows of palisades encircled the
town, with only one entrance ; above the gate, and
over the whole length of the outer ring of defence
there was a gallery, approached by flights of steps,
and plentifully provided with stones and other
missiles to resist attack. This was a place of
considerable importance even in those remote days,
as the capital of a great extent of country, and as
having eight or ten villages subject to its sway.
The inhabitants spoke the language of the great
Huron nation, and were more advanced in civilisa-
tion than any of their neighbours : unlike other
tribes, they cultivated the ground, and remained
stationary. The French were well received by the
people of Hochelaga ; they made presents, the Indians
gave fetes; their fire-arms, trumpets, and other
warlike equipments filled the minds of their simple
hosts with wonder and admiration, and their beards
and clothing excited a curiosity which the difficulties
of an unknown language prevented from being
satisfied. So great was the veneration for the white
men that the Chief of the town, and many of the
THE CONQUEST OP CANADA. 57
maimed, sick and infirm came to Jacques Cartier,
intreating him, by expressive signs, to cure their ills.
The pious Frenchman disclaimed any supernatural
power, but he read aloud part of the Gospel of
St. John, made the sign of the cross over the
sufferers, and presented them with chaplets and
other holy symbols; he then prayed earnestly
that the poor savages might be freed from the night
of ignorance and infidelity. The Indians regarded
these acts and words with deep gratitude and
respectful admiration.
Three miles from Hochelaga, there was a lofty
hill, well tilled and very fertile ;6 thither Jacques
Cartier bent his way after having examined the
town. From the summit he saw the river and
the country for thirty leagues around, a scene of
singular beauty. To this hill he gave the name
6 " In mezzo di quelle campagne, e posta la terra d'Hochelaga
appresso e congiunta con una montagna coltivata tutta attorno e
molto fertile, sopra la qual si vede molto lontano. Noi la chiamaramo
il Monte Regal Parecchi uomini e donne ci vennero
a condur e menar sopra la montagna, qui dinanzi detta, la qual
chiamammo Monte Regal, distante da detto luogo poco manco d'un
miglio, sopra la quale essendo noi, vedemmo e avemmo notitia di piu di
trenta leghe attorno di quella, e verso la parte di tramontana si vede
una continuazione di montagne, li quali corrono avante e ponente, e
altra tante verso il mezzo giorno, fra le quali montagna e la terra,
piu bella che sia possibile a veder." — J. Cartier, inRamusio, torn, iii.,
pp. 447, 448.
" Cartier donna le nom de Mont Royal a la montagne au pied de
laquelle etoit la bourgade de Hochelaga. II decouvrit de la une
grande etendue de pays dont la vue le charma, et avec raison, car il
en est peu au monde de plus beau et de meilleur." — Charlevoix,
torn, i., p. 20.
58 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
of Mont Royal; since extended to the large and
fertile island on which it stands and to the city
below. Time has now swept away every trace of
Hochelaga : on its site the modern capital of Canada
has arisen; 50,000 people of European race, and
stately buildings of carved stone, replace the simple
Indians and the huts of the ancient town.
Jacques Cartier having made his observations
returned to the boats attended by a great concourse,
when any of his men appeared fatigued with their
journey the kind Indians carried them on their
-shoulders. This short stay of the French seemed
to sadden and displease these hospitable people, and
on the departure of the boats they followed their
course for some distance along the banks of the
river. On the 4th of October Jacques Cartier
reached the shallows where the pinnace had been
left, he resumed his course the following day, and
arrived at St. Croix on the llth of the same
month.
The men who had remained at St. Croix had
busied themselves during their leader's absence, in
strengthening their position so as to secure it against
surprise, a wise precaution under any circumstances
among a savage people, but, especially in the neigh-
bourhood of a populous town, the residence of a
chief whose friendship they could not but distrust,
in spite of his apparent hospitality.
The day after Jacques Cartier's arrival, Donnacona
came to bid him welcome, and intreated him to
visit Stadacona. He accepted the invitation, and
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 59
proceeded with his volunteers and fifty sailors to
the village, about three miles from where the ships
lay. As they journeyed on, they observed that
the houses were well provided and stored for the
coming winter, and the country tilled in a manner
showing that the inhabitants were not ignorant of
agriculture ; thus they formed, on the whole, a favour-
able impression of the docility and intelligence of
the Jndians during this expedition.
^fyheu the awful and unexpected severity of the
/winter set in, the French were unprovided with
vuecessary clothing and proper provisions ; the scurvy
attacked them, and by the month of March twenty-
five were dead, and nearly all were infected; the
remainder would probably have also perished, but
that when Jacques Cartier was himself attacked
with the dreadful disease, the Indians revealed toV
him the secret of its cure : this was the decoction (
of the leaf and bark of a certain tree, which proved \
so excellent a remedy, that in a few days all were^J
restored to health.7
Jacques Cartier, on the 21st of April, was first led
to suspect the friendship of the natives from seeing
a number of strong and active young men make their
appearance in the neighbouring town; these were
probably the warriors of the tribe, who had just then
returned from the hunting grounds where they had
7 " This tree is supposed to have been the Spruce Fir, Pinus Oana-
densis. It is called ' Ameda' by the natives. Spruce-beer is known
to be a powerful anti-scorbutic." — Champlain, Part i., p. 124.
Charlevoix calls the tree, Epinette Blanche.
60 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
passed the winter, but there is now no reason to
suppose that their presence indicated any hostility.
However Jacques Cartier, fearing treachery, deter-
mined to anticipate it. He had already arranged to
depart for France. On the 3rd of May he seized the
chief, the interpreters, and two other Indians to pre-
sent them to Francis I. : as some amends for this
cruel and flagrant violation of hospitality, he treated
his prisoners with great kindness ; they soon 'became
satisfied with their fate. On the 6th of May he made
sail for Europe, and after having encountered some
difficulties and delays, arrived safely at St. Malo the
8th of July, 1536.
The result of Jacques Cartier's expedition was not
encouraging to the spirit of enterprise in France; no
mines had been discovered,8 no rare and valuable
8 Any information given by the natives as to the existence of
mines was vague and unsatisfactory. *' Poscia ci mostrarono con
segni, che passate dette tre cadute si poteva navigar per detto fiume il
spazio di tre June : — noi pensammo che quello sia il fiume che passa
per il passe di Saguenay, e senza che li facessimo dimanda presero la
catena del suhiotto del capitano che era d'argento, e il manico del
pugnale di uno de nostre compagni marinari, qual era d' ottone
giallo quanto 1* oro, e ci mostrarono che quello veniva di sopra di
detto fiume. . . II capitan mostro loro del rame rosso, qual chiamano
Caignetadze dimostrandoli con segni voltandosi verso detto paese li
dimandava se veniva da quelle parti, e eglino cominciarono a crollar il
capo, volendo dir no, ma ben ne significarono che veniva da Saguenay.
" Piii ci hanno detto e fatto intendere, che in quel paese di
Saguenay sono genti vestite di drappi come noi, . . . e che hanno
gran quantita d' oro e rame rosso . . . e che gli uomini e donne di
quell a terra sono vestite di pelli come loro, noi li dimandammo se ci e
oro e rame rosso, ci risposero di si. lo penso che questo luogo sia
verso la Florida per quanto ho potuto intendere dalli loro segni e
indicij." — J. Cartier, in Ramusio, torn. iii. pp. 448 — 450.
THE CONQUEST OP CANADA. 61
productions found.9 The miserable state to which
the adventurers had been reduced by the rigorous
climate and loathsome diseases, the privations they
had endured, the poverty of their condition, were suf-
ficient to cool the ardour of those who might other-
wise have wished to follow up their discoveries.
But happily for the cause of civilisation some of
those powerful in France judged more favourably
of Jacques Cartier's reports, and were not to be
disheartened by the unsuccessful issue of one under-
taking; the dominion over such a vast extent of
country, with fertile soil and healthy climate, inha-
bited by a docile and hospitable people, was too
great an object to be lightly abandoned. The
presence of Donnacona, the Indian Chief, tended
to keep alive an interest in the land whence he had
come; as soon as he could render himself intelligible
9 The only valuable the natives seemed to have in their possession
was a substance called esurgny, white as snow, of which they made
beads and wore them about their necks. This they looked upon as the
most precious gift they could bestow on the white men. The mode
in which it was prepared is said by C artier to be the following : —
When any one was adjudged to death for a crime, or when their
enemies are taken in war, having first slain the person, they make
long gashes over the whole of the body, and sink it to the bottom of
the river in a certain place, where the esurgny abounds. After re-
maining ten or twelve hours, the body is drawn up and the esurgny
or cormbotz is found in the gashes. These necklaces of beads the
French found had the power to stop bleeding at the nose. It is sup-
posed that in the above account the French misunderstood the natives
or were imposed upon by them ; and there is no doubt that the
" valuable substance " described by C artier was the Indian
Wampum.
62 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
in the French language, he confirmed all that had
been said of the salubrity, beauty, and richness of
his native country. The pious Jacques Cartier most
of all strove to impress upon the king the glory and
merit of extending the blessed knowledge of a
Saviour to the dark and hopeless heathens of the
west; a deed well worthy of the prince who bore the
title of Most Christian King, and Eldest Son of the
Church.
Jean Francois de la Roque, Lord of Roberval, a
gentleman of Picardy, was the most earnest and
energetic of those who desired to colonise the lands
discovered by Jacques Cartier ; he bore a high repu-
tation in his own province, and was favoured by the
friendship of the king. With these advantages he
found little difficulty in obtaining a commission to
command an expedition to North America ; the title
and authority of lieutenant-general and viceroy was
conferred upon him; his rule to extend over Canada,
Hochelaga, Saguenay, Newfoundland, Belle Isle, Car-
pon, Labrador, La Grand Baye, and Baccalaos, with
the delegated rights and powers of the crown. This
patent was dated 15th of January, 1540. Jacques
Cartier was named second in command. The orders
to the leaders of the expedition enjoined them to dis-
cover more than had been hitherto accomplished,
and if possible to reach the country of Saguenay,
where from some reports of the Indians, they still
hoped to find mines of gold and silver. The port of
St. Malo was again chosen for the fitting out of the
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 63
expedition: the king furnished a sum of money to
defray the expenses.1
Jacques Cartier exerted himself vigorously in
preparing the little fleet for the voyage, and awaited
the arrival of his Chief with the necessary arms,
stores, and ammunition ; Roberval was meanwhile
engaged at Honfleur in fitting out two other vessels
at his own cost, and being urged to hasten by the
king, he gave his lieutenant orders to start at once,
with full authority to act as if he himself were
present. He also promised to follow from Honfleur
with all the required supplies. Jacques Cartier
sailed on the 23rd of May, 1541, having provisioned
his fleet for two years. Storms and adverse winds
dispersed the ships for some time, but in about a
month they all met again on the coast of New-
foundland, where they hoped Roberval would join
them. They awaited his coming for some weeks,
but at length proceeded without him to the St.
Lawrence ; on the 23rd of August they reached their
old station near the magnificent headland of Quebec.
Donnacona's successor as Chief of the Indians at
Stadacona, came in state to welcome the French on
their return, and to inquire after his absent country-
men. They told him of the Chief's death, but con-
cealed the fate of the other Indians, stating that they
were enjoying great honour and happiness in France
and would not return to their own country. The
savages displayed no symptoms of anger, surprise
1 See Appendix, No. XIV.
64 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
or distrust at this news, their countenances exhibited
the same impassive calm, their manners the same
quiet dignity as ever, but from that hour their hearts
were changed, hatred and hostility took the place of
admiration and respect, and a sad foreboding of
their approaching destruction darkened their simple
minds. Henceforth the French were hindered and
molested by the inhabitants of Stadacona to such
an extent, that it was deemed advisable to seek
another settlement for the winter. Jacques Cartier
chose his new position at the mouth of a small river
three leagues higher on the St. Lawrence ;2 here he
laid up some of his vessels, under the protection of
two forts, one on a level with the water, the other
on the summit of an overhanging cliff; these strong-
holds communicated with each other by steps cut in
the solid rock; he gave the name of Charlesbourg
Royal to his new station. The two remaining
2 The precise spot on which the upper fort of Jacques Cartier was
huilt, afterwards enlarged by Roberval, has been fixed by an inge-
nious gentleman at Quebec, at the top of Cape Rouge Height, a short
distance from the handsome villa of Mr. Atkinson. A few months
ago Mr. Atkinson's workmen in levelling the lawn in front of the
house, and close to the point of Cape Rouge Height, found beneath
the surface some loose stones which had apparently been the founda-
tions of some building or fortification. Among these stones were
found several iron balls of different sizes, adapted to the calibre of
the ship guns used at the period of Jacques Cartier's and Roberval's
visit. Upon the whole, the evidence of the presence of the French
at Cape Rouge may be considered as conclusive. Nor is there
any good reason to doubt that Roberval took up his quarters
in the part which Jacques Cartier had left. — Picture of Quebec,
pp. 62—469.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 65
vessels of the fleet he sent back to France, with
letters to the king, stating that Roberval had not
yet arrived.
Under the impression that the country of the
Saguenay — the land of fabled wealth, could be
reached by pursuing the line of the St. Lawrence,
Jacques Cartier set forth to explore the rapids above
Hochelaga on the 7th of September. The season 1541
being so far advanced he only undertook this expe-
dition with a view to being better acquainted with
the route, and to being provided with all necessary
preparations for a more extensive exploration in the
spring. In passing up the great river he renewed
acquaintance with the friendly and hospitable chief
of Hochelai, and there left two boys under charge of
the Indians to learn the language. On the llth he
reached the sault or rapids above Hochelaga, where
the progress of the boats was arrested by the force
of the stream, he then landed and made his way to
the second rapid. The natives gave him to under-
stand that above the next sault there lay a great
lake; Cartier having obtained this information,
returned to where he had left the boats ; about 400
Indians had assembled and met him with demon-
strations of friendship, he received their good offices
and made them presents in return, but still regarded
them with distrust on account of their unusual
numbers. Having gained as much information as
he could, he set out on his return to Charlesbourg
Royal — his winter-quarters. The chief was absent
when Jacques Cartier stopped at Hochelai on
VOL. I. F
66 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
descending the river ; he had gone to Stadacona to
hold counsel with the natives of that district for the
destruction of the white men. On arriving at
Charlesbourg Royal, Jacques Cartier found con-
firmation of his suspicions against the Indians ; they
now avoided the French and never approached the
ships with their usual offerings of fish and other
provisions : a great number of men had also assem-
bled at Stadacona. He accordingly made every
possible preparation for defence in the forts, and
took due precautions against a surprise. There are
no records extant of the events of this winter in
Canada, but it is probable that no serious encounter
took place with the natives; the French, however,
must have suffered severely from the confinement
rendered necessary by their perilous position, as well
as from want of the provisions and supplies which
the bitter climate made requisite.
Roberval, though high-minded and enterprising,
failed in his engagements with Jacques Cartier : he
did not follow his adventurous lieutenant with the
necessary and promised supplies till the spring of
1542 the succeeding year. On the 16th of April, 1542, he
at length sailed from Rochelle with three large ves-
sels, equipped principally at the royal cost. Two
hundred persons accompanied him, some of them
being gentlemen of condition, others men and women
purposing to become settlers in the new world. Jean
Alphonse, an experienced navigator of Saintonge, by
birth a Portuguese, was pilot of the expedition.
After a very tedious voyage, they entered the road
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 67
of St. John's, Newfoundland, on the 8th of June,
where they found no fewer than seventeen vessels
engaged in the inexhaustible fisheries of those
waters.
While Roberval indulged in a brief repose at this
place, the unwelcome appearance of Jacques Cartier
filled him with disappointment and surprise. The
lieutenant gave the hostility of the savages and the
weakness of his force as reasons for having aban-
doned the settlement where he had passed the
winter. He still, however, spoke favourably of the
richness and fertility of the country, and gladdened
the eyes of the adventurers by the sight of a sub-
stance that resembled gold ore, and crystals that
they fancied were diamonds, found on the bold head-
land of Quebec. But, despite these flattering reports
and promising specimens, Jacques Cartier and his
followers could not be induced by entreaties or per-
suasions to return. The hardships and dangers of
the last terrible winter were too fresh in memory,
and too keenly felt, to be again braved. They
deemed their portion of the contract already com-
plete, and the love of their native land overcame
the spirit of adventure, which had been weakened
if not quenched, by recent disappointment and
suffering. To avoid the chance of an open rupture
with Roberval, the lieutenant silently weighed
anchor during the night, and made all sail for France.
This inglorious withdrawal from the enterprise para-
lysed Roberval's power, and deferred the permanent
settlement of Canada for generations then unborn.
F2
68 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
Jacques Cartier died soon after his return to Europe.3
Having sacrificed his fortune in the pursuit of dis-
covery, his heirs were granted an exclusive privilege
of trade to Canada for twelve years, in consideration
of his sacrifices for the public good ; but this gift
was revoked four months after it was bestowed.
Roberval determined to proceed on his expedition,
although deprived of the powerful assistance and ,
valuable experience of his lieutenant. He sailed
from Newfoundland for Canada, and reached Cap
Rouge, the place where Jacques Cartier had win-
1542 tered, before the end of June, 1542. He immediately
fortified himself there, as the situation best adapted
for defence against hostility, and for commanding
the navigation of the Great River. Very little is
known of Roberval's proceedings during the remain-
der of that year and the following winter. The
natives do not appear to have molested the new
settlers ; but no progress whatever was made towards
a permanent establishment. During the intense cold
the scurvy caused fearful mischief among the French;
no fewer than fifty perished from that dreadful malady
during the winter. Demoralised by misery and idle-
ness, the little colony became turbulent and lawless ;
3 Jacques Cartier was born at St. Malo, about 1500. The day of
his birth cannot be discovered, nor the time and place of his death.
Most probably he finished his useful life at St. Malo ; for we find,
under the date of the 29th November, 1549, that the celebrated
navigator with his wife, Catherine des Granges, founded an obit in
the Cathedral of St. Malo, assigning the sum of four francs for that
purpose. The mortuary registers of St. Malo make no mention of
his death, nor is there any tradition on the subject.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 69
and Roberval was obliged to resort to extreme se-
verity of punishment before quiet and discipline
were re-established.
Towards the close of April the ice broke up, and
released the French from their weary and painful
captivity ; on the 5th of June, Roberval set forth 1543
from Cap Rouge to explore the province of Sa-
guenay, leaving thirty men and an officer to protect
their winter quarters : this expedition produced no
results, and was attended with the loss of one of
the boats and eight men. In the mean time the
pilot, Jean Alphonse, was dispatched to examine the
coasts north of Newfoundland, in hopes of discover-
ing a passage to the East Indies ; he reached the
fifty-second degree of latitude and then abandoned
the enterprise ; on returning to Europe he published
a narrative of Roberval's expedition, and his own
voyage, with a tolerably accurate description of the
River St. Lawrence, and its navigation upwards from
the Gulf. Roberval reached France in 1543; the war
between Francis I. and the Emperor Charles V. for
some years occupied his ardent spirit ; and supplied
him with new occasions for distinction, till the
death of the king, his patron and friend, in 1547.
In the year 1549 he collected some adventurous 1549
men, and accompanied by his brave brother, Achille,
sailed once again for Canada ; but none of this
gallant band were ever heard of more. Thus for
many a year were swallowed up in the stormy
Atlantic, all the bright hopes of founding a new
70 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
nation in America:4 since these daring men had
failed, none others might expect to be successful.
In the reign of Henry II. attention was directed
towards Brazil ; splendid accounts of its wealth and
fertility were brought home by some French navi-
gators who had visited that distant land. The
admiral Gaspard de Coligni was the first to press
upon the king the importance of obtaining a footing
in South America, and dividing the magnificent prize
with the Portuguese monarch. This celebrated man
was convinced that an extensive system of colonisa-
tion was necessary for the glory and tranquillity of
France. He purposed that the settlement in the New
World should be founded exclusively by persons
4 The name of America was first given to the New World in 1507.
" LT opinion anciennement emise et encore tres repandue que Vespuce,
dans 1'exercice de son emploi dePiloto mayor, et charge de corriger les
cartes hydrographiques de 1508 a 1512, ait profite de sa position
pour appeler de son nom le Nouveau Monde, n'a aucun fondement.
La denomination d'Amerique a ete proposee loin de Seville, en Lor-
raine, en 1507, une annee avant la creation de 1'office d'un Piloto
mayor de Indias. Les Mappe Mondes qui portent le nom d'Amerique
n'ont paru que 8 ou 10 ans apres la mort de Vespuce, et dans des
pays sur lequels ni lui ni ses parents n'exergaient aucune influence.
II est probable que Vespuce n'a jamais su quelle dangereuse gloire
on lui pre'paroit a Saint Die, dans un petit endroit, situe au pied des
Vosges, et dont vraisembablement le nom meme lui etoit inconnu.
Jusqu' k Tepoque de sa mort, le mot Amerique, employe comme
denomination d'un continent ne s'est trouve imprime que dans deux
seuls ouvrages, dans la Cosrnographia3 Introductio de Martin Waldsee-
miiller, et dans le Globus Mundi (Argentor, 1509). On n'a jusqu'ici
aucun rapport direct de Waldseemiiller imprimateur de Saint Die,
avec le navigateur Florentin." — Humboldt's Geogr. du Nouveau
Continent, vol. v., p. 206.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 71
holding that reformed faith to which he was so
deeply attached, and thus would be provided a refuge
for those driven from France by religious proscrip-
tion and persecution. It is believed that Coligni's
magnificent scheme comprehended the possession of
the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi, gradually colo-
nising the banks of these great rivers into the depths
of the continent, till the whole of North America, from
the Gulf of St. Lawrence to the Gulf of Mexico,
should be hemmed in by this gigantic line of French
outposts. However, the first proposition was to
establish a colony on the coast of Brazil ; the king
approved the project, and Durand de Villegagnon, 1555
vice-admiral of Brittany, was selected to command,
in 1555 ; the expedition, however, entirely failed
owing to religious differences.
Under the reigns of Francis II. and Charles IX.,
while France was convulsed with civil war, America
seemed altogether forgotten. But Coligni availed
himself of a brief interval of calm to turn attention
once more to the Western World. He this time
bethought himself of that country to which Ponce
de Leon had given the name of Florida, from
the exuberant productions of the soil, and the
beauty of the scenery and climate. The River
Mississippi 5 had been discovered by Ferdinand de
Soto,6 about the time of Jacques Carrier's last
5 Nemcesi-Sipu, Fish River, Mcesisip by corruption. This river
is called Cucagna by Garcilasso.
6 For the romantic details of Ferdinand de Soto's perilous enter-
prise, see Vega Garcilasso de Florida del Ynca, b. i., ch. iii. iv.,
72 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
voyage, 1543 ; consequently the Spaniards had this
additional claim upon the territory, which, they
affirmed, they had visited in 1512, twelve years
before the date of Verazzano's voyage in 1524. How-
ever, the claims and rights of the different European
nations upon the American continent, were not then
of sufficient strength to prevent each state from pur-
suing its own views of occupation. Coligni obtained
permission from Charles IX. to attempt the estab-
lishment of a colony in Florida,7 about the year
1562. The king was the more readily induced to
approve of this enterprise, as he hoped that it would
occupy the turbulent spirits of the Huguenots,
many of them his bitter enemies, and elements of
discord in his dominions. On the 18th of February,
1562 1562, Jean de Ribaut, a zealous Protestant, sailed
from Dieppe, with two vessels and a picked crew ;
many volunteers, including some gentlemen of condi-
tion, followed his fortunes. He landed on the coast of
Florida, near St. Mary's river, where he established
Herrera, Dec. VI., b. vii., ch, ix. ; Purchas, 4, 1532 ; " Purchas, his
Pilgrimage, " otherwise called " Hackluytus Posthumus;" a volu-
minous compilation by a chaplain of Archbishop Abbot's, designed to
comprise whatever had been related concerning the religion of all
nations, from the earliest times. — Miss Aikin's Charles I., voL L,
p. 39.
7 " La colonie Franchise etablie sous Charles IX. comprenoit la
partie meridionnale de la Caroline Angloise, la Nouvelle Georgie,
d'aujourd'hui (1740) San Matteo, appelle par Laudonniere Caroline
en 1'honneur du roi Charles, St. Augustin, et tout cequelesEspagnols
ont sur cette cote jusqu'au Cap Frangois, n'a jamais etc appellee
autrement que la Floride Frangaise, ou la Nouvelle France, on la
France Occidentale." — Charlevoix, torn, vi., p. 383.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 73
a settlement and built a fort. Two years afterwards,
Coligni sent out a reinforcement under the command
of Rene de Laudonniere ; this was the only portion
of the admiral's great scheme ever carried into
effect ; when he fell in the awful massacre of Saint
Bartholomew, his magnificent project was aban-
doned. After six years of fierce struggle with the 1558
Spaniards the survivors of this little colony returned
to France.8
8 See Appendix, Nos. XV., XVI.
CHAPTER III.
LITTLE or no effort was made to colonise any
part of Canada for nearly fifty years after the loss
of Roberval, but the Huguenots of France did not
forget that hope of a refuge from religious persecu-
tion which their great leader Coligni had excited in
their breasts. Several of the leaders of subsequent
expeditions of trade and discovery to Canada
and Acadia were Calvinists, until 1627, when
Champlain, zealous for the Romish faith, procured
a decree forbidding the free exercise of the reformed
religion in French America.
Although the French seemed to have renounced
all plan of settlement in America by the evacuation
of Florida, the fishermen of Normandy and Brittany
still plied their calling on the Great Bank and along
the stormy shores of Newfoundland, and up the
Gulf and river of St. Lawrence. By degrees they
began to trade with the natives, and soon the
greater gains and easier life of this new pursuit
transformed many of these hardy sailors into
merchants.
When, after fifty years of civil strife, the strong
and wise sway of Henry IV. restored rest to troubled
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 75
France, the spirit of discovery again arose. The
Marquis de la Roche, a Breton gentleman, obtained
from the king, in 1598, a patent granting the same 1598
powers that Roberval had possessed. He speedily
armed a vessel, and sailed for Nova Scotia in the
same year, accompanied by a skilful Norman pilot
named Chedotel. He first reached Sable Island,
where he left forty miserable wretches, convicts
drawn from the prisons of France, till he might
discover some favourable situation for the intended
settlement, and make a survey of the neighbouring
coasts. Whether La Roche ever reached the con-
tinent of America remains unknown, but he certainly
returned to France, leaving the unhappy prisoners
upon Sable Island, to a fate more dreadful than even
the dungeons or gallies of France could threaten.
After seven years of dire suffering twelve of these
unfortunates were found alive, an expedition having
been tardily sent to seek them by the king. When
they arrived in France they became objects of great
curiosity; in consideration of such unheard-of
suffering their former crimes were pardoned, a sum
of money was given to each, and the valuable furs
collected during their dreary imprisonment, but
fraudulently seized by the captain of the ship in
which they were brought home, were allowed to
their use. In the meantime the Marquis de la
Roche, who had so cruelly abandoned these men
to their fate, harassed by law-suits, overwhelmed
with vexations, and ruined in fortune by the failure
of his expedition, died miserably of a broken heart.
76 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
The misfortunes and ruin of the Marquis de la
Roche did not stifle the spirit of commercial enter-
prise which the success of the fur trade had excited.
Private adventurers, unprotected by any especial
privilege, began to barter for the rich peltries of
1600 the Canadian hunters. A wealthy merchant of
St. Malo, named Pontgrave, was the boldest and most
successful of these traders ; he made several voyages
to Tadoussac, at the mouth of the Saguenay, bringing
back each time a rich ! cargo of rare and valuable
furs. He saw that this commerce would open
to him a field of vast wealth, could he succeed
in obtaining an exclusive privilege to enjoy its
advantages, and managed to induce Chauvin, a
captain in the navy, to apply to the king for powers
such as de la Roche had possessed : the application
was successful, a patent was granted to Chauvin, and
1602 Pontgrave admitted to partnership. It was, how-
ever, in vain that they attempted to establish a
trading post at Tadoussac : l after having made two
1 " Parceque les relations et les voyageurs parloient beaucoup de
Tadoussac, les Geographes ont suppose que e'etait une ville, mais il
n'y a jamais eu qu'une maison frangaise, et quelques cabannes de
sauvages, qui y venoient au terns de la traite, et qui emportoient
ensuite leurs cabannes ; comme on fait les loges d'une foire. II est
vrai que ce port a etc lontems 1'abord de toutes les nations sauvages
du nord et de 1'est ; que les Frangois s'y rendoient des que la navi-
gation etoit libre ; soit de France, soit du Canada ; que les mission-
naires profitoient de 1'occasion, et y venoient negocier pour le ciel.
. . . Au reste Tadoussac est un bon port, et on m'a assure que vingt
cinq vaisseaux de guerre y pouvoient etre a 1'abri de tons les vents,
que 1'ancrage y est sur, et que Tentree en est facile." — Charlevoix,
torn. v. p. 96, 1721.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 77
voyages thither without realising their sanguine
expectations of gain, Chauvin died while once more
preparing to try his fortune.
At this time the great object of colonisation was
completely forgotten in the eager pursuit of the fur
trade, till de Chatte, the governor of Dieppe, who
succeeded to the privileges of Chauvin, founded a
company of merchants at Rouen, for the further
development of the resources of Canada. An 1603
armament was fitted out under the command of the
experienced Pontgrave; he was commissioned by
the king to make further discoveries in the St.
Lawrence, and to establish a settlement upon some
suitable position on the coast. Samuel de Champlain,
" Tadoussac, 140 miles below Quebec, is a post belonging to the
Hudson Bay Company, and is the residence of one of its partners
and an agent. They alone are allowed to trade with the Indians in
the interior. At Tadoussac is a Roman Catholic chapel, a store and
warehouse, and some eight or ten dwellings. Here is erected a flag-
staff, surrounded by several pieces of cannon, on an eminence
elevated about fifty feet, and overlooking the inner warehouse,
where is a sufficient depth of water to float the largest vessels.
This place was early settled by the French, who are said to have
here erected the first dwelling built of stone and mortar in Canada,
and the remains of it are still to be seen. The view is exceedingly
picturesque from this point. The southern shore of the St. Lawrence
may be traced even with the naked eye for many a league ; the
undulating line of swow-white cottages stretching far away to the east
and west ; while the scene is rendered gay and animated by the
frequent passage of the merchant vessel ploughing its way towards
the port of Quebec, or hurrying upon the descending tide to the
gulf ; while, from the summit of the hill upon which Tadoussac
stands, the sublime and impressive scenery of the Saguenay rises
to view." — Picturesque Tourist, p. 267, (New York, 1844).
78 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
a captain in the navy, accepted a command in this
expedition at the request of de Chatte ; he was a
native of Saintonge, and had lately returned to
France from the West Indies, where he had gained
a high name for boldness and skill. Under the
direction of this wise and energetic man the first
successful efforts were made to found a permanent
settlement in the magnificent province of Canada,
and the stain of the errors and disasters of more than
seventy years, was at length wiped away.
Pontgrave and Champlain sailed for the St.
1603 Lawrence in 1603. Theylreniained a short time at
tadoussac, where they left their ships, then trusting
themselves to a small open boat with only five sailors,
they boldly pushed up the great river to the sault
St. Louis, where Jacques Cartier had reached many
years before. By this time Hochelaga, the ancient
Indian city, had, from some unknown cause, sunk
into such insignificance, that the adventurers did
not even notice it, nor deem it worthy of a visit.
But they anchored for a time under the shade of
the magnificent headland of Quebec. On the return
of the expedition to France, Champlain found to his
deep regret that de Chatte, the worthy and powerful
patron of the undertaking, had died during his
absence : Pierre du Guast, sieur de Monts, had
succeeded to the powers and privileges of the
deceased, with even a more extensive commission.
De Monts was a Calvinist, and had obtained from
the king the freedom of religious faith for himself
and his followers in America, but under the engage-
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 79
ment that the Roman Catholic worship should be
established among the natives. Even his opponents
admitted the honesty and patriotism of his
character,2 and bore witness to his courage and
ability, he was nevertheless unsuccessful ; many
of those under his command failed in their duty,
and the jealousy, excited by his exclusive privileges
and obnoxious doctrines,3 involved him in ruinous
embarrassments.
The trading^ company established by de Chatte
was~continued and increased by his successor. With
this additional aid de Monts was enabled to fit out
2 " The colony that was sent to Canada this year was among the
number of those things that had not my approbation ; there was no
kind of riches to be expected from all those countries of the New
World which are beyond the fortieth degree of latitude. His Majesty
gave the conduct of this expedition to the Sieur de Monts." —
Memoirs of Sully, b. xvi., p. 241, Eng. trans.
3 The pious Romanist, Champlain, thus details the inconveniences
caused by the different creeds of the Frenchmen composing the
expedition of de Monts. "II se trouva quelque chose k redire en
cette entreprise, qui est en ce que deux religions contraires ne font
jamais un grand fruit pour la gloire de Dieu parmi les infideles que
1'on veut convertir. J'ai vu le ministre et notre cure s'entre battre
& coups de poing, sur le differend de la religion. Je ne sgais pas
qui etoit le plus vaillant et qui donnoit le meilleur coup, mas je sgais
tres bien que le ministre se plaignoit quelquefois au Sieur de Monts
d 'avoir etc battue, et vuidoit en cette fagon les points de contro-
versie. Je vous laisse a penser si cela etoit beau a voir ; les
sauvages etoient tantot d'une partie, tant6t d'une autre, et les
Frangois mele's selon leurs diverses croyances, disoit pis que pendre de
1'une et de Tautre religion, quoique le Sieur de Monts y apportat
la paix le plus qu'il pouvoit." — Voyages de la Nouvelle France
Occidental, dite Canada, faits par le Sieur de Champlain a Paris,
1632.
80 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
a more complete armament than had ever hitherto
been engaged in Canadian commerce. He sailed
1604 from Havre on -the 7th of March, 1604, with four
vessels. Of these, two under his immediate com-
mand were destined for Acadia. Champlain, Pout-
rincourt, and many other Volunteers, embarked their
fortunes with him, purposing to cast their future lot
in the New World. A third vessel was dispatched
under Pontgrave to the Strait of Canso, to protect
the exclusive trading privileges of the Company.
The fourth steered for Tadoussac, to barter for the
rich furs brought by the Indian hunters from the
dreary wilds of the Saguenay.
On the 6th of May de Monts reached a harbour
on the coast of Acadia, where he seized and confis-
cated an English vessel, in vindication of his exclusive
privileges. Thence he sailed to the island of St.
Croix, where he landed his people, and established
himself for the winter. In the spring of 1605 he
hastened to leave this settlement, where the want
of wood and fresh water, and the terrible ravages
of the scurvy, had disheartened and diminished
the number of his followers. In the mean time
1605 Champlain had discovered and named Port Royal,
now Annapolis, a situation which presented many
natural advantages. De Monts removed the estab-
lishment thither, and erected a fort, appointing
Pontgrave to its command. Soon afterwards he
bestowed Port Royal and a large extent of the neigh-
bouring country upon de Poutrincourt, and the
grant was ultimately confirmed by letters patent
THE CONQUEST OP CANADA. 81
from the king. This was the first concession of
land made in North America since its discovery.
When de Monts returned to France in 1605, he
found that enemies had been busily and successfully
at work in destroying his influence at court. Com-
plaints of the injustice of his exclusive privileges
poured in from all the ports in the kingdom. It was
urged that he had interfered with and thwarted the
underjihft p^tfiqr^ of securing the sole
right of trading with the Indian hunters. These
statements were hearkened to by the king, and all
the Sieur's privileges were revoked. De Monts bore
up bravely against this disaster. He entered into a
new engagement with de Poutrincourt, who had
followed him to France, and dispatched a vessel
from Rochelle on the 13th of May to succour the
colony in Acadia. The voyage was unusually pro-
tracted, and the settlers at Port Royal, at length
reduced to great extremities, feared that they had
been abandoned to their fate. The wise and ener-
getic Pontgrave did all that man could do to reassure
them ; but finally, their supplies being completely
exhausted, he was constrained to yield to the general
wish, and embark his people for France. He had
scarcely sailed, however, when he heard of the
arrival of Poutrincourt and the long-desired sup-
plies. He then immediately returned to Port Royal,
where he found his chief already landed. Under
able and judicious management4 the colony increased
4 De Poutrincourt had been accompanied, in his last voyage from
France, by Marc Lescarbot, well known as one of the best historians
VOL. i. G
82 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
and prospered until 1614, when it was attacked and
broken up by Sir Samuel Argal with a Virginian
force.5
The enemies of de Monts did not relax in their
of the early French colonists. His Memoirs and himself are thus
described by Charlevoix : — " Un avocat de Paris, nomine Marc
L'Escarbot, homme d'esprit et fort attache a M. de Poutrincourt,
avoit eu la curiosite de voir le Nouveau Monde. II animoit les uns,
il picquoit les autres d'honneur, il se faisoit aimer de tons, et ne
s'epargnoit lui-meme en rien. II inventoit tons les jours quelque
chose de nouveau pour 1'utilite publique, et jamais on ne comprit
mieux de quelle ressource peut etre dans un uouvel etablissement,
un esprit cultive par 1'etude. . . .C'est a cet avocat, que nous sommes
redevable des meilleurs memoires que nous ayons de ce qui s'est
passe* sous ses yeux. On y voit un auteur exact, judicieux, et un
homme, qui cut ete aussi capable d'etablir une colonie que d'en
ecrire une histoire." (Charlevoix, vol. i., p. 185.) The title of
L'Escarbot's work is : " Histoire de la Nouvelle France, par Marc
L'Escarbot, Avocat en Parlement, temoin oculaire d'une partie des
choses y recite'es : a Paris, 1609."
5 " Argall se fondait sur une concession de Jacques I., qui avait
permis k ses sujets de s'etablir jusqu'au quarante cinq degre"s, et il
crut pouvoir profiter de la foiblesse des Frangais pour les traitre en
usurpateurs. ... Si Poutrincourt avoit ete dans son fort avec trente
homines bien armes, Argall n'auroit pas meme eu 1'assurance de
1'attaquer .... en deux heures de terns le feu consuma tout ce que
les Frangais possedoient dans une colonie ou Ton avait deja depense
plus de cent mille ecus. . . . Celui qui y perdit davantage, fut M. de
Poutrincourt qui, depuis ce terns Ik ne songea plus a 1'Amerique.
II rentra dans le service, ou il s'etait deja par plusieurs belles actions
et mourut au lit d'honneur." — Jean de Lae't.
In 1621, James I. conferred Acadia upon Sir William Alexander,
who gave it the name of Nova Scotia. At the treaty of St. Germain-
en-Laye, in 1632, it was restored to the French ; again taken by the
English, it was again restored to France by the treaty of Breda, in
1667. In 1710, when Acadia was taken by General Nicholson, the
English perceived its importance for their commerce. They obtained
its formal and final cession at the treaty of Utrecht, 1713.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 83
efforts till he was deprived of his high commission.
A very insufficient indemnity was granted for the
great expenses he had incurred. Still he was not dis-
heartened : in the following year, 1607, he obtained
a renewal of his privileges for one year, on condition
that he should plant a colony upon the banS of the
St. Lawrence. The trading company did not lose 1607
confidence in their principal, although his courtly
influence had been destroyed ; but their object__was_.
confined to the prosecution of the luCTatiygL com-
merce in furs, for which reason they ceased to
interest themselves in Acadia, and turned their
thoughts to the Great River of Canada, where they
hoped to find a better field for their undertaking.
They equipped two ships at Honfleur, under the
command of Champlain and Pontgrave, to establish
the fur trade at Tadoussac. De Monts remained in
France, vainly endeavouring to obtain an extension
of his patent. Despite his disappointments, he fitted
out some vessels in the spring of 1608, with the
assistance of the Company, and dispatched them to
the River St. Lawrence on the 13th April, under the
same command as before.
Champlain reached Tadoussac on the 3rd of June ;
his views were far more extended than those of a mere
merchant ; even honest fame for himself, and in- 1608
crease of glory and power for his country, were, in
his eyes, objects subordinate to the extension of the
Catholic faith. After a brief stay, he ascended the
Great River, examining the shore with minute care,
to seek the most fitting place where the first foun-
84 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
dation of French empire might be laid. On the 3rd
1608 of July, 1608, he reached QUEBEC, where, nearly
three quarters of a century before, Jacques Cartier
had passed the winter. This magnificent position
was at once chosen by Champlain as the site of the
future capital of Canada : centuries of experience
have proved the wisdom of the selection ; admirably
situated for purposes of war or commerce, and com-
pletely commanding the navigation of the Great
River, it stands the centre of a scene of beauty
that can nowhere be surpassed.
On the bold headland overlooking the waters of
the basin, he commenced his work by felling the trees,
and rooting up the wild vines and tangled under-
wood from the virgin soil. Some rude huts were
speedily erected for shelter; spots around them were
cultivated to test the fertility of the land ; this
labour was repaid by abundant production. Jhe
first permanent work undertaken in the new settle-
nient7~was the jereciion of a solid building as a
magazine for their provisions. A temporary bar-
rack on the highest point of the position for the
officers and men, was subsequently constructed.
These preparations occupied the remainder of the
summer. The first snow fell on the 18th of Novem-
ber, but only remained on the ground for two days :
in December it again returned, and the face of
1609 nature was covered till the end of April. From the
time of Jacques Cartier, to the establishment of
Champlain, and even to the present day, there has
been no very decided amelioration of the severity of
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 85
the climate : indeed, some of the earliest records
notice seasons milder than many of modern days.
The town of Stadacona, like its prouder neigh-
bour of Hochelaga, seems to have dwindled into
insignificance since the time when it had been an
object of such interest and suspicion to Jacques
Cartier. Some Indians still lived in huts around
Quebec, but in a state of poverty and destitution, ]
very different from the condition of their ancestors^/
During the winter of 1608, they suffered dire
extremities of famine ; several came over from the
southern shores of the river, miserably reduced by
starvation, and scarcely able to drag along their
feeble limbs, to seek aid from the strangers. Cham-
plain relieved their necessities and treated them
with politic kindness. The French suffered severely
from the scurvy during this first winter of their
residence.
On the 18th of April, 1609, Champlain, accom- 1609
panied by two Frenchmen, ascended the Great River
with a war-party of Canadian Indians. After a time
turning southward up a tributary stream, he came to
the shores of a large and beautiful lake, abounding
with fish ; the shores and neighbouring forests shel-
tered, in their undisturbed solitude, countless deer
and other animals of the chase. To this splendid
sheet of water he gave his own name, which it still
bears. To the south and west rose huge snow-
capped mountains, and in the fertile valleys below
dwelt numbers of the fierce and hostile Iroquois.
Champlain and his savage allies pushed on to the
86 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
furthest extremity of the lake, descended a rapid,
and entered another smaller sheet of water, after-
wards named St. Sacrement. On the shore they
encountered 200 of the Iroquois warriors ; a battle
ensued ; the skill and the astonishing weapons of the
white men soon gave their Canadian allies a com-
plete victory. Many prisoners were taken, and, in
spite of Champlain's remonstrances, put to death
with horrible and protracted tortures. The brave
Frenchman returned to Quebec, and sailed for Europe
in September, leaving Captain Pierre Chauvin, an
experienced officer, in charge of the infant settle-
ment. Henry IV. received Champlain with favour,
and called him to an interview at Fontainebleau : 6
the king listened attentively to the report of the
new colony, expressing great satisfaction at its suc-
cessful foundation, and favourable promise. But the
energetic de Monts, to whom so much of this success
was due, could find no courtly aid : the renewal of
his privilege was refused, and its duration had
already expired. By the assistance of the Merchant
Company, he fitted out two vessels in the spring of
1610, under the tried command of Champlain and
Pontgrave : the first was destined for Quebec, with
some artisans, settlers, and necessary supplies for the
colony ; the second was commissioned to carry on
the fur trade at Tadoussac. Champlain sailed from
1610 Honfleur on the 8th of April, and reached the mouth
of the Saguenay in eighteen days, a passage which
6 " It was at this time that the name of New France was first
given to Canada." — Charlevoix, torn, i., p. 232.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 87
even all the modern improvements in navigation
have rarely enabled any one to surpass in rapidity.
He soon hastened on to Quebec, where, to his great
joy, he found the colonists contented and prosperous ;
the virgin soil had abundantly repaid the labours of
cultivation, and the natives had in no wise molested
their dangerous visitors. He joined the neighbour-
ing tribes of Algonquin and Montagnez Indians,
during the summer, in an ^exjpedMon against the
Iroquois. Having penetratedT the woody country
beyond Sorel for some distance, they came upon a
place where their enemies where entrenched; this
they took, after a bloody resistance. Champlain and
another Frenchman were slightly wounded in the
encounter.
In 1612 Champlain found it necessary to revisit 1612
France ; some powerful patron was wanted to for-
ward the interests of the colony, and to provide the
supplies and resources required for its extension.
The Count de Soissons readily entered into his
views, and delegated to him the authority of vice-
roy, which had been conferred upon the Count.7
Soissons died soon after, and the Prince of Conde
became his successor. Champlain was wisely con-
tinued in the command he had so long and ably
held, but was delayed in France for some time by
difficulties on the subject of commerce with the
merchants of St. Malo.
Champlain sailed again from St. Malo on the 6th
7 Champlain, part i., p. 231; Charlevoix, vol. i. p. 236.
88 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
of March, 1613, in a vessel commanded by Font-
grave, and anchored before Quebec on the 7th of
1613 May. He found the state of affairs at the settlement
so satisfactory that his continued presence was
unnecessary ; he, therefore, proceeded at once to
Montreal, and after a short stay at that island,
explored for some distance the course of the Ottawa,
which there pours its vast flood into the main stream
of the St. Lawrence. The white men were filled
with wonder and admiration at the magnitude of
this great tributary, the richness and beauty of its
shores, the broad lakes and deep rapids, and the
eternal forests, clothing mountain, plain, and valley
for countless leagues around. As they proceeded
they found no diminution in the volume of water ;
and when they inquired of the wandering Indian for
its source, he_gointed to the north-west, and indi-
cated that it lay in the unknown solitudes of ice and
snow, to which his people had never reached. After
this expedition Champlain returned with his com-
panion Pontgrave to St. Malo, where they arrived in
the end of August.
Having engaged some wealthy merchants of St.
Malo, Rouen, and Rochelle in an association for the
support of the colony, through the assistance of the
1614 Prince of Conde, viceroy of New France, he obtained
letters patent of incorporation for the Company.
The temporal welfare of the settlement being thus
placed upon a secure basis, Champlain, who was a
zealous Catholic, next devoted himself to obtain
spiritual aid. By his entreaties four Recollets were
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 89
prevailed upon to undertake the mission. These
were the first8 ministers of religion settled in Canada.
They reached Quebec in the beginning of April, 1615,
accompanied by Champlain, who, however, at once 1615
proceeded to Montreal.
8 Seven or eight years before the arrival of the PP. Recollets
at Quebec, Roman Catholic missionaries had found their way to
Nova Scotia. They were Jesuits. It was remarkable that Henry IV.,
whose life had been twice attempted by the Jesuits,* should have
earnestly urged their establishment in America. When Port Royal
was ceded to Poutrincourt by de Monts, the king intimated to him
that it was time to think of the conversion of the savages, and that
it was his desire that the Jesuits should be employed in this work.
Charlevoix acknowledges that de Poutrincourt was " un fort honnete
homme, et sincerement attache a la religion Catholique," — neverthe-
less his prejudices against Jesuits were so strong, that " il etoit bien
resolu de ne les point mene au Port Royal." On various pretexts he
evaded obeying the royal commands, and when, the year after, the
Jesuits were sent out to him, at the expense of Madame de Gruer-
cheville, and by the orders of the queen's mother, he rendered their
stay at Port Royal as uncomfortable as was consistent with his noble
and generous character, — vigilantly guarding against their acquiring
any dangerous influence. His former prejudices could not have been
lessened by the assassination of Henry IV. f The two Jesuits
selected by P. Cotton, Henry IV. 's confessor, for missionary labours
in Acadia, were P. Pierre Biast and P. Enemond Masse. They were
taken prisoners at the time of Argall's descent on Acadia, 1614, and
conveyed to England. — Charlevoix, torn, i., pp. 189, 216,
* By Barriere in 1593 ; by Jean Chatel in 1594. He finally perished by the hand
of Ravaillac, in 1610. See Sully's Memoirs, bb. vi., vii.; Cayet, Chron. Noven., b. v. ;
Pere de Chalons, torn, iii., p. 245, quoted by Sully.
+ Henri s' etait montre' bienveillant pour les Jesuites, encore que les parlemens et
tous ceux qui tenoient, a la magistrature ressentoient plus de prevention centre ces
religieux que les Hugonots eux-m6mes .... Henri IV. fit abattre la pyramide qui
avait e'te' eleve'e en me'moire de 1' attentat de Jean Chatel contre lui, parce que
1' inscription qu' elle portait inculpait les Jesuites d1 avoir excitd a cet assassinat. —
Sismondi : Histaire des Franfdis. See De Thou, torn, ix., pp. 696, 704 ; torn, x.,
pp. 26 a 30.
90 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
at this island he found the Huron
and other allied tribes again preparing for an expe-
dition against the Jmquois. With a view of gaining
the friendship of the savages, and of acquiring a
knowledge of the country, he injudiciously offered
himself to join a quarrel in which he was no wise
concerned. The father Joseph Le Caron accompanied
him in the view of preparing the way for religious
instruction, by making himself acquainted with the
habits and language of the Indians. Champlain
was appointed chief by the allies, but his savage
followers rendered slight obedience to this authority.
The expedition proved very disastrous : the Iroquois
were strongly entrenched and protected by a quan-
tity of felled trees; their resistance proved successful ;
Champlain was wounded, and the allies were forced
to retreat with shame and with heavy loss.
1615 The respect of the Indians for the French was
much diminished by this untoward failure; they
refused to furnish Champlain with a promised guide
to conduct him to Quebec, and he was obliged to
pass the winter among them as an unwilling guest.
I He, however, made the best use of his time ; he
| visited many of the principal Huron and Algonquin
towns, even those as distant as Lake Nipissing, and
succeeded in reconciling several neighbouring nations.
~~At the opening of the navigation, he gained over
some of the Indians to his cause, and finding that
1616 another expedition against the Iroquois was in pre-
paration, embarked secretly and arrived at Quebec
on the llth of July, 1616, when he found that he
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 91
and the father Joseph were supposed to have been
dead long since. They both sailed for France soon
after their return from among the Hurons.
In the following year, a signal service was ren-
dered to the colony, by a worthy priest named
Duplessys : he had been engaged for some time at
Three Rivers in the instruction of the savages, and
had happily so far gained their esteem, that some of
his pupils informed him of a conspiracy amongst all
the neighbouring Indian tribes for the utter destruc-
of the French; 800 chiefs and warriors had assembled
to arrange the plan of action. Duplessys contrived
with consummate ability to gain over some of the
principal Indians to make advances towards a recon-
ciliation with the white men, and by degrees suc-
ceeded in arranging a treaty, and in causing two
chiefs to be given up as hostages for its observance^
For several years Champlain was constantly/
obliged to visit France for the purpose of urging onV.^
the tardily provided aids for the colony. The courtf
would not interest itself in the affairs of New France
since a Company had undertaken their conduct, and
the merchants, always limited in their views to merk
commercial objects, cared but little for the fate oi;
the settlers so long as then- warehouses were\^
stored with the valuable furs brought by the
Indian hunters. These difficulties would doubtless
have smothered the infant nation in its cradle, had
it not been for the untiring zeal and constancy of its
great founder. At every step he met with new trials
from the indifference, caprice, or contradiction of his
92 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
associates, but with his eye steadily fixed upon the
future, he devoted his fortune and the energies of
his life to the cause, and rose superior to every
obstacle.
1620 In 1620, the Prince of Conde sold the viceroyalty
of New France to his brother-in-law the Marshal de
Montmorenci for eleven thousand crowns. The
marshal wisely continued Champlain as lieutenant-
governor, and intrusted the management of colonial
affairs in France to M. Dolu, a gentleman of known
zeal and probity. Champlain being hopeful that
these changes would favourably affect Canada,
resolved now to establish his family permanently in
that country. Taking them with him, he sailed from
France in the above named year, and arrived at
Quebec in the end of May. In passing by Tadoussac
he found that some adventurers of "Rochelle had
opened a trade- with the savages, in violation of the
Company's privileges, and had given the fatal exam-
ple of furnishing the hunters with fire-arms in
exchange for their peltries.
A great danger menaced the colony in the year
1621. The Iroquois sent three large parties of
warriors to attack the French settlements. This
1621 savage tribe feared that if the white men obtained a
footing in the country, their alliance with the Hurons
and Algon quins, of which the effects had already^
been felt, might render them too powerful, y'fhe
first division marched upon sault St. Louis, where a
few Frenchmen were established. Happily there
was warning of their approach ; the defenders, aided
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 93
by some Indian allies, repulsed them with much
loss, and took several prisoners. The Iroquois had,
however, seized Father Guillaume Poulain, one of
the Recollets, in their retreat ; they tied him to a
stake, and were about to burn him alive, when they
were persuaded to exchange the good priest for one
of their own chiefs, who had fallen into the hands
of the French, Another party of these fierce
marauders dropped down the river to Quebec in a
fleet of thirty canoes, and suddenly invested the
Convent of the Recollets, where a small fort had
been erected ; they did not venture to attack this
little stronghold, but fell upon some Huron villages
near at hand, and massacred the helpless inhabi-
tants with frightful cruelty; they then retreated
as suddenly as they had come. Alarmed by this
ferocious attack, which weakness and the want of
sufficient supplies prevented him from avenging,
Champlain sent Father Georges le Brebeuf as an
agent, to represent to the king the deplorable
condition of the colony, from the criminal neglect
of the Company. The appeal was successful ; the
Company was suppressed, and the exclusive privi-
lege transferred to Guillaume and Emeric de Caen,
uncle and nephew.
The king himself wrote to his worthy subject
Champlain, expressing high approval of his eminent
services, and exhorting him to continue in the same
career. This high commendation served much to
strengthen his hands in the exercise of his difficult
authority. He was embarrassed by constant dis-
94 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
putes between the servants of the suppressed Com-
pany, and those who acted for the De Caens;
religious differences also served to embitter these
dissensions, as the new authorities were zealous
Huguenots.
/ This year Champlain discovered that his ancient
allies, the Hurons, purposed to detach themselves
from his friendship and unite with the Iroquois
Jfor his destruction. To avert this danger he sent
among them Father Joseph la Caron and two other
priests, who appear to have succeeded in their
mission of reconciliation. The year after he erected
a stone fort9 at Quebec for the defence of the
settlement, which then only numbered fifty souls of
all ages and sexes. As soon as the defences were
finished Champlain departed for France with his
family, to press for aid from the government for the
distressed colony.
On his arrival he found that Henri de Levi, Duke
de Ventadour, had purchased the vice-royalty of New
France from the Marshal de Montmorenci, his
uncle, with the view of promoting the spiritual
welfare of Canada, and the general conversion of
the heathen Indians to the Christian faith. He had
himself long retired from the strife and troubles
9 When Champlain first laid the foundations of the fort in 1623, to
which he gave the name of St. Lewis, it is evident that he was
actuated by views not of a political hut a commercial character.
When Montmagny rebuilt the fort in 1 635 it covered about four acres
of ground, and formed nearly a parallelogram. Of these works only
a few vestiges remain, except the eastern wall, which is kept in solid
repair. — Bonchette.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 95
of the world, and entered into holy orders. Being
altogether under the influence of the Jesuits, he
considered them as the means given by heaven for
the accomplishment of his views. The pious and
exemplary Father Lallemant, with four other priests
and laymen of the Order of Jesus, undertook the
mission, and sailed for Canada in 1625. They were
received without jealousy by their predecessors of
the Recollets, and admitted under their roof on their
first arrival. l The following year three other Jesuit
fathers reached Quebec in a little vessel provided
by themselves ; many artisans accompanied them.
By the aid of this reinforcement, the new settlement
soon assumed the appearance of a town.
The Huguenot de Caens used their powerful
influence to foment the religious disputes now raging
in the infant settlement ;2 theyjvere i ai^^Lrjnore
interested in the prjpjital)lfi__pursuit of the fur trade
than in prompting the progress_of colonisation ; for
these reasons the Cardinal de Richelieu judged that
their rule was injurious to the prosperity of the
1 Charlevoix, torn. i. p. 247.
2 " Ce fut Guillaume de Caen qui les conduisit (les Jesuites) a
Quebec. II avoit donne sa parole au Due de Ventadour qu'il ne
laisseroit les Jesuites manquer de rien ; cependant, des qu'ils furent
debarques, il leur declara que, si les PP. Recollets ne vouloient pas
les recevoir et les loger chez eux, ils n'avoient point d'autre parti a
prendre que retourner en France. Ils s'apergurent meme bientot
qu'on avoit travaille' a prevenir centre eux les habitans de Quebec, en
leur mettant entre les mains les ecrits les plus injurieux, que les
Calvinistes de France avoient publics contre leur compagnie. Mais
leur presence eut bientot efface tous ces prejuges." — Charlevoix,
torn, i., p. 248.
96 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
country; he J^voked their privileges, and caused
the formation of a numerous Company of wealthy
and upright men ; to this he transferred the charge
of the colony. This body was chartered under
the name of " The Company of One Hundred
Associates:"3 their capital was 100,000 crowns;
their privileges as follows : — To be proprietors of
Canada ; to govern in peace and war ; to enjoy the
whole trade for fifteen years, (except the cod and
whale fishery,) and the fur trade in perpetuity ;
untaxed imports and exports. The king gave them
two ships of 300 tons burthen each, and raised
twelve of the principal members to the rank of
nobility. The Company, on their part, undertook toM
introduce 200 or 300 settlers during the year 1628,
and 16,000 more before 1643, providing them with
all necessaries for three years, and settling them/
afterwards on a sufficient extent of cleared land//
*—^s^S
for their future support. The articles of this agree-
ment were signed by the Cardinal de Richelieu on
the 19th of April, 1627, and subsequently approved
by the. king.
At this time the Indians were a constant terror
to the settlers in Canada : several Frenchmen had
been assassinated by the ruthless savages, and their
3 Charlevoix highly extols this brilliant conception of the Cardinal
de Richelieu, " et ne craint point d'avancer que la Nouvelle France
seroit aujourd'hui la plus puissante colonie de I'Amerique, si 1'execu-
tion avoit repondue a la beaute du projet, et si les membres de ce
grand corps eussent profite des dispositions favorables du Souverain et
de son ministre a leur egard." — Charlevoix, torn. i. p. 250;
cfes CtommisscwYes, vol. i. p. 346.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 97
*^\
countrymen were too feeble in numbers to demand
the punishment of the murderers. Conscious of their /
strength, the natives became daily more insolent;/
no white man could venture beyond the settlement!
without incurring great danger. Building languished,
and much of the cleared land remained uncultivated.
Such was the disastrous state of the colony.
JThe commencement of the Company's govern-
ment was marked by heavy misfortune. - The first
vessels sent by them to America fell into the hands
of the English, at the sudden breaking out of
hostilities. In 16*28, Sir David Kertk, a French 1628
Calvinist refugee in the British service, reached
Tadoussac with a squadron, burned the fur houses of
the free traders, and did other damage : thence he
sent to Quebec, summoning Champlain to surrender.
The brave governor consulted with Pontgrave and
the inhabitants; they came to the resolution of
attempting a defence, although reduced to great
extremities, and sent Kertk such a spirited answer
that he, ignorant of their weakness, did not advance
upon the town. He, however, captured a convoy
under the charge of de Roquemont, with several
families on board, and a large supply of provisions
for the settlement- This expedition against Canada
was said to have been planned and instigated by
de Caen, from a spirit of vengeance against those
who had succeeded to his lost privileges.
In July, 1629, Lewis and Thomas, brothers of Sir 1529
David Kertk, appeared with an armament before
Quebec. As soon as the fleet had anchored, a white
VOL. I. H
98 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
flag with a summons to capitulate was sent ashore.
This time the assailants were well informed of the
defenders' distress; but offered generous terms, if
Champlain would at once surrender the fort. He,
having no means of resistance, was fain to submit.
xThe English took possession the following day, and
treated the inhabitants with such good faith and
humanity, that none of them left the country.
Lewis Kertk remained in command at Quebec;
Champlain proceeded with Thomas to Tadoussac,
where they met the admiral, Sir David, with the
remainder of the fleet. In September they sailed
for England, and Champlain was sent on to France,
according to treaty.4
I When the French received the news of the loss of
/Canada, opinion was much divided as to the wisdom
of seeking to regain the captured settlement.5 Some
thought its possession of little value in proportion
to the expense it caused ; while others deemed that
the fur trade and fisheries were of great importance
to the commerce of France, as well as a useful
nursery for experienced seamen. Champlain strongly
urged the government not to give up a country where
they had already overcome the principal difficulties
of settlement, and where, through their means, the
4 Champlain's proposals of capitulation (Smith's Canada, vol. i.,
p. 22) sufficiently prove that, down to 1629, France had scarcely any
permanent footing in the country. By stipulating for the removal of
"all the French" in Quebec, Champlain seems to consider that the
whole province was virtually lost to France, and " the single vessel,"
which was to furnish the means of removal, reduces " all the French"
in Quebec to a very small number. 5 Charlevoix.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 99
light of religion was dawning upon the darkness of
heathen ignorance. His solicitations were success-
ful, and Canada was restored to France at the same
time with Acadia and Cape Breton, by the treatyj)f_l632
St. Germain-en-Laye. 6 At this period the fort of
Quebec, surrounded by a score of hastily built dwell-
ings and barracks, some poor huts on the Island of
Montreal, the like at Three Rivers and Tadoussac,
and a few fishermen's log-houses elsewhere on the
banks of the St. Lawrence, were the only fruits of the
discoveries of Verazzano, Jacques Cartier, Roberval,
and Champlain, the great outlay of la Roche and
de Monts, and the toils and sufferings of their
followers, for nearly a century.7
By the treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye the Com-\
pany were restored to all their rights and privileges,
and obtained compensation for the losses they had
sustained, but it was some time before the English V
could be effectually excluded from the trade which ^
•*-*^^
6 Charlevoix, torn, i., p. 273.
7 " L'ile au Cap Breton (c'etoit bien peu de choses que I'etablisse-
ment que nous avions alors dans cette ile) le fort de Quebec environne
de quelques mechantes maisons et de quelques baraques, deux OIL
trois cabanes dans File de Montreal, autant peutetre a Tadoussac, et
en quelques autres endroits sur le fleuve St. Laurent, pour la com-
modite de la peche et de la Traite, un commencement d'habitation
aux Trois Rivieres et les rivieres de Port Royal, voila en quoi con-
sistoit la Nouvelle France et tout le fruit des decouvertes de Verazani,
de Jaques Cartier, de M. de Roberval, de Champlain, des grandes
depenses de Marquis de la Roche, et de M. de Monts et de 1'industrie
d'un grand nombre de Frangais qui auroient pu y faire un grand
e'tablissement, s'ils eussent ete bien conduits." — Charlevoix, torn, i.,
p. 274.
H2
100 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
pthey had established with the Indians during their
1633 Pbrief possession of the country. In 1633 Champlain
was re-appointed governor of New France, and on his
departure for the colony took with him many respec-
table settlers : several Protestants wrere anxious to
join him ; this, however, was not permitted. Two
Jesuits, Fathers de Brebeuf and Enemond Masse,
accompanied the governor ; they purposed to devote
themselves to the conversion of the Indians to Chris-
tianity and to the education of the youth of the
colony. The Recollets had made but little progress in
proselytism ; as yet very few of the natives had been
baptised, nor were the Jesuits at first8 much more
successful: these persevering men were, however,
not to be disheartened by difficulties, and they were
supported by the hope that when they became
better acquainted with the language and manners
of their pupils, their instructions would yield a
richer harvest.9
As New France advanced in population and
prosperity, the sentiments of religion became
strengthened among the settlers. On the first
arrival of the Jesuits, Rene Rohault, the eldest
son of the Marquis de Gamache, and himself one
of the Order, adopted the idea of founding a college
8 See Appendix, XVI.
9 The Jesuits always retained the superior position they held from
the first among the Roman Catholic missionaries of Canada. There
is a well-known Canadian proverb, " Pour faire un Recollet il faut une
hachette, pour un Pretre un ciseau, mais pour un Jesuite il faut un
pinceau." See Appendix, XVII. for Professor Kalm's account of
these three classes.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 101
at Quebec for the education of youth, and the
conversion of the Indians, and offered 6000 crowns
of gold as a donation to forward the object. The
capture of the settlement by the English had, for
a time, interrupted the execution of this plan ;
but Rohault at length succeeded in laying the
foundation of the building in December, 1635, to
the great joy of the French colonists.
In the same month, to the deep regret of all 1635
good men, death^ deprived his country of the brave,
high-minded, and wise Champlain. He was buried
in the city of which he was the founder ; where,
to this day, he is fondly and gratefully remembered
among the just and good. Gifted with high ability,
upright, active, and chivalrous, he was at the same
time eminent for his Christian zeal and humble piety.
" The salvation of one soul," he often said, " is of 1
more value than the conquest of an empire. "/"T^T""
him belongs the glory of planting Christianity and
civilisation among the snows of those northern
forests; during his life indeed a feeble germ, but
sheltered by his vigorous arm — nursed by his tender
care — the root struck deep. Little more than two
centuries have passed since the faithful servant
went to rest upon the field of his noble toils. And
now a million and a half of Christian people dwell
in peace and plenty upon that magnificent territory,
which his zeal and wisdom first redeemed from the
desolation of the wilderness.
102
CHAPTER IV.
HAVING followed the course of discovery and
settlement in New France up to the death of the
man who stamped the first permanent impression
upon that country, it is now time to review its
character and condition at the period when it
became the abode of a civilised people. Cham-
plain's deputed commission of governor gave him
authority over all that France possessed or claimed
on the continent and islands of North America ;
Newfoundland, Isle Royal, and Acadia, were each
portions of this vast but vague territory; and
those unknown boundless solitudes of ice and
snow, lying towards the frozen north, whose very
existence was a speculation, were also, by the
shadowy right of an European king, added to his
wide dominion. Of that portion, however, called
Canada, it is more especially the present subject to
treat.
Canada is a vast plain, irregular in elevation and
feature, forming a valley between two ranges of
high land; one of these ranges divides it to the
north from the dreary territories of Hudson's Bay,
the other to the south, from the republic of the
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 103
United States and the British province of New
Brunswick. None of the hills rise to any great
height ; with one exception, Man's Hill in the State
of Maine, 2000 feet is their greatest altitude above
the sea. The elevated districts are, however, of very
great extent, broken, rugged, and rocky, clothed
with dense forests, intersected with rapid torrents,
and varied with innumerable lakes. The great plain
of Canada narrows to a mere strip of low land by
the side of the St. Lawrence, as it approaches the
eastern extremity. From Quebec to the Gulf on the
north side, and towards Gaspe on the south, the
grim range of mountains reaches almost to the
water's edge ; westward of that city the plain
expands, gradually widening into a district of great
beauty and fertility ; again, westward of Montreal,
the level country becomes far wider and very rich,
including the broad and valuable flats that lie along
the lower waters of the Ottawa. The rocky elevated
shores of Lake Huron bound this vast valley to
the west ; the same mountain range extends along
the northern shore of Lake Superior; beyond lie
great tracts of fertile soil, where man's industrious
hand has not yet been applied.
Canada may be described as lying between the
meridians of 57° 50', and 90° west; from the mouth
of the Esquimaux river on the confines of Labrador,
to the entrance of the stream connecting the waters
of Lake Superior and the Rainy Lake, bordering on
Prince Rupert's Land. The parallels of 42° and
52° inclose this country to the south and north.
104 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
The greatest length is about 1300 miles, the breadth
700. A space of 348,000 square miles is inclosed
within these limits.
The great lakes in Canada give a character to that
country distinct from any other in the Old World or
the New. They are very numerous; some far exceed
all inland waters elsewhere in depth and extent;
they feed, without apparent diminution, the great
river St. Lawrence ; the tempest ploughs their surface
into billows that rival those of the Atlantic,1 and
they contain more than half of all the fresh water
upon the surface of the globe.2
1 " The sea (if it may be so termed) on Lake Ontario, is so high
during a sharp gale, that it was at first thought the smaller class
steam-boats could not live on it ; and on Lake Superior, the waves
almost rival those of the far-famed Cape of Storms, while the ground-
swell, owing to the comparative shallowness, or little specific gravity
of the fresh water, is such as to make the oldest sailor sick. Whether
the water in the lowest depths of Lakes Superior and Ontario be salt
or fresh, we cannot ascertain ; for the greater density of the former
may keep it always below, or there may be a communication with
the fathomless abysses of the ocean." — Montgomery Martin, p. 181.
2 " Beyond Lake Superior, stretching into the vast interior of North
America, we find first a long chain of little lakes connected by nar-
row channels, and which, combined, form what in the early narratives
and even treaties is called Long Lake. Next occur, still connected
by the same channel, the larger expanses of Lake La Pluie, and Lake
of the Woods. Another channel of about 100 miles connects this
last with the Winnipeg Lake, whose length from north to south is
almost equal to the Superior ; but in a few parts only it attains the
breadth of 50 miles. The whole of this wonderful series of lakes,
separated by such small intervals, may almost be considered as form-
ing one inland sea. There is nothing parallel to this in the rest of
the globe. The Tzad, the great interior sea of Africa, does not
equal the Ontario. The Caspian, indeed, is considerably greater than
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 105
Superior3 is the largest and most elevated of these
lakes ; it is crescent-shaped, convex to the north ;
to the south-east and south-west its extremities are
narrow points : the length through the curve is 360
geographical miles, the breadth in the widest part
140, the circumference 1500. The surface of this
vast sheet of fresh water is 627 feet ahove the level
of the Atlantic ; from various indications upon the
shores there is good reason to conclude that at
some remote period it was forty or fifty feet higher.
The depth of Lake Superior varies much in different
parts, but is generally very great ; at the deepest it
is probably 1200 feet. The waters are miraculously
pure and transparent ; many fathoms down the eye
any of these lakes, almost equal to the whole united. But the Cas-
pian forms the final receptacle of many great rivers, among which
the Volga is of the first magnitude. But the northern waters, after
forming this magnificent chain of lakes, are not yet exhausted, but
issue forth from the last of them, to form one of the noblest river
channels, either in the old or new continent." — History of Discove-
ries and Travels in North America, by H. Murray, Esq., vol. ii.,
p. 458.
3 " Lake Superior is called also Keetcheegahmi, and Missisawgaie-
gon. It is remarkable, that while every other large lake is fed by
rivers of the first order, this, the most capacious on the surface of
the globe, does not receive a third or even fourth-rate stream ; the
St. Louis, the most considerable, not having a course of more than
150 miles. But whatever deficiency there may be in point of magni-
tude, it is compensated by the vast number which pour in their
copious floods from the surrounding heights. The dense covering of
wood, and the long continuance of frost, must also in this region
greatly diminish the quantity drawn off by evaporation." — Bouchette,
vol. i., pp. 127, 128. Darby's View of the United States (1828),
p. 200.
106 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
can distinctly trace the rock and shingle of the
bottom, and follow the quick movements of the
numerous and beautiful fish inhabiting these crystal
depths. No tides vary the stillness of this inland
sea, but when a strong prevailing wind sweeps over
the surface, the waves are lashed to fury, and the
waters, driven by its force, crowd up against the
leeward shore. When in the spring the warm sun
melts the mountain snows, and each little tributary
becomes an impetuous torrent pouring into this
great basin, the level of the surface rises many feet.
Although no river of any magnitude helps to supply
Lake Superior, a vast number of small streams fall
in from among clefts and glens along the rugged
shores ;4 there are also many large islands, one, Isle
4 " The Pictured Rocks (so called from their appearance) are situated
on the south side of the lake, towards the east end, and are really
quite a natural curiosity ; they form a perpendicular wall 300 feet
high, extending about twelve miles, with numerous projections and
indentations in every variety of form, and vast caverns, in which the
entering waves make a tremendous sound. The Pictured Rocks of
Lake Superior have been described as ' surprising groups of over-
hanging precipices, towering walls, caverns, waterfalls, and prostrate
ruins, which are mingled in the most wonderful disorder, and burst
upon the view in ever- varying and pleasing succession.' Among the
more remarkable objects are the Cascade La Portaille, and the Doric
Arch. The Cascade consists of a considerable stream precipitated
from a height of 70 feet by a single leap into the lake, and projected
to such a distance, that a boat may pass beneath the fall and the
rock, perfectly dry. The Doric Arch has all the appearance of a
work of art, and consists of an isolated mass of sandstone, with four
pillars supporting an entablature of stone, covered with soil, and a
beautiful grove of pine and spruce trees, some of which are 60 feet
in height." — Montgomery Martin's History of Canada, vol. i., p. 211.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 107
Royale, is more than forty miles in length. In some
places lofty hills5 rise abruptly from the water's
edge, in others there are intervals of lower lands for
sixty or seventy miles, but everywhere stands the
primeval forest, clothing height and hollow alike.
At the south-eastern extremity of this lake, St.
Mary's Channel carries the superabundant waters
for nearly forty miles, till they fall into Lake Huron ;
about midway between, they rush tumultuously
down a steep descent with a tremendous roar
through shattered masses of rock, filling the pure
air above with clouds of snowy foam.
Lake Huron is the next in succession and the
second in magnitude of these inland seas. The out-
line is very irregular, to the north and east formed
by the Canadian territory, to the south-west by that
of the United States. From where the Channel of
St. Mary's enters this lake, to the furthest extremity
is 240 miles, the greatest breadth is 220, the circum-
ference about 1000; the surface is only 32 feet
lower than that of Superior ; in depth and in pure
transparency the waters of this lake are not
surpassed by its great neighbour. Parallel to the
north shore, runs a long narrow peninsula called
Cabot Head, which together with a chain of islands
5 " The Thunder Mountain is one of the most appalling objects of
the kind that I have ever seen, being a bleak rock, about twelve
hundred feet above the level of the lake, with a perpendicular face
of its full height towards the west ; the Indians have a superstition,
which one can hardly repeat without becoming giddy, that any
person who may scale the eminence, and turn round on the brink of
its fearful wall, will live for ever." — Simpson, vol. i., p. 33.
108 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
shuts in the upper waters so as almost to form a
separate and distinct lake. The Great Manitoulin
Island, the largest of this chain, is seventy-five
miles in length. In the Indian tongue the name
denotes it the abode of the Great Spirit,6 and the
simple savages regard these woody shores with
reverential awe.
To the north and west of Lake Huron the shores
are generally rugged and precipitous; abrupt
heights of from 30 to 100 feet rise from the
water's edge, formed of clay, huge stones, steep
rocks, and wooded acclivities ; further inland, the
peaks of the Cloche mountains ascend to a con-
siderable height. To the east, nature presents a
milder aspect ; a plain of great extent and richness
stretches away towards the St. Lawrence. Many
streams pour their flood into this lake ; the principal
are the Maitland, Severn, Moon, and French rivers ;
they are broad and deep, but their sources lie at no
great distance. By far the largest supply of water
comes from the vast basin of Lake Superior through
the channel of St. Mary. Near the north-western
extremity of Huron, a narrow strait 7 connects it with
Lake Michigan in the United States ; there is a
6 " The Indian appellation of ' Sacred Isles' first occurs at Lake
Huron, and thence westward is met with in Superior, Michigan, and
the vast and numerous lakes of the interior. Those who have been
in Asia, and have turned their attention to the subject, will recognise
the resemblance in sound between the North American Indian and
the Tartar names." — Montgomery Martin's History of Canada, vol. i.,
p. 117.
7 " The remarkable post of Machillimackinack is a beautiful island
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 109
slight difference of level between these two great
sheets of water, and a current constantly sets into
the southern basin : this lake is also remarkable for
its depth and transparency.8
At the southern extremity of Lake Huron, its
overflow pours through a river about thirty miles in
length into a small lake ; both lake and river bear
the name of St. Glair.9 Thence the waters flow on
through the broad but shallow stream of the Detroit
or great rock, planted in the strait of the same name, which forms
the connexion between Lakes Huron and Michigan. The meaning
of the Indian word Machillimackinack, is Great Turtle. The island is
crowned with a cap of 300 feet above the surrounding waters, on the
top of which is a fortification. If Quebec is the Gibraltar of North
America, Mackinaw (the vulgar appellation for this fort) is only
second in its physical character, and in its susceptibilities of
improvement as a military post. It is also a most important position
for the facilities it affords in the fur-trade, between New York and
the north-west." — Mr. Colton's American Lakes, vol. i., p. 92.
The value of canals and steam navigation may be judged of from
the fact, that, in 1812, the news of the declaration of war against
Great Britain by the United States did not reach the post of Michil-
limackinack (1107 miles from Quebec) in a shorter time than two
months; the same place is now within the distance of ten days'
journey from the Atlantic.
8 "So clear are the waters of these lakes, that a white napkin,
tied to a lead, and sunk thirty fathoms beneath a smooth surface,
may be seen as distinctly as when immersed three feet." — Colton,
vol. i., p. 93.
9 " The St. Clair (according to Dr. Bigsby) is the only river of
discharge for Lakes Superior, Michigan and Huron, which cover a
surface of thirty-eight and a half million of acres, and are fed by
numerous large rivers. Other able observers are of opinion that the
Missouri and the Mississippi receive some of the waters of Superior
and Michigan. Many persons think that a subterraneous communica-
tion exists between all the great lakes, as is surmised to be the case
between the Mediterranean and the Euxine." — Montgomery Martin.
110 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
until they fall into Lake Erie thirty miles below ; on
either side the banks and neighbouring districts are
rich in beauty and abundantly fertile.
Lake Erie is shallow and dangerous, the anchor-
age is bad, the harbours few and inconvenient.
Long low promontories project for a considerable
distance from the main land and embarrass the
navigation. But the coasts both on the Canadian
and American side are very fertile.1 Lake Erie is
about 265 miles long, and 63 wide at its greatest
breadth, the circumference is calculated at 658
miles, its surface lies 30 feet below the level of Lake
Huron.2 The length of the lake stretches north-east,
1 " The Lake Erie is justly dignified by the illustrious name of
Conti, for assuredly it is the finest lake upon earth. Its circumference
extends to 230 leagues ; but it affords everywhere such a charming
prospect, that its banks are decked with oak-trees, elms, chesnut-
trees, walnut-trees, apple-trees, plum-trees, and vines, which bear
their fine clusters up to the very top of the trees, upon a sort of
ground that lies as smooth as one's hand. Such ornaments as these
are sufficient to give rise to the most agreeable idea of a landscape in
the world."— La Hontan, in Pinkerton, vol. xiii., p. 343 (1683).
" Le nom que le Lac Erie porte est celui d'une nation de la langue
Huronne, qui etait etablie sur ses bords et que les Iroquois ont
entierement detruite. Erie veut dire Chat, et les Eries sont nommes
dans quelques relations la nation du Chat. Ce nom vient apparem-
ment de la quantite de ces animaux qu'on trouve dans le pays.
Quelques cartes modernes ont donne au Lac Erie le nom de Conti,
mais ce nom n'a pas fait fortune, non plus que ceux de Conde, de
Tracy, et d'Orleans, donnes au Lac Huron, au Lac Superieur, et au
Lac Michigan."— Charlevoix, torn, v., p. 374 (1721).
2 "In extreme depth Lake Erie varies from forty to forty-five
fathoms, with a rocky bottom. Lakes Superior and Huron have a
stiff, clayey bottom, mixed with shells. Lake Erie is reported to be
the only one of the series in which any current is perceptible. The
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. Ill
almost the same direction as the line of the river
St. Lawrence.
The Niagara river flows from the north-eastern
extremity of Lake Erie to Lake Ontario in a course
of 33 miles, with a fall of not less than 334
feet. About twenty miles below Lake Erie is the
grandest sight that nature has laid before the human
eye — the Falls of Niagara. A stream three-quarters
of a mile wide, deep and rapid, plunges over a rocky
ledge 150 feet in height ; about two-thirds of the
distance across from the Canadian side stands Goat
Island, covered with stately timber : four times as
fact, if it is one, is usually ascribed to its shallowness ; but the vast
volume of its outline — the Niagara River — with its strong current,
is a much more probable cause than the small depth of its water,
which may be far more appropriately adduced as the reason why the
navigation is obstructed by ice much more than either of the other
great lakes. As connected with trade and navigation, this lake is
the most important of all the great chain, not only because it is
bordered by older settlements than any of them except Ontario, but
still more because from its position it concentrates the trade of the
vast west. The Kingston Herald notices a most extraordinary occur-
rence on Lake Erie during a late storm (1836). A channel was made
by the violence of the tempest through Long Point, N. Foreland,
300 yards wide, and from 11 to 15 feet deep. It had been in
contemplation to cut a canal at this very spot, the expenses of which
were estimated at 12,OOOL The York Courier confirms this extra-
ordinary intelligence, stating that the storm made a breach through
the point near the main land, converted the peninsula into an island,
and actually made a canal 400 yards wide, and eight or ten feet deep,
almost at the very point where the proposed canal was to be cut ;
and rendered nothing else now necessary in order to secure a safe
channel for the vessels, and a good harbour on both sides, than the
construction of a pier on the west side, to prevent the channel being
filled up with sand."— Montgomery Martin.
112 .THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
great a body of water precipitates itself over the
northern or Horse-shoe Fall as that which flows over
the American portion. Above the cataract the river
becomes very rapid and tumultuous in several places,
particularly at the Ferry of Blackrock, where it
rushes past at the rate of seven miles an hour ;
within the last mile there is a tremendous indraught
to the Falls. The shores on both sides of the
Niagara river are of unsurpassed natural fertility,
but there is little scenic beauty around to divert
attention from the one object. The simplicity of this
wonder adds to the force of its impression ; no other
sight over the wide world so fills the mind with awe
and admiration. Description may convey an idea of
the height and breadth 3 — the vast body of water 4 —
3 " The Horse-shoe Cataract on the British side is the largest of
the Falls. The curvatures have been geometrically computed at 700
yards, and its altitude, taken with a plumb line from the surface of
the Table Rock, 149 feet ; the American fall, narrowed by Goat
Island, does not exceed 375 yards in curvilinear length (the whole
irregular semicircle is nearly three-quarters of a mile), its perpen-
dicular height being 162 feet, or 13 feet higher than the top of the
Great Fall, adding 57 feet for the fall ; the rapids thus give only a
total of 219 feet, which is less than many other falls ; but their
magnificence consists in the volume of the water precipitated over
them, which has been computed at 2400 millions of tons per day,
102 millions per hour ! A calculation made at Queenston, below the
Falls, is as follows : — The river is here half a mile broad, it averages
25 feet deep, current three miles an hour ; in one hour it will
discharge a current of water three miles long, half a mile wide,
and twenty-five feet deep, containing 1,111,400,000 cubic feet ; being
18,524,000 cubic feet, or 113,510,000 gallons of water each
minute." — Montgomery Martin's History of Canada.
4 " The total area of the four great lakes which pour forth their
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 113
the profound abyss — the dark whirlpools — the sheets
of foam5 — the plumy column of spray6 rising up
against the sky — the dull deep sound that throbs
through the earth, and fills the air for miles and
miles with its unchanging voice7 — but of the mag-
nitude of this idea, and the impression stamped upon
the senses by the reality, it is vain to speak to those
who have not stood beside Niagara.
The descent of the land from the shores of Lake
Erie to those of Ontario is general and gradual,8
waters to the ocean over the falls of Niagara, is estimated at 100,000
square miles." — Montgomery Martin.
5 Colonel Bouchette ohserves, that, according to the altitude of the
sun, and the situation of the spectator, a distinct and hright iris is
seen amidst the revolving columns of mist that soar from the foaming
chasm, and shroud the broad front of the gigantic flood. Both arches
of the bow are seldom entirely elicited, but the interior segment is
perfect, and its prismatic hues are extremely glowing and vivid.
The fragments of a plurality of rainbows are sometimes to be seen in
various parts of the misty curtain.
6 Symptoms of the Falls are discerned from a vast distance. From
Buffalo, twenty miles off, two small fleecy specks are distinctly seen,
appearing and disappearing at intervals. These are the clouds of
spray arising from the Falls ; it is even asserted that they have
been seen from Lake Erie, a distance of fifty-four miles. — Weld,
p. 374.
7 The sound of the Falls appears to have been heard at the dis-
tance of twenty or even forty miles ; but these effects depend much
on the direction of the wind, and the tranquil or disturbed state of the
atmosphere. Mr. Weld mentions having approached the Falls within
half a mile without hearing any sound, while the spray was but just
discernible. — Weld, p. 374.
8 " The shores of Lake Erie, though flat, are elevated about 400
feet above those of Lake Ontario. The descent takes place in the
short interval between the two lakes traversed by the Niagara
VOL. I. I
114 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
and there is no feature in the neighbourhood of the
Falls to mark its locality. From the Erie boundary
the river flows smoothly through a level but elevated
plain, branching round one large and some smaller
islands. Although the deep tremulous sound of
Niagara tells of its vicinity, there is no unusual
appearance till within about a mile, when the waters
begin to ripple and hasten on, a little further it
dashes down a magnificent rapid, then again becomes
tranquil and glassy, but glides past with astonishing
swiftness. There are numberless points whence
the fall of this great river may be well seen : the
Channel. This descent is partly gradual, producing only a succession
of rapids. It is at Queenstown, about seven miles below the present
site of the Falls, that a range of hills marks the descent to the Ontario
level. Volney conceives it certain that this must have been the place
down which the river originally fell, and that the continued and
violent action of its waves must have gradually worn away the rocks
beneath them, and in the course of ages carried the Fall back to
its present position, from which it continues gradually receding.
Mr. Howison confirms the statement, that, in the memory of persons
now living in Upper Canada, a considerable change has been observed.
The whole course of the river downwards to Queenston is through a
deep dell, bordered by broken and perpendicular steeps, rudely over-
hung by trees and shrubs, and the opposite strata of which correspond ;
affording thus the strongest presumption that it is a channel hewn
out by the river itself." — H. Murray's Historical Description of
America, vol. ii., p. 466.
" It is now considered that there is clear geological proof that the
Fall once existed at Queenstown. The 710,000 tons of water which
each minute pour over the precipice of the Niagara, are estimated to
carry away a foot of the cliff every year ; therefore we must suppose
a period of 20,000 years occupied in the recession of the cataract to
its present site." — Lyell's Geology.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 115
best is Table Rock at the top of the cataract — the
most wonderful, is the recess between the falling
flood and the cliff over which it leaps.
For some length below Niagara the waters are
violently agitated ; however, at the distance of half
a mile a ferry plies across in safety. The high
banks on both sides of the river extend to Queenston
and Lewiston, eight miles lower, confining the waters
to a channel of no more than a quarter of a mile in
breadth, between steep and lofty cliffs ; midway is
the whirlpool,9 where the current rushes furiously
round within encircling heights. Below Queenston
the river again rolls along a smooth stream between
9 " The mouth of the whirlpool is more than 1000 feet wide, and in
length ahout 2000. Mr. Howison, in his sketches of Upper Canada,
says, that the current of the river has formed a circular excavation in
the high and perpendicular banks, resembling a bay. The current,
which is extremely rapid, whenever it reaches the upper point of this
bay, forsakes the direct channel, and sweeps wildly round the sides of
it ; when, having made this extraordinary circuit, it regains its proper
course, and rushes with perturbed velocity between two perpendicular
precipices, which are not more than 400 feet asunder. The surface
of the whirlpool is in a state of continual agitation. The water
boils, mantles up, and wreathes in a manner that proves its fearful
depth, and the confinement it suffers ; the trees that come within the
sphere of the current, are swept along with a quivering zig-zag
motion, which it is difficult to describe. This singular body of water
must be several hundred feet deep, and has not hitherto been frozen
over, although in spring the broken ice that descends from Lake
Erie descends in such quantities upon its surface, and becomes so
closely wedged together, that it resists the current, and remains till
warm weather breaks it up. The whirlpool is one of the greatest
natural curiosities in the Upper Province, and its formation cannot be
rationally accounted for. " — Martin's History of Canada, p. 139.
i2
116 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
level and cultivated banks, till it pours its waters
into Lake Ontario.
Ontario is the last1 and the most easterly of the
1 " This inland sea, though the smallest of the great chain with
which it is connected, is of such extent, that vessels in crossing it lose
sight of land, and must steer their way by the compass ; and the
swell is often equal to that of the ocean. During the winter, the
north-east part of Ontario, from the Bay of Quinte to Sacket's
Harhour, is frozen across ; but the wider part of the lake is frozen
only to a short distance from the shore. Lake Erie is frozen still
less ; the northern parts of Huron and Michigan more ; arid Superior
is said to be frozen to a distance of seventy miles from its coasts.
The navigation of Ontario closes in October ; ice-boats are some-
times used when the ice is glare (smooth). One mentioned by
Lieutenant de Roos, was twenty-three feet in length, resting on
three skates of iron, one attached to each end of a strong cross-bar,
fixed under the fore-feet, the remaining one to the stern, from the
bottom of the rudder, the mast and sail those of a common boat ;
when brought into play on the ice, she could sail (if it may be so
termed) with fearful rapidity, nearly twenty-three miles an hour.
One has been known to cross from Toronto to Fort George or
Niagara, a distance of forty miles, in little more than three quarters
of an hour ; but, in addition to her speed before the wind, she is also
capable of beating well up to windward, requiring, however, an
experienced hand to manage her, in consequence of her extreme
sensibility of the rudder during her quick motion." — Martin's His-
tory of Canada.
" The great earthquake that destroyed Lisbon, happened on the 1st
November, 1755, and on Lake Ontario strong agitations of the water
were observed from the month of October, 1755." — Lettera Rarissima
data nelle Indie nella Isola di Jamaica a 7 Julio del 1503 (Bassano,
1810, p. 29).
" From some submarine centre in the Atlantic, this earthquake
spread one enormous convulsion over an area of 700,000 square
miles, agitating, by a single impulse, the lakes of Scotland and
Sweden, and the islands of the West Indian Sea. Not, however,
by a simultaneous shock, for the element of time comes in with the
distance of undulation ; and, together with this, another complexity
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 117
chain of lakes.2 The greatest length is 172 miles; at
the widest it measures 59 miles across; the cir-
cumference is 467 miles, and the surface is 334 feet
below the level of Lake Erie. The depth of Ontario
varies very much along the coast, being seldom more
than from three to 50 fathoms ; and in the centre,
a plummet, with 300 fathoms of line, has been tried
in vain for soundings. A sort of gravel, small pieces
of limestone, worn round and smooth by the action
of water, covers the shores, lying in long ridges
sometimes miles in extent. The waters, like those
of the other great lakes, are very pure and beautiful,
except where the shallows along the margin are
of action in the transmission of earthquake movements through the
sea, arising from the different rate of progression at different depths.
In the fact that the wave of the Lisbon earthquake reached Plymouth
at the rate of 2*1 miles per minute, and Barhadoes at 7 '3 miles per
minute ; there is illustration of the law, that the velocity of a wave
is proportional to the square root of its depth, and becomes a sub-
stitute for the sounding line in fixing the mean proportional depth of
different parts of this great ocean." — Humboldt.
2 " There are two lakes in Lower Canada, Matapediac and
Memphramagog. The former is about 16 miles long, and three
broad in its greatest breadth, about 21 miles distant from the
St. Lawrence river in the county of Rimouski ; amidst the islands
that separate the waters running into the St. Lawrence, from
those that run to the Bay of Chaleurs, it is navigable for rafts of all
kinds of timber, with which the banks of the noble river Matapediac
are thickly covered. Memphramagog Lake, in the county of Stan-
stead, stretching its south extremity into the State of Vermont, is
of a semi-circular shape, 30 miles long, and very narrow. It
empties itself into the fine river St. Francis, by means of the river
Magog, which runs through Lake Scaswaninepus. The Mem-
phramagog Lake is said to be navigable for ships of 500 tons
burthen."— Martin's, History of Canada, p. 102.
]1S THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
stirred up by violent winds : for a few days in June
a yellow unwholesome scum covers the surface at
the edge every year. There is a strange phenomenon
connected with Ontario, unaccounted for by scientific
speculation ; each seventh year, from some inscru-
table cause, the waters reach to an unusual height,
and again subside, mysteriously as they arose. The
beautiful illusion of the mirage spreads its dreamy
enchantment over the surface of Ontario in the
summer calms, mixing islands, clouds, and waters
in strange confusion.3
The outline of the shores is much diversified, — to
the north-east lie low lands and swampy marshes, —
to the north and north-east extends a bold range of
elevated grounds, — southward the coast becomes
again flat for some distance inland, till it rises into
the ridge of heights that marks the position of
Niagara. The country bordering the lake is gene-
rally rich and productive, and was originally covered
with forest. A ridge of lofty land runs from the
beautiful Bay of Quinte, on the north-west of the
lake, westward along the shore, at a distance of nine
3 " It is worthy of remark, that the great lakes of Upper Canada
are liable to the formation of the Prester or water-spout, and that
several instances are recorded of the occurrence of that truly extra-
ordinary phenomenon, the theory of which, however, is well known.
Whether electricity be a cause or a consequence of this formidable
meteor, appears, nevertheless, to be a question of some doubt among
natural philosophers ; Gassendi being disposed to favour the former
opinion, whilst Cavallo espouses the latter." — Bouchette's Topogra-
phical and Statistical Description of Upper and Lower Canada,
vol. i., p. 346.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 119
or more miles: from these heights innumerable
streams flow into Ontario on one side, and into the
lakes and rivers of the back country on the other.
At Toronto the ridge recedes to the distance of
twenty-four miles north-east from the lake, sepa-
rating the tributary waters of Lakes Huron and
Ontario ; thence merging in the Burlington Heights,
it continues along the south-west side from four to
eight miles distant from the shore to the high
grounds about Niagara.
Besides the great stream of Niagara, many rivers
flow into Ontario both on the Canadian and American
sides. The bays and harbours are also very nume-
rous, affording great facilities for navigation and
commerce : in this respect the northern shore is the
most favoured — the Bays of Quinte and Burlington
are especially remarkable for their extent and
security.4
4 " The most considerable harbours on the English side are Toronto
(York, the former name, has recently changed to the Indian name of
the place, Toronto) and Kingston. Toronto is situated near the
head of Lake Ontario, on the north side of an excellent harbour, or
elliptical basin, of an area of eight or nine miles, formed by a long,
low, sandy peninsula or island, stretching from the land east of the
town to Gibraltar Point abreast of a good fort. The town of Toronto,
at that period York, was twice captured by the Americans, in April
and August, 1813, owing to its defenceless state ; and a large ship
of war, on the stocks, burnt. The Americans would not now find its
capture such an easy task. Little more than forty years ago the
site whereon Toronto now stands, and the whole country, to the
north and west of it, was a perfect wilderness — the land is now fast
clearing — thickly settled by a robust and industrious European-
descended population, blessed with health and competence, and
all sides indicating the rapid progress of civilisation. The other
120 THE CONQUEST OP CANADA.
The north-east end of Lake Ontario, where its
waters pour into the St. Lawrence, is a scene of
striking beauty;5 numerous wooded islands in end-
less variety of form and extent divide the entrance
of the Great River6 into a labyrinth of tortuous
British town of importance on this shore is Kingston, formerly
Cataraqui or Frontenac, distant from Toronto 184 miles, and from
Montreal 180 miles. It is, next to Quebec and Halifax, the strongest
British post in America, and next to Quebec and Montreal the first
in commercial importance. It is advantageously situate on the north
bank of Lake Ontario at the head of the river St. Lawrence, and is
separated from Points Frederick and Henry by a bay, which extends
a considerable distance to the N.W. beyond the town, where it
receives the water of a river flowing from the interior. Point
Frederick is a long narrow peninsula, extending about half a mile
into the lake, distant from Kingston about three quarters of a mile
on the opposite side of its bay. This peninsula forms the west side
of a narrow and deep inlet called Navy Bay, from its being our chief
naval depot on Lake Ontario." — Martin's History of Canada.
5 " The channel of the St. Lawrence is here so spacious that it is
called the Lake of the Thousand Islands. The vast number implied
in this name was considered a vague exaggeration, till the commis-
sioners employed in fixing the boundary with the United States
actually counted them, and found that they amounted to 1692. They
are of every imaginable size, shape, and appearance ; some barely
visible, others covering fifteen acres ; but in general their broken
outline? -presents the most picturesque combinations of wood and rock.
The navigator, in steering through them, sees an ever-changing
scene ; sometimes he is inclosed in a narrow channel, then he dis-
covers before him twelve openings like so many noble rivers ; and
soon after a spacious lake seems to surround him on every side." —
Bouchette, vol. i., p. 156 ; Howison's Sketches of Canada, p. 46.
6 " The St. Lawrence traverses the whole extent of Lower Canada,
as the lakes everywhere border and inclose Upper Canada. There is
a difficulty in tracing its origin, or at least which of the tributaries of
Lake Superior is to be called the St. Lawrence. The strongest
claim seems to be made by the series of channels which connect all
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 121
channels, for twelve miles in breadth from shore to
shore: this width gradually decreases as the stream
flows on to Prescott fifty miles below ; a short dis-
tance beyond that town the rapids commence,7 and
the great upper lakes, though, strictly speaking till after the Ontario,
there is nothing which can very properly he called a river. There
are only a rmmher of short canals connecting the different lakes, or
rather separating one immense lake into a number of great branches.
It seems an interesting question how this northern centre of the
continent, at the precise latitude of about 50°, should pour forth so
immense and overwhelming a mass of waters ; for through a great
part of its extent it is quite a dead flat, though the Winnipeg, indeed,
draws some tributaries from the Rocky Mountains. The thick forests
with which the surface is covered, the slender evaporation which
takes place during the long continuance of cold, and, at the same
time, the thorough melting of the snows by the strong summer heat,
seem to be the chief sources of this profuse and superabundant
moisture." — H. Murray's Historical Account of Discoveries and
Travels in North America, vol. ii., p. 459. 1829.
7 " The statements laid before Parliament thus enumerate and
describe the five rapids of the St. Lawrence, which are impassable by
steam, and occur between Montreal and Kingston, a distance, by the
St. Lawrence river, of 171 miles, and by the Rideau Canal 267 miles.
The rapids vary in rapidity, intricacy, depth and width of channel,
and in extent, from half a mile to nine miles. The Cedar Rapid,
twenty-four miles from La Chine, is nine miles long, very intricate,
running from nine to twelve miles an hour, and in some places only
from nine to ten feet water in the channel. The Coteau du Lac
Rapid, six miles above the former, is two miles long, equally intricate
in channel, and in some places only sixteen feet wide. Long Sault,
forty-five miles above the preceding, is nine or ten miles long, with
generally the same depth of water throughout. It is intersected by
several islands, through whose channels the water rushes with great
velocity, so that boats are carried through it, or on it, at the rate of
twenty-seven miles an hour ; at the foot of the rapid the water takes
a sudden leap over a slight precipice, whence its name. From the
Long Sault to Prescott is forty-one miles shoal water, running from
122 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
thence to Montreal the navigation is interrupted for
vessels of burthen; boats, rafts, and small steamers,
however, constantly descend these tumultuous waters,
and not unfrequently are lost in the dangerous
attempt. The most beautiful and formidable of these
rapids is called the Cedars, from the rich groves of
that fragrant tree covering numerous and intricate
islands which distort the rushing stream into narrow
and perilous channels: the water is not more than
ten feet deep in some places, and flows at the rate of
twelve miles an hour. The river there widens into
Lake St. Francis, and again into Lake St. Louis, which
drains a large branch of the Ottawa at its south-
western extremity. The water of this great tributary
is remarkably clear and of a bright emerald colour;
that of the St. Lawrence at this junction is muddy
from having passed over deep beds of marl for
several miles above its entrance to Lake St. Louis :
for some distance down the lake the different streams
can be plainly distinguished from each other. From the
confluence of the first branches above Montreal these
two great rivers seem bewildered among the nume-
rous and beautiful islands, and hurrying past in
strong rapids, only find rest again in the broad deep
waters many miles below.
The furthest sources of the Ottawa river are
unknown.8 It rises to importance at the outlet
six to eight miles an hour, and impassable by steamboats. Then
the Rapid Du Plas, half a mile long, and Rapid Galoose, one and
half a mile long, intervene."
8 "According to Mr. M'Gregor (Brit. Amer., vol. ii., p. 525), the
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 123
from Lake Temiscaming, 350 miles west of its junc-
tion with the St. Lawrence.9 Beyond the Falls and
Ottawa, or Grand River, is said to have its source near the Rocky
Mountains, and to traverse in its windings a distance of 2500 miles.
The more sober statement of Bouchette attributes to the Ottawa
a course of about 450 miles before joining the St. Lawrence." —
Bouchette, vol. i., p. 187.
" A tremendous scene is presented at the eastern part of Lake
St. Louis, where the St. Lawrence and its grand tributary, the
Ottawa, rush down at once and meet in dreadful conflict. The swell
is then- equal to that produced by a high gale in the British Channel,
and the breakers so numerous, that all the skill of the boatmen is
required to steer their way. The Canadian boatmen, however, are
among the most active and hardy races in the world, and they have
boats expressly constructed for the navigation of these perilous
channels. The largest of these, called, it is not known why, the
Durham boat, is used both here and in the rapids of the Mohawk.
It is long, shallow, and nearly flat-bottomed. The chief instrument
of steerage is a pole ten feet long, shod with iron, and crossed at
short intervals with small bars of wood like the feet of a ladder.
The men place themselves at the bow, two on each side, thrust their
poles into the channel, and grasping successively the wooden bars,
work their way towards the stern, thus pushing on the vessel in that
direction. At other times by the brisk and vigorous use of the oar,
they catch and dash through the most favourable lines of current.
In this exhausting struggle, however, it is needful to have frequent
pauses for rest, and in the most difficult passages there are certain
positions fixed for this purpose, which the Canadians call pipes." —
H. Murray's Hist. Descr. of America, vol. ii., p. 473.
9 " From the sea to Montreal this superb river is called the
St. Lawrence, from thence to Kingston, in Upper Canada, the
Cataraqui or Iroquois ; between Lakes Ontario and Erie, the Niagara;
between Lakes Erie and St. Clair, the Detroit; between Lakes St. Clair
and Huron, the St. Clair; and between Lakes Huron and Superior, the
distance is called the Narrows or Falls of St. Mary. The St. Law-
rence discharges to the ocean annually about 4,277,880 millions of
tons of fresh water, of which 2,112,120 millions of tons may be
reckoned melted snow ; the quantity discharged before the thaw
124 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
Portage des Allumettes, 110 miles above Hull, this
stream has been little explored. There it is divided
into two channels by a large island fifteen miles
long: the southernmost of these expands into the
width of four or five miles, and communicates by a
branch of the river with the Mud and Musk Rat
Lakes. Twelve miles further south the river again
forms two branches, including an extensive and
beautiful island twenty miles in length ; numerous
rapids and cascades diversify this wild but lovely
scene ; thence to the foot of the Chenaux, wooded
islands in picturesque variety deck the bosom of the
stream, and the bright blue waters here wind their
way for three miles through a channel of pure white
marble. Nature has bestowed abundant fertility as
well as beauty upon this favoured district. The
Gatineau river joins the Ottawa near Hull, after a
course of great length. This stream is navigated
comes on, being 4512 millions of tons per day for 240 days, and the
quantity after the thaw begins, being 25,560 millions per day for
125 days, the depths and velocity when in and out of flood being
duly considered : hence a ton of water being nearly equal to 55 cubic
yards of pure snow, the St. Lawrence frees a country of more than
2,000 miles square, covered to the depth of three feet. The
embouchure of this first-class stream is that part of the Gulf of
St. Lawrence where the island of Anticosti divides the mouth of the
river into two branches. According to Mr. M'Taggart, a shrewd
and humorous writer, the solid contents in cubic feet of the
St. Lawrence, embracing Lakes Superior, Huron, Michigan, Erie and
Ontario, is estimated at 1,547,792,360,000 cubic feet, and the
superficial area being 72,930 square miles, the water therein would
form a cubic column of nearly 22 miles on each side !" — Montgomery
Martin's History of Canada.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 125
by canoes for more than 300 miles, traversing
an immense valley of rich soil and picturesque
scenery.
At the foot of the Chenaux the magnificent Lake
des Chats opens to view, in length about fifteen
miles ; the shores are strangely indented, and num-
bers of wooded islands stud the surface of the clear
waters. At the foot of the lake there are falls and
rapids ;* thence to Lake Chaudiere, a distance of six
miles, the channel narrows, but expands again to
form that beautiful and extensive basin. Rapids
again succeed, and continue to the Chaudiere Falls.
The boiling pool into which these waters descend is
of great depth : the sounding-line does not reach the
bottom at the length of 300 feet. It is supposed
that the main body of the river flows by a subterra-
neous passage, and rises again half a mile lower
down. Below the Chaudiere Falls the navigation is
uninterrupted to Grenville, sixty miles distant. The
current is scarcely perceptible ; the banks are low,
and generally overflowed in the spring; but the
varying breadth of the river, the numerous islands,
the magnificent forests, and the crystal purity of the
waters, lend a charm to the somewhat monotonous
1 " Kinnel Lodge, the residence of the celehrated Highland chieftain
M'Nab, is romantically situated on the south bank of the lake, about
five miles above the head of the Chats Rapids, which are three miles
long, and pass amidst a labyrinth of varied islands, until the waters
of the Ottawa are suddenly precipitated over the Falls of the Chats,
which to the number of fifteen or sixteen form a curved line across
the river, regularly divided by woody islands, the falls being in depth
from sixteen to twenty feet," — M. Martin's History of Canada.
126 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
beauty of the scene. At Grenville commences the
Long Sault, a swift and dangerous rapid, which
continues with intervals till it falls into the still
Lake of the Two Mountains. Below the heights
from whence this sheet of water derives its name,
the well-known Rapids of St. Anne's discharge
the main stream into the waters of the St.
Lawrence.2
Below the Island of Montreal the St. Lawrence
continues, in varying breadth and considerable depth,
to Sorel, where it is joined by the Richelieu river
from the south ; thence opens the expanse of Lake
St. Peter, shallow and uninteresting ; after twenty-
five miles the Great River contracts again, receives
in its course the waters of the St. Maurice, and
other large streams ; and 180 miles below Montreal
the vast flood pours through the narrow channel
that lies under the shadow of Quebec.3 Below this
strait lies a deep basin, nearly four miles wide,
formed by the head of the Island of Orleans : the
main channel continues by the south shore. It
2 See Appendix, No. XIX.
3 "At Quebec, the river St. Lawrence narrows to 131 4 yards ; yet
the navigation is completely unobstructed, while there is formed
near the city, a capacious harbour. About twenty-one miles lower, its
waters beginning to mingle with those of the sea, acquire a saline
taste, which increases till, at Kamauraska, seventy-five miles nearer its
mouth, they become completely salt. Yet custom, with somewhat
doubtful propriety, considers the river as continued down to the island
of Anticosti, and bounded by Cape Rosier on the southern, and Min-
gau settlement on the northern shore." — Bouchette's Top. and Stat.
Descr. of Canada, vol. i., pp. 164 — 169.
THE CONQUEST OP CANADA. 127
would be wearisome to tell of all the numerous and
beautiful islands that deck the bosom of the St.
Lawrence from Quebec to the Gulf. The river gra-
dually expands, till it reaches a considerable breadth
at the mouth of the Saguenay. There is a dark
shade for many miles below where this great tribu-
tary pours its gloomy flood into the pure waters of
the St. Lawrence : 120 miles westward it flows from
a large circular sheet of water, called Lake St. John ;
but the furthest sources lie in the unknown regions of
the west and north. For about half its course, from
the lake to Tadoussac at the mouth, the banks are
rich and fertile ; but thence cliffs rise abruptly
out of the water to a lofty height, — sometimes
2000 feet, — and two or three miles apart. The
depth of the Saguenay is very great, and the sur-
rounding scenery is of a magnificent but desolate
character.
Below the entrance of the Saguenay the St. Law-
rence increases to twenty miles across, at the Bay
of Seven Islands to seventy, at the head of the large
and unexplored island of Anticosti to ninety, and at
the points where it may be said to enter the Gulf
between Gaspe and the Labrador coast, reaches the
enormous breadth of 120 miles. In mid-channel
both coasts can be seen ; the mountains on the
north shore rise to a great height in a continuous
range, their peaks capped with eternal snows.
Having traced this vast chain of water com-
munication from its remotest links, it is now time
to speak of the magnificent territory which it
128 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
opens to the commerce and enterprise of civilised
man.
Upper or Western Canada4 is marked off from
the eastern province by the natural boundary of
the Ottawa or Grand River. It consists almost
throughout of one uniform plain. In all those
districts hitherto settled or explored there is scarcely
a single eminence that can be called a hill, although
traversed by two wide ridges, rising above the usual
level of the country. The greater of these elevations
passes through nearly the whole extent of the
province from south-east to north-west, separating
the waters falling into the St. Lawrence and the
great lakes, from those tributary to the Ottawra :
the highest point is forty miles north of Kingston,
being also the most elevated level on that magnificent
modern work, the Rideau Canal;5 it is 290 feet
above the Ottawa at Bytown, and 160 feet higher
than the surface of Lake Ontario. Towards these
waters the plain descends at the gradient of about
four feet in the mile ; this declivity is imperceptible
to the eye, and is varied by gently undulating
slopes and inequalities. Beyond the broad rich
valley lying to the north of this elevation there is a
4 See Appendix, No. XX.
5 " The Falls of the Rideau are about fifty feet in height, and 300
in breadth, being at the time we saw them more magnificent than
usual, by reason of the high state of the waters. It is from their
resemblance to a curtain that they are distinguished by the name of
Rideau, and they also give this name to the river that feeds them,
which again lends the same appellation to the canal that connects the
Ottawa with Lake Ontario." — Simpson, vol. i., p. 16.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 129
rocky and mountainous country ; still farther north
are seen snow-covered peaks of a great but unknown
height; thence to the pole extends the dreary
region of the Hudson Bay territory.
The lesser elevation begins near the eastern
extremity of Ontario, and runs almost parallel with
the shores of the lake to a point about twenty-four
miles north-west from Toronto, where it separates
the streams flowing into lakes Huron and Ontario :
it then passes south-east between lakes Erie and
Ontario, and terminates on the Genessee in the
United States. This has a more perceptible elevation
than the southern ridge, and in some places rises
into bold heights.
The only portion of the vast plain of Western
Canada surveyed or effectually explored, is included
by a line drawn from the eastern coast of lake
Huron to the Ottawa river, and the northern shores
of the great chain of lake and river ; this is however
nearly as large as the whole of England.
The natural features of Lower or Eastern Canada
are unsurpassed by those of any other country in
grace and variety : rivers, lakes, mountains, forests,
prairies and cataracts are grouped together in
endless combinations of beauty and magnificence.
The eastern districts, beginning with the bold sea-
coast and broad waters of the St. Lawrence, are
high, mountainous, and clothed with dark forests
on both sides, down to the very margin of the river.
To the north, a lofty and rugged range of heights
runs parallel with the shore as far westward as
VOL. I. K
130 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
Quebec ; thence it bends west and south-west to the
banks of the Ottawa. To the south, the elevated
ridge, where it reaches within sixty miles of Quebec,
turns from the parallel of the St. Lawrence south-
west and south into the United States ; this ridge,
known by the name of the Alleghanies, rises abruptly
out of the Gulf of St. Lawrence at Perce, between
the Baye de Chaleur and Gaspe Cape, and is more
distant from the Great River than that upon the
northern shore. Where the Alleghanies enter the
United States they divide the plains of the Atlantic
coast from the basin of the Ohio ; their greatest
height is about 4,000 feet above the level of the sea.
The valley of the St. Lawrence lying between
these two ranges of heights is marked by great
diversities of hill, plain, and valley. Both from the
north and south numerous rivers pour their tributary
flood into the great waters of Canada ; of those east-
ward of the Saguenay little is known beyond their
entrance ; they flow through cliffs of light-coloured
sand, rocky wooded knolls, or in some places deep
swampy mossbeds nearly three feet in depth. From
the Saguenay to Quebec the mountain ridge along
the shore of the St. Lawrence is unbroken, save
where streams find their way to the Great River, but
beyond this coast-border the country is in some
places level, in others undulating, with hills of
moderate height, and well watered vallies. From
Quebec westward to the St. Maurice which joins the
St. Lawrence at Three Rivers, the land rises in a
gentle ascent from the banks of the Great River, and
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 131
presents a rich tract of fertile plains and slopes : in
the distance a lofty chain of mountains protects this
favoured district from the bitter northern blast.
Along the north bank of the St. Lawrence from the
St. Maurice, the country towards the Ottawa is
slightly elevated into table ridges, with occasional
abrupt declivities and some extensive plains. In this
portion of Canada are included the islands of Montreal,
Jesus, and Perrot, formed by the various branches
of the Great River and the Ottawa where their
waters unite. Montreal is the largest and most
fertile of these islands; its length is thirty-two
miles and breadth ten, the general shape is trian-
gular. Isle Jesus is twenty-one miles by six in
extent, and also very rich ; there are besides several
other smaller islands of considerable fertility. Isle
Perrot is poor and sandy. The remote country to
the north of the Ottawa is but little known.
On the south shore of the St. Lawrence, the
peninsula of Gaspd is the most eastern district ;
this large tract of country has been very little ex-
plored : so far as it has been examined, it is uneven,
mountainous, and intersected with deep ravines;
but the forests, rivers, and lakes, are very fine, and
the vallies fertile. The sea-beach is low and hard,6
6 Modern alluvial accumulations are rapidly increasing on some
points of this coast, owing to the enormous mass of fresh water
charged with earthy matter, that here mingles with the sea. The
surface of the water at the mouth of the St. Lawrence, where the
depth is 100 fathoms, is stated by Bayfield, to be turbid from this
cause, — yet, that this discoloration is superficial is evident, for in the
wake of a ship moving through the troubled surface, the clear blue
waters of the sea are seen below.
132 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
answering the purposes of a road ; at the Cape of
Gasp£, however, there are some bold and lofty cliffs.
Behind the beach the land rises into high round
hills, well wooded ; sheltered from the Gaspe district
to the Chaudiere river the country is not so stern
as on the northern side of the St. Lawrence ; though
somewhat hilly, it abounds in large and fertile
vallies. The immediate shores of the river are flat,
thence irregular ridges arise, till they reach an ele-
vated table-land fifteen or twenty miles from the
beach. From the Chaudiere river westward, extends
that rich and valuable country now known by the
name of the Eastern Townships. At the mouth of
the Chaudiere, the banks of the St. Lawrence are
bold and lofty ; but they gradually lower to the
westward, till they sink into the flats of Baye du
Febre, and form the marshy shores of Lake St. Peter,
whence a rich plain extends to a great distance.
This district contains several high isolated moun-
tains, and is abundantly watered by lakes and
rivers. To the south lies the territory of the United
States.
133
CHAPTER V.
UPON the surface of Canada are found manifest
indications of that tremendous deluge, the effects of
which are so plainly visible in the Old World. Huge
boulder stones l abound in almost every part of the
province; sometimes they are seen rounded, piled
in high heaps on extensive horizontal beds of lime-
stone, swept together by the force of some vast
flood. Masses of various kinds of shells lie in great
quantities in hollows and vallies, some of them hun-
dreds of feet above the level of Lake Ontario. Near
to great rivers, and often where now no waters are
1 " The neighbourhood of Quebec, as well as Canada in general, is
much characterised by boulders, and the size and position of some of
them is very striking. There are two crowning the height which
overlooks the domain farm at Beauport, whose collective weight is
little short, by computation, of forty tons. The Heights of Abraham
also are, or rather were, crowded with them ; and it should never
be forgotten that it was upon one of these hoary symbols, the debacles
of the deluge, as they are supposed to be, that the immortal and
mortal parts of two heroes separated from each other. It has often
occurred to us, that one of the most suitable monuments to the
memory of Wolfe and Montcalm might have been erected with these
masses, in the form of a pyramid or pile of shot, instead of burying
them, as in many instances has been done, in order to clear the
ground. "—Picture of Quebec, p. 456.
134 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
at hand, undulations of rocks are seen like those
found in the beds of rapids where the channels are
waved. These have evidently, at some remote
period, been the courses of floods now no longer
existing. On the shores of the Gulf of St. Law-
rence detached boulder stones appear, some of
enormous size, many tons in weight; they must
have come from a great distance, for nowhere in
that region is there any rock of similar material.
In the upper strata of the country, are abundant
fossil remains of distinct animal existences now
unknown ; they are blended with the limestone in
which they lie.
It seems certain that the whole of Canada has
been violently convulsed by some effort of nature,
since the floods of the deluge passed away ; the
mountains are abrupt and irregular in outline, and
in some places cleft with immense chasms; the
rivers also show singular contortions. North of
Quebec and in St. Paul's Bay, are many traces of
volcanic eruptions, and vast masses of alluvial
rocks, bearing marks of vitrification, frequently
appear on the surface of the earth. There is,
besides, strong evidence that the American Conti-
nent has lain for unknown ages beneath the great
deep, or that it is of later formation than Europe or
Asia.
As far as it has been explored, the general geolo-
gical structure of Canada exhibits a granite country,
with some calcareous rocks of a soft texture in hori-
zontal strata. The lower islands in the St. Lawrence
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 135
are merely inequalities of the vast granite strata
which occasionally stand above the level of the
waters; the whole neighbouring country appears
as if the Great River had, at one time, covered it.
The banks of the St. Lawrence are, in many places,
formed of a schistus substance in a decaying state,
but still granite is everywhere found in strata,
inclined, but never parallel to the horizon. In the
Gaspe district many beautiful quartz, and a great
variety of cornelians, agates, copals, and jaspers
have been found, and traces of coal have also been
observed.2
2 Gray says, in 1809, that "no coal has ever yet been found in
Canada, probably because it has never been thought worth search-
ing after. It is supposed that coal exists in the neighbourhood of
Quebec ; at any rate there can be no doubt that it exists in great
abundance in the island of Cape Breton, which may one day become
the Newcastle of Canada." — P. 287.
" No idea can be formed of the importance of the American coal-
seams, until we reflect on the prodigious area over which they are
continuous. The elliptical area occupied by the Pitteburg seam is
225 miles in its largest diameter, while its maximum breadth is
about 100 miles ; its superficial extent being about 14,000 square miles.
" The Apalachian coal-field extends for a distance of 720 miles from
north-east to south-west, its greatest width being about 180 miles.
" The Illinois coal-field is not much inferior in dimensions to the
whole of England." — Ly ell's America, vol. ii., p. 31.
" It was the first time I had seen the true coal in America, and I
was much struck with its surprising analogy in mineral and fossil
characters to that of Europe ; , the whole series resting on
a coarse grit and conglomerate, containing quartz pebbles, very like
our millstone grit, and often called by the American, as well as the
English miners, the ' Farewell Rock,' because when they have
reached it in their borings, they take leave of all valuable fuel."-
Ibid., vol. i., p. 61.
]36 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
The north shore of the St. Lawrence, from thirty
miles below Quebec eastward, and along the coast
of Labrador, is generally of the primitive formations.
Except in the marshes and swamps, rocks obtrude
upon the surface in all quarters ; in many places
deep fissures of from six inches to two feet wide,
are seen bearing witness to volcanic violence; the
Indians describe some of these rents as several miles
long, and forty or fifty feet deep ; when covered with
the thick underwood they are, at times, very dan-
gerous to the traveller. These chasms are probably
owing to some great subterranean action ; there is a
manuscript in the Jesuits' College at Quebec, which
records the occurrence of an earthquake on the 5th
of February, 1663, at about half-past 5 P.M., felt
through the whole extent of Canada : trees in the
forests were torn up and dashed against each other,
with inconceivable violence ; mountains were raised
from their foundations and thrown into vallies,
leaving awful chasms behind ; from the openings
issued dense clouds of smoke, dust, and sand ;
many rivers disappeared, others were diverted from
their course, and the great St. Lawrence became
suddenly white as far down as the mouth of the
Saguenay. The first shock lasted for more than
half an hour, but the greatest violence was only for
fifteen minutes. At Tadoussac, a shower of volcanic
ashes descended upon the rivers, agitating the
waters like a tempest. This tremendous earthquake
extended simultaneously over 180,000 square miles
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 137
of country, and lasted for nearly six months almost
without intermission.3
In the neighbourhood of Quebec, a dark clay slate
generally appears, and forms the bed of the St. Law-
rence, as far as Lake Ontario and even at Niagara ;
boulders and other large masses of rock, however,
of various kinds, occur in detached portions at
many different places. The great elevated ridge of
broken country, running towards the Ottawa river,
at the distance of from fifty to one hundred miles
from the north shore of Lake Ontario, and the
course of the St. Lawrence, is rich in silver, lead,
copper, and iron. On the north shore of the
Saguenay, the rugged mountains abound in iron to
such an extent, as to influence the mariner's com-
pass. The iron mines of St. Maurice,4 have been
3 See Appendix, No. XXI.
4 Professor Kalm visited the iron- works of St. Maurice in 1748,
eleven or twelve years after their first establishment. " The iron-
work, which is the only one in this country, lies three miles to the
west of Trois Rivieres. Here are two great forges, besides two lesser
ones to each of the great ones, and under the same roof with them.
The bellows were made of wood, and everything else as in the Swedish
forges. The ore is got two and a half miles from the iron-works, and
is carried thither on sledges. It is a kind of moor-ore (Tophus
Tubalcaini : Linn. Syst. Nat., lib. iii., p.187, note 5) which lies in veins
within six inches or a foot from the surface of the ground. Each
vein is from six to eighteen inches deep, and below it is a white sand.
The veins are surrounded with this sand on both sides, and covered
at the top with a thia mould. The ore is pretty rich, and lies in
loose lumps in the veins of the size of two fists, though there are a
few which are near eighteen inches thick. These lumps are full of
holes which are filled with ochre. The ore is so soft that it may be
crushed between the fingers. They make use of a grey limestone,
138 THE CONQUEST OP CANADA.
long known and found abundantly productive of an
admirable metal, inferior to none in the world ; it is
remarkably pliant and malleable, and little subject
which is broke in the neighbourhood, for promoting the fusibility of
the ore ; to that purpose they likewise employ a clay marl, which
is found near this place. Charcoals are to be had in great abundance
here, because the country round this place is covered with wood which
has never been stirred. The charcoals from evergreen-trees, that is
from the fir kind, are best for the forge, but those of deciduous trees
are best for the smelting-oven. The iron which is here made was to me
described as soft, pliable, and tough, and is said to have the quality
of not being attacked by rust so easily as other iron. This iron-
work was first founded in 1737 by private persons, who afterwards
ceded it to the king ; they cast cannon and mortars here of different
sizes, iron stoves, which are in use all over Canada, kettles, <fcc.
They have likewise tried to make steel here, but cannot bring it to
any great perfection, because they are unacquainted with the best
method of preparing it. Here are many officers and overseers who
have very good houses built on purpose for them. It is agreed on
all hands that the resources of the iron-work do not pay the expenses
which the king must every year be at in maintaining it. They lay
the fault on the bad state of population, and say that the few
inhabitants in the country have enough to do with agriculture, and
that it therefore costs great trouble and large sums to get a sufficient
number of workmen. But, however plausible this may appear, yet
it is surprising that the king should be a loser in carrying on this
work, for the ore is easily broken, being near the iron-work, and very
fusible. The iron is good ; and this is, moreover, the only iron-
work in the country from which everybody must supply himself with
tools, and what other iron he wants. But the officers and servants
belonging to the iron-work appear to be in very affluent circumstances.
A river runs down from the iron- work into the River St. Lawrence,
by which all the iron can be sent in boats throughout the country at
a low rate." — Kami in Pinkerton, vol. xiii., p. 631.
" M. Dantic, after a number of experiments to class the different
kinds of iron, discovered that the iron of Styria was the best, and
that the iron of North America, of Danemara in Sweden, of Spain,
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 139
to oxidation. In 1667, Colbert sent M. de la Potar-
diere, an experienced mineralogist, to examine these
mines ; he reported the iron very abundant, and of
excellent quality, but it was not till 1737, that the
forges were established by the French : they failed
to pay the expenses of the speculation ; the super-
intendent and fourteen clerks, however, gained for-
tunes by the losses of their employers.
There is no doubt that immense mineral
resources remain undiscovered among the rocky
solitudes of Lower Canada. Marble of excellent
quality, and endless variety of colour, is found in
different parts of the country, and limestone is
almost universal. Labrador produces a beautiful
and well-known spar of rich and brilliant tints,
ultra-marine, greenish yellow, red, and some of a
fine pearly grey.
In Upper Canada, the country north of Lake
Ontario is generally characterised by a limestone
subsoil, resting on granite. The rocks about
Kingston are usually a very compact limestone, of
Bayonne, Roussillon, Foix, Berri, Thierache in Sweden, the Com-
munes of France, and Siberia was the next class." — Abbe Raynal,
vol. iii., p. 268.
Weld and Heriot mention that the bank of iron ore at the forges
of St. Maurice was nearly exhausted in their time ; new veins, how-
ever, have been since discovered.
Charlevoix says, in 1720 : " II est certain que ces mines de fer,
que 1'ceil pergant de M. Colbert et la vigilance de M. Talon avoit fait
decouvrir, apres avoir presqu entierement disparu pendant plus de
soixante dix ans, viennent d'etre retrouvees par les soins de ceux qui
occupent aujourd'hui leur place." — Charlevoix, torn, ii., p. 166.
140 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
a bluish-grey colour, having a slight silicious
admixture, increasing as the depth increases, with
occasional intrusions of quartz or hornstone. The
limestone strata are horizontal, with the greatest
dip when nearest to the elder rock on which it
rests ; their thickness, like the depths of the soil,
varies from a few feet to a few inches : in these
formations many* minerals are observed; genuine
granite is seldom or never found.
West of Lake Ontario the chasm at the falls of
Niagara shows the strata of the country to be lime-
stone, next slate, and lowest sandstone. Limestone
and sandstone compose the secondary formations of
a large portion of Canada, and of nearly all that
vast extent of country in the United States drained
by the Mississippi. At Niagara the interposing
structure of slate is nearly forty feet thick, and
fragile, like shale crumbling away from under the
limestone, thus strengthening the opinion that
there has been for many ages a continual retro-
cession of the Great Falls. Around Lake St. Clair
masses of granite, mica slate, and quartz are found
in abundance. The level shores of Lake Huron
offer little geological variety; secondary limestone,
filled with the usual reliquiae, is the general structure
of the coast, but detached blocks of granite and
other primitive rocks are occasionally found : this
district appears poor in minerals. The waters of
lakes Huron, Michigan, and Superior have evidently
at some remote period formed one vast sheet, which
probably burst its bounds by a sudden action of
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 141
nature, and subsided into the present divisions, all
lower than the former general level : the separating
ridges of these waters are but slightly elevated;
great masses of rock and huge boulders of granite
are found rolled at least 100 miles from their
original situations, and immense alluvial beds of
fresh-water shells, apparently formed since the
deluge, but when the waters were still of a vast
depth and extent, are found in the east of Lake
Huron.
Little or nothing is known of the dreary solitudes
beyond Lake Superior ; enormous muddy ponds and
marshes are succeeded by open, dry, sandy plains ;
then forests of hemlock and spruce arise, again
swamp, bog, windfalls, and stagnant water succeed;
in the course of many miles there may not be one
dry spot found for a resting-place. The cold is
intense in this desolate region; in winter spirits
freeze into a consistency like honey; and even in
the height of summer the thermometer only shows
thirty-six degrees at sunrise. Part of the north and
east shore of this greatest of the lakes present old
formations — sienite, stratified greenstone, more or
less chloritic, and alternating five times with vast
beds of granite — the general direction east, with
a north or perpendicular dip. Great quantities of
the older shell limestone are found strewn in rolled
masses on the beach. Amygdaloid occupies also
a very large tract to the north, mingled with por-
phyries, conglomerates, and various other substances.
From Thunder Mountain, westward, trappose green-
142 THE CONQUEST OP CANADA.
stone is the prevailing rock ; it gives rise to some
strange pilastered precipices near Fort -William.
Copper 5 abounds in this region to an extent, per-
5 Henry and others speak of a rock of pure copper, from which the
former cut off lOOlhs. weight. W. Schoolcraft examined the
remainder of the mass in 1820, and found it of irregular shape ; in
its greatest length three feet eight inches, greatest hreadth three
feet four inches, making about eleven cubic feet, and containing, of
metallic matter, about 2,200 Ibs. ; but there were many marks of
chisels and axes upon it, as if a great deal had been carried off.
The surface of the block, unlike most metals which have suffered
a long exposure to the atmosphere, presents a metallic brilliancy. —
Martin's History of Canada,^. 175.
Weld mentions having seen in the possession of a gentleman at
Niagara, a lump of copper of several ounces weight, apparently as
pure as if it had passed through the fire, which had been struck off
with a chisel from a piece equally pure, growing on one of the
islands in Lake Superior. Rich veins of copper are visible in almost
all the rocks on these islands near the shore ; and copper ore,
resembling copperas, is likewise found in deep beds near the water. —
Weld, p. 346.
In Charlevoix's time (1720), " on trouvoit sur les bords du Lac
Superieur et autour de certains isles, de grosses pieces de cuivre qui
sont Fobjet de cette superstition des sauvages ; ils les regardent avec
veneration comme un present des Dieux qui habitent sous les eaux ;
ils en ramassent les plus petits fragmens et les conservent avec soin,
mais ils n'en font aucune usage. J'ai connu un de nos freres lequel
etoit orfevre de son metier, et qui, pendant qu'il etoit dans la mission
du sault Sainte Marie, en etoit alle chercher la, et en avoit fait des
chandeliers, des croix, et des encensoirs, car ce cuivre est souvent
presque tout pur." — Tom. v., p. 415.
Kalm says that the copper found is so pure, that it does not
require melting over again, but is fit for working immediately. —
Kalm in Pinkerton, vol. xiii., p. 691. (1748).
" Before saying good-bye to Lake Superior, let me add, that since
the date of my visit, the barren rocks which we passed have become
an object of intense interest, promising to rival, in point of mineral
wealth, the Altai chain and the Uralian mountains. Iron had long
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 143
haps, unsurpassed anywhere in the world. At the
Coppermine river, 300 miles from the sault de
St. Marie, this metal, in a pure state, nearly covers
been known to abound on the northern shore, two mines having been
at one time worked and abandoned, chiefly on account of temporary
obstacles, which the gradual advance of agriculture and civilisation
was sure to remove ; and more recently the southern shore, though
of a much less favourable character in that respect, was found to
possess rich veins of copper and silver. Under these circumstances,
various enterprising persons in Canada have prosecuted investiga-
tions which appear to have satisfactorily proved that, in addition to
their iron, the forbidding wastes of the northern shore contain inex-
haustible treasures, both of the precious and of the useful metals, of
gold and of silver, of copper and tin, and already have associations
been formed, to reap the teeming harvest." Sir G. Simpson's
Journey round the World, vol. i.. p. 35. (1841).
The following extract is from a Quebec newspaper, bearing date
25th June, 1848 :—
" THE COPPER REGION, SINGULAR DISCOVERY. — A correspondent
of the Buffalo Express, writing under date June 14, from Ontonagon,
Lake Superior, says : —
" ' Mr. Knapp, of the Vulcan Mining Company, has lately made
some very singular discoveries here in working one of the veins,
which he lately found. He worked into an old cave which has been
excavated centuries ago. This led them to look for other works of
the same sort, and they have found a number of sinks in the earth
which thej have traced a long distance. By digging into those
sinks they find them to have been made by the hand of man. It
appears that the ancient miners went on a different principle from
what they do at the present time. The greatest depth yet found in
these holes is thirty feet — after getting down to a certain depth,
they drifted along the vein, making an open cut. These cuts have
been filled nearly to a level by the accumulation of soil, and we find
trees of the largest growth standing in this gutter ; and also find .
that trees of a very large growth have grown up and died, and
decayed many years since ; in the same places there are now stand-
ing trees of over three hundred years' growth. Last week they dug
144 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
the face of a serpentine rock, and is also found
within the stone in solid masses. Iron is abundant
in many parts of Upper Canada ; at Charlotteville,
eight miles from Lake Erie, the metal produced is
of a very fine quality. The Marmora Iron Works,
about thirty-two miles north of the bay of Quint&,
on the river Trent, are situated, on an extensive
white rocky flat, apparently the bed of some dried-
down into a new place, and about twelve feet below the surface found
a mass of copper that will weigh from eight to ten tons. This mass
was buried in ashes, and it appears they could not handle it, and had
no means of cutting it, and probably built fire to melt or separate the
rock from it, which might be done by heating, and then dashing on
cold water. This piece of copper is as pure aud clean as a new cent,
the upper surface has been pounded clear and smooth. It appears
that this mass of copper was taken from the bottom of a shaft, at the
depth of about thirty feet. In sinking this shaft from where the
mass now lies, they followed the course of the vein, which pitches
considerably : this enabled them to raise it as far as the hole came
up with a slant. At the bottom of a shaft they found skids of black
oak, from eight to twelve inches in diameter — these sticks were
charred through, as if burnt ; they found large wooden wedges in
the same situation. In this shaft they found a miner's gad and a
narrow chisel made of copper. I do not know whether these copper
tools are tempered or not, but their make displays good workman-
ship. They have taken out more than a ton of cobble-stones, which
have been used as mallets. These stones were nearly round, with a
score cut around the tenter, and look as if this score was cut for the
purpose of putting a withe round for a handle. The Chippawa
Indians all say that this work was never done by Indians. This
discovery will lead to a new methed of finding veins in this country,
and may be of great benefit to some. I suppose they will keep
finding new wonders for some time yet, as it is but a short time since
they first found the old mine. There is copper here in abundance,
and I think people will begin to dig it in a few years. Mr. Knapp
has found considerable silver during the past winter. ' '
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 145
up river; the ore is found on the surface, and is
very rich, yielding ninety-two per cent : the necessary
assistants, lime and fuel, abound close at hand.
Various other minerals have also been found there ;
among the rest, small specimens of a metal like
silver.
There are many strong mineral springs in different
parts of Canada ; the most remarkable of these is
the Burning Spring above Niagara ; its waters are
black, hot and bubbling, and emit, during the
summer, a gas that burns with a pure bright flame ;
this sulphuretted hydrogen is used to light a neigh-
bouring mill. Salt-springs are also numerous;
gypsum is obtained in large quantities, with pipe
and potter's clay ; yellow ochre sometimes occurs ;
and there are many kinds of valuable building stones.
It is gathered from the Indians that there are
incipient volcanoes in several parts of these regions,
particularly towards the Chippewa hunting grounds.
The soil of Lower Canada is generally fertile,
about Quebec it is light and sandy in some parts,
in others it is a mixture of loam and clay. Above
the Richelieu Rapids, where the great valley of the
St. Lawrence begins to widen, the low lands consist
of a light and loose dark earth, with ten or twelve
inches of depth, lying on a stratum of cold clay, all
apparently of alluvial formation. Along the banks
of the Ottawa there is a great extent of rich alluvial
soil; each year developes large districts of fertile
land, before unknown. The soils of Upper Canada
are various ; brown clay and loam, intermixed with
VOL. I. L
146 THE CONQUEST OP CANADA.
marl, predominates, particularly in the rich district
between the St. Lawrence and the Ottawa : north of
Ontario it is more clayey, and extremely fertile.
A rich black mould prevails in the district between
lakes Ontario and Erie. There is in this upper
country an almost total absence of stone or gravel
for building and other common purposes. So great
is the fertility of the soil in Canada, that fifty
bushels of wheat an acre are frequently produced,
even where the stumps of trees still occupy a con-
siderable portion of the ground : near Toronto 100
bushels of wheat have been grown upon a single
acre, and in some districts the land has yielded rich
crops of that grain for twenty successive years,
without being manured.
The quality of the soil in wild lands may be
known by the timber growing upon it. Hardwood
trees, those that shed their leaves during winter,
show the best indication ; such as maple, basswood,
elm, black walnut, hickory, butternut, ironwood,
hemlock, and a giant species of nettle. A mixture
of beech is good, but where it stands alone, the soil
is general light. Oak is uncertain, as an indication,
being found on various bottoms. Soft, or evergreen
wood, such as pine, fir, larch, and others of the
species, are considered decisive of a very light soil.
The larch or tamarack on wide flat plains, indicates
sand upon a substratum of marly clay, which the
French Canadians hold in high estimation. It is,
however, right to add that some very respectable
authorities dispute that the nature of the timber
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 147
can be fully relied on as a guide to the value of the
land. The variety of trees found in the Canadian
forest is astonishing, and it is supposed that many
kinds still remain unknown. Of all these, none is
more beautiful and useful than the maple, its
brilliant foliage changing with each season of the
year is the richest ornament of the forest; the
timber is valuable for many purposes, and from the
sap might be produced an immense quantity of excel-
lent sugar; a great deal is at present made, but like
all the other resources of this magnificent country,
it is very partially turned to the use of man : the
sap of the maple is valuable also for distillation.
There is a considerable variety of climate in
Canada, from the north-east, chilled by the winds of
the Atlantic,6 to the south-west, five degrees lower,
and approaching the centre of the continent ; the
6 Acosta is the first philosopher who endeavoured to account for
the different degrees of heat in the Old and New Continents, by the
agency of the winds which blow in each. (Hist. Moral., lib. ii.
and iii.) M. de Buffon adopted the same theory, and illustrated it
with many new observations. " The prevailing winds, both in
Upper and Lower Canada, are the north-east, north-west, and
south-west, which all have a considerable influence on the tempera-
ture of the atmosphere and the state of the weather. The south-
west wind is the most prevalent, but it is generally moderate, and
accompanied by clear skies ; and the north-east and easterly winds
usually bring with them continued rain in summer, and snow in
winter ; the north-west is remarkable for its dryness and elasticity,
and from its gathering an intense degree of frigor, as it sweeps over
the frozen plains and ice-bound hills in that quarter of the continent,
invariably brings with it a perceptible degree of cold. Winds from
due north, south, or west, are not frequent. At Quebec, the direction
of the wind often changes with the tide, which is felt for nearly sixty
L2
148 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
neighbourhood of ranges of bare and rugged moun-
tains,7 has also a marked effect upon the temperature
miles higher up the stream of the St. Lawrence." — Bonchette, vol. i.,
p. 343.
" The north-west wind is uncommonly dry, and brings with it fresh
animation and vigour to every living thing. Although this wind is
so very piercing in winter, yet the people never complain so much of
cold as when the north-east wind blows. The north-east wind is also
cold, but it renders the air raw and damp. That from the south-east
is damp, but warm. Rain or snow usually falls when the wind comes
from any point towards the east. The north-west wind, from coming
over such an immense tract of land, must necessarily be dry ; and
coming from regions eternally covered with mounds of snow and ice,
it must also be cold. The north-east wind, from traversing the frozen
seas, must be cold likewise ; but from passing over such a large
portion of the watery main afterwards, it brings damp and moisture
with it. All those from the north-east are damp, and loaded with
vapours from the same cause. Southerly winds, from crossing the
warm regions between the tropics, are attended with heats ; and the
south-west wind, from passing, like the north-west, over a great
extent of land, is dry at the same time. " — Weld's Travels in America,
4th ed., p. 184.
Kalm says, p. 748, that he was assured that " the north-east
wind, when it is very violent in winter, pierces through walls of a
moderate thickness, so that the whole wall on the inside of the house
is covered with snow, or a thick hoar frost ; the wind damages
severely the houses that are built of stone, so that the owners are
frequently obliged to repair them on the north-east side. In summer
the north-wind is generally attended with rain." — Kalm in Pinkerton,
vol. xiii., p. 651.
7 " Many of these mountains are very high. During my stay in
Canada, I asked many people who have travelled much in North
America, whether they ever met with mountains so high that the
snow never melts on them in summer ; to which they always answered
in the negative. They say that the snow sometimes stays on the
highest, viz., on some of those between Canada and the English
colonies during a part of the summer, but that it melts as soon as the
great heat begins." — Kalm, p. 671.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 149
of different localities. However, in all parts the
winters are very severe, while the heat of summer
is little inferior to that of the tropics. But on the
whole, the clear blue sky unobscured by fog or
mist, and the pure elastic air, bespeak the salubrity
of these provinces in all seasons.
In Lower Canada the extreme severity of the
winter is, in a measure, caused by the vicinity of
the range of lofty and rugged mountains, as well
as by its more northern position. The fall of snow
commences in November, but seldom remains long
on the ground till December ; in that month con-
stantly successive falls of snow rapidly cover the
whole surface of the country. Towards the end of
December the heavy clouds disperse, and the rude
storm is followed by a perfect calm; the air becomes
pure and frosty, and the skies of a clear and beau-
tiful azure. The River St. Lawrence8 is frozen
over every winter from Montreal to the Richelieu
Rapids, but from thence to Quebec only once in
about five years ; at other times, however, enormous
fields and masses of ice drift up and down with the
changing tides, increasing or diminishing with the
severity or mildness of the weather; where the
Island of Orleans divides the Great River into two
branches, the northern channel is narrow and less
acted upon by tides ; here these huge frozen masses
8 " It is worthy of remark, and not a little surprising, that so large
a river as the St. Lawrence, in latitude 47°, should be shut up with
ice as soon, and continue as long shut up, as the comparatively small
river, the Neva, in latitude 60°."— Gray's Canada, p. 320.
150 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
are forced together by the winds and waters, and
form an enormous bridge from shore to shore. The
greatest degree of cold prevails towards the end of
January, for a few days occasionally so intense that
the human frame can scarcely endure exposure to
it for any length of time. When winter has set in
nearly every bird disappears, and few wild animals
are any longer to be seen; some, like the bear, remain
torpid, others change their colour to a snowy white,
and are rarely observed. Rocks of the softer kinds
are often rent asunder, as if with the explosion of
gunpowder, by the irresistible expansive power of
the frost.9 Dogs become mad from the severity of
the cold, and polished iron or other metal when
exposed in the air for a little time, burns the hand
9 " The folio wing curious experiments were made some years ago at
Quebec, by Major Williams of the Artillery. Iron shells of different
sizes, from the thirteen-inch shell to the cohorn of four inches
diameter, were nearly filled with water, and an iron plug was driven
in at the fuse-hole by a sledge hammer. It was found, however,
that the plug could never be driven so firmly into the fuse-hole as to
resist the expanding ice, which pushed it out with great force and
velocity, and a bolt or cylinder of ice immediately shot up from the
hole ; but when a plug was used that had springs which would expand
and lay hold of the inside of the cavity, so that it could not possibly
be pushed out, the force of expansion split the shell. The amazing
force of expansion is also shown from the distance to which these iron
plugs are thrown out of the fuse-hole. A plug of two pounds
and a half weight was thrown no less than 415 feet from the shell ;
the fuse axis was at an angle of 45° ; the thermometer showed
51° below the freezing point. Here you see ice and gunpowder
performing the same operations. That similar effects should pro-
ceed from such dissimilar causes is very extraordinary." — Gray's
Canada, p. 309.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 151
at the touch, as if it were red hot.1 During the still
nights of intense frost the woods send forth a
creaking sound, like the noise of chopping with
thousands of hatchets. Sometimes a brief thaw
occurs in the middle of winter, when a very extra-
ordinary effect, called by the Canadians ver glas9 is
occasionally produced upon the bare trees ; they are
covered with an incrustation of pure ice from the
stem to the extremities of the smallest branches :
the slight frost of the night freezes the moisture
that covered the bark during the day ; the branches
become at last unable to bear their icy burden, and
when a strong wind arises, the destruction among
trees of all kinds is immense. When the sun shines
upon the forest covered with this brilliant incrusta-
tion, the effect is indescribably beautiful.
The months of March and April are usually very
hot, and the power of the sun's rays is heightened
by the reflection of the ice and snows. Towards the
end of April, or the beginning of May, the dreary
winter covering has altogether disappeared ; birds
of various kinds return from their wintry exile ; the
ice accumulated in the great lakes and streams that
are tributary to the St. Lawrence breaks up with a
tremendous noise, and rushes down in vast quantities
towards the ocean, till again the tides of the Gulf
drive them back. Sometimes the Great River is
blocked up from shore to shore with these frozen
masses ; the contending currents force them together
with terrible violence, and pile them over each other
1 See Appendix, No. XXII.
152 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
in various fantastic forms. The navigation of the
river is not fairly practicable till all these have dis-
appeared, which is generally about the 10th of May.
When the young summer fairly sets in, nothing
can be more charming than the climate, — during the
day bright and genial, with the air still pure and
clear ; the transition from bare brown fields and
woods to verdure and rich green foliage is so rapid,
that its progress is almost perceptible. Spring has
scarcely begun before summer usurps its place, and
the earth, awakened from nature's long wintry sleep,
gives forth her increase with astonishing bounty.
This delightful season is usually ushered in by
moderate rains, and a considerable rise in the meri-
dian heat ; but the nights are still cool and refreshing.
In June, July, and August, the heat becomes great and
for some days intense ; the roads and rocks at noon
are so hot as to be painful to the touch, and the
direct rays of the sun possess almost tropical power ;
but the night brings re-invigorating coolness, and
the breezes of the morning are as fresh and tem-
pered as in our own favoured land. September is
usually a delightful month, although at times
oppressively sultry. The autumn, or fall, rivals the
spring in healthy and moderate warmth, and is the
most agreeable of the seasons. The night-frosts
destroy the innumerable venomous flies that have
infested the air through the hot season, and, by
their action on the various foliage of the forest,
bestow an inconceivable richness of colouring to
the landscape.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 153
During the summer there is a great quantity of
electric fluid in the atmosphere; but storms of
thunder and lightning are not of very frequent
occurrence. When they do take place, their violence
is sometimes tremendous, and serious damage often
occurs. These outbursts, however, usually produce a
favourable effect upon the weather and temperature.
The most remarkable meteoric phenomenon that
has occurred in Canada since the country became
inhabited by civilised man, was first seen in October,
1785, and again in July, 1814. At noonday a pitchy
darkness, of a dismal and sinister character, com-
pletely obscured the light of the sun, continuing for
about ten minutes at a time, and being frequently
repeated during the afternoon. In the interval
between each mysterious eclipse dense masses of
black clouds, streaked with yellow, drove athwart the
darkened sky, with fitful gusts of wind ; thunder,
lightning, black rain, and showers of ashes added to
the terrors of the scene ; and when the sun appeared
its colour was a bright red. The Indians ascribe
this wonderful phenomenon to a vast volcano in the
unknown regions of Labrador. The testimony of
M. Gagnon gives corroboration to this idea. In
December, 1791, when at St. Paul's Bay, in the
Saguenay country, he saw the flames of an immense
volcano, mingled with black smoke, rising to a great
height in the air. Several violent shocks as of an
earthquake accompanied this strange appearance.
The prevailing winds in Lower Canada are the
north-east, north-west, and south-west, and these
154 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
exercise considerable influence on the temperature
of the atmosphere and the state of the weather.
The south-west wind, the most prevalent, is generally
moderate, accompanied by clear bright skies ; the
north-east and east wind bring rain in summer,
and snow in winter, from the dreary regions of
Labrador ; and the north-west blast is keen and dry
from its passage over the vast frozen solitudes that
lie between the Rocky Mountains2 and Hudson's
Bay. Winds from the north, south, or west, are
seldom felt: the currents of the neighbouring air
are often affected by the direction of the tidal
streams, which act as far as 400 miles from the
mouth of the Great River.
The eifect of a long continuance of snow upon
the earth is favourable to vegetation; were the
surface exposed to the intense severity of wintry
frosts, unprotected by this ample covering, the ground
could not regain a proper degree of heat, even
under a Canadian sun, before the autumn frosts
had again chilled the energies of nature. The
natural heat of the earth is about 42°, the surface
waters freeze at 32°, and thus present a non-con-
ducting incrustation to the keen atmosphere ; then
the snow becomes a warm garment till the April
sun softens the air above ; the latent heat of the
earth begins to be developed, the snow melts, and
penetrates the ground through every pore, rendering
2 " These mountains were known to the French missionaries by the
name of Montagnes des Pierres Brillantes. "• — Chateaubriand.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 155
friable the stiffest soil. For a month or more before
the visible termination of the Canadian winter,
vegetation is in active progress on the surface of
the earth, even under snow several feet thick.
In Upper Canada the climate does not present
such extremes of heat and cold as in the Lower
Province. In the Newcastle District, between
latitude 44° and 45°, the winter is little more severe
than in England, and the warmth of summer is
tempered by a cool and refreshing south-west breeze,
which blows throughout the day from over the
waters of the great lakes. In spring and autumn
this south-west wind brings with it frequent rains ;
the north-west wind prevails in winter, and is dry,
cold, and elastic ; the south-eastern breezes are
generally accompanied by thaw and rain : from the
west, south, or north, the wind rarely blows. The
most sudden changes of weather consequent upon
varying winds are observed from the north-west,
when the air becomes pure and cool; thunder
storms generally clear away with this wind: the
heaviest falls of snow, and the most continued rains,
come with the eastern breezes.
The great lakes are never frozen in their centres,
but a strong border of thick ice extends for some
distance from the shore: in severe weather a
beautiful evaporation in various fantastic shapes
ascends from the vast surfaces of these inland seas,
forming cloudy columns and pyramids to a great
height in the air : this is caused by the water being
of a higher temperature than the atmosphere above.
156 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
The chain of shallow lakes from Lake Simco towards
the midland district are rarely frozen over more
than an inch in thickness till about Christmas, and
are free from ice again by the end of March. The
earth in Upper Canada is seldom frozen more than
twelve or eighteen inches deep, and the general
covering of the snow is about a foot and a half in
thickness.
In Canada the Indian summer is perhaps the
most delightful period of the year ; during most of
November the weather is mild and serene, a soft
dry haze pervades the air, thickening towards the
horizon; in the evenings the sun sets in a rich
crimson flush, and the temperature is mild and
genial : the birds avail themselves of the Indian
summer for their migration. A phenomenon called
the " tertian intervals " has excited much interest,
and is still unexplained ; at the end of the third day
the greatest intensity of frost is always remittent,
and succeeded by several days of mild weather.
The climate is so dry that metals rarely are rusted
by exposure to the air; this absence of humidity
prevents the extremes of heat and cold from being
so powerful here in their effect upon the sensations
of the human frame as in other countries.
The Aurora Borealis or northern lights3 appear
with great brilliancy in the clear Canadian sky,
especially during the winter nights ; starting from
behind the distant horizon, they race up through
3 See Appendix, No. XXIII.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 157
the vault of heaven, spreading over all space one
moment, shrinking to a quivering streak the next,
shooting out again where least expected, then vanish-
ing into darkness deeper than before ; now they seem
like vast floating banners of variegated flame, then
as crescents, again as majestic columns of light, ever
changing in form and colour. It is said that a
rustling sound like that of silk accompanies this
beautiful appearance.
The climate of Canada has undergone a slight
change since the discovery of the country ; especially
from the year 1818, an amelioration has been per-
ceptible, partly owing to the motion of the magnetic
poles and partly to the gradual cultivation and
clearing of the country. The winters are somewhat
shorter and milder, and less snow falls than of old ;
the summers are also hotter.4 The felling of the
forests, the draining of the morasses, partial though it
may still be, together with the increasing population,
have naturally some effect. The thick foliage, which
before interposed its shade between the sun and the
earth, intercepting the genial warmth from the lower
atmosphere, has now been removed in many exten-
sive tracts of country: the cultivated soil imbibes
the heat, and returns it to the surrounding air in
warm and humid vapours. The exhalations arising
from a much increased amount of animal life,
together with the burning of so many combustibles,
are not altogether without their influence in soften-
ing the severity of the climate.5
4 See Appendix, No. XXIV. 5 See Appendix, No. XXV.
158 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
Canada abounds in an immense and beautiful
variety of trees6 and shrubs ; among the timber trees
the oak, pine, fir, elm, ash, birch, walnut, beech,
maple, chesnut, cedar, and aspen, are the principal ;
of fruit-trees and shrubs there are walnut, chesnut,
apple, pear, cherry, plum, elder, vines,7 hazel, hiccory,
sumach, juniper, hornbeam, thorn, laurel, whortle-
berry, cranberry, gooseberry, raspberry, blackberry,
blueberry, sloe, and others; strawberries of an
excellent flavour are luxuriantly scattered over
6 " In Europe, in Asia, in Africa, and even in South America, the
primeval trees, however much their magnitude may arrest admira-
tion, do not grow in the promiscuous style that prevails in the general
character of the North American woods. Many varieties of the pine,
intermingled with birch, maple, beech, oak, and numerous other
tribes, branch luxuriantly over the banks of lakes and rivers, extend
in stately grandeur along the plains, and stretch proudly up to the
very summits of the mountains. It is impossible to exaggerate the
autumnal beauty of these forests ; nothing under heaven can be com-
pared to its effulgent grandeur. Two or three frosty nights in the
decline of autumn, transform the boundless verdure of a whole empire
into every possible tint of brilliant scarlet, rich violet, every shade of
blue and brown, vivid crimson and glittering yellow. The stern
inexorable fir tribes alone maintain their eternal sombre green. All
others, in mountains or in villages, burst into the most glorious
vegetable beauty, and exhibit the most splendid and most enchant-
ing panorama on earth." — M'Gregor, pp. 79, 80.
Mr. Weld says, " The varied hues of the trees at this season of
the year (autumn) can hardly be imagined by those who never have
had an opportunity of observing them ; and indeed as others have
often remarked before, were a painter to attempt to colour a picture
from them, it would be condemned in Europe as totally different
from any thing that ever existed in nature." — Weld, p. 510.
" I can only compare the brightness of the faded leaves, scarlet,
purple, and yellow, to that of tulips." — Lyell's America, vol. i., p. 107.
7 See Appendix, No. XXVI.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 159
every part of the country ; innumerable varieties of
useful and beautiful herbs and grasses enrich the
forests, whose virtues and peculiarities are as yet
but little known to Europeans.8 In many places,
8 " One of the most striking features in the vegetation of Canada is
the number of species belonging to the genera Solidago, Aster,
Quercus, and Pinus. It is also distinguished for the many plants
contained in the Orders, or natural families, — Grossulacese, Onogracese,
Hypericacese, Aceracese, Betulacese, Juglandacese, and Vacciniacese ;
and for the presence of the peculiar families — Podophyllse, Sarrace-
niacese, and Hydrophyllacese. There is, on the contrary, the climate
being considered, a remarkable paucity of CruciferaB and Umbelliferse,
and, what is most extraordinary, a total absence of the genus Erica
(heath),* which covers so many thousands of acres in corresponding
latitudes in Europe. Mrs. Butler mentions, in her Journal, 'that
some poor Scotch peasants, about to emigrate to Canada, took away
with them some roots of the " bonny blooming heather," in hopes of
making this beloved adorner of their native mountains, the cheerer of
their exile. The heather, however, refused to grow in the Canadian
soil ; — the person who told me this, said that the circumstance had
* Seven hours' journey above the sources of the Bow River, Sir George Simpson
mentions meeting with " an unexpected reminiscence of my own native hills, in the
shape of a plant which appeared to me to be the very heather of the mountains of Scot-
land ; and I might well regard the reminiscence as unexpected, inasmuch as in all my
wanderings, of more than twenty years, I had never found anything of the kind in
North America. As I took a considerable degree of interest in the question of the
supposed identity, I carried away two specimens, which however proved, on a minute
comparison, to differ from the genuine staple of the brown heaths of the ' Land o'
Cakes.' "—Vol. i., p. 120.
" We missed also the small ' crimson-tipped daisy ' on the green lawns, and were
told that they have been often cultivated with care, but are found to wither when
exposed to the dry air and bright sun of this climate. When weeds so common with
us cannot be reared here, we cease to wonder at the dissimilarity of the native Flora
of the New World. Yet, wherever the aboriginal forests are cleared, we see orchards,
gardens, and arable lands, filled with the same fruit trees, the same grain and vege-
tables, as in Europe, so bountifully has Nature provided that the plants most useful to
man should be capable, like himself, of becoming cosmopolites." — Lyell's Travels in
North America, vol. i., p. 5.
]60 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
pine trees9 grow to the height of 120 feet and
upwards, and are from nine to ten feet in circum-
ference ; of this, and of the fir species, there are
many varieties, some of them valuable from their
been related to him by Sir Walter Scott, whose sympathy with the
disappointment of these poor children of the romantic heather-land
betrayed itself even in tears.'
" Canada is not rich in roses ; only three species occur throughout
the two provinces. Among the Ribes and the Ericaceae, however,
are found many of the most beautiful ornaments of the English
garden : Andromedas, Rhododendrons, Azaleas, and Kalmias, belong
to the latter order. The Azalea was thus described by one of the
earlier European botanical travellers, Professor Kalm * (in 1748):
4 The May-flowers, as the Swedes call them, were plentiful in the
woods wherever I went to-day, especially on a dry soil, or one that is
somewhat moist. The Swedes have given them this name because
they are in full blossom in May. Some of the Swedes and the Dutch
call them " Pinxter Bloem" (Whitsunday flowers), as they are
in blossom about Whitsuntide. The English call them wild honey-
suckles, and at a distance they really have a resemblance to the
honeysuckle or lonicera. Dr. Linnaeus and other botanists call it an
Azalea (Azalea Nudiflora, Linn. Spec. Plant., p. 214.) Its flowers
were now open, and added a new ornament to the woods, being little
inferior to the flowers of the honeysuckle and hedysarum. They sit
in a circle round the stem's extremity, and have either a dark red or
lively red colour ; but by standing some time, the sun bleaches them,
and at last they get a whitish hue. The height of the bush is not
always alike. Some were as tall as a full-grown man, and taller ;
others were but low, and some were not above a palm from the ground ;
yet they were all full of flowers. They have some smell, but I can-
not say it is very pleasant. However, the beauty of the colour
entitles them to a place in every flower-garden.' " — Travels in North
America, by Professor Kalm, in Pinkerton, vol. xiii., p. 557.
9 See Appendix, No. XXVII.
* The kalmias were so named by Linnaeus in honour of Professor Kalm, a favourite
pupil of the great botanist.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 161
production of pitch, tar, and turpentine. The
American oak1 is quicker in its growth and less
durable than that of England ; one species however
called the live oak, grown in the warmer parts of
the continent, is said to be equal, if not superior, to
1 The oak from the dense forests of Canada, into which the sun's
rays never penetrate, is more porous, more abundant in sap, and
more prone to the dry rot, than the oak grown in any other country.
Canadian timber has increased in value since the causes of its
former rapid decay have been more fully understood. Mr. Nathaniel
Gould asserts that the wane of the moon is now universally considered
the best season for felling timber, both in the United States and in
Canada. The Americans contract for their ship timber to be felled
or girdled, between the 20th October and the 12th February. Dry
rot being probably caused by the natural moisture or sap being left
in the wood, the less there is in the tree when cut, the longer it
will keep sound. As regards the Canadian oak, it is stated by
Mr. M'Taggart, (the engineer, who so ably distinguished himself while
in the colony), that it is not so durable as that of the British, the
fibre not being so compact and strong ; it grows in extensive groves
near the banks of large lakes and rivers, sometimes found growing
to 50 feet in length by 2 feet 6 inches ; its specific gravity is greater
than water, and therefore, when floated down in rafts, it is rendered
buoyant with cross bars of pine. It is easily squared with the
hatchet, and answers well for ship building and heavy work ; will
endure the seasons for about fifteen years,* and does not decay in
England so soon as in Canada. — Montgomery Martin's Canada,
p. 257 ; Gray's Canada, p. 207.
* Kalm says, in 1748, " They were now building several ships below Quebec for
the king's account. However, before my departure, an order arrived from France,
prohibiting the further building of ships of war, because they had found that the ships
built of American oak do not last so long as those of European oak. Near Quebec is
found very little oak, and what grows there is not fit for use, being very small ; there-
fore they are obliged to fetch their oak timber from those parts of Canada which
border upon New England. But all the North American oaks have the quality of
lasting longer, and withstanding putrefaction better, the further north they grow." —
Kalm, p. 663.
VOL. I. M
162 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
any in Europe for ship-building. The white oak is
the best found in the Canadian settlements, and is
in high repute ; another description is called the
scrubby oak — it resembles the British gnarled oak,
and is remarkably hard and durable. The birch2
tribe is very numerous : the bark is much used by
the Indians in making canoes,3 baskets, and roofings,
the wood is of a useful quality, and the sap, when
extracted in the spring, produces by fermentation a
pleasant but weak wine. The maple4 is one of the
2 The most useful American plants in the small order Betulacese
are the birches, of which Canada contains six species. The most
celebrated is Betula Papyracea, the canoe birch, so called from the
use made of the bark in the construction of the Indian boats. It
extends from the shore of the Hudson in New York to a considerable
range of country northwards of Canada. The bark is obtained with
facility in large pieces, and is sewed together with the tough and slender
roots of the pine tree. La Hontan relates a characteristic story respect-
ing the birch bark — " I remember I have seen, in a certain library in
France, a manuscript of the Gospel of St. Matthew, written in Greek,
upon this sort of bark ; and which is yet more surprising, I was there
told that it had been written above a thousand years ; and at the
same time I dare swear, that it was the genuine birch bark of New
France, which, in all appearance, was not then discovered."-—
La Hontan, in Pinkerton, vol. xiii., p. 361.
Mr. Weld says that " the bark resembles in some degree that
of the cork tree, but it is of a closer grain, and also much more
pliable, for it admits of being rolled up the same as a piece of
cloth. The Indians of this part of the country always carry large
rolls of it in their canoes when they go on a hunting party, for
the purpose of making temporary huts. The bark is spread on
small poles over their heads, and fastened with strips of elm bark,
which is remarkably tough, to stakes, so as to form walls on the
sides."— Weld, p. 311.
3 See Appendix, No. XXVIII. 4 See Appendix, No. XXIX.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 163
most variable and beautiful of all the forest
trees, and is adopted as the emblem of Canadian
nationality.
Two plants, formerly of great importance in these
counties, are now almost extirpated, or little noticed
as articles of commerce — ginseng5 and capillaire.
5 " The ginseng belongs to the small order Araliaceaa. The bota-
nical name is Panax quinquefolium ; it was called Aureliana
Canadensis by Lafitau, who was the first to bring it from Canada
to France. — (Charlevoix, torn, iv., p. 309, fig. 13.) It was discovered
in the forests of Canada in 1718. It is herbaceous, scarcely a foot
and a half in height, and towards the upper part of the stem arise
three quinate-digitate leaves, from the centre of which springs the
flower stalk. The root is fusiform and fleshy, and is the part most
valued. We are informed that among the Chinese many volumes
have been written upon its virtues ; and that besides the name
already mentioned, it is known by several others expressive of the
high estimation in which it is universally held throughout the celestial
empire ; two of these appellations are, ' the pure spirit of the earth,'
and ' the plant that gives immortality. ' An ounce of ginseng bears
the surprising price of seven or eight ounces of silver at Pekin.
When the French botanists in Canada first saw a figure of it, they
remembered to have seen a similar plant in this country. They
were confirmed in their conjecture by considering that several settle-
ments in Canada lie under the same latitude with those parts of the
Chinese Tartary and China where the true ginseng grows wild.
They succeeded in their attempt, and found the same ginseng wild and
abundant in several parts of North America, both in French and
English plantations, in plain parts of the woods. It is fond of shade,
and of a deep rich mould, and of land which is neither wet nor high.
It is not everywhere very common, for sometimes one may search
the woods for the space of several miles without finding a single plant
of it ; but in those spots where it grows it is always found in great
abundance. It flowers in May and June, and its berries are ripe at
the end of August. The trade which is carried on with it here is
very brisk, for they gather great quantities of it, and send them to
M2
164 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
The first was found in great abundance by the French
in their earlier settlement of the colony, and large
quantities were exported to Europe, from whence it
France, from whence they are brought to China, and sold there to
great advantage. The Indians in the neighbourhood of Montreal
were so taken up with the business of collecting ginseng, that the
French farmers were not able during that time to hire a single Indian,
as they commonly do, to help them in the harvest. The ginseng
formerly grew in abundance round Montreal, but at present there is
not a single plant of it to be found, so effectually have they been
rooted out. This obliged the Indians this summer to go far within
the English boundaries to collect these roots. After the Indians
have sold the fresh roots to the merchants, the latter must take a
great deal of pains with them. They are spread on the floor to dry,
which commonly requires two months and upwards, according as the
season is wet or dry. During that time they must be turned once or
twice every day lest they should putrefy or moulder. The roots pre-
pared by the Chinese are almost transparent and look like horn in
the inside ; and the roots which are fit for use are heavy and com-
pact in the inside. No one has ever discovered the Chinese method
of preparing it. It is thought amongst other preparations they dip
the roots in a decoction of the leaves of ginseng." Kalm wrote thus
of the ginseng in 1749 (Kalm, in Pinkerton, vol. xiii., p. 639).
Mr. Heriot mentions that " one article of commerce the Canadians
had, by their own imprudence, rendered altogether unprofitable.
From the time that Canada ginseng had been imported to Canton,
and its quality pronounced equal to that of Corea or Tartary, a
pound of this plant, which before sold in Quebec for twenty pence,
became, when its value was once ascertained, worth one pound and
tenpence sterling. The export of this article amounted in 1752 to
20,OOOZ. sterling. But the Canadians, eager suddenly to enrich
themselves, reaped this plant in May when it should not have been
gathered until September, and dried it in ovens when its moisture
should have been gradually evaporated in the shade. This fatal
mistake, arising from cupidity, and in some measure from ignorance,
ruined the sale of their ginseng among the only people on earth who
are partial to its use, and at an early period cut off from the colony
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 165
was forwarded to China; the high value it then
possessed in that distant market induced the Cana-
dians to collect the roots prematurely; and the
Indians also gathered them wherever they could be
found ; consequently this useful production was soon
exhausted, and is now rarely seen. The capillaire6
a new branch of trade which, under proper regulations, might have
been essentially productive." — Heriot's Travels through the Canadas,
p. 99, 1807.
" Mountainous woods in Tartary are mentioned as the place where
the ginseng is produced in the greatest abundance. In 1709, the
emperor ordered an army of ten thousand men to collect all the
ginseng they could find ; and each person was to give him two ounces
of the best, while for the remainder payment was to be made in silver,
weight for weight. It was in the same year that Father Jartoux, a
Jesuit missionary in China, prepared a figure and accurate descrip-
tion of the plant, in which he bears testimony to the beneficial effects
of the root. He tried it in many instances himself and always with
the same result, especially when exhausted with fatigue. His pulse
was increased, his appetite improved, and his whole frame invigorated.
Judging from the accounts before us, we should say that the Chinese
were extravagant in their ideas of the virtues of this herb ; but that
it is undoubtedly a cordial stimulant, to be compared perhaps in
some degree with the aromatic root of Meum Athamanticum, so
much esteemed by the Scottish Highlanders. It has nevertheless
disappeared from our Materia Medica." — Murray's Canada, vol. iii.,
p. 308. Charlevoix, torn, vi., p. 24.
" Ginseng a veritablement la vertu de soutenir, de fortifier, et de
rappeller les forces epuisees." — Lafitau, torn, ii., p. 142.
6 In La Hontan's time (1683), he speaks of " maiden-hair," being
as common in the forests of Canada, as fern is in those of France,
and is esteemed beyond that of other countries ; insomuch that the
inhabitants of Quebec prepare great quantities of its syrup, which
they send to Paris, Nantes, Rouen, and several other cities of France.
Charlevoix gives a figure of the maiden-hair (torn, iv., p. 301), under
the name of Adiantum Americanum. — " Cette plante a la racine fort
petite, et enveloppee de fibres noires, fort deliees; sa tige est d'un
166 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
is now either become rare or neglected for other
objects ; a small quantity is, however, still exported.
In the woods there is a vast variety of wild plants
and flowers, many of them very beautiful ; the sweet
garlic especially deserves notice ; two large pale-
green leaves arise from the root, between them
stands the delicate stem about a foot in height,
bearing a cluster of graceful flowers, resembling
blue-bells in shape and colour. The wild turnip is
also very beautiful. There are besides many valuable
herbs and roots, which the Indians use for various
pourpre fon'ce, et s'eleve en quelques endroits k trois ou quatre pieds de
haut; il en sort des branches, qui se courbent en tous sens. Les feuilles
sont plus larges que celles de notre Capillaire de France, d'uri beau
verd d'un cote, et de 1'autre, semees de petits points obscurs ; nulle
part ailleurs cette plante n'est si baute ni si vive, qu'en Canada.
Elle n'a aucune odeur tandis qu'elle est sur pied, mais quand elle a
ete renfermee, elle repand une odeur de violette, qui embaume. Sa
qualite est aussi beaucoup audessus de tous les autres capillaires."
The Herba capillaris is the Adiantum pedatum of Linnaeus, (Sp. PI.
p. 1557). Cornutus, in his Canadens. Plant. Historia, p. 7, calls it
Adiantum Americanum, and gives a figure of it, p. 6. Kalm says
that " it grows in all the British colonies of America, and likewise in
the southern parts of Canada, but I never found it near Quebec. It
grows in the woods in shady places, and in a good soil. Several
people in Albany and Canada assured me, tbat its leaves were very
much used instead of tea, in consumptions, coughs, and all kinds of
pectoral diseases. This they have learned from the Indians, who
have made use of it for these purposes from time immemorial. This
American maiden-hair is reckoned preferable in surgery to that which
we have in Europe, and therefore they send a great quantity of it to
France every year. Commonly the price at Quebec is between five
and fifteen sols a pound. The Indians went into the woods about
this time (August), and travelled far above Montreal in quest of this
plant." — Kalm, in Pinkerton, vol. xiii., p. 641.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 167
purposes ; the reindeer moss7 often serves for support
and refreshment to the exhausted hunter ; when
boiled down into a liquid it is very nourishing ; and
an herb called Indian tea produces a pleasant and
wholesome draught with a rich aromatic flavour.
Wild oats and rice8 are found in some of the marshy
lands. The soil and climate are also favourable to
the production of hops and a mild tobacco, much
esteemed for the manufacture of snuff. Hemp9 and
flax are both indigenous in America. Father Hen-
nepin, in the seventeenth century, found the former
growing wild in the country of the Illinois ; and Sir
Alexander Mackenzie, in his travels to the western
coast, met with flax in the interior, where no Euro-
pean was ever known to have been before. The
7 " This moss is called by the Canadian voyageurs, Tripe de Roche ;
it belongs to the order Gyrophara. They who have perused the
affecting narrative of the sufferings of Captain Franklin, and his gal-
lant party, on their return from their first journey to the Arctic Sea,
will remember that it was on Tripe de Roche that they depended,
under God, for their very existence. ' We looked/ says Captain
Franklin, ' with humble confidence to the Great Author and giver of
all good, for a continuance of the support which had been hitherto
always supplied to us at our greatest need,' and he was not dis-
appointed."— Murray's Canada, vol. iii., p. 330. " Parmi les
sauvages errans, et qui ne cultivent point du tout la terre, lorsque
la chasse et la peche leur manquent, leur unique ressource est une
espece de mousse, qui croit sur certains rochers, et que nos Frangais
ont nommee Tripe de Roche ; rien n'est plus insipide que ce mets,
lequel n'a pas meme beaucoup de substance, c'est bien la etre
reduit au pur necessaire pour ne pas mourir de faim." — Charlevoix,
torn, vi., p. 24.
8 See Appendix, No. XXX. 9 See Appendix, No. XXXI.
168 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
Indian hemp1 is seen in abundance upon the Cana-
dian soil, particularly in light and sandy places ; the
bark is so strong that the natives use it for bow-
strings ; the pod bears a substance that rivals down
in softness and elasticity ; the culture is easy ; the
root penetrating deep into the earth survives the
frosts of winter, and shoots out -fresh stalks every
spring. When five or six years old it attains the
greatest perfection. It may be added, that in these
favoured provinces all European plants, fruits, vege-
tables, grain,2 legumes, and every other production
of the earth required for the subsistence or luxury of
man, yield their increase even more abundantly than
in the old continents.
The animals originally belonging to America
appear to be of an inferior race — neither so robust,
fierce, or numerous as those of the other continents :
1 " The Swedes gave the name of Indian hemp to Apocynum Can-
nabinum, because the Indians apply it to the same purposes as the
Europeans do hemp ; for the stalk may be divided into filaments, and
is easily prepared. This plant grows in abundance in old corn
grounds, in woods, on hills, and on high glades. The Indians make
ropes of this Apocynum, which the Swedes buy, and employ them as
bridles, and for nets. These ropes are stronger, and kept longer in
water, than such as were made of common hemp. The Swedes
commonly got fourteen yards of these ropes for one piece of bread.
On my journey through the country of the Iroquois, I saw the women
employed in manufacturing this hemp. The plant is perennial, which
renders the annual planting of it altogether unnecessary. Out of the
root and stalk of this plant, when it is fresh, comes a white milky
juice, which is somewhat poisonous. Sometimes the fishing tackle of
the Indian consists entirely of this hemp." — Kalm, in Pinkerton,
vol. xiii., p. 544. 2 See Appendix, No. XXXII.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 169
some are peculiar to the New World ; but there is
reason to suppose that several species have become
utterly extinct, and the spread of cultivation and
increase of the human race rapidly extirpate many
of those that still remain. America gives birth to
no creature of equal bulk to the elephant and rhino-
ceros, or of equal strength and ferocity to the lion
and tiger. The particular qualities in the climate,
stinting the growth and enfeebling the spirit of the
native animals, have also proved injurious to such
as have been transported to the Canadas by their
present European inhabitants. The soil, as well as
temperature, of the country seems to be rather un-
favourable to the development of strength and
perfection in the animal creation.3 The general
quality of the natural grasses covering those
boundless pastures is not good or sufficiently nu-
tritious.4
The native animals of Canada are the buffalo,
3 Buffon, Hist. Nat., torn, ix., pp. 13, 203 ; Acosta, Hist., lib. iv.
cap. xxxiv. ; Pisonis Hist., p. 6; Herrera, Dec. IV., lib. iv., cap. i. ;
lib. x. cap. xiii.
4 Canada has not the fine natural pastures of Ireland, England,
Holland, and other countries enjoying a cool, moist, and equable
climate. Artificial grasses, now a most valuable branch of British
husbandry, are peculiarly important in Canada, where so large a
quantity of hay should be stored for winter use. They are also
most useful in preparing the soil for grain crops, but have the dis-
advantage of requiring to stand the severe winter, so trying to all
except annual plants. Clover, which is supposed to yield three times
the produce of natural grass, grows luxuriantly ; but in the second
year its roots are often found to have been destroyed by frost. For
this reason it is necessary to have recourse to the species named
170 THE CONQUEST OP CANADA.
bison, and musk bull, belonging to the ox kind.
The buffalo is still found in herds of immense num-
bers upon the prairies of the remote western country,
where they have wandered from the hated neigh-
bourhood of civilised man: the skin5 is invaluable to
the Canadians as a protection from the keen wintry
air, and is abundantly supplied to them by the hunters
of the Hudson's Bay Company.6 This animal is about
the size of an ox, with the head disproportionably
large; he is of a lighter colour, less ferocious aspect,
and inferior strength to those of the old world.
Both the bison and musk ox are varieties of the
domestic cow, with a covering of shaggy hair;
they possess considerable strength and activity.
Timothy, which is extremely hardy, and will set at defiance even a
Canadian winter. — Talbot, vol. i., p. 304 ; Gould, p. 67.
5 " In the western parts of Lower Canada, and throughout Upper
Canada, where it is customary for travellers to carry their own
hedding with them, these skins are very generally made use of for
the purpose of sleeping upon. For upwards of two months we
scarcely ever had any other hed than one of the skins spread on
the floor and a blanket to each person. The skins are dressed
by the Indians with the hair on, and they are rendered by a pecu-
liar process as pliable as cloth. When the buffalo is killed in the
beginning of the winter, at which time he is fenced against the
cold, the hair resembles very much that of a black bear ; it is then
long, straight, and of a blackish colour ; but when the animal is
killed in the summer, the hair is short and curly, and of a light
brown colour, owing to its being scorched by the rays of the sun." —
Weld, p. 313.
6 Charlevoix says "que la peau, quoique tres forte, devient souple
et moelleuse comme le meilleur chamois. Les sauvages en font des
boucliers, qui sont tres legers, et que les bals de fusil ne percent
pas aiseinent." — Tom. v., p. 193.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 171
There are different descriptions of deer: the black
and grey moose or elk, the cariboo or reindeer,7 the
stag8 and fallow deer.9 The moose deer10 is the
largest wild animal of the continent ; it is often
7 The height of the domesticated reindeer is about three feet ; of
the wild ones, four. It lives to the age of sixteen years. The rein-
deer is a native of the northern regions only. In America it does not
extend further south than Canada. The Indians often kill numbers
for the sake of their tongue only ; at other times they separate the
flesh from the bones, and preserve it by drying it in the smoke. The
fat, they sell to the English, who use it for frying instead of butter.
The skins also are an article of extensive commerce with the
English. — Rees's Cyclopcedia, art. Cervus Tarandus.
Charlevoix says that the Canadian caribou differs in nothing from
the Renne of Buffon except in the colour of its skin, which is brown
or reddish. — Tom. v., p. 191. La Hontan calls the caribou a species
of wild ass ; and Charlevoix says that its form resembles that of the
ass, but that it at least equals the stag in agility.
8 Pennant is persuaded that the stag is not a native of America,
and considers the deer known in that country by the name of stag as
a distinct species. The American stag is the Cervus Canadensis of
Erxleben. The Americans hunt and shoot those animals not so
much for the sake of the flesh as of the fat, which serves as tallow
in making candles, and the skins, which they dispose of to the
Hudson's Bay Company. They are caught principally in the inland
parts, near the vicinity of the lakes. — Rees's Cyclopcedia, art. Cervus
Elaphus.
Charlevoix says that " le Cerf en Canada est absolument le
meme qu'en France, peut etre communement un peu plus grand." —
Tom.v., p. 189.
9 The fallow deer in America have been introduced there from
Europe ; for the animal called the American fallow is of a very
different kind, and is peculiar to the New Continent. This, the Cervus
Virginianus, inhabits all the provinces south of Canada. — Rees's
Cyclopcedia, art, Cervus Virginianus.
10 See Appendix, No. XXXIII.
172 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
seen upwards of ten feet high, and weighing twelve
hundred-weight ; though savage in aspect the
creature is generally timid and inoffensive even
when attacked by the hunter, and like the sheep
may be easily domesticated: the flesh and skin are
both of some value.
The black and brown bear1 is found in various
parts of America, but chiefly in the north-west :
some few are seen in the forests to the north of
Quebec. This animal chooses for his lurking-place
the hollow trunk of an old tree, which he prepares
with sticks and branches, and a coating of warm
moss; on the approach of the cold season he retires
to his lair, and sleeps through the long winter till
the return of spring enables him again to seek his
prey. The bear is rather shy than fierce, but very
powerful and dangerous when driven to extremities ;
he displays a strong degree of instinct, and is very
dexterous and cunning in procuring food : the flesh
is considered a delicacy, and the skin highly prized
for beauty and warmth. Foxes 2 are numerous ; they
are of various colours and very cunning. Hares 3
are abundant and turn white in winter like those of
Norway. The wolverine or carcajou is called by
the hunters beaver-eater, and somewhat resembles a
badger ; the skin is soft and handsome. A species
of porcupine or urchin is found to the northward,
and supplies the Indians with quills about four
1 See Appendix, No. XXXIV. 2 See Appendix, No. XXXV.
3 See Appendix, No. XXXVI.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 173
inches long, which, when dyed, are worked into
showy ornaments. Squirrels4 and various other
small quadrupeds with fine furs are abundant in the
forests. The animals of the cat kind are the cougar
or American lion, the loup-cervier, the catamount,
and the manguay or lynx.
Beavers5 are numerous in North America;
these amphibious animals are about two feet nine
inches in length, with very short fore feet and
divided toes, while the hinder are membranous, and
adapted for swimming ; the body is covered with a
soft, glossy, and valuable fur ; the tail is oval, scaly,
destitute of hair, and about a foot long. These
industrious creatures dam up considerable streams,
and construct dwellings of many compartments, to
protect them from the rigour of the climate, as well
as from their numerous enemies ; their winter food,
consisting of poplar logs, pieces of willows, alder,
and fragments of other trees, is collected in autumn,
and sunk in the water near the habitation. The
beaver exhibits an extraordinary degree of instinct,
and may be easily tamed ; when caught or surprised
by the approach of an enemy, it gives warning
to its companions by striking the water with the
flat of its tail. The musk rat and otter resemble
the beaver in some of their habits, but are inferior
in ingenuity, and of less value to the hunter.
The walrus has now disappeared from the fre-
quented waters of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, but is
4 See Appendix, No. XXXVII. 5 See Appendix, No. XXXVIII.
174 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
still found on the northern coasts of Labrador ; in
shape he somewhat resembles the seal, but is of
much greater size, sometimes weighing 4000 Ibs. ;
when protecting their young, or when wounded,
they are dangerous from their immense tusks;
when out of the water, however, they are very
helpless.
Nearly all these wild animals are pursued by the
Indians, and the hunters of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany,6 for their skins ; they are consequently grow-
ing rarer, and their haunts become more remote
each succeeding year : probably, at no distant time,
they will be altogether extinct.
The birds of Canada differ little from those of the
same names in Europe ; but the severe climate is
generally uncongenial to them. There are eagles,
vultures, hawks, falcons, kites, owls, ravens, crows,
rooks, jays, magpies, daws, cuckoos, woodpeckers,
hoopers, creepers, humming-birds, thrushes, black-
birds, linnets, finches, sparrows, fly-catchers, pigeons,
turkeys, ducks, geese, swans, grouse, ptarmigans,
snipes, quails, and many others. The plumage of
the American birds is very brilliant ; but the sweet
voices that fill the European woods with melody
are never heard. Many of the birds of Lower
Canada are migratory; the water-fowl seek the
cooler north during the heat of summer, and other
species fly to the south to shun the wintry frosts.
In the milder latitudes of Upper Canada, birds are
6 See Appendix, No. XXXIX.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 175
more numerous ; they are known by the same
names as those of corresponding species in England,
but differ from them to some extent in plumage
and character.
In Lower Canada the reptiles are few and
innocuous, and even these are not met with in the
cultivated parts of the country ; in the Upper Pro-
vince, however, they are more numerous; some
species are very dangerous, others harmless and
exquisitely beautiful. Two kinds of rattlesnakes7
are found here : one of a deep brown and yellow
colour, and seldom more than thirty inches in
length; it frequents marshes and low meadows,
and is very dangerous to cattle, often fastening its
fangs upon their lips while grazing. The other is
a bright greenish yellow clouded with brown, and
twice the size of the former. These reptiles are
thicker in proportion to their length than any
others ; the rattle is at the end of the tail, and
consists of a number of dry horny shells inclosed
within each other; when wounded or enraged the
skin of the rattlesnake assumes a variety of beautiful
colours; the flesh is white as that of the most
delicate fish, and is esteemed a great luxury by the
Indians. Cold weather weakens or destroys their
poisonous qualities ; in the spring, when they issue
from their place of winter concealment, they are
harmless till they have got to water, and at that
time emit a sickening smell so as to injure
7 See Appendix, No. XL.
170 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
those who hunt them. In some of the remoter
districts they are still numerous, but in the long
settled parts of the country they are now rarely
or never seen.
Several varieties of lizards and frogs abound;
the latter make an astonishing noise in marshy
places during the summer evening, by their harsh
croaking; the land crab is found on the northern
shore of Lake Erie. A small tortoise, called a
terrapin,8 is taken in some rivers, creeks, and
swampy grounds, and is used as an article of food :
seals have been occasionally seen on the islands in
Lake Ontario.
Insects9 are very numerous and various, some of
8 " While we were roaming along the shore of Lake Ontario we
caught a species of tortoise (testudo picta), which was a gaily-coloured
shell, and I carried it a day's journey in the carriage, and then
turned it out, to see whether, as I was told, it would know its way
back to Lake Ontario. I am bound to admit that its instinct on this
occasion did not fail, for it made directly for a ravine, in the bottom
of which was a stream that would lead it in time to the Genesee
river, and this would carry it to its native lake if it escaped destruc-
tion at the falls below Rochester, where the celebrated diver, Sam
Patch, perished, after he had succeeded in throwing himself with
impunity down several other great waterfalls. There is a fresh-
water tortoise in Europe (Terrapena Europea) found in Hungary,
Prussia, and Silesia, as far north as latitude 50° to 52°. It also
occurs near Bourdeaux, and in the north of Italy, 44° and 45° north
latitude, which precisely corresponds with the latitude of Lake
Ontario." — Lyell's Travels in North America, vol. i., p. 25.
9 " To the Malacodermous division belongs the remarkable genus
Lampyris, which contains the insects commonly called glow-worms.
The substance from which the luminous property results has been the
subject of frequent experiment and observation. It is obviously
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 177
them both troublesome and mischievous: locusts
or grasshoppers have been known to cause great
destruction to the vegetable world. Mosquitoes and
sandflies infest the woods, and the neighbourhood
of water, in incredible numbers during the hot
weather ; there are many moths and butterflies
resembling those seen in England. The beautiful
firefly is very common in Canada, their phos-
phorescent light shining with wonderful bright-
ness through the shady forests in the summer
nights.
The lakes and rivers of Upper Canada abound
in splendid fish of almost every variety known in
England, and others peculiar to the country:
sturgeon of 100 Ibs. weight are frequently taken,
and a giant species of pike, called the maskenongi,
of more than 60 Ibs. The trout of the upper lakes
almost rivals the sturgeon in size but not in flavour ;
the delicious whitefish, somewhat resembling a
shad, is very plentiful, as is also the black bass,
under the control of the animal, which, when approached, may fre-
quently he observed to diminish, or put out its light. The only
species with which we are acquainted in British America is Lampyrjs
corusca. It occurs in Canada, and has heen taken at least as far
north as latitude 54°. It was originally described by Simmons as a
native of Finland and Russia, on the authority of Uddman, but has
not since been found there." — Murray, vol. in., p. 277.
" We saw numerous yellow butterflies very like a British species.
Sometimes forty of them clustering on a small spot resembled a plot
of primroses, and as they rose altogether, and flew off slowly on every
side, it was like the play of a beautiful fountain." — Ly ell's America,
vol. i., p. 25.
VOL. I. N
178 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
which is highly prized ; a fresh-water herring
abounds in great shoals, but is inferior in delicacy
to the corresponding species of the salt seas.
Salmon are numerous in Lake Ontario, but above
the Falls of Niagara they are never seen.
179
CHAPTER VI.
PERHAPS the saddest chapter in the history of the
sons of Adam, is furnished by the Red Man of
America. His origin is unknown, no records tell
the tale of his ancient deeds. A foundling in
the human family, discovered by his stronger
brethren wandering wild through the forests and
over the prairies of the western desert; no fra-
ternal welcome greeted this lost child of nature ;
no soothing voice of affection fell upon his ear,
no gentle kindness wooed him from his savage
isolation. The hand of irresistible power was
stretched out — not to raise him from his low
estate and lead him into the brotherhood of civilised
man, but to thrust him away with cruel and unjust
disdain.
Little more than three centuries and a half have
elapsed, since the Indian first gazed with terror and
admiration upon the white strangers, and already
three-fourths of his inheritance are rent away, and
three-fourths of his race have vanished from the
earth ; while the sad remnant, few and feeble, faint
and weary, "are fast travelling to the shades of
N2
180 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
their fathers, towards the setting sun." l Year by
year they wither away ; to them the close breath of
civilised man is more destructive than the deadliest
blight.2 The arts and appliances which the accu-
mulated ingenuity of ages has provided to aid the
labour and enhance the enjoyments of others, have
been but a curse to these children of the wilderness.
That blessed light which shines to the miserable
of this world through the vista of the " shadowy
valley," cheering the fainting spirit with the earnest
of a glorious future, sheds but a few dim and dis-
torted rays upon the outskirts of the Red Man's
forest land.
All the relations of Europeans to the Indian have
been alike fatal to him — whether of peace or war ;
as tyrants or suppliants ; as conquerors armed with
1 " Driven by the European populations towards the north-west of
North America,* the savage tribes are returning, by a singular
destiny, to expire on the same shore where they landed, in unknown
ages, to take possession of America. In the Iroquois language, the
Indians gave themselves the appellation of Men of Always (Ongou-
eonoue) ; these men of always have passed away, and the stranger
will soon have left to the lawful heirs of a whole world nothing but
the mould of their graves." — Chateaubriand's Travels in America
(Eng. Trans.), vol. ii., p. 93.
2 See Appendix, No. XLI.
* De Tocqueville calculated that along the borders of the United States, from Lake
Superior to the Gulf of Mexico, extending a distance of more than 1200 miles, as the
bird flies, the whites advance every year at a mean rate of seventeen miles ; and he
truly observes that there is a grandeur and solemnity in this gradual and continuous
march of the European race towards the Rocky Mountains. He compares it to " a
deluge of men rising, unabatedly, and daily driven onwards by the hand of God." —
Democracy in America, vol. ii., cap. x. § 4; Lyell, vol. ii. p. 77.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 181
unknown weapons of destruction ; as the insidious
purchasers of his hunting-grounds, betraying him
into an accursed thirst for the deadly fire-water;
as the greedy gold-seekers, crushing his feeble frame
under the hated labours of the mine; as ship-
wrecked and hungry wanderers, while receiving his
simple alms, marking the fertility and defenceless-
ness of his lands; as sick men enjoying his hos-
pitality, and, at the same time, imparting that
terrible disease3 which has swept off whole nations ;
as woodmen in his forest, and intrusive tillers of
his ground, scaring away to the far West those
animals of the chase given by the Great Spirit for
his food ; there is to him a terrible monotony
of result. In the delicious islands of the Car-
ribean Sea, and in the stern and magnificent
regions of the north-east ; scarcely now remains
a mound, or stone, or trace even of tradition, to
point out the place where any among the departed
millions sleep.
The discovery of the American Indians brought to
light not only a new race, but also a totally new
condition of men. The rudest form of human
society known in the Old World, was far advanced
beyond that of the mysterious children of the West,
in arts, knowledge, and government. Even among
the simplest European and Asiatic nations the prin-
ciple of individual possession was established ; the
beasts of the field were domesticated to supply the
3 See Appendix, No. XLII.
182 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
food and aid the labours of man, and large bodies
of people were united under the sway of hereditary
chiefs. But the Red Man roamed over the vast
forests and prairies of his undiscovered continent,
accompanied by few of his fellows, unassisted by
beasts of burden,4 and trusting alone to his skill
and fortune in the chase for a support. The first
European visitors to the New World, were filled
with such astonishment at the appearance and
complexion of the Red Man, that they hastily con-
cluded he belonged to a different species from them-
selves. As the native nations became better
known, their warriors, statesmen, and orators,
commanded the admiration of the strangers. Espe-
cially in the northern people, every savage virtue
was conspicuous; they were gentle in peace, but\
terrible in war ; of a proud and noble bear-
ing, honest, faithful, and hospitable, loving order
though without laws, and animated by the strong-
est and most devoted loyalty to their tribe. At
the same time, while willingly recording their
high and admirable qualities, pity for the devoted
4 "Generally speaking, the American races of mankind were
characterised by a want of domestic animals, and this had consider-
able influence on their domestic life." (Cosmos, note, vol. ii., p. 481.)
Contrasting the Bedouin with the Red Indian, Volney observes, "the
American savage is, on the contrary, a hunter and a butcher, who
has had daily occasion to kill and slay, and in every animal has
beheld nothing but a fugitive prey, which he must be quick to seize.
He has thus acquired a roaming, wasteful, and ferocious disposition ;
has become an animal of the same kind with the wolf and tiger ; has
united in bands or troops, but not into organised societies."
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 183
race must not blind us to their ferocious an<
—
degrading vices.
It was not until the end of the seventeenth cen-
tury that the manners and characteristics of this
strange race attracted to any considerable degree
the attention of philosophers and theorists ; a chasm
in human history then seemed about to be filled.
Eager to throw light upon the subject, but too
impatient to inquire into the facts necessary for the
formation of opinions, the conclusions formed were
often unjust to the native dignity of the Red Indian,5
and have been proved erroneous by subsequent and
more perfect information. On the other hand, one
of the most gifted but dangerous of modern philoso-
phers, would exalt these untutored children of nature
to a higher degree of honour and excellence than
civilisation and knowledge can confer: he deenoed
that the elevation and independence of mind, result-\
ing from the rude simplicity of savage life, is soughtj,
5 "On ne prit pas d'abord les Americains pour des hommes,
mais pour des orang-otangs, pour des grands singes, qu'on pouvoit
detruire sans remords et sans reproche. Un pape fit une Bulle
originale dans laquelle il declara qu' ayant envie de fonder des Eveches
dans les plus riches contrees de 1'Amerique, il plaisoit a lui et au Saint
Esprit de reconnoitre les Americains pour des hommes veritables ; de
sorte que, sans cette decision d'une Italien, les habitans du Nouveau
Monde seroient encore maintenant, aux yeux des fideles, une race
d'animaux equivoques. . . . Qui auroit cru que malgre cette sentence
de Rome, on eiit agUe* violemment au conseil de Lima, 1583, si les
Americains avoient assez d'esprit pour etre admis aux sacrements de
1'Eglise. Plusieurs eveques persisterent a les leur refuser pendant
que les Jesuites faisoient communier tous les jours leurs Indiens
184 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
in vain among the members of refined and organised^
societies.6
Everything tended to render inquiry into the state
of the rude tribes of America difficult and obscure ;
in the generality of cases they presented character-
istics of a native simplicity, elsewhere unknown;
and even in the more favoured districts, where a
degree of civilisation appeared, it had assumed a
form and direction totally different from that of the
Old World.7
esclaves au Paraquai, afin de les accoutumer, disoient-ils, a la disci-
pline, et pour les detourner de 1'horrible coutume de se nourrir de
chair humain." — Recherches Philosophiques sur les Americains, De
Pauw, torn, i., p. 35.
6 Rousseau, opposed by Buffon, Volney, &c.
7 " Notwithstanding the striking analogies existing between the
nations of the New Continent and the Tartar tribes who have adopted
the religion of Bouddah, I think I discover in the mythology of the
Americans, in the style of their paintings, in their languages, and
especially in their external conformation, the descendants of a race of
men, which, early separated from the rest of mankind, has followed
for a lengthened series of years a peculiar road in the unfolding of its
intellectual faculties, and in its tendency towards civilisation," —
Humboldt's Ancient Inhabitants of America, vol. i., p. 200.
" It cannot be doubted that the greater part of the nations of
America belong to a race of men, who, isolated ever since the infancy
of the world from the rest of mankind, exhibit in the nature and
diversity of language, in their features, and the conformation of their
skull, incontestable proofs of an early and complete civilisation." —
Ibid. vol. i., p. 250.
On the American races in general, Humboldt refers to the beau-
tiful work of Samuel George Morton, Crania? Americana?, 1839,
pp. 62 — 86 ; and an account of the skulls brought by Pentland from
the Highlands of Titicaca, in the * Dublin Journal of Medical and
Chemical Science/ vol. v., p. 475, 1834 ; also, Alcide d'Orbigny,
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 185
The origin of this mysterious people has been the
subject of an immense variety of speculations, and
has involved the question, whether all men are the
sons of Adam, or whether the distinctions of the
human race were owing to the several sources from
whence its members sprung? The sceptic suppo-
sition that each portion of the globe gave its own
original type of man to the human family at once
solves the difficulty of American population ; but as
both Christianity and philosophy alike forbid accep-
tance of this view,8 it becomes necessary to consider
the relative probabilities in favour of the other
different theories which enthusiasm, ingenuity, and
research have contributed to lay before the world.
Without referring to the most sacred and ancient
of authorities, we may find existing natural evidence
abundantly sufficient to establish the belief of the
common descent of our race. There are not in the
human form differences such as distinguish separate
species of the brute creation. All races of men are
nearly of like stature and size, varying only by the
accidents of climate and food favourable or adverse
to their full development. The number, shape,
L'Homme Americain consider e sous ses Rapports Physiol. et Mor.,
p. 221. 1839; and, farther, the work so full of delicate ethno-
graphical observations, of Prinz Maximilian of Wied, Reise in das
Innere von Nordamerika, 1839.
8 " With regard to their origin, I have no doubt, independent of
theological considerations, but that it is the same with ours. The
resemblance of the North American savages to the oriental Tartars
renders it probable that they originally sprang from the same stock."
— Buffon, Eng. Trans., vol. in., p. 193.
186 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
and uses of limbs and extremities are alike, and
internal construction is invariably the same ; these
are circumstances the least acted upon by situation
and temperature, and therefore the surest tests of a
particular species. Colour is the most obvious and
the principal indication of difference in the human
families, and is evidently influenced to a great
extent by the action of the sun,9 as the swarthy
9 "The Ethiopians," sings the old tragedian, Theodectes of
Phaselis, " are dyed by the near sun-god in his course with a dark and
sooty lustre ; the sun's heat crisps and dries up their hair." The expe-
ditions of Alexander, which were so influential in exciting ideas of the
physical cosmography, first fanned the dispute on the uncertain influence
of climate upon races of men. Humholdt's Cosmos, vol. i., p. 386.
Volney, p. 506, and Oldmixon, vol. i., p. 286, assert that the savages
are born white, and in their infancy continue so. An intelligent Indian
said to Volney, " Why should there be any difference of colour between
us and them ? (some Spaniards who had been bronzed in America).
In them as in us it is the work of the father of colours, the sun, that
burns us. You whites yourselves compare the skin of your faces with
that of your bodies." This brought to my remembrance that, on my
return from Turkey, when I quitted the turban, half my forehead
above the eyebrows was almost like bronze, while the other half
next the hair was as white as paper. If, as natural philosophy
demonstrates, there be no colour but what originates from light, it
is evident that the different complexions of people are owing entirely
to the various modifications of this fluid with other elements that
act on our skin, and even compose its substance. Sooner or later
it will be proved that the blackness of the African has no other
source. — P. 408.
" Vespuce decrit les indigenes du Nouveau Continent dans sa
premiere lettre comme des hommes a face large et a physionomie
tartare, dont la couleur rougeatre n'etoit due qu'a 1'habitude de ne
pas etre vetus. II revient a cette meme opinion en examinant les
Bresiliens." (Canovai, pp., 87, 90.) " Leur teint, dit il, est rougeatre,
ce qui vient de leur nudite absolue et de 1'ardeur du eoleil auquel ils
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA, 187
cheek of a harvest labourer will witness. Under
the equator we find the jet hlack of the Negro ; then
the olive-coloured Moors of the southern shores of
the Mediterranean ; again, the bronzed face of the
Spaniard and Italian ; next, the Frenchman, darker
than those who dwell under the temperate skies of
England ; and last, the bleached and pallid visages
of the north. Along the arctic circle, indeed, a
dusky tint again appears: that, however, may be
fairly attributed to the scorching power of the sun,
constantly over the horizon, through the brief and
fiery summer. The natives remain generally in the
open air during this time, fishing, or in the chase ;
and the effect of exposure stamps them with a
complexion which even the long-continued snows
cannot remove. In the rigorous winter season, the
people of those dreary countries pass most of their
time in wretched huts, or subterranean dwellings,
where they heap up large fires to warm their
shivering limbs ; the smoke has no proper vent in
these ill-constructed abodes; it fills the confined
air, and tends to darken the complexions of those
constantly exposed to its influence.
The difference of colour in the human race is
doubtless influenced by many causes, modifying the
effect of position with regard to the tropics ; the
great elevation of a particular district, its proximity
sent constamment exposes. Cette erreur a ete partagee par un des
voyageurs modernes les plus spirituels, mais des plus systematiques,
par Volney." (Essai Politique sur la Mexique.) — Humboldt's Geog.
du Nouv. Continent, vol. v., p. 25.
188 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
to the sea, the shades of a vast forest, the exhala-
tions from extensive marshes, all tend to diminish
materially the power of a southern sun.1 On the
other hand intensity of heat is aggravated by the
neighbourhood of arid and sandy deserts, or rocky
tracts. The action of long continued heat creates a
more permanent effect than the mere darkening of
the outer skin, it alters the character of those subtle
juices that display their colour through the almost
transparent covering.2 We see that from a con-
stitutional peculiarity in individuals the painful
variety of the albino is sometimes produced in the
hottest countries. Certain internal diseases, and
different medicines, change the beautiful bloom of
the young and healthy into repulsive and unnatural
tints. A peculiar secretion of the carbon abounding
in the human frame produces the jet black of the
negro's skin, and enables him to bear without incon-
venience the terrible sultriness of his native land.3
The dark races, inferior in animal and intellectual
powers to the white man, are yet nearly free from
the deformities he so often exhibits, perhaps on
account of a less susceptible and delicate structure.
1 On the influence of humidity much stress has been laid by
M. d'Orbigny and Sir R. Schomburgh, each of whom has made the
remark as the result of personal and independent observation on the
inhabitants of the New World, that people who live under the damp
shade of dense and lofty forests are comparatively fair.
2 See Appendix, No. XLI.
3 Mr. Jarrold asserts that the negro becomes the most perfect
specimen of the human species, in consequence of his possessing the
coarsest and most impassive integument.— ^Anthropologia.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 189
The Caucasian or European races, born and matured
under a temperate climate, manifestly enjoy the
highest gifts of man ; wherever they come in con-
tact with their coloured brother he ultimately yields
to the irresistible superiority, and becomes according
to the caprice of their haughty will, the victim, the
dependant, or the slave.4
There are other characteristics different from, but
generally combined with colour, which are influenced
by constitutional varieties. The hair usually har-
monises with the complexion, and like it shows the
influence of climate. In cold countries the natural
covering of every animal becomes rich and soft, the
plentiful locks and manly beard of the European
show a marked contrast to the coarse and scanty
hair of the inhabitants of tropical countries. The
development of mental power, and refined habits of
life have also a strong but slow effect upon the out-
ward form ;5 certain African nations of a higher intel-
4 See Appendix, No. XLII.
5 " It is intellectual culture which contributes most to diversify the
features. Barbarous nations have rather a physiognomy of tribe or
horde than one peculiar to such or such an individual. The savage
and civilised man are like those animals of the same species, several
of which rove in the forest, while others connected with us share in
the benefits and evils that accompany civilisation. The varieties of
form and colour are frequent only in domestic animals. How great
is the difference with respect to mobility of feature and variety of
physiognomy between dogs again become savage in the New World,
and those whose slightest caprices are indulged in the houses of
the opulent. Both in men and animals the emotions of the soul are
reflected in the features ; and the features acquire the habit of
mobility in proportion as the emotions of the mind are more frequent,
190 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
ligence and civilisation than their rude neighbours,
show much less of the peculiarities of the negro
features. The refined Hindoo displays a delicate
form and expression under his dark complexion.
The black colour and the negro features are acci-
dentally not necessarily connected, and it seems to
require both climate and inferiority of intellect to
unite them in the same race.
When circumstances of climate or situation have
effected peculiar appearances in a nation or tribe,
the results will long survive the causes, when people
are removed to widely different latitudes; a dark
colour is not easily effaced even under the influence
of moderate temperature and heightened civilisation.
For these reasons, there appear many cases where
the complexion of the inhabitants and the climate
of their country do not correspond, but the original
characteristics will be found undergoing the process
of gradual change, ultimately adapting themselves to
more varied, and more durable. In every condition of man it is
not the energy or the transient burst of the passions which give
expression to the features ; it is rather that sensibility of the soul
which brings us continually into contact with the external world,
multiplies our sufferings and our pleasures, and reacts at once on the
physiognomy, the manners, and the language. If the variety and
mobility of the features embellish the domain of animated nature, we
must admit also that both increase by civilisation without being pro-
duced by it alone. In the great family of nations no other race
unites these advantages to a higher degree than that of Caucasus or
the European. It must be admitted that this insensibility of the
features is not peculiar to every race of men of a very dark com-
plexion ; it is much less apparent in the African than in the natives
of America." — Humboldt's Personal Narrative, vol. iii., p. 230.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 191
their new country and situation.6 The marked and
peculiar countenances of the once " chosen people "
vary, in colour at least, wherever they are seen over
the world, although uninfluenced by any admixture
of alien blood ; in England the children of Israel and
the descendant of the Saxon are alike of a fair com-
plexion, and on the banks of the Nile the Jew and
the Egyptian show the same swarthy hue.7
At first sight this American race would appear to
offer evidence against the supposed influence of
climate upon colour, as one general form and com-
plexion prevail in all latitudes of the New World,
from the tropics to the frozen regions of the north.
Great varieties, however, exist in the shade of the
6 Tacitus, in his speculations on the peopling of Britain, distin-
guishes very beautifully between what may belong to the ultimate
influences of the country, and what may pertain to an old unalterable
type in the immigrated race. " Britanniam qui mortales initio
coluerunt, indigense an advecti, ut inter barbaros, parum compertum.
Habitus corporis varii, atque ex eo argumenta ; namque rutilsa
Caledoniam habitantium comae, magni artus Germanicam originem
adseverant Silurum colorati vultus et torti plerumque crines, et
posita contra Hispania, Iberos veteres trajecisse, easque sedes occu-
passe fidem faciunt : proximi Gallis et similes sunt, seu durante
originis vi ; seu, procurrentibus in divisa terris, positio cceli corpori-
bus habitum dedit." — Agricola, cap. ii.
" No ancient author has so clearly stated the two forms of reason-
ing, by which we still explain in our days the differences of colour and
figure among neighbouring nations, as Tacitus. He makes a just
distinction between the influence of climate and hereditary disposi-
tions, and like a philosopher persuaded of our profound ignorance of
the origin of things, leaves the question undecided." — Humboldt's
Personal Narrative.
7 See Smith on The Variety of Complexion of the Human Specks.
192 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
red or copper8 colour of the Indians. There are two
extremes of complexion among mankind, — those of
the northern European and the African negro ;
between these there is a series of shades, that of the
American Indian being about midway. The struc-
ture of the New World, and the circumstances of its
inhabitants, may account for the generally equal
colour of their skin. The western Indian never
becomes black, even when dwelling directly under
the equator. He lives among stupendous mountain
ranges, where cool breezes from the snowy heights
sweep through the vallies and over the plains below.
The vast rivers springing from under those lofty
peaks inundate a great extent of country, and turn
it into swamps, whence perpetual exhalations arise
and lower the temperature. There are no fiery
deserts to heat the passing wind, and reflect the
rays of the sun ; a continual forest, with luxuriant
foliage, and a dense underwood, spreads a pleasant
shade over the surface of the earth. America, under
the same latitudes, especially on the eastern coast,
is everywhere colder than the Old World. The
nearest approach to a black complexion is seen in
the people of Brazil, a country comparatively low,
and immediately under the equator. The inhabit-
ants of the lofty Mexican table land are also very
8 Mr. Lawrence's precise definition is "an obscure orange or rusty-
iron colour, not unlike the bark of the cinnamon tree." Amongst the
early discoverers, Vespucius applies to them the epithet "rougeatre."
Verazzano says, " sono di color berrettini e non molto dalli Saracini
differenti."
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 193
dark, and on those arid plains the sun pours down
its scorching rays upon a surface almost devoid of
sheltering vegetation.
The habits of savage life, and the constant expo-
sure to the elements, seem sufficient to cause a dark
tint upon the human skin even in the temperate
regions of America, where the cold is far greater
than in the same latitude in Europe. The inhabit-
ants of those immense countries are badly clothed,
imperfectly defended against the weather, miserably
housed ; wandering in war or in the chase, exposed
for weeks at a time to the mercy of the elements,
they soon darken into the indelible red or copper
colour of their race. On the north-west coasts, about
latitude 50°, in Nootka Sound, and a number of
other smaller bays, dwell a people more numerous
and better provided with food and shelter than their
eastern neighbours. They are free from a great
part of the toils and hardships of the hunter, and
from the vicissitudes of the season. When cleansed
from their filthy and fantastic painting, it appears
that their complexion and features resemble those
of the European.9
Modern discoveries have to a great extent dis-
pelled the mystery of the Indian origin, and proved
9 Cook's Narrative calls their colour an effete white, like that of
the southern nations of Europe. Meares expressly says, that some
of the females, when cleaned, were found to have the fair complexions
of Europe.
Somewhat further north, at Cloak Bay, in lat. 54° 10', Humboldt
remarks, that "in the midst of copper-coloured Indians, with small
VOL. i. o
194 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
the fallacy of the numerous and ingenious theories
formerly advanced with so much pertinacity and
zeal. Since the north-west coasts of America and
the north-east of Asia have been explored, little
difficulty remains on this subject. The two con-
tinents approach so nearly in that direction that
they are almost within sight of each other, and
small boats can safely pass the narrow strait. Ten
degrees further south the Aleutian and Fox Islands1
form a continuous chain between Kamtschatka
and the peninsula of Alaska, in such a manner as
to leave the passage across a matter of no difficulty.
The rude and hardy Tschutchi inhabiting the north-
east of Asia frequently sail from one continent to
the other.2 From the remotest antiquity this ignorant
people possessed the wonderful secret of the exist-
ence of a world hidden from the wisest and most
adventurous of civilised nations. They were uncon-
scious of the value of their vast discovery ; they
passed over a stormy strait from one frozen shore to
another, as stern and desolate as that they had left
behind, and knew not that they had crossed one of
the great boundaries of earth. When they first
entered upon the wilderness of America, probably
the most adventurous pushed down towards the
long eyes, there is a tribe with large eyes, European features, and a
skin less dark than that of our peasantry. " — New /Spain, vol. i., p. 145.
Humboldt considers this as the strongest argument of an original
diversity of race which has remained unaffected by climate,
1 See Appendix, No. XLV.
2 Cochrane's Pedestrian Journey.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 195
genial regions of the south, and so through the long
ages of the past the stream of population flowed
slowly on, wave by wave, to the remotest limits of
the east and south. The Indians resemble the people
of north-eastern Asia in form and feature more than
any other of the human race : their population is
most dense along the districts nearest to Asia, and
among the Mexicans, whose records of the past
deserve credence, there is a constant tradition that
their Aztec and Toultec chiefs came from the north-
west. Everywhere but to the north, America is
surrounded with a vast ocean unbroken by any
chain of islands that could connect it with the Old
World. Most probably no living man ever crossed
this immense barrier before the time of Columbus.
It is certain that in no part of America have any
authentic traces been found of European civilisa-
tion; the civilisation of America, such as it was,
arose, as it flourished, in the fertile plains of Mexico3
and in the delightful valleys of Peru ;4 there, where
3 Prescott remarks, that the progress made by the Mexicans in
astronomy, and especially the fact of their having a general board for
education and the fine arts, proves more in favour of their advance-
ment than the noble architectural monuments which they and their
kindred tribes erected. " Architecture," he observes, " is a sensual
gratification, and addresses itself to the eye ; it is the form in which
the resources of a semi-civilised people are most likely to be lavished."
— Conquest of Mexico, vol. i., p. 155 ; Lyell's America, vol. i., p. 115.
4 " Dans les regions anciennement agricoles de TAmerique me'ri-
dionale les conque'rans Europeens n'ont fait que suivre les traces
d' une culture indigene. Les Indiens sont restes attaches au sol
qu'ils ont defriche depuis des siecles. Le Mexique seul compte un
o2
190 THE CONQUEST OP CANADA.
the bounty of nature supplied an abundance of the
necessaries of life, the population rapidly multiplied,
and the arts became objects of cultivation.
There is something almost mysterious in the
total difference between the languages of the Old
and New World.5 All the tongues of civilised
nations spring from a few original roots, somewhat
analogous to each other; but it would seem that
among wandering tribes dispersed over a vast
extent of country, carrying on but little inter-
course, and having no written record or traditionary
million sept cent mille indigenes de race pure, dont le nombre
augmente avec la meme rapidite que celui des autres castes. Au
Mexique, a Guatemala, a Quito, au Perou, a Bolivia, la physionomie
du pays, a 1'exception de quelques grandes villes, est essentiellement
Indienne ; dans les campagnes la variete des langues s'est conservee
avec les mceurs, le costume et les habitudes de la vie domestique. II
n'y a de plus que des troupeaux de vaches et de brebis, quelques
cereales nouvelles et les ceremonies d'une culte qui se mele a d 'an-
tiques superstitions locales. II faut avoir vecu dans les hautes
plaines de I'Anierique Espagnole ou dans la confederation Anglo-
Americain pour sentir vivement combien ce contraste entre des
peuples chasseurs et des peuples agricoles, entre des pays longtemps
barbares ou des pays offrant d'anciennes institutions politiques et une
legislation indigene tres developpee, a facilite ou entrave la conquete,
influe sur les formes des premiers etablissement europeens, conserve
meme de nos jours aux differentes parties de 1* Amerique inde'pendante,
un caractere ineffagable. Deja le pere Joseph Acosta qui a e'tudie sur
les lieux memes les suites du grand drame sanguinaire de la conquete
a bien saisi ces differences frappantes de civilisation progressive et
d 'absence entiere d'ordre social qu'offrait le nouveau-monde a 1'epoque
de Christopher Colomb, ou peu de terns apres la colonisation par les
Espagnols. — Hist. Nat. y Moral., lib. vi., cap. ii. ; Humboldt's Geo-
graphic du Nouveau Continent, torn, i., p. 130.
6 See Appendix, No. XLVI.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 197
recital to preserve any fixed standard, language
undergoes a complete change in the course of
ages. The great varieties of tongues in America,
and their dissimilarity to each other, tend to confirm
this supposition.
In various parts of America remains are found
which place beyond a doubt, the ancient existence
of a people more numerous, powerful, and civilised
than the present race of Indians. But the indica-
tions of this departed people are not such as to
bespeak their having been of very remote antiquity :
the ruined cities of Central America, concealed by
the forest growth of centuries, and the huge mounds
of earth 6 in the valley of the Mississippi, and upon
the table-lands of Mexico, their dwellings and
mausoleums, although long swept over by the storm
of savage conquest, afford no proofs of their having
existed very far back into those dark ages when
the New World was unknown to Europe. The
history of these past races of men will probably for
ever remain a sealed book, but there is no doubt that
6 " In both Americas it is a matter of inquiry what was the intention
of the natives when they raised so many artificial hills, several of
which appear to have served neither as mounds nor watch towers, nor
the base of a temple. A custom established in Eastern Asia may
throw some light on this important question. Two thousand three
hundred years before our era, sacrifices were offered in China to the
Supreme Being, Chan-Ty, on four great mountains called the Four Yo.
The sovereigns finding it inconvenient to go thither in person, caused
eminences representing these mountains to be erected by the hands
of men near their habitations." — Voyage of Lord Macartney, vol. i.,
p. 58 ; Hager, Monument of Yu, p. 10, 1802.
198 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
a great population once covered those rich countries
which the first English visitors found the wild hunt-
ing-grounds for a few savage tribes.7 Probably the
existing race of red men were the conquerors and
exterminators of the feeble but civilised aboriginal
nations, and as soon as they possessed the land they
split into separate and hostile communities, waging
perpetual war with each other so as constantly to
diminish their numbers.
Far up the Mississippi and the Missouri the
exploration of the country brings to light incontest-
able proofs of the existence of the mysterious
aboriginal race; wells artificially walled, and various
other structures for convenience or defence, are
frequently seen ; ornaments of silver, copper, and
even brass are found, together with various articles
of pottery and sculptured stone ; sepulchres filled
with vast numbers of human bones have often
been discovered, and human bodies in a state of
preservation are sometimes exhumed; on one of
these the hair was yellow or sandy, and it is well
known that an unvarying characteristic of the
present red race is the lank black hair. A splendid
robe of a kind of linen, made apparently from
nettle fibres, and interwoven with the beautiful
feathers of the wild turkey, encircled this long
buried mummy. The number and the magnitude
7 Mr. Flint asserts " that the greatest population clearly has been
in those positions where the most dense future population will he." —
P. 166.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 199
of the mounds bear evidence that the concurrent
labours of a vast assembly of men were employed
in their construction.8
8 " The bones of animals and snakes have sometimes been found
mixed with human bones in these tumuli, and out of one near Cincin-
nati were dug two large marine shells, one of which was the Cassis
Cornutus of the Asiatic islands, the other the Fulgur Perversus of
the coast of Georgia and East Florida, and this is an additional
argument used in favour of the alleged intercourse existing anciently
between the Indians of this part of North America and the inhabitants
of Asia, and between them and those of the Atlantic. Many circum-
stances still existing, give probability to the popular belief that the
American Indians had their origin in Asia. In their persons, colour,
and reserved disposition, they have a strong resemblance to the
Malays of the Oriental Archipelago ; that is to say, to some of the
Tartar tribes of Upper Asia ; and it is a remarkable circumstance
that, like these, they shave the head, leaving only a single lock of
hair. The picture language of the Mexicans, as corresponding with
the ancient picture language of China, and the quipos of Peru with
the knotted and party-coloured cords which the Chinese history
informs us were in use in the early period of the empire, may also be
adduced as corroborative evidence. The high cheek bones and the
elongated eye of the two people, besides other personal resemblances,
suggest the probability of a common origin." — Quarterly Review,
No. LVIL, p. 13.
" The Iroquois and Hurons made hieroglyphic paintings on wood,
which bear a striking resemblance to those of the Mexicans." —
Lafitau, vol. ii., pp. 43, 225 ; La Houtan, p. 193.
" A long struggle between two religious sects, the Brahmans and the
Buddhists, terminated by the emigration of the Chamans to Thibet,
Mongolia, China, and Japan. If tribes of the Tartar race have
passed over to the north-west coast of America, and thence to the
south and the east, towards the banks of Gila, and those of the
Missouri, as etymological researches serve to indicate, we should
be less surprised at finding among the semi-barbarous nations of
the New Continent, idols and monuments of architecture, a hierogly-
phical writing, and exact knowledge of the duration of the year, and
200 THE CONQUEST OP CANADA.
I In the progress of early discovery and settlement,
striking views were presented of savage life among
( the red men ) inhabiting the Atlantic coast ; but
later researches along the banks of the Mississippi
and its tributaries, and by the great Canadian
lakes, exhibited this people under a still more re-
markable aspect. The most prominent among the
natives of the interior for power, policy, and
courage, were the Iroquois or Five Nations ; 9 their
traditions respecting the first state of the world, recalling to our minds
the arts, the sciences, and religious opinions of the Asiatic nations."
— Humboldt's Researches.
In his description of a Mexican painting, Humboldt observes, —
" The slave on the left is like the figure of those saints which we see
frequently in Hindoo paintings, and which the navigator Roblet found
on the north-west coast of America, among the hieroglyphical paint-
ings of the natives of Cox's Channel." — Marchant's Voyage, vol. i.,
p. 312.
"It is probably by philosophical and antiquarian researches in
Tartary that the history of those civilised nations of North America,
of whose great works only the wreck remains, will alone be elucidated. "
— See Bancroft's History of the United States, vol. iii., chap. xxii. ;
and Stephens's Central America, vol. i., p. 96 ; vol. ii., chap, xxvi.,
pp. 186, 357, 413, 433. See Appendix, No. XL VII.
9 " The five nations were the Mohawks, the Oneidas, the Cayugas,
the Onondagas, and the Senecas. The Dutch called them Maquas,
the French Iroquois, their appellation at home was the Mingoes, and
sometimes the Aganuschion, or United People." — Governor Clinton's
Discourse before New York Historical Society, 1811.
The Iroquois have often among Europeans been termed the Romans
of the West. — " Le nom d'Iroquois est purement frangois, et a ete
forme du terme Hiro, qui signifie, J'ai dit, par lequel ces sauvages
finissent tout leur discours, comme les Latins faisaient autrefois par
leur Dixi ; et de Koue, qui est un cri, tantot de tristesse, lorsqu' on
le prononce en trainant, et tantot de joie, lorsqu' on le prononce plus
court. Leur nom propre est Agonnonsionni, qui veut dire, Faiseurs
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 201
.-—
territory extended westward from Lake Champlain,
to the farthest extremity of Ontario, along the
southern banks of the St. Lawrence, and of the
Great Lake. Although formed by the alliance of
five independent tribes, they always presented an
united front to their foes, whether in defence or
aggression. Their enemies, the Algonquins, held
an extensive domain on the northern bank of the
St. Lawrence; these last were at one time the
masters of all that portion of America, and were
the most polished and mildest in manners of the
northern tribes. They depended altogether for
subsistence on the produce of the chase, and dis-
dained those among their neighbours who at-
tempted the cultivation of the soil. The Hurons l
de Cabannes ; parcequ'ils les batissent beaucoup plus solides, que la
plupart des autres sauvages." — Charlevoix, torn, i., p. 421.
Lafitau gives the Iroquois the same name of Agonnonsionni; they
used to say of themselves, that the five nations of which they were
composed, formed but one " Cabane."
1 " Le Pere Brebeuf comptoit environ trente mille ames de vrais
Hurons, distribues en vingt villages de la nation. II y ayoit outre
cela, douze nations sedentaires et nombreuses, qui parloient leur
langue. La plupart de ces nations ne subsistent plus, les Iroquois
ces ont detruites. Les vrais Hurons sont reduits aujourd'hui & la
petite mission de Lorette, qui est pres de Quebec, ou Ton voit le
Christianisme fleurir avec 1'edification de tous les Frangais, k la
nation des Tionnontates qui sont etablis au Detroit, et a une autre
nation qui s'est refugiee ^ la Carolina." — Charlevoix, 1721.
" The Tionnontates mentioned above, now bear the name of Wyan-
dots, and are a striking exception to the degeneracy which usually
attends the intercourse of Indians with Europeans. The Wyandots
have all the energy of the savage warrior, with the intelligence and
docility of civilised troops. They are Christians, and remarkable for
202 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
were a numerous nation, generally allied with the
Algonquins, inhabiting the immense and fertile
territory extending westward to the Great Lake,
from which they take their name : they occupied
themselves with a rude husbandry, which the fertile
soil of the west repaid, by affording them an abun-
dant subsistence; but they were more effeminate
and luxurious than their neighbours, and inferior in
savage virtue and independence. The above-named
nations were__those principally connected with the
events of Canadian history.
xTVlan is less affected by climate in his bodily
development than any other animal ; his frame
is at the same time so hardy and flexible, that he
thrives and increases in every variety of temperature
and situation, from the tropic to the pole ; neverthe-
less in extremes, such as these, his complexion,
size, and vigour, usually undergo considerable modi-
fications2 Among the red men of America, how-
orderly and inoffensive conduct ; but as enemies, they are among the
most dreadful of their race. They were all mounted (in the war of
1812-13), fearless, active, enterprising; to contend with them in the
forest was hopeless, and to avoid their pursuit, impossible.
" It is worthy of remark that the Wyandots are the only part of the
Huron nation who ever joined in alliance with the English. The
mass of the Hurons were always the faithful friends of the French,
during the times of the early settlement of Canada." — Quarterly
Review.
2 The extremes of heat and cold are as unfavourable to intellectual
as to physical superiority ;* a fact which may be easily traced
throughout the vast and varied extent of the two Americas. " As
* The most temperate climate lies between the 40th and 50th degree of latitude,
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 203
ever, there is a remarkable similarity of coun-
tenance, form, manners, and habits, in every part
of the continent ; no other race can show people
speaking different languages, inhabiting widely dif-
ferent climates, and subsisting on different food,
who are so wonderfully alike.3 There are, indeed,
far as the parallel of 53°, the temperature of the north-west coast of
America is milder than that of the eastern coasts ; we are led to
expect, therefore, that civilisation had anciently made some progress
in this climate, and even in higher latitudes. Even in our own times,
we perceive that in the 59th degree of latitude in Cox's Channel and
Norfolk Sound, the natives have a decided taste for hieroglyphical
paintings on wood." — Humboldt on the Ancient Inhabitants of
America.
It has been ascertained that this western coast is populous, and the
race somewhat superior to the other Indians in arts and civilisation.
— Ramusio, tomo., iii., pp. 297 — 303 ; Venegas' California, Part ii.,
§.ii.
" From the happy coincidence of various circumstances, man raises
himself to a certain degree of cultivation, even in climates the least
favourable to the development of organised beings. Near the polar
circle in Iceland in the twelfth century, we know the Scandinavians
cultivated literature and the arts with more success than the inha-
bitants of Denmark and Prussia." — Humboldt.
3 Mr. Flint says, " I have inspected the northern, middle, and
southern Indians for a length of ten years, my opportunities of obser-
vation have, therefore, been considerable, and I do not undertake to
form a judgment of their character without, at least, having seen
much of it. I have been forcibly struck by a general resemblance in
and it produces the most handsome and beautiful people. It is from this climate that
the ideas of the genuine colour of mankind, and of the various degrees of beauty ought
to be derived. The two extremes are equally remote from truth and from beauty.
The civilised countries situated under this zone are Georgia, Circassia, the Ukraine,
Turkey in Europe, Hungary, the south of Germany, Italy, Switzerland, France, and
the northern parts of Spain. The natives of these territories are the most handsome
and most beautiful people in the world. — Buffon, English trans, vol. iii. p. 205.
204 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
varieties of stature, strength, intellect, and self-
respect to be found among them ; but the savage of
the frozen north, and the Indian of the tropics,
have the same stamp of person, and the same in-
stincts.4 There is a language of signs common to
all, conveying similar ideas, and providing a means
of mutual intelligence to every red man from north
to south.
The North American Indians are generally of a
their countenance, make, conformation, manners, and habits. I
helieve that no race of men can show people who speak different lan-
guages, inhabit different climes, and subsist on different food, and who
are yet so wonderfully alike." — (1831.)
Don Antonio Ulloa, who had extensive opportunities of forming an
opinion on the natives of both the continents of America, asserts that
" if we have seen one American, we may be said to have seen all,
their colour and make are so nearly the same." — Notic. Americanas,
p. 308. See likewise, Garcia, Origin de los Indios, pp. 55 — 242 ;
Torquemada, Monarch. Indiana, vol. ii., p. 571.
" If we except the northern regions where we find men similar to
the Laplanders, all the rest of America is peopled with inhabitants,
among whom there is little or no diversity. This great uniformity
among the natives of America seems to proceed from their living all
in the same manner. All the Americans were, or still are, savages ;
the Mexicans and Peruvians were so recently polished, that they
ought not to be regarded as an exception. Whatever, therefore, was
the origin of these savages, it seems to have been common to the
whole. All the Americans have sprung from the same source, and
have preserved, with little variation, the characters of their race ; for
they have all continued in a savage state, and have followed nearly
the same mode of life. Their climates are not so unequal with
regard to heat and cold as those of the ancient continent, and their
establishment in America has been too recent to allow those causes
which produce varieties sufficient time to operate so as to render their
effects conspicuous." — Buffon, Eng. trans., vol. iii., p. 188.
4 See Appendix, No. XLVIII.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 205
fair height and proportion. Deformities or personal
defects5 are rare among them ; and they are never
seen to fall into corpulency. Their features, natu-
rally pleasing and regular, are often distorted by
absurd attempts to improve their beauty, or render
their appearance more terrible. They have high
cheek-bones, sharp and rather aquiline noses, and
good teeth. Their skin is generally described as red
or copper-coloured, approaching to the tint of cinna-
mon bark, a complexion peculiar to the inhabitants
of the New World. The hair of the Americans, like
that of their Mongolian ancestors, is coarse, black,
thin, but strong, and growing to a great length.
Many tribes of both these races remove it from every
part of the head except the crown, where a small
tuft is left, and cherished with care. It is a uni-
versal habit among the tribes of the New World to
eradicate every symptom of beard : hence the early
travellers were led to conclude that the smoothness
of their faces resulted from a natural deficiency.
One reason for the adoption of this strange custom
was to enable them to paint themselves with greater
ease. Among old men, who have become indifferent
to their appearance, the beard is again seen to a
small extent.6
5 See Appendix, No. XLIX.
6 There would never have been any difference of opinion between
physiologists, as to the existence of the beard among the Americans,
if they had paid attention to what the first historians of the conquest
of their country have said on this subject ; for example, Pigafetta, in
1519, in his Journal preserved in the Ambrosian library at Milan, and
206 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
On the continent, especially towards the north,
the natives were of robust and vigorous constitution.
Their sole employment was the chase of the nume-
rous wild animals of the forest and prairies : from
their continual activity, their frame acquired firm-
ness and strength.7 But in the islands, where game
was rare, and the earth supplied spontaneously an
abundant subsistence, the Indians were compara-
tively feeble, being neither inured to the exertions of
the chase nor the labours of cultivation. Generally,
the Americans were more remarkable for agility
than strength, and are said to have been more like
beasts of prey than animals formed for labour.
Toil was hateful, and even destructive to themX
they broke down and perished under tasks that
•*. .•..•*
published (in 1800) by Amoretti, p. 18. — Benzoni, Hist, del Mundo
Nuovo, p. 35, 1572 ; Bembo, Hist. Venet., p. 88, 1557 ; Humboldt's
Personal Narrative, vol. iii., p. 235.
" The Indians have no beard, because they use certain receipts to
extirpate it, which they will not communicate." — Oldmixon, vol. i.,
p. 286.
" Experience has made known that these receipts were little shells
which they used as tweezers ; since they have become acquainted
with metals, they have invented an instrument consisting of a piece
of brass wire rolled round a piece of wood the size of the finger, so as
to form a special spring ; this grasps the hairs within its turns, and
pulls out several at once. No wonder if this practice, continued for
several generations, should enfeeble the roots of the beard. Did the
practice of eradicating the beard originate from the design of depriv-
ing the enemy of such a dangerous hold on the face ? This seems to
me probable." — Volney, p. 412.
7 When the statue of Apollo Belvedere was shown to Benjamin
West on his first arrival at Rome, he exclaimed, "It is a model from
a young North American Indian." — Ancient America.
THE CONQUEST OP CANADA.
would not have wearied a, European. Experience
provesThat the physical strength of civilised man
exceeds that of the savage.8 Hand to hand in war,
in wrestling, leaping, and even in running for a short
distance, this superiority usually appears. In a long
journey, however, the endurance of the Indian has
no para] lei among Europeans. A red man has been
known to travel nearly eighty miles between sunrise
and sunset, without apparent fatigue. He performs
a long journey, bearing a heavy burden, and indulg-
ing in no refreshment or repose ; an enemy cannot
escape his persevering pursuit, even when mounted
on a strong horse.
It has been already observed that the Americans
are rarely or never deformed, or defective in their
senses while in their wild state, but in those
districts where the restraints of law are felt, an
extraordinary number of blind, deaf, dwarfs and
cripples, are observed. The Jterrjhlg^ custom among
the savage tribes of destroying those children who
do not promise a vigorous growth, accounts for this
apparent anomaly : infancy is so long and helpless
that it weighs as a heavy burden upon a wandering
people; food is scanty and uncertain of supply,
hunters and their families must range over exten-
sive countries, and often remove from place to
8 " It is a notorious fact that every European who has embraced the
savage life has become stronger and better enured to every excess
than the savages themselves. The superiority of the people of Vir-
ginia and Kentucky over them has been confirmed not only in troop
opposed to troop, but man to man, in all their wars." — Volney, p. 417.
208 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
place. Judging that children of feeble or defective
formation are not likely to survive the hardships of
this errant life, they destroy all such unpromising
offspring,9 or desert them to a slower and more
dreadful fate. The lot of all is so hard that few
born with any great constitutional defect could long
survive, and arrive at maturity.
In the simplicity of savage life, where labour does
not oppress, nor luxury enervate the human frame,
and where harassing cares are unknown, we are
led to expect that disease and suffering should be
comparatively rare, and that the functions of nature
should not reach the close of their gradual decay
till an extreme old age. The decrepit and shrivelled
forms of many American Indians would seem to
indicate that they had long passed the ordinary
time of life. But it is difficult or impossible to
ascertain their exact age, as the art of counting is
generally unknown among them, and they are
strangely forgetful and indifferent to the past. Their
longevity, however, varies considerably according to
9 Yet infanticide is condemned amongst the Red Indians, both by
their theology and their feelings. Dr. Richardson relates that those
tribes who hold the idea that " the souls of the departed have to
scramble up a great mountain, at whose top they receive the reward
of their good or bad deeds, declare that women who have been guilty
of infanticide never reach the top of this mountain at all. They are
compelled instead to travel around the scenes of their crimes with
branches of trees tied to their legs. The melancholy sounds which
are heard in the still summer evenings, and which the ignorance of
the white people looks upon as the screams of the goat-suckers, are
really, according to my informant, the meanings of these unhappy
beings." — Franklin's Journey to the Polar Seas, pp. 77, 78.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 209
differences of climate and habits of life. These
children of nature are naturally free from many
of the diseases afflicting civilised nations; they
have not even names in their language to dis-
tinguish such ills, the offspring of a luxury to
them unknown. The diseases of the savage, how-
ever, though few, are violent and fatal ; the severe
hardships of his mode of life produce maladies of a
dangerous description. From improvidence they are
often reduced for a considerable time to a state
bordering on starvation; when successful in the
chase, or in the seasons when earth supplies her
bounty, they indulge in enormous excesses; these
extremes of want and abundance prove equally
pernicious ; for, although habit and necessity enable
them at the time to tolerate such sudden transitions,
the constitution is ultimately injured : disorders
arising from these causes strike down numbers in
the prime and vigour of youth, and are so common
that they appear the necessary consequences of
their mode of life. The Indian is likewise peculiarly
subject to consumption, pleurisy, asthma, and para-
lysis, engendered by the fatigues and hardships of
the chase and war, and constant exposure to
extremes of heat and cold. Experience supports the
conclusion that the average life is greater among
people in an advanced condition of society, than
among those in a state of nature ; among savages
all are affected by circumstances of over-exertion,
privation, and excess, but in civilised societies the
diseases of luxury only affect the few.
VOL. I. P
210
CHAPTER VII.
.THE Indian is endowed with a far greater acuteness
of sense than the European ; despite the dazzling
brightness of the long-continued snows, and the
injurious action of the smoke of burning wood to
which he is constantly exposed, hejDossesses^ extra-
ordinaryquickness of sight. He can also hear and
distinguish the faintesj; sounds, alike through the
gentle rustling of the forest leaves and in the roar
of the storm /r his power of smell is so delicate that
he scents fire long before it becomes visible. By
some peculiar instinct the Indian steers through the
trackless forests, over the vast prairies, and even
across wide sheets of water with unerring certainty.
Under the gloomiest and most obscure" sky heTcah
follow the course of the sun,1 as if directed by a
1 "At night the savages direct their course by the polar star ; they
call it the motionless star. It is a curious coincidence that the con-
stellation of the Bear should he called by the savages the Bear.
This is certainly a very ancient name among them, and given long
before any Europeans visited the country. They turn into ridicule
the large imaginary tail which astronomers have given to an animal
that has scarcely any such appendage, and they call the three stars
that compose the tail of the Bear, three hunters who are in pursuit of
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 211
compass. These powers would seem innate in this
mysterious race ; they can scarcely be the fruit of
observation or practice, for children who have never
left their native village can direct their course
through pathless solitudes as accurately as the
experienced hunter.
In the early stages of social progress, when the
life of man is rude and simple, the reason is little
exercised, and his wants and wishes are limited
within narrow bounds ; consequently his intellect
is feebly developed, and his emotions are few but
concentrated. These conditions were generally
observable among the rudest tribes of the American
Indians.
There are, however, some very striking pecu-
liarities in the intellectual character of the red men.
Without any aid from letters or education, some of
the lower mental faculties are developed in a
remarkable degree. As orators, strategists and
politicians, they have frequently exhibited very
great power.2 They are constantly engaged in
it. The second of these stars has a very small one, very close to it.
This, they say, is the kettle of the second hunter, who is the bearer
of the baggage and the provision belonging to all three.* The
savages also call the Pleiades ' the Dancers,' and Hygin tells us that
they were thus called by the ancients because they seem, from the
arrangement of their stars, to be engaged in a circular dance." —
Lafitau, vol. ii., p. 236. Hygin., lib. ii., art. Taurus.
2 See Appendix, No. L.
* " Even at the present time," (1720), Lafitau writes, " these three stars are called in
Italy, i tre cavalli" — the three knights— on the celestial globe of Caronelli.
p2
212 THE CONQUEST OP CANADA.
dangerous and difficult enterprises, where ingenuity
and presence of mind are essential for their preser-
vation. They are vigorous in the thought which
is allied to action, but altogether incapable of
speculation, deduction, or research. Thejdeas and
attention of a sayage^are ^confined to the objects
relating to his subsistence, safety, or indulgence :
everything else escapes his observation or excites
little interest in his mind. Many tribes appear
to make no arrangement for the future; neither
care nor forethought prevents them from blindly
following a present impulse, regardless of its
consequences.
The natives of North America were divided into
a number of small communities ; in the relation
of these to each other war or negotiation was
constantly carried on ; revolutions, conquests, and
alliances frequently occurred among them. To
raise the power of his tribe, and to weaken or
destroy that of his enemy, was the great aim of
every Indian. For these objects schemes were pro-
foundly laid, and deeds of daring valour achieved :
the refinements of diplomacy were employed, and
plans arranged with the most accurate calculation.
These peculiar circumstances also developed the
power of oratory to an extraordinary degree;3 upon
3 Charlevoix says, that the eloquence of the savages was such as
the Greeks admired in the barharians, " strong, stern, sententious,
pointed, perfectly undisguised."
Decanesora's oratory was greatly admired by the most cultivated
amongst the English : his bust was said to resemble that of Cicero.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 213
all occasions of importance speeches were delivered
with eloquence, and heard with deep attention.
When danger threatened, or opportunity of aggran-
disement or revenge offered itself, a council of the
tribe was called, where those most venerable from
age and illustrious for wisdom deliberated for the
public good. The composition of the Indian orator
is studied and elaborate, the language is vigorous
and at the same time highly imaginative ; all ideas
are expressed by figures addressed to the senses ;
the sun and stars, mountains and rivers, lakes and
forests, hatchets of war, and pipes of peace, fire and
water, are employed as illustrations of his subject
with almost oriental art and richness. His eloquence
is unassisted by action or varied intonation, but his
earnestness excites the sympathy of the audience,
and his persuasion sinks into their hearts.4
The celebrated address of Logan is too well known to be cited here.
Mr. Jefferson says of it, " I may challenge the whole orations of
Demosthenes and Cicero, and of any other more eminent orator, if
Europe has furnished more eminent, to produce a single passage
superior to the speech of Logan." An American statesman and
scholar, scarcely less illustrious than the former, has expressed
his readiness to subscribe to this eulogium. — Clinton's Historical
Discourse, 1811.
4 Catlin gives the following account of a native preacher, known
by the name of the Shawnee Prophet : — " I soon learned that he
was a very devoted Christian, regularly holding meetings in his
tribe on the Sabbath, preaching to them and exhorting them to
a belief in the Christian religion, and to an abandonment of the
fatal habit of whiskey-drinking. I went on the Sabbath to hear
this eloquent man preach, when he had his people assembled in
the woods ; and although I could not understand his language, I
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
The want of any written or hieroglyphic records
of the past among the northern Indians was, to
some extent, supplied by the accurate memories of
their old men; they were able to repeat speeches
of four or five hours duration, and delivered many
years before, without error or even hesitation, and to
hand them down from generation to generation with
equal accuracy, their recollection being only assisted
by small pieces of wood corresponding to the dif-
ferent subjects of discourse. On great and solemn
occasions, belts of wampum were used as aid to
recollection whenever a conference was held with
a neighbouring tribe, or a treaty or compact is
negotiated ; one of these belts, differing in some
respects from any other hitherto used, was made
for the occasion ; each person who speaks holds
this in his hand by turns, and all he says is
recorded in the " living books " of the bystanders'
memory in connexion with the belt. When the
conference ends, this memorial is deposited in the
hands of the principal chief. As soon as any im-
portant treaty is ratified, a broad wampum belt of
unusual splendour is given by each contracting
was surprised and pleased with the natural ease, and emphasis, and
gesticulation which carried their own evidence of the eloquence of his
sermon. I was singularly struck with the nohle efforts of this cham-
pion of the mere remnant of a poisoned race, so strenuously labouring
to rescue the remainder of his people from the deadly hane that has
been brought amongst them by enlightened Christians. It is quite
certain that his exemplary endeavours have completely abolished the
practice of drinking whiskey in his tribe." — Catlin, vol. ii., p. 98,
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 215
party to the other, and these tokens are deposited
among the other belts, that form, as it were, the
archives of the nation. At stated intervals they
are reproduced before the people, and the events
which they commemorate are circumstantially
recalled. Certain of the Indian women are in-
trusted with the care of these belts; it is their
duty to relate to the children of the tribe the
circumstances of each treaty or conference, and
thus is kept alive the remembrance of every
important event.
On the matters falling within his limited com-
prehension, the Indian often displays a correct and
solid judgment ; he pursues his object without hesi-
tation or diversion. He is quickly perceptive of
simple facts or ideas ; but any artificial combination
or mechanical contrivance, he is slow to compre-
hend ; especially as he considers everything beneath
his notice which is not necessary to his advantage
or enjoyment. It is very difficult to engage him
in any labour of a purely mental character ; but he
often displays vivacity and ardour in matters that
interest him, and is frequently quick and happy in
repartee.5
The red man is usually characterised by a certain
savage elevation of soul and calm self-possession,
5 " Whatever may be the estimate of the Indian character in other
respects, it is with me an undoubting conviction, that they are by
nature a shrewd and intelligent race of men, in no wise, as regards
combination of thought or quickness of apprehension, inferior to
uneducated white men. This inference I deduce from having
216 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
that all the aid of religion and philosophy cannot
enable his civilised brethren to surpass ; master of
his emotions, the expression of his countenance
rarely alters for a moment even under the most
severe and sudden trials. The prisoner, uncertain
as to the fate that may befal him, preparing /
for his dreadful death, or racked by agonising /
tortures, still raises his unfaltering voice in the
instructed Indian children.* I draw it from having seen the men and
women in all situations calculated to try and call forth their capa-
cities. When they examine any of our inventions, steam boats,
steam mills, and cotton factories for instance ; when they contem-
plate any of our institutions in operation ; by some quick analysis or
process of reasoning, they seem immediately to comprehend the
principle or the object. No spectacle affords them more delight than
a large and orderly school. They seem instinctively to comprehend,
at least they explained to me that they felt, the advantages which
this order of things gave our children over theirs." — Flint's Ten
Tears in the Valley of the Mississippi, 1831.
Mr. Flint, an experienced and intelligent observer takes so dark a
view of the moral character of the Red Indian that his favourable
opinion of their mental faculties may be looked upon as probably
accurate, though differing strongly from that more generally held.
On the other side of the question, among the early writers may be
cited, M. Bouguer, Voyage au Perou, p. 102 : Voyage d1 Ulloa,
torn, i., pp. 335 — 337. " They seem to live in a perpetual infancy,"
is the striking expression of De la Condamine, Voyage de la Riv.
Amazon, pp. 52, 53. Chauvelon, Voyage a la Martinique, pp.
44, 50. P. Venegas, Hist, de la Calif ornie.
* All those who have expressed an opinion on the subject seem to agree that
children of most native races are fully, or more. than a match, for those of Europeans,
in aptitude for intellectual acquirement. Indeed, it appears to be a singular law of
Nature, that there is less precocity in the European race than almost any other. In
those races in which we seem to have reason for believing that the intellectual organisa-
tion is lower, perception is quicker, and maturity earlier." — Merivale On Colonization,
vol. ii., p. 197.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 217
; death song, and turns a fearless front towards his
I tormentors.6
The art of numbering was unknown in some
6 " Thus, on the whole, it may be said that the virtues of the
savages are reducible to intrepid courage in danger, unshaken firm-
ness amid tortures, contempt of pain and death, and patience under
all the anxieties and distresses of life. No doubt these are useful
qualities, but they are all confined to the individual, all selfish, and
without any benefit to the society. Farther, they are proofs of a life
truly wretched, and a social state so depraved or null, that a man,
neither finding nor hoping any succour or assistance from it, is
obliged to wrap himself up in despair and endeavour to harden him-
self against the strokes of fate. Still it may be urged that these
men, in their leisure hours, laugh, sing, play, and live without care
for the past as well as for the future. Will you then deny that they
are happier than we ? Man is such a pitiable and variable creature,
and habits have such a potent sway over him, that in the most disas-
trous situations he always finds some posture that gives him ease,
something that consoles him, and by comparison with past suffering
appears to him well-being and happiness ; but if to laugh, sing, or
play constitute bliss, it must likewise be granted that soldiers are
perfectly happy beings, since there are no men more careless or more
gay in dangers, or on the eve of battle ; it must be granted too, that
during the Revolution, in the most fatal of our gaols, the Concier-
gerie, the prisoners were very happy, since they were in general more
careless and gay than their keepers, or than those who only feared
the same fate. The anxieties of those who were at large, were as
numerous as the enjoyments they wished to preserve ; they who
were in the other prisons felt but one, that of preserving their lives.
In the Conciergerie, where a man was condemned in expectation or
in reality, he had no longer any care ; on the contrary every moment
of life was an acquisition, the gain of a good that was considered as
lost. Such is nearly the situation of a soldier in war, and such is
really that of the savage throughout the whole course of his life. If
this be happiness, wretched indeed must be the country where it is
an object of envy. In pursuing my investigation I do not find that
I am led to more advantageous ideas of the liberty of the savage ;
218 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
American tribes, and even among the most advanced
it was very imperfect ; the savage had no property
to estimate, no coins to count, no variety of ideas to
enumerate. Many nations could not reckon above
three, and had no words in their language to
distinguish a greater number ; some proceeded as
on the contrary, I see in him only the slave of his wants and of the
freaks of a sterile and parsimonious nature. Food he has not at
hand ; rest is not at his command ; he must rim, weary himself,
endure hunger and thirst, heat and cold, and all the inclemency of
the elements and seasons ; and as the ignorance in which he was
horn and hred gives him or leaves him a multitude of false and irra-
tional ideas, and superstitious prejudices, he is likewise the slave of
a number of errors and passions, from which civilised man is ex-
empted, by the science and knowledge of every kind that an improved
state of society has produced." — Volney's Travels in the United
States, p. 467.
" Their impassible fortitude and endurance of suffering are, after
all, in my mind, the result of a greater degree of physical insensi-
bility. It has been told me, and I believe it, that in amputation
and other surgical operations, their nerves do not shrink, do not show
the same tendency to spasm, with those of the whites. When the
savage, to explain his insensibility to cold, called upon the white men
to recollect how little his own face was affected by it, in consequence
of its constant exposure, he added, ' My body is all face.'* This
increasing insensibility, transmitted from generation to generation,
finally becomes inwrought with the whole web of animal nature, and
the body of the savage seems to have little more sensibility than the
hoofs of horses." — Flint's Ten Years in the Valley of the Mississippi.
See also Ulloa's Notic. Amer., p. 313.
Charlevoix quotes a passage from Cicero to the effect that
"1'habitude au travail donne de la facilite a supporter la douleur."
—2 Tusc. 25.
* Delicacy of skin is observed to be in proportion to civilisation amongst nations,
in proportion to degrees of refinement among individuals. — Sharon Turner.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 219
far as ten, others to twenty ; when they desired to
convey an idea of a larger amount, they pointed to
the hair of the head, or declared that it could not
be counted. Computation is a mystery to all rude
nations ; when, however, they acquire the knowledge
of a number of objects, and find the necessity of
combining or dividing them, their acquaintance
with arithmetic increases ; the state of this art is
therefore, to a considerable extent, a criterion of
their degree of progress. The wise and politic
Iroquois had advanced the farthest, but even they
had not got beyond one thousand; the smaller
tribes seldom reached above ten.
The first ideas are suggested to the mind of man
by the senses : the Indian acquires no other. The
objects around him are all important ; if they be
available for his present purposes they attract his
attention, otherwise they excite no curiosity: he
neither combines nor arranges them, nor does he
examine the operations of his own mind upon them;
he has no abstract or universal ideas, and his
reasoning powers are generally employed upon
matters merely obvious to the senses. In the
languages of the ruder tribes there were no words
to express anything that is not material, such as
faith, time, imagination, and the like. When the
mind of the savage is not occupied with matters
relating to his animal existence, it is altogether
inactive. In the islands, and upon the exuberant
plains of the south, where little exertion of inge-
nuity was required to obtain the necessaries of life,
220 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
the rational faculties were frequently dormant, and
the countenance remained vacant and inexpressive.
Even the superior races of the north loiter away
their time in thoughtless indolence, when not
engaged in war or the chase, deeming other objects
unworthy of their consideration. Where reason is
so limited in a field for exertion, the mind can
hardly acquire any considerable degree of vigour or
enlargement. In civilised life men are urged to
activity and perseverance by a desire to gratify
numerous artificial wants; but the necessities of
the Indian are few, and provided for by nature
almost spontaneously. He detests labour, and will
sometimes sit for whole days together without
uttering a word, or changing his posture. Neither
the hope of reward nor the prospect of future want
can overcome this inveterate indolence.
Among the northern tribes, however, dwelling
under a rigorous climate, some efforts are employed,
and some precautions taken, to procure subsistence ;
but the necessary industry is even there looked
upon as a degradation : the greater part of the
labour is performed by women, and man will only
stoop to those portions of the work which he consi-
ders least ignominious. This industry, so oppressive
to one half of the community, is very partial, and
directed by a limited foresight. During one part of
the year they depend upon fishing for a subsistence,
during another upon the chase, and the produce of
the ground is their resource for the third. Regard-
less of the warnings of experience, they neglect to
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 221
apportion provision for their wants, or can so little
restrain their appetites, that, from imprudence or
extravagance, they often are exposed to the miseries
of famine like their ruder neighbours. Their suffer-
ings are soon forgotten, and the horrors of one
year seem to teach no lesson of providence for
the next.
The Indians for the most part are very we'll
acquainted with the geography of their own country!
When questioned as to the situation of any parti
cular place, they will trace out on the ground with a
stick, if opportunity offer, a tolerably accurate map
of the locality indicated. They will show the course
of the rivers, and, by pointing towards tha, gun
explain the bearings of their rude sketch. There
have been recorded some most remarkable instances
of the accuracy with which they can travel towards
a strange place, even when its description had only
been received through the traditions of several
generations, and they could have possessed no per-
sonal knowledge whatever of the surrounding
country.
The religion of the natives of America cannot but
be regarded with an interest far deeper than the
gratification of mere curiosity. The forms of faith,
the rites, the ideas of immortality; the belief in
future reward, in future punishment; the recogni-
tion of an invisible Power, infinitely surpassing that
of the warrior or the chief ; the dim traditions of a
first parent, and a general deluge, — all these, among
a race so long isolated from the rest of the human
222 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
family, distinct in language, habits, form and mind,
and displaying, when societies began to exist, a
civilisation utterly dissimilar from any before known,
afford subject for earnest thought and anxious
inquiry. Those who in the earlier times of Ameri-
can discovery supplied information on these points,
were generally little qualified for the task. Priests
and missionaries alone had leisure or inclination to
pursue the subject ; and their minds were often so
preoccupied with their own peculiar doctrines, that
they accommodated to them all that fell under their
observation, and explained it by analogies which
had no existence but in their own zealous imagina-
tions. They seldom attempted to consider what
they saw or heard in relation to the rude notions of
the savages themselves. From a faint or fancied
similarity of peculiar Indian superstitions to certain
articles of Christian faith, some missionaries ima-
gined they had discovered traces of an acquaintance
with the divine mysteries of salvation; they con-
cluded that the savage possessed a knowledge
of the doctrine of the Trinity,7 of the Incarnation, of
7 Conical stones, wrapped up in 100 goat skins, were the idols
preserved in the temple of the Natchez. Many authors assert that
the Amazons and many eastern people had nothing in their temples
but these pyramidal stones, which represented to them the Divinity.
" Peut-etre aussi vouloient ils (les fondateurs des Pyramides)
figurer en meme terns la Divinite, et ce qui leur restoit d'idees du
mystere de la Sainte Trinite, dans les trois faces de ces pyramides.
Du moins est ce ainsi qu'aux Indes un Brame paroissoit concevoir les
choses et s'expliquer d'apres les anciennes. * II faut,' disoit il, ' se
representer Dieu et ses trois noms differents qui repondent a ces trois
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 223
the sacrifice of a Saviour, and of sacraments, from
their own interpretation of certain expressions and
ceremonies.8 But little confidence can be placed in
any evidence derived from such sources.
principaux attributs, a peu pres sous 1'idee de ces Pyramides trian-
gulaires qu'on voit elevees devant la poste de quelques temples."
— Lettre du Pere Bouchet a M. Huet, Eveque cFAvranches. Three
logs are always employed to keep up the fire in the Natchez temple. —
Lafitau, vol. i., p. 16J.
Extract from a dialogue between John Wesley and the Chickasaw
Indians : —
" Wesley. Do you believe there is One above who is over all
things ?
" Answer. We believe there are four beloved things above, — the
clouds, the sun, the clear sky, and He that lives in the clear sky.
" Wesley. Do you believe there is but One who lives in the clear
sky?
" Answer. We believe there are two with Him, three in all." —
Wesley's Journal, No. I., p. 39.
8 See Stephens's " Incidents of Travel in Central America," vol. ii.,
p. 346.
" Les croix qui ont tant excite la curiosite des conquistadores \
Coqumel, a Yucatan, et dans d'autres contrees de 1'Amerique ne sont
pas ' des contes de moines,' etmeritent, comme tout ce qui a rapport
au culte des peuples indigenes du Nouveau Continent, un examen
plus serieux. Je me sers du mot culte, car un relief conserve dans
les ruines de Palenque, de Guatemala, et dont je possede unecopie, ne
me parait laisser aucun doute qu' une figure symbolique en forme de
croix etoit un objet d' adoration. II faut faire observer cependant qu'a
cette croix manque le prolongement superieur, et qu'elle forme plutot
la lettre tau. Des ide'es qui n'ont aucun rapport avec le Christian-
isme ont pu etre symboliquement attachees a cet embleme Egyptien
d 'Hermes, si celebre parmi les Chretiens depuis la destruction du
temple de Serapis a Alexandrie sous Theodose le Grand. (Rufinus,
Hist. Eccles., lib. ii., cap. xxix., p. 294 ; Zozomenes, Eccl. Hist.,
lib. in., cap. xv.) Un ba*ton termine par une croix se voit dans la
main d'Astarte sur les monnaies de Sidon au 3me siecle avant notre
224 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
The earlier travellers in the interior of the New
World received the impression that the Indians had
no religious belief; they saw neither priests, temples,
idols, nor sacrifices among any of the various and
numerous tribes. A further knowledge of this
strange people disproved the hastily formed opinion,
and showed that their whole life and all their
actions were influenced by a belief in the spiritual
world.1 It is now known that the American Indians
were preeminent among savage nations for the
superior purity of their religious faith,2 and indeed
over even the boasted elegance of poetical mytho-
ere. En Scandinavie, un signe de 1'alphabet runique figurait le
marteau de Thor, tres semblable a la croix du relief de Palenque.
On marquoit de cette rune, dans les terns payens, les objets qu'on
vouloit sanctifier." (Voyez 1'excellent Traite de M. Guillaume Grimm,
Uber Deutsche Runen, p. 242.) — Humboldt, Geographic de Nouveau
Continent, vol. ii., p. 356.
*' Laet avoue qu' Herrera parle d'une espece de bapteme, et de con-
fession usitee dans Yucatan et dans les isles voisines, mais il ajoute
qu'il est bien plus naturel d'attribuer toutes ces marques equivoques
de Christianisme qu'on a cru apercevoir en plusieurs provinces du
Nouveau Monde au demon qui a toujours affecte de contrefaire le culte
du vrai Dieu." Charlevoix adds, " Cette remarque est de tous les
bons auteurs qui ont parle de la religion des peuples nouvellement
decouverts, et fondee sur 1'autorite des peres de 1'Eglise." — Charlevoix,
torn, v., p. 28. l See Appendix, No. LI.
2 " The most sensual, degraded, and least intellectual tribes of
Northern Asia and America, have purer notions of a spiritual Deity,
than were possessed of old by the worshippers of Jupiter and Juno
under Pericles." — Progression by Antagonism.
This, according to Lord Lindsay's theory, is to be accounted for
by the absence of imagination, these nations being only governed by
Sense and Spirit, to the exclusion of intellect in either of its manifes-
tations, Imagination, or Reason. — Pp. 21, 26.
THE CONQUEST OP CANADA. 225
"^S1
logy. From the reports of all those worthy of
credence, who have lived intimately among these
children of the forest, it is certain that they firmly |
believe in the power and unity of the Most High
God, and in an immortality of happiness or misery.
They worship the Great Spirit, the Giver of life, and
attribute to him the creation of the world, and the
government of all things with infinite love, wisdom,
and power. Of the origin of their religion they are
altogether ignorant. In general they believe that
after the world was created and supplied with
animal life by the Great Spirit, he formed the first
red man and woman, who were very large of stature
and lived to an extreme old age ; that he often held
council with his creatures, gave them laws and
instructed them, but that the red children became
rebels against their Great Father, and he then
withdrew himself with sorrowful anger from among
them, and left them to the vexations of the Bad
Spirit. But still this merciful Father, from afar off
where he may be seen no more, showers down upon
them all the blessings they enjoy. The Indians
are truly filial and sincere in their devotions;
they pray for what they need and return hearty
thanks for such mercies as they have enjoyed.3
3 " At the breaking up of the winter," says Hunter, " after having
supplied ourselves with such things as were necessary, and the situa-
tion afforded, all our party visited the spring from which we had
procured our supplies of water, and there offered up our orisons to
the Great Spirit for having preserved us in health and safety, and
for having supplied all our wants. This is the constant practice of
VOL. i. Q
226 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
They supplicate him to bestow courage and skill
upon them in the battle; the endurance which
enables them to mock the cruel tortures of their
enemies is attributed to his aid : their preparation
for war is a long continued religious ceremony ; their
march is supposed to be under omnipotent guidance,
and their expeditions in the chase are held to be not
unworthy of divine superintendence. They reject
all idea of chance on the fortune of war, and
believe firmly that every result is the decision of a
Superior Power.3 Although this elevated conception
the Osages, Kansas, and many other nations of Indians on breaking
up their encampments, and is by no means an unimportant cere-
mony." The habitual piety of the Indian mind is remarked by
Heckewelder, and strongly insisted upon by Hunter, and it is satis-
factorily proved by the whole tenor of his descriptions, where he
throws himself back, as it were, into the feelings peculiar to Indian
life. And, indeed, after hearing at a council the broken fragments
of an Indian harangue, however imperfectly rendered by an ignorant
interpreter, or reading the few specimens of Indian oratory which
have been preserved by translation, no one can fail to remark a per-
petual and earnest reference to the power and goodness of the Deity.
" Brothers ! we all belong to one family ; we are all children of the
Great Spirit," was the commencement of Tecumthe's harangue to
the Osages ; and he afterwards tells them : " When the white men
first set foot on our grounds they were hungry ; they had no places
on which to spread their blankets or to kindle their fires. They
were feeble, they could do nothing for themselves. Our fathers
commiserated their distress, and shared freely with them whatever
the Great Spirit has given to his red children." — Quarterly Review.
3 On the remarkable occasion on which our forces were compelled,
in 1813, to evacuate the Michigan territory, Tecumthe, in the name
of his nation, refused to consent to retreat ; he closed his denial
with these words, " Our lives are in the hand of the Great Spirit :
He gave the lands which we possess to our fathers ; if it be his
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 227
of the One God4 is deeply impressed upon the
Indian's mind, it is tainted with some of the alloy
which ever must characterise the uninspired faith.
Those who have inquired into the religious opinions
of the uneducated and laborious classes of men,
even in the most enlightened and civilised commu-
nities, find that their system of belief is derived
from instruction, and not from instinct or the
results of their own examination : in savage life it
is vain to expect that men should reason accurately,
from cause to effect, and form a just idea of the
Creator from the creation. The Indian combines
the idea of the Great Spirit with others of a less
perfect nature. The word used by him to indicate
this Sovereign Being, does not convey the notion of
an immaterial nature; it signifies with him some
one possessed of lofty and mysterious powers, and
in this sense may be applied to men and even to
animals.
will, our bones shall whiten upon them, but we will never quit them."
An old Oneida chief, who was blind from years, observed to Hecke-
welder, "I am an aged hemlock ; the winds of one hundred years
have whistled through my branches ; I am dead at the top. Why I yet
live, the great, good Spirit only knows." This venerable father of
the forest lived long enough to be converted to Christianity. —
Quarterly Review.
4 A Huron woman, under the instruction of a missionary, who
detailed to her the perfections of God, exclaimed in a species of
ecstacy, " I understand, I understand ; and I always felt convinced
that our Areskoui was exactly such an one as the God you have
described to me." — Lafitau, torn, i., p. 127. The Great Spirit was
named Areskoui amongst the Hurons ; Agriskoue among the Iroquois ;
Manitou amongst the Algonquins.
Q2
228 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
To the first inquirers into the religious faith
of the native Americans, the subject of their
mythology presented very great difficulties and
complications; those Indians who attempted to
explain it to Europeans, had themselves no dis-
tinct or fixed opinions. Each man put forward
peculiar notions, and was constantly changing
them, without attempting to reconcile his self-con-
tradictions.
Some of the southern tribes who were more
settled in their religious faith, exhibited a remark-
able degree of bigotry and spiritual pride. They
called the Europeans "men of the accursed speech:"
while they styled themselves "the beloved of the
Great Spirit." The Canadian and other northern
nations, however, were less intolerant, and at any
time easily induced to profess the recantation of
their heathen errors for some small advantage.
1 Among these latter, the hare was deemed to possess
/ some mystic superiority over the rest of the animal
I creation ; it was even raised to be an object of
worship, and the Great Hare was confounded in
their minds with the Great Spirit. The Algonquins
f 'Believed in a Water God, who opposes himself to the
| benevolent designs of the Great Spirit ; it is strange
that the name of the Great Tiger should be given
to this Deity, as the country does not produce such
an animal, and from this it appears probable, that
the tradition of his existence had come from else-
where. They have also a third Deity who presides
over their winter season. The gods of the Indians
THE CONQUEST OP CANADA.
have bodies like the sons of men, and subsist in
like manner with them, but are free from the pains
and cares of mortality ; the term " spirit " among
them only signifies a being of a superior and more
excellent nature than man. However, they believe
in the omnipresence of their deities, and invoke
their aid in all times and places.
Besides the Great . Spirit and the lesser deities
above mentioned, every Indian has his own Manitou,
Okki, or guardian__^ower ; this divinity's presence
is represented by some portable object, often of the
most insignificant nature, such as the head, beak, or
claw of a bird, the hoof of a deer or cow. No youth
can be received among the brotherhood of warriors,
till he has placed himself, in due form, under the
care of this familiar. The ceremony is deemed of
great importance : several days of strict fasting are
always observed in preparation for the important
event, and the youth's dreams are carefully noted
during this period. While under these circum-
stances, some object usually makes a deep impres-
sion upon his mind-; this is then chosen for his
Manitou or guardian spirit, and a specimen of it is
procured. He is next placed for some time in a
large vapour bath, and having undergone the
process of being steamed, is laid on the ground,
and the figure of the Manitou is pricked on his
breast with needles of fishbone, dipt in vermi-
lion; the intervals between the scars are then
rubbed with gunpowder, so as to produce a mixture
of red and blue. When this operation is performed,
230 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
he cries aloud to the Great Spirit, invoking aid, and
praying to be received as a warrior.
The Indian submits with resignation to the
chastening will of the Great Spirit ; when overtaken
by any disaster, he diligently examines himself to
discover what omission of observance or duty has
called down the punishment, and endeavours to
atone for past neglect by increased devotion. But
if the Manitou be deemed to have shown want of
ability or inclination to defend him, he upbraids the
guardian power with bitterness and contempt, and
threatens to seek a more effectual protector. If
the Manitou continue useless, this threat is fulfilled.
Fasting and dreaming are again resorted to in the
same manner as before, and the vision of another
Manitou is obtained. The former representation is
then, as much as possible, effaced ; the figure of
the newly adopted amulet painted in its place. All
\ the veneration and confidence forfeited by the first
Manitou, is now transferred to the successor.5
It is also part of the Indian's religious belief, that
there are inferior spirits to rule over the elements,
\ under the control of the Supreme Power, he being
so great that he must, like their chiefs, have
attendants to execute his behests. These inferior
spirits see what passes on earth, and report it to
their Great Ruler: the Indian, trusting to their
good offices, invokes these spirits of the air in times
of peril, and endeavours to propitiate them by throw-
ing tobacco or other simple offerings to the winds or
8 See Appendix, No, LIT.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 231
upon the waters. But amidst all these corrupt and
ignorant superstitions, the One Spirit, the Creator
and Ruler of the World, is the great object of the
red man's adoration. On him they rest their
hopes — to him they address their daily prayers,
and render their solemn sacrifice.
The worship of the Indians, although frequently
in private, is generally little regulated either by
ceremonies or stated periodical devotions. But
there are at times great occasions when the whole
tribe assembles for the purpose,6 such as in declaring
war or proclaiming peace, or when visited by storms
or earthquakes. Their great feasts all partake of
a religious character ; everything provided must be
consumed by the assembly, as being consecrated to
the Great Spirit. The Ottawas seem to have had a
more complicated mythology than any other tribe :
they held a regular festival in honour of the sun ;
and while rendering thanks for past benefit, prayed
that it might be continued to the future. They
have also been observed to erect an idol in their
village, and offer it. sacrifice; this ceremony was,
however, very rare. Many western tribes visit the
6 Every spring the Arkansas go in a body to some retired place,
and there turn up a large space of land, which they do with the
drums beating all the while. After this they call it the Desart, or
the Field of the Spirit, and thither they go when they are in their
enthusiastic fits, and there wait for inspiration from their pre-
tended deity. In the meanwhile, as they do this every year,
it proves of no small advantage to them, for by this means they
turn up all their land by degrees, and it becomes abundantly more
fruitful,— Tonti.
£32 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
spring whence they have been supplied with water
during the winter, at the breaking up of the ice, and
there offer up their grateful worship to the Great
Spirit for having preserved them in health and
safety, and having supplied their wants. This pious
homage is performed with much ceremony and
devotion.
Among this rude people, who were at one time
supposed to have been without any religion, habi-
tual piety may be considered the most remarkable
characteristic ; every action of their lives is con-
nected with some acknowledgment of a Superior
Power. Many have imagined that the severe fasts
sometimes endured by the Indians were only for the
purpose of accustoming themselves to support
hunger ; but all the circumstances connected with
these voluntary privations leave no doubt that they
were solemn religious exercises. Dreams and visions
during these fasts were looked upon as oracular,
and respected as the revelations of Heaven. The
Indian frequently propitiates the favour of the
inferior spirits by vows; when for some time un-
successful in the chase, or suffering from want in
long journies, he promises the genius of the spot to
bestow upon one of his chiefs in its honour a portion
of the first fruits of his success ;7 if the chief be too
distant to receive the gift, it is burned in sacrifice.
7 Lafitau asserts that the first beast killed by a young hunter was
always offered in sacrifice. — Vol. i. p. 515. See Catlin's description
of the sacrifices and ceremonies practised when the first fruits of corn
are ripe. — Catlin, vol. i., p. 189.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 233
The belief of the Indian in a future state, although
deeply cherished and sincere, can scarcely be re-
garded as a denned idea of the immortality of the
soul.8 There is little spiritual or exalted in his con-
ception. When he attempts to form a distinct
notion of the spirit, he is blinded by his senses ; he
calls it the shadow or image of his body, but its acts
and enjoyments are all the same as those of its
earthly existence. He only pictures to himself a
continuation of present pleasures. His heaven is
a delightful country far away beyond the unknown
western seas, where the skies are ever bright and
serene, the air genial, the spring eternal, and the
forests abounding in game ; no war, disease, or
torture are known in that happy land; the suf-
ferings of life are endured no more, and its sweetest
pleasures are perpetuated and increased ; his wife is
tender and obedient, his children dutiful and affec-
tionate. In this country of eternal happiness, the
Indian hopes to be again received into the favour of
the Great Spirit, and to rejoice in his glorious pre-
sence.9 But in his simple mind there is a deep and
8 Peter Martyr speaks of the general opinion among the early dis-
coverers, that the Indians believed in a species of immortality. " They
confess the soul to he immortal ; having put off the bodily clothing
they imagine it goeth forth to the woods and the mountains, and that
it liveth there perpetually in caves ; nor do they exempt it from eating
or drinking, but that it should be fed there. The answering voices
heard from caves and hollows, which the Latines call echoes, they
suppose to be the souls of the departed wandering through those
places." — Peter Martyr, Decad. VIII. , cap. ix. M. Lock's Trans
lation, 1612.
9 " Une jeune sauvagesse voyant sa sceur mourante, par la quantit^
234 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
enduring conviction that admission to this delightful
country of souls can only be attained by good and
noble actions in this mortal life.9 For the bad men
there is a fate terribly different — endless afflictions,
want, and misery ; a land of hideous desolation ;
barren, parched, and dreary hunting-grounds, the
abode of evil and malignant spirits, whose office is
to torture, whose pleasure is to enhance the misery
of the condemned. It is also almost universally
believed that the Great Spirit manifests his wrath
or his favour to the evil and the good in their
journey to the land of souls. After death the Indian
believes that he is supplied with a canoe ; and if he
has been a virtuous warrior, or otherwise worthy,
he is guided across the vast deep to a haven of
eternal happiness and peace by the hand of the Great
Spirit. But if his life be stained with cowardice,
vice, or negligence of duty, he is abandoned to the
malignity of evil genii, driven about by storms and
de cigue qui elle avoit pris dans un depit, et determine a ne faire aucun
remede pour se garantir de la mort, pleuroit k chaudes larmes, et
s'efforgoit de la toucher par les liens du sang, et de 1'amitie qui les
unissoit ensemble. Elle lui disoit sans cesse, * C'en estdonc fait ; tu
veux que nous ne nous retrouvions jamais plus, et que nous ne nous
revoyions jamais ? ' Le missionnaire, frappe de ces paroles, lui en
demanda la raison. (l\ mesemble,' dit-il, ' que vous avez un pays des
ames, on vous devez tous vous reiinir a vos ancetres ; pourquoi done est
ce que tu paries ainsi a la sceur ? ' 'II est vrai/ reprit-elle, ' que nous
allons tous au pays des ames ; mais les inechants, et ceux en parti-
culier, qui se sont detruits eux-memes par un mort violente, y portent
la peine de leur crime ; ils y sont separes des autres, et n'ont point de
communication avec eux : c'est la le sujetde mes peines.' " — Lafitau,
torn, i., p. 404. See Appendix, No. L1I.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 235
darkness over that unknown sea, and at length
cast ashore on the barren land, where everlasting
torments are his portion.1
The Indians generally believe in the existence of
a Spirit of Evil, and occasionally pray to him in
deprecation of his wrath. They do not doubt his
inferiority to the Great Spirit, but they believe that
he has the power to inflict torments and punishments
upon the human race, and that he has a malignant
delight in its exercise.
The souls of the lower animals are also held by
1 Hunter gives the following view of the Indian mythology, while
describing his own and his companions' first sight of the Pacific
Ocean: "Here the surprise and astonishment of our whole party
was indescribably great. The unbounded view of waters, the inces-
sant and tremendous dashing of the waves along the shore, accom-
panied with a noise resembling the roar of loud and distant thunder,
filled our minds with the most sublime and awful sensation, and fixed
on them as immutable truths the tradition we had received from our
old men, that the great waters divide the residence of the Great
Spirit from the temporary abodes of his red children. We have
contemplated in silent dread the immense difficulties over which we
should be obliged to triumph after death before we could arrive at those
delightful hunting-grounds, which are unalterably destined for such
only as do good, and love the Great Spirit. We looked in vain for
the stranded and shattered canoes of those who had done wickedly ;
we could see none, and were led to hope they were few in number.
We offered up our devotions, or I might say our minds were serious ;
and our devotions continued all the time we were in this country,
for we had ever been taught to believe that the Great Spirit resided
on the western side of the Rocky Mountains ; and this idea continued
throughout the journey, notwithstanding the more specific boun-
dary assigned to Him by our traditionary dogmas." — Memoirs of a
Captivity among the North American Indians from Childhood
to the Age of Nineteen. By John D. Hunter, p. 69. 1824.— See
Appendix, No. LIU.
236 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
the red man to be immortal : he recognises a cer-
tain portion of understanding in them, and each
creature is supposed to possess a guardian spirit
peculiar to itself. He only claims a superiority in
degree of intelligence and power over the beasts of
the field. Man is but the king of animals. In the
world of souls are to be found the shades of every
thing that breathes the breath of life. However,
he takes little pains to arrange or develope these
strange ideas. The enlightened heathen philosophers
of antiquity were not more successful.
To penetrate the mysteries of the future has
always been a favourite object of superstition,2 and
has been attempted by a countless variety of means.
The Indian trusts to his dreams for this revelation,
and invariably holds them sacred. Before he engages
in any important undertaking, particularly in war,
diplomacy, or the chase ; the dreams of his principal
chiefs are carefully watched and examined; by their
interpretation his conduct is guided. In this
manner the fate of a whole nation has often been
decided by the chance visions of a single man. The
Indian considers that dreams are the mode by
which the Great Spirit condescends to hold converse
with man ; thence arises his deep veneration for
the omens and warnings they may shadow forth.3
Many other superstitions, besides those of prog-
nostics from dreams, are cherished among the
Indians. Each remarkable natural feature, such
as a great cataract, a lake, or a difficult and
2 See Appendix, No. LIV. 3 See Appendix, No. LV.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 237
dangerous pass, possesses a spirit of the spot, whose
favour they are fain to propitiate by votive offer-
ings : skins, bones, pieces of metal, and dead dogs
are hung up in the neighbourhood, and dedicated
to its honour. Supposed visions of ghosts are
sometimes, but rarely, spoken of: it is, however,
generally believed that the souls of the dead con-
tinue for some time to hover round the earthly
remains: dreading, therefore, that the spirits of
those they have tortured, watch near them to
seek opportunity of vengeance, they beat the air
violently with rods, and raise frightful cries to
scare the shadowy enemy away.
Among some of the Indian tribes, an old man
performed the duty of a priest at their religious
festivals ; he broke the bread and cast it in the
fire, dedicated the different offerings, and officiated
in the sacrifice. It was also his calling to declare
the omens from dreams and other signs, as the
warnings of heaven. These religious duties of
the priest were totally distinct from the office of
the juggler, or " medicine-man/' although some
observers have confounded them together. There
were also vestals in many nations of the continent
who were supposed to supply by their touch a
precious medicinal efficacy to certain roots and
simples.
The "medicine-men," or jugglers, undertook the
cure of diseases, the interpretation of omens, the
exorcising of evil spirits, and magic in all its
branches. They were men of great consideration
238 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
in the tribe, and were called in and regularly paid
as physicians ; but this position could only be
attained by undergoing certain ordeals, which were
looked upon as a compact with the spirits of the
air. The process of the vapour bath was first
endured; severe fasting followed, accompanied by
constant shouting, singing, beating a sort of drum,
and smoking. After these preliminaries the jugglers
were installed by extravagant ceremonies, per-
formed with furious excitement and agitation. They
possessed, doubtless, some real knowledge of the
healing art ; and in external wounds or injuries, the
causes of which are obvious, they applied powerful
simples, chiefly vegetable, with considerable skill.
With decoctions from ginseng, sassafras, hedisaron,
and a tall shrub called bellis, they have been known
to perform remarkable cures in cases of wounds and
ulcers. They scarified the seat of inflammation or
rheumatic pain skilfully with sharp-pointed bones,
and accomplished the cupping process by the use of
gourd shells as substitutes for glasses. For all
internal complaints, their favourite specific was the
vapour bath which they formed with much inge-
nuity from their rude materials. This was doubtless
a very efficient remedy, but they attached to it a
supernatural influence, and employed it in the
ceremonies of solemn preparation for great councils.
All cases of disease, when the cause could not
be discovered, were attributed to the influence of
malignant spirits. To meet these the medicine-man
°r juggler invested himself with his mysterious
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 239
character, and endeavoured to exorcise the demon by
a great variety of ceremonies, a mixture of delusion
and imposture. For this purpose he arrayed himself
in a strange and fanciful dress, and on his first
arrival began to sing and dance round the sufferer,
invoking the spirits with loud cries. When
exhausted with these exertions, he attributed the
hidden cause of the malady to the first unusual idea
that suggested itself to his mind, and in the con-
fidence of his supposed inspiration, proclaimed the
necessary cure. The juggler usually contrived to
avoid the responsibility of failure by ordering a
remedy impossible of attainment when the patient
was not likely to recover. The Iroquois believed
that every ailment was a desire of the soul, and
when death followed it was from the desire not
having been accomplished.
Among many of the Indian tribes the barbarous
custom of putting to death those who were thought
past recovery, existed, and still exists. Others
abandoned these unfortunates to perish of hunger
and thirst, or under the jaws of the wild beasts of
the forest. Some nations put to death all infants
who had lost their mother, or buried them alive in
her grave, under the impression that no other
woman could rear them, and that they must perish
by hunger. But the dreadful custom of deserting
the aged and emaciated among the wandering tribes
is universal.4 When these miserable creatures
become incapable of walking or riding, and there
4 See Appendix, No. LVI.
240 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
is no means of carrying them, they themselves
uniformly insist upon being abandoned to their fate,
saying, that they are old and of no further use—
they left their fathers in the same manner — they
wish to die, and their children must not mourn for
them. A small fire and a few pieces of wood, a
scanty supply of meat, and perhaps a buffalo skin,
are left as the old man's sole resources ; when in a
few months the wandering tribe may revisit the spot
where he was deserted, a skull, and a few scattered
bones will be all that the wolves and vultures have
left as tokens of his dreadful fate.
The Indian father and mother display great ten-
derness for their children,5 even to the weakness of
unlimited indulgence ; this affection however appears
5 " While I remained among the Indians a couple, whose tent was
adjacent to mine, lost a son, of four years of age. The parents were
so much affected at the death of their child, that they observed the
usual testimonies of grief with such extreme rigour as through the
weight of sorrow and loss of hlood to occasion the loss of the father.
The woman, who had hitherto been inconsolable, no sooner saw her
husband expire than she dried up her tears, and appeared cheerful
and resigned. I took an opportunity of asking her the reason of so
extraordinary a transition, when she informed me that her child was
so young, it would have been unable to support itself in the world of
spirits, and both she and her husband were apprehensive that its
situation would be far from happy. No sooner, however, did she
"behold her husband depart for the same place, who not only loved
the child with the tenderest affection, but was a good hunter, and
would be able to provide plentifully for its support, than she ceased
to mourn. She said she had now no reason to continue her tears,
as the child on whom she doated was under the care and protection
of a fond father, and she had now only one wish remaining ungratified,
that of herself being with them." — Carver.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 241
to be merely instinctive, for they use no exertion
whatever to lead their offspring to the paths of virtue.
Children on their part show very little filial affection,
and frequently treat their parents, especially their
father, with indignity and violence. This vicious
characteristic is strongly exemplified in the horrible
custom above described.
When the Indian believes that his death is at
hand, his conduct is usually stoical and dignified.
If he still retain the power of speech, he harangues
those who surround him in a funeral oration,
advising and encouraging his children, and bidding
them and all his friends farewell. During this
time, the relations of the dying man slay all the
dogs they can catch, trusting that the souls of these
animals will give notice of the approaching depar-
ture of the warrior for the world of spirits ; they
then take leave of him, wish him a happy voyage,
and cheer him with the hope that his children will
prove worthy of his name. When the last moment
arrives, all the kindred break into loud lamenta-
tions, till some one high in consideration desires
them to cease. For weeks afterwards, however,
these cries of grief are daily renewed at sunrise
and sunset. In three days after death the funeral
takes place, and the neighbours are invited to a
feast of all the provisions that can be procured,
which must be all consumed. The relations of
the deceased do not join in the banquet ; they
cut off their hair, cover their heads, blacken their
VOL. I. R
24:2 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
faces, and for a long time deny themselves every
amusement.6
The deceased is buried with his arms -and orna-
ments, and a supply of provisions for his long
journey ; the face is painted, and the body arrayed
in the richest robes that can be obtained : it is then
laid in the grave in an upright posture, and skins
are carefully placed around that it may not touch
the earth. At stated intervals of eight, ten, or
twelve years, the Indians celebrate the singular
ceremony of the Festival of the Dead ; till this
has been performed, the souls of the deceased
are supposed still to hover round their earthly
remains. At this solemn festival, the people march
in procession to the burial ground, open the tombs,
and continue for a time gazing on the mouldering
6 Captain Franklin says of the Chippewyans, "no article is spared
by these unhappy men when a near relative dies ; their clothes and
tents are cut to pieces, their guns broken, and every other weapon
rendered useless if some person do not remove these articles from
their sight."
" When the French missionaries asked the Indians why they
deprived themselves of their most necessary articles in favour of the
dead, they answered, ' that it was not only to evidence their love for
their departed relatives, but that they might avoid the sight of objects
which, having been used by them, would continually renew their
grief.' The same delicacy of feeling, so inconsistent with the coarse-
ness of the red man's nature, was manifested in their custom of never
uttering the names of the dead ; and if these names were borne by
any of the other members of the family, they laid them aside during
the whole of their mourning. And it was esteemed the greatest
insult that could be offered, to say to any one, ' Your father is dead,
your mother is dead.' " — Charlevoix, torn, vi., p. 109.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 243
relics in mournful silence. Then, while the women
raise a loud wailing, the bones of the dead are care-
fully collected, wrapped in fresh and valuable
robes, and conveyed to the family caban.7 A feast
is then held for several days, with dances, games,
and prize combats. The relics are next carried to
the council-house of the nation, where they are
publicly displayed, with the presents destined to
be interred with them. Sometimes the remains are
even carried on bearers from village to village. At
length they are laid in a deep pit, lined with rich
furs; tears and lamentations are again renewed,
and for some time fresh provisions are daily laid,
by this simple people, upon the graves of their
departed friends.
7 Pere Brebeuf, Relation de la Nouvelle France ; Charlevoix ;
Lafitau. Catlin describes the same ceremonies.
It has been often said that the care taken by the Indians for the
deceased corpses of their ancestors was in consequence of a universally
received tradition that these corpses were to rise again to immortal
life.
a 2
244
CHAPTER VIII.
IN the warmer and milder climates of America none
of the rude tribes were clothed ; for them there was
little need of defence against the weather, and their
extreme indolence indisposed them to any exertion
not absolutely necessary for their subsistence.
Others were satisfied with a very slight covering,
but all delighted in ornaments. They dressed their
hair in different forms, stained their skins, and
fastened bits of gold, or shells, or bright pebbles, in
their noses and cheeks. They also frequently endea-
voured to alter their natural form and feature ; as
soon as an infant was born, it was subjected to some
cruel process of compression, by which the bones of
the skull, while still soft, were squeezed into the
shape of a cone, or flattened or otherwise distorted.1
1 " The custom of squeezing and flattening the head is still strictly
adhered to among the Chinooks. The people bearing the name of
Flat Heads are very numerous, but very few amongst them actually
practise the custom. Amongst the Chinooks it is almost universal.
The process is thus effected : — The child is placed on a thick plank,
to which it is lashed with thongs to a position from which it cannot
escape, and the back of the head supported by a sort of pillow made
of moss or rabbit-skins, with an inclined piece resting on the forehead
of the child. This is every day drawn down a little tighter by means
of a cord, which holds it in its place, until at length it touches the
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 245
But in all efforts to adorn or alter their persons, the
great object was to inspire terror and respect. The
warrior was indifferent to the admiration of woman
nose ; thus forming a straight line from the crown of the head to
the end of the nose. This process is seemingly a cruel one, though
I doubt whether it causes much pain, as it is done in earliest infancy,
whilst the hones are soft and cartilaginous, and easily pressed into
this distorted shape, by forcing the occipital up and the frontal down;
so that the skull at the top in profile will show a breadth of not
more than an inch and a half or two inches, when in a front view it
exhibits a great expansion on the sides, making it at the top nearly
the width of one and a half natural heads. By this remarkable
operation the brain is singularly changed from its natural state, but
in all probability not in the least diminished or injured in its natural
functions. This belief is drawn from the testimony of many credible
witnesses who have closely scrutinised them, and ascertained that
those who have the head flattened are in no way inferior in intellectual
powers to those whose heads are in their natural shapes. This
strange custom existed precisely the same until recently among the
Choctaws and Chickasaws, who occupied a large part of the States of
Mississippi and Alabama, where they have laid their bones, and
hundreds of their skulls have been procured, bearing marks of a
similar treatment with similar results." — Catlin's American Indians,
vol. ii., p. 112.
With respect to the origin of this singular custom, Humboldt is
inclined to think that it may be traced from the natural inclination of
each race to look upon their own personal peculiarities as the standard
of beauty. He observes that the pointed form of the heads is very
striking in the Mexican drawings, and continues thus : — " If we
examine osteologically the skulls of the natives of America, we see
that there is no race on the globe in which the frontal bone is more
flattened or which have less forehead.* (Blumenbach, Decas Quinta
Craniorum, tab. xlvi., p. 14. 1808.) This extraordinary flattening
* " L' anatomie comparee en offre une autre confirmation dans la proportion con-
stante du volume des lobes ce'rebrales avec le degre d' intelligence des animaux." —
Cuvier's Report to the Institute on Floureris Experiments in 1822.
246 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
whom he enslaved and despised, and it was only for
war or the council that he assumed his choicest
ornaments, and painted himself with unusual care.
The decorations of the women were few and simple ;
all those that were precious and splendid were
reserved for their haughty lords. In several tribes
the wives had to devote much of their time to
adorning their husbands, and could bestow little
attention upon themselves. The different nations
remaining unclothed show considerable sagacity
in anointing themselves in such a manner as to
provide against the heat and moisture of the climate.
Soot, the juices of herbs having a green, yellow, or
vermilion tint, mixed with oil and grease, are
lavishly employed upon their skin to adorn it and
exists among people of the copper-coloured race, who have never
been acquainted with the custom of producing artificial deformities,
as is proved by the skulls of Mexican, Peruvian, and Aztec Indians,
which M. Bonpland and myself brought to Europe, and several of
which are deposited in the Museum of Natural History at Paris.
The negroes prefer the thickest and most prominent lips, the
Calmucks perceive the line of beauty in turned-up noses. M. Cuvier
observes, (Legons dj Anatomic Comparee, torn, ii., p. 6), that he
Grecian artists, in the statues of heroes, raised the facial line from
85° to 100°, or beyond the natural form. I am led to think that
the barbarous custom, among certain savage tribes in America, of
squeezing the heads of children between two planks, arises from the
idea that beauty consists in this extraordinary compression of the
bone by which Nature has characterised the American race. It is
no doubt from following this standard of beauty that even the Aztec
people, who never disfigured the heads of their children, have
represented their heroes and principal divinities with heads much
flatter than any of the Caribs I saw on the Lower Orinoco." —
Humboldt's Researches on the Ancient Inhabitants of America.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 247
render it impervious. By this practice profuse per-
spiration is checked, and a defence is afforded against
the innumerable and tormenting insects that abound
everywhere in America.2 Black and red are the
favourite colours for painting the face. In war, black
is profusely laid on, the other colours being only
2 " Ces huiles leur sont absoluraent necessaires, et ils sont manges
de vermine quand elles leur manquent." — Lafitau, torn, i., p. 59.
It is supposed by Volney that the fatal effects of the small-pox
among the Indians are to be attributed to the obstacle that a skin
thus hardened opposes to the eruption. — P. 416. In the most
detailed account given of the ravages of this disease, Catlin par-
ticularly mentions that no eruption was visible in any of the bodies
of the dead. Forster, the English translator of Professor Kalm's
Travels in America, held the same opinion as Yolney.
" When the Kalmucks in the Russian dominions get the small-pox,
it has been observed that very few escape. Of this, I believe, no other
reason can be alleged than that the small-pox is always dangerous,
either when the open pores of the skin are too numerous, which is
caused by opening them in a warm-water bath, or when they are too
much closed, which is the case with all the nations that are dirty
and greasy. All the American Indians rub their body with oils,
the Kalmucks rub their bodies and their fur coats with grease ; the
Hottentots are also, I believe, patterns of filthiness ; this shuts up
all the pores, hinders perspiration entirely, and makes the small-pox
always fatal among these nations," — Note by the translator of Kalm,
p. 532.
" The ravages which the small-pox made this year (1750) among
their Mohawk friends, was a source of deep concern to these revered
philanthropists. These people having been accustomed from early
childhood to anoint themselves with bear's grease, to repel the
innumerable tribes of noxious insects in summer, and to exclude the
extreme cold in winter, their pores are so completely shut up, that
the small-pox does not rise upon them, nor have they much chance of
recovery from any acute disorder." — Memoirs of an American Lady,
vol. i., p. 322.
248 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
used to heighten its effect, and give a terrible ex-
pression to the countenance.3 The breast, arms, and
legs of the Indian are tattooed with sharp needles
or pointed bones, the colours being carefully rubbed
in. His Manitou, and the animal chosen as the
symbol of his tribe, are first painted, then all his
most remarkable exploits, and the enemies he has
slain or scalped ; so that his body displays a pic-
torial history of his life.4
In the severe climate of the north the Indian's
dress is somewhat more ample. Instead of shoes,
he wears a strip of soft leather wrapped round the
foot, called the moccasin. Upwards to the middle
of the thigh a piece of leather or cloth, fitting
closely, serves instead of pantaloons and stockings :
it is usually sewed on to the limb, and is never
removed. Two aprons, each about a foot square,
are fastened to a girdle round the waist, and hang
before and behind. This is their permanent dress.
3 M. de Tracy, when Governor of Canada, was told by his Indian
allies, that with his good-hiraioured face he would never inspire the
enemy with any degree of awe. They besought him to place himself
under their brush, when they would soon make him such that his
very aspect would strike terror. — Creuxius, Nova Francia, p. 62 ;
Charlevoix, torn, vi., p. 40.
4 St. Isidore of Seville, and Solinus, give a similar description of
the manner of painting the body in use among the Picts. " The
operator delineates the figures with little points made by the prick of
a needle, and into these he insinuates the juice of some native plants,
that their nobility thus written, as it were, upon every limb of their
body, might distinguish them from ordinary men by the number of
the figures they were decorated with." — Isidor. Origin., lib. xix.,
cap. xxiii, ; Solin., De Magnd Britannia, cap. xxv.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 24-9
On occasions of ceremony, however, and in cold
weather, they also wear a short shirt, and over all
a loose robe, closed or held together in front. Now
an English blanket is generally used for this gar-
ment ; but before the produce of European art was
known among them, the skins of wild animals fur-
nished all their covering. The chiefs usually wear
a sort of breastplate, covered with shells, pebbles,
and pieces of glittering metal. Those who commu-
nicate with Europeans display beads, rings, bracelets,
and other gauds, instead. The ear, too, is cum-
brously ornamented with showy pendants, and the
tuft of hair on the crown of the head is interwoven
with feathers, the wings of birds, shells, and many
fantastic ornaments. Sometimes the Indian warrior
wears buffalo horns,5 reduced in size and polished,
on his head : this, however, is a distinction only for
5 " These horns are made of about a third part of the horn of a
buffalo bull, the horn having been split from end to end, and a third
part of it taken and shaved thin and light and highly polished.
They are attached to the top of the head-dress on each side, in the
same place as they rise and stand on the head of a buffalo, rising out
of a mat of ermine skins and tails which hangs over the top of the
head-dress, somewhat in the form that the large and profuse locks of
hair hang and fall over the head of a buffalo bull. This custom is
one which belongs to all north-eastern tribes, and is no doubt of very
ancient origin, having purely a classic meaning. No one wears the
head-dress surmounted with horns except the dignitaries who are very
high in authority, and whose exceeding valour, worth, and power is
admitted by all the nation. This head-dress is used only on certain
occasions, and they are very seldom ; when foreign chiefs, Indian
agents, or other important personages visit a tribe, or at war parades :
— sometimes when a chief sees fit to send a war party to battle, he
decorates his head with this symbol of power to stimulate his men ;
250 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
those renowned in war or in the council. The dress
of the women varies but little from that of the men,
except in being more simple. They wear their hair
long and flowing, and richly ornamented, whenever
they can procure the means.
The dwellings of the Indians usually receive much
less attention than their personal appearance. Even
among tribes comparatively far advanced in civi-
lisation, the structure of their houses or cabans was
very rude and simple. They were generally wretched
huts, of an oblong or circular form, and sometimes
so low, that it was always necessary to preserve a
sitting or lying posture while under their shelter.
There were no windows ; a large hole in the centre
of the roof allowed the smoke to escape ; and a sort
of curtain of birch bark occupied the place of the
door. These dwellings are sometimes 100 feet long,
when they accommodate several families. Four
cabans generally form a quadrangle, each open to
the inside, with the fire in the centre common to all.
and throws himself into the foremost of the battle, inviting the enemy
to concentrate his shafts upon them. The horns upon these head-
dresses are hut loosely attached at the bottom, so that they easily fall
backward or forward ; and by an ingenious motion of the head, which
is so slight as to be almost imperceptible, they are made to balance
to and fro, and sometimes one backwards and the other forwards like
a horse's ears, giving a vast deal of expression and force of character
to the appearance of the chief who is wearing them. This is a
remarkable instance, like hundreds of others, of a striking similarity
to Jewish customs, to the Kerns (or Keren, in Hebrew), the horns
worn by the Abyssinian chiefs and Hebrews as a symbol of power
and command ; worn at great parades and celebrations of victories. —
Catlin, vol. i. p. 104.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 251
The numerous and powerful tribes formerly inha-
biting Canada and its borders usually dwelt in huts
of a very rude description. In their expeditions, both
for war and the chase, the Indians erect temporary
cabans in a remarkably short space of time. A few
poles, raised in the shape of a cone, and covered
with birch bark, form the roof, and the tops of pine
branches make a fragrant bed. In winter the snow
is cleared out of the place where the caban is to be
raised, and shaped into walls, which form a shelter
from the wind. The permanent dwellings were
usually grouped in villages, surrounded with double
and even triple rows of palisades, interlaced with
branches of trees, so as to form a compact barrier,
and offering a considerable difficulty to an assailing
foe.
The furniture in these huts was very scanty. The
use of metal being unknown, the pots or vessels for
boiling their food were made of coarse earthenware,
or of soft stone hollowed out with a hatchet. In
some cases they were made of wood, and the water
was boiled by throwing in a number of heated
stones.
The Indian displays some skill in the construction \
of canoes, and they are admirably adapted for his
purpose. They are usually made of the bark of a
single tree, strengthened by ribs of strong woedr^
These light and buoyant skiffs float safely on
stormy or rapid waters under the practised guid-
ance of the Indian, and can with ease be borne on
his shoulder from one river or lake to another.
252 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
Canoes formed out of the trunk of a large tree are
also sometimes used, especially in winter, for the
purpose of crossing rivers when there is floating
ice, their great strength rendering them capable of \
enduring the collision with the floating masses, to/
which they are liable.
Even among the rudest Indian tribes a regular
union between man and wife was universal, although
not attended with ceremonials. The marriage con-
tract is a matter of purchase. The man buys his
wife of her parents, — not with money, for its value is
unknown, — but with some useful and precious arti-
cle, such as a robe of bear, or other handsome skin,
a horse, a rifle, powder and shot. When the Indian
has made the bargain with his wife's parents, he
takes her home to his caban, and from that time she
becomes his slave. There are several singular modes
of courtship among some of the tribes, but gene-
rally much reserve and consideration are exhibited.6
6 " When a young Indian becomes attached to a female, he does not
frequent the lodge of her parents or visit her elsewhere, oftener
perhaps than he would, provided no such attachment existed. Were
he to pursue an opposite course before he had acquired either the
reputation of a warrior or a hunter, and suffer his attachment to be
known or suspected by any personal attention, he would become the
derision of the warriors and the contempt of the squaws. On meeting,
however, she is the first, excepting the elderly people, who engages
his respectful aud kind inquiries ; after which no conversation passes
between them, except it be with the language of the eyes, which,
even among savages, is eloquent, and appears to be well understood.
The next indications of serious intentions on the part of the young
hunter is the assumption of more industrious habits. He rises by
daybreak, and with his gun or bow, visits the woods and prairies, in
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 253
In many respects, however, the morals and manners
of the Indians are such as might be expected in
communities where the precepts of Christianity are
unknown, and where even the artificial light of
civilisation is wanting. There are occasionally
instances of a divorce being resorted to from mere
caprice ; but usually the marriage tie is regarded as
a perpetual covenant. As the wife toils incessantly,
and procures a great part of the subsistence, she is
considered too valuable a servant to be lightly lost.
search of the most rare and esteemed game. He endeavours to
acquire the character of an expert and industrious hunter, and when-
ever success has crowned his efforts, never fails to send the parents of
the object of his affections some of the choicest he has procured. His
mother is generally the bearer, and she is sure to tell from what
source it comes, and to dilate largely on the merits and excellences of
her son. The girl, on her part, exercises all her skill in preparing it
for food, and when it is cooked, frequently sends some of the most
delicious pieces, accompanied by other small presents, such as nuts,
moccasins, &c., to her lover. These negotiations are usually carried
on by the mothers of the respective parties who consider them confi-
dential, and seldom divulge even to the remaining parents, except
one or both of the candidates should be the offspring of a chief, when
a deviation from this practice is exacted and generally observed.
After an Indian has acquired the reputation of a warrior, expert
hunter, or swift runner, he has little need of minor qualifications or
of much address or formality in forming his matrimonial views. The
young squaws sometimes discover their attachment to those they love
by some act of tender regard, but more frequently through the kind
offices of some confidant or friend. Such overtures generally succeed,
but should they fail it is by no means considered disgraceful, or in the
least disadvantageous to the female ; on the contrary, should the
object of her affections have distinguished himself especially in battle,
she is the more esteemed on account of the judgment she displayed
in her partiality for a respectable and brave warrior." — Hunter,
pp. 235—237.
254 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
Among the chiefs of the tribes to the west and
south polygamy is general, and the number of these
wife-servants constitute the principal wealth ; but
among the northern nations this plurality is very
rarely possessed. The Indian is seldom seen to
bestow the slightest mark of tenderness upon his
wife or children : he, however, exerts himself to the
utmost for their welfare, and will sacrifice his life to
avenge their wrongs. His indomitable pride prompts
him to assume an apparent apathy, and to control
every emotion of affection, suffering, or sorrow.
Parents perform few duties towards their children
beyond procuring their daily bread. The father is
by turns occupied in war and the chase, or sunk in
total indolence ; while the mother is oppressed by
the toils of her laborious bondage, and has but little
time to devote to her maternal cares. The infant is
fastened to a board, cushioned with soft moss, by
thongs of leather, and is generally hung on the
branch of a tree, or, in travelling, carried on the
mother's back.7 When able to move, it is freed
from this confinement, and allowed to make its way
about as it pleases. It soon reaches some neigh-
bouring lake or river, and sports itself in the water
all day long. As the child advances in years it
enjoys perfect independence ; it is rarely or never
reproved or chastised. The youths are early led to
emulate the deeds of their fathers; they practise
with the bow, and other weapons suited to a
7 See Appendix, No. LVII.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 255
warrior's use; and, as manhood approaches, they
gradually assume the dignified gravity of the
elders. In some tribes the young men must pass
through a dreadful ordeal when they arrive at
the age of manhood, which is supposed to prepare
them for the endurance of all future sufferings,
and enables the chiefs to judge of their courage,
and to select the bravest among them to lead in
difficult enterprises.
During four days previous to this terrible torture
the candidates observe a strict fast, and are denied
all sleep. When the appointed day arrives certain
strange ceremonies of an allegorical description are
performed, in which all the inhabitants of the
village take part. The candidates then repair to a
large caban, where the chiefs and elders of the tribe
are assembled to witness the ordeal. The torture
commences by driving splints of wood through
the flesh of the back and breasts of the victim ; he is
next hoisted off the ground by ropes attached to
these splints, and suspended by the quivering flesh,
while the tormentors twist the hanging body slowly
round, thus exquisitely enhancing the agony, till a
death-faint comes to the relief of the candidate : he
is then lowered to the ground and left to the care
of the Great Spirit. When he recovers animation,
he rises and proceeds on his hands and feet to
another part of the caban ; he there lays the little
finger of the left hand upon a buffalo skull as a
sacrifice to the Great Spirit, and another Indian
chops it off. The fore-finger is also frequently
256 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
offered up in the same manner: this mutilation
does not interfere with the use of the bow, the only
weapon for which the left hand is required. Other
cruel tortures are inflicted for some time, and at
length the wretched victim, reeling and staggering
from the intensity of his suffering reaches his own
dwelling, where he is placed under the care of his
friends. Some of the famous warriors of the tribe
pass through this horrible ordeal repeatedly, and
the oftener it is endured the greater is their
estimation among their people. No bandages are
applied to the wounds thus inflicted, nor is any
attention paid to their cure, but from the extreme
exhaustion and debility caused by want of sustenance
and sleep, circulation is checked and sensibility
diminished ; the bleeding and inflammation are very
slight, and the results are seldom injurious.
The native tribes are engaged in almost perpetual
hostility against each other. War is the great
occupation of savage life, the measure of merit, the
highroad of ambition, and the source of its intensest
joy — revenge.8 In war the Indian character presents
the darkest aspect, the finer and gentler qualities are
veiled or dormant, and a fiendish ferocity assumes
full sway. It is waged to exterminate, not toy
reduce. The enemy is assailed with treachery, ^nd
8 " They firmly believe that the spirits of those who are killed by the
enemy without equal revenge of blood, find no rest, and at night haunt
the houses of the tribe to which they belonged ; but when that kin-
dred duty of retaliation is justly executed, they immediately get ease
and power to fly away.'* — Adair's Account of the American Indians.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 257
if conquered treated with revolting cruelty. The
glory and excitement of war are dear to the
Indian, but when the first drop of blood is shed,
revenge is dearer still. He thirsts to offer up
the life of an enemy to appease the departed
spirit of a slaughtered friend. Thus each contest
generates another even more embittered than
itself. The extension or defence of the hunting-
grounds is often a primary cause of hostility among
the native nations, and the increase of the power
of their tribe by incorporating with them such of
the vanquished as they may spare from a cruel
death is another frequent motive. The savage pines
and chafes in long continued peace, and the prudence
of the aged can with difficulty restrain the fierce
impetuosity of the young. Individual quarrels and
a thirst for fame often lead a single savage to
invade a hostile territory against the counsels of
his tribe, but when war is determined by the
general voice, more enlarged views, and a desire of
aggrandisement guide the proceedings.
As soon as the determination of declaring war is
formed, he who is chosen by the nation as the chief,
enters on a course of solemn preparation, intreating
the aid and guidance of the Great Spirit. As a
signal of the approaching strife, he marches three
times round his winter dwelling, bearing a large
blood-red flag, variegated with deep tints of black.
When this terrible emblem is seen, the young
warriors crowd around to hearken to the words
of their chief. He then addresses them in a strain
VOL. I. g
258 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
of impassioned but rude and ferocious eloquence,
calling upon them to follow him to glory and
revenge. When he concludes his oration, he throws
a wampum-belt on the ground, which is respectfully
lifted up by some warrior of high renown, who is
judged worthy of being second in command. The
chief now paints himself black, and commences
a strict fast, only tasting a decoction of consecrated
herbs to assist his dreams, which are strictly noted
and interpreted by the elders. He then washes off
the black paint. A huge fire is lighted in a public
place in the village, and the great war-cauldron set
to boil; each warrior throws something into this
vessel, and the allies who are to join the expedition
also send offerings for the same purpose. Lastly,
the sacred dog is sacrificed to the God of War, and
boiled in the cauldron, to form the chief dish at
a festival, to which only the warriors and men great
in council are admitted.
During these ceremonies the elders watch the
omens with deep anxiety, and if the promise be
favourable, they prepare for immediate departure.
The chief then paints himself in bright and varied
colours, to render his appearance terrible, and sings
his war-song, announcing the nature of the projected
enterprise. His example is followed by all the
warriors, who join a war-dance, while they proclaim
with a loud voice the glory of their former deeds,
and their determination to destroy their enemies.
Each Indian now seizes his arms, the bow and
quiver hang over the left shoulder, the tomahawk
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 259
from the left hand, and the scalping-knife 9 is stuck
in the girdle. A distinguished chief is appointed to
take charge of the Manitous or guardian powers of
each warrior ; they are collected, carefully placed in
a box, and accompany the expedition as the ark of
safety. Meanwhile the women incite the warriors
to vengeance, and eagerly demand captives for the
torture to appease the spirits of their slaughtered
relatives, or sometimes indeed to supply their place.
When the war party are prepared to start, the chief
addresses his followers in a short harangue ; they
then commence the march, singing and shouting the
terrible war-whoop. The women proceed with the
expedition for some distance ; and when they must
9 " The modern scalping-knife is of civilised manufacture, made
expressly for' Indian use. and carried into the Indian country by
thousands and tens of thousands, and sold at an enormous price. In
the native simplicity of the Indian he shapes out his rude hatchet
from a piece of stone, heads his arrows and spears with flints,
and his knife is a sharpened hone, or the edge of a broken
silex. His untutored mind has not been ingenious enough to design
or execute anything so savage or destructive as these civilised refine-
ments on Indian barbarity. The scalping-knife, in a beautiful scab-
bard which is carried under the belt, is generally used in all Indian
countries where knives have been introduced. It is the size and
shape of a butcher's knife with one edge, manufactured at Sheffield
perhaps for sixpence, and sold to the poor Indians in these wild
regions for a horse. If I should ever cross the Atlantic with my col-
lection, a curious enigma would be solved for the English people who
may inquire for a scalping-knife, when they find that every one in
my collection (and hear also that nearly every one that is to be seen
in the Indian country, to the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific Ocean,)
bears on its blade the impress of G. R." — Catlin's American Indians,
vol. i., p. 236.
s2
260 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
return, exchange endearing names with their hus-
bands and relations, and express ardent wishes for
victory. Some little gift of affection is usually
exchanged at parting.
Before striking the first blow, the Indians make
open declaration of war. A herald, painted black,
is sent, bearing a red tomahawk, qn one side of
which are inscribed figures representing the causes
of hostilities. He reaches the enemy's principal
village at midnight, throws down the tomahawk in
some conspicuous place, and disappears silently.
When once warning is thus given, every stratagem
that cunning can suggest, is employed for the
enemy's destruction.
As long as the expedition continues in friendly
countries, the warriors wander about in small
parties for the convenience of hunting ; still, how-
ever, keeping up communication by means of sounds
imitating the cries of birds and beasts. None ever
fail to appear at the appointed place of meeting
upon the frontier, where they again hold high
festival, and consult the omens of their dreams.
When they enter the hostile territory a close array
is observed, and a deep silence reigns. They creep
on all fours, walk through water, or upon the
stumps of trees to avoid leaving any trace of their
route. To conceal their numbers they sometimes
march in a long single file, each stepping on the
foot-print of the man before him. They sometimes
even wear the hoofs of the buffalo or the paws of
the bear, and run for miles in a winding course to
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 261
imitate the track of those animals. Every effort is
made to surprise the foe, and they frequently lure
him to destruction by imitating from the depths of
the forest the cries of animals of the chace.
If the expedition meet with no straggling party
of the enemy, it advances with cautious stealth
towards some principal village ; the warriors creep
on their hands and feet through the deep woods,
and often even paint themselves the colour of dried
leaves to avoid being perceived by their intended
victims. On approaching the doomed hamlet, they
examine it carefully but rapidly, from some tree-
top or elevated ground, and again conceal them-
selves till nightfall in the thickest covert. Strange
to say these subtle warriors neglect altogether the
security of sentinels, and are satisfied with searching
the surrounding neighbourhood for hidden foes ; if
none be discovered they sleep in confidence, even
when hostile forces are not far off. They weakly
trust to the protecting power of their Manitous.
When they have succeeded in reaching the village,
and concealing themselves unobserved, they wait
silently, keeping close watch till the hour before
dawn, when the inhabitants are in the deepest sleep.
Then crawling noiselessly like snakes through the
grass and underwood, till they are upon the foe, the
chief raises a shrill cry and the massacre begins.
Discharging a shower of arrows they finish the
deadly work with the club and tomahawk. The
great object however of the conquerors is to take
the enemy alive, and reserve him to grace their
262 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
triumph and rejoice their eyes by his torture.
When resistance is attempted this is often im-
possible, and an instant death saves the victim
from the far greater horrors of captivity and pro-
tracted torment. When an enemy is struck down,
the victor places his foot upon the neck of the
dead or dying man, and with a horrible celerity
and skill tears off the bleeding scalp.1 This trophy
is ever preserved with jealous care by the Indian
warriors.
After any great success the war party always
return to their villages, more eager to celebrate the
victory than to improve its advantages. Their
women and old men await their return in longing
expectation. The fate of the war is announced
from afar off by well-known signs ; the bad tidings
are first told. A herald advances to the front of the
returning party and sounds a death-whoop for each
of their warriors who has fallen in the fray. Then
after a little time the tale of victory is told, and the
number of prisoners and of the slain declared. All
lamentations are soon hushed, and congratulations
and rejoicing succeed. During the retreat, if the
war party be not hard pressed by the enemy,
prisoners are treated with some degree of humanity,
but are very closely guarded. When the expedition
has returned to the village, the old men, women, and
children, form themselves into two lines ; the
prisoners are compelled to pass between them, and
1 See Appendix, No. LVIII.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 263
are cruelly bruised with sticks and stones, but not
vitally injured b}^ their tormentors.
A council is usually held to decide the fate of the
prisoners, the alternatives are, to be adopted into
the conquering nation, and received as brothers, or
to be put to death in the most horrible torments ;
thus either to supply the place of warriors fallen in
battle, or to appease the spirits of the departed by
their miserable end. The older warriors among the
captives usually meet the hardest fate, the younger
are most frequently adopted by the women, their
wounds are cured, and they are thenceforth received
in every respect as if they belonged to the tribe.
The adopted prisoners go out to war against their
former countrymen, and the new tie is held even
more binding than the old.
The veteran warrior, whose tattooed skin bears
record of slaughtered enemies, meets with no mercy;
his face is painted, his head crowned with flowers
as if for a festival, black moccasins are put upon
his feet, and a flaming torch is placed above him
as the signal of condemnation. The women take
the lead in the diabolical tortures to which he is
subjected, and rage around their victim with horrible
cries. He is, however, allowed a brief interval to
sing his death-song, and he often continues it even
through the whole of the terrible ordeal. He boasts
of his great deeds, insults his tormentors, laughing
at their feeble efforts, exults in the vengeance that
his nation will take for his death, and pours forth
insulting reproaches and threats. The song is then
264 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
taken up by the woman to whose particular revenge
he has been devoted. She calls upon the spirit
of her husband or son to come and witness the
sufferings of his foe. After tortures too various
and horrible to be particularised, some kind wound
closes the scene in death, and the victim's scalp is
lodged among the trophies of the tribe. To endure
with unshaken fortitude 2 is the greatest triumph of
an Indian warrior and the highest confusion to his
enemies, but often the proud spirit breaks under
the pangs that rack the quivering flesh, and shouts
of intolerable agony reward the demoniac ingenuity
of the tormentors.
Many early writers considered that the charge of
cannibalism3 against the Indians was well founded ;
2 The savage Cantabrians and the first inhabitants of Spain sang
songs of triumph as they were led to death and while they hung on
the cross. Strabo mentions this as a mark of their ferocity and
barbarism. — Strabo, lib. iii., p. 114.
3 The American word " cannibal," of a somewhat doubtful signifi-
cation, is probably derived from the language of Hayti or that of
Porto Rico. It has passed into the languages of Europe, since the
end of the fifteenth century, as synonymous with that of Anthropo-
phagi. " Edaces humanarum carnium novi heluones Anthropophagi,
Caribes, alias Canibales appellati," says Peter Martyr of Anghiera,
in the third decade of his Oceanics, dedicated to Pope Leo X. " We
were assured by all the missionaries whom we had an opportunity of
consulting, that the Caribbees are perhaps the least anthropophagous
nation of the New Continent. We may conceive that the fury and
despair with which the unhappy Caribbees defended themselves
against the Spaniards when, in 1704, a royal decree declared them
slaves, may have contributed to the reputation they have acquired of
ferocity. The licendiado Rodrigo de Figuera was appointed by the
Court in 1520 to decide which of the tribes of South America might
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 265
doubtless in moments of fury portions of an enemy's
flesh have been rent off and eaten. To devour a
foeman's heart is held by them to be an exquisite
vengeance. They have been known to drink
draughts of human blood, and in circumstances of
scarcity they do not hesitate to eat their captives.
It is certain that all the terms used by them in
describing the torture of prisoners relate to this
horrible practice, yet as they are so figurative in
every expression, these may simply mean the
fullest gratification of revenge. The evidence upon
this point is obscure and contradictory ; the Indian
cannot be altogether acquitted or found guilty of
this foul imputation.
The brief peace that affords respite amidst the
continual wars of the Indian tribes, is scarcely more
than a truce. Nevertheless, it is concluded with
considerable form and ceremony. The first advance
towards a cessation of hostilities, is usually made
through the chief of a neutral power. The nation
professing the first overture dispatches some men of
be regarded as of Caribbee race, or as Cannibals, and whicb were
Guatiaos, that is, Indians of peace, and friends of the Castilians.
Every nation that could be accused of having devoured a prisoner
after a battle, was arbitrarily declared of Caribbee race. All the
tribes designated by Figuera as Caribbees were condemned to
slavery, and might at will be sold or exterminated in war. ' ' — Humboldt's
Personal Narrative, vol. vi., p. 35.
Charlevoix and Lafitau speak of the cannibalism of the North
American Indians as a generally acknowledged fact : Lafitau mentions
the Abenaquis as the only tribe who held it in detestation. — Lafitau,
vol. ii., p. 307.
266 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
note as ambassadors, accompanied by an orator, to
contract the negociation. They bear with them the
calumet4 of peace as the symbol of their purpose,
and a certain number of wampum belts5 to note the
4 " On ne pent gueres douter que les sauvages en faisant fumer dans
le Calumet ceux dont ils recherchent 1'alliance ou le commerce,
n'ayent intention de prendre le soleil pour temoin et en quelque fagon
pour garant de leurs traites, car ils ne manquent jamais de pousser
la fumee vers cette astre : . . . Fumer done dans la m6me pipe, en signe
d'alliance, est la meme chose que de boire dans la meme coupe, comme
il s'est de tout terns pratique dans plusieurs nations." — Charlevoix,
torn, v., p. 313.
Calumet in general signifies a pipe, being a Norman word, derived
from Chalumeau. The savages do not understand this word, for it was
introduced into Canada by the Normans when they first settled there ;
and has still continued in use among the French planters. The calumet
or pipe, is called in the Iroquois language ganondaoe, and by the other
savage natives, poagau.
Ambassadors were never safe amongst any of the savage tribes
who do not smoke the calumet. — Lafitau, vol. ii., p. 313. At the time
of the early French writers on Indian customs, the calumet, since
almost universally in use, was only known amongst the tribes inhabit-
ing Louisiana, who in many respects were more advanced in civilisa-
tion than those of the cold northern regions.
5 Wampum is the Indian name of ornaments manufactured by the
Indians from varicoloured shells* which they get on the shore of the
* " Among the numerous shells which are found on the sea-shore, there are some
which by the English here are called clams, and which bear some resemblance to the
human ear. They have a considerable thickness, and are chiefly white, excepting the
pointed end, which both within and without hath a blue colour, between purple and
violet. The shells contain a large animal, which is eaten both by Indians and
Europeans. The shells of these clams are used by the Indians as money, and make
what they call their wampum ; they likewise serve their women for an ornament
when they intend to appear in full dress. These wampums are properly made of the
purple part of the shells, which the Indians value more than the white parts. A
traveller who goes to trade with the Indians, and is well stocked with them, may
become a considerable gainer, but if he take gold coin or bullion he will undoubtedly
be a loser; for the Indians who live farther up the country put little or no value on
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 267
objects and conditions of the negociation. The
orator explains the meaning of the belts to the
hostile chiefs, and if the proposition be received,
resh water streams, and file or cut into bits of half an inch, or an
inch in length, and perforate, giving them the shape of pieces of
broken-pipe stems, which they string on deer's sinews, or weave
them ingeniously into war-belts for the waist. The wampum is
evidently meant in the description of the esurgny or cornibolz, given
by Verazzano in Ramusio, which has so much puzzled translators
and commentators. Lafitau and Charlevoix both describe it under
the name of porcelaine.
" La Porcelaine dont nous parlons ici, est bien differente de ces
ouvrages de Porcelaine qu' on apporte de la Chine ou du Japan* dont
la matiere est une terre beluttee et preparee. Celle ci est tiree de
certains coquillages de mer, connues en generale sous le nom de Por-
celaines, — celles dont nos sauvages se servent sont canelees, et
semblable pour leur figure aux coquilles de St. Jacques. — II y a de
porcelaine de deux sortes, 1'une est blanche, et c'est la plus commune.
L'autre est d'un violet obscur ; plus elle tire sur le noir plus elle
est estimee. La porcelaine qui sert pour les affaires d'etat est toute
travaillee au petits cylindres de la longueur d'un quart de pouce et
gros a proportion. On les distribue en deux manieres, en branches
et en colliers. Les branches sont composees de cylindres enfiles sans
ordre, a la suite les uns des autres comme des grains de chapelet.
the metals which \ve reckon so precious, as I have frequently observed in the course
of my travels. The Indians formerly made their own wampums, though not without
a great deal of trouble ; hut at present the Europeans employ themselves in that
way, and get considerable profit by it." — Kalm in Pinkerton, vol. xiii., p. 455.
* " Marsden et la Comte Baldelli ont rappele, dans leur savans commentaires du Mili-
one de Marco Polo, que c' est le nom de la coquille du genere Cyprsea a dos bombe' (por-
cellanor, de porcello, en latin porcellus, pourcelaine du pere Trigault) qui a donne' lieu
a la denomination de porcelaine par laquelle les peuples occidentaux ont designe
les Vasa Sinica. Marco Polo se Bert du mot porcellane, et pour les coquilles Jcaris,
ou couries, employees comme monnaie dans Tlnde, et pour la poterie fine de la Chine.
. . . La blancheur lustre'e de plusieurs especes de la famille des Buccinoides,
appellees de pourcelaines au moien age, a sans doute suffi pour faire donner aux
beaux vases c6ramiques de la Chine une denomination analogue. Ces coquilles ne
sont pas entrees dans la composition de la porcelaine." — Humboldt, Geoff, du Nouveau
Continent, torn, v., p. 106.
268 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
the opposite party accept the proffered symbols,
and the next day present others of a similar import.
The calumet is then solemnly smoked, and the
burial of a war hatchet for each party and for each
ally, concludes the treaty. The negociations consist
more in presents, speeches, and ceremonies, than in
La porcelaine en est ordinairement toute blanche, et on ne s'en sert
que pour des affaires d'une legere consequence. Les colliers sont de
larges ceintures, ou les petits cylindres blancs et pourpre sont disposes
par rangs et assujettes par de petites bandelettes de cuir, dont on
fait un tissu assez propre. Leur longeur, leur largueur et les grains
de couleur se proportionrient a 1'importance de 1'affaire. Les colliers
communs et ordinaires sont de onze rangs de cent quatre-vingt
grains chacun. Le fisc, ou le tresor public corisiste principalement
en ces sortes de colliers Les sauvages n' ont rien de plus
precieux que leur Porcelaine; ce sont leurs bijoux, leurs pierreries. Us
en comptent jusqu' aux grains, et cela leur tient lieu de toute
richesse."— Lafitau, 1720.
Catlin writes thus in 1842 : — " Amongst the numerous tribes who
have formerly inhabited the Atlantic coast, wampum has been
invariably manufactured and highly valued as a circulating medium
(instead of coins, of which the Indians have no knowledge) ; so many
strings, or so many hands breadth, being the fixed value of a horse,
a gun, a robe, <kc. It is a remarkable fact that after I passed the
Mississippi, I saw but very little wampum used, and on ascending
the Missouri, I do not recollect to have seen it worn at all by the
Upper Missouri Indians, although the same materials for its manu-
facture are found in abundance in those regions. Below the Lions
and along the whole of our western frontier, the different tribes are
found loaded and beautifully ornamented with it, which they can now
afford to do, for they consider it of little value, as the fur traders have
ingeniously introduced an imitation of it manufactured by steam or
otherwise, of porcelain or some composition closely resembling it, with
which they have flooded the whole Indian country, and sold at so
reduced a price as to cheapen and consequently destroy the value and
meaning of the original wampum, a string of which can now but very
rarely be found in any part of the country." — Catlin, vol. i., p. 223.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 269
any demands upon each other : there is no property
to provide tribute, and the victors rarely or never
require the formal cession of any of the hunting-
grounds of the vanquished. The unrestrained
passions of individuals, and the satiety of long-
continued peace, intolerable to the Indian, soon
again lead to the renewal of hostility.
The successful hunter ranks next to the brave
warrior in the estimation of the savage. Before start-
ing on his grand expeditions, he prepares himself by
a course of fasting, dreaming, and religious observ-
ances, as if for war. He hunts with astonishing
dexterity and skill, and regards this pursuit rather
as an object of adventure and glory than as an
industrious occupation.
With regard to cultivation and the useful arts,
the Indians are in the very infancy of progress.6
Their villages are usually not less than eighteen
miles apart, and are surrounded by a narrow
circle of imperfectly cleared land, slightly turned
up with a hoe, or scraped with pointed sticks,7
scarcely interrupting the continuous expanse of
6 " Avant d'avoir 1'usage des moulins, ils brisaient leurs grains
dans les piles, ou des mortiers de bois, avec des pilons de meme
matiere. Hesiode nous donne la mesure de la pile et du pilon des
anciens, et de nos sauvages, dans ces paroles, ' Coupez moi une pile
de trois pieds de haut, et un pilon de la longueur de trois coudees.'
(Hesiod. Opera et Dies, lib. v., 411 ; Servius in lib. ix., JEneid. Init.)
Caton met aussi la pile et le pilon, au nombre des meubles rustiques
de son temps. Les Pisons prirent leur nom de cette maniere de piler
le bled." — Lafitau.
' " II leur suffit d'un morceau de bois recourbe de trois doigts de
270 THE CONQUEST OP CANADA.
the forest. They are only acquainted with the
rudest sorts of clay manufactures, and the use of
the metals (except by European introduction)
is altogether unknown.8 Their women, however,
display considerable skill in weaving fine mats, in
staining the hair of animals, and working it into
brilliant coloured embroideries. The wampum-belts
are made with great care and some taste. The
calumet is also elaborately carved and ornamented ;
and the painting and tattooing of their bodies some-
times presents well-executed and highly descriptive
largeur, attache a un long mouche qui leur sert a sarcler la terre, et
a la remuer legerement." — Lafitau, torn, ii., p. 76.
Catlin says that the tribe of Mandans raise a great deal of corn.
This is all done hj the women, who make their hoes of the shoulder-
blades of the buffalo or elk, and dig the ground over instead of
ploughing it, which is consequently done with a vast deal of labour. —
Vol. i., p. 121.
8 "Nothing so distinctly marks the uncivilised condition of the
North American Indian as his total ignorance of the art of metal-
lurgy. Forged iron has been in use among the inhabitants of our
hemisphere from time immemorial ; for though the process employed
for obtaining the malleability of a metal in its malleable state is very
complicated, yet M. de Marian has clearly proved that the several
eras at which writers have pretended to fix the discovery are entirely
fabulous." — Lettres sur la Chine.
Consequently, the weapons of brass and other instruments of metal
found in the dykes of Upper Canada, Florida, &c., are amongst the
strongest indications of the superiority of those ancient races of
America who have now entirely passed away.
" Know then," says Cotton Mather, " that these doleful creatures
are the veriest ruins of mankind. They live in a country full of
metals, but the Indians were never owners of so much as a knife till
we came among them. Their name for an Englishman was ' knife-
man.' "
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 271
pictures and hieroglyphics. They construct light
and elegant baskets from the swamp cane, and
are very skilful in making bows and arrows ; some
tribes indeed were so rude as not to have attained
even to the use of this primitive weapon, and the
sling was by no means generally known.
Most of the American nations are without any
fixed form of government whatever. The complete
independence of every man is fully recognised. He
may do what he pleases of good or evil, useful or
destructive, no constituted power interferes to thwart
his will. If he even take away the life of another
the bystanders do not interpose. The kindred of
the slain, however, will make any sacrifice for
vengeance. And yet in the communities of these
children of nature there usually reigns a wonderful
tranquillity. A deadly hostility exists between the
different tribes, but among the members comprising
each, the strictest union exists. The honour and
prosperity of his nation is the leading object of the
Indian ; this national feeling forms a link to draw
him closely to his neighbour, and he rarely or
never uses violence or evil speech against a country-
man. Where there is scarcely such a thing as
individual property, government and justice are
necessarily very much simplified. There exists
almost a community of goods. No man wants while
another has enough and to spare. Their generosity
knows no bounds. Whole tribes when ruined by
disasters in war find unlimited hospitality among
their neighbours; habitations and hunting-grounds
272 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
are allotted to them, and they are received in every
respect as if they were members of the nation that
protects them.
As there is generally no wealth or hereditary
distinction among this people, the sole claim to
eminence is founded on such personal qualities as
can only be conspicuous in war, council, or the
chace. During times of tranquillity and inaction
all superiority ceases. Every man is clothed and
fares alike. Relations of patronage and dependence
are unknown. All are free and equal, and they
perish rather than submit to control, or endure
correction. During war indeed, or in the chase,
they render a sort of obedience to those who
excel in character and conduct, but at other times
no form of government whatever exists. The names
of magistrate and subject are not in their language.
If the elders interpose between man and man, it is
to advise, not to decide. Authority is only tolerated
in foreign, not in domestic, affairs.
Music and dancing express the emotions of the
Indian's mind. He has his songs of war and death,
and particular moments of his life are appointed for
their recital. His great deeds and the vengeance he
has inflicted upon his enemies are his subjects; the
language and music express his passions rudely but
forcibly. The dance9 is still more important: it is
9 Chateaubriand, vol. i., p. 233 ; Charlevoix.
" The dances of the Red Indians form a singular and important
feature throughout the customs of the aborigines of the New World.
In these are typified, by signs well understood by the initiated, and,
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 273
the grand celebration at every festival, and alter-
nately the exponent of their triumph, anger, or
devotion. It is usually pantomimic and highly
descriptive of the subject to which it is appropriate.
The Indians are immoderately fond of play as a
means of excitement and agitation. While gaming
they who are usually so taciturn and indifferent,
become loquacious and eager. Their guns, arms, and
all that they possess are freely staked, and at times,
where all else is lost, they will trust even their
personal safety to the hazard of the die.2 The most
barbarous of the tribes have unhappily succeeded in
inventing some species of intoxicating liquor : that
from the root of the maize was in general use, it is not
disagreeable to the taste, and is very powerful. When
the accursed fire-water is placed before the Indians,
none can resist the temptation. The wisest, best,
and bravest succumb alike to this odious temptation,
«
as it were, by hieroglyphic action, their historical events, their pro-
jected enterprises, their hunting, their ambuscades, and their battles,
resembling in some respects the Pyrrhic dances of the ancients." —
Washington Irving's Columbus, vol. ii., p. 122.
" In the province of Pasto, on the ridge of the Cordillera, I have
seen masqued Indians, armed with rattles, performing savage dances
around the altar, while a Franciscan monk elevated the host." —
Humboldt's Nouveau Espagne, vol. i., p. 411.
See, also, Lafitau's Moeurs des Sauvages Ameriquains compares
aux moeurs des premiers temps, torn, i., p. 526 ; he refers to Plu-
tarch in Lycurgo, for an account of similar Spartan dances.
2 Charlevoix ; Lafitau ; Boucher, Histoire du Canada.
" The players prepare for their ruin by religious observances ; they
fast, they watch, they pray." — Chateaubriand, vol. i., p. 240.
See Appendix, No. LIX.
VOL. i. T
274 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA,
and when their unrestrained passions are excited by
drinking, they are at times guilty of enormous out-
rages, and the scenes of their festivities often become
stained with kindred blood. The women are not
permitted to partake of this fatal pleasure, their duty
is to serve the guests and take care of their husbands
and friends when overpowered by the debauch. This
exclusion from a favourite enjoyment is evidence of
the contempt in which females are held among the
Indians.
In the present day he who would study the cha-
racter and habits of these children of nature, must
travel far away beyond the Rocky Mountains where
the murrain of perverted civilisation has not yet
spread. There he may still find the virtues and vices
of the savage, and lead among those wild tribes that
fascinating life of liberty, which few have ever been
known to abandon willingly for the restraints and
luxuries of civilisation ajid refinement.
275
CHAPTER IX.
WHILE the French were busied in establishing them- \
selves upon the banks of the St. Lawrence, their
ancient rivals steadily progressed in the occupation- '
of the Atlantic coasts of North America.
Generally speaking, the oldest colonies of England^
were founded by private adventurers, at their own )
expense and risk. In most cases the soil of the
new settlements was granted to powerful indivi-
duals or companies of merchants, and by them made
over in detail to the actual emigrants for certain
considerations. Where, however, as often occurred,
the emigrants had settled prior to the grant, or were
in a condition to disregard it, they divided the land
according to their own interests and convenience.
These unrecognised proprietors prospered more
rapidly than those who were trammelled by en-
gagements with non-resident authorities. The right
of government, as well as the nominal possession of
the soil, was usually granted in the first instance,
and the new colonies were connected with the Crown
of Great Britain by little more than a formal recog-
nition of sovereignty. But the disputes invariably
arising between the nominal proprietors and the
T2
276 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
/ actual settlers speedily caused, in most cases, a dis-
/ solution of the proprietary government, and threw
V_the colonies one by one under royal authority.
The system then usually adopted was to place
the colony under the rule of an English governor,
assisted by an upper House of Parliament, or
Council, appointed by himself, and a Lower House,
possessing the power of taxation, elected by the
people. All laws, however, enacted by these local
authorities were subject to the approbation of the
British Crown. This was the outline of colonial
constitutions in every North American settlement,
except in those established under peculiar charters.
The habit of self-government bore its fruit of sturdy
independence and self-reliance among our trans-
atlantic brethren, and the prospect of political privi-
leges offered a special temptation to the English
emigrant to embark his fortunes in the New World.
At their commencement trade was free in all, and
religion in most of the new colonies; and it was
only by slow degrees that their fiscal regulations
were brought under the subordination of the mother
country.
Although a general sketch of British colonisation
in North America is essential to the illustration of
Canadian history, it is unnecessary to detail more
than a few of the leading features of its nature and
progress, and of the causes which placed its interests
in almost perpetual antagonism with those of French
settlement. This subject is rendered not a little
obscure and complicated by the contradictory claims
THE CONQUEST OP CANADA. 277
and statements of proprietors, merchant adven-
turers and settlers, the separation of provinces, the
abandonment of old, and the foundation of new
settlements.1
Sir Humphrey Gilbert,2 of Compton, in Devon-
shire, formed the first plan of British colonisation in
America. Queen Elizabeth, who then wore the
crown, willingly granted a patent conveying most
ample gifts and powers to her worthy and distin-
guished subject. He was given for ever all such
" heathen and barbarous countries " as he might
discover, with absolute authority therein, both by
sea and land. Only homage, and a fifth part of the
gold and silver that might be obtained, was reserved
for the Crown.
The first expedition of Sir Humphrey Gilbert failed
in the very commencement. The adventurers were
unfortunately selected ; many deserted the cause,
and others engaged in disastrous quarrels among
themselves. The chief was ultimately obliged to set
out with only a few of his own tried friends.3 He
1 See Preface to Bancroft's History of the United States,
2 " Sir Humphrey had published, in 1576, a treatise concerning a
north-west passage to the East Indies, which, although tinctured with
the pedantry of the age, is full of practical sense and judicious argu-
ment."— P. F. Tytler's Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, p. 26.
3 "Sir Walter Raleigh, step-brother to Sir Humphrey Gilbert, was
one of his companions in this enterprise, and although it proved
unsuccessful, the instructions of Sir Humphrey could not fail to be
of service to Raleigh, who at this time was not much above twenty-
five, whilst the admiral must have been in the maturity of his years
and abilities."— Ty tier, p. 27.
278 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
encountered very adverse weather, and was driven
back with the loss of a ship, and one of his trustiest
companions.4 This disaster was a severe blow to
Sir Humphrey Gilbert, as most of his property was
embarked in the undertaking. However, ^ith
unshaken determination, and aided by Sir George
Peckham, Sir Walter Raleigh,5 and other distin-
4 "On its homeward passage, the small squadron of Gilbert was
dispersed and disabled by a Spanish fleet, and many of the company
were slain ; but, perhaps owing to the disastrous issue of the fight, it
has been slightly noticed by the English historians." — Oldy's Life of
Raleigh, pp. 28, 29.
* Raleigh, who had by this time risen into favour with the queen,
did not embark on the expedition, but he induced his royal mistress
to take so deep an interest in its success, that on the eve of its
sailing from Plymouth, she commissioned him to convey to Sir H.
Gilbert her earnest wishes for his success, with a special token of
regard, — a little trinket representing an anchor guided by a lady.
The following was Raleigh's letter, written from the court : —
"Brother, — I have sent you a token from her majesty, an anchor
guided by a lady, as you see, — and, further, her Highness willed me
to send you word, that she wished you as great good hap and safety
to your ship as if she herself were there in person, desiring you to
have care of yourself as of that which she tendereth ; and therefore,
for her sake, you must provide for it accordingly. Farther, she
commandeth that you leave your picture with me. For the rest I
leave till our meeting, or to the report of this bearer, who would
needs be the messenger of this good news. So I commit you to the
will and protection of God, who sends us such life and death as he
shall please or hath appointed. Richmond, this Friday morning.
Your true brother, WALTER RALEIGH." — This letter is indorsed as
having been received March 18, 1582-3, and it may be remarked
that it settles the doubt as to the truth of Prince's story of the
golden anchor, questioned by Campbell in his Lives of the Admirals.
In the Heroologiz Anglice, p. 65, there is a fine print of Sir Hum-
phrey Gilbert, taken evidently from an original picture ; but, unlike
the portrait mentioned by Granger, it does not bear the device men-
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 279
guished men, he again equipped an expedition, and
put to sea in the year 1583.
The force with which this bold adventurer under-
took to gain possession of a new continent was
miserably small. The largest vessel was but
of 200 tons burthen : the Delight, in which he
himself sailed, was only 120 tons, and the three
others composing the little fleet were even much
smaller. The crew and adventurers numbered
altogether 260 men, most of them tradesmen,
mechanics, and refiners of metal. There was such
difficulty in completing even this small equipment,
that some captured pirates were taken into the
service.
The expedition sailed from Concert Bay on the 1583
llth of May, 1583. Three days afterwards the
Raleigh,6 the largest ship of the fleet, put back to
land, under the plea that a violent sickness had
broken out on board, but in reality from the indis-
tioned in the text. Raleigh's letter explains this difference. When
Sir Humphrey was at Plymouth, on the eve of sailing, the queen
commands him, we see, to leave his picture with Raleigh. This
must allude to a portrait already painted ; and of course the golden
anchor then sent could not he seen in it. Now, he perished on the
voyage. The picture at Devonshire House, mentioned by Granger,
which hears this honourable badge, must, therefore have been painted
after his death. — Ty tier's Raleigh, p. 45 ; Granger's Biographical
History, vol. i., p. 246 ; Cayley, vol. i., p. 31 ; Prince's Worthies of
Devonshire.
6 " This ship was of 200 tons burden : it had been built under
Raleigh's own eye, equipped at his expense, and commanded by
Captain Butler, her master being Thomas Davis, of Bristol." —
Tytler, p. 44.
280 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
position of the crew to risk the enterprise. The
loss of this vessel was a heavy discouragement to
the brave leaders. After many delays and diffi-
culties from the weather and the misconduct of his
followers, Sir Humphrey Gilbert reached the shores
of Newfoundland, where he found thirty-six vessels
engaged in the fisheries. He, in virtue of his royal
patent, immediately assumed authority over them,
demanding and obtaining all the supplies of which
he stood in need : he also proclaimed his own and
the queen's possession of the country. Soon, how-
ever, becoming sensible that this rocky and dreary
wilderness offered little prospect of wealth, he pro-
ceeded with three vessels, and a crew diminished
by sickness and desertion, to the American coast.
Owing to his imprudence in approaching the
foggy and dangerous shore too closely, the largest
vessel7 struck, and went to pieces. The captain
and many of the crew were lost : some of the
remainder reached Newfoundland in an open boat,
after having endured great hardships.
Sir Humphrey Gilbert altogether failed in reach-
ing any part of the mainland of America. The
weather became very bad, the winter approached,
7 The Delight. The Swallow had, a short time before, been sent
home with some of the crew, who were sick. The remaining barks
were the Golden Hind and the Squirrel, the first of forty, the last
of ten tons burden. For what reason does not appear, the admiral
insisted, against the remonstrances of his officers and crew, in having
his flag in the /Squirrel. It was a fatal resolution. The larger
vessel, the Golden Hind, arrived at Falrnouth on the 22nd Sep-
tember, 1583.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 281
and provisions began to fail : there was no alterna-
tive but to return, and with bitter regret and
disappointment he adopted that course. The two
remaining vessels proceeded in safety as far as the
meridian of the Azores ; there, however, a terrible
tempest assailed them. On the afternoon of the 9th
of September the smaller of the two boats was
observed to labour dangerously. Sir Humphrey
Gilbert stood upon her deck, holding a book in his
hand, encouraging the crew. " We are as near to
heaven by sea as by land," he called out to those on
board the other vessel, as it drifted past just before
nightfall. Darkness soon concealed his little bark
from sight ; but for hours one small light was seen
to rise and fall, and plunge about among the furious
waves. Shortly after midnight it suddenly disap-
peared, and with it all trace of the brave chief and
his crew. One maimed and storm-tossed ship alone
returned to England of that armament which so
short a time before had been sent forth to take
possession of a New World.8
The English nation was not diverted from the
pursuit of colonial aggrandisement by even this
disastrous failure. The queen, however, was mora
ready to_ assist _by grants and patents than by
pecuniary supplies. Many plausible schemes of
settlement were__pu1L forward ; but the difficulty of
obtaining sufficient means of carrying them into
8 See Captain Edward Haies's Narrative of the Expedition of iSir
Humphrey Gilbert ; Hakluyt, vol. iii., pp. 143 — 159.
282 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
effect prevented their being adopted. At length the
illustrious Sir Walter Raleigh undertook^th^ task
of colonisation at his own sole charge, and easily
obtained a patent similar to that conferred upon
Sir Humphrey Gilbert. He soon sent out two small
vessels, under skilful naval officers, to search for his
new government. Warned by the disasters of their
predecessors, they steered a more southerly course.
When soundings indicated an approach to land, they
already observed that the breeze from the shore
was rich with delicious odours of fruits and flowers.
They proceeded very cautiously, and presently found
that they had reached a long low coast without
harbours. The shore was flat and sandy ; but softly
undulating green hills were seen in the interior,
covered with a great profusion of rich grapes. This
discovery proved to be the island of Okakoke, off
1584 North Carolina. The English were well received
by the natives, and obtained from them many
valuable skins in exchange for trinkets. Some
limited explorations were made, after which the
expedition returned to England, bearing very favour-
able accounts of the new country,9 which filled
Raleigh with joy, and raised the expectations of
the whole kingdom. In honour of England's maiden
9 Oldy's Life of Raleigli, p. 58. The description given of Virginia
by the two captains in command of the expedition (Captains Philip
Amadas and Walter Barlow), was that " the soil is the most plentiful,
sweet, fruitful, and wholesome of all the world. We found the people
most gentle, loving, faithful, void of all guile and treason, and such
as lived after the manner of the golden age."
THE CONQUEST OP CANADA. 283
queen, the name of Virginia was given to this land
of promise.
Sir Walter Raleigh now embarked nearly all his 1585
fortune in another expedition, consisting of seven
small ships, which he placed under the able com-
mand of Sir Richard Greenville, surnamed "the
Brave." The little fleet reached Virginia on the
29th of June, 1585, and the colony was at once
landed ; the principal duties of settlement were
intrusted to Mr. Ralph Lane, who proved unequal
to the charge. The coast, however, was explored
for a considerable distance, and the magnificent
Bay of Chesapeake discovered.
Lane penetrated to the head of Roanoke Sound ; \
there, without provocation, he seized a powerful
Indian chief and his son, and retained the latter a
close prisoner in the hope through him of ruling the
father. The natives exasperated at this injury,
deceived the English with false reports of great
riches to be found in the interior. /Lane proceeded
up the river for several days with forty men, but
suffering much from the want of provisions, and
having been once openly attacked by the savages,
he returned disheartened to the coast, where he
found that the Indians were prepared for a general
rising against him, in a confederacy formed of the
surrounding tribes, headed by a subtle chief called
Pemisapan. In the meantime, however, the captive
became attached to the English, warning them of
the coming danger, and naming the day for the
attack. Lane resolving to strike the first blow,
284 THE CONQUEST OP CANADA.
suddenly assailed the Indians and dispersed them ; \
afterwards at a parley he destroyed all the chiefs
with disgraceful treachery. Henceforth the hatred
of the savages to the English became intense, and
they ceased to sow any of the lands near the
settlement with the view of starving their dangerous-
visitors.
The colonists were much embarrassed by the
hostilities of the Indians ; the time appointed by
Raleigh and Greenville for sending them supplies
had past; a heavy despondency fell upon their
minds, and they began earnestly to wish for a
means of returning home. But suddenly notice
was given that a fleet of twenty-three sail was at
hand, whether friendly or hostile no one could
tell : to their great joy it proved to be the armament
of Sir Francis Drake. Lane and his followers
immediately availed themselves of this opportunity,
and with the utmost haste, embarked for England,
1586 totally abandoning the settlement. A few days
after this unworthy flight, a vessel of 100 tons
amply provided with aid for the colony, arrived
upon its deserted shores ; the crew in vain searched
the coast and neighbourhood for their fellow-
countrymen, and then steered for England. A
fortnight after Sir Richard Greenville arrived with
three well-appointed ships and found a lonely
desert where he had expected a flourishing colony :
he also returned to England in deep disappoint-
ment, leaving, however, a small party to hold
possession of the country till he should return with
ampler resources.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 285
The noble Raleigh was not discouraged by
this unhappy complication of errors and disasters ;
he immediately dispatched another expedition, with
three ships under the command of John White.
But a terrible sight presented itself on their arrival ;
the fort razed to the ground, the houses ruined and
overgrown with grass, and a few scattered bones,
told the fate of their countrymen. The little settle-
ment had^been assailed by 300 Indians, and all the~
colonists destroyed or driven into the interior to an
unknown fate. By an unfortunate error White
attacked one of the few tribes that were friendly to
the English, in the attempt to revenge the cruel
massacre. After this unhappy exploit he was com-
pelled by the discontent of his followers to return
to England, for the purpose of procuring them
supplies.1 From various delays it was not till 1590
1 Unfortunately, on White's arrival in England, the nation was
wholly engrossed by the expected invasion of the Spanish Armada,
and Sir Richard Greenville, who was preparing to sail for Virginia,
received notice that his services were wanted at home. Raleigh,
however, contrived to send out White with two more vessels ; hut
they were attacked by a Spanish ship of war, and so severely shattered,
that they were obliged to return. Another expedition could not be
undertaken until 1590 ; and no trace could then, or ever after, be
found of the unfortunate colony left by White.
" Robertson reproaches Raleigh with levity in now throwing up his
scheme of a Virginian colony. But, really, when we consider that in
the course of four years he had sent out seven successive expeditions,
each more unfortunate than the other, and had spent 40,000?., —
nearly his whole fortune, — without the least prospect of a return, it
cannot be viewed as a very unaccountable caprice, that he should get
sick of the business, and be glad to transfer it into other hands. "-
Murray, vol. i., p. 254.
286 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
that another expedition reached Virginia. But
again silence and desolation reigned upon that
fatal shore. The colony left by White had been
destroyed like its predecessor. Raleigh at last
abandoned the scheme of settlement that had
proved ruinously disastrous to him and all con-
1591 cerned, and the brave Sir Richard Greenville was
soon after slain.2
The interest of the public in Virginia remained
suspended till the year 1602, when Captain Bar-
tholomew Gosnold undertook a voyage thither, and
brought back such brilliant reports of the beauty and
fertility of the country, that the dormant attention
of the English towards this part of the world was
again aroused. In 1606, Arundel, Lord Wardour,
sent out a vessel under the command of Captain
Weymouth, to make further discoveries ; the report
of this voyage more than confirmed that of the
preceding.
The English nation were now at length prepared
to make an efficient attempt to colonise the New
World. In London, and at Plymouth and Bristol,
the principal maritime cities of the kingdom, the
scheme found numerous and ardent supporters.
James I., however, only granted such powers to the
adventurers as suited his own narrow and arbitrary
views : he refused to sanction any sort of represen-
tative government in the colony, and vested all
2 For an account of Sir Richard Greenville's death, see Appendix,
No. LX.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 287
power in a council appointed by himself.3 Virginia
was, about that time, divided somewhat capriciously
into two parts ; the southern portion was given to
3 " The fundamental idea of the older British colonial policy appears
to have heen, that wherever a man went, he carried with him the
rights of an Englishman, whatever these were supposed to be. In
the reign of James I., the state doctrine was, that most popular rights
were usurpations ; and the colonists of Virginia, sent out under the
protection of government, were therefore placed under that degree of
control which the state believed itself authorised to exercise at home.
The Puritans exalted civil franchise to a republican pitch ; their
colonies were therefore republican ; there was no such notion as that
of an intermediate state of tutelage or semi-liberty. Hence the entire
absence of solicitude on the part of the mother country to interfere
with the internal government of the colonies, arose not altogether
from neglect, but partly from principle. This is remarkably proved
by the fact, that representative government was seldom expressly
granted in the early charters ; it was assumed by the colonists as a
matter of right. Thus, to use the odd expression of the historian of
Massachusetts, * A house of burgesses broke out in Virginia ' in
1619,* almost immediately after its second settlement ; and although
the constitution of James contained no such element, it was at once
acceded to by the mother country as a thing of course. No thought
was ever seriously entertained of supplying the colonies with the
elements of an aristocracy. Virginia was the only province of old
foundation in which the Church of England was established ; and
there it was abandoned, with very little help, to the caprice or preju-
dices of the colonists, under which it speedily decayed. The Puritans
enjoyed, undisturbed, their peculiar notions of ecclesiastical govern-
ment. ' It concerneth New England always to remember, that they
were originally a plantation religious, not a plantation of trade. And
if any man among us make religion as twelve, and the world as thir-
teen, such an one hath not the spirit of a true New Englandman. *
And when they chose to illustrate this noble principle by decimating
their own numbers by persecution, and expelling from their limits all
Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts^ p. 94.
288 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
a merchant company of London, the northern, to a
merchant company of Bristol and Plymouth.4
1606 The southern, or London company, were the first
dissenters from their own establishment, the mother country never
exerted herself to protect or prohibit. The only ambition of the state
was to regulate the trade of its colonies ; in this respect, and this
only, they were fenced round with restrictions, and watched with the
most diligent jealousy. They had a right to self-government and
self-taxation ; a right to religious freedom in the sense which they
chose themselves to put upon the word ; a right to construct their
municipal polity as they pleased ; but no right to control or amend
the slightest fiscal regulation of the imperial authority, however
oppressively it might bear upon them.
" Such, I say, were the general notions prevailing in England on
the subject of colonial government, during the period of the foundation
and early development of our transatlantic colonies — the notions by
which the practice of government was regulated — although I do not
assert that they were framed into a consistent and logical theory.
Perhaps we shall not be far wrong in regarding Lord Chatham as the
last distinguished assertor of these principles, in an age when they
had begun to be partially superseded by newer speculations." —
Merivale on Colonisation, vol. i., p. 102.
4 " In the spring of 1606, James I. by patent divided Virginia
into two colonies. The southern included all lands between the 34th
and 41st degrees of north latitude. This was granted to the London
Company. The northern included all lands between the 38th and 45th
degrees north latitude, and was granted to the Plymouth Company.
To prevent disputes about territory, the colonies were forbidden to
plant within a hundred miles of each other. There appears an incon-
sistency in these grants, as the lands lying between the 38th and
41st degrees are covered by both patents.
" In the month of August, 1615, Captain John Smith arrived in
England, where he drew a map of the northern part of Virginia, and
called it New England. From this time the name of Virginia was
confined to the southern part of the colony." — Winterbottom's His-
tory of America, vol. iv., p. 165. See Bancroft's History of the
United States, vol. i., p. 120.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 289
to commence the work of colonisation with energy.
On the 19th of December, 1606, they dispatched an
expedition of three vessels, commanded by Captain
Newport, comprising a number of people of rank
and distinction. Among these was Captain John
Smith, whose admirable qualities were afterwards
so conspicuously and usefully displayed. The
expedition met with such delays and difficulties
that it was at one time on the point of returning to
England. At length, however, they descried an
unknown Cape, and soon afterwards entered Chesa-
peake Bay, where the beauty and fertility of the
shores even surpassed their expectations.5 On first
landing they met the determined hostility of "the
savages, but when the fleet proceeded to Cape Com-
fort, they there received a more friendly reception,
and were invited ashore. The Indians spread their
simple store of dainties before the strangers, smoked
with them the calumet of peace, and entertained 1
them with songs and dances. As the expedition ;
moved higher up the Bay, where no English had
been before seen, it met with a still more cordial
welcome. „
James Town was the first permanent English settle-V
ment established in America, although it has not smee ^
risen to very great importance. The site was chosen
by this expedition about forty miles above the
entrance upon the banks of James' River, where the
emigrants at once proceeded to establish themselves.
5 Percy in Purchas, iv., 1687.
VOL. i. u
290 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
They suffered great distress from the commencement \
on account of the bad quality of the provisions, fur-
nished under contract by Sir Thomas Smith, one of j
the leading members of the Company. Disease soon
followed want, and in a short time fifty of the
settlers died. Under these difficult circumstances
the energy and ability of Captain John Smith pointed
him out as the only person to command, and by
the consent of all he was invested with absolute
authority. He arranged the internal affairs of the
colony as he best could, and then set out to collect
supplies in the neighbouring country. The Indians
met him with derision, and refused to trade with
him ; he therefore, urged by necessity, drove them
away, and took possession of a village well stocked
with provisions. The Indians soon returned in force
and attacked him furiously, but were easily repulsed:
after their defeat they opened a friendly intercourse,
and furnished the required supplies. Smith made
several further excursions. On returning to the
colony he found that a conspiracy had been formed
among his turbulent followers to break up the settle-
ment and sail for England; this he managed to
suppress, and soon again started to explore the
country. In this expedition he rashly exposed him-
self unprotected to the assaults of the Indians, and
was taken prisoner after a most gallant attempt at
escape. He was led about in triumph for some time
from village to village, and at length sentenced to
die. His head was laid upon a stone, and the execu-
tioner stood over him with a club, awaiting the
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 291
signal to slay, when Pocahontas, daughter of the
Indian chief, implored her father's mercy for the
white man. He was inexorable and ordered the exe-
cution to proceed, but the generous girl laid her head
upon that of the intended victim, and vowed that
the death blow should strike her first. The savage
chief, moved by his daughter's devotion, spared the
prisoner's life.6 Smith was soon afterwards escorted
in safety to James' Town, and given up on a small 1608
ransom being paid to the Indians.7
Smith found on his arrival that the colonists were
fitting out a pinnace to return to England. He with
ready decision declared that the preparations should
be discontinued immediately, or he would sink the
little vessel. His prompt determination was suc-
cessful, and the people agreed to remain. Through
the generous kindness of Pocahontas supplies of
provisions were furnished to the settlement, till the
arrival of a vessel from England replenished its
stores. Soon after his happy escape from the hands
of the savages, Smith again started fearlessly upon
6 " This celebrated scene is preserved in a beautiful piece of sculp-
ture over the western door of the Rotundo of the Capitol at Wash-
ington. The group consists of five figures, representing the precise
moment when Pocahontas by her interposition saved Smith from
being executed. It is the work of Capellano, a pupil of Canova's." —
Thatcher's Indian Biography, vol. i., p. 22. See Appendix,
No. LXL, for the History of Pocahontas.
7 Smith in Pinkerton, xiii., 51 — 55. " The account is fully
contained in the oldest book printed in Virginia, in our Cambridge
library. It is a thin quarto in black letter, by John Smith, printed
in 1608."— Bancroft's Hist, of the United States, vol. i., p. 132.
u 2
292 THE CONQUEST OP CANADA.
an expedition to explore the remainder of Chesa-
1608 peake Bay. He sailed in a small barge accompanied
only by twelve men, and with this slender force
completed a voyage of 3,000 miles along an un-
known coast, among a fierce and generally hostile
people, and depending on accident and his own
ingenuity for supplies. During several years Poca-
hontas continued to visit the English, but her father
was still hostile, and once endeavoured to surprise
Smith and slay him in the woods, but again the
generous Indian girl saved his life at the hazard
of her own ; in a dark night she ran for many miles
through the forest, evading the vigilance of her fierce
countrymen, and warned him of the threatened
danger. An open war now ensued between the
English and the Indians, and was continued with
great mutual injury, till a worthy gentleman named
Thomas Rolfe, deeply interested by the person and
character of Pocahontas, made her his wife ; a treaty
1613 was then concluded with the Indian chief, which
was henceforth religiously observed.
The colony8 meanwhile proceeded with varied
fortunes. The emigrants had been very badlyN
selected for their task : " poor gentlemen, tradesmen^
8 In the year 1610, the South Virginian or London Company
sealed a patent to Lord Delawarr, constituting him Governor and
Captain-General of South Virginia. His name was given to a bay
and river, and to the Indians who dwelt in the surrounding country,
called in their own tongue Lenni Lenape, which name signifies THE
ORIGINAL PEOPLE. Lord Delawarr's health was ruined by the hard-
ships and anxieties he was .exposed to in Virginia, and he was obliged
to return to England in little more than a year.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 293
serving-men, libertines, and such like, ten times^
more fit to spoil a commonwealth than either to
begin or maintain one." These men were tempted
into the undertaking by hopes of sudden wealth, and
were altogether disinclined to even the slight labour
of tilling that exuberant soil, when only a .sub-
sistence was to be their reward. / In 1619 James 1619
commenced the system of transporting malefactors,
by sending 100 "dissolute persons" to Virginia.
These men were used as labourers, or rather slaves,
but tended seriously to lower the character of the
voluntary emigration.9 In 1625 only 1800 convicts
remained alive out of 9000 who had been trans-
9 Captain Smith says of Virginia, " that the number of felons and
vagabonds did bring such evil character on the place, that some did
choose to be hanged rather than go there, and were." — Graham's
Rise and Progress of the United States, vol. i., p. 71.
" England adopted in the seventeenth century the system of trans-
portation to her North American plantations, and the example waa
propagated by Cromwell, who introduced the practice of selling his
political captives as slaves to the West Indians. But the number of
regular convicts was too small, and that of free labourers too large, in
the old provinces of North America, to have allowed this infusion of a
convict population to produce much effect on the development of those
communities, either in respect of their morals or their health.* Our
own times are the first which have witnessed the phenomena of
communities, in which the bulk of the working people consists of
felons serving out the period of their punishment." — Merivale,
vol. ii., p. 3.
* It must be remembered that the crimes of the convicts were chiefly political.
The number transported to Virginia for social crimes was never considerable, — scarcely
enough to sustain the sentiment of pride in its scorn of the labouring population, —
certainly not enough to affect its character. — Bancroft vol. ii., p. 191.
294 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
ported at a cost of ISjOOO/.1 The contracted and
arbitrary system of the exclusive Company was felt
as a great evil in the colony.2 This body was at
length superseded by the forfeiture of its charter,
and the Crown assumed the direction of affairs.
Many years of alternate anarchy and tyranny
followed. During the rebellion of Bacon in 1676,
the most remarkable event in this early period of
Virginian history, English troops were first intro-
duced into the American colonies. Sir William
Berkeley, who was appointed governor in 1642,
visited the insurrectionists with a terrible vengeance,
when the death of the leader, Bacon, left them
defenceless. « The old fool," said Charles II. (with
truth), " has taken away more lives in that naked
country than I for the murder of my father." But
though the complaints of the oppressed were heard
in England with impartiality, and Berkeley was
hunted to death by public opinion on his return
there to defend himself, the permanent results of
Bacon's rebellion were disastrous to Virginia; all
the measures of reform which had been attempted
during its brief success were held void, and every
restrictive feature that had been introduced into
legislation by the detested governor was perpetuated.
Among the first settlers in Virginia gold was the
great object; it was everywhere eagerly sought,
but in vain. Several ships were loaded with a sort
1 Stith's Hist, of Virginia, pp. 167, 168 ; Chalmers' Annals of
the United Colonies, p. 69. 3 Stith's Hist, of Virginia, p. 307.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 295
of yellow clay, and sent to Lngland under the belief
that it contained the most precious of metals, but
it was found to be utterly worthless. The colonists
next turned their attention to the cultivation of
tobacco ;3 this speedily became so profitable that
3 It is asserted by Camden that tobacco was first brought into
England by Mr. Ralph Lane, who went out as chief governor of
Virginia in the first expedition commanded by Sir Richard Greenville.
There can be little doubt that Lane was desired to import it by
his master, Sir Walter Raleigh, who had seen it used in France
during his residence there. — Camden in Kennet, vol. ii. p. 509.
" There is a well-known tradition that Sir Walter first began to
smoke it privately in his study, and the servant coming in with his
tankard of ale and nutmeg, as he was intent upon his book, seeing
the smoke issuing from his mouth, threw all the liquor in his face by
way of extinguishing the fire, and, running down stairs, alarmed the
family with piercing cries that his master, before they could get up,
would be burnt to ashes." — Oldy's Life of Raleigh, p. 74.
" King James declared himself the enemy of tobacco, and drew
against it his royal pen. In the work which he entitled ' Counter-
blast to Tobacco,' he poured the most bitter reproaches on this
' vile and nauseous weed. ' He followed it up by a proclamation to
restrain 'the disorderly trading in tobacco,' as tending to a general
and new corruption of both men's bodies and minds. Parliament
also took the fate of this weed into their most solemn deliberation.
Various members inveighed against it, as a mania which infested the
whole nation ; that ploughmen took it at the plough ; that it * hin-
dered ' the health of the whole nation, and that thousands had died
of it. Its warmest friends ventured only to plead, that before the final
anathema was pronounced against it, a little pause might be granted
to the inhabitants of Virginia and the Somers Isles to find some other
means of existence and trade. James's enmity did not prevent him
from endeavouring to fill his coffers by the most enormous imposts
laid upon tobacco, insomuch that the colonists were obliged for some
time to send the whole into the ports of Holland. The government
of New England, more consistently, passed a complete interdict
against tobacco, the smoke of which they compared to that of the
296 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
it was pursued even to the exclusion of all other
industry.
There yet remains to be told one terrible incident
in the earlier story of Virginia, an incident that
resulted in the total destruction of the Indian race.
The successor to the father of Pocahontas had
conceived a deadly enmity against the English : this
was embittered from day to day as he saw the
hated white men multiplying and spreading over
the hunting-grounds of his fathers. Then a fierce
determination took possession of his savage heart.
For years he matured his plans, and watched the
favourable moment to crush every living stranger
at a blow. He took all his people into counsel, and
such was their fidelity, and so deep the wile of the
Indian chief, that* during four years of preparation, no
warning reached the intended victims. To the last
bottomless pit. Yet tobacco, like other proscribed objects, throve
under persecution, and achieved a final triumph over all its enemies.
Indeed the enmity against it was in some respects beneficial to Vir-
ginia, as drawing forth the most strict prohibitions against ' abusing
and misemploying the soil of this fruitful kingdom ' to the produc-
tion of so odious an article. After all, as the impost for an average
of seven years did not reach a hundred and fifty thousand pounds, it
could not have that mighty influence either for good or evil, which
was ascribed to it by the fears and passions of the age." — Chalmers,
b. i., ch. iii., with notes. Massaire, p. 210. Wives, p. 197, quoted
by Murray.
" Frenchmen they call those tobacco plants whose leaves do not
spread and grow large, but rather spire upwards and grow tall ;
these plants they do not tend, not being worth their labour." —
Mr. Clayton's Letter to the Royal Society, 1688. Miscellanea
Curiosa, vol. iii., pp. 303 — 310.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 297
fatal moment a studied semblance of cordial friend-
ship was observed ; some Englishmen who had lost
their way in the woods were kindly and carefully
guided back again.
One Friday morning (March 22nd, 1622) the 1622
Indians came to the town in great numbers, bearing
presents, and finding their way into every house.
Suddenly the fierce shout of the savages broke the
peaceful silence, and the death-shriek of their victims
followed. In little more than a minute, three hun-
dred and forty-seven, of all ages and sexes, were
struck down in this horrid massacre. The warning
of an Indian converted to Christianity saved James
Town ; the surviving English assembled there, and
began a war of extermination against the savages.
By united force, superior arms, and, it must be
added, by treachery as black as that of their enemies,
the white men soon swept away the Indian race for
ever from the Virginian soil.4
As has been before mentioned, the northern part
of Virginia was bestowed by royal grant upon
4 The colonists of Virginia, in a kind of manifesto published in
1622, expressed their satisfaction at some late warlike excursions of
the Indians as a pretext for robbing and subjugating them. " Now
these cleared grounds in all their villages, which are situated in the
fruitfullest parts of the land, shall be inhabited by us, whereas here-
tofore the grubbing of woods was the greatest labour. The way of
conquering them is much more easy than that of civilising them by
fair means ; for they are a rude, barbarous, and naked people, scat-
tered in small companies, which are helps to victory but hindrances
to civility." — Tracts relating to Virginia in the British Museum,
quoted by Merivale. See Appendix, No. LXII.
298 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
a Merchant Company of Plymouth, and other
southern and western seaports. The first effort
to take possession of the new territory was feeble
and disastrous. Twenty-nine Englishmen and two
Indians were sent out in a little bark of only fifty-
1606 five tons burthen ; they were taken by the Spaniards
off the coast of Hispaniola, who treated them with
great cruelty. Some time after this ill-fated expe-
dition had failed, another colony of 100 men, led by
Captains Popham and Gilbert, settled on the river
Sagahadock, and built a fort called by them
1607 St. George. They abandoned the settlement, how-
ever, the following year, and returned to England.
The next project of British North American coloni-
sation was set on foot by Captain John Smith,
already so highly distinguished in transatlantic
1614 history. After much difficulty he effected the
equipment of two vessels, and sailed for the Virgi-
nian shore, but, although successful as a trading
speculation, the only permanent fruits of the voyage
was a map of the coast, which he presented to
Charles I. The king, always interested in maritime
affairs, listened favourably to Smith's accounts of
the New World, but proved either unable or unwilling
to render him any useful assistance. The next
year this brave adventurer again crossed the seas in
a small vessel, containing only sixteen emigrants ;
the little expedition was captured by the French,
and the leader with great difficulty effected his
return to England.
Meanwhile, a man named Hunt, who had been
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 299
left in charge of one of the ships in Smith's first
expedition, committed an outrage upon the natives 1616
that led to deplorable results ; he inveigled thirty of
them on board, carried them suddenly away, and
sold them into slavery. The savages rose against
the next English party that landed upon their coast,
and killed and wounded several in revenge. Captain
Dormer, a prudent and conciliatory person, with one
of the betrayed natives, was sent by the Company to
explain to the furious Indians that Hunt's crime
was the act of an individual, and not of the nation :
this commission was well and wisely executed.
For about two years Dormer frequently repeated his
visits with advantage to his employers, but finally
was attacked by strange savages, and wounded
fatally.
But still through all these difficulties and dis-
asters, adventurers pressed on to the fertile Western
desert, allured by liberal grants of land from the
chartered companies. The undefined limits of these
concessions led to constant and mischievous quarrels
among the settlers, often attended with violence and
bloodshed ; from these causes the early progress of
the colony was very slow. One hundred and twenty
years after England had discovered North America,
she only possessed a few scattered fishing huts along
the shore. But events were now at hand which at
once stamped a peculiar character upon the coloni-
sation of this part of the New World, and which
were destined to exercise an influence upon the
300 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
human race of an importance even yet incal-
culable.5
5 " II faut envisager surtout 1'influence qu'a exercee le Nouveau
Continent sur les destinees du genre humain sous le rapport des
institutions sociales. La tourmente religieuse du seizieme siecle, en
favorisant 1'essor d'une libre reflexion, a prelude a la tourmente poli-
tique des temps dans lesquels nous vivons. Le premier de ces mouve-
mens a coincide avec 1'epoque de 1'etablissement des colonies Euro-
peennes en Amerique ; le second s'est fait sentir vers la fin du dix-
huitieme siecle, et a fini par briser les liens de dependance qui
unissaient les deux mondes. Une circonstance sur laquelle on n'a
peut-etre pas assez fixe 1'attention publique et qui tient a ces causes
mysterieuses dont a dependu la distribution inegale du genre humain
sur le globe, a favorisee, on pourroit dire, a rendre possible 1'influ-
ence politique que je viens de signaler. Une moitie du globe est
restee si faiblement peuplee que, malgre le long travail d'une civilisa-
tion indigene, qui a eu lieu entre les decouvertes de Lief et de Colomb,
sur les c6tes Americaines opposees a 1'Asie, d'immenses pays dans la
partie orientale n'offroierit au quinzieme siecle que des tribus eparses
de peuples chasseurs. Get etat de depopulation dans des pays fer-
tiles et eminemment aptes a la culture de nos cereales, a permis aux
Europeens d'y fonder des etablissemens sur une echelle qu'aucune
colonisation de 1'Asie et de 1'Afrique n'a pu atteindre. Les peuples
chasseurs ont ete refoules des cotes orientales vers 1'interieur, et dans
le nord de 1'Ame'rique, sous des climats et des aspects de vegetation
tres analogues a ceux des iles Britanniques, il s'est forme par emigra-
tion, des la fin de 1'annee 1620, des communautes dont les institu-
tions se presentent comme le reflet des institutions libres de la mere
patrie. La Nouvelle Angleterre n'etoit pas primitivement un eta-
blissement d'industrie et de commerce, comme le sont encore les
factoreries de 1'Afrique ; ce n'etoit pas une domination sur les peuples
agricoles d'une race differente, comme 1'empire Britannique dans
1'Inde, et pendant longtemps, 1'empire Espagnole au Mexique et au
Perou. La Nouvelle Angleterre, qui a regu une premiere colonisa-
tion de quatre mille families de puritains, dont descend aujourd'hui
un tiers de la population blanche des Etats Unis, etoit un etablisse-
ment religieux. La liberte civile s'y montrait des l'origine inse'par-
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 301
able de la liberte du culte. Or 1'histoire nous revele que les institu-
tions libres de 1'Angleterre, de la Hollande, et de la Suisse, malgre
leur proximite, n'ont pas reagi sur les peuples de 1' Europe latine,
comme ce reflet de formes de gouvernemens entierement democra-
tiques qui, loin de tout ennemi exterieur, favorises par une tendance
uniforme et constante de souvenirs et de vielles mreurs, ont pris
dans un calme long-temps prolonge, des developpemens inconnus
aux temps modernes. C'est ainsi que le manque de population dans
des regions des Nou/eau Continent opposees a 1'Europe, et le libre
et prodigieux accroissement d'une colonisation Anglaise au-dela de la
grande vallee de 1'Atlantique, a puissamment contribue k changer la
face politique et les destinees de 1'ancien continent. On a affirme que
si Colomb n'avoit pas change, selon les conseils d'Alonzo Pinzon,*
le 7 Octobre 1492, la direction de sa route, qui etoit de 1'est a
1'ouest, et gouverne vers le sud-ouest, il seroit entre dans le courant
d'eau chaude ou Gulf-stream, et auroit etc porte vers la Floride, et de
la peut-etre vers le cap Hatteras et la Virginie, incident d'une im-
mense importance, puisqu'il auroit pu donner aux Etats Unis, en lieu
d'une population Protestante anglaise, une population Catholique
Espagnole." — Humboldt's Geog. du Nouveau Continent, torn, iii.,
p, 163.
* Alonzo s'e'toit eerie " que son coeur lui disoit que pour trouver la terre, il falloit
gouverner vers le sud-ouest." L' inspiration d'Alonzo etoit moins myste'rieuse qu'elle
peut le paraitre au premier abord. Pinzon avoit vu dans la soire'e passer des perro-
quets, et il savoit que ces oiseaux n'alloient pas sans motif du c6te du sud. Jamais
vol d'oiseau n'a eu des suites plus graves.
302
CHAPTER X.
THE Protestant Reformation was eminently suited
to the spirit of the English people, although forced
upon them in the first instance by the absolute
power of a capricious king, and unaccompanied
by any acknowledgment of those rights of toleration
and individual judgment upon which its strength
seemed mainly to depend. The monarch, when con-
stituted the head of the Church, exacted the same
spiritual obedience from his subjects as they had
formerly rendered to the Pope of Rome. Queen
Elizabeth adopted her father's principles; she
favoured the power of the hierarchy and the pomp
and ceremony of external religious observances.
But the English people, shocked by the horrors of
Mary's reign, and terrified by the papal persecutions
on the Continent, were generally inclined to favour
the extremes of Calvinistic simplicity, as a supposed
security against another reaction to the Romish
faith. The stern and despotic Queen, encouraged
1583 ky the counsels of Archbishop Whitgift, assumed the
groundless right of putting down the opinions of
the Puritans by force. Various severities were
exercised against those who held the obnoxious
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 303
doctrines, but despite the storm of persecution the
spirit of religious independence spread rapidly
among the sturdy people of England. At length a
statute was passed of a nature now almost incredible
— secession from the Church was punishable by
banishment, and by death in case of refusal on 1593
return.1
The Puritans were thus driven to extremity.2
The followers of an enthusiastic seceder named
Brown3 formed the first example of an independent
system : each congregation was in itself a Church,
and the spiritual power was wholly vested in its
members. This sect was persecuted to the utter-
1 35 Eliz., c. 1, stat. 4, pp. 841—843 ; Parl. Hist., p. 863 ;
Strype's Whitgift, p. 414, &c.; Neale'sPwitaws, vol. i., pp. 526, 527,
quoted by Bancroft, vol. i., p. 290.
2 " The Gospel Advocate asserts that * the judicial law of Moses
being still in force, no prince or law ought to save the lives of (inter
alios) heretics, wilful breakers of the sabbath, neglecters of the
sacrament without just reason.' Well may the historian of the
Puritans (Neale) say, ' Both parties agreed in asserting the necessity
of a uniformity of public worship, and of using the sword of the
magistrate in support of their respective principles.' It should
never be forgotten by those who are inclined to blame the severe
laws passed against these nonconformists, that the English Govern-
ment was dealing with men whose avowed wish and object it was not
simply to be tolerated, but to subvert existing institutions in Church
and State, and set up in their place those approved by themselves." —
Godley's Letters from America, vol. ii., p. 135.
3 " The most noisy advocate of the new opinions was Brown, a
man of rashness, possessing neither true courage nor constancy. He
has acquired historical notoriety because his hot-headed indiscretion
urged him to undertake the defence of separation. . . . Brown
eventually purchased a living in the English Church by conformity."
—Bancroft's History of the United /States, vol. i., p. 287.
304 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
most: the leader was imprisoned in no less than
thirty-two different places, and many of his followers
suffered death itself for conscience' sake. Some of
1698 the Brownists took refuge in Holland,4 but impelled
by a longing for an independent home, or perhaps
urged by the mysterious impulse of their great
destiny, they cast their eyes upon that stern Western
shore, where the untrodden wilderness offered them
at least the "freedom to worship God." They
applied to the London Company for a grant of land,
declaring that they were " wreaned from the delicate
milk of their native country, and knit together in a
strict and sacred band ; whom small things could not
discourage, nor small discontents cause to wish
themselves home again." After some delay they
accomplished their object; however, the only
security they could obtain for religious independence
was, a promise that as long as they demeaned them-
selves quietly, no inquiry should be made.5
4 " But although Holland is a country of the greatest religious
freedom, they were not better satisfied there than in England. They
were tolerated indeed, but watched. Their zeal began to have
dangerous languor for want of opposition, and being without power
and influence, they grew tired of the indolent security of their
sanctuary. They were desirous of removing to a country where they
should see no superior." — Russell's Modern Europe, vol. ii., p. 427.
" They were restless from the consciousness of ability to act a
more important part on the theatre of the world . . . they were
moved by an enlightened desire of improving their condition . .
the honourable ambition of becoming the founders of a state." —
Bancroft's History of the United States, vol. i., p. 303.
6 This was a promise from James I., who had now succeeded to
the throne of England.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 305
Much of the history of nations may be traced
through the foundation and progress of their
colonies. Each particular era has shown in the
settlements of the time types of the several mother
countries, examples of their systems and the results
of their exigencies. At one time, this type is of an
adventurous, at another of a religious character;
now formed by political, again by social influences.
The depth and durability of this impress may be
measured by the strength of the first motives, and
the genius of the people from whom the emigration
flows.6 The ancient colonies of Asia Minor displayed
6 " A strongly marked distinction exists between the Southern and
Northern Americans. The two extremes are formed by the New
Englanders* and the Virginians. The former are certainly the
more respectable. They are industrious, frugal, enterprising, regular
in their habits, pure in their manners, and strongly impressed with
sentiments of religion. The name Yankee, which we apply as one of
reproach and derision to Americans in general, is assumed by them
as their natural and appropriate designation.! It is a common
proverb in America, that a Yankee will live where another would
starve. Their very prosperity, however, with a certain reserve in
their character, and supposed steady attention to small gains, renders
them not excessively popular with those among whom they settle.
They are charged with a peculiar species of finesse, called ' Yankee
tricks,' and the character of being ' up to everything ' is applied to
them, we know not exactly how, in a sense of reproach. The
Virginian planter, on the contrary, is lax in principle, destitute of
industry, eager in the pursuit of rough pleasures, and demoralised by
the system of negro slavery, which exists in almost a West Indian
* Descendants of the Puritans.
f " The word Yankees (which is the Indian corruption of English, Yengeese,) is
hoth offensive and incorrect as applied to any but New Englanders." — Godley's Letters
from America.
VOL. I. X
306 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
the original characteristics of the mother country
long after her states had become utterly changed.
The Roman settlements in Italy raised upon the
ruins of a subjugated nation a fabric of civilisation
and power that can never be forgotten. The proud
and adventurous, but ruthless spirit that distin-
guished the Spanish nation at the time of their
wonderful conquests in the New World, is still
exhibited in the haughty tyranny of Cuba, and
the sanguinary struggles of the South American
Republics. The French Canadian of to-day retains
most or many of the national sentiments of those
who crossed the Atlantic to extend the power of
form. Yet with all the Americans who attempt to draw the parallel,
he seems rather the favourite. He is frank, open-hearted, and
exercising a splendid hospitality. Both Cooper and Judge Hall
report him as a complete gentleman ; by which they evidently mean
not the finished courtier, hut the English country gentleman or
squire, though the opening afforded by the political constitution of
his country causes him to cultivate his mind more by reading and
inquiry. A large proportion of the most eminent and ruling
statesmen in America — Washington, Jefferson, Madison — were
Virginians. Surrounded from their infancy with ease and wealth,
accustomed to despise, and to see despised, money on a small scale,
and no laborious exertions made for its attainment, they imbibe
from youth the habits and ideas of the higher classes. Luxurious
living, gaming, horse-racing, cock-fighting, and other rough, turbulent
amusements, absorb a great portion of their life. Although, there-
fore, the leisure enjoyed by them, when well improved, may have
produced some very elevated and accomplished characters, they
cannot, taken at the highest, be considered so respectable a class
as their somewhat despised northern brethren ; and the lower
ranks are decidedly in a state of comparative moral debasement." —
Murray, vol. ii., p. 394.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 307
France and of her proudest king. And still in that
great Anglo-Saxon nation of the west, through the
strife of democratic ambition, and amidst the toils
and successes of an enormous commerce, we trace
the foundations, overgrown perhaps, but all
unshaken, of that stern edifice of civil and religious
liberty7 which the Pilgrim Fathers raised with their
untiring labour, and cemented with their blood.
The peculiar nature of the first New England
emigration was the result of those strong tendencies
of the British people soon afterwards strengthened
into a determination sufficiently powerful to sacri-
fice the Monarch and subvert the Church and
State.
The Brownists, or as they are more happily called, 1620
the Pilgrim Fathers, set sail on the 12th of July,
1620, in two small vessels. There were in all 120
souls, with a moderate supply of provisions and
goods. On the 9th of November they reached Cape
Cod, after a rough voyage ; they had been obliged
to send one of their ships back to England. From
ignorance of the coast and from the lateness of the
season, they could not find any very advantageous
place of settlement ; they finally fixed upon New
Plymouth,8 where they landed on the 21st of
7 " James I. ranked amongst their party, as much as he was able
by severe usage, all those who stood up in defence even of civil
liberty." — Bolingbroke's Remarks upon English History, p. 283.
8 " In memory of the hospitalities which the company had received
at the last English port from which they had sailed, this oldest New
England colony obtained the name of Plymouth. The two vessels
x2
308 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
December. During the remainder of the winter
they suffered terribly from cold, want, and sickness ;
no more than fifty remained alive when spring came
to mitigate their sufferings. The after progress of
the little colony was, for some time slow and painful.
The system of common property9 had excited griev-
ous discontent ; this tended to create an aversion
to labour that was to be productive of no more
benefit to the industrious than to the idle ; in a short
time it became necessary to enforce a certain degree
of exertion by the punishment of whipping. They
intrusted all religious matters to the gifted among
their brethren, and would not allow of the forma-
tion of any regular ministry. However, the unsuit-
ableness of these systems to men subject to the
usual impulses and weaknesses of human nature
soon became obvious, and the first errors were
gradually corrected. In the course of ten years the
population reached to 300, and the settlement pros-
pered considerably.
which conveyed the Pilgrim Fathers from Delft Haven were the
Mayflower and the Speedwell. The Mayflower alone proceeded to
America." — Bancroft, vol. i., p. 313.
9 " Under the influence of this wild notion the colonists of New
Plymouth, in imitation of the primitive Christians, threw all their
property into a common stock." — Robertson's America, h. x. One
of the many errors with which the volume of Robertson teems.
There was no attempt at imitating the primitive Christians ; the
partnership was a consequence of negociation with British merchants;
the colonists preferred the system of private property, and acted upon
it, as far and as soon as was possible. — Bancroft's History of the
United /States, vol. i., p. 306.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 309
King James was not satisfied with the slow 1620
progress of American colonisation. In the same
year that the Pilgrim Fathers landed at Plymouth,
he formed a new company under the title of the
Grand Council of Plymouth,1 and appointed many
people of rank and influence to its direction ; little
good, however, resulted from this step. Though
the council itself was incapable of the generous
project of planting colonies, it was ever ready
to make sale of patents, which sales, owing to
parliamentary opposition to their claims, soon
became their only source of revenue.2 They sold
to some gentlemen of Dorchester a belt of land
stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and
1 "The remonstrances of the Virginia corporation and a transient
regard for the rights of the country could delay, but could not defeat,
a measure that was sustained by the personal favourites of the
monarch. King James issued to forty of his subjects, some of them
members of his household and his government, the most wealthy and
powerful of the English nobility, a patent, which in American annals,
and even in the history of the world, has but one parallel. The
territory conferred on the patentees in absolute property, with
unlimited jurisdiction, the sole powers of legislation, the appointment
of all officers and all forms of government — comprised, and at the
time was believed to comprise, much more than a million of square
miles — it was, by a single signature of King James, given away to a
corporation within the realm, composed of but forty individuals." —
Bancroft, vol. i., p. 273.
2 " The very extent of the grant rendered it of little value. The
results which grew out of the concession of this charter form a new
proof, if any were wanting, of that mysterious connexion of events by
which Providence leads to ends that human councils had not con-
ceived."— Bancroft, vol. i., p. 273.
The Grand Council of Plymouth resigned their charter in 1635.
310 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
extending three miles south of the River Charles,
and three miles north of every part of the River
Merrimac. Other associates in the enterprise were
sought and found in and about London : Winthrop,
Johnson, Pinchon, Eaton, Saltonstall, Bellingham,
famous in colonial annals. Endicott, the first
governor of the new colony, was one of the original
purchasers of the patent. They were all kindred
spirits, men of religious fervour, uniting the emo-
tions of enthusiasm with unbending resolution in
action.
The first winter brought to these colonists the
usual privation, suffering, and death, but a now
rapidly increasing emigration more than filled up
the places of all casualties. From this period,
many men of respectability and talent,3 especially
3 " The circumstance which threw a greater lustre on the colony than
any other was the arrival of Mr. John Cotton, the most esteemed of all
the Puritan ministers in England. He was equally distinguished for
his learning, and for a brilliant and figurative eloquence. He was so
generally beloved that his non-conformity to the ritual of the estab-
lished church of which he was a minister was, for a considerable
time, disregarded. At last, however, he was called before the eccle-
siastical commission, and he determined upon emigration. ' Some
reverend and renowned ministers of our Lord ' endeavoured to per-
suade him that the forms to which he refused obedience were
' sufferable trifles,' and did not actually amount to a breach of the
second commandment. Mr. Cotton, however, argued so forcibly on
the opposite side, that several of the most eminent became all that he
was, and afterwards followed his example. There went out with him
Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone, who were esteemed to make ' a glorious
triumvirate,' and were received in New England with the utmost exul-
tation. It was doubtless a severe trial to these ministers, who appear
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 311
ministers of the gospel, sought that religious free-
dom4 in America, which was denied them at home.
A general impulse was given among the commercial
and industrious classes ; vessels constantly crowded
from the English ports across the Atlantic, till at
length the court took the alarm. A proclamation
was issued " to restrain the disorderly transporta-
tion of his Majesty's subjects, because of the many
idle and refractory humours, ' whose only or principal
end is to live beyond the reach of authority/ " It
really to have been, as they say, 'faithful, watchful, painful, serving their
flock daily with prayers and tears, ' who possessed such a reputation at
home and over Europe, — to find that no sooner did any half-crazed en-
thusiast spring up or arrive in the colony, that the people could he pre-
vented only by the most odious compulsion from deserting their churches
and flocking to him in a mass. Vainly did Mr. John Cotton strive to
persuade Roger Williams, the sectary, that'the red cross on the English
banner, or his wife's being in the room while he said grace, were ' suf-
ferable trifles,' and ' Mrs. Hutchinson and her ladies ' treated his
advice and exhortations with equal disregard and contempt. One of
them sent him a pound of candles to intimate his need of more spiritual
light. This was then the freedom for which his church and his country
had been deserted." — Mather ; Neale ; Hutchinson.
4 " Robertson is astonished that Neale (see Neale, p. 56) should
assert that freedom of religious worship was granted, when the charter
expressly asserts the king's supremacy. But this, in fact, was never
the article at which they demurred ; for the spirit of loyalty was still
very strong. It seems quite clear, from the confidence with which
they went, and the manner in which they acted when there, that,
though there was no formal or written stipulation, the most full
understanding existed that very ample latitude was to be allowed in
this respect. We have seen on every occasion the vast sacrifices
which kings were willing to make in order to people their distant
possessions ; and the necessity was increased by the backwardness
hitherto visible." — Murray's America, vol. i., p. 249*
312 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
has long been a popular story that eight emigrant
ships were seized when on the point of sailing for
America, and the passengers forced to land ; among
whom were John Hampden,5 Sir Arthur Haslerigg,
and Oliver Cromwell. This tale has, however,
been proved untrue by modern historians.6
5 During the year 1635 we find the name of John Hampden
joined with those of six other gentlemen of family and fortune, who
united with the Lords Say and Brooke in making a purchase from
the Earl of Warwick of an extensive grant of land in a wide wilder-
ness, then called Virginia, but which now forms a part of the state of
Connecticut. That these transatlantic possessions were designed by
the associates, ultimately, or under certain contingencies, to serve as
an asylum to themselves and a home to their posterity, there is no
room to doubt ; but it is evident that nothing short of circumstances
constituting a moral necessity, would have urged persons of their
rank, fortunes, and habits of life, to encounter the perils, privations,
and hardships attendant upon the pioneers of civilisation in that inhos-
pitable clime. Accordingly they for the present contented themselves
with sending out an agent to take possession of these territories and
to build a fort. This was done and the town called Say brook, from the
united names of the two noble proprietors, still preserves the memory
of the enterprise. They finally abandoned the whole design, and
sold the land in 1636, probably. — Miss Aikin's Life of Charles /.,
p. 471. Bancroft, vol. i., p. 384.
6 " In one of these embargoed ships had actually embarked for their
voyage across the Atlantic two no less considerable personages than
John Hampden and his kinsman, Oliver Cromwell." — Life of Hamp-
den, by Lord Nugent, vol. i., p. 254. London, 1832.
Lord Nugent has fallen into the vulgar error, an invention probably
of the Puritan historian, and unanswerably disproved by a reference
to parliamentary records. See Miss Aikin's Life of Charles /., vol. i.,
p. 472 ; Bancroft's History of the United States, vol. i., p. 411.
The exultation of the Puritan writers on the subject is excessive.
They ascribe all the subsequent misfortunes of Charles I. in connexion
with the scheme of Providence to this tyrannical edict, as they call it.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 313
Notwithstanding these unjust and mischievous
prohibitions, a considerable number of emigrants
still found their way across the Atlantic. But when
the outburst of popular indignation swept away all
the barriers raised by a short-sighted tyranny
against English freedom, many flocked back again 1648
to their native country to enjoy its newly acquired
liberty. The odious and iniquitous persecution of
the Puritans resulted in a great benefit to the
human race, and gave the first strong impulse to
the spirit of resistance that ultimately overthrew
oppression. It caused also the colonisation of New
England to be effected by a class of men far supe-
rior in industry, energy, principle, and character
— Russell's Modern Europe, vol. ii., p. 237. See Bancroft's History
of the United States, vol. i., p. 412.
" Nothing could be more barbarous than this ! To impose laws on
men which in conscience they thought they could not comply with,
to punish them for their non-compliance, and continually revile them
as undutiful and disobedient subjects by reason thereof, and yet not
permit them peaceably to depart and enjoy their own opinions in a
distant part of the world, yet dependent on the sovereign; to do all
this was base, barbarous, and inhuman. But persecutors of all ages
and nations are near the same ; they are without the feelings and the
understandings of men. Cromwell or Hampden could have given
little opposition to the measures of Charles in the wilds of North
America. In England they engaged with spirit against him, and he
had reason to repent his hindering their voyage. May such at all
times be the reward of those who attempt to rule over their fellow-
men with rigour : may they find that they will not be slaves to kings
or priests, but that they know the rights by nature conferred on them
and will assert them ! This will make princes cautious how they
give themselves up to arbitrary counsels, and dread the consequences
of them." — Harris's Life of Cromwell, p. 56.
314 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
to those who usually left their English homes to
seek their fortunes in new countries. That reli-
gion, for which they had made so great a sacri-
fice, was the main-spring of all their social and
political systems. They were, however, too blindly
zealous to discriminate between the peculiar admi-
nistration of a theocracy and the catholic and
abiding principles of the gospel. If they did not
openly profess that the judicial law of Moses was
still in force, they at any rate openly practised its
stern enactments.
The intolerance of these martyrs of intolerance
is a sad example of human waywardness.7 In their
little commonwealth, seceders from the established
forms of faith were persecuted with an unholy
zeal. Imprisonment, banishment, and even death
itself, were inflicted for that free exercise of religious
opinions which the Pilgrim Fathers had . sacrificed
all earthly interests to win for themselves. In those
dark days of fanatic faith or vicious scepticism, the
softening influence of true Christianity was but
little felt. The stern denunciations and terrible
punishments of the Old Testament were more
suited to the iron temper of the age, than the
gentle dispensations of the New — the fiery zeal of
Joshua, than the loving persuasiveness of St. John.
7 " Mr. Dudley, one of the most respectable of the governors, was
found, at his death, with a copy of verses in his pocket, which included
the following couplet —
" ' Let men of God in court and churches watch
O'er such as do a toleration hatch." — Chalmers.' "
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 315
As the tenets of each successive sect rose into
popularity and influenced the majority, they he-
came state questions,8 distracted the church and
threatened the very existence of the colony. The
first schism that disturbed the peace of the settle-
ments was raised by Roger Williams at Salem. 1635
This worthy and sincere enthusiast held many just
and sound views among others that were wild and
injurious ; he stoutly upheld freedom of conscience,
and inconveniently contested the right of the
British crown to bestow Indian lands upon English-
men. On the other hand he contrived to raise a
storm of fanatic hatred against the red cross in the
banner of St. George, which seriously disturbed the
state,9 and led to violent writings and altercations.
At length Williams was banished as a distractor of
8 " The cutting the hair very close, which seemed supported by
St. Paul's authority, was the chief outward symbol of a Puritan. In
the case of a minister it was considered essential that the ear should
be thoroughly uncovered. Even after the example of Dr. Owen and
other eminent divines had given a sanction to letting the hair grow,
and even to perriwigs, a numerous association was formed at Boston
(where Mr. John Cotton was pastor), with Mr. Endicot the governor
at their head, the members of which bound themselves to stand by
each other in resisting long hair to the last extremity. Vane, a
young man of birth and fashion, continued for some time a recusant
against the uncouth test of his principles, but at last we find a letter
congratulating him on having 'glorified God by cut ting his hair.' " —
Hutchinson's Massachusetts, quoted by Murray.
9 One of Williams's disciples, who held some command, cut the
cross out, and trampled it under foot. This red cross had nearly
subverted the colony. One part of the trained bands would not march
with, another would not march without it. — Mather, Neale, <kc.,
quoted by Murray.
316 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
the public peace, but a popular uproar attended his
departure, and the greater part of the inhabitants
were with difficulty dissuaded from following him.
1636 He retired to Providence, Rhode Island,1 where a
little colony soon settled round him, and he there
lived and died in general esteem and regard.2
1637 The Antinomian sect shortly after excited a still
more dangerous commotion in the colony. Mrs.
Hutchinson, a Lincolnshire lady of great zeal and
determination, joined by nearly the whole female
population, adopted these views in the strongest
manner. The ministers of the church, although
decided Calvinists, and firmly opposed to the
Romish doctrines of salvation by works, earnestly
pressed the reformation of heart and conduct as a
test of religion. Mrs. Hutchinson and her followers
held that to inculcate any rule of life or manners
was a crime against the Holy Spirit; in their
actual deportment, however, it must be confessed
that their bitterest enemies could not find grounds
of censure. With the powerful advocacy of female
zeal, these doctrines spread rapidly, and the whole
colony was soon divided between " the covenant of
works and the covenant of grace ;" the ardour and
obstinacy of the disputants being by no means pro-
portioned to their full understanding of the point2 in
1 "The town of Providence, now the capital of Rhode Island, was
founded by Williams. The Indian name was Mooshausick, but he
changed it to Providence in commemoration of his wonderful escape
from persecution. — Arfwedson, vol. i., p. 224.
2 Mather, vol. vii.,ch,ii.; Neale,ch.i.,p. 138; Hutchinson, pp. 3 7, 39.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 317
dispute. Sir Harry Vane,3 whose rank and charac-
ter had caused him to be elected governor in
spite of his youth, zealously adopted Antinomian
opinions, and in consequence was ejected from office
by the opposite party at the ensuing election, Mrs.
Hutchinson having failed to secure in the county
districts that superiority which she possessed in
the town of Boston.4 After some ineffectual efforts
3 "Mr. Comptroller, Sir Harry Vane's eldest son, hath left his father,
his mother, his country, and that fortune which his father would have
left him here, and is for conscience' sake gone into New England,
there to lead the rest of his days, being about twenty years of age.
He had abstained two years from taking the sacrament in England,
because he could get nobody to administer it to him standing."
— Stra/ord Letters, September, 1635, quoted by Miss Aikin, Life
of Charles L, vol. i., p. 479.
" Sir Harry Vane returned to England immediately after the loss of
his election. His personal experience of the uncharitableness and
intolerance exercised upon one another by men who had themselves
been the victims of a similar spirit at home seems to have produced
for some time a tranquillising effect upon the mind of Vane. He was
reconciled to his father, married by his direction a lady of family,
obtained the place of joint treasurer of the navy, and exhibited for
some time no hostility to the measures of the government. But his
fire was smothered only, not extinguished." — Miss Aikin's Life of
Charles I. vol. i., p. 481.
" After the Restoration of Charles II., Sir Harry Vane suffered
death upon the block. (See Hallam, vol. ii., p. 443). The manner
of his death was the admiration of his times." — Bancroft, vol. ii., p. 40.
4 Boston was the capital of Massachusetts, and the centre of the
most fervent Puritanism.
" Boston may be ranked as the seat of the Unitarians, as Baltimore
is that of the Roman Catholics, and Philadelphia that of the
Quakers .... No axiom is more applicable to the pensive,
serious, scrutinising inhabitant of the New England States than
this: — 'What I do not understand, I reject as worthless and false; '
318 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
to reconcile the seceders to the church, the new
governor and the ministers summoned a general
so said one of the most learned men of Boston to me. ' Why occupy
the mind with that which is incomprehensible ? Have we not enough
of that which appears clear and plain around us ? ' ....
The greater part of the Bostonians, including every one of wealth,
talents, and learning, have adopted this doctrine." — Arfwedson,
•vol.i.,p. 179.
" In Boston all the leading men are Unitarians, a creed peculiarly
acceptable to the pride and self-sufficiency of our nature ; asserting,
as it does, the independence and perfectibility of man, and deny-
ing the necessity of atonement or sanctification by supernatural
influences.
" Though everywhere in New England the greatest possible
decency and respect with regard to morals and religion is still
observed, I have no hesitation in saying that I do not think the
New Englanders a religious people. The assertion, I know, is
paradoxical, but it is nevertheless true, that is, if a strong and
earnest belief be a necessary element in a religious character : to
me it seems to be its very essence and foundation. I am not now
speaking of belief in the truth, but belief in something or any-
thing which is removed from the action of the senses ... I am
not trusting to my own limited observation in arriving at this con-
clusion : 1 find in M. de Tocqueville's work an assertion of the same
fact ; he accounts for it, indeed, in a different way . . . What
I complain of is, not the absence of nominal, but of real, heartfelt,
unearthly religion, such as led the Puritan Non-Conformists to
sacrifice country and kindred, and brave the dangers of the ocean
and the wilderness, for the sake of what they believed God's truth.
In my opinion, those men were prejudiced and mistaken, and
committed great and grievous faults ; but there was, at least, a
redeeming element in their character, — that of high conscientiousness :
there was no compromise of truth, no sacrifice to expediency about
them ; they believed in the invisible, and they acted on that belief.
Everywhere the tone of religious feeling, since that time, has been
altered and relaxed ; but perhaps nowhere so much as in the land
where the descendants of those pilgrims lived." — Godley's Letters
from America, vol. ii., pp. 90. 1 33.
THE CONQUEST OP CANADA. 3] 9
synod of the colonial clergy to meet at Cambridge,
where, after some very turbulent proceedings, the
whole of the Antinomian doctrines were condemned.
As might have been supposed, this condemnation
had but little effect. The obnoxious principles were
preached as widely and zealously as before, till the
civil authority resorted to the rude argument of
force, banished Mr. Wheelwright, one of the leaders,
with two of his followers, from the colony, and fined
and disfranchised others. Mrs. Hutchinson was ulti-
mately accused, condemned, and ordered to leave
the colony in six months. Although she made a
sort of recantation of her errors, her inexorable
judges insisted in carrying out the sentence.5 The
unhappy lady removed to Rhode Island, where her
husband, through her influence, was elected gover-
nor, and where she was followed by many of her 1638
devoted adherents. Thus the persecutions in the
old settlement of Massachusetts had the same effect
as those in England, — of elevating a few stubborn
recusants into the founders of states and nations.
After her husband's death Mrs. Hutchinson removed
into a neighbouring Dutch settlement, where she
and all her family met with a dreadful fate : they 1643
were surprised by the Indians, and every one
destroyed.
5 " The arbitrary will of the single tyrant ; the excesses of the
prerogative ; seem light when compared with their (the Puritans')
more intolerant, more arbitrary and more absolute power." — Com*
mentaries on the Life and Reign of Charles I., vol. iii., p. 28, by
I. Disraeli. London, 1830.
320 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
Although by these violent and unjust punish-
ments, and by disarming the disaffected, the Anti-
nomian spirit was for a time put down, unity was
by no means restored. Pride and the love of novelty
continually gave birth to new sects. Ministers, who
had possessed the highest reputation in England,
saw with sorrow that their colonial churches were
neglected for the sake of ignorant and mischievous
enthusiasts. Even common profligates and rogues,
when other lesser villanies had failed, assumed the
hypocritical semblance of some peculiar religion,
and enjoyed their day of popularity.
The Anabaptists next carried away the fickle
affections of the multitude, and excited the enmity
1643 of their rulers. This schism first became perceptible
by people leaving the church when the rites of bap-
tism were being administered ; but at length private
meetings for worship were held, attended by large
congregations. The magistrates, as usual, practised
great severities against these seceders, first by fine,
imprisonment, and even whipping ; finally by banish-
ment. The Anabaptists were, however, not put
down by the arm of power, but were speedily for-
gotten in the sudden appearance of a stranger sect
than any that had hitherto appeared even in New
England.
The people called Quakers had lately made their
1648 appearance in the north of England; they soon
found their way to America, where they were
1656 received with bitter hostility from the commence-
ment. The dangerous enthusiasts, who first went
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 321
forth to preach the doctrines of this strange sect
were very different men from those who now com-
mand the respect and good-will of all classes, by
their industry, benevolence, and love of order. The
original propagandists believed that the divine
government was still administered on earth by
direct and special communication, as in the times
chronicled by Holy Writ ; they therefore despised and
disregarded all human authorities. To actual force,
indeed, they only opposed a passive resistance ; and
their patience and obstinacy in carrying out this
principle must excite astonishment, if not admira-
tion. But their language was most violent and
abusive against all priests and ministers, governors
and magistrates.6 The women of this novel persua-
sion were even more fanatic than the men. Several,
6 Mather affirms that the Quakers used to go about saying, " We
deny thy Christ ; we deny thy God, whom thou callest Father, Son,
and Spirit ; thy hible is the word of the devil." They used to rise up
suddenly in the midst of a sermon and call upon the preacher to cease
his abomination. One writer says, " for hellish reviling of the painful
ministers of Christ, I know no people can match them." The
following epithets bestowed by Fisher on Dr. Owen, are said to be
fair specimens of their usual addresses : " Thou green-headed
trumpeter ! thou hedgehog and grinning dog ! thou tinker ! thou
lizard ! thou whirligig ! thou firebrand ! thou louse ! thou mooncalf !
thou ragged tatterdemalion ! thou livest in philosophy and logic,
which are of the devil." Even Penn is said to have addressed the
same respected divine, as : " Thou bane of reason and beast of the
earth." When the governor or any magistrate came in sight they
would call out "Woe to thee, thou oppressor," and in the language
of scripture prophecy, would announce the judgments that were
about to fall upon their head. — Neale, cap. i., pp. 341 — 345. Mather,
b. vii., cap. iv. Hutchinson, pp. 196 — 205.
VOL. I. T
322 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
leaving their husbands and children in England,
crossed the seas to bear witness to their inspiration
at Boston. They were, however, rudely received,
their books burned, and themselves either impri-
soned or scourged and banished. Nowise intimi-
dated by these severities, several other women
brought upon themselves the vengeance of the law
by frantic and almost incredible demonstrations ;
and a man named Faubord endeavoured to sacrifice
his first-born son under a supposed command from
heaven.
The ministers and magistrates came to the con-
clusion that the colony could never enjoy peace
while the Quakers continued among them. These
sectarians were altogether unmanageable by the
means of ordinary power or reason : they would
neither pay fines nor work in prison, nor, when
liberated, promise to amend their conduct. The
government now enacted still more violent laws
against them, one amongst others, rendering them
liable to have their ears cut off for obstinacy ; and
yet this strange fanaticism increased from day to day.
At length the Quakers were banished from the
colony, under the threat of death in case of return.
They were, however, scarcely beyond the borders
when a supposed inspiration prompted them to
retrace their steps to Boston : scarcely had their
absence been observed, when their solemn voices
were again heard denouncing the city of their
persecutors.
The horrible law decreeing the punishment of
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 323
death against the Quakers had only been carried by
a majority of thirteen to twelve in the Colonial
Court of Deputies, and after a strong opposition ;
but, to the eternal disgrace of the local government,
its atrocious provisions were carried into effect,
and four of the unhappy fanatics were judicially
murdered. The tidings of these executions filled
England with horror. Even Charles II. was moved
to interpose the royal power for the protection of
at least the lives of the obnoxious sectarians. He
issued a warrant on the 9th of September, 1661, 1661
absolutely prohibiting the punishment of death
against Quakers, and directing that they should be
sent to England for trial. In consequence of this
interference no more executions took place, but
other penalties were continued with unabated
severity.
While the persecution of the Quakers and Ana-
baptists raged in New England, an important
addition to the numbers of the colonists was gained ;
a large body of Nonconformists having fled across
the Atlantic from a fresh assault commenced against
their liberties by Charles II. This puritan emi-
gration was regarded with great displeasure by the
king ; he speedily took an opportunity of arbitrarily
depriving the colony of its charter, and sent out
Sir Edmund Andros to administrate as absolute
governor. The country soon felt painfully the
despotic tyranny of their new ruler ; and the
establishment of an English Church with the usual
ritual, spread general consternation. When James
Y2
324 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
ascended the throne a proclamation of tolerance
somewhat allayed the fears of the settlers. But
the administration of temporal aifairs became
ruinously oppressive : on the pretence that the
titles of all land obtained under the old charter
had become void by its abrogation, new and
exorbitant fees were exacted, heavy and injudicious
taxes arbitrarily imposed, and all right of repre-
sentation denied to the colonists. At length in the
1689 Jear 1689 a man, named Winslow, brought from
Virginia the joyful news of the Prince of Orange's
proclamation ; he was immediately arrested for
treason, but the people rose tumultuously, impri-
soned the governor, and re-established the authority
of their old magistrates. On the 26th of May, a
vessel arrived with the intelligence that William and
Mary had been proclaimed in England. Although
the new monarch declared himself favourably
disposed towards the colonists, he did not restore
their beloved charter. He, however, granted them
a constitution nearly similar to that of the mother
country, which rendered the people of New England
tolerably contented.
The colony was now fated to suffer from a delu-
sion more frantic and insane than any it had
hitherto admitted, and which compromised its very
existence. The New Englanders had brought with
them the belief in witchcraft prevalent among the
early reformers, and the wild and savage wilderness
where their lot was now cast, tended to deepen the
impressions of superstition upon their minds. Two
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 325
young girls, of the family of Mr. Paris, minister of
Salem, were suddenly afflicted with a singular
complaint, probably of an hysterical character,
which baffled the united skill of the neighbouring
physicians; till one, more decided than the rest,
declared that the suiferers were bewitched. From
this time prayers and fasting were the remedies
adopted, and the whole town of Salem at length
joined in a day of humiliation. The patients, how-
ever, did not improve ; till an Indian serving- woman
denounced another, named Tituba, as the author
of the evil. Mr. Paris assailed the accused, and
tortured her in the view of extracting a confession
of guilt, which she at length made, with many
absurd particulars, hoping to appease her persecutor.
From this time the mischievous folly spread wider ;
a respectable clergyman, Mr. Burroughs, was tried
for witchcraft on the evidence of five women, and
condemned to death, his only defence being, that
he was accused of that which had no existence, and
was impossible. New charges multiplied daily ; the
gaols of Salem were full of the accused, and pri-
soners were transferred to other towns, where the
silly infection spread, and filled the whole colony
with alarm.
Nothing could afford stronger proof of the hold
which this sad delusion had taken of the popular
mind, than the readiness so constantly displayed by
the accused to confess the monstrous imputation,
whose punishment was infamy and death. Many
detailed long consultations held with Satan for the
326 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
purpose of overthrowing the kingdom of heaven.
In some cases these confessions were the result of
distempered understandings; hut generally they
may be attributed to the hope of respite and ulti-
mate reprieve, as none but the supposed impenitent
sorcerers were executed. Thus, only the truthful
and conscientious suffered from the effects of this
odious insanity. Some among the wretched people
who had confessed witchcraft, showed a subsequent
disposition to retract ; a man named Samuel Ward-
mell, having solemnly recanted his former statement,
was tried, condemned, and executed. Despite this
terrible warning, a few others followed the con-
scientious but fatal example. Every one of the
sufferers during this dreadful period, protested their
innocence to the last. It seems difficult to discover
any adequate motives for these atrocious and con-
stant accusations. There is too much reason to
believe that the confiscation of the condemned per-
sons' property, malice against the accused, a desire to
excite the public mind, and gain the notice and
favour of those in power, were generally the objects
of the witnesses.
The evil at length attained such a frightful
magnitude, that the firmest believers in witchcraft
began to waver. In two months nineteen unhappy
victims had been executed, eight more remained
under sentence of death, 150 accused were still in
prison, and there was no more room for the crowds
daily brought in. No character or position was
a shield against these absurd imputations; all lay
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 327
at the mercy of a few mad or malignant beings.
The first mitigation of the mischief was effected by
the governor assembling the ministers to discuss
whether what was called spectre evidence should
be held sufficient for the condemnation of the
accused. The assembly decided against that parti- 1693
cular sort of evidence being conclusive ; but at the
same time exhorted the governor to persevere in
the vigorous prosecution of witchcraft, " according
to the wholesome statutes of the English nation." 7
Public opinion, however, soon began to run strongly
against these proceedings, and finally the governor
took the bold step of pardoning all those under
sentence for witchcraft, throwing open all the
prisons, and turning a deaf ear to every accusation
(January, 1693). From that time the troubles of the
afflicted were heard of no more. Those who had
confessed, came forward to retract or disclaim their
former statements, and the most active judges and
persecutors publicly expressed contrition for the
part they had taken in the fatal and almost
incredible insanity. In the reaction that ensued,
7 " Sir Matthew Hale burnt two persons for witchcraft in 1664.
Three thousand were executed in England during the Long Parlia-
ment. Two pretended witches were executed at Northampton in
1705. In 1716, Mrs. Hicks and her daughter, aged nine, were
hanged at Huntingdon. The last sufferer in Scotland was in 1722,
at Dornoch. The laws against witchcraft had lain dormant for
many years, when an ignorant person attempting to revive them, by
finding a bill against a poor old woman in Surrey, for the practice of
witchcraft, they were repealed, 10 George II., 1736." — Viner's
Abridgment.
328 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
many urged strict inquiry into the fearful prejudices
that had sacrificed innocent lives, but so general
had been the crime, that it was deemed wisest to
throw a veil of oblivion over the whole dreadful
scene.8
While the settlers of New England were dis-
tracted by their own madness and intolerance, they
had to contend with great external difficulties from
the animosity of the Indians. The native races in
this part of the continent appear to have been in
some respects superior to those dwelling by the
shores of the St. Lawrence and the Great Lake.
They acknowledged the absolute power of a Sachem
8 Neale, vol. ii., pp. 164—170. Mather, vol. ii., pp. 62—64.
Arfwedson says, " Close to the town of Salem is Beverley, a small
insignificant place, remarkahle only in the annals of history, as
having formerly contained a superstitious population. Many lives
have here been cruelly sacrificed, and the barren hill is still in
existence, where persons accused of witchcraft were hung upon tall
trees. Tradition points out the place where the witches of old
resided. Cotton Mather records in a work, truly original for that
age, that the good people who lived near Massachusetts Bay were
every night roused from their slumbers by the sound of a trumpet,
summoning all the witches and demons." — Cotton Mather's Magnalia;
Arfwedson, vol. i., p. 186.
" And thrice that night the trumpet rang,
And rock and hill replied ;
And down the glen strange shadows sprang, —
Mortal and fiend, — a wizard gang,
Seen dimly, side hy side.
" They gathered there from every land
That sleepeth in the sun ;
They came with spell and charm in hand,
Waiting their master's high command, —
Slaves to the Evil One." — Legends of New England.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 329
or king, which gave a dangerous vigour and unity to
their actions. They at first received the English
with hospitality and kindness, and the colonists on
their part, passed laws to protect not only the
persons of the natives, but to insure them an
equitable price for their lands. The narrowed
limits of their hunting-grounds, however, and the
rapid advance of the white men, soon began to alarm
the Indians ;9 when their jealousy was thus aroused,
occasions of quarrel speedily presented themselves ;
the baneful influence of strong liquors, largely
furnished in spite of the strictest prohibitions,
increased their excitement. Some Englishmen were
slain, the murderers were seized, tried, and executed
by the colonial government, according to British
law. These proceedings kindled a deep resentment
among the savages, and led to measures of retali-
ation at their hands.
It has been an unfortunate feature of European
settlement in America, that the border population,
those most in contact with the natives, have been
usually men of wild and desperate character, the
tainted foam of the advancing tide of civilisation.
These reckless adventurers were little scrupulous in
their dealings with the simple savage, they utterly
9 " During the war with Philip, the Indians took some English
alive, and set them upright in the ground, with this sarcasm, ' You
English, since you came into this country, have grown considerably
above ground, let us now see how you will grow when planted into
the ground.' " — Narrative of the Wars in New England) 1675.
Harleian Miscellany, vol. v., p. 400.
330 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
disregarded those rights which his weakness could
not defend, and by intolerable provocation, excited
him to a bloody but futile resistance. The Indians
naturally confounded the whole English race with
these contemptuous oppressors, and commenced a
war that resulted in their own extermination.
They did not face the English in the field, but
hovered round the border, and, with sudden sur-
prise, overwhelmed detached posts and settlements,
in a horrible destruction. The astute colonists soon
adopted the policy of forming alliances, and taking
advantage of ancient enmities to stir up hostilities
amongst them. By this means they accomplished
the destruction of the warlike Pequods,1 their
1 " The Pequods were a powerful nation on the Connecticut
border, who could muster a thousand warriors. The English might
have found it difficult to withstand them, but for an alliance with
the second most powerful people, the Narragansets, whose ancient
enmity to the Pequods for a time prevailed over their jealousy of
the foreigners. But at length, when the Pequods were nearly exter-
minated, the Narragansets, seeing the power of the strangers para-
mount, began to side with their enemies. The Indian chiefs began
to imitate the English mode of fighting, and even to assume English
names, with some characteristic epithet. One-eyed John, Stone-wall
John, and Sagamore Sam, kept the colony in perpetual alarm. But
their most deadly and formidable enemy was Philip, Sachem of the
Wompanoags. No Indian was ever more dreaded by civilised man.
A century and a half has now elapsed since this hero of Pokanoket
fell a victim to his own race, but even to this day his name is respected ;
and the last object supposed to have been touched by him in his life-
time is considered by every American as a valuable relic. This
extraordinary man, whose real name was Metacom, succeeded his
brother in the government of the Wompanoags. The wrongs and
grievances suffered by this brother, added to those which he had
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 331
bitterest foes. Other enemies, however, soon came
into the field, and at length, the original allies of
the English, jealous of the encroaching power of the
white strangers, also took arms against them. The
Indian chiefs after a time began to adopt European
tactics of war, and for many years kept the colony
in alarm by their formidable attacks : they were,
however, finally driven altogether from the field.
The New England settlers showed more sincerity
than any other adventurers in endeavouring to
accomplish their principal professed object of
colonisation, that of teaching Christianity to the
Indians.2 They appointed zealous and pious ministers
himself experienced from the English colonists, induced him to
engage in a war against them. The issue might, perhaps, have
heen less doubtful, had not one of his followers defeated his plans hy
a premature explosion before he had sufficient time to summon and
concentrate his warriors and allies. From this time no smiles were
seen on his face. But though he soon perceived that the great
enterprise he had formed was likely to be frustrated, he never
lost that elevation of soul which distinguished him to the last moments
of his life. By his exertions and energy all the Indian nations occu-
pying the territory between Maine and the river Connecticut, a
distance of nearly 200 miles, took up arms. Every where the name
of King Philip was the signal for massacre and flames. But fraud
and treason soon accomplished what open warfare could not effect ;
his followers gave way to numbers ; his nearest relations and friends
forsook him, and a treacherous ball at last struck his heart. His
head was carried round the country in triumph, and exposed as that
of a traitor ; but posterity has done him justice. Patriotism was
his only crime, and his death was that of a hero." — Arfwedson,
vol. i., p. 229.
2 " This was not the case in the earlier and more northern settle-
ments, where Mather mentions a clergyman who, from the pulpit,
alluded to this as the main object of his flock's coming out, when one
332 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
for the mission,3 and established a seminary for the
education of the natives, whence some scholars were
to be selected to preach the gospel among their
of the principal members rose and said, * Sir, you are mistaken, — our
main object was to catch fish.' " — Murray's America.
" To this day the Council of Massachusets, in the impress of their
public seal, have an Indian engraven, with these words, ' Come over
and help us,' alluding to Acts, xv., 9." — Narrative of the Wars in
New England, 1675. Harleian Miscellany, vol. v., p. 400.
3 " Amongst these was the celebrated Eliot. Notwithstanding the
almost incredible hardships endured by Eliot during his missionary
labours, he lived to the age of eighty-six. He expired in 1690, and
has ever since been known by the well-earned title of Apostle to the
Indians."- — Missionary Records, p. 34.
Dr. D wight says of him, " He was naturally qualified beyond almost
any other man for the business of a missionary. In promoting among
the Indians agriculture, health, morals, and religion, this great and
good man laboured with constancy, faithfulness, and benevolence,
which place his name not unworthily among those who are arranged
immediately after the Apostles of our Divine Redeemer." Eliot
translated the Holy Scriptures into the Indian language. In 1661
the New Testament, dedicated to Charles II., was printed at Cam-
bridge, in New England, and about three years afterwards it was
followed by the Old Testament. This was the first Bible ever printed
in America ; and though the impression consisted of 2000 copies, a
second edition was required in 1685. — Ibid., p. 27.
" When at Harvard College, a copy of the Bible was shown me by
Mr. Jared Sparks, translated by the missionary, Father Eliot, into the
Indian tongue. It is now a dead language, although preached for
several generations to crowded congregations." — I/yell's America,
vol. i., p. 260.
" Eliot had become an acute grammarian by his studies at the
English university of Cambridge. Having finished his laborious and
difficult work, the Indian grammar, at the close of it, under a full
sense of the difficulties he had encountered, and the acquisition he
had made, he said, ' Prayers and pains through faith in Christ Jesus,
do anything.1 "—Life of Eliot, p. 55.
" The Honourable Robert Boyle often strengthened Eliot's hands
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 333
savage countrymen. Great obstacles were encoun-
tered in this good work ; the Indians showed a
bigoted attachment to their own strange religious
conceits, and their priests and conjurors used all their
powerful influence against Christianity, denouncing
in furious terms all who forsook their creed for the
English God. Despite these difficulties a number
of savages were induced to form themselves in
villages, and lead a civilised4 and Christian life,
and encouraged him in his work ; he who was not more admirable among
philosophers for his discoveries in science, than he was beloved by
Christians for his active kindness and his pious spirit." — Ibid., p. 64.
" Nor was Eliot alone. In the islands round Massachusetts, and
within the limits of the Plymouth patent, missionary zeal and mis-
sionary enterprise were active; and the gentle Mayhew, forgetting the
pride of learning, endeavoured to win the natives to a new religion.
At a later day, he took passage for New England to awaken interest
there ; and the ship in which he sailed was never more heard of.
But such had been the force of his example, that his father, though
bowed down with the weight of seventy years, resolved on assuming
the office of the son whom he had lost ; and till beyond the age of
fourscore years and twelve, continued to instruct the natives, and
with the happiest results. The Indians within his influence, though
twenty times more numerous than the whites in their immediate
neighbourhood, preserved an immutable friendship with Massachu-
setts."— Bancroft's Hist, of the United States, vol. ii., p. 97. See
Missionary Records ; Life of Eliot ; Mayhew's Indian Converts ;
T. Prince's Account of English Ministers.
4 " History has no example to offer of any successful attempt, how-
ever slight, to introduce civilisation among savage tribes in colonies or
in their vicinity, except through the influence of religious missionaries.
This is no question of a balance of advantages — no matter of com-
parison between opposite systems. I repeat that no instance can be
shown of the reclaiming of savages by any other influence than that
of religion. There are two obvious reasons why such should be
the case : the first, that religion only can supply a motive to the
334 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
under the guidance of ministers of their own race.5
In a few years thirty congregations of "praying
Indians,"6 their numbers amounting to 3000, were
established in Massachusetts.
governors, placed in obscure situations, and without the reach of
responsibility, to act with zeal, perseverance, and charity ; the other,
that it alone can supply a motive to the governed to undergo that
alteration of habits through which the reclaimed savage must pass,
and to which the hope of mere temporal advantage will very rarely
induce him to consent. This position is well stated in the words
of Southey : ' The wealth and power of governments may be vainly
employed in the endeavour to conciliate and reclaim brute man, if
religious zeal and Christian charity, in the true import of the word,
be wanting.' " — Merivale on Colonisation, vol. i., p. 289.
5 " The attempt to organise an Indian priesthood at this period
failed altogether, the converts possessing neither the steadiness nor
the sobriety requisite for the holy office. The duty, therefore,
devolved upon European teachers, who, in many cases, scarcely
obtained the wages of a day labourer, and that very precariously.
The formation, however, of a society in England for the propagation
of the gospel in this settlement, and pretty liberal contributions raised
in the principal towns, in some degree remedied these evils. After
the lapse of a few more generations, the Indian character in its slow
but steady upward progress under the teaching of devoted and en-
lightened Christian ministers, underwent a change so effectual, that
the native teachers and preachers of the present day may well bear
comparison in zeal, piety and eloquence with their European col-
leagues."— Catlin's American Indians ; Cotton's American Lakes.
6 " The Indians about this time (1653) obtained the appellation
of ' Praying Indians,' and the court appointed Major Daniel Gookin
their ruler."— Life of Eliot, p. 53.
335
CHAPTER XL
THE principal characteristics of that colonisation
by which the vast republic of the west was formed,
have been exhibited in the settlement of Virginia
and Massachusetts. The other states were stamped
with the impress of the two first, and in a great
measure peopled from them. Rhode Island and the
rest of the New England states were founded by
those who had fled from the religious persecutions
of Massachusetts, with the exception of Connecticut,
which owes its origin chiefly to the spirit of
adventure and the search for unoccupied lands.
The first settlers divided this last-named state
among themselves without the sanction of any
authority, and then proceeded to form a constitution
of unexampled liberality. They had to bear the
chief burden in the Indian war, on account of their
advanced and exposed position; but Connecticut
prospered in spite of every obstacle. Several
Puritans of distinction sought its shore from England.
Charles II., on his restoration, granted a most
liberal charter, and it continued to enjoy the benefits
of complete self-government till Massachusetts was
deprived of her charter by James II., when
336 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
Connecticut shared the same fate. At the Revolution
the younger state, more fortunate than her neigh-
bour, was restored to all the privileges formerly
enjoyed.
The states of New Hampshire and Maine were
originally founded on loyalist and Church of
England principles. Sir Ferdinand Gorges and
John Mason, the most energetic member of the
Council of Plymouth, undertook the colonisation of
these districts, but their tyrannical and injudicious
conduct stunted the growth of the infant colonies,
and little progress was made till the religious dis-
sensions of Boston swelled their population. Violent
and even fatal dissensions, however, distracted this
incongruous community, till the government of
Massachusetts assumed the sway over it, and
re-established order and prosperity. Gorges and
Mason disputed for many years the rights of
authority with the new rulers; nor was the ques-
tion finally settled till Massachusetts was deprived
of her charter, when a royal government was estab-
lished in New Hampshire.
1609 The important State of New York was founded
under very different auspices from those of its neigh-
bours. In 1609 Henry Hudson, while sailing in the
service of the Dutch East India Company, discovered
the magnificent stream which now bears his name.
A small colony was soon sent out from Holland1 to
1 " On Hudson's return, according to the English historians, he
sold his title to the Dutch." British Encyc. vol. ii., p. 236.
Chalmers questions, apparently on good grounds, the validity of this
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 337
settle the new country, and a trading post estab-
lished at the mouth of the river. Sir Samuel Argal,
governor of Virginia, conceived that this foreign
settlement trenched upon the rights granted hy the
English Crown to its subjects, and by a display of IGIS
superior force constrained the Dutch colony to
acknowledge British sovereignty;2 but this submis-
sion became a dead-letter some years later, when
large bodies of emigrants arrived from the Low 1620
Countries;3 the little trading post soon rose into a
town, and a fort was erected for its defence. The
site of this establishment was on the island of Man-
hattan;4 the founders called it New Amsterdam.
When it fell into the possession of England, the
odd transaction. If, as Forster asserts, Hudson not only sailed from
the Texel, but was equipped at the expense of the Dutch East India
Company, there was no room for sale or purchase of any kind to
constitute the region Dutch. — Chalmers, vol. ii., p. 568 ; Charlevoix,
torn, i., p. 221.
2 " The English jurists, referring to the wide grants of Elizabeth,
according to which Virginia extended far to the north of this region,
insist that there had long ceased to be room for any claim to it founded
on discovery. But the Dutch, who are somewhat slow in comprehen-
sion, could not see the right which Elizabeth could have to bestow
a vast region, of the very existence of which she was ignorant. They
therefore sent out the small colony, 1613, which was soon after com-
pelled by Argal to acknowledge the sovereignty of England." —
Murray's America, vol. i., p. 331 ; Pastes Chronologiques, 1613.
3 The Dutch West Indian Company was established in 1620, and
sent out colonists on a large scale.
4 " Juet, the travelling companion of Hudson, called the island on
which New York is situated, Manna Hatta, which means the island
of manna ; in other words, a country where milk and honey flow.
The name Manhattoes is said to be derived from the great Indian
VOL. i. z
338 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
name was changed to New York. Albany5 was
next built, at some distance up the Hudson, as a
post for the Indian trade, and thence a communica-
tion was opened for the first time with the Northern
Indian confederacy of the Iroquois, or the Five
Nations.
Charles II., from hatred to the Dutch, as well as
from the desire of aggrandisement, renewed the
claims of England upon the Hudson settlements,
1664 and in 1664 dispatched an armament of 300
men to enforce this claim. Stuyvesant, the Dutch
governor6, was totally unprepared to resist the
god, Manetho, who is stated to have made this island his favourite
place of residence on account of its peculiar attractions." — Knicker-
bocker's New York, vol. v., p. 1.
6 " Albany bore the name of Orange when it was originally founded
by the Dutch ; and as a great number of this people remained in the
city after it passed into the possession of England, they continued to
call it Orange, and the French Canadians give it no other name." —
Charlevoix, torn, i., p. 222.
" Albany received that name from the Scottish title of the Duke of
York."— Bancroft.
6 Nine years before (\655) Stuyvesant had attacked the happy and
contented little colony of Swedes who were settled on the banks of
the Delaware, and after a sanguinary contest the Swedish governor,
John Rising, was obliged to submit to the Dutch authority. Such
was the end of New Sweden, which had only maintained an indepen-
dent existence for seventeen years. Thus the Swedish settlements
passed into the hands of the English at the same time as those of
the Dutch. The first Swedish colonisation had been projected and
encouraged by the great Gustavus Adolphusin 1638. They gave
their settlement, on the banks of the Delaware, the name of the Land
of Canaan, and to the spot where they first landed that of Canaan, so
inviting and delightful did this part of the New World first appear to
them. The only thing now known of this terrestrial paradise
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 339
threatened attack, and after a short parley agreed
to surrender. The settlers were, however, secured
in property and person, and in the free exercise of
their religion, and the greater part remained under
their new rulers. In the long naval war subse-
quently carried on between England and Holland,
the colony again passed for a time under the sway
of the Dutch, but at the peace was finally restored
to Great Britain. James, then Duke of York, had
received from his brother a grant of the district
which now constitutes the State of New York. On
assuming authority he appointed governors with
arbitrary power, but the colonists, in assertion of
their rights as Englishmen, stoutly resisted, and
even sent home Dyer, the collector of customs, under
a charge of high treason, for attempting to levy
taxes without legal authority. The Duke judged it 1681
expedient to conciliate his sturdy transatlantic
subjects, and yielded them a certain form of repre-
sentative government; in 1682, Mr. Dongan was
is, that its situation was near Cape Henlopen, a short distance
from the sea. The colonists purchased tracts of lands of the
Indians, and threw up a few fortifications ; of the city they founded,
Christina, there is now no trace. It was situated near Wilmington,
twenty-seven miles south of Philadelphia. The Dutch, whose prin-
cipal city was then New Amsterdam, pretended that the country
round the Delaware belonged to them, having paid it a visit before
the arrival of the Swedes. This insinuation, moreover, did not pre-
vent the latter from settling, and according to Charlevoix the two
nations lived in amity with each other until Stuyvesant's aggression,
the Dutch being wholly devoted to commerce and the Swedes to
agriculture. The Swedish settlement was at first called New Sweden,
afterwards New Jersey.
z2
340 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
sent out with a commission to assemble a council of
ten, and a house of assembly of eighteen popular
deputies. The new governor soon rendered himself
beloved and respected by all, although at first
distrusted and disliked, as professing the Romish
faith. New York was not allowed to enjoy these
fortunate circumstances for any length of time ; the
capricious and arbitrary Duke on his accession to the
crown, abrogated the colonial constitution ; shortly
afterwards the State was annexed to Massachusetts,
the beloved governor recalled, and the despotic
1686 Andros established in his stead. At the first rumour
of the Revolution of 1688, the inhabitants, led by a
merchant of the name of Leisler, rose in arms,
proclaimed William and Mary, and elected a house
of representatives. The new monarch sent out a
Colonel Slaughter as governor, whose authority was
disputed by Leisler ; however, the bold merchant
was soon overcome, and with quick severity tried
1691 and executed. The English parliament, more
considerate of his useful services, subsequently
reversed his attainder and restored the forfeited
1695 estates to his family. With the view of aiding the
resources and progress of the colony, 3000 German
Protestants, called Palatines, were subsequently
conveyed to the banks of the Hudson, and subsisted
for three years, at a great expense by England;
these sober and industrious men proved a most
valuable addition to the population.7
7 " The entire cost of this transportation amounted to 78,533/.,
which, amidst the ferments of party, was declared by a subsequent
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 341
New Jersey was formed from a part of the ori-
ginal territory of New York. Lord Berkeley and Sir
George Carteret were the proprietors, by grant from
James: th ey founded the new state with great judg- 1664
ment and liberality, establishing the power of self-
government and taxation. The Duke of York,
however, on the reconquest of the country from the
Dutch, took the opportunity of abrogating the con-
stitution : the colonists boldly appealed against this
tyranny, and with such force, that the Duke was led
to refer the question to the judgment of the learned
and upright Sir William Jones, who gave it against
him. James was obliged to acquiesce in this deci- 1681
sion, till he ascended the throne, when he swept
away all the rights of the colony, and annexed it,
like its neighbours, to the government of Massa-
chusetts. After the accession of William, New
Jersey was entangled for ten years in a web of con-
flicting claims, but was finally established under its
own independent legislature.
The state of Maryland was so named in honour of
Henrietta Maria, the beautiful queen of Charles I.,
to whose influence the early settlers were much
indebted. Religious persecution in England drove
vote of Parliament to be not only an extravagant and unreasonable
charge to the kingdom, but of dangerous consequence to the Church."
— Brit. Emp. Amer., vol. i., pp. 249, 250.
" Swabia, with the old Palatinate, has contributed very largely to
the present population of America. From the end of Queen Anne's
reign to 1753, it is said that from 4 to 8000 went annually to Penn-
sylvania alone." — Sadler, b. iv., cap. v.
342 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
forth the founders of the colony; but in this
case the Protestants were the instigators, and the
cruel laws of Queen Elizabeth's reign against the
Roman Catholics were the instruments. Lord Bal-
timore, an Irish peer, and other men of distinction
in the popish body, obtained from Charles I., as an
asylum in the New World, a grant of that angle of
Virginia lying on both sides of the River Chesapeake,
a district rich in soil, genial in climate, and admir-
ably situated for commerce. An expedition of 200
Roman Catholics, many among them men of good
birth, was sent under Mr. Calvert, Lord Baltimore's
1634 brother, to take possession of this favoured tract.
Their first care was to conciliate the Indians, in which
they eminently succeeded. The natives were even
prevailed upon to abandon their village and the
cleared lands around to the strangers, and to remove
themselves contentedly to another situation.
Maryland was most honourably distinguished in
the earliest times by perfect freedom of religious
opinion. Many members of the Church of England,
as well as Roman Catholics, fled thither from the
persecutions of the Puritans. The Baltimore family
at first displayed great liberality and judgment
in their rule ; but, as they gained confidence
from the secret support of the king to their
cherished faith, their wise moderation seems to
have diminished. However, the principal grievance
brought against them was, that they had not pro-
vided by public funds for Church of England
clergymen, as fully as for those of their own faith,
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 343
although by far the larger portion of the population
belonged to the flock of the former. The unsatis-
factory state of morals, manners, and religion in
the colony, was attributed to this neglect. At the
Revolution, the inhabitants of Maryland rose with
tumultuous zeal against their Roman Catholic lords,
and published a manifesto in justification of their
proceedings, accusing Lord Baltimore's government
of intolerable tyranny. These statements, whether
true or false, afforded King William an opportunity
to assume the colonial power in his own hands,
1691, and to deprive the Calverts of all rights over
the country, except the receipt of some local taxes.8
For a long time but few settlers had established
themselves in that part of North America, now
called Carolina ;9 of these some were men who had
fled from the persecutions of New England, and
formed a little colony round Cape Fear ; others 1661
were Virginians, attracted by the rich unoccupied
lands. After the restoration of Charles, however,
8 " King William, impatient of judicial forms, by his own act con-
stituted Maryland a royal government. The arbitrary act was sanc-
tioned by a legal opinion from Lord Holt. The Church of England
was established as the religion of the state. ... In the land
which Catholics had opened to Protestants, the Catholic inhabitant
was the sole victim to Anglican intolerance. Mass might not be
said publicly. ... No Catholic might teach the young. . . .
The disfranchisement of the proprietary Lord Baltimore, related to
his creed, not to his family. To recover the inheritance of authority,
Benedict, the son of the proprietary, renounced the Catholic Church
for that of England. The persecution never crushed the faith of the
humble colonists." — Bancroft, vol. iii., p. 33.
9 This name was given in honour of Charles II.
344 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
the energies of the British nation, no longer devoted
to internal quarrels, turned into the fields of foreign
and colonial adventure. Charles readily bestowed
upon his followers vast tracts of an uncultivated
wilderness which he had never seen; and Monk,
Duke of Albemarle, the Earl of Clarendon, Lords
Berkeley and Ashley, Sir George Carteret, and a few
others, were created absolute lords of the new
1663 province of Carolina. Great exertions were then
made to attract settlers, immunity from prosecution
from debt was secured to them for five years, and
at the same time a liberal constitution was granted,
with a popular house of assembly. The proprietors,
anxious to perfect the work of colonisation, pre-
vailed upon the celebrated Locke to draw up a
system of government for the new state, which,
however excellent in theory, proved practically a
signal failure.1 The principal characteristic of the
1 " The system framed by Locke was called ' the Fundamental
Constitutions of Carolina.' . . . Locke was undoubtedly well
acquainted with human nature, and not ignorant of the world ; but
he had not taken a sufficiently comprehensive view of the history of
man, nor were political speculators yet duly aware of the necessity of
adapting constitutions to those for whom they were destined. The
grand peculiarity consisted in forming a high and titled nobility,
which might rival the splendour of those of the Old World. But as
the Dukes and Earls of England would have considered their titles
degraded by being shared with a Carolina planter, other titles of
foreign origin were adopted. That of Landgrave was drawn from
Germany. (Locke himself was created a Landgrave.) But these
princely denominations, applied to persons who were to earn their
bread by the labour of their hands, could confer no real dignity.
The reverence for nobility, which can only be the result of long-
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 345
scheme was the establishment of an aristocracy
with fantastic titles of nobility,2 who met with
the deputies in a parliament, where, however, the
council solely possessed the power of proposing
new laws. The whole colonial body was subject to
the court of proprietors in England, which was
presided over by a chief called the Palatine,3
possessing nearly supreme power. The sturdy
colonists neglected, or deferred for future conside-
ration, every portion of this new constitution that
appeared unsuitable to their conditions, alleging that
its provisions were in violation of the promises that
had induced them to adopt the country.
Carolina for a long time progressed but slowly.
The colonists had no fixed religion,4 and their
general morals and industry were very indifferent.
continued wealth and influence, could never be inspired by mere
titles, especially of such an exotic and fantastic character. .
The sanction of negro slavery was a deep blot in this boasted system.
. The colonists, who felt perfectly at ease under their rude
early regulations, were struck with dismay at the arrival of this
philosophical fabric of polity." — Murray's America, vol. i., p. 343.
2 " It was insisted that there should be some Landgraves and some
Caciques, when many other parts of * the Fundamental Constitu-
tions ' were given up ; but these great nobles never struck any root
in the western soil, and have long since disappeared." — Hist.
Ace. of the Colonisation of South Carolina and Georgia, London,
1779, vol. i., pp. 44 — 46 ; Chalmers, p. 326, quoted by Murray.
3 Monk, Duke of Albemarle, was constituted Palatine.
4 "It is remarkable that the philosopher's colony seems to have
been the only one founded before the eighteenth century, except
Virginia, in which the Church of England was expressly estab-
lished ; but this clause is said to have been introduced against his
will." — Merivale on Colonisation, vol. i., pp. 88 — 92.
346 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
They drew largely upon the resources of the pro-
prietors, without giving any return, and when at
length that supply was stopped they resorted to
every idle and iniquitous mode of raising funds.
They hunted the Indians and sold them as slaves to
the "West Indies, and their seaports became the
resort of pirates. These atrocious and ruinous
pursuits soon reduced them to a state of miserable
poverty, and the baneful influence of a series of
profligate governors completed the mischief. One
1683 of these, named Sette Sothel,5 was especially con-
spicuous for rapacity and injustice ; his misrule at
length goaded the people into insurrection, they
seized him and were about to send him as a
prisoner to England, but released him on a promise
of renouncing the government and leaving the
colony for a time. After these, and some other
commotions, they succeeded in re-establishing their
ancient charter in its original simplicity.
Carolina now began to improve rapidly from the
influx of a large and valuable immigration. The
religious freedom that had been secured under the
old charter, was continued unrestricted even under
5 "Mr. Chalmers makes the very bold assertion, that the annals of
delegated authority do not present a name so branded with merited
infamy, and that there never had taken place such an accumulation
of extortion, injustice, and rapacity, as during the five years that he
misruled the colony. He had been made prisoner in his way out,
and kept in close captivity at Algiers, where he took, it appears, not
warning but lessons. (Sette Sothel had purchased the rights of Lord
Clarendon, one of the eight original proprietaries.)" — Murray,
vol. i., p. 345.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 347
Mr. Locke's complicated constitution. Many Puritans
flocked in from Britain to seek refuge from the
persecutions of Charles II., and by their steadiness
and industry soon attained considerable wealth.
New England had also furnished her share to the
new settlement of useful and energetic men who
had been expelled by her Calvinistic intolerance.
But the narrow-minded jealousy of the original
emigrants soon interrupted the prosperity of the
colony. Under the hypocritical plea of zeal for the
Church of England, to which their conduct and
morals were a scandal, they obtained, by violent
means, a majority of one in the assembly, and
expelled all dissenters from the legislature and
government. They even passed a law to depose all
sectarian clergy, and devote their churches to the
services of the established religion. The oppressed
dissenters appealed to the British Parliament for
protection ; in the year 1705, an address was voted 1705
to the queen by the House of Commons, declaring
the injustice of these acts, but nothing was done to
relieve the colony till in 1721, when the people rose 1721
in insurrection, established a provisional govern-
ment, and prayed that the king, George L, would
himself undertake their rule. He granted their
petition, and soon afterwards purchased the rights 1727
of the proprietors.6
6 " The rights of the proprietors were sold to the king for ahout
the sum of 20,000£. Lord Carteret alone, joining in the surrender
of the government, received an eighth share in the soil." — Histor.
Account, &c.y vol. i., pp. 255 — 321.
348 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
1732 In the year 1732 a plan was formed for relieving
the distress then severely pressing upon England by
colonising the territory, still remaining unoccupied,
to the south of the Savannah. Twenty-three trustees,
men of rank and influence, were appointed for this
purpose, and the sum of 15,000£ was placed at their
disposal by Parliament, and by voluntary subscrip-
tion. With the aid of these funds about 500 people
were forwarded to the new country, and some
others went at their own expense. In honour of
the reigning king, the name of Georgia was given
to the new settlement. The lands were granted to
the emigrants on conditions of military service, and
a large proportion of them were selected from
among the hardy Scottish highlanders, and the
veterans of some German regiments. Besides being
the advance-guard of civilisation in the Indian
country, the colony was threatened with the rival
claims of the Spaniards in Florida, the boundaries
of whose territory were very vague and uncertain.
Happily for Georgia, Mr. Oglethorpe, the original
founder of the settlement, succeeded in establishing
a lasting friendship with the powerful Creek Indians,
the natives of the country ; but the Spaniards never
ceased to alarm and threaten the colony, till British
arms had won the whole Atlantic coast. Owing
to this disadvantage, and still more to certain
humane restrictions upon the Indian trade,7 no great
7 " The importation and use of negroes were prohibited ; no rum
was allowed to be introduced, and no one was permitted to trade with
the Indians without special license. The colonists complained, that
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 349
influx of population took place until 1763, when 1763
peace restored confidence, and men and money were
freely introduced from England.
One of the most important of the great American
States that declared their independence in 1783, was,
with the exception of Georgia, the latest in its origin.
Under the wise and gentle influence of the founders,
however, it progressed more rapidly than any other.
When time and reflection had cooled the ardour and
softened the fanaticism of the early Quakers, the
sect attracted general and just admiration by the
mild and persevering philanthropy of its most dis-
tinguished members. The pure benevolence and
patient courage of William Penn, was a tower of
strength to this new creed ; well born, and enjoying
a competent fortune, he possessed the means as well
as the will powerfully to aid in its advancement.
He endured with patience, but with unflinching
without negroes it was impossible to clear the grounds and cut down
the thick forests, though the honest highlanders always reprobated the
practice, and denied that any necessity for it existed."* — Murray,
vol. i., p. 360.
* " Slavery," said Oglethorpe, " is against the Gospel, as well as the fundamental law
of England. We refused, as trustees, to make a law permitting such a horrid crime."
— Memoirs of Skarpe, vol. i., p. 234 ; Stephen's Journal, quoted by Bancroft. In
1751, however, after Oglethorpe had finally left Georgia, his humane restrictions
were withdrawn. Whitfield, who believed that God's providence would certainly
make slavery terminate for the advantage of the Africans, pleaded before the trustees
in its favour. At last even the Moravians (who in a body emigrated to Georgia in
1733) began to think that negro slaves might be employed in a Christian spirit ; and
it was agreed that if the negroes are treated in a Christian manner, their change of
country would prove to them a benefit. A message from Germany served to crush
their scruples : " If you take slaves in faith, and with the intent of conducting them
to Christ, the action will not be a sin, but may prove a benediction." — Urlsperger,
vol. iii., p. 479, quoted by Bancroft, vol. iii., p. 448.
350 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
constancy, a continual series of legal persecutions
and even the anger of his father, until the unspotted
integrity of his life, and his practical wisdom, at
length triumphed over prejudice and hostility, and
he was allowed the privilege of pleading before the
British Parliament in the cause of his oppressed
brethren.
William Penn inherited from his father a claim
against the government for 16,000£ which King
Charles gladly paid by assigning to him the terri-
tory in the New World, now called Pennsylvania8
in honour of the first proprietor.9 This was a large
and fertile expanse of inland country, partly taken
from New York, New Jersey, and Maryland. It was
included between the 40th and 43rd degrees of lati-
tude, and bounded on the east by the Delaware river.
The enlightened and benevolent proprietor bestowed
8 " He accepted this grant, because it secured them against any
other claimant from Europe. It gave him a title in the eyes of the
Christian world ; but he did not believe that it gave him any other
title." — Colonisation and Civilisation, p. 358.
9 " Etablissement de la Pennsylvanie, dans le pays qui avoit porte
le nom de Nouvelle Suede : — Cette colonie a regu son nom de son
fondateur, le Chevalier Guillaume Penn, Anglais, a qui Charles II.,
Roi de la Grande Bretagne, conceda ce pays en 1680 et qui cette
anne'e 1681, y mena les Quakers ou trembleurs d'Angleterre, dont
il etoit le chef. Lorsqu'il y arriva, il y trouva un grand nombre de
Hollandois et de Suedois. Les premiers, pour la plupart, occupoient
les endroits situes le long du golphe, et les seconds, les bords de la
riviere De la Warr, ou du midi. II paroit par une de ses lettres,
qu'il n'etoit pas content des Hollandois ; mais il dit que les Suedois
etoient une nation simple, sans malice, industrieuse, robuste, se
souciant peu de 1'abondance et se contentant du necessaire. — Fastes
Chronologiques, 1681.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 351
upon the new state a constitution that secured, as
far as human ordinance was capable, freedom of
faith, thought, and action. He formed some pecu-
liar institutions for the promotion of peace and
good-will among his brethren, and for the protection
of the widow and the orphan. By his wise and just
dealings with the Indians,1 he gained their impor-
tant confidence and friendship: he sent commis-
sioners to treat with them for the sale of their
lands, and in the year 1682 met the assembled 1682
chiefs near the spot where Philadelphia now stands.
The savages advanced to the place of meeting in
great numbers, and in warlike guise, but as the
approach of the English was announced, they laid
aside their weapons and seated themselves in quiet
groups around their chiefs.2 Penn came forward
1 " Even Penn, however, did not fully admit into his scheme of
colonisation the notion of retaining for the Indians a property in a
part of the soil they once occupied. He gave the natives free leave
to settle in certain parts of his territory, but, unfortunately, he did
not treat any definite tract of the soil as their property, which would
rise in value along with other tracts, and thus afford a stimulus to
their gradual improvement. It was the want of systematic views in
this and other respects, which rendered the benevolent intentions of
Penn towards the natives of little ultimate avail ; so that after all,
the chief good which he effected was by setting an example of bene-
volence and justice in the principle of his dealings with them." —
Merivale on Colonisation, vol. ii., p. 173.
2 " William Penn of course came unarmed, in his usual plain dress,
without banners, or mace, or guard, or carriages, and only distin-
guished from his companions by wearing a blue sash of silk net-work
(which, it seems, is still preserved by Mr. Kett, of Seething Hall,
near Norwich), and by having in his hand a roll of parchment,
on which was engrossed the confirmation of the treaty of purchase
352 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
fearlessly with a few attendants, all unarmed, and
in their usual grave and simple attire ; in his hand
he held a parchment on which were written the
terms of the treaty. He then spoke in a few plain
words of the friendship and justice that should rule
the actions of all men, and guide him and them and
their children's children. The Indians answered,
that they would live in peace with him and his
white brothers as long as the sun and moon shall
endure. And in the Quaker's parchment and the
Indians' promise was accomplished the peaceful
conquest of that lovely wilderness, a conquest
more complete, more secure and lasting, than any
that the ruthless rigour of Cortes, or the stern valour
of the Puritans had ever won.
The prosperity of Pennsylvania advanced with
unexampled rapidity.3 The founder took out with
him two thousand well chosen emigrants, and a
considerable number had preceded him to the new
country. The orderly freedom that prevailed,4 and
and amity." — Edinburgh Review of Clarksoris Life of William
Penn, p, 358.
" The scene at Shachamaxon, quoted by Howitt, forms the subject
of one of the pictures of West. Thus ended this famous treaty, of
which Voltaire has remarked with so much truth and severity, ' That
it was the only one ever concluded which was not ratified by an oath,
and the only one that never was broken.' " — Howitt, p. 360.
3 " In three years from its foundation, Philadelphia gained more
than New York had done in half a century." — Bancroft's History of
the United /States, vol. ii., p. 394.
4 " Virtue had never, perhaps, inspired a legislation better calcu-
lated to promote the fidelity of mankind. The opinions, the senti-
ments, and the morals, corrected whatever might be deficient in it. " —
Raynal, vol. vii., p. 292.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 353
the perpetual peace with the Indians,5 gave a great
advantage to this colony, emigration flowed thither
more abundantly than to any other settlement, and
thus, although of such recent origin, this state soon
equalled the most successful of its older neighbours.
" Beautiful," said the philosophic Frederic of Prussia, when he
read the account of the government of Pennsylvania, " it is perfect, if
it can endure. "—Herder, pp. 13, 116. Quoted by Bancroft, vol. ii,
p. 392.
5 " Their conduct to the Indians never altered for the worse ;
Pennsylvania, while under the administration of the Quakers, never
became, as New England, a slaughter-house of the Indians."—
Howitt, p. 366.
VOL. I. A A
354
CHAPTER XII.
HAVING noticed the principal features of the origin
and progress of the English colonies ; the powerful
and dangerous neighbours of the French settle-
ments in the New World ; it is now time to return
to the course of Canadian history subsequent to
the death of the illustrious founder of Quebec.
Monsieur de Montmagny succeeded Champlain as
governor, and entered with zeal into his plans, but
difficulties accumulated on all sides. Men and
money were wanting, trade languished, and the
Associated Company in France were daily becoming
more indifferent to the success of the colony. Some\
few merchants and inhabitants of the outposts, '
indeed, were enriched by the profitable dealings of
the fur trade, but their suddenly acquired wealth
excited the jealousy, rather than increased the
general prosperity of the settlers. The work of
religious institutions was alone pursued with vigour
and success in those times of failure and discourage-
ment. At Sillery, one league from Quebec, an
1637 establishment was founded for the instruction of
the savages, and the diffusion of Christian light.
The Hotel Dieu owed its existence to the Duchesse
1639 d'Aiguillon two years afterwards, and the Convent
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 355
of the Ursulines was founded by the pious and
highborn Madame de la Peltrie.1
The partial success and subsequent failure of
Champlain and his Indian allies in their encounters
with the Iroquois had emboldened these brave and
politic savages; they now captured several canoes
belonging to the Hurons, laden with furs, which
that friendly people were conveying to Quebec.
Montmagny's military force was too small to allow
of his avenging this insult ; he, however, zealously
promoted an enterprise to build a fort and effect a
settlement on the Island of Montreal which he
fondly hoped would curb the audacity of his savage
1 Amongst the Ursulines who accompanied Madame de la Peltrie
to Quebec was Marie de 1'Incarnation, " the Theresa of France," and
Marie de St. Joseph. The sanctity of these remarkable women and
the miracles they performed are the favourite theme of the Jesuit
historians of Canada. Several lives of the former have been
published, one of them by Charlevoix. A quarto volume of her
letters was also published (k Paris, chez Louis Billaine, 1681) :
they are highly extolled as " worthy of her high reputation for
sanctity, ability, and practical good sense in the business of life."
They record many historical facts which occurred during the thirty-
two years that she passed in Canada, where she arrived in 1640.
When the Ursulines and the " Filles Hospitalieres " landed at
Quebec, they were received with enthusiasm. "It was held as a
festival day, all work was forbidden, and the shops were shut. The
governor received these heroines upon the shore, at the head of the
troops, who were under arms, the guns firing a salute. After the
first greeting he led them to the church, accompanied by the accla-
mations of the people ; here the Te Deum was chanted," — Charlevoix.
" The venerable ash tree still lives, beneath which Mary of the
Incarnation, so famed for chastened piety, genius, and good judgment,
toiled, though in vain, for the culture of Huron children." — Bancroft's
History of the United States, vol. iii., p. 127.
A A 2
356 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
foes. The Associated Company would render no aid
whatever to this important plan, but the religious
zeal of the Abb& Olivier, overcame all difficulties.
He obtained a grant of Montreal from the king, and
dispatched the Sieur de Maisonneuve and others to
take possession. On the 17th of May, 1641, the
place destined for the settlement was consecrated
by the Superior of the Jesuits.2
2 " Cette ville a ete nominee Ville Marie par ses fondateurs, mais
ce nom n'a pu passer dans 1'usage ordinaire ; il n'a lieu que dans les
actes publics, et parmi les seigneurs, qui en sont fort jaloux." —
Charlevoix. When the foundations of the city of Montreal were first
laid, the name given to it was Ville Marie. Bouchette, vol. i, p. 215 ;
La Hontan, vol. xiii., p. 266.
Charlevoix gives the following account of the formation and progress
of the remarkable settlement at Montreal : — " Quelques personnes
puissantes, et plus recommandable encore par leur piete et par leur
zele pour la religion, formerent done une societe, qui se proposa de
faire en grand k Montreal, ce qu'on avoit fait en petit a Sillery, II
devoit y avoir dans cette Isle une bourgade Frangoise, bien fortifiee,
et a 1'abri de toute insulte. Les pauvres y devoient etre regus, et
mis en etat de subsister de leur travail. On projetta de faire
occuper tout le reste de 1'Isle par des sauvages, de quelque nation
qu'ils fussent, pourvii qu'ils fissent profession du Christianisme, ou
qu'ils voulussent se faire instruire de nos mysteres, et 1'on etoit
d'autant plus persuade qu'ils y viendraient en grand nombre qu'
outre un asile assure contre les poursuites de leurs ennemis, ils
pouvoient se promettre des secours toujours prompts dans leurs
maladies, et contre la disette. On se proposoit meme de les policer
avec le terns, et de les accoiitumer k ne plus vivre que du travail de
leurs mains. Le nombre de ceux qui entroient dans cette association
fut de trente-cinq ; Des cette annee 1640, en vertu de la concession
que le Roi lui fit de 1'Isle, elle en fit prendre possession & la fin d'une
messe solennelle, qui fut celebree sous une tente. Le quinzieme
d'Octobre 1'annee suivante, M. de Maisonneuve fut declare gouverneur
de 1'isle. Le dix-septieme de May suivant, le lieu destine a 1'habita-
THE CONQUEST OP CANADA. 357
At the same time the governor erected a fort at 1641
the entrance of the River Richelieu, then called the
Iroquois; the workmen employed at this labour
tion Frangoise fut beni par le Superieur des Jesuites, qui y celebra
les saints mysteres, dedia a la mere de Dieu une petite chapelle,
qu'on avoit batie, et il y laissa le St. Sacrement. Cette ceremonie
avoit ete precede d'une autre, trois mois auparavant, c'est a dire
vers la fin de Fevrier : tous les Associes s'etant rendus un Jeudi
matin a Notre Dame de Paris, ceux qui etoient pretres, y dirent la
messe, les autres communierent a 1'autel de la Vierge et tous sup-
plierent la reine des anges de prendre 1'isle de Montreal sous sa
protection. Enfin le quinze d'Aout, la fete de 1'Assomption de la
mere de Dieu fut solemnisee dans cette Isle avec un concours extraordi-
naire de Frangois et de sauvages. On ne negligea rien dans cette
occasion pour interesser le ciel en faveur d'un etablissement si utile,
et pour donner aux infideles une haute idee de la religion Chretienne,
— Charlevoix, torn, i., p. 345.
In the year 1644 Charlevoix says, " 1'Isle de Montreal se peuploit
insensiblement, et la piete de ces nouveaux colons disposoit peu a peu
les sauvages qui les approchoient a se soumettre au joug de la foi."
In 1657, however, it was considered that " les premiers possesseurs
de 1'isle n'avoient pas pousse 1 'etablissement autant qu'on avoit
d'abord espere," and it was therefore ceded to the Seminary of
St. Sulpice in Paris. From that time the establishment made a
rapid progress, M. de Maisonneuve still continuing its governor,
after it had changed masters. He was a man of ability and piety :
under his auspices the order of " Filles de la Congregation" was
established at Montreal by Margaret Bourgeois, who had accom-
panied the first settlers on the island from France. For the details
of this admirable institution see Charlevoix, torn. ii. p. 94. He speaks
of it with justice as one of the brightest ornaments of New France.
" Jusqu' en 1'annee 1692, la justice particuliere de Montreal
appartenoit a Messieurs du Seminaire de St. Sulpice, en qualite de
Seigneurs. Us en donnerent alors leur de'mission au Roi, a condition
que 1'exercice leur en resteroit dans 1'enelos de leur seminaire, et dans
leur ferine de St. Gabriel, avec la propriete perpetuelle et incom-
mutable du Greffe de la justice Roy ale, qui seroit etablie dans 1'isle,
et la nomination du premier juge." — Charlevoix, torn, ii., p. 140.
358 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
were constantly exposed to the harassing warfare
of the Indians, but at length completely repulsed
them. A garrison, such as could be spared from
the scanty militia of the colony, was placed in the
little stronghold for its defence. Although the
minds of the fierce Iroquois were fixed upon
the utter destruction of the French, and in their
confident boastings they declared that they could
drive the white men into the sea, they indicated
from time to time a desire for peace. Montmagny
was compelled by weakness, and the difficulties of
his situation, to accept overtures which he could
not but dread as insidious and treacherous, and he
assumed an air of confidence which he by no means
felt. His native allies were also eagerly anxious
for the blessings of peace, and through their means
an opportunity for opening negociations soon offered.
The governor and the friendly native chiefs met the
deputies of the Iroquois nation at Three Rivers to
1645 arrange the terms of the proposed treaty. After
various orations, songs, dances, and exchanges of
presents, peace was concluded to the satisfaction
of both parties ; and for the time at least, with
apparent good faith, for the following winter, the
French and their new allies joined together in the
chase, and mixed fearlessly in friendly intercourse.
M. de Montmagny was superseded as governor of
Canada by M. d'Ailleboust in the year 1647. He had
proved himself a man of judgment, courage, and
virtue, and had gained the love of the settlers and
Indians, as well as the approval of the court. But
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 359
in consequence of the governor of the American
islands having recently refused to surrender office to
a person appointed by the king, it was decreed thftt
no one should hold the government of a colony for
more than three years. M. d'Ailleboust was a man 1647
of ability and worth, and having held the command
at Three Rivers for some time, was also experienced
in colonial affairs, but he received no more support
from home than his predecessor ; and, despite his
best efforts, New France continued to languish under
his rule.
The colony, however, was now free from the
scourge of savage hostility. The Indians turned
their subtle craft and terrible energy to the chase
instead of war. '"' From the far distant hunting-
grounds of the St. Maurice, and of the gloomy
Saguenay, they crowded to Three Rivers and Tadous-
sac with the spoils of the forest animals. At those^
settlements the trade went briskly on, and many of ]
the natives became domesticated among their whitaJ
neighbours. The worthy priests were not slow to
take advantage of this favourable opportunity;
many of the hunters from the north, who were
attracted to the French villages by the fur trade,
were told the great tidings of redemption; and
usually, when they returned the following year, they
were accompanied by others, who desired with them
to receive the rites of baptism.3
3 The kindness of the missionaries has been one of the causes that
has perpetuated a kindly feeling towards the French. Among the
American Indians " a person even in times of hostility speaking
360 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
The most numerous and pious of the proselytes
were of the Huron tribe, an indolent and un warlike
race, against whom the bold and powerful Iroquois
held deadly feud which the existing peace only kept
in abeyance till opportunity might arise for effective
action. The little settlement of St, Joseph was the
place where first an Indian congregation assembled
for Christian worship ; the Father Antoine Daniel
was the pastor, the flock were of the Huron tribe.
Faith in treaties and long continued tranquillity
had lulled this unhappy people into a fatal security,
and all cautions were forgotten,4 when on the
French will find security from the attachment of the people to
everything that is French." — Imlay, p. 8.
" To do justice to truth, the French missionaries, in general, have
invariably distinguished themselves everywhere by an exemplary life,
befitting their profession. Their religious sincerity, their apostolic
charity, their insinuating kindness, their heroic patience, their
remoteness from austerity and fanaticism, fix in these countries
memorable epochs in the annals of Christianity ; and while the
memory of a Del Vilde, a Vodilla, &c., will be held in everlasting
execration by all truly Christian hearts, that of a Daniel, a Brebeuf,
<fcc., will never lose any of that veneration which the history of
discoveries and missions has so justly conferred upon them. Hence
that predilection which the savages manifest for the French, a
predilection which they naturally find in the recesses of their souls,
cherished by the traditions which their fathers have left in favour of
the first apostles of Canada, then called New France."— Beltrami's
Travels, 1 823. The authority of this passage, Chateaubriand observes,
is the stronger, as the writer is severe in his condemnation of the
modern Jesuit.
4 " Ce n'etoit pas la faute de leurs missionnaires, s'ils s'endormaient
de la sorte ; mais ces religieux ne pouvant gagner sur leurs neophytes
qu'ils prissent pour leur surete les precautions que la prudence
exigeoit, redoublerent leurs soins pour achever de les sanctifier, et
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
morning of the 4th of July, 1648, while the 1648
missionary was performing service, there suddenly
arose a cry of terror that the Iroquois were ,at
hand. None but old men, women, and children,
were in the viUage at the time ; of this the crafty
enemy were aware, they had crept silently through
the woods and lain in ambush till morning gave
them light for the foul massacre. Not one of the
inhabitants escaped, and last of all the good priest
was likewise slain.
During this year the first communication passed
between the French and British North American
colonies. An envoy arrived at Quebec from New
England, bearing proposals for a lasting peace with
Canada, not to be interrupted even by the wars of
the mother countries. M. d'Ailleboust gladly enter-
tained the wise proposition, and sent a deputy to
Boston with full powers to treat, providing only
that the English would consent to aid him against
the Iroquois. But the cautious Puritans would not
compromise themselves by this stipulation. They
were sufficiently remote from the fierce and formid-
able savages of the Five Nations to be free from
present apprehension, and to their steady and indus-
pour les preparer a tout ce qui pourroit arriver. Us les trouverent
sur cet article d'une docilite parfaite ; ils n'eurent aucune peine a les
faire entrer dans les sentimens les plus convenables a la triste
situation oii ils se reduisaient euxmemes par une indolence, et un
aveuglement, qu'on ne pouvoit comprendre et qui n'a peut-etre point
d'exemple dans 1'histoire. Ce qui consoloit les pasteurs, c'est qu'ils
les voyoient dans 1'occasion braver la mort avec un courage, qui les
animoit euxmemes a mourir en heros Chretiens."-— Charlevoix.
362 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
trious habits the plough was more suitable than the
sword. The negotiation, therefore, totally failed ;
which was probably of little consequence, for it is
difficult to perceive how these remote and feeble
colonies could have preserved a neutrality in the
contentions of England and France, which was
impossible even to powerful states.
^^fter a treacherous calm of some six months'
^ / />r0^ duration, the unhappy Hurons again relapsed into a
fatal security ; the terrible lessons of the past were
forgotten in the apparent tranquillity of the present.
Watch and ward were relaxed, and again they lay at
the mercy of their ruthless enemies. When least
expected, 1000 Iroquois warriors started up from the
thick coverts of a neighbouring forest, and fell fiercely
upon the defenceless Hurons, burnt two of their
villages, exterminated the inhabitants, and put two
French missionaries to death with horrible tortures.
Then the remnant of the defeated tribe despaired ;
the alliance of the French had only embittered the
hostility of their enemies, without affording protec-
tion ; therefore they arose and deserted their villages
and hunting-grounds, wandering away, some into
the northern forests, others as suppliants among
neighbouring nations.
The greater body of the Hurons, however, attached
themselves to the fortunes of the missionaries, and
under them formed a settlement on the island of
St. Joseph, but they neglected to cultivate the land.
As the autumn advanced, the resources of the chase
became exhausted, and the horrors of famine com-
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 363
menced. They were shortly reduced to the most
dreadful extremities of suffering ; every direst
expedient that starvation could prompt and despair
execute, was resorted to, for a few days' prolonging
of life. Then came the scourge of contagious fever,
sweeping numbers away with desolating fury. While
these terrible calamities raged among the Hurons,
the Iroquois seized the opportunity of again invad-
ing them. The village of St. John, containing nearly
3000 souls, was the first point of attack. The feeble
inhabitants offered no resistance, and, with their
missionary, were totally destroyed. Most of the
remnant of this unhappy tribe then took the reso-
lution of presenting themselves to their conquerors,
and were received into the Iroquois nation. The
few who still remained wandering in the forests were
hunted down like wolves, and soon exterminated.
The terror of the Iroquois name now spread
rapidly along the shores of the great lakes and
rivers of the north. The fertile banks of the Ottawa,
once the dwelling-place of numerous and powerful
tribes, became suddenly deserted, and no one could
tell whither the inhabitants had fled.
About this time was introduced among the
Montagnez, and the other tribes of the Saguenay
country, an evil more destructive than even the
tomahawk of the Iroquois — the "accursed fire-
water;" despite the most earnest efforts of the
governor^the-fur traders at Tadoussac supplied the
Indians with this fatal luxury. In a short time
intoxication, and its dreadful consequences, became
364 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
so frequent, that the native chiefs prayed the
governor to imprison all drunkards. At Three
Rivers, however, the wise precautions of the
authorities preserved the infant settlement from
this monstrous calamity.
1650 in the year 1650, M. d'Ailleboust was worthily
succeeded by M. de Lauson, one of the principals of
the Associated Company. The new governor found
affairs in a very discouraging condition, the colony
rapidly declining, and the Iroquois, flushed by their
sanguinary triumphs, more audacious than ever.
These fierce savages intruded fearlessly among the
French settlements, despising forts and entrench-
ments, and insulting the inhabitants with impunity.
The island of Montreal suffered so much from their
incursions, that M. de Maisonneuve, the governor,
was obliged to repair to France to seek succours, for
which he had vainly applied by letter. He returned
in the year 1653, with a timely reinforcement of
100 men.
Although the Iroquois had now overcome or
destroyed all their native enemies, and proved their
strength even against the Europeans, some of their
tribes were more than ever disposed to a union with
the white men. The Onnontagues dispatched an
embassy to Quebec to request that the governor
would send a colony of Frenchmen among them ;
he readily acceded to the proposition, and fifty men
were chosen for the establishment, with the Sieur
Dupuys for their commander. Four missionaries
were appointed to found the first Iroquois church,
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 365
and to supply temporal wants, provisions for a year,
and sufficient seed to sow the lands about to be
appropriated, were sent with the expedition. This
design excited the jealousy of the other Iroquois
tribes ; the Agniers even tried to intercept the
colonists with a force of 400 warriors: they, how-
ever, only succeeded in pillaging a few of the canoes
that had fallen behind. The same war-party soon
after made an onslaught upon ninety Hurons, work-
ing on the Isle of Orleans under French protection,
slew six, and carried off the rest into captivity. As
they passed before Quebec they made their unhappy
prisoners sing aloud, insultingly attracting the
attention of the garrison. The marauders were not
pursued ; they dragged the prisoners to their vil-
lages, burned the chiefs, and condemned the rest to
a cruel bondage. M. de Lauson can hardly be
excused for thus suffering his allies to be torn from
under his protection without an effort to save them
from their merciless enemies. These unfortunates
had been converted to Christianity, which increased
the rage and ferocity of the captors against them.
One brave chief, whose tortures had been prolonged
for three days, as a worshipper of the God of the
white men, bore himself faithfully to the last, and
died with the Saviour's blessed name upon his
quivering lip.
In the meantime the expedition to the country
of the Onnontagu^s suffered great privations, and
only escaped starvation by the generosity of the
natives. Their spiritual mission was, however,
366 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
at first eminently successful, the whole nation
seeming disposed to adopt the Christian faith.
But the allied tribes having carried their insolence
to an intolerable degree, and massacred three
Frenchmen near Montreal, the commandant at
Quebec seized all the Iroquois within his reach
and demanded redress. The answer of the haughty
savages was, to prepare for war. Dupuys and his
little colony were now in a most perilous position ;
there was no hope of aid from Quebec, and but little
chance of being able to escape from among their
dangerous neighbours. They laboured diligently
and secretly to construct a sufficient number of
canoes to carry them away in case some happy
opportunity might arise, and found means to warn
the people of Quebec of the coming danger. By
great industry and skill the canoes were completed,
and stored with the necessary provisions ; through
an ingenious stratagem the French escaped in
safety while the savages slept soundly after one of
their solemn feasts. In fifteen days the fugitives
arrived at Montreal, where they found alarm on
every countenance. The Iroquois swarmed over the
island, and committed great disorders, although still
professing a treacherous peace. The savages soon
however threw off the mask, and broke into open
war.
1658 On the llth July, 1658, the Viscomte d'Argenson
landed at Quebec as governor. The next morning
the cry " to arms " echoed through the town. The
Iroquois had made a sudden onslaught upon some
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 367
Algonquins under the very guns of the fortress, and
massacred them without mercy. Two hundred
men were instantly dispatched to avenge this insult,
but they could not overtake the wily marauders.
In the same year, however, a party of the Agniers
met with a severe check in a treacherous attempt to
surprise Three Rivers ; the lesson was not lost, and
the colony for some time enjoyed a much needed
repose. The missionaries seized this interval of
tranquillity to recommence their sacred labours;
they penetrated into many remote districts where
Europeans had never before reached, and discovered
several routes to the dreary shores of Hudson's Bay.
In the year 1659 the exemplary Fran9ois de Laval,
Abb£ de Montigny, arrived at Quebec to preside over
the Canadian Church as the first American bishop.5
5 The Abbe de Montigny was titular Bishop of Petreea, and had
received from the Pope a brief as Vicar Apostolic. The church of
Quebec was not erected into a bishop's see until 1670, when its
bishop was no longer called titular Bishop of Petrsea, but Bishop of
Quebec. " Ce qui avoit fait trainer la cause si fort en longueur,
c'est qu'il y eut de grandes contestations sur la dependance immediate
du Saint Siege, dont le Pape ne voulut point se relacher. Cela
n'empeche pourtant pas que 1'Eveche de Quebec ne soit en quelque
fagon uni au clerge de France, en la maniere de celui du Puy,
lequel releve aussi immediatement de Rome." — Charlevoix, torn, ii.,
p. 189 ; Petits Droits, &c., torn, ii., p. 492.
" When the bishopric of Quebec was erected, Louis XIV. endowed
it with the revenue of two abbacies, those of Benevent, and L'Estrio;
about thirty years ago, the then bishop finding it difficult, consider-
ing the distance, to recover the revenues of them, by consent of
Louis XV., resigned the same to the clergy of France, to be united
to a particular revenue of theirs, stiled the economats, applied to the
augmentation of small livings, in consideration of which, the bishop
368 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
The temporal affairs of the colony were falling
into a lamentable condition, no supplies arrived^
from France, and the local production was far
from sufficient. Terror of the Indians kept the
settlers almost blockaded in the forts,. an<l~~€uM¥a-
tion was necessarily neglected. / It was proposed by
many that all the settlements should be abandoned,
and that they should again seek the peaceful shores
of their native country. Many individuals were
massacred by the savages, and two armed parties,
one of thirty and the other of twenty-six men,
were totally destroyed. But some of the Indians too,
began to weary of this murderous war, and to long
again for Christian instruction and peaceful com-
merce. The new governor was at first little inclined
to negociate with his fierce and capricious enemies,
but influenced by the miserable state of the colony
which even a brief truce might improve, he at
length agreed to an exchange of prisoners, and a
peace.
1662 In 1662, the King of France was at last
induced to hearken to the prayers of his Canadian
subjects ; M. de Monts 6 was sent out to inquire
of this see, has ever since received yearly 8000 livres out of the said
revenues. ' A few years before the late bishop's death, the clergy of
France, granted him for his life only, a further pension of 2000 livres;
the bishop had no estate whatever, except his palace at Quebec,
destroyed by our artillery, a garden, and the ground-rent of two or
three houses adjoining it, and built on some part of the lands. "-
Governor Murray's Report on the Ancient Government and Actual
State of the Province of Quebec in 1762.
Charlevoix, torn, ii., p. 120.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 369
into the condition of the country, and 400 troops
added to the strength of the garrison. But these
encouraging circumstances were more than neutra-
lised on account of the permission then granted by
the new governor, Baron d'Avaugour, for the sale of
ardent spirits.7 The disorder soon rose to a lament-
able height, and the clergy in vain opposed their
utmost influence to its pernicious progress. At length
the worthy bishop hastened to France, and repre-
sented to the king the dreadful evil that afflicted the
colony ; his remonstrances were effectual ; he
succeeded in obtaining such powers as he deemed
necessary to stop the ruinous commerce.
The year 1663 was rendered memorable by a
tremendous earthquake, spoken of in a preceding
chapter. In the same year the Associated Company
7 " Jusques-la, les gouverneurs generaux avoient assez tenuelamain
a faire executer les ordres, qu'ils avoient eux-memes donnes, de ne
point vendre d'eau de vie aux sauvages; et le baron d'Avaugour
avoit decerne des peines tres severes contre ceux qui contrevien-
droient a ses ordonnances sur ce point capital. II arriva qu'une
femme de Quebec fut surprise en y contrevenant, et, sur le champ,
conduite en prison. Le P. Lallemant, a la priere de ses amis, crut
pouvoir sans consequence interceder pour elle. II alia trouver le
general, qui le regut tres mal, et qui sans faire reflexion qu'il n'y a
point d 'inconsequence dans les ministres d'un Dieu qui a donne sa
vie pour detruire le peche et sauver le pecheur, a agir avec zele pour
re'primer le vice, et a demander grace pour le criminel, lui repondit
brusquement, que puisque la traite de 1'eau de vie n'etoit pas une
faute punissable pour cette femme, elle ne le seroit desormais pour
personne....il ne consulta que sa mauvaise humeur et sa droiture mal
entendue; et ce qu'il y eutde pis, c'est qu'il sefit un point d'honneur
de ne point retracter 1 'indiscrete parole qui lui etoit echappee.
Le peuple en fut bientot instruit et le desordre devint extreme." —
Charlevoix, torn, ii., p. 121.
VOL. i. B B
370 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
remitted to the crown all their rights over New
France, which the king again transferred to the West
India Company.8 Courts of Law were for the first
time established, and many families of valuable
settlers found their way to the colony. Up to this
period extreme simplicity and honesty seems to have
prevailed in the little community, and it was not till
then that a council of state was appointed by the
crown to co-operate with the governor in the con-
duct of affairs.9 The king sent out the Sieur
8 Petit, vol. i., p. 24. Colony Records. There are no books of
Record in the secretary's office before this period. The old records
were either carried to France, or destroyed at the fire, when the
intendant's palace was burnt down in 1725.
" The company, ' des Cents Associes,' formed in 1628, though one
of the most powerful, according to Charlevoix, that had ever existed,
with respect to the number, the rank, and the accorded privileges of
its members, had allowed the colony to fall into a deplorable state of
weakness. In 1662, when it relinquished its rights to Louis XIV.,
the original number of 100 had diminished to 45." — Charlevoix,
torn, ii., p. 149.
The East India Company was erected by the great Colbert in 1664.
This company, having fallen into decay, was united with the West
Indian Company, which was founded by law in 1718, and survived
the ruin of its projector.
9 " Jusques-la il n'y avoit point eu proprement de cour de justice
en Canada ; les gouverneurs generaux jugeant les affaires d'une
maniere assez souveraine ; on ne s'avisoit point d'appeller de leurs
sentences; mais ils ne rendoient ordinairement des arrets, qu'apres
avoir inutilement tentes les voies de 1'arbitrage, et Ton convient que
leurs decisions etoient toujours, dictees par le bon sens, et selon les
regies de la loi naturelle, qui est audessus de toutes les autres.
D'ailleurs les Creoles du Canada, quoique de race Normande, pour
la plupart n'avoient seulement 1'esprit processif, et aimoient mieux
pour 1'ordinaire ceder quelque chose de leur bon droit, que de perdre
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 371
Gaudais to inquire into the state of his newly
acquired dependency, and to investigate certain
complaints preferred against the Baron d'Avaugour,
who had himself prayed to be recalled. The Sieur
performed his invidious task to the satisfaction of
all parties ; he made valuable reports as to the
general character of the colonial clergy, of the
advantages and disadvantages of the local adminis-
tration of government, and imputed no fault to the
Baron d'Avaugour, but a somewhat too rigid and
stern adherence to the letter of the law, and the
severity of justice. The Baron then joyfully returned
to France, but soon afterwards fell in the defence
of the fort of Serin against the Turks, \vhile, with
the permission of the French king, serving the
Emperor.
M. de Mesy succeeded as governor, upon the
recommendation of the bishop of Canada, whose
le terns a plaider. II sembloit meme que tous les biens fussent com-
munes dans cette colonie, du moins on fut assez long terns sans
rien fermee sous la clef, et il etoit inoui qu'on s'en abusat. II est
bien etrange et bien humiliant pour 1'homme que les precautions
qu'un prince sage prit pour eviter la chicane et faire regner la
justice, aient presque ete' 1'epoque de la naissance de 1'une, et de
1'affoiblissement de 1'autre.... La justice est rendue selon les ordon-
nances duroyaume et la coutume de Paris. Au mois de Juin, 1679,
le roi autorisa par un edit quelques reglemens du conseil de Quebec,
et c'est ce qu'on appelle dans le pays la reduction du Code par
un autre edit en 1685 le conseil fut autorise a juger les causes
criminelles au nombre de cinq juges... c'est sur le modele du conseil
superieur a Quebec, qu'on a depuis etabli ceux de la Martinique, de
St. Domingue, et de Louisiane. Tous ses conseils sont d'epee."—
Charlevoix, yol. ii., p. 140.
B B 2
372 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
complaints on the subject of the sale of spirituous
liquors had been the principal cause of the Baron
d'Avaugour's recall. The new appointment proved
far from satisfactory to those by whose influence it
was made. M. de Mesy at once raised up a host of
enemies by his haughty and despotic bearing ; he
thwarted the Jesuits to the utmost extent of his
power, the council supported them, alleging that
their influence over the native race was essential to
the well-being of the colony. Various representa-
tions of these matters were made to the court of
France, and the final result was, that the governor
was recalled.
Alexandre de Prouville, Marquis de Tracy, was
next appointed viceroy in America by the king,
with ample powers to establish, destroy, or alter the
institutions of the Canadian colony. Daniel de
Remi, Seigneur de Courcelles, the new governor, and
M. Talon, the intendant, were conjoined with the
viceroy in a commission to examine into the charges
1665 against M. de Mesy. M. de Tracy was the first to
arrive at Quebec ; he bore with him the welcome
reinforcement of some companies of the veteran
regiment of Carignan-Salieres.1 He sent a portion
of this force at once against the Iroquois, accom-
panied by the allied savages ; the country was
speedily cleared of every enemy, and the harvest
gathered in security. The remaining part of the
1 " The regiment de Carignan-Salieres was just arrived from Hun-
gary, where it had distinguished itself greatly in the war against the
Turks."— Charlevoix, torn, ii., p. 150.
THE CONQUEST OP CANADA. 373
regiment arrived soon after with the viceroy's col-
leagues ; a large number of families, artisans, and
labourers ; the first horses that had ever been sent
to New France ; cattle, sheep ; and, in short, a far
more complete colony than that which they came
to aid.
Being now established in security, and confident
in strength, the viceroy led a sufficient force to the
mouth of Richelieu River, where he erected three
forts2 to overawe the turbulent Iroquois.3 These
works were rapidly and skilfully executed, and for
2 " M. de Sorel, a captain in the regiment de Carignan, was
employed on the erection of the first fort, on the same site as the fort
De Richelieu, built by M. de Montmagny, now quite in ruins. De
Sorel gave his own name to the fort, and in time the river Richelieu
or Iroquois, acquired it also.
" The second fort was called St. Louis ; but, as M. de Chambly,
captain in the same regiment, had superintended the erection, and
afterwards acquired the land on which it was situated, the whole dis-
trict, and the stone fort, which has been erected since upon the ruins
of the former one, have acquired and retained the name of Chambly.
This was a very important fortress, as it protected the colony on the
side of New York, and the lower Iroquois.
" The third fort was built under the direction of M. de Salieres,
the colonel of the regiment de Carignan ; he named it St. Theresa,
because it was finished on that saint's day." — Charlevoix, torn, ii.,
p. 152.
3 " Every omen was now favourable, except the conquest of New
Netherlands (New York) by the English in 1664. That conquest
eventually made the Five Nations (Iroquois) a dependance on the
English nation ; and if for twenty-five years England and France sued
for their friendship with unequal success, yet afterwards, in the grand
division of parties throughout the world, the Bourbons found in them
implacable opponents." — Bancroft's History of the United States,
vol.ii., p. 149.
374 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
a time answered their purpose ; but the wily savages
soon perceived that there were other routes by which
they could enter the settlements. In the meantime
M. Talon remained at Quebec, collecting much valu-
able information concerning the country and its
native inhabitants. He was spared, however, the
task of inquiring into the conduct of M. de M£sy,
for that gentleman died before the news of his recall
reached Canada.
1665 Towards the end of December, 1665, three tribes
of the Iroquois nation dispatched envoys to the
viceroy, at Quebec, with proposals for peace, and for
an exchange of prisoners. The terms were readily
complied with ; M. de Tracy received the Indians
with politic kindness and attention, and sent them
back with valuable presents. But the formidable
tribes of the Agniers and Onneyouths still kept
sullenly apart from the French alliance; it was,
therefore, determined to give them a severe lesson
for their former insolence and treachery, and make
them feel the supremacy of France. M. de Cour-
celles and M. de Sorel were sent with two corps to
humble the haughty savages. The hostile Indians,
alarmed at the preparations for their destruction,
now sent deputies to Quebec to avert the threatening
storm, although some of their war parties still
infested the settlements, and had lately put to death
three French officers, amongst them M. de Chasy,
the viceroy's nephew. One of the Indian deputies
boasted at M. de Tracy's table that he had slain the
French officers with his own hands ; he was mime-
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 375
diately seized and strangled, and the negociations
broken off.
The two French expeditions found the hostile
country altogether deserted, and returned without 1666
effecting anything, having suffered great fatigue
and hardship. M. de Tracy then took the field
in person, at the head of 1200 French, and 600
friendly Indians, with two pieces of cannon. As
he was setting out on the march, chiefs again came
from the Agniers and Onneyouths to pray for peace
but he would hear of no accommodation, and even
imprisoned the deputies. The French army marched
on the 14th of September, 1666 ; provisions soon
failed in the solitary desert through which they had
to pass ; in their greatest necessity, however, they
entered a wood abounding in chesnut trees, whose
fruit supplied them with sustenance till they gained
the first village of the enemy. The warriors had
abandoned the old men, women, and children, and
ample stores of food, and retired through the forest.
The French found the Indian cabans larger and
better than any they had seen elsewhere, and in
ingeniously contrived magazines, sunk under the
ground, sufficient grain was discovered to supply the
whole colony for two years. The invaders Jbui*nt
and utterly destroyed all the villages, ^nS carried"
"aiTayTas captives, all the inhabitants that remained,
but they could not succeed in overtaking the warriors
to force them to action. They then retraced their
steps, strengthening the settlements on the river
St. Lawrence as they passed ; when M. de Tracy
,o THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
reached Quebec, he caused some of the prisoners to
be put to death as a warning, and dismissed the
remainder. Having established the authority of
the West India Company instead of that of " The
Hundred Associates," he returned to France the
following spring.
The humiliation of the Iroquois restored profound
peace to New France. Then the wisdom and energy
of M. Talon were directed to the development of the
resources of the country. Scientific men were sent
to examine the mineral resources of several districts
where promising indications had been observed.
The clearing of land proceeded rapidly, and inva-
riably discovered a rich and productive soil. The
population increased in numbers, and enjoyed
abundant plenty ; all were in a condition to live in
comfort. According to the perhaps partial authority
of the Jesuit missionaries, the progress in morality
and attention to religious observances kept pace
with the temporal prosperity of this happy colony.
Although M. de Courcelles showed little activity
in conducting the internal government of the colony,
which was principally directed by M. Talon, he
was highly energetic and vigorous in his relations
with the Indians. Having learnt that the Iroquois
were intriguing with the Ottawas to direct their fur
trade to the English colonies, thus probably to ruin
the commerce of New France, he resolved to visit
the Iroquois, and impress them with an idea of his
power, JFor this purpose he took the route of the
deep and rapid St. Lawrence, making his way in
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 377
bateaux for 130 miles above Montreal. His health,
however, suffered so much in this difficult expe-
dition, that he was obliged to demand his recall. ^.
On his return to Quebec he found that several!
atrocious murders and robberies had been committed V
upon Iroquois and Mahingan Indians by Frenchmen,
which filled the savages with indignation, and roused-^
them to a fury of revenge. They attacked and burnt
a house in open day, and a woman perished in the
flames. Numbers of the two injured nations and their
savage allies hovered round Montreal, awaiting an
opportunity for vengeance. M. de Courcelles, with
his wonted vigour in emergencies, hastened to the
threatened settlement, and called upon the Indian
chiefs to hold parley. They assembled, and hearkened
with attention while he enumerated the advantages
that both parties derived from the existing peace.
He then caused those among the murderers who
had been convicted of the crime to be led out and
executed on the spot. The Indians were at once
appeased by this prompt administration of justice,
and even lamented over the malefactors' wretched
fate ; they were also fully indemnified for the stolen
property. The assembly then broke up with mutual
satisfaction.
But soon again the repose of the country was
threatened by the Iroquois and Ottawas, who
had begun to make incursions upon each other.
M. de Courcelles promptly interfered to quell this
growing animosity, declaring that he would punish
with the greatest severity either party that would
378 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
not submit to reasonable conditions ; he required
them to send deputies to state their wrongs, and the
grounds of dispute, and took upon himself to do
justice to both parties. He was obeyed : the chiefs
of the contending tribes repaired to Quebec, and by
the firmness and judgment of the governor, the
breach was healed, and peace secured.
At this time a scourge more terrible than even
savage war, visited the red race of Canada. The
_§raall-ppx first appeared among the northern tribe
of the Attikamegues, and swept them totally away :
many of their neighbours shared the same fate.
Tadoussac, where 1200 Indians usually assembled
to barter their rich furs at the end of the hunting
-^season, was deserted. Three Rivers, once crowded
with the friendly Algonquins, was now never visited
by a red man, and a few years after the frightful
plague first appeared, the settlement of Sillery near
Quebec was attacked, 1500 savages took the fatal
contagion and not one survived. The Hurons, who
had been always most intimately associated with
the French, suffered least among the native nations
from the malady. In 1670 Father Chaumonat
assembled the remnant of this once powerful tribe
in the neighbourhood of Quebec, and established
them in the village of Lorette,4 where a mixed race
of their descendants remains to this day.
4 " La chapelle a Lorette est batie sur le modele et avec toutes
les dimensions de la Santa Casa d'ltalie, d'ou Ton a envoye a
nos neophytes une image de la vierge, semblable a celle, que Ton
voit dans ce celebre sanctuaire. On ne pouvoit guere choisir pour
placer cette mission, un lieu plus sauvage." — Cbarlevoix.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 379
Even the presence of the dreadful infliction of the
small-pox and the fear of French power could not
long restrain the savage impulse for war. The most
distant tribe of the Iroquois became engaged in a
sanguinary quarrel with a neighbouring nation, and
took a number of prisoners. -The ^governor immeA
diately sent to warn these turbulent savages that if )
they did not desist from war, and return thei/
prisoners, he would destroy their villages as he haj^
those of the Agniers. This peremptory message
raised the indignation of the Iroquois, they at first
proudly disclaimed the right of the French to dictate
to the free people of the forest, and vowed that they
would perish rather than bow down to the strangers'
will: but finally the wisdom of the old men prevailed
in the council, they knew that they were not prepared
to meet the power of the Europeans; it was therefore
decided that they should send a portion of their
prisoners to the governor. He either believed, or
pretended to believe, that they had fully complied
with his demands, deeming it prudent not to drive
the Indians to extremities.
380
CHAPTER XIII.
TAKING advantage of the profound peace which now
blessed New France,1 M. Talon, the intendant, dis-
patched an experienced traveller named Nicholas
Perrot to the distant northern and western tribes,
for the purpose of inducing them to fix a meeting
at some convenient place with a view of dis-
cussing the rights of the French Crown. This
bold adventurer penetrated among the nations
dwelling by the great lakes, and with admirable
address Induced them all to send deputies to the
falls of St. Mary, where the waters of Lake Superior
pour into Lake Huron. The Sieur de St. Lusson
met the assembled Indian chiefs at this place in
May, 1671; he persuaded them to acknowledge the
sovereignty of his king, and erected a cross bearing
the arms of France.
1 " On esperoit beaucoup de la Compagnie des Indes Occidentales,
mais elle ne prit guere plus k cceur les interets de la Nouvelle France,
que n'avoit fait la precedente, ainsi que M. Talon avoit prevu.
Cependant comme les secours que le Canada avait regus les der-
nieres annees, 1'avoient mis sur un assez bon pied, il s'y conserva
quelque terns, et il n'est pas merae retombe depuis dans 1'etat de
foiblesse et d'epuisement dont le roi venoit de le tirer." — Charlevoix,
torn, ii., p. 161.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 381
M. de Courcelles was succeeded by the able and
chivalrous Louis de Buade, Comte de Frontenac;
the new governor was a soldier of high rank, and
a trusty follower of the great Henry of Navarre ;
his many high qualities were however obscured by
a capricious and despotic temper. His plans for
the advancement of the colony were bold and
judicious, his representations to the government
of France fearless and effectual, his personal con-
duct and piety unimpeachable, but he exhibited
a bitterness and asperity to those who did not
enter into his views, little suited to the better
points of his character, and it is said that ambition
and the love of authority at times overcame his
zeal for the public good.2
M. Talon, the in ten dan t, was at this time recalled
by his own wish, but before he departed from the
scenes of his useful labours, he planned a scheme of
exploration more extensive than any that had yet
been accomplished in New France. From the
rumours and traditions among the savages of the
far west, with which the meeting at St. Mary's
had made the French acquainted, it was believed
that to the south-west of New France there flowed
a vast river, called by the natives Mechasepe, whose
course was neither towards the great lakes to the
north, nor the Atlantic to the east. It was therefore
surmised that this unknown flood must pour its
waters either into the Gulf of Mexico or the Pacific
2 " Le peuple adoroit Frontenac a cause de sa bonte." — La
Potherie, torn, iv., p. 110 ; Charlevoix, torn, ii., p. 246.
382 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
Ocean. The wise intendant was impressed with the
importance of possessing a channel of naviga-
tion to the waters of the south and west, and before
his departure from America made arrangements to
have the course of the mysterious stream3 explored.
He intrusted the arduous duty to Father Mar-
quette, a pious priest, who was experienced in
Indian travel, and an adventurous and able rner-
1673 chant of Quebec named Jolyet. The Comte de
Frontenac gave hearty aid to this expedition, and
in the meantime he himself extended the line of
French settlement to the shores of Lake Ontario,4
built there the fort that still bears his name, and
opened communication with the numerous tribes
westward of the Alleghany Mountains.
The exploring party, led by Marquette5 and Jolyet,
3 The Mississipi.
4 " Ce lac a porte quelque terns le nom de St. Louis, ou lui donna
ensuite celui de Frontenac, aussi bien qu'au fort de Catarocoui dont
le Comte de Frontenac fut le fondateur, mais insensiblement le lac a
repris son ancien nom, qui est Huron ou Iroquois, et le fort celui du
lieu ou il est bati, (1721)."— Charlevoix, torn, v., p. 287.
5 " Le Pere J. Marquette, natif de Laon en Picardie, a ete un des
plus illustres missionnaires de la Nouvelle France ; il en a parcouru
presque toutes les contrees, et il y a fait plusieurs decouvertes dont la
derniere est celle du Micissipi. Deux ans apres cette decouverte,
comme il alloit a Michillimackinac, il entra le 18me de May, 1675,
dans la riviere dont il s'agit ; il dressa son autel sur le terrein bas,
qu'on laissa a droite en y entrant, et il y dit la messe. II s'e'loigna
ensuite un peu pour faire son action de graces, et pria les homines qui
conduisoient son canot, de le laisser seul pendant une demie heure.
Ce terns passe, ils allerent le chercher, et furent tres surpris de le
trouver mort, ils se souvinrent neanmoins qu'en entrant dans la
riviere, il lui etoit echappe de dire qu'il finiroit la son voyage. Au-
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 383
consisted of only six men, in two little bark canoes :
at the very outset the Indians of the lakes told them
that great and terriMcTdangers would beset their
path, and recounted strange tales of supernatural
difficulties and perils for those who had ventured to
explore the mysterious regions of the west. Heark-
ening carefully to whatever useful information the
natives could bestow, but despising their timid
warnings, these adyei^urou^meii hastened on over
the great lakes to the north-western extremity of
the deep and stormy Michigan, now called Green
Bay. Numerous Indian tribes wandered over the
surrounding country, among others the Miamis, the
most civilised and intelligent of the native race that
they had yet seen. Two hunters of this nation
undertook to guide the expedition to one of the
tributaries of the great river of which they were in
search. The French were struck with wonder at the
vast prairies that lay around their route on every
side, monotonous, and apparently boundless as the
ocean.
The Fox river was the stream to which the Miamis
first led them ; although it was broad at its entrance
jourd'hui les sauvages n'appellent cette riviere autrement que la
riviere de la robe noire ; * les Frangois lui ont donne le nora du Pere
Marquette, et ne manquent jamais de 1'invoquer, quandils setrouvent
en quelque danger sur le Lac Michigan. Plusieurs ont assure qu'ils
se croyoient redevables a son intercession, d'avoir echappe a de tres
grands perils." — Charlevoix, torn, vi., p. 21.
* " Les sauvages appellent ainsi les Jesuites. Us nomment les PrStres, les Collets
Wanes, et les Recollets, les Robes grises."
384 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
into the lake, the upper portion was divided by
marshes into a labyrinth of narrow channels; as
they passed up the river the wild oats grew so
thickly in the water that the adventurers appeared
to row through fields of corn. After a portage of a
mile and a half they launched their canoes in the
Wisconsin river, a tributary of the Mississipi, and
the guides left them to find their way into the
unknown solitudes of the west. Their voyage down
the tributary was easy and prosperous, and at
length, to their great joy, they reached the mag-
nificent stream of the Mississippi. The banks were
rich and beautiful, the trees the loftiest they had
yet seen, and wild bulls and other animals roamed
ill vast herds over the flowery meadows.6
For more than 200 miles Marquette and his com-
panions continued their course through verdant and
majestic solitudes, where no sign of human life
'appeared. At length the foot-prints of men rejoiced
their sight, and, by following up the track, they
arrived at a cluster of inhabited villages, where they
were kindly and hospitably received. Their hosts
called themselves Illinois, which means " men " in
the native tongue, and is designed to express their
supposed superiority over their neighbours. Mar-
quette considered them the most civilised of the
native American nations.
Neither fear for the future nor the enjoyment of
present comfort could damp the ardour of the
French adventurers ; they soon again launched their
6 Relation de Marquette : Recueil de Thevenot, torn. i.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 385
little canoes on the Father of Waters, and fol-
lowed the course of the stream. They passed a
number of bold rocks that rose straight up from the
water's edge : on one of these, strange monsters
were curiously painted in brilliant colours. Soon
after they came to the place where the great
Missouri pours its turbid and noisy flood into the
Mississippi ; and next they reached a lofty range of
cliffs, that stretched nearly across from bank to
bank, breasting the mighty stream. With great dif-
ficulty and danger they guided their little canoes
through these turbulent waters. They passed the
entrance of the Ohio,7 and were again astonished at
the vast size of the tributaries which fed the flood
of the mysterious river. The inhabitants of the
villages on the banks accepted the calumet of peace,
and held friendly intercourse with the adventurers ;
and although, after passing the mouth of the
Arkansas river, a proposition was made in the
council of one tribe to slay and rob them, the chief
indignantly overruled the cruel suggestion, and
presented them with the sacred pipe.
At the village where they were threatened with
this great danger they were inaccurately informed
that the sea was only distant five days' voyage.
From this the travellers concluded that the waters
of the Mississippi poured into the Gulf of Mexico,
and not, as they had fondly hoped, into the Pacific
7 The signification of the word Ohio is " Beautiful River." Accord-
ing to Bancroft, it was called the Wabash in la Salle's time, and
long afterwards.
VOL. I. c c
386 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
Ocean. Fearing, therefore, that by venturing further
they might fall into the hands of the Spaniards, and
lose all the fruits of their toils and dangers, they
determined to reascend the stream, and return to
Canada. After a long and dreary voyage they
reached Chicago, on Lake Michigan, where the
adventurers separated. Father Marquette remained
among the friendly Miamis, and Jolyet hastened to
Quebec to announce their discoveries. Unfortu-
nately their enlightened patron, M. Talon, had
already departed for France.
There chanced, however, to be at Quebec at that
time a young Frenchman, of some birth and fortune,
named Robert Cavalier, Sieur de la Salle, ambitious,
brave, and energetic. He had emigrated to America
with a hope of gaining fame and wealth in the
untrodden paths of a new world. The first project
that occupied his active mind was the discovery of
a route to China7 and Japan, by the unexplored
regions of the west of Canada. The information
7 " La Chine is a fine village, three French miles to the south-east
of Montreal, but on the same side, close to the River St. Lawrence.
Here is a church of stone, with a small steeple, and the whole
place has a very agreeable situation. Its name is said to have had
the following origin. As the unfortunate M. de Sales was here, who
was afterwards murdered by his own countrymen further up the
country, he was very intent on discovering a shorter road to China
by means of the River St. Lawrence. He talked of nothing at that
time but his new short way to China ; but, as his project of under-
taking this journey in order to make this discovery was stopped by
an accident which happened to him here, and he did not at that time
come any nearer China, this place got its name, as it were, by way
of joke." — Kalm m Pinkerton, vol. xiii., p. 699.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 387
brought by Jolyet to Quebec excited his sanguine
expectations. Impressed with the strange idea that
the Missouri would lead to the Northern Ocean, he
determined to explore its course, and, having gained
the sanction of the governor, sailed for France to
seek the means of fitting out an expedition. In this
he succeeded by the favour of the Prince of Conti.
The Chevalier de Tonti, a brave officer, who had lost
an arm in the Sicilian wars, was associated with
him in the enterprise.
On the 14th of July 1678, la Salle and Tonti 1678
embarked at Rochelle with thirty men, and in two
months arrived at Quebec. They took Father
Hennepin with them, and hastened on to the great
lakes,8 where they spent two years in raising forts
and building vessels of forty or fifty tons burthen,
and carrying on the fur trade with the natives. The
party then pushed forward to the extremity of
Michigan. Their friendly relations with the Indians
were here interrupted by a party of the Outagamis
having robbed them of a coat. The French held
a council to devise means of deterring the savages
from such depredations, and it was somewhat hastily
determined to demand restitution of the coat under
the threat of putting the offending chief to death.
The Outagamis having divided the stolen garment
into a number of small pieces for general distribution,
found it impossible to comply with this requisition,
and thinking that no resource remained, presented
8 See Appendix, No. LXIV.
c c 2
388 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
themselves to the French in battle array. However,
through the wise mediation of Father Hennepin, the
quarrel was arranged, and a good understanding
restored.
La Salle now set out with a party of forty-four
men and three Recollets, to pursue his cherished
object of exploring the course of the Mississippi.
He descended the stream of the Illinois, and was
charmed with the beauty and fertility of the banks ;
large villages rose on each side ; the first, containing
500 wooden huts, they found deserted, but in
descending the river they suddenly perceived that
two large bodies of Indians were assembled on
opposite banks, in order of battle. After a parley,
however, the Indians presented the calumet of peace,
and entertained the strangers at a great feast.
The discontents among his own followers proved
far more dangerous to la Salle than the caprice or
hostility of the savages. They murmured at being
led into unknown regions, among barbarous tribes,
to gratify the ambition of an adventurer, and
determined to destroy him and return to France.
They were base enough to tell the natives that la
Salle was a spy of the Iroquois, their ancient enemies,
and it required all his genius and courage to remove
this idea from the minds of the ignorant savages.
Failing in this scheme, they endeavoured to poison
him and all his faithful adherents at a Christmas
dinner ; by the use of timely remedies, however, the
intended victims recovered, and the villains having
fled, were in vain pursued over the trackless deserts.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 389
La Salle was obliged to return to the forts for aid,
on account of the desertion of so many of his fol-
lowers, but he sent Father Hennepin with Dacan
and three other Frenchmen, to explore the sources
of the Mississippi, and left Tonti in the command
of a small fort, erected on the Illinois, which he,
however, was soon obliged to desert, in consequence
of the hostility of the Iroquois. La Salle collected
twenty men, with the necessary arms and provisions,
and unshaken by accumulated disasters, determined
at once to make his way to the Gulf of Mexico
down the course of the Mississippi. He passed
the entrance of the swollen and muddy Missouri,
and the beautiful Ohio, and still descending,
traversed countries where dwelt the numerous
and friendly Chickasaw and Arkansaw Indians.
Next he came to the Taencas, a people far advanced
beyond their savage neighbours in civilisation, and
obeying an absolute prince. Farther on the Natchez
received him with hospitality, but the Quinipissas,
wrho inhabited the shores more to the south, assailed
him with showers of arrows ; he wisely pursued his
important journey without seeking to avenge the
insult. Tangibao, still lower down the stream, had
just been desolated by one of the terrible irruptions
of savage war ; the bodies of the dead lay piled in
heaps among the ruins of their former habitations.
For leagues beyond, the channel began to widen,
and at length became so vast that one shore was
no longer visible from the other. The water was
now brackish, and beautiful sea-shells were seen
390 THE CONQUEST OP CANADA.
strewn along the shore. They had reached the
mouth of the Mississippi, the Father of Rivers.
La Salle, celebrated the successful end of his
adventurous voyage with great rejoicings. Te Deum
was sung, a cross was suspended from the top of a
lofty tree, and a shield bearing the arms of France
was erected close at hand. They attempted to
determine the latitude by an observation of the sun,
but the result was altogether erroneous.
The country immediately around the outlet of
this vast stream, was desolate and uninteresting.
Far as the eye could reach, swampy flats and
inundated morasses filled the dreary prospect.
Under the ardent rays of the tropical sun, noisome
vapours exhaled from the rank soil and sluggish
waters, poisoning the breezes from the southern
seas, and corrupting them into the breath of
pestilence. Masses of floating trees whose large
branches were scathed by months of alternate
immersion and exposure, during hundreds of leagues
of travel, choked up many of the numerous outlets
of the river, and cemented together by the alluvial
deposits of the muddy stream gradually became
fixed and solid, throwing up a rank vegetation.9
9 " This is the site of New Orleans. New Orleans holding from
its position, the command of all the immense navigable river-courses
of interior America, is making the most rapid progress of any
American city, and will doubtless one day become the greatest in
that continent — perhaps even in the world. A formidable evil, how-
ever, exists in the insalubrity of the air, arising from the extensive
marshes and inundated grounds which border the lower part of the
Mississippi. The terrible malady that bears the name of the yellow
THE CONQUEST OP CANADA. 391
Above this dreary delta, however, the country was
rich and beautiful, and graceful undulations suc-
ceeded to the monotonous level of the lower
banks.
After a brief repose, la Salle proceeded to
reascend the river towards Canada, eager to carry
the important tidings of his success to France. His
journey was beset with difficulties and dangers.
The course of the stream, though not rapid, per-
petually impeded his progress. Provisions began
to fail, and dire necessity drove him to perilous
measures for obtaining supplies. Having met with
four women of the hostile tribe of the Quinipissas he
treated them with great kindness, loading them with
such gifts as might most win their favour. The chief
of the savages then came forward and invited the
French to his village, offering them the much-
needed refreshments which they sought. But a
cruel treachery lurked under this friendly seeming,
and the adventurers were only saved from destruc-
tion by the careful vigilance of their leader. At
daybreak the following morning, the Indians made
a sudden attack upon their guests; the French,
fever makes its first appearance in the early days of August, and
continues till October. During that era, New Orleans appears like a
deserted city ; all who possibly can, fly to the north or the upper
country, most of the shops are shut ; and the silence of the streets is
only interrupted by the sound of the hearse passing through them,
In one year, two thousand died of this fever. Since the morasses
have been partially cleared, its ravages have been less destructive ;
and, as this work is going on, the city may hope in time to be almost
free from this terrible scourge." — Murray's America, vol. ii., p. 428.
392 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
however, being thoroughly on the alert, repulsed the
assailants, and slew several of the bravest war-
riors. Infuriated by the treachery of the savages
the victors followed the customs of Indian warfare,
and scalped those of the enemy who fell into their
power.
As they ascended the river they were again
endangered by the secret hostility of the Natchez,1
from the effects of which a constant front of pre-
paration alone preserved them. After several
months of unceasing toil and watchfulness, with
many strange and romantic adventures, but no
other serious obstruction, the hardy travellers at
length joyfully beheld the headland of Quebec.
Immediately after his arrival, la Salle hastened
1682 to France to announce his great discovery,2 and
reap the distinction justly due to his eminent merits.
He was received with every honour, and all his
plans and suggestions were approved by the court.
Under his direction and command, an expedition
was fitted out, consisting of four vessels, and 280
men, for the purpose of forming a settlement at
the mouth of the Mississippi, and thence establish-
ing a regular communication with Canada, along
1 " Garcilasso de la Vega parle de cette nation comme d'un peuple
puissant, et il n'y a pas six ans qu'on y comptoit quatre mille guer-
riers. Aujourd'hui les Natchez ne pourroient pas mettre sur pied
deux mille combattans (1714)." — Charlevoix, torn, vi., p. 177.
2 " La Louisiane est le nom que M. de la Sale a donne au pays
qu'arrose le Mississippi audessous de la Riviere des Illinois et qu'il a
conserve jusqu'a present. C'etoit en 1'honneur de Louis XIV,, qui
regnoit alors en France." — Charlevoix, torn, ii., p. 436.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 393
the course of the Great River. At the same time he
received the commission of governor over the whole
of the vast country extending between the Lakes
and the Gulf of Mexico. The little squadron sailed
from la Rochelle on the 24th of July, 1684, along
with the West India fleet, and having touched at
St. Domingo and Cuba by the way, arrived in safety
on the coast of Florida.
La Salle was involved in great perplexity by 1684
ignorance of the longitude of the river's mouth :
not having descended so far in his former expedition
as to be able to judge of its appearance from the
sea, he passed the main entrance of the Mississippi
unawares, and proceeded 200 miles to the westward,
where he found himself in a bay, since called St.
Bernard's. Attracted by the favourable appearance
of the surrounding country, la Salle here founded
the fort which was to be the basis of his future
establishment. But difficulties and misfortunes
crowded upon him ; the vessel containing his stores
and utensils was sunk through the negligence or
treachery of her commander, and a great portion
of the cargo lost or seized by the Indians. The
violent measures he adopted to compel restitution
of the plundered goods, kindled a deep resentment
in the minds of this fierce and haughty tribe, the
Clamcoets by name. They made a sudden midnight
attack upon the settlement, slew two of the French
and wounded several, and whenever opportunity
offered afterwards, repeated their assaults. The
tropical climate, however, proved a far deadlier
394 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
foe than even the savage, and at length the spirit
of the colonists gave way under accumulated
difficulties.
Meanwhile Tonti, who had descended the Missis-
sippi to join la Salle, sought him in vain at the
mouth of the river, and along the coast for twenty
leagues at either side ; having found no trace or
tidings of the expedition, he relinquished the search
in despair, and sailed upwards again to the Canadian
Lakes.
La Salle bore up with noble courage and energy
against the difficulties that surrounded him. His
subordinates thwarted him on every occasion, and
at length broke out into a violent mutiny, which he,
however, vigorously suppressed. But when he dis-
covered that the settlement founded and sustained
by his unceasing labours was not, as he had fondly
supposed, at the mouth of the Great River, he
experienced the bitterest disappointment. The
surrounding country, though fertile, offered no
brilliant prospect of sudden wealth, or hopes of
future commerce. He determined, therefore, once
again to explore the vast streams of the Mississippi
and Illinois, and to endeavour to gain a greater
knowledge of the interior of the continent. He
took with him on this expedition, his nephew, a
worthy but impetuous youth, named Moranger, and
about twenty men. This young man's haughty
spirit excited a savage thirst of vengeance in the
minds of his uncle's lawless followers; they watched
their opportunity, and in a remote and dreary
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 395
solitude in the depths of the new continent, la
Salle and Moranger were both slain by their mur-
derous hands. Thus sadly perished, in a nameless
wilderness, one of the most daring and gifted among
those wonderful men, to whom the discovery of the
New World had opened a field of glory. His temper
was, doubtless, at times violent and overbearing,3
but he was dearly loved by his friends, respected by
his dependants, and fondly revered by those among
the Indians who came within his influence. His
greatest difficulties arose from those who were
placed under his command, abandoned and ungo-
vernable men, the very refuse of society, and
amenable to no laws, human or divine.
It has been already mentioned that la Salle had
sent Dacan and Father Hennepin to explore the
Mississippi on his first return from the Illinois to
Lake Michigan. They descended that great river
almost to the sea, but their followers, becoming
alarmed at the idea of falling into the hands of
3 Charlevoix thus speaks of the selection of M. de la Sale by
M. de Seignelay : — " II n'est point de vertu qui ne soit melee de
quelque defaut : c'est le sort ordinaire de 1'humanite. Ce qui met le
comble a notre humiliation, c'est que les plus grands defauts accom-
pagnent souvent les plus eminentes qualites, et que la jalousie que
celles-ci inspirent trouve presque toujours dans ceux-la un specieux
pretexte pour couvrir ce que cette passion a de has et d'injuste. C'est
a ceux qui sont etablis pour gouverner les hommes a se faire jour
pour sortir de cette labyrinthe, a degager le vrai des tenebres
dont la passion veut 1'offusquer, et a connoitre si bien ceux dont ils
veulent se servir, qu'en leur donnent lieu de faire usage de ce qu'ils
ont de bon, ils se precautionnent sur ce qu'ils ont de mauvais." —
Charlevoix, torn, ii., p. 2.
396 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
the Spaniards, compelled them to return without
having perfected their expedition. They reascended
the stream and passed the mouths of the Illinois
and Wisconsin, and even reached beyond those
magnificent falls to which the adventurous priest
has given the name of St. Anthony. Continual
danger threatened these travellers from the caprice
or hostility of the Indians; they were held for a
long time in a cruel captivity, forced to accompany
their captors through the most difficult countries
at a pace of almost incredible rapidity, till with
their feet and limbs cut and bleeding they were well
nigh incapable of moving any further. After some
time Hennepin was adopted by a chief as his son,
and treated with much kindness ; when winter came
on, however, and a great scarcity of provisions arose,
the Indians being unable any longer to support
their captives, allowed them to depart. The Father
and his companions used this liberty to continue
their explorations down the Mississippi. After many
other perils and adventures they at length met the
Sieur de Luth who commanded a party sent in
search of them, and with further instructions to
form a settlement on the Great River. Hennepin
at first turned back with the sieur, but found so
many obstacles and difficulties that he determined
for the present to return to Canada.
The disasters attending the expeditions of la
Salle and Hennepin for some time deterred others
from venturing to explore the dangerous regions of
the west, and the government totally neglected to
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 397
occupy the splendid field which the adventure
of those men had opened to French enterprise.
It was left to the love of gain or glory, or the
religious zeal of individuals, to continue the explo-
rations of this savage but magnificent country. The
Baron la Hontan was one of the first and most
conspicuous of these dauntless travellers.4 He had
gone to Canada in early life, with a view of retriev-
ing the broken fortunes of his ancient family, and
had obtained employment upon the Lakes under
the French government. While thus occupied, he
became intimately acquainted with the life and
customs of the savages ; and from his intercourse
with them, formed the idea of penetrating into the
interior of their country, where the white man's
foot had never before trodden. His actual dis-
coveries were probably not very important, and his
record of them is confused and imperfect ; but he
wras the first to learn the existence of the Rocky
Mountains, and of that vast ocean which separates
the western coast of North America from the con-
tinent of Asia.5
4 Memoir "es de VAmerique Septentrionale par M. le Baron de la
Hontan : a Amsterdam. 1705. For the character of these Memoirs
see Charlevoix, torn, vi., p. 408. They are translated in Pinkerton,
vol. xiii.
5 The North Pacific Ocean. The South Pacific Ocean had been
discovered by the Spaniard Balboa, in 1513.
398
CHAPTER XIV.
AN embittered disagreement between the governor-
general, Comte de Frontenac, and the intendant,
M. de Cheneau, M. Talon's successor, rendered it
necessary to recall both those officers from the
colony. The French court attributed the greater
share of blame to the governor, but the haughty
and unbending disposition of the intendant was
probably a principal cause of those untoward dis-
putes. M. le Ferre de la Barre and M. de Meules
succeeded them in their respective offices, with
special recommendation from the king to cultivate
friendly relations with each other, and with M. de
Blenac, the governor-general of the French American
islands.
New France had for many years remained in a
state of great confusion, and had made but little
progress in prosperity or population, and now the
prospects of a disastrous war darkened the future
of the colonists. Various causes had united to
revive the hostility of the Iroquois, their ancient
and powerful foes. Since New York had fallen into
English hands, the savages found it more advan-
tageous to carry their trade thither, than to barter
their furs with the privileged company of France.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 399
The falling off of commercial intercourse soon led to
further alienation, which the death of an Iroquois
chief by the hands of an Illinois, in the territory of
the Ottawas, then allies of the white men, soon
turned into open hostility. The Comte de Frontenac
had failed in his attempts to negociate with the
savages ; and on the arrival of his successor, an
invasion of the colony was hourly expected. M. de
la Barre at once perceived the dangerous state of
affairs ; he, therefore, summoned an assembly of all
the leading men in the country, ecclesiastical, civil,
and military, and demanded counsel from them in
the emergency.
f The assembly was of opinion that the Iroquois
aimed at the monopoly of all the trade of Canada
by the instigation of the English and Dutch of New
York, who were also supposed to incite them to
enmity against the French, and that consequently
nations should be held hostile. It was also
believed that the savages had only endeavoured to
gain time by their negociations, while they either
destroyed the tribes friendly to the colonists, or
seduced them from their alliance^) With this view
they had already assailed the Illinois, and it was
therefore the duty of the French to save that nation
from this attack, whatever might be the cost or
danger of the enterprise. For that purpose the
colony could only furnish 1000 men ; and to procure
even this number, it was necessary that the labours
of husbandry should be suspended. Reinforcements
of troops and a supply of labourers were therefore
400 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
urgently required for the very existence of the
settlements ; and an earnest appeal for such assist-
ance was forwarded to the king, as the result of the
deliberations of the assembly. This application
was immediately answered by the dispatch of 200
soldiers to New France and by a remonstrance
addressed to the King of Great Britain, who in-
structed Colonel Dongan, the English governor of
New York, to encourage more friendly relations
with his French neighbours.
While M. de la Barre pushed on his preparations
for war against the Iroquois, he still kept up the
hope of treating with them for peace in such a
manner as not to forfeit the dignity of his position.
In the mean time, however, he received intimation
that a formidable expedition of 1500 warriors had
assembled, ostensibly to wage war with the Illinois,
but in reality for the destruction of the Miamis and
Ottawas, both allies of the French. The governor
promptly dispatched an envoy, who arrived at the
village where the Iroquois had mustered on the
evening of the day appointed for the beginning of
their campaign. The envoy was received with dig-
nity and kindness ; and he succeeded in obtaining a
promise that the expedition should be deferred,
and that they would send deputies to Montreal
to negociate with the French chief. But the wily
savages had promised only to deceive ; and in the
month of May following, the governor received intel-
ligence that 700 of these fierce warriors were on
their march to attack his Miami and Ottawa allies,
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 401
while another force was prepared to assail the set-
tlements of the French themselves. He attributed
these dangerous hostilities to the instigation of the
English.
The governor made urgent representations to the
minister at home as to the necessity of crushing
two of the Iroquois tribes, the most hostile and the
most powerful. For this purpose, he demanded that
a reinforcement of 400 men should be sent to him
from France as soon as possible ; and that an order
should be obtained from the Duke of York, to whom
New York then belonged, to prevent the English
from interfering with or thwarting the expedition.
The Iroquois found the free trade with the English
and Dutch more advantageous than that with the
V\ French, which was paralysed by an injudicious
ijionopoly ; but they were still unwilling to come to
an open rupture with their powerful neighbours.
They therefore sent deputies to Montreal to make
great but vague professions of attachment and good
will. For many reasons de la Barre placed but
little confidence in these addresses : their object was
obviously to gain time, and to throw the French off
their guard. He, however, received the deputies
with great distinction, and sent them back enriched
with presents. But a few months after this, how-
ever, a small detachment of Frenchmen was assailed
by the Iroquois, and plundered of merchandise which
they were bearing to traffic with the Illinois.
After this flagrant outrage, nothing remained for
M. de la Barre but war. He had received intel-
VOL. I. D D
402 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
ligence that the Iroquois were making great
preparations for an onslaught upon the French
settlements, and that they had sent ambassadors to
the Indians of the south for the purpose of insuring
peace in that quarter, while they threw all their
power into the struggle with the hated pale faces.
The governor promptly determined to adopt the
bolder but safer course of striking the first blow,
and making the cantons of his savage enemies the
field of battle. As yet, few and small were the aids
he had received from France, and a considerable
time must elapse ere the further supplies he anti-
cipated could arrive ; he was, therefore, unwillingly
compelled to avail himself of the assistance of his
Indian allies. The native tribes dwelling around
the shores of Lake Michigan, entertained a deep and
ancient jealousy of the powerful confederacy of the
Iroquois or Five Nations, who aspired to universal
dominion over the Northern Continent ; they,
therefore, held themselves equally interested with
the French in the destruction of those formidable
warriors. M. de la Durantaye, who commanded the
fort on the far distant shores of Lake Michigan,
announced to his Indian neighbours that his
countrymen were about to march against the
Iroquois, and requested that all the native warriors
friendly to the white men should meet them in the
middle of August at Niagara. He was not, how-
ever, very successful in making levies, and with
difficulty led 500 warriors to the place of meeting,
where, to his dismay, he found that the French had
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 403
not arrived : his followers were not easily reconciled
to this disappointment.
In the mean time, M. de la Barre had, on the 1683
9th of July, 1683, marched from Quebec to Montreal,
where he appointed the troops to assemble for the
expedition. No precautions to insure success were
neglected. He dispatched a message to the English
governor of New York, to invite him to join in the
attack, or at least to secure his neutrality. He
also sent belts and presents to three of the Iroquois
tribes to induce them to refrain from joining in the
quarrel of those among their confederates who
alone had injured him and his nation. He arrived
at Montreal on the 21st, with 700 Canadians,
130 soldiers, and 200 Indians; his force was
organised in three divisions. After a brief stay he
continued his march westward.
The governor had not proceeded far when he
received intelligence that the other Iroquois tribes
had obliged the Tsonnonthouans, his especial
enemies, to accept of their mediation with the
French, and that they demanded the Sieur le Moyne,
in whom they placed much confidence, to conduct
the negociation. At the same time he learned that
the tribe he proposed to assail, had put all their
provisions into a place of security, and were prepared
for a protracted and harassing resistance. His
appeals both to the remaining Iroquois tribes and
to the English had also failed, for the former would
assuredly make common cause against him in case
of his refusing their mediation, and the latter had
DD 2
404 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
actually offered to aid his enemies with 400 horse,
and a like force of infantry. Influenced by these
untoward circumstances he dispatched M. le Moyne
to treat, and agreed to await the Iroquois deputies
on the shores of Lake Ontario. In the meantime
M. de la Barre and his army underwent great
privations from the scarcity and bad quality of
their provisions ; they could with difficulty hold
their ground till the arrival of the savages, and
such was their extremity that the name of the
Bay of Famine was given to the scene of their
sufferings.
The savage deputies met the French chief with
great dignity, and well aware of the advantage
given them by the starvation and sickness of the
white men, carried their negociations with a high
hand. They guaranteed that the Tsonnonthouans
should make reparation for the injuries inflicted on
the French, but at the same time insisted that the
governor and his army should retire the very next
day. With this ignoble stipulation M. de la Barre
was fain to agree ; on his return to Quebec, he
found, to his chagrin, that considerable reinforce-
ments had just arrived from France, which would
have enabled him to dictate instead of submitting
to dictation. The new detachment was commanded
by MM. Monterlier and Desnos, captains of marine,
wrho were commissioned by the king to proceed
to the most advanced and important posts, and
to act independently of the governor's authority.
They were further instructed to capture as many
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 405
of the Iroquois as possible, and to send them to
France to labour in the galleys. In this same year
the Chevalier de Callieres, an officer of great merit,
was sent from France to assume the duties of
governor of the Montreal district, as successor to
M. Perrot, who had embroiled himself with the
members of the powerful Order of St. Sulpicius.
In the year 1685, the Marquis de D^nonville 1685
arrived at Quebec as governor-general in succession
to M. de la Barre, whose advanced age and failing
health unfitted him for the arduous duties of the
office. The new governor was selected by the king
for his known valour and prudence ; a reinforcement
of troops was placed at his disposal, and it was
determined to spare no effort to establish the colony
in security and peace. Denonville lost not a moment
in proceeding to the advanced posts on the lakes, and
at the same time he devoted himself to a diligent
study of the affairs of Canada and the character of
the Indians. His keen perception promptly dis-
covered the impossibility of the Iroquois being
reconciled and assimilated to the French, and he at
once saw the necessity of extirpating, or at least
thoroughly humbling, these haughty savages. But
beyond the present dangers and difficulties of Indian
hostility, this clear-sighted politician discerned the
far more formidable evils that threatened the power
of his country from the advancing encroachments of
the hardy traders and fearless adventurers of the
English colonies. He urged upon the king the
advantage of building and garrisoning a fort at
406 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
Niagara to exclude the British from the traffic of
the lakes, and interrupt their communications with
the Iroquois, and also to check the desertion of
the French, who usually escaped by that route,
and transferred the benefits of their experience and
knowledge of the country to the rival colonies.
The North-west Company of merchants at Quebec
earnestly desired this establishment, and engaged to
pay an annual rent of 30,000 livres to the crown
for the privilege of exclusive trade at the proposed
station.
The suspicions of the Marquis de Denonville as to
1686 English encroachments were soon confirmed. He
received a letter from the governor of New York,
dated 29th of May, 1686, demanding explanations of
the preparations which were being made against the
Iroquois — the subjects of England — as any attack
upon them would be a breach of the peace then
existing between England and France. The British
governor also expressed surprise that the French
should contemplate erecting a fort at Niagara,
" because it should be known in Canada that all
that country was a dependancy of New York." M. de
Denonville, in reply, denied the pretensions of the
English to sovereignty in New France, and pointed
out the impropriety of hostile communications
between inferiors, while the kings whom they served
remained on amicable terms. He rendered, however,
some sort of evasive explanation on the subject of
his preparations against the Iroquois.
The following year the governor-general received
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 407
from the court the notification of a most important
agreement between England and France ; that, " not-
withstanding any rupture between the northern coun-
tries, the colonies on the American continent should
remain at peace." Unfortunately, however, the force
of national prejudice, and the clashing of mutual in-
terests, rendered this wise and enlightened provision
totally fruitless.
In the summer of 1687, M. de Denonville marched 1687
towards Lake Ontario with a force of 2000 French
and 600 Indians; having already received all the
supplies and reinforcements which he had expected
from France. His first act of aggression was one
that no casuistry can 'excuse, no necessity justify —
one alike dishonourable and impolitic. He employed
two missionaries, men of influence among the savages,
to induce the principal Iroquois chiefs to meet him at
the fort of Cataracouy, under various pretences ; he
there treacherously seized the unsuspecting savages,
and instantly dispatched them to Quebec, with orders
that they should be forwarded to France to labour in
the galleys. The missionaries who had been instru-
mental in bringing the native chiefs into this un-
worthy snare, were altogether innocent of participa-
tion in the outrage, never for a moment doubting
the honourable intentions of their countrymen to wards
the Indian deputies. One, who dwelt among the
Onneyouths, was immediately seized by the exasper-
ated tribe, and condemned to expiate the treachery
of his nation and his own supposed guilt in the
flames ; he was, however, saved at the last moment
408 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
by the intervention of an Indian matron, who adopted
him as her son. The other — Lamberville by name
— was held in great esteem among the Onnontagues,
to whose instruction he had devoted himself. On
the first accounts of the outrage at Cataracouy, the
ancients assembled and called the missionary before
them. They then declared their deep indignation at
the wrong which they had suffered ; but at the mo-
ment when their prisoner expected to feel the terrible
effects of their wrath, a chief arose, and with a noble
dignity addressed him : —
" Thou art now our enemy — thou and thy race.
We have held counsel, and cannot resolve to treat
thee as an enemy. We know thy heart had no share
in this treason, though thou wert its tool. We are
not unjust ; we will not punish thee, being innocent,
and hating the crime as much as we do ourselves.
But depart from among us; there are some who
might seek thy blood, and when our young men
sing the war-song, we may be no longer able to
protect thee." The magnanimous savages then
furnished him with guides, who were enjoined to
convey him to a place of safety.
M. de D^nonville halted for some time at Catara-
couy, and sent orders to the commanders of the
distant western posts to meet him on the 10th of
July at the river Des Sables, to the eastward of the
country of the Tsonnonthouans, against whom they
were first to act. The governor marched upon this
point with his army, and by an accident of favour-
able presage, he and the other detachments arrived
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 409
at the same time. They immediately constructed
an intrenchment, defended by palisades, in a com-
manding situation over the river, where their stores
and provisions were safely deposited. M. d'Orvilliers,
with a force of 400 men, was left for the protection
of this depot, and to insure the rear of the advancing
army.
On the 13th the French pushed into the hostile
country, and passed two deep and dangerous defiles
without opposition, but at a third they were sud-
denly assailed by 800 of the Iroquois, who, after the
first volley, dispatched 200 of their number to
outflank the invaders, while they continued the
front attack with persevering courage. The French
were at first thrown into some confusion by this
fierce and unexpected onslaught, but the allied
savages, accustomed to the forest warfare, boldly
held their ground, and effectually covered the
rallying of the troops. The Iroquois, having failed
in overpowering their enemies by surprise, and
conscious of their inferiority in numbers and arms,
after a time broke their array, and dispersed among
the woods. The French lost five men killed and
twenty wounded ; the Iroquois suffered far more —
forty-five were left dead upon the field, and sixty
more disabled in the conflict. The Ottawas serving
under M. de Denonville, who had been by no means
forward in the strife, with savage ferocity mangled,
and devoured the bodies of the slain. The Hurons,
and the Iroquois Christians following the French
standard, fought with determined bravery.
410 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
The army encamped in one of the four great
villages of the Tsonnonthouans, about eight leagues
from the fort at the river Des Sables ; they found it
totally deserted by the inhabitants, and left it in
ashes. For ten days they marched through the
dense forest with great hardship and difficulty, and
met with no traces of the enemy, but they marked
their progress with ruin ; they burnt about 400,000
bushels of corn, and destroyed a vast number of
hogs. The general, fearing that his savage allies
would desert him if he continued longer in the field,
was then constrained to limit his enterprise. He,
however, took this opportunity of erecting a fort at
Niagara, and left the Chevalier de la Troye with
100 men in garrison. Unfortunately, a deadly
malady soon after nearly destroyed the detachment,
and the post was abandoned and dismantled. The
constant and harassing enmity of the savages com-
bined with the bad state of the provisions left in
the fort to render the disease which had broken out
so fatal in its results.
The French had erected a fort called Chambly,1 in
a strong position on the left bank of the important
river Richlieu.2 This little stronghold effectually
1 Afterwards called Sorel.
2 The river Iroquois, or Sorel. " Dans les premieres annees de
notre etablissement en Canada les Iroquois, pour faire des courses
j usque dans le centre de nos habitations, descenderent cette riviere a
laquelle pour cette raison on donna le nora de riviere des Iroquois.
On 1'a depuis appelle la riviere de Richlieu, a cause d'un fort qui
portoit ce nom et qu'on avoit construit a son embouchure. Ce fort
ayant ete ruine, M. de Sorel en fit construire un autre auquel on
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 411
commanded the navigation of the stream, and,
through it, the communication between Lake
Champlain and the southern districts with the
waters of the St. Lawrence. On the 13th of
November, 1687, a formidable party of the Iroquois 1687
suddenly attacked the fort; the little garrison
made a stout defence, and the assailants abandoned
the field with the morning light ; the settlement
which had grown up in the neighbourhood was,
however, ravaged by the fierce Indians, and several
of the inhabitants carried away into captivity. The
French attributed this unexpected invasion to the
instigation of their English neighbours, and it
would appear with reason, for, on the failure of
the assault, the governor of New York put his
nearest town into a state of defence, as if in
expectation of reprisals.
In this same year there fell upon Canada an evil
more severe than Indian aggression or English
hostility. Towards the end of the summer a deadly
malady visited the colony, and carried mourning
into almost every household. So great was the
mortality, that M. de Denonville was constrained to
abandon, or rather defer, his project of humbling
donna son nom ; ce nom s'est communique a la riviere qui le con-
serve encore aujourd'hui, quoique le fort ne subsiste plus depuis
longtems. (1721.)" — Charlevoix, torn, v., p. 221.
" There is another Iroquois river marked on the French maps,
falling into the Teakiki. It received this name from a defeat expe-
rienced hy the Iroquois from the Illinois, a race whom they had
always despised." — Charlevoix, vol. vi., p. 118.
412 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
the pride and power of the Tsonnonthouans. He
had also reason to doubt the faith of his Indian
allies ; even the Hurons of the far west, who had
fought so stoutly by his side on the shores of
Lake Ontario, were discovered to have been at
the time in treacherous correspondence with the
Iroquois.
While doubt and disease paralysed the power of
the French their dangerous enemies were not idle.
Twelve hundred Iroquois warriors assembled at Lake
St. Francis, within two days' march of Montreal, and
haughtily demanded audience of the governor, which
was immediately granted. Their orator proclaimed
the power of his race and the weakness of the white
men, with all the emphasis and striking illustration
of Indian eloquence. He offered peace on terms
proposed by the governor of New York, but only
allowed the French four days for deliberation.
This high-handed diplomacy was backed by for-
midable demonstrations. The whole country west
of the river Sorel, or Richlieu, was occupied by a
savage host, and the distant fort of Cataracouy on
the Ontario shore was with difficulty held against
eight hundred Iroquois who had burned the farm
stores with flaming arrows, and slain the cattle of
the settlers. The French bowed before the storm
they could not resist, and peace was concluded
on conditions that war should cease in the land, and
all the allies should share in the blessings of repose.
M. de Denonville further agreed to restore the
Indian chiefs who had been so treacherously torn
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 413
from their native wilds, and sent to labour in the
galleys of France.
But in the mean time some of the savage allies,
disdaining the peaceful conclusions of negociation,
waged a merciless war. The Abenaquis, always
the fiercest foes of the Iroquois confederacy, took
the field while yet the conferences pended, and fell
suddenly upon the enemy by the banks of the
Sorel. They left death behind them on their path,
and pushed on even into the English settlements,
where they slew some of the defenceless inhabitants,
and carried away their scalps in savage triumph.
On the other hand the Iroquois of the rapids of
St. Louis and the Mountain made a deadly raid
into the invaders' territories.
The Hurons of Michilimakinac were those among
the French allies who most dreaded the conclusion
of a treaty of which they feared to become the first
victims. Through the extraordinary machinations
and cunning of their chief, Kondiaronk, or the Rat,
they continued to re-awaken the suspicions of the
Iroquois against the French, and again strove to stir
up the desolating flames of war.
In the midst of these renewed difficulties, M. de
Denonville was recalled to Europe, his valuable
services being required in the armies of his king.
In colonial administration he had shown an ardent
zeal for the interests of the sovereign and the
country under his charge, and his plans for the
improvement of Canada were just, sound, and com-
prehensive, but he was deficient in tenacity of
414 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
purpose, and not fortunate or judicious in the
selection of those who enjoyed his confidence. His
otherwise honourable and useful career can, how-
ever, never be cleansed from the fatal blot of one
dark act of treachery. From the day when that
evil deed was done, the rude but magnanimous
Indian scorned as a broken reed the sullied honour
of the French.
The Comte de Frontenac was once again selected
1689 for the important post of governor of New France,
and arrived at Montreal on the 27th of October,
1689, where his predecessor handed over the ardu-
ous duties of office. The state of New France was
such as to demand the highest qualities in the man
to whose rule it was intrusted ; trade languished,
agriculture was interrupted by savage aggression,
and the very existence of the colony threatened by
the growing power of the formidable Iroquois con-
federacy. At the same time, a plan for the
reduction of New York was being organised in
Paris, which would inevitably call for the co-opera-
tion of the colonial subjects of France, and, in the
event of failure, leave them to bear the brunt of
the dangerous quarrel. M. de Frontenac was
happily selected in this time of need.
Impelled by the treacherous machinations of the
Huron chief Kondiaronk, the Iroquois approached
the colony in very different guise from that expected.
While M. de Denonville remained in daily hopes of
receiving a deputation of ten or twelve of the Indians
to treat for peace, he was astounded by the sudden
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 415
descent of 1200 warriors upon the Island of Mon-
treal.3 Terrible indeed was the devastation they
caused ; blood and ashes marked their path to within
three leagues of the territory, — where they block-
aded two forts, after having burnt the neighbouring
houses. A small force of 100 soldiers and 50 Indians,
imprudently sent against these fierce marauders,
was instantly overpowered, and taken or destroyed.
When the work of destruction was completed, the
Iroquois re-embarked for the western lakes, their
canoes laden with plunder, and 200 prisoners in
their train.
This disastrous incursion filled the French with
panic and astonishment. They at once blew up the
forts of Cataracouy and Niagara, burned two vessels
built under their protection, and altogether aban-
doned the shores of the western lakes. The year
3 Charlevoix says of Montreal in 1721, " Elle n'est point fortifiee,
une simple palisade bastionnee et assez mal entretenue fait toute sa
defence, avec une assez mauvaise redoute sur un petit tertre, qui
sert de boulevard, et va se terminer en douce pente a une petite
place quarree. C'est ce qu'on rencontre d'abord en arrivant de Quebec.
II n'y a pas meme quarante ans, que la ville etoit toute ouverte, et
tous les jours exposee a etre brulee par les sauvages oupar les Anglois.
Ce fut le Chevalier de Callieres, frere du plenipotentiaire de Riswick,
qui la fit fermer, tandis qu'il en etoit gouverneur. On projette depuis
quelques annees de 1'environner de murailles,* inais il ne sera pas
aise d 'engager les habitans a y contribuer. Us sont braves et ils ne
sont pas riches : on les a deja trouve difficiles a persuader de la ne-
cessite de cette depense, et fort convaincus que leur valeur est plus que
suffisante pour defendre leur ville centre quiconque osoit 1'attaquer."
" Ce projet est presentement execute, 1740."
416 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
was not, however, equally unfortunate in all parts of
New France. Whilst the island of Montreal was swept
by the storm of savage invasion, M. d'Iberville
supported in the north the cause of his country,
and the warlike Abenaquis avenged upon the English
settlers the evils which their Iroquois allies had in-
flicted upon Canada. Upon his arrival, the Comte de
Frontenac determined to restore the falling fortunes
of his people by means of his great personal influence
among the triumphant Iroquois, backed as he was
with the presence of those prisoners who had been
so treacherously seized by his predecessor, but whose
entire confidence and good-will he had acquired while
bringing them back to their native country. A chief
named Oureouhare, the most distinguished among
the captives, undertook to negociate with his coun-
trymen— a duty which was performed more honestly
than efficiently : an exchange of prisoners took place,
but nothing further was accomplished.
The northern Indians, allies of the French, had long
desired to share the benefits of English commerce
'with the Iroquois ; it had, however, been the policy
of the Canadian government to keep these red tribes
continually at war, with the view of interrupting the
communications of traffic through their country. But
the allied savages soon began to see the necessity of
making peace with the Iroquois, in order to establish
relations with the traders of the British settlements.
With this view the Ottawas sent ambassadors to
the cantons of the five nations, restoring the
risoners captured in the war, and proffering
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 417
peace and amity. The agents and missionaries of
the French strongly remonstrated against these
proceedings, but in vain ; their former allies replied
by insulting declarations of independence, and con-
temptuous scoffs at their want of power and courage
to meet the enemy in the field ; their commerce too
was spoken of as unjust, injurious and inferior to
that of the English, of which they had endeavoured
to deprive those whom they could not protect in war ;
the French were also accused of endeavouring to
shelter themselves under a dishonourable treaty,
regardless of the safety and interests of the Indians
who had fought and bled in their cause.
When M. de Frontenac became aware of tl
r \
formidable disaffection, he boldly determined to\
strike a blow at the English power, that should/
restore the military character of France among th<
savages, and deprive the recreant Indians of theij
expected succour. He therefore organised threev
expeditions to invade the British settlements by \
different avenues. The first, consisting of 110 men,
marched from Montreal, destined for New Yorl
but only resulted in the surprise and destruction of
the village of Corlar,4 or Schenectady, and the
massacre and capture of some of the inhabitants.
4 " Corlar was the name of a Dutchman of consideration, who
founded the village of Schenectady. This man enjoyed great influence
with the Indians, who after his death always addressed the governor
of New York with the title of Corlar, as the name most expressive
of respect with which they were acquainted." — Graham, vol. ii.,
p. 288.
" Au-dessus de la ville d' Orange il y a un fort avec une bourgade,
VOL. I. E E
418 THE CONQUEST OP CANADA.
They retreated at noon the following day, bearing
with them forty prisoners ; after much suffering
from want of provisions they were obliged to sepa-
rate into small parties, when they were attacked
by their exasperated enemies, and sustained some
loss. Many would have perished from hunger in
this retreat, but that they found a resource in
living upon horse-flesh ; their cavalry from fifty was
reduced to six by the time they regained the shelter
of Montreal.
The second invading divison was mustered at
Three Rivers, and only numbered fifty men, half
being Indians. They reached an English settlement
called Sementels (Salmon Falls), after a long and diffi-
cult march, and succeeded in surprising and destroy-
ing the village, with most of its defenders. In their
retreat they were sharply attacked, but succeeded in
escaping, through the aid of an advantageous post,
which enabled them to check the pursuers at a
narrow bridge. They soon after fell in with M. de
Mamerval, governor of Acadia, with the third party,
and, thus reinforced, assailed the fortified village of
Kaskebe, upon the sea-coast, which surrendered
after a heavy loss of the defenders.
To regain the confidence of his Indian allies, M.
de Frontenac saw the necessity of rendering them
independent of English commerce, and safe from
the hostility of the Iroquois. To accomplish these
qui continent avec les cantons Iroquois, et qu'on appelle Corlar, d'ou
ces sauvages se sont acco&tumes a donner le nom de Corlar au
gouverneur de New York." — Charlevoix, torn, i., p. 222.
THE CONQUEST OP CANADA. 419
objects he dispatched a large convoy to the west,
escorted by 143 men, and bearing presents to the
savage chiefs. On the way they encountered a party
of the Five Nations, and defeated them after a
sanguinary engagement.
All these vigorous measures produced a marked
effect ; the convoy arrived at Michilimakinac at the
time when the ambassadors of the French allies were
on the point of departing to conclude a treaty with
the Iroquois. When, however, the strength of the
detachment was seen, and the valuable presents and
merchandise were displayed, the French interests
again revived with the politic savages, and they
hastened to give proofs of their renewed attachment :
110 canoes bearing furs to the value of 100,000
crowns, and manned by 300 Indians, were dispatched
soon after for Montreal to be laid before the governor-
general. He dismissed the escort with presents and
exhorted them and their nation to join with him
in humbling their mutual and deadly foe. They
departed well pleased with their reception, and
renewed professions of friendship for the French — — ^
In the meantime the terrible war-cry of thej
Iroquois was never silent in the Canadian settled
ments. Bands of these fierce and merciless*
warriors suddenly emerged from the dense forests\
when least expected, and burst upon isolated posts
and villages with more or less success, but always
with great loss of life to the assailants and assailed,5
5 " Golden relates, that during the war between the French and
E E 2
420 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
and with great destruction of the fruits of industry.
These disastrous events caused much disquietude to
the governor. He called to his counsels the Iroquois
chief, Oureouhare, who still remained attached to
him by the closest bonds of friendship and esteem,
and complained of the bitter hostility of his nation :
" You must either not be a true friend," said M. de
Frontenac, "or you must be powerless in your
nation, to permit them to wage this bitter war
against me." The generous chief was mortified at
this discourse, and answered that his remaining
with the French, instead of returning to his own
hunting-grounds where he was ardently beloved,
was a proof of his fidelity, and that he was ready
to do anything that might be required of him ; but
that it would certainly need time and the course of
circumstances to allay the fury of his people against
those who had treacherously injured them. The
governor could not but acknowledge the justice of
Oureouhare's reply; he gave him new marks of
Iroquois, two old men were cut to pieces, and put into the war-kettle
for the Christian Indians to feast on." — Golden, vol. i., p. 81.
" Frontenac stands conspicuous among all his nation for deeds of
cruelty to the Indians. Nothing was more common than for his
Indian prisoners to be given up to his Indian allies to be tormented.
One of the most horrible of these scenes on record was perpetrated
under his own eye at Montreal in 1691." — Golden, vol. i., p. 441 ;
quoted by Howitt.
" Les habitans en firent bruler, persuades que le seul moyen de
corriger ces barbares de leurs cruautes, etoit de les traiter eux-meme
comme ils traitoient les autres." — Charlevoix, Jesuite, torn, iii.,
p. 139.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 421
esteem and friendship, and determined more than
before to confide in this wise and important ally.6
But now the greatest danger that had ever yet 1690
menaced the power of France upon the American
continent hung over the Canadian shores. The men
of New England were at last aroused to activity by
the constant inroads and cruel depredations of their
northern neighbours, and in April, 1690, dispatched
a small squadron from Boston, which took posses-
sion of Port Royal and all the province of Acadia.
In a month the expedition returned, with sufficient
plunder to repay its cost. Meanwhile the British
settlers deputed six commissioners to meet at New
York in council for their defence. On the 1st of
May, 1690, these deputies assembled, and promptly
determined to set an expedition on foot for the
invasion of Canada. Levies of 800 men were
ordered for the purpose, the contingents of the
several states fixed, and general rules appointed for
the organisation of their army. A fast-sailing vessel
was dispatched to England with strong representa-
tions of the defenceless state of the British colonies,
and with an earnest appeal for aid in the projected
invasion of New France ; they desired that ammu-
nition and other warlike stores might be supplied to
6 " Oureouhare mourut en vrai Chretien, 1'an 1697. Le mission-
naire qui 1'assista pendant sa maladie, lui parlant un jour des opprobres
et des ignominies de la passion du Sauveur des hommes ; il entra dana
un si grand mouvement d'indignation centre les Juifs, qu* il s'ecria,
« Que n'etois-je la ? je les aurois bien empeche de traiter ainsi mon
Dieu.' The similar exclamation of the Frank monarch, Clovis, is
well known." — Charlevoix, torn, iii., p. 332.
422 THE CONQUEST OP CANADA.
their militia for the attempt by land, and that a
fleet of English frigates should be directed up the
River St. Lawrence to co-operate with the colonial
force. But at that time England was still too much
weakened by the unhealed wounds of domestic strife
to afford any assistance to her American children,
and they were thrown altogether on their own
resources,
New York and New England boldly determined,
unaided, to prosecute their original plans against
Canada. General Winthrop with 800 men was
marched by the way of Lake Champlain, on the
shores of which he was to have met 500 of the
Iroquois warriors ; but, through some unaccountable
jealousy, only a small portion of the politic savages
came to the place of muster. Other disappointments
also combined to paralyse the British force: the
Indians had failed to provide more than half the
number of canoes necessary for the transport of the
troops across the lake, and the contractor of the
army had imprudently neglected to supply sufficient
provisions. No alternative remained for Winthrop
but to fall back upon Albany for subsistence.
In the meantime Major Schuyler, who had before
crossed Lake Champlain with a smaller British force,
pushed on against the French post of La Prairie de
la Madeleine, and attacked it with spirit. He soon
overcame the handful of Canadian militia and
Indians who formed the garrison, and compelled
them to fall back upon Chambly, a fort further to
the north. Having met M. de Sanermes and a con-
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 423
siderable force advancing to their relief, they turned
and faced their pursuers. Schuyler rashly ven-
tured to attack this now superior enemy ; he was
soon forced to retire, with the loss of nearly thirty
men. The French, however, suffered much more
severely in this affair ; no less than thirteen officers
and nearly seventy of their men having been killed
and wounded.
The naval expedition against Quebec was as-
sembled in Nantasket Road, near Boston, and
consisted of thirty-five vessels of various size, the
largest being a 44-gun frigate. Nearly 2000 troops
were embarked in this squadron, and the chief
command was confided by the people of New
England to their distinguished countryman Sir
William Phipps, a man of humble birth, whose
own genius and merit had won for him honour,
power, and universal esteem. The direction of the
fleet was given to Captain Gregory Sugars. The
necessary preparations were not completed, and the
fleet did not get under way till the season was far
advanced ; contrary winds caused a still further
delay ; however, several French posts on the shores
of Newfoundland and of the Lower St. Lawrence
were captured without opposition, and the British
force arrived at Tadoussac on the Saguenay before
authentic tidings of the approaching danger had
reached Quebec.
When the brave old Frontenac learned from his
scouts that Winthrop's corps had retreated, and that
Canada was no longer threatened by an enemy from
424 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
the landward side, he hastened to the post of honour
at Quebec, while by his orders M. de Ramsey and
M. de Calli&res assembled the hardy militia of
Three Rivers and the adjoining settlements to rein-
force him with all possible dispatch. The governor
found that Major Provost, who commanded at
Quebec before his arrival, had made vigorous pre-
paration to receive the invaders;7 it was only neces-
sary, therefore, to continue the works, and confirm
the orders given by his worthy deputy. A party,
under the command of M. de Longueuil, was sent
down the river to observe the motions of the British,
and, if possible, to prevent their landing. At the same
time two canoes were dispatched by the shallow
channel north of the Island of Orleans to seek for
some ships with supplies, which were daily expected
from France, and to warn them of the presence of
the hostile fleet.
The Comte de Frontenac continued the prepara-
tions for defence with unwearied industry. The
regular soldiers and militia were alike constantly
employed upon the works till in a short time
7 " It does not appear that the fortifications of Quebec were of
much importance till after the year 1690, when eleven stone redouhts,
which served as hastions, were erected in different parts of the heights
of the Upper Town. The remains of several of these redouhts are
still in existence. They were connected with each other hy a strong
line of cedar picketing, ten or twelve feet high, banked up with earth
on the inside. This proved sufficient to resist the attacks of the
hostile Indians for several years." — Lambert's Travels, vol. i., p. 39.
" In 1720 a more extensive system of fortification was commenced
under the direction of M. de Lery." — Smith's Canada, vol. i., p. 184.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 425
Quebec was tolerably secure from the chances of
a sudden assault. Lines of strong palisades, here
and there armed with small batteries, were formed
round the crown of the lofty headland, and the
gates of the city were barricaded with massive
beams of timber, and casks filled with earth. A
number of cannon were mounted on advantageous
positions, and a large windmill of solid masonry
was fitted up as a cavalier. The lower town was
protected by two batteries each of three guns, and
the streets leading up the steep rocky face of the
height were embarrassed with several entrench-
ments and rows of " cheveux-de-frise." Subse-
quently during the siege two other batteries were
erected a little above the level of the river. The
commanding natural position of the stronghold,
however, offered far more serious obstacles to the
assailants than the hasty and imperfect fortifi-
cations.
At daylight on the 5th of October the white sails
of the British fleet were seen rounding the headland
of Point Levi, and crowding to the northern shore of
the river, near the village of Beauport; at about ten
o'clock they dropped anchor, lowered their canvas,
and swung round with the receding tide. There
they remained inactive till the following morning.
On the 6th, Sir William Phipps sent a haughty
summons to the French chief demanding an uncon-
ditional surrender in the name of King William
of England, and concluding with this imperious
sentence : "Your answer positive in an hour, returned
426 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
with your own trumpet with the return of mine, is
required upon the peril that will ensue."
The British officer who bore the summons was
led blindfold through the town and ushered into
the presence of Comte Frontenac in the council-room
of the castle of Quebec. The bishop, the intendant,
and all the principal officers of the government
surrounded the proud old noble. " Read your
message," said he. The Englishman read on, and
when he had finished, laid his watch upon the table
with these words : " It is now ten ; I await your
answer for one hour." The council started from
their seats surprised out of their dignity by a burst
of sudden anger. The Comte paused for a time ere
he could restrain his rage sufficiently to speak, and
then replied, " I do not acknowledge King William,
and I well know that the Prince of Orange is an
usurper, who has violated the most sacred rights of
blood and religion who wishes to persuade
the nation, that he is the saviour of England and
the defender of the faith, though he has violated
the laws and privileges of the kingdom, and over-
turned the Church of England : this conduct, the
Divine Justice to which Phipps appeals, will one
day severely punish."
The British officer, unmoved by the storm of
indignation which his message had aroused, de-
sired that this fierce reply should be rendered to
him in writing for the satisfaction of his chief.
" I will answer your master by the mouth of rny
cannon," replied the angry Frenchman, "that he
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 427
may learn that a man of my rank is not to be sum-
moned in this manner." Thus ended the laconic
conference.
On the return of the messenger Sir William
Phipps called a council of war ; it was determined
at once to attack the city. At noon, on the 8th,
1300 men were embarked in the boats of the
squadron under the command of Major Walley, and
landed without opposition at La Canardi&re, a little
to the east of the River St. Charles. While the
main body was being formed on the muddy shore,
four companies pushed on towards the town in
skirmishing order to clear the front ; they had
scarcely begun the ascent of the sloping banks when
a sharp fire was poured upon them by 300 of the
Canadian militia posted among the rocks and bushes
on either flank, and in a small hamlet to the right.
Some of the British winced under this unexpected
volley, fired and fell back, but the officers with
prompt resolution gave the order to charge, and
themselves gallantly led the way ; the soldiers
followed at a rapid pace, and speedily cleared the
ground. Major Walley then advanced with his
whole force to the St. Charles River, still, however,
severely harassed by dropping shots from the active
light troops of the French; there he bivouacked
for the night, while the enemy retreated into the
garrison.
Towards evening of the same day the four largest
vessels of Phipps's squadron moved boldly up the
river, and anchored close against the town. They
428 THE CONQUEST OP CANADA.
opened a spirited but ineffectual fire; their shot,
directed principally against the lofty eminence of
the Upper Town, fell almost harmless, while a
vigorous cannonade from the numerous guns of the
fortress replied with overwhelming power. When
night interrupted the strife, the British ships had
suffered severely, their rigging was torn by the
hostile shot, and the crews had lost many of their
best men. By the first light of morning, however,
Phipps renewed the action with pertinacious
courage, but with no better success. About noon the
contest became evidently hopeless to the stubborn
assailants; they weighed anchor, and, with the
receding tide, floated their crippled vessels down the
stream beyond the reach of the enemy's fire.8
The British troops under Major Walley, although
placed in battle array at daylight, remained inac-
tive through some unaccountable delay, while the
enemy's attention was diverted by the combat with
Phipps's squadron. At length about noon they
moved upon the formidable stronghold along the
left bank of the River St. Charles. Some allied
savages plunged into the bush in front to clear the
advance, a line of skirmishers protected either
flank, and six field-pieces accompanied the march
of the main body. After having proceeded for some
time without molestation, they were suddenly and
8 The flag of the rear-admiral was shot away, and drifting towards
the shore ; a Canadian swam out into the stream, and brought
it in triumphantly. For many years the precious trophy was hung
up in the parish church of Quebec.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 429
fiercely assailed by 200 Canadian volunteers under
M. de Longueuil ; the Indians were at once swept
away, the skirmishers overpowered, and the British
column itself was forced back by their gallant
charge. Walley, however, drew up his reserve in
some brushwood a little in the rear, and finally
compelled the enemy to retreat. During this smart
action M. de Frontenac, with three battalions, placed
himself upon the opposite bank of the river, in
support of the volunteers, but showed no disposition
to cross the stream. That night the English troops,
harassed, depressed, diminished in numbers, and
scantily supplied, again bivouacked upon the marshy
banks of the stream ; a severe frost, for which they
were but ill prepared, chilled the weary limbs of the
soldiers, and enhanced their sufferings.
On the 10th, Walley once more advanced upon
the French positions, in the hope of breaching their
palisades by the fire of his field-pieces, but this
attempt was altogether unsuccessful. His flanking
parties fell into ambuscades, and were very severely
handled, and his main body was checked and finally
repulsed by a heavy fire from a fortified house on a
commanding position, which he had ventured to
attack. Utterly dispirited by this failure, the British
fell back in some confusion to the landing-place,
yielding up in one hour what they had so hardly
won. That night many of the soldiers strove to
force their way into the boats, and order was with
great difficulty restored ; the next day they were
harassed by a continual skirmish ; had it not been
430 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
for the gallant conduct of "Captain March, who had
a good company, and made the enemy give back,"
the confusion would probably have been irretriev-
able. When darkness put an end to the fire on both
sides, the English troops received orders to embark
in the boats, half a regiment at a time. But all
order was soon lost, four times as many as the boats
could sustain crowded down at once to the beach,
rushed into the water, and pressed on board. The
sailors were even forced to throw some of these
panic-stricken men into the river, lest all should
sink together. The noise and confusion increased
every moment despite the utmost exertions of the
officers, and daylight had nearly revealed the dan-
gerous posture of affairs before the embarkation
was completed. The guns were abandoned, with
some valuable stores and ammunition. Had the
French displayed, in following up their advantages,
any portion of the energy and skill which had
been so conspicuous in their successful defence, the
British detachment must infallibly have been either
captured or totally destroyed.
Sir William Phipps having failed by sea and land,
resolved to withdraw from the disastrous conflict.
After several ineffectual attempts to recover the
guns and stores which Major Walley had been
forced to abandon, he weighed anchor and descended
the St. Lawrence to a place about nine miles distant
from Quebec, whence he sent to the Comte de
Frontenac to negociate for an exchange of prisoners.
Humbled and disappointed, damaged in fortune
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 431
and reputation, the English chief sailed from the
scene of his defeat ; but misfortune had not yet
ceased to follow him, for he left the shattered
wrecks of no less than nine of his ships among the
dangerous shoals of the St. Lawrence. The govern-
ment of Massachusetts was dismayed at the
disastrous news of which Phipps was himself the
bearer ; he arrived at Boston on the 19th of
November, with the remains of his fleet and army,
his ships damaged and weather-beaten, and his men
almost in a state of mutiny from having received
no pay. In these straits the colonial government
found it impracticable to raise money, and resorted
to "bills of credit/' the first paper-money which
had ever been issued on the American continent.
Great indeed was the joy and triumph of the
French when the British fleet disappeared from the
beautiful basin of Quebec. With a proud heart the
gallant old Comte de Frontenac penned the dispatch
which told his royal master of the victory. He
failed not to dwell upon the distinguished merit of
the colonial militia, by whose loyalty and courage
the arms of France had been crowned with success.
In grateful memory of this brave defence the French
king caused a medal to be struck, bearing the inscrip-
tion, "FRANCIA IN NOVO ORBE VICTRIX : KEBECA LIBE-
RATA. — A.D., M.D.C.X.C." In thelower town a church
was built by the inhabitants to celebrate their de-
liverance from the British invaders, and dedicated
to " Notre Dame de la Victoire."
On the 12th of November the vessels long expected
432 THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
from France arrived in safety at Quebec, having
escaped the observation of the English fleet by
ascending for some distance the land-locked waters
of the Saguenay. Their presence, however, only
tended to increase a scarcity then pressing upon the
colony, the labour of the fields in the preceding
spring having been greatly interrupted by the haras-
sing incursions of the Iroquois. The troops were
distributed into those parts of the country where
supplies could most easily be obtained, and were
cheerfully received by those who had through their
valour been protected from the hated dominion of
the stranger.
END OP VOLUME I.
LONDON :
BRADBURY AND EVANS, PRINTERS, WHJTBFRIARS.
BINDING SECT. NQV l ? 1963
F Warburton, George Drought
5057 The conquest of Canada
W37
v.l
PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY