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University of California • Berkeley

Gift of
W.L. RENICK, JR. & FRANK C. BENNETT, JR

EDITION DE LUXE,

THE WORKS

FRANCIS PARKMAN.

VOLUME XVIII.

The Edition de Luxe of Francis Parkmarfs Works
is limited to Three Hundred Copies, of which
this is Number.

Sir William Johnson.

THE CONSPIRACY OF PONTIAC
AND THE INDIAN WAR AFTER

THE CONQUEST OF CANADA •>»
BY FRANCIS PARKMAN ^ j» j* j»

IN THREE VOLUMES
VOL. III.

BOSTON ji LITTLE • BROWN
AND • COMPANY.* M DCCCXC VIII

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1870, by

FRANCIS PARKMAN,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

JOHN WILSON AND SON, CAMBRIDGE:, U.S.A.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XXV.
1764.

THE RIOTERS MARCH ON PHILADELPHIA.

PAGE

Excitement of the Borderers; their Designs. — Alarm of the
Quakers. — The Converts sent to New York. — The Converts
forced to return. — Quakers and Presbyterians. — Warlike
Preparation. — Excitement in the City. — False Alarm. —
Paxton Men at Germantown. — Negotiations with the Rioters.
Frontiersmen in Philadelphia. — Paper Warfare. — Me
morials of the Paxton Men 3

CHAPTER XXVI.

1764.
BRADSTREET'S ARMY ON THE LAKES.

Memorials on Indian Affairs. — Character of Bradstreet. — De
parture of the Army. — Concourse of Indians at Niagara. —
Indian Oracle. — Temper of the Indians. — Insolence of the
Delawares and Shawanoes. — Treaty with the Senecas. —
Ottawas and Menominies. — Bradstreet leaves Niagara. —
Henry's Indian Battalion. — Pretended Embassy. — Pre
sumption of Bradstreet. — Indians of Sandusky. — Bradstreet
at Detroit. — Council with the Chiefs of Detroit. — Terms of
the Treaty. — Strange Conduct of Bradstreet. — Michilimack-
inac reoccupied. — Embassy of Morris. — Bradstreet at San-
dusky. — Return of the Army. — Results of the Expedition . 26

vi CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XXVII.

1764.

BOUQUET FORCES THE DELAWARES AND SHAWANOES TO SUE FOR
PEACE.

PAGE
Renewal of Indian Ravages. — David Owens, the White Savage.

— Advance of Bouquet : his Message to the Delawares ; the
March of his Army ; he reaches the Muskingum. — Terror
of the Enemy. — Council with the Indians. — Speech of the
Delaware Orator. — Reply of Bouquet; its Effect. — The
English Camp. — Letter from Bradstreet. — Desperate Pur
pose of the Shawanoes. — Peace Council. — Delivery of Eng
lish Prisoners. — Situation of Captives among the Indians ;
their Reluctance to return to the Settlements. — The Forest
Life. — Return of the Expedition 72

CHAPTER XXVIH.
1764.

THE ILLINOIS.

Boundaries of the Illinois. — The Missouri. — The Mississippi. —
Plants and Animals of the Illinois ; its Early Colonization.

— Creoles of the Illinois; its Indian Population . . . . 119

CHAPTER XXIX.
1763-1765.

PONTIAC RALLIES THE WESTERN TRIBES.

Cession of French Territory in the West. — St. Louis. — Saint-
Ange de Bellerive. — Designs of Pontiac; his French Allies;
he visits the Illinois ; his Great War-belt. — Repulse of
Loftus. — The English on the Mississippi. — New Orleans in
1765. — Pontiac's Embassy at New Orleans 130

CHAPTER XXX.
1765.

RUIN OF THE INDIAN CAUSE.

Mission of Croghan. — Plunder of the Caravan. — Exploits of
the Borders. — Congress at Fort Pitt. — Eraser's Discomfi-

CONTENTS. vii

PAGE

ture. — Distress of the Hostile Indians. — Pontiac ; his Des
perate Position. — Croghan's Party attacked. — Croghan at
Ouatanon ; his Meeting with Pontiac. — Pontiac offers Peace.

— Croghan reaches Detroit. — Conferences at Detroit. —
Peace Speech of Pontiac. — Results of Croghan's Mission.

— The English take Possession of the Illinois 149

CHAPTER XXXI.

1766-1769.
DEATH OF PONTIAC.

Effects of the Peace. — Poutiac repairs to Oswego. — Congress at
Oswego. — Speech of Sir William Johnson. — Reply of Pon
tiac. — Prospects of the Indian Race. — Fresh Disturbances.

— Pontiac visits St. Louis. — The Village of Cahokia. —
Assassination of Pontiac. — Vengeance of his Followers . . 174

APPENDIX.

A. — THE IROQUOIS. — EXTENT OF THEIR CONQUESTS. — POLICY PUR
SUED TOWARDS THEM BY THE FRENCH AND THE ENGLISH. —
MEASURES OF SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON.

1. Territory of the Iroquois 191

2. French and English Policy towards the Iroquois. — Meas

ures of Sir William Johnson 193

B. — CAUSES OF THE INDIAN WAB.

1. Views of Sir William Johnson 198

2. Tragedy of Ponteach 201

C. — DETROIT AND MICHILIMACKINAC.

1. The Siege of Detroit 210

2. The Massacre of Michilimackinac 224

D. — THE WAR ON THE BORDERS.

The Battle of Bushy Run 227

viii CONTENTS.

E. — THE PAXTON EIOTS.

PAGE

1. Evidence against the Indians of Conestoga 233

2. Proceedings of the Kioters 236

3. Memorials of the Paxton Men 250

F. — THE CAMPAIGN OP 1764.

1. Bouquet's Expedition 263

2. Condition and Temper of the Western Indians .... 267

INDEX . 273

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

VOLUME THREE.
SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON Frontispiece

From an engraving by Spooner, after the painting by T. Adams.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN Page 13

From the painting by Benjamin West in the possession of Thomas
Hewson Bache, Esq., Philadelphia.

ALEXANDER HENRY . " 39

From an engraving by P. Maverick.

A MAP OF THE COUNTRY ON THE OHIO AND MUSK-

INGUM RIVERS u 71

A PLAN OF THE SEVERAL VILLAGES IN THE ILLINOIS

COUNTRY "119

THE DEATH OF PONTIAC "186

Drawn by De Cost Smith.

THE CONSPIRACY OF PONTIAC.

CHAPTER XXV.

1764.
THE RIOTERS MARCH ON PHILADELPHIA.

THE Conestoga murders did not take place until
some weeks after the removal of the Moravian con
verts to Philadelphia ; and the rioters, as they rode,
flushed with success, out of Lancaster, after the
achievement of their exploit, were heard to boast
that they would soon visit the city and finish their
work, by killing the Indians whom it had taken
under its protection. It was soon but too apparent
that this design was seriously entertained by the
people of the frontier. They had tasted blood, and
they craved more. It seemed to them intolerable
that, while their sufferings were unheeded, and their
wounded and destitute friends uncared for, they
should be taxed to support those whom they regarded
as authors of their calamities, or, in their own angry
words, "to maintain them through the winter, that

4 RIOTERS MARCH ON PHILADELPHIA. [1764, JAN.

they may scalp and butcher us in the spring."1 In
their blind rage, they would not see that the Moravian
Indians had been removed to Philadelphia, in part,
at least, with a view to the safety of the borders.
To their enmity against Indians was added a resent
ment, scarcely less vehement, against the Quakers,
whose sectarian principles they hated and despised.
They complained, too, of political grievances, alleg
ing that the five frontier counties were inadequately
represented in the Assembly, and that from thence
arose the undue influence of the Quakers in the
councils of the province.

The excited people soon began to assemble at
taverns and other places of resort, recounting their
grievances, real or imaginary; relating frightful
stories of Indian atrocities, and launching fierce
invectives against the Quakers.2 Political agitators

1 Remonstrance of the Frontier Teople to the Governor and As
sembly. See Votes of Assembly, v. 313.

The "Declaration," which accompanied the "Remonstrance,"
contains the following passage : " To protect and maintain these
Indians at the public expense, while our suffering brethren on the
frontiers are almost destitute of the necessaries of life, and are
neglected by the public, is sufficient to make us mad with rage, and
tempt us to do what nothing but the most violent necessity can
vindicate."

See Appendix E.

2 MS. Elder Papers.

The following verses are extracted from a poem, published at
Philadelphia, by a partisan of the Paxton men, entitled, —

"THE CLOVEN FOOT DISCOVERED.

" Go on, good Christians, never spare
To give your Indians Clothes to wear ;
Send 'em good Beef, and Pork, and Bread,
Guns, Powder, Flints, and Store of Lead,

1764, JAN.] EXCITEMENT OF THE BORDERERS. 5

harangued them on their violated rights; self -con
stituted preachers urged the duty of destroying the
heathen, forgetting that the Moravian Indians were
Christians, and their exasperated hearers were soon
ripe for any rash attempt. They resolved to assemble
and march in arms to Philadelphia. On a former
occasion, they had sent thither a wagon laden with
the mangled corpses of their friends and relatives,
who had fallen by Indian butchery; but the hideous
spectacle had failed of the intended effect, and the
Assembly had still turned a deaf ear to their entreaties
for more effective aid.1 Appeals to sympathy had
been thrown away, and they now resolved to try the
efficacy of their rifles.

They mustered under their popular leaders, promi-

To Shoot your Neighbours through the Head :

Devoutly then, make Affirmation,

You 're Friends to George and British Nation;

Encourage ev'ry friendly Savage,

To murder, burn, destroy, and ravage ;

Fathers and Mothers here maintain,

Whose Sons add Numbers to the slain ;

Of Scotch and Irish let them kill

As many Thousands as they will,

That you may lord it o'er the Land,

And have the whole and sole command."

1 This incident occurred during the French war, and is thus
described by a Quaker eye-witness : " Some of the dead bodies were
brought to Philadelphia in a wagon, in the time of the General
Meeting of Friends there in December, with intent to animate the
people to unite in preparations for war on the Indians. They were
carried along the streets — many people following — cursing the
Indians, and also the Quakers, because they would not join in war
for their destruction. The sight of the dead bodies, and the outcry
of the people, were very afflicting and shocking." — Watson, Annals
of Phil, 449 (Phil., 1830).

6 RIOTERS MARCH ON PHILADELPHIA. [1764, JAN.

nent among whom was Matthew Smith, who had led
the murderers at Conestoga; and, towards the end
of January, took the road to Philadelphia, in force
variously estimated at from five hundred to fifteen
hundred men. Their avowed purpose was to kill
the Moravian Indians ; but what vague designs they
may have entertained to change the government, and
eject the Quakers from a share in it, must remain a
matter of uncertainty. Feeble as they were in num
bers, their enterprise was not so hopeless as might at
first appear, for they counted on aid from the mob of
the city, while a numerous party, comprising the
members of the Presbyterian sect, were expected to
give them secret support, or at least to stand neutral
in the quarrel. The Quakers, who were their most
determined enemies, could not take arms against
them without glaring violation of the principles which
they had so often and loudly professed; and even
should they thus fly in the face of conscience, the
warlike borderers would stand in little fear of such
unpractised warriors. They pursued their march in
high confidence, applauded by the inhabitants, and
hourly increasing in numbers.

Startling rumors of the danger soon reached Phila
delphia, spreading alarm among the citizens. The
Quakers, especially, had reason to fear, both for
themselves and for the Indians, of whom it was their
pride to be esteemed the champions. These pacific
sectaries found themselves in a new and embarrassing
position, for hitherto they had been able to assert

1764, JAN.] ALAKM OF THE QUAKERS. 7

their principles at no great risk to person or property.
The appalling tempest, which, during the French
war, had desolated the rest of the province, had been
unf elt near Philadelphia ; and while the inhabitants
to the westward had been slaughtered by hundreds,
scarcely a Quaker had been hurt. Under these cir
cumstances, the aversion of the sect to warlike
measures had been a fruitful source of difficulty.
It is true that, on several occasions, they had voted
supplies for the public defence; but unwilling to
place on record such a testimony of inconsistency,
they had granted the money, not for the avowed
purpose of raising and arming soldiers, but under
the title of a gift to the crown.1 They were now to
be deprived of even this poor subterfuge, and sub
jected to the dilemma of suffering their friends to be
slain and themselves to be plundered, or openly
appealing to arms.

Their embarrassment was increased by the exag
gerated ideas which prevailed among the ignorant
and timorous respecting the size and strength of the
borderers, their ferocity of temper, and their wonder
ful skill as marksmen. Quiet citizens, whose knowl
edge was confined to the narrow limits of their
firesides and shops, listened horror-stricken to these
reports; the prevalence of which is somewhat sur
prising, when it is considered that, at the present
day, the district whence the dreaded rioters came may
be reached from Philadelphia within a few hours.
1 See Gordon, Hist. Penn., chaps, xii.-xviii.

8 RIOTERS MARCH ON PHILADELPHIA. [1764, JAN.

Tidings of the massacre in Lancaster jail had
arrived at Philadelphia on the twenty-ninth of
December, and with them came the rumor that
numerous armed mobs were already on their march
to the city. Terror and confusion were universal;
and, as the place was defenceless, no other expedient
suggested itself than the pitiful one of removing the
objects of popular resentment beyond reach of danger.
Boats were sent to Province Island, and the Indians
ordered to embark and proceed with all haste down
the river; but, the rumor proving groundless, a
messenger was despatched to recall the fugitives.1
The assurance that, for a time at least, the city was
safe, restored some measure of tranquillity; but, as
intelligence of an alarming kind came in daily from
the country, Governor Penn sent to General Gage an
earnest request for a detachment of regulars to repel
the rioters ; 2 and, in the interval, means to avert the
threatened danger were eagerly sought. A proposal
was laid before the Assembly to embark the Indians
and send them to England;3 but the scheme was
judged inexpedient, and another, of equal weakness,
adopted in its place. It was determined to send the
refugees to New York, and place them under the
protection of the Indian Superintendent, Sir William
Johnson ; a plan as hastily executed as timidly con
ceived.4 At midnight, on the fourth of January,

1 Loskiel, Part II., 218.

2 MS. Letter — Penn to Gage, December 31.
» Votes of Assembly, v. 293.

4 Extract from a MS. Letter — Governor Penn to Governor
Golden : —

1764, JAN.] CONVERTS SENT TO NEW YORK. 9

no measures having been taken to gain the consent of
either the government of New York or Johnson him
self, the Indians were ordered to leave the island
and proceed to the city; where they arrived a little
before daybreak, passing in mournful procession,
thinly clad and shivering with cold, through the
silent streets. The Moravian brethren supplied them
with food; and Fox, the commissary, with great
humanity, distributed blankets among them. Before
they could resume their progress, the city was astir;
and as they passed the suburbs, they were pelted and
hooted at by the mob. Captain Robertson's High
landers, who had just arrived from Lancaster, were
ordered to escort them. These soldiers, who had
their own reasons for hating Indians, treated them
at first with no less insolence and rudeness than the
populace ; but at length, overcome by the meekness
and patience of the sufferers, they changed their
conduct, and assumed a tone of sympathy and
kindness.1

Thus escorted, the refugees pursued their dreary
progress through the country, greeted on all sides by

" Philadelphia, 5th January, 1764.

" Satisfied of the advantages arising from this measure, I have
sent them thro' Jersey and your Government to Sir W. Johnson, &
desire you will favour them with your protection and countenance,
& give them the proper passes for their journey to Sir William's
Seat.

" I have recommended it, in the most pressing terms, to the As
sembly, to form a Bill that shall enable me to apprehend these
seditious and barbarous Murderers, & to quell the like insurrections
for the future."

1 Loskiel, Part II., 220. Heckewelder, Narrative, 81.

10 RIOTERS MARCH ON PHILADELPHIA. [1764, JAN.

the threats and curses of the people. When they
reached Trenton, they were received by Apty, the
commissary at that place, under whose charge they
continued their journey towards Amboy, where
several small vessels had been provided to carry
them to New York. Arriving at Amboy, however,
Apty, to his great surprise, received a letter from
Governor Golden of New York, forbidding him to
bring the Indians within the limits of that province.
A second letter, from General Gage to Captain
Robertson, conveyed orders to prevent their advance ;
and a third, to the owners of the vessels, threatened
heavy penalties if they should bring the Indians to
the city.1 The charges of treachery against the
Moravian Indians, the burden their presence would
occasion, and the danger of popular disturbance,
were the chief causes which induced the government
of New York to adopt this course; a course that
might have been foreseen from the beginning.2

1 Extract from a MS. Letter — Thomas Apty to Governor Penn :
"Sir: —

" Agreeable to your Honour's orders, I passed on through the
Province of New Jersey, in order to take the Indians under my care
into New York ; but no sooner was I ready to move from Amboy
with the Indians under my care, than I was greatly surpriz'd & e~n-
barrass'd with express orders from the Governor of New York sent
to Amboy, strictly forbidding the bringing of these poor Indians
into his Province, & charging all his ferrymen not to let them
pass/'

2 Letters to Governor Penn from General Gage, Governor Franklin
of New Jersey, and Governor Golden of New York. See Votes of As
sembly, v. 300-302. The plan was afterwards revived, at the height
of the alarm caused by the march of the rioters on Philadelphia ;

1764, JAN.] RETURN OF INDIANS. 11

Thus disappointed in their hopes of escape, the
hapless Indians remained several days lodged in the
barracks at Amboy, where they passed much of their
time in religious services. A message, however,
soon came from the governor of New Jersey, requir
ing them to leave that province; and they were
compelled reluctantly to retrace their steps to Phila
delphia. A detachment of a hundred and seventy
soldiers had arrived, sent by General Gage in com
pliance with the request of Governor Penn; and
under the protection of these troops, the exiles began
their backward journey. On the twenty-fourth of
January, they reached Philadelphia, where they were
lodged at the barracks within the city; the soldiers,
forgetful of former prejudice, no longer refusing
them entrance.

The return of the Indians, banishing the hope of
repose with which the citizens had flattered them
selves, and the tidings of danger coming in quick
succession from the country, made it apparent that
no time must be lost; and the Assembly, laying aside
their scruples, unanimously passed a bill providing
means for the public defence. The pacific city dis
played a scene of unwonted bustle. All who held
property, or regarded the public order, might, it
should seem, have felt a deep interest in the issue;

and Penn wrote to Johnson, on the seventh of February, begging
an asylum for the Indians. Johnson acquiesced, and wrote to
Lieutenant-Go vernor Golden in favor of the measure, which, how
ever, was never carried into effect. Johnson's letters express much
sympathy with the sufferers.

12 RIOTERS MARCH ON PHILADELPHIA. [1764, JAN.

yet a numerous and highly respectable class stood
idle spectators, or showed at best but a lukewarm
zeal. These were the Presbyterians, who had natu
rally felt a strong sympathy with their suffering
brethren of the frontier. To this they added a deep
bitterness against the Quakers, greatly increased by
a charge, most uncharitably brought by the latter
against the whole Presbyterian sect, of conniving at
and abetting the murders at Conestoga and Lancaster.
They regarded the Paxton men as victims of Quaker
neglect and injustice, and showed a strong disposi
tion to palliate, or excuse altogether, the violence of
which they had been guilty. Many of them, indeed,
were secretly inclined to favor the designs of the
advancing rioters; hoping that by their means the
public grievances would be redressed, the Quaker
faction put down, and the social and political balance
of the state restored.1

Whatever may have been the sentiments of the
Presbyterians and of the city mob, the rest of the
inhabitants bestirred themselves for defence with all
the alacrity of fright. The Quakers were especially
conspicuous for their zeal. Nothing more was heard
of the duty of non-resistance. The city was ran
sacked for arms, and the Assembly passed a vote,
extending the English riot act to the province, the
Quaker members heartily concurring in the measure.

1 For indications of the state of feeling among the Presbyteri
ans, see the numerous partisan pamphlets of the day. See also
Appendix E.

Benjamin Franklin.

•

1764, FEB.] QUAKERS ON A WAR FOOTING. 13

Franklin, whose energy and practical talents made
his services invaluable, was the moving spirit of the
day ; and under his auspices the citizens were formed
into military companies, six of which were of infantry,
one of artillery, and two of horse. Besides this force,
several thousands of the inhabitants, including many
Quakers, held themselves ready to appear in arms at
a moment's notice.1

These preparations were yet incomplete, when, on
the fourth of February, couriers came in with the
announcement that the Paxton men, horse and foot,
were already within a short distance of the city.
Proclamation was made through the streets, and the
people were called to arms. A mob of citizen
soldiers repaired in great excitement to the barracks,
where the Indians were lodged, under protection of
the handful of regulars. Here the crowd remained
all night, drenched with the rain, and in a dismal
condition.2

On the following day, Sunday, a barricade was
thrown up across the great square enclosed by the
barracks ; and eight cannon, to which four more were
afterwards added, were planted to sweep the adja
cent streets. These pieces were discharged, to con
vey to the rioters an idea of the reception prepared
for them; but whatever effect the explosion may
have produced on the ears for which it was intended,
the new and appalling sounds struck the Indians in

1 Gordon, Hist. Penn., 406. Penn. Gaz., No. 1833.

2 Eaz. Pa. Reg., xiL 10.

14 RIOTERS MARCH ON PHILADELPHIA. [1764, FEB.

the barracks with speechless terror.1 While the city
assumed this martial attitude, its rulers thought
proper to adopt the safer though less glorious course
of conciliation; and a deputation of clergymen was
sent out to meet the rioters, and pacify them by
reason and Scripture. Towards night, as all remained
quiet and nothing was heard from the enemy, the
turmoil began to subside, the citizen soldiers dis
persed, the regulars withdrew into quarters, and the
city recovered something of the ordinary repose of a
Sabbath evening.

Through the early part of the night, the quiet was
undisturbed; but at about two o'clock in the morn
ing, the clang of bells and the rolling of drums
startled the people from their slumbers, and countless
voices from the street echoed the alarm. Imme
diately, in obedience to the previous day's orders,
lighted candles were placed in every window, till the
streets seemed illuminated for a festival. The citi
zen soldiers, with more zeal than order, mustered
under their officers. The governor, dreading an
irruption of the mob, repaired to the house of Frank
lin; and the city was filled with the jangling of bells,
and the no less vehement clamor of tongues. A
great multitude gathered before the barracks, where
it was supposed the attack would be made; and
among them was seen many a Quaker, with musket
in hand. Some of the more consistent of the sect,
unwilling to take arms with their less scrupulous
i Loskiel, Part II., 223.

1764, FEB.] EXCITEMENT IN THE CITY. 15

brethren, went into the barracks to console and reas
sure the Indians ; who, however, showed much more
composure than their comforters, and sat waiting
the result with invincible calmness. Several hours of
suspense and excitement passed, when it was recol
lected, that, though the other ferries of the Schuylkill
had been secured, a crossing place, known as the
Swedes' Ford, had been left open; and a party at
once set out to correct this unlucky oversight.1
Scarcely were they gone, when a cry rose among the
crowd before the barracks, and a general exclamation
was heard that the Paxton Boys were coming. In
fact, a band of horsemen was seen advancing up
Second Street. The people crowded to get out of
the way; the troops fell into such order as they
could; a cannon was pointed full at the horsemen,
and the gunner was about to apply the match, when
a man ran out from the crowd, and covered the
touchhole with his hat. The cry of a false alarm
was heard, and it was soon apparent to all that
the supposed Paxton Boys were a troop of German
butchers and carters, who had come to aid in defence
of the city, and had nearly paid dear for their
patriotic zeal.2

1 Historical Account of the Late Disturbances, 4.

2 Haz. Pa. Reg., xii. 11. Memoirs of a Life passed chiefly in
Pennsylvania, 39. Heckewelder, Narrative, 85. Loskiel, Part II.,
223. Sparks, Writings of Franklin, vii. 293.

The best remaining account of these riots will be found under
the first authority cited above. It consists of a long letter, written
in a very animated strain, by a Quaker to his friend, containing a
detailed account of what passed in the city from the first alarm of

16 RIOTERS MARCH ON PHILADELPHIA. [1764, FEB.

The tumult of this alarm was hardly over, when a
fresh commotion was raised by the return of the men
who had gone to secure the Swedes' Ford, and who
reported that they had been too late ; that the rioters
had crossed the river, and were already at German-
town. Those who had crossed proved to be the van
of the Paxton men, two hundred in number, and
commanded by Matthew Smith; who, learning what
welcome was prepared for them, thought it prudent
to remain quietly at Germantown, instead of march
ing forward to certain destruction. In the afternoon,
many of the inhabitants gathered courage, and went
out to visit them. They found nothing very ex
traordinary in the aspect of the rioters, who, in the
words of a writer of the day, were " a set of fellows
in blanket coats and moccasons, like our Indian
traders or back country wagoners, all armed with
rifles and tomahawks, and some with pistols stuck in
their belts."1 They received their visitors with a
courtesy which might doubtless be ascribed, in great
measure, to their knowledge of the warlike prepara
tions within the city; and the report made by the

the rioters to the conclusion of the affair. The writer, though a
Quaker, is free from the prejudices of his sect, nor does he hesitate
to notice the inconsistency of his brethren appearing in arms. See
Appendix E.

The scene before the barracks, and the narrow escape of the
German butchers was made the subject of several poems and
farces, written by members of the Presbyterian faction, to turn
their opponents into ridicule ; for which, indeed, the subject offered
tempting facilities.

1 Haz. Pa. Reg., xii. 11.

1764, FEB.] PAXTON MEN AT GERMANTOWN. 17

adventurers, on their return, greatly tended to allay
the general excitement.

The alarm, however, was again raised on the fol
lowing day; and the cry to arms once more resounded
through the city of peace. The citizen soldiers mus
tered with exemplary despatch ; but their ardor was
quenched by a storm of rain, which drove them all
under shelter. A neighboring Quaker meeting-house
happened to be open, and a company of the volunteers
betook themselves in haste to this convenient asylum.
Forthwith, the place was bristling with bayonets;
and the walls, which had listened so often to angry
denunciations against war, now echoed the clang of
weapons, — an unspeakable scandal to the elders of
the sect, and an occasion of pitiless satire to the
Presbyterians.1

This alarm proving groundless, like all the others,
the governor and Council proceeded to the execution
of a design which they had formed the day before.
They had resolved, in pursuance of their timid
policy, to open negotiations with the rioters, and
persuade them, if possible, to depart peacefully.
Many of the citizens protested against the plan, and
the soldiers volunteered to attack the Paxton men;
but none were so vehement as the Quakers, who held
that fire and steel were the only welcome that should
be accorded to such violators of the public peace,
and audacious blasphemers of the society of Friends.2

1 Haz. Pa. Reg., xii. 12.

2 This statement is made in " The Quaker Unmasked," and other

VOL. III. — 2

16 RIOTERS MARCH ON PHILADELPHIA. [1764, FEB.

i Haz. Pa. Reg., xii. 11.

1764, FEB.] PAXTON MEN AT GERMANTOWN. 17

adventurers, on their return, greatly tended to allay
the general excitement.

The alarm, however, was again raised on the fol
lowing day ; and the cry to arms once more resounded
through the city of peace. The citizen soldiers mus
tered with exemplary despatch ; but their ardor was
quenched by a storm of rain, which drove them all
under shelter. A neighboring Quaker meeting-house
happened to be open, and a company of the volunteers
betook themselves in haste to this convenient asylum.
Forthwith, the place was bristling with bayonets;
and the walls, which had listened so often to angry
denunciations against war, now echoed the clang of
weapons, — an unspeakable scandal to the elders of
the sect, and an occasion of pitiless satire to the
Presbyterians.1

1 Haz. Pa. Reg., xii. 12.

8 This statement is made in " The Quaker Unmasked," and other

VOL. III. — 2

18 KIOTERS MARCH ON PHILADELPHIA. [1764, FEB.

The plan was nevertheless sustained ; and Franklin,
with three other citizens of character and influence,
set out for Germantown. The rioters received them
with marks of respect; and, after a long conference,
the leaders of the mob were so far wrought upon as
to give over their hostile designs, the futility of
which was now sufficiently apparent.1 An assurance
was given, on the part of the government, that their
complaints should have a hearing; and safety was
guaranteed to those of their number who should
enter the city as their representatives and advocates.
For this purpose, Matthew Smith and James Gibson
were appointed by the general voice ; and two papers,
a "Declaration" and a "Remonstrance," were drawn
up, addressed to the governor and Assembly. With
this assurance that their cause should be represented,
the rioters signified their willingness to return home,
glad to escape so easily from an affair which had
begun to threaten worse consequences.

Towards evening, the commissioners, returning to
the city, reported the success of their negotiations.
Upon this, the citizen soldiers were convened in front
of the court-house, and addressed by a member of
the Council. He thanked them for their zeal, and
assured them there was no farther occasion for their
services; since the Paxton men, though falsely
represented as enemies of government, were in fact

Presbyterian pamphlets of the day ; and the Quakers, in their elabo
rate replies to these publications, do not attempt to deny the fact.
1 Sparks, Writings of Franklin, vii. 293.

1764, FEB.] TREATY WITH THE RIOTERS. 19

its friends, entertaining no worse design than that of
gaining relief to their sufferings, without injury to
the city or its inhabitants. The people, ill satisfied
with what they heard, returned in no placid temper
to their homes.1 On the morrow, the good effect of
the treaty was apparent in a general reopening of
schools, shops, and warehouses, and a return to the
usual activity of business, which had been wholly
suspended for some days. The security was not of
long duration. Before noon, an uproar more tumul
tuous than ever, a cry to arms, and a general exclama
tion that the Paxton Boys had broken the treaty and
were entering the town, startled the indignant citi
zens. The streets were filled in an instant with a
rabble of armed merchants and shopmen, who for
once were fully bent on slaughter, and resolved to
put an end to the long-protracted evil. Quiet was
again restored; when it was found that the alarm
was caused by about thirty of the frontiersmen, who,
with singular audacity, were riding into the city on
a visit of curiosity. As their deportment was inoffen
sive, it was thought unwise to molest them. Several
of these visitors had openly boasted of the part they
had taken in the Conestoga murders, and a large
reward had been offered for their apprehension ; yet
such was the state of factions in the city, and such
the dread of the frontiersmen, that no man dared lay
hand on the criminals. The party proceeded to the

1 Barton, Memoirs of Rittenhouse, 148. Bupp, Hist, York and
Lancaster Counties, 362.

20 RIOTERS MARCH ON PHILADELPHIA. [1764, FEB.

barracks, where they requested to see the Indians,
declaring that they could point out several who had
been in the battle against Colonel Bouquet, or engaged
in other acts of open hostility. The request was
granted, but no discovery made. Upon this, it was
rumored abroad that the Quakers had removed the
guilty individuals to screen them from just punish
ment; an accusation which, for a time, excited much
ill blood between the rival factions.

The thirty frontiersmen withdrew from the city,
and soon followed the example of their companions,
who had begun to move homeward, leaving their
leaders, Smith and Gibson, to adjust their differences
with the government. Their departure gave great
relief to the people of the neighborhood, to whom
they had, at times, conducted themselves after a
fashion somewhat uncivil and barbarous; uttering
hideous outcries, in imitation of the war-whoop;
knocking down peaceable citizens, and pretending to
scalp them; thrusting their guns in at windows,
and committing unheard-of ravages among hen
roosts and hog-pens.1

Though the city was now safe from all external
danger, contentions sprang up within its precincts,
which, though by no means as perilous, were not less
clamorous and angry than those menaced from an

1 David Rittenhouse, in one of his letters, speaks with great
horror of the enormities committed by the Paxton Boys, and enu
merates various particulars of their conduct. See Barton, Mem. of
Rittenhouse, 148.

1764, FEB.] PAPER WARFARE. 21

irruption of the rioters.1 The rival factions turned
savagely upon each other; while the more philo
sophic citizens stood laughing by, and ridiculed
them both. The Presbyterians grew furious, the
Quakers dogged and spiteful. Pamphlets, farces,
dialogues, and poems came forth in quick succession.
These sometimes exhibited a few traces of wit, and
even of reasoning ; but abuse was the favorite weapon,
and it is difficult to say which of the combatants
handled it with the greater freedom and dexterity.2

1 " Whether the Paxton men were ' more sinned against than
sinning/ was a question which was agitated with so much ardor and
acrimony that even the schoolboys became warmly engaged in the
contest. For my own part, though of the religious sect which had
been long warring with the Quakers, I was entirely on the side of
humanity and public duty, (or in this do I beg the question?) and
perfectly recollect my indignation at the sentiments of one of the
ushers who was on the opposite side. His name was Davis, and he
was really a kind, good-natured man ; yet from the dominion of his
religious or political prejudices, he had been led to apologize for, if
not to approve of an outrage, which was a disgrace to a civilized
people. He had been among the riflemen on their coming into the
city, and, talking with them upon the subject of the Lancaster mas
sacre, and particularly of the killing of Will Sock, the most distin
guished of the victims, related with an air of approbation, this
rodomontade of the real or pretended murderer. ' I/ said he, ' am
the man who killed Will Sock — this is the arm that stabbed him
to the heart, and I glory in it/ " — Memoirs of a Life chiefly passed
in Pennsylvania, 40.

2 " Persons who were intimate now scarcely speak ; or, if they
happen to meet and converse, presently get to quarrelling. In
short, harmony and love seem to be banished from amongst us."

The above is an extract from the letter so often referred to. A
fragment of the " Paxtoniad," one of the poems of the day, is given
in the Appendix. Few of the party pamphlets are worth quoting,
but the titles of some of them will give an idea of their character :
The Quaker Unmasked — A Looking-Glass for Presbyterians — A

22 RIOTERS MARCH ON PHILADELPHIA. [1764, FEB.

The Quakers accused the Presbyterians of conniving
at the act of murderers, of perverting Scripture for
their defence, and of aiding the rioters with counsel
and money in their audacious attempt against the
public peace. The Presbyterians, on their part,
with about equal justice, charged the Quakers with
leaguing themselves with the common enemy and
exciting them to war. They held up to scorn those
accommodating principles which denied the aid of
arms to suffering fellow-countrymen, but justified
their use at the first call of self-interest. The
Quaker warrior, in his sober garb of ostentatious
simplicity, his prim person adorned with military
trappings, and his hands grasping a musket which

Battle of Squirt — Plain Truth — Plain Truth found to be Plain
Falsehood — The Author of Plain Truth Stripped Stark Naked —
Clothes for a Stark Naked Author — The Squabble, a Pastoral
Eclogue — etc., etc.

The pamphlet called Plain Truth drew down the especial indigna
tion of the Quakers, and the following extract from one of their
replies to it may serve as a fair specimen of the temper of the com
batants : " But how came you to give your piece the Title of Plain
Truth ; if you had called it downright Lies, it would have agreed
better with the Contents, the Title therefore is a deception, and the
contents manifestly false : in short, I have carefully examined it,
and find in it no less than 17 Positive Lies, and 10 false Insinua
tions contained in 15 pages, Monstrous, and from what has been
said must conclude that when you wrote it, Truth was banished
entirely from you, and that you wrote it with a truly Pious Lying

P n Spirit, which appears in almost every Line ! "

The peaceful society of Friends found among its ranks more than
one such champion as the ingenious writer of the above. Two col
lections of these pamphlets have been examined, one preserved in
the City Library of Philadelphia, and the other in that of the New
York Historical Society.

1764.] MEMORIALS OF THE PAXTON MEN. 23

threatened more peril to himself than to his enemy,
was a subject of ridicule too tempting to be over
looked.

While this paper warfare was raging in the city,
the representatives of the frontiersmen, Smith and
Gibson, had laid before the Assembly the memorial,
entitled the "Remonstrance;" and to this a second
paper, styled a "Declaration," was soon afterwards
added.1 Various grievances were specified, for which
redress was demanded. It was urged that those
counties where the Quaker interest prevailed sent to
the Assembly more than their due share of represen
tatives. The memorialists bitterly complained of a
law, then before the Assembly, by which those charged
with murdering Indians were to be brought to trial,
not in the district where the act was committed, but
in one of the three eastern counties. They repre
sented the Moravian converts as enemies in disguise,
and denounced the policy which yielded them protec
tion and support while the sick and wounded of the
frontiers were cruelly abandoned to their misery.
They begged that a suitable reward might be offered
for scalps, since the want of such encouragement had
"damped the spirits of many brave men." Angry
invectives against the Quakers succeeded. To the
" villany, infatuation, and influence of a certain fac
tion, that have got the political reins in their hands,
and tamely tyrannize over the other good subjects of
the province," were to be ascribed, urged the memo-
1 See Appendix E.

24 RIOTERS MARCH ON PHILADELPHIA. [1764.

rialists, the intolerable evils which afflicted the people.
The Quakers, they insisted, had held private treaties
with the Indians, encouraged them to hostile acts,
and excused their cruelties on the charitable plea
that this was their method of making war.

The memorials were laid before a committee, who
recommended that a public conference should be held
with Smith and Gibson, to consider the grounds of
complaint. To this the governor, in view of the
illegal position assumed by the frontiersmen, would
not give his consent; an assertion of dignity that
would have done him more honor had he made it
when the rioters were in arms before the city, at
which time he had shown an abundant alacrity to
negotiate. It was intimated to Smith and Gibson
that they might leave Philadelphia ; and the Assembly
soon after became involved in its inevitable quarrels
with the governor, relative to the granting of sup
plies for the service of the ensuing campaign. The
supply bill passed, as mentioned in a former chapter;
and the consequent military preparations, together
with a threatened renewal of the war on the part
of the enemy, engrossed the minds of the frontier
people, and caused the excitements of the winter to
be forgotten. No action on the two memorials was
ever taken by the Assembly; and the memorable
Paxton riots had no other definite result than that
of exposing the weakness and distraction of the
provincial government, and demonstrating the folly
and absurdity of all principles of non-resistance.

1764.] THE MORAVIAN CONVERTS. 25

Yet to the student of human nature these events
supply abundant food for reflection. In the frontiers
man, goaded by the madness of his misery to deeds
akin to those by which he suffered, and half believ
ing that, in the perpetration of *these atrocities, he
was but the minister of divine vengeance; in the
Quaker, absorbed by one narrow philanthropy, and
closing his ears to the outcries of his wretched country
men ; in the Presbyterian, urged by party spirit and
sectarian zeal to countenance the crimes of rioters
and murderers, — in each and all of these lies an
embodied satire, which may find its application in
every age of the world, and every condition of
society.

The Moravian Indians, the occasion — and, at
least, as regards most of them, the innocent occasion
— of the tumult, remained for a full year in the
barracks of Philadelphia. There they endured fright
ful sufferings from the small-pox, which destroyed
more than a third of their number. After the con
clusion of peace, they were permitted to depart ; and,
having thanked the governor for his protection and
care, they withdrew to the banks of the Susquehanna,
where, under the direction of the missionaries, they
once more formed a prosperous settlement.1

i Loskiel, Part II., 231.

CHAPTER XXVI.

1764.
BKADSTREET'S ARMY ON THE LAKES.

THE campaign of 1763, a year of disaster to the
English colonies, was throughout of a defensive
nature, and no important blow had been struck against
the enemy. With the opening of the following
spring, preparations were made to renew the war on
a more decisive plan. Before the commencement of
hostilities, Sir William Johnson and his deputy,
George Croghan, severally addressed to the lords of
trade memorials, setting forth the character, temper,
and resources of the Indian tribes, and suggesting the
course of conduct which they judged it expedient to
pursue. They represented that, before the conquest
of Canada, all the tribes, jealous of French encroach
ment, had looked to the English to befriend and
protect them; but that now one general feeling of
distrust and hatred filled them all. They added that
the neglect and injustice of the British government,
the outrages of ruffian borderers and debauched
traders, and the insolence of English soldiers, had
aggravated this feeling, and given double effect to
the restless machinations of the defeated French;

1764.] MEMORIALS ON INDIAN AFFAIRS. 27

who, to revenge themselves on their conquerors,
were constantly stirring up the Indians to war. A
race so brave and tenacious of liberty, so wild and
erratic in their habits, dwelling in a country so savage
and inaccessible, could not be exterminated or reduced
to subjection without an immoderate expenditure of
men, money, and time. The true policy of the
British government was therefore to conciliate; to
soothe their jealous pride, galled by injuries and
insults ; to gratify them by presents, and treat them
with a respect and attention to which their haughty
spirit would not fail to respond. We ought, they
said, to make the Indians our friends; and, by a
just, consistent, and straightforward course, seek to
gain their esteem, and wean them from their partial
ity to the French. To remove the constant irritation
which arose from the intrusion of the white inhab
itants on their territory, Croghan urged the expediency
of purchasing a large tract of land to the westward
of the English settlements ; thus confining the tribes
to remoter hunting-grounds. For a moderate sum
the Indians would part with as much land as might
be required. A. little more, laid out in annual pres
ents, would keep them in good temper; and by
judicious management all hostile collision might be
prevented, till, by the extension of the settlements,
it should become expedient to make yet another
purchase.1

This plan was afterwards carried into execution by

1 MS. Johnson Papers.

28 BRADSTREET'S ARMY ON THE LAKES. [1763-4.

the British government. Founded as it is upon the
supposition that the Indian tribes must gradually
dwindle and waste away, it might well have awakened
the utmost fears of that unhappy people. Yet none
but an enthusiast or fanatic could condemn it as
iniquitous. To reclaim the Indians from their sav
age state has again and again been attempted, and
each attempt has failed. Their intractable, unchan
ging character leaves no other alternative than their
gradual extinction, or the abandonment of the west
ern world to eternal barbarism ; and of this and other
similar plans, whether the offspring of British or
American legislation, it may alike be said that senti
mental philanthropy will find it easier to cavil at
than to amend them.

Now, turning from the Indians, let us observe the
temper of those whose present business it was to
cudgel them into good behavior; that is to say, the
British officers, of high and low degree. They seem
to have been in a mood of universal discontent, not
in the least surprising when one considers that they
were forced to wage, with crippled resources, an
arduous, profitless, and inglorious war; while per
verse and jealous legislatures added gall to their
bitterness, and taxed their patience to its utmost
endurance. The impossible requirements of the
commander-in-chief were sometimes joined to their
other vexations. Sir Jeffrey Amherst, who had, as
we have seen, but a slight opinion of Indians, and
possibly of everybody else except a British nobleman

1763,1764.] COMPLAINTS OF OFFICERS. 29

and a British soldier, expected much of his officers ;
and was at times unreasonable in his anticipations of
a prompt "vengeance on the barbarians." Thus he
had no sooner heard of the loss of Michilimackinac,
Miami, and other western outposts, than he sent
orders to Gladwyn to re-establish them at once.
Gladwyn, who had scarcely force enough to maintain
himself at Detroit, thereupon writes to his friend
Bouquet: "The last I received from the General is
of the second July, in which I am ordered to
establish the outposts immediately. At the time I
received these orders, I knew it was impossible to
comply with any part of them: the event shows I
was right. I am heartily wearied of my command,
and I have signified the same to Colonel Amherst
(Sir Jeffrey's adjutant). I hope I shall be relieved
soon ; if not, I intend to quit the service, for I would
not choose to be any longer exposed to the villany
and treachery of the settlement and Indians."

Two or three weeks before the above was written,
George Croghan, Sir William Johnson's deputy,
who had long lived on the frontier, and was as well
versed in Indian affairs as the commander-in-chief
was ignorant of them, wrote to Colonel Bouquet:
"Seven tribes in Canada have offered their services
to act with the King's troops; but the General
seems determined to neither accept of Indians' ser
vices, nor provincials'. ... I have resigned out of
the service, and will start for England about the
beginning of December. Sir Jeffrey Amherst would

30 BRADSTREET'S ARMY ON THE LAKES. [1763-4.

not give his consent; so I made my resignation in
writing, and gave my reasons for so doing. Had I
continued, I could be of no more service than I have
been these eighteen months past; which was none at
all, as no regard was had to any intelligence I sent,
no more than to my opinion." Croghan, who could
not be spared, was induced, on Gage's accession to
the command, to withdraw his resignation and retain
his post.

Next, we have a series of complaints from Lieu
tenant Blane of Fort Ligonier; who congratulates
Bouquet on his recent victory at Bushy Run, and
adds : " I have now to beg that I may not be left any
longer in this forlorn way, for I can assure you the
fatigue I have gone through begins to get the better
of me. I must therefore beg that you will appoint
me, by the return of the convoy, a proper garrison.
. . . My present situation is fifty times worse than
ever." And again, on the seventeenth of September:
" I must beg leave to recommend to your particular
attention the sick soldiers here; as there is neither
surgeon nor medicine, it would really be charity to
order them up. I must also beg leave to ask what
you intend to do with the poor starved militia, who
have neither shirts, shoes, nor any thing else. I am
sorry you can do nothing for the poor inhabitants.
. . . I really get heartily tired of this post." He
endured it some two months more, and then breaks
out again on the twenty-fourth of November: "I
intend going home by the first opportunity, being

1763,1764.] COMPLAINTS OF OFFICERS. 31

pretty much tired of a service that 's so little worth
any man's time ; and the more so, as I cannot but
think I have been particularly unlucky in it."

Now follow the letters, written in French, of the
gallant Swiss, Captain Ecuyer, always lively and
entertaining even in his discontent. He writes to
Bouquet from Bedford, on the thirteenth of Novem
ber. Like other officers on the frontier, he complains
of the settlers, who, notwithstanding their fear of the
enemy, always did their best to shelter deserters;
and he gives a list of eighteen soldiers who had
deserted within five days : l " I have been twenty-two
years in service, and I never in my life saw any
thing equal to it, — a gang of mutineers, bandits,
cut-throats, especially the grenadiers. I have been
obliged, after all the patience imaginable, to have
two of them whipped on the spot, without court-
martial. One wanted to kill the sergeant and the
other wanted to kill me. . . . For God's sake, let
me go and raise cabbages. You can do it if you will,
and I shall thank you eternally for it. Don't refuse,

1 "The three companies of Royal Americans were reduced
when I met them at Lancaster to 55 men, having lost 38 by deser
tion in my short absence. I look upon Sir Jeffrey Amherst's Orders
forbidding me to continue to discharge as usual the men whose
time of service was expired, and keeping us for seven years in the
Woods, — as the occasion of this unprecedented desertion. The
encouragement given everywhere in this Country to deserters,
screened almost by every person, must in time ruin the Army,
unless the Laws against Harbourers are better enforced by the
American (provincial) government." — Bouquet to Gage, 20 June,
1764.

34 BRADSTREET'S ARMY ON THE LAKES. [1764.

over its restless waters. A storm threw the flotilla
into confusion; and several days elapsed before the
ramparts of Fort Niagara rose in sight, breaking
the tedious monotony of the forest-covered shores.
The troops landed beneath its walls. The surround
ing plains were soon dotted with the white tents of
the little army, whose strength, far inferior to the
original design, did not exceed twelve hundred
men.

A striking spectacle greeted them on their landing.
Hundreds of Indian cabins were clustered along the
skirts of the forest, and a countless multitude of
savages, in all the picturesque variety of their bar
baric costume, were roaming over the fields, or loun
ging about the shores of the lake. Towards the close
of the previous winter, Sir William Johnson had
despatched Indian messengers to the tribes far and
near, warning them of the impending blow; and urg
ing all who were friendly to the English, or disposed
to make peace while there was yet time, to meet him
at Niagara, and listen to his words. Throughout
the winter, the sufferings of the Indians had been
great and general. The suspension of the fur-trade ;
the consequent want of ammunition, clothing, and
other articles of necessity; the failure of expected aid
from the French; and, above all, the knowledge that
some of their own people had taken up arms for the
English, combined to quench their thirst for war.
Johnson's messengers had therefore been received
with unexpected favor, and many had complied with

1764.] MESSAGE FROM JOHNSON. 35

his invitation. Some came to protest their friendship
for the English; others hoped, by an early submis
sion, to atone for past misconduct. Some came as
spies; while others, again, were lured by the hope
of receiving presents, and especially a draught of
English milk, that is to say, a dram of whiskey.

The trader, Alexander Henry, the same who so
narrowly escaped the massacre at Michilimackinac,
was with a party of Ojibwas at the Sault Ste. Marie,
when a canoe, filled with warriors, arrived, bringing
the message of Sir William Johnson. A council was
called; and the principal messenger, offering a belt
of wampum, spoke as follows: "My friends and
brothers, I am come with this belt from our great
father, Sir William Johnson. He desired me to come
to you, as his ambassador, and tell you that he is
making a great feast at Fort Niagara ; that his kettles
are all ready, and his fires lighted. He invites you
to partake of the feast, in common with your friends,
the Six Nations, who have all made peace with the
English. He advises you to seize this opportunity
of doing the same, as you cannot otherwise fail of
being destroyed; for the English are on their march
with a great army, which will be joined by different
nations of Indians. In a word, before the fall of the
leaf they will be at Michilimackinac, and the Six
Nations with them."

The Ojibwas had been debating whether they
should go to Detroit, to the assistance of Pontiac,
who had just sent them a message to that effect; but

36 BRADSTREET'S ARMY ON THE LAKES. [1764.

the speech of Johnson's messenger turned the cur
rent of their thoughts. Most of them were in favor
of accepting the invitation; but, distrusting mere
human wisdom in a crisis so important, they resolved,
before taking a decisive step, to invoke the superior
intelligence of the Great Turtle, the chief of all the
spirits. A huge wigwam was erected, capable of
containing the whole population of the little village.
In the centre, a sort of tabernacle was constructed by
driving posts into the ground, and closely covering
them with hides. With the arrival of night, the
propitious time for consulting their oracle, all the
warriors assembled in the spacious wigwam, half
lighted by the lurid glare of fires, and waited, in sus
pense and awe, the issue of the invocation. The
medicine man, or magician, stripped almost naked,
now entered the central tabernacle, which was barely
large enough to receive him, and carefully closed the
aperture. At once the whole structure began to
shake with a violence which threatened its demoli
tion; and a confusion of horrible sounds, shrieks,
howls, yells, and moans of anguish, mingled with
articulate words, sounded in hideous discord from
within. This outrageous clamor, which announced
to the horror-stricken spectators the presence of a
host of evil spirits, ceased as suddenly as it had
begun. A low, feeble sound, like the whine of a
young puppy, was next heard within the recess ; upon
which the warriors raised a cry of joy, and hailed it
as the voice of the Great Turtle, — the spirit who

1764.] INDIAN ORACLE. 37

never lied. The magician soon announced that the
spirit was ready to answer any question which might
be proposed. On this, the chief warrior stepped for
ward; and, having propitiated the Great Turtle by a
present of tobacco thrust through a small hole in the
tabernacle, inquired if the English were in reality
preparing to attack the Indians, and if the troops
were already come to Niagara. Once more the
tabernacle was violently shaken, a loud yell was
heard, and it was apparent to all that the spirit was
gone. A pause of anxious expectation ensued ; when,
after the lapse of a quarter of an hour, the weak,
puppy-like voice of the Great Turtle was again heard
addressing the magician in a language unknown to
the auditors. When the spirit ceased speaking, the
magician interpreted his words. During the short
interval of his departure, he had crossed Lake Huron,
visited Niagara, and descended the St. Lawrence to
Montreal. Few soldiers had as yet reached Niagara;
but as he flew down the St. Lawrence, he had seen
the water covered with boats, all filled with English
warriors, coming to make war on the Indians.
Having obtained this answer to his first question,
the chief ventured to propose another; and inquired
if he and his people, should they accept the invi
tation of Sir William Johnson, would be well
received at Niagara. The answer was most satisfac
tory. "Sir William Johnson," said the spirit, "will
fill your canoes with presents ; with blankets, kettles,
guns, gunpowder and shot; and large barrels of rum,

38 BRADSTKEET'S ARMY ON THE LAKES. [1764

such as the stoutest of the Indians will not be able to
lift; and every man will return in safety to his
family." This grateful response produced a general
outburst of acclamations; and, with cries of joy,
many voices were heard to exclaim, " I will go too !
I will go too!"1

They set out, accordingly, for Niagara; and
thither also numerous bands of warriors were tend
ing, urged by similar messages, and encouraged, it
may be, by similar responses of their oracles. Cross
ing fresh-water oceans in their birch canoes, and
threading the devious windings of solitary streams,
they came flocking to the common centre of attrac
tion. Such a concourse of savages has seldom been
seen in America. Menominies, Ottawas, Ojibwas,
Mississaugas, from the north; Caughnawagas from
Canada, even Wyandots from Detroit, together with
a host of Iroquois, were congregated round Fort

1 Henry, Travels and Adventures, 171.

The method of invoking the spirits, described above, is a favorite
species of imposture among the medicine men of most Algonquin
tribes, and had been observed and described a century and a half
before the period of this history. Champlain, the founder of
Canada, witnessed one of these ceremonies, and the Jesuit Le
Jeune gives an account of a sorcerer, who, having invoked a spirit
in this manner, treacherously killed him with a hatchet ; the mys
terious visitant having assumed a visible and tangible form, which
exposed him to the incidents of mortality. During these invoca
tions, the lodge or tabernacle was always observed to shake vio
lently to and fro, in a manner so remarkable as exceedingly to
perplex the observers. The variety of discordant sounds, uttered
by the medicine man, need not surprise us more than those accu
rate imitations of the cries of various animals, to which Indian
hunters are accustomed to train their strong and flexible voices.

Alexander Henry.

Cyynykt, igjj, by Little.. 3rown,t C°

1764, JULY.] INDIANS AT NIAGARA. 39

Niagara to the number of more than two thousand
warriors ; many of whom had brought with them their
women and children.1 Even the Sacs, the Foxes,

1 MS. Johnson Papers.

The following extract from Henry's Travels will exhibit the feel
ings with which the Indians came to the conference at Niagara,
besides illustrating a curious feature of their superstitions.
Many tribes, including some widely differing in language and
habits, regard the rattlesnake with superstitious veneration ; look
ing upon him either as a manitou, or spirit, or as a creature en
dowed with mystic powers and attributes, giving him an influence
over the fortunes of mankind. Henry accompanied his Indian
companions to Niagara ; and, on the way, he chanced to discover
one of these snakes near their encampment : —

" The reptile was coiled, and its head raised considerably above
its body. Had I advanced another step before my discovery, I
must have trodden upon it.

" I no sooner saw the snake, than I hastened to the canoe, in
order to procure my gun ; but the Indians, observing what I was
doing, inquired the occasion, and, being informed, begged me to
desist. At the same time, they followed me to the spot, with their
pipes and tobacco-pouches in their hands. On returning, I found
the snake still coiled.

" The Indians, on their part, surrounded it, all addressing it by
turns, and calling it their grandfather, but yet keeping at some dis
tance. During this part of the ceremony, they filled their pipes ;
and now each blew the smoke toward the snake, who, as it appeared
to me, really received it with pleasure. In a word, after remaining
coiled, and receiving incense, for the space of half an hour, it
stretched itself along the ground, in visible good humor. Its length
was between four and five feet. Having remained outstretched for
some time, at last it moved slowly away, the Indians following it,
and still addressing it by the title of grandfather, beseeching it to
take care of their families during their absence, and to be pleased
to open the heart of Sir William Johnson, so that he might show
them charity, and fill their canoe with rum.

" One of the chiefs added a petition, that the snake would take
no notice of the insult which had been offered him by the English
man, who would even have put him to death, but for the interfer
ence of the Indians to whom it was hoped he would impute no part

40 BRADSTREET'S ARMY ON THE LAKES. [1764.

and the Winnebagoes had sent their deputies; and
the Osages, a tribe beyond the Mississippi, had their
representative in this general meeting.

of the offence. They further requested, that he would remain, and
not return among the English, that is, go eastward.

" After the rattlesnake was gone, I learned that this was the first
time that an individual of the species had been seen so far to the
northward and westward of the River Des Fran9ais; a circum
stance, moreover, from which my companions were disposed to
infer, that this manito had come, or been sent, on purpose to meet
them ; that his errand had been no other than to stop them on their
way ; and that consequently it would be most advisable to return
to the point of departure. I was so fortunate, however, as to pre
vail with them to embark; and at six o'clock in the evening we
again encamped.

" Early the next morning we proceeded. We had a serene sky
and very little wind, and the Indians therefore determined on steer
ing across the lake, to an island which just appeared in the hori
zon ; saving, by this course, a distance of thirty miles, which would
be lost in keeping the shore. At nine o'clock A.M. we had a light
breeze, to enjoy the benefit of which we hoisted sail. Soon after,
the wind increased, and the Indians, beginning to be alarmed, fre
quently called on the rattlesnake to come to their assistance. By
degrees the waves grew high ; and at eleven o'clock it blew a hurri
cane, and we expected every moment to be swallowed up. From
prayers, the Indians proceeded now to sacrifices, both alike offered
to the god-rattlesnake, or manito-kinibic. One of the chiefs took a
dog, and after tying its fore legs together, threw it overboard, at
the same time calling on the snake to preserve us from being
drowned, and desiring him to satisfy his hunger with the carcass of
the dog. The snake was unpropitious, and the wind increased.
Another chief sacrificed another dog, with the addition of some
tobacco. In the prayer which accompanied these gifts, he besought
the snake, as before, not to avenge upon the Indians the insult
which he had received from myself, in the conception of a design
to put him to death. He assured the snake that I was absolutely
an Englishman, and of kin neither to him nor to them.

" At the conclusion of this speech, an Indian, who sat near me,
observed, that if we were drowned it would be for my fault alone,
and that I ought myself to be sacrificed, to appease the angry

1764, JULY.] HOSTILE TRIBES. 41

Though the assembled multitude consisted, for the
most part, of the more pacific members of the tribes
represented, yet their friendly disposition was by no
means certain. Several straggling soldiers were shot
at in the neighborhood, and it soon became apparent
that the utmost precaution must be taken to avert
a rupture. The troops were kept always on their
guard; while the black muzzles of the cannon, thrust
from the bastions of the fort, struck a wholesome
awe into the savage throng below.

Although so many had attended the meeting, there
were still numerous tribes, and portions of tribes,
who maintained a rancorous, unwavering hostility.
The Delawares and Shawanoes, however, against
whom Bouquet, with the army of the south, was
then in the act of advancing, sent a message to the
effect, that, though they had no fear of the English,
and though they regarded them as old women, and
held them in contempt, yet, out of pity for their
sufferings, they were willing to treat of peace. To
this insolent missive Johnson made no answer; and,
indeed, those who sent it were, at this very time,
renewing the bloody work of the preceding year along
the borders of Pennsylvania and Virginia. The
Senecas, that numerous and warlike people, to whose
savage enmity were to be ascribed the massacre at
the Devil's Hole, and other disasters of the last

manito ; nor was I without apprehensions, that, in case of extremity,
this would be my fate ; but, happily for me, the storm at length
abated, and we reached the island safely." — Henry, Travels, 175.

42 BRADSTREET'S ARMY ON THE LAKES. [1764.

summer, had recently made a preliminary treaty with
Sir William Johnson, and at the same time pledged
themselves to appear at Niagara to ratify and com
plete it. They broke their promise; and it soon
became known that they had leagued themselves with
a large band of hostile Delawares, who had visited
their country. Upon this, a messenger was sent to
them, threatening that, unless they instantly came to
Niagara, the English would march upon them and
burn their villages. The menace had full effect;
and a large body of these formidable warriors ap
peared at the English camp, bringing fourteen
prisoners, besides several deserters and runaway
slaves. A peace was concluded, on condition that
they should never again attack the English, and that
they should cede to the British Crown a strip of
land, between the Lakes Erie and Ontario, four miles
in width, on both sides of the river, or strait, of
Niagara.1 A treaty was next made with a deputa
tion of Wyandots from Detroit, on condition of the
delivery of prisoners and the preservation of friend
ship for the future.

Councils were next held, in turn, with each of the
various tribes assembled around the fort, some of
whom craved forgiveness for the hostile acts they
had committed, and deprecated the vengeance of the
English; while others alleged their innocence, urged
their extreme wants and necessities, and begged that

1 Articles of Peace concluded with the Senecas, at Fort Niagara,
July 18, 1764, MS.

1764, JULY.] OTTAWAS AND MENOMINIES. 43

English traders might once more be allowed to visit
them. The council-room in the fort was crowded
from morning till night; and the wearisome formali
ties of such occasions, the speeches made and replied
to, and the final shaking of hands, smoking of pipes,
and serving out of whiskey, engrossed the time of
the superintendent for many successive days.

Among the Indians present were a band of Ottawas
from Michilimackinac, and remoter settlements, be
yond Lake Michigan, and a band of Menominies
from Green Bay. The former, it will be remem
bered, had done good service to the English, by
rescuing the survivors of the garrison of Michili
mackinac from the clutches of the O jibwas ; and the
latter had deserved no less at their hands, by the
protection they had extended to Lieutenant Gorell,
and the garrison at Green Bay. Conscious of their
merits, they had come to Niagara in full confidence
of a favorable reception. Nor were they disappointed ;
for Johnson met them with a cordial welcome, and
greeted them as friends and brothers. They, on
their part, were not wanting in expressions of pleas
ure ; and one of their orators exclaimed, in the figura
tive language of his people, " When our brother came
to meet us, the storms ceased, the lake became
smooth, and the whole face of nature was changed."

They disowned all connection or privity with the
designs of Pontiac. "Brother," said one of the
Ottawa chiefs, "you must not imagine I am ac
quainted with the cause of the war. I only heard a

44 BRADSTREET'S ARMY ON THE LAKES. [1764.

little bird whistle an account of it, and, on going to
Michilimackinac, I found your people killed; upon
which I sent our priest to inquire into the matter.
On the priest's return, he brought me no favorable
account, but a war-hatchet from Pontiac, which I
scarcely looked on, and immediately threw away."

Another of the Ottawas, a chief of the remoter
band of Lake Michigan, spoke to a similar effect, as
follows: "We are not of the same people as those
residing about Michilimackinac ; we only heard at a
distance that the enemy were killing your soldiers,
on which we covered our heads, and I resolved not
to suffer my people to engage in the war. I gathered
them together, and made them sit still. In the
spring, on uncovering my head, I perceived that they
had again begun a war, and that the sky was all
cloudy in that quarter."

The superintendent thanked them for their fidelity
to the English; reminded them that their true
interest lay in the preservation of peace, and con
cluded with a gift of food and clothing, and a per
mission, denied to all the rest, to open a traffic with
the traders, who had already begun to assemble at
the fort. "And now, my brother, " said a warrior,
as the council was about to break up, " we beg that
you will tell us where we can find some rum to com
fort us ; for it is long since we have tasted any, and
we are very thirsty." This honest request was not
refused. The liquor was distributed, and a more
copious supply promised for the future ; upon which

1764, AUG.] JOHNSON'S DEPARTURE. 45

the deputation departed, and repaired to their encamp
ment, much pleased with their reception.1

Throughout these conferences, one point of policy
was constantly adhered to. No general council was
held. Separate treaties were made, in order to pro
mote mutual jealousies and rivalries, and discourage
the feeling of union, and of a common cause among
the widely scattered tribes. Johnson at length com
pleted his task, and, on the sixth of August, set sail
for Oswego. The march of the army had hitherto
been delayed by rumors of hostile designs on the part
of the Indians, who, it was said, had formed a scheme
for attacking Fort Niagara, as soon as the troops
should have left the ground. Now, however, when
the concourse was melting away, and the tribes
departing for their distant homes, it was thought
that the danger was past, and that the army might
safely resume its progress. They advanced, accord
ingly, to Fort Schlosser, above the cataract, whither
their boats and bateaux had been sent before them,
craned up the rocks at Lewiston, and dragged by
oxen over the rough portage road. The troops had
been joined by three hundred friendly Indians, and
an equal number of Canadians. The appearance of
the latter in arms would, it was thought, have great
effect on the minds of the enemy, who had always
looked upon them as friends and supporters. Of the

1 MS. Johnson Papers. MS. Minutes of Conference with the chiefs
and warriors of the Ottawas and Menomonies at Fort Niagara, July 20,
1764. The extracts given above are copied verbatim from the
original record.

46 BRADSTREET'S ARMY ON THE LAKES. [1764.

Indian allies, the greater part were Iroquois, and the
remainder, about a hundred in number, Ojibwas and
Mississaugas ; the former being the same who had
recently arrived from the Sault Ste. Marie, bringing
with them their prisoner, Alexander Henry. Henry-
was easily persuaded to accompany the expedition;
and the command of the Ojibwas and Mississaugas
was assigned to him — " To me,'* writes the adventur
ous trader, "whose best hope it had lately been to
live by their forbearance." His long -continued suf
ferings and dangers hardly deserved to be rewarded
by so great a misfortune as that of commanding a
body of Indian warriors ; an evil from which, how
ever, he was soon to be relieved. The army had
hardly begun its march, when nearly all his followers
ran off, judging it wiser to return home with the
arms and clothing given them for the expedition,
than to make war against their own countrymen and
relatives. Fourteen warriors still remained; but on
the following night, when the army lay at Fort
Schlosser, having contrived by some means to obtain
liquor, they created such a commotion in the camp,
by yelling and firing their guns, as to excite the
utmost indignation of the commander. They received
from him, in consequence, a reproof so harsh and ill
judged, that most of them went home in disgust ; and
Henry found his Indian battalion suddenly dwindled
to four or five vagabond hunters.1 A large number
of Iroquois still followed the army, the strength of

i Henry, Travels, 183.

1764, AUG.] PEETENDED EMBASSY. 47

which, farther increased by a reinforcement of High
landers, was now very considerable.

The troops left Fort Schlosser on the eighth.
Their boats and bateaux pushed out into the Niagara,
whose expanded waters reposed in a serenity soon to
be exchanged for the wild roar and tumultuous
struggle of the rapids and the cataract. They
coasted along the southern shore of Lake Erie until
the twelfth, when, in the neighborhood of Presqu'-
isle, they were overtaken by a storm of rain, which
forced them to drag their boats on shore, and pitch
their tents in the dripping forest. Before the day
closed, word was brought that strange Indians were
near the camp. They soon made their appearance,
proclaiming themselves to be chiefs and deputies of
the Delawares and Shawanoes, empowered to beg for
peace in the name of their respective tribes. Various
opinions were entertained of the visitors. The Indian
allies wished to kill them, and many of the officers
believed them to be spies. There was no proof of
their pretended character of deputies; and, for all
that appeared to the contrary, they might be a mere
straggling party of warriors. Their professions of an
earnest desire for peace were contradicted by the fact
that they brought with them but one small belt of
wampum; a pledge no less indispensable in a treaty
with these tribes than seals and signatures in a con
vention of European sovereigns.1 Bradstreet knew,

1 Every article in a treaty must be confirmed by a belt of wam
pum ; otherwise it is void. Mante, the historian of the French war,

48 BRADSTREETS ARMY ON THE LAKES. [1764.

or ought to have known, the character of the treach
erous enemy with whom he had to deal. He knew
that the Shawanoes and Delawares had shown,
throughout the war, a ferocious and relentless hostil
ity; that they had sent an insolent message to
Niagara ; and, finally, that in his own instructions he
was enjoined to deal sternly with them, and not be
duped by pretended overtures. Yet, in spite of the
suspicious character of the self-styled deputies, in
spite of the sullen wrath of his Indian allies, and the
murmured dissent of his officers, he listened to their
proposals, and entered into a preliminary treaty. He
pledged himself to refrain from attacking the Dela
wares and Shawanoes, on condition that within
twenty-five days the deputies should again meet him
at Sandusky, in order to yield up their prisoners,
and conclude a definite treaty of peace.1 It after
wards appeared — and this, indeed, might have been
suspected at the time — that the sole object of the
overtures was to retard the action of the army until
the season should be too far advanced to prosecute
the campaign. At this very moment, the Delaware
and Shawanoe war-parties were murdering and scalp-
asserts that they brought four belts. But this is contradicted in
contemporary letters, including several of General Gage and Sir
William Johnson. Mante accompanied Bradstreet's expedition
with the rank of Major ; and he is a zealous advocate of his com
mander, whom he seeks to defend, at the expense both of Colonel
Bouquet and General Gage.

1 Preliminary Treaty between Colonel Bradstreet and the Deputies
of the Delawares and Shawanoes, concluded at L'Ance aux Feuilles, on
Lake Erie, August 12, 1764, MS.

1764, AUG.] BRADSTREET'S PRESUMPTION. 49

ing along the frontiers ; and the work of havoc con
tinued for weeks, until it was checked at length by
the operations of Colonel Bouquet.

Bradstreet was not satisfied with the promise he
had made to abandon his own hostile designs. He
consummated his folly and presumption by despatch
ing a messenger to his superior officer, Colonel
Bouquet, informing him that the Delawares and
Shawanoes had been reduced to submission without
his aid, and that he might withdraw his troops,
as there was no need of his advancing farther.
Bouquet, astonished and indignant, paid no attention
to this communication, but pursued his march as
before.1

The course pursued by Bradstreet in this affair —
a course which can only be ascribed to the vain
ambition of finishing the war without the aid of
others — drew upon him the severe censures of the
commander-in-chief, who, on hearing of the treaty,
at once annulled it.2 Bradstreet has been accused of

1 MS. Letter — Bouquet to Gage, September 3.

2 Extract from a MS. Letter — Gage to Bradstreet, September 2 :
rtl again repeat that I annul and disavow the peace you have

made."

The following extracts will express the opinions of Gage with
respect to this affair.

MS. Letter — Gage to Bradstreet, October 15 : —

"They have negotiated with you on Lake Erie, and cut our
throats upon the frontiers. With your letters of peace I received
others, giving accounts of murders, and these acts continue to this
time. Had you only consulted Colonel Bouquet, before you agreed
upon any thing with them (a deference he was certainly entitled to,
instead of an order to stop his march), you would have been ac-
VOL. in. — 4

50 BRADSTREET'S ARMY ON THE LAKES. [1764.

having exceeded his orders, in promising to conclude
a definite treaty with the Indians, a power which was
vested in Sir William Johnson alone; but as upon
this point his instructions were not explicit, he may
be spared the full weight of this additional charge.1

Having, as he thought, accomplished not only a
great part of his own task, but also the whole of that
which had been assigned to Colonel Bouquet, Brad-
street resumed his progress westward, and in a few
days reached Sandusky. He had been ordered to
attack the Wyandots, Ottawas, and Miamis, dwell
ing near this place; but at his approach, these
Indians, hastening to avert the danger, sent a depu-

quainted with the treachery of those people, and not have suffered
yourself to be thus deceived, and you would have saved both Colo
nel Bouquet and myself from the dilemma you brought us into.
You concluded a peace with people who were daily murdering us."

MS. Letter — Gage to Johnson, September 4 : —

" You will have received my letter of the 2d inst., enclosing you
the unaccountable treaty betwixt Colonel Bradstreet and the Shawa-
nese, -Delawares, &c. On consideration of the treaty, it does not
appear to me that the ten Indians therein mentioned were sent on
an errand of peace. If they had, would they not have been at
Niagara ? or would the insolent and audacious message have been
sent there in the lieu of offers of peace ? Would not they have
been better provided with belts on such an occasion ? They give
only one string of wampum. You will know this better, but it
appears strange to me. They certainly came to watch the motions
of the troops."

1 MS. Letter — Gage to Bradstreet, September 2 : —

Bradstreet's instructions directed him to offer peace to such tribes
as should make their submission. " To offer peace" writes Gage,
" I think can never be construed a power to conclude and dictate the
articles of peace, and you certainly know that no such power could
with propriety be lodged in any person but in Sir William Johnson,
his majesty's sole agent and superintendent for Indian affairs."

1764, AUG.] ARRIVAL AT DETROIT. 51

tation to meet him, promising that, if he would
refrain from attacking them, they would follow him
to Detroit, and there conclude a treaty. Bradstreet
thought proper to trust this slippery promise ; though,
with little loss of time, he might have reduced them,
on the spot, to a much more effectual submission.
He now bent his course for Detroit, leaving the
Indians of Sandusky much delighted, and probably
no less surprised, at the success of their embassy.
Before his departure, however, he despatched Cap
tain Morris, with several Canadians and friendly
Indians, to the Illinois, in order to persuade the
savages of that region to treat of peace with the
English. The measure was in a high degree ill
advised and rash, promising but doubtful advantage,
and exposing the life of a valuable officer to immi
nent risk. The sequel of Morris's adventure will
soon appear.

The English boats now entered the mouth of the
Detroit, and on the twenty-sixth of August came
within sight of the fort and adjacent settlements.
The inhabitants of the Wyandot village on the right,
who, it will be remembered, had recently made a
treaty of peace at Niagara, ran down to the shore,
shouting, whooping, and firing their guns, — a greet
ing more noisy than sincere, — while the cannon of
the garrison echoed salutation from the opposite
shore, and cheer on cheer, deep and heartfelt, pealed
welcome from the crowded ramparts.

Well might Gladwyn's beleaguered soldiers rejoice

52 BRADSTREET'S ARMY ON THE LAKES. [1764.

at the approaching succor. They had been beset for
more than fifteen months by their wily enemy; and
though there were times when not an Indian could
be seen, yet woe to the soldier who should wander
into the forest in search of game, or stroll too far
beyond range of the cannon. Throughout the pre
ceding winter, they had been left in comparative
quiet ; but with the opening spring the Indians had
resumed their pertinacious hostilities; not, however,
with the same activity and vigor as during the pre
ceding summer. The messages of Sir William
Johnson, and the tidings of Bradstreet's intended
expedition, had had great effect upon their minds,
and some of them had begged abjectly for peace ; but
still the garrison were harassed by frequent alarms,
and days and nights of watchfulness were their
unvarying lot. Cut off for months together from all
communication with their race; pent up in an irk
some imprisonment; ill supplied with provisions, and
with clothing worn threadbare, they hailed with
delight the prospect of a return to the world from
which they had been banished so long. The army
had no sooner landed than the garrison was relieved,
and fresh troops substituted in their place. Brad-
street's next care was to inquire into the conduct
of the Canadian inhabitants of Detroit, and punish
such of them as had given aid to the Indians. A
few only were found guilty, the more culpable
having fled to the Illinois on the approach of the
army.

1764, SEPT.] COUNCIL WITH INDIANS. 53

Pontiac too was gone. The great war-chief, his
vengeance unslaked, and his purpose unshaken, had
retired, as we have seen, to the banks of the Maumee,
whence he sent a haughty defiance to the English
commander. The Indian villages near Detroit were
half emptied of their inhabitants, many of whom still
followed the desperate fortunes of their indomitable
leader. Those who remained were, for the most
part, brought by famine and misery to a sincere
desire for peace, and readily obeyed the summons
of Bradstreet to meet him in council.

The council was held in the open air, on the morn
ing of the seventh of September, with all the accom
paniments of military display which could inspire
awe and respect among the assembled savages. The
tribes, or rather fragments of tribes, represented at
this meeting, were the Ottawas, Ojibwas, Pottawat-
tamies, Miamis, Sacs, and Wyandots. The Indians
of Sandusky kept imperfectly the promise they had
made, the Wyandots of that place alone sending a
full deputation; while the other tribes were merely
represented by the Ojibwa chief Wasson. This
man, who was the principal chief of his tribe, and
the most prominent orator on the present occasion,
rose and opened the council.

"My Brother," he said, addressing Bradstreet,
"last year God forsook us. God has now opened
our eyes, and we desire to be heard. It is God's
will our hearts are altered. It was God's will you
had such fine weather to come to us. It is God's

54 BRADSTREET'S ARMY ON THE LAKES. [1764.

will also there should be peace and tranquillity over
the face of the earth and of the waters."

Having delivered this exordium, Wasson frankly
confessed that the tribes which he represented were
all justly chargeable with the war, and now deeply
regretted their delinquency. It is common with
Indians, when accused of acts of violence, to lay the
blame upon the unbridled recklessness of their young
warriors; and this excuse is often perfectly sound
and valid; but since, in the case of a premeditated
and long-continued war, it was glaringly inadmis
sible, they now reversed the usual course, and made
scapegoats of the old chiefs and warriors, who, as
they declared, had led the people astray by sinister
counsel and bad example.1

Bradstreet would grant peace only on condition
that they should become subjects of the King of
England, and acknowledge that he held over their
country a sovereignty as ample and complete as over
any other part of his dominions. Nothing could be
more impolitic and absurd than this demand. The
smallest attempt at an invasion of their liberties has
always been regarded by the Indians with extreme
jealousy, and a prominent cause of the war had been
an undue assumption of authority on the part of the
English. This article of the treaty, could its pur
port have been fully understood, might have kindled
afresh the quarrel which it sought to extinguish ; but

1 MS. Minutes of Conference between Colonel Bradstreet and the
Indians of Detroit, September 7, 1764. See also Mante, 517.

1764, SEPT.] TERMS OF THE TREATY. 55

happily not a savage present was able to comprehend
it. Subjection and sovereignty are ideas which never
enter into the mind of an Indian, and therefore his
language has no words to express them. Most of
the western tribes, it is true, had been accustomed to
call themselves children of the King of France ', but
the words were a mere compliment, conveying no
sense of any political relation whatever. Yet it was
solely by means of this harmless metaphor that the
condition in question could be explained to the
assembled chiefs. Thus interpreted, it met with a
ready assent; since, in their eyes, it involved no
concession beyond a mere unmeaning change of forms
and words. They promised, in future, to call the
English king father, instead of brother; unconscious
of any obligation which so trifling a change could
impose, and mentally reserving a full right to make
war on him or his people, whenever it should suit
their convenience. When Bradstreet returned from
his expedition, he boasted that he had reduced the
tribes of Detroit to terms of more complete submis
sion than any other Indians had ever before yielded;
but the truth was soon detected and exposed by those
conversant with Indian affairs.1

At this council, Bradstreet was guilty of the bad
policy and bad taste of speaking through the medium
of a French interpreter; so that most of his own
officers, as well as the Iroquois allies, who were
strangers to the Algonquin language, remained in

1 MS. Letter — Johnson to the Board of Trade, October 30.

56 BRADSTREET'S ARMY ON THE LAKES. [1764.

ignorance of all that passed. The latter were highly
indignant, and refused to become parties to the treaty,
or go through the usual ceremony of shaking hands
with the chiefs of Detroit, insisting that they had not
heard their speeches, and knew not whether they
were friends or enemies. In another particular, also,
Brads treet gave great offence. From some unex
plained impulse or motive, he cut to pieces, with a
hatchet, a belt of wampum which was about to be
used in the council; and all the Indians present,
both friends and enemies, were alike incensed at this
rude violation of the ancient pledge of faith, which,
in their eyes, was invested with something of a sacred
character.1

Having settled the affairs of Detroit, Bradstreet
despatched Captain Howard, with a strong detach
ment, to take possession of Michilimackinac, which
had remained unoccupied since its capture in the
preceding summer. Howard effected his object with
out resistance, and, at the same time, sent parties of
troops to reoccupy the deserted posts of Green Bay
and Sault Ste. Marie. Thus, after the interval of
more than a year, the flag of England was again
displayed among the solitudes of the northern
wilderness.2

While Bradstreet's army lay encamped on the

1 MS. Remarks on the Conduct of Colonel Bradstreet — found
among the Johnson Papers.

See, also, an extract of a letter from Sandusky, published in
several newspapers of the day.

2 MS. Report of Captain Howard.

1764, AUG.] EMBASSY OF MORRIS. , 57

fields near Detroit, Captain Morris, with a few
Iroquois and Canadian attendants, was pursuing his
adventurous embassy to the country of the Illinois.
Morris, who has left us his portrait, prefixed to a
little volume of prose and verse, was an officer of
literary tastes, whose round English face did not
indicate any especial degree of enterprise or resolu
tion. He seems, however, to have had both; for, on
a hint from the general, he had offered himself for
the adventure, for which he was better fitted than
most of his brother officers, inasmuch as he spoke
French. He was dining, on the eve of his departure,
in the tent of Bradstreet, when his host suddenly
remarked, in the bluff way habitual to him, that he
had a French fellow, a prisoner, whom he meant to
hang; but that, if Morris would like him for an
interpreter, he might have him. The prisoner in
question was the Canadian Godefroy, who was
presently led into the tent; and who, conscious of
many misdemeanors, thought that his hour was
come, and fell on his knees to beg his life. Brad-
street told him that he should be pardoned if he
would promise to " go with this gentleman, and take
good care of him," pointing to his guest. Godefroy
promised ; and, to the best of his power, he kept his
word, for he imagined that Morris had saved his
life.

Morris set out on the following afternoon with
Godefroy, another Canadian, two servants, and a
party of Indians, ascended the Maumee, and soon

58 BRADSTREET'S ARMY ON THE LAKES. [1764.

approached the camp of Pontiac; who, as already
mentioned, had withdrawn to this river with his
chosen warriors. The party disembarked from their
canoes ; and an Ottawa chief, who had joined them,
lent them three horses. Morris and the Canadians
mounted, and, preceded by their Indian attendants,
displaying an English flag, advanced in state towards
the camp, which was two leagues or more distant.
As they drew near, they were met by a rabble of
several hundred Indians, called by Morris " Pontiac 's
army.'* They surrounded him, beat his horse, and
crowded between him and his followers, apparently
trying to separate them. At the outskirts of the
camp stood Pontiac himself, who met the ambassador
with a scowling brow, and refused to offer his hand.
Here, too, stood a man, in the uniform of a French
officer, holding his gun with the butt resting on the
ground, and assuming an air of great importance;
while two Pawnee slaves stood close behind him.
He proved to be a French drummer, calling himself
Saint- Vincent, one of those renegades of civilization to
be found in almost every Indian camp. He now took
upon himself the office of a master of ceremonies;
desired Morris to dismount, and seated himself at his
side on a bearskin. Godefroy took his place near
them ; and the throng of savages, circle within circle,
stood crowded around. "Presently," says Morris,
"came Pontiac, and squatted himself, after his
fashion, opposite to me." He opened the interview
by observing that the English were liars, and demand-

1764, AUG.] EMBASSY OF MORRIS. 59

ing of the ambassador if he had come to lie to them,
like the rest. "This Indian," pursues Morris, "has
a more extensive power than ever was known among
that people, for every chief used to command his
own tribe ; but eighteen nations, by French intrigue,
had been brought to unite and choose this man for
their commander."

Pontiac now produced a letter directed to himself,
and sent from New Orleans, though purporting to be
written by the King of France. It contained, accord
ing to Morris, the grossest calumnies that the most
ingenious malice could devise to incense the Indians
against the English. The old falsehood was not for
gotten: "Your French Father," said the writer, "is
neither dead nor asleep; he is already on his way,
with sixty great ships, to revenge himself on the
English, and drive them out of America." Much
excitement followed the reading of the letter, and
Morris's situation became more than unpleasant; but
Saint- Vincent befriended him, and hurried him off to
his wigwam to keep him out of harm's way.

On the next day there was a grand council. Morris
made a speech, in which he indiscreetly told the
Indians that the King of France had given all the
country to the King of England. Luckily, his audi
tors received the announcement with ridicule rather
than anger. The chiefs, however, wished to kill
him ; but Pontiac interposed, on the ground that the
life of an ambassador should be held sacred. "He
made a speech," says Morris, "which does him honor,

60 BRADSTREET'S ARMY ON THE LAKES. [1764.

and shows that he was acquainted with the law of
nations." He seemed in a mood more pacific than
could have been expected, and said privately to
Godefroy: "I will lead the nations to war no more.
Let them be at peace if they choose ; but I will never
be a friend to the English. I shall be a wanderer in
the woods ; and, if they come there to seek me, I will
shoot at them while I have an arrow left." Morris
thinks that he said this in a fit of despair, and that,
in fact, he was willing to come to terms.

The day following was an unlucky one. One of
Morris's Indians, a Mohawk chief, ran off, having
first stolen all he could lay hands on, and sold the
ambassador's stock of rum, consisting of two barrels,
to the Ottawas. A scene of frenzy ensued. A
young Indian ran up to Morris, and stabbed at him
savagely; but Godefroy caught the assassin's hand,
and saved his patron's life. Morris escaped from the
camp, and lay hidden in a cornfield till the howling
and screeching subsided, and the Indians slept them
selves sober. When he returned, an Indian, called
the Little Chief, gave him a volume of Shakespeare,
— the spoil of some slaughtered officer, — and then
begged for gunpowder.

Having first gained Pontiac's consent, Morris now
resumed his journey to the Illinois. The river was
extremely low, and it was with much ado that they
pushed their canoe against the shallow current, or
dragged it over stones and sandbars. On the fifth
day, they met an Indian mounted on a handsome

1764, SEPT.] EMBASSY OF MORRIS. 61

white horse, said to have belonged to General Brad-
dock, and to have been captured at the defeat of his
army, nine years before. On the morning of the
seventh day, they reached the neighborhood of Fort
Miami. This post, captured during the preceding
year, had since remained without a garrison ; and its
only tenants were the Canadians, who had built their
houses within its palisades, and a few Indians, who
thought fit to make it their temporary abode. The
meadows about the fort were dotted with the lodges of
the Kickapoos, a large band of whom had recently
arrived; but the great Miami village was on the
opposite side of the stream, screened from sight by
the forest which intervened.

The party landed a little below the fort; and,
while his followers were making their way through
the border of woods that skirted the river, Morris
remained in the canoe, solacing himself by reading
"Antony and Cleopatra" in the volume he had so
oddly obtained. It was fortunate that he did so;
for his attendants had scarcely reached the open
meadow, which lay behind the woods, when they
were encountered by a mob of savages, armed with
spears, hatchets, and bows and arrows, and bent on
killing the Englishman. Being, for the moment,
unable to find him, the chiefs had time to address
the excited rabble, and persuade them to postpone
their intended vengeance. The ambassador, buffeted,
threatened, and insulted, was conducted to the fort,
where he was ordered to remain, though, at the

62 BRADSTREET'S ARMY ON THE LAKES. [1764.

same time, the Canadian inhabitants were forbidden
to admit him into their houses. Morris soon discov
ered that this unexpected rough treatment was owing
to the influence of a deputation of Delaware and
Shawanoe chiefs, who had recently arrived, bringing
fourteen war-belts of wampum, and exciting the
Miamis to renew their hostilities against the common
enemy. Thus it was fully apparent that while the
Delawares and Shawanoes were sending one depu
tation to treat of peace with Brads treet on Lake
Erie, they were sending another to rouse the tribes
of the Illinois to war.1 From Fort Miami, the depu
tation had proceeded westward, spreading the con
tagion among all the tribes between the Mississippi
and the Ohio ; declaring that they would never make
peace with the English, but would fight them as long
as the sun should shine, and calling on their brethren
of the Illinois to follow their example.

They had been aware of the approach of Morris,
and had urged the Miamis to put him to death when
he arrived. Accordingly, he had not been long at
the fort when two warriors, with tomahawks in their
hands, entered, seized him by the arms, and dragged
him towards the river. Godefroy stood by, pale and
motionless. "Eh bien, vous m'abandonnez done!"
said Morris. " Non^ mon capitaine," the Canadian

1 "About the end of next month," said the deputies to the
Miamis, "we shall send you the war-hatchet." "Doubtless," re
marks Morris, " their design was to amuse General Bradstreet with
fair language, to cut off his army at Sandusky when least expected,
and then to send the hatchet to the nations."

1764, SEPT.] EMBASSY OF MORRIS. 68

answered, "je ne vous abandonnerai jamais ; " and he
followed, as the two savages dragged their captive
into the water. Morris thought that they meant to
drown and scalp him, but soon saw his mistake ; for
they led him through the stream, which was fordable,
and thence towards the Miami village. As they
drew near, they stopped, and began to strip him, but
grew angry at the difficulty of the task; till, in rage
and despair, he tore off his clothes himself. They
then bound his arms behind him with his own sash,
and drove him before them to the village, where they
made him sit on a bench. A whooping, screeching
mob of savages was instantly about him, and a hun
dred voices clamored together in dispute as to what
should be done with him. Godefroy stood by him
with a courageous fidelity that redeemed his past
rascalities. He urged a nephew of Pontiac, who was
present, to speak for the prisoner. The young Indian
made a bold harangue to the crowd; and Godefroy
added that, if Morris were killed, the English would
take revenge on those who were in their power at
Detroit. A Miami chief, called the Swan, now
declared for the Englishman, untied his arms, and
gave him a pipe to smoke ; whereupon another chief,
called the White Cat, snatched it from him, seized
him, and bound him fast by the neck to a post.
Naked, helpless, and despairing, he saw the crowd
gathering around to torture him. "I had not the
smallest hope of life," he says, "and I remember
that I conceived myself as if going to plunge into a

64 BRADSTREET'S ARMY ON THE LAKES. [1764.

gulf, vast, immeasurable; and that, a few moments
after, the thought of torture occasioned a sort of
torpor and insensibility. I looked at Godefroy, and,
seeing him exceedingly distressed, I said what I
could to encourage him; but he desired me not to
speak. I supposed it gave offence to the savages,
and therefore was silent; when Pacanne, chief of the
Miami nation, and just out of his minority, having
mounted a horse and crossed the river, rode up to
me. When I heard him calling to those about me,
and felt his hand behind my neck, I thought he was
going to strangle me, out of pity ; but he untied me,
saying, as it was afterwards interpreted to me : 'I
give that man his life. If you want English meat,
go to Detroit, or to the lake, and you '11 find enough.
What business have you with this man's flesh, who
is come to speak with us ? ' I fixed my eyes stead
fastly on this young man, and endeavored by looks
to express my gratitude."

An Indian now offered him a pipe, and he was
then pushed with abuse and blows out of the village.
He succeeded in crossing the river and regaining the
fort, after receiving a sharp cut of a switch from a
mounted Indian whom he met on the way.

He found the Canadians in the fort disposed to
befriend him. Godefroy and the metamorphosed
drummer, Saint- Vincent, were always on the watch to
warn him of danger; and one L'Esperance gave him
an asylum in his garret. He seems to have found
some consolation in the compassion of two handsome

1764, SEPT.] EMBASSY OF MORRIS. 65

young squaws, sisters, he was told, of his deliverer,
Pacanne ; but the two warriors who had stripped and
bound him were constantly lurking about the fort,
watching an opportunity to kill him; and the Kicka-
poos, whose lodges were pitched on the meadow, sent
him a message to the effect that, if the Miamis did
not put him to death, they themselves would do so,
whenever he should pass their camp. He was still
on the threshold of his journey, and his final point of
destination was several hundred miles distant; yet,
with great resolution, he determined to persevere,
and, if possible, fulfil his mission. His Indian and
Canadian attendants used every means to dissuade
him, and in the evening held a council with the
Miami chiefs, the result of which was most discourag
ing. Morris received message after message, threat
ening his life, should he persist in his design; and
word was brought him that several of the Shawanoe
deputies were returning to the fort, expressly to kill
him. Under these circumstances, it would have
been madness to persevere; and, abandoning his
mission, he set out for Detroit. The Indian attend
ants, whom he had brought from Sandusky, after
behaving with the utmost insolence, abandoned him
in the woods; their ringleader being a Christian
Huron, of the mission of Lorette, whom Morris pro
nounces the greatest rascal he ever knew. With
Godefroy and two or three others who remained with
him, he reached Detroit on the seventeenth of Septem
ber, half dead with famine and fatigue. He had ex-

VOL. III. — 5

66 BRADSTREET'S ARMY ON THE LAKES. [1761

pected to find Bradstreet; but that agile commander
had decamped, and returned to Sandusky. Morris,
too ill and exhausted to follow, sent him his journal,
together with a letter, in which he denounced the Dela
ware and Shawanoe ambassadors, whom he regarded,
and no doubt with justice, as the occasion of his mis
fortunes. The following is his amiable conclusion :

" The villains have nipped our fairest hopes in the
bud. I tremble for you at Sandusky ; though I was
greatly pleased to find you have one of the vessels
with you, and artillery. I wish the chiefs were
assembled on board the vessel, and that she had a
hole in her bottom. Treachery should be paid with
treachery; and it is a more than ordinary pleasure
to deceive those who would deceive us."1

1 MS. Letter— Morris to Bradstreet, 18 September, 1764.

The journal sent by Morris to Bradstreet is in the State Paper
Office of London. This journal, and the record of an examination
of Morris's Indian and Canadian attendants, made in Bradstreefs
presence at Sandusky, were the authorities on which the account
in the first edition of this work was based. Morris afterwards
rewrote his journal, with many additions. Returning to England
after the war, he lost his property by speculations, and resolved,
for the sake of his children, to solicit a pension, on the score of his
embassy to the Illinois. With this view it was that the journal
was rewritten ; but failing to find a suitable person to lay it before
the King, he resolved to print it, together with several original
poems and a translation of the fourth and fourteenth satires of
Juvenal. The book appeared in 1791, under the title of Miscellanies
in Prose and Verse. It is very scarce. I am indebted to the kind
ness of Mr. S. G. Drake for the opportunity of examining it.

The two journals and the evidence before Bradstreet's court of
inquiry agree in essentials, but differ in some details. In this edi
tion I have followed chiefly the printed journal, borrowing some
additional facts from the evidence taken before Bradstreet.

1764, SEPT.] INACTION OF BRADSTREET. 67

Bradstreet had retraced his course to Sandusky, to
keep his engagement with the Delaware and Shawanoe
deputies, and await the fulfilment of their worthless
promise to surrender their prisoners, and conclude a
definitive treaty of peace. His hopes were defeated.
The appointed time expired, and not a chief was
seen ; though, a few days after, several warriors came
to the camp, with a promise that, if Bradstreet would
remain quiet, and refrain from attacking their vil
lages, they would bring in the prisoners in the course
of the following week. Bradstreet accepted their
excuses ; and, having removed his camp to the carry
ing-place of Sandusky, lay waiting in patient expec
tation. It was here that he received, for the first
time, a communication from General Gage, respect
ing the preliminary treaty, concluded several weeks
before. Gage condemned his conduct in severe
terms, and ordered him to break the engagements he
had made, and advance at once upon the enemy,
choosing for his first objects of attack the Indians
living upon the plains of the Scioto. The fury of
Bradstreet was great on receiving this message ; and
it was not diminished when the journal of Captain
Morris was placed in his hands, fully proving how
signally he had been duped. He was in no temper
to obey the orders of the commander-in-chief ; and, to
justify himself for his inaction, he alleged the impossi
bility of reaching the Scioto plains at that advanced
season. Two routes thither were open to his choice,
one by the river Sandusky, and the other by Cayahoga

68 BRADSTREET'S ARMY ON THE LAKES. [1764.

Creek. The water in the Sandusky was sunk low
with the drought, and the carrying-place at the head
of Cayahoga Creek was a few miles longer than had
been represented; yet the army were ready for the
attempt, and these difficulties could not have deterred
a vigorous commander. Under cover of such ex
cuses, Bradstreet remained idle at Sandusky for
several days, while sickness and discontent were rife
in his camp. The soldiers complained of his capri
cious, peremptory temper, his harshness to his troops,
and the unaccountable tenderness with which he
treated the Sandusky Indians, some of whom had not
yet made their submission; while he enraged his
Iroquois allies by his frequent rebukes and curses.
At length, declaring that provisions were failing
and the season growing late, he resolved to return
home ; and broke up his camp with such precipitancy
that two soldiers, who had gone out in the morning
to catch fish for his table, were inhumanly left be
hind;1 the colonel remarking that they might stay

1 " 8th. His going away, leaving at Sandusky Two Jersey Sol
diers, who were sent out by his Orders to Catch Fish for his Table
& Five Principal Inds. who were Hunting, notwithstanding several
spoke to him abt. it & begged to allow a Boat to stay an hour or
two for them ; his Answer was, they might stay there & be damned,
not a Boat should stay one Minute for them." — Remarks on the
Conduct, etc., MS.

Another article of these charges is as follows : " His harsh
treatment at Setting off to the Inds. and their officers & leaving
some of them behind at every encampment from his flighty and
unsettled disposition, telling them sometimes he intended encamp
ing, on which some of the briskest Inds. went to kill some Game,
on their return found the Army moved on, so were obliged to march

1764, Nov.] HE RETURNS HOME. 69

and be damned. Soon after leaving Sandusky, he
saw fit to encamp one evening on an open, exposed
beach, on the south shore of Lake Erie, though there
was in the neighborhood a large river, "wherein,"
say his critics, "a thousand boats could lie with
safety." A storm came on: half his boats were
dashed to pieces; and six pieces of cannon, with
ammunition, provisions, arms, and baggage, were lost
or abandoned. For three days the tempest raged
unceasingly ; and when the angry lake began to re
sume its tranquillity, it was found that the remain
ing boats were insufficient to convey the troops. A
body of Indians, together with a detachment of pro
vincials, about a hundred and fifty in all, were there
fore ordered to make their way to Niagara along the
pathless borders of the lake. They accordingly set
out, and, after many days of hardship, reached their
destination; though such had been their sufferings,
from fatigue, cold, and hunger, from wading swamps,
swimming creeks and rivers, and pushing their way
through tangled thickets, that many of the provincials
perished miserably in the woods. On the fourth of
November, seventeen days after their departure from
Sandusky, the main body of the little army arrived
in safety at Niagara; and the whole, re-embarking

along shore without any necessarys, and with difficulty got to
Detroit half starved. At other times on being asked by the Inda
officers (when the Boats were crowded) how they and ye Inds. should
get along, His answer always verry ill natured, such as swim and be
damned, or let them stay and be damned, &c. ; all which was under
stood by many & gave great uneasiness."

70 BRADSTREET'S ARMY ON THE LAKES. [1764.

on Lake Ontario, proceeded towards Oswego.1 For
tune still seemed adverse; for a second tempest
arose, and one of the schooners, crowded with troops,
foundered in sight of Oswego, though most of the
men were saved. The route to the settlements was
now a short and easy one. On their arrival, the
regulars went into quarters ; while the troops levied
for the campaign were sent home to their respective
provinces.

This expedition, ill conducted as it was, produced
some beneficial results. The Indians at Detroit had
been brought to reason, and for the present, at least,
would probably remain tranquil ; while the re-estab
lishment of the posts on the upper lakes must neces
sarily have great effect upon the natives of that
region. At Sandusky, on the other hand, the work
had been but half done. The tribes of that place
felt no respect for the English; while those to the
southward and westward had been left in a state of
turbulence, which promised an abundant harvest of
future mischief.2 In one particular, at least, Brad-
street had occasioned serious detriment to the English
interest. The Iroquois allies, who had joined his
army, were disgusted by his treatment of them,
while they were roused to contempt by the imbecility
of his conduct towards the enemy; and thus the
efforts of Sir William Johnson to secure the attach-

1 Mante, 635.

2 MS. Letter — Johnson to the Board of Trade, December 26.

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1764, Nov.] A CURIOUS DISCOVERY. 71

ment of these powerful tribes were in no small degree
counteracted and neutralized.1

While Bradstreet's troops were advancing upon
the lakes, or lying idle in their camp at Sandusky,
another expedition was in progress at the southward,
with abler conduct and a more auspicious result.

1 The provincial officers, to whom the command of the Indian
allies was assigned, drew up a paper containing complaints against
Bradstreet, and particulars of his misconduct during the expedition.
This curious document, from which a few extracts have been given,
was found among the private papers of Sir William Johnson.

A curious discovery, in probable connection with Bradstreet's
expedition, has lately been made public. At McMahon's Beach, on
Lake Erie, eight or ten miles west of Cleveland, a considerable num
ber of bayonets, bullets, musket-barrels, and fragments of boats,
have from time to time been washed by storms from the sands, or
dug up on the adjacent shore, as well as an English silver-hilted
sword, several silver spoons, and a few old French and English
coins. A mound full of bones and skulls, apparently of Europeans
hastily buried, has also been found at the same place. The proba
bility is strong that these are the remains of Bradstreet's disaster.
See a paper by Dr. J. P. Kirtland, in Whittlesey's History of Cleve
land, 105.

CHAPTER XXVII.

1764.

BOUQUET FORCES THE DELA WARES AND
SHAWANOES TO SUE FOR PEACE.

THE work of ravage had begun afresh upon the
borders. The Indians had taken the precaution to
remove all their settlements to the western side of
the river Muskingum, trusting that the impervious
forests, with their unnumbered streams, would prove
a sufficient barrier against invasion. Having thus,
as they thought, placed their women and children in
safety, they had flung themselves upon the settle
ments with all the rage and ferocity of the previous
season. So fierce and active were the war-parties on
the borders that the English governor of Pennsyl
vania had recourse to a measure which the frontier
inhabitants had long demanded, and issued a procla
mation, offering a high bounty for Indian scalps,
whether of men or women; a barbarous expedient,
fruitful of butcheries and murders, but incapable of
producing any decisive result.1

1 The following is an extract from the proclamation : —
" I do hereby declare and promise, that there shall be paid out
of the moneys lately granted for his Majesty's use, to all and every
person and persons not in the pay of this province, the following

1764.] DAVID OWENS. 73

Early in the season, a soldier named David Owens,
who, several years before, had deserted and joined
the Indians, came to one of the outposts, accompanied
by a young provincial recently taken prisoner on the
Delaware, and bringing five scalps. While living
among the Indians, Owens had formed a connection
with one of their women, who had borne him several
children. Growing tired, at length, of the forest

several and respective premiums and bounties for the prisoners and
scalps of the enemy Indians that shall be taken or killed within the
bounds of this province, as limited by the royal charter, or in pur
suit from within the said bounds ; that is to say, for every male
Indian enemy above ten years old, who shall be taken prisoner, and
delivered at any forts garrisoned by the troops in the pay of this
province, or at any of the county towns, to the keeper of the com
mon jails there, the sum of one hundred and fifty Spanish dollars,
or pieces of eight. For every female Indian enemy, taken prisoner
and brought in as aforesaid, and for every male Indian enemy of
ten years old or under, taken prisoner and delivered as aforesaid,
the sum of one hundred and thirty pieces of eight. For the scalp
of every male Indian enemy above the age of ten years, produced
as evidence of their being killed, the sum of one hundred and thirty-
four pieces of eight. And for the scalp of every female Indian
enemy above the age of ten years, produced as evidence of their
being killed, the sum of fifty pieces of eight."

The action of such measures has recently been illustrated in the
instance of New Mexico before its conquest by the Americans.
The inhabitants of that country, too timorous to defend themselves
against the Apaches and other tribes, who descended upon them in
frequent forays from the neighboring mountains, took into pay a
band of foreigners, chiefly American trappers, for whom the Apache
lances had no such terrors, and, to stimulate their exertions, pro
claimed a bounty on scalps. The success of the measure was
judged admirable, until it was found that the unscrupulous con
federates were in the habit of shooting down any Indian, whether
friend or enemy, who came within range of their rifles, and that the
government had been paying rewards for the scalps of its own allies
and dependants.

T4 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1764.

life, he had become anxious to return to the settle
ments, but feared to do so without first having made
some atonement for his former desertion. One night,
he had been encamped on the Susquehanna, with four
Shawanoe warriors, a boy of the same tribe, his own
wife and two children, and another Indian woman.
The young provincial, who came with him to the
settlements, was also of the party. In the middle of
the night, Owens arose, and looking about him saw,
by the dull glow of the camp-fire, that all were buried
in deep sleep. Cautiously awakening the young pro
vincial, he told him to leave the place, and lie quiet
at a little distance, until he should call him. He
next stealthily removed the weapons from beside the
sleeping savages, and concealed them in the woods,
reserving to himself two loaded rifles. Returning to
the camp, he knelt on the ground between two of the
yet unconscious warriors, and, pointing a rifle at the
head of each, touched the triggers, and shot both
dead at once. Startled by the reports, the survivors
sprang to their feet in bewildered terror. The two
remaining warriors bounded into the woods ; but the
women and children, benumbed with fright, had no
power to escape, and one and all died shrieking under
the hatchet of the miscreant. His devilish work
complete, the wretch sat watching until daylight
among the dead bodies of his children and comrades,
undaunted by the awful gloom and solitude of the
darkened forest. In the morning, he scalped his
victims, with the exception of the two children, and,

1763, JULY.] PAST TROUBLES. 75

followed by the young white man, directed his steps
towards the settlements, with the bloody trophies of
his atrocity. His desertion was pardoned; he was
employed as an interpreter, and ordered to accompany
the troops on the intended expedition. His example
is one of many in which the worst acts of Indian
ferocity have been thrown into shade by the enormi
ties of white barbarians.1

Bouquet was now urging on his preparations for
his march into the valley of the Ohio. We have seen
how, in the preceding summer, he had been embar
rassed by what he calls " the unnatural obstinacy of
the government of Pennsylvania." "It disables us,"
he had written to the equally indignant Amherst,
" from crushing the savages on this side of the lakes,
and may draw us into a lingering war, which might
have been terminated by another blow. ... I see
that the whole burden of this war will rest upon us ;

i Gordon, Hist. Penn., 625. Robison, Narrative.

Extract from a MS. Letter — Sir W. Johnson to Governor Penn :

" Burnetsfield, June 18th, 1764.

" David Owens was a Corporal in Capt. McClean's Compy., and
lay once in Garrison at my House. He deserted several times, as
I am informed, & went to live among the Delaware & Shawanese,
with whose language he was acquainted. His Father having been
long a trader amongst them.

"The circumstances relating to his leaving the Indians have
been told me by several Indians. That he went out a hunting with
his Indian Wife and several of her relations, most of whom, with
his Wife, he killed and scalped as they slept. As he was always
much attached to Indians, I fancy he began to fear he was unsafe
amongst them, & killed them rather to make his peace with the
English, than from any dislike either to them or their principles."

76 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1764, MAY.

and while the few regular troops you have left can
keep the enemy at a distance, the Provinces will let
them fight it out without interfering."1

Amherst, after vainly hoping that the Assembly of
Pennsylvania would "exert themselves like men,"2
had, equally in vain, sent Colonel James Robertson
as a special messenger to the provincial commis
sioners. "I found all my pleading vain," the disap
pointed envoy had written, "and believe Cicero's
would have been so. I never saw any men so deter
mined in the right as these people are in this absurdly
wrong resolve."3 The resolve in question related to
the seven hundred men whom the Assembly had
voted to raise for protecting the gathering of the
harvest, and whom the commissioners stiffly refused
to place at the disposition of the military authorities.

It is apparent in all this that, at an early period of
the war, a change had come over the spirit of the
commander-in-chief, whose prejudices and pride had

1 MS. Letter — Bouquet to Amherst, 15 September, 1763.

2 " If the present situation of the poor families who have aban
doned their settlements, and the danger that the whole province is
threatened with, can have no effect in opening the hearts of your
Assembly to exert themselves like men, I am sure no arguments I
could urge will be regarded." — Amherst to Governor Hamilton,
7 July, 1763.

" The situation of this country is deplorable, and the infatuation
of their government in taking the most dilatory and ineffectual
measures for their protection, highly blamable. They have not
paid the least regard to the plan I proposed to them on my arrival
here, and will lose this and York counties if the savages push their
attacks." —Bouquet to Amherst, 13 July, 1763.

8 MS. Letter — Robertson to Amherst, 19 July, 1763.

1764, MAY.] CHANGED DISPOSITIONS. 77

revolted, at the outset, against the asking of pro
vincial aid to "chastise the savages," but who had
soon been brought to reason by his own helplessness
and the exigencies of the situation. In like manner,
a change, though at the eleventh hour, had now come
over the spirit of the Pennsylvania Assembly. The
invasion of the Paxton borderers, during the past
winter, had scared the Quaker faction into their
senses. Their old quarrel with the governor and the
proprietaries, their scruples about war, and their
affection for Indians, were all postponed to the neces
sity of the hour. The Assembly voted to raise three
hundred men to guard the frontiers, and a thousand
to join Bouquet. Their commissioners went farther;
for they promised to send to England for fifty couples
of bloodhounds, to hunt Indian scalping-parties.1

In the preceding summer, half as many men would
have sufficed; for, after the battle of Bushy Run,
Bouquet wrote to Amherst from Fort Pitt, that, with
a reinforcement of three hundred provincial rangers,
he could destroy all the Delaware towns, " and clear
the country of that vermin between this fort and
Lake Erie ; " 2 but he added, with some bitterness,
that the provinces would not even furnish escorts to
convoys, so that his hands were completely tied.3

1 " They have at my recommendation agreed to send to Great
Britain for 50 Couples of Blood Hounds to be employed with
Rangers on horse back against Indian scalping parties, which will
I hope deter more effectually the Savages from that sort of war
than our troops can possibly do." — Bouquet to Amherst, 7 June, 1764.

2 MS. Letter — Bouquet to Amherst, 27 August, 1763.

8 Ibid., 24 October, 1763. In this letter, Bouquet enlarges, after a

78 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1764, AUG.

It was past midsummer before the thousand Penn-
sylvanians were ready to move ; so that the season for
navigating the Ohio and its branches was lost. As
for Virginia and Maryland, they would do absolutely
nothing. On the fifth of August, Bouquet was at
Carlisle, with his new levies and such regulars as he
had, chiefly the veterans of Bushy Run. Before the
tenth, two hundred of the Pennsylvanians had de
serted, sheltered, as usual, by the country people.
His force, even with full ranks, was too small ; and
he now took the responsibility of writing to Colonel
Lewis, of the Virginia militia, to send him two hun
dred volunteers, to take the place of the deserters.1
A body of Virginians accordingly joined him at Fort
Pitt, to his great satisfaction, for he set a high value
on these backwoods riflemen; but the responsibility
he had assumed proved afterwards a source of extreme
annoyance to him.

The little army soon reached Fort Loudon, then in
a decayed and ruinous condition, like all the wooden
forts built during the French war. Here Bouquet
received the strange communication from Bradstreet,

fashion which must have been singularly unpalatable to his com
mander, on the danger of employing regulars alone in forest war
fare. " Without a certain number of woodsmen, I cannot think it
advisable to employ regulars in the Woods against Savages, as
they cannot procure any intelligence and are open to continual
surprises, nor can they pursue to any distance their enemy
when they have routed them ; and should they have the misfor
tune to be defeated, the whole would be destroyed if above one
day's march from a Fort. That is my opinion in wh. I hope to be
deceived."

1 MS. Letter — Bouquet to Gage, 10 August, 1764.

1764, AUG.] BOUQUET AND BRADSTREET. 79

informing him that he might return home with his
troops, as a treaty had been concluded with the
Delawares and Shawanoes. Bouquet's disgust found
vent in a letter to the commander-in-chief: "I re
ceived this moment advice from Colonel Bradstreet.
. . . The terms he gives them (the Indians) are such
as fill me with astonishment. . . . Had Colonel
Bradstreet been as well informed as I am of the
horrid perfidies of the Delawares and Shawanese,
whose parties as late as the 22d instant killed six
men ... he never could have compromised the
honor of the nation by such disgraceful conditions,
and that at a time when two armies, after long strug
gles, are in full motion to penetrate into the heart of
the enemy's country. Permit me likewise humbly
to represent to your Excellency that I have not
deserved the affront laid upon me by this treaty of
peace, concluded by a younger officer, in the depart
ment where you have done me the honor to appoint
me to command, without referring the deputies of
the savages to me at Fort Pitt, but telling them that
he shall send and prevent my proceeding against
them. I can therefore take no notice of his peace,
but (shall) proceed forthwith to the Ohio, where I
shall wait till I receive your orders."1

1 MS. Letter — Bouquet to Gage,W August, 1764. He wrote to
Governor Penn, as follows : —

" Fort London, 27 Aug. 1761
"Sir:

"I have the honor to transmit to you a letter from Colonel
Bradstreet, who acquaints me that he has granted peace to all the

80 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1764, SEPT.

After waiting for more than a week for his wrath
to cool, he wrote to Bradstreet in terms which, though
restrained and temperate, plainly showed his indigna
tion.1 He had now reached Fort Bedford, where
more Pennsylvanians ran off, with their arms and
horses, and where he vainly waited the arrival of a
large reinforcement of friendly Indians, who had
been promised by Sir William Johnson, but who
never arrived. On reaching Fort Ligonier, he had
the satisfaction of forwarding two letters, which the
commander-in-chief had significantly sent through his
hands, to Bradstreet, containing a peremptory dis
avowal of the treaty.2 Continuing to advance, he
passed in safety the scene of his desperate fight of
the last summer, and on the seventeenth of September
arrived at Fort Pitt, with no other loss than that of
a few men picked off from the flanks and rear by
lurking Indian marksmen.3

Indians living between Lake Erie and the Ohio ; but as no satisfac
tion is insisted on, I hope the General will not confirm it, and that I
shall not be a witness to a transaction which would fix an indelible
stain upon the Nation.

" I therefore take no notice of that pretended peace, & proceed
forthwith on the expedition, fully determined to treat as enemies
any Delawares or Shawanese I shall find in my way, till I receive
contrary orders from the General/'

1 MS. Letter— Bouquet to Bradstreet, 5 September, 1764.

a See ante, 49, note.

8 Captain Grant, who had commanded during the spring at Fort
Pitt, had sent bad accounts of the disposition of the neighboring
Indians ; but added, " At this Post we defy all the Savages in the
Woods. I wish they would dare appear before us. ... Repairing
Batteaux, ploughing, gardening, making Fences, and fetching home
fire Wood goes on constantly every day, from sun rise to the setting

1764, SEPT.] HIS MESSAGE TO THE DELAWAKES. 81

The day before his arrival, ten Delaware chiefs and
warriors appeared on the farther bank of the river,
pretending to be deputies sent by their nation to con
fer with the English commander. Three of them,
after much hesitation, came over to the fort, where,
being closely questioned, and found unable to give
any good account of their mission, they were detained
as spies; while their companions, greatly discon
certed, fled back to their villages. Bouquet, on
his arrival, released one of the three captives, and
sent him home with the following message to his
people : —

" I have received an account, from Colonel Brad-
street, that your nations had begged for peace, which
he had consented to grant, upon assurance that you
had recalled all your warriors from our frontiers;

of the same." — Grant to Bouquet, 2 April, 1764. A small boy, cap
tured with his mother the summer before, escaped to the fort about
this time, and reported that the Indians meant to plant their corn
and provide for their families, after which they would come to the
fort and burn it. The youthful informant also declared that none
of them had more than a pound of powder left. Soon after, a man
named Hicks appeared, prof essing to have escaped from the Indians,
though he was strongly suspected of being a renegade and a spy,
and was therefore cross-questioned severely. He confirmed what
the boy had said as to the want of ammunition among the Indians,
and added that they had sent for a supply to the French at the
Illinois, but that the reception they received from the command
ant had not satisfied them. General Gage sent the following not
very judicial instructions with regard to Hicks: "He is a great
villain. I am glad he is secured. I must desire you will have him
tried by a general Court-Martial for a Spy. Let the proceedings
of the Court prove him a Spy as strong as they can, and if he does
turn out a spy, he must be hanged." — Gage to Bouquet, 14 May,
1764. The court, however, could find no proof.
VOL. in. — 6

82 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1764, SEPT.

and, in consequence of this, I would not have pro
ceeded against your towns, if I had not heard that,
in open violation of your engagements, you have
since murdered several of our people.

" I was therefore determined to have attacked you,
as a people whose promises can no more be relied on.
But I will put it once more in your power to save
yourselves and your families from total destruction,
by giving us satisfaction for the hostilities committed
against us. And, first, you are to leave the path
open for my expresses from hence to Detroit; and as
I am now to send two men with despatches to
Colonel Bradstreet, who commands on the lakes, I
desire to know whether you will send two of your
people to bring them safe back with an answer. And
if they receive any injury either in going or coming,
or if the letters are taken from them, I will imme
diately put the Indians now in my power to death,
and will show no mercy, for the future, to any of
your nations that shall fall into my hands. I allow
you ten days to have my letters delivered at Detroit,
and ten days to bring me back an answer."1

The liberated spy faithfully discharged his mission ;
and the firm, decisive tone of the message had a pro
found effect upon the hostile warriors ; clearly indi
cating, as it did, with what manner of man they
had to deal. Many, who were before clamorous for
battle, were now ready to sue for peace, as the only
means to avert their ruin.

1 Account of Bouquet's Expedition, 6.

1764, OCT.] THE MARCH OF HIS ARMY. 83

Before the army was ready to march, two Iroquois
warriors came to the fort, pretending friendship, but
anxious, in reality, to retard the expedition until the
approaching winter should make it impossible to
proceed. They represented the numbers of the
enemy, and the extreme difficulty of penetrating so
rough a country; and affirmed that, if the troops
remained quiet, the hostile tribes, who were already
collecting their prisoners, would soon arrive to make
their submission. Bouquet turned a deaf ear to their
advice, and sent them to inform the Dela wares and
Shawanoes that he was on his way to chastise them
for their perfidy and cruelty, unless they should save
themselves by an ample and speedy atonement.

Early in October, the troops left Fort Pitt, and
began their westward march into a wilderness which
no army had ever before sought to penetrate. Encum
bered with their camp equipage, with droves of cattle
and sheep for subsistence, and a long train of pack-
horses laden with provisions, their progress was
tedious and difficult, and seven or eight miles were
the ordinary measure of a day's march. The woods
men of Virginia, veteran hunters and Indian-fighters,
were thrown far out in front and on either flank,
scouring the forest to detect any sign of a lurking
ambuscade. The pioneers toiled in the van, hewing
their way through woods and thickets; while the
army dragged its weary length behind them through
the forest, like a serpent creeping through tall grass.
The surrounding country, whenever a casual opening

84 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1764, OCT.

in the matted foliage gave a glimpse of its features,
disclosed scenery of wild, primeval beauty. Some
times the army defiled along the margin of the Ohio,
by its broad eddying current and the bright land
scape of its shores. Sometimes they descended into
the thickest gloom of the woods, damp, still, and
cool as the recesses of a cavern, where the black soil
oozed beneath the tread, where the rough columns
of the forest seemed to exude a clammy sweat, and
the slimy mosses were trickling with moisture ; while
the carcasses of prostrate trees, green with the decay
of a century, sank into pulp at the lightest pressure of
the foot. More frequently, the forest was of a fresher
growth ; and the restless leaves of young maples and
basswood shook down spots of sunlight on the march
ing columns. Sometimes they waded the clear cur
rent of a stream, with its vistas of arching foliage
and sparkling water. There were intervals, but these
were rare, when, escaping for a moment from the
labyrinth of woods, they emerged into the light of an
open meadow, rich with herbage, and girdled by a
zone of forest; gladdened by the notes of birds, and
enlivened, it may be, by grazing herds of deer.
These spots, welcome to the forest traveller as an
oasis to a wanderer in the desert, form the precursors
of the prairies ; which, growing wider and more fre
quent as one advances westward, expand at last into
the boundless plains beyond the Mississippi.

On the tenth day after leaving Fort Pitt, the army
reached the river Muskingum, and approached the

1764, OCT.] TERROR OF THE ENEMY. 85

objects of their march, the haunts of the barbarian
warriors, who had turned whole districts into deso
lation. Their progress had met no interruption. A
few skulking Indians had hovered about them, but,
alarmed by their numbers, feared to venture an attack.
The Indian cabins which they passed on their way
were deserted by their tenants, who had joined their
western brethren. When the troops crossed the
Muskingum, they saw, a little below the fording-
place, the abandoned wigwams of the village of
Tuscaroras, recently the abode of more than a hun
dred families, who had fled in terror at the approach
of the invaders.

Bouquet was in the heart of the enemy's country.
Their villages, except some remoter settlements of
the Shawanoes, all lay within a few days' march;
and no other choice was left them than to sue for
peace, or risk the desperate chances of battle against
a commander who, a year before, with a third of his
present force, had routed them at the fight of Bushy
Run. The vigorous and active among them might,
it is true, escape by flight; but, in doing so, they
must abandon to the victors their dwellings, and their
secret hordes of corn. They were confounded at the
multitude of the invaders, exaggerated, doubtless, in
the reports which reached their villages, and amazed
that an army should force its way so deep into the
forest fastnesses, which they had thought impreg
nable. They knew, on the other hand, that Colonel
Bradstreet was still at Sandusky, in a position to

86 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1764, OCT.

assail them in the rear. Thus pressed on both sides,
they saw that they must submit, and bend their stub
born pride to beg for peace; not alone with words,
which cost nothing, and would have been worth
nothing, but by the delivery of prisoners, and the
surrender of chiefs and warriors as pledges of good
faith. Bouquet had sent two soldiers from Fort
Pitt with letters to Colonel Bradstreet; but these
men had been detained, under specious pretexts, by
the Dela wares. They now appeared at his camp,
sent back by their captors, with a message to the
effect that, within a few days, the chiefs would arrive
and hold a conference with him.

Bouquet continued his march down the valley of
the Muskingum, until he reached a spot where the
broad meadows, which bordered the river, would
supply abundant grazing for the cattle and horses;
while the terraces above, shaded by forest-trees,
offered a convenient site for an encampment. Here
he began to erect a small palisade work, as a depot
for stores and baggage. Before the task was com
plete, a deputation of chiefs arrived, bringing word
that their warriors were encamped, in great numbers,
about eight miles from the spot, and desiring Bouquet
to appoint the time and place for a council. He
ordered them to meet him, on the next day, at a
point near the margin of the river, a little below the
camp; and thither a party of men was at once de
spatched, to erect a sort of rustic arbor of saplings
and the boughs of trees, large enough to shelter the

1764, OCT.] THE COUNCIL. 87

English officers and the Indian chiefs. With a host
of warriors in the neighborhood, who would gladly
break in upon them, could they hope that the attack
would succeed, it behooved the English to use every
precaution. A double guard was placed, and a
stringent discipline enforced.

In the morning, the little army moved in battle
order to the place of council. Here the principal
officers assumed their seats under the canopy of
branches, while the glittering array of the troops was
drawn out on the meadow in front, in such a manner
as to produce the most imposing effect on the minds
of the Indians, in whose eyes the sight of fifteen
hundred men under arms was a spectacle equally
new and astounding. The perfect order and silence
of the far-extended lines ; the ridges of bayonets flash
ing in the sun ; the fluttering tartans of the Highland
regulars ; the bright red uniform of the Royal Ameri
cans; the darker garb and duller trappings of the
Pennsylvania troops, and the bands of Virginia back
woodsmen, who, in fringed hunting-frocks and Indian
moccasons, stood leaning carelessly on their rifles, —
all these combined to form a scene of military pomp
and power not soon to be forgotten.

At the appointed hour, the deputation appeared.
The most prominent among them were Kiashuta,
chief of the band of Senecas who had deserted their
ancient homes to form a colony on the Ohio ; Custa-
loga, chief of the Dela wares; and the head chief of
the Shawanoes, whose name sets orthography at

88 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1764, OCT.

defiance. As they approached, painted and plumed
in all their savage pomp, they looked neither to the
right hand nor to the left, not deigning, under the
eyes of their enemy, to cast even a glance at
the military display around them. They seated them
selves, with stern, impassive looks, and an air of
sullen dignity; while their sombre brows betrayed
the hatred still rankling in their hearts. After a
few minutes had been consumed in the indispensable
ceremony of smoking, Turtle Heart, a chief of the
Delawares, and orator of the deputation, rose, bear
ing in his hand a bag containing the belts of wam
pum. Addressing himself to the English commander,
he spoke as follows, delivering a belt for every clause
of his speech: —

"Brother, I speak in behalf of the three nations
whose chiefs are here present. With this belt I
open your ears and your hearts, that you may listen
to my words.

"Brother, this war was neither your fault nor
ours. It was the work of the nations who live to
the westward, and of our wild young men, who
would have killed us if we had resisted them. We
now put away all evil from our hearts ; and we hope
that your mind and ours will once more be united
together.

" Brother, it is the will of the Great Spirit that
there should be peace between us. We, on our side,
now take fast hold of the chain of friendship; but,
as we cannot hold it alone, we desire that you will

1764, OCT.] SPEECH OF DELAWARE ORATOR. 89

take hold also, and we must look up to the Great
Spirit, that he may make us strong, and not permit
this chain to fall from our hands.

" Brother, these words come from our hearts, and
not from our lips. You desire that we should deliver
up your flesh and blood now captive among us ; and,
to show you that we are sincere, we now return you
as many of them as we have at present been able to
bring. [Here he delivered eighteen white prisoners,
who had been brought by the deputation to the
council.] You shall receive the rest as soon as we
have time to collect them."1

In such figurative terms, not devoid of dignity,
did the Indian orator sue for peace to his detested
enemies. When he had concluded, the chiefs of
every tribe rose in succession, to express concurrence
in what he had said, each delivering a belt of wam
pum and a bundle of small sticks ; the latter designed
to indicate the number of English prisoners whom
his followers retained, and whom he pledged himself
to surrender. In an Indian council, when one of
the speakers has advanced a matter of weight and
urgency, the other party defers his reply to the fol-

1 This speech is taken from the official journals of Colonel
Bouquet, a copy of which is preserved in the archives of Pennsyl
vania, at Harrisburg, engrossed, if the writer's memory does not
fail him, in one of the volumes of the Provincial Records. The
published narrative, which has often been cited, is chiefly founded
upon the authority of these documents, and the writer has used his
materials with great skill and faithfulness, though occasionally it
has been found advisable to have recourse to the original journals,
to supply some omission or obscurity in the printed compilation.

90 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1764, OCT.

lowing day, that due time may be allowed for delib
eration. Accordingly, in the present instance, the
council adjourned to the next morning, each party
retiring to its respective camp. But, when day
dawned, the weather had changed. The valley of
the Muskingum was filled with driving mist and
rain, and the meeting was in consequence postponed.
On the third day, the landscape brightened afresh,
the troops marched once more to the place of council,
and the Indian chiefs convened to hear the reply of
their triumphant foe. It was not of a kind to please
them. The opening words gave an earnest of what
was to come ; for Bouquet discarded the usual address
of an Indian harangue : fathers, brothers, or children,
— terms which imply a relation of friendship, or a
desire to conciliate, — and adopted a sterner and
more distant form.

"Sachems, war-chiefs, and warriors,1 the excuses
you have offered are frivolous and unavailing, and
your conduct is without defence or apology. You
could not have acted as you pretend to have done
through fear of the western nations; for, had you
stood faithful to us, you knew that we would have

1 The sachem is the civil chief, who directs the counsels of the
tribe, and governs in time of peace. His office, on certain condi
tions, is hereditary ; while the war-chief, or military leader, acquires
his authority solely by personal merit, and seldom transmits it to
his offspring. Sometimes the civil and military functions are dis
charged by the same person, as in the instance of Pontiac himself.

The speech of Bouquet, as given above, is taken, with some
omission and condensation, from the journals mentioned in the
preceding note.

1764, OCT.] REPLY OF BOUQUET. 91

protected you against their anger; and as for your
young men, it was your duty to punish them, if they
did amiss. You have drawn down our just resent
ment by your violence and perfidy. Last summer,
in cold blood, and in a time of profound peace, you
robbed and murdered the traders, who had come
among you at your own express desire. You attacked
Fort Pitt, which was built by your consent; and
you destroyed our outposts and garrisons, whenever
treachery could place them in your power. You
assailed our troops — the same who now stand before
you — in the woods at Bushy Run; and, when we
had routed and driven you off, you sent your scalp-
ing-parties to the frontier, and murdered many hun
dreds of our people. Last July, when the other
nations came to ask for peace, at Niagara, you not
only refused to attend, but sent an insolent message
instead, in which you expressed a pretended con
tempt for the English; and, at the same time, told
the surrounding nations that you would never lay
down the hatchet. Afterwards, when Colonel Brad-
street came up Lake Erie, you sent a deputation of
your chiefs, and concluded a treaty with him; but
your engagements were no sooner made than broken ;
and, from that day to this, you have scalped and
butchered us without ceasing. Nay, I am informed
that, when you heard that this army was penetrating
the woods, you mustered your warriors to attack us,
and were only deterred from doing so when you
found how greatly we outnumbered you. This is

92 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1764, OCT.

not the only instance of your bad faith; for, since
the beginning of the last war, you have made repeated
treaties with us, and promised to give up your
prisoners; but you have never kept these engage
ments, nor any others. We shall endure this no
longer; and I am now come among you to force you
to make atonement for the injuries you have done us.
I have brought with me the relatives of those you
have murdered. They are eager for vengeance, and
nothing restrains them from taking it but my assur
ance that this army shall not leave your country until
you have given them an ample satisfaction.

" Your allies, the Ottawas, O jibwas, and Wyandots,
have begged for peace ; the Six Nations have leagued
themselves with us ; the great lakes and rivers around
you are all in our possession, and your friends the
French are in subjection to us, and can do no more
to aid you. You are all in our power, and, if we
choose, we can exterminate you from the earth; but
the English are a merciful and generous people,
averse to shed the blood even of their greatest ene
mies ; and if it were possible that you could convince
us that you sincerely repent of your past perfidy, and
that we could depend on your good behavior for the
future, you might yet hope for mercy and peace. If
I find that you faithfully execute the conditions
which I shall prescribe, I will not treat you with
the severity you deserve.

" I give you twelve days from this date to deliver
into my hands all the prisoners in your possession,

1764, OCT.] REPLY OF BOUQUET. 93

without exception : Englishmen, Frenchmen, women,
and children ; whether adopted into your tribes, mar
ried, or living among you under any denomination or
pretence whatsoever. And you are to furnish these
prisoners with clothing, provisions, and horses, to
carry them to Fort Pitt. When you have fully com
plied with these conditions, you shall then know on
what terms you may obtain the peace you sue for."

This speech, with the stern voice and countenance
of the speaker, told with chilling effect upon the awe-
stricken hearers. It quelled their native haughti
ness, and sunk them to the depths of humiliation.
Their speeches in reply were dull and insipid, void
of that savage eloquence, which, springing from a
wild spirit of independence, has so often distinguished
the forest orators. Judging the temper of their
enemies by their own insatiable thirst for vengeance,
they hastened, with all the alacrity of terror, to fulfil
the prescribed conditions, and avert the threatened
ruin. They dispersed to their different villages, to
collect and bring in the prisoners ; while Bouquet, on
his part, knowing that his best security for their
good faith was to keep up the alarm which his
decisive measures had created, determined to march
yet nearer to their settlements. Still following the
course of the Muskingum, he descended to a spot
near its confluence with its main branch, which might
be regarded as a central point with respect to the
surrounding Indian villages. Here, with the excep
tion of the distant Shawanoe settlements, they were

94 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1764, OCT.

all within reach of his hand, and he could readily
chastise the first attempt at deceit or evasion. The
principal chiefs of each tribe had been forced to
accompany him as hostages.1

For the space of a day, hundreds of axes were
busy at their work. The trees were felled, the
ground cleared, and, with marvellous rapidity, a
town sprang up in the heart of the wilderness, mar
tial in aspect and rigorous in discipline; with store
houses, hospitals, and works of defence, rude sylvan
cabins mingled with white tents, and the forest rear
ing its sombre rampart around the whole. On one
side of this singular encampment was a range of
buildings, designed to receive the expected prisoners ;
and matrons, brought for this purpose with the army,
were appointed to take charge of the women and
children among them. At the opposite side, a canopy
of branches, sustained on the upright trunks of

i The following is from a letter of Bouquet dated Camp near
Tuscarawas, 96 miles west of Fort Pitt, 21st October, 1764 : " They
came accordingly on the 15th and met me here, to where I had
moved the camp. Time does not permit me to send you all the
messages which have passed since, and the conferences I have had
with them, as we are going to march. I shall for the present in
form you that they have behaved with the utmost submission, and
have agreed to deliver into my hands all their prisoners, who appear
to be very numerous, on the 1st of November, and, as I will not leave
anything undone, they have not only consented that I should march
to their towns, but have given me four of their men to conduct the
Army. This is the only point hitherto settled with them. Their
excessive fear having nearly made them run away once more, that
circumstance and the Treaty of Colonel Bradstreet, of which they
produce the original, added to the total want of government among
them, render the execution of my orders very intricate."

1764, OCT.] RETURN OF PRISONERS. 95

young trees, formed a rude council-hall, in keeping
with the savage assembly for whose reception it was
designed.

And now, issuing from the forest, came warriors
conducting troops of prisoners, or leading captive
children, — wild young barbarians, born perhaps
among themselves, and scarcely to be distinguished
from their own. Yet, seeing the sullen reluctance
which the Indians soon betrayed in this ungrateful
task, Bouquet thought it expedient to stimulate their
efforts by sending detachments of soldiers to each of
the villages, still retaining the chiefs in pledge for
their safety. About this time, a Canadian officer,
named Hertel, with a party of Caughnawaga Indians,
arrived with a letter from Colonel Bradstreet, dated
at Sandusky. The writer declared that he was unable
to remain longer in the Indian country, and was on
the point of retiring down Lake Erie with his army;
a movement which, at the least, was of doubtful
necessity, and which might have involved the most
disastrous consequences. Had the tidings been re
ceived but a few days sooner, the whole effect of
Bouquet's measures would probably have been de
stroyed, the Indians encouraged to resistance, and the
war brought to the arbitration of a battle, which must
needs have been a fierce and bloody one. But, hap
pily for both parties, Bouquet now had his enemies
firmly in his grasp, and the boldest warrior dared
not violate the truce.

The messengers who brought the letter of Brad-

96 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1764, OCT.

street brought also the tidings that peace was made
with the northern Indians; but stated, at the same
time, that these tribes had murdered many of their
captives, and given up but few of the remainder, so
that no small number were still within their power.
The conduct of Bradstreet in this matter was the
more disgraceful, since he had been encamped for
weeks almost within gunshot of the Wyandot villages
at Sandusky, where most of the prisoners were de
tained. Bouquet, on his part, though separated
from this place by a journey of many days, resolved
to take upon himself the duty which his brother
officer had strangely neglected. He sent an embassy
to Sandusky, demanding that the prisoners should be
surrendered. This measure was in a great degree
successful. He despatched messengers soon after to
the principal Shawanoe village, on the Scioto, distant
about eighty miles from his camp, to rouse the inhab
itants to a greater activity than they seemed inclined
to display. This was a fortunate step; for the
Shawanoes of the Scioto, who had been guilty of
atrocious cruelties during the war, had conceived
the idea that they were excluded from the general
amnesty, and marked out for destruction. This
notion had been propagated, and perhaps suggested,
by the French traders in their villages ; and so thor
ough was the conviction of the Shawanoes, that they
came to the desperate purpose of murdering their
prisoners, and marching, with all the warriors they
could muster, to attack the English. This plan was

1764, Nov.] EMBASSY TO THE SHAWANOES. 97

no sooner formed than the French traders opened
their stores of bullets and gunpowder, and dealt them
out freely to the Indians. Bouquet's messengers
came in time to prevent the catastrophe, and relieve
the terrors of the Shawanoes, by the assurance that
peace would be granted to them on the same condi
tions as to the rest. Thus encouraged, they aban
doned their design, and set out with lighter hearts
for the English camp, bringing with them a portion
of their prisoners. When about halfway on their
journey, they were met by an Indian runner, who
told them that a soldier had been killed in the woods,
and their tribe charged with the crime. On hearing
this, their fear revived, and with it their former pur
pose. Having collected their prisoners in a meadow,
they surrounded the miserable wretches, armed with
guns, war-clubs, and bows and arrows, and prepared
to put them to death. But another runner arrived
before the butchery began, and, assuring them that
what they had heard was false, prevailed on them
once more to proceed. They pursued their journey
without farther interruption, and, coming in safety
to the camp, delivered the prisoners whom they had
brought.

These by no means included all of their captives,
for nearly a hundred were left behind, because they
belonged to warriors who had gone to the Illinois to
procure arms and ammunition from the French; and
there is no authority in an Indian community power
ful enough to deprive the meanest warrior of his

VOL. III. — 7

98 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1764, Nov.

property, even in circumstances of the greatest pub
lic exigency. This was clearly understood by the
English commander, and he therefore received the
submission of the Shawanoes, at the same time com
pelling them to deliver hostages for the future sur
render of the remaining prisoners.

Band after band of captives had been daily arriv
ing, until upwards of two hundred were now col
lected in the camp; including, as far as could be
ascertained, all who had been in the hands of the
Indians, excepting those belonging to the absent
warriors of the Shawanoes. Up to this time, Bouquet
had maintained a stern and rigorous demeanor; re
pressing his natural clemency and humanity, refus
ing all friendly intercourse with the Indians, and
telling them that he should treat them as enemies
until they had fully complied with all the required
conditions. In this, he displayed his knowledge of
their character; for, like all warlike savages, they
are extremely prone to interpret lenity and modera
tion into timidity and indecision; and he who, from
good-nature or mistaken philanthropy, is betrayed
into yielding a point which he has before insisted on,
may have deep cause to rue it. As their own deal
ings with their enemies are not leavened with such
humanizing ingredients, they can seldom comprehend
them; and to win over an Indian foe by kindness
should only be attempted by one who has already
proved clearly that he is able and ready to subdue
him by force.

1764, Nov.] SPEECH OF THE INDIAN ORATOR. 99

But now, when every condition was satisfied, such
inexorable rigor was no longer demanded ; and, hav
ing convoked the chiefs in the sylvan council-house,
Bouquet signified his willingness to receive their
offers of peace.

"Brother," began the Indian orator, "with this
belt of wampum I dispel the black cloud that has
hung so long over our heads, that the sunshine of
peace may once more descend to warm and gladden
us. I wipe the tears from your eyes, and condole
with you on the loss of your brethren who have
perished in this war. I gather their bones together,
and cover them deep in the earth, that the sight of
them may no longer bring sorrow to your hearts;
and I scatter dry leaves over the spot, that it may
depart forever from memory.

" The path of peace, which once ran between your
dwellings and mine, has of late been choked with
thorns and briers, so that no one could pass that
way ; and we have both almost forgotten that such a
path had ever been. I now clear away all such
obstructions, and make a broad, smooth road, so that
you and I may freely visit each other, as our fathers
used to do. I kindle a great council-fire, whose
smoke shall rise to heaven, in view of all the nations ;
while you and I sit together and smoke the peace-
pipe at its blaze."1

1 An Indian council, on solemn occasions, is always opened with
preliminary forms, sufficiently wearisome and tedious, but made in
dispensable by immemorial custom; for this people are as much
bound by their conventional usages as the most artificial children

100 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1764, Nov.

In this strain, the orator of each tribe, in turn,
expressed the purpose of his people to lay down their

of civilization. The forms are varied to some extent, according to
the imagination and taste of the speaker ; but in all essential re
spects they are closely similar, throughout the tribes of Algonquin
and Iroquois lineage. They run somewhat as follows, each sentence
being pronounced with great solemnity, and confirmed by the de
livery of a wampum belt : Brothers, with this belt I open your ears
that you may hear — I remove grief and sorrow from your hearts —
I draw from your feet the thorns which have pierced them as you
journeyed thither — I clean the seats of the council-hou&e, that you
may sit at ease — I wash your head and body, that your spirits may
be refreshed — I condole with you on the loss of the friends who
have died since we last met — I wipe out any blood which may
have been spilt between us. This ceremony, which, by the delivery
of so many belts of wampum, entailed no small expense, was never
used except on the most important occasions ; and at the councils
with Colonel Bouquet the angry warriors seem wholly to have
dispensed with it.

An Indian orator is provided with a stock of metaphors, which
he always makes use of for the expression of certain ideas. Thus,
to make war is to raise the hatchet ; to make peace is to take hold
of the chain of friendship; to deliberate is to kindle the council-
fire ; to cover the bones of the dead is to make reparation and gain
forgiveness for the act of killing them. A state of war and disaster
is typified by a black cloud ; a state of peace, by bright sunshine,
or by an open path between the two nations.

The orator seldom speaks without careful premeditation of what
he is about to say ; and his memory is refreshed by the belts of
wampum, which he delivers after every clause in his harangue, as
a pledge of the sincerity and truth of his words. These belts are
carefully preserved by the hearers, as a substitute for written
records ; a use for which they are the better adapted, as they are
often worked with hieroglyphics expressing the meaning they are
designed to preserve. Thus, at a treaty of peace, the principal belt
often bears the figures of an Indian and a white man holding a
chain between them.

For the nature and uses of wampum, see ante, i. 195, note.

Though a good memory is an essential qualification of an Indian
orator, it would be unjust not to observe that striking outbursts of
spontaneous eloquence have sometimes proceeded from their lips.

1764, Nov.] REPLY OF BOUQUET. 101

arms, and live for the future in friendship with the
English. Every deputation received a separate audi
ence, and the successive conferences were thus ex
tended through several days. To each and all,
Bouquet made a similar reply, in words to the
following effect : —

" By your full compliance with the conditions which
I imposed, you have satisfied me of your sincerity,
and I now receive you once more as brethren. The
King, my master, has commissioned me, not to make
treaties for him, but to fight his battles ; and though
I now offer you peace, it is not in my power to settle
its precise terms and conditions. For this, I refer
you to Sir William Johnson, his Majesty's agent and
superintendent for Indian affairs, who will settle with
you the articles of peace, and determine every thing
in relation to trade. Two things, however, I shall
insist on. And, first, you are to give hostages, as
security that you will preserve good faith, and send,
without delay, a deputation of your chiefs to Sir
William Johnson. In the next place, these chiefs
are to be fully empowered to treat in behalf of your
nation ; and you will bind yourselves to adhere strictly
to every thing they shall agree upon in your behalf."

These demands were readily complied with. Host
ages were given, and chiefs appointed for the em
bassy; and now, for the first time, Bouquet, to the
great relief of the Indians, — for they doubted his
intentions, — extended to them the hand of friend
ship, which he had so long withheld. A prominent

102 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1764, Nov.

chief of the Delawares, too proud to sue for peace,
had refused to attend the council; on which Bouquet
ordered him to be deposed, and a successor, of a less
obdurate spirit, installed in his place. The Shawanoes
were the last of the tribes admitted to a hearing ; and
the demeanor of their orator clearly evinced the
haughty reluctance with which he stooped to ask
peace of his mortal enemies.

" When you came among us, " such were his con
cluding words, "you came with a hatchet raised to
strike us. We now take it from your hand, and
throw it up to the Great Spirit, that he may do with
it what shall seem good in his sight. We hope that
you, who are warriors, will take hold of the chain of
friendship which we now extend to you. We, who
are also warriors, will take hold as you do ; and we
will think no more of war, in pity for our women,
children, and old men."1

1 The Shawanoe speaker, in expressing his intention of disarm
ing his enemy by laying aside his own designs of war, makes use
of an unusual metaphor. To bury the hatchet is the figure in com
mon use on such occasions, but he adopts a form of speech which
he regards as more significant and emphatic, — that of throwing it
up to the Great Spirit. Unwilling to confess that he yields through
fear of the enemy, he professes to wish for peace merely for the
sake of his women and children.

At the great council at Lancaster, in 1762, a chief of the Oneidas,
anxious to express, in the strongest terms, the firmness of the peace
which had been concluded, had recourse to the following singular
figure : " In the country of the Oneidas there is a great pine-tree, so
huge and old that half its branches are dead with time. I tear it
up by the roots, and, looking down into the hole, I see a dark stream
of water, flowing with a strong current, deep under ground. Into
this stream I fling the hatchet, and the current sweeps it away, no

1764, Nov.] PRIDE OF THE SHAWANOES. 103

On this occasion, the Shawanoe chiefs, expressing
a hope for a renewal of the friendship which in
former years had subsisted between their people and
the English, displayed the dilapidated parchments
of several treaties made between their ancestors
and the descendants of William Penn, — documents,
some of which had been preserved among them for
more than half a century, with the scrupulous
respect they are prone to exhibit for such ancestral
records. They were told that, since they had not
delivered all their prisoners, they could scarcely
expect to meet the same indulgence which had been
extended to their brethren; but that, nevertheless,
in full belief of their sincerity, the English would
grant them peace, on condition of their promising to
surrender the remaining captives early in the follow
ing spring, and giving up six of their chiefs as host
ages. These conditions were agreed to ; and it may
be added that, at the appointed time, all the prisoners
who had been left in their hands, to the number of
a hundred, were brought in to Fort Pitt, and deliv
ered up to the commanding officer.1

man knows whither. Then I plant the tree again where it stood
before and thus this war will be ended forever."

1 A party of the Virginia volunteers had been allowed by Bou
quet to go to the remoter Shawanoe towns, in the hope of rescuing
captive relatives. They returned to Fort Pitt at midwinter, bring
ing nine prisoners, all children or old women. The whole party
was frost-bitten, and had endured the extremity of suffering on the
way. They must have perished but for a Shawanoe chief, named
Benewisica, to whose care Bouquet had confided them, and who
remained with them both going and returning, hunting for them to

104 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1764, Nov.

From the hard formalities and rigid self-control of
an Indian council-house, where the struggles of fear,
rage, and hatred were deep buried beneath a surface
of iron immobility, we turn to scenes of a widely
different nature ; an exhibition of mingled and con
trasted passions, more worthy the pen of the dramatist
than that of the historian; who, restricted to the
meagre outline of recorded authority, can reflect but
a feeble image of the truth. In the ranks of the
Pennsylvania troops, and among the Virginia rifle
men, were the fathers, brothers, and husbands of
those whose rescue from captivity was a chief object
of the march. Ignorant what had befallen them, and
doubtful whether they were yet among the living,
these men had joined the army, in the feverish hope
of winning them back to home and civilization. Per
haps those whom they sought had perished by the
slow torments of the stake; perhaps by the more
merciful hatchet; or perhaps they still dragged out
a wretched life in the midst of a savage horde.
There were instances in which whole families had
been carried off at once. The old, the sick, or the
despairing, had been tomahawked, as useless encum
brances; while the rest, pitilessly forced asunder,

keep them from famishing. — Capt . Murray to Bouquet, 31 January,
1765.

Besides the authorities before mentioned in relation to these
transactions, the correspondence of Bouquet with the commander-
in-chief, throughout the expedition, together with letters from
some of the officers who accompanied him, have been examined.
For General Gage's summary of the results of the campaign, see
Appendix F.

1764, Nov.] SCENES AT THE ENGLISH CAMP. 105

were scattered through every quarter of the wilder
ness. It was a strange and moving sight, when
troop after troop of prisoners arrived in succession,
— the meeting of husbands with wives, and fathers
with children, the reunion of broken families, long
separated in a disastrous captivity; and, on the other
hand, the agonies of those who learned tidings of
death and horror, or groaned under the torture of
protracted suspense. Women, frantic between hope
and fear, were rushing hither and thither, in search
of those whose tender limbs had, perhaps, long since
fattened the cubs of the she-wolf; or were pausing,
in an agony of doubt, before some sunburnt young
savage, who, startled at the haggard apparition,
shrank from his forgotten parent, and clung to the
tawny breast of his adopted mother. Others were
divided between delight and anguish: on the one
hand, the joy of an unexpected recognition; and,
on the other, the misery of realized fears, or the more
intolerable pangs of doubts not yet resolved. Of
all the spectators of this tragic drama, few were
obdurate enough to stand unmoved. The roughest
soldiers felt the contagious sympathy, and softened
into unwonted tenderness.

Among the children brought in for surrender, there
were some, who, captured several years before, as
early, perhaps, as the French war, had lost every
recollection of friends and home. Terrified by the
novel sights around them, the flash and glitter of
arms, and the strange complexion of the pale-faced

106 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1764, Nov.

warriors, they screamed and struggled lustily when
consigned to the hands of their relatives. There
were young women, too, who had become the partners
of Indian husbands; and who now, with all their
hybrid offspring, were led reluctantly into the pres
ence of fathers or brothers whose images were almost
blotted from their memory. They stood agitated
and bewildered; the revival of old affections, and
the rush of dormant memories, painfully contending
with more recent attachments, and the shame of
their real or fancied disgrace; while their Indian
lords looked on, scarcely less moved than they, yet
hardening themselves with savage stoicism, and
standing in the midst of their enemies, imperturbable
as statues of bronze. These women were compelled
to return with their children to the settlements ; yet
they all did so with reluctance, and several after
wards made their escape, eagerly hastening back to
their warrior husbands, and the toils and vicissitudes
of an Indian wigwam.1

i Penn. Hist. Coll, 267. ffaz. Pa. Reg., iv. 390. M'Culloch, Nar
rative. M'Culloch was one of the prisoners surrendered to Bouquet.
His narrative first appeared in a pamphlet form, and has since been
republished in the Incidents of Border Warfare, and other similar
collections. The autobiography of Mary Jemison, a woman cap
tured by the Senecas during the French war, and twice married
among them, contains an instance of attachment to Indian life
similar to those mentioned above. After the conclusion of hostili
ties, learning that she was to be given up to the whites in accord
ance with a treaty, she escaped into the woods with her half-breed
children, and remained hidden, in great dismay and agitation, until
the search was over. She lived to an advanced age, but never lost
her attachment to the Indian life.

1764, Nov.] SCENES AT THE ENGLISH CAMP. 107

Day after day brought renewals of these scenes,
deepening in interest as they drew towards their
close. A few individual incidents have been recorded.
A young Virginian, robbed of his wife but a few
months before, had volunteered in the expedition
with the faint hope of recovering her; and, after
long suspense, had recognized her among a troop of
prisoners, bearing in her arms a child born during
her captivity. But the joy of the meeting was bitterly
alloyed by the loss of a former child, not two years
old, captured with the mother, but soon taken from
her, and carried, she could not tell whither. Days
passed on; they could learn no tidings of its fate,
and the mother, harrowed with terrible imaginations,
was almost driven to despair; when, at length, she
discovered her child in the arms of an Indian warrior,
and snatched it with an irrepressible cry of transport.

When the army, on its homeward march, reached
the town of Carlisle, those who had been unable to
follow the expedition came thither in numbers, to
inquire for the friends they had lost. Among the
rest was an old woman, whose daughter had been
carried off nine years before. In the crowd of female
captives, she discovered one in whose wild and
swarthy features she discerned the altered lineaments
of her child ; but the girl, who had almost forgotten
her native tongue, returned no sign of recognition to
he eager words, and the old woman bitterly com
plained that the daughter, whom she had so often
sung to sleep on her knee, had forgotten her in her

108 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1764, Nov.

old age. Bouquet suggested an expedient which
proves him a man of feeling and perception. " Sing
the song that you used to sing to her when a child."
The old woman obeyed ; and a sudden start, a look
of bewilderment, and a passionate flood of tears re
moved every doubt, and restored the long-lost
daughter to her mother's arms.1

The tender affections by no means form a salient
feature in the Indian character. They hold them in
contempt, and scorn every manifestation of them;
yet, on this occasion, they would not be repressed,
and the human heart betrayed itself, though throb
bing under a breastplate of ice. None of the ordinary-
signs of emotion, neither tears, words, nor looks,
declared how greatly they were moved. It was by
their kindness and solicitude, by their attention to
the wants of the captives, by their offers of furs,
garments, the choicest articles of food, and every
thing which in their eyes seemed luxury, that they
displayed their sorrow at parting from their adopted
relatives and friends.2 Some among them went
much farther, and asked permission to follow the
army on its homeward march, that they might hunt
for the captives, and supply them with better food than

1 Ordinances of the Borough of Carlisle, Appendix. Penn. Hist,
Coll., 267.

2 The author of The Expedition against the Ohio Indians speaks
of the Indians " shedding torrents of tears." This is either a flourish
of rhetoric, or is meant to apply solely to the squaws. A warrior,
who, under the circumstances, should have displayed such emotion,
would have been disgraced forever.

1764, Nov.] PRISONERS AMONG THE INDIANS. 109

the military stores could furnish. A young Seneca
warrior had become deeply enamoured of a Virginian
girl. At great risk of his life, he accompanied the
troops far within the limits of the settlements ; and,
at every night's encampment, approaching the quar
ters of the captives as closely as the sentinels would
permit, he sat watching, with patient vigilance, to
catch a glimpse of his lost mistress.

The Indian women, whom no idea of honor com
pels to wear an iron mask, were far from emulating
the frigid demeanor of their lords. All day they ran
wailing through the camp; and, when night came,
the hills and woods resounded with their dreary
lamentations.1

The word prisoner, as applied to captives taken by
the Indians, is a misnomer, and conveys a wholly
false impression of their situation and treatment.
When the vengeance of the conquerors is sated ; when
they have shot, stabbed, burned, or beaten to death,

1 The outcries of the squaws, on such occasions, would put to
shame an Irish death-howl. The writer was once attached to a
large band of Indians, who, being on the march, arrived, a little
after nightfall, at a spot where, not long before, a party of their
young men had been killed by the enemy. The women instantly
raised a most astounding clamor, some two hundred voices joining
in a discord as wild and dismal as the shrieking of the damned in
the " Inferno ; " while some of the chief mourners gashed their bodies
and limbs with knives, uttering meanwhile most piteous lamenta
tions. A few days later, returning to the same encampment after
darkness had closed in, a strange and startling effect was produced
by the prolonged wailings of several women, who were pacing the
neighboring hills, lamenting the death of a child, killed by the bite
of a rattlesnake.

110 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1764, Nov.

enough to satisfy the shades of their departed rela
tives, they usually treat those who survive their
wrath with moderation and humanity ; often adopting
them to supply the place of lost brothers, husbands,
or children, whose names are given to the successors
thus substituted in their place. By a formal cere
mony, the white blood is washed from their veins;
and they are regarded thenceforth as members of the
tribe, faring equally with the rest in prosperity or
adversity, in famine or abundance. When children
are adopted in this manner by Indian women, they
nurture them with the same tenderness and indul
gence which they extend, in a remarkable degree, to
their own offspring; and such young women as will
not marry an Indian husband are treated with a
singular forbearance, in which superstition, natural
temperament, and a sense of right and justice may
all claim a share.1 The captive, unless he excites
suspicion by his conduct, or exhibits peculiar con
tumacy, is left with no other restraint than his own
free will. The warrior who captured him, or to
whom he was assigned in the division of the spoil,
sometimes claims, it is true, a certain right of prop
erty in him, to the exclusion of others; but this
claim is soon forgotten, and is seldom exercised to
the inconvenience of the captive, who has no other

1 This and what precedes is meant to apply only to tribes east
of the Mississippi. Some of the western and southwestern tribes
treat prisoners merely as slaves, and habitually violate female
captives.

1764, Nov.] THE FOREST LIFE. Ill

prison than the earth, the air, and the forest.1 Five
hundred miles of wilderness, beset with difficulty
and danger, are the sole bars to his escape, should
he desire to effect it; but, strange as it may appear,
this wish is apt to expire in his heart, and he often
remains to the end of his life a contented denizen of
the woods.

Among the captives brought in for delivery were
some bound fast to prevent their escape ; and many
others, who, amid the general tumult of joy and
sorrow, sat sullen and scowling, angry that they
were forced to abandon the wild license of the forest
for the irksome restraints of society.2 Thus to look
back with a fond longing to inhospitable deserts,
where men, beasts, and Nature herself seem arrayed
in arms, and where ease, security, and all that civili
zation reckons among the goods of life, are alike cut
off, may appear to argue some strange perversity or
moral malformation. Yet such has been the experi
ence of many a sound and healthful mind. To him
who has once tasted the reckless independence, the
haughty self-reliance, the sense of irresponsible free
dom, which the forest life engenders, civilization
thenceforth seems flat and stale. Its pleasures are

1 The captives among the Shawanoes of the Scioto had most of
them been recently taken ; and only a small part had gone through
the ceremony of adoption. Hence it was that the warriors, in their
desperation, formed the design of putting them to death, fearing
that, in the attack which they meditated, the captives would natu
rally take part with their countrymen.

2 Account of Bouquet's Expedition, 29.

112 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1764, Nov.

insipid, its pursuits wearisome, its conventionalities,
duties, and mutual dependence alike tedious and
disgusting. The entrapped wanderer grows fierce
and restless, and pants for breathing-room. His
path, it is true, was choked with difficulties, but his
body and soul were hardened to meet them ; it was
beset with dangers, but these were the very spice of
his life, gladdening his heart with exulting self-con
fidence, and sending the blood through his veins with
a livelier current. The wilderness, rough, harsh,
and inexorable, has charms more potent in their
seductive influence than all the lures of luxury and
sloth. And often he on whom it has cast its magic
finds no heart to dissolve the spell, and remains a
wanderer and an Ishmaelite to the hour of his
death.1

i Golden, after describing the Indian wars of 1699, 1700, concludes
in the following words : —

" I shall finish this Part by observing that notwithstanding the
French Commissioners took all the Pains possible to carry Home
the French that were Prisoners with the Five Nations, and they had
full Liberty from the Indians, few of them could be persuaded to
return. It may be thought that this was occasioned from the Hard
ships they had endured in their own Country, under a tyrannical
Government and a barren Soil. But this certainly was not the
Eeason, for the English had as much Difficulty to persuade the
People that had been taken Prisoners by the French Indians to
leave the Indian Manner of living, though no People enjoy more
Liberty, and live in greater Plenty than the common Inhabitants of
New York do. No Arguments, no Intreaties, nor Tears of their
Friends and Relations, could persuade many of them to leave their
new Indian Friends and Acquaintance. Several of them that were
by the Caressings of their Relations persuaded to come Home, in a
little Time grew tired of our Manner of living, and ran away to the
Indians, and ended their Days with them. On the other Hand,

1764, Nov.] THE FOREST LIFE. 113

There is a chord, in the breasts of most men,
prompt to answer loudly or faintly, as the case may
be, to such rude appeals. But there is influence of
another sort, strongest with minds of the finest
texture, yet sometimes holding a controlling power
over those who neither acknowledge nor suspect its
workings. There are few so imbruted by vice, so
perverted by art and luxury, as to dwell in the closest
presence of Nature, deaf to her voice of melody and
power, untouched by the ennobling influences which
mould and penetrate the heart that has not hardened
itself against them. Into the spirit of such an one
the mountain wind breathes its own freshness, and
the midsummer tempest, as it rends the forest, pours
its own fierce energy. His thoughts flow with the
placid stream of the broad, deep river, or dance in
light with the sparkling current of the mountain
brook. No passing mood or fancy of his mind but
has its image and its echo in the wild world around
him. There is softness in the mellow air, the warm
sunshine, and the budding leaves of spring; and in
the forest flower, which, more delicate than the
pampered offspring of gardens, lifts its tender head

Indian Children have been carefully educated among the English,
clothed and taught ; yet, I think, there is not one Instance that any
of these, after they had Liberty to go among their own People, and
were come to Age, would remain with the English, but returned to
their own Nations, and became as fond of the Indian Manner of
Life as those that knew nothing of a civilized Manner of living.
What I now tell of Christian Prisoners among Indians relates not
only to what happened at the Conclusion of this War, but has been
found true on many other Occasions/' — Colden, 203.
VOL. in. — 8

114 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1764, Nov.

through the refuse and decay of the wilderness. But
it is the grand and heroic in the hearts of men which
finds its worthiest symbol and noblest inspiration
amid these desert realms, — in the mountain, rearing
its savage head through clouds and sleet, or basking
its majestic strength in the radiance of the sinking
sun; in the interminable forest, the thunder booming
over its lonely waste, the whirlwind tearing through
its inmost depths, or the sun at length setting in
gorgeous majesty beyond its waves of verdure. To
the sick, the wearied, or the sated spirit, nature
opens a theatre of boundless life, and holds forth a
cup brimming with redundant pleasure. In the other
joys of existence, fear is balanced against hope, and
satiety against delight; but here one may fearlessly
drink, gaining, with every draught, new vigor and a
heightened zest, and finding no dregs of bitterness
at the bottom.

Having accomplished its work, the army left the
Muskingum, and, retracing its former course, arrived
at Fort Pitt on the twenty-eighth of November. The
recovered captives were sent to their respective homes
in Pennsylvania or Virginia; and the provincial
troops disbanded, not without warm praises for the
hardihood and steadiness with which they had met
the difficulties of the campaign. The happy issue
of the expedition spread joy throughout the country.
At the next session of the Pennsylvania Assembly,
one of its first acts was to pass a vote of thanks to
Colonel Bouquet, expressing in earnest terms its

1765.] BOUQUET'S POSITION. 115

sense of his services and personal merits, and convey
ing its acknowledgments for the regard which he
had constantly shown to the civil rights of the inhab
itants.1 The Assembly of Virginia passed a similar
vote; and both houses concurred in recommending
Bouquet to the King for promotion.

Nevertheless, his position was far from being an
easy or a pleasant one. It may be remembered that
the desertion of his newly levied soldiers had forced
him to ask Colonel Lewis to raise for him one or
two companies of Virginian volunteers. Virginia,
which had profited by the campaign, though con
tributing nothing to it, refused to pay these troops ;
and its agents tried to throw the burden upon Bouquet
in person. The Assembly of Pennsylvania, with a
justice and a generosity which went far to redeem
the past, came to his relief and assumed the debt,
though not till he had suffered the most serious
annoyance. Certain recent military regulations con
tributed at the same time to increase his vexation
and his difficulties. He had asked in vain, the year
before, to be relieved from his command. He now
asked again, and the request was granted ; on which
he wrote to Gage: "The disgust I have conceived
from the ill-nature and ingratitude of those individ
uals (the Virginian officials) makes me accept with
great satisfaction your obliging offer to discharge me
of this department, in which I never desire to serve
again, nor, indeed, to be commanding officer in any
1 See Appendix F.

116 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1765.

other, since the new regulations you were pleased to
communicate to me; being sensible of my inability
to carry on the service upon the terms prescribed."1

He was preparing to return to Europe, when he
received the announcement of his promotion to the
rank of Brigadier-General. He was taken com
pletely by surprise; for he had supposed that the
rigid prescriptions of the service had closed the path
of advancement against him, as a foreigner. " I had,
to-day," he wrote to Gage, "the honor of your Excel
lency's letter of the fifteenth instant. The unex
pected honor, which his Majesty has condescended
to confer upon me, fills my heart with the utmost
gratitude. Permit me, sir, to express my sincere
acknowledgments of my great obligation to you. . . .
The flattering prospect of preferment, open to the
other foreign officers by the removal of that dreadful
barrier, gives me the highest satisfaction, being con
vinced that his Majesty has no subjects more devoted
to his service."2

Among the letters of congratulation which he re
ceived from officers serving under him is the follow
ing, from Captain George Etherington, of the first
battalion of the Royal American regiment, who com
manded at Michilimackinac when it was captured:

"Lancaster, Pa., 19 April, 1765.
"Sir:

" Though I almost despair of this reaching yon before
you sail for Europe, yet I cannot deny myself the pleas-

1 MS. Letter— Bouquet to Gage, 4 March, 1765.
,— IT April,

1765.] ETHERINGTON'S LETTER. 117

ure of giving you joy on your promotion, and can with
truth tell you that it gives great joy to all the gentlemen
of the battalion, for two reasons: first, on your account;
and, secondly, on our own, as by that means we may hope
for the pleasure of continuing under your command.

"You can hardly imagine how this place rings with
the news of your promotion, for the townsmen and boors
(i. e., German farmers) stop us in the streets to ask if it is
true that the King has made Colonel Bouquet a general;
and when they are told it is true, they march off with
great joy; so you see the old proverb wrong for once,
which says, he that prospers is envied; for sure I am that
all the people here are more pleased with the news of your
promotion than they would be if the government would

take off the stamp duty. . . .

"GEO. ETHERINGTON.

"BRIGADIER GENERAL HENRY BOUQUET."

"And," concludes Dr. William Smith, the chroni
cler of the campaign, " as he is rendered as dear by
his private virtues to those who have the honor of his
more intimate acquaintance, as he is by his military
services to the public, it is hoped he may long con
tinue among us, where his experienced abilities will
enable him, and his love of the English constitution
entitle him, to fill any future trust to which his Maj
esty may be pleased to call him." This hope was
not destined to fulfilment. Bouquet was assigned
to the command of the southern military department;
and, within three years after his return from the
Muskingum, he was attacked with a fever at Pensa-

118 BOUQUET IN INDIAN COUNTRY. [1765.

cola, which closed the career of a gallant soldier and
a generous man.

The Delawares and Shawanoes, mindful of their
engagement and of the hostages which they had given
to keep it, sent their deputies, within the appointed
time, to Sir William Johnson, who concluded a
treaty with them ; stipulating, among the other terms,
that they should grant free passage through their
country to English troops and travellers; that they
should make full restitution for the goods taken from
the traders at the breaking out of the war; and that
they should aid their triumphant enemies in the diffi
cult task which yet remained to be accomplished, —
that of taking possession of the Illinois, and occupy
ing its posts and settlements with British troops.1

1 MS. Johnson Papers.

'es /?

ILLINOIS COUNTRY

j /'//// W

Rive]- Miftifsippikc

CHAPTER XXVIII.

1764.
THE ILLINOIS.

WE turn to a region of which, as yet, we have
caught but transient glimpses ; a region which to our
forefathers seemed remote and strange as to us the
mountain strongholds of the Apaches, or the wastes
of farthest Oregon. The country of the Illinois was
chiefly embraced within the boundaries of the state
which now retains the name. Thitherward, from the
east, the west, and the north, three mighty rivers
rolled their tributary waters ; while countless smaller
streams — small only in comparison — traversed the
land with a watery network, impregnating the warm
soil with exuberant fecundity. From the eastward,
the Ohio — La Belle RiviSre — pursued its windings
for more than a thousand miles. The Mississippi
descended from the distant north; while from its
fountains in the west, three thousand miles away,
the Missouri poured its torrent towards the same
common centre. Born among mountains, trackless
even now, except by the adventurous footstep of the
trapper, — nurtured amid the howling of beasts and
the war-cries of savages, never silent in that wilder
ness, — it holds its angry course through sun-scorched

120 THE ILLINOIS. [1764.

deserts, among towers and palaces, the architecture
of no human hand, among lodges of barbarian hordes,
and herds of bison blackening the prairie to the
horizon. Fierce, reckless, headstrong, exulting in
its tumultuous force, it plays a thousand freaks of
wanton power ; bearing away forests from its shores,
and planting them, with roots uppermost, in its
quicksands; sweeping off islands, and rebuilding
them; frothing and raging in foam and whirlpool,
and, again, gliding with dwindled current along its
sandy channel. At length, dark with uncurbed fury,
it pours its muddy tide into the reluctant Mississippi.
That majestic river, drawing life from the pure foun
tains of the north, wandering among emerald prairies
and wood-crowned bluffs, loses all its earlier charm
with this unhallowed union. At first, it shrinks
as with repugnance ; and along the same channel the
two streams flow side by side, with unmingled waters.
But the disturbing power prevails at length; and the
united torrent bears onward in its might, boiling up
from the bottom, whirling in many a vortex, flooding
its shores with a malign deluge fraught with pesti
lence and fever, and burying forests in its depths,
to ensnare the heedless voyager. Mightiest among
rivers, it is the connecting link of adverse climates
and contrasted races; and while at its northern
source the fur-clad Indian shivers in the cold, where
it mingles with the ocean, the growth of the tropics
springs along its banks, and the panting negro cools
his limbs in its refreshing waters.

1764.] A HUNTER'S PARADISE. 121

To these great rivers and their tributary streams
the country of the Illinois owed its wealth, its grassy
prairies, and the stately woods that flourished on its
deep, rich soil. This prolific land teemed with life.
It was a hunter's paradise. Deer grazed on its
meadows. The elk trooped in herds, like squadrons
of cavalry. In the still morning, one might hear the
clatter of their antlers for half a mile over the dewy
prairie. Countless bison roamed the plains, filing in
grave procession to drink at the rivers, plunging and
snorting among the rapids and quicksands, rolling
their huge bulk on the grass, rushing upon each
other in hot encounter, like champions under shield.
The wildcat glared from the thicket; the raccoon
thrust his furry countenance from the hollow tree,
and the opossum swung, head downwards, from the
overhanging bough.

With the opening spring, when the forests are
budding into leaf, and the prairies gemmed with
flowers; when a warm, faint haze rests upon the
landscape, — then heart and senses are enthralled with
luxurious beauty. The shrubs and wild fruit-trees,
flushed with pale red blossoms, and the small cluster
ing flowers of grapevines, which choke the gigantic
trees with Laocoon writhings, fill the forest with
their rich perfume. A few days later, and a cloud
of verdure overshadows the land; while birds in
numerable sing beneath its canopy, and brighten its
shades with their glancing hues.

Yet this western paradise is not free from the

122 THE ILLINOIS. [1764.

primal curse. The beneficent sun, which kindles into
life so many forms of loveliness and beauty, fails not
to engender venom and death from the rank slime of
pestilential swamp and marsh. In some stagnant
pool, buried in the jungle-like depths of the forest,
where the hot and lifeless water reeks with exhala
tions, the water-snake basks by the margin, or winds
his checkered length of loathsome beauty across the
sleepy surface. From beneath the rotten carcass of
some fallen tree, the moccason thrusts out his broad
flat head, ready to dart on the intruder. On the
dry, sun-scorched prairie, the rattlesnake, a more
generous enemy, reposes in his spiral coil. He scorns
to shun the eye of day, as if conscious of the honor
accorded to his name by the warlike race, who, jointly
with him, claim lordship over the land.1 But some

1 The superstitious veneration which the Indians entertain for
the rattlesnake has been before alluded to. The Cherokees chris
tened him by a name which, being interpreted, signifies the bright
old inhabitant, a title of affectionate admiration of which his less
partial acquaintance would hardly judge him worthy.

" Between the heads of the northern branch of the Lower Ghee-
rake River, and the heads of that of Tuckaschchee, winding round
in a long course by the late Fort Loudon, and afterwards into the
Mississippi, there is, both in the nature and circumstances, a great
phenomenon. Between two high mountains, nearly covered with
old mossy rocks, lofty cedars and pines, in the valleys of which the
beams of the sun reflect a powerful heat, there are, as the natives
affirm, some bright old inhabitants, or rattlesnakes, of a more enor
mous size than is mentioned in history. They are so large and
unwieldy, that they take a circle almost as wide as their length, to
crawl round in their shortest orbit ; but bountiful nature compen
sates the heavy motion of their bodies ; for, as they say, no living
creature moves within the reach of their sight but they can draw
it to them; which is agreeable to what we observe through the

1764.] ITS COLONIZATION. 123

intrusive footstep awakes him from his slumbers.
His neck is arched; the white fangs gleam in his
distended jaws; his small eyes dart rays of unut
terable fierceness ; and his rattles, invisible with their
quick vibration, ring the sharp warning which no
man will dare to contemn.

The land thus prodigal of good and evil, so remote
from the sea, so primitive in its aspect, might well
be deemed an undiscovered region, ignorant of Euro
pean arts ; yet it may boast a colonization as old as
that of many a spot to which are accorded the scanty
honors of an American antiquity. The earliest settle
ment of Pennsylvania was made in 1681; the first
occupation of the Illinois took place in the previous
year. La Salle may be called the father of the colony.
That remarkable man entered the country with a
handful of followers, bent on his grand scheme of
Mississippi discovery. A legion of enemies rose in
his path; but neither delay, disappointment, sick
ness, famine, open force, nor secret conspiracy, could
bend his soul of iron. Disasters accumulated upon
him. He flung them off, and still pressed forward
to his object. His victorious energy bore all before
it; but the success on which he had staked his life
served only to entail fresh calamity, and an untimely
death ; and his best reward is, that his name stands

whole system of animated beings. Nature endues them with proper
capacities to sustain life: as they cannot support themselves by
their speed or cunning, to spring from an ambuscade, it is needful
they should have the bewitching craft of their eyes and forked
tongues." — Adair, 237.

124 THE ILLINOIS. [1764.

forth in history an imperishable monument of heroic
constancy. When on his way to the Mississippi, in
the year 1680, La Salle built a fort in the country
of the Illinois ; and, on his return from the mouth of
the great river, some of his followers remained, and
established themselves near the spot. Heroes of
another stamp took up the work which the daring
Norman had begun. Jesuit missionaries, among the
best and purest of their order, burning with zeal for
the salvation of souls, and the gaining of an immortal
crown, here toiled and suffered, with a self-sacrifi
cing devotion which extorts a tribute of admiration
even from sectarian bigotry. While the colder
apostles of Protestantism labored upon the outskirts
of heathendom, these champions of the cross, the
forlorn hope of the army of Rome, pierced to the
heart of its dark and dreary domain, confronting
death at every step, and well repaid for all, could
they but sprinkle a few drops of water on the fore
head of a dying child, or hang a gilded crucifix
round the neck of some warrior, pleased with the
glittering trinket. With the beginning of the eigh
teenth century, the black robe of the Jesuit was
known in every village of the Illinois. Defying the
wiles of Satan and the malice of his emissaries, the
Indian sorcerers ; exposed to the rage of the elements,
and every casualty of forest life, they followed their
wandering proselytes to war and to the chase ; now
wading through morasses, now dragging canoes over
rapids and sand-bars ; now scorched with heat on the

1764.] CREOLES OF THE ILLINOIS. 125

sweltering prairie, and now shivering houseless in the
blasts of January. At Kaskaskia and Cahokia they
established missions, and built frail churches from the
bark of trees, fit emblems of their own transient and
futile labors. Morning and evening, the savage
worshippers sang praises to the Virgin, and knelt in
supplication before the shrine of St. Joseph.1

Soldiers and fur-traders followed where these
pioneers of the Church had led the way. Forts were
built here and there throughout the country, and the
cabins of settlers clustered about the mission-houses.
The new colonists, emigrants from Canada or dis
banded soldiers of French regiments, bore a close
resemblance to the settlers of Detroit, or the primitive
people of Acadia ; whose simple life poetry has chosen
as an appropriate theme, but who, nevertheless, are
best contemplated from a distance. The Creole of
the Illinois, contented, light-hearted, and thriftless,
by no means fulfilled the injunction to increase and
multiply; and the colony languished in spite of the
fertile soil. The people labored long enough to gain
a bare subsistence for each passing day, and spent
the rest of their time in dancing and merry-making,
smoking, gossiping, and hunting. Their native
gayety was irrepressible, and they found means to
stimulate it with wine made from the fruit of the
wild grapevines. Thus they passed their days, at
peace with themselves, hand and glove with their

i For an account of Jesuit labors in the Illinois, see the letters
of Father Marest, in Lett. Edif., iv.

126 THE ILLINOIS. [1764.

Indian neighbors, and ignorant of all the world
beside. Money was scarcely known among them.
Skins and furs were the prevailing currency, and
in every village a great portion of the land was held
in common. The military commandant, whose station
was at Fort Chartres, on the Mississippi, ruled the
colony with a sway absolute as that of the Pacha of
Egypt, and judged civil and criminal cases without
right of appeal. Yet his power was exercised in a
patriarchal spirit, and he usually commanded the
respect and confidence of the people. Many years
later, when, after the War of the Revolution, the
Illinois came under the jurisdiction of the United
States, the perplexed inhabitants, totally at a loss to
understand the complicated machinery of republi
canism, begged to be delivered from the intolerable
burden of self-government, and to be once more
subjected to a military commandant.1

The Creole is as unchanging in his nature and
habits as the Indian himself. Even at this day, one
may see, along the banks of the Mississippi, the same
low-browed cottages, with their broad eaves and pic
turesque verandas, which, a century ago, were clus
tered around the mission-house at Kaskaskia; and,

1 The principal authorities for the above account of the Illinois
colony are Hutchins, Topographical Description, 37. Volney, View
of the United States, 370. Pittman, Present State of the European
Settlements on the Mississippi, passim. Law, Address before the His
torical Society of Vincennes, 14. Brown, Hist. Illinois, 208. Journal
of Captain Harry Gordon, in Appendix to Pownall's Topographical
Description. Mcollet, Report on the Hydrographical Basin of the
Mississippi, 75.

1764.] POPULATION OF THE ILLINOIS. 127

entering, one finds the inmate the same lively, story
telling, and pipe-smoking being that his ancestor was
before him. Yet, with all his genial traits, the rough
world deals hardly with him. He lives a mere drone
in the busy hive of an American population. The living
tide encroaches on his rest, as the muddy torrent of
the great river chafes away the farm and homestead
of his fathers. Yet he contrives to be happy, though
looking back regretfully to the better days of old.

At the date of this history, the population of the
colony, exclusive of negroes, who, in that simple
community, were treated rather as humble friends
than as slaves, did not exceed two thousand souls,
distributed in several small settlements. There were
about eighty houses at Kaskaskia, forty or fifty at
Cahokia, a few at Vincennes and Fort Chartres, and
a few more scattered in small clusters upon the
various streams. The agricultural portion of the
colonists were, as we have described them, marked
with many weaknesses, and many amiable virtues;
but their morals were not improved by a large
admixture of fur-traders, — reckless, harebrained
adventurers, who, happily for the peace of their
relatives, were absent on their wandering vocation
during the greater part of the year.1

1 Lieutenant Alexander Eraser visited the Illinois in 1765, as we
shall see hereafter. He met extreme ill-treatment, and naturally
takes a prejudiced view of the people. The following is from his
MS. account of the country : —

" The Illinois Indians are about 650 able to bear arms. Nothing
can equal their passion for drunkenness, but that of the French

128 THE ILLINOIS. [1764.

Swarms of vagabond Indians infested the settle
ments; and, to people of any other character, they
would have proved an intolerable annoyance. But
the easy-tempered Creoles made friends and comrades
of them ; ate, drank, smoked, and often married with
them. They were a debauched and drunken rabble,
the remnants of tha.t branch of the Algonquin stock
known among the French as the Illinois, a people
once numerous and powerful, but now miserably
enfeebled, and corrupted by foreign wars, domestic
dissensions, and their own licentious manners. They

inhabitants, who are for the greatest part drunk every day, while
they can get drink to buy in the Colony. They import more of this
Article from New Orleans than they do of any other, and they never
fail to meet a speedy and good market for it. They have a great
many Negroes, who are obliged to labour very hard to support their
Masters in their extravagant debaucheries ; any one who has had
any dealings with them must plainly see that they are for the
most part transported Convicts, or people who have fled for some
crimes ; those who have not done it themselves are the offspring of
such as those I just mentioned, inheriting their Forefathers' vices.
They are cruel and treacherous to each other, and consequently so
to Strangers ; they are dishonest in every kind of business and lay
themselves out to overreach Strangers, which they often do by a
low cunning, peculiar to themselves ; and their artful flatteries,
with extravagant Entertainments (in which they affect the greatest
hospitality) generally favor their schemes."

Of the traders, he says, " They are in general most unconscious
(unconscionable) Rascals, whose interest it was to debauch from us
such Indians as they found well disposed towards us, and to foment
and increace the animosity of such as they found otherwise. To
this we should alone impute our late war with the Indians."

He sets down the number of white inhabitants at about seven
hundred able to bear arms, though he says that it is impossible to
form a just estimate, as they are continually going and coming to
and from the Indian nations.

1764.] INDIANS OF THE ILLINOIS. 129

comprised the broken fragments of five tribes, — the
Kaskaskias, Cahokias, Peorias, Mitchigamias, and
Tamaronas. Some of their villages were in the close
vicinity of the Creole settlements. On a hot sum
mer morning, they might be seen lounging about the
trading-house, basking in the sun, begging for a
dram of whiskey, or chaffering with the hard-featured
trader for beads, tobacco, gunpowder, and red paint.
About the Wabash and its branches, to the east
ward of the Illinois, dwelt tribes of similar lineage,
but more warlike in character, and less corrupt in
manners. These were the Miamis, in their three
divisions, their near kindred, the Piankishaws, and
a portion of the Kickapoos. There was another
settlement of the Miamis upon the river Maumee,
still farther to the east; and it was here that Brad-
street's ambassador, Captain Morris, had met so
rough a welcome. The strength of these combined
tribes was very considerable ; and, one and all, they
looked with wrath and abhorrence on the threatened
advent of the English.

VOL. III. — 9

CHAPTER XXIX.

1763-1765.
PONTIAC RALLIES THE WESTERN TRIBES.

WHEN, by the treaty of Paris, in 1763, France
ceded to England her territories east of the Missis
sippi, the Illinois was of course included in the
cession. Scarcely were the articles signed, when
France, as if eager to rob herself, at one stroke, of
all her western domain, threw away upon Spain the vast
and indefinite regions beyond the Mississippi, des
tined at a later day to return to her hands, and finally
to swell the growing empire of the United States.
This transfer to Spain was for some time kept secret ;
but orders were immediately sent to the officers com
manding at the French posts within the territory
ceded to England, to evacuate the country whenever
British troops should appear to occupy it. These
orders reached the Illinois towards the close of 1763.
Some time, however, must necessarily elapse before
the English could take possession; for the Indian
war was then at its height, and the country was pro
tected from access by a broad barrier of savage
tribes, in the hottest ferment of hostility*

1763.] ST. LOUIS. 131

The colonists, hating the English with a more
than national hatred, deeply embittered by years of
disastrous war, received the news of the treaty with
disgust and execration. Many of them left the
country, loath to dwell under the shadow of the
British flag. Of these, some crossed the Mississippi
to the little hamlet of Ste. Gene vie ve, on the western
bank; others followed the commandant, Neyon de
Villiers, to New Orleans; while others, taking with
them all their possessions, even to the frames and
clapboarding of their houses, passed the river a little
above Cahokia, and established themselves at a beau
tiful spot on the opposite shore, where a settlement
was just then on the point of commencement. Here
a line of richly wooded bluffs rose with easy ascent
from the margin of the water; while from their
summits extended a wide plateau of fertile prairie,
bordered by a framework of forest. In the shadow
of the trees, which fringed the edge of the declivity,
stood a newly built storehouse, with a few slight
cabins and works of defence, belonging to a company
of fur-traders. At their head was Pierre Laclede,
who had left New Orleans with his followers in
August, 1763; and, after toiling for three months
against the impetuous stream of the Mississippi, had
reached the Illinois in November, and selected the
spot alluded to as the site of his first establishment.
To this he gave the name of St. Louis.1 Side by

1 Nicollet, Historical Sketch of St. Louis. See Report on the
Hydrographical Basin of the Upper Mississippi River, 75,

132 PONTIAC IN THE WEST. [1764.

side with Laclede, in his adventurous enterprise,
was a young man, slight in person, but endowed with
a vigor and elasticity of frame which could resist
heat or cold, fatigue, hunger, or the wasting hand of
time. Not all the magic of a dream, nor the enchant
ments of an Arabian tale, could outmatch the wak
ing realities which were to rise upon the vision of
Pierre Chouteau. Where, in his youth, he had climbed
the woody bluff, and looked abroad on prairies dotted
with bison, he saw, with the dim eye of his old age,
the land darkened for many a furlong with the clus
tered roofs of the western metropolis. For the silence
of the wilderness, he heard the clang and turmoil of
human labor, the din of congregated thousands ; and
where the great river rolled down through the forest,
in lonely grandeur, he saw the waters lashed into
foam beneath the prows of panting steamboats, flock
ing to the broad levee.1

1 Laclede, the founder of St. Louis, died before he had brought
his grand fur-trading enterprise to a conclusion ; but his young as
sistant lived to realize schemes still more bold and comprehensive ;
and to every trader, trapper, and voyageur, from the frontier of
the United States to the Rocky Mountains, and from the British
Possessions to the borders of New Mexico, the name of Pierre
Chouteau is familiar as his own. I visited this venerable man in
the spring of 1846, at his country seat, in a rural spot surrounded
by woods, within a few miles of St. Louis. The building, in the
picturesque architecture peculiar to the French dwellings of the
Mississippi Valley, with its broad eaves and light verandas, and the
surrounding negro houses filled with gay and contented inmates,
was in singular harmony with the character of the patriarchal
owner, who prided himself on his fidelity to the old French usages.
Though in extreme old age, he still retained the vivacity of his na
tion. His memory, especially of the events of his youth, was clear

1764.] SAINT-ANGE DE BELLERIVE. 133

In the summer of 1764, the military commandant,
Neyon, had abandoned the country in disgust, and
gone down to New Orleans, followed by many of the
inhabitants ; a circumstance already mentioned. Saint-
Ange de Bellerive remained behind to succeed him.
Saint-Ange was a veteran Canadian officer, the same
who, more than forty years before, had escorted
Father Charlevoix through the country, and who is
spoken of with high commendation by the Jesuit
traveller and historian. He took command of about
forty men, the remnant of the garrison of Fort
Chartres ; which, remote as it was, was then esteemed
one of the best-constructed military works in America.
Its ramparts of stone, garnished with twenty cannon,
scowled across the encroaching Mississippi, destined,
before many years, to engulf curtain and bastion in
its ravenous abyss.

Saint- Ange's position was by no means an enviable
one. He had a critical part to play. On the one
hand, he had been advised of the cession to the Eng
lish, and ordered to yield up the country whenever
they should arrive to claim it. On the other, he
was beset by embassies from Pontiac, from the
Shawanoes, and from the Miamis, and plagued day
and night by an importunate mob of Illinois Indians,
demanding arms, ammunition, and assistance against

and vivid ; and he delighted to look back to the farthest extremity
of the long vista of his life, and recall the acts and incidents of
his earliest years. Of Pontiac, whom he had often seen, he had a
clear recollection ; and I am indebted to this interesting interview
for several particulars regarding the chief and his coadjutors.

134 PONTIAC IN THE WEST. [1764.

the- common enemy. Perhaps, in his secret heart,
Saint- Ange would have rejoiced to see the scalps of
all the Englishmen in the backwoods fluttering in
the wind over the Illinois wigwams; but his situa
tion forbade him to comply with the solicitations of
his intrusive petitioners, and it is to be hoped that
some sense of honor and humanity enforced the
dictates of prudence. Accordingly, he cajoled them
with flatteries and promises, and from time to time
distributed a few presents to stay their importunity,
still praying daily that the English might appear and
relieve him from his uneasy dilemma.1

While Laclede was founding St. Louis, while the
discontented settlers of the Illinois were deserting
their homes, and while Saint-Ange was laboring to
pacify his Indian neighbors, all the tribes from the
Maumee to the Mississippi were in a turmoil of
excitement. Pontiac was among them, furious as a
wild beast at bay. By the double campaign of 1764,
his best hopes had been crushed to the earth ; but he
stood unshaken amidst the ruin, and still struggled
with desperate energy to retrieve his broken cause.
On the side of the northern lakes, the movements of
Bradstreet had put down the insurrection of the
tribes, and wrested back the military posts which
cunning and treachery had placed within their grasp.
In the south, Bouquet had forced to abject submis
sion the warlike Delawares and Shawanoes, the war
riors on whose courage and obstinacy Pontiac had

1 MS. Letter — Saint-Ange to D'Abbadie, September 9.

1764.] HIS FRENCH ALLIES. 135

grounded his strongest confidence. On every hand
defeat and disaster were closing around him. One
sanctuary alone remained, the country of the Illinois.
Here the flag of France still floated on the banks of
the Mississippi, and here no English foot had dared
to penetrate. He resolved to invoke all his resources,
and bend all his energies to defend this last citadel.1
He was not left to contend unaided. The fur-
trading French, living at the settlements on the
Mississippi, scattered about the forts of Ouatanon,
Vincennes, and Miami, or domesticated among the
Indians of the rivers Illinois and Wabash, dreaded
the English as dangerous competitors in their voca-

1 By the following extract from an official paper, signed by Cap
tain Grant, and forwarded from Detroit, it appears that Pontiac
still retained, or professed to retain, his original designs against
the garrison of Detroit. The paper has no date,<but was apparently
written in the autumn of 1764. By a note appended to it, we are
told that the Baptiste Campau referred to was one of those who
had acted as Pontiac's secretaries during the summer of 1763 : —

" On Tuesday last Mr. Jadeau told me, in the presence of Col.
Gladwin & Lieut. Hay of the 6th Regiment, that one Lesperance,
a Frenchman on his way to the Illinois, he saw a letter with the
Ottawas, at the Miamee River, he is sure wrote by one Baptist
Campau (a deserter from the settlement of Detroit), & signed by
Pontiac, from the Illinois, setting forth that there were five hun
dred English coming to the Illinois, & that they, the Ottawas,
must have patience ; that he, Pontiac, was not to return until he
had defeated the English, and then he would come with an army
from the Illinois to take Detroit, which he desired they might publish
to all the nations about. That powder & ball was in as great
plenty as water. That the French Commissary La Cleff had sold
above forty thousand weight of powder to the inhabitants, that the
English if they came there might not have it.

" There was another letter on the subject sent to an inhabitant
of Detroit, but he can't tell in whose hands it is."

136 PONTIAC IN THE WEST. [1764.

tion, and were eager to bar them from the country.
They lavished abuse and calumny on the objects of
their jealousy, and spared no falsehood which ingenious
malice and self-interest could suggest. They gave
out that the English were bent on the ruin of the
tribes, and to that end were stirring them up to
mutual hostility. They insisted that, though the
armies of France had been delayed so long, they were
nevertheless on their way, and that the bayonets of
the white-coated warriors would soon glitter among
the forests of the Mississippi. Forged letters were
sent to Pontiac, signed by the King of France,
exhorting him to stand his ground but a few weeks
longer, and all would then be well. To give the
better coloring to their falsehoods, some of these
incendiaries assumed the uniform of French officers,
and palmed themselves off upon their credulous audi
tors as ambassadors from the King. Many of the
principal traders distributed among the warriors sup
plies of arms and ammunition, in some instances
given gratuitously, and in others sold on credit, with
the understanding that payment should be made
from the plunder of the English.1

1 MS. Gage Papers. MS. Johnson Papers. Croghan, Journal.
Hildreth, Pioneer History, 68. Examination of Gershom Hicks, see
Penn. Gaz., No. 1846.

Johnson's letters to the Board of Trade, in the early part of 1765,
contain constant references to the sinister conduct of the Illinois
French. The commander-in-chief is still more bitter in his invec
tives, and seems to think that French officers of the crown were
concerned in these practices, as well as the traders. If we may
judge, however, from the correspondence of Saint-Ange and his

1764.] PONTIAC AND NEYON. 137

Now that the insurrection in the east was quelled,
and the Delawares and Shawanoes were beaten into
submission, it was thought that the English would
lose no time in taking full possession of the country,
which, by the peace of 1763, had been transferred into
their hands. Two principal routes would give access
to the Illinois. Troops might advance from the
south up the great natural highway of the Mississippi,
or they might descend from the east by way of Fort
Pitt and the Ohio. In either case, to meet and repel
them was the determined purpose of Pontiac.

In the spring, or early summer, he had come to
the Illinois, and visited the commandant, Neyon,
who was then still at his post. Neyon's greeting
was inauspicious. He told his visitor that he hoped
he had returned at last to his senses. Pontiac laid
before him a large belt of wampum. "My Father,"
he said, " I come to invite you and all your allies to

subordinates, they may be acquitted of the charge of any active
interference in the matter;

"Sept. 14. I had a private meeting with the Grand Sauteur,
when he told me he was well disposed for peace last fall, but was
then sent for to the Illinois, where he met with Pondiac; and
that then their fathers, the French, told them, if they would be
strong, and keep the English out of the possession of that country
but this summer, that the King of France would send over an
army next spring, to assist his children, the Indians." — Croghan,
Journal, 1765.

The Diary of the Siege of Detroit, under date May 17, 1765, says
that Pontiac's nephew came that day from the Illinois, with news
that Pontiac had caused six Englishmen and several disaffected
Indians to be burned ; and that he had seven large war-belts to raise
the western tribes for another attack on Detroit, to be made in June
of that year, without French assistance.

138 PONTIAC IN THE WEST. [1764.

go with me to war against the English." Neyon
asked if he had not received his message of the last
autumn, in which he told him that the French and
English were thenceforth one people; but Pontiac
persisted, and still urged him to take up the hatchet.
Neyon at length grew angry, kicked away the wam
pum-belt, and demanded if he could not hear what
was said to him. Thus repulsed, Pontiac asked for
a keg of rum. Which being given him, he caused to
be carried to a neighboring Illinois village ; and, with
the help of this potent auxiliary, made the assembled
warriors join him in the war-song.1

It does not appear that, on this occasion, he had
any farther success in firing the hearts of the Illinois.
He presently returned to his camp on the Maumee,
where, by a succession of ill tidings, he learned the
humiliation of his allies, and the triumph of his
enemies. Towards the close of autumn, he again
left the Maumee; and, followed by four hundred
warriors, journeyed westward, to visit in succession
the different tribes, and gain their co-operation in his
plans of final defence. Crossing over to the Wabash,
he passed from village to village, among the Kicka-
poos, the Piankishaws, and the three tribes of the
Miamis, rousing them by his imperious eloquence,
and breathing into them his own fierce spirit of
resistance. Thence, by rapid marches through forests
and over prairies, he reached the banks of the Mis
sissippi, and summoned the four tribes of the Illinois
1 Diary of the Siege of Detroit, under date June 9, 1764.

1764.] HE VISITS SAINT-ANGE. 139

to a general meeting. But these degenerate savages,
beaten by the surrounding tribes for many a genera
tion past, had lost their warlike spirit; and, though
abundantly noisy and boastful, showed no zeal for
fight, and entered with no zest into the schemes of
the Ottawa war-chief. Pontiac had his own way of
dealing with such spirits. "If you hesitate," he
exclaimed, frowning on the cowering assembly, "I
will consume your tribes as the fire consumes the dry
grass on the prairie." The doubts of the Illinois
vanished like the mist, and with marvellous alacrity
they declared their concurrence in the views of the
orator. Having secured these allies, such as they
were, Pontiac departed, and hastened to Fort Chartres.
Saint-Ange, so long tormented with embassy after
embassy, and mob after mob, thought that the crown
ing evil was come at last, when he saw the arch-
demon Pontiac enter at the gate, with four hundred
warriors at his back. Arrived at the council-house,
Pontiac addressed the commandant in a tone of great
courtesy : " Father, we have long wished to see you,
to shake hands with you, and, whilst smoking the
calumet of peace, to recall the battles in which we
fought together against the misguided Indians and
the English dogs. I love the French, and I have
come hither with my warriors to avenge their
wrongs."1 Then followed a demand for arms, am-

1 Nicollet, Report on the Basin of the Upper Mississippi, 81. M.
Nicollet's account is given on the authority of documents and oral
narratives derived from Chouteau, Menard, and other patriarchs of
the Illinois.

140 PONTIAC IN THE WEST. [1764.

munition, and troops, to act in concert with the
Indian warriors. Saint-Ange was forced to decline
rendering the expected aid; but he sweetened his
denial with soothing compliments, and added a few
gifts, to remove any lingering bitterness. Pontiac
would not be appeased. He angrily complained of
such lukewarm friendship, where he had looked for
ready sympathy and support. His warriors pitched
their lodges about the fort, and threatening symptoms
of an approaching rupture began to alarm the French.

In the mean time, Pontiac had caused his squaws
to construct a belt of wampum of extraordinary size,
six feet in length, and four inches wide. It was
wrought from end to end with the symbols of the
various tribes and villages, forty -seven in number,
still leagued together in his alliance.1 He consigned
it to an embassy of chosen warriors, directing them
to carry it down the Mississippi, displaying it, in
turn, at every Indian village along its banks; and
exhorting the inhabitants, in his name, to watch the
movements of the English, and repel any attempt
they might make to ascend the river. This done,
they were to repair to New Orleans, and demand
from the governor, M. D'Abbadie, the aid which
Saint-Ange had refused. The bark canoes of the
embassy put out from the shore, and whirled down
the current like floating leaves in autumn.

Soon after their departure, tidings came to Fort
Chartres which caused a joyous excitement among

1 MS. Letter — Saint-Ange to D'Abbadie, September 9.

1764.] REPULSE OF LOFTUS. 141

the Indians, and relieved the French garrison from
any danger of an immediate rupture. In our own
day, the vast distance between the great city of
New Orleans and the populous State of Illinois has
dwindled into insignificance beneath the magic of
science ; but at the date of this history, three or four
months were often consumed in the upward passage,
and the settlers of the lonely forest colony were some
times cut off from all communication with the world
for half a year together. The above-mentioned tid
ings, interesting as they were, had occupied no less
time in their passage. Their import was as follows :

Very early in the preceding spring, an English
officer, Major Loftus, having arrived at New Orleans
with four hundred regulars, had attempted to ascend
the Mississippi, to take possession of Fort Chartres
and its dependent posts. His troops were embarked
in large and heavy boats. Their progress was slow;
and they had reached a point not more than eighty
leagues above New Orleans, when, one morning,
their ears were greeted with the crack of rifles from
the thickets of the western shore; and a soldier in
the foremost boat fell, with a mortal wound. The
troops, in dismay, sheered over towards the eastern
shore; but, when fairly within gunshot, a score of
rifles obscured the forest edge with smoke, and filled
the nearest boat with dead and wounded men. On
this, they steered for the middle of the river, where
they remained for a time, exposed to a dropping fire
from either bank, too distant to take effect.

142 PONTIAC IN THE WEST. [1764.

The river was high, and the shores so flooded that
nothing but an Indian could hope to find foothold in
the miry labyrinth. Loftus was terrified; the troops
were discouraged, and a council of officers determined
that to advance was impossible. Accordingly, with
their best despatch, they steered back for New
Orleans, where they arrived without farther accident ;
and where the French, in great glee at their discom
fiture, spared no ridicule at their expense. They
alleged, and with much appearance of truth, that the
English had been repulsed by no more than thirty
warriors. Loftus charged D'Abbadie with having
occasioned his disaster by stirring up the Indians to
attack him. The governor called Heaven to witness
his innocence ; and, in truth, there is not the smallest
reason to believe him guilty of such villany.1 Loftus,
who had not yet recovered from his fears, conceived
an idea that the Indians below New Orleans were
preparing an ambuscade to attack him on his way
back to his station at Pensacola; and he petitioned

i D'Abbadie's correspondence with Saint- Ange goes far to exoner
ate him ; and there is a letter addressed to him from General Gage,
in which the latter thanks him very cordially for the efforts he had
made in behalf of Major Loftus, aiding him to procure boats and
guides, and make other preparations for ascending the river.

The correspondence alluded to forms part of a collection of
papers preserved in the archives of the Department of the Marine
and Colonies at Paris. These papers include the reports of various
councils with the Indian tribes of the Illinois, and the whole official
correspondence of the French officers in that region during the
years 1763-5. They form the principal authorities for this part of
the narrative, and throw great light on the character of the Indian
war, from its commencement to its close.

1764.] PITTMAN'S DESIGNS. 143

D'Abbadie to interfere in his behalf. The latter,
with an ill-dissembled sneer, offered to give him and
his troops an escort of French soldiers to protect
them. Loftus rejected the humiliating proposal, and
declared that he only wished for a French interpreter,
to confer with any Indians whom he might meet by
the way. The interpreter was furnished ; and Loftus
returned in safety to Pensacola, his detachment not a
little reduced by the few whom the Indians had shot,
and by numbers who, disgusted by his overbearing
treatment, had deserted to the French.1

The futile attempt of Loftus to ascend the Mis
sissippi was followed, a few months after, by another
equally abortive. Captain Pittman came to New
Orleans with the design of proceeding to the Illinois,
but was deterred by the reports which reached him
concerning the temper of the Indians. The latter,
elated beyond measure by their success against
Loftus, and excited, moreover, by the messages and
war-belt of Pontiac, were in a state of angry com
motion, which made the passage too hazardous to be
attempted. Pittman bethought himself of assuming
the disguise of a Frenchman, joining a party of
Creole traders, and thus reaching his destination by
stealth ; but, weighing the risk of detection, he aban
doned this design also, and returned to Mobile.2
Between the Illinois and the settlements around

1 London Mag., xxxiii. 380. MS. Detail de ce qui s'est passe' a La
Louisiane a I'occasion de la prise de possession des Illinois.

2 MS. Correspondence of Pittman with M. D'Abbadie, among the
Paris documents.

144 PONTIAC IN THE WEST. [1764.

New Orleans, the Mississippi extended its enormous
length through solitudes of marsh and forest, broken
here and there by a squalid Indian village; or, at
vast intervals, by one or two military posts, erected
by the French, and forming the resting-places of the
voyager. After the failure of Pittman, more than a
year elapsed before an English detachment could
succeed in passing this great thoroughfare of the
wilderness, and running the gantlet of the savage
tribes who guarded its shores. It was not till the
second of December, 1765, that Major Farmar, at
the head of a strong body of troops, arrived, after an
uninterrupted voyage, at Fort Chartres, where the
flag of his country had already supplanted the
standard of France.1

To return to our immediate theme. The ambas
sadors, whom Pontiac had sent from Fort Chartres
in the autumn of 1764, faithfully acquitted them
selves of their trust. They visited the Indian vil
lages along the river-banks, kindling the thirst for
blood and massacre in the breasts of the inmates.
They pushed their sanguinary mission even to the
farthest tribes of Southern Louisiana, to whom the
great name of Pontiac had long been known, and of
late made familiar by repeated messages and embas
sies.2 This portion of their task accomplished, they

1 MS. Letter— Campbell to Gage, February 24, 1766.

2 By the correspondence between the French officers of Upper
and Lower Louisiana, it appears that Pontiac's messengers, in sev
eral instances, had arrived in the vicinity of New Orleans, whither
they had come, partly to beg for aid from the French, and partly

1765, MARCH.] EMBASSY AT NEW ORLEANS. 145

repaired to New Orleans, and demanded an audience
of the governor.

New Orleans was then a town of about seven
thousand white inhabitants, guarded from the river
floods by a levee extending for fifty miles along the
banks. The small brick houses, one story in height,
were arranged with geometrical symmetry, like the
squares of a chess-board. Each house had its yard
and garden, and the town was enlivened with the
verdure of trees and grass. In front, a public square,
or parade-ground, opened upon the river, enclosed
on three sides by the dilapidated church of St. Louis,
a prison, a convent, government buildings, and a
range of barracks. The place was surrounded by a
defence of palisades strong enough to repel an attack
of Indians, or insurgent slaves.1

When Pontiac's ambassadors entered New Orleans,
they found the town in a state of confusion. It had
long been known that the regions east of the Mis
sissippi had been surrendered to England; a cession
from which, however, New Orleans and its suburbs
had been excepted by a special provision. But it
was only within a few weeks that the dismayed
inhabitants had learned that their mother country had
transferred her remaining American possessions to
the Crown of Spain, whose government and people

to urge the Indians of the adjacent country to bar the mouth of the
Mississippi against the English.

1 Pittman, European Settlements on the Mississippi, 10. The author
of this book is the officer mentioned in the text as having made an
unsuccessful attempt to reach the Illinois.
VOL. in. — 10

146 PONTIAC IN THE WEST. [1765, MARCH.

they cordially detested. With every day they might
expect the arrival of a Spanish governor and garri
son. The French officials, whose hour was drawing
to its close, were making the best of their short-lived
authority by every species of corruption and pecula
tion ; and the inhabitants were awaiting, in anger and
repugnance, the approaching change, which was to
place over their heads masters whom they hated.
The governor, D'Abbadie, an ardent soldier and a
zealous patriot, was so deeply chagrined at what he
conceived to be the disgrace of his country, that his
feeble health gave way, and he betrayed all the
symptoms of a rapid decline.

Haggard with illness, and bowed down with shame,
the dying governor received the Indian envoys in the
council-hall of the province, where he was never
again to assume his seat of office. Besides the
French officials in attendance, several English officers,
who chanced to be in the town, had been invited to
the meeting, with the view of soothing the jealousy
with which they regarded all intercourse between the
French and the Indians. A Shawanoe chief, the
orator of the embassy, displayed the great war-belt,
and opened the council. "These red dogs," he said,
alluding to the color of the British uniform, "have
crowded upon us more and more ; and when we ask
them by what right they come, they tell us that you,
our French fathers, have given them our lands. We
know that they lie. These lands are neither yours
nor theirs, and no man shall give or sell them with-

1765, MARCH.] SPEECH OF MIAMI CHIEF. 147

out our consent. Fathers, we have always been your
faithful children ; and we now have come to ask that
you will give us guns, powder, and lead, to aid us in
this war."

D'Abbadie replied in a feeble voice, endeavoring
to allay their vindictive jealousy of the English, and
promising to give them all that should be necessary
to supply their immediate wants. The council then
adjourned until the following day; but, in the mean
time, the wasted strength of the governor gave way
beneath a renewed attack of his disorder; and, before
the appointed hour arrived, he had breathed his last,
hurried to a premature death by the anguish of mor
tified pride and patriotism. M. Aubry, his succes
sor, presided in his place, and received the savage
embassy. The orator, after the solemn custom of his
people, addressed him in a speech of condolence,
expressing his deep regret for D'Abbadie's untimely
fate.1 A chief of the Miamis then rose to speak,
with a scowling brow, and words of bitterness and
reproach. " Since we last sat on these seats, our ears
have heard strange words. When the English told
us that they had conquered you, we always thought
that they lied; but now we have learned that they
spoke the truth. We have learned that you, whom

1 At all friendly meetings with Indians, it was customary for the
latter, when the other party had sustained any signal loss, to com
mence by a formal speech of condolence, offering, at the same time,
a black belt of wampum, in token of mourning. This practice may
be particularly observed in the records of early councils with the
Iroquois.

148 PONTIAC IN THE WEST. [1765.

we have loved and served so well, have given the
lands that we dwell upon to your enemies and ours.
We have learned that the English have forbidden
you to send traders to our villages to supply our
wants ; and that you, whom we thought so great and
brave, have obeyed their commands like women,
leaving us to starve and die in misery. We now tell
you, once for all, that our lands are our own; and
we tell you, moreover, that we can live without your
aid, and hunt, and fish, and fight, as our fathers did
before us. All that we ask of you is this : that you
give us back the guns, the powder, the hatchets, and
the knives which we have worn out in fighting your
battles. As for you, "he exclaimed, turning to the
English officers, who were present as on the preced
ing day, — "as for you, our hearts burn with rage
when we think of the ruin you have brought on us."
Aubry returned but a weak answer to the cutting
attack of the Indian speaker. He assured the ambas
sadors that the French still retained their former love
for the Indians, that the English meant them no
harm, and that, as all the world were now at peace,
it behooved them also to take hold of the chain of
friendship. A few presents were then distributed,
but with no apparent effect. The features of the
Indians still retained their sullen scowl ; and on the
morrow their canoes were ascending the Mississippi
on their homeward voyage.1

1 MS. Report of Conference with the Shawanoe and Miami delegates
from Pontiac, held at New Orleans, March, 1765. Paris Documents.

CHAPTER XXX.

1765.
RUIN OF THE INDIAN CAUSE.

THE repulse of Loftus, and rumors of the fierce
temper of the Indians who guarded the Mississippi,
convinced the commander-in-chief that to reach the
Illinois by the southern route was an enterprise of no
easy accomplishment. Yet, at the same time, he felt
the strong necessity of a speedy military occupation
of the country; since, while the fleur de Us floated
over a single garrison in the ceded territory, it would
be impossible to disabuse the Indians of the phantom
hope of French assistance, to which they clung with
infatuated tenacity. The embers of the Indian war
would never be quenched until England had enforced
all her claims over her defeated rival. Gage deter
mined to despatch a force from the eastward, by way
of Fort Pitt and the Ohio; a route now laid open by
the late success of Bouquet, and the submission of
the Delawares and Shawanoes.

To prepare a way for the passage of the troops, Sir
William Johnson's deputy, George Croghan, was
ordered to proceed in advance, to reason with the
Indians as far as they were capable of reasoning ; to
soften their antipathy to the English, to expose the

150 RUIN OF THE INDIAN CAUSE. [1765.

falsehoods of the French, and to distribute presents
among the tribes by way of propitiation.1 The mis
sion was a critical one; but, so far as regarded the
Indians, Croghan was well fitted to discharge it. He
had been for years a trader among the western tribes,
over whom he had gained much influence by a certain
vigor of character, joined to a wary and sagacious
policy, concealed beneath a bluff demeanor. Lieu
tenant Fraser, a young officer of education and intel
ligence, was associated with him. He spoke French,
and, in other respects also, supplied qualifications in
which his rugged colleague was wanting. They set
out for Fort Pitt in February, 1765; and after
traversing inhospitable mountains, and valleys clogged
with snow, reached their destination at about the
same time that Pontiac's ambassadors were entering
New Orleans, to hold their council with the French.

A few days later, an incident occurred, which
afterwards, through the carousals of many a winter
evening, supplied an absorbing topic of anecdote and
boast to the braggadocio heroes of the border. A
train of pack-horses, bearing the gifts which Croghan
was to bestow upon the Indians, followed him towards
Fort Pitt, a few days' journey in the rear of his
party. Under the same escort came several com
panies of traders, who, believing that the long-sus
pended commerce with the Indians was about to be
reopened, were hastening to Fort Pitt with a great
quantity of goods, eager to throw them into the

i MS. Gage Papers.

1765.] CROGHAN'S CONVOY. 151

market the moment the prohibition should be removed.
There is reason to believe that Croghan had an
interest in these goods, and that, under pretence of
giving presents, he meant to open a clandestine trade.1
The Paxton men, and their kindred spirits of the
border, saw the proceeding with sinister eyes. In
their view, the traders were about to make a barter
of the blood of the people ; to place in the hands of
murdering savages the means of renewing the devas
tation to which the reeking frontier bore frightful
witness. Once possessed with this idea, they troubled
themselves with no more inquiries ; and, having tried
remonstrances in vain, they adopted a summary mode
of doing themselves justice. At the head of the enter
prise was a man whose name had been connected with
more praiseworthy exploits, James Smith, already
mentioned as leading a party of independent riflemen,
for the defence of the borders, during the bloody au
tumn of 1763. He now mustered his old associates,
made them resume their Indian disguise, and led them
to their work with characteristic energy and address.
The government agents and traders were in the
act of passing the verge of the frontiers. Their
united trains amounted to seventy pack-horses, carry
ing goods to the value of more than four thousand
pounds; while others, to the value of eleven thou-

1 " The country people appear greatly incensed at the attempt
they imagine has been made of opening a clandestine trade with
the Savages under cover of presents ; and, if it is not indiscreet in
me, I would beg leave to ask whether Croghan had such extensive
orders." — Bouquet to Amherst, 10 April, 1765, MS.

152 RUIN OF THE INDIAN CAUSE. [1765.

sand, were waiting transportation at Fort London.
Advancing deeper among the mountains, they began
to descend the valley at the foot of Sidling Hill.
The laden horses plodded knee-deep in snow. The
mountains towered above the wayfarers in gray deso
lation ; and the leafless forest, a mighty ^Eolian harp,
howled dreary music to the wind of March. Sud
denly, from behind snow-beplastered trunks and
shaggy bushes of evergreen, uncouth apparitions
started into view. Wild visages protruded, gro
tesquely horrible with vermilion and ochre, white lead
and soot; stalwart limbs appeared, encased in buck
skin; and rusty rifles thrust out their long muzzles.
In front, and flank, and all around them, white puffs
of smoke and sharp reports assailed the bewildered
senses of the travellers, who were yet more con
founded by the hum of bullets shot by unerring
fingers within an inch of their ears. "Gentlemen,"
demanded the traders, in deprecating accents, " what
would you have us do?" "Unpack your horses,"
roared a voice from the woods, "pile your goods in
the road, and be off." The traders knew those with
whom they had to deal. Hastening to obey the
mandate, they departed with their utmost speed,
happy that their scalps were not numbered with the
booty. The spoilers appropriated to themselves such
of the plunder as pleased them, made a bonfire of the
rest, and went on their way rejoicing. The discom
fited traders repaired to Fort Loudon, and laid their
complaints before Lieutenant Grant, the command-

1765.] EXPLOITS OF THE BORDERERS. 158

ant; who, inflamed with wrath and zealous for the
cause of justice, despatched a party of soldiers, seized
several innocent persons, and lodged them in the
guard-house.1 In high dudgeon at such an infrac
tion of their liberties, the borderers sent messengers
through the country, calling upon all good men to
rise in arms. Three hundred obeyed the summons,
and pitched their camp on a hill opposite Fort
London; a rare muster of desperadoes, yet observing
a certain moderation in their wildest acts, and never
at a loss for a plausible reason to justify any pranks
which it might please them to exhibit. By some
means, they contrived to waylay and capture a con
siderable number of the garrison, on which the com
mandant condescended to send them a flag of truce,
and offer an exchange of prisoners. Their object
thus accomplished, and their imprisoned comrades
restored to them, the borderers dispersed for the
present to their homes. Soon after, however, upon
the occurrence of some fresh difficulty, the command
ant, afraid or unable to apprehend the misdoers,
endeavored to deprive them of the power of mischief
by sending soldiers to their houses and carrying off
their rifles. His triumph was short; for, as he rode
out one afternoon, he fell into an ambuscade of
countrymen, who, dispensing with all forms of

1 Before me is a curious letter from Grant, in which he expati
ates on his troubles in language which is far from giving a flatter
ing impression of the literary accomplishments of officers of the
forty-second Highlanders, at that time.

154 RUIN OF THE INDIAN CAUSE. [1765.

respect, seized the incensed officer, and detained him
in an uncomfortable captivity until the rifles were
restored. From this time forward, ruptures were
repeatedly occurring between the troops and the
frontiersmen; and the Pennsylvania border retained
its turbulent character until the outbreak of the
Revolutionary War.1

1 The account of the seizure of the Indian goods is derived
chiefly from the narrative of the ringleader, Smith, published in
Drake's Tragedies of the Wilderness, and elsewhere. The corre
spondence of Gage and Johnson is filled with allusions to this affair,
and the subsequent proceedings of the freebooters. Gage spares
no invectives against what he calls the licentious conduct of the
frontier people. In the narrative is inserted a ballad, or lyrical
effusion, written by some partisan of the frontier faction, and evi
dently regarded by Smith as a signal triumph of the poetic art.
He is careful to inform the reader that the author received his
education in the great city of Dublin. The following melodious
stanzas embody the chief action of the piece : —

" Astonished at the wild design,
Frontier inhabitants combin'd

With brave souls to stop their career;
Although some men apostatiz'd,
Who first the grand attempt ad vis' d,
The bold frontiers they bravely stood,
To act for their king and their country's good,
In joint league, and strangers to fear.

" On March the fifth, in sixty-five,
The Indian presents did arrive,

In long pomp and cavalcade,
Near Sidelong Hill, where in disguise
Some patriots did their train surprise,
And quick as lightning tumbled their loads,
And kindled them bonfires in the woods,

And mostly burnt their whole brigade."

The following is an extract from Johnson's letter to the Board
of Trade, dated July 10, 1765 : —

" I have great cause to think that Mr. Croghan will succeed in

1765.] INJURY TO CROGHAN'S MISSION. 155

Whatever may have been Croghan's real attitude
in this affair, the border robbers had wrought great
injury to his mission ; since the agency most potent
to gain the affections of an Indian had been completely
paralyzed in the destruction of the presents. Croghan
found means, however, partially to repair his loss
from the storehouse of Fort Pitt, where the rigor of
the season and the great depth of the snow forced

his enterprise, unless circumvented by the artifices of the French,
or through the late licentious conduct of our own people. Although
His Excellency General Gage has written to the Ministry on that
subject, yet I think I should not be silent thereupon, as it may be
productive of very serious consequences.

" The frontier inhabitants of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Vir
ginia, after having attacked and destroyed the goods which were
going to Fort Pitt (as in my last), did form themselves into parties,
threatening to destroy all Indians they met, or all white people who
dealt with them. They likewise marched to Fort Augusta, and
from thence over the West branch of the Susquehanna, beyond the
Bounds of the last purchase made by the Proprietaries, where they
declare they will form a settlement, in defiance of Whites or In
dians. They afterwards attacked a small party of His Majesty's
troops upon the Road, but were happily obliged to retire with the
loss of one or two men. However, from their conduct and threats
since, there is reason to think they will not stop here. Neither is
their licentiousness confined to the Provinces I have mentioned,
the people of Carolina having cut off a party, coming down under
a pass from Col. Lewis, of the particulars of which your Lordships
have been doubtless informed.

" Your Lordships may easily conceive what effects this will have
upon the Indians, who begin to be all acquainted therewith. I wish
it may not have already gone too great a length to receive a timely
check, or prevent the Indians' Resentment, who see themselves
attacked, threatened, and their property invaded, by a set of igno
rant, misled Kioters, who defy Government itself, and this at a
time when we have just treated with some, and are in treaty with
other Nations."

156 RUIN OF THE INDIAN CAUSE. [1765.

him to remain several weeks. This cause alone
would have served to detain him; but he was yet
farther retarded by the necessity of holding a meet
ing with the Delawares and Shawanoes, along whose
southern borders he would be compelled to pass. An
important object of the proposed meeting was to urge
these tribes to fulfil the promise they had made,
during the previous autumn, to Colonel Bouquet,
to yield up their remaining prisoners, and send
deputies to treat of peace with Sir William Johnson ;
engagements which, when Croghan arrived at the
fort, were as yet unfulfilled, though, as already
mentioned, they were soon after complied with.

Immediately on his arrival, he had despatched mes
sengers inviting the chiefs to a council ; a summons
which they obeyed with their usual reluctance and
delay, dropping in, band after band, with such tardi
ness that a month was consumed before a sufficient
number were assembled. Croghan then addressed
them, showing the advantages of peace, and the peril
which they would bring on their own heads by a
renewal of the war; and urging them to stand true
to their engagements, and send their deputies to
Johnson as soon as the melting of the snows should
leave the forest pathways open. Several replies, all
of a pacific nature, were made by the principal chiefs ;
but the most remarkable personage who appeared at
the council was the Delaware prophet mentioned in
an early portion of the narrative as having been
strongly instrumental in urging the tribes to war by

1765.] PROSPECTS OF PEACE. 157

means of pretended or imaginary revelations from the
Great Spirit.1 He now delivered a speech by no
means remarkable for eloquence, yet of most beneficial
consequence; for he intimated that the Great Spirit
had not only revoked his sanguinary mandates, but
had commanded the Indians to lay down the hatchet,
and smoke the pipe of peace.2 In spite of this
auspicious declaration, and in spite of the chastise
ment and humiliation of the previous autumn, Croghan
was privately informed that a large party among the
Indians still remained balanced between their anger
and their fears; eager to take up the hatchet, yet
dreading the consequences which the act might
bring. Under this cloudy aspect of affairs, he was
doubly gratified when a party of Shawanoe warriors
arrived, bringing with them the prisoners whom they
had promised Colonel Bouquet to surrender; and
this faithful adherence to their word, contrary alike
to Croghan 's expectations, and to the prophecies of
those best versed in Indian character, made it ap
parent that, whatever might be the sentiments of the
turbulent among them, the more influential portion
were determined on a pacific attitude.

These councils, and the previous delays, consumed
so much time that Croghan became fearful that the

1 See ante, i. 186.

2 MS. Journal of the Transactions of George Croghan, Esq., deputy
agent for Indian affairs, with different tribes of Indians, at Fort Pitt,
from the 28th of February, 1765, to the 12th of May following. In this
journal the prophet's speech is given in full.

158 RUIN OF THE INDIAN CAUSE. [1765.

tribes of the Illinois might, meanwhile, commit them
selves by some rash outbreak, which would increase
the difficulty of reconciliation. In view of this
danger, his colleague, Lieutenant Fraser, volunteered
to proceed in advance, leaving Croghan to follow
when he had settled affairs at Fort Pitt. Fraser
departed, accordingly, with a few attendants. The
rigor of the season had now begun to relent, and the
ice-locked Ohio was flinging off its wintry fetters.
Embarked in a birch canoe, and aided by the current,
Fraser floated prosperously downwards for a thousand
miles, and landed safely in the country of the Illinois.
Here he found the Indians in great destitution, and
in a frame of mind which would have inclined them
to peace but for the secret encouragement they
received from the French. A change, however, soon
took place. Boats arrived from New Orleans, loaded
with a great quantity of goods, which the French at
that place, being about to abandon it, had sent in
haste to the Illinois. The traders' shops at Kaskaskia
were suddenly filled again. The Indians were
delighted ; and the French, with a view to a prompt
market for their guns, hatchets, and gunpowder,
redoubled their incitements to war. Fraser found
himself in a hornet's nest. His life was in great
danger; but Pontiac, who was then at Kaskaskia,
several times interposed to save him. The French
traders picked a quarrel with him, and instigated the
Indians to kill him ; for it was their interest that the
war should go on. A party of them invited Pontiac

1765.] ERASER'S MISSION. 159

to dinner ; plied him with whiskey ; and, having made
him drunk, incited him to have Fraser and his ser
vant seized. They were brought to the house where
the debauch was going on ; and here, among a crowd
of drunken Indians, their lives hung by a hair.
Fraser writes : " He (Pontiac) and his men fought all
night about us. They said we would get off next
day if they should not prevent our flight by killing
us. This Pontiac would not do. All night they did
nothing else but sing the death-song; but my servant
and I, with the help of an Indian who was sober,
defended ourselves till morning, when they thought
proper to let us escape. When Pontiac was sober,
he made me an apology for his behavior ; and told me
it was owing to bad counsel he had got that he had
taken me ; but that I need not fear being taken in
that manner for the future."1

Fraser's situation was presently somewhat improved
by a rumor that an English detachment was about to
descend the Ohio. The French traders, before so
busy with their falsehoods and calumnies, now held
their peace, dreading the impending chastisement.
They no longer gave arms and ammunition to the
Indians; and when the latter questioned them con
cerning the fabrication of a French army advancing
to the rescue, they treated the story as unfounded, or
sought to evade the subject. Saint- Ange, too, and
the other officers of the Crown, confiding in the arrival
of the English, assumed a more decisive tone ; ref us-

1 MS. Letter— Fraser to Lieut. -Col. Campbell, 20 May, 1766.

160 RUIN OF THE INDIAN CAUSE. [1765.

ing to give the Indians presents, telling them that
thenceforward they must trust to the English for
supplies, reproving them for their designs against
the latter, and advising them to remain at peace.1
Nevertheless, Eraser's position was neither safe
nor pleasant. He could hear nothing of Croghan,
and he was almost alone, having sent away all his
men, except his servant, to save them from being
abused and beaten by the Indians. He had discre
tionary orders to go down to Mobile and report to the
English commandant there ; and of these he was but
too glad to avail himself. He descended the Mis
sissippi in disguise, and safely reached New Orleans.2

1 Harangue faitte a la nation Ulinoise et au Chef Pondiak par M. de
St. Ange, Cap. Commandant au pais des Illinois pour S. M. T. C. au
sujet de la guerre gue Les Indiensfont aux Anglois.

2 MS. Letter — Aubry to the Minister, July, 1765. Aubry makes
himself merry with the fears of Fraser; who, however, had the
best grounds for his apprehensions, as is sufficiently clear from the
above as well as from the minutes of a council held by him with
Pontiac and other Indians at the Illinois, during the month of
April. The minutes referred to are among the Paris Documents.

Pontiac's first reception of Eraser was not auspicious, as appears
from the following. Extract from a Letter — Fort Pitt, July 24,
(Pa. Gaz., Nos. 1912, 1913) : —

" Pondiac immediately collected all the Indians under his influ
ence to the Illinois, and ordered the French commanding officer
there to deliver up these Englishmen [Fraser and his party] to him,
as he had prepared a large kettle in which he was determined to
boil them and all other Englishmen that came that way. . . .
Pondiac told the French that he had been informed of Mr.
Croghan's coming that way to treat with the Indians, and that he
would keep his kettle boiling over a large fire to receive him
likewise."

Pontiac soon after relented, as we have seen. Another letter,

1765.] PONTIAC'S HOPES DESTROYED. 161

Apparently, it was about this time that an incident
took place, mentioned, with evident satisfaction, in a
letter of the French commandant, Aubry. The Eng
lish officers in the south, unable to send troops up the
Mississippi, had employed a Frenchman, whom they
had secured in their interest, to ascend the river with
a boat-load of goods, which he was directed to dis
tribute among the Indians, to remove their prejudice
against the English and pave the way to reconcilia
tion. Intelligence of this movement reached the
ears of Pontiac, who, though much pleased with the
approaching supplies, had no mind that they should
be devoted to serve the interests of his enemies. He
descended to the river-bank with a body of his war
riors ; and as La Garantais, the Frenchman, landed, he
seized him and his men, flogged them severely, robbed
them of their cargo, and distributed the goods with ex
emplary impartiality among his delighted followers.

Notwithstanding this good fortune, Pontiac daily
saw his followers dropping off from their allegiance ;
for even the boldest had lost heart. Had anything
been wanting to convince him of the hopelessness of
his cause, the report of his ambassadors returning
from New Orleans would have banished every doubt.
No record of his interview with them remains; but
it is easy to conceive with what chagrin he must have
learned that the officer of France first in rank in all

dated New Orleans, June 19, adds : " He [Eraser] says Pondiac is a
very clever fellow and had it not been for him he would never have
got away alive."

1 MS. Letter — Aubry to the Minister, 10 July, 1765.
VOL. in. — 11

162 RUIN OF THE INDIAN CAUSE. [1765.

America had refused to aid him, and urged the timid
counsels of peace. The vanity of those expectations,
which had been the mainspring of his enterprise, now
rose clear and palpable before him; and, with rage
and bitterness, he saw the rotten foundation of his
hopes sinking into dust, and the whole structure of
his plot crumbling in ruins about him.

All was lost. His allies were falling off, his fol
lowers deserting him. To hold out longer would be
destruction, and to fly was scarcely an easier task.
In the south lay the Cherokees, hereditary enemies
of his people. In the west were the Osages and
Missouris, treacherous and uncertain friends, and
the fierce and jealous Dahcotah. In the east the
forests would soon be filled with English traders, and
beset with English troops; while in the north his
own village of Detroit lay beneath the guns of the
victorious garrison. He might, indeed, have found
a partial refuge in the remoter wilderness of the upper
lakes; but those dreary wastes would have doomed
him to a life of unambitious exile. His resolution
was taken. He determined to accept the peace which
he knew would be proffered, to smoke the calumet
with his triumphant enemies, and patiently await his
hour of vengeance.1

The conferences at Fort Pitt concluded, Croghan
left that place on the fifteenth of May, and embarked
on the Ohio, accompanied by several Delaware and

1 One of Saint- Ange's letters to Aubry contains views of the de
signs and motives of Pontiac similar to those expressed above.

1765.] THE KICKAPOOS ATTACK CROGHAN. 163

Shawanoe deputies, whom he had persuaded those
newly reconciled tribes to send with him, for the
furtherance of his mission. At the mouth of the
Scioto, he was met by a band of Shawanoe warriors,
who, in compliance with a message previously sent
to them, delivered into his hands seven intriguing
Frenchmen, who for some time past had lived
in their villages. Thence he pursued his voyage
smoothly and prosperously, until, on the eighth of
June, he reached a spot a little below the mouth of
the Wabash. Here he landed with his party; when
suddenly the hideous war-whoop, the explosion of
musketry, and the whistling of arrows greeted him
from the covert of the neighboring thickets. His
men fell thick about him. Three Indians and two
white men were shot dead on the spot; most of the
remainder were wounded; and on the next instant
the survivors found themselves prisoners in the hands
of eighty yelling Kickapoos, who plundered them of
all they had. No sooner, however, was their prey
fairly within their clutches, than the cowardly assail
ants began to apologize for what they had done,
saying it was all a mistake, and that the French had
set them on by telling them that the Indians who
accompanied Croghan were Cherokees, their mortal
enemies ; excuses utterly without foundation, for the
Kickapoos had dogged the party for several days,
and perfectly understood its character.1

1 A few days before, a boy belonging to Croghan's party had
been lost, as was supposed, in the woods. It proved afterwards

164 RUIN OF THE INDIAN CAUSE. [1765.

It is superfluous to inquire into the causes of this
attack. No man practically familiar with Indian
character need be told the impossibility of foreseeing
to what strange acts the wayward impulses of this
murder-loving race may prompt them. Unstable as
water, capricious as the winds, they seem in some of
their moods like ungoverned children fired with the
instincts of devils. In the present case, they knew
that they hated the English, — knew that they
wanted scalps; and thinking nothing of the conse
quences, they seized the first opportunity to gratify
their rabid longing. This done, they thought it best
to avert any probable effects of their misconduct by
such falsehoods as might suggest themselves to their
invention.

Still apologizing for what they had done, but by
no means suffering their prisoners to escape, they
proceeded up the Wabash, to the little French fort
and settlement of Vincennes, where, to his great joy,
Croghan found among the assembled Indians some of
his former friends and acquaintance. They received
him kindly, and sharply rebuked the Kickapoos,
who, on their part, seemed much ashamed and crest
fallen. From Vincennes the English were conducted,
in a sort of honorable captivity, up the river to
Ouatanon, where they arrived on the twenty-third,
fifteen days after the attack, and where Croghan was

that he had been seized by the Kickapoo warriors, and was still
prisoner among them at the time of the attack. They must have
learned from him the true character of Croghan and his companions.
— MS. Gage Papers.

1765.] CROGHAN AT OUATANON. 165

fortunate enough to find a great number of his former
Indian friends, who received him, to appearance at
least, with much cordiality. He took up his quarters
in the fort, where there was at this time no garrison,
a mob of French traders and Indians being the only
tenants of the place. For several days, his time was
engrossed with receiving deputation after deputation
from the various tribes and sub-tribes of the neigh
borhood, smoking pipes of peace, making and hearing
speeches, and shaking hands with greasy warriors,
who, one and all, were strong in their professions of
goodwill, promising not only to regard the English
as their friends, but to aid them, if necessary, in
taking possession of the Illinois.

While these amicable conferences were in progress,
a miscreant Frenchman came from the Mississippi
with a message from a chief of that region, urging
the Indians of Ouatanon to burn the Englishman
alive. Of this proposal the Indians signified their
strong disapprobation, and assured the startled envoy
that they would stand his friends, — professions the
sincerity of which, happily for him, was confirmed by
the strong guaranty of their fears.

The next arrival was that of Maisonville, a mes
senger from Saint- Ange, requesting Croghan to come
to Fort Chartres, to adjust affairs in that quarter.
The invitation was in accordance with Croghan's
designs ; and he left the fort on the following day,
attended by Maisonville, and a concourse of the
Ouatanon Indians, who, far from regarding him as

166 RUIN OF THE INDIAN CAUSE. [1765.

their prisoner, were now studious to show him every
mark of respect. He had advanced but a short dis
tance into the forest when he met Pontiac himself,
who was on his way to Ouatanon, followed by a
numerous train of chiefs and warriors. He gave his
hand to the English envoy, and both parties returned
together to the fort. Its narrow precincts were now
crowded with Indians, a perilous multitude, dark,
malignant, inscrutable ; and it behooved the English
man to be wary in his dealings with them, since a
breath might kindle afresh the wildfire in their
hearts.

At a meeting of the chiefs and warriors, Pontiac
offered the calumet and belt of peace, and professed
his concurrence with the chiefs of Ouatanon in the
friendly sentiments which they expressed towards the
English. The French, he added, had deceived him,
telling him and his people that the English meant to
enslave the Indians of the Illinois, and turn loose
upon them their enemies the Cherokees. It was this
which drove him to arms ; and now that he knew the
story to be false, he would no longer stand in the
path of the English. Yet they must not imagine that,
in taking possession of the French forts, they gained
any right to the country ; for the French had never
bought the land, and lived upon it by sufferance only.

As this meeting with Pontiac and the Illinois chiefs
made it needless for Croghan to advance farther on
his western journey, he now bent his footsteps
towards Detroit, and, followed by Pontiac and many

1765.] CONFERENCES AT DETROIT. 167

of the principal chiefs, crossed over to Fort Miami,
and thence descended the Maumee, holding confer
ences at the several villages which he passed on his
way. On the seventeenth of August, he reached
Detroit, where he found a great gathering of Indians,
Ottawas, Pottawattamies, and Ojibwas; some en
camped about the fort, and others along the banks of
the river Rouge. They obeyed his summons to a
meeting with alacrity, partly from a desire to win
the good graces of a victorious enemy, and partly
from the importunate craving for liquor and presents,
which never slumbers in an Indian breast. Numerous
meetings were held; and the old council-hall where
Pontiac had essayed his scheme of abortive treachery
was now crowded with repentant warriors, anxious,
by every form of submission, to appease the con
queror. Their ill success, their fears of chastisement,
and the miseries they had endured from the long
suspension of the fur-trade, had banished from their
minds every thought of hostility. They were glad,
they said, that the dark clouds were now dispersing,
and the sunshine of peace once more returning; and
since all the nations to the sunrising had taken their
great father the King of England by the hand, they
also wished to do the same. They now saw clearly
that the French were indeed conquered ; and thence
forth they would listen no more to the whistling of
evil birds, but lay down the war hatchet, and sit
quiet on their mats. Among those who appeared to
make or renew their submission was the Grand

168 RUIN OF THE INDIAN CAUSE. [1765.

Sauteur, who had led the massacre at Michili-
mackinac, and who, a few years after, expiated his
evil deeds by a bloody death. He now pretended
great regret for what he had done. " We red people, "
he said, " are a very jealous and foolish people ; but,
father, there are some among the white men worse
than we are, and they have told us lies, and deceived
us. Therefore we hope you will take pity on our
women and children, and grant us peace." A band
of Pottawattamies from St. Joseph's were also present,
and, after excusing themselves for their past conduct
by the stale plea of the uncontrollable temper of their
young men, their orator proceeded as follows : —

"We are no more than wild creatures to you,
fathers, in understanding; therefore we request you
to forgive the past follies of our young people, and
receive us for your children. Since you have thrown
down our former father on his back, we have been
wandering in the dark, like blind people. Now you
have dispersed all this darkness, which hung over the
heads of the several tribes, and have accepted them
for your children, we hope you will let us partake
with them the light, that our women and children
may enjoy peace. We beg you to forget all that is
past. By this belt we remove all evil thoughts from
your hearts.

"Fathers, when we formerly came to visit our
fathers the French, they always sent us home joyful ;
and we hope you, fathers, will have pity on our
women and young men, who are in great want of

1765.] SPEECH OF CROGHAN. 169

necessaries, and not let us go home to our towns
ashamed."

On the twenty-seventh of August, Croghan held a
meeting with the Ottawas, and the other tribes of
Detroit and Sandusky; when, adopting their own
figurative language, he addressed them in the follow
ing speech, in which, as often happened when white
men borrowed the tongue of the forest orator, he
lavished a more unsparing profusion of imagery than
the Indians themselves : —

"Children, we are very glad to see so many of
you here present at your ancient council-fire, which
has been neglected for some time past; since then,
high winds have blown, and raised heavy clouds over
your country. I now, by this belt, rekindle your
ancient fire, and throw dry wood upon it, that the
blaze may ascend to heaven, so that all nations may
see it, and know that you live in peace and tran
quillity with your fathers the English.

" By this belt I disperse all the black clouds from
over your heads, that the sun may shine clear on
your women and children, that those unborn may
enjoy the blessings of this general peace, now so
happily settled between your fathers the English and
you, and all your younger brethren to the sunsetting.

" Children, by this belt I gather up all the bones of
your deceased friends, and bury them deep in the
ground, that the buds and sweet flowers of the earth
may grow over them, that we may not see them any
more.

170 RUIN OF THE INDIAN CAUSE. [1765.

" Children, with this belt I take the hatchet out of
your hands, and pluck up a large tree, and bury it
deep, so that it may never be found any more ; and
I plant the tree of peace, which all our children may
sit under, and smoke in peace with their fathers.

" Children, we have made a road from the sunris-
ing to the sunsetting. I desire that you will preserve
that road good and pleasant to travel upon, that we
may all share the blessings of this happy union."

On the following day, Pontiac spoke in behalf of
the several nations assembled at the council.

"Father, we have all smoked out of this pipe of
peace. It is your children's pipe ; and as the war is
all over, and the Great Spirit and Giver of Light,
who has made the earth and every thing therein, has
brought us all together this day for our mutual good,
I declare to all nations that I have settled my peace
with you before I came here, and now deliver my
pipe to be sent to Sir William Johnson, that he may
know I have made peace, and taken the King of
England for my father, in presence of all the nations
now assembled; and whenever any of those nations
go to visit him, they may smoke out of it with him
in peace. Fathers, we are obliged to you for lighting
up our old council-fire for us, and desiring us to
return to it; but we are now settled on the Miami
River, not far from hence: whenever you want us,
you will find us there."1

1 Journal of George Croghan, on his journey to the Illinois, 1765
This journal has been twice published — in the appendix to Butler's

1765.] PEACE SPEECH OF PONTIAC. 171

"Our people," he added, "love liquor, and if we
dwelt near you in our old village of Detroit, our war
riors would be always drunk, and quarrels would
arise between us and you." Drunkenness was, in
truth, the bane of the whole unhappy race; but
Pontiac, too thoroughly an Indian in his virtues and
his vices, to be free from its destructive taint, con
cluded his speech with the common termination of
an Indian harangue, and desired that the rum-barrel
might be opened, and his thirsty warriors allowed to
drink.

At the end of September, having brought these

History of Kentucky, and in the Pioneer History of Dr. Hildreth. A
manuscript copy also may be found in the office of the secretary of
state at Albany. Dr. Hildreth omits the speech of Croghan to the
Indians, which is given above as affording a better example of the
forms of speech appropriate to an Indian peace harangue than
the genuine productions of the Indians themselves, who are less apt
to indulge in such a redundancy of metaphor.

A language extremely deficient in words of general and abstract
signification renders the use of figures indispensable ; and it is from
this cause, above all others, that the flowers of Indian rhetoric de
rive their origin. In the work of Heckewelder will be found a list
of numerous figurative expressions appropriate to the various occa
sions of public and private intercourse, — forms which are seldom
departed from, and which are often found identical among tribes
speaking languages radically distinct. Thus, among both Iroquois
and Algonquins, the "whistling of evil birds" is the invariable
expression to denote evil tidings or bad advice.

The Indians are much pleased when white men whom they re
spect adopt their peculiar symbolical language, — a circumstance
of which the Jesuit missionaries did not fail to avail themselves.
" These people," says Father Le Jeune, " being great orators, and
often using allegories and metaphors, our fathers, in order to at
tract them to God, adapt themselves to their custom of speaking,
which delights them very much, seeing we succeed as well as they."

172 RUIN OP THE INDIAN CAUSE. [1765.

protracted conferences to a close, Croghan left
Detroit, and departed for Niagara, whence, after a
short delay, he passed eastward, to report the results
of his mission to the commander-in-chief . But before
leaving the Indian country, he exacted from Pontiac
a promise that in the spring he would descend to
Oswego, and, in behalf of the tribes lately banded in
his league, conclude a treaty of peace and amity with
Sir William Johnson.1

Croghan's efforts had been attended with signal
success. The tribes of the west, of late bristling in
defiance, and hot for fight, had craved forgiveness,
and proffered the calumet. The war was over; the
last flickerings of that wide conflagration had died
away ; but the embers still glowed beneath the ashes,
and fuel and a breath alone were wanting to rekindle
those desolating fires.

In the mean time, a hundred Highlanders of the
forty-second regiment, those veterans whose battle-cry
had echoed over the bloodiest fields of America, had
left Fort Pitt under command of Captain Sterling,
and, descending the Ohio, arrived at Fort Chartres
just as the snows of early winter began to whiten the

1 In a letter to Gage, without a date, but sent in the same en
closure as his journal, Croghan gives his impression of Pontiac in
the following words : —

" Pondiac is a shrewd, sensible Indian, of few words, and com
mands more respect among his own nation than any Indian I ever
saw could do among his own tribe. He, and all the principal men
of those nations, seem at present to be convinced that the French
had a view of interest in stirring up the late differences between
his Majesty's subjects and them, and call it a beaver war."

1765.] FALL OF FRANCE. 173

naked forests.1 The flag of France descended from
the rampart; and with the stern courtesies of war,
Saint-Ange yielded up his post, the citadel of the
Illinois, to its new masters. In that act was consum
mated the double triumph of British power in
America. England had crushed her hereditary foe ;
and France, in her fall, had left to irretrievable ruin
the savage tribes to whom her policy and self-interest
had lent a transient support.

1 MS. Gage Papers. M. Nicollet, in speaking of the arrival of
the British troops, says, " At this news Pontiac raved." This is a
mistake. Pontiac's reconciliation had already taken place, and he
had abandoned all thoughts of resistance.

CHAPTER XXXI.

1766-1769.
DEATH OF PONTIAC.

THE winter passed quietly away. Already the
Indians began to feel the blessings of returning peace
in the partial reopening of the fur- trade; and the
famine and nakedness, the misery and death, which
through the previous season had been rife in their
encampments, were exchanged for comparative com
fort and abundance. With many precautions, and in
meagre allowances, the traders had been permitted to
throw their goods into the Indian markets ; and the
starving hunters were no longer left, as many of them
had been, to gain precarious sustenance by the bow,
the arrow, and the lance, — the half -forgotten weapons
of their fathers. Some troubles arose along the
frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia. The reckless
borderers, in contempt of common humanity and
prudence, murdered several straggling Indians, and
enraged others by abuse and insult; but these out
rages could not obliterate the remembrance of recent
chastisement, and, for the present at least, the injured
warriors forbore to draw down the fresh vengeance of
their destroyers.

1766.] PONTIAC GOES TO OSWEGO. 175

Spring returned, and Pontiac remembered the
promise he had made to visit Sir William Johnson at
Oswego. He left his encampment on the Maumee,
accompanied by his chiefs, and by an Englishman
named Crawford, a man of vigor and resolution, who
had been appointed, by the superintendent, to the
troublesome office of attending the Indian deputation,
and supplying their wants.1

We may well imagine with what bitterness of mood
the defeated war-chief urged his canoe along the
margin of Lake Erie, and gazed upon the horizon-
bounded waters, and the lofty shores, green with
primeval verdure. Little could he have dreamed,
and little could the wisest of that day have imagined,
that, within the space of a single human life, that
lonely lake would be studded with the sails of com
merce; that cities and villages would rise upon the
ruins of the forest; and that the poor mementoes of
his lost race — the wampum beads, the rusty toma
hawk, and the arrowhead of stone, turned up by the
ploughshare — would become the wonder of school
boys, and the prized relics of the antiquary's cabinet.
Yet it needed no prophetic eye to foresee that, sooner
or later, the doom must come. The star of his
people's destiny was fading from the sky; and, to a
mind like his, the black and withering future must
have stood revealed in all its desolation.

The birchen flotilla gained the outlet of Lake Erie,
and, shooting downwards with the stream, landed

1 MS. Johnson Papers.

176 DEATH OF PONTIAC. [1766.

beneath the palisades of Fort Schlosser. The chiefs
passed the portage, and, once more embarking,
pushed out upon Lake Ontario. Soon their goal was
reached, and the cannon boomed hollow salutation
from the batteries of Oswego.

Here they found Sir William Johnson waiting to
receive them, attended by the chief sachems of the
Iroquois, whom he had invited to the spot, that their
presence might give additional weight and solemnity
to the meeting. As there was no building large
enough to receive so numerous a concourse, a canopy
of green boughs was erected to shade the assembly
from the sun; and thither, on the twenty-third of
July, repaired the chiefs and warriors of the several
nations. Here stood the tall figure of Sir William
Johnson, surrounded by civil and military officers,
clerks, and interpreters; while before him reclined
the painted sachems of the Iroquois, and the great
Ottawa war-chief, with his dejected followers.

Johnson opened the meeting with the usual for
malities, presenting his auditors with a belt of wam
pum to wipe the tears from their eyes, with another
to cover the bones of their relatives, another to open
their ears that they might hear, and another to clear
their throats that they might speak with ease. Then,
amid solemn silence, Pontiac's great peace-pipe was
lighted and passed round the assembly, each man
present inhaling a whiff of the sacred smoke. These
tedious forms, together with a few speeches of com
pliment, consumed the whole morning ; for this savage

1766.] SPEECH OF SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON. 17T

people, on whose supposed simplicity poets and rheto
ricians have lavished their praises, may challenge the
world to outmatch their bigoted adherence to usage
and ceremonial.

On the following day, the council began in earnest,
and Sir William Johnson addressed Pontiac and his
attendant chiefs: —

"Children, I bid you heartily welcome to this
place ; and I trust that the Great Spirit will permit
us often to meet together in friendship, for I have
now opened the door and cleared the road, that all
nations may come hither from the sunsetting. This
belt of wampum confirms my words.

" Children, it gave me much pleasure to find that
you who are present behaved so well last year, and
treated in so friendly a manner Mr. Croghan, one of
my deputies; and that you expressed such concern
for the bad behavior of those, who, in order to obstruct
the good work of peace, assaulted and wounded him,
and killed some of his party, both whites and Indians ;
a thing before unknown, and contrary to the laws
and customs of all nations. This would have drawn
down our strongest resentment upon those who were
guilty of so heinous a crime, were it not for the great
lenity and kindness of your English father, who does
not delight in punishing those who repent sincerely
of their faults.

"Children, I have now, with the approbation of
General Gage (your father's chief warrior in this
country), invited you here in order to confirm and

VOL. III. — 12

178 DEATH OF PONTIAC. [1766.

strengthen your proceedings with Mr. Croghan last
year. I hope that you will remember all that then
passed, and I desire that you will often repeat it to
your young people, and keep it fresh in your minds.

"Children, you begin already to see the fruits of
peace, from the number of traders and plenty of
goods at all the garrisoned posts ; and our enjoying
the peaceable possession of the Illinois will be found
of great advantage to the Indians in that country.
You likewise see that proper officers, men of honor
and probity, are appointed to reside at the posts, to
prevent abuses in trade, to hear your complaints, and
to lay before me such of them as they cannot redress.1
Interpreters are likewise sent for the assistance of
each of them; and smiths are sent to the posts to
repair your arms and implements. All this, which is
attended with a great expense, is now done by the
great King, your father, as a proof of his regard; so
that, casting from you all jealousy and apprehension,
you should now strive with each other who should
show the most gratitude to this best of princes. I do
now, therefore, confirm the assurances which I give
you of his Majesty's good will, and do insist on your
casting away all evil thoughts, and shutting your
ears against all flying idle reports of bad people."

1 The Lords of Trade had recently adopted a new plan for the
management of Indian affairs, the principal feature of which was
the confinement of the traders to the military posts, where they
would conduct their traffic under the eye of proper officers, instead
of ranging at will, without supervision or control, among the Indian
villages. It was found extremely difficult to enforce this regulation.

1766.] PONTIAC'S REPLY. 179

The rest of Johnson's speech was occupied in
explaining to his hearers the new arrangements for
the regulation of the fur-trade ; in exhorting them to
forbear from retaliating the injuries they might
receive from reckless white men, who would meet
with due punishment from their own countrymen;
and in urging them to deliver up to justice those of
their people who might be guilty of crimes against
the English. "Children," he concluded, "I now, by
this belt, turn your eyes to the sunrising, where you
will always find me your sincere friend. From me
you will always hear what is true and good; and I
charge you never more to listen to those evil birds,
who come, with lying tongues, to lead you astray,
and to make you break the solemn engagements which
you have entered into, in presence of the Great
Spirit, with the King your father and the English
people. Be strong, then, and keep fast hold of the
chain of friendship, that your children, following
your example, may live happy and prosperous lives."

Pontiac made a brief reply, and promised to return
on the morrow an answer in full. The meeting then
broke up.

The council of the next day was opened by the
Wyandot chief, Teata, in a short and formal address ;
at the conclusion of which Pontiac himself arose,
and addressed the superintendent in words, of which
the following is a translation : —

" Father, we thank the Great Spirit for giving us
so fine a day to meet upon such great affairs. I

180 DEATH OF PONTIAC. [1766.

speak in the name of all the nations to the westward,
of whom I am the master. It is the will of the Great
Spirit that we should meet here to-day; and before
him I now take you by the hand. I call him to wit
ness that I speak from my heart; for since I took
Colonel Croghan by the hand last year, I have never
let go my hold, for I see that the Great Spirit will
have us friends.

" Father, when our great father of France was in
this country, I held him fast by the hand. Now that
he is gone, I take you, my English father, by the
hand, in the name of all the nations, and promise to
keep this covenant as long as I shall live."

Here he delivered a large belt of wampum.

" Father, when you address me, it is the same as
if you addressed all the nations of the west. Father,
this belt is to cover and strengthen our chain of
friendship, and to show you that, if any nation shall
lift the hatchet against our English brethren, we
shall be the first to feel it and resent it."

Pontiac next took up in succession the various
points touched upon in the speech of the superin
tendent, expressing in all things a full compliance
with his wishes. The succeeding days of the con
ference were occupied with matters of detail relating
chiefly to the fur-trade, all of which were adjusted
to the apparent satisfaction of the Indians, who,
on their part, made reiterated professions of friend
ship. Pontiac promised to recall the war-belts which
had been sent to the north and west, though, as he

1766.] PROSPECTS OF INDIANS. 181

alleged, many of them had proceeded from the Sene-
cas, and not from him; adding that, when all were
gathered together, they would be more than a man
could carry. The Iroquois sachems then addressed
the western nations, exhorting them to stand true
to their engagements, and hold fast the chain of
friendship; and the councils closed on the thirty-
first, with a bountiful distribution of presents to
Pontiac and his followers.1

Thus ended this memorable meeting, in which
Pontiac sealed his submission to the English, and
renounced forever the bold design by which he had
trusted to avert or retard the ruin of his race. His
hope of seeing the empire of France restored in
America was scattered to the winds, and with it
vanished every rational scheme of resistance to Eng
lish encroachment. Nothing now remained but to
stand an idle spectator, while, in the north and in
the south, the tide of British power rolled westward
in resistless might; while the fragments of the rival
empire, which he would fain have set up as a barrier
against the flood, lay scattered a miserable wreck;
and while the remnant of his people melted away or
fled for refuge to remoter deserts. For them the
prospects of the future were as clear as they were

1 MS. Minutes of Proceedings at a Congress with Pontiac and Chiefs
of the Ottawas, Pottawattamies, Hurons, and Chippewais ; begun at
Oswego Tuesday, July 23, 1766.

A copy of this document is preserved in the office of the secre
tary of state at Albany, among the papers procured in London by
Mr. Brodhead.

182 DEATH OF PONTIAC. [1767.

calamitous. Destruction or civilization — between
these lay their choice ; and few who knew them could
doubt which alternative they would embrace.

Pontiac, his canoe laden with the gifts of his
enemy, steered homeward for the Maumee; and in
this vicinity he spent the following winter, pitching
his lodge in the forest with his wives and children,
and hunting like an ordinary warrior. With the
succeeding spring, 1767, fresh murmurings of discon
tent arose among the Indian tribes, from the lakes to
the Potomac, the first precursors of the disorders
which, a few years later, ripened into a brief but
bloody war along the borders of Virginia. These
threatening symptoms might easily be traced to their
source. The incorrigible frontiersmen had again let
loose their murdering propensities; and a multitude
of squatters had built their cabins on Indian lands
beyond the limits of Pennsylvania, adding insult to
aggression, and sparing neither oaths, curses, nor any
form of abuse and maltreatment against the rightful
owners of the soil.1 The new regulations of the fur-
trade could not prevent disorders among the reckless
men engaged in it. This was particularly the case
in the region of the Illinois, where the evil was
aggravated by the renewed intrigues of the French,
and especially of those who had fled from the English
side of the Mississippi, and made their abode around

i " It seems," writes Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade,
" as if the people were determined to bring on a new war, though
their own ruin may be the consequence."

1769.] PONTIAC VISITS ST. LOUIS. 183

the new settlement of St. Louis.1 It is difficult to
say how far Pontiac was involved in this agitation.
It is certain that some of the English traders re
garded him with jealousy and fear, as prime mover
of the whole, and eagerly watched an opportunity
to destroy him.

The discontent among the tribes did not diminish
with the lapse of time ; yet for many months we can
discern no trace of Pontiac. Records and traditions
are silent concerning him. It is not until April,
1769, that he appears once more distinctly on the
scene.2 At about that time he came to the Illinois,
with what design does not appear, though his move
ments excited much uneasiness among the few Eng
lish in that quarter. Soon after his arrival, he repaired
to St. Louis, to visit his former acquaintance, Saint-
Ange, who was then in command at that post, hav
ing offered his services to the Spaniards after the
cession of Louisiana. After leaving the fort, Pontiac
proceeded to the house of which young Pierre
Chouteau was an inmate ; and to the last days of his
protracted life, the latter could vividly recall the cir-

1 Doc. Hist. N. Y., ii. 861-893, etc. MS. Johnson Papers. MS.
Gage Papers.

2 Carver says that Pontiac was killed in 1767. This may possi
bly be a mere printer's error. In the Maryland Gazette, and also in
the Pennsylvania Gazette, were published during the month of Au
gust, 1769, several letters from the Indian country, in which Pontiac
is mentioned as having been killed during the preceding April. M.
Chouteau states that, to the best of his recollection, the chief was
killed in 1768 ; but oral testimony is of little weight in regard to
dates. The evidence of the Gazettes appears conclusive.

184 DEATH OF PONTIAC. [1769.

cumstances of the interview. The savage chief was
arrayed in the full uniform of a French officer, which
had been presented to him as a special mark of respect
and favor by the Marquis of Montcalm, towards the
close of the French war, and which Pontiac never
had the bad taste to wear, except on occasions when
he wished to appear with unusual dignity. Saint-
Ange, Chouteau, and the other principal inhabitants
of the infant settlement, whom he visited in turn,
all received him cordially, and did their best to
entertain him and his attendant chiefs. He remained
at St. Louis for two or three days, when, hearing
that a large number of Indians were assembled at
Cahokia, on the opposite side of the river, and
that some drinking bout or other social gathering
was in progress, he told Saint-Ange that he would
cross over to see what was going forward. Saint-
Ange tried to dissuade him, and urged the risk to
which he would expose himself; but Pontiac per
sisted, boasting that he was a match for the English,
and had no fear for his life. He entered a canoe
with some of his followers, and Chouteau never saw
him again.

He who, at the present day, crosses from the city
of St. Louis to the opposite shore of the Mississippi,
and passes southward through a forest festooned with
grapevines, and fragrant with the scent of flowers,
will soon emerge upon the ancient hamlet of Cahokia.
To one fresh from the busy suburbs of the American
city, the small French houses, scattered in picturesque

1769.] CAHOKIA. 185

disorder, the light-hearted, thriftless look of their
inmates, and the woods which form the background
of the picture, seem like the remnants of an earlier
and simpler world. Strange changes have passed
around that spot. Forests have fallen, cities have
sprung up, and the lonely wilderness is thronged
with human life. Nature herself has taken part in
the general transformation; and the Mississippi has
made a fearful inroad, robbing from the luckless
Creoles a mile of rich meadow and woodland. Yet,
in the midst of all, this relic of the lost empire of
France has preserved its essential features through
the lapse of a century, and offers at this day an
aspect not widely different from that which met the
eye of Pontiac when he and his chiefs landed on its
shore.

The place was full of Illinois Indians; such a
scene as in our own time may often be met with in
some squalid settlement of the border, where the
vagabond guests, bedizened with dirty finery, tie
their small horses in rows along the fences, and stroll
idly among the houses, or lounge about the dram
shops. A chief so renowned as Pontiac could not
remain long among the friendly Creoles of Cahokia
without being summoned to a feast; and at such
primitive entertainment the whiskey-bottle would
not fail to play its part. This was in truth the case.
Pontiac drank deeply, and, when the carousal was
over, strode down the village street to the adjacent
woods, where he was heard to sing the medicine

186 DEATH OF PONTIAC. [1769.

songs, in whose magic power he trusted as the war
rant of success in all his undertakings.

An English trader, named Williamson, was then
in the village. He had looked on the movements of
Pontiac with a jealousy probably not diminished by
the visit of the chief to the French at St. Louis ; and
he now resolved not to lose so favorable an oppor
tunity to despatch him. With this view, he gained
the ear of a strolling Indian, belonging to the
Kaskaskia tribe of the Illinois, bribed him with a
barrel of liquor, and promised him a farther reward
if he would kill the chief. The bargain was quickly
made. When Pontiac entered the forest, the assassin
stole close upon his track ; and, watching his moment,
glided behind him, and buried a tomahawk in his brain.

The dead body was soon discovered, and startled
cries and wild bowlings announced the event. The
word was caught up from mouth to mouth, and the
place resounded with infernal yells. The warriors
snatched their weapons. The Illinois took part with
their guilty countryman; and the few followers of
Pontiac, driven from the village, fled to spread the
tidings and call the nations to revenge. Meanwhile
the murdered chief lay on the spot where he had
fallen, until Saint-Ange, mindful of former friend
ship, sent to claim the body, and buried it with war
like honors near his fort of St. Louis.1

1 Carver, Travels, 166, says that Pontiac was stabbed at a public
council in the Illinois, by " a faithful Indian who was either com
missioned by one of the English governors, or instigated by the
love he bore the English nation." This account is without sum-

The Death of Pontiac.

iSq-/, by .LittltaBrffwn,,^

1769.] DEATH OF PONTIAC. 187

Thus basely perished this champion of a ruined
race. But could his shade have revisited the scene
of murder, his savage spirit would have exulted in
the vengeance which overwhelmed the abettors of the
crime. Whole tribes were rooted out to expiate it.
Chiefs and sachems, whose veins had thrilled with
his eloquence ; young warriors, whose aspiring hearts
had caught the inspiration of his greatness, mustered
to revenge his fate ; and, from the north and the east,
their united bands descended on the villages of the
Illinois. Tradition has but faintly preserved the

cient confirmation. Carver, who did not visit the Illinois, must
have drawn his information from hearsay. The open manner of
dealing with his victim, which he ascribes to the assassin, is wholly
repugnant to Indian character and principles ; while the gross
charge, thrown out at random against an English governor, might
of itself cast discredit on the story.

I have followed the account which I received from M. Pierre
Chouteau, and from M. P. L. Cerre, another old inhabitant of the
Illinois, whose father was well acquainted with Pontiac. The same
account may be found, concisely stated, in Nicollet, p. 81. M.
Nicollet states that he derived his information both from M. Chou
teau and from the no less respectable authority of the aged Pierre
Menard of Kaskaskia. The notices of Pontiac's death in the pro
vincial journals of the day, to a certain extent, confirm this story.
We gather from them, that he was killed at the Illinois, by one or
more Kaskaskia Indians, during a drunken frolic, and in conse
quence of his hostility to the English. One letter, however, states
on hearsay that he was killed near Fort Chartres; and Gouin's
traditional account seems to support the statement. On this point,
I have followed the distinct and circumstantial narrative of Chou
teau, supported as it is by Cerre. An Ottawa tradition declares
that Pontiac took a Kaskaskia wife, with whom he had a quarrel,
and she persuaded her two brothers to kill him.

I am indebted to the kindness of my friend Mr. Lyman C. Draper
for valuable assistance in my inquiries in relation to Pontiac's
death.

188 DEATH OF PONTIAC. [1769.

memory of the event; and its only annalists, men
who held the intestine feuds of the savage tribes in
no more account than the quarrels of panthers or
wildcats, have left but a meagre record. Yet enough
remains to tell us that over the grave of Pontiac more
blood was poured out in atonement, than flowed from
the veins of the slaughtered heroes on the corpse of
Patroclus ; and the remnant of the Illinois who sur
vived the carnage remained forever after sunk in
utter insignificance.1

1 " This murder, which roused the vengeance of all the Indian
tribes friendly to Pontiac, brought about the successive wars, and
almost total extermination, of the Illinois nation." — Nicollet, 82.

" The Kaskaskias, Peorias, Cahokias, and Illonese are nearly all
destroyed by the Sacs and Foxes, for killing in cool blood, and in
time of peace, the Sac's chief, Pontiac." — Mass. Hist. Coll., Second
Series, ii. 8.

The above extract exhibits the usual confusion of Indian names,
the Kaskaskias, Peorias, and Cahokias being component tribes of
the Illonese or Illinois nation. Pontiac is called a chief of the Sacs.
This, with similar mistakes, may easily have arisen from the fact
that he was accustomed to assume authority over the warriors of
any tribe with whom he chanced to be in contact.

Morse says, in his Report, 1822 : " In the war kindled against
these tribes, [Peorias, Kaskaskias, and Cahokias,] by the Sauks and
Foxes, in revenge for the death of their chief, Pontiac, these 3
tribes were nearly exterminated. Few of them now remain. About
one hundred of the Peorias are settled on Current River, W. of
the Mississippi ; of the Kaskaskias 36 only remain in Illinois." —
Morse, 363.

General Gage, in his letter to Sir William Johnson, dated July 10,
176-, says : " The death of Pontiac, committed by an Indian of the
Illinois, believed to have been excited by the English to that action,
had drawn many of the Ottawas and other northern nations towards
their country to revenge his death."

"From Miami, Pontiac went to Fort Chartres on the Illinois.
In a few years, the English, who had possession of the fort, pro-

1769.] DEATH OF PONTIAC. 189

Neither mound nor tablet marked the burial-place
of Pontiac. For a mausoleum, a city has risen above
the forest hero; and the race whom he hated with
such burning rancor trample with unceasing foot
steps over his forgotten grave.

cured an Indian of the Peoria [Kaskaskia] nation to kill him. The
news spread like lightning through the country. The Indians as
sembled in great numbers, attacked and destroyed all the Peorias,
except about thirty families, which were received into the fort.
These soon began to increase. They removed to the Wabash, and
were about to settle, when the Indians collected in the winter, sur
rounded their village, and killed the whole, excepting a few chil
dren, who were saved as prisoners. Old Mr. Gouin was there at
the time. He was a trader ; and, when the attack commenced,
was ordered by the Indians to shut his house and not suffer a Peoria
to enter." — Gouin' s Account, MS.

Pontiac left several children. A speech of his son Shegenaba,
in 1775, is preserved in Force's American Archives, 4th Series, iii.
1542. There was another son, named Otussa, whose grave is on the
Maumee. In a letter to the writer, Mr. H. R. Schoolcraft says, " I
knew Atdka, a descendant of Pontiac. He was the chief of an
Ottawa village on the Maumee. A few years ago, he agreed to
remove, with his people, to the west of the Mississippi."

APPENDIX A.

THE IROQUOIS.— EXTENT OF THEIR CONQUESTS.
— POLICY PURSUED TOWARDS THEM BY THE
FRENCH AND THE ENGLISH. — MEASURES OF
SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON.

1. TERRITORY OF THE IROQUOIS. (Vol. I. p. 9.)

EXTRACT from a Letter — Sir W. Johnson to the Board
of Trade, November 13, 1763 : —

My Lords :

In obedience to your Lordships' commands of the 5th
of August last, I am now to lay before you the claims of
the Nations mentioned in the State of the Confederacies.
The Five Nations have in the last century subdued the
Shawanese, Delawares, Twighties, and Western Indians,
so far as Lakes Michigan and Superior, received them
into an alliance, allowed them the possession of the
lands they occupied, and have ever since been in peace
with the greatest part of them; and such was the
prowess of the Five Nations' Confederacy, that had they
been properly supported by us, they would have long
since put a period to the Colony of Canada, which alone
they were near effecting in the year 1688. Since that
time, they have admitted the Tuscaroras from the South-

192 APPENDIX A.

ward, beyond Oneida, and they have ever since formed
a part of that Confederacy.

As original proprietors, this Confederacy claim the
country of their residence, south of Lake Ontario to the
great Eidge of the Blue Mountains, with all the Western
Part of the Province of New York towards Hudson
Eiver, west of the Catskill, thence to Lake Champlain,
and from Kegioghne, a Eock at the East side of said
Lake, to Oswegatche or La Gallette, on the Eiver St.
Lawrence, (having long since ceded their claim north of
said line in favor of the Canada Indians, as Hunting-
ground,) thence up the Eiver St. Lawrence, and along
the South side of Lake Ontario to Niagara.

In right of conquest, they claim all the country (com
prehending the Ohio) along the great Eidge of Blue
Mountains at the back of Virginia, thence to the head of
Kentucky Eiver, and down the same to the Ohio above
the Eifts, thence Northerly to the South end of Lake
Michigan, then along the Eastern shore of said lake to
Michillimackinac, thence Easterly across the North end
of Lake Huron to the great Ottawa Eiver, (including
the Chippewa or Mississagey County,) and down the
said Eiver to the Island of Montreal. However, these
more distant claims being possessed by many powerful
nations, the Inhabitants have long begun to render
themselves independent, by the assistance of the French,
and the great decrease of the Six Nations; but their
claim to the Ohio and thence to the Lakes, is not in the
least disputed by the Shawanese, Delawares, &c., who
never transacted any sales of land or other matters with
out their consent, and who sent Deputies to the grand
Council at Onondaga on all important occasions.

APPENDIX A. 193

2. FRENCH AND ENGLISH POLICY TOWARDS THE IRO-
QUOIS. — MEASURES OF SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON. (Vol.
I. pp. 92-99.)

Extract from a Letter — Sir W. Johnson to the Board
of Trade, May 24, 1765 : —

The Indians of the Six Nations, after the arrival of
the English, having conceived a desire for many articles
they introduced among them, and thereby finding them
of use to their necessities, or rather superfluities, culti
vated an acquaintance with them, and lived in tolerable
friendship with their Province for some time, to which
they were rather inclined, for they were strangers to
bribery, and at enmity with the French, who had es
poused the cause of their enemies, supplied them with
arms, and openly acted against them. This enmity
increased in proportion as the desire of the French for
subduing those people, who were a bar to their first pro
jected schemes. However, we find the Indians, as far
back as the very confused manuscript records in my
possession, repeatedly upbraiding this province for their
negligence, their avarice, and their want of assisting
them at a time when it was certainly in their power to
destroy the infant colony of Canada, although supported
by many nations ; and this is likewise confessed by the
writings of the managers of these times. The French,
after srepeated losses discovering that the Six Nations
were not to be subdued, but that they could without
much difficulty effect their purpose (which I have good
authority to show were . . . standing) by favors and
kindness, on a sudden, changed their conduct in the reign
of Queen Anne, having first brought over many of their
people to settle in Canada ; and ever since, by the most

VOL. III. — 13

194 APPENDIX A.

endearing kindnesses and by a vast profusion of favors,
have secured them to their interest; and, whilst they
aggravated our frauds and designs, they covered those
committed by themselves under a load of gifts, which
obliterated the malpractices of ... among them, and
enabled them to establish themselves wherever they
pleased, without fomenting the Indians' jealousy. The
able agents were made use of, and their unanimous
indefatigable zeal for securing the Indian interest, were
so much superior to any thing we had ever attempted,
and to the futile transactions of the . . . and trading
Commissioners of Albany, that the latter became uni
versally despised by the Indians, who daily withdrew
from our interest, and conceived the most disadvanta
geous sentiments of our integrity and abilities. In this
state of Indian affairs I was called to the management
of these people, as my situation and opinion that it might
become one day of service to the public, had induced
me to cultivate a particular intimacy with these people,
to accommodate myself to their manners, and even to
their dress on many occasions. How I discharged this
trust will best appear from the transactions of the war
commenced in 1744, in which I was busily concerned.
The steps I had then taken alarmed the jealousy of the
French; rewards were offered for me, and I narrowly
escaped assassination on more than one occasion. The
French increased their munificence to the Indians, whose
example not being at all followed at New York, I
resigned the management of affairs on the ensuing peace,
as I did not choose to continue in the name of an office
which I was not empowered to discharge as its nature
required. The Albany Commissioners (the men con
cerned in the clandestine trade to Canada, and fre
quently upbraided for it by the Indians) did then

APPENDIX A. 195

reassume their seats at that Board, and by their conduct
so exasperated the Indians that several chiefs went to
JSTew York, 1753, when, after a severe speech to the
Governor, Council, and Assembly, they broke the cove
nant chain of friendship, and withdrew in a rage. The
consequences of which were then so much dreaded, that
I was, by Governor, Council, and House of Assembly,
the two latter then my enemies, earnestly entreated to
effect a reconciliation with the Indians, as the only
person equal to that task, as will appear by the Minutes
of Council and resolves of the House. A commission
being made out for me, I proceeded t:» Onondaga, and
brought about the much wished for reconciliation, but
declined having any further to say of Indian affairs,
although the Indians afterwards refused to meet the
Governor and Commissioners till I was sent for. At
the arrival of General Braddock, I received his Com
mission with reluctance, at the same time assuring him
that affairs had been so ill conducted, and the Indians
so estranged from our interest, that I could not take
upon me to hope for success. However, indefatigable
labor, and (I hope I may say without vanity) personal
interest, enabled me to exceed my own expectations ;
and my conduct since, if fully and truly known, would,
I believe, testify that I have not been an unprofitable
servant. 'Twas then that the Indians began to give
public sign of their avaricious dispositions. The French
had long taught them it; and the desire of some persons
to carry a greater number of Indians into the field in
1755 than those who accompanied me, induced them to
employ any agent at a high salary, who had the least
interest with the Indians ; and to grant the latter Cap
tains' and Lieutenants' Commissions, (of which I have a
number now by me,) with sterling pay, to induce them

196 APPENDIX A.

to desert me, but to little purpose, for the' many of them
received the Commissions, accompanied with large sums
of money, they did not comply with the end proposed,
but served with me ; and this had not only served them
with severe complaints against the English, as they were
not afterwards all paid what had been promised, but has
established a spirit of pride and avarice, which I have
found it ever since impossible to subdue; whilst our
extensive connections since the reduction of Canada,
with so many powerful nations so long accustomed to par
take largely of French bounty, has of course increased
the expense, an^_ rendered it in no small degree neces
sary for the preservation of our frontiers, outposts, and
trade. ,

Extract from a Letter — Cadwallader Colden to the
Earl of Halifax, December 22, 1763 : —

Before I proceed further, I think it proper to inform
your Lordship of the different state of the Policy of
the Five Nations in different periods of time. Before the
peace of Utrecht, the Five Nations were at war with the
French in Canada, and with all the Indian Nations who
were in friendship with the French. This put the Five
Nations under a necessity of depending on this province
for a supply of every thing by which they could carry on
the war or defend themselves, and their behavior towards
us was accordingly.

After the peace of Utrecht, the French changed their
measures. They took every method in their power to
gain the friendship of the Five Nations, and succeeded
so far with the Senecas, who are by far the most num
erous, and at the greatest distance from us, that they
were entirely brought over to the French interest. The

APPENDIX A. 197

French obtained the consent of the Senecas to the build
ing of the Fort at Niagara, situated in their country.

When the French had too evidently, before the last
war, got the ascendant among all the Indian Nations, we
endeavored to make the Indians jealous of the French
power, that they were thereby in danger of becoming
slaves to the French, unless they were protected by the
English.

APPENDIX B.

CAUSES OF THE INDIAN WAR.

EXTRACT from a Letter — Sir W. Johnson to the Board
of Trade, November 13, 1763. (Chap. VII. Vol. I. p.
179.)

. . . The French, in order to reconcile them [the In
dians] to their encroachments, loaded them with favors,
and employed the most intelligent Agents of good in
fluence, as well as artful Jesuits among the several
Western and other Nations, who, by degrees, prevailed
on them to admit of Forts, under the Notion of Trading
houses, in their Country ; and knowing that these posts
could never be maintained contrary to the inclinations of
the Indians, they supplied them thereat with ammuni
tion and other necessaries in abundance, as also called
them to frequent congresses, and dismissed them with
handsome presents, by which they enjoyed an extensive
commerce, obtained the assistance of these Indians, and
possessed their frontiers in safety ; and as without these
measures the Indians would never have suffered them in
their Country, so they expect that whatever European
power possesses the same, they shall in some measure
reap the like advantages. Now, as these advantages
ceased on the Posts being possessed by the English, and
especially as it was not thought prudent to indulge

APPENDIX B. 199

them with ammunition, they immediately concluded that
we had designs against their liberties, which opinion had
been first instilled into them by the French, and since
promoted by Traders of that nation and others who re
tired among them on the surrender of Canada and are
still there, as well as by Belts of Wampum and other
exhortations, which I am confidently assured have been
sent among them from the Illinois, Louisiana, and even
Canada for that purpose. The Shawanese and Dela wares
about the Ohio, who were never warmly attached to us
since our neglects to defend them against the encroach
ments of the French, and refusing to erect a post at the
Ohio, or assist them and the Six Nations with men or
ammunition, when they requested both of us, as well as
irritated at the loss of several of their people killed upon
the communication of Fort Pitt, in the years 1759 and
1761, were easily induced to join with the Western
Nations, and the Senecas, dissatisfied at many of our
posts, jealous of our designs, and displeased at our
neglect and contempt of them, soon followed their
example.

These are the causes the Indians themselves assign,
and which certainly occasioned the rupture between us,
the consequence of which, in my opinion, will be that
the Indians (who do not regard the distance) will be
supplied with necessaries by the Wabache and several
Elvers, which empty into the Mississippi, which it is by
no means in our power to prevent, and in return the
French will draw the valuable furs down that river to
the advantage of their Colony and the destruction of our
Trade; this will always induce the French to foment
differences between us and the Indians, and the prospects
many of them entertain, that they may hereafter become
possessed of Canada, will incline them still more to

200 APPENDIX B.

cultivate a good understanding with the Indians, which,
if ever attempted by the French, would, I am very ap
prehensive, be attended with a general defection of them
from our interest, unless we are at great pains and ex
pense to regain their friendship, and thereby satisfy
them that we have no designs to their prejudice. . . .

The grand matter of concern to all the Six Nations
(Mohawks excepted) is the occupying a chain of small
Posts on the communication thro' their country to Lake
Ontario, not to mention Fort Stanwix, exclusive of which
there were erected in 1759 Fort Schuyler on the Mohawk
Eiver, and the Royal Blockhouse at the East end of
Oneida Lake, in the Country of the Oneidas Fort Brew-
erton and a Post at Oswego Falls in the Onondagas
Country ; in order to obtain permission for erecting these
posts, they were promised they should be demolished at
the end of the war. General Shirley also made them a
like promise for the posts he erected ; and as about these
posts are their fishing and hunting places, where they
complain, that they are often obstructed by the troops
and insulted, they request that they may not be kept
up, the war with the French being now over.

In 1760, Sir Jeffrey Arnherst sent a speech to the
Indians in writing, which was to be communicated to the
Nations about Fort Pitt, &c., by General Monkton, then
commanding there, signifying his intentions to satisfy
and content all Indians for the ground occupied by the
posts, as also for any land about them, which might be
found necessary for the use of the garrisons ; but the
same has not been performed, neither are the Indians in
the several countries at all pleased at our occupying
them, which they look upon as the first steps to enslave
them and invade their properties.

And I beg leave to represent to your Lordships, that

APPENDIX B. 201

one very material advantage resulting from a continuance
of good treatment and some favors to the Indians, will be
the security and toleration thereby given to the Troops
for cultivating lands about the garrisons, which the re
duction of their Rations renders absolutely necessary. . . .

PONTEACH : OR THE SAVAGES OF AMERICA. A Tragedy.
London. Printed for the Author ; and Sold by J. Mil-
Ian, opposite the Admiralty, Whitehall. MDCCLXVI.

The author of this tragedy was evidently a person well
acquainted with Indian affairs and Indian character.
Various allusions contained in it, as well as several
peculiar forms of expression, indicate that Major Rogers
had a share in its composition. The first act exhibits in
detail the causes which led to the Indian war. The rest
of the play is of a different character. The plot is
sufficiently extravagant, and has little or no historical
foundation. Chekitan, the son of Ponteach, is in love
with Monelia, the daughter of Hendrick, Emperor of
the Mohawks. Monelia is murdered by Chekitan's
brother Philip, partly out of revenge and jealousy, and
partly in furtherance of a scheme of policy. Chekitan
kills Philip, and then dies by his own hand ; and Pon
teach, whose warriors meanwhile have been defeated by
the English, overwhelmed by this accumulation of public
and private calamities, retires to the forests of the west to
escape the memory of his griefs. The style of the drama
is superior to the plot, and the writer displays at times
no small insight into the workings of human nature.

The account of Indian wrongs and sufferings given in
the first act accords so nearly with that conveyed in con
temporary letters and documents, that two scenes from
this part of the play are here given, with a few omis
sions, which good taste demands.

202 APPENDIX B.

ACT I.

SCENE I. — AN INDIAN TRADING HOUSE.

Enter M' DOLE and MURPHEY, Two Indian Traders, and
their Servants.

M'Dole. So, Murphey, you are come to try your Fortune
Among the Savages in this wild Desart ?

Murphey. Ay, any thing to get an honest Living,
Which, faith, I find it hard enough to do ;
Times are so dull, and Traders are so plenty,
That Gains are small, and Profits come but slow.

M'Dole. Are you experienced in this kind of Trade?
Know you the Principles by which it prospers,
And how to make it lucrative and safe ?
If not, you 're like a Ship without a Rudder,
That drives at random, and must surely sink.

Murphey. I 'm unacquainted with your Indian Commerce,
And gladly would I learn the arts from you,
Who 're old, and practis'd in them many Years.

M'Dole. That is the curst Misfortune of our Traders :
A thousand Fools attempt to live this Way,
Who might as well turn Ministers of State.
But, as you are a Friend, I will inform you
Of all the secret Arts by which we thrive,
Which if all practis'd, we might all grow rich,
Nor circumvent each other in our Gains.
What have you got to part with to the Indians ?

Murphey. I Ve Rum and Blankets, Wampum, Powder, Bells,
And such like Trifles as they 're wont to prize.

M'Dole. 'T is very well : your Articles are good :
But now the Thing 's to make a Profit from them,
Worth all your Toil and Pains of coming hither.
Our fundamental Maxim then is this,
That it 's no Crime to cheat and gull an Indian.

Murphey. How ! Not a Sin to cheat an Indian, say you ?
Are they not Men ? hav'nt they a Right to Justice
As well as we, though savage in their Manners ?

APPENDIX B. 203

M'Dole. Ah ! If you boggle here, I say no more :
This is the very Quintessence of Trade,
And ev'ry Hope of Gain depends upon it ;
None who neglect it ever did grow rich,
Or ever will, or can by Indian Commerce.
By this old Ogden built his stately House,
Purchased Estates, and grew a little King.
He, like an honest Man, bought all by weight,
And made the ign'rant Savages believe
That his Right Foot exactly weighed a Pound.
By this for many years he bought their Furs,
And died in Quiet like an honest Dealer.

Murphey. Well, I '11 not stick at what is necessary ;
But his Devise is now grown old and stale,
Nor could I manage such a baref ac'd Fraud.

M'Dole. A thousand Opportunities present
To take Advantage of their Ignorance ;
But the great Engine I employ is Rum,
More pow'rful made by certain strength'ning Drugs.
This I distribute with a lib'ral Hand,
Urge them to drink till they grow mad and valiant ;
Which makes them think me generous and just,
And gives full Scope to practise all my Art.
I then begin my Trade with water'd Rum ;
The cooling Draught well suits their scorching Throats.
Their Fur and Peltry come in quick Return :
My Scales are honest, but so well contriv'd,
That one small Slip will turn Three Pounds to One ;
Which they, poor silly Souls ! ignorant of Weights
And Rules of Balancing, do not perceive.
But here they come ; you '11 see how I proceed.
Jack, is the Rum prepar'd as I commanded ?

Jack. Yes, Sir, all 's ready when you please to call.

M'Dole. Bring here the Scales and Weights immediately ;
You see the Trick is easy and conceal' d. [ Showing how to slip

the Scales.

Murphey. By Jupiter, it 's artfully contriv'd ;
And was I King, I swear I 'd knight th* Inventor.
Tom, mind the Part that you will have to act.

204 APPENDIX B.

Tom. Ah, never fear ; I '11 do as well as Jack.
But then, you know, an honest Servant's Pain Deserves Reward.
Murphey. O ! I '11 take care of that.

{Enter a Number of Indians with Packs of Fur.
1st Indian. So, what you trade with Indians here to-day ?
M'Dole. Yes, if my Goods will suit, and we agree.
2nd Indian. 'Tis Rum we want; we're tired, hot, and

thirsty.

3d Indian. You, Mr. Englishman, have you got Rum ?
M'Dole. Jack, bring a Bottle, pour them each a Gill.
You know which Cask contains the Rum. The Rum ?
Is* Indian. It 's good strong Rum ; I feel it very soon.
M'Dole. Give me a Glass. Here 's Honesty in Trade;
We English always drink before we deal.
2d Indian. Good way enough; it makes one sharp and

cunning.

M'Dole. Hand round another Gill. You 're very welcome.
3d Indian. Some say you Englishmen are sometimes

Rogues ;
You make poor Indians drunk, and then you cheat.

Is* Indian. No, English good. The Frenchmen give no

Rum.

2nd Indian. I think it 's best to trade with Englishmen.
M'Dole. What is your Price for Beaver Skins per Pound ?
1st Indian. How much you ask per Quart for this strong

Rum?

M'Dole. Five Pounds of Beaver for One Quart of Rum.
Is* Indian. Five Pounds ? Too much. Which is 't you call

Five Pounds ?

M'Dole. This little Weight. I cannot give you more.
Is* Indian. Well, take 'em ; weigh 'em. Don't you cheat us

now.

M'Dole. No; he that cheats an Indian should be hanged.

[ Weighing the Packs.

There 's Thirty Pounds precisely of the Whole ;
Five times Six is Thirty. Six Quarts of Rum.
Jack, measure it to them ; you know the Cask.
This Rum is sold. You draw it off the best.

[ Exeunt Indians to receive their Rum,

APPENDIX B. 205

MurpJiey. By Jove, you 've gained more in a single Hour
Than ever I have done in Half a Year :
Curse on my Honesty ! I might have been
A little King, and lived without Concern,
Had I but known the proper Arts to thrive.

M'Dole. Ay, there 's the Way, my honest Friend, to live.

[Clapping his shoulder.

There 's Ninety Weight of Sterling Beaver for you,
Worth all the Rum and Trinkets in my Store ;
And, would my Conscience let me do the Thing,
I might enhance my Price, and lessen theirs,
And raise my Profits to a higher Pitch.

Murphey. I can't but thank you for your kind Instructions,
As from them I expect to reap Advantage.
But should the Dogs detect me in the Fraud,
They are malicious, and would have Revenge.

M'Dole. Can't you avoid them ? Let their Vengeance light
On others Heads, no matter whose, if you
Are but Secure, and have the Gain in Hand ;
For they 're indiff'rent where they take Revenge,
Whether on him that cheated, or his Friend,
Or on a Stranger whom they never saw,
Perhaps an honest Peasant, who ne'er dreamt
Of Fraud or Villainy in all his Life ;
Such let them murder, if they will, a Score,
The Guilt is theirs, while we secure the Gain,
Nor shall we feel the bleeding Victim's Pain. [Exeunt.

SCENE II. — A DESART.
Enter ORSBOURN and HONNYMAN, Two English Hunters.

Orsbourn. Long have we toil'd, and rang'd the woods in

vain;

No Game, nor Track, nor Sign of any Kind
Is to be seen ; I swear I am discourag'd
And weary'd out with this long fruitless Hunt.
No Life on Earth besides is half so hard,

206 APPENDIX B.

So full of Disappointments, as a Hunter's :
Each Morn he wakes he views the destin'd Prey,
And counts the Profits of th' ensuing* Day ;
Each Ev'ning at his curs'd ill Fortune pines,
And till next Day his Hope of Gain resigns.
By Jove, 1 11 from these Desarts hasten home,
And swear that never more I '11 touch a Gun.

Honnyman. These hateful Indians kidnap all the Game.
Curse their black Heads ! they fright the Deer and Bear,
And ev'ry Animal that haunts the Wood,
Or by their Witchcraft conjure them away.
No Englishman can get a single Shot,
While they go loaded home with Skins and Furs.
'Twere to be wish'd not one of them survived,
Thus to infest the World, and plague Mankind.
Curs'd Heathen Infidels ! mere savage Beasts !
They don't deserve to breathe in Christian Air,
And should be hunted down like other Brutes.

Orsbourn. I only wish the Laws permitted us
To hunt the savage Herd where-e'er they 're found ;
I 'd never leave the Trade of Hunting then,
While one remain'd to tread and range the Wood.

Honnyman. Curse on the Law, I say, that makes it Death
To kill an Indian, more than to kill a Snake.
What if 't is Peace ? these Dogs deserve no Mercy ;
They kill'd my Father and my eldest Brother,
Since which I hate their very Looks and Name.

Orsbourn. And I, since they betray 'd and kill'd my Uncle,
Tho' these are not the same, 't would ease my Heart
To cleave their painted Heads, and spill their Blood.
I do abhor, detest, and hate them all,
And now cou'd eat an Indian's Heart with Pleasure.

Honnyman. I 'd join you, and soop his savage Brains for

Sauce.

I lose all Patience when I think of them,
And, if you will, we '11 quickly have amends
For our long Travel and successless Hunt,
And the sweet Pleasure of Revenge to boot.

APPENDIX B. 207

Orsbourn. What will you do ? Present, and pop one down ?

Honnyman. Yes, faith, the first we meet well fraught with

Furs.

Or if there 's Two, and we can make sure Work,
By Jove, we '11 ease the Rascals of their Packs,
And send them empty home to their own Country.
But then observe, that what we do is secret,
Or the Hangman will come in for Snacks.

Orsbourn. Trust me for that ; I '11 join with all my Heart,
NOT with a nicer Aim, or steadier Hand
Would shoot a Tyger than I would an Indian.
There is a Couple stalking now this way
With lusty Packs ; Heav'n favor our Design.
Are you well charged ?

Honnyman. I am. Take you the nearest,
And mind to fire exactly when I do.

Orsbourn. A charming Chance !

Honnyman. Hush, let them still come nearer.

[They shoot, and run to rifle the Indians.
They 're down, old Boy, a Brace of noble Bucks !

Orsbourn. Well tallow'd faith, and noble Hides upon 'em.

[Taking up a Pack.

We might have hunted all the Season thro*
For Half this Game, and thought ourselves well paid.

Honnyman. By Jove, we might, and been at great Expense
For Lead and Powder ; here 's a single Shot.

Orsbourn. I swear, I have got as much as I can carry.

Honnyman. And faith, I 'm not behind ; this Pack is heavy.
But stop ; we must conceal the tawny Dogs,
Or their bloodthirsty Countrymen will find them,
And then we 're bit. There '11 be the Devil to pay ;
They '11 murder us, and cheat the Hangman too.

Orsbourn. Right. We '11 prevent all Mischief of this Kind.
Where shall we hide their Savage Carcases ?

Honnyman. There they will lie conceal'd and snug enough.

[They cover them.

But stay — perhaps ere long there '11 be a War,
And then their Scalps will sell for ready Cash,
Two Hundred Crowns at least, and that 's worth saving.

208 APPENDIX B.

Orsbourn. Well ! that is true ; no sooner said than done —

[Drawing his Knife.
I '11 strip this Fellow's painted greasy Skull.

[Strips of the Scalp.

Honnyman. Now let them sleep to Night without their Caps,

[Takes the other Scalp.
And pleasant Dreams attend their long Repose.

Orsbourn. Their Guns and Hatchets now are lawful Prize,
For they '11 not need them on their present Journey.

Honnyman. The Devil hates Arms, and dreads the Smell of

Powder.

He '11 not allow such Instruments about him ;
They 're free from training now, they 're in his Clutches.

Orsbourn. But, Honnyman, d 'ye think this is not Murder ?
I vow I 'm shocked a little to see them scalp'd,
And fear their Ghosts will haunt us in the Dark.

Honnyman. It 's no more Murder than to crack a Louse,
That is, if you Ve the Wit to keep it private.
And as to Haunting, Indians have no Ghosts,
But as they live like Beasts, like Beasts they die.
I 've killed a Dozen in this selfsame Way,
And never yet was troubled with their Spirits.

Orsbourn. Then I 'm content ; my Scruples are removed.
And what I 've done, my Conscience justifies.
But we must have these Guns and Hatchets alter' d,
Or they '11 detect th' Affair, and hang us both.

Honnyman, That 's quickly done — Let us with Speed return,
And think no more of being hang'd or haunted;
But turn our Fur to Gold, our Gold to Wine,
Thus gaily spend what we 've so slily won,
And Bless the first Inventor of a Gun.

[Exeunt.

The remaining scenes of this act exhibit the rudeness
and insolence of British officers and soldiers in their
dealings with the Indians, and the corruption of British
government agents. Pontiac himself is introduced, and

APPENDIX B. 209

represented as indignantly complaining of the reception
which, he and his warriors meet with. These scenes
are overcharged with blasphemy and ribaldry, and it is
needless to preserve them here. The rest of the play
is written in better taste, and contains several vigorous
passages.

VOL. III. — 14

APPENDIX C.

DETKOIT AND MICHILIMACKINAC.

1. THE SIEGE OF DETROIT. (Chap. IX. -XV.)

THE authorities consulted respecting the siege of
Detroit consist of numerous manuscript letters of officers
in the fort, including the official correspondence of the
commanding officer; of several journals and fragments
of journals ; of extracts from contemporary newspapers ;
and of traditions and recollections received from Indians
or aged Canadians of Detroit.

THE PONTIAC MANUSCRIPT.

This curious diary was preserved in a Canadian family
at Detroit, and afterwards deposited with the Historical
Society of Michigan. It is conjectured to have been
the work of a French priest. The original is written in
bad French, and several important parts are defaced or
torn away. As a literary composition, it is quite worth
less, being very diffuse and encumbered with dull and
trivial details ; yet this very minuteness affords strong
internal evidence of its authenticity. Its general exact
ness with respect to facts is fully proved by comparing
it with contemporary documents. I am indebted to

APPENDIX C. 211

General Cass for the copy in my possession, as well as
for other papers respecting the war in the neighborhood
of Detroit.

The manuscript appears to have been elaborately
written out from a rough journal kept during the pro
gress of the events which it describes. It commences
somewhat ambitiously, as follows : —

"Pondiac, great chief of all the Ottawas, Chippewas,
and Pottawattamies, and of all the nations of the lakes
and rivers of the North, a man proud, vindictive, war
like, and easily offended, under pretence of some insult
which he thought he had received from Maj. Glad win,
Commander of the Fort, conceived that, being great chief
of all the Northern nations, only himself and those of his
nations were entitled to inhabit this portion of the earth,
where for sixty and odd years the French had domicili-
ated for the purpose of trading, and where the English
had governed during three years by right of the conquest
of Canada. The Chief and all his nation, whose bravery
consists in treachery, resolved within himself the entire
destruction of the English nation, and perhaps the Cana
dians. In order to succeed in his undertaking, which he
had not mentioned to any of his nation the Ottawas, he
engaged their aid by a speech, and they, naturally in
clined to evil, did not hesitate to obey him. But, as they
found themselves too weak to undertake the enterprise
alone, their chief endeavored to draw to his party the
Chippewa nation by means of a council. This nation was
governed by a chief named Ninevois. This man, who
acknowledged Pondiac as his chief, whose mind was
weak, and whose disposition cruel, listened to his ad
vances, and joined him with all his band. These two
nations consisted together of about four hundred men.
This number did not appear to him sufficient, It became

212 APPENDIX C.

necessary to bring into their interests the Hurons. This
nation, divided into two bands, was governed by two
different chiefs of dissimilar character, and nevertheless
both led by their spiritual father, a Jesuit. The two
chiefs of this last nation were named, one Takee, of a
temper similar to Pondiac's, and the other Teata, a man
of cautious disposition and of perfect prudence. This
last was not easily won, and having no disposition to do
evil, he refused to listen to the deputies sent by Pondiac,
and sent them back. They therefore addressed them
selves to the first-mentioned of this nation, by whom they
were listened to, and from whom they received the war-
belt, with promise to join themselves to Pondiac and
Ninevois, the Ottawas and Chippewas chiefs. It was
settled by means of wampum belts, (a manner of making
themselves understood amongst distant savages,) that
they should hold a council on the 27th of April, when
should be decided the day and hour of the attack, and
the precautions necessary to take in order that their
perfidy should not be discovered. The manner of count
ing used by the Indians is by the moon; and it was
resolved in the way I have mentioned, that this council
should be held on the 15th day of the moon, which cor
responded with Wednesday the 27th of the month of
April."

The writer next describes the council at the Kiver
Ecorces, and recounts at full length the story of the
Delaware Indian who visited the Great Spirit. " The
Chiefs," he says, "listened to Pondiac as to an oracle,
and told him they were ready to do any thing he should
require."

He relates with great minuteness how Pontiac, with his
chosen warriors, came to the fort on the 1st of May, to
dance the calumet dance, and observe the strength and

APPENDIX C. 213

disposition of the garrison, and describes the council
subsequently held at the Pottawattamie village, in order
to adjust the plan of attack.

" The day fixed upon having arrived, all the Ottawas,
Pondiac at their head, and the bad band of the Hurons,
Takee at their head, met at the Pottawattamie village,
where the premeditated council was to be held. Care
was taken to send all the women out of the village, that
they might not discover what was decided upon. Pondiac
then ordered sentinels to be placed around the village, to
prevent any interruption to their council. These pre
cautions taken, each seated himself in the circle, accord
ing to his rank, and Pondiac, as great chief of the league,
thus addressed them : —

" It is important, my brothers, that we should exter
minate from our land this nation, whose only object is
our death. You must be all sensible, as well as myself,
that we can no longer supply our wants in the way we
were accustomed to do with our Fathers the French.
They sell us their goods at double the price that the
French made us pay, and yet their merchandise is good
for nothing ; for no sooner have we bought a blanket or
other thing to cover us than it is necessary to procure
others against the time of departing for our wintering
ground. Neither will they let us have them on credit,
as our brothers the French used to do. When I visit the
English chief, and inform him of the death of any of our
comrades, instead of lamenting, as our brothers the
French used to do, they make game of us. If I ask him
for anything for our sick, he refuses, and tells us he does
not want us, from which it is apparent he seeks our
death. We must therefore, in return, destroy them
without delay ; there is nothing to prevent us : there are
but few of them, and we shall easily overcome them, —

214 APPENDIX C.

why should we not attack them ? Are we not men ?
Have I not shown you the belts I received from our
Great Father the King of France ? He tells us to
strike, — why should we not listen to his words ?
What do you fear ? The time has arrived. Do you
fear that our brothers the French, who are now among
us, will hinder us ? They are not acquainted with our
designs, and if they did know them, could they prevent
them ? You know, as well as myself, that when the
English came upon our lands, to drive from them our
father Bellestre, they took from the French all the
guns that they have, so that they have now no guns to
defend themselves with. Therefore now is the time :
let us strike. Should there be any French to take their
part, let us strike them as we do the English. Kernem-
ber what the Giver of Life desired our brother the Dela
ware to do : this regards us as much as it does them. I
have sent belts and speeches to our friends the Chippe-
ways of Saginaw, and our brothers the Ottawas of
Michilimacinac, and to those of the Eiviere a la Tranche,
(Thames Eiver,) inviting them to join us, and they will
not delay. In the mean time, let us strike. There is no
longer any time to lose, and when the English shall be
defeated, we will stop the way, so that no more shall
return upon our lands.

" This discourse, which Pondiac delivered in a tone of
much energy, had upon the whole council all the effect
which he could have expected, and they all, with common
accord, swore the entire destruction of the English
nation.

"At the breaking up of the council, it was decided
that Pondiac, with sixty chosen men, should go to the
Fort to ask for a grand council from the English com
mander, and that they should have arms concealed under

APPENDIX C. 215

their blankets. That the remainder of the village should
follow them armed with tomahawks, daggers, and knives,
concealed under their blankets, and should enter the
Fort, and walk about in such a manner as not to excite
suspicion, whilst the others held council with the Com
mander. The Ottawa women were also to be furnished
with short guns and other offensive weapons concealed
under their blankets. They were to go into the back
streets in the Fort. They were then to wait for the
signal agreed upon, which was the cry of death, which
the Grand Chief was to give, on which they should alto
gether strike upon the English, taking care not to hurt
any of the French inhabiting the Fort."

The author of the diary, unlike other contemporary
writers, states that the plot was disclosed to Gladwyn by
a man of the Ottawa tribe, and not by an Ojibwa girl.
He says, however, that on the day after the failure of
the design Pontiac sent to the Pottawattamie village in
order to seize an Ojibwa girl whom he suspected of hav
ing betrayed him.

" Pondiac ordered four Indians to take her and bring
her before him ; these men, naturally inclined to disorder,
were not long in obeying their chief ; they crossed the
river immediately in front of their village, and passed into
the Fort naked, having nothing but their breech-clouts
on and their knives in their hands, and crying all the
way that their plan had been defeated, which induced
the French people of the Fort, who knew nothing of the
designs of the Indians, to suspect that some bad design
was going forward, either against themselves or the
English. They arrived at the Pottawattamie village,
and in fact found the woman, who was far from thinking
of them ; nevertheless they seized her, and obliged her to
march before them, uttering cries of joy in the manner

216 APPENDIX C.

they do when they hold a victim in their clutches on
whom they are going to exercise their cruelty : they
made her enter the Fort, and took her before the Com
mandant, as if to confront her with him, and asked him
if it was not from her he had learnt their design ; but
they were no better satisfied than if they had kept them
selves quiet. They obtained from that Officer bread and
beer for themselves, and for her. They then led her to
their chief in the village."

The diary leaves us in the dark as to the treatment
which the girl received ; but there is a tradition among
the Canadians that Pontiac, with his own hand, gave her
a severe beating with a species of racket, such as the
Indians use in their ball-play. An old Indian told Henry
Conner, formerly United States interpreter at Detroit,
that she survived her punishment, and lived for many
years ; but at length, contracting intemperate habits, she
fell, when intoxicated, into a kettle of boiling maple sap,
and was so severely scalded that she died in consequence.

The outbreak of hostilities, the attack on the fort, and
the detention of Campbell and McDougal are related at
great length, and with all the minuteness of an eye-wit
ness. The substance of the narrative is incorporated in
the body of the work. The diary is very long, detailing
the incidents of every passing day, from the 7th of May
to the 31st of July. Here it breaks off abruptly in the
middle of a sentence, the remaining part having been
lost or torn away. The following extracts, taken at
random, will serve to indicate the general style and
character of the journal : —

" Saturday, June 4th. About 4 P. M. cries of death
were heard from the Indians. The cause was not known,
but it was supposed they had obtained some prize on the
Lake.

APPENDIX C. 217

" Sunday, June 5th. The Indians fired a few shots
upon the Fort to-day. About 2 P. M. cries of death were
again heard on the opposite side of the River. A number
of Indians were descried, part on foot and part mounted.
Others were taking up two trading boats, which they
had taken on the lake. The vessel fired several shots at
them, hoping they would abandon their prey, but they
reached Pondiac's camp uninjured. . . .

" About 7 P. M. news came that a number of Indians
had gone down as far as Turkey Island, opposite the
small vessel which was anchored there, but that, on see
ing them, she had dropped down into the open Lake to
wait for a fair wind to come up the river.

"Monday, June 20th. The Indians fired some shots
upon the fort. About 4 P. M. news was brought that
Presquisle and Beef Eiver Forts, which had been es
tablished by the French, and were now occupied by the
English, had been destroyed by the Indians. . . .

"Wednesday, June 22d. The Indians, whose whole
attention was directed to the vessel, did not trouble the
Fort. In the course of the day, the news of the taking
of Presquisle was confirmed, as a great number of the
Indians were seen coming along the shore with prisoners.
The Commandant was among the number, and with him
one woman : both were presented to the Hurons. In the
afternoon, the Commandant received news of the lading
of the vessel, and the number of men on board. The
Indians again visited the French for provisions.

" Thursday, June 23d. Very early in the morning, a
great number of Indians were seen passing behind the
Fort: they joined those below, and all repaired to Tur
key Island. The river at this place is very narrow.
The Indians commenced making intrenchments of trees,
&c., on the beach, where the vessel was to pass, whose

218 APPENDIX C.

arrival they awaited. About ten of the preceding night,
the wind coming aft, the vessel weighed anchor, and
came up the river. When opposite the Island the wind
fell, and they were obliged to throw the anchor ; as they
knew they could not reach the Fort without being at
tacked by the Indians, they kept a strict watch. In
order to deceive the Indians, the captain had hid in the
hold sixty of his men, suspecting that the Indians, seeing
only about a dozen men on deck, would try to take the
vessel, which occurred as he expected. About 9 at
night they got in their canoes, and made for the vessel,
intending to board her. They were seen far off by one
of the sentinels. The captain immediately ordered up
all his men in the greatest silence, and placed them along
the sides of the vessel, with their guns in their hands,
loaded, with orders to wait the signal for firing, which
was the rap of a hammer on the mast. The Indians were
allowed to approach within less than gunshot when the
signal was given, and a discharge of cannon and small
arms made upon them. They retreated to their intrench-
ment with the loss of fourteen killed and fourteen
wounded ; from which they fired during the night, and
wounded two men. In the morning the vessel dropped
down to the Lake for a more favorable wind.

" Friday, June 24th. The Indians were occupied with
the vessel. Two Indians back of the Fort were pursued
by twenty men, and escaped.

"Saturday, June 25th. Nothing occurred this day.

" Sunday, June 26th. Nothing of consequence.

" Monday, June 27th. Mr. Gamelin, who was in the
practice of visiting Messrs. Campbell and McDougall,
brought a letter to the Commandant from Mr. Campbell,
dictated by Pondiac, in which he requested the Com
mandant to surrender the Fort, as in a few days he ex-

APPENDIX C. 219

pected Kee-no-chaineck, great chief of the Chippewas,
with eight hundred men of his nation ; that he (Pondiac)
would not then be able to command them, and as soon as
they arrived, they would scalp all the English in the
Fort. The Commandant only answered that he cared as
little for him as he did for them. . . .

"This evening, the Commandant was informed that
the Ottawas and Chippewas had undertaken another
raft, which might be more worthy of attention than the
former ones : it was reported to be of pine boards, and
intended to be long enough to go across the river. By
setting fire to every part of it, it could not help, by its
length, coming in contact with the vessel, which by this
means they expected would certainly take fire. Some
firing took place between the vessel and Indians, but
without effect.

" Tuesday, July 19th. The Indians attempted to fire
on the Fort, but being discovered, they were soon made
to retreat by a few shot.

"Wednesday, July 20th. Confirmation came to the
Fort of the report of the 18th, and that the Indians had
been four days at work at their raft, and that it would take
eight more to finish it. The Commandant ordered that
two boats should be lined or clapboarded with oak plank,
two inches thick, and the same defence to be raised above
the gunnels of the boats of two feet high. A swivel was
put on each of them, and placed in such a way that they
could be pointed in three different directions.

"Thursday, July 21st. The Indians were too busily
occupied to pay any attention to the Fort; so earnest
were they in the work of the raft that they hardly al
lowed themselves time to eat. The Commandant farther
availed himself of the time allowed him before the pre
meditated attack to put every thing in proper order to

220 APPENDIX C.

repulse it. He ordered that two strong graplins should
be provided for each of the barges, a strong iron chain of
fifteen feet was to be attached to the boat, and conducting
a strong cable under water, fastened to the graplins, and
the boats were intended to be so disposed as to cover
the vessel, by mooring them, by the help of the above
preparations, above her. The inhabitants of the S. W.
ridge, or hill, again got a false alarm. It was said the
Indians intended attacking them during the night : they
kept on their guard till morning.

" Friday, July 22d. An Abenakee Indian arrived this
day, saying that he came direct from Montreal, and gave
out that a large fleet of French was on its way to Canada,
full of troops, to dispossess the English of the country.
However fallacious such a story might appear, it had the
effect of rousing Pondiac from his inaction, and the In
dians set about their raft with more energy than ever.
They had left off working at it since yesterday." . . .

It is needless to continue these extracts farther. Those
already given will convey a sufficient idea of the char
acter of the diary.

REMINISCENCES OF AGED CANADIANS.

About the year 1824, General Cass, with the design of
writing a narrative of the siege of Detroit by Pontiac,
caused inquiry to be made among the aged Canadian in
habitants, many of whom could distinctly remember the
events of 1763. The accounts received from them were
committed to paper, and were placed by General Cass,
with great liberality, in the writer's hands. They afford
an interesting mass of evidence, as worthy of confidence
as evidence of the kind can be. With but one excep-

APPENDIX C. 221

tion, — the account of Maxwell, — they do not clash with
the testimony of contemporary documents. Much caution
has, however, been observed in their use ; and no essen
tial statement has been made on their unsupported
authority. The most prominent of these accounts are
those of Peltier, St. Aubin, Gouin, Meloche, Parent, and
Maxwell.

PELTIER'S ACCOUNT.

M. Peltier was seventeen years old at the time of
Pontiac's war. His narrative, though one of the longest
of the collection, is imperfect, since, during a great part
of the siege, he was absent from Detroit in search of
runaway horses, belonging to his father. His recollec
tion of the earlier part of the affair is, however, clear and
minute. He relates, with apparent credulity, the story
of the hand of the murdered Fisher protruding from the
earth, as if in supplication for the neglected rites of
burial. He remembers that, soon after the failure of
Pontiac's attempt to surprise the garrison, he punished,
by a severe flogging, a woman named Catharine, accused
of having betrayed the plot. He was at Detroit during
the several attacks on the armed vessels, and the at
tempts to set them on fire by means of blazing rafts.

ST. AUBIN'S ACCOUNT.

St. Aubin was fifteen years old at the time of the
siege. It was his mother who crossed over to Pontiac's
village shortly before the attempt on the garrison, and
discovered the Indians in the act of sawing off the muz
zles of their guns, as related in the narrative. He re
members Pontiac at his headquarters, at the house of
Meloche; where his commissaries served out provision

222 APPENDIX C.

to the Indians. He himself was among those who con
veyed cattle across the river to the English, at a time
when they were threatened with starvation. One of his
most vivid recollections is that of seeing the head of
Captain Dalzell stuck on the picket of a garden fence,
on the day after the battle of Bloody Bridge. His nar
rative is one of the most copious and authentic of the
series.

GOUIN'S ACCOUNT.

M. G-ouin was but eleven years old at the time of the
war. His father was a prominent trader, and had great
influence over the Indians. On several occasions, he
acted as mediator between them and the English ; and
when Major Campbell was bent on visiting the camp
of Pontiac, the elder Gouin strenuously endeavored to
prevent the attempt. Pontiac often came to him for
advice. His son bears emphatic testimony to the ex
traordinary control which the chief exercised over his
followers, and to the address which he displayed in the
management of his commissary department. This ac
count contains many particulars not elsewhere mentioned,
though bearing all the appearance of truth. It appears
to have been composed partly from the recollections of
the younger Gouin, and partly from information derived
from his father.

MELOCHE'S ACCOUNT.

Mad. Meloche lived, when a child, on the borders of
the Detroit, between the river and the camp of Pontiac.
On one occasion, when the English were cannonading
the camp from their armed schooner in the river, a shot
struck her father's house, throwing down a part of the
walls. After the death of Major Campbell, she picked

APPENDIX C. 223

up a pocket-book belonging to him, which, the Indians
had left on the ground. It was full of papers, and she
carried it to the English in the fort.

PARENT'S ACCOUNT.

M. Parent was twenty-two years old when the war
broke out. His recollections of the siege are, however,
less exact than those of some of the former witnesses,
though his narrative preserves several interesting in
cidents.

MAXWELL'S ACCOUNT.

Maxwell was an English provincial, and pretended to
have been a soldier under Gladwyn. His story belies
the statement. It has all the air of a narrative made
up from hearsay, and largely embellished from imagina
tion. It has been made use of only in a few instances,
where it is amply supported by less questionable evi
dence. This account seems to have been committed to
paper by Maxwell himself, as the style is very rude and
illiterate.

The remaining manuscripts consulted with reference
to the siege of Detroit have been obtained from the State
Paper Office of London, and from a few private auto
graph collections. Some additional information has
been derived from the columns of the New York
Mercury, and the Pennsylvania Gazette for 1763,
where various letters written by officers at Detroit are
published.

224 APPENDIX C.

2. THE MASSACRE OF MICHILIMACKINAC.
(Chap. XVII.)

The following letter may be regarded with interest, as
having been written by the commander of the unfortu
nate garrison a few days after the massacre. A copy of
the original was procured from the State Paper Office of
London.

Michillimackinac, 12 June, 1763.
Sir:

Notwithstanding that I wrote you in my last, that all
the savages were arrived, and that every thing seemed in
perfect tranquillity, yet, on the 2d instant, the Chippewas,
who live in a plain near this fort, assembled to play ball,
as they had done almost every day since their arrival.
They played from morning till noon; then throwing
their ball close to the gate, and observing Lieut. Lesley
and me a few paces out of it, they came behind us, seized
and carried us into the woods.

In the mean time the rest rushed into the Fort, where
they found their squaws, whom they had previously
planted there, with their hatchets hid under their
blankets, which they took, and in an instant killed Lieut.
Jamet and fifteen rank and file, and a trader named
Tracy. They wounded two, and took the rest of the
garrison prisoners, five [seven, Henry] of whom they
have since killed.

They made prisoners all the English Traders, and
robbed them of every thing they had ; but they offered
no violence to the persons or property of any of the
Frenchmen.

When that massacre was over, Messrs. Langlade and
Farli, the Interpreter, came down to the place where
Lieut. Lesley and me were prisoners ; and on their

APPENDIX C. 225

giving themselves as security to return us when de
manded, they obtained leave for us to go to the Port,
under a guard of savages, which gave time, by the as
sistance of the gentlemen above-mentioned, to send for
the Cutaways, who came down on the first notice, and
were very much displeased at what the Chippeways had
done.

Since the arrival of the Cutaways they have done
every thing in their power to serve us, and with what
prisoners the Chippeways had given them, and what they
have bought, I have now with me Lieut. Lesley and
eleven privates ; and the other four of the Garrison, who
are yet living, remain in the hands of the Chippeways.

The Chippeways, who are superior in number to the
Cttaways, have declared in Council to them that if they
do not remove us out of the Fort, they will cut off all
communication to this Post, by which means all the
Convoys of Merchants from Montreal, La Baye, St.
Joseph, and the upper posts, would perish. But if the
news of your posts being attacked (which they say was the
reason why they took up the hatchet) be false, and you
can send up a strong reinforcement, with provisions, &c.,
accompanied by some of your savages, I believe the post
might be re-established again.

Since this affair happened, two canoes arrived from
Montreal, which put in my power to make a present to
the Ottaway nation, who very well deserve any thing
that can be done for them.

I have been very much obliged to Messrs. Langlade
and Farli, the Interpreter, as likewise to the Jesuit, for
the many good offices they have done us on this occasion.
The Priest seems inclinable to go down to your post for
a day or two, which I am very glad of, as he is a very
good man, and had a great deal to say with the savages,
VOL. in. — 15

226 APPENDIX C.

hereabout, who will believe every thing he tells them on
his return, which I hope will be soon. The Cutaways
say they will take Lieut. Lesley, me, and the Eleven men
which I mentioned before were in their hands, up to
their village, and there keep us, till they hear what is
doing at your Post. They have sent this canot for that
purpose.

I refer you to the Priest for the particulars of this
melancholy affair and am, Dear Sir,
Yours very sincerely,

[Signed] GEO. ETHERINGTON.
To MAJOR GLADWYN.

P. S. The Indians that are to carry the Priest to
Detroit will not undertake to land him at the Fort, but at
some of the Indian villages near it ; so you must not take
it amiss that he does not pay you the first visit. And
once more I beg that nothing may stop your sending of
him back, the next day after his arrival, if possible, as
we shall be at a great loss for the want of him, and I
make no doubt that you will do all in your power to
make peace, as you see the situation we are in, and s?nd
up provision as soon as possible, and Ammunition, as
what we had was pillaged by the savages.

Adieu.

GEO. ETHERINGTON.

APPENDIX D.

THE WAR ON THE BORDERS.

THE BATTLE OF BUSHY RUN. (Chap. XX.)

THE despatches written by Colonel Bouquet, immedi
ately after the two battles near Bushy Run, contain so
full and clear an account of those engagements, that the
collateral authorities consulted have served rather to
decorate and enliven the narrative than to add to it any
important facts. The first of these letters was written
by Bouquet under the apprehension that he should not
survive the expected conflict of the next day. Both
were forwarded to the commander-in-chief by the same
express, within a few days after the victory. The letters
as here given were copied from the originals in the
London offices.

Camp at Edge Hill, 26 Miles from >
Fort Pitt, 5th August, 1763. J
Sir:

The Second Instant the Troops and Convoy Arrived at
Ligonier, whence I could obtain no Intelligence of the
Enemy; The Expresses Sent since the beginning of July,
having been Either killed, or Obliged to Return, all the
Passes being Occupied by the Enemy: In this uncer
tainty I Determined to Leave all the Waggons with the
Powder, and a Quantity of Stores and Provisions, at

228 APPENDIX D.

Ligonier ; And on the 4th proceeded with the Troops,
and about 350 Horses Loaded with Flour.

I Intended to have Halted to Day at Bushy Run, (a
Mile beyond this Camp,) and after having Refreshed the
Men and Horses, to have Marched in the Night over
Turtle Creek, a very Dangerous Defile of Several Miles,
Commanded by High and Craggy Hills : But at one
o'clock this Afternoon, after a march of 17 Miles, the
Savages suddenly Attacked our Advanced Guard, which
was immediately Supported by the two Light Infantry
Companies of the 42d Regiment, Who Drove the Enemy
from their Ambuscade, and pursued them a good Way.
The Savages Returned to the Attack, and the Fire being
Obstinate on our Front, and Extending along our Flanks,
We made a General Charge, with the whole Line, to
Dislodge the Savages from the Heights, in which attempt
We succeeded without Obtaining by it any Decisive Ad
vantage ; for as soon as they were driven from One Post,
they Appeared on Another, 'till, by continual Reinforce
ments, they were at last able to Surround Us, and attacked
the Convoy left in our Rear ; This Obliged us to March
Back to protect it ; The Action then became General, and
though we were attacked on Every Side, and the Savages
Exerted themselves with Uncommon Resolution, they
were constantly Repulsed with Loss. — We also Suffered
Considerably : Capt. Lieut. Graham, and Lieut. James
Mclntosh of the 42d, are Killed, and Capt. Graham
Wounded.

Of the Royal Amer'n Regt., Lieut. Dow, who acted as
A. D. Q. M. G. is shot through the Body.

Of the 77th, Lieut. Donald Campbell, and Mr. Peebles,
a Volunteer, are Wounded.

Our Loss in Men, Including Rangers, and Drivers,
Exceeds Sixty, Killed or Wounded.

APPENDIX D. 229

The Action has Lasted from One O'Clock 'till Night,
And We Expect to Begin again at Day Break. What
ever Our Fate may be, I thought it necessary to Give
Your Excellency this Early Information, that You may,
at all Events, take such Measures as You will think
proper with the Provinces, for their own Safety, and the
Effectual Eelief of Fort Pitt, as in Case of Another En
gagement I Fear Insurmountable Difficulties in protect
ing and Transporting our Provisions, being already so
much Weakened by the Losses of this Day, in Men and
Horses ; besides the Additional Necessity of Carrying
the Wounded, Whose Situation is truly Deplorable.

I Cannot Sufficiently Acknowledge the Constant As
sistance I have Received from Major Campbell, during
this long Action ; Nor Express my Admiration of the
Cool and Steady Behavior of the Troops, Who Did not
Fire a Shot, without Orders, and Drove the Enemy from
their Posts with Fixed Bayonets. — The Conduct of the
Officers is much above my Praises.

I Have the
Honor to be, with great Eespect,

Sir,

&ca.
HENRY BOUQUET.

His Excellency SIR JEFFREY AMHERST.

Camp at Bushy Run, 6th August, 1763.
Sir:

I Had the Honor to Inform Your Excellency in my
letter of Yesterday of our first Engagement with the
Savages.

We Took Post last Night on the Hill, where Our
Convoy Halted, when the Front was Attacked, (a com
modious piece of Ground, and Just Spacious Enough for

230 APPENDIX D.

our Purpose.) There We Encircled the Whole, and
Covered our Wounded with the Flour Bags.

In the Morning the Savages Surrounded our Camp, at
the Distance of about 500 Yards, and by Shouting and
Yelping, quite Bound that Extensive Circumference,
thought to have Terrified Us, with their Numbers.
They Attacked Us Early, and, under Favour of an In
cessant Fire, made Several Bold Efforts to Penetrate our
Camp ; And tho' they Failed in the Attempt, our Situ
ation was not the Less Perplexing, having Experienced
that Brisk Attacks had Little Effect upon an Enemy,
who always gave WTay when Pressed, & Appeared again
Immediately; Our Troops were besides Extremely Fa
tigued with the Long March, and as long Action of the
Preceding Day, and Distressed to the Last Degree, by a
Total Want of Water, much more Intolerable than the
Enemy's Fire.

Tied to our Convoy We could not Lose Sight of it,
without Exposing it, and our Wounded, to Fall a prey to
the Savages, who Pressed upon Us on Every Side ; and
to Move it was Impracticable, having lost many horses,
and most of the Drivers, Stupified by Fear, hid them
selves in the Bushes, or were Incapable of Hearing or
Obeying Orders.

The Savages growing Every Moment more Audacious,
it was thought proper still to increase their Confidence ;
by that means, if possible, to Entice them to Come Close
upon Us, or to Stand their Ground when Attacked. With
this View two Companies of Light Infantry were Ordered
within the Circle, and the Troops on their Eight and
Left opened their Files, and Filled up the Space that it
might seem they were intended to Cover the Eetreat;
The Third Light Infantry Company, and the Grenadiers
of the 42d, were Ordered to Support the two First Com-

APPENDIX D. 231

panys. This Manoeuvre Succeeded to Our Wish, for
the Few Troops who Took possession of the Ground
lately Occupied by the two Light Infantry Companys
being Brought in Nearer to the Centre of the Circle, the
Barbarians, mistaking these Motions for a Eetreat, Hur~
ried Headlong on, and Advancing upon Us, with the
most Daring Intrepidity, Galled us Excessively with
their Heavy Fire ; But at the very moment that, Certain
of Success, they thought themselves Masters of the
Camp, Major Campbell, at the Head of the two First
Companys, Sallied out from a part of the Hill they Could
not Observe, and Fell upon their Eight Flank; They
Kesolutely Eeturned the Fire, but could not Stand the
Irresistible Shock of our Men, Who, Eushing in among
them, Killed many of them, and Put the Eest to Flight.
The Orders sent to the Other Two Companys were De
livered so timely by Captain Basset, and Executed with
such Celerity and Spirit, that the Eouted Savages, who
happened to Eun that Moment before their Front, Ee-
ceived their Full Fire, when Uncovered by the Trees :
The Four Companys Did not give them time to Load a
Second time, nor Even to Look behind them, but Pur
sued them 'till they were Totally Dispersed. The Left
of the Savages, which had not been Attacked, were kept
in Awe by the Eemains of our Troops, Posted on the
Brow of the Hill, for that Purpose ; Nor Durst they At
tempt to Support, or Assist their Eight, but being Wit
ness to their Defeat, followed their Example and Fled.
Our Brave Men Disdained so much to Touch the Dead
Body of a Vanquished Enemy, that Scarce a Scalp was
taken, Except by the Eangers, and Pack Horse Drivers.
The Woods being now Cleared and the Pursuit over,
the Four Companys took possession of a Hill in our
Front; and as soon as Litters could be made for the

232 APPENDIX D.

Wounded, and the Flour and Every thing Destroyed,
which, for want of Horses, could not be Carried, We
Marched without Molestation to this Camp. After the
Severe Correction We had given the Savages a few
hours before, it was Natural to Suppose We should
Enjoy some Best; but We had hardly Fixed our Camp,
when they fired upon Us again : This was very Provok
ing! However, the Light Infantry Dispersed them,
before they could Receive Orders for that purpose. — I
Hope We shall be no more Disturbed, for, if We have
another Action, We shall hardly be able to Carry our
Wounded.

The Behavior of the Troops, on this Occasion, Speaks
for itself so Strongly, that for me to Attempt their Eu-
logium, would but Detract from their merit.

I Have the Honor to be, most Eespectfully,

Sir,
&ca.
HENRY BOUQUET.

P. S. I Have the Honor to Enclose the Keturn of the
Killed, Wounded, and Missing in the two Engagements.

H.B.

His Excellency SIB JEFFREY AMHERST.

APPENDIX E.

THE PAXTON EIOTS.

1. EVIDENCE AGAINST THE INDIANS OF CONESTOGA.
(Chap. XXIV.)

ABRAHAM NEWCOMER, a Mennonist, by trade a Gun
smith, upon his affirmation, declared that several times,
within these few years, Bill Soc and Indian John, two
of the Conestogue Indians, threatened to scalp him for
refusing to mend their tomahawks, and swore they would
as soon scalp him as they would a dog. A few days
before Bill Soc was killed, he brought a tomahawk to be
steeled. Bill said, " If you will not, I '11 have it mended
to your sorrow," from which expression I apprehended
danger.

Mrs. Thompson, of the borough of Lancaster, person
ally appeared before the Chief Burgess, and upon her
solemn oath, on the Holy Evangelists, said that in the
summer of 1761, Bill Soc came to her apartment, and
threatened her life, saying, "I kill you, all Lancaster
can't catch me," which filled me with terror ; and this
lady further said, Bill Soc added, " Lancaster is mine,
and I will have it yet."

Colonel John Hambright, gentleman, an eminent
Brewer of the Borough of Lancaster, personally ap-

234 APPENDIX E.

peared before Kobert Thompson, Esq., a justice for the
county of Lancaster, and made oath on the Holy Evan
gelists, that, in August, 1757, he, an officer, was sent for
provision from Fort Augusta to Fort Hunter, that on his
way he rested at M'Kee's old place, a Sentinel was
stationed behind a tree, to prevent surprise. The Sentry
gave notice Indians were near ; the deponent crawled up
the bank and discovered two Indians ; one was Bill Soc,
lately killed at Lancaster. He called Bill Soc to come
to him, but the Indians ran off. When the deponent
came to Fort Hunter, he learnt that an old man had
been killed the day before ; Bill Soc and his companion
were believed to be the perpetrators of the murder. He,
the deponent, had frequently seen Bill Soc and some of
the Conestogue Indians at Fort Augusta, trading with
the Indians, but, after the murder of the old man, Bill
Soc did not appear at that Garrison.

JOHN HAMBRIGHT.

Sworn and Subscribed the 28th of Feb., 1764, before
me,

EGBERT THOMPSON, Justice.

Charles Cunningham, of the county of Lancaster, per
sonally appeared before me Thomas Foster, Esq., one
of the Magistrates for said county, and being qualified
according to law, doth depose and say, that he, the de
ponent, heard Joshua James, an Indian, say, that he
never killed a white man in his life, but six dutchmen
that he killed in the Minisinks.

CHARLES CUNNINGHAM.

Sworn to, and Subscribed before THOMAS FOSTER,
Justice.

Alexander Stephen, of the county of Lancaster, per
sonally appeared before Thomas Foster, Esq., one of the

APPENDIX E. 235

Magistrates, and being duly qualified according to law,
doth say, that Connayak Sally, an Indian woman, told
him that the Conestogue Indians had killed Jegrea, an
Indian, because he would not join the Conestogue Indians
in destroying the English. James Cotter told the de
ponent that he was one of the three that killed old
William Hamilton, on Sherman's Creek, and also another
man, with seven of his family. James Cotter demanded
of the deponent a canoe, which the murderers had left,
as Cotter told him when the murder was committed.

ALEXANDER STEPHEN.
THOMAS FOSTER, Justice.

Note. — Jegrea was a Warrior Chief, friendly to the
Whites, and he threatened the Conestogue Indians with
his vengeance, if they harmed the English. Cotter was
one of the Indians, killed in Lancaster county, in 1763.

Anne Mary Le Eoy, of Lancaster, appeared before the
Chief Burgess, and being sworn on the Holy Evangelists
of Almighty God, did depose and say, that in the year
1755, when her Father, John Jacob Le Eoy, and many
others, were murdered by the Indians, at Mahoney, she,
her brother, and some others were made prisoners, and
taken to Kittanning ; that stranger Indians visited them ;
the French told them they were Conestogue Indians,
and that Isaac was the only Indian true to their interest ;
and that the Conestogue Indians, with the exception of
Isaac, were ready to lift the hatchet when ordered by
the French. She asked Bill Soc's mother whether she
had ever been at Kittanning ? she said "no, but her son,
Bill Soc, had been there often; that he was good for
nothing."

MARY LE EOY.

236 APPENDIX E.

2. PROCEEDINGS OF THE RIOTERS.
(Chap. XXIV., XXV.)

Deposition of Felix Donolly, keeper of Lancaster Jail.

This deposition is imperfect, a part of the manuscript
having been defaced or torn away. The original, in the
handwriting of Edward Shippen, the chief magistrate of
Lancaster, was a few years since in the possession of
Redmond Conyngham, Esq.

The breaking open the door alarmed me ; armed men
broke in ; they demanded the strange Indian to be given
up; they ran by me; the Indians guessed their inten
tion ; they seized billets of wood from the pile ; but
the three most active were shot ; others came to their
assistance ; I was stupefied ; before I could shake off
my surprise, the Indians were killed and their mur
derers away.

Q. You say, " Indians armed themselves with wood; "
did those Indians attack the rioters ?

A. They did. If they had not been shot, they would
have killed the men who entered, for they were the
strongest.

Q. Could the murder have been prevented by you ?

A. No : I nor no person here could have prevented it.

Q. What number were the rioters?

A. I should say fifty.

Q. Did you know any of them?

A. No; they were strangers.

Q. Do you now know who was in command?

A. I have been told, Lazarus Stewart of Donegal.

Q. If the Indians had not attempted resistance, would
the men have fled? (fired?)

A. I could n't tell ; I do not know.

APPENDIX E. 237

Q. Do you think or believe that the rioters came with
the intent to murder ?

A. I heard them say, when they broke in, they
wanted a strange Indian.

Q. Was their object to murder him ?

A. From what I have heard since, I think they meant
to carry him off, that is my belief.

Q. What was their purpose ?

A. I do not know.

Q. Were the Indians killed all friends of this prov
ince ?

A. I have been told they were not. I cannot tell of
myself ; I do not know.

Donolly was suspected of a secret inclination in favor
of the rioters. In private conversation he endeavored
to place their conduct in as favorable a light as possible,
and indeed such an intention is apparent in the above
deposition.

Letter from Edward Shippen to Governor Hamilton.

Lancaster, , 1764.

Honoured Sir :

I furnish you with a full detail of all the particulars
that could be gathered of the unhappy transactions of
the fourteenth and twenty-seventh of December last, as
painful for you to read as me to write. The Depositions
can only state the fact that the Indians were killed. Be
assured the Borough Authorities, when they placed the
Indians in the Workhouse, thought it a place of security.
I am sorry the Indians were not removed to Philadel
phia, as recommended by us. It is too late to remedy.
It is much to be regretted that there are evil-minded
persons among us, who are trying to corrupt the minds

238 APPENDIX E.

of the people by idle tales and horrible butcheries — are
injuring the character of many of our most respectable
people. That printers should have lent their aid aston
ishes me when they are employed by the Assembly to
print their laws. I can see no good in meeting their
falsehoods by counter statements.

The Eev. Mr. Elder and Mr. Harris are determined to
rely upon the reputation they have so well established.

For myself, I can only say that, possessing your
confidence, and that of the Proprietaries, with a quiet con-
science, I regard not the malignant pens of secret assail
ants — men who had not the courage to affix their names.
Is it not strange that a too ready belief was at first given
to the slanderous epistles ? Eesting on the favor I have
enjoyed of the Government ; on the confidence reposed
in me, by you and the Proprietaries ; by the esteem of
my fellow-men in Lancaster, I silently remain passive.
Yours affectionately,

EDWARD SHIPPEN.

Extract from a letter of the Eev. Mr. Elder to Gov
ernor Penn, December 27, 1763.

The storm which had been so long gathering, has at
length exploded. Had Government removed the Indians
from Conestoga, which had frequently been urged, with
out success, this painful catastrophe might have been
avoided. What could I do with men heated to madness ?
All that I could do, was done ; I expostulated ; but life
and reason were set at defiance. And yet the men, in
private life, are virtuous and respectable ; not cruel, but
mild and merciful.

The time will arrive when each palliating circumstance
will be calmly weighed. This deed, magnified into the

APPENDIX E. 239

blackest of crimes, shall be considered one of those
youthful ebullitions of wrath caused by momentary ex
citement, to which human infirmity is subjected.

Extract from " The Paxtoniade," a poem in imitation
of "Hudibras," published at Philadelphia, 1764, by a
partisan of the Quaker faction : —

O'Hara mounted on his Steed,
(Descendant of that self -same Ass,
That bore his Grandsire Hudibras,)
And from that same exalted Station,
Pronounced an hortory Oration :
For he was cunning as a Fox,
Had read o'er Calvin and Dan Nox ;
A man of most profound Discerning,

Well versed in P n Learning.

So after hemming thrice to clear

His Throat, and banish thoughts of fear,

And of the mob obtaining Silence,

He thus went on — " Dear Sirs, a while since

Ye know as how the Indian Rabble,

With practices unwarrantable,

Did come upon our quiet Borders,

And there commit most desperate murders

Did tomahawk, butcher, wound and cripple

With cruel Rage, the Lord's own People ;

Did war most implacable wage

With God's own chosen heritage ;

Did from our Brethren take their lives,

And kill our Children, kine and wives.

Now, Sirs, I ween it is but right,

That we upon these Canaanites,

Without delay, should Vengeance take,

Both for our own, and the K— k's sake ;

Should totally destroy the heathen,

And never till we 've killed 'em leave 'em ; —

240 APPENDIX E.

Destroy them quite frae out the Land;
And for it we have God's Command.
We should do him a muckle Pleasure,
As ye in your Books may read at leisure."
He paused, as Orators are used,
And from his pocket quick produced
A friendly Vase well stor'd and filFd
With good old whiskey twice distill'd,
And having refresh'd his inward man,
Went on with his harangue again.
" Is 't not, my Brethren, a pretty Story
That we who are the Land's chief Glory,
Who are i' the number of God's elected,
Should slighted thus be and neglected ?
That we, who 're the only Gospel Church,
Should thus be left here in the lurch ;
Whilst our most antichristian foes,
Whose trade is war and hardy blows,
(At least while some of the same Colour,
With those who 've caused us all this Dolor,)
In matchcoats warm and blankets drest,

Are by the Q rs much caress'd,

And live in peace by good warm fires,

And have the extent of their desires ?

Shall we put by such treatment base ?

By Nox, we wont ! " — And broke his Vase.

" Seeing then we 've such good cause to hate 'em,

What I intend 's to extirpate 'em ;

To suffer them no more to thrive,

And leave nor Root nor Branch alive;

But would we madly leave our wives

And Children, and expose our lives

In search of these wh' infest our borders,

And perpetrate such cruel murders ;

It is most likely, by King Harry,

That we should in the end miscarry.

I deem therefore the wisest course is,

That those who 've beasts should mount their horses,

APPENDIX E. 241

And those who 've none should march on foot,

With as much quickness as will suit,

To where those heathen, nothing fearful,

That we will on their front and rear fall,

Enjoy Sweet Otium in their Cotts,

And dwell securely in their Hutts.

And as they 've nothing to defend them,

We '11 quickly to their own place send them ! "

The following letter from Eev. John Elder to Colonel
Shippen will serve to exhibit the state of feeling among
the frontier inhabitants.

Paxton, Feb. 1, 1764.
Dear Sir :

Since I sealed the Governor's Letter, which you'll
please to deliver to him, I suspect, from the frequent
meetings I hear the people have had in divers parts of
the Frontier Counties, that an Expedition is immedi
ately designed against the Indians at Philadelphia. It ?s
well known that I have always used my utmost endeav
ors to discourage these proceedings; but to little pur
pose : the minds of the Inhabitants are so exasperated
against a particular set of men, deeply concerned in the
government, for the singular regards they have always
shown to savages, and the heavy burden by their means
laid on the province in maintaining an expensive Trade
and holding Treaties from time to time with the savages,
without any prospect of advantage either to his Majesty
or to the province, how beneficial soever it may have
been to individuals, that it Js in vain, nay even unsafe for
any one to oppose their measures ; for were Col. Shippen
here, tho' a gentleman highly esteemed by the Frontier
inhabitants, he would soon find it useless, if not danger
ous, to act in opposition to an enraged multitude. At
first there were but, as I think, few concerned in these

VOL. III. — 16

242 APPENDIX E.

riots, & nothing intended by some but to ease the prov
ince of part of its burden, and by others, who had suf
fered greatly in the late war the gratifying a spirit of
Eevenge, yet the manner of the Quakers resenting these
things has been, I think, very injurious and impolitick.
The Presbyterians, who are the most numerous, I im
agine, of any denomination in the province, are enraged
at their being charged in bulk with these facts, under
the name of Scotch-Irish, and other ill-natured titles,
and that the killing the Conestogoe Indians is compared
to the Irish Massacres, and reckoned the most barbarous
of either, so that things are grown to that pitch now that
the country seems determined that no Indian Treaties
shall be held, or savages maintained at the expense of the
province, unless his Majesty's pleasure on these heads is
well known ; for I understood to my great satisfaction
that amid our great confusions, there are none, even of
the most warm and furious tempers, but what are warmly
attached to his Majesty, and would cheerfully risk their
lives to promote his service. What the numbers are of
those going on the above-mentioned Expedition, I can't
possibly learn, as I 'm informed they are collecting in all
parts of the province j however, this much may be de
pended on, that they have the good wishes of the country
in general, and that there are few but what are now
either one way or other embarked in the affair, tho'
some particular persons, I ?m informed, are grossly mis
represented in Philadelphia; even my neighbor, Mr.
Harris, it 7s said, is looked on there as the chief promoter
of these riots, yet it 's entirely false ; he had aided as
much in opposition to these measures as he could with
any safety in his situation. Eeports, however ground
less, are spread by designing men on purpose to inflame
matters, and enrage the parties against each other, and

APPENDIX E. 243

various methods used to accomplish their pernicious
ends. As I am deeply concerned for the welfare of my
country, I would do every thing in my power to promote
its interests. I thought proper to give you these few
hints ; you '11 please to make what use you think proper
of them. I would heartily wish that some effectual meas
ures might be taken to heal these growing evils, and this
I judge may be yet done, and Col. Armstrong, who is
now in town, may be usefully employed for this purpose.

Sir,

I am, etc.,

JOHN ELDEB.

Extracts from a Quaker letter on the Paxton riots.

This letter is written with so much fidelity, and in so
impartial a spirit, that it must always remain one of the
best authorities in reference to these singular events.
Although in general very accurate, its testimony has in
a few instances been set aside in favor of the more direct
evidence of eye-witnesses. It was published by Hazard
in the twelfth volume of his Pennsylvania Register. I
have, however, examined the original, which is still pre
served by a family in Philadelphia. The extracts here
given form but a small part of the entire letter.

Before I proceed further it may not be amiss to in
form thee that a great number of the inhabitants here
approved of killing the Indians, and declared that they
would not offer to oppose the Paxtoneers, unless they
attacked the citizens, that is to say, themselves — for, if
any judgment was to be formed from countenances and
behavior, those who depended upon them for defence and
protection, would have found their confidence shockingly
misplaced.

244 APPENDIX E.

The number of persons in arms that morning was
about six hundred, and as it was expected the insurgents
would attempt to cross at the middle or upper ferry,
orders were sent to bring the boats to this side, and to
take away the ropes. Couriers were now seen con
tinually coming in, their horses all of a foam, and people
running with the greatest eagerness to ask them where
the enemy were, and what were their numbers. The
answers to these questions were various : sometimes they
were at a distance, then near at hand — sometimes they
were a thousand strong, then five hundred, then fifteen
hundred ; in short, all was doubt and uncertainty.

About eleven o'clock it was recollected the boat at the
Sweed's ford was not secured, which, in the present case,
was of the utmost consequence, for, as there was a con
siderable freshet in the Schuylkill, the securing that
boat would oblige them to march some distance up the
river, and thereby retard the execution of their scheme
at least a day or two longer. Several persons therefore
set off immediately to get it performed ; but they had
not been gone long, before there was a general uproar —
They are coming ! they are coming ! Where ? where ?
Down Second street! down Second street! Such of the
company as had grounded their firelocks, flew to arms,
and began to prime ; the artillery-men threw themselves
into order, and the people ran to get out of the way, for
a troop of armed men, on horseback, appeared in reality
coming down the street, and one of the artillery-men was
just going to apply the fatal match, when a person, per
ceiving the mistake, clapped his hat upon the touch-hole
of the piece he was going to fire. Dreadful would have
been the consequence, had the cannon discharged; for
the men that appeared proved to be a company of Ger
man butchers and porters, under the command of Cap-

APPENDIX E. 245

tain Hoffman. They had just collected themselves, and
being unsuspicious of danger, had neglected to give
notice of their coming ; — a false alarm was now called
out, and all became quiet again in a few minutes. . . .

The weather being now very wet, Capt. Francis, Capt.
Wood, and Capt. Mifflin, drew up their men under the
market-house, which, not affording shelter for any more,
they occupied Friends' meeting-house, and Capt. Joseph
Wharton marched his company up stairs, into the monthly
meeting room, as I have been told — the rest were sta
tioned below. It happened to be the day appointed
for holding of Youths' meeting, but never did the Quaker
youth assemble in such a military manner — never was
the sound of the drum heard before within those walls,
nor ever till now was the Banner of War displayed in
that rostrum, from whence the art has been so zealously
declaimed against. Strange reverse of times. James — .
Nothing of any consequence passed during the remainder
of the day, except that Captain Coultas came into town
at the head of a troop, which he had just raised in his
own neighborhood. The Captain was one of those who
had been marked out as victims by these devout con
querors, and word was sent to him from Lancaster to
make his peace with Heaven, for that he had but about
ten days to live.

In the evening our Negotiators came in from German-
town. They had conferred with the Chiefs of this illus
trious — , and have prevailed with them to suspend all
hostility till such time as they should receive an answer
to their petition or manifesto, which had been sent down
the day before. . . .

The weather now clearing, the City forces drew up
near the Court House where a speech was made to them,
informing them that matters had been misrepresented, —

246 APPENDIX E.

that the Paxtoneers were a set of very worthy men (or
something to that purpose) who labored under great dis
tress, — that Messrs Smith, &c., were come (by their
own authority) as representatives, from several counties,
to lay their complaints before the Legislature, and that
the reason for their arming themselves was for fear of
being molested or abused. By whom? Why, by the
peaceable citizens of Philadelphia! Ha! ha! ha! Who
can help laughing? The harangue concluded with
thanks for the trouble and expense they had been at
(about nothing), and each retired to their several homes.
The next day, when all was quiet, and nobody dreamed
of any further disturbance, we were alarmed again. The
report now was, that the Paxtoneers had broke the
Treaty, and were just entering the city. It is incredible
to think with what alacrity the people flew to arms ; in
one quarter of an hour near a thousand of them were
assembled, with a determination to bring the affair to a
conclusion immediately, and not to suffer themselves to
be harassed as they had been several days past. If the
whole body of the enemy had come in, as was expected,
the engagement would have been a bloody one, for the
citizens were exasperated almost to madness ; but hap
pily those that appeared did not exceed thirty, (the rest
having gone homewards), and as they behaved with
decency, they were suffered to pass without opposition.
Thus the storm blew over, and the Inhabitants dispersed
themselves. . . .

The Pennsylvania Gazette, usually a faithful chron
icler of the events of the day, preserves a discreet silence
on the subject of the Paxton riots, and contains no
other notice of them than the following condensed
statement : —

APPENDIX E. 247

On Saturday last, the City was alarmed with the News
of Great Numbers of armed Men, from the Frontiers,
being on the several Eoads, and moving towards Phila
delphia. As their designs were unknown, and there were
various Eeports concerning them, it was thought prudent
to put the City in some Posture of Defence against any
Outrages that might possibly be intended. The Inhab
itants being accordingly called upon by the Governor,
great numbers of them entered into an Association, and
took Arms for the Support of Government, and Main
tenance of good Order.

Six Companies of Toot, one of Artillery, and two
Troops of Horse, were formed, and paraded, to which, it
is said, some Thousands, who did not appear, were pre
pared to join themselves, in case any attempt should be
made against the Town. The Barracks also, where the
Indians are lodged, under Protection of the regular
Troops, were put into a good Posture of Defence ; several
Works being thrown up about them, and eight Pieces of
Cannon planted there.

The Insurgents, it seems, intended to rendezvous at
Germantown ; but the Precautions taken at the several
Ferries over Schuylkill impeded their Junction ; and
those who assembled there, being made acquainted with
the Force raised to oppose them, listened to the reason
able Discourses and Advice of some prudent Persons,
who voluntarily went out to meet and admonish them ;
and of some Gentlemen sent by the Governor, to know the
Eeasons of their Insurrection ; and promised to return
peaceably to their Habitations, leaving only two of their
Number to present a Petition to the Governor and As
sembly ; on which the Companies raised in Town were
thanked by the Governor on Tuesday Evening, and dis
missed, and the City restored to its former Quiet.

248 APPENDIX E.

But on Wednesday Morning there was a fresh. Alarm,
occasioned by a false Report, that Four Hundred of the
same People were on their March to Attack the Town.
Immediately, on Beat of Drum, a much greater number
of the Inhabitants, with the utmost Alacrity, put them
selves under Arms ; but as the Truth was soon known,
they were again thanked by the Governor, and dismissed ;
the Country People being really dispersed, and gone
home according to their Promise. — Pennsylvania Ga~
zette, No. 1833.

The following extract from a letter of Rev. John Ew-
ing to Joseph Eeed affords a striking example of the
excitement among the Presbyterians. (See Life and Cor
respondence of Joseph Reed, i. 34.)

Feb. — , 1764.

As to public affairs, our Province is greatly involved
in intestine feuds, at a time, when we should rather
unite, one and all, to manage the affairs of our several
Governments, with prudence and discretion. A few
designing men, having engrossed too much power into
their hands, are pushing matters beyond all bounds.
There are twenty-two Quakers in our Assembly, at
present, who, although they won't absolutely refuse to
grant money for the King's use, yet never fail to contrive
matters in such a manner as to afford little or no assist
ance to the poor, distressed Frontiers ; while our public
money is lavishly squandered away in supporting a
number of savages, who have been murdering and scalp
ing us for many years past. This has so enraged some
desperate young men, who had lost their nearest rela
tions, by these very Indians, to cut off about twenty
Indians that lived near Lancaster, who had, during the
war, carried on a constant intercourse with our other

APPENDIX E. 249

enemies ; and they came down to Germantown to inquire
why Indians, known to be enemies, were supported, even
in luxury, with the best that our markets afforded, at the
public expense, while they were left in the utmost dis
tress on the Frontiers, in want of the necessaries of life.
Ample promises were made to them that their grievances
should be redressed, upon which they immediately
dispersed and went home. These persons have been
unjustly represented as endeavoring to overturn Govern
ment, when nothing was more distant from their minds.
However this matter may be looked upon in Britain,
where you know very little of the matter, you may be
assured that ninety-nine in an hundred of the Province
are firmly persuaded, that they are maintaining our
enemies, while our friends back are suffering the great
est extremities, neglected ; and that few, but Quakers,
think that the Lancaster Indians have suffered any thing
but their just deserts. 'T is not a little surprising to us
here, that orders should be sent from the Crown, to
apprehend and bring to justice those persons who have
cut off that nest of enemies that lived near Lancaster.
They never were subjects to his Majesty ; were a free,
independent state, retaining all the powers of a free
state ; sat in all our Treaties with the Indians, as one of
the tribes belonging to the Six Nations, in alliance with
us ; they entertained the French and Indian spies —
gave intelligence to them of the defenceless state of our
Province — furnished them with Gazette every week, or
fortnight — gave them intelligence of all the dispositions
of the Province army against them — were frequently
with the French and Indians at their forts and towns —
supplied them with warlike stores — joined with the
strange Indians in their war-dances, and in the parties
that made incursions on our Frontiers — were ready to

250 APPENDIX E.

take up the hatchet against the English openly, when
the French requested it — actually murdered and scalped
some of the Frontier inhabitants — insolently boasted of
the murders they had committed, when they saw our
blood was cooled, after the last Treaty at Lancaster —
confessed that they had been at war with us, and would
soon be at war with us again (which accordingly hap
pened), and even went so far as to put one of their own
warriors, Jegarie, to death, because he refused to go to
war with them against the English. All these things
were known through the Frontier inhabitants, and are
since proved upon oath. This occasioned them to be cut
off by about forty or fifty persons, collected from all the
Frontier counties, though they are called by the name
of the little Township of Paxton, where, possibly, the
smallest part of them resided. And what surprises us
more than all the accounts we have from England, is,
that our Assembly, in a petition they have drawn up, to
the King, for a change of Government, should represent
this Province in a state of uproar and riot, and when not
a man in it has once resisted a single officer [of the
Government, nor a single act of violence committed,
unless you call the Lancaster affair such, although
it was no more than going to war with that tribe,
as they had done before with others, without a formal
proclamation of war by the Government. I have not
time, as you may guess by this scrawl, to write more at
this time, but only that I am yours, &c.

JOHN EWING.

3. MEMORIALS OP THE PAXTON MEN. (Chap. XXV.)

5. To the Honorable John Penn, Esq., Governor of
the Province of Pennsylvania, and of the Counties of
New-Castle, Kent, and Sussex, upon Delaware} and to

APPENDIX E. 251

the Eepresentatives of the Freemen of the said Province,
in General Assembly met.

We, Matthew Smith and James Gibson, in Behalf of
ourselves and his Majesty's faithful and loyal Subjects,
the Inhabitants of the Frontier Counties of Lancaster,
York, Cumberland, Berks, and Northampton, humbly
beg Leave to remonstrate and lay before you the follow
ing Grievances, which we submit to your Wisdom for
Eedress.

First. We apprehend that, as Freemen and English
Subjects, we have an indisputable Title to the same
Privileges and Immunities with his Majesty's other Sub
jects, who reside in the interior Counties of Philadelphia,
Chester, and Bucks, and therefore ought not to be ex
cluded from an equal Share with them in the very im
portant Privilege of Legislation; — nevertheless, contrary
to the Proprietor's Charter, and the acknowledged Prin
ciples of common Justice and Equity, our five Counties
are restrained from electing more than ten Eepresenta
tives, viz., four for Lancaster, two for York, two for
Cumberland, one for Berks, and one for Northampton,
while the three Counties and City of Philadelphia,
Chester, and Bucks elect Twenty-six. This we humbly
conceive is oppressive, unequal and unjust, the Cause of
many of our Grievances, and an Infringement of our
natural Privileges of Freedom and Equality ; wherefore
we humbly pray that we may be no longer deprived of
an equal Number with the three aforesaid Counties to
represent us in Assembly.

Secondly. We understand that a Bill is now before
the House of Assembly, wherein it is provided, that such
Persons as shall be charged with killing any Indians in
Lancaster County, shall not be tried in the County where
the Fact was committed, but in the Counties of Phila-

252 APPENDIX E.

delphia, Chester, or Bucks. This is manifestly to de
prive British Subjects of their known Privileges, to cast
an eternal Reproach upon whole Counties, as if they
were unfit to serve their Country in the Quality of Jury
men, and to contradict the well known Laws of the
British Nation, in a Point whereon Life, Liberty, and
Security essentially depend ; namely, that of being tried
by their Equals, in the Neighbourhood where their own,
their Accusers, and the Witnesses Character and Credit,
with the Circumstances of the Fact, are best known, and
instead thereof putting their Lives in the Hands of
Strangers, who may as justly be suspected of Partiality
to, as the Frontier Counties can be of Prejudices against,
Indians ; and this too, in favour of Indians only, against
his Majesty's faithful and loyal Subjects : Besides, it is
well known, that the Design of it is to comprehend a
Fact committed before such a Law was thought of. And
if such Practices were tolerated, no Man could be secure
in his most invaluable Interest. — We are also informed,
to our great Surprise, that this Bill has actually received
the Assent of a Majority of the House ; which we are
persuaded could not have been the Case, had our Fron
tier Counties been equally represented in Assembly. —
However, we hope that the Legislature of this Province
will never enact a Law of so dangerous a Tendency, or
take away from his Majesty's good Subjects a Privilege
so long esteemed sacred by Englishmen.

Thirdly. During the late and present Indian War,
the Frontiers of this Province have been repeatedly at
tacked and ravaged by skulking Parties of the Indians,
who have, with the most Savage Cruelty, murdered Men,
Women, and Children, without Distinction, and have
reduced near a Thousand Families to the most extreme
Distress. — It grieves us to the very Heart to see such of

APPENDIX E. 253

our Frontier Inhabitants as have escaped Savage Fury,
with the Loss of their Parents, their Children, their
Wives or Relatives, left Destitute by the Public, and ex
posed to the most cruel Poverty and Wretchedness, while
upwards of an Hundred and Twenty of these Savages,
who are, with great Reason, suspected of being guilty of
these horrid Barbarities, under the Mask of Friendship,
have procured themselves to be taken under the Pro
tection of the Government, with a View to elude the
Fury of the brave Relatives of the Murdered, and are
now maintained at the public Expense. — Some of these
Indians, now in the Barracks of Philadelphia, are con
fessedly a Part of the Wyalusing Indians, which Tribe is
now at War with us ; and the others are the Moravian
Indians, who, living with us, under the Cloak of Friend
ship, carried on a Correspondence with our known
Enemies on the Great Island. — We cannot but observe,
with Sorrow and Indignation, that some Persons in this
Province are at Pains to extenuate the barbarous Cruel
ties practised by these Savages on our murdered Breth
ren and Relatives, which are shocking to human Nature,
and must pierce every Heart, but that of the hardened
Perpetrators or their Abettors. Nor is it less distressing
to hear Others pleading, that although the Wyalusing
Tribe is at War with us, yet that Part of it which is
under the Protection of the Government, may be friendly
to the English, and innocent : — In what Nation under the
Sun was it ever the Custom, that when a neighbouring
Nation took up Arms, not an Individual should be touched,
but only the Persons that offered Hostilities ? — Who
ever proclaimed War with a Part of a Nation and not
with the whole ? — Had these Indians disapproved of
the Perfidy of their Tribe, and been willing to cultivate
and preserve Friendship with us, why did they not give

254 APPENDIX E.

Notice of the War before it happened, as it is known to
be the Kesult of long Deliberations, and a preconcerted
Combination among them ? — Why did they not leave
their Tribe immediately, and come among us, before
there was Ground to suspect them, or War was actually
waged with their Tribe ? — No, they stayed amongst
them, were privy to their Murders and Kavages, until
we had destroyed their Provisions, and when they could
no longer subsist at Home, they come not as Deserters,
but as Friends, to be maintained through the Winter,
that they may be able to scalp and butcher us in the
Spring.

And as to the Moravian Indians, there are strong
Grounds at least to suspect their Friendship, as it is
known that they carried on a Correspondence with our
Enemies on the Great Island. — We killed three Indians
going from Bethlehem to the Great Island with Blankets,
Ammunition, and Provisions, which is an undeniable
Proof that the Moravian Indians were in Confederacy
with our open Enemies. And we cannot but be filled
with Indignation to hear this Action of ours painted in
the most odious and detestable Colours, as if we had in
humanly murdered our Guides, who preserved us from
perishing in the Woods ; when we only killed three of
our known Enemies, who attempted to shoot us when we
surprised them. — And, besides all this, we understand
that one of these very Indians is proved, by the Oath of
Stinton's Widow, to be the very Person that murdered
her Husband. — How then comes it to pass, that he
alone, of all the Moravian Indians, should join the
Enemy to murder that family ? — Or can it be supposed
that any Enemy Indians, contrary to their known Custom
of making War, should penetrate into the Heart of a
settled Country, to burn, plunder, and murder the In-

APPENDIX E. 255

habitants, and not molest any Houses in their Return,
or ever be seen or heard of ? — Or how can we account
for it, that no Ravages have been committed in North
ampton County since the Removal of the Moravian In
dians, when the Great Cove has been struck since ? —
These Things put it beyond Doubt with us that the
Indians now at Philadelphia are his Majesty's perfidious
Enemies, and therefore, to protect and maintain them at
the public Expence, while our suffering Brethren on the
Frontiers are almost destitute of the Necessaries of Life,
and are neglected by the Public, is sufficient to make us
mad with Rage, and tempt us to do what nothing but the
most violent Necessity can vindicate. — We humbly and
earnestly pray therefore, that those Enemies of his Majesty
may be removed as soon as possible out of the Province.

Fourthly. We humbly conceive that it is contrary to
the Maxims of good Policy and extremely dangerous to
our Frontiers, to suffer any Indians, of what Tribe so
ever, to live within the inhabited Parts of this Province,
while we are engaged in an Indian War, as Experience
has taught us that they are all perfidious, and their
Claim to Freedom and Independency, puts it in their
Power to act as Spies, to entertain and give Intelligence
to our Enemies, and to furnish them with Provisions and
warlike Stores. — To this fatal Intercourse between our
pretended Friends and open Enemies, we must ascribe
the greatest Part of the Ravages and Murders that have
been committed in the Course of this and the last Indian
War. — We therefore pray that this Grievance be taken
under Consideration, and remedied.

Fifthly. We cannot help lamenting that no Provi
sion has been hitherto made, that such of our Frontier
Inhabitants as have been wounded in Defence of the
Province, their Lives and Liberties may be taken Care

256 APPENDIX E.

of, and cured of their Wounds, at the public Expence.
We therefore pray that this Grievance may be redressed.

Sixthly. In the late Indian War this Province, with
others of his Majesty's Colonies, gave Rewards for Indian
Scalps, to encourage the seeking them in their own
Country, as the most likely Means of destroying or re
ducing them to Reason ; but no such Encouragement has
been given in this War, which has damped the Spirits of
many brave Men, who are willing to venture their Lives
in Parties against the Enemy. — We therefore pray that
public Rewards may be proposed for Indian Scalps,
which may be adequate to the Dangers attending Enter
prises of this Nature.

Seventhly. We daily lament that Numbers of our
nearest and dearest Relatives are still in Captivity
among the savage Heathen, to be trained up in all their
Ignorance and Barbarity, or to be tortured to Death
with all the Contrivances of Indian Cruelty, for attempt
ing to make their Escape from Bondage. We see they
pay no Regard to the many solemn Promises which they
have made to restore our Friends who are in Bondage
amongst them. — We therefore earnestly pray that no
Trade may hereafter be permitted to be carried on with
them until our Brethren and Relatives are brought Home
to us.

Eighthly. We complain that a certain Society of
People in this Province in the late Indian War, and at
several Treaties held by the King's Representatives,
openly loaded the Indians with Presents ; and that F. P.,
a Leader of the said Society, in Defiance of all Gov
ernment, not only abetted our Indian Enemies, but
kept up a private Intelligence with them, and publickly
received from them a Belt of Wampum, as if he had
been our Governor, or authorized by the King to treat

APPENDIX E. 257

with his Enemies. — By this means the Indians have
been taught to despise us as a weak and disunited People,
and from this fatal Source have arose many of our Ca
lamities under which we groan. — We humbly pray,
therefore, that this Grievance may be redressed, and
that no private Subject be hereafter permitted to treat
with, or carry on a Correspondence with our Enemies.

Ninthly. We cannot but observe with Sorrow, that
Fort Augusta, which has been very expensive to this
Province, has afforded us but little Assistance during
this or the last War. The Men that were stationed at
that Place neither helped our distressed Inhabitants to
save their Crops, nor did they attack our Enemies in
their Towns, or patrol on our Frontiers. — We humbly
request that proper Measures may be taken to make that
Garrison more serviceable to us in our Distress, if it can
be done.

N. B. We are far from intending any Keflection against
the Commanding Officer stationed at Augusta, as we pre
sume his Conduct was always directed by those from whom
he received his Orders.

Signed on Behalf of ourselves, and by Appointment of
a great Number of the Frontier Inhabitants,

MATTHEW SMITH.
JAMES GIBSON.

THE DECLARATION of the injured Frontier Inhabitants,
together with a brief Sketch of Grievances the good
Inhabitants of the Province labor under.

Inasmuch as the Killing those Indians at Conestogoe
Manor and Lancaster has been, and may be, the Subject
of much Conversation, and by invidious Eepresentations
of it, which some, we doubt not, will industriously
spread, many, unacquainted with the true State of Affairs,
VOL. in. — 17

258 APPENDIX E.

may be led to pass a severe Censure on the Authors of
those Facts, and any others of the like Nature which
may hereafter happen, than we are persuaded they would,
if Matters were duly understood and deliberated; we
think it therefore proper thus openly to declare our
selves, and render some brief Hints of the Eeasons of
our Conduct, which we must, and frankly do, confess
nothing but Necessity itself could induce us to, or justify
us in, as it bears an Appearance of flying in the Face of
Authority, and is attended with much Labour, Fatigue
and Expence.

Ourselves then, to a Man, we profess to be loyal Sub
jects to the best of Kings, our rightful Sovereign George
the Third, firmly attached to his Eoyal Person, Interest
and Government, and of Consequence equally opposite to
the Enemies of his Throne and Dignity, whether openly
avowed, or more dangerously concealed under a Mask of
falsely pretended Friendship, and chearfully willing to
offer our Substance and Lives in his Cause.

These Indians, known to be firmly connected in Friend
ship with our openly avowed embittered Enemies, and
some of whom have, by several Oaths, been proved to be
Murderers, and who, by their better Acquaintance with
the Situation and State of our Frontier, were more
capable of doing us Mischief, we saw, with Indignation,
cherished and caressed as dearest Friends ; — But this,
alas ! is but a Part, a small Part, of that excessive Ke-
gard manifested to Indians, beyond his Majesty 's loyal
Subjects, whereof we complain, and which, together with
various other Grievances, have not only inflamed with
Resentment the Breasts of a Number, and urged them to
the disagreeable Evidence of it, they have been con
strained to give, but have heavily displeased, by far, the
greatest Part of the good Inhabitants of this Province.

APPENDIX E. 259

Should we here reflect to former Treaties, the exorbi
tant Presents, and great Servility therein paid to Indians,
have long been oppressive Grievances we have groaned
under ; and when at the last Indian Treaty held at
Lancaster, not only was the Blood of our many murdered
Brethren tamely covered, but our poor unhappy capti
vated Friends abandoned to Slavery among the Savages,
by concluding a Friendship with the Indians, and allow
ing them a plenteous trade of all kinds of Commodities,
without those being restored, or any properly spirited
Requisition made of them : — How general Dissatisfac
tion those Measures gave, the Murmurs of all good people
(loud as they dare to utter them) to this Day declare.
And had here infatuated Steps of Conduct, and a mani
fest Partiality in Favour of Indians, made a final Pause,
happy had it been : — We perhaps had grieved in Silence
for our abandoned enslaved Brethren among the Hea
then, but Matters of a later Date are still more flagrant
Eeasons of Complaint. — When last Summer his Ma
jesty's Forces, under the Command of Colonel Bouquet,
marched through this Province, and a Demand was
made by his Excellency, General Amherst, of Assistance,
to escort Provisions, &c., to relieve that important Post,
Fort Pitt, yet not one Man was granted, although never
any Thing appeared more reasonable or necessary, as the
Interest of the Province lay so much at Stake, and the
Standing of the Frontier Settlements, in any Manner,
evidently depended, under God, on the almost despaired
of Success of his Majesty's little Army, whose Valour
the whole Frontiers with Gratitude acknowledge, as the
happy Means of having saved from Ruin great Part of
the Province : — But when a Number of Indians, falsely
pretended Friends and having among them some proved
on Oath to have been guilty of Murder since this War

260 APPENDIX E.

begun ; when they, together with others, known to be
his Majesty's Enemies, and who had been in the Battle
against Colonel Bouquet, reduced to Distress by the
Destruction of their Corn at the Great Island, and up
the East Branch of Susquehanna, pretend themselves
Friends, and desire a Subsistence, they are openly ca
ressed, and the Public, that could not be indulged the
Liberty of contributing to his Majesty's Assistance,
obliged, as Tributaries to Savages, to Support these Vil
lains, these Enemies to our King and our Country ; nor
only so, but the Hands that were closely shut, nor
would grant his Majesty's General a single Farthing
against a savage Foe, have been liberally opened, and
the public Money basely prostituted, to hire, at an
exorbitant Rate, a mercenary Guard to protect his
Majesty's worst of Enemies, those falsely pretended
Indian Friends, while, at the same Time, Hundreds of
poor, distressed Families of his Majesty's Subjects,
obliged to abandon their Possessions, and fly for their
Lives at least, are left, except a small Belief at first, in
the most distressing Circumstances to starve neglected,
save what the friendly Hand of private Donations has
contributed to their Support, wherein they who are
most profuse towards Savages have carefully avoided
having any Part. — When last Summer the Troops
raised for Defence of the Province were limited to certain
Bounds, nor suffered to attempt annoying our Enemies
in their Habitations, and a Number of brave Volunteers,
equipped at their own Expence, marched in September
up the Susquehanna, met and defeated their Enemy,
with the Loss of some of their Number, and having
others dangerously wounded, not the least Thanks or
Acknowledgment was made them from the Legislature
for the confessed Service they had done, nor any the

APPENDIX E. 261

least Notice or Care taken of their Wounded ; whereas,
when a Seneca Indian, who, by the Information of many,
as well as by his own Confession, had been, through the
last War, our inveterate Enemy, had got a Cut in his
Head last Summer in a Quarrel he had with his own
Cousin, and it was reported in Philadelphia that his
Wound was dangerous, a Doctor was immediately em
ployed, and sent to Fort Augusta to take Care of him,
and cure him, if possible. — To these may be added, that
though it was impossible to obtain through the Summer,
or even yet, any Premium for Indian Scalps, or En
couragement to excite Volunteers to go forth against
them, yet when a few of them, known to be the Fast
Friends of our Enemies, and some of them Murderers
themselves, when these have been struck by a distressed,
bereft, injured Frontier, a liberal Reward is offered for
apprehending the Perpetrators of that horrible Crime of
killing his Majesty's cloaked Enemies, and their Conduct
painted in the most atrocious Colors ; while the horrid
Kavages, cruel Murders, and most shocking Barbarities,
committed by Indians on his Majesty's Subjects, are
covered over, and excused, under the charitable Term of
this being their Method of making War.

But to recount the many repeated Grievances whereof
we might justly complain, and Instances of a most violent
Attachment to Indians, were tedious beyond the Patience
of a Job to endure ; nor can better be expected, nor need
we be surprised at Indians Insolence and Villainy, when
it is considered, and which can be proved from the public
Eecords of a certain County, that some Time before Con
rad Weiser died, some Indians belonging to the Great
Island of Wyalousing, assured him that Israel Pember-
ton, (an ancient Leader of that Faction which, for so
long a Time, have found Means to enslave the Province

262 APPENDIX E.

to Indians,) together with others of the Friends, had
given them a Eod to scourge the white People that
were settled on the purchased Lands; for that Onas had
cheated them out of a great Deal of Land, or had not
given near sufficient Price for what he had bought ; and
that the Traders ought also to be scourged, for that they
defrauded the Indians, by selling Goods to them at too
dear a Bate; and that this Relation is Matter of Fact,
can easily be proved in the County of Berks. — Such is
our unhappy Situation, under the Villainy, Infatuation
and Influence of a certain Faction, that have got the
political Eeins in their Hands, and tamely tyrannize
over the other good Subjects of the Province ! — And
can it be thought strange, that a Scene of such Treat
ment as this, and the now adding, in this critical Junc
ture, to all our former Distresses, that disagreeable
Burden of supporting, in the very Heart of the Province,
at so great an Expence, between One and Two hundred
Indians, to the great Disquietude of the Majority of the
good Inhabitants of this Province, should awaken the
Eesentment of a People grossly abused, unrighteously
burdened, and made Dupes and Slaves to Indians ? —
And must not all well-disposed People entertain a char
itable Sentiment of those who, at their own great Ex-
pence and Trouble, have attempted, or shall attempt,
rescuing a laboring Land from a Weight so oppressive,
unreasonable, and unjust ? — It is this we design, it is
this we are resolved to prosecute, though it is with great
Eeluctance we are obliged to adopt a Measure not so
agreeable as could be desired, and to which Extremity
alone compels. — God save the King.

APPENDIX F.

CAMPAIGN OF 1764.
1. BOUQUET'S EXPEDITION.

LETTER — General Gage to Lord Halifax, December
13, 1764. (Chap. XXVII.)

The Perfidy of the Shawanese and Delawares, and
their having broken the ties, which even the Savage
Nations hold sacred amongst each other, required vigor
ous measures to reduce them. We had experienced their
treachery so often, that I determined to make no peace
with them, but in the Heart of their Country, and upon
such terms as should make it as secure as it was possible.
This conduct has produced all the good effects which
could be wished or expected from it. Those Indians
have been humbled and reduced to accept of Peace upon
the terms prescribed to them, in such a manner as will
give reputation to His Majesty's Arms amongst the
several Nations. The Eegular and Provincial Troops
under Colonel Bouquet, having been joined by a good
body of Volunteers from Virginia, and others from Mary
land and Pennyslvania, marched from Fort Pitt the
Beginning of October, and got to Tuscaroras about the
fifteenth. The March of the Troops into their Country
threw the Savages into the greatest Consternation, as

264 APPENDIX F.

they had hoped their Woods would protect them, and
had boasted of the Security of their Situation from our
Attacks. The Indians hovered round the Troops during
their March, but despairing of success in an Action, had
recourse to Negotiations. They were told that they
might have Peace, but every Prisoner in their possession
must first be delivered up. They brought in near twenty,
and promised to deliver the Eest j but as their promises
were not regarded, they engaged to deliver the whole on
the 1st of November, at the Forks of the Muskingham,
about one hundred and fifty miles from Fort Pitt, the
Centre of the Delaware Towns, and near to the most
considerable settlement of the Shawanese. Colonel Bou
quet kept them in sight, and moved his Camp to that
Place. He soon obliged the Delawares and some broken
tribes of Mohikons, Wiandots, and Mingoes, to bring in
all their Prisoners, even to the Children born of White
Women, and to tie those who were grown as Savage as
themselves and unwilling to leave them, and bring them
bound to the Camp. They were then told that they
must appoint deputies to go to Sir William Johnson to
receive such terms as should be imposed upon them, which
the Nations should agree to ratify ; and, for the security
of their performance of this, and that no farther Hos
tilities should be committed, a number of their Chiefs
must remain in our hands. The above Nations sub
scribed to these terms; but the Shawanese were more
obstinate, and were particularly averse to the giving of
Hostages. But finding their obstinacy had no effect, and
would only tend to their destruction, the Troops having
penetrated into the Heart of their Country, they at
length became sensible that there was no safety but in
Submission, and were obliged to stoop to the same Condi
tions as the other nations. They immediately gave up

APPENDIX F. 265

forty Prisoners, and promised the Eest should be sent to
Fort Pitt in the Spring. This last not being admitted,
the immediate Eestitution of all the Prisoners being the
sine qua non of peace, it was agreed, that parties should
be sent from the Army into their towns, to collect the
Prisoners, and conduct them to Fort Pitt. They delivered
six of their principal Chiefs as hostages into our Hands,
and appointed their deputies to go to Sir William John
son, in the same manner as the Eest. The Number of
Prisoners, already delivered exceeds two hundred, and it
was expected that our Parties would bring in near one
hundred more from the Shawanese Towns. These Con
ditions seem sufficient Proofs of the Sincerity and
Humiliation of those Nations, and in justice to Colonel
Bouquet, I must testify the Obligations I have to him,
and that nothing but the firm and steady conduct, which
he observed in all his Transactions with those treacher
ous savages, would ever have brought them to a serious
Peace.

I must flatter myself, that the Country is restored to
its former Tranquillity, and that a general, and, it is
hoped, lasting Peace is concluded with all the Indian
Nations who have taken up Arms against his Majesty.

I remain,
etc.,

THOMAS GAGE.

IN ASSEMBLY, January 15, 1765, A. M.

To the Honourable Henry Bouquet, Esq., Commander
in Chief of His Majesty's Forces in the Southern De
partment of America.

The Address of the Eepresentatives of the Freemen of
the Province of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met.

266 APPENDIX F.

SIR:

The Representatives of the Freemen of the Province
of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met, being in
formed that you intend shortly to embark for England,
and moved with a due Sense of the important Services
you have rendered to his Majesty, his Northern Colonies
in general, and to this Province in particular, during our
late Wars with the French, and barbarous Indians, in
the remarkable Victory over the savage Enemy, united
to oppose you, near Bushy Eun, in August, 1763, when
on your March for the Relief of Pittsburg, owing, under
God, to your Intrepidity and superior Skill in Command,
together with the Bravery of your Officers and little
Army ; as also in your late March to the Country of the
savage Nations, with the Troops under your Direction ;
thereby striking Terror through the numerous Indian
Tribes around you ; laying a Foundation for a lasting as
well as honorable Peace, and rescuing, from savage Cap
tivity, upwards of Two Hundred of our Christian Breth
ren, Prisoners among them. These eminent Services,
and your constant Attention to the Civil Eights of his
Majesty's Subjects in this Province, demand, Sir, the
grateful Tribute of Thanks from all good Men; and
therefore we, the Eepresentatives of the Freemen of
Pennsylvania, unanimously for ourselves, and in Behalf
of all the People of this Province, do return you our
most sincere and hearty Thanks for these your great
Services, wishing you a safe and pleasant Voyage to
England, with a kind and gracious Eeception from his
Majesty.

Signed, by Order of the House,

JOSEPH Fox, Speaker.

APPENDIX F. 267

2. CONDITION AND TEMPER or THE WESTERN
INDIANS.

Extract from a letter of Sir William Johnson to the
Board of Trade, 1764, December 26 : —

Your Lordships will please to observe that for many
months before the march of Colonel Bradstreet's army,
several of the Western Nations had expressed a desire
for peace, and had ceased to commit hostilities, that even
Pontiac inclined that way, but did not choose to venture
his person by coming into any of the posts. This was
the state of affairs when I treated with the Indians at
Niagara, in which number were fifteen hundred of the
Western Nations, a number infinitely more considerable
than those who were twice treated with at Detroit, many
of whom are the same people, particularly the Hurons
and Chippewas. In the mean time it now appears, from
the very best authorities, and can be proved by the oath
of several respectable persons, prisoners at the Illinois
and amongst the Indians, as also from the accounts of
the Indians themselves, that not only many French trad
ers, but also French officers came amongst the Indians,
as they said, fully authorized to assure them that the
French King was determined to support them to the ut
most, and not only invited them to the Illinois, where
they were plentifully supplied with ammunition and
other necessaries, but also sent several canoes at different
times up the Illinois river, to the Miamis, and others, as
well as up the Ohio to the Shawanese and Delawares, as
by Major Smallman's account, and several others, (then
prisoners), transmitted me by Colonel Bouquet, and one
of my officers who accompanied him, will appear. That
in an especial manner the French promoted the interest of

268 APPENDIX P.

Pontiac, whose influence is now become so considerable,
as General Gage observes in a late letter to me, that it
extends even to the Mouth of the Mississippi, and has
been the principal occasion of our not as yet gaining the
Illinois, which the French as well as Indians are inter
ested in preventing. This Pontiac is not included in the
late Treaty at Detroit, and is at the head of a great
number of Indians privately supported by the French,
an officer of whom was about three months ago at the
Miamis Castle, at the Scioto Plains, Muskingum, and
several other places. The Western Indians, who it
seems ridicule the whole expedition, will be influenced
to such a pitch, by the interested French on the one side,
and the influence of Pontiac on the other, that we have
great reason to apprehend a renewal of hostilities, or
at least that they and the Twightees (Miamis) will stren
uously oppose our possessing the Illinois, which can never
be accomplished without their consent. And indeed it
is not to be wondered that they should be concerned at
our occupying that country, when we consider that the
French (be their motive what it will) loaded them with
favors, and continue to do so, accompanied with all out
ward marks of esteem, and an address peculiarly adapted
to their manners, which infallibly gains upon all Indians,
who judge by extremes only, and with all their acquaint
ance with us upon the frontiers, have never found any
thing like it, but on the contrary, harsh treatment, angry
words, and in short any thing which can be thought of
to inspire them with a dislike to our manners and a
jealousy of our views. I have seen so much of these
matters, and I am so well convinced of the utter aversion
that our people have for them in general, and of the im
prudence with which they constantly express it, that I
absolutely despair of our seeing tranquillity established,

APPENDIX F. 269

until your Lordships' plan is fully settled, so as I may
have proper persons to reside at the Posts, whose busi
ness it shall be to remove their prejudices, and whose
interest it becomes to obtain their esteem and friendship.
The importance of speedily possessing the Illinois, and
thereby securing a considerable branch of trade, as well
as cutting off the channel by which our enemies have
been and will always be supplied, is a matter I have
very much at heart, and what I think may be effected
this winter by land by Mr. Croghan, in case matters can
be so far settled with the Twightees, Shawanoes, and
Pontiac, as to engage the latter, with some chiefs of the
before-mentioned nations, to accompany him with a gar
rison. The expense attending this will be large, but the
end to be obtained is too considerable to be neglected. I
have accordingly recommended it to the consideration of
General Gage, and shall, on the arrival of the Shawanoes,
Delawares, &c., here, do all in my power to pave the way
for effecting it. I shall also make such a peace with
them, as will be most for the credit and advantage of
the crown, and the security of the trade and frontiers,
and tie them down to such conditions as Indians will
most probably observe.

INDEX.

ABBADIE, Governor d', i. 195; on
the keen and subtle genius of
Pontiac, ii. 16; letters from
Saint- Ange to, iii. 134, 140;
Pontiac demands aid from, iii.
140; the charges of Loftus
against, iii. 142; probable falsity
of the charges, iii. 142 ; his
correspondence with Pittman,
iii. 143; receives Pontiac's em
bassy, iii. 146; his reply, iii.
147 ; death of, iii. 147.

Abenakis, the, at Fort Duquesne,
i. 113; a conquered people, i.
153; iii. 220.

Abercrombie, Lord, force of, i. 126 ;
makes an attack on Ticonderoga,
i. 129 ; his defeat, i. 130.

Abraham, the Plains of, occupied
by the English, i. 140 ; i. 146,
147 ; the victory on, ii. 51.

Acadia, Indian tribes in, i. 36 ; the
Jesuits in, i. 57 ; ceded to Eng
land, i. 101 ; disputes concern
ing the limits of, i. 101; the
English plan to attack, i. 110;
quickly reduced by Monckton,
i. 120; iii. 125.

Acadians, the, torn from their
homes by the English, i. 120.

Act of Settlement, the, ii. 163.

Adair, on the Indian totem, i. 9 ;
on the French efforts to concili-
VOL. in. — 18

ate the Indians, i. 79 ; on the
rattlesnake, iii. 122, 123.

Aggonnonshioni, the, see Iroquois,
the.

Agnierrhonons, the, see Mohawks,
the.

Agniers, the, see Mohawks, the.

Aix-la-Chapelle, the Peace of, i.
98, 101.

Albany, meeting of provincial dele
gates at, i. 107 ; most important
city of the northern provinces,
i. 158 ; Delaware prisoners at,
ii. 250; Bradstreet's rendezvous
at, iii. 33.

Albany Commissioners, the, iii.
194.

Albany county, New York, suffers
from the incursions of the
Indians, ii. 209.

"Alcide," the, captured by the
English, i. 108.

Alexander the Great, anecdote of,
ii. 18.

Algiers, the Dey of, i. 170.

Algonquins, the, totems of, i. 7,
8 ; the descent of sachemship
among, i. 14 ; the Granary of,
i. 26 ; their traffic with the Hu-
rons, i. 27 ; the Wyandots ac
quire ascendency over, i. 27 ;
readily converted but fickle prose
lytes, i. 31 ; greet Cartier, i. 32 ;

274

INDEX.

wage war against the Puritans,
i. 32 ; at Penacook, i. 33 ; Father
Bale among, i. 33 ; on the Ken-
nebec, i. 33; at Kensington, i.
33; on the Wabash and the
Ohio, i. 33 ; at Mackinaw, i. 33 ;
at St. Mary's, i. 33 ; on Lake
Superior, i. 33 ; their treaty with
Penn, i. 33 ; their life in Lower
Canada and on the Upper Lakes,
i. 40 ; inferior to the Iroquois, i.
41 ; their legendary lore, i. 41 ;
their idea of thunder, i. 42 ; re
ligious belief of, i. 43 ; joined by
Champlain against the Iroquois,
i. 70; win a decisive victory,
i. 71.

Alison, ii. 137.

Alleghanies, the, i. 66, 68, 159,
160, 177, 179, 183, 193 ; ii. 132,
134, 194, 217, 226.

Alleghany River, the, i. 92, 103,
104, 157; ii. 133, 137, 148, 152.

Allen, on the character of William
Johnson, i. 97.

Alricks, Mr., adventures of, ii. 186.

Amboy, the Moravian converts at,
iii. 10, 11.

America, primitive, i. 3 ; the bat
tle of Quebec paves the way to
the independence of, i. 142.

American Fur Company, the, i.
167.

Amherst, Colonel (Sir Jeffrey's
adjutant), iii. 29.

Amherst, General Jeffrey, cap
tures Louisbourg, i. 128; his
plan to advance on Ticonderoga
and Crown Point, i. 131 ; cap
tures Ticonderoga and Crown
Point, i. 132; his expedition
against Montreal, i. 147 ; orders
Kogers to take possession of the
French posts, i. 171 ; i. 175, 184;
is advised of the Indian conspira

cies, i. 188, 189, 197 ; holds the
Indians in supreme contempt,
i. 203 ; is advised of Pontiac's
plot and its defeat, i. 235, 236 ;
approves of Gladwyn's conduct,
i. 250, 251 ; Gladwyn's letter to,
ii. 9 ; ii. 16 ; letter from Wilkins
to, ii. 21 ; Wilkins's report of
Cuyler's defeat to, ii. 27 ; learns
of the fate of the forest garri
sons, ii. 32 ; considers Christie's
surrender of Fort Presqu'isle
to the Indians censurable, ii. 47 ;
ii. 52 ; sends Dalzell to reinforce
Detroit, ii. 67 ; receives Glad
wyn's report on DalzelTs night
attack, ii. 70 ; on the fight of
Bloody Bridge, ii. 79 ; his letters
to Egremont, ii. 79, 83, 214 ;
on the Indian attack on the
schooner " Gladwyn," ii. 83 ; his
letters from Bouquet, ii. 137,
159, 160, 165, 167, 170, 176, 183,
193, 197 ; iii. 151 ; unenviable
position of, ii. 162; the char
acter of his officers, ii. 163 ; pre
pares to attack the Indians, ii.
167 ; refuses to indorse Bou
quet's plan of concentration, ii.
168; his anger at the invest
ment of Detroit by the Indians,
ii. 169 ; commends the conduct
of Gladwyn, ii. 169 ; his letters
to Bouquet, ii. 170, 171 ; at last
convinced of the formidable
nature of the Indian outbreak,
ii. 172 ; the blustering arrogance
of his correspondence, ii. 172 ;
his view of the Indians, ii. 172 ;
suggests to Bouquet to send
small-pox among the Indians, ii.
173; Bouquet's reply, ii. 173;
compliments Bouquet on his vic
tory at Bushy Eun, ii. 206 ; letter
from Johnson to, ii. 209 ; sends

INDEX.

275

soldiers to protect Johnson from
the Indians, ii. 210; on the
ambuscade of the Devil's Hole,
ii. 214 ; disgusted with the feeble
measures for defence of the
Pennsylvania Assembly, ii. 232 ;
resigns his command, ii. 239 ;
departs for England, ii. 240;
demands letters from Neyon,
ii. 245 ; Gladwyn communicates
Pontiac's offer of peace to,
ii. 245, 246 ; his slight opinion
of the Indians, iii. 28 ; expects
much from his officers, iii. 29 ;
orders Gladwyn to re-establish
the western outposts, iii. 29 ;
complaints of his officers against,
iii. 29 ; refuses to allow the dis
charge of soldiers at the expira
tion of their terms of service,
iii. 31 ; Bouquet expresses his
indignation against the Pennsyl
vania Assembly to, iii. 75, 76 ;
his protest to Governor Hamil
ton, iii. 76 ; a change comes over
the spirit of, iii. 76 ; Bouquet
complains of the provinces to,
iii. 77 ; iii. 200 ; receives Bou
quet's report on the battle of
Bushy Eun, iii. 227-232; iii.
259.

Amsterdam, ii. 203.

Andastes, the, exterminated by the
Iroquois, i. 10, 29 ; the descent of
sachemship among, i. 14; loca
tion of , i. 28; i. 36; ii. 257.

Anies, the, see Mohawks, the.

Anne, Queen, iii. 193.

"Annual Register," the, on the
fight of Bloody Bridge, ii. 80 ;
on the battle of Bushy Run, ii.
203.

Anoyints, the, see Oneidas, the.

Apaches, the, iii. 73 ; the moun
tain strongholds of, iii, 119.

Apty, Thomas, receives the Mora
vian converts, iii. 10; his letter
to Governor Penn, iii. 10; for
bidden to bring the converts into
New York, iii. 10.

Aquanuscioni, the, see Iroquois, the.

Arapahoe Indians, the, i. 165.

Armstrong, Colonel, adventures of,
ii. 1 86 ; attacks the Susquehanna
villages, ii. 236 ; at the Great
Island, ii. 236; descends the
Susquehanna, ii. 236; at Fort
Augusta, ii. 237 ; iii. 243.

Assiniboin River, the, i. 75.

Athanase, the Huron chief, at
Fort Duquesne, i. 114.

Atoka, Pontiac's sou, iii. 189.

Atotarho, i. 16, 18.

Aubry, M., succeeds D'Abbadie,
iii. 147; receives Pontiac's em
bassy, iii. 147 ; his reply, iii. 148 ;
makes merry with Eraser's fears,
iii. 160; on Pontiac's treatment
of La Garantais, iii. 161 ; letter
from Saint-Ange to, iii. 162.

Augusta, Fort, menaced by the
Indians, ii. 153; Armstrong at,
ii. 237 ; the borderers at, iii. 155 ;
iii. 234, 257, 261.

BABY, FRANQOIS, relates anecdotes
of Pontiac, ii. 18, 19.

Baby, M., supplies the garrison at
Detroit with provisions, ii. 9;
on the characteristics of Quille-
riez, ii. 15 ; Pontiac an old friend
of, ii. 18; Pontiac's confidence
in, ii. 18; at Detroit, ii. 49.

Babys, the, ii. 9.

Backwoodsmen, the, in Bouquet's
expedition against the Indians,
ii. 193.

Baggattaway, see Indian ball-play.

Bancroft, on the " Granary of the
Algonquins," i. 26 ; on the Jes-

276

INDEX.

nits in Canada, i. 56; on the
purchase of land by the Puritans
from the Indians, i. 86.

Barbary States, the, i. 170.

Barber, Eobert, ii. 260 ; discovers
the massacre at Conestoga, ii.
261.

Bard, on the atrocities of the In
dians, ii. 225.

Barton, on the treaty between the
Paxton men and the Pennsyl
vania government, iii. 1 9 ; on the
enormities of the Paxton men,
iii. 20.

Bartram, describes the great
council-house at Onondaga, i.
20, 21 ; on Onondaga, i. 155.

Basset, Captain, in the battle of
Bushy Run, iii. 231.

Bath, gaming at, i. 111.

Bath, Lady, i. 111.

Bear, clan of the, i. 7.

Beatty, on the wilderness of the
Mississippi Valley, i. 162.

Beaufait at Detroit, i. 232.

Beaufait (son), i. 232.

Beaujeu, Captain, plans to waylay
Brad dock's expedition, i. 113;
his ambuscade, i. 115; the at
tack, i. 116 ; struck down, i. 117.

" Beaver," the, i. 224.

Beaver Creek, ii. 137, 138.

Beaver Creeks, the, i. 156.

Bedford, Fort, ii. 135 ; Indian at
tack on, ii. 142, 153; ii. 175;
Captain Lewis Ourry in com
mand at, ii. 176 ; exposed posi
tion of, ii. 176; ii. 181; the
Highlanders at, ii. 191 ; ii. 230;
Bouquet's expedition at, iii. 80.

Bedford, the town of, ii. 132, 135 ;
Bouquet's expedition at, ii. 192,
194; iii. 31.

Beef Kiver Fort, iii. 217.

Beletre, Captain, in command at

Fort Detroit, i. 175; refuses to
accept the capitulation, i. 175;
forced to yield, i. 175.

Belle Riviere, La, see Ohio River,
the.

Bellestre, iii. 214.

Benewisica, the Shawanoe chief,
iii. 103.

Berks County, Pennsylvania, ii.
220; iii. 251, 262.

Berne, the Canton of, ii. 1 63.

Bienville, Celoron de, i. 68.

Bird, Dr., letter from Graydon to,
ii. 237 ; on the effects of Indian
hostilities, ii. 255.

Bison, in the Illinois country, iii.
121.

Blackfoot Indians, the, i. 165.

Blacksnake, describes the ambus
cade of the Devil's Hole, ii. 214.

Blane, Lieutenant Archibald, in
command at Fort Ligonier, ii.
173 ; Amherst finds fault with, ii.
173 ; Bouquet's comments on, ii.
179, 180 ; his position, ii. 180 ; his
letter to Bouquet, ii. 180, 181 ;
reinforced by Bouquet's High
landers, ii. 191 ; complaints of,
iii. 30.

Blodgett, on the battle of Lake
George, i. 125.

Bloodhounds, the plan of the
province commissioners to hunt
Indian scalping parties with,
iii. 77.

Bloody Bridge, the fight of, ii. 73-
79 ; the losses in, ii. 79.

Bloody Run, see Parent's Creek.

Blue Mountains, the great Ridge
of the, iii. 192.

Blue Ridge, the, ii. 217.

Board of Trade, the, letter from
Croghan to, ii. 253 ; letters from
Johnson to, iii. 55, 70, 136, 154,
191-196, 198-201, 267-269.

INDEX.

277

Bois Blanc, the Island of, ii. 86.

Borderers, the, see Pennsylvania
Borderers, the.

Boscawen, Admiral, captures the
"Lys" and the "Alcide," i. 108.

Boston, i. 77.

Bostwick, the trader, taken pris
oner by the Indians at Michili-
mackinac, ii. 112.

Bouchette, on feudal tenure in
Canada, i. 54.

Bougainville, M., at Quebec, i.
137, 139 j in the battle of Que
bec, i. 144.

Bouquet and Haldimand Papers,
the, ii. 174.

Bouquet, Colonel Henry, on the
Indian population, i. 155; on
the discontent among the Indi
ans produced by the suppression
of presents, i. 181, 189; on
Christie's surrender of Fort
Presqu'isle to the Indians, ii. 47 ;
his plan of Presqu'isle, ii. 47 ;
his letters from Ecuyer, ii. 136,
137, 138, 143, 148, 158; his let
ters to Amherst, ii. 137, 159,
160, 165, 170, 176, 183, 193, 197;
iii. 75, 76 ; his letter from Price,
ii. 152; sketch of his life, ii.
163-165; receives no support
from the Pennsylvania Assem
bly, ii. 166; his letter to Ecuyer,
ii. 166, 167; proposes to abandon
the small outlying posts, ii. 168 ;
Amherst refuses to indorse his
plan, ii. 168; his letters from
Amherst, ii. 170, 171; his busy
preparations, ii. 172; at Carlisle,
ii. 172, 175, 182; iii. 78; urged
by Amherst to send small-pox
among the Indians, ii. 173; his
reply, ii. 173; full of anxieties,
ii. 176; correspondence of Cap
tain Lewis Ourry with, ii. 177-

179 ; greatly vexed by the loss
of Presqu'isle, ii. 179; his com
ments on Blane, ii. 179, 180;
letter from Blane to, ii. 180,
181 ; his reasons for wishing
Fort Ligonier to hold out, ii.
180 ; on the refusal of Pennsyl
vania to support its troops, ii.
183, 192; the hopes of the set
tlers turned upon, ii. 187; be
gins his march, ii. 189 ; his force,
ii. 189; reinforces Fort Ligo
nier, ii. 191 ; his march, ii. 191 ;
at Shippensburg, ii. 191; at
Fort Loudon, ii. 192 ; iii. 78 ; at
Fort Littleton, ii. 192; at Bed
ford, ii. 192; crosses the Alle-
ghanies, ii. 194; at Fort Ligo
nier, ii. 194; iii. 80; at Turtle
Creek, ii. 195; an unexpected
attack from the Indians, ii. 195 ;
composure of his men, ii. 196 ;
distress of his troops, ii. 197-
199; the second day's conflict,
ii. 199; his masterly stratagem,
ii. 200, 201 ; his victory, ii. 202 ;
his loss, ii. 203 ; at Fort Pitt, ii.
204; iii. 80; the Assembly of

merits and services of, ii. 206;
iii. 114, 115; receives the formal
thanks of the King, ii. 206;
complimented by Amherst, ii.
206; ii. 234; iii. 20; Gladwyn
complains to, iii. 29; Croghan
complains to, iii. 29 ; Blane com
plains to, iii. 30; Ecuyer com
plains to, iii. 31 ; his letters to
Gage, iii. 31, 32; asks to be re
lieved, iii. 32 ; Gage refuses to
accept his resignation, iii. 32;
to advance against the Dela-
wares and Shawanoes, iii. 32;
iii. 48 ; Bradstreet's presumptu
ous despatch to, iii. 49 ; his re-

278

INDEX.

ply, iii. 49; prepares to march
into the Ohio Valley, iii. 75;
embarrassed by the obstinacy of
the Pennsylvania government,
iii. 75; writes to Amherst, iii.
75, 76 ; the Pennsylvania As
sembly raises men to support,
iii. 77 ; complains of the lack of
support from the provinces, iii.
77; composition of his expedi
tion, iii. 78 ; asks Lewis for rein
forcements, iii. 78 ; on regulars
in forest warfare, iii. 78 ; receives
Bradstreet's strange communi
cation, iii. 78 ; vents his disgust
in letters to Gage and Governor
Penn, iii. 79, 80; his letter to
Bradstreet, iii. 80 ; at Fort Bed
ford, iii. 80; Johnson promises
him reinforcements, iii. 80 ; let
ter from Grant to, iii. 81 ; Gage's
instructions concerning Hicks,
iii. 81 ; receives a Delaware
deputation, iii. 81 ; his message
to the Delawares, iii. 81 ; effect
of his message, iii. 82 ; march
of his army, iii. 83 ; on the Ohio,
iii. 84 ; at the Muskingum River,
iii. 84, 85 ; at the Tuscarora vil
lage, iii. 85 ; in the heart of the
enemy's country, iii. 85 ; in the
Muskingum Valley, iii. 86 ; ap
points a council with the Dela
wares, iii. 86; the council, iii.
87 ; Turtle's Heart's speech, iii.
88 ; the Delawares release their
prisoners, iii. 89 ; his speech, iii.
90; effect of his speech upon
the Delawares, iii. 93; the re
turn of the prisoners, iii. 95, 97 ;
advised of Bradstreet's disgrace
ful conduct, iii. 95 ; demands a
return of prisoners from the
Wyandots, iii. 96; his embassy
to the Shawanoes, iii. 96, 97 ;

receives the submission of the
Shawanoes, iii. 98 ; relaxes his
rigor, iii. 99 ; submission of the
tribes to, iii. 100 ; his reply, iii.
101 ; extends the hand of friend
ship, iii. 101 ; the results of his
campaign, iii. 104; strange
scenes in the camp of, iii. 104-
107 ; restores the prisoners to
their homes, iii. 114; receives a
formal vote of thanks from the
Assembly of Virginia, iii. 115;
recommended to the King for
promotion, iii. 115 ; his unpleas
ant position, iii. 115; relieved
by the Assembly of Pennsylva
nia, iii. 115; again asks to be
relieved of his command, iii. 115 ;
his request granted, iii. 115 ; his
promotion, iii. 116; writes of
his promotion to Gage, iii. 116;
receives congratulations from
Etherington, iii. 116; Dr. Wil
liam Smith's estimate of, iii. 117;
his death, iii. 117, 118; iii. 134,
149; on Croghan's clandestine
trade with the Indians, iii. 151 ;
iii. 156, 157; writes to Amherst
on the battle of Bushy Run, iii.
227-232; iii. 259, 260; data on
the expedition of, iii. 263; the
text of the vote of the Pennsyl
vania Assembly in recognition
of the merits and services of, iii.
265, 266 ; iii. 267.

Bourgeois, significance of the name,
ii.56.

Braddock, Fanny, hangs herself, i.
111.

Braddock, General, i. 105 ; sent to
America, i. 108 ; assigned to the
chief command of the British
troops in America, i. 110; a
poor choice, i. 110; characteris
tics of, i. 110, 111; arrives in

INDEX.

279

Virginia, i. Ill; his camp at
Fort Cumberland, i. Ill; Wai-
pole on, i. Ill; anecdote of, i.
Ill ; fights a duel with Gumley,
i. Ill; made governor of Gibral
tar, i. Ill ; Washington's opin
ion of, i. Ill ; Beaujeu plans an
ambuscade for, i. 113-115;
presses on to his fate, i. 116;
the attack, i. 116-119 ; death of,
i. 118; results of his defeat, i.
119, 148; i. 192; ii. 134, 135,
172, 190,227; iii. 61, 195.
Bradstreet, Colonel, destroys Fort
Frontenac, i. 128; iii. 32; his
expedition against the tribes of
Detroit, iii. 32; his name well
known in America, iii. 32 ; char
acteristics of, iii. 33 ; composi
tion of his expedition, iii. 33;
his rendezvous at Albany, iii.
33; on Lake Ontario, iii. 33;
lands at Niagara, iii. 34 ; at Fort
Schlosser, iii. 45 ; reinforced by
Canadians and Indians, iii. 45,
46 ; on the Niagara, iii. 47 ; at
Presqu'isle, iii. 47 ; deceived by
the pretended embassy of the
Delawares and Shawanoes, iii.
47; concludes a treaty with
them, iii. 48; Mante a zealous
advocate of, iii. 48 ; consummates
his folly and presumption, iii.
49 ; severely censured, iii. 49,
50 ; at Sandusky, iii. 50 ; sends
Morris to treat with the Indians
of the Illinois, iii. 51 ; reaches
Detroit, iii. 51 ; summons the
Indians to a council at, iii. 53 ;
the council, iii. 53 ; his absurd
demands, iii. 54 ; deceived by
the Indians, iii. 55 ; his bad
policy and bad taste, iii. 55, 56 ;
sends Howard to take possession
of Michilimackinac, iii. 56; iii.

62 ; returns to Sandnsky, iii. 66 ;
Morris sends his journal to, iii.
66 ; the Delaware and Shawanoe
deputies fail to keep their ap
pointment with, iii. 67 ; Gage's
condemnation of his conduct,
iii. 67 ; his fury, iii. 67 ; his
orders from Gage, iii. 67 ; tries
to justify himself for inaction,
iii. 67 ; his soldiers complain of,
iii. 68; his tenderness towards
the Sandusky Indians, iii. 68;
breaks camp, iii. 68; wrecked
on Lake Erie, iii. 69 ; reaches
Niagara, iii. 69 ; a second tem
pest, iii. 70 ; at Oswego, iii. 70 ;
results of his expedition, iii. 70,
71 ; remains of his disaster, iii.
71 ; his strange communication
to Bouquet, iii. 78 ; Bouquet's
disgust, iii. 79, 80 ; iii. 81, 85,
86, 91, 94 ; disgraceful conduct
of, iii. 95, 96 ; iii. 134, 267.

Brainerd, the wanderings of, i. 77.

Brant, MoUy, i. 95.

Bre'beuf, Jean de, on the religious
belief of the Indians, i. 43;
among the Hurons, i. 57 ; his
martyrdom, i. 58 ; i. 77.

Brehm, Lieutenant, sent to De
troit, i. 175.

Brest, i. 108, 121.

Breton, Cape, i. 126.

Brewerton, Fort, i. 158; ii. 133;
iii. 200.

British government, the, neglect
and injustice to the Indians of,
iii. 26 ; its true policy to concili
ate the Indians, iii. 27 ; lays out
a reservation for the Indians,
iii. 27, 28.

British settlements, the, extent of,
ii. 132.

Brodhead, Colonel John, i. 229;
iii. 181.

280

INDEX.

Brown, on the Illinois colony, iii.
126.

Brown, Lieutenant, in the battle
of Quebec, i. 144; in Dalzell's
night attack on Pontiac, ii. 71.

Bucks County, Pennsylvania, ii.
254; iii. 251,252.

Bull, Captain, the Delaware chief,
attacked by the Six Nations, ii.
250.

Bunker Hill, i. 115.

Burd, Colonel, letter from Elder
to, ii. 266.

Burgess, Chief, iii. 233.

Burgesses, the House of, in Vir
ginia, ii. 233.

Burgoyne, i. 116.

Burnet, Governor of New York,
establishes a post on Lake On
tario, i. 76.

Burnetsfield, Johnson at, iii. 75.

Burton, Colonel, in the battle of
Quebec, i. 145.

Bush-rangers, in Canada, i. 53, 61,
68, 82.

Bushy Run, ii. 135, 137; Bou
quet's expedition at, ii. 195,
204; iii. 228, 266.

Bushy Run, the battle of, ii. 195-
206 ; a well-contested action, ii.
205 ; joy in the provinces over the
victory at, ii. 205, 206 ; ii. 234 ;
iii. 30, 77, 78, 85, 91 ; Bouquet's
official report on, iii. 227-232.

Butler, on the calumnies of the
French, i. 185; on the renegade
whites, ii. 58 ; on Croghan's
journey to the Illinois, iii. 170.

Byerly, the trader, ii. 135, 137.

CADILLAC, see La Mothe-Cadillac.
Cahokia, French settlement at, i.

67, 162; Jesuit mission at, iii.

125 ; Creole settlements at, iii.

127 ; iii. 131 ; Pontiac goes to,

iii. 184; full of Illinois Indians,
iii. 185.

Cahokias, the, iii. 129 ; vengeance
for the murder of Pontiac taken
upon, iii. 188.

Caiyoquos, the, see Cayugas, the.

Calhoun, the trader, escapes from
Indian treachery, ii. 137, 138.

Calumet, the, i. 173 ; iii. 162.

Calumet dance, the, i. 216; iii.
212.

Camanches, the, i. 75.

Campau, Baptiste, the house of,
it. 77, 78 ; iii. 135.

Campbell, a settler, ii. 184.

Campbell, on the character of
William Johnson, i. 97 ; on the
massacre of Wyoming, ii. 237.

Campbell, Captain, at Detroit, i.
175; in command at Detroit, i.
188; learns of an Indian con
spiracy, i. 188 ; warns Amherst,
i. 188; his letter to Walters,!.
188; i. 238; goes to Pontiac's
camp, i. 246, 247 ; his reception,
i. 247, 248; taken prisoner, i.
249 ; at the house of Meloche, ii.
10; ii. 15 ; narrow escape of, ii.
21 ; killed by the Indians, ii. 59.

Campbell, Dr., letter from Mac-
Donald to, ii. 79.

Campbell, Lieutenant-Colonel, on
Fort Chartres, iii. 144; letter
from Fraser to, iii. 159.

Campbell, Lieutenant Donald,
wounded at Bushy Run, iii.
228.

Campbell, Lieutenant George, at
the Devil's Hole, ii. 215.

Campbell, Major, ii. 165 ; receives
marching orders, ii. 170; iii.
216, 218, 222; at the battle of
Bushy Run, iii. 229, 231.

Campion, at Michilimackinac, ii.
91.

INDEX.

281

Campo, Mr., see Campau.

Canada, shakes with the fury of
the Iroquois onset, i. 10 ; the
offspring of Church and State,
i. 50 ; the Jesuits in, i. 51 ; spir
itual and temporal vassalage of,
i. 51 ; fur-trade in, i. 53 ; cramped
industry of, i. 53 ; manners of,
i. 54 ; feudal tenure in, i. 54 ;
a true child of the Church, i. 55 ;
prayers for the conversion of, i.
55 ; Jesuit missions in, i. 56 ;
the fur-trade the life of, i. 69 ; the
Romish zealots of, i. 69 ; her
position invites intercourse with
the interior, i. 70 ; hatred of the
English colonies towards, i. 100 ;
the English plan to reduce, i.
130; corruption in, i. 130;
threatened with famine, i. 130 ;
surrendered to the English, i.
147 ; ii. 207.

Canadian, the, usually a happy
man, i. 222; congeniality be
tween the red man and, i. 223.

Canadian Indians, the, urge the
hostile tribes to bury the
hatchet, ii. 209 ; iii. 192.

Canadian industry, i. 53.

Canadian militia, the, deserts from
Montcalm, i. 141.

Canadian missions, the, assigned
to the Jesuits, i. 56.

Canadian settlements, the, i. 162.

Canadians, the, at Fort Duquesne,
i. 114; in the battle of Lake
George, i. 122, 123; resolve to
defend Canada, i. 131 ; a con
quered people, i. 153; at
Detroit, ii. 4, 8 ; complain of
Pontiac's treatment, ii. 9-11 ;
Pontiac's desire to gain them
as allies, ii. 10 ; Pontiac's speech
to, ii. 11-13; at the mission of
St. Joseph, ii. 34 ; in the cap

ture of Fort Miami, ii. 39 ; at
Michilimackinac, ii. 86; joins
Bradstreet's expedition, iii. 45 ;
at Fort Miami, iii. 61.

Canadians of Detroit, the, placed
in a new position, ii. 51 ; cor
dially hate the British, ii. 51 ;
deny the news of peace, ii. 52 ;
Pontiac makes a final effort to
win, ii. 52-54; their reply to
Pontiac, ii. 54, 55; Pontiac
derives little aid from, ii. 58;
advise Pontiac of Dalzell's
planned attack, ii. 71, 72.

Canassatego, the Iroquois orator,
i. 90; his speech to the Dela-
wares, i. 90, 91.

Cannibalism, among the Indians,
ii. 29, 121.

Canungas, the, see Mohawks, the.

Carlisle, Fort, ii. 135, 153.

Carlisle, the town of, ii. 135 ; the
frontier fugitives flock to, ii.
161; Bouquet at, ii. 172, 175;
ii. 176, 182, 183, 184; Eliot
reaches, ii. 186; scenes at, ii.
187, 189; ii. 194, 220, 234, 262;
Bouquet's expedition at, iii. 78,
107.

Carolina, i. 93 ; iii. 155.

Carolinas, the, i. 9, 32, 36 ; inroads
of the Cherokees against, ii. 251.

Cartier, Jacques, greeted by the
Algonquins, i. 32.

Carver, Captain, the traveller, on
the disaster hanging over De
troit, i. 220; on Pontiac's plot,
i. 228, 229; on Pontiac's plot
defeated, i. 235 ; on the Indian
attack on the schooner " Glad-
wyn," ii. 83, 84; on the rash
ness of Jacobs, ii. 83; on the
Indians at Michilimackinac, ii.
88; his description of Minava-
vana, ii. 125 ; on the village of

282

INDEX.

the Sacs and Foxes, ii. 126; on
the death of Pontiac, iii. 183,
186, 187.

Cass, General, on Pontiac's plot, i.
232 ; on its defeat, i. 235 ; iii.
211, 220.

Castacrow, Mr., at Michilimacki-
nac, ii. 35.

Castine, i. 61.

Catawbas, the, Iroquois war-party
sent against, i. 93 ; ii. 146.

Catherine, the Ojibwa girl, warns
Gladwyn of Pontiac's plot, i. 227,
228 ; later history of, i. 228 ; iii.
221.

Catskill River, the, iii. 192.

Caughnawaga, i. 84.

Caughnawagas, the, at Fort Du-
quesne, i. 113; attend Johnson's
conference, iii. 38 ; iii. 95.

Cayahoga Creek, iii. 67, 68.

Cayahoga River, the, ii. 120.

Cayuga, the forests of, i. 19.

Cayugas, the, i. 11 ; synonymous
names of, i. 1 1 ; individual or
ganization of, i. 1 1 ; sachems of,
i. 12; the great council-house of,
i. 12; ii. 162.

Cayuga villages, the, ii. 207.

Cedars, the, hamlet of, i. 171.

Cedars, the, rapids of, i. 171.

Cerre, M. P. L., on the death of
Pontiac, iii. 187.

Chambly, the rapids at, i. 70.

Champlain, Samuel de, on the
pristine condition of the Iro
quois, i. 19 ; on the habits and
customs of the Iroquois, i. 24;
deeply imbued with fervid piety,
i. 55 ; joins the Algonquins
against the Iroquois, i. 70 ; wins
a decisive victory, i. 71 ; de
ceived in his expectations, i. 71 ;
on the Indian invocation of the
spirits, iii. 38.

Champlain, Lake, i. 70, 121, 127,
132, 147 ; iii. 192.

Chaouanons, the, see Shawanoes,
the.

Chapeton, sent to Pontiac's camp,
i. 245, 246.

Chapman, the trader, on the Dela
ware Indians at Wyoming, i.
91 ; captured by the Indians, ii.
141 ; tied to the stake, ii. 141 ;
his marvellous escapes, ii. 141,
142; on the massacre at Wyo
ming, ii. 238.

Charles River, the, see St. Charles
River, the.

Charlevoix, Father, on the habits
and customs of the Iroquois, i.
24 ; on the destruction of the
Andastes, i. 29 ; on the conver
sion of the Algonquins, i. 31 ;
on the religious belief of the
Indians, i. 43 ; on the cramping
of Canadian industry, i. 53 ; on
the piety of Champlain, i. 55;
on the Jesuits in Canada, i. 56 ;
on the martyrdom of Lalemant,
i. 58 ; on Champlain, i. 70 ; on
the Iroquois incursions, i. 72 ;
on the ferocity of the Iroquois,
i. 72 ; on the assimilation of the
French and the Indians, i. 82 ;
on Saint-Ange, iii. 133.

Chartres, Fort, Neyon in command
at, ii. 245 ; the principal post in
the Illinois country, ii. 245 ; iii.
126 ; Creole settlements of, iii.
127; Saint-Ange succeeds Neyon
as commandant of, iii. 133 ; ex
cellence of its fortifications, iii.
133 ; Pontiac at, iii. 139; Loftus
sent to take possession of, iii.
141 ; Farmar reaches, iii. 144 ;
Saint-Ange invites Croghan to,
iii. 165; Croghan at, iii. 166;
Pontiac at, iii. 166; the English

INDEX.

283

take possession of, iii. 172, 173 ;
iii. 187.

Cheerake River, the, iii. 122.

Chenandoanes, the, see Senecas,
the.

Chennessies, the, see Senecas, the.

Cherokees, the, suffer from the
depredations of the Iroquois, i.
10 ; Priber among, i. 61 ; their
trade with other tribes, i. 76 ;
the Iroquois send a war-party
against, i. 93 ; their rumored
attack on the Ohio Indians, i.
185 ; ii. 146, 149 ; their inroads
against the Carolinas, ii. 251 ;
compelled to remain compara
tively quiet, ii. 251 ; their su
perstitious veneration for the
rattlesnake, iii. 122 ; hereditary
enemies of Pontiac, iii. 162 ; the
deadly enemies of the Kicka-
poos, iii. 163.

Chester County, Pennsylvania, ii.
254 ; iii. 251, 252.

Chevalie, Eouison, at Michilimack-
inac, ii. 35.

Choctaws, the, i. 8 ; totemic clans
of, i. 9.

Chogage River, the, i. 172.

Chouteau, Pierre, on Pontiac, i.
1 92 ; joins Laclede in founding
St. Louis, iii. 132 ; his bold and
comprehensive .schemes, iii. 132 ;
his home, iii. 132 ; his vivid
memory, iii. 133 ; on Pontiac's
interview with Saint-Ange, iii.
139; Pontiac visits, iii. 183 ; on
the death of Pontiac, iii. 183,
187.

Chickasaws, the, i. 8.

Chief, the Indian, totems of, i. 7
his office to advise, not to com
mand, i. 199.

Chihuahua, the valley of, ii. 217.

Children, naturally liars, i. 237.

him, Mr., captured by the Indians
at Michilimackinac, ii. 35.
hippewa County, iii. 192.
hippewas, the, capture Michili
mackinac, ii. 36 ; ii. 90 ; attend
Croghan's meeting at Detroit,
iii. 181; iii. 211, 212, 219, 224,
225, 267. See also Ojibwas, the.

Shippeways, the, see Chippewas,
the.

Chippeways of Saginaw, the, iii.
214.

hristian Indians, the, send a peti
tion to Johnson, i. 184; at the
Moravian missions, ii. 268.

Christie, Ensign, in command at
Presqu'isle, ii. 27 ; taken pris
oner by the Indians, ii. 40 ; his
letter to Gordon, ii. 40 ; prepares
for defence against the Indians,
ii. 42 ; attacked by the Indians,
ii. 43 ; a night of anxiety, ii. 45 ;
surrenders to the Indians, ii. 46 ;
escapes from the Indians, ii. 47 ;
defends himself for the surren
der of Fort Presqu'isle, ii. 47;
ii. 148, 179.
hugwater, i. 166.

Clans, Indian, i. 6, 7.

Clapham, Colonel, murdered by
the Indians, ii. 136, 137.

Clark, on the traditions of the
Iroquois, i. 18; on the habits
and customs of the Iroquois, i.
24.

Clarke, gives a sketch of Bouquet's
life, ii. 165; on the battle of
Bushy Run, ii. 203.

Clayton, Major, sets out against
Wyoming, ii. 237 ; finds the set
tlers massacred, ii. 238.

Cleveland, iii. 71.

Clinton, on the numerical strength
of the Iroquois, i. 25.

Clive, Lord, the exploits of, i. 109.

284

INDEX.

Colden, Cadwallader, on the trib
ute from the Delawares to the
Iroquois, i. 10; on the origin of
the Iroquois, i. 15; his transla
tion of Ongwehonwe, i. 24 ; on
the Iroquois incursions, i. 72 ; on
the English trade with the In
dians, i. 76 ; on the " rum car
riers," i. 78; on the English
neglect of Indian affairs, i. 78 ;
on Piquet's influence over the
Iroquois, i. 94; i. 181 ; letter from
Governor Penn to, iii. 8 ; forbids
Apty to bring the Moravian con
verts into New York, iii. 10;
letter to Governor Penn from, iii.
10 ; on the Indian wars, iii. 112 ;
on the attachment of English
captives to Indian life, iii. 112,
113 ; his letter to Halifax, iii.
196.

Cole, Mr., at Michilimackinac, ii.
53.

Collot, General, makes drawings
of Detroit, i. 224.

Compton, Bishop of London, i. 85.

Conde, i. 74.

Conestoga, ii. 257 ; Smith leads
the Paxton men against, ii. 258.

Conestoga Indians, the, ii. 257 ;
the Paxton men resolve to ex
tirpate, ii. 258 ; the attack, ii.
259 ; the massacre, ii. 259 ; evi
dence against, iii. 233-235.

Conestoga, the Manor of, Indians
at, ii. 256 ; William Penn at, ii.
256 ; life of the settlers at, ii.
256 ; iii. 257.

Confederates, the, see Iroquois, the.

Connayak Sally, iii. 235.

Connecticut, the State of, i. 183;
ii. 237.

Connecticut Land Company, the,
ii. 120.

Conner, Henry, Indian interpreter

at Detroit, on Pontiac's birth, i.
191 ; on Pontiac's home, i. 225,
on Pontiac's plot, i. 228 ; on the
traditions of the Island of Mich
ilimackinac, ii. 123 ; iii. 216.

Conoys, the, i. 156.

Contrecceur, in command at Fort
Duquesne, i. 113 ; his dismay on
hearing of the approach of the
English, i. 113.

Conyngham, Eedmond, on the
Conestoga massacre, ii. 259,
260 ; on the Paxton men, ii. 262 ;
on the massacre at Lancaster
jail, ii. 263 ; on Stewart, ii. 267 ;
on the Paxton riots, iii. 236.

Cork, i. 108.

Corpus Christi Day, i. 127.

Cotter, James, death of, iii. 235.

Coultas, Captain, iii. 245.

Council, the great, at Onondaga,
i. 12 ; description of, i. 12 ; its
lack of power, i. 14; the presid
ing sachem of, i. 16.

Council, the Indian, iii. 99.

Council-house, the great, at Onon
daga, i. 12; description of, i. 20,
21, 155.

Courcelles, attacks the Confed
eracy, i. 73.

Coureurs de bois, the, i. 75, 82, 185,
223 ; at Detroit, ii. 22.

Coursey, Colonel, on the numeri
cal strength of the Iroquois, i.
25.

Cove Mountain, ii. 192.

Crawford, accompanies Pontiac to
Oswego, iii. 175.

Creeks, the, i. 8; the descent of
sachemship among, i. 14 ; rise in
open hostility, ii. 251.

Crees, the, i. 38.

Creoles of Cahokia, the, Pontiac
among, iii. 185.

Creoles of the Illinois, the, iii. 125 ;

INDEX.

285

unchanging in their nature, iii.
126 ; iii. 185.

Creole settlements, the, iii. 126,
127 ; infested by vagabond In
dians, iii. 128.

Creole traders, the, iii. 143.

Cresap, Thomas, on the atrocities
of the Indians, ii. 226.

Croghan, George, Johnson's dep
uty, on the French efforts to
conciliate the Indians, i. 79 ; on
the Indian population,!. 155 ; on
the wilderness of the Mississippi
Valley, i. 162 ; on the calumnies
of the French, i. 185; on the
conspiracy of the Indians against
the English, i. 189 ; on Detroit,
i. 224 ; on the renegade whites,
ii. 58; ii. 153, 154, 167; on the
border tragedies, ii. 253 ; his
memorials on Indian affairs, iii.
26-28; complains to Bouquet,
iii. 29 ; resigns out of the service,
iii. 29 ; induced to withdraw his
resignation, iii. 30; on the in
fluence of the French traders
upon the Indians, iii. 136; his
interview with the Grand Sau-
teur, iii. 137; sent among the
Indians, iii. 149 ; characteristics
of, iii. 150; at Fort Pitt, iii. 150,
158 ; his interest in the fur-trade,
iii. 151 ; the borderers work
great injury to the mission of,
iii. 155 ; holds a council with the
Indians, iii. 156 ; urges the In
dians to keep their appointment
with Johnson, iii. 156; services
of the Delaware prophet to, iii.
156, 157; the Shawanoes bring
their prisoners to, iii. 157 ; Pon-
tiac threatens, iii. 160; leaves
Fort Pitt, iii. 162 ; on the Ohio,
iii. 162; at the Scioto, iii. 163;
at the Wabash, iii. 163 ; attacked

by the Kickapoos, iii. 163 ; the
Kickapoos make apologies to,
iii. 163 ; the cause of the attack,
iii. 164; at Vincennes, iii. 164;
at Ouatanon, iii. 164, 165; in
vited by Saint-Ange to Fort
Chartres, iii. 165; meets Pon-
tiac, iii. 166 ; at Fort Chartres,
iii. 166 ; at Fort Miami, iii. 167 ;
descends the Maumee, iii. 167 ;
reaches Detroit, iii. 167 ; his
meetings with the Indians at
Detroit, iii. 167, 169 ; his speech,
iii. 169; Pontiac's reply to, iii.
170; at Niagara, iii. 172; signal
success of his efforts, iii. 172;
his impression of Pontiac, iii.
172'; iii. 177, 178, 180, 269.

Crown Point, i. 101 ; the English
plan to attack, i. 110; failure of
the expedition, i. 120; Amherst's
plan to advance on, i. 131 ; the
French retire to, i. 132 ; captured
by the English, i. 132, 147.

Crows, the, i. 195.

Cuellierry, M., see Quitteriez, M.

Cumberland, ii. 135.

Cumberland County,Pennsylvania,
occupied by the Irish, ii. 219;
ii. 236; iii. 251.

Cumberland, the Duke of, ii. 163.

Cumberland, Fort, Braddock
forms his camp at, i. Ill; ii.
221, 230.

Cumberland valley, the, Bouquet's
expedition in, ii. 191.

Cunningham, Charles, gives evi
dence against the Conestoga
Indians, iii. 234.

Cusick, the Tuscarora, on the
legend of Taounyawatha, i. 16;
on the traditions of the Iroquois,
i. 18 ; his history of his tribe,<i. 18.

Custaloga, chief of the Delawares,
at Bouquet's council, iii. 87.

286

INDEX.

Cuyler, Lieutenant, leaves Fort
Niagara, ii. 25 ; at Fort Schlos-
ser, ii. 25 ; on Lake Erie, ii.
25 ; at Point Pele'e, ii. 25 ; at
tacked by the Indians, ii. 25 ;
forced to retreat, ii. 26; his
official report, ii. 26; reached
Sandusky, ii. 27 ; at Presqu'isle,
ii. 27 ; returns to Niagara, ii. 27 ;
ii. 40, 41, 42, 48, 67.

Cuyler's detachment, attacked by
the Wyandots, ii. 25 ; their de
feat, ii. 26 ; the fate of the pris
oners, ii. 29 ; ii. 48, 171.

D'ABBADIE, M., see Abbadie, M. d\

Dahcotah Indians, the, i. 8, 27 ;
their idea of thunder, i. 42 ; i.
69, 195; their relations with
neighboring tribes, ii. 126 ; their
hatred of the Ojibwas, ii. 129;
ii. 249 ; iii. 162.

Dalyell, Captain, see Dalzell, Cap
tain.

Dalzell, Captain, i. 251 ; sent to
reinforce Detroit, ii. 67 ; on
Lake Erie, ii. 68; at Presqu'
isle, ii. 68 ; at Sandusky, ii. 68 ;
burns the village of the Wyan
dots, ii. 68 ; reaches Detroit, ii.
68, 69'; with Putnam, ii. 70;
aide-de-camp to Amherst, ii. 70 ;
his interview with Gladwyn, ii.
70; plans a night attack on
Pontiac, ii. 70; Pontiac fore
warned, ii. 71, 72 ; the advance,
ii. 73 ; attacked by Pontiac,
ii. 73 ; bravery of, ii. 75 ; death
of, ii. 76 ; the retreat, ii. 77 ; his
losses, ii. 79 ; at Fort Presqu'
isle, ii. 147 ; ii. 207, 243 ; iii.
222.

Davers, Sir Robert, murdered by
the Indians, i. 242, 243, 250; ii.
21, 169, 171.

Davis, glories in the death of Sock,
iii. 21.

Deaton, Lieutenant, at the Devil's
Hole, ii. 215.

Deer, clan of the, i. 7.

Deer, in the Illinois country, iii.
121.

Delaware prophet, the, i. 186, 187,
212 ; at Croghan's council, iii.
156, 157 ; iii. 212, 214.

Delaware River, the, i. 34, 85, 88,
89, 91.

Delaware towns, the, iii. 77, 264.

Delawares, the, pay tribute to the
Iroquois, i. 10; the parent stem
of the Algonquin stem, i. 33 ;
confess the superiority of the
Wyandots and the Five Nations,
i. 33 ; glad to accept Penn's
kindly offers, i. 86; defrauded
by the " walking purchase," i. 89 ;
refuse to give up their land, i.
90 ; expelled by the Iroquois, i.
90 ; their remonstrances, i. 92 ;
separated into two divisions, i.
92; i. 98 ; at Fort Duquesne, i.
113; urged by Johnson to lay
down the hatchet, i. 148 ; send a
deputation to Easton, i. 148 ;
population of, i. 154; seduced
by the French, i. 179; exasper
ated by the English, i. 183, 190;
gather around Fort Pitt, ii.
47 ; ii. 58 ; arrive at Detroit, ii.
63; Gladwyn complains of, ii.
136 ; ii. 138, 155, 156 ; in the at
tack on Fort Pitt, ii. 159 ; small
pox among, ii. 174 ; attacked by
the Six Nations, ii. 250; Bou
quet to march against, iii. 32,
41 ; send an insolent missive to
Johnson, iii. 41 ; their pretended
embassy to Bradstreet, iii. 47 ;
Bradstreet concludes a treaty
with, iii. 48; Gage annuls the

INDEX.

287

treaty, iii. 49 ; hostility of, iii. 62 ;
fail to keep their appointment
with Bradstreet, iii. 67 ; iii. 79,
80; send a deputation to Bou
quet, iii. 81 ; Bouquet's message
to, iii. 81 ; effect of Bouquet's
message upon, iii. 82 ; iii. 83 ;
Bouquet appoints a council with,
iii. 86 ; give up their prisoners,
iii. 89 ; Bouquet's speech to, iii.
90; effect of Bouquet's speech
upon, iii. 93 ; keep their appoint
ment with Johnson, iii. 118;
Johnson concludes a treaty with,
iii. 118;1 iii. 134, 137, 149; Cro-
ghan's influence upon, iii. 156;
iii. 162, 191, 192, 199, 263, 264,
267, 269.

Delawares of the Ohio, the, mur
derous attacks of, i. 149.

Delawares of the Susquehanna,
the, i. 156; urged by the Iro-
quois to bury the hatchet, ii.
209 ; their attacks on the Penn
sylvania frontiers, ii. 235 ; at
tacked by the Pennsylvania
volunteers, ii. 235.

Dening's Creek, ii. 178.

Denny, Governor, i. 88.

Denonville, invasion of, i. 19, 73.

Dequindre, M., ii. 246.

Des Francis, the river, iii. 40.

De Smet, see Smet, De.

Desnoyers, i. 242.

Detroit, the Wyandots settle at, i.
27; Jesuit mission at, i. 60;
French fort at, i. 67; French
and Indians at, i. 131 ; Eogers
ordered to take possession of, i.
171, 173 ; Beletre in command at,
i. 175; forced to yield to the
English, i. 175; Gladwyn in
command at, i. 186; Campbell
in command at, i. 188; an In
dian conspiracy against, i. 188;

besieged by Pontiac, i. 207 ; i.
217; La Mothe-Cadillac the
founder of, i. 221 ; rises to dis
tinguished importance, i. 221 ;
its population, i. 221 ; descrip
tion of, i. 221, 222; life at, i.
222 ; its occupants, i. 223 ; the
fort described, i. 223 ; the gar
rison, i. 224 ; the defences of,
i. 224 ; Collet's drawings of, i.
224; Pontiac makes a general
attack on, i. 243 ; the defence,
i. 244; Pontiac demands the
surrender of, i. 251 ; Gladwyn
refuses to surrender, ii. 4 ; peril
of the garrison, ii. 6, 7 ; scarcity
of provisions, ii. 8, 9 ; the gar
rison awaits the arrival of the
convoy, ii. 20 ; loses its wonted
life and vivacity, ii. 21, 22 ; ar
rival of the convoy, ii. 22 ; a ter
rible disappointment, ii. 23;
Pontiac's forces around, ii. 32;
ii. 37, 42, 46, 47 ; arrival of the
schooner, ii. 49 ; the schooner
attacked by the Indians, ii. 50 ;
brings tidings of the peace be
tween France and England, ii.
51 ; i. 54 ; the armed schooners
at, ii. 61 ; blazing rafts at, ii. 62 ;
arrival of the Shawanoes and
the Delawares at, ii. 63; chan
ging temper of the Indians, ii.
64 ; they ask for peace, ii. 66 ;
Dalzell sent to reinforce, ii. 67 ;
Dalzell arrives at, ii. 68, 69 ; ii.
85, 96, 104, 109, 117, 123, 132,
137, 138, 146, 147, 167, 169, 170,
172; Wilkins advances to the
relief of, ii. 215, 243; the siege
raised, ii. 246; abandoned by
the besiegers, ii. 248 ; the In
dians again move towards, ii.
249 ; the central point of the
Indian operations, ii. 249 ; Brad-

288

INDEX.

street's arrival at, Hi. 51 ; Brad-
street warmly welcomed by the
garrison at, iii. 52 ; Bradstreet
summons the Indians to a council
at, iii. 53-56; iii. 64; Morris
returns to, iii. 65; iii. 82, 125,
135, 137, 162; Croghan reaches,
iii. 167 ; authorities respecting
the siege of, iii. 210-223; iii.
267, 268.

Detroit River, the, La SaUe on, i.
63 ; i. 175 ; the Jesuits on, i. 221 ;
Cuyler on, ii. 25, 27; ii. 29;
Dalzell on, ii. 68; ii. 72; the
" Gladwyn " on, ii. 81, 83 ; Brad-
street on, iii. 51.

Detroit, the Strait of, i. 163.

Detroit tribes, the, Croghan's meet
ing with, iii. 169; Croghan's
speech to, iii. 169.

Devil's Hole, the, ii. 211 ; ambus
cade of, ii. 212, 213 ; Major
Wilkins marches to, ii. 213 ;
gains a traditionary immortality,
ii. 214; iii. 41.

Dickson, Ben, see Mussoughwhese.

Dieskau, Baron, defeated in the
battle of Lake George, i. 96 ; sent
to America, i. 108; at Quebec,
i. 121 ; his plan to capture Fort
Oswego, i. 121 ; attacks John
son, i. 121 ; the battle of Lake
George, i. 122-125 ; taken pris
oner, i. 125 ; his official report,
i. 126; his later history, i. 126;
i. 128.

Dinwiddie, Governor, of Virginia,
sends Washington, to protest
against the French occupation
of Presqu'isle, i. 102, 104.

Dionondadies, the, see Hurons,
the.

Doddridge, on frontier life, ii. 218 ;
on the sufferings of Mrs. Glen-
denning, ii. 222.

Dogood, John, on the defence of
Fort le Boauf, ii. 152.

Dogs, used as food among the
Indians, ii. 57.

Donegal, the town of, ii. 259 ; iii.
236.

Donolly, Felix, keeper of Lan
caster jail, on the massacre by the
Paxton men, ii. 263 ; his testi
mony against the Paxton men,
iii. 236-238.

Dortinger, John, ii. 151 ; on the
defence of Fort le Boeuf, ii. 152.

Dow, Lieutenant, wounded at
Bushy Kun, iii. 228.

Dublin, iii. 154.

Du Castor, the Isles, ii. 114, 115.

Dumas, in Beaujeu's ambuscade,
i. 117.

Dunbar, Colonel, i. 119.

Dunkers, the, in Pennsylvania, ii.
219.

Du Pratz, on the founding of
Louisiana, i. 66.

Duquesne, Fort, i. 106 ; the Eng
lish plan to attack, i. 110; Brad-
dock's expedition before, i. 112;
Contrecceur in command at, i.
113 ; captured by Forbes, i. 128,
149, 151, 152; i. 159, 163; de
stroyed by Forbes, ii. 134.

Duquesne, Marquis, on Piquet, i. 60.

Dutch, the, in New York, i. 15;
in Pennsylvania, ii. 219.

Dutch boors, the, i. 97.

Drake, S. G., on the movements of
the Shawanoes, i. 36 ; on Beau
jeu's ambuscade, i. 114; on Te-
cumseh, i. 191 ; on the life of
James Smith, ii. 235 ; on the em
bassy of Morris, iii. 66 ; on the
seizure of Indian goods by the
borderers, iii. 154.

Draper, Lyman C., on the death
of Pontiac, iii. 187.

INDEX.

289

Dream feast, the, among the Iro-
quois, i. 24.

Drunkenness, the bane of the In
dian race, iii. 171.

EASTMAN, MRS., on the Indian idea
of thunder, i. 42.

Easton, i. 89 ; treaty of peace be
tween the provincials and the
Indians made at, i. 149, 151.

Ecorces, the river, Pontiac's coun
cil at, i. 208; iii. 212.

Ecuyer, Captain Simeon, i. 1 82 ;
in command at Fort Pitt, ii.
136; his letters to Bouquet, ii.
136, 137, 138, 143, 148, 158, 167 ;
received tidings of danger, ii.
136, 137; trembles for the out
posts, ii. 138; on the condition
of Fort Pitt, ii. 143; the fort
attacked by the Indians, ii. 144;
Turtle's Heart's speech, ii. 145 ;
his reply, ii. 145 ; further pre
paration for defence, ii. 154;
another parley with the Indians,
ii. 155; his reply, ii. 156, 157 ;
the Indians make a general
attack on, ii. 157; slightly
wounded, ii. 158; ii. 165; his
letter from Bouquet, ii. 166, 167 ;
Amherst finds fault with, ii. 173 ;
his complaints, iii. 31.

Edge Hill, iii. 227.

Edinburgh, the University of, i.
138.

Edward, Fort, i. 125, 128.

Egremont, Lord, letters from Am
herst to, ii. 79, 83, 214.

Eightieth regiment, the, dis
banded, ii. 167.

Elder, Rev. John, sketch of, ii.
232 ; his letter to Governor
Penn, ii. 232; iii. 238; on the
massacre at Wyoming, ii. 238;
his peculiar position, ii. 257 ;
VOL. in. — 19

tries to restrain the Paxton men,
ii. 262 ; his estimate of Stewart,
ii. 266; his letter to Shippen,
iii. 241-243.

Elder (son), ii. 262.

Elder Papers, the, ii. 238 ; on the
resentment of the Pennsylvania
borderers against the Quakers,
iii. 4.

" Elegy in a Country Churchyard,"
i. 138.

Eliot, Charles, adventures of, ii.
185, 186; reaches Carlisle, ii.
186.

Eliot, John, i. 77.

Elk, in the Illinois country, iii. 121.

Endicot, i. 86.

Engages, at Detroit, i. 224, 233;
in the defence of Detroit against
Pontiac, i. 244 ; ii. 8.

England, the annual present to the
Iroquois from, i. 78 ; neglects
Indian affairs, i. 78; Acadia
ceded to, i. 101 ; urged by Spots-
wood to secure the Ohio valley,
i. 102 ; her plan of conquest in
America, i. 110; rejoices over
the fall of Quebec, i. 146 ; Canada
surrendered to, i. 147 ; the peace
of Paris, i. 203 ; France by the
treaty of Paris cedes the Illinois
country to, iii. 130.

English, the, jealousy of the Iro
quois towards, i. 93 ; increasing
hatred of the Indians for, i. 179 ;
withhold presents from the In
dians, i. 180 ; discontent among
the Indians against, i. 181 ; the
Six Nations conspire against,
i. 188; in Pennsylvania, ii. 219;
unable immediately to occupy
the Illinois country, iii. 130;
their policy towards the Iro
quois, iii. 193-197.

English colonies, the, in America,

290

INDEX.

i. 50 ; contrasted with the French
colonies, i. 50 ; incapable of
exercising a vigorous Indian
policy, i. 77 ; their hatred of
Canada, i. 100 ; ill fitted to bear
the brunt of war, i. 202 ; a disas
trous year for, iii. 26.

English riot act, the, iii. 12.

English traders, at Sandusky, i.
76; at Michilimackinac, ii. 85;
slaughtered by the Indians, ii.
138-141 ; their loss of property,
ii. 140 ; iii. 43, 44 ; flock to Fort
Pitt, iii. 150; the Paxton men
displeased with, iii. 151 ; at
tacked by the Paxton men, iii.
152; at Fort London, iii. 152;
jealous of Pontiac, iii. 183.

Entick, on the bravery of the Vir
ginians, i. 119 ; on the battle of
Lake George, i. 125 ; on Wolfe's
impetuous energy, i. 137.

Erie, Lake, i. 25, 26, 28; the
Eries on, i. 28, 32 ; La Salle on,
i. 63; i. 67, 102, 163, 172, 174,
177 ; ii. 20, 21 ; Cuyler on, ii.
25; ii. 48; Dalzell on, ii. 68;
Jacobs lost on, ii. 83 ; ii. 133 ;
Wilkins's expedition reaches,
ii. 215 ; iii. 42, 47, 49, 62 ; Brad-
street's expedition wrecked on,
iii. 69 ; iii. 77, 80, 91, 95, 175.

Erie, the town of, ii. 41, 133.

Eries, the, exterminated by the
Iroquois, i. 10, 28 ; the descent
of sachemship among, i. 14 ; on
Lake Erie, i. 28.

Erigas, the, see Eries, the.

Esquimaux, the, i. 75.

Etherington, Captain George, com
mandant at Michilimackinac, ii.
35 ; his letter to Gladwyn, ii. 36 ;
his account of the capture of
Michilimackinac by the Indians,
ii. 36 ; asks aid from Gladwyn,

ii. 36 ; refuses to believe that
the Indians intend an attack, ii.
97 ; witnesses an Indian ball-
play, ii. 102 ; the game, ii. 103 ;
the game turned into an attack,
ii. 103, 104; taken prisoner, ii.
104, 1 12 ; on the massacre, ii. 104 ;
abandons the idea of further de
fence, ii. 113 ; on the good offices
of Jonois in behalf of the Eng
lish, ii. 117 ; his letter to Gorell,
ii. 128 ; released by the Ottawas,
ii. 130; reaches Montreal, ii.
131 ; congratulates Bouquet on
his promotion, iii. 116, 117;
writes Gladwyn of the massacre
of Michilimackinac, iii. 224-226.

Evans, on the wilderness of the
Mississippi valley, i. 162.

Ewing, Eev. John, on the Pax-
ton riots, iii. 248.

Express-riders, the, ii. 176; des
perate duty of, ii. 181, 182.

FARLI, at Michilimackinac, iii.
224, 225.

Far mar, Major, reaches Fort
Chartres, iii. 144.

" Father," significance of the name
among the Indians, ii. 63, 64.

Fighting Island, ii. 49.

Fincher, John, killed by the In
dians, ii. 239.

Firerafts, at Detroit, ii. 62.

Fisher, murdered by the Indians,
i. 240; iii. 221.

Fisher, Francis, i. 89.

Fisher, Corporal Jacob, on the de
fence of Fort Le Bceuf, ii. 150,
152.

Five Nations, the, i. 9 ; the descent
of sachemship among, i. 13 ;
their war with the Hurons, i.
26, 27 ; similarity between the
Hurons and, i. 26; destroy the

INDEX.

291

Eries, i. 28 ; destroy the An-
dastes, i. 29 ; subdue the Len-
ape, i. 29 ; expel the Ottawas,
i. 29; harass the French of
Canada, i. 29 ; the worst of con
querors, i. 29 ; savage character
istics of, i. 29 ; their losses, i.
29 ; their policy of recruiting, i.
80; receives an accession of
strength, i. 30; the Lenape in
a state of degrading vassalage
to, i. 34 ; fight for the English,
i. 35 ; restore the Lenape to
position, i. 35; the Shawanoes
become embroiled with, i. 36;
the Miamis and the Illinois suf
fer from the attacks of, i. 37 ;
French expeditions against, i.73 ;
Frontenac's expedition against,
i. 73; ii. 257; English captives
among, iii. 112; iii. 191, 196.

Florida, the Shawanoes in, i. 36.

Flying Heads, the, i. 18.

Forbes, General, captured Fort
Duquesne, i. 248 ; his influence
over the Ohio Indians, i. 149;
destroys Fort Duquesne, ii. 134 ;
ii. 135, 193.

Force, iii. 189.

Forest garrisons, the, fate of, ii.
30-47.

Forest posts of France, the, not
exclusively of a military charac
ter, i. 67 ; Pontiac on the cap
ture of, ii.^47.

Forks of the Delaware, the, i. 89.

Forty-second regiment, the, ii.
165, 167; receives marching
orders, ii. 169, 170; in Bouquet's
expedition against the Indians,
ii. 189 ; at Fort Loudon, iii. 153 ;
take possession of Fort Chartres,
iii. 172, 173; iii. 228,230.

Foster, Thomas, iii. 234, 235.

Fox, the commissary, iii. 9.

Foxes, the, on Lake Michigan, i.
38; ii. 12; attend Johnson's
conference at Niagara, iii. 39.

Fox, Joseph, iii. 266.

Fox River, the Menominies on, ii.
126.

France, has her Canadian forces
well in hand, i. 54; filled with
the zeal of proselytism, i. 55;
her opportunity to unite her
American domain, i. 66 ; builds
a series of posts, i. 66, 67 ; for
est-posts of, i. 67; succeeds in
establishing a post at Niagara,
i. 75; her careful attention to
Indian affairs a contrast to the
neglect of England, i. 79-81 ;
greatly strengthened by her In
dian alliances, i. 98 ; cedes Aca-
dia to England, i. 101 ; the Peace
of Paris, i. 203 ; resigns her am
bitious project of empire in
America, ii. 51 ; cedes the Illi
nois country to England by the
treaty of Paris, iii. 130 ; her
transfers to Spain, iii. 130, 145 ;
fall of, iii. 173 ; leaves the In
dians to irretrievable ruin, iii.
173.

Francis, Captain, iii. 245.

Franciscans, the, among the
Hurons, i. 26 ; in Canada, i. 55,
56, 61.

Fran9ois, on Mohawk ferocity, i.
10.

Franklin, Benjamin, on the mas
sacre at Lancaster jail, ii. 263 ;
his invaluable services in pre
paring Philadelphia for defence,
iii. 13 ; the house of, iii. 14 ; sent
to treat with the Paxton men,
iii. 18; his reception, iii. 18 ; the
result of his negotiations, iii. 18.

Franklin, Governor, of New Jersey,
letter to Governor Penn from,

292

INDEX.

iii. 10 ; orders the Moravian
converts to leave New Jersey,
iii. 11.

Fraser, Lieutenant Alexander, on
the Illinois Indians, iii. 127, 128 ;
joins Croghan in his mission
among the Indians, iii. 150;
characteristics of, iii. 150;
reaches Fort Pitt, iii. 150; sets
out on his mission, iii. 158; in
the country of Illinois, iii. 1 58 ;
in a hornet's-nest, iii. 158 ; Pon-
tiac interposes to save the life of,
iii. 158, 159 ; his narrow escape,
iii. 159; his situation improved,
iii. 159; his fears, iii. 160; his
council with Pontiac, iii. 160 ;
Pontiac's first reception of, iii.
160; Pontiac relents towards,
iii. 160.

Fraser's Highlanders, before Que
bec, i. 139, 140 ; in the battle of
Quebec, i. 143.
Frazier, Lieutenant, at the Devil's

Hole, ii. 215.
Frederic, Fort, i. 101. See also

Crown Point.
Frederic the Great, the victories

of, i. 109.

Frederick Town, ii. 227.
French, the, become savages, i. 82 ;
begin to occupy the Ohio Valley,
i. 92 ; at Presqu'isle, i. 102 ; in
flame the Indians' discontent
with the English,!. 184; distrib
ute presents among the In
dians, i. 186 ; calumnies of, i.
185, 186; infamous characters
among, ii. 55 ; their policy
towards the Iroquois, iii. 193-197.
French Canadians, the, born to
obey, i. 50 ; contrasted with the
Puritans, i. 51 ; their peculiar
intimacy of relation with the
Indians, i. 69.

French colonies, the, in America,
i. 50; contrasted with the English
colonies, i. 50 ; the only barrier
between the Indians and the
growing power of the English
colonies, i. 152.

French Commissioners, the, iii.
112.

French Creek, i. 103, 188.

French Jesuits, the, explore the
Wabash and the Ohio, i. 33.

French of Canada, the, i. 27 ;
harassed by the Five Nations, i.
29.

French posts, the, iii. 130.

French traders, the, i. 182 ; en
courage the Indians against the
English, i. 185 ; iii. 96, 97 ; assist
Pontiac in his plans against the
English, iii. 135; at the forts,
iii. 135 ; on the Illinois and the
Wabash, iii. 135 ; send forged
letters to Pontiac, iii. 136 ; seek
to kill Fraser, iii. 158, 159 ; dread
impending chastisement, iii. 159 ;
iii. 199.

French war, the, ii. 51.

Friends, the Society of, iii. 17.

Frontenac, Count, invasion of, i.
19; his expedition against the
Onondagas, i. 20 ; his friendship
for La Salle, i. 64; marches
against the Confederacy, i. 73 ;
an inhuman expedient, i. 80 ; i.
155.

Frontenac, Fort, La Salle in com
mand at, i. 61 ; destroyed by the
English, i. 128, 147.

Frontiers, the, Indian attacks on,
ii. 161-188 ; the class of men
nurtured by, ii. 216 ; population
of, ii. 217; life in, ii. 218; the
storm of Indian war descends
upon, ii. 220; examples of
Indian atrocities, ii. 222-226;

INDEX.

293

suffering of captives, ii. 227-
230 ; apathy of the Pennsylvania
Assembly in protecting, ii. 231.
See also Maryland, Pennsylvania,
and Virginia frontiers.

Frontiersmen, ii. 190.

Frozen Ocean, i. 62.

Fur-trade, the, in Canada, i. 53,
68; the life of Canada, i. 69;
interrupted by war, i. 72; con
flict between the French and
English in, i. 76; engendered
a peculiar class of men, i. 82 ; in
bad condition, i. 182; ii. 89;
Gorell's relation to, ii. 126 ; sus
pension of, iii. 34; the reopen
ing of, iii. 174 ; the new arrange
ment for the regulation of, iii.
179.

Fur-traders, the, i. 78 ; description
of, i. 82, 83 ; methods of, i. 159,
160; their treatment of the
Indians, i. 182; at Detroit, i.
224, 232 ; in the defence of De
troit against Pontiac, i. 244 ; ii.
8, 22; in the Illinois country,
iii. 125.

GAGE, General Thomas, in Brad-
dock's expedition, i. 115, 116;
wounded, i. 118; on Pontiac's
keen and subtle genius, ii.
16; on the fight of Bloody
Bridge, ii. 79 ; succeeds Am-
herst in command, ii. 239 ;
makes a requisition on the prov
inces, ii. 240; his letter to
Johnson, ii. 244 ; asked by Gov
ernor Penn for protection for
the Moravian converts, iii. 8;
orders Robertson to prevent the
advance of the Moravian con
verts, iii. 10; his letter to Gov
ernor Penn, iii. 10; gives the
Moravian converts protection, iii.

11 ; iii. 30 ; letters from Bouquet
to, iii. 31, 32; refuses to accept
Bouquet's resignation, iii. 32;
his plan for the summer's cam
paign, iii. 32 ; on the character
of Bradstreet, iii. 33 ; on the
pretended embassy of the Dela-
wares and Shawanoes, iii. 48;
annuls Bradstreet's treaty with
the Delawares and Shawanoes,
iii. 49 ; his letters to Bradstreet,
iii. 49, 50 ; condemns Brad-
street's conduct, iii. 67; his
orders to Bradstreet, iii. 67 ;
Bouquet vents his disgust at
Bradstreet's communication in
a letter to, iii. 79 ; his instruc
tions concerning Hicks, iii. 81 ;
on the results of Bouquet's
campaign, iii. 104; accepts Bou
quet's resignation of his com
mand, iii. 115; Bouquet writes
of his promotion to, iii. 116 ; his
letter to D'Abbadie, iii. 142;
letter from Campbell to, iii.
144 ; feels the importance of oc
cupying the Illinois country, iii.
149 ; on the seizure of Indian
goods by the borderers, iii. 154 ;
Croghan writes his impression
of Pontiac to, iii. 172 ; iii. 177 ;
on the results of Pontiac's
death, iii. 188; his letter to
Halifax on Bouqnet's expedi
tion, iii. 263-265 ; iii. 268, 269.
Gage Papers, the, ii. 240 ; on the
influence of the French traders
upon the Indians, iii. 136; on
Croghan's mission among the
Indians, iii. 150; on the Kicka-
poos' attack on Croghan, iii.
164; on the occupation of Fort
Chartres by the English, iii.
173 ; on the intrigues of the
French, iii. 183.

294

INDEX.

Gage's light infantry, at the
Devil's Hole, ii. 214.

Galissonniere, Count, plans to
people New France, i. 68.

Gallatin, Albert, on the Indian
divisions, i. 8; on the Indian
totem, i. 9 ; on the subjection of
the Lenape, i. 29 ; on the resist
ance met by the Five Nations, i.
30; on the movements of the
Shawanoes, i. 36.

Gamelin, Mr., iii. 218.

Ganeagaonoh, the, see Mohawks,
the.

Gantlet, running the, i. 248; ii.
30.

Garangula, caustic irony of, i. 18.

Gardiner, on the battle of Quebec,
i. 143.

Garneau, on feudal tenure in Can
ada, i. 54; on the Jesuits in
Canada, i. 56 ; on the dispute
over the limits of Acadia, i. 101 ;
on the capture of the " Lys " and
the " Alcide," i. 108.

Gates, in Braddock's expedition,
i. 115; wounded, i. 118.

Gaunt, Elizabeth, burned to death,
i. 80.

Geebi,i. 41.

General Hospital, the, at Quebec,
i. 145.

Genesee River, the, i. 19.

Genesees, the, see Senecas, the.

Genesee valley, the, inhabited by
the Senecas, ii. 207.

"Gentleman's Magazine," on the
capture of the "Lys" and the
"Alcide," i. 108; on the portent
of disaster hanging over Detroit,
i. 220; on the fight of Bloody
Bridge, ii. 74 ; on the property
lost by the traders, ii. 140; on
the battle of Bushy Run, ii.
203.

Genundewah, the Hill of, Senec
village on, i. 17.

George III., of England, iii. 258.

George, Lake, i. 120, 121, 122,
123; description of, i. 127;
Jogues on, i. 127; Montcalm
on, i. 128; Abercrombie at, i.
129; Amherst on, i. 132; i. 168,
171.

German butchers, the, come to
the defence of Philadelphia, iii.
15; iii. 244.

German farmers, the, pleased by
Bouquet's promotion, iii. 117.

German Flats, i. 158; ii. 132.

Germans, the ancient, i. 209.

German settlers, the, in Pennsyl
vania, i. 88, 92; ii. 219; in
America, ii. 163.

Germantown, the Moravian con
verts at, ii. 271 ; the Paxton
men at, iii. 16; iii. 245, 247,
249.

Germany, i. 165.

Gibraltar, Braddock made gov
ernor of, i. 111.

Gibson, James, appointed by the
Paxton men to treat with the
Pennsylvania government, iii.
18, 20; lays a "declaration"
and a "remonstrance" before
the Assembly, iii. 23 ; refused
a public conference, iii. 24 ; the
text of the memorial presented
by, iii. 251-257.

Gilmor, Robert, ii. 126.

Gist, Christopher, i. 102; on the
wilderness of the Mississippi
Valley, i. 162.

Giver of Life, the, iii. 170, 214.

Gladwyn, Major, in command at
Detroit, i. 186; learns of the
Indian conspiracy, i. 197 ; ad
vises Amherst, i. 197 ; Pontiac
dances the calumet dance before,

INDEX.

295

i. 217; ignores Gouin's warning
of an impending Indian attack,
i. 227 ; warned by Catherine
of Pontiac's plot, i. 227, 228 ;
a night of anxiety, i. 229 ; his
preparations for defence, i. 230 ;
receives Pontiac, i. 234 ; Pon
tiac's plot, i. 234 ; defeats Pon
tiac's plot, i. 235 ; his reply to
Pontiac, i. 235; his report to
Amherst, i. 236 ; censured for
letting Pontiac depart, i. 236;
Pontiac throws off the mask, i.
239 ; prepares for the attack, i.
243 ; the attack, i. 243 ; the de
fence, i. 244 ; Amherst approves
of the conduct of, i. 250, 251 ;
refuses to surrender, ii. 4 ; his
letter to Amherst, ii. 9; sends
a ship to Niagara for aid, ii. 21 ;
learns of the fate of Fort
Sandusky, ii. 31 ; on the fate of
the forest garrisons, ii. 32 ;
learns of the fate of Michili-
mackinac, ii. 36, 117; Ethering-
ton asks aid from, ii. 36; his
letter from Jenkins, ii. 37, 38 ;
letter from Christie to, ii. 41 ;
ii. 52; Pontiac tries to terrify
him into submission, ii. 52 ; his
contemptuous reply to Pontiac,
ii. 52 ; learns of the murder of
Campbell, ii. 59; his armed
schooners at Detroit, ii. 61 ; the
firerafts of the Indians, ii. 63;
changing temper of the Indians,
ii. 64; they ask for peace, ii.
64 ; his treatment of the Potta-
wattamies, ii. 65, 66 ; on Dal-
zell's arrival at Detroit, ii. 68 ;
his interview with Dalzell, ii.
70 ; on the additions to the
Indian forces at Detroit, ii. 80 ;
on the Indian attack on the
schooner " Gladwyn," ii. 83;

Etherington's report of the
massacre at Michilimackinac to,
ii. 104; warns Ecuyer of his
danger, ii. 136; ii. 169; Am
herst commends the conduct of,
ii. 169; the Indians offer the
pipe of peace to, ii. 244; con
sents to a truce, ii. 244 ; receives
an offer of peace from Pontiac,
ii. 245 ; communicates it to
Amherst, ii. 246 ; learns of the
misfortune to Williams, ii. 247 ;
ordered by Amherst to restore
the western outposts, iii. 29 ;
complains to Bouquet, iii. 29;
signifies his intention to resign,
iii. 29; iii. 211,215, 226.

" Gladwyn," the schooner, i. 224 ;
sent to Niagara, ii. 81 ; Horst
master of, ii. 81 ; attacked by
the Indians, ii. 81 ; ordered to
be blown up, ii. 82 ; the Indians
seized with a panic, ii. 82;
reaches Detroit, ii. 82.

Glendenning, Archibald, the forti
fied house of, ii. 222 ; attacked
by the Indians, ii. 222-224;
death of, ii. 223.

Glendenning, Mrs. Archibald,
captured by the Indians, ii. 223 ;
escape of, ii. 224; her terrible
experiences, ii. 224 ; murder of
her child, ii. 224.

Gnadenhutten, the Moravian set
tlement of, ii. 268; utterly de
stroyed by the French and In
dians, ii. 268.

Goddard, the trader, at Michili
mackinac, ii. 94; the demands
of the Ottawas, ii. 94 ; prepares
to resist, ii. 94 ; the timely ar
rival of the troops, ii. 94.

Godefroy, sent to Pontiac's camp,
i. 245, 246; in the capture of
Fort Miami, ii. 39 ; taken pris-

296

INDEX.

oner by Bradstreet, iii. 57 ; ac
companies Morris as interpreter,
iii. 57 ; in Pontiac's camp, iii.
58 ; saves the life of Morris,
iii. 60 ; his fidelity to Morris, iii.
62-64; returns to Detroit,
iii. 65.

God of the Thunder, the, legend
of, i. 42.

God of the Waters, the, see
Taounyawatha.

God-rattlesnake, the, iii. 40.

Goiogoens, the, see Cayugas, the.

Gordon, on the relations between
the Quakers and the Indians, i.
148 ; on the uprising against
Fort Pitt, ii. 136 ; on the atro
cities of the Indians, ii. 225 ; on
the uncomfortable position of
the Quakers, iii. 7 ; on the prep
arations for the defence of
Philadelphia, iii. 13; on the
enormities of white barbarians,
iii. 75.

Gordon, the engineer, in Brad-
dock's expedition, i. 116.

Gordon, Captain Harry, on the
Illinois colony, iii. 126.

Gordon, Lieutenant, letter from
Christie to, ii. 40; ii. 151 ; mur
dered by the Senecas, ii. 152,
171.

Gorell, Lieutenant, journal of, i.
158, 159; in command at Green
Bay, ii. 88 ; on life at the Jesuit
missions, ii. 88 ; in command of
^he Royal American regiment,
ii. 126; on the relations between
the Dahcotahs and other neigh
boring tribes, ii. 126; his rela
tion to the fur-trade, ii. 126 ; his
tact with the Indians, ii. 127 ;
conciliates the Menominies, ii.
127 ; learns of the massacre at
Michilimackinac, ii. 128; goes

to the relief of Etherington, ii.
129 ; the Indians attempt to
prevent his departure, ii. 129 ;
the Dahcotahs take the part of,
ii. 129 ; at the village of I/Arbre
Croche, ii. 130; secures the re
lease of Etherington and Leslie,
ii. 130, 131; iii. 43.

Goshen, the town of, abandoned
because of a singular incident,
ii. 210.

Gouin, M., warns Gladwyn of an
impending Indian attack, i. 227 ;
on Pontiac's plot defeated, i.
235 ; on Bloody Run, i. 242 ; in
Pontiac's camp, i. 247 ; on Pon
tiac's commissary, ii. 14; on
Pontiac's power, ii. 17 ; on the
escape of a part of the English
convoy at Detroit, ii. 24 ; on the
fate of the prisoners of Cuyler's
detachment, ii. 30 ; on the mur
der of Campbell by the Indians,
ii. 60; on the fight of Bloody
Bridge, ii. 79 ; on the death of
Pontiac, iii. 187, 189; on the
siege of Detroit, iii. 222.

Gouin (son), iii. 222.

Government agents, the, iii. 151 ;
attacked by the Paxton men, iii.
152.

Graham, Captain, wounded at
Bushy Run, iii. 228.

Graham, Lieutenant, killed at
Bushy Run, iii. 228.

Grahame, i. 138.

" Granary of the Algonquins," the,
i. 26.

Grand River, ii. 8.

Grand Sauteur, the, Croghan's in
terview with, iii. 137; attends
Croghan's meeting at Detroit,
iii. 167; bloody death of, iii.
168; his speech at Detroit, iii.
168.

INDEX.

297

Grant, Captain, in DalzelTs night
attack on Pontiac, ii. 71, 74, 78,
79; in command at Fort Pitt,
iii. 80 ; on the disposition of the
savages, iii. 80 ; his letter to
Bouquet, iii. 80, 81 ; on Pon-
tiac's designs, iii. 135.

Grant, Lieutenant, in command at
Fort London, iii. 152 ; his expe
riences with the borderers, iii.
153, 154 ; a curious letter of, iii.
153.

Grant, Mrs., relates a story of an
English officer, ii. 21.

Grant's Highlanders, ii. 134.

Gratiot, Fort, i. 221.

Gray, Benjamin, on the defence of
Fort Presqu'isle, ii. 45, 47 ;
escapes from the Indians, ii. 46,
47 ; reaches Fort Pitt, ii. 47 ; on
the capitulation of Fort Presqu'
isle, ii. 146, 147.

Gray, Captain, in Dalzell's night
attack on Pontiac, ii. 71 ; mor
tally wounded, ii. 76.

Gray, Thomas, i. 138.

Graydon, letter to Bird from, ii.
237.

Great Cove, the, ii. 234 ; iii. 255.

Great Death Ground, the, ii. 12.

Great Island, the, Armstrong at,
ii. 236 ; iii. 253, 260.

Great Lakes, the, i. 98, 159.

Great Meadows, the, Washington
at, i. 105.

Great Mogul, the, i. 109.

Great Ojibwa, the, see Minavavana.

Great Spirit, the, i. 15, 16, 43, 187,
204, 205, 212, 214, 215 ; ii. 7,
92, 98, 116, 122; iii. 88, 89, 102,
157, 170, 177, 179, 180, 212.

Great Turtle, the, chief of the
spirit, ii. 86 ; iii. 36, 37. See
also Michilimackinac, Fort.

Green Bay, Jesuit mission at, i.

60; French fort at, i. 67; the
English take possession of, i.
177; description of, ii. 87; ii.
125 ; the fort at, ii. 126; its first
English garrison, ii. 126 ; Indian
tribes near, ii. 126; iii. 43; re-
occupied by the English, iii. 56.

Green Bay Indians, the, ii. 129;
request the Ottawas to release
their English prisoners, ii. 130.

Green, Thomas, the trader, slaugh
tered by the Indians, ii. 139.

Greenbrier, the settlement of,
attacked by Indians, ii. 222-224.

Greenhalgh, on the cruelties of the
Iroquois, i. 23; on the numeri
cal strength of the Iroquois, i.
25 ; on the social organization of
the Iroquois, i. 32.

Grenadiers, the, in Wolfe's expedi
tions against Quebec, i. 135 ;
their ill-timed impetuosity, i.
135.

" Griffin," the, built by La Salle, i.
62 ; her voyage, i. 62, 63 ; loss
of, i. 63.

Grignon, Augustin, on Langlade,
ii. 105.

Grube, Bernard, missionary among
the Moravian converts, ii. 270;
his letter to Governor Hamilton,
ii. 270.

Gumley, Colonel, fights a duel
with Braddock, i. 111.

Gwengwehonoh, the, see Cayugas,
the.

Habitants, i. 185 ; at Detroit, ii. 22.

Haldimand Papers, the, i. 229.

Half-breeds, the, at Detroit, ii. 53.

Haliburton, on the expulsion of
the Acad^ans, i. 120.

Halifax, Indians in the neighbor
hood of, ii. 252.

Halifax, Lord, letter from Golden

298

INDEX.

to, i. 94 ; letters from Gage to,
ii. 16, 79 ; letter from Governor
Golden to, iii. 196; letter from
Gage to, iii. 263-265.

Halkett, ou the futility of Jesuit
missionary efforts, i. 59.

Hambough, Mr., captured by the
Indians at Michilimackinac, ii.
35.

Hambright, Colonel John, gives
evidence against the Conestoga
Indians, iii. 233.

Hamilton, Governor, of Pennsyl
vania, urges the Assembly to
defend the frontiers, ii. 230;
letter from Grube to, ii. 270;
Amherst's protest to, iii. 76 ;
letter from Shippen to, iii. 237.

Hamilton, James, i. 89, 184.

Hamilton, William, death of, iii.
235.

Harris, Mr., iii. 238, 242.

Harrisburg, ii. 135, 257 ; iii. 89.

Harrisburg Papers, ii. 209.

Harrison, William Henry, on the
Hurons, i. 31.

Harris's Ferry, ii. 135, 237.

Hatchet, burying the, among the
Indians, iii. 102.

Havana, ii. 170.

Haviland, Colonel, advances
against Montreal, i. 147.

Hawk, clan of the, i. 7, 14.

Hawkins, on the Indian totem, i.
9 ; on the descent of the sachem-
ship among the Creeks, i. 14.

Hay, John, sheriff of Lancaster,
collects the survivors of the
Conestoga massacre, ii. 261 ; on
the massacre at Lancaster jail,
ii. 265.

Hay, Lieutenant, at Detroit, ii. 58 ;
iii. 135.

Hazard, on the purchase of land
from the Indians, i. 86 ; on the

feelings of the Quakers towards
the Indians, i. 88 ; on Braddock's
expedition, i. 115; letter from a
Carlisle fugitive, ii. 187 ; on the
Conestoga massacre, ii. 261 ; on
the preparations for the defence
of Philadelphia, iii. 13 ; on the
narrow escape of the German
butchers, iii. 15; on the Paxton
men, iii. 16 ; on the satire of the
Presbyterians, iii. 17; on the
English women among the In
dians, iii. 106; on the Paxton
riots, iii. 243.

Heckewelder, on the origin of the
Iroquois. i. 15 ; on the submis
sion of the Lenape to the Five
Nations, i. 34; on the restora
tion of the Lenape to position,
i. 35 ; on the slaughter of the
traders by the Indians, ii. 141 ;
on the massacre at Lancaster
jail, ii. 263 ; on the exile of the
Moravian converts, ii. 271 ; on
the treatment of the Moravian
converts by Robertson's High
landers, iii. 9; on the narrow
escape of the German butchers,
iii. 15 ; on the flowers of Indian
rhetoric, iii. 171.

Henderson, in the battle of Que
bec, i. 144.

Hendrick, the Mohawk chief, with
Johnson, i. 121 ; death of,i. 122 ;
i. 125.

Hennepin, on La Salle's voyage in
the " Griffin," i. 63.

Henry, Alexander, the trader, on
the mode of life among the 0 jib-
was, i. 40; i. 172 ; on the prim
itive barbarism of the 0 jib was,
ii. 89 ; at Michilimackinac, ii.
90; his adventures, ii. 90-94;
the demands of the Ottawas, ii.
94 ; prepares to resist, ii. 94 ; the

INDEX.

299

timely arrival of the troops, ii.
94 ; distrusts the Indians, ii. 97 ;
Wawatam forms an attachment
for, ii. 97 ; "Wawatam tries to
warn him of the coming attack,
ii. 98, 99 ; on the massacre at
Michilimackinac, ii. 101, 104-
111 ; his escape, ii. 104-112; his
further adventures, ii. 113-125;
his land transactions, ii. 120; at
Sault Ste. Marie, iii. 35 ; on the

' Indian invocation of the spirits,
iii. 38 ; on Indian superstitions,
iii. 39, 40; joins Bradstreet's ex
pedition, iii. 46 ; in command of
the Ojibwas and Mississaugas,
iii. 46 ; iii. 224.

Heriot, on the traditions of the
Island of Michilimackinac, ii.
123.

Herkimer, Fort, i. 1 58.

Hero-worship, by the Indians, i. 6,
45, 199.

Hertel, iii. 95.

Hicks, Gershom, on the calumnies
of the French, i. 186 ; on the
small-pox among the Indians, ii.
174; arrested as a spy, iii. 81;
General Gage's instructions con
cerning, iii. 81 ; nothing found
against, iii. 81 ; on the influence
of the French traders upon the
Indians, iii. 136.

Highlanders, the, in Aber-
crombie's attack on Ticonder-
oga, i. 129 ; in Bouquet's expe
dition against the Indians, ii.
189, 190; sent to reinforce Fort
Ligonier, ii. 191 ; their useless-
ness as flankers, ii. 193 ; in the
battle of Bushy Kun, ii. 202.

Highland regulars, the, at Bou
quet's council with the Dela-
wares, iii. 87.

Hildreth, Dr., on the calumnies

of the French, i. 185; on the
influence of the French traders
upon the Indians, iii. 136 ; on
Croghan's journey to the Illi
nois, iii. 171.

Hodenosaunee, the, see Iroquois,
the.

Hoffman, Captain, iii. 245.

Holland, the republic of, ii. 163.

Holmes, on the dispute over the
limits of Acadia, i. 101 ; on the
Albany plan of union, i. 107 ;
on the battle of Lake George,
i. 125 ; on Abercrombie's force,
i. 126.

Holmes, Admiral, passes the bat
teries of Quebec, i. 136.

Holmes, Ensign, in command at
Fort Miami, i. 197; discovers
the Indian conspiracy, i. 197;
advises Gladwyn, i. 197, 198;
treacherously killed by the In
dians, ii. 38, 39.

Hope, Mount, i. 32.

Hopkins, escapes from the mas
sacre at Wyoming, ii. 238.

Hopkins's rangers, ii. 67 ; dis
banded, ii. 167.

Horst, master of the " Gladwyn,"
ii. 81 ; killed by the Indians, ii.
82.

Hosmer, Mr., on Pontiac's plot, i.
228.

Howard, Captain, sent by Brad-
street to take possession of
Michilimackinac, iii. 56.

Howe, Lord, killed at Ticon-
deroga, i. 129.

Hoyt, on the battle of Lake
George, i. 125.

Hudson River, the, ii. 133, 162,
210; iii. 192.

Hudson's Bay, i. 32.

Hughes, John, suggests using dogs
against the Indians, ii. 174, 175.

300

INDEX.

Hulings, at Fort Pitt, ii. 205.

Hunter, Fort, i. 158 ; iii. 234.

Huron, Lake, i. 25, 27, 32, 37 ;
La Salle on, i. 63 ; i. 177 ; ii.
36, 85, 122, 124, 249; iii. 37.

Hurons, the, location of, i. 25;
their war with the Five Nations,
i. 26, 27 ; population of, i. 26 ;
their habits and customs, i. 26 ;
their (hvellings, i. 26; totemic
clans among, i. 26 ; descent of
the sachemship among, i. 26 ;
their traffic with the Algon-
quins, i. 27 ; faithful in their
adherence to the Church, i. 31 ;
the Jesuits among i. 57; at
Fort Duquesne, i. 113; attend
Croghan's meeting at Detroit,
iii. 181 ; iii. 212, 217, 267. See
also Wyandots, the.

Hurons of Lorette, the, at Fort
Duquesne, i. 114; a conquered
people, i. 153.

Huron villages, the, English
traders in, ii. 140.

Hutchins, Thomas, the geogra
pher, on the Indian population,
i. 155 ; on the wilderness of the
Mississippi Valley, i. 162; on
the battle of Bushy Run, ii.
203 ; on the Illinois colony, iii.
126.

IBERVILLE, LE MOYNE D', founds
Louisiana, i. 66.

Illinois, the, suffer from the at
tacks of the Five Nations, i. 37 ;
characteristics of, i. 37 ; on the
Mississippi, i. 157 ; nominal
limits of, i. 162; importune
Saint- An ge, iii. 133; Pontiac
fails to incite, iii. 138 ; Pontiac's
dealings with, iii. 139; join
Pontiac, iii. 139; in Cahokia,
iii. 185; vengeance taken for

the death of Pontiac upon, iii.
188 ; iii. 268. See also Illinois,
the, tribes of.

Illinois chiefs, the, Croghan's
meeting with, iii. 166.

Illinois colony, the, establishment
of, iii. 125; languishes, iii. 125;
government of, iii. 126; popu
lation of, iii. 127; vagabond
Indians in, iii. 128.

Illinois country, the, ii. 245 ; iii.
97; the extent of, iii. 119; a
hunter's paradise, iii. 121 ; not
free from the primal curse, iii.
121, 122 ; early colonization of,
iii. 123; La Salle the father of,
iii. 123 ; La Salle's fort in, iii.
124; the Jesuits in, iii. 124;
fur-traders in, iii. 125 ; the
colony languishes in, iii. 125;
subject to a military command
ant, iii. 126 ; comes under the
jurisdiction of the United
States, iii. 126; the Indians of,
iii. 129; ceded by France to
England by the Treaty of Paris,
iii. 130; the English unable
immediately to occupy, iii. 130;
Pontiac resolves to defend, iii.
135 ; Pittman's plan to proceed
to, iii. 143 ; the importance of
the English occupation of, iii.
149; Eraser in, iii. 158; the
Indians promise to aid the Eng
lish in taking possession of, iii.
165; iii. 178; disorders in, iii.
182; iii. 267,268,269.

Illinois French, the, sinister con
duct of, iii. 136.

Illinois River, the, i. 37 ; La Salle
on, i. 65 ; i. 67 ; Indian tribes
on, iii. 129 ; French traders on,
iii. 135 ; iii. 267.

Illinois, the State of, tenanted by
wild beasts alone, i. 154; iso-

INDEX.

301

lated Canadian settlements of,
i. 162; iii. 119, 141.

Illinois, the, tribes of, dismayed
by the Iroquois, i. 10; La Salle
in the unknown region of, i. 63 ;
the settlements of, i. 163 ; Morris
sent to treat with, iii. 51 ; in
cited to war by the Delawares
and Shawanoes, iii. 62; a de
bauched and drunken rabble,
iii. 128; Eraser's estimate of,
iii. 127, 128; in the Creole
settlements, iii. 129 ; their abhor
rence of the threatened advent
of the English, iii. 129. See
also Illinois, the.

Illinois villages, the, i. 37.

Imakinakos, ii. 123.

Indian, the, a true child of the
forest, i. 3; inflexible in his
adherence to ancient usages and
customs, i. 6 ; his hero worship,
i. 6.

Indian ball-play, ii. 102, 103.

Indian clans, i. 6; emblems of,
i. 7.

Indian dandies, at Detroit, ii. 53.

Indian history, difficulty in study
ing, i. 9.

Indian John, iii. 233.

Indians, the, divided into several
great families, i. 3 ; prominent
characteristics of, i. 4; tribal
pride, i. 4 ; origin of their
names, i. 4 ; their sachems, i. 4 ;
their laws of inheritance, i. 4 ;
their distinction between the
civil and military authority, i.
5; functions of their war-chief,
i. 5 ; their dread of female in
fidelity, i. 5; singularly free
from wranglings and petty
strife, i. 6 ; distinct clans among,
i. 7 ; totems of, i. 7 ; their re
strictions regarding intermar

riage, i. 7 ; religious belief of,
i. 43 ; character of, i. 43 ; their
stern physiognomy, i. 45; re
venge an overpowering instinct
with, i. 45 ; loathe the thought
of coercion, i. 45; devout hero-
worshippers, i. 45 ; their love of
glory, i. 46; their distrust and
jealousy, i. 46 ; their self-control,
i. 46 ; their peculiar intellect, i.
47; hewn out of rock, i. 48;
peculiar intimacy of relation
between the French Canadians
and, i. 69 ; influence of the In
dians over, i. 73 ; contrast be
tween the English and French
policy of treating, i. 78, 79;
William Penn's humane treat
ment of, i. 84-86 ; kindly treated
by the Quakers, i. 85 ; the Puri
tans the first to purchase land
from, i. 85 ; alarmed by the ap
pearance of the French in the
Ohio Valley, i. 105; disgusted
by the encroachments of the
Pennsylvanians, i. 106; the
Quakers gain the confidence of,
i. 148; their population, i. 154;
the woodsmen compared with, i.
166 ; an example of the acute-
ness of, i. 166, 167; their in
creasing hatred of the English,
i. 179; the English withhold
presents from, i. 180; their dis
content, i. 181 ; the fur-traders'
treatment of i. 182; their ill-
treatment at the forts, i. 182,
183 ; intrusion of settlers on the
lands of, i. 183 ; the French dis
tribute presents to, i. 186; con
spire against the English, i.
188; their stupendous plot, i.
189 ; personal merit indispensa
ble to power among, i. 191 ; a
momentous and gloomy crisis, i.

302

INDEX.

192-194; Pontiac's conspiracy,
i. 194-196; dissimulation of, i.
197 ; the plot nearly discovered,
i. 197; military capacity of, i.
199 ; their reverence for age, i.
200; their inveterate passion
for war, i. 201 ; difficult foes to
fight, i. 202; held in supreme
contempt by Amherst, i. 203;
nothing progressive in the in
flexible natures of, i. 216; con
geniality between the Cana
dians and, i. 223 ; treachery and
deceit natural to, i. 237; differ
widely from Europeans, i. 237 ;
their notion of military valor, i.
237 ; their idea of military
honor, ii. 5 ; their methods of
fighting, ii. 6; cannibalism
among, ii. 29 ; their firm belief
in the coming of the French
King, ii. 52 ; use of dogs as food
among, ii. 57 ; yield submission
to no man, ii. 64 ; their stead
fastness and perseverance at
the siege of Detroit, ii. 64 ; the
instability of their character, ii.
96; not habitual cannibals, ii.
121 ; their superstitious regard
for insanity, ii. 142 ; extenuating
circumstances of their perfidy
and cruelty, ii. 157 ; Amherst's
view of, ii. 172; Amherst urges
Bouquet to spread small-pox
among, ii. 173 ; the suggestion
of using dogs against, ii. 173,
174 ; effect of rum upon, ii. 246 ;
the neglect and injustice of the
British government towards, iii.
26 ; Johnson urges the British
government to conciliate, iii. 27 ;
the British government lays out
a reservation for, iii. 27 ; impos
sible to reclaim them from their
savage state, iii. 28 ; the oracle

of, iii. 36-38 ; their superstitions,
iii. 39, 40 ; burying the hatchet
among, iii. 102; hold tender af
fections in contempt, iii. 108;
their treatment of prisoners, iii.
109-111; attachment of their
captives to the life of, iii. Ill,
112; drunkenness the bane of,
iii. 171 ; the flowers of their
rhetoric, iii. 171 ; left by France
to irretrievable ruin, iii. 173 ;
feel the blessings of returning
peace, iii. 174; prospects of, iii.
181 ; the manner of counting
used by, iii. 212. For the dif
ferent tribes see also :

Abenakis, Delawares,

Aggonnonshioni, Dionondadies,

Agnierrhonons, Eries,

Agniers, Erigas,

Algonquins, Foxes,

Andastes, Ganeagaonoh,

Anies, Genesees,

Anoyints, Goiogoens,

Apaches, Green Bay,

Aquanuscioni, Hodenosaunee,

Arapahoes, Hurons,

Blackfoots, Illinois,

Cahokias, Iroquois,

Caiyoquos, Jenontowanos,

Camanches, Kaskaskias,

Canungas, Kickapoos,

Catawbas, Knisteneaux,

Caughnawagas, L'Arbre Croche,

Gayugas, Lenni Lenape,

Ghaouanons, Lenape,

Chenandoanes, Loups,

Chennessies, Mahaquase,

Cherokees, Maquas,

Choctaws, Massawomecs,

Chickasaws, Mauguawogs,

Chippewas, Mengwe,

Chippeways, Menominies,

Christians, Messagues,

Conestogas, Miamis,

Confederates, Mingoes,

Conoys, Minisinks,

Creeks, Mississaugas,

Crees, Missouris,

Crows, Mitchigamies,

Dahcotahs, Mohawks,

INDEX.

303

Pani,

Pawnees,

Peorias,

Pequoda,

Petuneux,

Piankishaws,

Pottawattamies,

Quatogies,

Sacs,

Sacs and Foxes,

Sandusky,

Sankhicans,

Sanks,

Saulteurs,

Senecas,

Shawanoes,

Sinnikes,

Tamaronas,

Tionontatez,

Tobacco Nation,

Tsonnontouans,

Tuscaroras,

Twighties,

Twightwees,

Western,

Mohegans,

Mohicans,

Moravian,

Nanticokes,

Neutrals,

New England,

Northern,

Nundawaronoh,

OgillaUah,

Ohios,

Ojibwas,

Oneidaa,

Oneotas,

Oneyyotecaro-

nohs,
Onneiouts,
Onnontagues,
Onoiochrhonons,
Onondagaonohs,
Onondagas,
Onoyats,
Osages,
Ottawas,
Ottaways,
Ouatanons,
Ouendaets,
Cutaways, Wyalusing,

Palenachend- Wyandots,

chiesktajeet, Tendots.

Indians of Canada, the, i. 71.

Indians of Detroit, the, in arms
against Rogers, i. 174.

Indians of Michilimackinac, the,
invited to join Pontiac, ii. 96.

Indians of New England, the, fear
ful of the Mohawks, i. 10.

Indians of Ouatanon, the, iii. 165.

Indian traders, ii. 253.

Indian village, the, free from
wranglings and petty strife, i. 6.

Indian war, the, causes of, iii. 198-
201.

Insanity, superstitious regard en
tertained by the Indians for, ii.
142.

Intermarriage, Indian restrictions
regarding, i. 7.

Ireland, the Scotch in, ii. 219 ; ii.
254.

Irish Presbyterians, the, plan to

attack the Moravian Indians, ii.
270 ; their plan defeated, ii.
270.

Irish settlers, the, in Pennsylvania,
i. 88, 92; ii. 219.

Iroquois Indians, the, i. 8; fore
most in war, eloquence, and the
savage arts of policy, i. 9; ex
tent of their conquests and dep
redations, i. 9 ; names applied
to, i. 9 ; their ferocious valor, i.
10; advantageous location of, i.
1 1 ; the true fountain of their
success, i. 11 ; their scheme of
government, i. 11; political
division of, i. 1 1 ; individual or
ganization of, i. 11, 12 ; the sys
tem of totemship, i. 13; the de
scent of the sachemship, i. 13 ;
the political institutions of, i.
14 ; customs take the place of
laws among, i. 14 ; the weight
of moral power among, i. 14;
origin of, i. 15 ; their legend of
Taounyawatha, i. 15, 16 ; curi
ous legends of, i. 17; peculiar
eloquence of, i. 18 ; the arts of
life among, i. 18, 19 ; their dwell
ings and works of defence, i. 19 ;
their life, i. 21, 22; barbarities
of, i. 22, 23 ; momentous cere
monies of, i. 23 ; their bound
less pride, i. 24 ; the numerical
strength of, i. 25 ; the Five Na
tions, i. 26-30; their superior
social organization, i. 31 ; supe
rior to the Algonquins, i. 41 ;
the Jesuits among, i. 57, 58;
spread havoc and woe through
Canada, i. 70 ; Champlain joins
the Algonquins against, i. 70;
completely routed, i. 71 ; spread
misery through the colony, i.
72; their ferocity, i. 73; begin
to quail before the French at-

304

INDEX.

tacks, i. 74 ; the annual present
from England to, i. 78 ; Penn's
purchase from, i. 86; called
upon to expel the Delawares
from the Penns' purchase, i. 90
send war-parties against the
Cherokees and the Catawbas, i
93 ; jealous of the English, i. 93 ;
Piquet's influence over, i. 94 ;
i. 98; make a treaty with the
English at Albany, i. 107 ; in a
state of very doubtful attach
ment, i. 152 ; flock to the Eng
lish, i. 152 ; population of, i.
, 154; their condition after the
French war, i. 155 ; borrow
much from English customs, i.
156; ready to take part against
the English, i. 179; the English
withhold presents from, i. 180;
running the gantlet among, i.
248; attend Johnson's council,
ii. 207 ; urged by Johnson to
attack the hostile tribes, ii. 208 ;
urge the Delawares to bury the
hatchet, ii. 209; attend John
son's conference at Niagara, iii.
38 ; join Bradstreet's expedition,
iii. 46 ; attend Bradstreet's coun
cil at Detroit, iii. 55 ; offended
by Bradstreet, iii. 55, 56, 70;
attend Johnson's council with
Pontiac at Oswego, iii. 176;
territory of, iii. 191, 192;
French and English policy
towards, iii. 193-197.
Iroquois village, the, description

of, i. 19, 20.

Iroquois villages, the, i. 155.
Isaac, the Indian, iii. 235.
Isle-au-Cochon, i. 225, 240.
Isle-aux-Noix, the French retire

to, i. 132.
Isle du Castor, ii. 130.

JACKSON'S RIVER, 233.
Jacobs, mate of the "Gladwyn,"
ii. 81 ; orders the schooner to be
blown up, ii. 82; his bravery
and rashness, ii. 83; lost on
Lake Erie, ii. 83.
Jadeau, Mr., iii. 135.
James, on the religious belief of

the Indians, i. 43.
James, Joshua, iii. 234.
Jamet, Lieutenant, see Jamette,

Lieutenant.

Jamette, Lieutenant, killed by the
Indians at Michilimackinac, ii.
36, 104, 128; iii. 224.
Jarvis, on the religious belief of

the Indians, i. 43.
Jefferson, on the numerical
strength of the Iroquois, i. 25.
Jegarie, death of, iii. 250.
Jegrea, Chief, iii. 235.
Jemison, Mary, ii. 214 ; captured
by the Senecas, iii. 106 ; her at
tachment to Indian life, iii. 106.
Jernmison, on the wilderness of

the Mississippi Valley, i. 162.
Jenkins, Lieutenant Edward, in
command at Fort Ouatanon, i.
186 ; ii. 37 ; on the calumnies of
the French, i. 186 ; attacked and
taken prisoner by the Indians,
ii. 37 ; his letter to Gladwyn, ii.
37, 38; complains of the Cana
dians, ii. 38.
Jenontowanos, the, see Senecas,

the.
Jerseys, the, frontiers of, Indian

outrages on, ii. 253.
Fesuit missions, the, ii. 87.
Fesuits, the, among the Hurons, i.
26; on the "Granary of the
Algonquins," i. 26 ; on the Wy-
andots, i. 27 ; on the intelligence
of the Five Nations, i. 31 ; on
the social organization of the

INDEX.

305

Iroquois, i. 32 ; in Canada, i. 51
the Canadian missions assigned
to, i. 56 ; the pioneers in North
ern America, i. 56 ; thorny and
bloody path of, i. 57 ; futility of
their missionary efforts, i. 59;
lead the van of French coloniza
tion, i. 60 ; stanch and steadfast
auxiliaries of the imperial power,
i. 60; La Salle's life among, i.
62 ; their influence over the In
dians, i. 73; on the Detroit, i.
221 ; among the Pottawatta-
mies, ii. 34; their mission at
Michilimackinac, ii. 87 ; their
missions at Green Bay and Sault
Ste. Marie, ii. 87 ; in the Illinois
country, iii. 124 ; their missions
in the Illinois country, iii. 125;
iii. 198.

Jogues, Father Isaac among the

Indians, i. 58 ; his martyrdom, i.

59 ; on Lake Champlain, i. 127.

Johnson, John, on Wolfe before

Quebec, i. 140.

Johnson, Sir William, on the Eng
lish neglect of Indian affairs,
i. 78, 79 ; comes to America, i.
94 ; his trade with the Indians,
i. 95; his love affairs, i. 95;
made a major-general, i. 96 ;
wins the battle of Lake George,
i. 96 ; raised to the rank of bar
onet, i. 96; appointed superin
tendent of Indian affairs, i. 96 ;
captures Fort Niagara, i. 96 ;
death of, i. 97 ; sketch of, i. 97 ;
his serious defects, i. 97; his
influence, i. 98; embarrasses
Piquet, i. 98 ; charged with the
expedition against Crown Point,
i. 121 ; attacked by Dieskau, i.
121 ; the battle of Lake George,
i. 122-125 ; captures Fort Niag
ara, i. 131, 132; urges the Dela-

VOL. in. — 20

wares to lay down the hatchet,
i. 148; his conferences with the
Six Nations, i. 152; on the In
dian population, i. 154; the two
seats of, i. 158; on the discon
tent among the Indians pro
duced by the suppression of
presents, i. 181 ; i. 184, 196; re
ceives an account of the siege of
Detroit, i. 250 ; on the changing
temper of the Indians, ii. 66;
learns the fate of Venango, ii.
152; his influence over the Six
Nations, ii. 162 ; his conferences
with the Six Nations, ii. 207;
urges the Iroquois to attack the
hostile tribes, ii. 208; his ser
vices in promoting peace, ii.
209; his letter to Amherst, ii.
209; the object of the especial
enmity of the Indians, ii. 210;
fortifies Johnson Hall, ii. 210;
his letter from Gage ii. 244;
persuades the Six Nations to
attack the Delawares, ii. 250;
offers a re ward for the Delaware
chiefs, ii. 250 ; the Moravian
converts sent to, iii. 8; letter
from Governor Penn to, iii. 1 1 ;
expresses much sympathy for
the Moravian converts, iii. 11 ;
his memorials on Indian affairs,
iii. 26-28 ; on the character of
Bradstreet, iii. 33 ; calls a con
ference of the Indians at Niag
ara, iii. 34-38 ; the tribes repre
sented at his conference, iii.
38-40 ; receives an insolent mis
sive from the Delawares and
Shawanoes, iii. 41 ; makes a
treaty with the Senecas, iii. 42 ;
the Senecas break their promise
to, iii. 42 ; threatens the Sene
cas, iii. 42 ; concludes peace with
the Senecas, iii. 42; terms of

306

INDEX.

the peace, iii. 42 ; makes a treaty
with the Wyandots, iii. 42 ; his
welcome to the Ottawas and the
Meuominies, iii. 43; conclusion
of the conference, iii. 44; ad
heres to his policy, iii. 45; on
the pretended embassy of the
Delawares and Shawanoes, iii.
48 ; iii. 50, 52 ; on the conduct
of Bradstreet, iii. 55, 70, 71 ; on
the 'conduct of Owens, iii. 75 ;
promises Bouquet reinforce
ments, iii. 80; Bouquet refers
the tribes to, iii. 101 ; the Dela
wares and Shawanoes keep their
appointment, iii. 118; concludes
a treaty with the Delawares and
Shawanoes, iii. 118 ; on the sin
ister conduct of the Illinois
French, iii. 136 ; iii. 149 ; on the
seizure of Indian goods by the
borderers, iii. 154 ; on Croghan's
mission, iii. 154 ; Croghan urges
the Indians to keep their ap
pointment with, iii. 156 ; iii. 170 ;
Pontiac keeps his appointment
with, iii. 175; his council with
Pontiac at Oswego,iii. 176-181 ;
his address, iii. 177 ; Pontiac's
reply to, iii. 179 ; his letter to
the Lords of Trade, iii. 182 ; iii.
188 ; on the territory of the Iro-
quois, iii. 191, 192; on the
French and English policy
towards the Iroquois, iii. 193-
196; on the causes of the In
dian War, iii. 198-201 ; iii. 264,
265 ; on the condition and tem
per of the Western Indians, iii.
267-269.

Johnson Hall, i. 95, 96 ; confer
ences between the Six Nations
and Johnson at, ii. 207; forti
fied, ii. 210.

Johnson Papers, the, on the am

buscade of the Devil's Hole, ii.
214 ; ii. 251 ; on the proposed
reservation for the Indians, iii.
27 ; on Johnson's conference
with the Indians at Niagara, iii.
39; on the conduct of Brad-
street, iii. 56; on the plan to
occupy the Illinois, iii. 118 ; on
the influence of the French
traders upon the Indians, iii.
136; on the intrigues of the
French, iii. 183.

Johnston, Captain, in the ambus
cade of the Devil's Hole, ii.
214.

Johnstown, the village of, i. 95.

Joncaire, i. 61.

Jonois, Father, the Jesuit priest
at the mission of Michilimacki-
nac, ii. 35 ; at Pontiac's camp,
ii. 35 ; at Fort Detroit, ii. 35,
117; his praiseworthy conduct,
ii. 36 ; returns to Michilimacki-
nac, ii. 37; ii. 112, 113; his
good offices in behalf of the
English, ii. 116, 117.

Jumonville, M., sent against Wash
ington, i. 104; surprised by
Washington, i. 104; death of, i.
105.

Jumonville (brother), attacks
Washington at the Great
Meadows, i. 105; Washington
capitulates with, i. 105.

Juniata, the post of the, ii. 192.

Juniata River, the, i. 92; ii. 184,
236.

KALM, the Swedish traveller, on
Canadian manners, i. 53.

Kanawha, the, ii. 222.

Kanestio, the town of, destroyed
by Montour and the Six Na
tions, ii. 251.

Kaskaskia, French settlement at,

INDEX.

307

i. 67, 162 ; Jesuit mission at, iii.
125 ; the Creole settlements at,
iii. 126, 127; traders' shops at,
iii. 158; Pontiac at, iii. 158.

Kaskaskias, the, iii. 129, 186, 187;
vengeance for Pontiac's murder
taken upon, iii. 188, 189.

Keelyuskung, the Delaware chief,
killed in the battle of Bushy
Kun, ii. 203.

Kee-no-chameck, the Chippewa
chief, iii. 219.

Kennebec River, the, Algonquins
on, i. 33.

Kensington, the great tree at,
Penn makes a treaty with the
Algonquins under, i. 33.

Kent, the county of, in Pennsylva
nia, iii. 250.

Kentucky, a vacant waste, i. 154;
ii. 217, 235.

Kentucky River, the, iii. 192.

Kercheval, on the state of the
frontier, ii. 218.

Kettoohhalend, murders Green, ii.
139.

Kiashuta, the Seneca chief, i. 190 ;
at Bouquet's council with the
Delawares, iii. 87.

Kickapoos, the, population of, i.
155 ; around Fort Miami, iii. 61 ;
threaten the life of Morris, iii.
65; iii. 129 ; incited to war by
Pontiac, iii. 138; attack Cro-
ghan, iii. 163 ; the Cherokeesthe
mortal enemies of, iii. 163 ; make
apologies to Croghan, iii. 163;
the cause of the attack, iii. 164.

Kirkland, Mr., makes a missionary
tour among the Iroquois, i. 156.

Kirtland, Dr. J. P., on the remains
of Bradstreet's disaster, iii. 71.

Kittanning, iii. 235.

Knisteneaux, the, i. 38.

Knox, on the disaster at Mont-

morenci, i. 135 ; on MacDonald's
presence of mind before Quebec,
i. 140; on the death of Wolfe, i.
145 ; on the death of Montcalm,
i. 146.
Kuskuskee, i. 150.

LA BARRE, DE, attacks the con
federacy, i. 73.

La Baye, iii. 225.

La Brosse, brings news of the fate
of Fort Sandusky, ii. 30.

La Butte, Indian interpreter at
Detroit, i. 234 ; sent to Pontiac's
camp, i. 245; returns to the
fort, i. 246, 251 ; suspected of
treachery, i. 251 ; ii. 9.

La Chine, i. 73, 171.

Laclede, Pierre, reaches the Illi
nois, iii. 131 ; founds St. Louis,
iii. 131 ; death of, iii. 132 ; his
grand fur-trading enterprise, iii.
132 ; iii. 134.

La Cleff, iii. 135.

La Fayette, the town of, ii. 37.

Lafitau, on the Iroquois dwellings,
i. 20 ; on the religious belief of
the Indians, i. 43.

La Gallette, iii. 192.

La Garantais, seized by Pontiac,
iii. 161.

La Houtan, Baron, on the numeri
cal strength of the Iroquois, i.
25; on McGregory imprisoned
by the French, i. 76; on the
efforts of the French to con
ciliate the Indians, i. 80 ; on the
manners of the Indians, i. 82.

La Hunt's light infantry, ii. 215.

La Jonquiere, governor of Canada,
i. 76.

Lake George, the battle of, i. 96,
121-125.

Lake region, the, ceded by France
to England, ii. 51,

308

INDEX.

Lakes, the, iii. 192.

Lalemant, Gabriel, on the popula
tion of the Neutral Nation, i.
28; on the religious belief of
the Indians, i. 43 ; among the
Hurons, i. 57; his martyrdom,
i. 58.

La Mothe-Cadillac, the founder
of Detroit, i. 221.

Lancaster, the town of, ii. 135,
162; Bouquet at, ii. 170; ii.
173 ; fugitive settlers at, ii. 187 ;
ii. 256, 259, 261, 266; iii. 3, 9;
the great council at, iii. 102 ;
iii. 245, 248, 250, 257, 259.

Lancaster County, Pennsylvania,
the Mennonists in, ii. 220; ii.
232,237; iii. 251.

Lancaster Indians, the, iii. 249.

" Lancaster Intelligencer," the, on
the Conestoga massacre, ii. 259 ;
on the Paxton men, ii. 262.

Lancaster jail, the, Conestoga sur
vivors lodged at, ii. 261 ; at
tacked by the Paxton men, ii.
263; the massacre, ii. 263, iii.
8, 236.

L'Ance aux Feuilles, Bradstreet
makes a treaty with the Dela-
wares and Shawanoes at, iii. 48.

Langlade, Augustin, ii. 105.

Langlade, Charles, at Michilimack-
inac, ii. 105, 107, 108, 110, 111,
114; sketch of, ii. 105; iii. 224,
225.

Langlade, Mrs. Charles, at Michi-
limackinac, ii. 108-110.

La Pointe, i. 186.

La Presentation, the mission of,
established by Piquet, i. 93.

Laramie Creek, i. 166.

Laramie, Fort, i. 167.

L'Arbre Croche, the settlement of,
ii. 88 ; Ottawa Indians at, ii. 88 ;
Jesuit mission of St. Ignace at,

ii. 89; ii. 114, 117; Gorell at,
ii. 130.

L'Arbre Croche Ottawas, the, hold
a council with Henry, ii. 94;
their demands of the traders,
ii. 94; independence of, ii. 95;
ii. 96; rescue Henry from the
Ojibwas, ii. 115; their motives,
ii. 115; take possession of Fort
Michilimackinac, ii. 116; hold a
council with the Ojibwas, ii.
116; agree to concur with the
Ojibwas, ii. 117 ; receive Gorell's
party, ii. 130; release Ethering-
ton and Leslie, ii. 130.

La Reine, the battalion of, i. 139.

La Reine, Fort de, i. 75.

La Salle, Robert Cavelier de, at
Fort Frontenac, i. 61 ; his re
solve to trace the Mississippi to
its source, i. 62 ; his life among
the Jesuits, i. 62 ; austerity of
his nature, i. 62 ; the prepara
tions for his expedition, i. 62 ;
builds a fort on the Niagara, i.
62; builds the "Griffin," i. 62;
on Lake Michigan, i. 63 ; builds
a fort at St. Joseph, i. 63 ; pushes
into the unknown region of the
unknown, i. 63 ; disasters, i. 63 ;
loss of the " Griffin," i. 63 ; his
return to Canada, i. 64; fresh
calamities, i. 64 ; his friendship
for Frontenac, i. 64; returns
to St. Joseph, i. 64 ; the fort de
serted, i. 64; again returns to
Canada, i. 64 ; another attempt,
i. 65 ; takes formal possession of
the Mississippi Valley, i. 65 ;
returns to France, i. 65 ; sets out
to plant a colony, i. 65 ; the pro
ject blighted by jealousy, i. 65 ;
lands in Texas, i. 66 ; his mur
der, i. 66; i. 103 ; the father of
the Illinois colony, iii. 123 ;

INDEX.

309

his victorious energy, iii. 123;
his untimely death, iii. 1 23 ; his
name stands forth in history
an imperishable monument of
heroic constancy, iii. 124; builds
a fort in the Illinois country, iii.
124.

La Valliere, Neyon de, see Ney-
on, M.

La Verendrye, expedition of, i. 75.

Law, on the Illinois colony, iii.
126.

Lebanon County, Pennsylvania, ii.
220.

Le Bceuf, Fort, Washington at,
i. 103; i. 104; French and
Indians at, i. 131 ; life at, i. 163,
164 ; surrendered to the Indians,
ii. 47 ; ii. 133 ; burned to the
ground, ii. 147 ; Ensign Price in
command at, ii. 148 ; available
defences of, ii. 149 ; attacked by
the Indians, ii. 149 ; the escape
of the garrison, ii. 150 ; ii. 152 ;
Bouquet proposes to abandon,
ii. 168; ii. 172.

Le Clercq, on the futility of Jesuit
missionary efforts, i. 59.

Lee, Colonel Francis, receives tid
ings of Indian atrocities, ii.
221.

Legends, Iroquois, i. 15-18.

Le Grand Sauteur, see Minava-
vana.

Lehigh River, the, ii. 270.

Lehigh valley, the, Moravian set
tlements in, ii. 268.

Le Jeune, the Jesuit, on Algonquin
life in lower Canada, i. 40 ; on
Algonquin legends, i. 42 ; on the
Indian idea of thunder, i. 42 ; on
the religious belief of the Indi
ans, i. 43 ; i. 55 ; on the Indian
policy adopted by the French, i.
81 ; on the Indian sorcerers, iii.

38 ; on the symbolical language
of the Indians, iii. 171.

Lenni Lenape, the, see Lenape, the.

Lenape, the, subdued by the Five
Nations, i. 29 ; lodges of, i. 33 ;
separated into three divisions,
i. 34 ; William Penn's council
with, i. 34 ; in a state of degrad
ing vassalage to the Five Na
tions, i. 34 ; fight for the French,
i. 35 ; restored to position, i. 35.

Le Roy, Anne Mary, gives evi
dence against the Conestoga
Indians, iii. 235.

Le Roy, John Jacob, killed by the
Indians, iii. 235.

Lesley, Lieutenant, see Leslie, Lieu
tenant.

Leslie, Lieutenant, captured by the
Indians at Michilimackinac, ii.
36 ; witnesses an Indian ball-play,
ii. 102 ; the game, ii. 103 ; the
game turned into an attack, ii.
103, 104; taken prisoner, ii. 104,
112; ii. 128; released by the
Ottawas, ii. 130 ; reaches Mont
real, ii. 131 ; iii. 224, 225, 226.

L'Esperance, befriends Morris, iii.
64, 135.

Levi, Point, i. 133.

Levy, ii. 137.

Lewis, Colonel, in command of the
Virginia militia, ii. 233; Bou
quet asks for reinforcements
from, iii. 78, 115; iii. 155.

Lewis's Virginians, ii. 134.

Lewiston, the town of, i. 18; ii.
211; iii. 45.

Ligonier, Fort, ii. 135 ; Indian at
tack on, ii. 142, 153 ; Lieutenant
Blane in command at, ii. 173,
176 ; exposed position of, ii. 176 ;
Bouquet's reasons for wishing
it to hold out, ii. 180; Bouquet
sends the Highlanders to rein-

310

INDEX.

force, ii. 191 ; Bouquet's expedi
tion at, ii. 194; iii. 80; iii. 227,
228.

Ligonier, the post of, ii. 135.

Little Chief, the, in Pontiac's
camp, iii. 60.

Little Niagara, ii. 148.

Littleton, Fort, Bouquet's expedi
tion at, ii. 192.

Loftus, Major, sent to take pos
session of Fort Chartres, iii.
141 ; attacked by the Indians,
iii. 141 ; retreats to New Orle
ans, iii. 142 ; his charges against
D'Abbadie, iii. 142; ridiculed
by the French, iii. 142; iii. 149.

Logstown, i. 161.

London, Bishop of, see Compton.

London, the court of, i. 108 ; Mire-
poix withdraws from, i. 109.

" London Magazine," on the battle
of Bushy Run, ii. 203; on the
repulse of Loftus, iii. 143.

Long, on the mode of life among
the Ojibwas, i. 40.

Long Coat, the Delaware chief,
Johnson offers a reward for the
head of, ii. 250.

Lorain, at Fort Ouatanon, ii. 37,
38.

Lords of Trade, the, memorials
from Johnson and Croghan to,
iii. 26-28 ; adopt a new plan for
the management of Indian af
fairs, iii. 178; Johnson's letter
to, iii. 182.

Lorette, the village of, i. 27, 84,
114; ii. 247.

Loskiel, the Moravian, describes the
great council of the Iroquois, i.
12 ; on the Lenape, i. 34 ; on the
slaughter of the traders by the
Indians, ii. 140 ; on the plan of
the Pennsylvania borderers to
attack Wecquetank, ii. 270 ; on

the exile of the Moravian con
verts, ii. 271 ; on the bitter re
ception of the Moravian converts
in Philadelphia, ii. 272 ; on the
sending of the Moravian con
verts to New York, iii. 8 ; on the
treatment of the Moravian con
verts by Robertson's Highland
ers, iii. 9 ; on the preparations for
the defence of Philadelphia, iii.
14 ; on the narrow escape of the
German butchers, iii. 15.

Lothrop, Rev. S. K., i. 156.

Loudon, Fort, Bouquet's expedi
tion at, ii. 192 ; iii. 78 ; its condi
tion, iii. 78 ; iii. 122, 152 ; the
traders at, iii. 152; Lieutenant
Grant in command at, iii. 152.

Loudoun County, ii. 221.

Louis the Magnificent, i. 74.

Louisbourg, captured by the Eng
lish, i. 128, 152.

Louisbourg grenadiers, the, in the
battle of Quebec, i. 144.

Louisiana, founded by Iberville, i.
66; given over to Spain, iii. 145,
183.

Louisville, i. 102.

Loups, the, see Delawares, the.

Louvigny, in command at Michili-
mackinac, i. 80 ; inhumanity of,
i. 80.

Lower Canada, ii. 63 ; Indian
tribes in, i. 36 ; Algonquin life
in, i. 40.

Lower Cheerake River, the, iii.
122.

Lower Louisiana, Pontiac's mes
sengers in, iii. 144.

Lower Mississippi, the, Indian
tribes of, i. 196.

Lutherans, the, in Pennsylvania,
ii. 219.

" Lys," the, captured by the Eng
lish, i. 108.

INDEX.

311

McCLEAN, CAPTAIN, iii. 75.

M'Cullough, on the wilderness of
the Mississippi Valley, i. 162;
on the Delaware prophet, i. 187 ;
on the slaughter of the traders
by the Indians, ii. 139 ; on the
atrocities of the Indians, ii. 225 ;
a prisoner among the Indians,
iii. 106; surrendered to Bou
quet, iii. 106 ; his narrative, iii.
106.

MacDonald, Captain Donald, dis
plays presence of mind before
Quebec, i. 139, 140.

MacDonald, James, on Pontiac's
plot, i. 229 ; on Pontiac's deten
tion of the English officers, i.
250; on Pontiac's demand for
the surrender of Detroit, i. 251 ;
on Gladwyn's refusal, ii. 4 ; on
the murder of Campbell by the
Indians, ii. 60 ; on the fight of
Bloody Bridge, ii. 79.

M'Dougal, Lieutenant, on the
allegory of the Delaware, i. 215 ;
on Pontiac's plot defeated, i.
235 ; goes to Pontiac's camp, i.
247 ; taken prisoner, i. 249 ; at
Meloche's house, ii. 10; manu
scripts of, ii. 13; ii. 15 ; escapes
from the Indians, ii. 60; iii. 216,
218.

M'Dougal (the younger), ii. 13.

M'Dougal manuscripts, the, ii. 13.

Me Gregory, Major, attempts to
trade with the Indians, i. 76 ;
imprisoned by the French, i. 76.

Mclntosh, Lieutenant James,
killed at Bushy Eun, iii. 228.

M'Kee, Alexander, on Ecuyer's
reply to Turtle's Heart, ii. 146 ;
iii. 234.

M'Kenney, on Pontiac's plan de
feated, i. 235.

Mackinaw, the Algonquins at, i

33 ; ii. 86 ; the Ojibwa village
at, ii. 88 ; ii. 105 ; a favorite re
sort of the Indians, ii. 122.

McMahon's Beach, iii. 71.

Macrae, ii. 137.

Mahaquase, the, see Iroquois, the.

Mahon, on the capture of French
ships by the English, i. 109.

Mahoney, iii. 235.

Maine, i. 10.

Maisongville, at Fort Ouatanou,
ii. 38.

Maisonville, sent by Saint-Ange
to Croghan, iii. 165.

Manilla, the, ii. 166 ; Ourry at, ii.
167.

Manitoes, i. 41.

Manito-kinibic, iii. 40.

Mann, Sir H., letter from Walpole
to, i. 111.

Mante, Major, on Wolfe before
Quebec, i. 132 ; on MacDonald's
presence of mind before Quebec,
i. 139 ; on the paucity of Eng
lish troops in Canada after the
French War, i. 203 ; on the
battle of Bushy Run, ii. 203;
on the pretended embassy of the
Delawares and Shawanoes, iii.
47, 48 ; a zealous advocate of
Bradstreet, iii. 48; on Brad-
street's council with the Indians
at Detroit, iii. 54; on Brad-
street's expedition at Oswego,
iii. 70.

Maquas, the, see Iroquois, the.

Marest, Father, on the Illinois In
dians, i. 37 ; on the mission of
St. Joseph, ii. 34 ; on the Jesuit
labors in the Illinois, iii. 125.

Marquette, Father, discovers the
Mississippi, i. 57; establishes
the mission of St. Ignace, ii. 89.

Marshe, Witham, on Canassatego's
speech to the Delawares, i. 90.

312

INDEX.

Maryland, feels the scourge of
Indian war, i. 148 ; refuses to
furnish troops for Bouquet's ex
pedition, iii. 78.

Maryland frontiers, the, terror on,
ii. 161 ; compared with the Vir
ginia frontiers, ii. 218 ; the
storm of Indian war descends
upon, ii. 220; Indian outrages
on, ii. 253 ; iii. 155.

"Maryland Gazette," the, on the
death of Pontiac, iii. 183.

Maryland troops, the, in Bouquet's
expedition, iii. 263.

Massachusetts Historical Collec
tions, on the vengeance taken
for the murder of Pontiac, iii.
188.

Massawomecs, the, see Iroquois, the.

Master of life, the, ii. 54, 92.

Mauguawogs, the, see Mohawks,
the.

Maumee River, the French post
on, i. 67; the Miamis on, i. 157 ;
i. 162, 163; ii. 38, 40; Pontiac
withdraws from Detroit to, ii.
246 ; iii. 53 ; Morris ascends, iii.
57; iii. 129, 134, 138; Croghan
descends, iii. 167; iii. 175, 182,
189.

Maxwell, on Pontiac's plot, i. 228 ;
on Gladwyn's plan for defence,
i. 230; on the fight of Bloody
Bridge, ii. 79; on the siege of
Detroit, iii. 223.

Medicine man, the Indian, iii. 38.

Medicine songs, the, iii. 185.

Meloche, on Pontiac's plot, i. 231 ;
on its defeat, i. 235 ; on Pontiac's
desire for vengeance on the
English, i. 242; on Pontiac's
detention of the English officers,
i. 250 ; conference between Pon
tiac and the Canadians at the
house of, ii. 10 ; his house made

into Pontiac's commissary, ii.
14; i. 30, 59, 73, 74; on the
fight of Bloody Bridge, ii. 79;
iii. 221 ; on the siege of Detroit,
iii. 222.

Meloche, Madame, iii. 222.

Menard, Pierre, on Pontiac's inter
view with Saint- Ange, iii. 139;
on the death of Pontiac, iii. 187.

Mengwe, the, see Iroquois, the.

Mennonists, the, in Pennsylvania,
ii. 219; refuse to bear arms, ii.
219, 220.

Menominies, the, on Lake Michi
gan, i. 38; fight against the
Sacs and Foxes, ii. 12, 13 ; on
Fox River, ii. 126; conciliated
by Gorell, ii. 127; in council
with Gorell, ii. 129; ii. 130;
attend Johnson's conference at
Niagara, iii. 38.

Menominies from Green Bay, the,
attend Johnson's conference at
Niagara, iii. 43 ; warmly wel
comed by Johnson, iii. 43.

Mercier, on the traffic between the
Hurons and the Algonquins, i.
27; on the religious belief of
the Indians, i. 43.

Messagues, the, i. 188.

Metacom, i. 41.

Metal, the, i. 191.

Mexico, i. 62.

Miamee River, the, iii. 135, 170.

Miami, Fort, i. 163; the English
take possession of, i. 177 ; ii. 37 ;
captured by the Indians and the
Canadians, ii. 38, 39; Gladwyn
ordered to re-establish, iii. 29 ;
Morris at, iii. 61 ; French
traders at, iii. 135 ; Croghan at,
iii. 167; iii. 267.

Miamis, see Miami, Fort.

Miamis, the, on the Wabash, i. 37,
157 ; suffer from the attacks of

INDEX.

313

the Five Nations, i. 37; i. 98;
population of, i. 154; on the
Maumee, i. 157, 163; claim Pon-
tiac, i. 1 91 ; Bradstreet ordered to
attack, iii. 50 ; send a deputation
to Bradstreet, iii. 50, 51 ; attend
Bradstreet's council at Detroit,
iii. 53; terms of Bradstreet's
treaty with, iii. 55; urged to
hostility by the Delawares and
Shawanoes, iii. 62; iii. 129;
send an embassy to Saint-Ange,
iii. 133; incited to war by Pon-
tiac, iii. 138; their embassy at
New Orleans, iii. 147.

Miamis Castle, the, iii. 268.

Miami village, the great, iii. 61 ;
Morris taken to, iii. 63 ; Morris
escapes from, iii. 64.

Michapous, the chief of spirits,
legend of, ii. 123.

Michapous, Mount, ii. 123.

Michigan, tenanted by wild beasts
alone, i. 154; ii. 85, 88; the
great wilderness of, ii. 249.

Michigan Historical Society, the,
iii. 210.

Michigan, Lake, i. 37, 38 ; La Salle
on, i. 63 ; i. 67 ; ii. 33, 88, 100,
130; iii. 44, 191, 192.

Michilimackinac, Fort, surrenders
to the Spaniards, i. 170; Rogers
ordered to take possession of, i.
171 ; the English forced to post
pone taking possession of, i.
177; location of, ii. 86; de
scription of, ii. 86 ; its occupants,
ii. 87 ; its importance, ii. 87 ;
life at, ii. 88 ; no English troops
at, ii. 89 ; receives a strong gar
rison, ii. 94 ; the Ojibwas resolve
to attack, ii. 96 ; the garrison at,
ii. 97 ; the garrison invited to
witness an Indian ball-play, ii.
101 ; the game turned into an

attack, ii. 103 ; the massacre, ii.
104, 114 ; the Ottawas take pos
session of, ii. 116; ii. 129, 172;
Gladwyn ordered to re-establish,
iii. 29; iii. 35, 43, 44; Howard
sent to take possession of, iii.
56; iii. 192; data on the mas
sacre of, iii. 224-226.

Michilimackinac, the Jesuit mis
sion at, i. 57, 60 ; French fort at,
i. 67 ; Louvigny in command at,
i. 80 ; Father Jonois at, ii. 35 ;
Etherington in command at, ii.
35; attacked and captured by
the Indians, ii. 36 ; the massacre,
ii. 36 ; its loss a serious misfor
tune, ii. 37 ; English traders at,
ii. 84 ; Jesuit mission at, ii. 87 ;
ii. 109, 115.

Michilimackinac, the Island of, ii.
88, 121 ; a favorite resort of the
Indians, ii. 122 ; description of,
ii. 122 ; legends of, ii. 123.

Mickinac, the Indian chief, ii. 12.

Mifflin, Captain, iii. 245.

Military posts, ii. 133.

Millan, J., iii. 201.

Minavavana, chief of the Ojibwas,
ii. 35 ; at Michilimackinac, ii.
90 ; his reception to Henry, ii.
90 ; his personal appearance, ii.
91 ; his speech, ii. 91 ; his home,
ii. 95 ; his talents, ii. 95 ; his in
fluence, ii. 95 ; in the attack on
Fort Michilimackinac, ii. 116;
his speech to the Ottawas, ii.
116, 117; ii. 118, 119, 120; de
scription of, ii. 125; death of, ii.
125.

Miner, on the massacre at Wyo
ming, ii. 238.

Mingoes, the, in the attack on
Fort Pitt, ii. 159; small-pox
among, ii. 174; iii. 264. See
also Iroquois, the.

314

INDEX.

Minisinks, the, iii. 234.

Mirepoix, the French ambassador,
withdraws from the court of
London, i. 109.

Missionaries, i. 57, 77.

Mississagey County, iii. 192.

Mississaugas, the, at Detroit, ii.
244; attend Johnson's confer
ence at Niagara, iii. 38; join
Bradstreet's expedition, iii. 46 ;
Henry placed in command of,
iii. 46 ; desert from the expedi
tion, iii. 46.

Mississippi River, the, i. 3, 6, 8,
24, 32, 35, 37; discovered by
Marquette, i. 57 ; La Salle's re
solve to trace to its mouth, i.
62-65 ; i. 66, 67, 70, 98, 154 ; the
Illinois on, i. 157 ; French posts
on, i. 177 ; i. 179, 185, 190, 194,
203; ii. 87, 126, 134; iii. 40, 62,
84, 110, 119, 120; the connect
ing link of adverse climates and
contrasted races, iii. 120; iii.
122, 126, 130, 131, 133, 134, 136,
137, 140, 141, 143, 144, 145, 149,
160, 161, 165, 182, 184, 185, 189,
199, 268.

Mississippi Valley, the, La Salle
takes formal possession of, i.
65 ; the remoter tribes of, i.
161 ; French dwellings of, iii.
132.

Missouri River, the, i. 75; iii. 119.

Missouris, the, iii. 162.

Mitchell, on the wilderness of the
Mississippi Valley, i. 162.

Mitchigamies, the, iii. 129.

Mobile, Pittman at, iii. 143; iii.
160.

Mobilian group, the, composition
of, i. 8.

Moccason snake, the, in the Illi
nois country, iii. 122.

Moffat, Captain, lured into an am

buscade, ii. 233 ; his revenge, ii.
233, 234.

Mohawk River, the, i. 19, 158 ; ii.
132, 133; seventeenth regiment
ordered up, ii. 170; ii. 207 ; the
upper settlements of, ii. 209;
Bradstreet's expedition on, iii.
33; iii. 200.

Mohawks, the, ferocity of, i. 10, 11 ;
synonymous names of, i. 11 ;
individual organization of, i. 1 1 ;
sachems of, i. 12; the great
council-house, i. 12; alarmed by
the intrusion of the English, i.
184 ; iii. 200 ; Indian attacks on
the settlers of, ii. 162.

Mohawk Valley, the, British set
tlements in, i. 68 ; i. 95.

Mohegans, the, iii. 264.

Mohicans, the, i. 156.

Monckton, Colonel, quickly re
duces Acadia, i. 120; before
Quebec, i. 136 ; at Fort Pitt, i.
172; iii. 200.

Monongahela River, the, i. 104 ;
Washington fortifies himself on,
i. 104 ; Braddock's expedition at,
i. 112, 115, 116, 118, 119 ; the
slaughter of, i. 179, 211 ; ii. 133.

Montcalm, Marquis of, stains his
name, i. 80; captures Fort Os-
wego, i. 127; captures Fort
William Henry, i. 128 ; at Ticon-
deroga, i. 128; his successful de
fence against Abercrombie, i.
130; at Quebec, i. 133; Wolfe
decides to storm, i. 134 ; watches
the movements of the English, i.
137 ; learns that the English oc
cupy the Plains of Abraham, i.
141 ; his struggles and his sor
rows, i. 141 ; his plan of attack,
i. 141 ; prepares to advance, i.
142; the battle of Quebec, i.
142, 143; his losses, i. 143;

INDEX.

315

mortally wounded, i. 145 ; his
last words, i. 145, 146 ; his death,
i. 146 ; his burial, i. 146 ; gives
Pontiac marks of his esteem, i.
192; iii. 184.

Montmartre, the Holy House of, i.
55.

Montmorenci, the, Wolfe defeated
at, i. 135, 137.

Montmorenci, the Gulf of, i. 133,
134.

Montour, Captain, destroys the
town of Kanestio, ii. 251.

Montreal, fur-trade at, i. 70 ; be
sieged by the English, i. 147 ;
surrenders to the English, i. 147 ;
i. 168, 171, 222; ii. 51, 54, 91,
120, 124, 130, 131 ; iii. 37, 225.

Montreal, the Island of, swept with
fire and steel, i. 72 ; iii. 192.

Montreal Point, ii. 22.

Moon, the, used by the Indian for
counting, iii. 212.

Moravian converts, the, see Mora
vian Indians, the.

Moravian Indians, the, unfortu
nate position of, ii. 268 ; popular
rage against, ii. 268 ; their de
struction resolved upon, ii. 268 ;
excited to a high degree of re
ligious enthusiasm, ii. 269 ; out
rages against, ii. 269 ; the
Assembly takes measures for
the protection of, ii. 270, 271 ;
their forlorn pilgrimage, ii. 271 ;
hatred of the mob towards, ii.
271, 272; protected by the
Quakers, ii. 271, 272; resent
ment of the Paxton men against,
iii. 4, 5, 6 ; sent to New York,
iii. 8; at Trenton, iii. 10; at
Amboy, iii. 10 ; forbidden to
enter New York, iii. 10 ; charges
of treachery against, iii. 10 ;
Johnson's sympathy for, iii. 11 ;

ordered to leave New Jersey, iii.
11 ; return to Philadelphia, iii.
11 ; their invincible calmness,
iii. 15; accusations of the Pax-
ton men against, iii. 23 ; suffer
from small-pox, iii. 25; return
to the Susquehanna, iii. 25 ; iii.
253, 254, 255.

Moravian missions, the, Christian
Indians at, ii. 268.

Moravians, the, i. 149; in Penn
sylvania, ii. 219, 239 ; their work
among the Pennsylvania In
dians, ii. 268; excite in their
converts a high degree of re
ligious enthusiasm, ii. 269 ;
supply the converts with food,
iii. 9.

Morgan, on the social institutions
of the Iroquois, i. 14, 15.

Morris, Captain, sent to treat with
the Indians of the Illinois, iii.
51 ; sets out on his expedition,
iii. 57 ; takes Godefroy as in
terpreter, iii. 57 ; ascends the
Maumee, iii. 57 ; at Pontiac's
camp, iii. 58 ; his interview with
Pontiac, ii. 58 ; on Pontiac's in
fluence, iii. 58 ; reads Pontiac's
French letter, iii. 59 ; befriended
by Saint-Vincent, iii. 59, 64 ;
Godefroy saves the life of, iii.
60 ; resumes his march, iii. 60 ;
at Fort Miami, iii. 61 ; a nar
row escape, iii. 61 ; seized by
the Indians, iii. 62 ; taken to the
Miami village, iii. 63 ; the fidel
ity of Godefroy, iii. 62, 64;
prepared for the torture, iii. 63 ;
his rescue, iii. 64 ; escapes from
the Miami village, iii. 64; be
friended at Fort Miami, iii. 64 ;
his life threatened by the TCick-
apoos, iii. 65 ; abandons his mis
sion, iii. 65 ; returns to Detroit,

316

INDEX.

iii. 65 ; sends his journal to
Bradstreet, iii. 66 ; denounces the
Delaware and Shawanoe depu
ties, iii. 66 ; returns to England,
iii. 66 ; loses his property, iii.
66; applies for a pension, iii.
66; iii. 129.

Morse, on the Ojibwa-Pottawatta-
mie-Ottawa confederacy, i. 38 ;
on the results of Pontiac's death,
iii. 188.

Murray, Captain, on the services
rendered by Benewisica, iii. 104.

Murray, General, hefore Quebec,
i. 136; in the battle of Quebec,
i. 144 ; advances against Mont
real, i. 147.

Musinigon, iii. 111.

Muskingham River, the, see Mus-
Jcingum River, the.

Muskingum River, the, i. 92, 156 ;
iii. 72 ; Bouquet's expedition at,
iii. 84, 85 ; iii. 264, 268.

Muskingum Valley, the, Bouquet's
expedition in, iii. 86 ; Bouquet's
council with the Delawares in,
iii. 87, 90; iii. 114, 117.

Mussoughwhese, murders Green,
ii. 139, 140.

NAIN, the Moravian settlement of,
ii. 270.

Nanticokes, the, i. 156.

Narragansett warriors, the, i. 220.

Nash, Corporal John, on the de
fence of Fort Le Bceuf, ii. 152.

Natchez, i. 67.

Navarre, M., at Detroit, ii. 9.

Nazareth, the Moravian town of,
ii. 270; the Moravian converts
remove from Wecquetank to, ii.
270.

Neeppaugh-whese, Chief, ii. 225.

Negroes, the, iii. 120; in the Illi
nois country, iii. 127, 128.

Neshaminey Creek, i. 89.

Neuse, the river, the Tuscaroras
on, i. 30.

Neutral Nation, the, location of, i.
26 ; ruin of, i. 27 ; attacked by
the Senecas, i. 28; population
of, i. 28.

Newcastle, the county of, in
Pennsylvania, iii. 250.

Newcomer, Abraham, gives evi
dence against the Conestoga In
dians, iii. 233.

New England, i. 84 ; ii. 210, 225 ;
furnishes troops for Gage's expe
dition against the Indians, ii.
240.

New England Indians, the, i. 36,
86.

New England troops, the, in John
son's expedition against Crown
Point, i. 121.

Newfoundland, the banks of, i.
108.

New France, Galissonniere's plan
to people, i. 68.

New Hampshire, i. 170.

New Hampshire rangers, the, i.
125.

New Jersey, i. 34 ; furnishes
troops for Gage's expedition
against the Indians, ii. 240 ; the
Moravian converts ordered to
leave, iii. 11.

New Mexico, iii. 73, 132.

New Orleans, iii. 59, 128, 131,
141 ; Loftus at, iii. 141, 142 ;
Pittman at, iii. 143 ; Pontiac's
embassy at, iii. 145, 150; its
palisades, iii. 145; iii. 158;
Eraser in, iii. 160.

New York Assembly, the, narrow-
minded in its Indian policy, i.
78.

New York, the city of, Delaware
prisoners at, ii. 251.

INDEX.

317

New York Historical Society, the,
Quaker-Presbyterian pamphlets
in, iii. 22.

" New York Mercury," the, on the
siege of Detroit, iii. 223.

New York rangers, the, i. 125.

New York, the State of, the Iro-
quois in, i. 11, 15; the Dutch
in, i. 15 ; i. 84, 95 ; extent of
the British settlements in, ii.
132 ; incursions of the Indians
into, ii. 209 ; furnishes troops
for Gage's expedition against
the Indians, ii. 240 ; the Mora
vian Indians sent to, iii. 8 ; the
Moravian Indians forbidden to
enter, iii. 10 ; iii. 192, 194.

New York troops, the, in John
son's expedition against Crown
Point, i. 121.

Neyon, M., commandant at Fort
Chartres, i. 195; Pontiac sends
messengers to, ii. 20, 21 ; Am-
herst demands letters from, ii.
245 ; his letter to Pontiac, ii.
245; goes to New Orleans, iii.
131, 133; visit of Pontiac to,
iii. 137.

Niagara, French post established
at, i. 75; Johnson calls a con
ference of the Indians at, iii.
34-38; the tribes assemble at,
iii. 38-40.

Niagara, the Cataract of, i. 42,
159.

Niagara, the Falls of, i. 18; Wil-
kins's expedition at, ii. 215.

Niagara, Fort, captured by John
son, i. 96 ; the English plan to
attack, i. 110; failure of the
expedition, i. 120; Prideaux's
plan to attack, i. 131 ; captured
by the English, i. 131, 132, 147 ;
Rogers's rangers at, i. 172;
Indian conspiracy against, i.

188 ; Walters in command at, i.
188 ; Gladwyn sends for aid to,
ii. 21 ; Lieutenant Cuyler sent
to aid Detroit, ii. 25; Cuyler
returns to, ii. 27 ; Wilkins in
command at, ii. 27 ; ii. 33, 41,
48, 57; sends Dalzell to rein
force Detroit, ii. 67 ; ii. 83, 133,
148, 162, 168, 169; receives
tidings of the ambuscade of the
Devil's Hole, ii. 213, 214; Brad-
street's expedition lands at, iii.
34 ; the Indians plan to attack,
iii. 45 ; Bradstreet returns to,
iii. 69; iii. 91, 192, 197,267.

Niagara portage, the, ii. 211.

Niagara River, the, La Salle on, i.
62; ii. 133, 211; Bradstreet's
expedition on, iii. 47.

Niagara, the strait of, i. 26 ;
French fort on, i. 67 ; iii. 42.

Nicollet, on the Illinois colony,
iii. 126; on the founding of
St. Louis, iii. 131 ; on Pontiac's
interview with Saint-Ange, iii.
139; on the arrival of the
British troops in the Illinois
country, iii. 173; on the death
of Pontiac, iii. 187 ; on the ven
geance taken for the murder of
Pontiac, iii. 188.

Night Walker, Chief, ii. 225.

Nigley, John, on the defence of
Fort Le Boeuf, ii. 152.

Ninevois, chief of the Chippewas,
iii. 211, 212.

Ninivay, in command of the
Pottawattamies at Detroit, ii.
32.

North American savages, the, i.
29.

Northampton County, Pennsyl
vania, iii. 251.

Northern Colonies, the, ii. 240.

Northern Indians, the, iii. 96.

318

INDEX.

Northern Lakes, the, i. 163.
Northwest, the, ii. 87.
Norway, i. 165.
Nova Scotia, i. 126, 188; Indians

cause alarm in, ii. 252.
Nundawaronoh, the, see Senecas,

the.

OGDENSBURG, i. 93.

Ogillallah Indians, the, i. 166.

Ohio Company, the, organization
of, i. 102.

Ohio Indians, the, trade with
Pennsylvania, i. 76 ; influence
of Forbes over, i. 149; send
deputies to Easton, i. 151 ;
rumored attack of the Chero-
kees on, i. 185; small-pox
among, ii. 175.

Ohio Eiver, the, Iroquois colony
on, i. 9 ; explored by the French
Jesuits, i. 33 ; i. 67, 68, 76, 102,
126 ; Post on, i. 150; i. 151, 154,
160, 161, 177, 190, 194; ii. 47,
134, 155, 225 ; iii. 62, 78, 79, 80;
Bouquet's expedition on, iii.
84; iii. 119, 137, 149, 158, 159;
Croghan on, iii. 162; Sterling
on, iii. 172; iii. 192, 199,267.

Ohio, the State of, ii. 120.

Ohio Valley, the, occupied by the
Shawanoes, i. 36; the French
begin to occupy, i. 92 ; the
Miamis in, i. 98; Spotswood
urges the English to secure, i.
102; i. 103, 159, 165 ; left as an
Indian domain, i. 203; Dela
ware and Shawanoe settlements
in, iii. 32 ; Bouquet prepares to
march into, iii. 75.

"Ohio Valley Historical Series,"
the, ii. 165.

Ojibwa hunting-grounds, the, i.
38.

Ojibwas, the, i. 37 ; form a con

federacy, i. 38; location of, i.
38; their mode of life, i. 38;
their imperfect totemic system,
i. 38 ; at Fort Duquesne, i. 113 ;
population of, i. 155 ; i. 188,
190; attend Pontiac's council, i.
210; join Pontiac, i. 243; at
tack Detroit, i. 243 ; ii. 8 ; rein
force Pontiac at Detroit, ii. 32,
52, 60, 67; in the fight of
Bloody Bridge, ii. 79 ; near
Michilimackinac, ii. 88; not re
moved from their primitive
barbarism, ii. 89 ; strongly
hostile to the English, ii. 89 ;
their reception of Henry, ii. 90 ;
invited to join Pontiac, ii. 96 ;
resolve to attack Michilimacki
nac, ii. 96 ; invite the garrison
of Michilimackinac to witness
their ball-play, ii. 101, 102 ; the
game, ii. 103; the attack, ii.
104; the massacre, ii. 104-114;
attacked by the Ottawas, ii. 115 ;
hold a council with the Ottawas,
ii. 116; the Ottawas agree to
concur with, ii. 117; ii. 129;
hated by the Dahcotahs, ii. 129 ;
ii. 130; agree not to molest the
English, ii. 130; ii. 138, 146;
offer the pipe of peace at
Detroit, ii. 244; at Sault Ste.
Marie, iii. 35 ; invited to John
son's conference at Niagara,
iii. 35; consult the oracle, iii.
35-38; accept Johnson's invi
tation, iii. 38 ; attend Johnson's
conference at Niagara, iii. 38 ;
join Bradstreet's expedition, iii.
46 ; Henry placed in command
of, iii. 46 ; desert from the ex
pedition, iii. 46; attend Brad-
street's council at Detroit, iii.
53 ; terms of Bradstreet's treaty
with, iii. 55; iii. 92; attend

INDEX.

319

Croghan's meeting at Detroit,
iii. 167.

0 jib was of Michilimackinac, the,
ii. 12, 95.

Ojibwa village, the, ii. 88.

"Olden Time," on the French
occupation of Presqu'isle, i. 102 ;
on the location of the forts and
settlements, ii. 136.

Old French War, the, i. 35 ; ii. 12.

Old Town, i. 10 ; ii. 226.

" Onas," i. 90 ; iii. 262.

Oneida country, the, ii. 250.

Oneida, the forests of, i. 19.

Oneida Lake, the, i. 158, 159; ii.
133 ; Bradstreet's expedition on,
iii. 33 ; iii. 200.

Oneidas, the, i. 11 ; synonymous
names of, i. 11; individual or
ganization of, i. 11 ; sachems of,
i. 12; the great council-house
of, i. 12; i. 159, 184; attend
the great council at Lancaster,
iii. 102 ; iii. 200.

Oneida villages, the, ii. 207.

Oneotas, the, see Oneidas, the.

Oneyyotecaronoh, the, see Oneidas,
the.

Ongwehonwe, the translation of
the word, i. 24. See also Iroquois,
the.

Onneiouts, the, see Oneidas, the.

Onnontagues, the, see Onondagas,
the.

Onoiochrhonons, the, see Oneidas,
the.

Onondaga, the capital of the Con
federacy, i. 155; description of,
i. 155; iii. 192, 195.

Onondaga, the hills of, i. 19.

Onondaga, the Lake of, i. 73.

Onondagaonohs, the, see Ononda-
gas, the.

Onondaga River, the, Bradstreet's
expedition on, iii. 33.

Onondagas, the, i. 11 ; synonymous
names of, i. 11 ; individual or
ganization of, i. 11; sachems
of, i. 12; the great council-
house, i. 12; Frontenac's expe
dition against, i. 20; dwellings
of, i. 20.

Onondagas country, the, iii. 200.

Onondaga, the Valley of, the great
council-house in, i. 12, 22; ii.
207.

Onoyats, the, see Oneidas, the.

Ontario, Lake, i. 17, 25, 32, 65,
70, 73, 76, 131, 147, 159;
Rogers' rangers on, i. 172; ii.
133 ; Bradstreet crosses, iii. 32,
33 ; iii. 42, 70 ; Pontiac on, iii.
176; iii. 192,200.

Onuperaquedra, the Delaware
chief, Johnson offers a reward
for the head of, ii. 250.

Opossum, the, in the Illinois
country, iii. 121.

Oracle, the Indian, iii. 36-38.

Orange County, New York, suffers
from the incursions of the
Indians, ii. 209.

Orator, the Indian, iii. 100.

Oregon, woodsmen in, i. 165 ; iii.
119.

Original Men, the, see Lenape, the.

Orleans, the Island of, i. 132.

Orme, Captain, on Beaujeu's at
tack on Braddock, i. 118.

Osages, the, attend Johnson's con
ference at Niagara, iii. 40 ; iii.
162.

Oswegatche, iii. 192.

Oswego, i. 147, 158.

Oswego Falls, iii. 200.

Oswego, Fort, i. 80; Dieskau's
plan to capture, i. 121 ; captured
by Montcalm, i. 127, 152; the
outrage committed at, i. 179 ; ii.
133, 168, 170; iii. 33, 45; Brad-

320

INDEX.

street's expedition at, iii. 70 ; iii.
172; Pontiac's council with
Johnson, at, iii. 176-181.

Oswego Kiver, the, i. 73, 76, 158;
ii. 133 ; iii. 33.

Ottawa Eiver, the, i. 29, 53 ; the
Jesuits on, i. 57; i. 194; ii. 85,
90, 124, 131; iii. 192.

Ottawas, the, expelled by the Five
Nations, i. 29 ; i. 38 ; form a
confederacy, i. 38 ; at Fort Du-
quesne, i. 113, 114; population
of, i. 155; i. 190, 192; attend
Pontiac's council, i. 210 ; at De
troit, i. 217, 226; attack De
troit, i. 243 ; have no political
connection with the Wyandots,
ii. 19; reinforce Pontiac at De
troit, ii. 32 ; murder John Welsh,
ii. 40; the camp of, ii. 52; ii.
67; in the fight of Bloody
Bridge, ii. 79; near Michili-
mackinac, ii. 88; at the settle
ment of L'Arhre Croche, ii. 88 ;
nominal Catholics, ii. 89 ;
strongly hostile to the English,
ii. 89 ; ii. 128, 138, 146 ; refuse
to ask for peace, ii. 245 ; attend
Johnson's conference at Niag
ara, iii. 38 ; Bradstreet ordered
to attack, iii. 50 ; send a deputa
tion to Bradstreet, iii. 50, 51 ;
attend Bradstreet's council at
Detroit, iii. 53 ; terms of Brad-
street's treaty with, iii. 55 ; in
Pontiac's camp, iii. 60 ; iii. 92,
135 ; attend Croghan's meeting
at Detroit, iii. 167, 169, 181 ;
Croghan's speech to, iii. 169 ;
take vengeance for Pontiac's
death, iii. 188; iii. 211,212, 213,
214,219.

Ottawas of Detroit, the, i. 183, 188 ;
iii. 155, 156.

Ottawas of Michilimackinac, the,

attend Johnson's conference at
Niagara, iii. 43; warmly wel
comed by Johnson, iii. 43 ; iii.
214.

Ottawa village, the, Pontiac at, i.
241.

Ottawa war-chief, the great, at
tends Johnson's council with
Pontiac at Oswego, iii. 1 76.

Ottawa women, the, iii. 215.

Ottaways, the, fight against the
Sacs and Foxes, ii. 12, 13.

Otter, clan of the, i. 7.

Ottowaw Lakes, the, ii. 125.

Otussa, Pontiac's son, iii. 189.

Ouatanon, Fort, i. 162; the Eng
lish take possession of, i. 177 ;
Jenkins in command at, i. 1 86 ;
captured by the Indians, ii. 37 ;
French traders at, iii. 135, 165;
Croghan at, iii. 164, 165.

Ouatanon Indians, the, Croghan
among, iii. 165.

Ouendaets, the, see Hurons, the,

Ourry, Captain George, at the
Manilla, ii. 167.

Ourry, Captain Lewis, in command
at Fort Bedford, ii. 176 ; his cor
respondence with Bouquet, ii.
177-179, 183; expecting an at
tack, iii. 191 ; ii. 192.

Cutaways, the, iii. 225, 226.

Owens, David, among the Indians,
iii. 73 ; his atrocious murders,
iii. 74; returns to the settle
ments, iii. 75 ; his desertion
pardoned, iii. 75 ; Johnson's
estimate, iii. 75.

PACANNE, chief of the Miami
nation, rescues Morris from tor
ture, iii. 64.

Palenachendchiesktajeet, the, see
Iroquois, the.

Pani, see Pawnee.

INDEX.

321

Parent, on Pontiac's desire for
vengeance on the English, i.
242 ; on the siege of Detroit, iii.
223.

Parent's Creek, i. 232, 242, 247,
250; ii. 14; Pontiac's camp on,
ii. 71, 72.

Paris, i. 82.

Paris, the treaty of, i. 203 ; France
cedes the Illinois country to
England by, iii. 130, 137.

Paris documents, the, iii. 143, 148,
160.

Passaconaway, the great magi
cian, i. 33.

Paully, Ensign, in command at
Fort Sandusky, taken prisoner
by the Indians, ii. 31 ; becomes
an Ottawa warrior, ii. 31 ; his
letter to Gladwyn, ii. 31 ; his
account of the Indian attack on
Fort Sandusky, ii. 31, 32 ; ii.
137.

Pauly, Mr., i. 243.

Pawley, Ensign, see Paully, Ensign.

Pawnees, the, i. 69 ; fight against
the Sacs and Foxes, ii. 106.

Paxton, the town of, the Presby
terian church of, ii. 232 ; ii.
237 ; burned by the Indians, ii.
257; rebuilt, ii. 257; ii. 259;
iii. 250.

Paxton eers, the, see Paxton men,
the.

" Paxtoniad," the, iii. 21 ; extract
from, iii. 239-241.

Paxton men, the, ii. 258 ; led by
Smith against Conestoga, ii.
258 ; resolve to extirpate the
Conestoga Indians, ii. 258 ; the
attack, ii. 259 ; the massacre, ii.
259 ; denounced by Governor
Penn, ii. 261 ; continue their
work, ii. 261 ; their attack on
Lancaster jail, ii. 262, 263 ; the
VOL. in. — 21

massacre, ii. 263 ; defend their
actions, ii. 267 ; plan to march
against Philadelphia, iii. 3, 5 ;
their grievances, iii. 3, 4 ; their
resentment against the Quakers,
iii. 4; the march, iii. 6; sym
pathy of the Presbyterians for,
iii. 12 ; before Philadelphia, iii.
13 ; cross the Swedes' Ford, iii.
16 ; at Germantown, iii. 16 ; the
government decides to treat
with, iii. 17 ; make a treaty with
the government, iii. 18; with
draw from the city, iii. 20 ; the
enormities of, iii. 20; Smith and
Gibson present their memorials
to the Pennsylvania Assembly,
iii. 23; no action taken on the
memorials, iii. 24 ; no definite
results from the riots of, iii. 24 ;
iii. 77 ; displeased with the
traders, iii. 151 ; their attack on
the traders, iii. 152 ; their pro
ceedings at Lancaster jail, iii.
236-238 ; the text of their
memorials, iii. 250-257 ; the text
of their declaration, iii. 257-262.

Paxton riots, the, iii. 233-262.

Peace-pipe, the, i. 195; ii. 244.

Peebles, Mr., wounded at Bushy
Run, iii. 228.

Pelee, Point, Cuyler at, ii. 25.

Peltier, on Pontiac's plot, i. 228 ;
on Pontiac's promises to the
Canadians, ii. 14 ; on the escape
of the English prisoners, ii. 25 ;
on the fight of Bloody Bridge,
ii. 79 ; on the Indian attack on
the schooner " Gladwyn," ii. 83 ;
on the siege of Detroit, iii. 221.

Penacook, Algonquins, at, i. 33.

Penn, Governor John, of Pennsyl
vania, letter from Elder to, ii.
232 ; iii. 238 ; denounces the
Conestoga massacre, ii. 261 ;

322

INDEX.

letter from Shippen to, ii. 264 ;
offers a reward for the Cones-
toga murderers, ii. 266 ; asks
Gage for protection for the Mo
ravian converts, iii. 8 ; his letter
to Governor Golden, iii. 8, 9;
letters from Gage and Gov
ernors Franklin and Golden to,
iii. 10 ; at the house of Frank
lin, iii. 14; decides to make a
treaty with the Paxton men, iii.
17; refuses to give Smith and
Gibson a public conference, iii.
24 ; involved in a quarrel with
the Assembly, iii. 24 ; letter
from Johnson to, iii. 75 ; "Bou
quet vents his disgust at Brad-
street's conduct to, iii. 79, 80 ;
the memorials of the Paxton
men presented to, iii. 250.

Perm, William, makes a treaty
with the Algonquins, i. 33 ; his
council with the Lenape, i. 34 ;
his humane treatment of the
Indians, i. 84-86 ; pays twice
for his lands, i. 86; i. 98, 179;
at Conestoga, ii. 256 ; iii. 103.

Penns, the (sons), fail to pursue
their father's fair treatment of
the Indians, i. 87 ; the " walking
purchase/' i. 89 ; the Delawares
refuse to yield, i. 90 ; call upon
the Iroquois for aid, i. 90.

Pennsylvania, i. 34 ; trade between
the Indians and, i. 76 ; vivifies
the broad principles of William
Penn, i. 85; i. 114, 120; feels
the scourge of Indian war, i.
148 ; extent of the British set
tlements in, ii. 132; the fron
tiers of, ii. 136, 161; German
emigrants in, ii. 163; did noth
ing to support its troops, ii. 182,
183, 192 ; population of, ii. 218 ;
furnishes troops for Gage's ex

pedition against the Indians, ii.
240; Stewart sets at defiance
the government of, ii. 267 ;
Bouquet returns the prisoners
to, iii. 114.

Pennsylvania, the Assembly of,
gives Bouquet no support, ii.
166 ; passes a vote on the merits
and services of Bouquet, ii. 206 ;
iii. 114, 115 ; urged by Governor
Hamilton to defend the frontiers,
ii. 230 ; their refusal, ii. 231 ;
their feeble measures for de
fence, ii. 232 ; Amherst disgusted
with, ii. 232 ; quarrels with the
Pennsylvania proprietors, ii.
240, 241 ; takes measures to
protect the Moravian converts,
ii. 270, 271 ; turns a deaf ear to
the demands of the borderers,
iii. 5 ; sends the Moravian con
verts to New York, iii. 8 ;
provides for the defence of Phil
adelphia, iii. 11 ; extends the
English riot act to the province,
iii. 12; a "declaration" and a
" remonstrance " laid before, iii.
23; involved in a quarrel with
Governor Penn, iii. 24 ; takes no
action on the memorials, iii. 24 ;
Bouquet embarrassed by the
obstinacy, iii. 75 ; a change
comes over the spirit of, iii. 77 ;
votes to raise men to protect the
frontiers,' iii. 77 ; relieves Bou
quet, iii. 115; the text of their
vote in recognition of the merits
and services of Bouquet, iii. 265,
266.

Pennsylvania borderers, the,
goaded to desperation, ii. 253 ;
characteristics of, ii. 253 ; their
indignation against the Quakers,
ii. 253, 254 ; descent of, ii. 254 ;
their hatred of the Indians, ii.

INDEX.

323

256; their rage towards the
Moravian Indians, ii. 268 ; re
solve to destroy them, ii. 269,
270 ; their plan defeated, ii.
270 ; their grievances, iii. 4 ;
inarch against Philadelphia, iii.
6; attack the traders, iii. 152;
their exploits at Fort London,
iii. 153 ; their further exploits,
iii. 155; inflict great injury to
Croghan's mission, iii. 155.

Pennsylvania frontiers, the, pecu
liarities of, ii. 218; the storm of
Indian war descends upon, ii.
220; consternation of the set
tlers, ii. 221 ; Governor Hamil
ton urges the Assembly to
defend, ii. 230 ; Indian outrages
on, ii. 253 ; attacked by the Del-
a wares and Shawanoes, iii. 41 ;
the Pennsylvania Assembly
votes to raise men to defend,
iii. 77 ; iii. 155 ; outrages on, iii.
174, 182.

"Pennsylvania Gazette," on the
Indian's idea of military honor,
ii. 5 ; on the siege of Detroit, ii.
8 ; on the attempt of Pontiac's
warriors to prevent Gladwyn's
ship from sailing, ii. 21 ; on the
escape of the English prisoners
at Detroit, ii. 25 ; on the rene
gade whites, ii. 56 ; on the
armed schooners at Detroit, ii.
61 ; on Dalzell at Presqu'isle,
ii. 68 ; on the fight of Bloody
Bridge, ii. 73 ; on the death of
Gray, ii. 76 ; on the Indian
attack on the schooner " Glad-
wyn," ii. 83, 84 ; Bouquet's let
ter to Amherst, ii. 137 ; on the
Indian attack on Tort Bedford,
ii. 142 ; on the preparations for
an attack at Fort Pitt, ii. 142
on Ensign Price's story, ii. 148 ;

on the Indian attack on Fort
Bedford, ii. 153 ; on the terror
of the frontier settlements, ii.
1 62 ; on the devastation of Shear
man's Valley, ii. 184 ; letters
from the Carlisle fugitives, ii.
186, 188 ; on the battle of
Bushy Run, ii. 203 ; on the siege
of Fort Pitt, ii. 204 ; on the deser
tion of Goshen, ii. 210 ; on the
ambuscade of the Devil's Hole,
ii. 214 ; on the desolation of the
frontiers, ii. 220 ; on the Indian
atrocities, ii. 221, 227 ; on the
sufferings of the settlers, ii. 230 ;
on the Pennsylvania volunteers,
ii. 236 ; on Armstrong's expedi
tion at Fort Augusta, ii. 237 ;
on the raising of the siege of
Detroit, ii. 244 ; on the influ
ence of the French traders upon
the Indians, iii. 136 ; on Pon
tiac's reception of Fraser, iii.
160; on the death of Pontiac,
iii. 183 ; on the siege of De
troit, iii. 223 ; on the Paxton
riots, iii. 243, 247.

Pennsylvania Historical Collec
tions, the, on the location of the
forts and settlements, ii. 136 ;
gives a description of the ruins
of Fort Venango, ii. 153 ; on the
population of Pennsylvania, ii.
220 ; on the Conestoga Indians,
ii. 257 ; on the English women
among the Indians, iii. 106, 108.

Pennsylvania, proprietors, the, i.
107 ; make a treaty with the
Iroquois at Albany, i. 107 ;
quarrel between the Pennsyl
vania proprietors and, ii. 240,
241.

"Pennsylvania Register," the, on
the Paxton riots, iii. 243.

Pennsylvanians, the, Indians dis-

324

INDEX.

gusted by the encroachments of,
i. 106.

Pennsylvania settlements, the,
crowded with refugees from the
deserted frontier, ii. 230; pre
pare for defence, ii. 234 ; attack
the Susquehanna villages, ii.
235.

Pennsylvania troops, the, in Bou
quet's expedition, iii. 78, 263 ;
desertion of, iii. 78, 80; at
Bouquet's council with the Del-
awares, iii. 87 ; the chief object
of, iii. 104.

Pensacola, Bouquet dies at, iii.
117; Loftus at, iii. 142.

Peorias, the, iii. 129; vengeance
for Pontiac's murder taken
upon, iii. 188, 189.

Pequods, the, i. 86.

Peter, Captain, i. 151.

Petuneux, the, see Dionondadies,
the.

Peyrouny, Captain, in Braddock's
expedition, i. 118; death of, i.
118.

Philadelphia, i. 88, 90, 106, 119,
150, 159, 184 ; ii. 136 ; Bouquet's
headquarters at, ii. 164; ii. 167,
176 ; fugitive settlers at, ii. 187 ;
ii. 230, 254, 257 ; news of the
Conestoga massacre reaches, ii.
261, 263, 266 ; the Moravian con
verts at, ii. 271 ; the borderers
plan to march against, iii. 3, 5 ;
the march, iii. 6 ; alarm in, iii.
6, 7 ; the Moravian converts
leave, iii. 9 ; their return to, iii.
11 ; prepares for defence, iii.
11-13; the German butchers
come to the defence of, iii. 15;
the Paxton men withdraw from,
iii. 20; contentions of, iii. 20;
iii. 241, 242, 243, 251, 253, 255,
261.

Philadelphia County, Pennsyl
vania, ii. 254; iii. 251.

Philip of Mount Hope, wages war
against the Puritans, i. 32 ; i.
220.

Phillips, Captain, lured into an
ambuscade, ii. 233 ; his revenge,
ii. 233, 234.

Piankishaws, the, iii. 129; incited
to war by Pontiac, iii. 138.

Piquet, the Sulpitian priest, a
powerful auxiliary of the im
perial power, i. 60; establishes
the mission of La Presentation,
i. 93; builds a fort, i. 94; his
influence over the Iroquois, i. 94 ;
embarrassed by William John
son, i. 98.

Pitt, Fort, i. 159, 161 ; Rogers
advances on, i. 172; Indian con
spiracy against, i. 188 ; ii. 27, 33,
41, 45; Gray reaches, ii. 47 ; the
Indians gather around, ii. 47 ;
location of, ii. 133 ; description
of, ii. 134; ii. 135; Ecuyer in
command at, ii. 136 ; alarming
incidents at, ii. 136-142; pre
pares for an attack, ii. 142 ; the
garrison, ii. 143; attacked by
the Indians, ii. 144; a parley,
ii. 145; Price reaches, ii. 152;
further preparations for defence,
ii. 154; another parley, ii. 155;
the general attack of the Indians
on, ii. 157; ii. 166, 167, 168;
Bouquet plans to concentrate
at, ii. 168; ii. 172, 173; small
pox at, ii. 174 ; ii. 176, 179, 180,
192, 197, 203, 204; Bouquet's
expedition reaches, ii. 204; iii.
80 ; small-pox at, ii. 205 ; effect
ually relieved, ii. 206; ii. 265;
iii. 32, 77, 78, 79, 91, 93, 103,
114, 137, 149; Croghan and
Fraser at, iii. 150, 155 ; the

INDEX.

325

traders flock to, iii. 150; Cro-
ghan sets out from, iii. 162;
iii. 172, 199, 200, 229, 259, 263,
265.

Pitt, William, i. 128.

Pittman, Captain, on the Illinois
colony, iii. 126; at New Orleans,
iii. 143 ; failure of his expe
dition, iii. 143; his correspond
ence with D'Abbadie, iii. 143 ;
on the palisades of New Orleans,
iii. 145.

Pittsburg, i. 104 ; ii. 133 ; iii. 266.

" Plain Truth," iii. 22.

Poison, Captain, in Braddock's
expedition, i. 118.

Pondiac, see Pontiac.

"Ponteach," the curious drama, i.
171, 183; author of, iii. 201;
plot of, iii. 201 ; characters of,
iii. 201 ; style of, iii. 201 ; ex
tracts from, iii. 202-208; re
maining scenes of, iii. 208, 209.

Pontiac, the Ottawa chief, i. 41 ;
at Fort Duquesne, i. 114; sends
an embassy to Rogers, i. 172;
his interviews with Rogers, i.
173; decides to support the
English cause, i. 173, 174; be
friends Rogers, i. 175; his des
potic power, i. 190; pre-emi
nently endowed with a chief's
characteristics, i. 191 ; his faults,
i. 191 ; his noble qualities, i. 191 ;
claimed by many tribes, i. 191 ;
receives marks of esteem from
Montcalm, i. 192; saves Detroit
from an attack, i. 192; disap
pointed by the treatment he re
ceives from the English, i. 192 ;
resolves on war, i. 194; sends
ambassadors among the tribes,
i. 194; his plan, i. 196; the
plot nearly discovered, i. 197 ;
the arch-enemy of the English,

i. 198; besieges Detroit, i. 207;
his preparations complete, i.
208; his council at the river
Ecorces, i. 208; a motley en
campment, i. 209; his personal
appearance, i. 210; his speech,
i. 211 ; his allegory of the Dela
ware, i. 212-216; a stanch ad
vocate of primitive barbarism,
i. 216; his plan for destroying
Detroit, i. 217, 218; the calumet
dance, i. 217 ; holds a council in
the Pottawattamie village, i.
218 ; his plan adopted, i. 219 ; the
Satan of the forest paradise, i.
225 ; his home, i. 225 ; his ambi
tions, i. 225, 226; his plot re
vealed, i. 228 ; his force, i. 230 ;
enters Fort Detroit, i. 232 ; sees
that his plot is defeated, i. 233 ;
at the council-house, i. 234 ; his
speech, i. 234 ; Gladwyn's reply
to, i. 235; the blackness of his
treachery, i. 236 ; his further
treachery, i. 238 ; throws off the
mask, i. 239; wolfish deeds of
his followers, i. 241 ; his terrible
rage, i. 241 ; gathers his war
riors, i. 242 ; joined by the Ojib-
was, i. 243; makes a general
attack on Detroit, i. 243 ; re
ceives Gladwyn's envoys, i. 245 ;
receives Campbell, i. 248 ; makes
Campbell a prisoner, i. 249 ; de
mands the surrender of Detroit,
i. 251 ; ii. 4; at the Wyandot
village, ii. 3 ; joined by the
Wyandots, ii. 3 ; prepares to re
sume operations against Detroit,
ii. 4; his foraging expeditions,
ii. 9 ; the Canadians complain
of them, ii. 9-11 ; his desire to
gain the Canadians as allies, ii.
10 ; his speech to the Canadians,
ii. 11-13; his new method of

326

INDEX.

securing supplies, ii. 14 ; his com
missariat, ii. 14 ; issues promis
sory notes, ii. 15 ; traits of his
character, ii. 15; exhibits an
eager desire for knowledge, ii.
16 ; his keen and subtle genius,
ii. 16; his character and talents,
ii. 17 ; his position as military-
leader, ii. 17 ; his glaring faults,
ii. 17 ; his confidence in Rogers,
ii. 17; his confidence in Baby,
ii. 18 ; his power over his fol
lowers, ii. 19; sends messengers
to Neyon, ii. 20, 21 ; on the ar
rival of the English convoy at
Detroit, ii. 22; on the capture
of the convoy, ii. 23 ; on the fate
of the prisoners of Cuyler's de
tachment, ii. 29, 30 ; reinforced
at Detroit, ii. 32 ; on the capture
of the forest posts, ii. 47 ; clings
to a delusive hope, ii. 52; tries
to terrify Gladwyn into submis
sion, ii. 52 ; Gladwyn's con
temptuous reply, ii. 52; his
final effort to win the Cana
dians, ii. 52-54 ; the reply from
the Canadians to, ii. 54, 55;
joined by the renegade whites,
ii. 57 ; derives little aid from his
Canadian allies, ii. 58; on the
schooners at Detroit, ii. 62;
deserted by the Wyandots and
the Pottawattamies, ii. 64-66 ; on
the arrival of reinforcements at
Detroit, ii. 69 ; Dalzell plans a
night attack on, ii. 70; his
camp on Parent's Creek, ii. 71 ;
forewarned of Dalzell's attack,
ii. 71, 72 ; attacks Dalzell, ii. 73 ;
the fight of Bloody Bridge, ii.
73-79 ; attacks the " Gladwyn,"
ii. 81 ; ii. 95 ; invites the Indians
of Michilimackinac to join him,
ii. 96; ii. 117, 123; ii. 132, 207;

his letter from Neyon, ii. 245 ; a
crushing blow, ii. 245 ; his cause
lost, ii. 245 ; resolves to dissimu
late, ii. 245 ; his offer of peace to
Gladwyn, ii. 246 ; withdraws to
the Maumee, ii. 246 ; iii. 35, 43,
44, 53 ; interview of Morris
with, iii. 58 ; his French letter,
iii. 59 ; despair of, iii. 60 ; iii.
90 ; sends an embassy to Saint-
Ange, iii. 133; among the
Western tribes, iii. 134; resolves
to defend the Illinois country,
iii. 135 ; assisted by the French
traders, iii. 135 ; the French
send forged letters to, iii. 136;
his visit to Neyon, iii. 137 ; fails
to incite the Illinois, iii. 138;
incited the western tribes to war,
iii. 138; his dealings with the
Illinois, iii. 139 ; joined by the
Illinois, iii. 139 ; at Fort Char-
tres, iii. 139 ; his interview with
Saint-Ange, iii. 139 ; Saint- Ange
declines to aid, iii. 140; his
great wampum belt, iii. 140 ;
demands aid from D'Abbadie,
iii. 140, 145; his embassy at
New Orleans, iii. 145, 150;
D'Abbadie receives his embassy,
iii. 146 ; D'Abbadie's reply to, iii.
146; at Kaskaskia, iii. 158; in
terposes to save Fraser's life, iii.
158; the French traders try to
incite, iii. 159; Fraser's council
with, iii. 160; his first recep
tion of Fraser, iii. 160; relents,
iii. 160 ; seizes La Garautais, iii.
161; his hopes destroyed, iii.
161, 162 ; his desperate position,
iii. 162; resolves to effect peace,
iii. 162; the meeting between
Croghan and, iii. 166; at Fort
Chartres, iii. 166; his speech,
iii. 166; attends Croghan's

INDEX.

327

meeting at Detroit, iii. 167 ; his
reply to Croghan, iii. 170;
promises to make a treaty with
Johnson, iii. 172; Croghan's
impression of, iii. 172; iii. 173;
keeps his appointment with
Johnson, iii. 175, 176; lands at
Fort Schlosser,iii. 176 ; on Lake
Ontario, iii. 176 ; at Oswego,
iii. 176 ; Johnson's council with,
iii. 176-181 ; Johnson's address
to, iii. 177; his reply, iii. 179;
seals his submission to the
English, iii. 181; returns to the
Maumee, iii. 182; the English
traders jealous of, iii. 183 ; at St.
Louis, iii. 183; visits Saint-
Ange, iii. 183, 184; visits
Chouteau, iii. 183, 184; goes to
Cahokia, iii. 184 ; the murder of,
iii. 186 ; varying accounts of the
death of, iii. 187; vengeance
taken for the death of, iii. 187,
188; his burial-place, iii. 189;
his children, iii. 189 ; iii. 208,
'211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 218,
219, 221, 222, 267, 268.

Pontiac Manuscript,the,iii. 2 10-220.

Post, Christian Frederic, on the
unfortunate position of the In
dians, i. 106 ; sent as emissary
to the Indians, i. 149 ; sketch of
his character, i. 149, 150; on
the Ohio, i. 150 ; secures the neu
trality of the Indians, i. 150,
151 ; extracts from his journals,
i. 150, 151 ; at Sankonk, i. 150;
plots against the life of, i. 150 ;
on the wilderness of the Mis
sissippi Valley, i. 162.

Potherie, on the efforts of the
French to conciliate the Indians,
i. 80.

Pothier, Father, the Jesuit, at the
Wyandot village, ii. 3.

Potomac River, the, i. 179; iii.
182.

Pottawattamies, the, i. 37 ; form
a confederacy, i. 38 ; the clus
tered lodges of, i. 176; i. 188,
190; at Detroit, i. 223; attack
Detroit, i. 243 ; with Pontiac, ii.
4 ; reinforce Pontiac at Detroit,
ii. 32 ; the Jesuits among, ii. 34 ;
attack and capture Fort St.
Joseph, ii. 34, 35 ; begin to tire
of the siege of Detroit, ii. 64;
ask for peace, ii. 64 ; Gladwyn's
treatment of, ii. 65, 66; Glad-
wyn makes peace with, ii. 67;
in the fight of Bloody Bridge,
ii. 79 ; offer the pipe of peace at
Detroit, ii. 244; attend Brad-
street's council at Detroit, iii.
53 ; terms of Bradstreet's treaty
with, iii. 55; attend Croghan's
meeting at Detroit, iii. 167, 181 ;
iii. 211.

Pottawattamies from St. Joseph's,
the, attend Croghan's meeting
at Detroit, iii. 168 ; their atti
tude towards the English, iii.
168.

Pottawattamie village, the, Pontiac
holds a council in, i.218; i. 227,
239 ; iii. 213, 215.

Pottawattamie villages, the, ii. 69.

Pouchot, on the wilderness of the
Mississippi Valley, i. 162.

Pownall, on the wilderness of the
Mississippi Valley, i. 162; on
the Illinois colony, iii. 126.

Presbyterians, the, in Pennsyl
vania, ii. 219, 254, 266; the
Quakers the enemies of, iii. 6 ;
sympathize with the Paxton
men, iii. 12 ; on the narrow escape
of the German butchers, iii. 16 ;
the satire of, iii. 1 7 ; their con
tention with the Quakers, iii. 21 ;

328

INDEX.

their party pamphlets, iii. 21,
22 ; counter accusations, iii. 22 ;
iii. 242, 248.

Presqu'isle, the French at, i. 102 ;
French and Indians at, i. 131 ;
i. 188 ; Bouquet's plan of, ii. 47 ;
ii. 133; Bradstreet's expedition
at, iii. 47.

Presqu'isle, Fort, i. 163 ; life at, i.
163, 164; Rogers at, i. 172;
Cuyler at, ii. 27; Christie in
command at, ii. 27 ; location at,
ii. 41; description of, ii. 41;
prepares for defence against the
Indians, ii. 42 ; attacked by the
Indians, ii. 43; a night of
anxiety, ii. 45 ; surrendered to
the Indians, ii. 46; Dalzell at,
ii. 68, 147; Gray's account of
the capitulation of, ii. 146, 147 ;
ii. 148, 149, 152, 168; Bouquet
plans to concentrate at, ii. 168,
ii. 169, 172, 179 ; description of
the blockhouse at, ii. 179; ii.
183; iii. 217.

Priber, among the Cherokees, i.
61.

Price, Ensign George, in com
mand at Fort Le Bceuf, ii. 148 ;
his story of the fall of the fort,
ii. 149 ; attacked by the Indians,
ii. 149 ; displays great spirit, ii.
150; his escape, ii. 151 ; reaches
Venango, ii. 151 ; reaches Fort
Pitt, ii. 152 ; his letter to Bou
quet, ii. 152.

Prideaux, General, killed at
Niagara, i. 96, 131 ; his plan to
attack Niagara, i. 131.

Prisoners, treatment accorded by
the Indians to, iii. 109-111.

Protestant missionaries, the, com
pared with the Romish mission
aries, i. 77.

Proud, on the feelings of the

Quakers towards the Indians,
i. 88.

Province Commissioners, the,
Robertson sent as special mes
senger to, iii. 76; their obsti
nacy, iii. 76 ; promise to procure
bloodhounds for hunting Indian
scalping-parties, iii. 77.

Province Island, the, ii. 264 ; the
Moravian converts at, ii. 272;
iii. 8.

Provinces, the, fail to give Bou
quet adequate support, iii. 77.

" Provincial Records," the, on
Turtle's Heart's speech at Bou
quet's council, iii. 89.

Puritans of New England, the,
war waged by the Algonquins
against, i. 32 ; contrasted with
the French Canadians, i. 51 ; the
first to purchase laud from
the Indians, i. 85 ; their hatred
towards Canada, i. 100; see
portents of impending war, i.
220.

Putnam, Israel, i. 168; ii. 70.

QUAKERS, the, deal kindly with
the Indians, i. 85 ; the results
of their pacific conduct, i. 86;
their affection for the Indians,
i. 87; refuse to countenance
war against the Indians, i. 88 ;
gain the confidence of the In
dians, i. 148; in Pennsylvania,
ii. 219 ; refuse to bear arms, ii.
220 ; refuse to defend the Penn
sylvania frontiers, ii. 231 ; their
ineffective measures for defence,
ii. 231 ; their blind prejudice in
favor of the Indians, ii. 239 ;
indignation of the borderers
against, ii. 253, 254 ; their horror
at the Conestoga murders, ii.
266; protect the Moravian

INDEX.

329

converts, ii. 271, 272 ; resent
ment of the Paxton men against
iii. 4 ; their enmity towards the
Presbyterians, iii. 6 ; alarmed
by the approach of the bor
derers, iii. 6 ; their uncomfort
able position, iii. 7 ; zealous in
preparing for the defence of
Philadelphia, iii. 12; their con
tention with the Presbyterians,
iii. 21 ; their party pamphlets,
iii. 21, 22 ; counter accusations,
iii. 22 ; accusations of the
Paxton men against, iii. 23,
24 ; scared into their senses,
iii. 77 ; iii. 242 ; on the Paxton
riots, iii. 243 ; iii. 248, 249.

" Quaker Unmasked," the, iii. 21.

Quatogies, the, see Hurons, the.

Quebec, i. 9, 27, 29; Champlain
the founder of, i. 55 ; i. 68, 70,
72, 114; Dieskau at, i. 121;
Wolfe's plan to attack, i. 131 ;
Wolfe before, i. 132 ; Montcalm
at, i. 133 ; besieged by Wolfe's
victorious army, i. 146; sur
renders to the English, i. 146 ;
i. 147.

Quebec, the batteries of, Admiral
Holmes passes, i. 136.

Quebec, the battle of, paves the
way to the independence of
America, i. 142.

Quebec, the Bishop of, i. 146.

Queen's Company of Bangers, the,
ii. 27, 41.

Quilleriez, made Pontiac's com
missariat, ii. 14.

RALE, FATHER, among the Algon-
quins, i. 33 ; on the number of
the Illinois villages, i. 37 ; i. 77.

Rameau, on the population of
Detroit, i. 221.

Rangers, ii. 253.

Rattlesnake, the, Indian super
stition concerning, iii. 39, 122 ;
in the Illinois country, iii. 122.

Raymond, i. 166, 167.

Raynal, on the cramping of Cana
dian industry, i. 53 ; on William
Penn, i. 85.

RecoUets, the, in Canada, i. 51.

Red Jacket, a stanch advocate
of primitive barbarism, i. 216.

Reed, Joseph, letter from Ewing
to, iii. 248.

Regioghne, the rock, iii. 192.

Regulars, the, in forest warfare,
iii. 78.

Renegade whites, the, at Detroit,
ii. 55, 56 ; join Pontiac, ii. 57 ;
Pontiac derives little aid from,
ii. 58.

Revolution, the American,!. 35, 109.

Richelieu, i. 56.

Rickson, William, letter from
Wolfe to, i. 134.

Rifts, the, iii. 192.

Rittenhouse, David, on the enor
mities committed by the Paxton
men, iii. 20.

Riviere a la Tranche, the, see
Thames River, the.

Robertson, Captain, murdered by
the Indians, i. 242, 243, 250; ii.
169, 171.

Robertson, Captain James, on the
massacre at Lancaster jail, ii.
265 ; escorts the Moravian con
verts, iii. 9 ; ordered by Gage to
prevent the advance of the Mora
vian converts, iii. 10; sent as
special messenger to the pro
vincial commissioners, iii. 76;
writes Amherst of the failure
of his mission, iii. 76.

Robertson's Highlanders, ii. 265;
escort the Moravian converts,
iii. 9.

330

INDEX.

Kobison, Professor John, relates
an anecdote of Wolfe, i. 138.

Robison, Sir John, i. 138.

Kobison, on the adventures of
Charles Eliot, ii. 186; on the
enormities of white barbarians,
iii. 75.

Rochefoucault, i. 45.

Rocky Mountains, the, i. 35, 165 ;
iii. 132.

Rocky Mountain trappers, the,
ii. 40.

Rogers, Major Robert, assigned
the execution of the terms of
the Canadian surrender, i. 1 68 ;
sketch of, i. 168-170; tried for
treason, i. 170; later history of,
i. 170; his published works, i.
171 ; portrait of, i. 171 ; on the
Lakes, i. 171 ; at Fort Niagara,
i. 172 ; advances on Fort Pitt, i.
172; returns to Presqu'isle, i.
172; at the mouth of the Cho-
gage, i. 172; receives an em
bassy from Pontiac, i. 172; his
interviews with Pontiac, i. 173;
Pontiac is friendly towards, i.
173-175 ; the Indians of Detroit
in arms against, i. 174 ; takes
possession of Detroit, i. 176;
forced to postpone taking pos
session of Michilimackinac, i.
177 ; i. 183, 192; on the popula
tion of Detroit, i. 221 ; on the
defences of Detroit, i. 224 ; on
Pontiac's home, i. 225 ; on Pon
tiac's detention of the English
officers, i. 250 ; on Pontiac's de
mand for the surrender of
Detroit, i. 251 ; on Pontiac's
promissory notes, ii. 15; on
Pontiac's desire for knowledge,
ii. 16 ; on Pontiac's character
and talents, ii. 17 ; Pontiac's
confidence in, ii. 17; arrives at

Detroit, ii. 69; in the fight of
Bloody Bridge, ii. 76, 77, 78, 79 ;
his share in the composition of
"Ponteach,"iii.201.

Rogers' rangers, exploits of, i.
168, 169; famous throughout
America,!. 169; on the Lakes,
i. 171 ; at Fort Niagara, i. 172 ;
at Presqu'isle, i. 172; at the
mouth of the Chogage, i. 172 ; at
Detroit, i. 175, 176 ; ii. 40 ; rein
force Detroit, ii. 69.

Rogers' Slide, i. 171.

Rome, iii. 124.

Romish missionaries, the, com
pared with the Protestant mis
sionaries, i. 77.

Rosco, Lieutenant, at the Devil's
Hole, ii. 215.

Royal American regiment, the, in
Wolfe's expedition against Que
bec, i. 135 ; their ill-timed im
petuosity, i. 135 ; take possession
of the French posts, i. 177; ii.
47; at Green Bay, ii. 126;
Gorell in command of, ii. 126;
ii. 148; at Fort Pitt, ii. 158;
the composition of its ranks, ii.
164 ; partially disbanded, ii.
167; at Fort Bedford, ii. 178;
ii. 180; reduced in numbers, iii.
31 ; at Bouquet's council with
the Delawares, iii. 87; iii. 116,
228.

Royal Blockhouse, the, i. 158, 159;
iii. 200.

Rum, effect on the Indians of, ii.
246.

" Rum carriers," the, i. 78.

Rupp, on the population of Penn
sylvania, ii. 220; on the mas
sacre at Lancaster jail, ii. 263;
on the treaty between the Pax-
ton men and the Pennsylvania
government, iii. 19.

INDEX.

331

SABINE, on the character of Wil
liam Johnson, i. 97 ; on Rogers,
i. 170.

Sachem, the Indian, i. 4; not an
enviable office, i. 5 ; his council
lors, i. 5 ; his province, i. 5 ; his
powers, iii. 90.

Sachemship, the descent among
the Iroquois of, i. 13.

Sac Indians, the, on Lake Michi
gan, i. 38 ; claim Pontiac, i. 191 ;
at Michilimackinac, ii. 101 ;
their ball-play, ii. 102, 103; at
tend Johnson's conference at
Niagara, iii. 39 ; attend Brad-
street's council at Detroit, iii. 53 ;
terms of Bradstreet's treaty with,
iii. 55 ; take vengeance for Pon-
tiac's death, iii. 188.

Sacs and Foxes, the, ii. 12 ; the
French troops fight against, ii. 12,
13 ; fight against the Pawnees,
ii. 106; on the Wisconsin, ii.
126; Gorell addresses, ii. 129;
take vengeance for Pontiac's
death, iii. 188.

Saint-Ange de Bellerive, succeeds
Neyon at Fort Chartres, iii. 133 ;
Charlevoix's estimate of, iii. 133 ;
his position not an enviable one,
iii. 133 ; beset by embassies, iii.
133 ; importuned by the Illinois,
iii. 133; his letters to D'Abba-
die, iii. 134, 140; correspond
ence of, iii. 136 ; his interview
with Pontiac, iii. 139 ; declines
to aid Pontiac, iii. 140 ; on Pon
tiac's great wampum belt, iii.
140; assumes a more decisive
tone with the Indians, iii. 1 59 ;
on Pontiac's assumed peace, iii.
162; invites Croghan to Fort
Chartres, iii. 165; yields Fort
Chartres to the English, iii. 173 ;
Pontiac visits, iii. 183, 184;

offers his services to the Span
iards, iii. 183; buries Pontiac's
body, iii. 186.

St. Ann's, i. 52.

Saint-Aubin, i. 226 ; on Pontiac's
plot defeated, i. 235; on the
murder of Fisher, i. 241 ; on the
escape of the English prisoners,
ii. 25 ; on the murder of Camp
bell by the Indians, ii. 60; on
the fight of Bloody Bridge,
ii. 79 ; on the Indian attack on
the schooner " Gladwyn," ii. 83 ;
on the siege of Detroit, iii. 221.

Saint-Aubin, Mrs., i. 226.

St. Charles River, the, i. 133, 141,
143, 145.

St. Clair, Lake, i. 225, 242 ; ii. 21,
85.

St. Clair, the town of, ii. 13.

St. Dusky, see Sctndusky.

Ste. Genevieve, the hamlet of, iii.
131.

Ste. Marie, the French post of, the
English take possession of, i.
177.

St. Francis, i. 51, 84.

St. Ignace, the Jesuit mission of,
ii. 89.

St. Ignatius, i. 51.

St. Joseph, French post of, i. 51 ;
La Salle at, i. 63 ; Jesuit mission
of, i. 63 ; French fort at, i. 67 ;
the English take possession of,
i. 177 ; iii. 225.

St. Joseph, the worship of, iii. 125.

St. Joseph, Fort, i. 221 ; aban
doned, i. 221 ; Ensign Schlosser
in command at, ii. 33 ; attacked
and captured by the Pottawat-
tamies, ii. 34, 35.

St. Joseph River, the, i. 64 ; ii. 33.

St. Joseph's, iii. 168.

St. Lawrence River, the, Cartier
on, i. 32; i. 50, 51, 52; the

332

INDEX.

Jesuits trace the source of, i.

57 ; i. 64 ; opens avast extent of

inland navigation, i. 70; i. 86,

93, 132 ; Wolfe on, i. 132 ; i.

133 ; Amherst on, i. 147 ; i. 185,

211; ii. 9,52, 63, 133, 207; iii.

37, 192.

St. Lawrence Valley, the, i. 66.
St. Louis, the Castle of, at Quebec,

i. 68, 133.
St. Louis, the church of, at New

Orleans, iii. 145.
St. Louis, the city of , i. 192; the

founding of, iii. 131, 132, 134;

iii. 183 ; Pontiac at, iii. 183 ; iii.

184.

St. Louis, Tort, iii. 186.
St. Martin, interpreter at Detroit,

ii. 9 ; on the characteristics of

Quilleriez, ii. 15.
St. Mary's, the Jesuit mission of, i.

57, 60 ; French fort at, i. 67.
St. Mary's, the rapids of, i. 33.
Saint-Pierre, Legardeur de, in

command at Fort Le Boeuf,.i.

103; receives Washington, i.

103.
St. Sacrement, Lac, see George,

Lake.
Saint- Vincent, a French drummer,

in Pontiac's camp, iii. 58 ; be
friends Morris, iii. 59, 64.
Sagard, on the Huron dwellings,

i. 26 ; on the religious belief of

the Indians, i. 43.
Saginaw, the Bay of, i. 243.
Sagoyewatha, caustic irony of, i.

18.

Salisbury, i. 134.
Salt Licks, the, ii. 140.
Sanduaky, English traders at, i.

76; ii. 140; iii. 48; Bradstreet's

expedition at, iii. 50, 62 ; iii. 65 ;

Bradstreet returns to, iii. 66, 67,

68, 69 ; iii. 70, 85.

Sandusky, Fort, i. 163; ii. 59;
burned, ii. 27 ; Cuyler at, ii. 27 ;
attacked and captured by the
Indians, ii. 30, 31 ; Dalzell at,
ii. 68 ; ii. 137, 138.

Sandusky Indians, the, iii. 53;
Bradstreet's tenderness towards,
iii. 68; Croghan's meeting at
Detroit with, iii. 169 ; Croghan's
speech to, iii. 169.

Sandusky Eiver, the, iii. 67, 68.

Sankhicans, the, see Mohawks, the.

Sankonk, Post at, i. 150.

Sardinia, the King of, ii. 163.

Saskatchewan River, the, i. 75.

Sassacus the Pequot, wages war
against the Puritans, i. 32.

Sauks, the, see Sacs, the.

Saulteurs, the, see Ojibwas, the.

Sault Ste. Marie, Jesuit mission at,
ii. 87 ; description of, ii. 87 ; ii.
99 ; partially destroyed by fire,
ii. 125; abandoned, ii. 125;
Henry at, iii. 35 ; iii. 46 ; reoc-
cupied by the English, iii. 56.

Saunders, Admiral, before Quebec,
i. 148.

Saxe, Marshal, i. 108, 126.

Scalps, the governor of Pennsyl
vania offers a reward for, iii. 72 ;
iii. 256, 261.

Schenectady, the Dutch town of,
the midnight massacre of, i. 100;
i. 158.

Schlosser, Ensign, in command at
Fort St. Joseph, ii. 33 ; attacked
and captured by the Pottawat-
tamies, ii. 34, 35; exchanged,
ii. 35.

Schlosser, Fort, Cuyler at, ii. 25 ;
ii. 211, 212; Stedman reaches,
ii. 213 ; Wilkins driven back to,
ii. 215 ; Bradstreet's expedition
at, iii. 45, 47 ; Pontiac lands at,
iii. 176.

INDEX.

333

Schoolcraft, Henry R., on Indian
totems, i. 7 ; on the descent o:
the sachemship, i. 14; on the
social institutions of the Iro
quois, i. 14 ; on the origin of the
Iroquois, i. 15 ; on the legend ol
Taounyawatha, i. 16; on the
traditions of the Iroquois, i. 18
on Algonquin legends, i. 42 ; on
the religious belief of the Indi
ans, i. 43; on the founding oi
Detroit, i. 221 ; on Pontiac's
home, i. 225 ; on Pontiac's plot,
i. 228 ; on the primitive barbar
ism of the Ojibwas, ii. 89 ; on
the traditions of the Island of
Michilimackinac, ii. 123 ; on
Pontiac's son, iii. 189.

Schuyler, Fort, iii. 200.

Schuylkill Kiver, the, iii. 15, 244,
247.

Scioto Plains, the, Bradstreet or
dered to advance upon the Indi
ans of, iii. 67 ; iii. 268.

Scioto River, the, i. 157, 161 ;
Croghan on, iii. 163.

Scoharie River, the, i. 158.

Scotch, the, in Ireland, ii. 219.

Scotch Presbyterians, the, plan to
attack the Moravian Indians, ii.
270 ; their plan defeated, ii.
270.

Scott, Sir Walter, i. 237.

Scouts, the, ii. 241, 253.

Sekahos, in command of the
Wyandots at Detroit, ii. 33.

Seneca Lake, i. 19.

Senecas, the, i. 11; synonymous
names of, i. 11 ; individual or
ganization of, i. 11 ; sachems of,
i. 12; the great council-house, i.
12 ; destroy the Neutral Na
tion, i. 28 ; incensed at Eng
lish intrusion, i. 184; conspire
against the English, i. 188, 190;

join in Pontiac's conspiracy, i.
196; treacherously attack Fort
Venango, ii. 152; ii. 162, 165,
166 ; refuse to attend Johnson's
council, ii. 207 ; in arms against
the English, ii. 207; form the
ambuscade of the Devil's Hole, ii.
214; begin to lose heart, ii.
250 ; make a treaty with John
son, iii. 42 ; break their promise,
iii. 42 ; in league with the hostile
Delawares, iii. 42; threatened
by Johnson, iii. 42 ; Johnson
concludes peace with, iii. 42 ;
terms of the peace, iii. 42; at
tend Bouquet's council, iii. 87 ;
Mary Jemison among, iii. 106 ;
iii. 196, 197, 199, 261.
Seneca villages, the, i. 17.
Seventeenth regiment, the, ii. 165;
ordered up the Mohawk, ii. 1 70.
Seventy-seventh regiment, the, ii.
165, 167 ; receives marching
orders, ii. 169, 170 ; in Bouquet's
expedition against the Indians,
ii. 189.

Shamokin, Daniel, i. 91, 106.
Sharpe, Governor, letter from

Thomas Cresap to, ii. 226.
Shawanoe prophet, the, i. 186.
Shawanoes, the, i. 28 ; movements
of, i. 36 ; become embroiled with
the Five Nations, i. 36; flee
to escape destruction, i. 36; in
the Ohio Valley, i. 36 ; move
westward, i. 92 ; murderous at
tacks of, i. 149 ; population of,
i. 154; reduced by the French,
i. 179 ; exasperated by the Eng
lish, i. 183; gather around Fort
Pitt, ii. 47 ; arrive at Detroit, ii.
63; Gladwyn complains of, ii.
136 ; ii. 138 ; in the attack on
Fort Pitt, ii. 159; small-pox
among, ii. 174; Bouquet to

334

INDEX.

march against, iii. 32, 41 ; send
an insolent missive to Johnson,
iii. 41 ; their pretended embassy
to Bradstreet, iii. 47 ; Bradstreet
concludes a treaty with, iii. 48 ;
Gage annuls the treaty, iii. 49 ;
hostility of, iii. 62 ; fail to keep
their appointment with Brad-
street, iii. 67 ; iii. 79, 80, 83, 85 ;
at Bouquet's council, iii. 87 ;
their submission to Bouquet, iii.
102 ; keep their appointment
with Johnson, iii. 118; John
son concludes a treaty with, iii.
118 ; send an embassy to Saint-
Ange, iii. 133 ; iii. 134, 137 ;
their embassy before D'Abbadie,
iii. 146 ; iii. 149 ; Croghan's in
fluence upon, iii. 156; iii. 163,
191, 192, 199, 263, 264, 267,
269.

Shawanoes of the Scioto, the,
atrocities and cruelties of, iii.
96 ; influence of the French
traders upon, iii. 96 : Bouquet's
embassy to, iii. 96, 97 ; Bouquet
receives the submission of, iii.
98 ; the prisoners of, iii. 111.

Shawanoe settlements, the, iii. 93.

Shawanoe village, the principal,
Bouquet sends an embassy to,
iii. 96.

Shawanoe villages, the,i. 157, 161 ;
iii. 265.

Shea, J. G., on the Conestoga In
dians, ii. 257.

Shearman's Creek, iii. 235.

Shearman's Valley, ii. 184.

Shegenaba, Pontiac's son, iii. 189.

Shingas, Chief, duplicity of, ii.
138 ; at Fort Pitt, ii. 155.

Shippen, Colonel Edward, on the
massacre at Lancaster jail, ii.
264; on the Paxton riots, iii.
236 ; his letter to Governor

Hamilton, iii. 237 ; letter from
Elder to, iii. 241-243.

Shippensburg, the hamlet of, Bou
quet's expedition at, ii. 191 ; a
starving multitude at, ii. 191 ;
ii. 193, 234.

Shirley, General, iii. 200.

Sibbold, ii. 15.

Sibbold, Mrs., ii. 1 5.

Sidling Hill, iii. 152.

Sinnikes, the, see Senecas, the.

Six Nations, the, i. 9 ; conferences
between Johnson and, i. 152; i.
159 ; exasperated by the Eng
lish, i. 183; i. 184; conspire
against the English, i. 188 ; at
Niagara, ii. 27 ; ii. 133 ; John
son's influence over, ii. 162;
Johnson's conferences with, ii.
207; marked effect of their
failure against Detroit upon, ii.
249 ; persuaded by Johnson to
attack the Delawares, ii. 250;
destroy the town of Kanestio, ii.
251 ; iii. 37, 92, 192, 193, 199,
200, 249.

Sixth regiment, the, iii. 135.

Sixtieth Eifles, the, see Royal
American regiment, the.

Slough, Mr., ii. 264.

Smallman, Major, iii. 267.

Small-pox, ii. 127, 143; Amherst
urges Bouquet to spread it
among the Indians, ii. 173-175 ;
at Fort Pitt, ii. 205 ; among the
Moravian converts, iii. 25.

Smart, David, on the defence of
Fort Presqu'isle, ii. 45, 47.

Smet, De, on the religious belief
of the Indians, i. 43.

Smith, on Galissonniere's plan to
people New France, i. 68 ; on
the English traders at San-
dusky, i. 76; on the narrow-
minded Indian policy of the

INDEX.

335

New York Assembly, i. 78 ; on
the wilderness of the Mississippi
Valley, i. 162.

Smith, James, the ranger, on
Beaujeu's ambuscade, i. 114;
on the Indian atrocities, ii. 222 ;
in the defence of the Pennsyl
vania frontiers, ii. 234 ; sketch
of, ii. 234, 235 ; leads the Pax-
ton men against the traders, iii.
151, 152 ; his narrative, iii. 154.

Smith, Matthew, leads the Paxton
men against Conestoga, ii. 258 ;
the attack, ii. 259 ; the massacre,
ii. 259 ; forces Elder from his
attempt to restrain the Paxton
men, ii. 262 ; in the expedition
against Philadelphia, iii. 6; at
Germantown, iii. 16; appointed
by the Paxton men to treat with
the Pennsylvania government,
iii. 18, 20; lays a "declaration"
and a "remonstrance" before
the Assembly, iii. 23 ; refused
a public conference, iii. 24; iii.
246; the text of the memorial
presented by, iii. 251-257.

Smith (son of Matthew), ii. 259.

Smith, Dr. William, on the battle
of Bushy Run, ii. 203 ; the chron
icler of Bouquet's expedition, iii.
117; his estimate of Bouquet,
iii. 117.

Smith, William, Jr., on the keen
and subtle genius of Pontiac, ii.
16 ; on Amherst and Gage, ii.
240.

Smollett, on Spotswood's plan to
rescue the Ohio Valley, i. 102 ;
on the capture of French ships
by the English, i. 1 09 ; on Mac-
Donald's presence of mind be
fore Quebec, i. 139 ; ii. 163, 164.

Smyth, Edward, on the defence of
Fort Presqu'isle, ii. 46; on

Christie's escape from the In
dians, ii. 47 ; on the state of the
frontier, ii. 218.

Soc, Bill, iii. 233 ; death of, iii. 21,
233 ; iii. 234, 235.

Sock, Will, see Soc, Bill

Solomons, the trader at Michili-
mackinac, ii. 94; the demands
of the Ottawas, ii. 94 ; prepares
to resist, ii. 94; the timely
arrival of the troops, ii. 94.

Sorcerers, Indian, iii. 38.

Sorel River, the, i. 70, 147.

Southern Louisiana, the tribes of,
iii. 144; Pontiac's embassy in,
iii. 144.

Southern tribes, the, totems among,
i. 9.

Southwestern tribes, the, treat
ment accorded to prisoners by,
iii. 110.

Spain, signs the Peace of Paris, i.
204 ; the territory transferred
by France to, iii. 130.

Spangenburg, August Gottlieb, at
tends the great council at Onon-
daga, i. 12.

Spaniards, the, capture Fort Mi-
chilimackinac, i. 170; masters
of Upper Louisiana, i. 170 ;
Saint- Ange offers his services
to, iii. 183.

Sparks, on the building of the
"Grimn," i. 62; on La Salle
taking possession of the Missis
sippi Valley, i. 65 ; on the In
dians' disgust for Gist, i. 102 ;
on Jumonville's attack on Wash
ington, i. 104; on Washington's
victory, i. 105 ; on Beaujeu's in
fluence over the Indians, i. 113;
on Beaujeu's attack on Brad-
dock, i 118; on the battle of
Lake George, i. 126 ; on Rogers,
i. 170; on the Virginia militia,

336

INDEX.

ii. 233; on the narrow escape
of the German butchers, iii. 15;
on the treaty between the Pax-
ton men and the Pennsylvania
government, iii. 18.

Spirit of the Thunder, the, legend
of, i. 18.

Spotswood, Governor, of Virginia,
on the jealousy of the Iroquois
against the English, i. 93 ; urges
the securing of the Ohio valley,
i. 102.

Squatters, the, iii. 182.

Squaws, Indian, i. 154.

Squier, on the origin of the Iro
quois, i. 15.

Stanwix, Fort, i. 158; ii. 133 ; iii.
200.

Stanwix, General, builds Fort Pitt,
ii. 134.

Stark, General John, i. 168; runs
the gantlet, i. 248.

Staten Island, ii. 165.

Staunton, on the desolation of the
frontiers, ii. 221.

Stedman, escapes from the ambus
cade of the Devil's Hole, ii. 212 ;
reaches Fort Schlosser, ii. 213.

Stephen, Alexander, gives evi
dence against the Conestoga
Indians, iii. 234.

Stephen, Colonel, in command of
the Virginia militia, ii. 233.

Sterling, the fur-trader, at Detroit,
i. 232.

Sterling, Captain, takes possession
of Fort Chartres, iii. 172.

Stewart, Lazarus, on the attitude
of the Quakers towards the In
dians, ii. 254 ; leads the Paxton
men against the Lancaster jail,
ii. 262 ; on the massacre at Lan
caster jail, ii. 263 ; threatened
by the Philadelphia party, ii.
266 ; Elder's estimate of, ii. 266 ;

arrested, ii. 267 ; breaks jail, ii.
267 ; his declaration defending
his actions, ii. 267; sets the
Pennsylvania government at de
fiance, ii. 267; withdraws to
Wyoming, ii. 267 ; iii. 236.

Stinton, killed by the Indians, iii.
254.

Stobo, Kobert, on the efforts of
the French to conciliate the In
dians, i. 106.

Stone Giants, the, i. 18.

Stone, Mrs. W. L., iii. 33.

Stuart, Colonel, on the sufferings
of Mrs. Glendenning, ii. 224.

Sullivan, General, i. 19.

Superior, Lake, i. 27 ; the Algon-
quins on, i. 33 ; i. 37 ; the Ojib-
was on, i. 38 ; the Jesuits on, i.
57; i. 67, 153, 154, 179; iii. 191.

Susquehanna, the Lower, the
Andastes on, i. 28.

Susquehanna River, the, i. 88, 91,
92, 148, 156, 183; ii. 134, 135,
153, 161, 190, 219, 220, 231 ; In
dian villages on, ii. 235 ; Arm
strong on, ii. 236 ; ii. 256, 257 ;
the Moravian converts on, iii. 25 ;
Owens on, iii. 74 ; the borderers
on, iii. 155; iii. 260.

Susquehanna villages, the, at
tacked by Armstrong, ii. 236;
deserted by the Indians, ii. 236 ;
burned, ii. 236.

Sussex, the county of, in Pennsyl
vania, iii. 250.

Swan, the, a Miami chief, inter
cedes for Morris, iii. 63.

Swedes' Ford, the, iii. 15; the
Paxton men cross, iii. 16; iii.
244.

Sweed's Ford, see Swede's Ford,
the.

Swiss, the, in America, ii. 163; in
Pennsylvania, ii. 219.

INDEX.

33T

" TAIT'S Magazine," on the char
acter of Bradstreet, iii. 33.

Takee, in command of the Wyan-
dots at Detroit, ii. 32; iii. 212,
213.

r. 'amaronas, the, iii. 129.

l^nuer, on the mode of life
among the Ojibwas, i. 40.

Taounyawatha, the God of the
Waters, legend of, i. 15.

Tar, the river, the Tuscaroras on,
i. 30.

Teata, the Wyandot chief, at
tends Johnson's council with
Pontiac at Detroit, iii. 179 ; his
speech, iii. 179; iii. 212.

Tecumseh, i. 41, 186 ; adopts Pon
tiac as his model, i. 191 ; a
stanch advocate of primitive
barbarism, i. 216.

Teungktoo, the Lake of, i. 17.

Texas, La Salle lands in, i. 66.

Ticonderoga, Fort, i. 70 ; location
of, i. 127 ; Montcalm at, i. 128;
attacked at Abercrombie, i. 129 ;
Montcalm's successful defence
of, i. 130; Amherst's plan to
advance on, i. 131 ; captured by
Amherst, i. 132 ; i. 169.

Tionoutatez, the, see Dionondadies,
the.

Thames River, the, iii. 214.

Third Light Infantry, the, in the
battle of Bushy Run, iii. 230.

Thompson, Charles, on the " walk
ing purchase," i. 89.

Thompson, Mrs., gives evidence
against the Conestoga Indians,
iii. 233.

Thompson, Robert, iii. 234.

Thousand Islands, the, i. 73.

Thunder, Indian ideas of, i. 42.

Thunder Bay, ii. 88.

Thunder Bay, the village of, ii.
95.
VOL. iii. — 22

Tobacco, sometimes used instead

of wampum, i. 1 95.
Tobacco Nation, the, see Hurons,

the.

Toledo, i. 228.
Toronto, i. 188.
Tortoise, clan of the, i. 7.
Totems, Indian, i. 7 ; degrees of

rank and dignity in, i. 7 ; among

the southern tribes, i. 9.
Totemship, the system of, among

the Iroquois, i. 13.
Townshend, General, before Que
bec, i. 136; on the battle of

Quebec, i. 143, 144.
Tracy, attacks the Confederacy,

i. 73.
Tracy, the trader, killed by the

Indians at Michilimackinac, ii.

36, 104 ; iii. 224.
Traders, see English traders and

French traders.
Trading Commissioners of Albany

the, iii. 194.

Trading-houses, iii. 198.
Trappers, American, iii. 73.
Trappers, the, at Detroit, ii. 53, 55.
Trent, Captain, i. 104.
Trenton, the Moravian converts

at, iii. 10.
Tribes, Indian, pride of, i. 4 ;

divisions of, i. 4; origin of their

names, i. 4 ; their sachems, i. 4 ;

their laws of inheritance, i. 4.
Trumbull, on the Albany plan of

union, i. 107 ; on the battle of

Lake George, i. 125.
Trunk, Uriah, on the defence of

Fort Le Boeuf, ii. 152.
Tsonnontouans, the, see Senecas,

the.

Tuckaschchee River, the, iii. 122.
Tucker, i. 229.
Tulpehocken, Indian atrocities at,

ii. 266.

338

INDEX.

Turenne, i. 74.

Turkey Island, ii. 48, 49 ; iii. 217.

Turtle Creek, i. 115; Bouquet's
expedition at, ii. 195.

Turtle's Heart, the Delaware chief
delivers a speech to the garri
son at Fort Pitt, ii. 145 ; Ecuyer's
reply, ii. 145; another parley,
ii. 155 ; his speech at Bouquet's
council, iii. 88 ; Bouquet's reply,
iii. 90.

Tuscarora River, the, ii. 185, 192.

Tuscaroras, the, i. 11; Cusick's
history of, i. 18 ; location of, i.
30 ; their war with the colonists,
i. 30 ; join the Five Nations, i.
30; iii. 191.

Tuscaroras, the Indian village of,
ii. 137 ; iii. 263.

Tuscarora Valley, the, ii. 185.

Tuscarora village, the, i. 18.

Tuscarora villages, the, ii. 207 ;
Bouquet's expedition at, iii. 85.

Twighties, the, iii. 191, 268, 269.

Twightwees, the, see Miamis, the.

Tyburn, i. 80.

ULSTER COUNTY, New York, suf
fers from the incursions of the
Indians, ii. 209.

Union, the Albany plan of, i. 107.

United Brethren, the, i. 12.

United States, the, the Illinois
country comes under the juris
diction of, iii. 126, iii. 130.

Upper Canada, tenanted by wild
beasts alone, i. 154 ; the 0 jib was
in, ii. 244.

Upper Lakes, the, Algonquin life
on, i. 40 ; tribes of, i. 42 ; ii. 28.

Upper Louisiana, the Spaniards
masters of, i. 170; Pontiac's
messengers in, iii. 144.

Upper Susquehanna, the, ii. 239 ;
Indian villages of, ii. 251.

Ursuline nuns, the, i. 51.
Utrecht, the Peace of, i. 92, 101 ;
iii. 196.

VAUDREUIL, MARQUIS DE, sur
renders Canada to the English,
i. 147 ; i. 175.

Venango, the Indian town of,
Washington at, i. 103 ; French
post at, i. 103; i. 104; French
and Indians at, i. 131 ; ii. 133.

Venango, Fort, i. 163; life at, i.
163, 164 ; Lieutenant Gordon at,
ii. 40 ; surrendered to the In
dians, ii. 47 ; receives tidings of
danger, ii. 137 ; burned to the
ground, ii. 148; Price reaches,
ii. 151 ; treacherously attacked
by the Senecas, ii. 152; its gar
rison butchered by the Indians,
ii. 152 ; description of the ruins
of, ii. 153; ii. 162; Bouquet
proposes to abandon, ii. 168 ; ii.
171, 172.

Vermont, i. 100.

Versailles, i. 61, 108.

Village, the Indian, i. 6.

Vimont, on the religious belief of
the Indians, i. 43 ; on the Iro-
quois incursions, i. 72 ; on the
ferocity of the Iroquois, i. 72.

Vincennes, Canadian settlement
at, i. 162; Creole settlements
at, iii. 127.

Vincennes, Fort, French traders
at, iii. 135 ; Croghan at, iii.
164.

Virginia, i. 25, 32, 93, 108; Brad-
dock arrives in, i. Ill ; i. 120;
feels the scourge of Indian wars,
i. 148; extent of British settle
ments in, ii. 132; exhibit a
praiseworthy vigor and activity,
ii. 233 ; refuses to furnish troops
for Bouquet's expedition, iii. 78 ;

INDEX.

339

Bouquet returns the prisoners
to, iii. 114; iii. 192.

Virginia Assembly, the, passes a
vote of thanks for the services
of Bouquet, iii. 115.

Virginia frontiers, the, ii. 135,
161 ; compared with the Mary
land frontiers, ii. 218 ; the storm
of Indian war descends upon, ii.
220; consternation of the set
tlers, ii. 221 ; prompt measures
taken for the defence of, ii. 233 ;
Indian outrages on, ii. 253 ; at
tacked by the Delawares and
Shawanoes, iii. 41 ; iii. 155 ; out
rages on, iii. 174; bloody war
along, iii. 182.

Virginia militia, the, i. 103 ; ii.
233 ; joins Bouquet's expedition,
iii. 78 ; at Fort Pitt, iii. 78, 83 ;
at Bouquet's council with the
Delawares, iii. 87 ; sent to the
Shawanoe towns, iii. 103 ; the
chief object of, iii. 104 ; iii. 263.

Virginian backwoodsmen, the, i.
104.

Virginian frontiersman, the, de
scription of, ii. 216 ; characteris
tics of, ii. 217.

Virginians, the, Braddock's expe
dition, i. 118; severe losses in
Beaujeu's attack, i. 118; bravery
of, i. 118, 119.

Virginia settlements, the, ii. 217.

Volney, on the Illinois colony, iii.
126.

Vbyageurs, i. 61, 223; at Detroit,
ii. 53, 55, 56 ; ii. 85, 86, 90 ; at
Michilimackinac, ii. 102, 113.

WABASH RIVER, the, explored by
the French Jesuits, i. 33 ; French
posts on, i. 67 ; the Miamis on,
i. 157; i. 162; i. 177; ii. 37;
Indian tribes on, iii. 129 ;

French traders on, iii. 135 ; iii.
138 ; Croghan on, iii. 163 ; iii.
199.

Walker, Dr., i. 115.

" Walking purchase," the, i. 88.

Walpole, Horace, on the charac
teristics of Braddock, i. 111.

Walters, Major, in command at
Fort Niagara, i. 188 ; letter
from Campbell to, i. 188.

Wampum, uses of, i. 195; de
scription of, i. 195.

Wampum belt, the significance of,
i. 195; iii. 47.

Wapocomoguth, great chief of the
Mississaugas, offers a pipe of
peace at Detroit, ii. 244.

War-belts, the, among the Indians,
iii. 180.

War-chief, the Indian, functions
of, i. 5 ; i. 200, 204.

War-feast, the Indian, i. 205.

Warren, Admiral Sir Peter, i. 95.

Washashe, chief of the Pottawat-
tamies, at the mission of St.
Joseph, ii. 34 ; treachery of, ii.
34, 35.

Washington, George, i. 9 ; sent by
Governor Dinwiddie to protest
against the French occupation
of Presqu'isle, i. 102; at Ve-
nango, i. 103; received by Saint-
Pierre, i. 103 ; his return, i.
104 ; fortifies himself on the
Monongahela, i. 104 ; Jumon-
ville sent against, i. 104 ; sur
prises and captures the French
force, i. 104, 105; falls back to
the Great Meadows, i. 105 ;
attacked by Jumonville
(brother), i. 105 ; capitulates
with the French, i. 105 ; an
noyed by the conduct of the
French, i. 106 ; his opinion of
Braddock, i. Ill ; in Braddock's

340

INDEX.

expedition, i. 112, 116; in the
attack, i. 118; on the conduct
of the Virginians and the regu
lars, i. 118, 119 ; on the wilder
ness of the Mississippi Valley, i.
162; i. 170.

Wasson, Chief, in command of the
Ojibwas at Detroit, ii. 32 ;
causes the death of Campbell,
ii. 59, 60; attends Bradstreet's
council at Detroit, iii. 53 ; his
speech, iii. 53, 54.

Water-snake, the, in the Illinois
country, iii. 122.

Watson, on the efforts of the
Pennsylvania borderers to se
cure protection from the Assem
bly, iii. 5.

Wawatam, the Ojibwa chief, forms
a friendship for Henry, ii. 97 ;
his dream, ii. 98 ; tries to warn
Henry of the coming attack, ii.
98, 99 ; his speech in behalf of
Henry, ii. 119, 120; buys
Henry's release from the In
dians, ii. 120; ii. 121, 124, 125.

Wayne, Fort, i. 163.

Webb, General, disgraceful retreat
of, i. 152.

Wecquetank, the Moravian settle
ment of, ii. 270; expedition of
the Pennsylvania borderers
against, ii. 270; their plan de
feated, ii. 270 ; removes to Naza
reth, ii. 270.

Weendigoes, i. 41.

Weiser, Conrad, iii. 261.

WelSh, the, in Pennsylvania, ii.
219.

Welsh, John, the English trader,
captured by the Canadians, ii.
40; murdered by the Ottawas,
ii. 40.

Wenniway, spares Henry's life, ii.
110, 111, 112; ii. 118.

Western posts, the, mostly trans
ferred to the English, i. 163.

Western tribes, the, rise against
the English after Braddock's
defeat, i. 148 ; urged by the
Canadian Indians to bury the
hatchet, ii. 209 ; form the am
buscade of the Devil's Hole, ii.
215 ; treatment accorded to
prisoners by, iii. 110; Pontiac
among, iii. 134 ; attend John
son's council with Pontiac at
Detroit, iii. 181 ; iii. 191, 199;
the condition and temper of, iii.
267-269.

Western Virginia, the settlers of,
ii. 216.

West Indies, the, i. 203; ii. 162,
189.

Westminster Abbey, i. 130.

Wharton, Captain Joseph, iii. 245.

White Cat, the, a Miami chief,
prepares to torture Morris, iii.
63.

White Hills, the, i. 33.

Whittlesey, iii. 71.

Wildcat, the, in the Illinois coun
try, iii. 121.

Wilkins, Major, i. 250 ; his letters
to Amherst, ii. 21 ; in command
at Fort Niagara, ii. 27 ; his re
port on Cuyler's defeat, ii. 27 ;
marches to the Devil's Hole, ii.
213; advances to the relief of
Detroit, ii. 215, 243 ; assailed by
the Indians at Niagara, ii. 215 ;
driven back to Fort Schlosser, ii.
215; reaches Lake Erie, ii. 215 ;
forced back to Niagara, ii. 215 ;
his expedition wrecked, ii. 247 ;
his letter to Gladwyn, ii. 247.

William Henry, Fort, i. 80 ; loca
tion of, i. 127 ; captured by
Montcalm, i. 128, 129; i. 169;
the massacre at, i. 179 ; ii. 46.

INDEX.

341

Williams, in the battle of Lake
George, i. 122; death of, i, 122 ;
i. 125.

Williams, John R., ii. 77.

Williamson, the English trader,
at Cahokia, iii. 186; instigates
the murder of Pontiac, iii. 186.

Wilson, Colonel, adventures of, ii.
186.

Winchester, Virginia, ii. 221, 230.

Windsor, U. C., ii. 19.

Winnebago Lake, ii. 126.

Winnebagoes, the, villages of, ii.
126; Gorell addresses, ii. 129;
attend Johnson's conference at
Niagara, iii. 40.

Winnipeg, Lake, i. 32, 75.

Winston, Richard, on the massacre
at Michilimackinac, ii. 35.

Wisconsin River, the, i. 67 ; the
Sacs and Foxes on, ii. 126.

Wisconsin, the State of, ii. 105.

Wolf, clan of the, i. 7, 14.

Wolfe, General, heroic death of, i.
109 ; his plan to attack Quebec,
i. 131; before Quebec, i. 132;
his personal appearance, i. 133 ;
his physical weakness, i. 133,
134; his bold determination, i.
134 ; headlong folly of his men
at Montmorenci, i. 135 ; his ill
ness, i. 136 ; his plan of attack,
i. 136; a council of war, i. 136;
his letter to the ministry,!. 137 ;
sets out on his perilous under
taking, i. 137 ; an anecdote of, i.
138 ; successfully occupies the
Plains of Abraham, i. 140; the
battle of Quebec, i. 142, 143;
receives a mortal wound, i. 144 ;
his last words, i. 145 ; his death,
i. 144 ; i. 203 ; his estimate of
Bradstreet, iii. 33.

Wolfe, Mrs. (mother), i. 146.

Wolfe's Cove, i. 139.

Wolf River, ii. 12.

Women, significance of the Indian
use of the name, i. 34.

Women, English, among the In
dians, iii. 106; their attachment
to the Indian life, iii. 106.

Women, Indian, iii. 109 ; lamen
tations of, iii. 109.

Wood, Captain, iii. 245.

Wood Creek, i. 121, 158, 159; ii.
133.

Woodsmen, the, i. 164, 165; com
pared with the Indians, i. 166;
iii. 78.

Wright, Thomas, ii. 260.

Wyalusing, the Great Island of,
the Moravian settlement at, ii.
270, 271 ; iii. 261.

Wyalusing Indians, the, iii. 253.

Wyandots, the, suffer from the
depredations of the Iroquois, i.
10; the descent of sachemship
among,i. 14; location of, i. 25;
an agricultural people, i. 26;
slaughtered by the Five Nations,
i. 27; settle at Detroit, i. 27;
acquire ascendency over the Al-
gonquins, i. 27 ; seek refuge
in the Ojibwa hunting-grounds,
i. 38 ; i. 80 ; population of, i.
154; join in Pontiac's con
spiracy, i. 196; attend Pontiac's
council, i. 210 ; attack Detroit,
i. 243; Father Pothier among,
ii. 3 ; refuse to fight the Eng
lish, ii. 3 ; at last join Pontiac,
ii. 3 ; the Ottawas have no politi
cal connection with, ii. 19; at
tack and defeat Cuyler's detach
ment, ii. 25, 26 ; their debauch,
ii. 28; their treatment of their
prisoners, ii. 29; capture Fort
Sandusky, ii. 30-32; reinforce
Pontiac at Detroit, ii. 32 ; ii. 63 ;
begin to tire of the siege of

342

INDEX.

Detroit, ii. 64; ask for peace,
ii. 64; ii. 66; Gladwyn makes
peace with, ii. 67 ; in the fight
of Bloody Bridge, ii. 79 ; attack
the "Gladwyn," ii. 82; their
treachery to the English traders,
ii. 140; in the attack on Eort
Pitt, ii. 159 ; offer the pipe of
peace at Detroit, ii. 244 ; Brad-
street ordered to attack, iii. 50 ;
send a deputation to Bradstreet,
iii. 50, 51 ; attend Bradstreet's
council at Detroit, iii. 53 ; terms
of Bradstreet's treaty with, iii.
55 ; iii. 92, 264. See also
Hurons, the.

Wyandots of Detroit, the, charac
teristics of, i. 157; i. 183; the
Senecas try to instigate them to
attack Detroit, i. 188; attend
Johnson's conference at Niagara,
iii. 38 ; Johnson makes a treaty
with, iii. 42.

Wyandots of Sau dusky, the, char
acteristics of, i. 157 ; attend
Bradstreet's council at Detroit,
iii. 53; terms of Bradstreet's

treaty with, iii. 55 ; Bouquet de
mands the return of prisoners
from, iii. 96.

Wyandot village, the, at Detroit, i.
176, 188, 223 ; Pontiac at, ii. 3 ;
ii. 51 ; burned by Dalzell, ii. 68,
69 ; Bradstreet's arrival at, iii.
51 ; English prisoners at, iii. 96.

Wyandot villages, the, ii. 69 ; Eng
lish traders in, ii. 140.

Wyoming, i. 91 ; Connecticut set
tlers threaten to occupy, i. 183 ;
occupied by Connecticut settlers,
ii. 237 ; expedition against, ii.
237 ; massacre of, ii. 237 ; fright
ful cruelties inflicted by the In
dians, ii. 237 ; Moravian converts
near, ii. 239 ; Stewart at,ii. 267.

Wyoming Valley, the, settlement
in, ii. 237.

YE ATE s, Judge, on Braddock's

expedition, i. 115.
Yendots, the, see Hurons, the.
York County, Pennsylvania, ii.

220; iii. 76, 251.

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