Constitution of the ... anti-slavery society

CONSTITUTION

OF THE

ASTTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY,

BOSTON:

PRINTED BY ISAAC KNAPP,

25,CORNHILL.

1838

res- 75"^*-. 5V«o.6

CONSTITUTION, &C

PKEAMBLE.

Whereas, we believe that Slavery is contra-
ry to the precepts of Christianity, dangerous to
the liberties of the country, and ought immedi^
ately to be abolished ; and whereas, we believe
that the citizens of New England not only have
the right to protest against it, but are under the
highest obligation to seek its removal by a moi>
al influence ; and whereas, we believe that the
free people of color are unrighteously oppress-
ed, and stand in need of our sympathy and be-
nevolent co-operation ; therefore, recognizing
the inspired declaration that God ' hath made of
one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all
the face of the earth,' and in obedience to our
Savior's golden rule, 'all things whatsoever ye
would that men should do to you, do ye even
so to them ;' we agree to form ourselves into a
Society, and to be governed by the following

CONSTITUTION.

Article 1. This society shall be called the

Anti-Slavery Society, and shall be auxiliary to

the

Anti- Slavery Society.

Art. 2. The object of the Society shall be,
to endeavor by all means sanctioned by law,
humanity, and religion, to effect the abolition
of Slavery in the United States ; to improve
the character and condition of the free people
of color, to inform and correct public opinion in
relation to their situation and rights, and obtain
for them equal civil and political rights and
privileges with the whites.

Art. 3. Any person by signing the Consti
tution, and paying to the Treasurer
annually, shall be considered a member of the
Society.

Art. 4. The officers of the Society shall be
a President, Vice President, a Secretary, a
Treasurer, and Counsellors, who shall be

elected annually, by ballot, and shall hold their
respective offices until others are chosen.

Art. 5. The foregoing officers shall consti-
tute a Board of Managers, to whom shall be
entrusted the disposition of the funds, and the
management of the concerns of the Society.

Art. 6. There shall be a public meeting of
the Society annually, on the .

of , at which the

Board of Managers shall make a Eeport of
their doings for the past year, and of the in-
come, expenditures, and funds of the Society.

Art. 7. The President shall preside at all
meetings of the Society and of the Board of
Managers, or in his absence one of the" Vice
Presidents, or in their absence a President pro
tern.

Art. 8. The Secretary shall receive and
keep all communications or publications directed
to the Society, and shall correspond with any
other bodies or individuals, according to the di-
rections of the Society or the Managers,

Art. 9. The Secretary shall notify all meet-
ings of the Society and of theBoard of Mana-
gers, and keep the records of the same.

Art. 10. The Treasurer shall collect the
subscriptions and donations to the Society, hold
all its funds, and make payments according to
the directions of the Society ; he shall keep a
true account of the same, and render a state-
ment to accompany the Annual Eeport of the
Societ}'.

Art. 11. This Constitution may be altered
at the Annual Meeting for the choice of offi-
cers, provided the amendments proposed to be
made, have been submitted to the Board of
Managers, in writing, previously.

DECLARATION

OF THE

ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION.

ASSEMBLED IN PHILADELPHIA, DECEMBER 4, 1S33.

The Convention, assembled in the city of Philadelphia
to organize a National Anti-Slavery Society, promptly seize
the opportunity to promulgate the following DECLARA-
TION OF SENTIMENTS, as cherished by them in rela-
tion to the enslavement of one-sixth portion of the Ameri-
can people.

More than fifty-seven years have elapsed since a band of
patriots convened in this place, to devise measures for the
deliverance of this country from a foreign yoke. The cor-
ner stone upon which they founded the Temple of Free-
dom was broadly this — 'that all men are created equal;
that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inali-
enable rights; that among these are life, LIBERTY, and
the pursuit of happiness.5 At the sound of their trumpet-
call, three millions of people rose up as from the sleep of
death, and rushed to the strife of blood ; deeming it more
glorious to die instantly as freemen, than desirable to live
one hour as slaves. They were few in number — poor in re-
sources; but the honest conviction that Truth, Justice,
and Right were on their side, made them invincible.

We have met together for the achievement of an enter-
prise, without which, that of our fathers is incomplete; and
which, for its magnitude, solemnity, and probable results
upon the destiny of the world, as far transcends theirs, as
moral truth does physical force.

In purity of motive, in earnestness of zeal, in decision of
purpose, in intrepidity of action, in stedfastness of faith, in
aincerity of spirit, we would not be inferior to them.

Their principles led them to wage war against their op-
pressors, and to spill human blood like water, in order to be

free. Ours forbid the doing of evil that good may come, and
lead us to reject, and to entreat the oppressed to reject, the
use of all carnal weapons for deliverance from bondage; re-
lying solely upon those which are spiritual, and mighty
through God to the pulling down of strong holds.

Their measures were physical resistance — the marshalling
in arms — the hostile array — the moral encounter. Ours
shall be such only as the opposition of moral purity to mor-
al corruption — the destruction of error by the potency of
truth — the overthrow of prejudice by the power of love —
and the abolition of slavery by the spirit of repentance.

Their grievances, great as they were, were trifling in
comparison with the wrongs and sufferings of those for
-whom we plead. Our fathers were never slaves— never
bought and sold like cattle — never shut out from the light of
knowledge and religion — never subjected to the lash of bru-
tal task masters.

But those, for whose emancipation we are striving, — con-
stituting at the present time at least one-sixth part of our
countrymen, — are recognized by the laws, and treated by
their fellow-beings, as marketable commodities — as goods
and chattels — as brute beasts; are plundered daily of the
fruits of their toil without redress; really enjoy no con-
stitutional nor legal protection from licentious and murder-
ous outrages upon their persons ; and are ruthlessly torn
asunder — the tender babe from the arms of its frantic mother
— the heart-broken wife from her weeping husband — at the
caprice or pleasure of irresponsible tyrants. For the crime
of having a dark complexion, they suffer the pangs of hun-
ger, the infliction of stripes, and the ignominy of brutal ser-
vitude. They are kept in heathenish darkness by laws ex-
pressly enacted to make their instruction a criminal of-
fence.

These are the prominent circumstances in the condition
of more than two millions of our people, the proof of which
may be found in thousands of indisputable facts, and in the
laws of the slaveholding States.

Hence we maintain — That in view of the civil and reli-
gious privileges of this nation, the guilt of its oppression is
unequalled by any other on the face of the earth; and, there-
fore, that it is bound to repent instantly, to undo the heavy
burden, to break every yoke, aud to let the oppressed go
free.

We further maintain — That no man has a right to en-
slave or imbrute his brother — to hold or acknowledge him,
for one moment, as a piece o[ merchandize— to keep back

s

his hire by fraud — or to brutalize his mind by denying him
the means of intellectual, social, and moral improvement.

The right to enjoy liberty is inalienable. To invade it,
is to usurp the prerogative of Jehovah. Every man has a
right to his own body — to the products of his own labor —
to the protection of law — and to the common advantages of
society. It is piracy to buy or steal a native African, and
subject him to servitude. Surely the sin is as great to en-
slave an American as an African.

Therefore we believe and affirm— That there is no differ-
ence, in principle, between the African slave trade and
American slavery — That every American citizen, who re-
tains a human being in involuntary bondage, as his property,
is, [according to Scripture,] a man-stealer — That the
slaves ought instantly to be set free, and brought under the
protection of law — That if they had lived from the time of
Pharaoh down to the present period, and had been entailed
through successive generations, their right to be free could
never have been alienated, but their claims would have con-
stantly risen in solemnity — That all those laws which are
now in force, admitting the right of slavery, are therefore
before God utterly null and void; being an audacious usur-
pation of the Divine prerogative, a daring infringement. on
the law of Nature, a base overthrow of the very foundations
of the social compact, a complete extinction of all the rela-
tions, endearments, and obligations of mankind, and a pre-
sumptuous transgression of all the holy commandments — and
that therefore they ought to be instantly abrogated.

We further believe and affirm — That all persons of col-
or, who possess the qualifications which are demanded of
others, ought to be admitted forthwith to the enjoyment of
the same privileges, and the exercise of the same preroga-
tives, as others — That the paths of preferment, of wealth,
and of intelligence, should be opened as widely to them as
to persons of a white complexion.

We maintain that no compensation should be given to the
planters emancipating their slaves — Because it would be a
surrender of the great fundamental principle, that man can-
not hold property in man — Because Slavery is a crime,

AND THEREFORE IT IS NOT AN ARTICLE TO BE SOLD —

Becaube the holders of slaves are not the just proprietors of
what they claim; freeing the slaves is not depriving them ot
property, but restoring it to its right owners; it is not
■wronging the master, but righting the slave— restoring him
to himself — Because immediate and general emancipation
would only destroy nominal, not real property: it would not

9

amputate a limb or break a bone of the slaves, but by in-
fusing motives into their breasts, would make them doubly
valuable to the masters as free laborers: and, because, if
compensation is to be given at all, it should be given to the
outraged and guiltless slaves, and not to those who have
plundered and abused them.

We regard, as delusive, cruel and dangerous, any scheme
of expatriation which pretends to aid, either directly or in-
directly, in the emancipation of the slaves, or to be a sub-
stitute for the immediate and total abolition of slavery.

We fully and unanimously recognize the sovereignty of
each State, to legislate exclusively on the subject of slavery
which is tolerated within its limits; we concede that Con-
gress, under the present national compact, has no right to
interfere with any of the slave States, in relation to this
momentous subject.

But we maintain that Congress has a right, and is sol-
emnly bound, to suppress the domestic slave trade between
the several States, and to abolish slavery in those portions
of our territory which the Constitution has placed under its
exclusive jurisdiction.

We also maintain that there are, at the present time, the
highest obligations resting upon the people of the free
States, to remove slavery by moral and political action, as
prescribed in the Constitution of the United States. They
are now living under a pledge o'f their tremendous physical
force to fasten the galling letters of tyranny upon the limbs
of millions in the Southern States; they are liable to be
called at any moment to suppress a general insurrection of
the slaves; "they authorize the slave owner to vote lor three-
fifths of his slaves as property, and thus enable him to per-
petuate his oppression; they support a standing army at the
south for its protection ; and they seize the slave who has
escaped into their territories, and send him back to be tor-
tured by an enraged master or a brutal driver. This rela-
tion to slavery is criminal and full of danger: IT must BE
BROKEN up.

These are our views and principles — these, our designs
and measures. With entire confidence in the over-ruling
justice of God, we plant ourselves upon the Declaration of
our Independence and the truths of Divine Revelation as
upon the everlasting kock.

We shall organize Anti-Slavery Societies, if possible, in
every city, town, and village in our land.

We shall send forth Agents to lift up the voice of remon=
strance, of warning, of entreaty, and of rebuke.

10

We shall circulate, unsparingly and extensively, anti-slav«
ery tracts and periodicals.

We shall enlist the pulpit and the press in the cause of
the suffering and the dumb.

We shall aim at a purification of the churches from all
participation in the guilt of slavery.

We shall encourage the labor of freemen rather than that
of the slaves, by giving a preference to their productions?
and

We shall spare no exertions nor means to bring the whole
nation to speedy repentance.

Our trust for victory is solely in GOD. We may be per-
sonally defeated, but our principles never. Truth, Jus-
tice, Reason, Humanity, must and will gloriously tri-
umph. Already a host is coming up to the help of the Lord
against the mighty, and the prospect before us is full of en-
couragement.

Submitting this DECLARATION to the candid examin-
ation of the people of this country, and of the friends of lib-
erty throughout the world, we hereby affix our signatures to
it; pledging ourselves that, under the guidance and by the
help of Almighty God, we will do all that in us lies, consis-
tently with this Declaration of our principles, to overthrow
the most execrable system of shivery, that has ever been
witnessed upon earth — to deliver our land from its deadliest
curse — to wipe out the foulest stain which rests upon our
natbnal escutcheon — and to secure to the colored population
of the United Stales, all the rights and privileges which be-
long to them as men, and as Americans — come what may to
our persons, our interests, or our reputations- — whether wo
live to witness the triumph of liberty, justice and hu-
manity, or perish untimely as martyrs in this great, be-
nevolent, and holy cause.

Done in Philadelphia, this sixth day of December, A.D,
1333.

11

CONSTITUTION

OF THE

AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY.

Art. II. The object of this Society is the entire aboli-»
tion of slavery in the United States. While it admits that
each State in which slavery exists, has, by the Constitution
of the United States, the exclusive right to legislate in re-
gard to its abolition in said State, it shall aim to convince
all our fellow-citizens, by arguments addressed to their un-
derstandings and consciences, that slaveholding is a heinous
Crime in the sight of God, and that the duty, safety, and
best interests of all concerned, require its immediate aban-
donment, without expatriation. The Society will also en-
deavor, in a constitutional way, to influence Congress to put
an end to the domestic slave trade, and to abolish slavery in
all those portions of our common country which come under
its control, especially in the District of Columbia, — and
likewise to prevent die extension of it to any state that may
be hereafter admitted to the Union.

Art. III. This Society shall aim to elevate the charac-
ter and condition of the people of color, by encouraging
their intellectual, moral, and religious improvement, and by
removing public prejudice, that thus they may, according to
their intellectual and moral worth, share an equality with
the whites, of civil and religieus privileges; but this Socie-
ty will never, in any way, countenance the opprossed in vin-
dicating their rights by resorting to physical force.

Art. IV. Any person who consents to the principles of
this Constitutiou, who contributes to the funds of this Socie-
ty, and is not a slaveholder, may be a member of this Socie-
ty, and shall be entitled to vote at the meetings.

[Articles 5, 6, and 7th relate to officers. Art. 8th fixes
the ' annual meeting at such time and place as the Execu-
tive Committee may direct,' &c]

Art. IX. Any Anti-Slavery Society, or association,
founded on the same principles, may become auxiliary to this
Society. The Officers of each Auxiliary Society shall be
ex-officio members of the Parent Institution, and shall be*
entitled to deliberate and vote in the transaction of its con-
cerns.

12

CONSTITUTION

OF THE

Massachusetts anti-slavery society,
preamble.

Whereas, we believe that Slavery is contrary to the pre-
cepts of Christianity, dangerous to the liberties of the coun-
try, and ought immediately to be abolished; and whereas,
we believe that the citizens of Massachusetts not only have
the right to protest against it, but are under the highest ob-
ligation to seek its removal by a moral influence; and
whereas, we believe that the free peoplo of color are un-
righteously oppressed, and stand in need of our sympathy and
benevolent co-operation; therefore, recognizing the inspired
declaration that God ' hath made of one blood all nations of
men for to dwell on all the face of the earth,' and in obe-
dience to our Savior's golden rule, ' all things vvhatsoeverye
would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them ; '
we agree to form ourselves into a Society, and to be govern-
ed by the following

CONSTITUTION.

Art. I. This Society shall be called the Massachu-
setts Anti-Slavery Society, and shall be auxiliary to
the American Anti-Slavery Society.

Art. II. The objects of the Society shall be, to endeav-
or, by all means sanctioned by law, humanity and religion,
to effect the abolition of slavery in the United States; to
improve the character and condition of the free people of
color, to inform and correct public opinion in relation to
their situation and rights, and obtain for them equal civil and
political rights and privileges with the whites.

Art. III. Any person by signing the Constitution, and
paying to the Treasurer fifteen dollars as a life subscription,
or two dollars annually, shall be considered a memlDer of
the Society, and entitled to a copy of all its official publica-
tions.

[Articles 4, 5, 7, S, 9, and 10, relate to officers and their
duties. Art. 6, fixes the annual meeting £ on the fourth
Wednesday of January.' Art. 12, provides for Quarterly
meetings 'on the last Monday of March, June and Septem-
ber,' at such place as the Board of Managers shall direct;
and also for the calling of ' special meetings, by the Board,
or by the Recording Secretary* on application from ten mem-
bers of the Society.']

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