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^^^
^^^^^Hi
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U CQNTEMPORARY
--5
11 REVIEW
'*'':^~r^^
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II VOLUME LVir. JANUARV-JUNE i8go
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CONTENTS OF VOLUME LVIL
JANUAllY, 1890.
Two New Utopias. By Emile de Laveloye 1
Mr. Wilkie ColUns's Novels. By Andrew Lang . 20
Brotherhoods. By the Bishop of Ripon 29
The Latest Theories on the Origin of the English, liy Edward A. Freeman, D.C.L. 36
The Unfaithful Steward. By Julia Wedpwood 62
Profit-Sharing, By Professor J. Shield Nicholson 64
Tho Home Kule Movement in India and in Ireland, r.v a Rpngal Slai^'istrntc . 78
A Lamber-Room. By Michael Field . . .... 98
Brazil, Past and Future. By M. G. Mulhall 103
Kunning for Records. By J. R. Werner 112
What Stanley ha^ done for the Map of Africa. ( Wtth Mapa.) By J. Scott Keltic 126
Robert Browning, By the Rev. Stopford A. Brooke 141
FEBRUARY, 1890.
The Road to Australian Federation. By Sir C. Gavan D»^y, K,C.M.G. . . 153
Bishop Lightfoot. By Archdeacon Farrar. D.D 170
Oxford Professors and Oxford Tutors : The Examiners' Reply. By ProfesHor
S. R. Gardiner and others . 183
The Future of English Monarchy. By Frank H. Hill 187
Mr. Barintf-Goald's Novels. By J. M. Barrie 206
The Critical Study of the Old Testament. By Canon Driver, D.D. ... 215
Defoe's Wife. By G. A. Aitken . 232
The Eight Hours Question. By R. B. Ualddne, Q.C., M.P 240
Philosophical Buddhi^m in Tibet. By Graham Sandberg .... 266
Recollections of a Voya^'e with General Gordon. By Win. H. tspence . . 272
The Taxation of Ground Values. By C. H. Sargant 282
Unionist Fusion. By Frederick Greenwood 290
MARCH, 1890.
Communism. By Emile de Laveloye 301
Dr. Von Dollinger. By Canon MacColl 325
The Results of European Intercourse with the African. By Joseph Thomson . 3S9
Was Jehovah a Fetish Stone ? By .\ndrcw Lang 353
Tithes. By J. AUanson Picton, M.P 366
A Plea for the Publishers. By Augustus Jessopp, D.D 380
Anglo-Catholicism — the Old and tho New. By Principal Fairbairn, D.D. . 387
The Taxation of Ground-Rents. By J. Fletcher Moulton, Q.C 412
Reminiscences of a Church-Rate Struggle. By Mrs. Stcadman Aldis . . 421
Free Schook and Public Management. By the Hon. E. Lynlph Stanley . . 440
The Four Oxford History Lecturers. A Letter to the Editor. By Professor
Thorold Rogers , . 454
ir CONTENTS.
APRIL. 1890.
King and Minister : a Midnight Conrerflation
The DiscoTery of CJoal near Dover. By Professor W. Boyd Dawkinx, K.n.S.
The New Watchwords of Fiction. By Hall Caine
Ought the Referendnm to be Introdaced into England 7 Ty Professor A.
Dicey
Snnlight or Smoke T By the Bev. H. D. Rawnsley
Aristocracy or Democracy. By Samuel Laing
The Old Testament and the Critics. By Principal Cave, D.I>. .
IndoBtrial Co-operation. By David F. Schloss
Rotterdam and Dutch Workers. By Richard Heath
The " Midsummer Night's Dream." By Julia Wedgwood ....
The Cretan Question. By W. J. Stillman .
School Fees and Public Management. By the Kev. Joseph li. Diggle, Chairir
of the School Board for London
MAY, J890.
How British Colonies got Responsible Government. Bv Sir C. Gavnn Dul
K.G.M.a.
The Betterment Tax in America. By John Rae
A " Poisoned Paradise." By Clement Scott
The Educational System in Public Schools. By the lUv. J. E. ('. Welldi
Headmaster of Harrow School
Weismann's Theory of Heredity. By George J. Romanes, F.R.S.
Baby-Farming. By the Rev. Benjamin Waugh
Matthew Prior. By George A. Aitken
The Peaceable Settlement of Labour Disputes. By B. Sjicnrc Watson. LL.D
The Race Basis of Indian Political Movements. By H. 11. Hisley
The Land Purchase Bill. By Justin M'Carthy, M.P.
JUNE, 1890.
Compensation for Licenses.
I. By Cardinal Manning ....
II. By W. S. Caine, M.P
Vested Interests. By Professor J. E. Thorold Rogers
The Law in 1847 and the Law in 1889. By Lord Coleridge
The Theology and Ethics of Dante. By Professor Edward Cain!
Trusts in the United States. By R. Donald ....
Brought back from Elysium. By J. M. Barrie ....
The Perils of Trustees. By Montague Crackanthorpe, Q.C.
Mute Witnesses of the French Revolution. By Mrs. Emily Crawford
A Palestinian Utopia. By Thomas Hodgkin
The Broad Church; or. What's Coming 7 By the Rov. H. R. Haweis
The Betterment Tax. By the Dnkc of Argyll
742
700
769
774
780
AT all periods of social transformation, generous-hearte<i^
minded men, advocatos of justice, are to be met wit
grieved and indignant at the wrongs and auflferings of tl
classes. They believe that the cause of these lies in ■
institutions, and they indulgp in dreams of a better order ^
in which peace, harmony, and happiness are to be universal
evoke a Utopia firom their own imagination. It was thus tij
composed the " Republic." What the greatest philosophel^
most rigorously proscribed — and we find the same in all the
imagined later on — was selfishneBS. It is selfishness which kc
apart, and 13 the great cause of rivalry, jealousy, and hi
class for class. The law of mann and tuiim, applied to prop
family life, gives rise to covetousness, and makes ham
impossibility. Family and property must therefore be doi
with, and everything be owned in common — both wives and
in due conformity, of course, with the prescription of reason,
fight and tear each other to pieces when disputing their pre]
is the struggle for life so much spoken of nowadays. But t
submit themselves to laws based on the decisions of wisdom a
ready to act in concert for the realization of the general
The final object with Plato was not, as at the present day, 1
complete development of the human being, but the perfecting 0
in general. Men were, bo to speak, merely the matenals, the
together of which, as ordered by the political architect, she
the ideal city.
The Utopia of the Millennium, which sprang from Judi
• " Looking Backward.'
Par Charles Secrf'Un.
veL. Lvn.
B}- Edward BcUaiaj-, '" Etudes SoclaJcs— ^
Ica-Mfl
i
% THB CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
CSixistisnity, exercised a far greater inflnence over our V
tliaii tbat qS Flato. The prophets thnnder forth with \
'qnenoe against this world, where the wicked triumph
are oppressed; they foretell the poming of a Messi
redress all wrong and establish a reign of universal •
<jk)spel, the Good Tidings, is the announcement of the Kii
where " the last shall be first," where " the peacemakers
the earth," where those " who mourn shall be comf
'" blessed shsill be those who are persecuted for righteous
theirs shall be the Kingdom of Heaven." " Blessed
hunger and thirst after righteousness, for they shi
^Matt. V. 1-10.) Such was the sublime ideal, the
which Christ held up to mankind. Deceived by certai:
Scripture, and, more particularly, of the Apocalyp
C!hristian8 hoped, for a long time, that the Kingdom <
be in this world. Nearly all were Millenarians, ai
remained general till the year 1000.
The belief in Palingenesis — i.e., the coming of a ne
world, is to be met with throughout antiquity, and was
Piiarre Leroux demonstrates (" De rHamanit^" bk. ii. c. C
theories as to the coBsnic periods in the existence of our
world, delivered over to evil, must perish in the flames
heaven and a new earth " spring forth to replace it.
the successive cycles of the development of humanity U
general conflagration, followed by a universal renewal a
In the Woluspa of tiie Eddas the Palingenesis is con
exactly as in our Goapek. The signs of the doom are t
" Tbe son sliaJl grow black.
The eaith shall sink into the tea,
Tbe bright stars shall vanish from the beatTcns.
• •••••
Smoke and fire gush forth ;
The terrible flame shall plaj against the rerr si
The Scandinavian Sibyl thus announces the world to
** I can see earth rise a second time, ftesh and green out «
The waters are falling, the erne hovering over them :
ISie bird that honis tbe fish in the moontain «**»»"»■ ;
The fields onsovn shall jield their £mit ;
Ail ills shall be healed at the coming of Balder :
Tbe ancs ttaSL meet on the Field of Itk.
And do j:: igiaer: snder the migfatr Tree of the World.*
Ib Virgil's ^itendid lines, in the fourth Eclogue, is
tiie ecijo of this a^Kradon after a new world, so frequent
aacieing Iheraisre, e^ieciallj in the Sibylline songs : —
"^ MaBTii ab irne^n- swLjcrzsi vascivaz ordo ...
St^z. r.;Ta prriceti-e* -Mtlo desJttifUT aI:o . . .
.... A* vt;-: riLT^t retis a::T<ea m^uido . . .
.... *">— -^ isres obu:^ teHns."
* " 'jx ta T^sxvB, Boreajt,' Br Vi^fsawc acd PowtlL Vol
i
m
si
regeneration of nature-
dwell rather on social regeneration and the triumph of jus
anchorites and great saints of the Middle Ages, St. Be
St. Francis of Assisi, seeing that the kingdom of God
expected did not come, tied from the haunts of men an^
desert places, in this way carrying out their notions of the ■
ideal. They, like Plato, did away Avith private property am
life, but they acted nnder the intluence of asceticism, which i
vows of perpetual chastity and poverty. If all, men and wome
had hearkened to and obeyed their teaching, evil of all kindi
have been effectually banished, for Immauity would have ceased
Later on, when the Renaissance and the Keforniation had '
about a general excitement and agitation of men's minds, and
fresh social problems, new Utopias came to light. Sir Thorn;
wrote hb *' Utopia," Campanella his " Civitas Solis," and Haniiij
'' Oceana." * In the first part of his book, published in 1 517, Sir
More sums up in this way the causes of the misery then pr«j
England ; — ^The great number of nobles who rack-rent then
and keep a multiplicity of servants as good-for-nothing as then
the communal lands taken from the villagers ; and, more pa
the sheep which devour men's possessions and oust them
own : —
" Oves, quse tam mites erant, nunc tarn edaces esse c<rperaist
devorent, ipsos iigi-os, Jomos, oppida vasteiit ac depopiileutur."
The spoliation and expulsion of cultivators is described
violent language : —
"Ergo ut unus rontinuatis agris aliquot millia jugeruin uno ci
septo ejiciuntur t-olotu, aut circuixiscripti fraude, aut vi oppressi t
aut fatigati injuriLn adiguntur ad venditionem. Itaquo quoqt
emigrant mineri, viri, muliei*es, mariti, iixores, orbi, viduae paren
parvis libel-is."
J
As a contrast to this state of society, thus oppressed
mated by the injustice of the great ones of the earth, More
to us the harmony and happiness reigning in the Island of
All possessions are there held in common, and every one
alternately in the fields, or the workshops and factories. Si
labour a day suffices to produce in abundance all that is necessai
mode of life is simple ; there are no drones to consume without
ing ; workmen, who elsewhere are occupied in creating mere fri
here only make useful articles. The production i.s limited tc
requirements, and everything being regulated, tliere is ne
excess. Nothing is bought or sold for money. All commod'
* The best book on the ancient Socialists is one by M. Quark, profca
University of Amsterdam. It is entitled, " De Sooialisten," and is written
Sec also '■ Hist, du SociuHsmc et la Protestation Communlstc," in the Hevue
Dec. 1889, by Denoit Malon.
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEiV.
stowed in large stordiouses, where the fathers of famil
fetch what they re^juire. All the iahabitants of the isla
themselves equals. They dine nearly every day together
tables. By regular physical exercise they acquire strenj
and Ijeauty. In a word, it is a sketch of an existence
Plato's ideal of a republic and the ideal of monastic life,
it the author describes the political, economic, and jndic
which he would fain see carried out, and ends with an elotj
tation against the inequality to l^e met with in modem see
" Is it just that the noUenuiu, the usurer, the jeweller [tl
that period], who live in idleness and pnxluce nothing useful, sh
in every enjoyment, while the tiller of the soil, the workman
suffer misery, and can barely earn sufficient to subiOAt upon
hours of labour ? The lot of l^ensta of burden is preferable to
Southey, in 1830, in his book on " Sir Thomas More," rei
Utopian ideals, and seeks to find therein a remedy for the
then existing industrial syfct.em, which was worse than it
owing to a very severe economic crisis. He mentions ai
things the " cannibal sheep."
Bacon, in the " Nova Atlantis," wished also to draw
gramme of social reform : — Dc hfjibus sivc d-c optima «r»
but he only wrote the first part of hus book, in which he e:
man should make a servant of Nature by studying its foi
laws. In his "' Oceana," dedicated to Cromwell (1556),
specially considers political institutions.
The "Civitas Solis," by the Cnlabrian monk Campanelli
very like More's "Utopia," bub this ideal city still more n«
bles a monastery, for the government of it is entirely tht>ocra'
is governed by a sort of Pope, the Metaphysicus, and ui
three ministers, — Pou, Strength; Siu, Wisdom; and Mor
remarkable point is that the "Civitas Solis" is only a portio:
work, in which Campanella tries to build up a whole
sociology, the outline of which much resembles Herber
scheme : the first part takes into consideration the laws of
second, the manners and customs of men ; the third part
and the fourth economic.
Tlie inhabitants of the City of the Sun live in magnifies
enriched with all the splendours of art, and in all ways .
as to make life as pleasant as possible. Everything is in
wives and goods — as in Plato's "Republic " — so that there i
selfish struggles, nor contlicting interests, nor misery, nc
crime of any sort. Men and women are all engaged in w
kind, but each individual in accordance with his or her a
capacity. Equal consideration is shown to all branches of
which are regulated and distributed by specially appoic
1890]
TWO NEW VTOPJAS.
iCL
trates. Women and children, as a rule, are every day practis,
muBic. There are no poor nor rich, and four houra' labour per daj
amply sufiiciont to provide tho m'cesaaries of life for all, beca
idleness is unknown. Out of 70,000 Neapolitans, says Campane
barely 10,000 or 15,000 work; these wear themselves out b]fl
hard labour, and the others by luxury and vice, and sickness resure
therefrom : —
" In Civitate fcJolLi, ilum cunctis diatribuiintur ininisteria, etartes et iabt
ct opera, vix «]uatuor in die horus singulis laborare eonlingit reliqiium li
tomptis cousiunatui' in addiriceudo, jucunde disputando, legendo, narron
aoribeudo^ deambulando, exercendo iugenium et corpus et cum gaudio."J
Each branch of production is under the direction of a mauag
who regulates the labour to be acconipliBhed, and assigns to eai
post.
M. Quack mentions another Utopia very little known, althoi
Southey refers to it in his '' Sir Thomas More " (vol. ii. p. 373), and
George Comewall Lewis in his ''Methods of Observation and Reason
in Polities'' (vol. ii. p. 271.) The title of this book, which is writ
in French, and was published in 1672, is " Histoire des Sevarambj
It is dedicated to the Baron Riquet who made the famous Langue
canal. The anonymous author was, in all probability, Vairesse d'AE
The people of Sevarambes, whom a traveller has visited on an isli
in the Austral Ocean, live happily under the guidance of their ki
As riches and the possession of property ^ive birth to envy, avari
extortion, and an infinite number of other evilsj the king has wis
willed it that all land and all riches shall belong to the State. E)
citizen works eight hours a day, and all are wealthy, for their wa
are amply provided for. A magistrate distributes to each family wha
reqoires. There is no idlenesg, no encouragement of useless arts, wh
may serve to foster vanity and luxury, no inequality, no intemperar
no crime. The laws of morality aie imposed on all. Tlie Sevaram
live in enormous buildings called Osmasies, in wLich a thousand pers
can find accommodation. These abodes are plea-santer dwellings tl
our present palaces, and tliere is a storehouse attached to each, wh
contains all that could possibly be required. These Osmasies are ind'
nothing more or less than Fourier's Phalanstfires.
The particular and little observed merit of this later reformt
that he carried the optimism of the eighteenth century to
logical and. if you will, absurd concJusion, The philosophers of
period maintained that man is naturally good, in opposition to
Christian idea of the Fall, which considers man as inclined to e
But if man lie good, his passions and instincts must also be good.
it not God, who is goodness itself, who lias endowed us with thei
The sufferings of humanity arise solely from the attempts that h
been made, in contradiction to the natm-ol order of things, toeradic
I
6 THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW,
or iMtnin the pa»sion3. Tbej bbcnild, on the oontnryv
and stimulated, and be mado the motive powers of the i
Make labour att-ractire, and men will work with ardoi
mere fact that they love pleaaore. Let the favoora
beautiful women be the reward of the clewreat and a
workers, as in the times of the tournament, when the !
became the prize of the most valiant, and sexual attracti
condemned as sin, would become the one g^roat inoex
economic world.
After having analjsed and depicted human panons (b
of view, Fourier tries to demonstrate how each one of the
turned to aceonnt in the work of production of wealth. (
will suffice to explain his system. nnw«:^er perfect the»
of the PhalanstSre may bo, thanks to the advances made i
and chemistry, still there will always be certain duties
formed less pleasant than others, and even some vn
repugnant ; these, he aaggesta* should be done by d
vgipaKC to enjoy playing in the dirt and mud, to judge frc
oftan sees in the streets after heavy rain.
Cabet's " Icarie," which was written a little before I84f
the chief characteristics of previous communistic Utopiaa.
an ideal of monastic or barrack life, each working for )
guidance of a superior ; production and consumption of
in common ; and perfect harmon\' reigning everywhi
property, the source of all dispnte, is abolished.
The celebrated novelist, Lord Lytton, also amused himsej
a novel on social reform — " The Coming Race." In this bo
people are to be met with, not on some far-otf island,
bosom of the earth. An explorer goes down into a vtt^
when the chain breaks, and he finds himself sadden ly tnUM
a marvellous world, entirely lighted by .'i iniiform, pel
extraordinarily soft light. He there n ith httl
similar to ourselves, but in pvery way a finer incc, stronge
They have discovered a force, far more powerful than ek
vril, by means of which they can reduce animals or men
a single instant. Perfect harmony exists in all economic
this xuiderground world, for all competition is done away
" Tie primary condition of mortal happiness consists in the
that strife and competition between individaals, which, no matt
of govornment they adopt, render the manj- subordinate to tht
itjal b'berty to the individuftl, whatever nmy be the nominal h
state, and annul that calm of existence without which, felicit;
bodily, cannot be attained."
The production of all goods and possessions is easy an
for, in addition to the almost limitless power of the tt^Y,
race '* use the most perfected mechanical means for all w<
i89o]
TWO NEW UTOPIAS.
" Machintny is employed to an inconceivable extent in all the o|
of labour within and without doors, and it is tlie uncciksing obj«
depfirtment charged with its Guliuinlstratiou to ejcteud its efficiency.
is no class of labourers or servants, but all who are required to
control the machinery are found in the children, from the timl
leave the care of their mothers to the Eoarriageable age. These childre
formed into bands and sectiona mider their own chiefs, each fnllowixi
pursuiti^ in which he is most pleased, or for which he feels himaelf
fitted." J
There is very nearly equality of means ; at all events, none 1
want of any necessary of life, and wages are tJie same for all : —
** Acconling to their theory, every child, male or female, on attainin
marriageable age, and there terminating the period of labour, should
actjuii-od enough for an independent competence during Ufe. As all chi
must eqiiidly serve, so are all equally paid, according to their seve
or the nature of their work."'
In this happy realm there is marrying and giving m ma
and as all the inhabitants enjoy excellent health, the problem o
overgrowth of population soon presents itself. It is clear that
Lytton had read Malthus : — ■
" £ach community sets its own limit according to circumstances, t(
care always that there shall never arise any class of poor by the presst
population upon the productive powers of the community, and that no
shall be too large for a government resembling that of a single well-cm
family." j|
In order to maintain the balance between the number o!
habitants and the means of subsistence, a certain number of faa
go off from time to time to colonize hitherto anoccopied land. JM
the Germans of Tacitas, the women have great authority. Their p
is greater because their knowledge is wider. The dwellings exc|
elegance and comfort anything that is known at the present
A particalar point to be noticed is that
*' Every room has its mechanical contrivances for melodious
usually tune<l down to soft-murmured notes, which seem like sweet whi
from in\nsil)lc spirits." m
Bnlwier's novel on social reform is a mere Bketch, very infenl
More's " Utopia ; " the latter is far more real and life-like il
picture of the evils of the social order.
Finally, a book of a similar sort has been recently pu
called " Looking Backward," by Mr. Edward Bellamy, which i
serving of attention for several reasons. It is well constructed
well written, and captivates the reader's imagination. Mr, Bell
who is well-versed in economic principles, sets himself to refufe
objections which might be raised from that standpoint, and
appears to give his book a scientific value, which was lackin
the dreams of a model state of society that had hitherto
laid before the public. The fiction which presents a scene fox
yam
A
^
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
programme of social reform is yer}* simple and ingenioiis.
of carrying ub o£E to some far-away island, or below the i
the earth, Mr. Bellamy merely describes what society will
year 2000. The supposed author of the story, an inha
Boston, U.S., by name Mr. Julian West, was subject to .
In order to obtain sleep he had a bedroom boilt under the f<
of his house. This room was a sort of vault, well closed
tilated, where no sound from the city could penetrate ; and
doctor was in the habit of coming and inducing sleep by h^
On a certain evening, the 30th of May, 1887. West is sei
sleep after this manner by the doctor, who then leaves t
The man-servant loses hia life in a fire which destroys the n
house, and the sleeper is left in his subterranean chamber, of
one else kuows the existence, till he is found there alive, 1 13 ye
by a Dr. Leete, who wakes him up and restores hini to vigour \
of a cordial. He is at once received into the doctor's fan
later on prooeeds to visit the town and its in.stitntionB, i
describes, comparing them with those of our day. To all tl
tions he raises he receives satisfactorj' replies from Dr. I^eete
thus gives us a complete picture of the new social organizati(
As in preceding Utopias, Mr, Bellamy commences by shov
evils of the existing system, but he does not dwell long on thi«
He makes use. however, of a striking comparison, which I wil;
80 as to give an idea of the author's style of writing : —
" To give some general impre&aiou of tlie way people Uved together i
4ays ( 1887) and especittlly of the relations of the rich and poor to one i
([.cannot do belter tbiiu compare society, as it then was, to a prodigiou
which the tnaiises of humanity were harnessed to and dra^geil toi
along a very hilly and sandy road. The driver was Hunger, itnd pe
no lagging, though the pace wag necessarily very slow. Despite the d
of drawing the coach at all along so hard a road, the top was cover
]Mi.^5euger8, who never got down, even at the steepest ascents} The i
the top were very breezy and eomfoitable. Well up out of tlie dut
occupants could enjoy the scenery at their leisure, or critically, dis*
merit of the stniining team. Naturally such places were in great <]
and the competition for them was keen, every one seeking as the first eu
to secure a seat on the coach for himself and to leave it tu his clkild afl
.... I am well aware that this will appear to the men, of the tw
century an incredible inhumanity ; but there are two facLs, Imtii verj-
which poitly explain it. In the first place, it was firmly Itelievod tlw
was no other way in which Society could get along, except the manj
at the rope and the few rode ; and not only this, but that no very
improvement even was jjoesible, either in the harness, the coucli, th
way or the distribution of toil. It had always been as it wai*, and i
always be so. It was a pity, but it could not be helj>ed, and philosoj
bade wasting compassion on what w:i.<i bey<Hid remedy. Tlie otlie
yet more curious, consisting in u singular hidlucination, v.hich thoKe
top of the coach generally shared, that they were not oiactly lii
brotliers and sisters who pulled at the rope, but of finer clay, in soi
belonging to a higher order of beings who might justly expect to be
(p. 11).
le
A,
fe
a.
ih
s»
re
a
i-
id
r-
is
le
ir
Let us now see how the men of the twentieth century
society so as to do away with that extraordinary distribntion (
goods of this world existing at the present time, in virtue ofl
some enjoy without work, while others work with little or no S
I will try to explain the new organization advocated by Mr. Be
keeping as nearly as possihle to the author's own text. J
Treatises on political economy are generally divided intJ
sections, the first treating of the production, the second <
division and circulation, and the third of the consuniption o£J
This is indeed the economic cycle. Mankind have various 1W
be satisfied, it is therefore necessarj' that the commodities which
requirements necessitate should be produced. Men do not worl
one alone and for himself, but in groups and co-operatively
produce obtained must therefore be distributed ; and finally,
on*^ Laving received his share consumes it, while working ad
reproduce for future maintenance. I therefore think that ■
a clear definition of political economy when I explained it as
science which determines what laws men ought to adopt in orde:
they may, with the least possible exertion, procure the gr
abundance of things useful for the satisfaction of their wants,
distribute them justly and consume them rationally." — MenfM
Foliiical Hconomy, p. 31. ^
Let us tirst of all examine how the production of riches is carri
in the year 2000. Land and all the instruments of production, f
mines, railroads, mills, have been nationalized, and are the prope;
the State. The industry and commerce of the country have ceai
be conducted by a set of irresponsible corporations of private pe
at their caprice and for their profit. They are t-ntrusted to a e
syndicate rejn-esenting the pi-ople in their common interest.
change from the old organization to the new was accompl
without violence, and with the general consent of public opi
People had seen for many years larger and larger syndicates ban
revennea greater than those of States, and directing the laboti
hundreds of thousands of men with an efficiency and ecoa
unattainable in smaller operations. It had come to be recogniw
an axiom that the larger the busine-ss the simpler the principlee
can be applied to it. So it came to pass that the nation, organa
one great corporation, became the sole and final monopolist by^
all previous monopfjlies were swallowed up.
The nation being now the only employer, all the citizens art
ployees, and are distributed according to the needs of industry. In s
it is the principle of universal military service apjilied to labour.
period of industrial service is twenty-four years, befrinning with th©
of the course of education at twenty-one, and tt^rminatiug at i
five. Women are co-labourers with men, but their strength I
K)
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
less, the kinds of occnpation reserved for them, and tht
under which they pursue thorn, art- settled accordingly.
§e)d of prodxictive and constructive industry is divided int
depivrtmentSj each representing a grotip of allied indnstxies
ticular industry being in turn represented by a suburdin
which hs£ a complete record of the plant and force nxider its (
of the present product and the means of prodncing it. Th«
set oat thp work to their men according to the demand
tributive department which sella the commuditica to the
The chiefs of thpse ten grand divisaona of the indnBtriB
be compared to the commandere of army-oorpB, and above
getieral-in-chief, who is the Prrsddmt of the State. The gene
mnst have passed through all the gradttt below him from t
of a common labourer upwards. He rises to the highest i
excellence of his records, first as a worker, and then as a
The chief of each guild is elected, but to prevent can
triguing for the support of the woricers imder them, they
by the honorary members of the guild — that is, by those
served their time and attained the age of fortj'-five. But i
ntj- has the power and the discrimination necessary t<
which ont of the two or three hundred trades and avo<
individual shall pursue ? It is done very easily in Mr. Bellar
All new recruits belong for three years to the class of
unskilled labourers. During this period the yonng men sr
to any work at the discretion of their superiora Afterwi
tary election, subject only to necessary regulation, is depei
determine tlie particular sort of service every man is to re
natnral endowments, mental or physical, determine what fa
at most profitably for the nation and for himself. It ia ti
of the administration to seek constantly to equalize the at
the trades, so that all trades shall be equally attractive
having a natnral taste for them, and that, consequently,
not be excess of workmen in one trade and deficiency in o
is done by making the hours of labour in different trad
according to their arduousness. If any particular occuj
itself so oppressive that in order to induce volunteers to ■
the day's work must be reduced to ten minutes, this, t*
The admimstration, in taking burdens off one class of ^
adding them to other classes, simply follows the fluctuatior
among the workers themselves, as indicated by the rate of v
But who does the house-work ? No difficulty here. 1
to do. Washing is done at public laundries at eices
rates, and cooking at public kitchens ; the making and
wearing apparel is all done outside in public shops. E
course, takes the place of all firing and lighting. In 1
iSgo]
TWO NEW UTOPIAS.
1]
public building, where every family has its private dining-room, tffl
waiters are young men in the unclassified grade of tho industria
army who are assignable to all aorta of miscellaneous occupations nol
requiring special skill. No objection is mady because no difi'erencu if
recognized bftwcen the dignity of the diflerent sorts of work. Th*
individual never regards himself as the servant of those he serves j J
is always the nation he is serving.
Now comes th(* question of distribution and wages. No wages
paid, as there is no money. Every person, skilled or unskilled —
workmen, women, invalids included — receives an equal share of tht
general pr<^)duct of the nation, and a credit-card is given him, witl
which he procnrea at the public store-houses whatever he deaiofl
The value of what he procures is checked off" by the clerk. It 1
required of eoch that he shall make the same effort and give the best
service in his power. Now that industry is no longer sedf-aervioe, bnl
service of the nation, patriotism, passion for humanity, impel tht
worker. The army of industry is an army, not alone by virtne of iti
perfect organization, but by reason also of the ardour of self-devotiM
which animates its members. Honours, instead of the love of mon^
prompt the supreme kinds of effort. Then diligence in the natiooal
Bervice is the sole and certain way to public repute, social distinctin
and official power.
The general production is largely increased by many causes,
are no idlers, rich or poor, no drones. The commodities, as booe
as they are produced, go directly to the stores, where they are taken
np by thi' customers, so there are no merchants, no agents, no middle
men of any sort. The eighteenth, instead of the eighth, part of tlu
workers suffices for the entire process of distribution. There is m
waste of labour and capital by misdirected indu.stry, or by the struggk
of competition ; there are no crises of over-production, as only th«
commodities that are wanted are produced according to the genera
view of the industrial field. What a difference of productive efliciencj
between innumerable barbarian hordes, always at war, the one againsi
the other, and a disciplined army whose soldiers are marching^
together in the same direction under one great general ! 1
But how is an equilibrium established between demand and supply ;
Precisely as it is now. When any article is in great demand, the prict
is raised. Generally the work necessary to produce a commodity u
recognnBed as th<- legitimate basis of its price. It is no longer th«
difference of wages that makes the difference in the cost of labonr, i1
is the relative number of hours constituting a day's work in diflereni
trades, the maintenance of the worker being equal in eJI cases. The
cost of a man's work in a trade so difficult, that in order to attract
volunteers the hours liave to bo fixed at four per day, is twice as greal
as that in a trade where the men work eight hours.
12 THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEh
It mi^ be objected that in tiie new system, the pan
to provide for the fhture of their family, there \& nothii
saving habits on the part of the citizens. That is true
savings are no longer necessary, nor, except in special ca
the nation guarantees the nurture, tiie education and con
tenance of every citizen ; and, as the total production is \
consumption of wealth, the net surplus is employed 1
enlarging the productive capital — t.e., in establishing
bridges, mills, and* improved machinery, and also in pi
amusements, in which all share, such as public halls
clubs, art galleries, great theatrical and musical exhibit
kind of recreation for the people. For example, the prii
saving by co-operation has been applied to the musio
everything else. There are a number of music-rooms
perfectly adapted acoustically to every sort of music,
connected by telephone with all the houses whose inha
pay a small fee. The corps of musicians attached to
large that, although the individual performer or grou;
has no more than a brief part, each day's programme lai
twenty-four hours. Every bedchamber has a telepho:
the head of the bed, by which any person who may li
command music at pleasure, and can make a selei
his mood.
As will have been noticed, Mr. Bellamy reproduces i
of previous Utopias: universal harmony, distribution
according to individual aptitudes, equality of reward,
and comfort, reduction of hours of labour ; suppression
competition, of the struggle for life, and also of money
and commodionsness of the palatial habitations, even
the music, which all are able to enjoy. There is a ]
very ably and eloquently written, though little read at t
which clearly explains the basis of the new state of s
Mr. Bellamy introduces us under cover of a tale. 1
by M. Louis Blanc, is entitled " L'Organization du Trc
Let us now examine what are the objections whic
views call forth. There are two principal ones : the first
allotment of functions, and the second to the distribntit
We shall begin by taking the first of these two p
Church, as in the army, the chief authority has the grani
raents. In China this is settled by examination. Bi
would bo far greater in the new society, for every bra
tion would have to be included, and would be open t<
having received the same education. It is quite cU
pleasanter trades and professions would be taken up, s
be no one to fill the less agreeable ones. Mr. Bellamj
aonge.
vidua!
otted;
piiiii
nitJu»
ste in.
Iways,
B and.
iingi».
©very
nbooi-
as to
city.
Is &r^
p tc»
m so
n&en^
hthe»
3d a4^
8 caEx.
jd to
.ture^
lation
88, of
idoof
ail or
ihlet,
day,
I'hich
porlc,
hor's
othe
I*-
oinb-
culty
}dQO-
B, aU
1 the
iroald.
vered.
I
a means of obviating this diESculty. not yet thought of by his'
ceaaors, which is to reduce the hours of labour in proportion e
work to be done is less attractive, even if the day's work had
brought down to only a *' few minutes ; " bat very often Ltd
be imixjssible to apply this system. Conaider the miner, i^
stance : the hours of labour would liave to be exceedingly she
men to be willing to work in a colliery ; this would entail at
less procession of relays of workmen going up and down the a
and it would be impossible to work the mine. The same argi
applies to the workers in steamships ; it would be necessary to ei
for each voyage a whole regiment of stokers. And the puddlers ai
workmen in rolling-mills, &c. ? Nevertheless, the principle of red
the hours of labour in proportion as labour is less pleasant is cer
just, and might be applied in a certain measure in any rational i
trial organization. J
The chief objection (and this is absolute) is to the system of rtl
ration, which is nothing more or less than the communistic for
Prom M-ek according to his strength^ tu each according to his requim
applied practically, this becomes equality of wages. Personal in
is the great mainspring of the economic world. A workman
does all he possibly can when the reward is in adetpiate proport
the work accomplished. This is perhaps very sad, but it is undoul
true. Here are two facts in proof of it.
After tho revolution of 1843, Louis Blanc started a workshop
these principles of equality were practised. The wages wer
same for all, but the names of all idlers were written up on the
All work was very well paid for, as he had an order from the St
Hupply uniforms for the National Guard. ■
At the outset all went very well. The workmen were^
and ardent Socialists, who made it a point of honour tha
experiment of the new system should be a saccess ; but verj
this good understanding came to an end. Those who were
itidustrioas or quicker than their companions accused the lat
idleness ; they felt themselves victims of injustice, for the remi
tion was not in proportion to the zeal and activity displayed.
were being " cheated and duped," and this was intolerable ;
fjuarrels, arguments, and fights. The temple of brotherhood
transformed into a sort of boxing booth—" boite aux gifflea," whi
as is known, the name given to the building where the citize
Geneva meet, together for the exercise of theii* sovereign rights.
Another example. Jlarshal Bugeaud founded at Beiii-Men
Algeria, a military colony on a communistic footing. The sc
were all picked men, and he supplied them with all they need(
the cultivation of the soil. Land, cattle, agi'icultural implement
produce*of the harvests, everything, in fact, was to be owned, a:
14 THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
-work carried on in common for the space of three years. T
excellent. It, nevertheless, turned oat a failure. Ali
■ooloniBts were soldiers, accnstomed to discipline, passive
and eqnal pay, and withoot private home or family,
•conld not go through tbe communistic novitiate to the end
were engi^ged in pursuits other than their military ex
spirit of innovation and the taste for amelioration soon n
selves manifest. Each one wished to cultivate according
notion, and they reproached each other wiUi not doing the
The marshal vainly explained that it was to their own ac
-work in common, in order to overcome the first difficulties
the settlement, and to realise the economies ensured Ijy a v
of labour : it was of no avail ; the association had to b
although it had so far brought in profits.
It is true that Mr. Bellamy does not wholly ignore
powerful incentives of human actions — ^punishment an
Referring to punishment he writes, *' A man able to dc
persistently refusing is cut off from all human society ? "
mean that idlers are put to death, or merely sent to prison,
to starve ? At all events, it is compulsion of some sort,
apply it, or to judge when it is necessary ? Certainly, me
iX\ probability rarely refuse to do any work at all ; but those
little as possible, or do it badly, are they to be punished, oi
the same salary, or rather be credited with the same amc
others? The State could not send away a bad worki
can do now ; for, there being no private enterprises, thii
would be equivalent to capital punishment. When remune
proportion to the work accomplished, diligence and a
encouraged, whereas an equal rate of wages is a prt
idleness.
But, argues Mr. Bellamy, honour is a^^sufficient rewnrtl
for men will sacrifice everything, even their lives, for it.
fectly true that honour has inspired the most sublime acts
deeds which have called forth universal admiration ; but 1
never become the motive power of work or the mainspring o
It will not conquer selfish instincts, or overcome instinct
nance for certain categories of labour, or the dislike to tl
monotony of the daily task. It may make a hero, but no
man.
I am not unaware that a system very similar to that ol
lamy has been known to work very well, for instance in Pe
" The Missions " in Paraguay, where the Jesuits had most
disciplined the Indians. The latter worked in common,
guidance of the Jesuit Fathers, who then distributed tl
amongst all the families. It was an absolute dictatorship,
Moca.
tovfc
tlG.
Oik
m.
\y
be
ce
oip
no scopo for eitJier liberty or individual initiative.* The
were certainly materially far better off than are our workmen,
yet Bougainville, who visited them, reports that they looked unlM
" like animals caught in a trap." Besides, can it be supposed
moment that the men of the twentieth century would acce]
a system of theocracy ?
As Sir Henry Maine states, Peru is the best example kni
tie collective system having been snccessful.t When the Span
conquered the country they found it admirably cultivated-
only the rainless plains along the coasts, but also all the
table-laads and the narrow valleys running between some of
gigantic peaks of the Andes — and the people enjoying a some'
peculiar, but certainly advaiiced, state of civilization. Many
ments and extensive public works had been erected ; and this
more extraordiuary 8e«^*iiig the inhabitants knew of no metals
gold and silver. A complete system of irrigation brought wai
the highlands down to the arid plains of the coast, where a;
was, consequently, very successfully carried on. One of these a
was really prodigious, going underground, crossing rivers, and run.
through mountains for a distance of about 500 English miles,
ruins of the palaces and temples still to be met with always asto
travellers. _
The following were the principal characteristics of the ecol
system in vogue there. The soil, which was almost the sole so
of wealth, belonged to the State. It was divided into three pi
the first was applied for the maintenance of the temples and priesi
the Sun, the second for the Sovereign and the nobility, and the t
for the people, as a temporary privilege, they being obliged in re
to cultivate all the land without exception, as was the case ■
us in the Middle Ages. The land was divided afresh every
among all the families, according to their requirements, as was
case with the Germans in the time of Julius Cicsar: "Magistr
ac principes in annos singulos gentibus cogaationibusque homii
quantum, et quo loco visum est, agri attribuont, atque anno p
transiro cogunt." — " Ik Bell. Gail. vi. 22.
Very exact registers were kept of the different plots of
• See Charleroix, " Histoire du Pampany," 1768 ; Muratori, " Relation des '.
Hq Parapuaj','' 17.5-1 ; A Kobler, " Dcr Christliclie Cummunismus in der Redaoti
Ton PairagTiay," 1879.
t " There tire two sets of motives, and two only, by which the g^reat balk ol
itiaterLolB of human .subsistence and comfort have hitherto bci-n produced and n
daced. One has led to the cultivation of the Northern State.'? of the American U
from the Atlantic to the Pacific ; the other had a considerable share in bringing a
the agricultural and industrial progress of the Southern States, and in old days it
duced the wonderful prosperity of Peru under the Inoas. One sjiitem ia econoj
competition, the other consist.s in the daily task, perhaps fairly and kindly allotted
enforced by the prison or the scourge. So far as W6 have any experience to teac
we are driven to the conclusion that every society of men must adopt one systei
the other, or it will pua through pcauryto staxration." — Pojiular Govtrnmeni.
THE CONTEMPORARY RBVIEfF.
and the number ol" members of each farailj, so that tho divi
be made on a perfectly equitable basis. Eiach family was a
a certain amount of guano from tho Chinchafl lalands for
the land. All agricultural labour was carried on under tb
of the authorities, and the first to receive attention was i
which was to serve for the support of the aged, the widows ai
the sick, or those employed in the service of the State,
cultivated on even the most abrupt slopes of the mount!
were covered with terraces, supported by enormous blod
and atone, and then filled with fertile earth from the val
State supplied each dwelling with wearing apparel and
necessary implements of lalx)ar. There were neither rich
every one had sufficient to live comfortably, but without
permitting accumulation.
Idleness was a punishable offence. There was no coioa/
and silver were used for ornaments, or were deposited in the
Exchanges were made at regular monthly fairs, by barteriu
Government gave out raw materials to artisans and to won
made these into manufactured articles, under the superv
overseers appointed by Uovemment.
The population was divided into communities of families, si
the Zadrugas of the Yougo-Slavs. These numbered abo
members each, wht> lived together in immense dwellings, the
which may still be found in parts of Central America, remini
of ants' nests. On frte days large banquets brought toge
inhabitants of the same canton, like the Si/saitifs in Greece.
The administration we have just briefly sketched was not
communistic, for each family cultivated the plot of ground i
assignecl to it on its own account j but, setting aside this vet
concession to individual life, the whole of the economic activit
country wjis under State direction. And yet, in the Peru
Incas, agriculture was more advanced, the population and rid
greater, there was move general well-being and a more mi
advanced civiii^nition. than either under the Spanish dominion
at the present day. Here, as in that marvellous Egypt
Pharaohs, where are to be admired monuments far surpas
grandeur and magnificence all those of other nations, we can s
can be accomplished by the collective labour of an entire natior
the sole and concentrated direction of the Government or of one i
order. Only the administration here referred to was t
" stationnry" kind which Mill says we must not attack, but \
in direct opposition to the ardent love of change and proj
characteri.stic of the modem man. Amongst all the transfer
and revolutions which are leading him to an ideal condition, \
yet foreseen, he will suffer, it is true ; but he is not likely t
far as to wish for the industrial autocratic system of Peru or of
[>ft
The eminent professor of philosophy at the University of LauBEm
M. Charles Secr^tan, whose writings on social qneations are
highly appreciated, has also yielded to the temptation of wriii
"hia Utopia," which is not so far removed from reality aa^
Bellamy's. Being tired, he falls asleep on the enchanting bajiks
Lake Leman. When he awakes he is accosted by a stranger, w^
appearance ia somewhat singular ; he has the high forehead I
penetrating eye of a philosopher, and the hard roiigh hands oi
working-man. The sleeper is surprised, and proceeds to qaesti
him. The philosopher explains that the social state into which he
now transported is very different from that of the ninet^^enth centui
Men divide their days into two parts : one ia devoted to mam
labour, and the other to intellectual pursuits and the calture of t
mind. Although the young men's education is very complete, th
are all taught a trade, which they exercise later on in life ; and
only raises them in the estimation of their fellow-citizens.
Nowadays, when, every one works, said the blacksmith philosop:
six hours' labour suffices for each man to maintain his family in conifo
Machinery is always kept going in the workshops, batches of woi
men taking each their turn. You see, he continued, we havil
more drones, nor landed proprietors with their toadies, nor capitsni
nor parasites of any description, nor beggars, nor workmen without woi
The accjumulatiou of capital is not forbidden, but the rate of inter(
has fallen so low that, for a man to be able to live on 1
revenue, he must possess an exceptionally large fortune. Besid
wages are veiy high, the average being about £120 a y©
All land, and even the houses to let, belong to the State, whi
"nationalized" them, indemnifying the former owners. This operati
was commenced in Ireland, where it answered so well that it w
adopted everywhere else. As fur manufactured industries, these »
carried on by co-operative associations. All the workmen of a mil
or a factory, are more or leas part owners in it; the manager, t
officials, and workmen, are all shareholders to the amount of thi
savings; and these savings commence on the day they first beg
work in the establishment, by a certain amount being held back fit
their pay. Only those taken in occasionally as e-xtra hands recei
their full wages. The transition from the old industrial system to t
new was effected almost imperceptibly. The struggle between ca;
talista and workmen had become so violent, and strikes so frequei
that the chiefs of industries saw no other coarse open to them th
to interest all their men in the undertaking, by giving them a shf
in the profits. This share given to the workmen made them sha!
holders in the business, and the former owners became directors,
this manner the firms in which participation in profits was introduc
were changed into co-operative societies daring the lifetime, a
VOL. LVU. B
18
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
under the auspices of, their former owners. Tliua
became poesefised of the means of production. luid own^rK
which there can be no real liberty, was universal in the
each receiving, in this way, the full value of the work he
Custom-house does being abolished, each country strovi
those branchcji of industry for which its climate? and the
its inhabitants best snited it. The balance between
demand is very well established, Wcause, as Btatiatica i
the amount of consumption, the production ia regtdated
All the branches of one industry in a ooontry form a sor
tion ; and this arrangement has put a stop to that mi«rc
tition which permitted a few millionaires to enrich them
cost of thousands of their fellow-creatures, who were
labour for the exclusive profit of their mastent. The grea
hours of labonr employed in making articles of luxury, t
and self-indulgence required, art> now occupied in producl
real utility. Thus the general well-being is considerably in
the portion assigned to each is in proportion to tlie work
M. Charles Secretan's Utopia seems to answer very
the ideal foreseen for the future' by those who have
ulterior progress of the human race. The nationalizatio
the " commonalization," of land does not appear to p
great difficulties. In a recent letter to the Timts (Xovemb*
Sir Louis Mallet, who most earnestly opposes this meast
very clearly that, in order to appreciat;6 an institution,
seen whether it makes responsibility effective, and wliethe
maintain the balance between supply and demand. Bu
point of view it makes very little difference whf^ther the
his rent to a landlord, to a college, to a city cor|x>i
commune, or to a county council. In Russia and
State owns a great number of farms, which it let« in tl
as any ordinary landlord. The stimulus to work and the r
are the same in both cases. Raise the tax on property so t
up nearly the whole rent, and yon will change nothing in
of the economic machinery, only the commune, the cov
State, will be richer to the amount by which the landlord
The only question affecting the general welfare is tl
the revenue from land be more advantageously laid out b;
authorities than by the present owners ? *
DifDculties only become great when the domain of
approached. Co-operative societies, which would take
selves the management of manufacturing enterprises, hi
• The advantage end disadvantage of Land Nationalization arc c
rn»p(i in the new pdilion 'of M. Pieraon's Treatise on Polifi'~al Eoonoi
jtaathnialioadknnde." M. Picrson t£ Goremor of tljc Netherlands
succeeded only in exceptional crises. They are wanting in two essentj
conditions : capacity and authority in the administration, and a spii
of discipline and obedience in the workmen. We may hope, wi
M. Secr6tan, that, thanks to education and to experience gradual
acquired, the working-classes will, by degrees, attain the neceraa
qualifications for the management of industries, without being obligi
to have recourse to capitalists ; and, from the moment this is tJ
case, the social transformation will be bronght about peacefully ai
inevitably, like all previous economic revolutions.
The rapid and extraordinary success in all the Anglo-Saxon world
Mr. Bellamy's book— 210,000 copies sold in the States, and 40,000
England at this date — which recalls that of Mr. Henry George's " Pp
gress and Poverty," is a symptom well worthy of attention. Itprov
that the optimism of old-fashioned economists has entirely lost tl
authority it formerly possessed. It is no longer believed that, i
virtue of the *'Iaissez faire '' principle, everything will arrai'ge itself £
the best in the best of all possible worlds. M
People feel that there is, in very truth, a " social " question ; tH
is to say, th.<it the division of the good things of this world is not :
accordance with the laws of justice, and that something ought to 1
done to uicrease the share of the principal agents of production, tl
workmen. An author little known, but who deserves to be betb
known in England, Dupont White, the translator of several of Stua
Mill's political writings,* has. in one of his books, published so Ion
ago as 1846, perfectly characterized this fresh sentiment, which W4
even then gaining a place in men's convictions. He says: — ■
" It ^wls hoped thiit the iucrea.se in the production of riche.s would Beeffi
satisfaction to all, but nothing of the sort htis tukeu place ; discontent
greater and more deeply-rooted than ever. From this deceived hope hi
been born a new science ; it may be called a social science, or it may even 1
said that it is not a science at all ; but it is quite certain that charity i
laws is a notion which in our dfiys should be a fumhimeutiil doctrine ; fo
beyond the pale of all sects of socialists, it has sown in nil hearts a feelix
of uneasiness, of anxiety and coie, an unknown emotion respecting,
suffering classes, which has become matter of pubhc conscience."
Aa for Mr. Bellamy's dream, it will, I fear, remain alwaj-s a
unless man's heart bo entirely transformed. His ideal is pure con
munism, and, as such, raises invincible objections, as I shall
show in a future article.
Emile de Laveley]
a teeiix
ting, tj
UtoP
-e con
tryJ
• The translutioQ whb really made by Madame Sadi Carnot, the gifted wife of tl
President of the French lle[mblic. She traneluted Mill's " Liberty " and " Uepreseot
tive Government," underthc direction of her father, Dupont White. See my accoimti
this great writer in the Revue dei Deur ilondes, December 1, 1879.
MR. WILKIE COLLINS'S NOVELS.
NEXT to reviewing a book without reading it, the most i
thing one can do is to read it for the purpose of review]-
In an ideal world, if books were criticized at all, it would only
persons who, after reading them, felt constrained to expresi
delight or theb discontent. The critical spectacles almost ine
distort the object on which you look through them. The bea
women, the beauty of landscape, would be no longer the same
were introduced to a lady or a loch-side after being told th
must go straight home and review them. In attempting to e
the work of Mr. Wilkie Collins, the present reviewer is ur
disadvantage of having read several of his books for the fir
with a critical intention. Yet it is fair to say that the im
left on the mind, after a somewhat forced march through
romances, is precisely what it was when the regretted c
Mr. Collins made every one think of his performances as a who
still remains a most conscientious, and careful, and ingenio
structor of plots, a writer with a respect for his art, and dee|
cemed with its processes. We still find in him a man with a
bitter sense of human unhappiness, a man whose favourite r
are at odds with the world. We still recognize that, in his b
he is not incapable of humour, and it must still be added
general, he " jocked wi' deeficulty," as the Scotch editor confes
himself. His methods do not cease to force on us the old seni
difficulti^. We cannot accept it as natural that so man;
should write such copious diaries, that criminals should
minute indictments against themselves by committing everr
their schemes to paper and ink. Guilty people do neglect
advice " Let Letts alone " ; but the; are not often so elaboi
1890]
MR. WILKIE COLLINS S NOVELS.
81
confessions. Mr, ColUns's methoil is that of Mr. Browning in "jTlie
Ring and the Book." His characters view the same set of circum-
stances, but with very different eyes. The method has its obvious
advantages and disadvantages ; perhaps it is most artfully worked in
'' The Woman in White," Again, after reading and re-reading, one
keeps one's old opinion — that for a writer bo conscientious and carefnl,
Mr. Wilkie Collins was but rarely successful in the fnll measure of hia
success, A few of his short stories, his " Woman in White," his '' No
Name," and, above all, doubtless, " The Moonstone " — reach a level of
ingenuity and of interest which the many others fall very far short of.
The humorous passages, for example, in " Armadale" and " Hide and
Seek " are very laboured and melancholy. The unsympathetic quality
of his character is exaggerated in Zack ITiorpe, and Matthew Grice,
and Midwinter, and Allan Armadale. The very construction becomes
a mass of coincidences, which have a cumulative weight of impossi-
bility far more grievous than the frank postulates of fantastic romances,
such as " Franki^nstein," or '• Avatar," or *■'■ La Peau do Chagrin."
These conclusions are absolutely forced on a dispassionate reader, in
spit,e of all the pleasure and excitement which he derives from Mr.
Wilkie Collins at his best. Yet the novels remain most instructive
reading, one may suppose, to a novelist who is concerned with the
technique of construction, as the author himself was.
There are certain ideas, combinations, and trues which constantly
preoccupied the author. lie wished to excite and sustain curiosity as
to a secret ; or, again, he liked to foreshadow the progress of the story,
and then to interest the reader in the fulfilment of what had been fore-
shadowed. This latter is the process in " No Name " and in *' Arma-
dale " ; the former is the process in " The Moonstone " and " The Woman
in White." In these aims Mr. Collins competes with M. Gaboriau,
and with M. Fortun<^ du Boisgobey. But he escapes Gaboriau's
defect, his habit of first powerfully exciting cariosity, and then explain-
ing inexplicable circumstances by going back almost as far as the First
Crusade. Nor does Mr. Collins, like M. Boisgobey, secure his secret
by making some person act quite out of character, as in that very
^clever tale, " Le Crime de rOp6ra." Perhaps even " The Moonstone "
is not more craftily wrought than '* Les Esclaves de Paris," and it
^ would be false patriotism to set "Mr. Collins above M. Gaboriau in
the qualities that were common to both. But there are defects in
M. Gaboriau's manner which Mr. Collins escaped. The vehement
admirer of Mr. Collins may object to the comparison, yet it is almost
inevitable. Mr. Collins frequently required for his purposes a character
of only occasional sanity, or a blind person, or a somnambulist,
and he ventured most unsnccessfully on what M. Gaboriau and Edgar
Pot^ never attempted, the introduction of the supenaatiiral. True, he
tried to " hedge " about his supernatural, to leave it hazy, in a dim
»
THE i^ONTEMPORARY RE VI
penumbra. But any one who wishes to see failure ]
at "Armadale," while in Hawthorne he will find the
with cucoesB. Another favourite device wae to i
personate another, as in " Armadale," and in "Th
bnt here, again, Mr. Collins did not cope with
perht^ with Miss Braddon, in " Henry Dnnlms
very beet novels hie oombinations were apt to be t
a very difficult game at chess, and in paasin^ frod
another, we gradnally lose our power of belief, an
our interest. That Mr. Collins aims frequently a|
reformatory is, of course, not necessarily a faj
atbaoks society and social verdicts, in " The Ne^
certainly unfair in his handling of the characters,
beautiful Magdalen does not repent much of her
gete iuto an inextricable position, while her reepecti
is handicapped by ugliness in opposition to the b
who has stolen into her place, and thrown her, deal
morally maimed, on the world. As to '• Fallen
involves much that may excite our partisan feelings
debate, and so had better be left out of th© quest]
Again, in '• Man and Wife," Mr. Collins attacked *' i
really knowing what the life of athletes at the
To any one who knew them well, who had seen
debauched and brutal clods, but men of refinement
occasionally witp, interested in most of the arts,,
has declared, of taking and making honourable]
satire of " Man and Wife" seemed blunt and
have been muscular clowns like Geoffrey DelamJ
" fk private room and the dumb bells," but the tj
the first Greek tragedy ever put on English
representatives of the class.*
As a didactic writer, Mr. Collins injured
probably did little to refine athletics, or to mal
able to such a sinner as his New Magdult
served his fame is, doubtless, the flood of latj
decidedly fell below his own standard. Bui
while his earlier books may long retain theij
popularity. We do not think of "The
" Castle Dangerous," when we think of
aflMoncte Mr. Collins with " The Guilty Hi\
This is not a bibliography, and it is n(
each of Mr. ColKns's novels in detail. Hiai
were prior to 1854, when his '' Hide and
* Agamemnon won tlie qn&rter of a mile i Cass
Cljtemnestra, the tfaree mile*.
MR. U'lLKIE COLLINS' S NOVELS.
23
,«elf Bpeaks of it in his Preface, as '* an advance in Art on liis eorlier
\attempts." If he ^vas right, "Antonina" and " Basil " must be
very far indeed below the level which he attained in the middle of
hia working life.
Mr. Collins had a strong dislike of evangelical religjon, or at
least of certain developments of it, with which he seems to have been
familiar. No one who has met, among people of that faith, the very
best, most kindly, and, in spite of the gravest trials, the happiest of his
friends, will charge the creed of Miss Clack and Mr. Thorpe with the
vices of these two deplorable persons. In "Hide and Seek " the stoiy
turns on the early misdeed of a man who appeal's in the novel as a strict
and gloomy Sabbatarian fanatic. It is the tale of a secret, and a secret
as well kept as it is absurdly discovered. The novel was revised and
altered by the author in later editions, but, as now published, it is dis-
agreeable in the drawing of the favoured characters, and in the plot,
while it is very far from being well constructed. The deafness and
dumbness of the heroine give Mr. Collins a chance of studying the
life of a beautiful mute, but her defecte lead to nothing. She is
not like Fenella, nor La Muette de Portici, nor Nydia in " The
Last Days of Pompeii," nor even poor Miss Finch. Had Madonna
been possessed of all her faculties, the story need not have been
altered in the least, except that Zack might perhaps have fallen in
love with her, as she did with him. This would have added to the
awkwardness, as they were brother and sister on the father's side.
Briefly, and therefore more or less unfairly, stated the jjlot runs
thus : We meet a gloomy fanatic, Mr. Thorpe, who bullies his one son,
Zack, with sermons and solemnity. Then we have an artist, Valentine
BIyth, whose wife is an invalid, and who has brought up a beautiful
deaf and dumb child. She was ten when he adopted her, and her
mother was an unwedded outcast, perishing by the wayside. Her one
possession waa a hair bracelet, with the letters M. G. on the clasps.
Zack becomes a rather drunken young rowdy, whom Mr. Collins
fails to make amiable. An intimate of BIyth's, he is kind to
Madonna, the adopted girl, about three years older than himself. She
loses her heart to the unconscious Zack, who leaves his fathei''s house,
and beoomes sworn brother of a moody wanderer from the Amazon,
where, oddly enough, as anthropologists will say, he has been
scalped. This man. Mat, is looking everywhere for the seducer of
his sister, and in Madonna he sees his dead sister's very image. He
is aware that her lover had given her a lock of his hair, and a hair
bracelet, and, by aid of a false key, he steals the hair bracelet of
Madonna. The resemblance of the hair to Zack's locks leads Mat
to conclude correctly that Zack's father was the seducer, and the
father of Madonna. Could there be a weaker ava-y»'wp«<Tic ; a less
plausible recognition and lUnoHment ? Such is the plot, however, in
M
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW,
essentials, and of course if cats off the novelist from the interest
a love story. The wandering Mat is a pictnrewjne iignre of
scarred and battered rover ; the artist is a pli-asantly good-bumonred
creation ; the hero, Zack, needs all onr toleranc»'. I*n)l»ability
stretched when the seducer explains that he had no idi»a that
might be about to become a father. " You may think it Mtrai
that the suspicion had not occurred to me before. It would
80 no longer, perhaps, if I detailed to you the peculiar system of
home education by which my father strictly and conBcientiously
endeavoured to preserve me, as otlier young men are not usually
preserved, from the moral contaminations of the world." The BysteoA
of education must indeed have been one-eided.
That any writer could rise rapidly from tho coniposifion of •' Uide
and Seek " to that of " The Woman in White " is as extrw»rdinftry
as that the author of the *■ Woman in White " should descend to
" Armadale," and, again, should chmb to the perfection, in its own
class, of "• The Moonstone." Mr. Collins s career was entin'ly unlike I
that of his greater contemporaries. Mr. Thackeray slowly prepawd
himself, by a series of advances in art, for " Vanity Fair,*' and thr
kept " the cro^Ti of the causeway " with a series of masterpieces,
he declined in " The Virginians." Mr. Dickens began, as fp
public recognition went, with the most delightful e.vplosif
humorous high spirits in the world, then di-stinguished himr
several immortal stories, then had an interval of partial eclip
shone out again in new lights; with " The Tale of Two Citie?
" Great Expectations.'' Mr. Collins, on the other hand, hfwl
good deal of not particularly noticeable work for ten years or
he found hira.self in " The Woman in White." lost himself i'
dale," excelled himself in ''The Moonstone,' and, after tb
rose much above the level of his earlier essays. His bio
he is to have a biographer — may be able parti}' to explaii
of health and circuniatance this intermittent brilliance. "^
causes, " The Woman in White " is a masterpiece of exf
ingenuity. From the moment when the white woman '
the moonlit heath, within sound of the roar of Londo
Lady Clyde," stands veiled by her own tombstone, an»'
at her lover, there is hardly a page in this IxKjk bi
own mysterious life, and beckons 3"ou to follow till t
rare thing among novels of incident, of secret, and
find one that you can read several times. But th
merit of " The Woman in Whitf ."
'' I have always held," says Mr. Collins, " the o'
that the primary object of a work of fiction shoo'
This opinion will probably outlive most of our p
But, Mr. Collins adds, he sees no reason why
1890]
MR. iriLKIE COLLINS' S NOVELS.
35
this condition should ueglect character ; in fact, he held that, given
a story, characters ?« i(.st be presented. Necessarily they must ; but it
is undeniable that a very good story may be told in which little of
character, except pluck and endnrance, is displayed, the adyenturea
not calling for the exhibition of anything more subtle. In " The
Woman in White "' some of the characters may border on what are
called " character parts" in acting. Count Fo.sco has tendencies in
this direction, so has the admirable little Italian, Professor Pesca.
But certainly Marian Halcombe is also a " character," without any
touch of caricature, while Anne Catherick herself, with her craze about
white, has a high place among the fanta.stic women of fiction. Even
Sir Percival is more than a fair specimen of that favourite persona,
the bad baronet. He is not so colossally nefarious as the regrett*>d
Sir Massingberd, but he will more than pass. " The Woman in
White " is, in its way, a masterpiece ; it has even humour, in the
Foscos and elsewhere, and redeems the terrors of that picnic on the
water, which amazes the reader of '' Annadale.'" Though it is a work
which we can never forget, we can often return to it ; and it made
Mr. Collins for long the most popular favonrite in English fiction. It
is curious to • hink over that series of premier novelists who. one after
another, have held the top of the markft, and been dearest to the
booksellers. The reigns of some were long^ of othens brief indeed.
Their throne has occasionally been the mark of envying, hatred, and
uncharitableness, and some of the masters of the art have never been
crowned there. Hard it is to descend from thnt perilons eminence.
Mr, Collins, at least, was never uugeoerous to his successors, the
" new tyrants," the later dynasties.
'* The Woman in White " was followed by " No Name."' As a
novel of I he author's central period, it stands far above the common
[average of his immature and of his later work. The character of
Magdalen Vanstone is perhaps the mo8t original and sti'iking in his
great family of imaginary people ; the most winning at first in her
beauty, vivacity, and attection, and much the most; pardonable when
wrong drove her to revenge. There is something of the Corsican, of
Colomha, in Magdalen \'anstone, and we might have preferred for
her an end tragic and desperate rather than the haven to which she
came. As a mere matter of probability, her constant changes of
costume and " make-up " are less trying to belief than many of Mr.
Collins's later devices. The other characters are. among the most V!fe-
like in his novels, whether we look at the lucky lout, tlie wretched
pretty Frank Clare, or his misanthropic sire, or the governess (Miss
Garth), or Mr. Vanstone himself. There are scenes of simple and
powerful truth, as where I^fagdalen tries, in her desperate and ontcasfc
fortunes under the roof of a rogue, to repeat the part that she had
acted when she was happy, secure, and beloved. "As the first
m
THE COyTEMPORARV KBVtElV,
tJi
familiar words passed ber lips, Frank c&mo back t^i h*-r fivui tin' 8«A»
and the faco of her dead father looked at h(*r with the emile of haf^iy
old times ; the voices of her mother and her sister taikod g«'ntly in.
the fragrant country Btillness, and the garden-walks at Combe Bavon
opened onco more on her view. With a faint, wailing crj',
dropped into a chair ; her head fell forward on the table, and
burst passionately into tears."
Here, and in the passage whore Midvrinter declares his love to
beautiful, Binful, battered Miss Gwilt, wakening so many memodi
of things true and tender, spoiled and betrayed, Mr. Collins, pg
haps, comes nearest to the poetry of romance. In this nov«l, I
are the most humorous of his lighter characters, that Mtomiedawir
Captain Wra^rge, and Mrs. Wragg«\ The scene of Mrs. Wn
omelette and her struggles with thr involved prooonns of the C
Book is really diverting.
Mr, Collins acted wisely in not producing *' The Moonstone '
" No Name " was fresli in his readers' memories. For the
the aleepwalking-admiral, in " No Name," reaUy coutainB t)
the mystery of " The Moonstone," just ad Miss Gwilt, dM
d'unc aiifrr, suggests tiie central idea of " The New 1
Between "No Name" and "The Moonstone" came "j
written when the author was at the height of his repaHatixy
it added little or nothing.
Few men can follow one prodigious hit by anoti*
" Armadale," which appeared in the Cwn/aV/ Mugdzine
own thinking, a terrible desot^nt, Mr. Swinburne, in
view, acknowledges its " superb ingenuity " ; I must 7
ingenuity seems to me far too ingenious. I am the
boggle at an impossibility, and to rej«ct " Vice Vers
•'miracles do not happen." We can accept the mil
late, and few people will censure the " Odyssey " be
" an immortal woman living in a cave," or because sail
swine. You grant the postulate, and, that done, y
read. But in " iVrmadale " you read and do no
fancy can accept the unending coincidences of " J
Dream in seventeen distinct compartments, every o
in the future ? Who can believe that a little
commit an artful forgery ? Yet if Miss GwUt
twelve, when she forged, she would have been
when all men, from twenty to seventy, fell viole
There are few Ninons, but Miss Gwilt mu'
them. As for the characters, the gloom of J
sive as the mode in which he learned Greek and
Allan Armadale, with his noisy absurdities, is
Gwilt herself,^ and the school-girl who makes
i89o]
MR. WILKIE COLLINS' S NOVELS.
«r
endurable than her admirer. Miss Gwilt herself saves tbo story, which
becomes alive when she enters it, and, with all her crimes on her head,
she 13 inilnitely the most human and agreeable of the persons in this
sordid aflair. The destruction of three able-bodied heirs in a fort-
night, one by an accidental chill, two by an avalanche, rivals some
performances with African lightning in ita rough and ready slap-daeh.
The theory of "hereditary superstition" is strained to breaking, but
on it the whole weight of the plot depends. Tlie letters between
Mrs. Oldershaw and Miss Gwilt are scarcely more possible than the
diary to which tlie murderess confesses her crimes. There is nobody
in the book to like or admire, unless Miss Gwilt bo the person, or
unless we repose on the bosom of Pedgift the younger. Mr. Collins
nndeavoured to defend bis series of coincidences by an example from
real life. In " Armadale " the heir is to be poisoned by sleeping in
a room ciarged with poisoned air, and three men, as the story was
running, were actually poisoned by foul air, in a ship called the
Armadale. Much more astonishing coincidences have occurred than
that ; but " Armadale " is one tissue of succeeding coincidences. The
cumulative effect produces increduhty and indifference, and we are
vexed by the number of persons who spy, listen, and overhear what
^as not meant for them. And for humour, we have " the curate,
with a ghastly face, and a hand pressed convulsively over the middle
region of his waistcoat '
" Armadale " was much more than redeemed by " The Moonstone.*'
Here we have good romanw in the very presence of the Diamond, as
fatal a thing as the dwarf Andvari's ring in the Saga. The Indians,
wandering in and out, impress one more, I think, than our new Hindoo
visitor, Secimdra Dass. The sudden appearance of Mr. Godfrey Able-
white, in the guise of a sailor, was, to myself, the most complete
and pleasant surprise ixx the whole range of the surprises of fiction.
Whtm one first road the story, one resented the explanation, the sleep-
walking, as a disappointment. Already the idea had been used,
when Jack Ingoldsby's breeches vanished night by night, in the
" Ingoldaby Legends." M. Boisgobey has omployed it in " L'Affaire
Matapan," and Mr. Collins had used it in '* No Name." Still, pro-
bably few readers guessed at the truth, so cunningly were all sorts of
false and plausible clues suggested. As for the humour of the story,
Miss Clack is somewhat mechanical and exaggerated. Mr. Collins
makes her too profuse a writer in *' the patoia of Zion." The old
butler %vith his " Robinson Crusoe " is rather a bore, like most characters
marked with too pronounced tricks. Mr. Collins did not abuse this
method of " individualizing " his persons nearly bo much as Mr.
Dickens often did, but he occasionally made the thing wearisome.
Of the later novels, it is not my intention to speak. The ingenuity
of *' Poor Miss Finch " c&nnot reconcile us to the manifest and gro-
38
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jak.
tesqae " machinorj' " of the blind girl aad the bine lovar. 8he U
too " in and out " in her blindness, and he too much excels mankind
" in azure feats," as Mr. Browning pats it. The unfairness of '• The
New Magdalen "' has already been hinted at : there is interest atKl
great resource, however, in the ups and dovms of the central narrative.
Nobody can write romances for thirty-five years without vicissitaden
in the fortunes of his works, without varieties in his inspiration and his
skjll. Mr. Collins was fortunate enough not to attract the att^-ntion of
the literary wrecker. He may have been saved from the dangers of mo-
cess by his conscientious endeavour, in each new tale, to do his very best.
As to that best, one cannot equal it with the excellpnoe of Dickens,
of Thackeray, of George Eliot, of Charles Reade, or even of Anthony
Trollope. The itei\rr of novel to which Mr. Collins devoted hx^a^£
was lower than theirs. In even his best work there is, or I tn^^W
be aware of, a kind of professional hardness, for there is no charm
bis style, and there is much premeditation in his humour. Wecw
all admire all things equally, and it seems a pity that we shonld qui
as much as we do over our tastes in fiction. A man can, in the
only express an honest opinion, and I must own that I read Mr. Co'
greatest books with much pleasure and excitement. but without mr
thusiasm \ while in his less fortunate novels, his manner weariee'
his method is too nakedly conspicuous. There are even two <
stories by the comparatively neglected Mr. Sheridan Le Fani
I would rate as high as Mr. Col lins's best ; there «re scenes of
Fanu's far more deeply and terribly 8tampe<l on the memo'
are secrets as cxmningly hidden ; and in the volume " T
Darkly " Mr. Le Fanu's command of the pupematura"
gloriously with Mr. Collins's failures. Uoth men weremw
school, but by some caprice of taste, some accident o
author of '* Uncle Silas " never won such rewards as fell
of " The Woman in White."
Both are gone ; they havo left no man to take their
in that art which, even in living hands, has diverted th
Australian cattle drovers, has consolpd the latest hoc
outworn, and dying emperors, which opens to all of
wizards saj-, " the gates of distance," and gives ns the
covered land.s. For these benefits the least thing
frequently the bst thing we do, is to be grateful.
BROTHERHOODS.
NEW proposals are strange revealers of human chai-acter. The
proposal for the establish ineut of Brotherhoods is no exception.
Those who have watched the discusaion must have beau amused, if
they were not edified, by the variety of the comments which the
proposal evoked. The philanthropic mind most probably was dis-
tressed to find that the merits of the proposal were obscured by the
acrimony which was displayed. Extremists are never right, though
they are always zealous. It may be questioned, indeed, whether a
certain narrowness of understanding is not indispensable for a certain
class of success. The fact that a theologicai turn could be given to
the discussion made it possible that the proposal would not be dis-
cussed on its merits. Voltaire, speaking of Dante, said, " II a dea
commentateura : c'est peut-etre encore une raison de plus jxiur netr©
compris." The same complaint may be made re8])ecting the present
proposal. The comments have obscured the text, and the zeal of
party has, as was to be expected, darkened counsel with words
without knowledge and without charity.
This may sound severe language, but I think that it might be
justified by a series of elegant extracts selected from letters contri-
buted to the controversy. But no good would be done by printing
words which are better forgotten. There would be no necessity
even to refer to them, except for the purpose of warning ourselves
that the cutitc spirit of the zealot should be severely repressed, lest
while we wrangle, the more important aspects of the question should
be forgotten, and the opportunity of good be lost.
At the outset it ought, in justice to those who made the proposal,
to be remembered tliat it arises out of a great and confessed need.
Archbishop Tait has told as *' that there were districts into which
so
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEIV.
[jAJr.
it was not right to aak a cUrgymaa to take his wife, in which to
bring up his children ; bat if men coold live togetht^r for n certain
number of years, there would not only be a saving of expense, but
they would a£Ford each other the mutual help and sympathy they «o
much needed." • The Church, it has been declared times without
mnmber, cannot overtake the work which the rapid aocuntulatiou of
town populations has thrown upon her. " How are wo to reach Llto
masses " has been a kind of commonplace of Church Coagreases. Thd
density of the population, the celerity with which towns have ex-
panded, the strangPi and abnormal conditions of life which this stAte
of things has caused, have thrown upon the Church work aiid dutiea
which have strained the machinery, and for which it is declared the
existing plant is wholly inadequate. This state of things is per-
plexing, and, from the rapidity with which it has come about, ^
is bewildering also. The multitude'* gatht-rt'd in our great tow
are beheld by some with alarm, by others ynXh compassion,
with a deep and perplexed sense of responsibility, Prac
heathenism, lowered morals, enfeebled vitality, dull, spirit
pleasareless existence nro mentioned among the results. The
which the philanthropist suggests are too often rank hearesies
eyes of the political economist, while it must be confessed t'
political economist has little to oifer in their place. Doubtle
are remedies which may, in proces.s of time, heal this misef*
dition of things ; it may bo true that there are gre«t onsef
in operation which will slowly readjust the unwholesome di'
of population. But forces like these will work but si
Christian sympathy cannot bear to stand still and watch
of misery and sin without some ettbrt to console and pur
relieve. This spirit finds expression in the Church, i
Lord, must feel compassion for the multitudes. She fe«
we are deliberating ou the best means of dealing with
there are thousands who are practically perishing, f
such present and crying needs is imperative. Such i
and such are the feelings which have given rise to
establishing Brotherhoods in the Church of England.
If such needs exist, and new methods are
proposal emanating from experienced men is entitW
attention. The present proposal may be wise or
be possible or it may be ntterly impracticable, b'
unheard or to push it forsvanl unconsidered, to u
horse for attacking unpopular doctrines or for i
and retrogressive opinion, is to betray an ill-regi
tainly it is unworthy of a great and re.spectable
to prejudice its discussion by a picture, or to
* ** STstematic I^r ksttaxcr" Xationtd Remtw
iSgo]
BROTHERHOODS.
31
phrase ; and it is no leas undignified on the part of others to find in
tho discufision an opportunity of discrediting men whose very jealousy
of innovation is evidence oi their attachment to the Church in which
they have labouretl.
AJl this is unfortunate, and it is illogical. It is never wise to
[speak before we know; it ia always foolish to criticise wliat has not
'l)een proposed. Critics, in this case, might have remembered that it
was just possible that those who were responsible for the suggestion
did know a" little history, and were not wholly ignorant of the
dangers resulting from this or kindred proposals. At the same
time it must be admitted that the proposal has been put forth in
some quarters with phrases which could not fail to arouse suspicion.
The Bishop of Durham, in his observations on the proposal, depre-
cated this flaunting of a red rag in a matter which needs above all
things calm and judicial consideration.
It may allay some of the not unnaturally aroused suspicion to
recall certain facts. It is a mistake, for instance, to suppose that
community -life is the exclusive practice of any one portion of
Christendom. Religious bodies, which cannot be suspected of Ultra-
montane leanings, possess institutions of the kind. Tliere are religious
communities at Kaiserwerth and Strasbourg which are in connection
•■with the Lutheran Church. There are similar institutions at Paris
and Echellins which are connected respectively with the French and
Swiss Reformed Churches. It is, further, a mistake to suppose that
institutions like the Religious Houses or Brotherhoods were favoui-ed
only by one party in the Church of England. Among those who
lifted up his voice for their continuance was the stout-hearted reformer,
Latimer. Organizations of young men, devout and devoted to good
works, in the seventeenth century, were recognized with approval by
Bishop Beveridge as well as by Bishop Ken, by Stillingfleet as well
as Tenison.
Bnt while unreasoning alarm is to be deprecated, the risks ought
to be considered.
If it needs to be constantly remembered that there is nothing
wliich is necessarily Roman in the idea of Brotherhoods, it is no less
necessary to observe the cautions and warnings which the history of
Buch institutions reveals. We are neither to be dettrred from making
an experiment by the cry that it is Roman, nor are we to be blinded
to the risks which we encounter by the eagerness of thoeo who only
welcome the proposal for the very reason which in others awakens alarm.
There are dangers ; and the evidence which ia the most striking is that
which comes from the Latin Church itself. It would be simple madness
to ignore the lessons of the past. In the twelfth century, Arnulf,
Bishop of Lisieux, requested Pope Ale.xander VIII. to dissolve the
monastery of Grestain, on the ground that it was past reformation.
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
D^AH.!
At the close of the fourteenth century Nicolaa de (.'lamengw cbi
the monasteries with being scenes of waste, idlenesa, and
The Councils of Constance and Basel approved the statemeAtftJ
Bridget of Sweden, when she depicted the dark and low oonditi
the religious houses. In the sixteenth century a Coumittee oT'
Cardinals (Reginald Pole was one of the number) expraased their
opinion that the religious houses ought to bt> abolished. In tlM
eighteenth century Scipio de Rioci, Bishop of Pistoia, cxcommaiu-
CfAed the Dominican friars, and forbade their officiating in his diooea*.
But perhaps the most remarkable illostration of all is one derived 6qOj
our own days : —
'* The total nninb«?r of monaateries, «tc., «uppre«se«l in Italy <]own to
close of IH%'2 was 2255, involving an enormouti di5pliu-ement of propettjr
dispcnloQ of inmates. And yet there i& aome reason to think that the Bt«te '
did but do i-ougbly and harshly what the Church should have duue mc
gradually and wisely; for the judgment pa£8ed on the ditwiilution
Pius iX. hims<>If, in opeaking to an English Roman Catholic bihbop,
' tt was the devil's work ; but the good God will turn it into u bleesing, sincB
their destruction was the only reform possible to them.' " *
It will be understood that I am not alluding to these for r
controversial purpose. The le&aons which such facts suggest an
common heritage of all Christian bodies ; they shed light on the
and conditions of human nature. It is interesting in this conor
to recall a parallel from Oriental ex])erience. In the East, as
West, the risk arising from a disregard of simple principles is illu
The organization of the cloister was a powerful aid in the i
ment of Buddhism, but only so long as the spirit of missio'
existed. When that ceased, monasticism became a hindrar
of a help. In proportion as the " tendency to expansion of th(
Church gi'ew fainter, monasticism became a barrier in tl
every sound development, and thus the cause of utter stagr
Thus the forgetfulness of the conditions of life avenges '
or later. There is a Quixotic disregard of laws which
called zeal. A mnu may run full tilt against a v
impunity, but the probability is that he will get the w
counter. One man, or one group of men, may achieve
hopeless for others to attempt. The rule observed by o
astroas to the thousands, who, under the influence o'
excitement or eager emotion, take upon themselves
experience may show was too grievous for them to
vows appear to me to be of this nature, when the
which is not necessary for righteousness' sake. Ti
Canterbury has realized this danger, and has pror
system of lifelong vows. There is wisdom in this de
lifelong vow, in a matter which is nei ther within the f
-* Sec Article on Monasttrics in " Encyclopcedia '
i89o]
BROTHERHOODS.
38
nor in the statute book of universal righteousness, is (if I may use an
uld-fashioned phrase belonging to an age of greater faith and less
t'ussinessi than the present) to t^iuipt Providence. We may be asked
i£ ther« is not such a thing as a call to a^lilrticy. I have no doubt of
it. Our Lord's words are sufficient for me on the matter ; but he
who ia so called needs no vow : the call will be ovidenctid in the fact
of his life. And it is to be remembered that a man may be called to
1)0 a father of saints who does not know of his calling till he is
far advanced in life. To make a vow which anticipates or prevents
the calling of Providence savours of little taith, not of large faith, and
has in it a flavour of self-will rather than that spirit which waits on
the will of Him who, though He orders the whole life, yet veils from
us His leadings from period to period.
To put the same thought from another standpoint, it is an nnques-
tloned law of man's development that his powers, capacities, and
necessities do not ripen in every man dike, in the same fashion, or at
the same time. There are men who are boys in some of their quali-
ties and power.s till they have passed two-score years. Such do not
waken to the consciousness of power or the possession of their complete
manhood till they have reached, perhaps, the middle arch of life. To
bind a man with a lifelong vow on matters which are liardly yet
within the range oE his own self-consciousness appears to me to be
an act of at least doubtful wisdom.
But here it is urged that these exceptional cases may be met by
exceptional means — the vows may be made dispensable by proper
authority. Against this I entertain the very strongest objection. Tc
do this is to weaken the sense of the sanctity of a vow, by dangling
before the eyes of him who makes it the possibility that what is said
to be lifelong need not be so in reality. To do this is to throw npon
another a responsibility which, in the nature of the cape, he cannot
bear. To do this is tc* trifle with the most sacred thing on earth —
the sanctity of a man's own conscience.
Might we not say that the very suggestion of dispenpable vows
bears strong witness against the proposal to make vows lifelong ?
The same difficulty does not exist when a time-limit is introduced
into the agreement, so long aa the limit is not a very distant one.
If a society is to have sustained and continuous life in its work, thosf
who join it ought to give a definite length of service. This seems
both wise and neotlful. There ought to be no objection and no dif-
ficulty in the introduction of common-sense and busines^s-like agree-
ments as to the length of service. There are thousands who sign
Jigreements to serve in particular places at special work for a specified
period. An agreement of this sort, by whatever name it is called,
ought not to rouse suspicion or jealousy. If the work is religions,
the promise might well be made during some religious service. In
VOL. LVII. C
84
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[3iM,
any case, the promise to do religious work might surely be viewed M
a promise to be religiously kept, and as having an obligation at any
rate as binding as that which binds men in the military and civil
service. It is unfortunately too much the ciistom to reganl a promise
in matters of religion as something which is only binding as long as \t
is convenient. Opposed as I am to lifelong vows, and disposed to
regard vows of all kinds as indicating not a higher, but a lower, stage
of religious life, I should be thankful to see a sterner sense of the
nature of the obligations of religions service, and a sturdier deter-
mination to discharge such obligations, come fair, come foul, at home
and abroad.
But this leads to another lesson which the history of religioi
movements most surely teaches, and which our own experience m
1 think, confinn. We are in danger, nevertheless, of forgetting it.
The value of organization, in one sense, cannot be exaggerated, and
it has been argued that the power of such institutions depends on
their being recognized as part of the organization of the Church.
This has been urged recently. " These institutions flourished as long
as their discipline was maintained ; they drooped because they
depended on individual exertion and piety." So writes Mr. T. Gambler
Parry. What was wanted, says 'b\x. Uuntingdon, was recognition
and authority.*
There is doubtless truth in this view ; but the other side must no*
bo forgotten. Organization is not evenrthing. Alone it is entire!
valueless. We touch here a question which lies at the root of roan
problems. It has constantly been misunderstood ; and misunderstan'
ing is perilous. We organize free institiitions, and we are disf
pointed to find that happiness is not secured to mankind by t
existence. We organize Chui-ch work; and wo are pained to
that organization does not always mean effectiveness. Pain
disappointment might have been avoided if we had been more J
to learn the lesson of history. Organization may aflbrd greab
to life, and richer results to energy ; but organization will n<
<luce saints, nor the establishing of Brotherhoods create piety
made nothing perfect ; rales cannot make evangelists. Tl
and the rule come after saintship, and rarely, if ever, do tl
cede it. Th« heavenly flame rests on some human souL
within him, and with the Prophet he feels the fire of God ; "
to work some deliverance upon the doubts. Like the Aposf
necessity is laid upon him ; the worst woe which can bf
disobedience to a necessity wliich, like aU the higher pasf
is often a torment and a delight. While such a man I
which he has chosen is noble and real. Tlio same is fcrni
in whom a kindred spirit lives. The spirit finds itp
• Xational Bemcu, No. 70, p. 597.
I890] BROTHERHOODS. 35
zation. The rules which are laid down are the expression of the life
which is in them and of the spirit into which they have been baptized.
Their zeal, like a river, makes its own banks by following the course
of its own nature. But even in the most favoured conditions the
gentler life which gathers round the holy spires is not all that hope
painted it —
" The potent call
Doubtless shall cheat full oft the heart's desires."
The favourable conditions, moreover, cannot last always. The gene-
ration will arise which retains the form, but which has lost the
animating spirit. There comes a time when the noble river runs
dry ; deadness and dryness take the place of freshness and murmur-
ing life. Then, because the spirit which gave vital force to the move-
ment is no longer there, the rules lose their force and value; the
commandment becomes the means of death ; the organization sinks
beneath its own weight. When Saul is gone it wUl not do for David,
to wear his armour ; when Achilles has passed away lesser men may
but wound their hands and snap their muscles in striving to bend his
bow. The spirit may inspire rules. Kules cannot restore the spirit.
When we have the men we shall have the organization ; but it is ill
hoping that by adopting an organization we shall be in possession of
the power to work them. Above all, let us avoid the belief that we
can ever be great or achieve great things by imitation. Those who
play the frog woo disaster. If the spirit which is in our midst be a
true spirit, it must adapt its organization to the needs of our own age.
It will draw useful hints from the past, but it will avoid all slavish
and mechanical imitation of it. By virtue of its own real life, it will
quicken, arouse, and direct all kindred zeal. Wherever a man in
whom the true spirit dwells arises to work among the sons of men,
brothers like-minded will gather round his standard, and the work of
such men can never be in vain.
W. B. RiPON,
[JAM.
THE LATEST THEORIES ON THE ORIGIN
OF THE ENGLISH.
WHEN, one is sometimes tempted to ask in sheer weariness, will
any man be able to say the last word on that question of the
West which bids fair to be as eternal as any question of the East, the
<|uestion whether we, the English people, are ourselves or somebody
flse ? That formula is not a new one ; some of us have, in si'ason
and out of season, through evil report and good report, been fighting
out that question for not a few years. If it is wearisome to have to
fight it out still, there is some little relief in having to fight it out
in -a wholly new shape and with a wholly new set of adversaries. It
is an experience which has at least the charm of novelty when wv have
to argue the old question, who are we, whence we came, from a
|x)int of view which might make it possible, with the exercise of a little
ingenuity, to avoid ever using the words " Celt," " Briton," or " llonian "
at all. On the other hand, the strife in its new form has become^
more deadly ; the assault has become more threatening. Hitherto we
have fought for victory, for dominion, for what, if one adopted the
high-polite style of a Lord Mayor's feast, one might call " the
Imperial instincts of the Anglo-Saxon race." We have had to fight
to prove our greatness against people who told us that we were
not so great as we thought. Angles and Saxons, we were told, were
only one element, perhaps a very inferior element, in the population
of Britain. Still nobody denied that we had some place in the world,
some place in this island. It might be a very small place annpared
with that of the Celt who went before us or of the Nonnan who
came after us. Still we had some place. Nobody denied that there
had been Angles and Saxons in the isle of Britain. Nobody denied
that those Angles and Saxons had had some share in the history of
iSgo]
THE ORIGIN OF THE ENGLISH.
37
the isle of Britain. Nobody — save, I believe, one thorougU-going
man at Liverpool — denied that those Angles and Saxons had supplied
some part, however mean a part, to the tongue now spoken over the
larger part, of Britain. Nobody, I fancy, ever denied that to the mixed
ancestry of the present inhabitants of Britain Angles and Saxons had
contributed some elements, however paltry. The fight seemed hard,
and we did not know that there was a harder fight coming. For now
the strife is not for victory or dominion, but for life. The question is
no longer whether Angles and Sasons have played a greater or a less
part in the history of Britain. It now is, whether there ever were
any Angles or Saxons in Britain at all, perhaps whether there ever
were any Angles or Saxons anywhere. Or more truly, the question
takes a form of much greater subtlety. Our new teachers ask us,
i^ometimes seemingly without knowing what they are asking, to believe
a doctrine that is strange indeed. The latest doctrine, brought to its
real substance, comes to this : we are not Angles and Saxons ; we did
not come from the laud of the Angles and Saxons ; we are some
other people who came from some other land ; only by some strange
chance, we were led to believe that we were Angles and Saxons, to
take the name of Angles and Saxons, and even to speak tlie tongue
which we should have spoken if we had been such. Or to oome back
to the old formula wi(h which we began, we are not really ourselves, but
somebody else ; only at some stage of our life we fell in with ingenious
schoolmasters, who cunningly persuaded us that wo were ourselves.
On the old controversy I need not enter again now. That con-
troversy might have been much shorter if clever talkers would have
taken the trouble to find out what those whom they were talking
about had really said. Many statements have been made, many jokes
have been joked, many outcries have been raised, some ingenious
names have been invented, nay, even some arguments have been
brought, and all about doctrines which no man in this world ever
held. Personally I have nothing more to say on the matter. I have
had my say : anybody that cares to know what that say is, may
read it for himself.* I will make only one remark on a single state-
ment which I have casually lighted on, and which is on the whole
the very strangest that I have ever seen. T find in a volume of a
series which comes under the respectable name of the Society for
Promoting Christian Knowledge, a series to which Oxford Professors
and Examiners contribute, a book which has a book by ^Ir. Rhys
liefore it and a book by Mr. Hunt after it. this amazing saying :
•' Florence uses the strange expression that Eadgar was chosen by
the Anglo-Britons." f Strange indeed, if Florence had ever usetl
• I intist refer to what I have said on "Teutonic Conqnpst in Gaul nnfl Rril.-iiii " in
*• Fonr Oxford Lectures'' (Macmillan, 1888) and to the EK«ay on "Race and Language "
in the third Scries of Historical £$favs.
t " Anglo-Siaon Britain, by Grant' Allen. B.A.," ^. V\1. "E\ia tw^-^w^k* •s^-"'^'******
88
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
tJ
it ; but to say tliat he did use it surely goes beyond the admit
literary and *' stylistic " license of making pi'ople. old or new,
what they never did say. But the saying is instnjctive ; it shows he
some writers, somt-tiines more famous writers, now and then get
their facts. One received way is to glance at a pa^ of an origins)
writer, to have the eye caught hy a word, to write down another
word that looks a little like it, and to in\'ent facts that suit the word
written down. To roll two independent worda into a com]X)und word
with a hyphen is perhaps a little stronger, but only a little. Florence
says something about Englishmen in one line and something about
Britains in another line not far off Roll them together ; make a new
fellow to Anglo-Saxons and ^nglo-Cat holies, and we get the " strange
expression," and the stranger fact. alx>nt Eadgar and the ** Anglo-
Britains." Yet even with a creator of ^*' Anglo-Britons'' we may
make peace for the present. There is allowed to be something
"Anglo" in the matter. And that for the present is enough. Thft
old question was, after all, simply one of less and more. There was
some " Anglo " something ; only how much ? He who shall say
that the present English-speaking people of Britain are Angles and
Saxons who have assimilated certain infusions, British and otherwise,
and he who shall say that the English-speaking people of Britain are
Iberians, Ci^Ifs^ Iion],in.s, anything, who have received just enough
of AngUau and iSaxon infusion t4> be entitled to be called " Anglo-
Britons," maintain doctrines that differ a good deal from one anotluT.
Still it is only a difference in degree. Both sides may encamp together
in the struggle with tlie new adversaries. AN'hether the Anglo
assiniilat<>d tlie Briton or the Briton assimilated the Angle, there wa*'
some " Anglo " element in the business. It is serious for both to b
told that there never was any '■' Anglo " element at all, while accordir
to one view, there could hardly havo been Briton enough to have ^
" Anglo '' element, if there had been any, hyphened on to liim.
We have in this matter to deal with two writers, whom it n
seem somewhat strange to group together. W . Dn C'hailln has star
ns, one may venture to say that he has amused up, by a doctrine
a good many tribes or nations wliich have liithrrto gone about
tribal or national names had no right to any national names at 9
only to the name of an occupation. The Franks of the third c
the Saxons of the tifth, were not Franks or Saxons, but "V
Being *• Vikings," they may have been Suiones, Swedes,
Norwegians ; but the chief thing is to be " Vikings ; "' they 1
the " Viking age." On this teaching I shall say a few nir
presently. I want just now to point out that, accordir
(950) are : "Rex Mercenvinni Eailparns, ;ih omni Anploriim pojniln ilectv
.tuaj 16, advcntus veri Aiiglnrum in Britaiiiiiani quiiiffentesimo, 3b3autcm
Angustines ct socii ejus in Angliam venerunt.'' No words could be
chosen.
i89o]
THE ORIGIN OF THE ENGLISH.
39
Viking doctrine, we must have come from lands further to the north
tlian we have commonly thought. And this doctrine I wish to contrast
with Einother, which has been less noticed than one might have
expected, according to which we must have come from lands mnch
further to the south than we have commonly thought. Of these tw<>
doctrines, the first comes to this, that Angles and Saxons are all a
mistake. There was no migration into Britain from the lands which
we have been taught to look on as the older England and the older
Saxony : the name of Angle and Saxon came somehow to be wrongly
applied to people who were really Suiones or others entitled to be
called Vikings. I am not suro that I should have thought this
doctrine, at least as set forth by M. Du Chaillu, worthy of any serious
examination, had it not been for the singular relation in which it
stands to the other slightly older teaching which, when we strive to
obey the precept,
"Antiqiiam eiquirite miitrem,"
bids us look, not further to the north than usual, hut further to the
south. According to this teaching, there may have been some Saxons
from North Germany among tlioTeutonic settlers in Britain, but themiun
body came from a more southern land. Those two doctrines, very opposit**
t/O one another, but both upsetting most things which we have hitherto
believed, have been pnt forward in a singularly casual way. Some will
perhaps be a little amazed when for the southern doctrine I send them
to Mr. Seebohm's well-known book " The English Village Community."
There it certainly is ; it is not exactly set forth by Mr. Secbohm, but
it has at least dropped from him, and the opposite doctrine has not
much more than dj-opped from M. Du Chaillu. Both teachings are
thrown on the world in a strangely casual sort, as mere appendages to
something held to be of greater moment. Still M. Du Chaillu does
put forth his view as a view ; Mr. Soebohm lets fall his pearls, if they
be pearls, seemingly without knowing that they have fallen from him.
I am not going to discuss any of ilr. Seebohm's special theories,
about manors or serfdom, about one-held or three-tield culture. Mr.
Seebohm's views on these matters, whether we accept them or not,
are, as the evident result of honest work at original materials,
eminently entitled to be weighed, and, if need be, to be answered.
And in any case we can at least give onr best thanks to Mr. Seebohm
for his maps and descriptions of the manor of Hitchin, a happy
survival in our day of a state of things which in most places has
passed away. What I have to deal with now, as far aa Sir. Seebohm
is concerned, is to be found in one or two passages in his book, in
which, as I have hinted, he lets fall, in a perfectly casual way,
doctrines which go far to upset all that lia.s hitherto been held as to
the early history of the English folk.
Now a wholly new teaching on such a matter as the begjLxi.\i.vBs?^ ^"v
40 THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW. [Jaw.
our national life in onr present land, is surely a matter of some im-
portance. If it is true, it is a great discovery, entitled to be set
forth as a great discover}', with the proudest possible flourish of
trumpets. The new teaching should surely be set forth in the fullest
and clearest shape, with the fullest statement of the evidence on which
it resta. But with Mr. Seebohm the new doctrine drops out quite
suddenly and incidentally, as a point of detail which does not very
Tiiuch matter. The belief as to their own origin which the English of
Britain have held ever since there have l>een Englishmen in Britain
sfiems to Mr. Seebohm not to agi-ee with his doctrines about culture
and tenures of land. It is by no means clear that there is any
r(^al contradiction between the two, but Mr. iSeelx)hm thinks that
there is. He is so convinced of the certainty of his own theorj' that
tlie great facts of the world's history must give way if they cannot be
reconciled with it. The strange thing is that Mr. Seebohm does not
sr/cm the least proud of his great discovery ; he hardly seems to feel
that he has made any discovery : he is less excited alwut a pro-
position which makes a complete revolution in Knglish History than
some are when they think that they have corrected a date by half an
hour, or have proved some one's statement of a distance to be wrong
by a furlong. All turns on the " one-field system '* and the "three-
field system." The three-field system existed in England ; it existed
in certain parts of Germany ; but it did not exist in those parts of
<«<'rmany which were inhabited by Angles and Saxons. Therefore, if
Britain had any Teutonic settlera at all, they must have come from some
other part, and not from the land of the Angles and Saxons. Only
to judge from Mr. Seebohm's tone, the question whence they cam
or whether they came from anywhere, is a question hardly wort
thinking about, compared with matters so much more weighty as t)
system of " one-field " or of "three."
Our first foreshadowing of what is coming is found at page 37f
Mr. Seebohm's book : —
" Now, possibly this one-field sybteui, witli its marling and poiit m
may have been the system described by Pliny as prevalent in Belpc 1
iind Gaul before the Romnn conquest, but cei-tiiinly it is not the ;
provalent in England under Saxon rule. And yet tills «Hstrict wlu
ono-field system is prevalent in Germany is precisely the distinct fix>m
.wcording to the coiiinion theory, the Anglo-Saxon invadei-s of Britai
It is precisely the district of Germany where tlie three-field systcn
s|)icuon8ly absent. So that although Nasse and Waitz soniewli
suggested that the Saxons had introduced the thi-ec-tiold sy.'>tfni into
\\axi«s&n, OBBUvnvg that the invaders of Eiujland came from the v
fid(?ntly denies that this was po,<sible. * The Anglo-Saxons and the
;t.iid Low Germans and Jutes who came with them to Englut
( he writes) have brought the three-field system with them intr
liocauso they did not themselves use it at home in North-west Ge
189^}
THE ORIGIN OF THE ENGLISH.
41
Jutland.' * He adds that even in later times the three-field sj'stem has
never been able to obtain a firm footing in these coast district**."
It is wonderful indeed to find the origin of the EDglisli people thus
dealt with as a small accident of questions abont marling and peat
manare. Hanssen confidently denies that the Angles and Saxons
could have brought the three-field system into Britain from their old
home. And, if it be true that the three-field system was never known
in their older home, he assuredly does right confidently to deny it.
Only why should so much be made to turn on the diflerenfc modes of
culture followed iti the continental and the insular English land ? If
the one-field system suited the soil of the old Angeln and the old
Saxony, while tlie three-field system better suited the soil of East-
Anglia or Su8.sex, surely our Angles and Saxons would have sense
enough to follow iu each land the system which suited that land. If
they found that the kind of husbandry which suited the soil of their
old home did not sxut the soil of their new home, th^y would surely
invent or adopt some other kind of husbandly which did suit it. But
in any cose, if the acceptance of a certain doctrine about the " one-
field system with its marling and peat manure " involves nothing short
of all that Mr. Seebohm assures us that it drjes involve, it would surely
have been worth while to think abont the marling and the peat manure a
second time by the light of what had hitherto been looked on as the
broad facts nf the history of England and Kurope. These last may
be wrong ; but they are surely at least worthy of being thought over
before they are cast aside. But with Mr. Seebohm the " common
theory " — that is the recorded history of the English people — is not
worth a thought ; it may go anywhere. '• Hanssen assumes that the
invaders of England came from the north." That will do for th*-
present; let them come from any land, so that it be not aland
that practises "the one-field trystem with its marling and peat-
manure."
Some way further on (p. 410) Mr. Seebohm has another passage,
in which, seemingly with the same words of Hanssen before him, he
throws ont. still very casually bnt not quite so casually as before, an
exactly opposite doctrine.
" We have already quoted the strout; conclusion of Ilanssen that the
Anplo-Sjixon invaders and their Frisian Low Cerman and Jutish companions
could not introduce into Knglaud a system to which they were not accustomctl
at home. It must be admitted that the conspicuous absence of the tbi'<H-
field system from the North of Germany does not, however, absolutel
dispose of the possibility that the system was imjtoitcd into England f i
* The text of Hanssen, Aijrarhistorischo Abtiandlnnpcn, i. 490, stands thus: "j
dip AngdsaoL.sen und die welohe niit ihnen nach Knplanii peropen mein xr
FriescD, Niedertaelutn, Jiiten, kcinnen die Drfifelderwirtbschaft nicht Jiaob K
tnitgcbrachl bfibcn. weil .-^ie sie in ihrer Heinat selbcr in nordwcstlichcn DouU
und jatland nicbt betriebetl hntten."
42
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jajj.
those districts of Middle Germany reaching from Westphalia t<j Thuringia
where the system undoubtedly existed. It i-a at least possible thai titr.
invaders of En<jlan(l mntf have proceeded /rom thcnre rather l/ian, a-8
comnumly supposed, from the regions on Uie northern const."
Tt is hardly worth while to stop to comment at any length on the
confusion of thought implied in such phrases as "Anglo-Saxon invaders
of England." As there can be no Avf/lia till there are Anffli, they
would literally imply that a band of Angles first came into Britain
by themselves, that they set up an England therein, and then sent
tio their hyphened kinsfolk on the mainland, to come after them to
share, and doubtless to enlarge, that England. But of course %vhat
Mr. Seebohm means by " invaders of England " are those who out of
part of Britain made an England for certain later people to invade.
We have got back to the days of our graudmothei"s, when our little
books told us how Ctesar was " resisted by the English people, who
were then called the Britons." We have perhaps got back to th©
days of good old Tilleniont, who attrilmtes all that was done on the
native side during the Roman occupation of Britain to " les Anglois."
The confusion however belongs to the German writer ; Mr. Seebohm
simply copies liim. And in one point, Mr. Seebohm, after some
striving with himself, has corrected a still stranger confusion of his
guide. In his first edition the Niethritar.hsen, which Hanssen so oddly
couples with Ajif/dsachsfTi, appear in one place as *' Low-Germans,"
in another as " Low-Saxons." In a later revision the '' Low-Saxons "
have vanished.* Bat to couple " Low-German," the whole, with
Anglo-Saxons, Frisians, &c., each of them parts of that whole, is,
as a logical division, even stranger than to couple Angdsarhscn and
Niedersachstn. This la.st phrase implies " High-Saxons '' somewhere,
and it might not be an ill-guess that they are the same as the
" Anglo-Saxon invaders of England," who came from somewhere
in Middle Germany. Only how is this doctrine to be reconciled with
the "assumption" that "'the invaders of England came from the
North ? " Taking it by itself, the southern theory comes to this.
The main body of the invaders, '■ Anglo-Saxons," " High-Saxons,"
whatever they arc to be called, started from Middle Germ.any, from
some point between Westfalia and Thuringia, from some part far away
from marling and peat manure. But on their road to Britain they
fell in with certain compfuiions, Frisians, Low-Saxons, Jutes, all
seemingly from the marling and peat manure country. In company
with them they came into Britain, to a jjart of it which had somehow
already bfcome " England."
This seemingly is the doctrine which is casually thrown out in the
* In Mr. Bechohm's first edition, the word in the second extract was " Low-Saxon";
in the third it if? '* Low-Gerraan." Hanssen'a word is Nitdenachum, If hi? is thinking
of the circle of Niederiaehscn in later Oermon geography, it docs not at alJ holp him.
1890]
THE ORIGIN OF THE ENGLISH.
43
second of our f|Tiotations from Mr. Seebolim. Now, if wo could only
get rid of hyphened words, and talk simply of " Angles " or
"English," it would help Mr. Scobohm's case not a little. The odd
thing is that, in arguLng against Mr. Seebohm'a case, one has first to
put together his case for him. In his casual way of putting things,
he does not seoni to know how much might have bt.'en really said on
behalf of something very like the view which he lets fall. In the
older edition of Rpruner's Atlas Mr. Seebohm would have found an
English land marked for him in the very part of Germany where he
wonld have most wished for it. There was an Avgdn shown clearly
enoagh between Westfalia and Thuringia, and whatever was to be said
about the branch of the Angles who were held to have dwelled there
WBB carefully brought together by Zeuss.* Unluckily this inland
Angeln has vanished from the revised Spmner-Menke, as also from the
new atlas of Droysen. It might therefore be dangerous to build any
theories on the subject without going deeply into the whole question;
but jnst' such an Angeln as suited Mr. Seebohra's theory was there, accord-
ing to the best lights, at the time that Mr. iSeebohm wrote. If he was
not aware of this, his stumbling by an tt priori road on a doctrine actually
supported by such respectable authorities is one of the strangest of un-
designed coincidences. If he was aware of it, it is almost more strange
tiiat ho should not have thought it worth wliile to refer to a fact or sup-
posed fact of so much value for his case. With its help that case could
bo put in a very taking shape. These central Angles, used to a three-
field system, set out to go somewhither ; it need not have Ijeen to Britain.
On the road they fall in with companions, Saxon, Low-Saxon, Frisian,
Jutish, anything else. These sea-faring folk would doubtless know the
way to Britain much better than the Angles of illddle Germany. They
suggest the course that the erpedition should take ; and the uniteil force
crosMB the sea in as many keels as might be needful. It may even bn,
if anybody chooses, that the inland Angles, entering into partnership
with the sea-faring Saxons, first set foot on British soil undtr tlio stjde,
already duly hyphened, of " Anglo-Saxons." To be sure in Britain
iteelf the compound name was not heard till some ages later, and then
only in a very special and narrow sense. But on the mainland it was
knrtwn much earlier. Paul the Deacon uses it ; f it may have been
earlier Btill. So there is really avery fair case made out for " Anglo-
ron invaders of Britain " coming from Mid-Germany, and no doubt
' bringing the three-field system with them. We have only to suppose
that in thf matterof agriculture, some such agreement was made between
the difiercnt clas.ses of settlers as we know was sometimes made among
« ** Die Doutschcn nnd die Nnch) an-iiinimc," 153, c.f. 495. It would be dangcrons to
^■■^casuidly and light-heartedlj, on questions about " Angrivarii," "Engem," and
T^Kil tbe Deacon speaks of " Angli-Saxones," iv. 22, \\. 15, and "Sazoiu» Angli,"
37. Yen oOcr iZBtaoocm see Xonnan Conooe^t, i. Ml.
44
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jan.
oint settlers in early times. The Sicilian Naxos reckoned as a colony
of Ohalkig, but it took its name from the elder Naxos. In Himera,
peopled by Dorians and Chalkidians, the speech was mingled, but tl>e
laws were Chalkidian. So in the Anglo-Saxon colonization of Britain,
it was evidently agreed that the Angles should bring their system of
three-field culture into the conquered land ; the Saxons, Low-
Saxons, Frisians and Jutes, any other votaries of marling and peat
manure, had to conform to the practice of their betters.
There would still remain the question of language, a point of which
Mr. Seebohm does not seem to have thought, but on which Zeuss
underwent some searchinga of heart. He puts the question, without
very positively settling it, whether Angles who dwelled so far south
spoke High-Dutch or Low, In the fifth century indeed the question
could hardly have been of the same moment as it would iiave been in
the ninth. The High-Dutch had not as yet wholly parted company
with the low. Still the point is worth thinking of. Those who use
the one-iield and the peat manure have ever belonged to the ranks of
men who eaten and drinken. It may be that those who practised the
three-field cidture had already begun to fall off to them who essen and
trinktn. But one thing at least ia certain ; no man ever did issen
and trinhen in this isle of Britain. If then the Angles of the inland
England had begun to adopt the more modern farms, something of
an agreement — again like that of the Dorians and the Chalkidiana —
must have been come to between them and their Nether-Dutch com-
paniona. While the inland Angles had their way in the matter of
three-field culture, the le8.ser point of language was yielded in favour
of the sea-faring Saxons.
Mr. Seebohm's casual theory then, when worked out with fiom©
little care, really puts on so winning an air that it is hard not to
rff-ept it. Yet, even if we accept the existence of an inland Angeln
without any doubt, Mr. Seebohm's theory at least would not hold
water. It simply has against it the universal belief of Englishmen
from the beginning. In the eyes of Baeda, in the eyes of the
ChroniclerSj in the eyea of the gleeman of Brunanburh, in the
eyes of all who ever spoke or sang of the great migration of our
people, the Angles, no less than the Saxons, count among the sea-
faring folk of Northern flermany. The England from whence they
came, the England which their coming was said to have left empty of
men, was the England of the coast of Sleswick, not any inland England
between "Westfalia and Thuringia. At all events, if we are to believe
otherwise, we have at least a right to ask that the question shall be
thoroughly discussed on its own merits, and not tossed jauntily aside
as a Email point in the history of the rotation of crops. Till then,
whether we believe that we were called " ab angelica facie, id eat
pulcra," or merely because we dwelled " in angulo terne," we shaU
I
»89o]
ORIGIN OF THE ENGLISH.
still go on believing that it was from the borderland of Germany
and Denmark that our forefathers set forth to work by sea their
share in the Wandering of the Nations. It may be that some of
the Anglian folk may well have strayed inland, as some of the
Saxon folk may have strayed further inland still. But the first
England of history, the land from which men set fortli to foiuid
the second, as from the second they set forth to found the third,
was assuredly no inland region from which they had to make
their way to a distant coast and there pick up Saxons or Frisians
as companions of their further journey. The little England, the
little " angnlns ternt?," of Sleswick was only part of it. There
is no need minutely to measure how much was Anglian, how
much Saxon, how much Frisian, how much belonged to any other
branch of the common stock. In the days of Tacitus and Ptolemy
the Angle and the Frisian were folk of the mainland only ; by
the days of Procopius they had won their home in the island to
part of which one of them was to give his name.
"We came by sea. By no other way indeed could we make our way
into an island. But we came by sea in another sense from that in
which Roman Caesar came by sea before us and Norman William camo
aft«r us. We came by sea, not simply because the sea was4 the only
road, but because we came as folk of the aea, to whom the sea was
not a mere path but a true home. Of the details of the purely
Anglian settlrment, and of the Angles themselves, we know com-
paratively little, for the obvious reason that they lay further oft' than
their fellows from the range of Roman knowledge. But of the
I Saxon shipmen and their doings we know a good deal ; Sidonius has
taken no small pains to show what manner of men they seemed
I to be in the eye.s of the Romans of Gaul.* They first harried and
lh«?n settled on both sides of the Channel. That their settlements in
Britain were greater and more abiding than their settlements in Gaul
Mrae the result of many later causes. The Saxon of Chichester owes
his presence on British ground to the same general effort to which
the Saxon of Bayeux owed his presence on Gaulish ground. The
Saxon of Chichester keeps his Saxon speech, and from his land
the 8axon name has not passed away. The Saxon of Bayeux has for
tages spoken the Latin tongue of his neighbours, and, while Siissex yet
lives on the map, the Otli»iiua ScLconica has given way to other
names, to the Bcssia and the department of Cab-ados. But each was
planted in his new liome by the force of the same movement, the
Saxon wandering on the sea. And once planted in his new home,
whether in the island or on the mainland, ho ceased to be a wanderer
by sea. lie sat down and tilled the earth, and, he guarded the earth
« The gprcat description comes in the sixth letter of the sevenkb book.
46
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jak.
which he tilled by the arroa no longer of the sea-farer but of the land
warrior. The change is not wonderful. It has often happened
in other lands, it has happened again in the s^ame land. To be
sea-faring folk or to be landsmen is not always a question of what
is bom in the blood. Prosaic as it sounds, it is often the result of
the circumstances in - which men find themselves. Sea-faring
Corinth planted at one blow her twin colonies of Korkyra and
Syracuse. Korkyra on her island met her parent on the seas with
Qeets equal to her own. Syracuse, planted in an island indeed, bat
an island that was in truth a continent, took to the ways of continents.
IltT landfolk were driven to take to the sea to meet the attacks of
those Athenians who, two or three generations before, had been no
lees landfolk themselves.* So it was in the very land of Bayeux.
Wlien the Northmen camo in their ships, neither Saxon nor Frank
had ships to withstand them. Presently the sea-farincr Northmen,
once settled in the land, changed into Norman landfolk, foremost of
warriors with horse and lance, bxit to whom the horses of the wave had
become simply means to carry them safe from Rhegion to Messana,
or from Saint Valery to Pevensey.
Why, some one may ask, do I put forth again such very obvious
truths as these ? Because they are of no small importanct", if we are
to discuss the latest theory of all as to the origin of tlie English
people. The only question is whether that theory need be discussed
at all ; it is hard to argue against that state of mind which, in the
days when we learned logic, we used to call igntyraiio dnichl. But, if
not discussed, it must be mentioned. Perhaps if this newest view of
all had not come up the othi'r day, I might not have chosen this time
to talk about the views of Mr. Seebohm. But when M. Du Chaillu
puts forth his theory, it at once recalls Mr. Seebohm's theory. The
two stand in a certain relation to one another ; neither can be fully
taken in without the other. Both alike throw aside the recorded facts
of history in the interest of a theory, be it a theory of the rotation
of crops or a theory of the greatness of Vikings. Each theori.st alike,
possessed of a single thought, cannot be got to stop and think what
there is to be said on the other side. M. Du Chaillu has put forth
two very pretty volumes, with abundance of illustrations of Scandinavian
objects. Most of them to be sure will bo found in various Scandi-
navian books ; still here they are, very many of them and looking
very pretty. M. Du Chaillu has given us a great many translations
of Bagas ; but we liave seen other translations of sagas, and some of
them have been made by sound scholars. Criticism is hardly
attempted. When the Scandinavian legend can be tested by the
authentic English history, when the saga itself ean be divided into
the contemporary and trustworthy verse and the later and untrust-
* Thncydides, rii. 21.
A
t«9o]
THE ORIGIN OF THE ENGLISH.
worthy prose,— work all this which has been done over and over
again by the scholars of more than one nation — il, Du Chaillu
simply gives us the sagas again, with comments now and then of
amazing simplicity. The saga of Harold Hardrada, the bits of
genuine minstrelsy of the eleventh century patched togetlier by the
prose of the thirteenth, has been long ago tlioroughly examined in its
relations to the English narratives, above all to the precious piece of
contemporary English minstrelsy preserved by Henry of Huntingdon.
It might have seemed hardly needful now-a-days to prove once more
that the picture of the English army in the saga is simply a fancy
piece drawn from an English army of the thirteenth century. There
are the English archers, the English horsemen, horsemen too whose
horses are sheeted in armour. If any man doubts, he has nothing to
do but to compare Snorro's fancy piece with the living representation
of a real English army of the eleventh century in the contemporary
tapestry of Bayeux. There he will see that to the English of that
day tbe horse was simply a means to cai*ry him to and from the place
of battle, and that the clothing of horses in armour was a practice as
yet unknown to the Norman horsemen themselves. Yet after all
this, so often pointed out, M. Du Chaillu volunteers a little note
to say that Snorro's version proves '• that the English, like their
kioamen, had horses." That we had horaes no man save Procopius*
ever doubted ; but both Brihtnoth aud Harold got down fi."om their
horses when the work of battle was to begin.
It is hardly by an adversary who cannot wield the weapons of
criticism better than this that we shall be beaten out of the belief that
there is such a thing as an English people in Britain. Perhaps too
we shall not be the more inclined to give up our national being, when
we see its earliest records tossed aside with all the ignorant scorn of the
eighteenth century. The " Frankish and EngUsh chroniclers" rank
very low in the eyes of M. Du Chaillu. We know exactly where we
have got when we come to the old conventional talk about " ignorant
And bigoted men," " monkish scribes," and the like. Among these
monkish scribes we have to reckon Eiuhard aud Count Nithard,
and our own literary ealdorman, Fabius Patriciua Qiiajstor Ethelwardas.
The odd thing is that with M. Du Chaillu Franks aud Saxons or
English go together. He is at least freu from hia country-men's usual
weakness of claiming the Franks, their kings, their acts, and their
writisgs, for their own. As far as Ms theory can bo made out, it
seems to be this. The Sulones of Tacitus are the Swedes, and the
Suionee had shipw ; so far no one need cavil. But we do not hear of
the Suiones or any other Scandinavian people doing anything by sea
for several centuries. But though we do not hear of it, they must have
been doing something. What was it that they did ? Now, in the
Bell. Gottb. It. 30.
48
THE CONTEMPORARY REVlEfV.
[Jak.
fourth, iSfbh, sixth centuries, we hear of the Saxons doing a good deal
by sea ; therefore the name Saxxmu must be a mistake of the Latin
writers for Suumcs. It was not Saxons, but Swedes, or at least
Scandinavians of some kind, who did all that is recorded of the
Saxons, and presumably of the Angles and Jutes also, in Ganl, Britain,
or anywhere else. The* Angles and Saxons therefore, who have been
hitherto thought to have settled in Britain in the fifth and sixth
centuries, are all a mistake. They were not Angles or Saxons at all,
but Scandinavians of sonif kind. Hfugest and /Kile were simply the
advanced guard of Hubba, Svvet^n, and Cnnt. They could not have
been Saxons, because, when the Northmen came against the con-
tinental Saxons of later times, they found no fleets to withstand
them. •
The assumption that goes through all this is that, once a seaman
ever a seaman, once a landsman ever a landsman. These could not
be sea-faring Saxons in the fifth century, because we do not hear of
Saxon fleets in the eighth. On the other hand, because the Suiones
had ships in the days of Tacitus, as they could not have left off
using ships, it mast have been they who did the acts which are
commonly attributed to the Saxons. A good deal is involved in this
last assumption ; it is at least conceivable, and not at all unlike the
later history of Sweden, that the Suiones wont on ustitf? their diips,
bat used them somewhere else, and not on thn coasts of Gaul or
Britain. But of the grand assumption of all, the assumption that the
landsman can never becomo a seaman or the seaman a landsman, I
have spoken already. And if this be a real difficulty, it is just as great a
difficulty on M. Dn Chaillu's theory as it is according to the genuine
records of English history. Over and over again has it been noticed
as a strange thing that the settlers who came to Britain by sea, as
soon as they were settled in Britain, lofb oft' their sea-faring ways,
and had no fleet to withstand the Danes, wh<^n the J^anea did come.
There is in this reaJly nothing wonderful. Bat if this be a difficulty
in the case of Anglian or Stixon settlers, it is hard to see how the
difficulty becomes any less if the settlers are rated to be Swedish,
Danish, or Norwegian.
In truth M. Du Chaillu's throrj' is several degrees more amazing
than that of Mr. Seebulini. How did wo come by our language ?
How did we come by our national names ? We did not according to'
this theory, light by the way on any of those Low-Saxon, Frisian, or
.Jutish companions and teachers who, in Mr. Seebohm's view, may have
done 80 much for us. And it is a little daring of M. Du Chailln to
represent the use of the Saxon name, as applied to the ravagers and
settlers of Gaul and Britain, as simply the mistake of some Latin
scribe, some ignorant blunderers like Claudian or Sidonius, who wrote
Saivones when they Bbould have written Sttiones. The mistake went a
i89o]
THE ORIGIN OF THE ENGLISH.
little deeper than that. How came the TentoniS settlers in Britain to
call themselves Angles and Saxona ? How did their Celtic neigh-
bours come to call them Saxons ? How did the conquered land come
to take, here the Anglian, there the Saxon, name ? One is astonished
to read in M. Du Chaillu's book ; " Nor is any part of England called
^njdaiul." • It is possible from the context that what is meant is merely
tliat no part of England is so called in the Northern sagaa. But the
name of England comes often enough in them, and England is as
bad aaSaJ-iitnd for M. Du Chaillu's theory. It is hardly worth search-
ing through all the sagas to see whether such a word as Saxlaiid is
ever found there or not. If it be so, it merely proves that no Northern
writers bad any need to speak of Wessex, Essex, Sussex, or Middlesex,
by their local names. But considering that those names have been in
unbroken use in the lands themselves ever since the fifth and sixth
centuries, it does not much matter whether any eagaman called them
so or not. It is more important from M. Du ChaiUu'a point of view to
explain how West-Saxons, East-Saxons, South-Saxons, and Middle-
ixons, were led into such strange mistakes as to their own name
id origin.
No one denies that the Scandinavian infusion in England is real,
great, and valuable. Only it is an infusion which dates from tlie
ninth century and not from the fifth or sixth. Danish writers, with-
out going quite so far as their champion from Vcdland, have often
greatly exaggerated the amount of Scandinavian influence in
England. They have often set down as signs of direct Scandinavian
influence things which are simply part of the common heritage of the
Teutonic race. But no one doubts that the Danish infusion in
England was large, that in some parts it was dominant. And its
influence was wholesome and strengthening. Dane and Angle, Dane
id Saxon, were near enough to each other to learn from one another
fcnd to profit by one another. They were near enough to be fused into
one whole by a much easier process than that which in some parts of
the island did in the end fuse together the Briton and the Teuton.
Still the Scandinavian infusion was but an infusion into the already
existing English mass. As we are not a British people, but an English
people with a certain British infusion, so neither are we a Scandinavian
people, but an English people with a certain Scandinavian infusion.
One word about the Franks, whose fate at M. Du Chaillu's hands is
so oddly the same as that of the Saxons. According to him, as some
Suiones were mistaken for Saxons, which gave rise to the error of look-
ing on Saxona as a sea-faring people, ao also some Suionea were
mistaken for Franks, which gave rise to the error of looking on Franks
OS a sea- faring' people. But this last error at all events never lad astray
Any one. The Franks were not a sea-faring people, nor did anybody
♦ " The Viking Ago," vol. i. p. 20.
▼OL. LVn. D
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
ever think that they were. The whole notion of sen-faring Franks
comes from two passages of Eumenios and Zosimos which record a
single exploit of certain Frankish prisoners, who seized on some ships
in the Euxine and amazed mankind by sailing abont the Mediterranean,
doing macli damage in Sicily and getting back to Francia by way of
the Ocean. This single voyage, wonderful as it was, is not quit^ the
same thing as the habitual harrying of the coasts of the Channel, and
of the Ocean too, by Saxons in their own ships. And when Ammianiis
speaks of Franks and Saxons laying waste the Roman territory by
land and sea, the obWous meaning sarely is that the Franks did it
by land and the Saxons by sea. But all things about Franks are
surely outdone by a single sentence of M. Du Chaillu, standing
alone with all the hononrs of a sepamt© paragraph,
" In the Bayeux tapestry, the followers of William the Conqueror
were called Franci, and they have always been recognized as coming
from the North."
Further comment is needless. We decline; to be bronght from
the north by M. Du Chailln, even more strongly than we decline to be
brought from the south by Mr. Seebohm. For Mr. Seebohm does
leave somi- scrap of separate national being to the "Anglo-Saxon
invaders " from the English land of Middle Germany. M. Du Chaillu
takes away our' last shreds ; we are' mere impostors, ^wjo>«s falsely
calling ourselves Saxones. But let us speculate what might happen
if M. Du Chftillu's theory should ever fall into the hands of those
statesmen and princes of the Church who seem to have lately taken
in hand the nomenclature of that part of mankind whom plain
men may think it enough to call the English folk,* The other
day one eminent person enlarged on the glories of the '* Anglo-
Saxon race," while another enlarged instead on the glories of the
" British race." A third claimed the right of free discussion for
all " speakers of the British language." Let gallant little Wales look
out ; there would seem to be some comer in its twelve (or thirteen)
counties in which free discussion is just now not allowed. New names
often take. In my youth the " Anglo-Saxon race " was unheard of,
and the " British race " dates, I believe, only from the speech of last
week from which I quote. Why should the Suiones, so long and so
unfairly cheated of their honour, not have their day at last ? Set
forth with a good delivery, at the end of a fine rolling period, '' the
Imperial instincts of the Suionic race " would be aa likely to draw
forth a cheer as other phrases whose amount of meaning is very much
the same. When will men, statesmen above all, learn that names are
• See the speeches of the Earl of Kosebery, Cardinal Manning, and the Earl of
Camarron in the Zi me* of November 16, 188(». The qoalification needful in all such
cases must of course be understood — "if the speakers really said what the reporters put
into their mouths. "
iSgo]
THE ORIGIN OF THE ENGLISH.
51
facts, that words, as expressing things, are themselves things, that a
confused nomenclatare marks confusion of thought, failure to grasp
the real nature of things and the points of likeness and unlikeness
between one thing and another ? Leaving then the Anglo-Saxon race
and the British race and the Suionic race, and the instincts, Imperial
or otherwise, of any of them, this question of the origin of our people,
this great and abiding dispute whether we are ourselves or somebody
else, suggests one or two practical thoughts. Here I rule no point of
present controversy ; I only give some hints which may possibly help
those who have to rule such points.
There is an English folk, and there is a British Crown. The English
folk have homes ; the British Crown has dominions. But the homes of
the English folk and the dominions of the British Crown do not always
mean the same thing. Here, by the border stream of the Angle and
the Saxon, we are at once in one of the homes of the English
folk and in one — and I dare to think the noblest and the greatest — of
the dominions of the British Crown. If we pass to the banks of the
Indus and Ganges, we are still within the dominions of the British
Crown, but we cannot say that we are any longer among the laomes of
the English folk. Let us pass again to the banks of the Potomac
and the Susquehanna ; there we have gone out of the dominions of
the British Crown, but we have come back again to the English folk
in one of their chiefest homes. These are but plain facts, plain as
the sun at noon-day. It is because they are so plain that mankind,
above all orators and statesmen, will not understand them. Once more,
let a man's words set forth his thoughts and let him shape his thoughts
by the facts. That is all ; but if this counsel of perfection be too hard,
it may be better to declaim about the " Suionic race " than about the
" Anglo-Saxon race." It will lead fewer people astray.
Edward A. Freeman.
Oxford, 1889.
[JJLK.
THE UNFAITHFUL STEWARD.
" IV/T-^^ meint clie Bibel zu versteben/' says Strauss, "weil mann
jJl. gewohnt ist, sie nicht zu verateben." A pregnant saying,
whicli the student of Scripture has reason to rocall at every page.
The Christian leaves his attention at the threshold of his church as
the Mussulman does his shoes. He does not really believe that
anything which he will hear within its walla is meant for intelligent
attention. A small part of what is read there has, he vaguely
believes, a mystic import of priceless value ; the rest is unconsciously
regan3fd as a curious old setting, from which these jewels could not
be removed without damage, but which in itself is valueloss, lie is
accustomt'd to a kind of reverent boredom as the right effect to be
produced by the perusal of a chapter of the Old or New Testament, and
he mistakes the sense of familiarity in that experience for intelligent
apprehension. Devout persons, when they open the Bible, seek for some-
thing consolatory or elevating ; while others, who think its perusal a
duty, are m a great hurry to have done with it, and get to something
interesting ; and the one state of mind is not more hostile than the
other to any true apprehension of the history of Israel. A tourist
in the Lakes, entering into conversation with a postman of the
district, and mentioning to him a journey to Palestine, was answered
by the exclamation : "Do yon really mean to tell me, sir, that there
is such a place as Jenisalem in this world ? " This question carica-
tures but does not distort the feeling of average orthodoxy towards
the whole histoiy that centn-s in Jerusalem, Those who know that
the Holy City has a terrestrial latitude and longitude, and are aware
that history gives it a place as well as geography, still shrink from
the attempt to bring attention to a focus on any special point of that
history, and regard the attempt to find definite meaning in every
passage with a feeling not unlike this country postman's surprise at
learning that Jerusalem might be found on the map.
i89o]
THE UNFAITHFUL STEWARD.
58
This acquiescence in a void of meaning is continued where it is
most contrary to all that we should expect. " Do you mean to tell
me/' many a Christian might ask. if he expressed himself as dis-
tinctly as the countryman just mentioned, " that our Lord spoke
sense ? " Lessons which all would feel unworthy of the least reyered
of human teachei's are accepted, without question, when they are
assumed to come from the Divine teacher. A parable included by
the Church of England among her Sunday extracts from the Gospel,
as well as her daily Lessoos, is, as it is generally understood, a
cumbrous and far-fetched machinery for conveyiug injunctions which
one would suppose it both unnecessary and imdesirable to put into
words at all ; injunctions which, if we met them where we could
form an unbiassed opinion of them, we should feel it a compli-
ment to call immoral, because we should rather consider them as
utterly unmeaning. And we have only to tui'n back a page or
two in the Gospel which records it to find Jesus warn his disciples
explicitly against the very habit of mind which here He is supposed
to be inculcating.* The hospitality of his disciples was to be regulated
on principles exactly contraiy to those which inspired the precautions
of tJie steward. They were to seek their friends among those who
had not wherewith to rt^compcnse them, he had chosen his among
those who could return his favours with interest. This is much the
smallest part of the difficulty, for with the steward it is a question of
his master's resources and not his own. His dishonesty is explained
away, as merely a little invention thrown in to make the story more
interesting, but the difficulty still left on our hands would be quite
insuperable in the light of such attention as we give to secular matters.
As it is supixjiied to be a question of religion we are content to accept
an apologue in which we have first to explain away the point, and
then forget a recently uttered precept exactly contradicting its purport
even in this blunted form. The dishonesty, which we are bid to
treat as irrelevant detail, would appear the centi'al point in the inten-
tion of the teacher ; the self-seeking, which we are taught to accept
as a part of the ideal here enjoined, is unquestionably elsewhere the
objfct of his most urgent warnings. The only duty which the inter-
preters profess to disentangle from this embrogho is that of alms-
giving f — almsgiving with other people's money, and with a view to
one's own future advancement ! This kind of charity no doubt
is very common in practice, but, if any human teacher seemed
to preach it, we should either despise him, or suspect that we must
have misunderstood him. The beneficence thus recommended would
be on a par with the philosophy of which Cicero boasts to Atticus,J
♦ Luke x\\: 13. 14.
•f Thjji extraordinary mtorprotation is incoi-pnrateil with tbc text in our Bibles, as
any one may see by referring to the murgniiil annotatioEs. It was the view butli of
LutLer and Calvin, uid many more. See Trench on the " Paniblos," p. 446.
X Ad. Att. xiv.
54
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jak.
after telling him tliat some houses in his possession are in such a state
that he will have to rebuUd them, a misfortune which he describes
himself as meeting in a beautiful spirit of Socratic magnanimity, and
then concludes: "But I hope to make a good thing of it, after all."
In the ordinary interpretation of this parable, we have this curious
glimpse of a philosopher's endeavour to make the best of both worlds
set before us as a Divine model of wisdom. Nobody is quite satisfied
with the result j the devout commentator slurs over the passage with
reverent embarrassment ; and one of the moat intelligent of the class
has the candour to confess that most people look for a little more
meaning in the words of the Lord than they will find there. But it
does not seem to him irreverent to urge that we expect too much
from the teaching of our Master,* and must be content to learn from
Him what we certainly should not teach to the humblest scholai" who
would be content to learn of us.
If we were studying this passage in any secular writer we should,
in the first place, look for the index to its meaning in its most im-
portant sentence ; and in the second place, note its connection with
any important contemporary event. There is no doubt what the moat
important sentence in the whole passage is, surely. " It is easier for
heaven and earth to pass," said Jesus, after concluding the parable,
addressing the Pharisees who had found something absurd in it,
'• than for one tittle of the law to fail ; " and the protest against
adultery, so oddly inconsequent in tho ordinary interpretations, shows
what part of the law was in his mind. It would bo impossible, if we
gave the subject the attention we bring to any other historj', to ignore
the reference here. The most conspicuous person in the country had
done the very thing here condemned. Herod Antipas, the creature
of Rome and the ruler of Galilee, had not only put away his own
wife and married his brother's wife, but had punished with death a
protest against this act of double adultery ; and religious J^^-wa had
condoned the offence and entered into relations with the offender,
which no faithful '* steward of the mysteries of the Lord " could have
held for a moment. In pursuance of the plotf devised with the party
of Autipas they had endeavoured to force Jesus to echo the protest,
in order that they might involve Him in the fate of the Baptist. The
first part of the endeavour, we know, was successful ; the condemna-
tion of divorce is the most distinct decision, bearing on human actions,
which remains to us of the reported words of Jesus. For the
* "I cannot doubt," says Archbisbap Trench ("Parables," p. 427), " that many-
interpreters have, so to speak, overrun their game, and that wo have hero a parable
of Christian prudence, Christ exhorting ub to use the world in a manner agaiiut
itself."
+ The second Evangelist gives us the formation of the plot (Mark iii. (j) ; the first
and second describe its issue (Matt. six. 3 and xxii, 15, 16, Mark x. 2); while a
passage in the third (Luke xiii. 31) e\-ident!y presuppo.ses it. So that there is more
evidiT.ce for this alliance between the religious and the Court party in the Gospels,
than for any other non-miraculous event which is not mentioned elsewhere.
iSgo]
THE UNFAITHFUL STEWARD.
55
most part, He avoided such decision. When invited to settle a dis-
pute as to a legacy, a dispute in which, as it appears, his arbitration
would have been accepted by both parties. lie pointedly refuses the
position which Mosos had claimed, and repeats the very words* of a
rebel against his authority. He refuses a verdict on a special case,
and gives instead a warning agauist the universal temptation which
lay at its root. But not so when the Pharisees came to ask Him
about divorce. He does not stop here at the exhortation : *' Take
-iired and beware of lust." He now acceiDta the position, which before
j-ile had repudiated. ; He commits liimself to a declaration in matters
lefinite, external and legal, to a statement of the marriage law which
[staick even his disciples as extreme, and which Antipas might have
rauswfred with the axe if he had treated Jesus as ho had treated the
forerunner of Jesus. It does not appear that the condemnation of
tlivorce, which had proved fatal to the Baptist, did, after all, imperil
the life of the Saviour.f But there can be no doubt that it had been
intended to do so by the Pharisees, and that the warning, " Whoso-
ever shall put away his wife .... and shall marrj- another, com-
mitteth adultery : and whoso marrieth her which is put aAvay doth
oomniit adultery," was a condemnation passed on the husband of
Herodias and the murderer of John.
We, looking on that condemnation with English ant! Christian eyes,
perhaps hardly take in its scope. It does not appear to us an instance
of any particular feeling about the Jewish law, one way or another.
It set-ms a question of universal morality. Strange tribute to that
imoraUty which it ignores ! { Israel alone, among the nations of anti-
quity, upholds the purity of marriage. The Roman hero, whose name
was a symbol of virtue,§ lends liis wife to a friend ; the lioman writer
whom some moderns have revered as a saint, || repudiates the faithful
wife of thirty years, in order to marry an heiress. The morality
which was good enough for Cato and Cicero was good enough for
many an ordinaiy Jew, and the letter of the luw seemed to permit of
tliis laxer interpretation. But deep in every true Jewish heart must
have vibrated the comment of the Teacher, " From the beginning it
• Lnke xii. 14. Compare Exod. ii. 14.
f l'nk*«tt we arc to take the warning of the Pharisees, above cited (Luke xiii. 31),
il£ sincere. Bat possibly it wa.s so.
X The very passage which the disciples quote against the declaration of Jesns (Deut.
3t\iv. 1) ad'tuuies that no hiusbaiid will attempt to put away bis wife unless he has found
"Kome occasion of uncleariuess in her." The protest" of the last of the Prophets
I {Hal. ii. 14, 16J shows the place that conjugal infidelity took in the morality of
lanol
§ Cato lent his wife, Marcia, to Hortcnsius, and took her hack after the death of the
latter. His appearance in the verse of Dante (Purg. i. 32) gives the modern reader un
4«tlmtte of his fame as a stern moiali.st ; —
" Vidi presso di me nn veglio solo
Dcgno di tanta revercnza in vista
Che psii non dee a patlre alcun ligliudo."
C'cmpftre this with Ihc fate of Francesoa di Kimini.
II Erasmus thus speaks of Cicero.
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THE CONTEMPORARY' REVIEW.
[Jax.
was not so.'' The nation whicli used the same word to express the in-
fidelity of wife to husband, and of the nation to its unseen Lord, had
set a seal on the marriage bond that no concession could efface, and
such concessions as the disciples could cite belonged to the l^aw, it
must have been felt, in a totally different sense from all its most
characteristic precepts. The faith of man to woraaa was bound up
witli the faith of man to God, and history chroilicles, with equal
accents, the terrible sanctions of both. David's adultery becomes
debauchery in his son, and a divided kingdom chronicles the impotence
of a family that has lost its strength with its un^^y^ The Edoniite
upstarts, who had succeeded to the throne of David and to his worse
vices, might indeed disregard that law ; the father of Autipas might i
have almost as many wives as Solomon,* and betake himself to
divorce as readily as Cicero or Cato j but the Jew who escaped the
fate of the Baptist by changing his protest to apology, had lost sight
of the stewardship of Israel.
The temptation indeed was great, hopes and fears alike prompted
a lenient construction of lawlessness in the nominee of Rome — hopes i
and fears perhaps not altogether base. We may rememb«''r that the
service which the Pharisee would be called on to render to Antipas
after the execution of Johuf was one which Papinian died rather than
perform for CaracaIla.J but we must not forget that it was one which
Seneca was perfectly ready to perfomi for Nero. To soothe a guilty
conscience is an attempt that may take very different aspects, and
doubtless Seneca felt, when he composed the apologj' by which Nero
was to justify his matricide to the Senate, as if he were thinking of
something nobler than saving his own skin. Shakespear has taught
us how a hideous crime may fado into a background that leaves the
possibility of sympathy for the criminal. Read once more the plead-
ing of Macbeth : —
" Caii^t thou Dot minister to a mind diseased.
Pluck from the memory a rooted sorrow,
Raxc out the written troubles of the bruin,
, And with sotnc sweet oblivious antidote
Clrtin.sc the !<tiiJTed bosom of that perilous stuff
Which weipha upon the heart 1 "
No passage from the pen of Shakespear is more full of genius. What
Macbeth recalls is a hideous crime— treachery, ingratitude, disloyalty
culminating iu murder ■ whnt he suggests is a pathetic disaster, a
bereavement, a misunderBtandiug, a loss of something precious torn
♦ History knows of ten. His first wife was divorced thnt he might marry Ma riamnc,
and the sequel to that marriage was an eloquent tribute to the Jewish law of purity.
f Jesus makes no allusion to thip. and the condemnation he pas.ses on the divorce
may be so read as to imply condonation of the greater crime ; but it is evident that
the divorce was made a test question by the Pharisees. Nobody asked any question
about the murder of John. The exclamation of Antipa.*; on hearing of Jesus, " It i.n
John whom I beheaded," shows how often his conrtiera must have had to soothe his-
remorse and find excuses for his crime.
X See Gibbon, ch. vi.
i89o]
THE UNFAITHFUL STEWARD.
67
from his reluctant grasp. This is the uttermost triumph of the poet,
one in which he overcomes the preacher on his own ground. Each of
U3 knows, for himself, in some slighter degree, that wonderful change
of aspect. A Shakespear magnifies it to its highest point, aud shows
it us for the whole world.
It b the same thing to say that this is what each one can see lor
himself, and that it is what he can see for another if it be his interest
to see it. We, setting the proud assertion of Papiniau, "It is easier
to commit than to justify a fratricide," beside the prostituted rhetoric
of Seneca, see only that a philosopher can be a selfish coward. But
nothing is easier than to confuse self and the world, and doubtless ho
who strove, however ft^ebly, to check the madness of a pupil on the
throne of the world, felt as if it were the world he were considering
and not himself. And what he felt at the Court of the Emperor many
a Pharisee must have felt just as strongly at the Court of the Tctmrch.
Antipas was but the outrider of Titus, imd among liia courtiers there
were doubtless many earnest Jews, filled with deep reverence for the
traditions of their race, half submerged as these seemed beneath the
rising tide of Roman dominion, and struggling to justify to themselves
the compromise which bought the indispensable support of Rome.
*' It is a brutal, irreligious, insolent tyranny," we may imagine them
pleading, " but what are we to do ? John, like another Elijah, defied
the insolent Jezebel beside this Roman nominee, and what came of
it ? His death has done no good to his cause. We have lost hint
and gained nothing. Let us not imitate his unmeasured, impolitic
denunciations. Let us take a milder view of this lawless Gentile world,
which seems to be getting the upper hand. Our home, our place, is
imperilled ; it may be that we shall have to seek a refuge at Rome, at
Alexandria, at Antioch — among the cities where Abraham is not a
Siicred name, and where the laws of Closes are unkuown. Let us
|)repare ourselves for such a misfortune by a rational \aew of our law,
and its relation to those who, in one sense, must be confessed to have
broken it. We must confront the possibility that the Romans may
take away our name and our nation ; let ua consider, then, how we may
adapt Jerusalem to Rome."
Already, indeed, bad the Jew made himself a home in those
*' everlasting habitations," the reference to which we so strangely miss
in the parable. If everj' word of Jewish literature had perished,
re might learn from that which is familiar to schoolboys to track his
Irteps in the motley crowd which thronged the eternal city. The first
Emperor manifests at once his familiarity with and ignorance of the
faith of Israel, by describing his daily fare on one occasion as smaller
than that of a Jew on the Sabbath,* little knowing what trouble he
was preparing for learned commentators, who will not allow him to
Hunt., "Vita Octav." 70. TLe passage occurs in a letter from Augustus to Tibtrius,
tntMti wftata to make the Sabbath me&n the week, tie in Luke zviii. 12.
58
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW
[Jan.
make Buck a blunder as to suppose that the Sabbath was n fast. Ai
poet he banished assuri*s his readers, with about as much knowledg
of what he was talking of, probably, that the Sabbath is not a bad
day to make love on.* '' I want a woi*d with you," says a character
in one of Horace's comedies (if we may bestow on his satires the title
most descriptive to a modem ear), pouncing on an acquaintance, \n
order to shake off a Ixjrc. " Not to-day," answers his malicious friend,
pulling a long face. " It is the Jewish Sabbath ; we must not discuss
business till to-morrow."t *' Tliere are plenty of us, you'll have to give
in^ as if we were Jews," % says Horace elsewhere, speaking as one of
the numerous crowd of poets, and testLfyiDg that the band of propa-
gandists, if they were absurd, were also dangerous. The great orator
of Rome gives more Bm])hatic testimony to the same fact. His
eloquence was at the service of a Verres, when the oppressed w«^re
Jews, bat the advocate could profess himself terrorized by their
presence among his audience, and sink his voice with dramatic effec-
tiveness, lest all those dangerous fellows should answer his pleading
with arguments more forcible than words. § The philosophic student
of religion, the statesman who turned, in his hour of earthly despair,
to hopes of a city of God, Las not left us a single word to show that
he was int«<re8ted in the faith of Juda3a — his only recorded mention of
Judaism, besides the passages just cited, is a stupid joke to testify
his acquaintance with the Jewish objection to pork || — but he bears his
tribute to the power of a people whose lx>nd was in that faith, and who
had no other power. The Jew at Home, as at Jerusalem, compassed
sea and laud to make one proselyte ; and the alarm of disgust he in-
spired is suggested by every mention ive have cited, and had been
manifested, when Jeaus made this last journey to Jerusjileni. by the
decree of the Senate some dozen years previously which banished tho
whole Jewish population from Italy.^ For a modern reader, the record
is even more important than the fact. The historian who chronicles
the order of the Senate, in mentioning that 4000 Jewish freedmen
were on this occasion orden^d to serve against the brigands of Sardinia,
adds his opinion, or that of the Roman people — and probably Ixjth — •
that if all these 4000 perished in the expedition, it would be a very
good riddance. ••
» Ovid. Item. Am. 219 ; ef. Ars Amat., i. 7G, 416.'
t Serm. I. ix. (J*j. Note that the frienij who is njasqaerading as a Jew professes him-
self to be " unus multomin."
X " .... Ac velati t€
Judasi, cog-emus in Imnc discedere turbam.'' — Serai. I. iv. 142.
g Pro Flacco, '28. <y. " De Provinciis ConsolaiibuB," 5. TUe first passage is a very
important one, beings the earliest testimony of tho infiuemcc of the Jews at Rome
which has readied us. I have given every relevant allusion in paraphrase below.
II This hon niot rests only on the anthoritr of Plutarch {•' Life of Cicero," 7). If
aathcntic, it is important, as it would prove that already (u.c. 70) the Jewish propaganda
had reached the Senate. Hut our extant oration dne.s tioi inchide the passage.
^ Or from Rome, according to Josephaa. (Ant. XVIII. iii. 4->5).
•* "Si intcrissent, vile damnum "(Tac. Amu ii. 85). Wo learn from the Jewish histo-
rian that many of the Jews had a swifter £atc : they chose death rather than a military
service which entailed an oath forbidden by their sacred law.
i89o]
THE UNFAITHFUL STEWARD.
69
When Tacitus wrote, the Jew at Rome was no longer a figure in
iteel society; gentlemen of breeding did not amuse themselves
by aping his religious observances ; Emperors did not trouble them-
selves to quote them. The days when indignant Jews could make
their oppressor even pretend to fear them were long past. We greet
the Hebrew at the gate of Rome ("he is no longer allowed to enter)
almoeb as we are to know him on the page of the modem romancer
and dramatist, a trembling, despised alien, strangely hated though so
utterly despised. His figure on the canvas of the Hogarth of Rome
(as Juvenal has well been called *) does not differ greatly from that
which is to be familiar to us almost to our own day. The " basket
and hay,"t which seems his sole furniture, reminds as of Carlyle's
sneer at Hebrew '• old clothes " ; the august associations of the grove
where the poet finds the trembling squatters are revived in order to
bring out its present degradation. In tliis grove Numa met Egeria ;
here now these dirty, squalid foreigners are allowed ix> find an open-
air lodging, and hence some mumbling crone, strange successor J of
the Divine nymph, creeps secretly into Rome to infect Roman ladies
with her despicable superstition, and bring her lofty pretensions as
an interpreter of the laws of Solyraa into ridiculous contrast with her
urgent need of a few pence. " Yet let the Roman be on his guard
against the seemingly despicable foes," urges Juvenal ; " their pro-
paganda, though more secret, is not less active than of yore ; in their
wretched dens they still look down on our noble law, clutching their
own with fanatical reverence ; and the Roman, whose laziness in con-
secrating every seventh day to sloth is veneered with their superstition,
may find his son joining that superstition to their vague pantheism, and
at tht* same time to other superstitions even more ridiculous and more
hateful. "§
That picture of the Jew, in his wretched hut outside the gates of
Rome, lights up mth forcible illustration the satirical recommendation
of Jesus to cultivate the friendship of the world's conquerors. The
Jew who tried to issue, on their behalf, a softened and expurgated
edition of his law, was ejected from their everlasting habitations with
fioom that a murderous war intensified into hatred. That sentence
of exile prefigures the long agony of Israel. Shylock lurks in the
crowd that Cicero dreads and despises, the inarticulate murmur that
comes to us across nineteen centuries from the Aurelian steps j] brings
• By Mr. J. D. Ijewis in the excellent commentary appended to his edition of 1873.
f Jurenul, Sat. iii. 14, " Quorum cophinua foenumque sapellez ; " vi. 542, " Cophiao
ftsDO que relicto." Evidently the Jew had no other bed.
X This hrinpinjjr of the jjoor old starring Jewess into the proximity of the divine
Bgerut is n iK»ciiliar Juvenalion touch. Perhaps we may say of the poet what St. John
does of the High Priest (John xi. 51, u2).
jr Juv. xlv. 96-1(16. Mr. Lewis thinks that the Jews are here confounded with tho
Clm«tians. 99 seems not to f.ivour this view ; if correct, it adds to the suggojstion
ot f^ " note.
iiks that tiiesc steps were a sort of exchange, where the Jews aiieadj
ca;.^- uade of bankers.
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THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jau.
us the same intolerable pathos as the voiceless endurance, not less
real, wo may be sure, which Shakespeare shows us on the Rialto.
Let us listen to the eloquence of Cicero with the indignant ears of some
of those Jews from fear of whom he professed to lower his voice and
avert his head, but who, doubtless, managed to hear every word of Iiis
oration. " He said '' — we may imagine one of them writing from
Eome to his kindred at Jerusalem in B.C. 60 — " he said that tJie
Bcoundrel he defended had shown praiseworthy severity, forsooth, in
pocketing the contributions our brethren in Asia were sending to the
Temple ! It was a sufficient crime in a son of Israel to have
possessed wealth, and to have dt-stined it to the Temple of the
Lord. It had been a needless expense to invent a slander : he
who could not prove a single Jew to be a false Avitness, or a bad
citizen, gained his verdict in alluding to the undoubted fact that
many Jews were religious, devoted, consistent, and brave. For he
could add to the list of our merits the terrible indictment of our cala-
mities. The Gods, he said, had shown what they thought of our
claims in giving us over to the rule of his pitiless cijuntrymen. The
conqueror, who had penetrated to our Holy of Holies, showed a
superfluous nicety of conscience, he hinted, in leaving untouched the
gold and gems in its neighbourhood. Our loyalty to Sion, and to the
unseen Father who has appointed there the shrine of His worehip —
our fidelity to Hia law through the inscrutable decree that opens our
holy city to the Gentile foe — these are the crimes which render it, in
Eoman eyes, a merit to give up our wealth to pillage, and pour insult
on the defenceless victims whom they approach only to plunder."*
We draw on imagination in supposing that ninety years before the
parable of- the unjust steward was spoken, such words as these were
written by a Jew at Rome to a Jew at Jerusalem. But if we say
that the emotions which they express were felt and Justified, we are
writing history. It is probable enough that some aged Jew at the
Pharisee'ti dinner, a few days previously, could remember hearing in
his childhood how a i-ighteous vengeance had overtaken the great
rhetorician who had defended a plunderer of the Temple of the Lord ;
it is certain that Jesus was addressing Jews to whom the experience
of their brethren at Rome was already tinged with those associations
which were to haunt the whole long record of Jewisli intercourse with
men of European race. We see the trembling yet opulent Israelite
already forced to '* make himself friends out of the mammon of un-
righteousness " ; we know what kind of friends they were to prove.
We know, and can we doubt that Jesus knew, or what that know-
ledge was \o Him ? He, who was not less the son of Israel because
He was the son of ilan, seems in the parable we misread so perversely
to have as much excused as satirized the unfaithfulness of the steward
* Pro Flncco, c. 23. " Quoin cara diiis immortalibuB OGGct, docuit, quod e&t victa."
A
THE UNFAITHFUL STEWARD.
61
whose name was to become, for so many cenfcaries, a symbol for the
unrighteons mamraon. How deep the moumfulness of his sarcastic
advice we can understand only when we read ifc in connection with
his last farewell to the Jewish women who followed their Teacher to
the place of death : '* Weep not for Me, but weep for yourselves and
for your children." The judgment had already gone forth upon
Israel, " Thoa mayest be no longer steward ; " the delay which
severed the death of Jesua from the fall of Zion was but as the
interval between the lightning flash and the crash of doom, which, for
mortal discernment, followed it ; to the spirit dwelling in the realm of
the Eternal that crash was already audible. Jesus knew what had to
be endured by those to whom the Temple was still the dearest
spot on earth. An awful forc^boding seems to check Him as He
reaches the crisis of the parable ; He paints the temptation of the
Jew in face of the Gentile ; He sums up, in words that would strike us
as prophetic, if we could really take in their import, the verdict that
history has pronounced on a race which has supplied neither workers
nor paupers ; Ho excuses the leniency which, under this temptation,
softens debt in hope of partaking advantage, and then He breaks off.
He does not tell us how the debtors repaid the fiteward's service. It
was not because that repayment was not already obvious to every
true Jew. It was, doubtless, because He felt already what He ex-
pressed later, when He bade the woman who pressed to the foot of
the Cross weep for the fate of those who were to see the armies of
Titus enter Jerusalem.
No tragedy of history erpials the fate of Israol on European
soil. The earliest, exiles would have felt Babylon a paradise if
they could have looked fonvard to the fate of their d<^sceudants in the
new Babylon and its successors. Yet it is the least intolerable
part of that fate which stirs the world's sympathy. Antonio's insults,
Frout de Boeuf's gridiron, the San Benito of the Inquisition — ulh to
the true Israelite, would have been endurable, without that sentence
which was heard through all, "Thou inayst be uo longer steward."
From the first moment that the Jew found himself in the Eternal City
that dread sentence was heard, dimly and indistinctly, but wilh growing
power. •' Thou hast cheapened the holy law and given the Gentile a
receipt in full where thou shouldat have claimed a debt, and now thou
sbalt see that law thou hast taught him to despise and might Iiave taught
him to love a mark for deadly hatred, even before it becomes a signal for
cruel persecution." Poet, orator, historian ; all were at oue in contempt
and hatred for the law that was the breath of life to the Jew. They
had giX)d reason to be so ; it was known to them through the medium
of an uni*easoning fanaticism, chronicled in tumult, bloodshed, and
stupid resistance to measures that had no aim but their welfare. As
the law became the badge of unbeudiuer resistance to upstart despotbrn^
62
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jxs.
it gathered to itself a paBsionate Hebrew devotion, in wliich the dis-
tinction of important and unimportant almost disappeared. In timtss
of persecution nothing ia unimportant which may be made a badge of
loyalty. It is the boast of the Jewish historian " that the escape from
a death of anguish could not tempt more than one or two Jews to deny
the law familiar to them as the name of each one to himself, and, " as
it were, engraven on their own souls," and his contrast of their utter
devotion with the reluctant submission of other raci:*s to their laws was
hardly more triumphant than just. Tliat devotion to their law was
wrouglit up with all in their natiire that was highest and lowest. It
kindled at the promise, "In thee and in thy seed shall all the
families of the earth be blest ; " it glows in the beacon-light of
Isaiah ; it had not quite died ont to the gaze of some Jewish
slave in a Roman household, whispering in the ear of a mistress the
message that joins the weak find oppressed in a common ho|)e. And
that devotion was also allit^d to all in their nature that was poor, and
base, and grudging — to the spirit that heard Paul patiently until he
spoke of an admis.sion of the Gentiles to a joint inheritance, and thei
burst forth in the cry, "It is not fit that such a fellow should live
to tlie spirit that Juvenal commemorates % wheji he describes a Jew
refusing a cup of water to a thu'sty traveller, or information as to his
way if he had lost it. A persecutor iu heart, alternately a ilatterer
and a churl in demeanour — this was the role for the unfaithful steward,
received into the everlasting habitations of the debtor.^ of his Lord.
We can understand as we dwell on that thought how the Teacher
broke off after describing the endeavour of the steward to ingratiate
himself with those who could receive him into " everlasting habita-
tions," and h'ft his ultimato fate unspoken. Perhaps we may under-
stand, too, why He turned to his disciples as he uttered this fragment
of a parable. He knew that they, and their successors, were to succeed
to the stewardship that had passed from Isra«:!l. Were they to exer-
' cise it more honestly ? Alas, historjf answers with faltering lips.
The very emphasis with which the protest of an Ambrose against
the crime of a TJieodosius is recorded by Christian historians shows
how rare and how timid was Christian assertion of a debt when the
debtor was mighty. It is thought a wonderful thing that a Bishop,
addressing an Emperor fresh from massacre, should Tu>t hasten to copy
the unrighteous steward, that he should not at once find excuses for
an Imperial sinner, and admit to the mysteries of Christian worship
one Avhose hands were dyed in innocent blood. If the Saviour, look-
ing along the vista of ages, saw that on the Christian, too, as on the
Jew, that verdict was to be pronounced, " Thou mayat be no longer
steward,'' we may read in his only recorded sarcasm an anguish deeper
than that of Calvary. It may be that the verdict has gone forth, that
* Contra Apion, ii. 19, 33, and 39. f Acts zxii. 22. % Sat. zIt. 103, 4.
^
i89o] THE UNFAITHFUL STEWARD. 63
the Christian is called on to give an account of an unfaithful steward-
ship where the trust has been far vaster that that committed to the
Jew, and that the religion which has excused the sins of the powerful
has to make way for some revelation of the will that Christ tiame to
manifest, unsullied by association with the errors and crimes of
Christians. It is p(»sible that we are entering on a period when
the scorn of men of intellect for Christianity shall recall the scoffs of
a Cicero or a Juvenal for the Jew. But let us not think that we atone
for the sins of the past by flattering a mob instead of a monarch ;
or deem that we reverse our errors when we merely change their
objects.
Julia Wedgwood.
T> EC ENT events demand a few prefatory remarks to the present
\j article. It was written before the troubles in connection with
the Lonrlon Gas-works had begun, and without the least idea that a
scheme of " profit-sharing " was to be brouglit forward to defeat the
demands of the Ti-ade Unions concerned in the struggle. No more
forcible illustration, however, could have been given of the necessity
of accurately estimating the meaning, limitations, and posstbUities of
" profit-sharing " as a miethod of preventing industrial strife, and the
views here expressed, though closely applicable to this latest contest,
have at any rate the merit of the impartiality of general arguments
on economic tendencies.
Profit-sharing is a method of conducting business, and not a
form of charity, although, of course, like all good busmess, it takes
acconnt of moral elements. The principle on which it is based
is by no means new. It is in truth a specia! form of the most
general and far-reaching of all economic principles, namely, that the
work done wUl vary according to the interest of the worker in the
result. The greatest agriculturalists of antiquity, the Romans, dis-
covered that slave labour exacted by fear and torture was slovenly
and inefficient, and they establishetl a system by which the vohmus or
cultivator became directly interested in the amount and quality of the
produce. The Romans were not philanthropists. The celebrated
Cato and the older writers on agriculture thought it cheaper to work
slaves at high pressure and shorten their lives. The new method of
agricnltiire established by the Romans in one of its main branches
grew into the celebrated vtMayrr system which still prevails largely
over the south of Europe. The essence of this system is that the
landowner provides the capital and receives a share in the produce,
normally one-half.
1890]
PROFIT-SHARING.
65
In England, as Professor Thorold Rogers has admirably shown,
one of the greatest agencies in the emancipation of the serfs and the
establishment of the famous yeomanry was thp laml-and-stock lease,
in which the stock was let with thn land, and the owner took a
considerable part of the risk. Here also the partial identity of
interests cn-ated was closely analogous to profit-sharing.
A few other examples may be quotpd to illustrate the variety in
>rms and the wide-spread application of the principle. Fisheries
lave been, and still art-, gt^nerally conducted in such a way that part
Tat least of the reward of the workers depends upon the result. In the
[Scottish herring fishery, fjr example, the men sometimes work for the
[carers at definite wages, but more often take their " chance," as they
fcall it.
Again, on both sides of the Boi-der, sheep-farmers very commonly
allow the shejjherds t/O keep a certain nnmber of sheep with their
own. so that they may be directly interested in the welfare of the
whole flock. The method of payment by commission in addition to
a cert^ain fixed salary has been adopted on a large scale in all kinds
of busiiies.s, and especially in France prizes {i/railfimtions) are often
given for quality of work, economy, and general efficiency.
It is well io look at the questinn in the first place in the broad
aspects snggested by these examples fur several reasons. Most
people in this country like to keep their business and their charity
quite separate, and there is no maxim more popular than '' Business
is business," If practical men can once bo brought to see that profit-
sharing in some form or other has proved an excellent plan of con-
ducting business they will be more likely to give it a trial than if
it is considered only as a methotl of elevating the working-classes.
Again, it must be distinctly recognized that the principle must
l)e applied in different ways according to circumstances — the kind
of industry, the class of workers, the nature of the markets, and
the like.
Ijastly, the full bearing ajKin tin* general wages question cannot
be seen if the attention is confim'd simply to the details of one or
two experiments, especially when they have been conducted in a
foreign coimtry.
At the same time, however, in these days when the air is teem-
ing with all kinds of socialistic theories, it is certainly desirable
to study actual lisnng examples of success, and also to account for
any prominent cases of failure. For such an appeal to e.xperience
the literature of profit-sharing now affords ample materials. Tlie
|deci«ioD of the Society founded in Paris in 1878 for "the practical
■study of the various systems under which workmen participate ia
profits" is a good illustration of the need which, even in France,
the country par excellence of ideas, industrial reformers feel that
VOL. LVll. E
66
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jax.
they have of the aid of hard facts. This Society, in order to
preserve tlie absolutely practical character of its studies determined
to admit to membership none but persona actually engaged Im manu-
facture or commerce. An annual Ihdlditi in quarterly numbei's gives-
some two hundred pages of information collected by the members on
the progress of the participatory raovt-ment.*
It is, however, to Germany that one naturally turns for a complete
compilation of facts and theories witli ancient and modem instances,
l^fessor Bohmert has written an elaborate work,t in the fir?t part
of which he gives the theoretical and historical side of the question,
whilst a special part is devoted to an examination of more than on©
hundred actual cases taken from nearly eveiy country in Flurope, as
well as from England and America.
Nor has the subject failed to attract the attention of English
economists. J. S, Mill, in the chapter in his "Political Economy"
on the Probable Future of the Labouring Classes (bk. iv. c. 7), gave
an account of the first and most successful experiment by M. Leclaire,
who is justly regarded as the father of profit-sharing in the strict sense
of the term, l^ofessor Jevona in a paper on '* Industrial Partner-
ships " (1870), and W. T. Thornton in hia work '* On Labour "'(1870),
did much to make the principle aud the most striking examples of its
application familiar to English readers, and the subject has found a
place in all the best text-books since the work of Mill. Quite
recently two important works on Profit-Sharing have appeared — ono
by Mr. Sedley Taylor (188 1), and the other, by an American, Mr. N. P..
Oilman (1889). In both of these books the case is presented withl
great impartiality, and witli a full sense of the difllculfiea and
dangers as well as of the direct and indirect bcnelits of the system.
There are, indeed, few economic proposals of a practical kind whicbj
have been yo long, and po persistently and with such authority pri
sented to the public, and yet it must be confessed that hitherto,
this countiy especially, profit-sharing has received much more atten-
tion from the theoretical economist than from the practical man.
Compared with the groat mass of industry conducted on the ordinary^
system of payment by wages, either by piece-work or time, the amount
of profit-sharing in the specific sense of the term (according to which
in addition to the wages usually current for the same work the
labourers receive a share in the surplus profits) is practically in-
finitesimal. The latpst returns compiled by Jlr. Bushill,J Coventry,
show that there are less than thirty firms in the kingdom which have
adopted the plan, and the number of labourers employed is only about
• " Profit-Sharinj; between Capital ami Labotir." p. 45, by Mr. Sedley Taylor, a work
to which, throughout this article, I am much indebted.
t " Die Gewimibetheilang." Leipzig, 1878. Tran-slated into French and brought
np to date. Paris. 1888.
X Quoted by Mr. Sohloss, Fortru^Uly Jievitw, Oct. 1889.
I890J
PROFIT-SHARING.
9T
10,000. The numbers are from one point of view considerable, but com'
pared with the millions of ordinary •wage-earners, they ai*e insignifi-
cant— especially when we remember that many celebrated economists
and social reformers in the last forty years have not only given thw
plan their cordial approval but a wide publicity.
It will naturally occur to most readers who know anything of trade
that if profit-sharing really possessed the merits claiim-d for it as a
method of basiness, and not merely as a philantliropie scheme, it
would have been much more generally adopted. It is notorious how
in these days of excessive competition every new idea, tried by ono
firm with any success, at once finds imitation — <'.(/., artistic advertising.
The first thing, then, that those who advocate profit-sharing on it^
merits nmst do, is to explain why it has hitherto obtained so littla
practical recognition, especially amongst the English-S])eakiug nations,
which have taken the lead in most great industrial clianges ; and an,
inquiry into the nature and results of profit-sharing may advan-.
tageonsly follow the same lines.
One reason, undoubtedly, why the system has not even been tried
at all generally lies in the fact, that even in our day the economio
lae of various so-called moral forces is altogether under-estimated.
The self-interest of employers and of parents ought to have made
the long series of Factory Acts unnecessary. It ought lo have beeij
^dent to master manufacturers that excessive hours of work, bad air,
TRid other notorious evils, not only caused a degradation of labour, but
that labour so degraded was iuetficient. Parents ought to have seen
that it would pay them better in the long run to have their children.
properly educated and brought up in a healthy manntT, even if they
regarded them merely as sources of revenue. But it is more than
doubtful if either sanitation or education would have been promoted,
even to the interest of those mos^t directly concerned, by reliance
(imply upon that interest. In spite of example and precept, the
economic value of moral forces, except of the most obvious kinds — e.g.,
trustworthiness in a manager — is rarely recognized. The chief reason
why productive co-operation is a comparative failure is, that the value
of business capacity is under-rated, and efiiciency is sacrificed to
nominal cheapness in management. It may be allowed, then, that
on analogy with corresponding business methods, profit-sharing
may be perfectly sound and practicable in spite of the fact that it
has made so little headway. Any one can see at once the value of a
new mechanical process ; but an improvement in the mechanism of
human motive power is not so easily understood.
Another cause of the slow progress of the movement, also of a general
aaracter, and therefore more liable to be overlooked, is the popular
iception, usually entertained both by masters and men, of the natural
>nomic relations of labour to capital, and of wages to profits. The
greatest industrial success achieved by likbourin this century, judged by
the ordinary standards of nurab*="rs, funds, and results, is undoubtedly
trade unionism. Co- operation, boards of conciliation, sliding-scales,
and other methods of social reform have obtained a certain amount
of practical support from labour, but, directly and indirectly, trade
unionism has done more for thp welfare of the working-classes than
all these other mt^thods put together. Trade unionism has, in fact,
been so successful that it has now reached the point of development
at which the danger to be feared, on the analogy of corresponding forms
in industrial hi.story, is the danger of excessive power. But the out-
come of trade unionism is at the best an armed peace — the unions
may be, and are to a large extent, benefit societies, but essentially they
are great fighting organizations. If there is a rise in prices an advance
of wages is demanded, and if there is a fall a reduction is rewsted.
The natural result is that both in the minds of masters and men there
seems to be an irreconcilable opposition jjetween profits and wages,
and it is generally believed that the one can rise only at the expense
of the other. This is one crucial difficulty which profit-sharing as a
practical scheme must overcome before it can hope to be widely
adopted.
The nature and force of this difficulty can only be appreciated
when the characteristic features of profit-sharing are fully realized.
In the typical case tlie workmen are to receive the ordinaiy rates of
wages current in the neighbourhood, and these rates are in general
fixed at the maximum possible according to the state of trade by the
action of strong trade unions. Yet, under the proposed scheme, the
master is to set aside only a fixed percentage for himself by way of
interest on capital, provision for wear and tear and the like, and any-
thing earned beyond this rate is to be divided in certain proportions
between the employer and the employed. It certainly looks, at first
sight, aa if the master was compelled to pay the market rate of wages,
but to receive something leas than the market rate of profita. And
this supposition is strengthened when it is observed that the labourers
are never to be called upon to share in exceptional losses, and that at the
outside in bad years they can only fail to receive the exceptional bonus
obtained in good years. Surely masters may naturally argue that if
they are to meet the losses of a depression they must be able to draw
upon the gains of an inflation.
There is only one possible answer to this objection, and this is the
answer which was given by M. Leclaire, and which is the kernel of
the wliole matter. Under the siinudus of proJit-shariTuj the workers
7itnst create the atfdifional pro/its whirh thty art, io receive. If they
do not increase the efficiency of their labour or make economies by
avoiding waste of materials, or by taking greater care of tools and
machinery, if, in a word, they do not for the same wages in some
i«9o]
PROFIT-SHARISG.
69
way or other either increase tbe out-pnt or dimimsh tlie cost of pro-
duction, then profit-sharing is siniply a gain to the workers at the
expense of the masters.
On the other hand, if the system works well, it is plainly possible for
wages and profits to rise simultaneously. That the system can be made
to work well, the experience of the Maison Leclaire, now extending over
nearly half a century, famishes at once a striking and most interesting
proof. The story has been oflen told, and Mr. Gilman deserves praise
for having once more imparted freshness to the subject, *' by tracing the
development of the Maison Leclaire in close connection with the circum-
stances of its founder's life." Nor is this the only example of success.
Id an industrial census of the whole world 150 iscertainiy a very small
number of firms to quote as evidence of the acceptance of the principle ;
hot when it is found that this number includes various kinds of
business, and that the proportion of failures is much below the
average, and in most cases due to extraneous causes, the appeal to
experience has more weight than appears at first sight. For an
inductive proof, however, the reader must turn to the volumes already
quoted ; it is plainly impossible to compress such a proof within the
limits of an article.
To return to the examination of the causes why, especially in the
United Kingdom, the progress of profit-sharing has not been greater,
another reason is at once suggested by the apj^eal just made to ex-
perience. The English practical man is only too fond of saying
that " an ounce of fact is worth a ton of theory,'' and unfortunately
in this case the facts with which he is most familiar seem to be
against the system, at any rate on the surface. The failure of the ex-
periment made by Messrs. Briggs is even more widely known than the
SDOcess of the Maison Leclaire, and the English attempt which next to
this has attracted most attention — that made by Messrs. Fox, Head
and Co. — was also abandoned after eight years' tnal. These two
examples have had so much influence in practically dissuading employers
from making the experiment for themselves that, even in an argu-
ment of a general kind, they demand a certain amount of attention.
Aa regards the Whitwottd Colliery of Messrs. Briggs, very full infor-
mation is given by Mr. Sedley Taylor in a roemorandum* offered to
him for publication by two of the origrnnl partners. It will be seen
from this document that the Messrs. Briggs themselves do not consider
the abandonment of the system in their own case a decisive test
of ita unfitness for this countrj-, for they state explicitly at the con-
clusion of the paper that " nothing that has occurred seems to show
that the system inaugurated at Whitwood may not eventually be
generally and successfully adopted, and lead to a more intimate
anion of interests and a more cordial feeling between capitalists and
• •'Profit-Sharing between Capital aod Labour." p. 117.
70
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jas.
theii* worknu-ii." In response to a request by Mr. Sedley Taylor for
ftirtlier information, Mr. Archibald Briggs stated that down to 1872,
about seven years, the bonus paid to the workmen was really earned
by extra care and economy, and that the outside shareholders also
reaped a benefit, but in the two years of great inflation which fciUowed,
tlie bontiB (>aid to workmen, was more than was earned by the extr
efficiency of labour, and thus from a business point of \iew the sbare-^
holders were not so well oft' as they would have been without the system
of profit-sharing. lie also said that in his opinion no isolated concern
could reap the full ben<^fits of the plan, and that the f^reatest advantages
could only be srcuied by its being generally mloptod, and altering the
whole tone of the relations between employer and employed, and doinj
away with the anUi'ionistic romhinatitma of one clftss affoinsf. the other.
To the present writer, after a careful examination of the evidencej
the main caiise of the failure of the Whitwood experiment seems to li«
in the fact that from beginning to end the principal object aimed at was
to provide a eubstitute for thi' inflai>ncf> of the trade unions, and not
Biraply to increase the efficiency of the whole concern with the view of
creating a divisible bonus- The chief reason givim by Ifessrs. Briggs
for the original adoption of the Bcbeme was, that during a period of ten
years four strikes had occurred, lasting in tho aggregate seventy-eight
weeks, and it was supposed that if the workmt-n were allowed to be-
come industrial partners they would have no further interest in strikes.
Whilst every one must approve of any method which diminishes tho
liumber and severity of strikes, iind equally of every advance towards
a better understanding of their mutual interests by masters and men, it
Seems fallacious to argue that, as matters stand, it is not for the interest
of those workmen who join an industrial partnership to give any sup-
port to tlie action of trade unions. For it must be remembered
that the essence of the system as a method of bu5*iness is to pay a
minimum interest on capital and also the market rate of wages before
then- can be any bonus to divide.
But it is easy to see that the bonus paid to labour must
always be small compared with the market rate of wages, and,
accordingly, that it is for the economic interest of the workmen to
look first to tho best mode of increasing the ordinary rate of wages,
■which in the concrete means the action of trade miions. The
men in the Whitwood Collieries were fully alive to this elementary
fact, and the immediate cause of the breakdown of this indnstrial
partnership was an attempt to keep the men from attending a
meeting of unionists. At the same time, whilst the men natu-
rally considered that the bonus, large as it was during the years
of inflation, was not large enough to make them independent of
their unions, the sharflioldei-s, apart from tho actual managers,
naturally thought the Iwnua was to a great extent taken from
i89o]
PROFIT-SHARING.
71
profits, and not from additional earnings ; and on the matter of
fact, there can be little doubt that in the two years of very high
prices the opinion of !Mr. A. Briggs, already quoted, was correct,
and that tho Ijonus paid to labour was not due to extra exertion
or economy, but mainly to the accidental rise in prices, As a
consequence, just as labour looked for the market rate of wages, capital
looked for the market rate of profits, and it was announced tliat the
mtnimnra interest reserved to capital before any participation of surplus
was allowed would be raised from t^n to fifteen per cent. Even after this
ris«', the outside shareholders grumbled, because they thought their
prolite were lower than they ought to have been.
The position was oue of great difficulty, and when the ]>lan was first
adopted no one had ever dreamed of such an abnormal rise in prices.
Both Mr. Sedley Taylor and Mr. Gilman maintain that the rise of
profits (reserved) from ten to fifteen per cent, was unjustified and
contraiy to the essence of the scheme. Of course, if it had been
foreseen that such a rise was possible, a provision should have been
inserted in the original agreement, and in this way a certain amounfc
of friction would have been avoided. As matters stood, however,
there appears to be no reason why, as Mr. Briggs points out, when
wages had risen fifty per cent, (without the bonu.s) the interest on
capital f?hould also not receive an increment (apart from the bonus),
especially as no one could tell how long the *' boom " would last,
though there was little doubt that ver}' lean years would follow on
the natural over-production of the fat years. But although there-
was some friction over the division of the unexpected surplus, and
neitht-r tho shareholders nor the men were satisfied, this was not the
principal cause uf the abandonment of the system. It was not a dis-
pute over the " bonus " but over the ordinary rate of wages and tho
conditions of work which really led to the disruption. The men wisht^
to support, the trade unions, and tlie shareholders practically threatened
4o fine them heavily if they did.
The faiUire of the profit-sharing system adopted by Slessrs. Fox, Head
and Co.. in their ironworks at Middlesborongh, may also be largely ascribed
to the hostility shown towards the trade unions. It was definitely stipu-
lated that no employes were to belong to trade unions ; and in return the
I'luployers agreed not to join any association of employers. But, as
Mr. Oilman's criticism* shows very plainly, the workmen must have
found in the eight years' experiment that Messrs. Fo-\, Head and Co.
were asking much more than they gave. In the first place, ten per
cent, interest with six per cent, for renewals and depreciation of the
Forks and plant, and one-and-a-lialf per cent, for bad debts, constituted
large reserve from profits, and the highest bonus earned by labour
in the best year seems to have been four per cent. The firm also
• " Proflt-Sharing," p. 274.
secured for itsell' immunity from strikes, and it decided for itself any
question of wages and prices, whilst the workmen bad to cut them-
selves off from the unions which uot only tried to obtain a maximum
wage, but also carefully looked alter the general conditions of labour.
Trade unions, however, have done too good service for too long a time
to be abandoned for such a small bribe as a bonus on wages. Thus, an
examination of the two most celebrated cases of failure tends to prove
that the failure was dae to an insufficieut recognition of actual indus-
trial conditions and an pxnggerated idea of the magnitude of the reai
changes introduced by profit- sharing.
Botli ** industrial partnership" and "profit-sharing" are apt to suggest
a much closer idputity of interests than is really invulved in this
method of business, and it may be questioned whether it would not
be better to adopt some such simple name as " bonus system."'* The
term "partnership" is cortainl}' niisleading, for neither iu the conduct
of the bu.siness nor in respousibiiity for los.ses are the workmen '' part-
ners ;" and even as regards profits they have no share in the "interest,"'
which is reserved, nor in the "■wages of management," nor in the
" reward for risk "—the three elements into which gross profits an*
generally analysed. What the workmen really share is the increased
earnings due to a bi-tter use of capital by labour.
Every one will admit that a system of profit-sharing as usually
understood offers favourable opportunities for the improvement of
the relations between masters and men; but it would he a great mis-
take, both in theory and fact, to suppose that a " share in the profits,"
or a t)onus on wages, as it is more properly called, is the only possible
foundation of a cordial understanding between masters and men,
and the only way to obtain various social advantages. On the other
band, in considering the causes of the slow progress of the system
practically, some weight must be given to the fact that the purely
business principle has been overshadowed in the public mind with these
secondary influences. There is no reason why the least charitable and
least philanthropic of masters should not adopt some form of extra pay-
ment for extra results, some simple form of proGt-sharing, any more
than that he should adopt piece-work instead of time wages; but many
masters are inclined to think that their workmen out of their own wages
can make savings and invest them, and also provide theujselves with
decent recreation and, if they choose, education. Accordingly, although
those more elaborate schemes of profit-sharing which set, aside so much
for social purposes, pensions, insurance against accidents and the like,
and which allow, if they do not compel, the savings of the workmen to
be invested in the shares of the concern — although such schemes are
much more attractive to social reformers and seem to ofier much greater
* In the nciphbouring collieries the AVLitwood scheme was commonly spoken of as
' Briggs" boOEif.*'
i89o]
PROFIT-SHARING.
jTB
advantages, still they tend to alarm the average man of business and to
make him think that profit-sharing is in reality a form of charity — at his
expense. And even from the point of view of the worktut'n it may be
doubted whether it is always prudent to rely upon their particular busi-
ness for old age, provision for sickness and children, and so forth, rather
than on benefit and insurance societies ; and they might often prefer to
have any bonus they conld eana placed entirely at their own disposal,
Thus, the indirect social advantages which have justly received such high
)raise in a few celebrated cases — e.g., Leclaire and Godin — may really
iQve prevented the spread of the system in a more elementaiy form.
Those who coald not or would not imitate these great philanthropists on
the social side have thouc^bt that they need not look at the question at all.
Again, many emjUoyers who take a great interest in their workmen,
and are ready and anxious to promote their welfare in many ways,
still object most strongly to giving them any voice even indirectly in
the management, and they think that if proiit-sharing were intro-
duced their independence would be saciificed. This objection takes
many forms. It is said, for example, that if workmen are allowed to
share in the profits they will insist upon seeing the book.s, and will
distrust the returns made by the masters. To this it is answered that
the accounts might be submitted to sworn accountants, whose decision
should be final. But, again, it is objected that the rate of profit earned
must necessarily be made public, seeing that the amount of bonus will
depend upon it, and thus, if the rate is high, that competition might
be increased, whilst, in case of bad trade, it is feared that the non-pay-
ment of a bonus after a payment for some years might even lead to a
partial loss of credit. Thus, whether profits were very high or very low
it would not be to the advantage of the firm that the fact should be
known. Again, it is said that in years of good trade large profits
might be earned for a time, which were in no way due to the extra
exertions or carefulness of the men (as in the case of the Whitwood
Collieries during the great inflation), and that these profits ought to be
set against the exceptional losses of a depression, in which, although
the workmen may not receive a bonus, they never share in the actual
loea.
The general re-suIt of all these objections is that, rightly or wrongly,
masters think that under a eystem of profit-sharing their profits
woold, in the long nm, be less, and that they would also be
hampered in the management of their business. Experience haa
shown that these fears are certainly exaggerated, and also that they
■re generally expressed by tliose who have never given the system
a trial ; but at the same time they do much towards explaining the
small amount of favour which the system has practically received from
the great mass of employers. When tlie other reasons already advanced
10 taken into account, it is not diflGlcalt to understand why profit-
74
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jan.
sharing has hitherto altogether failed to realize the expectations formed
of it by very good jodges, and few woald now be inclined to endorse
the opinion of Prof. Jevons * in 1670, that " the sharing of profits is
one of those apparently simple inventions at the simplicity of which
men will wonder in an after-age."
The method of inquiry hitherto pursued in this paper has been, in
the main, to consider why this '' apparently simple invention " has
met with so little practical recognition. It remains now to indicate
the way in which this experience from the past may be utilized for
the future. To some the natural conclusion would be that a tree which
has borne so little fruit for half a century might now be cut down and
burned. To ray mind, however, to continue the simile, what the tree
needs is a liberal use of the pruning knife and the lopping off of a
mass of luxuriant but unfruitful foliage.
In ih^ Jird j/lacc, in the light of experience and in the present condition
of industry, it is ridiculous to suppose that '• profitri sharing " can be a
substitute for trade unions. Any ordinary firm which intends to give the
system a fair trial should be prepared to leave the employes absolutely
free to take part in the meetings and policy of the unions, just na it
should reserve to itself the right of joining combinations of the masters.
The reason for this course is obvious. A Ixinus on wages, aft^r the
reserved profits have been allotted to the masters, is not an economic
equivalent for the abandonment by the men of their unions, which have
so much influence in det^rminino; the rates of wagfes and the conditions
of employment. Again, the unions are so strong in a great number of
industries, that it would be extremely impolitic for a new and weakly
institution to provoke their hostility.
Setwidli/, it must be remembered that the so-called share in the
profits is simply an addition to and not a substitute for wages. Even
if the system were adopted almost universally, the working-classes would
still in the main depend upon the ordinarj' rate of wages, which again
is determined by the conditions of industrial demand and supply.
All that trade unions themselves can do is to see that the best
bargain is made which the conditions of the market allow ; and profit-
sharing can do no more.
I *ro fit-sharing as such furnishes no guaj-antee against instability
of earnings and fluctuations in employment. No system of divi-
sion of the proceeds can be a guarantee that the proceeds will be
forthcoming. The greatest perseverance would be no remedy against
over-production or the loss of a foreign market, or an enormous rise
in the price of raw material, or the popular adoption of some substitute
for an old staple. But in the great mass of industries, fluctuations in
wages and employment are the most crying evils of the day. In some
businesses of a peculiar character and with well-established custom
* •• Methods of Sociul Reform," p. 1?5.
iS9o]
PROFIT-SHARING.
these erils are not felt, but the gr«>at indnstrii^s of n niMiufivcturinf,(
country are not of this fortunate kind. Thus, profit-sharing at tho h»<at
will not of itself be a Buflident remedy for soinr of tho most wviotig
evils afl'fcting labour.
Thirdly, there are other methods of obtaining thr Rocial ndvantafifoa
connected with the most celebrated examph^s of jmilit-nharinf?. It !«
not every business that could provide, like that of M. Godiii, for tho
education, amusement, and general oomfort of itH nieraberH, and thn
ample in this country which comeB the nearest to it. — -SalUMre- does
ot, I believe, adopt the prolit-aharinj^' priricipl*'. SiijuiOHJng iliut
profit-sharing were as widely spread as its most ardent Bupportfro dt-sire,
it would probably not be an unmixed gain for tlm <'i)untry at largo if,
for general social purposes, every businens eHtablishnvnt aimed »t
Ijecoming self-sufficing and inde]3eudenf.
When, however, all this pruning has been !iccoiu]>Uslif'd, th'^ Hlom
and its main branches — the principle and its logical cotjHwjiK-jiceM — are
left intact. And that principle, as pointed out at the outset of this
article, is not a principle of charity or philanthropy, but nssentially
an economic principle. In every busineas in which timo-wagos are
paid there is always a great waste of time. Nor can thin watite be
considered as a pleasure to the workmen thftniHelves. IDvery one
knows that it is really much more pleasant to work with brisk, lively
energy, and witli interest, than to idle and dawdle, and bo always
king at the clock. Again, if piece-work is adopted, it is well
nown that quality is eacrificed to quantity, nnicss the lupcniaion i«
stringent and effective.
But so long as the time-worker is paid simply for time, and tb':
piece-worker for quantity, tJiere will be a Iom in the valae of the out^
pat, a loss which is a gain to nobody. Aput from thti, tber<» if a
farther loss in the vrtatft of material, carrlcmneM in the OM of
machinery, and the like, when the workem have no interest In ihb
general result. Accordingly it is qnit« clear that in most baHineme*
there is room for extra earning*, and the best way to lecare Utis end
is to give a large share to thoiie who by their dlbrt« or oaro ooi»-
tribote to the resnlL Profit-sharing of Uiis kind nmst be adrantageovs
to all oonopmed. Hm master obtains m share of the tii«ome in pro-
portion to his wages of soperintendetioe, And the wotkmen obtein
tlieir booos on wages. If this bonus is paid at oaoddenHe interrahi,
or is invested in the form of shares, the oompolaory sttrtog tb«s
^flect^d is strictly aoakigoas to that whidi has prodoeed lodi good
resalu in the old oo-operalnre BDcieties.
Tbe qveataoB hse been titeCcd on the wliote bom tbe boiforae point
<4 riev, and profit shsring Imb been oooMderad maialj aa tocruiaing
thocffeaeney of tba pfodadi»e lynta ; bat tbe mow suuuasfal Om
sjalea is as a medwd id bMUMHy ao sacb tba more will it ttitui f/,
76
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jas,
bring about those moral and social results for which in most quarters
it is generally recommended. The constant effort to make the most
of the concern, the creation of a keen ^^s2)rit de corps amongst the
workers, the knowledge that tu a large extent the interests of masters
and men are identical, the application of a share of the profits to social
purposes, the opporttinity for the gradual accumulation of capital
out of extra eamiugs, and the consequent sense of independence
— all these are factors which make for the moral elevation both oi"
masters and men, and tend to diminish the friction between classes.
If profit-sharing is a business success, there is little doubt that the
rest will follow. Even in private firms it is those on the margin of
bankruptcy, and not thos« with exr^-ptlunal profita, which give laboui"
the least reward for the hai-dfst work. The best business for the
master is, as a rule, best also for the men. But if profit-sharing
does not prove a good method of business, it is vain tu talk of the
social improvements which would follow on its general adoption — for
the simple reason that it will never be generally adopted.
An illustration may be taken from co-operation. The co-operative
societies for distributive pux-poses amongst the working classes have
been a wonderful success. In Great Britain they have a member-
ship of about 900,000, and sell goofle to the amount of nearlyi
£;i3, 000,000 per annum. The net profits are alwut £3,000,000. Now,
after making full allowance for the moral enthusiasm of the originaJ
founders, and for the co-operative spirit of the present members, there
can be little doubt that this great success is in the main to be ascribed
to economic causes — c.ff.^ better quality of goods, and, directly or in-
directly, lessened cost. The co-operative productive societies, from
the moral standpoint, offer much greater attractions, but they have
succeeded only tu a small extent, and again the principal causes
of failure are purely economic — et/., competition and inferior business
capacity.
But the co-operative movement furnishes a still more definite
illustration of the position that profit-sharing must in the first
place stsmd or fall on its economic merits. At the Co-operative
Congress in 1888* it was recommended that, " by whomsoever pro-
ductive enterprises are established — by either the wholesale or dis-
tributive societies, or by organizations of the working-nun them-
selves— an alliance be formed on e<juitablo conditions for the sharing
of profita and risks between the worker, the capitalist, and the con-
sumer." A copy of this resolution was sent to the different societies,
and questions were put in a circular as to their treatment of their
workers. " To this circular only 19'.) sent replies, of which 138 Baid
that they had no productive works, while 01 gave replies more or less
full to the question : ' Does the society admit the workers employed
• See Report for 1889, p. 28, and Appendix VIII., p. 40.
iSgo]
PROFIT-SHARING.
77
in it productively to any share La the profits of its business ? ' "
Five sotrietus only replied in the affinnatite atid 46 in the negative*
•To the question : *' Would the society be disposed to enter into any
plan by which the wliole proKts in production, or any, or what part
of them might bf* applied for the permanent benefit of the workmen
by providing against sickness, disability from age, or assurance on
death ? " Ten societies replied in the affirmative and 30 in the neijntive.
Could a more convincing proof be offered of the contention that
lowever attractive may be the moral aspects of profit-sharing it must,
[for practical purjKJses, be considered in the first place as a matter of
wsiness ? It is too much to hope that the ordinary capitaliat will
i'gard the r|uestion from a higher standpoint than the managers of
the co-operative distributing agencies which also take up production,
encoaraged as they are by the public opinion of the great body of
co-operators.
Profit-sharing is capable of a much wider extension than it has yet
attained, but the first condition of snccess is that the nature of the
economic principles on which it rests, as well as the industrial forces
with which it must work, should be fully realized.
At the same time the stress laid on the business side of the ques-
tion in this paper must not Ije misunderstood. The ideal of profit-
sharing is to make the best use not only of the physical strength and
the technical skill, but also of the moral energy of all the workers,
the managers included ; and the principal obstacle in its path, as in every
tlepartment of industrial progress, lies in the fact, noticed at the ontset,
that the economic value of moral forces is constantly under-rated.
J, Shield Nicholson.
The returns roferre<l to were made br the _<li8tributive sorielics. and do not
.include those occupied onlj with production. The figures quoted in the Appendix
(apparently \aXei) are 2(i4 replies — 181 no productive works, 10 afiirnuitive, and 01
tef^tive.
rjAjf.
THE HOME KULE MOVEMENT IN INDIA
AND IN IRELAND:
A CONTRAST.
I HAVE spent nearly fifty years in Ireland and in India : in the
latter I have represented Government in its dealings with
populations varying between half a million and five niillions.
The five millions, of different races and faiths, formerly bitterly
inimical to each other, oppressing and oppressed, are now at peace.
Peace has been maintained for many years without a single white
soldier ; for appearance sake a few companies of plump and idle pe]x>y»
are maintained, but no bayonet or baton cliarge, no battering-ram, has,
in my exjieriencej been needed in a region larger than Ireland and Wales
combined. There it has been my duty to practise the art of government ;
and seeing Ireland still garrisoned with 42,000 soldiers and military
police, and noting the desire that it be so safeguarded from popular
discontent for twenty years more, I would fain say a few words on
the contrasts which British rule exhibits in thi? little island with its-
four millions of restless grumblers, and in the great Empire with its two
hundred and fifty millions of peaceful toilers. Particularly I would
note how errors in the administration of both have led to a cty for
Home Rule. These demands may soon be heard on a united platform^
and may herald a far-reaching federation ; but I deal here with the
striking and instructive contrasts in the causes which have led to the-
two agitations. The leaders, the machinery, the immediate objects, the
official resistance hitherto offered are of very different types ; the
ultimata aims arc probably tho same, namely, the abftlition of bureau-
cracy and the development of Imperial Federation by means of con-
Btitutional agitation.
The first question is, who pays for the agitation ? For forty years
it has been notorious that the Irish movement has depended on popular
support : women have brought their mites, aervant-girls their wages,
i89o]
HOME RULE IN INDIA AND IRELAND.
•wherever in Europe, America, or Australia the Irish race is found. They
have given of their substance as freely as their sisters in Carthage
contributed their hair in order to manufacture bowstrings. lu India,
on the other hand, out of its two hundred and lifty millions, those
who subscribe at all in proportion to their means may be counted
on one's fingers. In 1881} the expenses of the annual Congress and of
the provincial agitation were very large : the sum of £15,000 was con-
tributed by one retired English officer ; a wealthy native barrister
proffered £300 ; aud a tax of fifteen shillings per head was levied upon
each of the members of the Congress — upon the parliamentary repre-
sentatives, in fact. These were the main sources of the income ; the
remaining contributions were few in number, and generally meagre in
amount. Making every allowance for the shorter period during which
the Indian agitation has been at work, and for the want of education
among the masses, it is perfectly clear that, judged by the tnouey test,
the demand for Home Rule is a jxipular movement in Ireland, and is
not so in India.
The other contrasted circumstances which I will indicat-o, point,
I think, to the same conclusion : that the British administration in
India has been far more gentle and gracious, far more sagacious
imd popular, thon in Ireland. Famines, eviction."?, land laws, settle-
ments, minorities once dominant but now dethroned — these forces
have led the people towards Home Ivulo in Ireland : they have been
quite powerless to do so in India. I will say nothing about contrasts
between Indian and Irish religions, climates, or ancient histories. All
students are aware that the caste system in India renders it almost
impossible to create a unity of national feeling. But passing from
such obstacles to Home llule, I must first refer to one matter worthy
of anxious contemplation by every loyal Briti.sh iTiiperialist, that is,
the comparative condiljon of the two unit?, Ireland and British India.
daring the reign of her present Majesty. Both have undergone great
changes in the last fifty years, and it is noteworthy that the changes
have been in opposite directions.
In 1838 Ireland had a population of eight millions, while England.
Wales, and Scotland had only eighteen. At present there are less
than five millions in Ireland, against about thirty-three millions in the
others. The Irish population was one-third of the British aggregate ;
it has now sunk to one-eightli. For the Irish decrease, the Empire i.**
so much the weaker : men have decayed, and so have soldiers ; there
used to be 70,000 Irishmen in the British army ; last year there were
only 31,000 — a point of some significance when it is remembered thut
150.000 men of Irish race fought in the American civil war.
While Ireland has decreased, British India has increased, not only
in area, but in wealth, strength, and iwpulation, with great, nay
startling, rapidity. Successive additions, each in itself a kingiloni.
80
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jan.
one an empii*e, have swelled the crescent growth of this most marvel-
lous political creation. Oudh, Burma, th« Panjab, Scinde, Nagpur,
besides numerous smaller fragments, havf been annexed. These
6ve alone cover o70,000 square miles, and have a population of
fifty-eight millions. ITieir expanse is about equal to that of
Germany, Fmncf, and Spain combined. Ymin them have been
raised Sikh infantry, and the cavalry which Sir Charles Dilke
recently pronounced the finest in the world. Thus the star of
India has waxed brighter and brighter, for its apparent and real
strength has more than doubled, not only in the quantity of its
material resources, but in the quality of its men from a soldier's
point of view. British India formerly consisted of the littfjral nearly
all round the peninsula and of the Uangetic viilley, but by the inclu-
sion of the Panjab and Oudh — the nurseries of armies — and by treaty
engagements with the Slahrattas, the Nizam, and the Ameer of Cabul,
the Empress of India has become the only Sovereign wliom the martial
races of India regard with the loyalty which is a part of their nature
and of their creed. British India has liocjonie much stronger, and is
now a stupendous integer of the Empire, the biggest object in the
statesman's outlook. Fifty years ago it was mainly regarded as the
tropic home of toiling but efFeminate millions, whose function was to
produce cotton, indigo, and sugar, while ours was to shield them from
fierce foes all around ; now those foes have become subjects too.
Wise and firm government command their loyal support, ; they will
fight \vith us and for us. India has, then, abundantly redressed
the balance, and replaced the deficit of three millions of Irishmen with
nearly sixty millions of fairly loyal and tolerably contented Indo-British
subjects. Lord llayo once remarked to the present writer, when we
were waiting in our howdahs for the outburst of a family of tigers,
that the problems which he had to solve as Secretary at Dublin and
as Governor-General at Calcutta, showed a great mutual resemblance.
But I would dwell rather on the contrasts which the two eountrieis
present, bt-cause I consider them more instructive on the question
of Home Rule, and more pregnant ivith emphatic lessons in the art
of government.
Famines.
Famines have had most momentous results in both countries during
the period in question. Ireland has suffered from the famine of 1847-
1848, and the scarcity of 1879. Both of those have bad far-reaching
social and political effect.^. In the former about a million of people
perished from want of food or the consequent fever. The result was
an enormous emigration to America, and the establishment there of a
New Ireland, which is unfriendly to Britain.
In India during the same period there have been four great famineS;
n
i89o] HOME RULE IN INDIA AND IRELAND. 81
besides scarcities. In one, tliat of 1877-79, above six millions are
officially reported to have perished of famine or the resulting fever,
yet the political results of this awful agony have been nil, and it is
difficalt to note any economical good which has followed. Farms have
not been consolidated, cultivation of new staples has not progressed ;
railways have, it is true, been spread over thp land, but when
a famine affects three-quarters of the peninsula and a hundred
millions of people, railways can only give local and temporal
alleviation. We should look to one broad contrast, however.
Undoubtedly the State, in the Indian famines, saved alive many
millions who would otherwise have perished. Private charity could
do, and did do, comparatively littli'. In Ireland, within twelve hours'
joomey of London, private charity was the more effective. State aid
was generally refused till too late, and was then verj' badly managed.
The results of famine to the State and public peace were, in the
one case, practically nttthing ; in the other momentous. The agony in
India was far greater, the hecatombs of skeletons much larger, yet
there has been no legacy of national bitterness ; not one landlord or
public servant was assassinated, not one dynamite cartridge was
exploded in India by the survivors of the great Indian famines, or by
the eons of those who perished. I have witnessed the death of many,
but I never heard au angry word ; though sometimes a father's glaring
eyes gazed siidly enough upon the wan children whom he was leaving
behind to be homeless orphans. Famine in Ireland multiplied evic-
tions, and evictions begot outrage ; then came populEir combinations,
secret conspiracies — gravi yards filled fast, landlords were shot, and
packed juries sent some to the gallows, justly enough too. Even now,
af^er forty yeara, much of the bitterness in the Home Rule agitation
can be traced to the famine of '48.
Evictions.
In both countries evictions by landloixls have been closely watched
by Government, but in Ireland rather because they are generally fol-
lowed by outrages, and are often really sentences of death.
In Oudh, a province smaller than Ireland, there were in one year
r,000 eviction notices, of which about one-third resulted in actual
loss of the farm ; in other years there were as many as 50,000. In
1819 there were 19,91-9 evictions in Ireland, and this number hns
never been 'equalled since — at least, accoixiing to the statistics. They
hnve now sunk to 800 (in 1888). So far the balance would appear to
be in favour of the Irish tenant ; this is, however, far from being the
case. The province of Oudh is quite different from the rest of India.
In Madras and Bombay the landlords have been evicted on a large
ile, and the same policy was followed in North-west India to a limited
ttent, while in Bengal, with its sixty-six millions, and in the Panjab,
VOL. LVII. f
82
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
CJAir.
successive enactments have been passed with the object of prcn-
t^ecting the tenant. This course has quite recently been followed
in Oudh too, though the assembled barons of that province declared
that they would never consent to tenant-right, even if they were all to
die in one day. But further, not only have evictions been checked
and discouraged, but when they are permitted they present none
of the harsh features in India which render them so repulsive in
Ireland ; for in India they can only 1>e effected at one season of the
year — in April, after the harvest has been cut. Further, the tenant
resides in a village after eviction from his fann ; he generally retains
his house, and may get other fields, so that the double hardship of
losing both house and land, the unroofing of the home under a
wintry sky, never happens in India.
lu Ireland there were 90,107 evictions during the thirty-one years
1849-80; of these 58,000 occurred in the years 1849-52, after the
famine. Very possibly of those who were made homeless, many survived
to become richer and happier in America ; but still each eviction in those
awful times involved risk of death to the sufferers, who took shelter
in ditches, or crowded into poor-houses, to bo swept off by typhus.
That these 90,000 evictions resulted in many thousands of deaths is
certain, and doubtless some forty or fifty of the agrarian murders which
occurred during tluit period were the result of popular revenge.
In Oudh, though the numbers sent adrift were enormously larger,
the hardships were much less, and the bloodshed was comparativelv
trifling, Thf economic evils of evictions — uncertainty of tenure, and
discouragement of industry — remained, and Government has recently
passed Acts in order to place th«> Oudh tenant on an equal footing
with his brethren in the rest of India.
Throughout the peninsula, in fact, the cultivator is now protected,
a result whose full completion has been achieved by ninety years of
noble effort. It is only since 1881 that the Irish tenant has received
any real protection, and up to 1870 tlie entire course of legislation
was in the direction of facilitating eviction. That is, for three
quarters of a century the aims of Irish and of Indian legislation were
directly the reverae of each other, for from 1793 up to date the
Indian legislator has been striving to destroy or curtail the landlord's
oppressive powers. The three F'a were always the main aim of
tJie Indian Government ; the means adopted varied in each case. In
Madras and Bombay the land was nationalized as a rule. The land-
lords were evicted, and compensation in pensions or iu freeholds was
granted, calculated on the principle that they were entitled to ten per
cent, of the rental.
In Northern India the landlords are retained to a large extent, but
they have to pay half of their rental to the State, while the statute-
book bristles with enactments designed to protect the tenant. Opinion
i89o]
HOME RULE IN INDIA AND IRELAND,
83
varies somewhat among Indian statesmen as to wlietlier this ex-
ploitation of the landlortls was equitable, but all have agreed that the
i-esults have been most beneficial to one hundred and fifty millions of
cultivators, whose rights have been protected and their industry
encouraged, while the general interests of the State have been safe-
guarded by the retention of the land-tax. It yields annually twenty-
one millions sterling, and the Indian people have through its means
escaped taxes upon windows, paper, tea, coffee, sugar, tobacco, medi-
5nes, newspapers, such as have impeded civilization, and helped on one
?casion to dismember the British Empire.
Land Settlement.
In both India and Ireland land raatters are dealt with by a si>ecial
lepartment. The settlement officer in India ])roceed8 with great
ipidity to fix botJi the State revenue and the tenants' rents, syste-
matically dealing with an entire county all at once. He encamps
inder a tree, and visits, as I have done, fifty small farms in a day, while
staf!" of clerks and surveyors furnish maps and tabular statistics at a
rery cheap rate ; the officer, after three or fom" days, moves on and
::amps in the centre of a fresh field of labour. In Ireland, a couple
Pcf land commissioners, who can be dismissed at a ujoment's notice,
fix themselves in an hotel for several months ; they drive ten miles in
I direction on one day, inspect one or two farms, and then drive home,
id prepare maps and tables with their own hands ; they are paid
nearly £1000 per annum for work which is done in India by clerks
it L\o per annum. Thus it happeiLs that the commissioners, since
1681, have only fixed the rents of 116,000 farms, about one- fifth of
in Ireland ; respectable, painstaking, competent men as they are,
iring to this want of system they have done little ; they creep slowly
rex the country, picking up little clods of earth, in a shiftless, aim-
way, never overtaking their arrears. In India the inspection of
farm vastly aids in the valuation of its neighbour, so all in one
irony are finished before the court moves ou to another. Ten yoare
at th« least will elapse before the Irish land settlement is completed,
loriug which time landlord and tenant will become too often more
id toOT© embitteretl. Even now, eviction, rack-renting, the crowbar,
the battering-ram are sometimes resisted with boycotting and
lUtrage. In India the main object Is to settle the land question
'quickly; if the officers cannot make arrangements for thirty years,
they fix the tenant's rent and the State revenue for ten or even five
Speedy justice for the toiling masses is considered indispen-
lible ; if the interests of large landowners stand in the way they
must lie thrust aside ; a fair rent for each farm is laboriously detet*-
jed, and the landlord has to accept it. When Griffiths' valuation
84
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jau,
was being made in Ireland, instructions were issued to the officers that
no remarks should be made about rent, as landlords and their agents
had objected to such remarks, and they could only raise false hopes :
further, officers were to be careful to give every landowner his right
title — ^baronet or esquire, for instance ; that is, in dealing with landJ
Irish officers were to take no notice of rents being moderate
crushing ; not a word was to be said about the tenant's welfare — the
very foremost object in the Indian officer's aims.
One result of the Indian policy is, that the mass of tenant farmer
regard the British Government as their protector from landlord oppres-l
sion J the ryot wiU patiently endure for the present a good deal of
the white man's contumely ; he will take buffets from policemen,
or avoid them by bribes and be content, provided he be saved
from what was his father's fate for generations — -perpetual, griping
rack-renting. Another germane n^sult is, that the Indian peasant is
content to follow his plough, and to leave Home Hule agitation to lawyers
and Bchoolmasters. There is real peace in India. There is no veiled
rebellion or slumbering volcano at present. It is true that an army of
a quarter of a million is maintained j this is mainly for the purpose
of dealing with foreign foes ; very rarely ia it required to oppose in-
ternal enemies. There are no unpopular institutions, such as are
called in Ireland crowbar brigades, or coercion courte.
The Eelkjious Minority.
Eeligious animosities, however, do exist in India, and often
cause much turmoil, requiring the a.s8istance of the military. I
must therefore briefly notice the contrast between the Protestant
minority in Ireland and the JIus.sulman minority in India. The former
numbers ono-lifth, or about a million ; Mussulmans number sixty mil-
lions, or about a quarter of the Indian total ; both profess vs'hat they
consider a purer faith, and both have waged war for centuries against
the so-called idolatrous practices of their neighbours ; there ia hardly
a temple in India of any antiquity which does not bear testi-
mony in the broken noses of its gods to the iconoclastic zeal of the
Moslem.
In both countries, for five hundx-ed years, this minority possessed a
political ascendency, which it exercised, however, very differently.
The Moslem was haughty and overbearing, but tolerant enough of
Hindu worship, save for occasional outbursts of bigotry ; he has now
been placed entirely on a level with the Hindus ; he is nowhere and
in no matter dominant. The Protestant, on the other hand, maintained
in Ireland for 170 years a most galling system of religious persecu-
tion ; the houses and the lands, the learned professions, the religious
services, the priests and bishops, the very wives and children of the
HOME RULE IN INDIA AND IRELAND.
85
Catholics, were in constant peril according to law. These disabilities
haw been removed, but much remains which is not only offensive but
injixrions. The Protestant minority retain about three-quarters of
the land, three-qnarters of the unpaid magisti-aciea : 5G of the
72 paid magistrates are Protestants ; 228 out of 272 police-officers ;
30 out of 33 lord-lieutenanta ; 36 out of 45 privy councillors j 35 oat
of 46 commissioners and other ofRciala on Boards of Works and Local
Government Boards ; while all the high executive officials in Dublin,
without a single exception, are Protestants.
The Moslem minority in India possesses no such monopoly. When
leprived of their ascendency, they for many years held sullenly
aloof from the English usurpera ; bigotry and fanaticism iudaoedtho
more desperate of the faithftd fo become assa.ssins, and the men who
committed all the noted murders of English officers and governors,
such as those of Fraser, Connolly, Macnaghteu, Chief Justice Norman,
Lord Mayo, were Moslems. These outbreaks of individuals did
not lead to reprisals by the State upon the Moslem nation. No
Coercion Acts were passed ; increased energy was shown rather in
.sending the schoolmaster among the ignorant Pathans ; the great
imperial mosque was restored to them, and pains were taken so that
they should get tbeir fair share of public offices. The result has been
that this minority has forgott^en its old ascendency, and its fancied
wrongs ; it clings to the British Government even after it has lost all
monopoly and privDege, regarding the English as the natural pro-
tectors of the few against the many who inight try for revenge, or at
leadt for ransom, from their old oppressors.
The people in India, as in Ireland, are divided into two camps
on the subject of Home Rule, the minority in each case being
generally opjKised to it, while the majority labour hard to persuade
their ancient enemies that all old animosities are forgotten, and
that Nationalist*, when allowed to govern in domestic matters,
will be tolerant and impartial. The Hindu would have appar-
ently succeeded entirely, had it not been for an unfortunate
ccasion of strife. The calendars of the two faiths do not
irrespoud : one is always overtaking and overlapping the other.
The Moslem faith has one most mournful celebration, that of the
' naartyrdom of Husn and Hosein, the Prophet's grandsons. The Hindus
*1>ave a joyous festival in honour of the upspringing of the young rice,
and of the victory of their deified King Ram ; for two years in every
.thirty-five these two celebrations coincide, and unfortunately, in 1S8G-
18S7, the clashing of the rival processions, of the mourners and tho
rovellers, caused bitterness between the two races everywhere, and
' blcKxlshed in many places. Moslems demand that idols and processions
Nhall not be paradetl past their holy mosques with fife, drum, and all
the earsplitting harmonies dear to Hindus ; for this cause battles have
86
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[J.^-.
often raged round the shrines, and the deaths huve numbered about
150 on more than one occasion.
There is no sucli rock of ofifence in Ireland. St. Patrick's Day never
clashes with the 12th of July. The Protestant minority in Ireland
have to dread matters more material ; Home Rule would undoubtedly
entail the loss of the ascendency which they still enjoy in the way of
State monopolies of place and power. It haa been my lot on more
than one occasion, as an Indian magistrate, to staiid between rival
masses numbering 30,000 on one side and 50,000 on the other, both
yearning for hostilities ; with the aid of a few policemen only, peace
was preserved without even a baton charge or a broken head. That
moral suasion succeeded was certainJy not due to the peaceful habits
of the people, for when British magistrates were absent the butcher's
bill at Vellore and Delhi far surpassed that at Belfast, The main
reason undoubtedly was that both Hindu and Moslem respect their
magistrates as just and impartial, and anything like defiance of their
authority, much more any outrage upon their persons, even in a battle
of mobs, would be avoided diligently by both sides j they would
sacrifice even a reUgious orgie at tlie bidding of the just white man.
Now, the impartial arbiter is exactly what the Irish people consider to
be wanting in their country, and there is no doubt that the yearning
for Irish Home Rule, though historically based upon race and rt-ligious
diflorences, upon old sufferings, upon landlord wrong, evictions,
famines, is at present nourished mainly by the popular abhor-
rence of their magistrates, police, and Coercion Acts. Nationalists
think that the ancient ascendency of the minority, rudely shattered
by the abolition of the Church and land tyrannies, haa been re-
stored to former vigour by its alliance with the executive, whose
officers, codes, and administrative principles have been adopted at the
bidding of the English settlers, now more dominant than ever. They
regard Home Rule not merely as the only means of national develop-
ment, but as the only remedy for much galling injuatlce.
In Ireland, as already pointed ont, the Nationalist majority has no
share of State loaves and fishes ; the national leaders are to be found
oftener in the dock than on the bench. India, too, has men of
simihir type ; Mandlik, Telang, Norton, Hume, Bonnerjee, Syud
Ahmed, all are or were agitators ; but they hare been honoured by
the State : not one of them has had personal ex]>erieuce of the plauk
bed or of the policeman's bfiton. In its selection for the unpaid
local magistracy, or the paid stipendiaries or police-officers. Govern-
ment follows national feeling. The people revere Brahmin.? and
Jeyuds, the holy men of the Hindu and Moslem faiths ; Government
respects and conciliates this sentiment, bigoted as it is ; and high c-aste
men, as they are called, if of good character and education, are
preferred for official posts. So far, Indian government is according
mm
HOME RULE IN INDIA AND IRELAND.
87
to Indian ideas, and its vast patronage is used so as to attract popular
sympathy, which in Ireland is repelled. Curious to relate, though
in every respect the Indian magistrates, paid and unpaid, are more
popa]ar,'more eflTective and impartial, than in Ireland, and though there
are only one or tvro relics of ascendency policy in the administrative
schemes, yet theae little rifts in the lute injure the harmony. The
demand for Homo Rule in India is fostered mainly at present by the
magisterial and executive posts being confined to foreigners in prac-
tice, thoagh open to all in theory.
Magisthates.
In both India and Ireland the work of dealing with criminals has
be«n very largely withdrawn from judges with juries, to be entrusted
to paid magistrates, called in Ireland Resident Magistrates — in India
District Joint and Assistant Magistrates ; in Ireland they number
seventy-two, and recently about twenty temporary appointments
bave been made ; in India the civil service of the three Presidencies
numbers about 950.
The officers in the latter are chosen by open competition, to which
all subjects of her Majesty have access, so that among them are to be
found men of all colours, races, and faiths — Hindu, Moslem, Protestant,
Catholic, Parsi. All classes of society aro blended together impartially
in this governing body. The men who moulded final policy most largely
with reference to such agrarian questions as the North Indian Tenancy
Bills, for eighty millions of people, and the famine codes, were a Catholic
from Galway, a Presbyterian from Scotland, and an Episcopalian from
Cambridge. The magistrates and judges are similarly of various
.origin and diflerent early training. The pay of district magistrates
1 between £1500 and £2500 per annum j they cannot be dismissed
the Indian Government, and they are entitled to good pensions.
le Irish magistrates have mostly commenced at £300, rising to
1500; they are removable at pleasure, and are not entitled to pensions,
bough such are occasionally given; they are selected by Government
tly from police-officers or officers in the army, only eleven of them
ivii^ been barristers, and those of the briefless order.
The Indian magistrate having been chosen imder n system of
Bel»*ction, ably and honestly devised at its origin and repeatedly im-
proved since, is tndned elaborately for years before he becomes a
idiiitrict magistrate. He has to pass examinations in law, English,
[inda, and Moslem, and in several languages, classical and vernacular ;
bis actual work is scrutinized and rigidly tested for years after he has
this ordeal : the language of the court is llio vernacular. All
are taken to ensure tlmt the ablest and most industrious men
be selected, and if individuals afterwards turn out badly, they
88
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEIV.
[Jax.
are eliminated by further purgation and dismissal, if necessary, even
afler long tenure of Indian appointments.
Still Djore, after they have escaped from the examiners, it is
constantly impressed upon them and tlie public that there is no
one more liable to vw than a magistrate. So when sentencing in the
pettiest case the grey-headed officer has to record his reasons in
writing ; every prisoner convicted is allowed a copy free of charge, and
the gaol officials are compelled to draft appeals for all prisoners. Thus
every one can bring bis case before a higher court without stamp,
fee, counsel, or friend. Not content with this, the superior courts
inspect abstracts of all decided cases, which are sent up daily ; they
call for the records, and in hundreda of cases they cancel the order ;
and the prisoner, who had not dreamed of appeal, some raoming finds
himself a free man, and returns to his village blessing with Oriental
exuberance the justice which had served his need, though unbought
and nnaought. The Indian motto, in fact, is that justice must be done
between the Queen Empress and the swarthy prisoner at the bar ; and,
however tedious and costly, all precautions must be taken ; while the
public which sees experienced officers painfully making voluminous
records of eveiy witness's evidence, admits that such men are hard-
working servants of the State, and are honestly trying to do justice.
The spectacle of magistrates working all day under a tropical sun,
doing the work of shorthand writer, of counsel for the defence, and of
judge all at once, conveys to the most irreconcilable Indian nationalist
the idea that in some matters the alien rulers are unst-lfiah and pains-
taking lovers of justice. In what I have to say about the oontl'ast
exhibited in Ireland, I will strive to epitomize public opinion as I^
liave heard and read its utterances.
In every point the Irish magisterial system is the direct opposite
of that above described. The officers are chosen not by merit but by
favour ; they know littJe or nothing of law at first, and do not learn much ,
afterwards; they are not tested in the Irish vernacular, which alone is'
familiar to many of tliose who come before them ; the language of their
court is always English ; they are generally Prx>testants, and too often
political partisans of the ascendency party, trained from their youth
in the idea that those whom they have to try are at heart rebels,.!
hostile to law and order, and the enemies for ages of the magistrate's
own kindred and faith. The only condition about legal qualifications
is that when a bench of magistrates is trying a case under the
so-called Coercion Act, one of the members must be a person of
whose legal knowledg*^ the Lord-Lieutenant has satisfied himself.
This quaint provision replaces the rules in .force everywhere else.
For the black man in India I have described the safeguards taken.
For the black man in Jamaica, similarly, every magistrate must be a
barrister.
f89o]
HOME RULE IN INDIA AND IRELAND.
The Irish procedure also leaves latitude for magisterial eccentri-
cities, such as inight be expected when officers have no legal training
or traditions. They are not compelled when passing sentence to
record their reasons in writing ; and they often refuse to do this act of
Bimple justice, and thus obstruct appeals. In recent cases — The Queen
■F. He^phy, and others — ^Baron Dowse and Chief Baron Palles poured
forth vials of scorn upon these magistrates ; the former declared that
they could no more state a case than write a Greek ode ; the latter
objected to a dangerous practice — that of allowing a party to the pro-
ceedings to directly or indirectly influence the stating of the case. In
The Queen v. Heaphy^ the bench imprisoned four shopkeepers for refus-
ing to sell bread ; they refused to give their reasons in writing, they
jt^fused to increase the sentence beyond a month so as to allow of
■Bpp>eal. Ultimately the Court of Exchequer quashed the conviction as
being supported by no evidence and opposed t(j previous decisions,
id apparently in their opinion these magistrates as a body are guilty
>f every fault and incapacity which could disqualify them for their
functions — stupidity, ignorance of law, neglect of precedents, inability
to give simple re^isons, liability to bo improperly influenced by parties
in the discharge of duty. Such an indictment was never laid by an
Indian High Court against any individual magistrate even, while the
)mment8 of the High Courts upon the magistrates as a class have
^always been highly complimentary.
In Ireland, I doubt if anything else could be expected, though my
^own observation would lead me to a milder conclusion. These poor
gentlemen are very unfortunate ; placed in a most trying position, for
which they are utterly unfitted, they demand sympathy rather than
«X)m. Public opinion concerning these removables, as they are called,
may be summed up as follows : —
Good-natured, bucolic creatures, with no experience save of police
barracks or the mess-room, they have been placed upon the bench to
try most difficult cases, when their only qualifications are good family,
a gentlemanly exterior, and decayed circumstances. Most of them
are sons of landlords. They have had to administer an Act specially
designed to crush tenant combinations and the Plan of Campaign.
Many of them have large families and very small pay ; their only
chance of bettering themselves lies in pleasing the executive by vigour
in the cause of law and order. Le ptrc dc familhi, il est capable de
i(mt ; their only ptissport to securing comfort in their old age lies in
tfetting one of the pension.s which are granted as special favours to
those who have done exceptional service.
These magistrates possess, then, generally the mother wit and' good
tamper which belong to their country, In every other respect they
are disqnalified for the exercise of judicial functions — by birth, mili-
tary training, ignorance of law, political partisanship, poverty, and
90
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW,
[Jak.
entire dependence on the execntive. By these benches from twenty to
thirty members of Parliament have been convicted, some of whom
had been chosen to net as mayors in Dublin and Cork ; and digni-
taries of the Catholic Church, like Canon Keller, town conncillors,
and hundreds of others, whom the people delight to respect or even
venerate have been tried and condemned.
Some of the magistrates are paiiicnlarly militant. One may be
seen ordering a body of police to baton a crowd who had cheered
the Plan of Campaign. He then sentences those who have been
caught, seated on a rail, a cigar in his mouth, a billycock hat replac-
ing the conventional wig, a suit of homespun the judicial ermine. In
political trials there has been, ever since the Revolution, much dignity
and decorum. Even if the laws of libel and conspiracy were un-
fairly pressed by Ellenborough or Thurlow, the harshness was veiled
by the majesty of the procedure, by the learning and ennined
splendours of the bench. In Ireland, perhaps designedly, the lowest
grade of the hierarchy have been employed to try the leaders of the
Irish people, and have sentenced them to hard labour, involving servile
tasks, oakum-pickiug, plank beds, and disgusting sanitary operations.
There are no less than twenty judges in Ireland receiving between
£2500 and £8000 per annum, many of them men of unblemished honour
and lofty ability ; but the trial of Sullivan, O'Brien, Dillon, Harrington,
"Wilfrid Blunt, Ri'dniond — of poets, priests, parliamentary leaders —
was entrusted to men who bad been civil engineers or police-officers,
whose untitness for their functions had been repeatedly proclaimed by
the Court of Exchequer. One of them bad failed repeatedly to pass his
examination for the army : he was formerly a police-officer, and had
been in charge of the police at Mitchelstown when three men were
shot dead. He received, as resident magistrate, £300 per annum,
till it was discovered that he had been dismissed from official employ-
ment at Capetown on account of embezzlement.
These magistrates had to try the most difficult cases, involving the
law of conspiracy, combination, abetment, as Mr. Balfour remarks,
during 1888. Their decisions were reversed in ten per cent, only of
the appeals, but lie omits to add that their sentences were reduced in
another twenty-five per cent. In my opinion, it was to the credit
of the County Coui-t judges and recorders, holding, in some cases,
official appointments at the pleasure of the Crown, that they ven-
tured to interfere with thirty-five per cent, of the decisions.
Under the so-called Coercion Act of 1 887 appeal is only allowed
on the facts if the sentence exceeds one month ; in the large
majority of cases the sentences were not above a month. Some-
times the magistrates refused to increase them in order to allow of
appeal, so that it is clear that the limited success of appeals is no
proof whatever that the 1500 persons who in 1887-88 were
i89o]
HOME RULE IN INDIA AND IRELAND.
91
condemned under this Act received a fair ti-ial. It is true that
in many cases the magistrates could only condemn, and the Coercion
Act does not allow of fine as a penalty. If a girl, or a priest, a
Lord Mayor, or an M.P., is convicted of taking part in any criminal
conspiracy, of interfering with the administration of the law, by
whistling " Harvey Duff," or by laughing at a policeman, or by booing
ft bailiff, or by addressing constituents on the Plan of Campaign, or
by wearing a National League card, or by selling a newspaper con-
taining reports of League meetings, or by leaving church when a
boycotted individual enters it, he or she must go to gaol.
So far as I have watched in court the proceedings of removable
magistrates, I should say they were courteous in demeanour, outwardly
considerate and attentive to counsel, but often savage in the severity of
their sentences. A town councillor (IValsh), in Cork, hit a policeman
on the shoulder one blow with his fist in sudden anger, because the
policeman had stopped the town councillor's little boy, who was
quietly going home ; there was no disturbance or crowd, the policeman
admitted his mistake, and the police authorities oflV'red to withdraw
the charge if Sir. Walsh woukl apologize ] he declined, and he was
sentenced to six weeks' iuiprisonment, to the serious injury of his large
business. In India or England, a fine of forty shillings would have
been inflicted. An Irish M.P. addresses his constituents in very mode-
rate language ; he receives two sentences of imprisonment for diflerent
portions of the speech, because it advocated the Plan of Campaign.
In India, the main objects and machinery of the Plan of Campaign
are lawful ; nay, the course followed by its supporters is prescribed
by Iaw as compulsory on the magistrates. In Ireland, the campaigners
diBcnss and determine with their priests and others what rents are
fiur ; these are offered to the landlord in exchange for receipt in full,
or are kept for him. In India, if crops have failed, the court lowers
the rent in proportion to the loss, or wipes it out entirely ; and further,
the court is ordered to receive from the tenant, aud liold in deposit
for the landlord, whatever rent the tenant declares to be justly
dw*.
To put a man out of caste, to " put out his pipe," as it is called, is a
thing practised daily in India without any interft'rence on the part of
criminal courts ; even civil courts have been very chary of meddling
with this social ostracism, just as English courts have declined to set
atdde expulsions from clubs. In Ireland, boycotting has been punished
with six months' rigorous imprisonment; letting civilly alone or severely
alone is the authoritative interpretation of boycotting ; refusing to shoe
horses, or to sell bread, leaving the church on the entry of the
boycotted, such phases of the crimo have been severely punished in
Ireland. Nay further, according to the law reports, certain magistrates
persist in convictions after the full bench has declared such action
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[JAy.
illegal. Not only on this account are these courts odious to th©
community, but also because they have ousted the jurisdiction of
juries and of the local magistracy, who are compelled to leave th©
bench to look ou helplessly, while respectable neighbours are sent to
jail through strained construction of a harsh law by men whom they
consider to be incompetent and biassed, pliant dependents of the
executive.
Hence the Home Eule plan recommends itself to the Irish public ;
excases are made ftr violence of language and of deed, and the cause is
hallowed to their minds because it is attacked by what they consider
odious instruments and by unfair weapons. The Home Ruler
promises to relieve them from the magistrates, police-oflBcers, and
coercion laws, which they regard as upas-trees far more noxious than
the Irish Church ever was ; and whatever else an Irish peasant may
forecast as his own peculiar gain from Home Rule, all agree "shiiro
and we'll get rid of them removables."
The above are the views concerning their magistrates, held by the
Irish people, and largely concurred in by men of all shades of
politics.
Police.
In order to grasp fully the strength of the popular feeling about/
magistrates, I must consider them in connection with the police, and
with the outrages which have been always pleaded as the defence for
official action in measures of coercion. The contrast between Ireland
and India will hero appear very marked. In the latter, the police are
absolutely under the m^istrates, who can control, censure, or suspend
them. It is a daily occurrence for a magistrate to disbelieve the evi-
dence for the prosecution, proceed to the spot where the alleged outrage
occurred, and investigate, with the aid of local surroundings, not only
the conduct of the alleged criminal, but that of the police too. The
Irish executive seems jwwerless. Mr. Patrick O'Brien, M.P,. was
savagely beaten by ,police batons in Cork, under circumstances which
I investigated on the spot ; his life was endangered. Mr. Balfour,
when asked for judicial inquiry, refused ; st-ating that a law would
have to l>e passed before there could be a judicial investigation. Pre-
cisely at the same time, I read that a Burmese woman preferred a
charge against an EnglLsh county inspector of police, or district super-
intendent, that he had ordered her forehead to be tattooed. At once
this police-officer was suspended ; he was transferred from the district,
and a magistrate was ordered to inquire into the case. This was in
Burma, only conquered three years ago, up to last year swarming
with brigands and seething with rebellion ; yet the reign of law in
that savage realm is already benignant, and the liberties of Brahmin,
Buddhist, and negro are safeguarded with precaution, and vindicated
jS^d]
HOME RULE IN INDIA AND IRELAND.
99
with a promptness unknown in Ireland. The cuticle of a Burmese
maiden is considered more precious than tho skull of an M.P. In
Ireland, recently, repeated cases have occurred in which police witnesses
were utterly discredited ; they professed to have recorded speeches ia
shorthand, while on trial thr-y proved thGmst4ves incapable of doing
go. The magistrates in India would at. once have taken steps to pro-
secate them for perjury : in Ireland they could do nothing. Similarly,
when a district inspector with bis party, escorting Mr.^ O'Brien, fired
three times through the railway carriage window^ dreading a re.scne,
no independent incjuiry was made ; and in hundreds of other cases the
Irish public firmly believe that the police committed brutal assaults
and even murder repeatedly. These matters, without a single exception,
in India would have been investigated within a few hours by independent
magistrates, whom the police could not cajole, and the Government of
India could not dismiss.
Hence largely arise the different feelings with which tie Hindu
regards his magistrate : on their triad of deities the supreme power is
represented not only as a destroyer but as a preserver also ; and when
the English magistrate interferes to rescue the accused from the police,
when authority appears impnrtially sometimes as the punislier of the
fuilty, and sometimes as the saviour of the innocent from official per-
jution, the Hindu feels for the time not only content but gi-ateftil,
even though his ruler be an alien.
PoIice-otlBcers in Ireland are selected by nomination affer au examina-
tion of an elementary nature. Their posts, too, like the magistrates',
are popularly considered to be used as a means of outdoor relief for
the sons or nephews of landlords whose incomes have been terribly
r»»duced recently, and whose position is deserving of great pity.
Thns the police-officer as well as the magistrate represents the ascen-
dency party, and partakes of the bitterness felt by the minority for the
Nationalists. The feeling is reciprocated ; charges and counter-charges
have been made ; police outrages have been sometimes exaggerated, and
the strongest denunciations employed in the Nationalist press ; exas-
peration results, and men, generally good-humoured and humane, have?
developed no small share of savagery when a crowd is to be dispersed,
JK lui agitator t^errified by a baton charge.
Genekal Workin<; ok Criminal Law.
I have shown why the police and the magistrates are severally
nnpopalar. 1 must show also how their mutual relations and joint
KtioD are regarded.
Both the police and the magistrates are, it is believed, at all times
too much under the influence of the ascendency minority, from whose
they are mostly recruited. They are dependent also on the
04
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jah.
executive, whicli can transfer, promote, degrade, dismiss its magi
trates at pleasure. But these features, though unique so far as I
know, ore not those most disliked in Ireland. In India the principle
of depai'tmental checks has been followed ; the magistrate oontrols
the police, the judge the magistrate. Their powers and emoluments
hai-moiiize with this principle. The civil service is guarded by law
from the intrusion of policemen or of officers from the anny, and the
police are strictly subordinate to the judicial branch j they are con-
trolled at every step, whether in arresting criminals, whom they m.us
bring before a magistrate within twenty-four hours, or in prepari
statistics, or in dispersing public meetings. This local and automatic
check is exercised by trained magistrates, freely chosen from the sons
of the soil, who are entitled to pensions, and cannot be dismissed by
the Indian Govemment.
In Ireland, the policemen and magistrates are alloyed, so to speak,
and the alloy is. the people think, still more pliant than either of
the constituents. On entering an Irish court during the trial of a case
under the Coercion Act, there appear on the bench two magistrates :
they decide the cases ; they have been receiving from £300 to £550, a
salary recently slightly raised; near them, when import ant cases are Ijeing
tried, there will be a divi.sionaI commispioncr, whose pay is £1 000, the
chief detective and prosecutor-general. This officer is head of the execu-
tive, he gives orders which the magistrates obey even in their courts.
For instance, Mr. Cecil Roche is trying a case ; there is some clieering
outside tlie court ; the commissioner orders the street to be cleared,
and Mr. Roche proceeds to carry out the order. These commissioners
transfer the magistrates, it is said, as they pllea.se ; they are heads of
police, too ; the judge is under the prosecutor's control. The magis-
trates themselves, in most cases chosen from among the police-officers,
hope to double or treble their meagre pay by becoming heiids of
the police again themselves. The majesty of the law is not asserted
any more than its independence ; the magistrates may sit under gilt
lion atid unicorn, but the might of the State is behind the prosecutor ;
the magistrates are but pawns on the chessbtwirJ. The executive
can secure that the prisoner shall be tried before any tribunal which
it may select, while early training, future hopes, and political biaaj
incline the magistrate to fnvonr the police, the prosecution. The
two bodies are thus welded together into one instrument of tliscipline,
pliant, hftudy and effective as the long cowhide lash of a Mexican,.
whip. The checks upon magistrates are their own feelings^ and the'
publicity of their proceedings. Many of them are humane and gentle ;
but even when this is so, the laws and procedure often produce a harsh
result. The Act of 1887 prescribes that the preliminary inquiry into
offences may be conducted in the absence of the accused and without
any witnesses, so that publicity is avoided.
It90]
HOME RULE IN INDIA AND IRELAND.
The law allows the Lord-Lieutenant to proclaim the Land League
wi illegal ; from that time meetings, advertisements, newspaper
reports, sale of newspapers, wearing of cards, cheerings and jeerings
become crimes, because the Lord-Lieutenant has so ordered. The
magistrates can then try offences committed before the date of the
proclamation, the jurisdiction is retrospective, as in Mr. Dillon's cases ;
they can, without giving any reasons, imprison for six months ; there
is no appeal on the facts, if the sentence is leas than a month ; the
Iaw provides that offences uf such an ambiguous nature as " inter-
fering with the administration of the law," " inciting or promoting
intimidation," '' publication of Land League proceedings," with a
*' vie^ to promote its object," shall be summarily tried by these magis-
trates. Lord Mayor Sullivan was imprisoned for this last oft'ence, and
BO were several newsvendors for selling the papers containing such
reports.
Wliile I write, the Attorney-General has ordered all Catholic Jurors
to stand aside, and a Catholic has been tried for hie life by twelve
Protestants.
\Vljen tlie Guikwar of Baroda was charged with an attenipt to poison
Sir Lewis Pelly with a dose of diamond dust, the Indian Government
Impanelled as assessoi's at the trial three native princes, Mahratta
iefs like the accused. Indian law provides that jurymen shall be
■elected by lot, that Britons shall be tried by a jury of whom the
majority must be their countrymen, and that the verdict can only be
oet aside by the High Court ; so anxiously has this old Anglo-Saxon
privilege of trial by peers been enforced in India and extended to
Bindu and Moslem, while it is being withdrawn from Irishmen.
Personal Inspectiox by Governors.
One more contrast may be noted. In spite of all provisions, injus-
ia often committed in India ; the people suffer and are reluctant
complain. So there is a local government in each pronnce, and
tbr Governor visits each part of his realm to redress wrongs. For
Bflfcance, Mr. Mackenzie haa ninety thousand square miles to look
»ll*»r ; within a year of his appointment he visited personally every
district under him ; men like Sir Thomas Muni-o, Sir Henry Lawrence,
Jonathan Duncan, lived their lives in India, and died at their posts.
ia stated that an Irish Secretary has been above two years in
without spending a month in Ireland, or even a day in the
diatnots in which the problems of Government are being worked by
ofieers so grievously inefficient.
If tliere is scarcity in an Indian province, Lord Lytton, in the
wont Maeoa of the year, travels a thousand miles, leaving pleasant
SbU behind him ; and Lord Connemara deaeends from Ootacamnnd
;»6
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
TJa"
into the sultry and feverish plains. Their officers are active,
able, humane, and unbiassed, save by the natural desire for ease.
That is not enough. The master must see things with his own eyes.
In Ireland there are a hundred matters which distort the views
and cloud the perceptions of local officials, yet such are the hard
necessities of parliamentary life that Secretary and Lord-Lieutenant
ai-e compelled, it is said, to remain in England, and to read only
reports by the very men who are impeached. Doubtless officials
wearied by party struggles find much needed recreation on the Links
at North Berwick, or the breezy downs of Newmarket. Still the
contrast may be noted between these officials and the govenior or
secretary of Bengal, who reaches his post after a quarter of a century's
toU, and never leaves it for a single month of his incumbency.
Conclusion.
In India a small minority only are discontented, for governors,
magistrates, and police all work together in their proper places,
aiming at no party objects, intent on the general good, and doubtless
on those personal advantages also which men must always desire. In the
reverse of this we find the main causes of the demand for Homo Rule
in Ireland. The people dislike with varying degrees of intensity their
magistracy, their police, and' the Coercion laws, which those bodies
carry out ; their minds dwell ou secret Star Chamber inquiries, on
benches of removables superseding juries, applying with clumsy
ignorance ancient law which has descended from Edward TIL, and
Ttiodern coercion, wliich has been obtained from the British Parliament
through fictitious statistics and Pigott's forgeries. Generous and states-
manlike has been much of State action, Liberal and Conservative, but
the people as a whole have only heard of Lord Ashbourne's Acts ;
they have seen the baton charge and the battering-ram, and heard
the patter of buckshot ; they have witnessed, they think, high-handed
outrage by officials followed by no inquiry or redress : police in
Ireland bear no numbers, so that civil actions are practically impos-
eible. All this is galling, and they clamour for Home Rule, not
because it will place a Parliament in College Green, but because it
will sweep away the Castle and the removables, and place the police
under control.
In India the nationalists have no such grievance, yet they, too, aiiu
at Home Rule, and Congresses of twelve hundred delegates, with
thousands of orations, but very few rupees, support the agitation.
Tliey demand that examinations for the Civil Service and the army
shall be held simultaneously at London and Calcutta, so that their
youth may compete on even terras ; they ask to be allowed to volunteer,
that men of good character may carry arms for sport or protection ;
i
U
i89o]
HOME RULE IN INDIA AND IRELAND.
97
that executive and judicial functions shall be separated; that some
membera of the legislative councils shall be elected by the people.
One reason, no doubt, of the temper and nioderation with which
these demands are pressed, is that Government has so far responded
with saccessive reforms, and its tone has been cautious and conciliatory.
Many thoughtful patriotic Indians, though content with their officials
a* individuals, think that authority should become less autocratic ;
that the people should do more for themselves, and the bounds of
liberty be broadened. Vast \vill be the task of res^xjuding to these
requests, according to the varying needs of Indian nations, compris-
ing all types of civilization. The Calcutta Government, inspii-ed by
traditions which have descended from warrior statesmen, such as
Monro or the Lawrences, have refrained from stubborn refusals ; con-
scious that the empire is God-given, they have not sought to maintain
it by any alliance with a minority, or by any dependence upon privileged
classes, and they have not become entangled in or discredited by
partisan intrigues. Having recently pulverized great kingdoms, and
treated land as national propei-tyj they are naturally chary of
ffistening such epithets as rapine or disintegration upon any con-
stitutional agitation.
The Indian nttionalists are conscious that they have received
blessings which Ireland still lacks. The nationalized land pays easily
a revenue of twenty-one millions sterling; rack-renting and evictions
art^ rare and becoming rarer. The breakfast-table is free ; the magis-
tracy is able and impartial, freely chosen without favour from white
and black ; juries are not packed ; there is no Coercion Act. The
police are controlled, and eflbrts to correct their errors are ceaseless ;
there is no dominant minority ever galh'ng the people with fresh
mstances of the monopoly of State powers and emoluments which they
>s«ess. In fact, the fabric of agitation want^ the corner-stones which
handy all over Ireland.
In India there is no angry discontent, there is hopeful, eager aspi-
ktion, for cautious concession is the motto of the rulers, not dogged
snial. It is the feiTent prayer of Indian Nationalists that the British
Parliament will soon become representative of the Empire; that it will
be relieved of petty domestic matters in Ireland, and will then take
up the broad questions which concern two hundred and fifty millions
of Indians ; to them England has shown that she can be unselfish
and benignant, and in their contentment has been her exceeding great
reward. May the rulers of Ireland be of like mind. In their deal-
ings with their magistracy and police, in holding the balance between
ral parties, in special enactments for peace preservation, may they,
in the land question, not disdain to copy the wise men of the East,
with their motto, *' Be just and fear not."
A Bengal Magistrate.
VOL. LVJI. G-
[Jan.
A LUMBER-ROO]\r.
H
IT discovers an altar to an unknown god, — humanity in ignorant
worship of time. It offends us at the same time that it fasci-
nates ; we approach it in impatience ; we descend from it with
lingering, in dust and tears. As in a vault we look round ; we dare
not transpose or remove. Om* memorial cLapel is an attic where
grandpapa's crutches tonch the long sloping roof, and the moralities
are inscribed on a sanjpler, traversed by mystic signs. Our religion
is betrayed in our attachment to the obsolete ; the four-post bed in
its mouldering uselessness awaits the final trump. Not without hope
of ultimate restoration have these rusting fire-irons, this dilapidated
fumitui'e, been confided to the custody of the mildew and tho moth.
Neither are trophies of onr mortality wanting. We preserve, as in a
crude catalogue, records of our ancient sickness or nece.ssity. We
cannot destro}'' tlie leading-strings of our own childhood : and what of
the knobbed stick, the pad, the crutch ? Gratitude still leans on these ;
the horn spectacles, that have ceased to lighten the eyes of our
ancestora, dim our own. The nearer an object has Iain to life
the keenlier it penetrates our sympathy. A pipe, a ragged purae.
a stained palette, a carving half blocked-in, any broken instniTnent,
engage us more than objects stamped with the estranging impress
of remoteness or achievement. The globe once habited by gold-fish,
tho empty bird-cage, even the tenantless mousetrap, distress us.
Instinctively we morahze. Divines exhort us to an examination
of conscience, and we turn a deaf ear : the conscience is ton close for
impartial survey and censure. Neither must remorse, which is old
conscience, be adverted to. A past to which we are attacJied either
by prejudice or voluntary affection impedes and constricts us. In a
lumber-room wo conduct the scrutiny of our dead selves without
embarrassment : we stand aloof, observe and remember.
J
i89o]
A LUMBER-ROOM.
99
Yrt why generalize, why speak of Icunber-roonis, when it is of one
we are thinking, — the many-nooked attic in an old-fashioned farm-
lionae, where two vosy-cheeked children played in winter on a floor
strewn with st^re-fruit and ripening damaons ? It had been revealed
to them that, if a cert.ain cnrions hair-trank were opened, with due
rites and at propitious hour, the doils they had fondled, lost, forgotten,
and after many days desii-ed with tears, would suddenly be discovered
lying bright and uninjured as on the day of gift. A warming
creilulity crept through me as I listened to details of the anticipated'
reunion. We discussed the toilettes of lost favourites that '• suddenly
as rare things will, had vanished,"' the oddities and infirmity of others
taken from us by violence or disaster. We recalled the lovable traits
of creatures fallen to decay through ill-usage or neglect. We named
them by name — Zinga, the Only Son, Antoinette. Everything
T\-as ready ; faith flowed to the brim of the event. Had the Child
Christ been there, immediately must that hair-trunk have yielded up
its dead. I remember the chill of heart with which I heard that
nothing had been fonnd. There was some quiet weeping on the attic-
stairs, then all reference to the lost generations ceased. The number
of these small children of the resurrection was to have exceeded fifty.
Great must have been the depopulating of the imagination!
For the tradition of a millennium, a return of the goodliesfc
creatures that have sojoumod with us, is exciting and recurrent,
and will never be banished from the hospitable human heart passionate
to entertain its heroes. The past must return to us, and something
more than the past — the past and our joy in meeting it again. It
cannot Ik* that King Arthur and Barbarossa have taken leave of us for
pver. We want to walk the earth with them again ; they kept us in
tune ; they dispersed the influences that made life spiritless ; they set
ft-ripple the current of our days : let the saints break through to an
alii-n Paradise ; the children of earth guard in their hearts everlasting
welcome for such as have founded human hajipiness on worldly
triumph, earthliness, pomp, and far-spreading revel. We build
monuments to the men who have given order to life : to tlioae
who have given colonr we render wanner homage ; we ask for them
l)ack again. We believe they are stored for us in some cavernous
lnnibiT-ri.X)m of earth, and, returning, will one day cast a processional
majesty on life. We have not the courage of the children ; we dare
not lift the lid of the hair- trunk that contains our hopes ; we enslirine
tlwni. and let no man approach with unreverent feet. For we
are temptod to call mystic what we shrink from discovering, equally
with that we are impotent to penetrate. Awe of contact with
intolt^rahle power operates more rarely than fear of exposing emiitineaa
in retaining ns in an attitude of worship.
Belief in a millennium, as we have suggested, may justify the
100
THE CONTEMPORARY RE VIE IV
tJAK.
elements ? What prompted us to pre serve them ?
cry in our irritation, his lumber-room as well as
more honourable contents of our lumber-rotim, some hope that one day
they may be reunited to the glory of the ball-room and the banquet ;
but what shall we say of the objects stowed away in its lowlier
comers, tbe homely, discarded things an elder world esteemed
beautiful, buried by us out of sight with revolt and a st niggling shame ; ;
or, it may be, the creatures of our own caprice, the fad, the extrara-
gauce of an hour, the ephemeral display, the relic of a season's finery
that instead of rotting with last summer's leaves continues to grin on
us from an obtrusive peg ? Why did we not give tliese things to the
llasthe savage, we
his idol-chamber ?
Does he revere his rubbish and his gods ? We respect the squirrel's
instinct to hoard nuts. Wliat animal, even of the more sober Scripture
kind, has been known to retiiin and consecrate its tarnished weapons, its
frayed garniture, or forsaken cell. Is then thia habit of storing a
spiritual habit of which we may be proud, or one for which a future
architect will make no provision ? As we reflect on the great lumber-
rooms of the world, ou the difference in quality between tlie warelious©
and the museum, oiu" conclusion visits us as a smile : had man destroyed
universally, instead of discarding, had he never learnt to spare that
from which his vital interest was withdrawn, antiquity would not now
be lying about us as the hills round about fJerusalem, protecting us
against those gusts from chaos that sweep across the plain of time.
One of the peculiar and moving attributes of lumbiT is its per-
sistency. W^e are for ever confounding it witb rubbish, but rubbish
is ephemeral lumber and not worth a thought. Lunibrr incommodes
us, the grim fostering it requires is burdensome ; rot, that woody rheu-
matism, may infest its bones ; it has need of air, in certain eases of light
and warmth. Yet it does not reward our solicitude. Tlie indefinable
grace of length of days,^ a shadow as from the ui^der-feathers of time's
wing, rests over it; its corporeal presence is disconcerting. Our
respect for it is mingled with admiration of our own long-suffering.
Comfort, luxury, convenience, cotmselled its removal ; it owes its ood-
servation to a lenient reliance on the hereafter. Its " patient continu-
ance " in useleasnexSB impresses us. For how strong is the impulse in
living things to get done with themselves when their best is accom-
plished \ '• The flower fadeth '" — in that is its happiness. The pathos
of life lies, not in its transience, i-ather in its survival of beauty, its
monotony, its instinct for the formation of habits. It is natural that
the blossom should scatter and the leaf drift. We suHln" with the
withering flowers that linger, the uncomely creatures that cannot
remove, the things that corrupt and do not find a grave, that alter, and
yet wane not nor slip away. If a traveller, roving our noi-them coasts
in November, turn from one of the inlet coppices of its cliffs, silver witJi
the curled-up meadow-sweet and gold with wide-floundered fronds of
i8go]
A LUMHER-ROOM.
101
blemished bracken, to the bare winter sea, he will learn the Imrshnesi
of imperishable life. The great water lies as under a spell, stricken
by its impotence to suffer change, to abandon itself to the passionate,
capricious misery of the wind. It is sick of its own monotony ; the
currents of summer sunshine withdrawn, it would fain graw old, breok
up and perish. Its tides heave in lethargic revolt against the oppres-
sion of their own routine ; eternity clings to it as a fetter.
It were not difficult to ponder till one pondered oneself into the
paradox that nothing is useful till it has lost its use. From the
moment anything is put aside its leavening potency begins . Our awe
of the dead springs in part from the sense we have of their being no
more subject to life's daily wear and tear. We think of them in the
perfect employment of perfect leisure. Again it is the lumber on old
faces that attracts us. The j-eruson ive ffel so keenly the loss of even &
commonplace, old acquaintance is that with liim is destroyed so much of
old-fashioned experience, philosophy falk'n out of repute, and inconse-
quent religion. Evidence harasses us, tradition consoles. To-day is
for the craftsman, yesterday for the artist. We cannot reverence what
we are ever handling. The sculptor sees his work as it will be when it
cools into immortality. He who would attain distinction in the use
of speech must have knowledge of the undisturbed, monumental
languages. The England we touch and converse with to-day is not
onr country. Our country is where the moth and worm corrupt, on
the battlefield, and in the crypt.
Precious as we have proved our unprofitable effects, we
can by no means unreservedly maintain that all things fallen into
discredit should be harboured in hope of future spiritual authority.
We must discriminate between dead and lively lumber. Dead lumber
is that which, before it bi-came lumber, fatigued and disgusted as ;
lively lumber is that which in its pre-lumber stage gave ua interest
and delight. What once genuinely excited us may be spared, so only
it pertained not to controversy; for controversy, as St. Paul points out,
should set before close of day. But any work of art, utensil, instru-
ment, or paper that has depressed or wrought u.? evil, should, when its
tt'rm is over, be obliterated cleanly as by flame. Though we would
deal tenderly with the pious practice of, as it were, providing almshouses
for our infirm and unserviceable chattels, it has, bke other gracious
nistonis, its abuse ; we hoard documents less than intimate, and more
than official. " On ne jieut ecrire que les choses durei ; quant aux
cboses doutcs, elles ne peuvent s'ecrire et ce sont les seules choses
amusantes." Truth, llarie Bashkirtseff! the only amusing things,
and of them, though you affinii they cannot be written, your
own journal affords delicious examples. In correspondence " les
choses dures " should be consigned to the waste-paper basket ; *' les
cbosi-s douces " to the pigeon-hole. We should be able to recur to
102 THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW. [Jab.
favonrite passages in our letters with the ease and familiarity with
which we turn to favourite passages in our books. Instead of this
possession of our friends' luminous suggestions and happy eloquence,
we crowd our drawers with manuscripts that will never be handled till
they are flung by impatient hands in basketfuls on the furnace.
To judge of this habit of accumulation in its fondness and extremity,
we must take cognizance of it in the amassments of a lifetime, when
the secret places of cabinets and bureaus expose black profiles no delicate
personal recollections can tint ; miniatures of ladies who open on us
the full sweetness of their wide, shining, trustful eyes ; locks of hair,
alas ! not the shade of auburn of the miniatures, a cloudier brown,
yet lovable in their strong-fibred curl — baffling and beautiful tokens !
We cannot interpiret ; we should be more at home among the catacombs.
From this cynical thought we, guardians or distributors of the worth-
less treasure of the dead, are recalled by the manifestation, 'mid
ofiicial files, of a packet curiously corded with flushed ribbon, giving
glimpses of a handwriting intricate as fine trellis. Love-letters,
modernity ! We have reached the heart of our mystery. Our " dark
tower " is upon us. We attain the ver}- essence and underlying reality
of inibbish in a packet of yellow love-letters. Whether we read them
or not matters little. They are the sacred writings, the ciNnlizing
scriptures of mankind. We do not open a Bible when we come upon
it in foreign characters in a heathen land. We touch it and give
thanks.
Michael Field.
»«9oJ
BRAZIL, PAST AND FUTURE.
r 'X'EK a brief existence of sixty-seven years the last mouarcliy on
the American continent baa disappeared. It was founded in
*^~2, when the Crown I'rince of Bragauza was made Emperoi'
unuer the title of l*edro I., whose rt'i^'ii came to an end in 1831,
WB^n. he abdicated and retired to Oporto. His son, Pedro II.,
•*^ii<led the throne in 1810, at the age of fifteen, and wanted there-
fore 'bjij; gj^Q yg^j. ^^ celebrate his jubileo. As a constitutional
♦sovereign he left little to be desired, taking no part in politics, and
coufitiuig his efforts to the promotion of arts and sciences, and tin-
aboVitiou of slavery. But for the Paraguayan war liis reign would
uiive been an imbroken career of progress. Nevertheless, the growtli
o^ the republican movement has be^n no secret. It began in Rio
"^anile in 1 Sob, when Garibaldi headed the Farapos, who were only
^'^Ppressed after ten years of civil war. In our own time many
PRJtuinont Brazilians declared openly theii- intention to proclaim a
^public on Dom Pedro's death, and the Emperor himself knew well
••uat his grandson, the Prince of ParA, had no chance of the throne.
*fl" revolution, however, was probably hastened by the planters, in
'Ht'nge for the law of May 1888, abolishing slavery.
Tiui Slavery Question.
By virtue of the treaty of Utrecht a monopoly of the slave ti'ado
na conceded to England in 1713, and during the eighteenth century
Eaglish nuTchants conveyed immense numbers of negroes from Africa
to I'emambuco, Bahia, Santos and Buenos Ayres. In this manner thr
industrifs of Brazil Ijecauie dependent on negro labour, and when
Pedro II. ascended the throne, in 1840, the nmnber of elavea waa
104
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jan.
understood to reach two roillioiis, or one-fourth of the pyopulation.
Great Britain had, meantime, not only liberated the slaves in her own
West India islands, but had undertaken an active crusade to prevent or
abolish slavery elsewhere, and in 1820 a treat}' had Ijeeii signed at
llio Janeyro, prohibiting any further importation of slaves from Africa.
It was not, however, until 1872 that a law was passed for the gradual
abolition of slavery, whereby it was decreed that all children of slaves
should thenceforward be born free, that certain revenues be devoted
to the annual redemption of a number of slaves, and that slavery
should uttt'rly cease in the year 1900. This measure was brought in
by Viscount Paranhos de Kio Branco, the Prime Minister, who was a
natural son of Pedro I., and possessed the cordial sympathy and sup-
port of his half-brother, the Emperor. The relijrious orders led the
way by manunutting their slaves, and several private persona gene-
rously imitat<-d the example, ITie planters, on the contrary, opposed
the measure as fur as possible, anticipating that the blacks, once
emancipated, would do no more work, bat let the coffee and sugar
jilaututions full to ruin. Nor was the Government heedless of the
danger of a labour crisis. In 1880 a special embassy was sent to
Pekin, when it was arranged with Prince Kung to introduce 200,000
Chinese into Brazil, but thr treaty afterwards fell to the gi-ound.
Uedoubled efforts were then made, by sending " drummers " all over
Rurope with ofifers of free passages, food for twelve months, and free
grants of land, which had the effect of attracting more than 100,000
Germans and Italians, no fewer than lol,00tl emigmnts of all
nationalities landing last year at Rio and Santos. The planters, too,
imported the newest and best agricultural machinery from the United
States and England, for the saving of labour. Such was the position
of affairs in May 1888, when the Princesa-Regent signed the law
.•mancipating at least 1,300,000 slaves. In 1876 it had been found
that 10,000 planters pttssessed 1,011,000, of all ages and sexes. My
^pace will not permit me to discuss their treatment. I have seen at
Rio Grande a female slave who was twice given her liberty, and who
refused to leave her mistress. The lash, meantime, was common on
the plantations, and many slaves committed suicide, and even killed
tht ir children, to avoid a life of hopeless toil and ill-treatment.
Ahea and Population.
4
Brazil is about the size of Europe, some of its provinces being three
tinjes as large as France
K<noy>eans .
Rrazilian whites
Free negx'oe.'*
Negro slaves
Indians
llie census of 1874 was as follows : —
244,000
. 3,787,01X1
. 2,291,000
1,5! I, (HH)
. 3,27o,0on
•SjloJ
BRAZIL, PAST AND FUTURE.
105
Europeans settle almost exclusively on the coast.* There is in fact
fl strong vein of foreign blood at all the ports, as the names of many of
we old families imply. - The Dutch held Pemambnco in the seventeenth
cenfcriry. The French founded Rio Janeyro, where Fort Vilk-gagnon
tate^ its uamo from an equem" of Mary Stuart. Italians have been
Dp ^-nd down the cx)ast for two centuries. Germans are 70,000 strong
"^ ^^io Grande do Sul. and Scotch red -headed children are seen along
""^ ^an Paulo railway. "When we call to mind that Portugal banished
**^ ■^■-^r Jews to Brazil in 1548, it is 8ur|3rising how few there are :
•^^ 3^ a handful at Rio Janeyro. Portuguese is the douiinant race, partly
"*''^^^iise the conquerors were of that stock, partly because irntnigration
°^*^*^ Portugal has been continuous: thus, in ten years ending 1881,
"° ^«wer than 137,000 Portuguese settlers landed in Brazil. But in
tho. iitxt century it is possible the Germans or Italians, who have much
®**"*'« energy than Brazilians, may exercise paramount influence in
pnV:»lic affairs.
British Interests.
Xn 187o it was computed that 31 millions sterling of British capital
^^t-e invested in Brazil, thus :^
Government lojins
Railways, banks, ifcc.
Total
£1 9,201 ),00U
l:?,uoo,oun
£31,"iOO,OOU
At present it would appear that our investments reach 1<3 millions,
f>f which 28 millions are in State loans and the rest in railways and
other joint-stock enterprises. In the last fourteen yeai*s our monetary
relations with Brazil have trebled, but they were until 1875 of very
slow growth, seeing that our dealings with that country go back
more than 300 years. In looO a Brazilian king came to visir
Henry VIIL, and died, says youthey, on the return voyage. Mr,
Pndsey built a factory at Bahia in 151-2, John Whithall at Santos in
1.j81, James Purcell at Maranham in 1G26, and John Dorrington
start<ed a mercantile house at Bahia in 1658. In the story oi"
Robinson Crusoe, in the eighteenth century, Defoe alludes to the augar-
' plantations owned by Englishmen at Bahia and Peniambuco. In 180J^
we find the English merchants of Rio Janeyro oftering a sum of
£1200 sterling to the secretary of Princess Carlotta to obtain them
permission from the Viceroy Liniere to open branch houses at
Montevideo and Buenos Ayrea : they certainly held a gi-eat port ion
of the trade of Brazil in their hands, and still more so after the over-
throw of Portuguese rule in 1822. At the same time Ijord Cochrane
and others lent valuable services in the Brazilian navy, and General
• In Mp.. MnlhiUrs Travels in Brazil (Stanford, 1882), it is menlioiied that we unly
m«t lhr«<.- Euroiieflus in Mutto Grosso, une of whom wati Mr. Ynule. b Scotcli .^cttlcr.
106
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jav.
Caldwell in the army. With the iutroduction of gasworks and
railways in I80I, numbers of <Migliieers aud capitalists become
connwted with the couutry. Henry Law constructed the Ilha das
Cobras docks, William GiBty the roads to Tijuca and retrojKilis,
while English companies were laying down the San I'aulo, Bahia,
and other railway lines, establishing banks all over the empire, patting
steamboats on the internal watera, and developing the mining wealth
of San Juan del Hey. Individuals, too, helped efficaciously in tJie
onward march of trade ; Proudfoot and Crawford at Rio Grande,
Bramley-Moore at Rio Janeyro, Hugh Wilson at Bahia, Bowman
at Pernatnbuco, Bennett at l^juca, McGinity at Port Alegre ; these
and many others did good service.
\
Pkodlcts.
Coffee is the sheet-anchor of Brazilian industry and wealth. Its
cultivation was introduced by a poor priest in 17o4, and Brazil now
grows GO per cent, of the coflfee of the world, the crop in 1885 being
■estimated at 390,000 tons, against 103,000 iu 1855. The plantations
cover 2,200,000 acres, with about 1)00,000 million trees. In good
years the crop is valued at 22 millions sterling, nine-teinths being
exported. Sugar is the oldest industry, the cro]> averaging 300,000
tons, valued at £1,000,000. Cotton luis declined of late years, the
area being imder 100,000 acres, and the yield from 30,000 to 40,000
tons of cotton-wool, worth about £1,500,00(1. The yerbales or tea-
forests cover ten million acres, the animal product being i-O.UOO tons,
of which rmt-half is I'xiiorted, of the value of £500,000. India-
rubber from the Amazon averages £800,000. The tobacco crop, from
100,000 acres, is estimated at o8,000 tons, valued at £1, 100,000. Thus
the total vegetable products make up about 30 millions sterling.
Animal products are cousiderably under four millions sterling, and
manufactures of all descriptions fall short, of ten millions. There was
a time when gold and diamonds formed principal products, when the
Viceroy's horse was shod with the glittering metal, but at present the
total product under these heads is barely £100,000 a year. K to
the foregoing we add the earnings of railways, tramways, gas com-
panies, shipping, banks, merchants, professional classes, &c., we
find the total earnings of the nation approach a snm of 7ij millions
sterling per annum. We see, therefore, that the wealth of Brazil
is rather a figure of speech than a reality. The earnings aud
industries of the Argentine Republic iu 1884 amounted to £02,300,1)00,
with a population of only 3,200,000 souls, or one-third that of Brazil.
In the one countrj' the average is neai'ly £20 per head, in the other
barely £0, but wealth is so congested in the latter that two-thirds of
the population are extremely poor, while many of the planters have
f m
iiOTimf* There is some similarity lx<tTrt^n the condition
of Aiap m RoBBia and that in Brazil, neither country bein^ at all as
rick IB its nrii[glihom»L
PuBUC Works.
Kiywfring hflB done wonders in Brazi], and the traveller is
Mhmiifcfd at the signs of gigantic labonr and per^ereriug energy
aaii a people and climate saggestire of indolence. The first raihvay
wMBude in 1S51, by Baron Mani^, to the Organ Jlountaius, and was
•ooo feUovred by the Pedro Segnndo, a main trunk line with uumoroua
Innchra, which passes through the most mngniGcent. scenery, carrying
two million passengers yearly. The Santos and Sau Pnulo line, madn
by a London company in I860, at a cost of three iniUions siorliug, is
anotliHr trinmpb of engineering, being carried over the Serra C'u baton
at a hiuglit of 2700 feet by inean.s of four inclines of one in ten, up
wKich the train is drawn by a cliain. The Bahia and lVmanibucr>
lines, also by English companies, wore made alx>ut the same time.
Sereral new lines are being constructed in the interior, one of the*
most remarkable being the Misiones and Rio Grand*- line, of which
Mr. O'Meara has recently opened some sections on the Tpper Uruguay.
At the close of 1888 there were 5300 miles of railway in Brazil in
ortiwl traffic, of which 4200 miles had been constructi'd since IS77.
'"^)tae of thom cost over £:JO,000 a mile, owing to the trenn'iidous
wtural obstacles of the route. The total outlay exct^eds 100 inillioiiH
sterling, about 1300 miles having been made by (roverninent,
uicluding the Pedro Segundn line, and 4000 by jnint-stock cotnpnnii s,
•iiefly English. There are 7100 miles of telegraph by land, besides
f^Wea along the coast, from the Amazon to Montevideo. Fxcept
'jfinty's roads near Rio Janeyro there are few highways ; diHtanees uri-
great and population so sparse. Tlie overland routo from Iliu
syro to Goyaz, for example, takes 120, and that to .Mattf* (Jrosho
*'\ days. Nevertheless, all the principal town.s have gasworks,
'^'^ools. and other marks of civilization. The municipal hospitals of
"Hizil are some of the finest in the world, that of the Mieericordia nt
°iQ "laneyro receiving 1 1, 000 indoor pati<-utH yearly. Schools are not
y^t iraiHciently numerous, only lo per cent, of children of school age
■^inng any instruction. Dockyards and arsenals are numerous
iiiu Well-equipped, and many of the principal ports have been improved
•'y Sir John Hawkshaw.
COBfUERCE.
Daring his reign Dom Pedro had the hati* faction to see commerce
qt&Qtnpled, *a shown by the official i^^fn*^ of imports and exports
'"'mfciined, m. i —
108
THl£ CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
Annual A\-ebaue.
1836-41
lf<52-61
1872-81
1885-H7
£
9,000,000
22,H00,00o
39,600,000
43,000,UOO
The liscnl system haa, neveitheless, always been essentially bad,
all Buccessive genei-ations of Brazilian economists being blind lyelievers
in the '• balance of trade " theory, of the Dark Ages, and hence
directing all their efforts to stimulate exports and ditaiaiah imports.
They succeeded in their insane purpose, the exports being always
largely in excess of imports, viz. : —
Average Yearly, £.
Period,
18C2-Gr»
1872-74
188o-87
4
Imports. Exports. Surplus Exports.
1S,700,000 15,1(111,000 I>4u0,(t00
l7,20U,nu«t 21,400,000 4,200,000
2U,4U0,0U0 23,200,000 2,800,000
Trade is lamentably hampered by oppressive tariffs : customs-duel
on imix>rted raerchandiae in 1887 amounted to £8^1-00,000, or 40 pei
cent, of the value. Brazilian statesmen excuse themselves by saying
that iuipurt-dues must form the bulk of the public revenue, but 8
good deal of the money thus collected ia subsequently wasted iu
bounties to sugar-mills, cotton-mills, &c. It was stated in 1886 that
some iiiill-compaiiies had drawn heavy sums in Government guarantees,
without evfv having turned out a pound of sugar or a yard of calico.
Our trade relations with Brazil do not increase much ; they amounted
last year to £11,600,000, against £10,800,000 in 1878. Internal com-
merce depends chiefly on railways and rivers ; the freight on the
former, lis Colonel Church truly observes, is often excessive, and the
rivers traverse very thinly peopled territories. The itinerary of the
Amazon Company shows a length of 22,000 miles, including tributary
rivers, of which the Amazon has a huudred bigger than the lihine.
PlNANCE.
So much British capital is at stake in Brazil that it is necessary tc
approach this part of the subject with cool discrimination. The
growth of revenue and debt is the first point for consideration, viz.:—
Year. He%-enao. Debt.
1864 . £i;,inO,UO(t . £18,700,000
1874 . Il,2i)(t,rili0 . 72,100,000
1888 . 14,100,000 . 1 07,200,001 >
All South American financiers speak of increase .of revenue at
proof of growing prosperity and wealth, when it is sometimes the
reverse, being simply an increase of taxation and poverty. Brazil
depends so largely on her agricultural products that the value of hei
exports affords a fair measure of her wealth and resonrcep, If, then, we
compare the figures for 1888 with those of 1864 we find that in twenty.
i89o2
BRAZIL, PAST AND FUTURE.
109
/bnryeara wealth and commerce have risen only o4 per cent . while taxa-
tion has increased 133 per cent., and public debt nearly iJOO ])er cent.
The increase of taxation is, in fact, mainly the result of growth of
debt, the latter having risen £88,500,000 since 18G1, which is
accounted for thus ; —
I'aragnayan war . . . .£4>t,00n,00()
Railways l'(;,O(>(),0(iii
Sundries 14,500,(Uhj
Total . £H8,'iOO>Uliii
The actual debt of 107 millions sterling ia not excessivi
The
hjiitJen of taxation is, however, apparently as much as the country can
conveniently bear. We have seen that the sum total of Hrazitian
industries is hardly 70 millions sterling a year ; the general taxation
w> tlaerefore, equal to '20 per cent. This is exclusive of local taxes,
■whicil, are usually more than 50 per cent, of those of the nation, each
pi"0"V-ince having its own customs-dues over and above what is rallected
by "tie imperial oilicials. Thus nearly one-third of the total earnings
of tlie Brazilian people go in taxes, whereas in the United KiniJ-dom
we -pay only 125 millions sterling a yeai* out of a gross income of
1200 millions, or about 10 per cent. In on© respect, of course, the
bo.'i^pn of taxation comes to be Irss felt in Brazil than elsewhere ;
otte-half of the population consists of negroes, who have few wants
0^ expenses, and whose labour, meantime, helps so largely to swell the
i^tional revenue. It is quite possible that Brazil could raise her taxa-
^^<in, if necessary, to 20 millions sterling, by simply reducing the
income of the 40,000 planters on an average £150 each. As long,
,iK>wever, as the finances are carefully handled, there is no reitson ftir
'toy more revenue than at present. The taxe.s might even lie lightened,
if the bounties and guarantees on sugar and cotton mills could be
abolished.
Perhaps it is better at ]n"esent not to raise taritf tpiestions that
might cause feelings of rivalry. Let the new Government go on in
ytlie beaten track, and be a little more liberal in land-griuits to immi-
its. The danger of a labour crisis is probably t'xaggerated. It
said, indeed, that the coffee-crop last year fell off by one-tliirtl, con-
^quent on the abolition of slavery. Sotue confusion must be Hxi>rcted
Pat first, but the countr}' will rapidly ivcover its energies. The I'nited
States at present produce twice as mnch cotton as before the alkolition
slavery : there ia every reason to expect that Brazil will likewise
her erports, especially as the intJux of Italians, tiermans, itc,
continnes unabated.
The Political Prospect,
Will Brazil hold together, or break up into half a dozen republics ?
This is a didicult question to answer. Notwithstanding a I'esidence
110
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[JAS,*
of twenty-five years in South America, watching the ebb and flow of
Brazilian politics, I dare not offer a prediction in the matter. Dis-
integration was the fate of Spanish America after the Independence ;
Mexico lost Guatemala and Nicaragua, Venezuela lost New Grenada,
Peru was shorn of Boliyia, and the Viceroy alty of Buenos Ayres saw
the secession of Parag^uay and Uruguay. This was partly the result
of enormous distances between some of the old viceregal seats of
government and their provinces at a time when riulways were
unknowa It took, for example, a mounted courier sixty days to ride
from Caracas to Guayaquil, or from Buenos Ayres to Tarija or
Tncuman, with an order from the viceroy to the local *' inteudente."
In later times there has been more or less of a centripetal tendency.
We have seen the Argentine Confederation, in 1863, annex itself to
the Republic of Buenos Ayres, and a similar project in 1866 was
narrowly defeated for combining the five republics of Central America
undor (Juatenmla. Even at present there is a party favourable to the
annexation of Paraguay and Uniguay to the Argentine. It would be
wrong, therefore, to .sup]iose that all South American nations must
split up into small fragments.
In the case of Brazil it is true we have the great difficulty of enor- I
mous distances, for it is much easier to go from Rio Janeyro to St.
Petersburg than to Matto Grosso or Goyaz. Nevertheless, there is no i
reason why the Republic should not administer those remote provinces
as well as the Empire did, and I think they were much better
governed than some of the other parts of South America. At
Cayaba, 3000 miles from Rio Janeyro by the only practicable route,
the water one, I found a city as large and well-built as Shrewsbury,
and as well ordered in every respect. There were no iron bars on
the windows, such as are common in the neighbouring countries. It.!
will bo said, perhaps, that the remote provinces will be the first to
throw off the yoke of the metropolis, but this is most unlikelj', since
they enjoy special favours and advantages. The people of Matto ,
Gro.sso are allowed to receive European products free of all import
dues, and the Treasury of Rio Janeyro maintains a montlily Hne of
steamers from Montevideo to Cayabi for their benefit. In those pro-
vinces which are exposed to attacks from Indians considerable
garrisons are, in Hke manner, kept up by the nation for the protection
of the inhabitants.
Nor nmst we overlook racial tendencies and traditions. Portuguese
and Brazilians are more peaceable and orderly than Spaniards and
Spanish Americans. There have been but two revolutions in Brazil
in seventy years, and both have been bloodless. The people are
patriotic and industrious, and despite of climate have ma«3e great
progress, while preserving an enviable degree of security for life and
property.
I
d
iSgo]
BRAZIL, PAST AND FUTURE.
Ill
While I write, a telegram appears in the London papers that the pro-
vince of Rio Grande do Sul desires to separate from Brazil and join the
Repubhc of Uruguay, which lies along its southern frontier. Such an
event bos long been predicted, and may come to pass. Rio Grande
is not quite Brazilian as regards language, Spanish being commonly
spoken, and German in the vicinity of Port Allegre. It cannot be
forgotten, as I observed before, that the province made a determined
effort in 1835 to secede from Brazil, and was aided by the RepublitJ of
Uruguay, whose forces were led by Garibaldi, the straggle lasting ten
years. It is, therefore, quite possible that the Rio Grandenses should
DOW seek to coalesce with their old fi-iend and ally. Commercial
interests may also tend in that direction, the railway system of Rio
(Jrande and Uruguay being already one, and apart from that of Brazil,
which terminates at Santos.
In case of Rio Grande joining the Republic of Uruguay, the port
of Montevideo would probably become its chief outlet, by means of
♦he Northern Uruguay Railway, now rapidly pushing forward its rails
to Rage. The port of Rio Grande is inaccessible to ocean steamers,
its bar being dangerous even to small craft, while Montevideo receives
Bxty Earopean steamers monthly. Pelotas is the industrial centre of
rf Rio Grande do Sul. having large " saladeros," where a million head
of cattle are annually slaughtered and salted down, for exportation
to the West Indies. The province possesses great pastoral wealth, the
natives being the best horsemen in South America, and akin in tastes
Md pursuits to those of Uruguay.
Supposing that Rio Grande secedes from Brazil, this would mean
• loss of 140,000 square miles, and 430,000 inhabitants— that is,
4 per Cent, alike of area and of population. Rut we must not count
heads only, the Rio Grandenses being the finest people in Brazil, with
* wixfure of 70,000 Germans. The loss of audi a province would bo
RTvater than that of Bahia or Pemambuco.
It is, however, far from certain that Rio Grande desires to secede.
The •' fazendeiros," who own estates of vast oxtent, mil hesitate to
1*0 with Uruguay, a republic which had twenty-six revolutions from
1861 to 1887. They care nothing for the triumph of Blancos or
*«wtu1o8 at Montevideo, however the advanced republicans, mostly
Aopkt>eper9, may call out for the union. Neither will the 70,000
' "Annans vote for the Uruguayan annexation.
T'»Tliaps the wish is father to the thought when I say that the pro-
ability is in favour of Brazil holding together. Every day that
P*«Se8 lessens the danger of disruption, and Brazilians know well that
'^f good opinion of the outer world largely depends on their keeping
♦t'' cvoD tenor of their way, as they have done for seventy years in
th^past.
M. G, MULUALL.
RUNNING FOR RECORDS.
AN ocenn racer in iiiicl-Atl<ar;tic — the sea ninning what, to tt^
sea-sick imatyinrition of inexperifmced travellers, st-ems ** moun-'
tains high." Huge greeii waves come towering up on the starboard
bow, as if about to overwhelm the steamer, whiclu ]iowever, rises
buoyantly to them as they approach, passes over them, and. presently,
the eanie waves may be seen rolling from under the jxjrt quarter, in
fill their majesty of volume, lashed into foam by the struggling pro-
peller of the mighty "liner," as the ship lies down in the trough of
the sea. Such waves, indeed, seem to tower up like mountains,
though, in reality, they are seldom — unless in very liad weather —
more than twenty feet from trough to crest. Waves even of this
height can make things very liv'elyon board the larg^'st mail steamers
— huge and immovable as they seem when lying alongside the quay,
or anchored out in the Mersey ; and the impression of vustness pro-
duced on any one standing on a ship's deck in mid-ocean, and seeing
a huge wait of green water rolling up — though in reality it may not
be more than two or three feet above the level of tlie deck — may
account for a great deal of exaggeration as to the height of wav^-s.
" Time and tide wait for no roan," says the old proverb, and
certainly a modem mail steamer never waits for wind or weather.
The good ship Afa/iutfa wa.H being driven " all she knt'w " into a head
wind and sea, till lier mnsts fairly shuddered, as wave after wave
swept up to her bows, and ]>arted with a thnmh-ring roar before her
shax'p cutwater.
Now \vith her bows raised high in the air, as she breasts a gigantic
sea, now diving down into the trough beyond, trembling from stem to
stern with the " i-acing " of the engines, as the propeller is lifti-d nearly
out of the water, then all but stopping as she plunges at tlu* ne.\t huge
i89o]
RUNNING FOR RECORDS.
113
ware and btiriea her nose in it, the engines nearly pulling up dead
with the tremendous strain brought on them by the sudden immersion
of the screw as her bow is again lifted and the decks swept fore and
aft by a heavj- sea, she holds on her stormy way.
On deck, no one is visible but the officers and men on duty, the
passengers being either safe in their berths or lying scattered about
the saloon settees in a half-inanimate condition. Down in the engine-
room, the two engineers on watch — senior and junior— have their
hands full, as, with every roll of the ship, coal, shovels, and rakes go
sliding about the stoke-holo, and the firemen have hard work to keep
their feet as they heave the coal into the insatiable furnaces. The
"greaser" crawls cautiously about, never letting go the hand-rail with
one handj while he holds the oil can in the other, watching every pitch
«nd roll of the ship, and revolution of the engine, to get an oppor-
tunity of dropping the oil into the cups without being pitched head-
foremost into the crank-pits, or knocked senseless by the " cross-
beails " or " pump-levers." Night is fast closing in, and the huge
engine seems wrapped in a misty twilight, except just where a solitary
Ump throws a stream of light on the steam-gauges and clock, which
are fixed just in front of the starting-platform. Suddenly, as the
electric light is turned on, everything Hashes out, briLdit and distinct,
and the " moving rods and links " Hash })ack rays of light from their
polished surfaces. The engineer, stauding by the " throttle-valve
lever," his whole attention, for the time being, taken up with watching
'he pitching of the ship, and preventing " racing " of the engines
with the throttle — for the " governor " has suddenly refused to act —
glancea wearily at the clock and wishes for eight bells. The huge
iliip civaks and groans as she is struck again atid again by the seas,
»iid the incandescent glow of the electric light rises and falls, for it
i» impossible to keep steam steady in weather like this.
Half-way up the side of the engiue-room, standing on a grating
do«e under the main steam-pipe, are two or three engineers, working as
jif for dear life to get the obstinate governor int/O working order j and
?ntly a shout announces to the one bolow the welcome news that
^ufir work is done. As the connecting-bolt is put in place, he lets go
«n? handle of the throttle, which, worked by an air-ve.=!sei ia the stem,
"P^'tis and shuts itself with superhuman force, as the propeller is lifted
clear of the wat«r, or again plunged deep into the waves.
The " governor " being now in good working order, the engineers
oa watch disappear up the ladders, and the second and his junior
'^pa preparing for the welcome relief which comes at eight p.m.,
'^Wn the fourth takes the watch till midnight.
All coal contains a certain amount of dirt and slag, which soon
kea ap the fires, of which a certain number are consequently cleared
the beginning of every watch. In rough weather this is no easy
▼W* LVU, H
lU
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
work ; tlie fire has to be pushed on one side, the clinker palled out,,
the embers spread over the bars again, and fresli coal put on. Yet
the firemen manage to keep their feet while working the heavy rakes
and " slices,"" and avoiding the hot clinkers and ashes as they raka
them out of the furnace ; their figures now standing out clear and
distinct as silhouettes against tlie glare from the open furnace-doors^,
now half hidden by clouds of steam, as the hose is turned on the bot»
clinkers. On one side stands the engineer holding open the furuace-
door with a shovel and urging ou the firemen to hurry up aud get tht»J
fire in again before the steam drops too low. Just as the la.st fire ii
finished, a tremendous pitch aud roll sends men, coals, barrows, an
shovels sliding down the stoke-hole in a confused heap, and for a fewi
seconds the stoke-hole \s a very pandemonium of confusion. Then*
comes a pause as the ship rights and an awful stillness. As the stero,
of the steamer lifted, the engines, Eicted on by the governor, slowedji
down ; and now they have failed to go on again, as the stem drops. |
Something is wrong with the governor. '
The engineer rushes into the engine-room, tJie engines aro crawling i
round dead slow, and the junior engineer, with his feet against the
bulkhead and his shoulder against the throttle-valve lever, is exerting^
liis utmost strength to open the valve which has been jammed shul
the too sudden action of the governor.
" Can you manage it ?"
" No ; bring a hammer."
A rush into the store — and. as the engineer reappears with a copper'
hammer in his hand, the rising steam lifts the safety-valves, aud &i
.sudden dull roar, aa it rushes up the escape-pipes, warns him, and,^
shonting to the firemen to close the dampers, he rushes up the ladder:
to the valve, and with two or tliree sharp blows brings it back to ita,i
proper position, aud off go the engines again — ^^just in lime, as two opi
three tremendous rolls give warning that tlui ship is just on the point
of losing steerage-way. All this has taken about thirty seconds,,
though it seems much longer, and the rest of the engineers, whoJ
aroused by the stoppage of the engine and the roar of escaping stearnqj
have risen from their bunks, drop back on their pillows with a sigh o^
relief. i
*' How's things working?" asks the engineer of tiie junior, as fcheji
both descend to the lower platform.
'• Low presided go-ahead guide working warm. I have given thu
greaser extra oil for it — all the rest working well."
" Guide dangerous ? "
" Not yet — but it's not getting cooler.'*
" How's the thrust ? "
rtmg^
• A " slioe " is an iron bar eight or nine feet long, and flattened like
cadi wliich is used for breaking up clinker.
> a chisel ai^^H
J
i89oJ
RUNNING FOR RECORDS.
116
■ IKeeping just the same."
,^11 right. Watch that guide vrpll. and let me know if it goto
any ^txott^r " — and away he goes into the stoke-hole.
»Tlie firemen are, still toiling away and trying to keep up ateam, but
^e "^vork is beginning to tell, and now and then on© walks ijito th«
eiigiT».«-room and takes a wistful glance at the clock, which, to the
nearly worn-out men, seems to move slower and slower towards the
vfelcoxne eight bells. Four hoars' work at the fires of an Atlantic
racer tells on the strongest man, even in fine weather, and when tH<»
\BJbox2.T* is increatjed by the rolling and pitching of the ship in a heavy
goa, sUmost passes the limit of human endurance.
"But letting the steam get low is a crime not soon forgiven by the
chief, and the engineer drives and urges on the firemen, who go run nil
t\v6 firea with rake, slice, and shovel, till the sweat pours off them in.
rtreams.
'* Coal ! coal ! " The coal is being used up faster than the trimmers
aw bringing it out of the bunkers, but, urged on by the shoufi, twty
w three trollies shoot out from a small dark alley-way, pushed by
men as black as the coal itself, who duck their heads as they dive after
tlieir trollies through the low passage between the boilers, and dis-
charge their loads in the centre stoke-hole, while some invisible agency
ihootfi heaps of black diamonds out of the bunker doors on the plates
of the end stoke-holes.
A? the steam rises, the engineer pa.sses into the engine-room, and
n«rty runs into the arms of the junior, who is just coming for him.
" What's the time ? "
"A quarter past eleven."
" How's the guide ? "
•' Worse and worse — will not cool without water."'
Together they proceed up to the grating, where the greaser stands
close under the cylinder, throwing huge spla.shos of oil from a large
<»> on the guide, as the " cross-head " descends at every stroke — but
*^ piilde is too hot, .ind, each time the slipper ]M»sses over its surface,
IS l«ft as dry as the inside of an o\'en. Putting out his hand, the
wgineifr lota it rest for a second on the polished surface, but instantly
HiHtflifvi it back, smarting and nearly blistered with the intense heat,
" Put on the water.''
He greaser passes the oil-can over to the junior engineer, and runs
^Wiertore, reappearing with an india-rubber hose. He screws one
*»1 on the water-service pipe passing up the column of the engine,
^ ti«fii the nozzle to an eyebolt under the cylinder, so that a small
*^»«n of water runs down on the hot guide, and is thrown ofi' in
"••'fcjg drops by the " cross-hoad " as it rushes up and down with
*'*»y revolution of the engine. The greaser ia sent off to look after
"* flat of the engine ; and the junior, having made a mixture of oil
116
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jak.
Mid sulphur, makes dashes, every few seconds, into the scalding
ahower, with a long-handled tar-brush, with which he applies the
mixture to the " guide."
The senior, who has gone into the stoke-hole to urge on the fire-
men, again appears on the platform below, and shouts up, " How's
she doing now ? "
' ' Getting worse."
"Well — it's a quarter to twelve now — call the watch, and then
fetch the chief down to that confounded guide."
•' All right ! " and, coming out from under the cylinders, drenched
through and through with water and oil, the junior goes up to call
the third engineer's watch, and then round to the chief's cabin. He
finds that gentleman sitting in a chair in his shirt and trousers,
puUiug on a pair of boots, and listening to the roar of the engines
below.
'•"What's that water on for?" is his first question, as the junior
appears at his door.
" Low-prosaed guide hot, sir."
" Can't you cool it without water ? "
" No, sir — water's been on twenty minutt's, and it's getting worse.'
" How are the intermediate crank-pin and thrust ? "
" All right, sir."
*' Everything else all right ? "
*' Yes, 'sir."
'' All right ! " and off goes the junior below, as fast as the rolling
of the ship will allow him— now going a few steps down the ladder,
ast the ship lays over to port, and then clinging to the hand-rail, to save
himself from being pitched headlong to the bottom, as she swings the
other way. The senior, who has taken his place on the gratings
during his absence, now relinquishes the " swab-brush," and goes
bf low to prepare for the relief. In a few iiiinut.es down comes the
chief, and looks at the guide— one look i;* enough. The way the
polished surface is left dry and almost smoking at eveiy stroke shows
him that, were he to lay his hand on it for the twentieth part of a
second it would leave a blister ; and withcmt delay comes the order —
"Call the second!"
As the junior departs to obey, eight bells sounds from the deck —
just heard above the rush of the wind over the skylights ; and eight
strokes, sharp and clear, reply from the engine-room. Before the
sound has died away, the third engineer and his watch are half-way
down the ladder, to gfive a welcome respite to their predecessors j
and the junior sighs, as he reflects that he must stay below till the
hot guide is cool, as it now needs bo much attention that the engineers
on watch cannot look after it and the engine at the same time.
Again descending with the second, he finds the guide beginning to
tS9>3
RUNNfNG FOR RECORDS,
117
smolce, and the water, turned on full by the chief, comitiff off in
cioiitfls of steam.
'* Here, Mr. Smith ! " shouts the chief, as the second makes his
apfj^aarance, " fetch that sparo hose, and bring the water from the
into nnedi ate guide service."
rte eight to twelve watch being relieved, all go off with the
exception of the two engineers ; and the senior follows the second to
the store, returning with a second india-rubber hose, which they
attaoh to the service-pipes on the intermediate engine, and lead over
to tlie low-pressed engine, where the junior, seizing the nozzle, tiirnB
it full on the vertical surface of the guide, which now begins to .«how
sparks and a dull red band down the centre, which gets brighter and
hrighter, and slowly grows broader and broader every time the crosn-
beatl rises and falls, and the slipper passes over the glazed surface.
On goes the water, and, as it strikes the heated surface of the
guide, throws off clouds of steam, through which loom the figures ol
the two engineers, standing in a shower of scalding water, every drop
of which gives a sharp and stinging smart as it penetrates to the skin,
and now and then causes them to shrink back, with a muttered
imprecation, as a hotter shower than usual falls over them«
Behind them stands the chief, silently holding on to the hand-rails,
the heels of his boots jammed against the bars of the gratings on
which he stands, to keep him steady, as the ship pitches and heaves ;
lud the second moves round, giving directions to the store-keeper to
keep the oil-pots (out of which the '"fourth" is "swabbing" the
gnide) full, now and then shutting off the water, to get a better view
of the guide, and turning it on again, and occasionally taking the
place of one or other of the engineers, as, almost blinded and sutio-
cattd by the splashing water and the fumes from the oil, they retreat
from under the cylinders to mb their eyes, and wring some of the;
Water out of their wet clothes.
Minute after minute passes, and the minutes crawl into long hours,
Md still the engineers work on in their fierce fight against the powers
of Nature — their eyes tingling with pain from the hot salt water and
DQrntDg oil — their bodies swaying backwards and forwards with thf
rolling of the ship, holding on with one hand, while they direct the
Water and apply the oil with the other, jarred through and through
•very few minutes, as — the propeller being lifted out of the water —
the engine makes an efTort to " race," and sbakea the grating on which
ihey stand, as if it had been made of a-spen wands instead of solid
iron, while the steamer gives a tremble throughout.
The passengers in their berths sleep on, or, if kept awake by tiie
LJl»Tigh weather, wonder vaguely how long it will Inst, and then turn
rer and try to go to sleep again, in blissful ignorance of all that is
tog on below.
118
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jaw..
Hour after hour g'oea slovrly by — and, as the morning approachea,
the weather moderates, and the ship becomes steadier. But, in spito
of all the water poured on it, the guide will not cool down. The
enormous friction produced by the hif^h speed of the engine keeps up'
the heat ; and although the water poured on has slightly reduced the
temperature, it fails to bring it down to the normal degree. The
only cure will bo to slow down the engines, but slowing down is the
very last resourcse on an ocean racer nowadays, when the Atlautio
trip is 80 accurately timed that one boat often beats the record by &
few minutes only, and no engineer would run the risk of losing the
place gained by hiis ship, by slowing down, as long as he can sa/elf
keep at full speed.
Four o'clock comes, and as eight bells again strikes, the third engi-
neer's watch is relieved by that of the second — the third only remaining;
betow to take the second's place while the latter looks after the guide.'
The chief goes on deck for a few minutes, but presently retumsj
'* Any cooler ? " he asks the fourth. 1
'* No, air." '
"Slow her down, Mr. Smith " — the order comes reluctantly from,
him at last.
"All right, sir;"' and the second descends to the lower platform,
sends to the third to elmt the dampers, and as the steam drops a pound
or two, half shuts the tlirottle-valve. As the three huge cranks gradu-
ally case down to half-speed, the sudden lull in tin* continuous roar of
the engines is almost painful to the ear, and the beat of the valves
and clank of moving masses resolve themselves into distinct noises,
while a long-drawn squeal comes from the hot guide, which no^
rapidly cools down under the reduced friction and copious streams o£
water.
The electric lights are beginning to pale, as a dull grey dawn shines
through the skylights. The second — bting now free to attend to his
watch — 'Bende the third np to his cabin, juid presently, the guide having
greatly improved, the engines are once more put at full speed, and as
the guide continues to get cooler, the chief at length goes oti" to bed.
The water is kept on for some time longer, and after it is shut off
the two engineers by turns continue to swab the guide with oil and
sulphur.
Ifc is nearly eight bells before the second at last declares the guide
"safe," and tLey crawl on deck to get breakfast and a few mouthfuls
of fresh air before beginning a fresh watch.
As the bell strikes they once more go below, to drag on through:
another weary four hours, when they are so tired tliat lifting their
limbs is painful, and r|uick motion an agony. Yet, in moving round
that engine and feeling its brasses and rods, should a man hesitate one
instant in withdrawing the arm stretched out to teet that piston-rod^
fS9o]
RUNNING FOR RECORDS.
119
it would be shattered or rendered useless by a merciless blow from
that mighty Temorseless engine which it can control like an obedient
cbild.
At noon the fourth watch is relieved by the third, and the two
tired-out engineers at last get a respite, after nearly sixteen hours in
the eiigine-room. At four the second watch takes the place of the
^^ fbiid, till eight, when the fourth once more comes on, and so, unless
^MtlDaiething is wrong, it goes on day and night in nnvarying monotony,
till the ship passes Sandy Hook, steams slowly through the Narrows,
and swings into her berth alongside the jetty at New York,
" And then." innocently remarks a passenger, " your fun begins."
" Does it ? " queries the engineer to whom he is speaking. " Well
—yes — if completely overhauling that engine in live days ia fun, our
fan does begin."
" Overliauling the engine ! why, what on earth is wrong with it ?
it ia Working all right, and has been since we left Liverpool."
" Y(?8, but it has to work right all the way back," is the reply, and
the passenger, not caring to exhibit any more ignorance, walks slowly
•way.
Yes, everything has to work right all the way back, and nothing is
lefl to chance. Every day, from morning till night, and pcmetimes
on into the m'ght, the engineers are at it, cleaning the Iwilers and
oaunining every working part of the engine, to make sure that nothing
B Wrong or likely to go wrong in the coming run across the Atlantic.
It is only by unremitting care that the huge engines of our modem
•nail steamers can be kept in good order, and the hundreds of trips
JTwirly made " to time " across the Western Ocean show how well these
engines are looked after.
In the " season " five or six days is usually the limit of time spent
IB New York, and then, with engines polished and clean as when she
ved, and looking as if they had never been touched, in spite of the
'act that they have been completely taken to pieces, the AtalanUt
ings out stem first into the lludson, and, dropping down by Castle
ardeD and the Bartholdi statue of Liberty, passes out through the
"MTowB, and is once more put full speed ahead, with her nose to the
Wow is tlie chance for a quick passage, as wind and cuiTenta are
TJSusilly favourable on the eastward run, and on the stately steamer
■hea. Soon the land sinks below the horizon, and she enters the
t, steamy atmosphere of the Gulf Stream.
It i« a hot, calm day in the middle of summer, tlie sea rolling in
long, smooth, oily swells. There is a light breeze right astem, but
the hhip is steaming as fast as the wind, and the sails hang listlessly
from the yards, and flap against the masts and ropes. As one
dcROeods the engine-room ladder, the air feels close and deadly heavy,
120
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
LJak.
and brings on a dull headache. The engineer on watch is dragging
himself round as if his limbs were of lead, and even the engines do
not seem to be going ahead with their ustial energy. As we pass
through the tuiini4 ^\hich connects the engine-room with the stoke-
hole, the stiHing atmosphere nearly drives ns back. There is not a
breath of air cuming down the ventilators^ and the heat is so great
that one has a sen&ation as of a lump of lead in the ears, and one's
voice sounds thick and far away.
The firemen are stripped to the waist, and the engineer has very
little more on, being only distinguishable by the gilt band and badge
on his caji, as he moves about from one furnace to another, directing
the fireraen, or regulating the water in the boilers.
In spite of the heat, the iires burn dull, for they can get no jur, and
the firemen, nrged on — one might almost say driven — by the engineer,
are doing "all they know," with rake and shovel, to keep up steam,
the perspiration running in streams down theii* coal-begrimed bodies,
and leaving them striped like zebras.
Each man in turn falls back exhausted, and is succeeded by
another, who lays hold of the Iieavj- " slice," and works the fire
through and through ; but all to no purpose, for in spite of all they
can do the steam will not rise. In technical language, " she is
steaming stiff," jind, unless the wind changes, or gets stronger, will
continue to do so.
To keep on at this work withoat drinking is imiiossible, and the
firemen consume an incredible quantity of water ; but, in spite of all
the praise bestowed upon this beverage by ti-etol^nllers, it has its
dangers when drunk to excess, especially in a high temperature, and
presently fine of the men, who has been indulging too freely, is seized
with cramps in the stomach, and has to be carried on deck, leaving
the rest tearing away at the obstinate fires.
Now and then one goes up to lay his throVjbing head on the deck,
gasp in a little fresh air, and, if possible, gather a little strength
before onco more attacking the fires in the awful den below. The
forward stoke-liolo is even hotter than the others, and the heaps of
coal and ashes lying about, the sudden glare, as furaace doors are
opened and again shut, the trollies of coal pushed out of the bunkers
and returning empty, the ash-buckets passing up and down the ven-
tilators OS the ashes are hoisted on deck to be thrown overboard, the
rattle of lumps of coal on the iron Qoor-plates, the clang of furnace-
doors and tire-irons, and seeming general confusion, make one wonder
if Dante would not have used the stoke-hole of an Atlantic liner— had
he known of such a thing — to illustrate his " Infei'uo."
The fires here are as bad as the others ; they will not burn well,
and the engineer and two of the most hardened firemen are trying to
raise the steam by working the coal about. The former flings open
tSsoJ
RUNNIXG FOR RECORDS.
121
the door of the first fire, and holds up the iron shield to keep back
the fierce glare, while the first man pushes in the heavy slice and
rakes the firt^ through, sending a shower of glowing ashes down
through the fire-bars into thi' ash-pit. Two minut<^'6' hard tearing
work, and the man steps back almost exhausted, the shield is with-
drawn^ and the second man, advancing with a shovel into the full
glare of the mighty fire, heaves on load after load of coal, till he has
covered the glowing mass with a smoking layer of fresh fuel, and
then bangs to the door.
But slicing fires soon tells, and the (irst man obliged to knock oft
work goes on deck for a few minutes to try and pick up his strength
in the fresh air. Down goes the shovel as the second man seizes the
abandoned slice and attacks the next lire, for the least pause at once
shows itself on the steam-gauge. The engineer, too, is almost done
Qp. but there is one more fire to be cleared and filled. As the
fireman drops the slice for the shovel he calls up another man.
" One more, my hearty — give her fits and make her sing ! "
The fire is raked, the slice withdrawn, and the man staggers back.
'* Now, my hearty, fill her up ! "
On goes shovel after shovel full of coal — first right to the back of
the tire, then nearer and nearer to the front — till tho glaring white-
liot mass has a black top, off which the smoke rolls in clouds.
"That's it— let her rip 1 "
The last load is pitched on, bang ! goes the fire door, the shovel
Wis from the man's nerveless hands, and utterly douo. up and ex-
oausted, hp drops on the iron floor-plat«s, and vomits like a dog.
Such is modern " Life on the Ocean Wave," though, of course, thii
weather is not always bad, nor does machinery always go wrong and
work hot. On the contrary', many a run is made across tlie Atlantic
withont a hitch, and in fairly calm weather; but the care and watch-
folnees of the engineers on duty must not be relaxed for a single
minute; and the work of the firemen, though intensified by bad'
'^^ttther, is killing enough at the bust of times.
Patent fuel — a composition of coal tar, crude petroleum, and the
"fuse coal dust from the mines, moulded into bricks — is, when good.
jP^Btiy preferable to bad or indiflVrent coal ; but a new horror is
^'lg introduced into the stoke-holes of steamers by the ease with
]*l«ich this fuel can be adulterated with sand. Not only is it next to
•Dpowible to " keep steam," but a great deal of extra work is thrown
*> the firemen, who have to heave on deck and throw overlward huge
lOwititifB of sand and grit, which fall through the bars into the ash-
P'U, instead of burning and passing away up the funnel in smoke, as
rt would were the fuel made of the proper materials.
In some cases, things are made harder for those who have to be
3»p, by the eagerness of the captains to take advantage of every
122
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[3xs.
slight current or capfal of wind that may be in their favour, in order
to make fast runs, not perceiving tho false economy they are thus
practising — for a steamer will, as a rule, steam mucli better and
make better progress with a very light breeze abeam or ahead, than
with the same breeze astern.*
On one Atlantic eteamer the captain, finding a current and vtry
light breeze in his favour, kept the ship fair before the wind till the
stoke-hole grew so close, for want of proper ventilation, that the men
below could hardly breatlie. Tbe chief engineer went to the captain
and told him the state of attairs, expressing bis opinion that the ship
would make better progress if he would alter her course a little to
the north, as the wind could then blow down tho ventilators and the
ship steam better in conseqaeiice ; but the captain could not be
brought to see it, and kept on his course with all the sails set, and
flapping idly against the masts. One fireman after another was
brought np from the stoke-hole sick and exhausted, and, at last,
the chief went again to the captain and told him that, if he did not
soon bring the ship round, he would soon have to depend on his sails
altogether, for there would be no men left fit to work the fires ; and
the course was altered at last.f
Racing across the Atlantic is fast becoming as reckless a game as
ever was played by the captains of Mississippi river-boats, with this
difference, that whereas on tho Mississippi the jiassengers were in
constant danger of being blown up, on the ocean they need have no
fear of a boiler explosion, the danger to health, life, and limb being
confined to tho engine-room staff.
This apparent anontaly is explained by the fact that, in fa.st ocean
steamers, economy of space and tuel is oun of the chief considerations,
and the boilers are made of the smallest possible size that will supply
the engine with the refjuisite amount of steam. The consequence it
that jb is often OS much aa the firemen can do to keep the steam np tt
the working pre.''sure, as it is used up by the engines as fast as i1
can be generated, and only with the greatest difficulty could they raist
it to the pressure to which tho safety valves arc loaded.;^ Besides this
the boilers are tested to double the working prespuro when new, anc
frequently examined and tested afterwards by the Board of Trade.
Tho Mis.sissippi boats, on the contrary, being able to obtain fuel a1
• This, of course, only applies lo very lipht ■winds ; for if the wind is stronp enongl
to force ilself dowu Lbu vectilatois, the J:ihLp will, oaturaUy, make most way with i
astern.
t Fact. On a subsequent voyage of the same Bteamer, one of the men was carried
up from the bunlter, dead from congestion of the brain. The ship was steaming ai
fast as the wind, and tlic fmoke from the fuoncl rose vertically up in.stead of <Jroppinj
in a long trail a.<;tcrn. It is well-known that, in the Red Sea, captains, in a like case
sometimes turn their steamers round, head to wind, in order to rulicve passengers an<
crew from the cloi^c, stilling heat.
% Usnall; only one or two pounds above working pressare.
tSgol
RUNNING FOR RECORDS.
198
fre<|oent intervals, from wood-flats and liravber-wlmrves, had no need
to economize space, mid carried boilers of ample eize, so that steam
^osild be easily raised, till it roared throug-h the safety-valvefi, which,
if ckli reports are true, were often overweighted, and i^ometimes with
disastrous resnUs.
A. few months ago. a very good cartoon, illastrative of tho pi'esent
JifeKta of thing:3 on the Atlantic, apiwai-ed in nn American comic
peeper. This represented the captain of a steamer standing on the
bridge, with a speaking trumpet to his mouth, shouting down at a
perspiring engineer, wIiosli iiead and shoulders protruded from a man-
hole in the opper deck.
*' £)ifpncrr. Wo can't go any faster, sir — the steam is up to work-
JXJg pressure, and the firemen are all exhausted and nearly dying."
*' Never mind," shouts the captain through his trumpet, " get up
that Bteam at all costs ; we are not rmming for safety, we are running
for records."
** And if this is the state of things," asks the sceptical critic, ''what
w the remedy ? "
Remedy ! — Well, as long as the present excessive competition is
teyrt. up by the public demand for faster and cheaper locomotion, there
will be no remedies until steam is superseded by electricity or some
er motive power, coccept such as the steamship companies will not
rt to save imder compulsion — i.e., to carry larger crews, in order to
pve the men shorter watches. But more men means either more
""ioriey or a reduction of wages. The latter are low enough already ;
*ttd. how, ask the companies, are we to pay any dividends if we have
*^ carry larger crews when, at tJie present rate of fares, we can
"^rely make both ends meet ?
iarger boilers, witli more heating surface in proportion to the siae
<"* the ADginee, would certainly make the firemen's work less arduous ;
*Ot naval architects are already hard pressed to pro%'idp room for all
*^**«t has to be got inside the akin of the ship, and yet leave enough
**Pgo-Bpace to render her a paying speculation — to say nothing of
*Ktra first cost.
Tben comes the question — " Suppose boilers of ample size are pro-
tided in any one boat, how long would it be before the owners yielded
the temptation of running the engines at a greater number of revo-
per minute in order to obtain a higher speed, thereby using up
iha extra steam and throwing estra work on the firemen ? " Probably
oily till another faster steamer was built by some opposing company ;
•nd then the pitch of the propeller would be altered, and the chief
ioeer get his orders to " let her rip."
Tb« owners of the Ttulonic and MaJrstic—thG finest and newest of
the *' ocean greyhounds " — besides having spared no expense to
for the safety and comfort of their passengers, have generously
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THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jau.
furnished these vessels with ample boiler power. But hardly has the
first of these ships left Liverpool on her maiden run to New York,
when there appears in the papers an account of the boat and her per-
formances, in which the suggestion is made that — the boilers being
large enough to supply more steam than the engines can possibly use,
as they are at present run — the pitch of the propeller should be
reduced, and the engines run at a greater number of revolutions.
Has tho writer of the above ever had to drive a steamship at her full
power as he here suggests ? ProbabJy not, as he leaves no margin
for bad or indifierent coal and other emergencies. Surely it is time
to reduce the pitch of the propeller and not strain ship and men tx) their
utmost when it has been proved that the White Star liners cannot
" beat the record " as they are, or when a larger and faster steamer
appears on the ocean racecourse, and they are obliged, in sheer self-
defence, to keep up their reputation for speed.
The possibilities of obtaining an increasing speed with steamships
seem, at first sight, as limitless as the ocean on which they float ; but,
like all else, they must end somewhere. At one time it was supposed
that there must be a limit in size, beyond which materials did not
exist of sufficient strength to enable steamers to be built. But wood
was superseded by ii'on, and iron in its turn by steel j and there yet
remain the possibilities of manganese, bronze, and aluminium. Then
it was supposed that, as engines got bigger and bigger, the momentum
of the huge moving masses of their crauks and rods would shake the
ships to pieces ; but practical engineers langhed at this, paid a little
more attention to the design and balance of their engines, and, as they
increased in size, divided their power and adopted twin screws.
Then came the jdarm that no ships could carry the enormous
quantity of coal necessary to keep up thair speed for the run across
to America ; but, again, the engineers were equal to the occasion, and
engines were first compounded, then tripled, and, finally, several
quadrupled expansion engines have been built, while every nerve is
strained to attain economy of fuel in other directions.
Competition waxed fierce and strong, and shipowners became anxious
lest the demand for speed should render their boats unremunerative,
through the great reduction in the cargo-space caused by the enormous
bunkers. But still the race has gone on, and the passenger traffic
across the Atlantic is afisuming such enormous proportions that it is
becoming a question whether it will not soon be possible to bnild and
run boats, for passengers only, across the Atlantic, as is now done
across the Straits of Dover, and yet make them pay.
Next came a crj' that ships were getting too large to enter the
docks — but new and deeper docks were speedily built and the entrances
of others widened ; till now, at last, it seems as if the end would
only come in view when ships get too big to handle, or the power of
d
090} RUNNING FOR RECORDS. 126
driving them attains such vast proportions as to make it impossible
to baild a ship large enough to carry the necessary fuel ; and who
can say how near or how far off this time may be ?
The power necessaiy to drive a ship increases as the sqiiare of the
f^tfd* and it would seem that, at this rate, a limit must soon be
reached. But against these fearful odds engineers and naval archi-
tects work on undaunted, ever finding, in the boundless resources of
aiafinoe, ways and means to overcome each fresh difficulty ; and ship
after ship sails forth to breast the Atlantic billows, to bear proud
^ntnees to the indomitable perseverance that gave her birth, and the
BritiBh pluck and daring that drives her across the stormy seas.
J. R, Werner.
* This proportion is somcwlmt less when tlic speed exceeds eighteen knots.
WHAT STANLEY HAS DONE FOR THE
MAP OF AFRICA.
IT ia Bineteen years this month since Stanley first crossed the
threshold of Central Africa. He entered it as a newspaper corre-
Bpondent to find and succour Livinji^stone, and camo out burniner with
the fever uf African exploration. While, with Livingstone at Ujiji he
tried his 'prentice hand at a little exploring work, and between them they
did something to settle the geography of the north end of Lake Tan-
ganyika. Some three years and n, half later lie was once more on his way
to Zanzibar, this time with the deliberate intention of doing eomething to
fill up the great blank that still occupied the centre of the continent.
A glance at the first of the maps which accompany this paper (pp. 128-9)
will afford some idea of what Central Africa was like when Stanley
entered it a second time. The ultimate sources of the Nile had yet
to be settled. The contour and extent of ^'ictoria Nyanza were of
the most uncertain character. Indeed, so little was known of it beyond
what Spokr told us, that there was some danger of its being swept off
the map altogether, not a few geographers believing it to be not
one lake, bnt several. There was much to do in the region lying to the
west of the lake, even though it had been traversed by Spoke and Grant.
Between a line drawn from the north end of Lake Tanganyika to some
distance beyond the Albert Nyanza on one side, and the west coast
region on the other, the map was almost white, with here and there
the conjectural course of a river or two. Livingstone's latest work, it
should be remembered, was then almost unknown, and Cameron had
not yet returned. Beyond the Yellala Ilapids there was no Congp,
and Livingstone believed that the Lualaba swept northwards to
the Nile. He had often gazed longingly at the broad river during
his weary sojourn at Nyangwt'. and yeamed to follow it, but felt
himself too old and exhausted for the task. Stanley was fired with
jggo]
STANLEY AND THE MAP OF AFRICA.
the some ambitioa as his dead master, and was young and vigorous
enough to indulge it.
What, then, did Stanley do to map out the features of this great blank
daring the two years and nine months which he spent in crossing from
Bagamoyo to Boma, at the mouth of the Congo ? He determined, with
aa accuracy which has since necessitated but slight modification, the out-
line of the Victoria Nyanza ; he found it to t)e one of the great lakes
oC the world, 21,500 square miles in extent, with an altitude of over
4000 feet, and border soundings of from 330 to 580 feet. Into the
south shoro of the lake a rirer flowed, which he traced for some 300
miles, and which he sot down as the most southerly feeder of the Nile,
With his stay at the Court of the clever and cunning Mtesa of Uganda we
need not concern ourselves ; it has had momentous results. Westwards
he came upon what he conceived to be a part of the Albert Nyanza, which
iiB named Beatrice Gulf, but of which more anon. Coming south-
wMds to Ujiji, Stanley filled in many features in the region he
tmveraed, and saw at a distance a great mountain, which he named
Gordon Dennett, of which also more anon. A little lake to the south
he named the Alexandra Nyanza ; thence he conjectured issued the
south-west source of the Nile, but on this point, within the last few
months, he has seen cause to change hie mind. Lake Tauganyika
he circumnavigated, and gave greater accuracy to its outline ; while
through the Lukuga he found it sent its waters by the Lualaba
to the Atlantic. Crossing to Nyangwfi, where with longing eyes
Liringstone beheld the mile-wide Lualaba flowing " north, north,
north," Stanley saw his opportunity, and embraced it. Tippu Tip
fiiiled him then, as he did later ; but the mystery of that grt?at river
he hftd made up his mind to solve, and solve it he did. The epic
f'f that first recorded journey of a white man down this majestic river,
which for ages had been sweeping its unknown way through the
wntre of Africa, he and his dusky companions running the gauntlet
uirough a thousand miles of hostile savages, is one of the most
•"emorable things in the literature of travel. Leaving Nyangw6 on
^07ember 5, 1876, in nine months he traced the many-i.slanded Congo
•<'«ve Atlantic, and placed on the map of Africa one of its most
*'ilDng features. For the Congo ranks among the greatest rivers of
"* World. From the remote Chambeze that enters Lake Bangweolo
* «l« sea, it is 3000 miles. It has many tributaries, themselves
'w'ding bondrods of miles of navigable drains ; waters a basin
** * million square miles, and pours into the Atlantic a volume
*lteiated at 1,BOO,000 cubic feet per second. Thus, then, were the
"lib hood lines dra#rn towards filling up the great blank. But, as we
**Ofr, Stanley two* years later was once more on his way to the
^*go, tod. shortly after, within the compass of its great basin> he
WjJcd to found the Congo Free State. During the years he was
130
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jajt.
officially connected with the river, either directly or through those
who served under him, he went on filling up the blank by the
exploration of other rivers, north and south, which poured their
voluminous tribute into the main stream ; and the impulBe he gave
has continued. The blank has become a network of dark lines, the
interspaces covered with the names of tribes and rivers and lakes.
Such then, brietiy, is what Stanley did for the map of Africa
during his great and ever-memorable journey across the continent.
Once more Mr, Stanley has crossed the continent, in the opposite
direction, and taken just about the same time in which to do so.
Discovery was not his main object this time, and therefore the resnlta
in this direction have not been so plentiful. Indeed, they could not
be J he had left so comparatively little to be done. But the addi-
tions that he has madi; to our knowledge of the great blank are con-
siderable, and of high importance in their bearing on the hydro-
graphy, the physical geography, the climate, and the people of Central
Africa.
Let us rapidly run over the incidents of this, in some respects,
the most remarkable expedition that ever entered Africa. Its first
purpose, as we know, was to relieve, and if necessary bring away, Emin
Pasha, the Governor of the abandoned Equatorial Province of the
Egyptian Sudan, which spread on each sido of the Bahr-el-Jebel, the
branch of the Nile that issues from the Albert Nyanza. Here it was
supposed that he and his Egyptian officers and troops, and their
wives and childn-n, were beleagured by the Madliist hordes, and
that they wore at the end of their supplies. Emin Pasha, who as
Eduard Schnitzer was bom in Prussian Silesia, and educated at
Breslau and Burliu as a physician, spent twelve years {18G4— 187G) in
the Turkish service, during which he travelled over mnch of the
Asiatic doininious of Turkey, indulging his strong tastes for natural
history. In 187G he entered the service of Egypt, and was sent
up to the Sudan as surgeon on the staff of Gordon l*as]]a, who
at that time governed the Equatorial Province. In 1878, two years
af1:er Gordon had been appointed Governor-General of the whole
Sudan, Emin EfJ'endi (he had Moslemized himself) was appointed
Governor of- the Equatorial Province, which he foand completely
disorganized and demoralized, the happy hunting-ground of the
slave-niider. Within a few months Emin had restored order, swept out
the slavers, got rid of the I'Jgyptian scum who pretended to be soldiers,
improved the revenue, so that instead of a large deficit there was a
considerable surplus, and established industry and legitimate trade.
Meantime, the Mahdi had appeared, and the movement of conquest
was gathering strength. It was not, however, till 1884 that Emin
began to fear danger. It was in January of that year that Gordon
went out to hold Khartoum ; just a year later both he and the city
A
1890]
STANLEY AND THE MAP OF AFRICA.
131
felt before the Madhist host. Emin withdrew with, liis officers and
dependents, numbering probably aboat 1500, to Wadelai, in the south
of the ptx>vince, within easy reach of Albert Nyanza.
Rumoars of tho events in the Sudan after the fall of Khartoum
reached this country ; but no one outside of scientiBc circks seemed
to take much interest in Emin till 1886. Rapidly, however,
Eumpe became awaro what a noble stand this simple savant,
who had Ijoen foisted into the position of Governor of a half-savage
province, was making against the forces of the Jlahdi, and how
terefased to desert his post and hia people. Towards the autumn
of 1B8G public feeling on the subject rose to such a height that
iW British Government, which waa held tu blame for the position, in
the Sndan, was compelled to take action. Our representixtive at
Zoozibiir, ns early as August of that year, instituted inquiries ag to
the possibility of a relief expedition, but in the end, in dread of inter-
national complications, it was decided that a Government expedition
*4s impracticable. In this dilemma, Sir (then Mr.) William Mackinnon,
Ciuirman of the British India Steam Navigation Company, whose
connection with East Africa is of old standing, came forward and
offered to undertake the responsibility of getting up an expedition.
Tb(j Emin Pasha Relief Committee was formed in December 1886,
«nd Government did all it could to aid, short of taking the actual
re«ponsibility. "Mr. H. M. Stanley generously offered his sei-vices as
iMiltT. without fee or reward, giving up many lucrative engagements
for the purpose. No time was lost. The sum of £20,000 had been
fabscribed, including £10,000 from tho Egyptian Government. Mr.
SfAnley returned from America to England in the end of December ;
by the end of January he had made all hia preparations, selecting
nine men as his staff, including three English ofScers and two
WTjseons, and was on his way to Zanzibar, which was reached
nn February -1. On the 2oth the e.vpedition was on board the
Xndura, bound for the mouth of the Congo, by way of the Cape j nine
Eufrtpenn officers, sixty-one Sudanese, thirteen Somalls, three inter-
preters, G20 Zanzibaris, the famous Arab slaver and merchant, Tippu
Tip and -107 tif his people. The mouth of the Congo was reached on
Hupch 18; tJiere the expedition was transhipped into small vessels,
*nd landed at Matodi, the limit of navigation on the lower river.
From Matadi there was a march of 200 miles, past the Cataracts
to Stanley Pool, where the navigation was resumed. The troubles of
expedition liegan on the Congo itself. The question of routes
much difit'ussed at the time of organizing the ex]7edition, tho
two that found most favour being that from the east coast through
Musai land and round by the north of Uganda, and that by the Congo.
laU) the comparative merits of these two routes we shall not euter
For reasons which were satisfactory to himself — and no one
132
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[J J
knows Africa better — Mr. Stanley selected tlie Congo route ; though
had he foreseeo all that he and hie men would have to undergo he
might have hesitated. As it was, the expedition, which it ■was
thought would be back in England by Christmas 1887, only reachesd
the coast in November 1889. But the difticnlties no one could bare
foreseen, the region traversed being completely unknown, and th€»
obstacles encountered unprecedented even in Africa. Nor, when th.^
goal was reached, was it expected that months would be wasted L*^
persuading Emin and his people to qnit their exile. Not Ul^
keenest-eyed of African explorers could have foreseen all this.
Want of sufficient boat accommodation, and a scarcity of food almos'*'
amounting t-o famine, hampered the expedition terribly on its waj*^
up the Congo. Tliy mouth of the Aruwimi, the real starting-point oW
the expedition, some 1500 miles from the mouth of the Congo, vvasnot>
reached by Mr. Stanley and the first contingent till the beginning 00"
June 1887. The distance from here in a straight line to the nearest^
point of the Albert Nyanza is about 4oO niilea; thence it was believed
communication with Emin %voiild be easy, for he had two steamer*
available. But it was possible that a detour would have to be mad^
towards the north so as to reach Wadelai direct, for no oni?-
knew the conditions which prevailed in the country between tli©-
Aniwimi mouth and the Albert Nyanza. As it was, Mr. Stanley took
the course to the lake direct, but with many a circuit and many an.
obstruction, and at a terrible sacrifice of life. An entrenched camp
was established on a bluff at Yambuya, about fifty miles up the left
bank of the Aruwimi. Major Bartt<-lot was left in charge of this, and
with him Dr. Bonny, Mr. Jameson, Mr. Rose Troup, Mr. Ward, and
257 men ; the rearcolnmn was to follow as soon asTippu Tip provided
the contingent of 500 natives which he had solemnly promised. Al-
though the whole of the men had not come up, yet everything seemed
in satisfactory order ; explicit instructions were issued to the officers
of the rear column ; and on June 28, 1887, Mr. Stanley, with a con-
tingent consisting of 389 officers and men, set out to reach Emin
Pasha. The officers with him were Captain Nelson, Lieutenant Stairs,
Dr. Parke, and Mr. Jephsou.
Five miles after leaving camp the difficulties began. The ex-
pedition was face to face with a dense forest of immense extent,
choked with bushy undergrowth, and obstructed by a network of
creepers through which a way had often to be cleaved with the
axes. Hostile natives hara.ssed them day after day ; the paths were
studded with conct aled spikes of wood ; the arrows were poisoned ;
the natives burned their villages rather than have dealings with
the intruders. Happily the river, when it was again struck,
affiDTded rfelicf, and the steel boat proved of service, though the
■weakened men found the portages post the cataracts a great trial.
I
I
(
I
I
I
i«9o]
STANLEY AND THE MAP OF AFRICA.
133
It WBS fondly hoped tliat here at least the Arab slaver had not pene-
trated ; but on September 1 6, 200 miles from Yambuya, making 340
milfs of actual travel, the alave camp of Ugarowwa was reached, and
kae the treatment was even worse than when fighting the savages
of the forest. The brutalities practised on Stanley's men cost many
of them their lives. A month later the canip of another Arab slaver
was reached, Kiliuga Longa, and there the treatment was uo better.
Tlwae ao-called Arabs, whose caravans consist mainly of the merciless
Manjuema, from the country betwet^u Tanganyika and Nyangwfi, had
laid waste a gri-at area of the region tu be traversed by the expedition,
»that between August 31 and November 12 every man was famished ;
and when, at last, the land of devastation was left behind, and the
native village of Ibwiri entered, officers and men were reduced to
ikeletons. Out of the 381) who started only 174< entered Ibwiri, the
rest dead, or missing, or left behind, unable to move, at Ugarowwa's.
So Weak was everj-body that TO tons of goods and the boat had to be
left at Kilinga Longas with Captain Nelson and Surgeon Parke.
A halt of thirteen days at Ibwiri, with its plenty of fowls,
te&nas, corn, yams, beans, restored everybody ; and 173 sleek and
robust men set out for the Albert Nyanza on November 24. A week
Uter the gloomy and dreaded forest suddenly ended ; the open country
*M reached ; the light of day was unobatructed ; it was an emer-
gence from darkness to light. But the diQicuities were not over;
•wne little fighting with the natives on the populous plateau was
ntceesary before the lake could be reached. Oii the 12tb the edge
<rf the long slope from the Congo to Lake Albert was attained, and
wddealy the eyes of all were gladdened by the sight of the lake
lyioff Bome 3000 feet almost sheer below. The expedition itself stood at
« altitude of 5200 feet above the sea. But the end was not yet. Down
the r«xpedition marched to the south-west corner of the lake, where the
Kakongo natives were unfriendly. No Emin Pasha had been heard
of; there was no sign even that he knew of Stanley's coming or that
the messenger from Zanzibar had reached him. The only boat of the
"■tjfdition waa at Kilinga Longa's, K)Q niiles away. Of the men 9i
were Iwhind sick at Ugarowwa's and Kilinga Longa's ; only 173 were
« *>th Stanley ; 74 of the original 341 were dead or missing ; and, more-
I *'^er. there was anxiety about the rear column.
I Stanley's resolution was soon taken. Moving to the village of Kavalli,
^■M"*^ distance up the steep slope from the lake, the party began a night
^^pBTch on December 15, and by January 7 they were back at Ibwiri.
Here Fort Bodo, famous in the records of the expedition, was built.
The men were brought up from the rear, and on April 7 Stanley, with
Jrphaon and Parke, once more led the expedition to Lake Albert,
Ihis time with the boat and fresh stores. Meantime, Stanley himself
«u on the sick-list for a month. This time all the natives along the
I
4
134
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
routo were frifndly and even generous, and on April 22 the ei
tion reached the cliief Kavalli, who delivered to Stanley a let!
wrapped in American cloth. The note was froiri Emin, and stat
that he had heard rumours of Stanley's presence in the district;
b&gged Stanley to wait until Emin could communicate with hi"
The boat was launched, and Jephson set off' to find Emin. dZU
the 29th the Klu:dive steamer carae down the lake with Emin, ti- 3^^
Italian Casati, and Jephson on board. The great object of ti-2J
expedition seemed at last to be all but fulfilled. I
But the end was not yet. There was the party at Fort Bocl.o» 1
there were the sick further back with whom Lieutenant Stairs ha-<^
not returned when Stanley left the fort ; and, above all, there wa-^
the rear column left at Yambuya with Major Barttelot. It would take^
some time for Emin to bring do'VTTi all his people from Wadelai ani^*
other Btations. So after spending over three weeks with the vacillating^^
Emin, Stanley, on May 25, vras once more on the march back to Fort
Bodo to bring up all hands. He left Jephson, three Sudanese, and two
Zanzibaris with Emin, who gave him 102 nativea aa porters, and
three irregulars to accompany him back. Fort Bodo was reached
on June 8, and was found in a flourishing state, surrounded by
acres of cultivated fields. But of the fifty-sbc men left at
Ugarowwa's only sixteen were alive for Lieutenant Stairs to bring
to Fort Bodo. As there was no sign of the rear column nor of the
twenty messengers sent off in March with letters for Major Barttelot,
Stanley felt bound to retrace his steps through the terrible forest.
This time he was better provisioned, and his people (212) escaped
the liorrors of the wilderness.
Fort Bodo was left on June 16, Stanley letting all his white
companions remain behind. Ugarowwa's camp was deserted, and he
himself with a flotilla of fifty-seven canoes was overtaken far down
the river on August 10, and with him seventeen of the carriers sent
off to Major Barttelot in March ; three of their number had been
killed. On the 17th the rear column was met with at Bonalya, eighty
miles above Yambuya, and then for the first time Stanley learned of
the terrible diaast/er that had befallen it : — Barttelot sliot by the
Manyuema ; Jameson gone down the Congo (only to die) ; Ward
away ; and Troup invalided home. No one bat Dr. Bonny ; of the
257 men only seventy -two remaining, and of these only fifty-two
fit for service. No wonder Mr. Stanley felt too sick to write the
details ; and until we have the whole of the evidence it would be
unfair to pronounce judgment. One thing we may say ; we know.
from Mr. Werner's recently published " River Life on the Congo,"
that before Major Barttelot left Yambuya to follow Stanley it was
known to Mr. Werner, to more than one Belgian officer, to several
natives, and to the Manyuema people with Barttelot, that instructions
i«9o]
STANLEY AND
had been given by Tippu Tip f>o these last to slioot Major Barttelot
if he did not treat them well. Yet no one cared to warn the Major, and
he was allowed to depart to his almoat certain fate. The thing is too
sickening to dwell upon. It was at this stage that Stanley sent home
hi8 first letters, which reached England on April 1, 1889, twenty
months after he started from the Aruwimi, and over two years after h©
left England. The relief was intense ; all sorts of sinister rumours had
been floated, and moat people had given up the e.T[jedition for lost.
Once more back through the weary forest, with the expedition re-
organized. A new route was taken to the north of the river through
a regbn devastate! by the Arab slavers ; and here the expedition
came near to starvation, but once more Fort Bodo was reached,
on December 20. Here things wero practically as Stanley had left
them ; there was no sign of Emin, though he had promised to come
to the fort. The combined expedition marched onwards, and Mr.
Stanley, pushing on with a contingent, reached the lake for the third
time, on January 18, only to learn that Emin and Jcphaon hod been
made prisoners by Emin's own men ; the Mahdi.sts had attacked the
station and created a panic, and all was disorganization and vacillation.
At last, however, the chief actors in this strange drama wero together
again ; and Mr, Stanley's account of Emin's unstable purpose ; the
long arguments with the Pnshn to persuade him to come to a
decision ; the ingratitude and treachery of the Egyptians ; the
gathering of the people and their burdensome goods and chattels
preparatory to quitting the lake — these and many other details are
fresh in om- memories from Stanley's own letters. But the main
purpose of the expedition was accomplished, at however terrible a cost,
M»d however disappointing it was to find that after all E)nin was
reluctant to bo " rescued." When the start was made from Kavalli's,
on April 10 last, 1500 people in all were mustered. An almost mortal
illness luid Stanley low for a month shortly after the start, and it was
Miiy 8 before the huge caravan was fairly under way. Some fighting
,aad to be done with the raiders from Unyoro, but on the whole the
■omeward march was comparatively free from trouble, and full of
>nt«re«t; and on December G Mr. Stanley once more entered Zanzibar,
which he had lefb two years and ten months before. Such briefly are
•onifi of the incidents of the rescue expedition; let us now as briefly
rom np the geographical results.
nhen Stanley left for Africa in January 1S87 there remained one
of the great problems of African hydrography still unsolved — what
" known as the problem of the "VVell6. Schweiufnrth and Junker had
upon a river at some points which seemed to rise in the neighs
irhood of the Albert Nyanza, and ap]jeared to fiow in a north-west
Erection, The favourite theory at the time was that the river Well^
really the upper course of the Shari, which runs into Lake Chad
136 THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW. [Jah-
far away to the north-west. Bat as the Congo and its great feeders
the nortli, and the lie of the land in that direction, became bette;
known, it began to be conjectured that after all the Well6 might Bend_ I
ita waters to swell the mighty volume of the great river. Stanley, IT ^
know, hoped that, among other geographical work, he might be able t(^ i
throw some light on the course of this puzzling river. But, as we se^ <
now, the cares and troubles that fell upon him prevented him going much-
out of the way to do geographical work. While, however, Stanley wasB- \
cleaving his way through the tangled forest, Lieutenant Vein G^le, i
one of the Free State officers, proved conclusively that the Well6 wa» |
really the upper course of the Mobangi, one of the largest northern. '
tributaries of the Congo. Bat another and kindred problem Stanley-
was able to solve. Before his journey, the mouth of the river
Aruwimi was known ; the great naval battle which he fought there on.
hL«9 first descent of the river ig one of the most striking of the many
striking pictures in the narrative of that famous journey. But beyond
Yambuya its course was a blank. The river, under various names,
" Ituri " being the best known, led him almost to the brink of the
Albert Nyanza. One of its upper contributories is only ten minutes'
walk from the brink of the escarpment that looks down upon the
lake. With many rapids, it is for a great part of its course over 500
yards wide, with groups of islands here and there. For a consider-
able stretch it is navigable, and its entire length, taking all its
windings into account, from its source to the Congo, is 800 miles.
One of its tributaries turns out to be another river which Jnnker met
further north, and whose destination was a puzzle — the Nepoko.
Thus this expedition has enabled us to form clearer notions of the
^ydrographyof this remarkable region of rivera. We see that the sources
of the Congo and the Nile lie almost within a few yards of each other.
Indeed, so diflScult is it to determine to which river the various waters in
this region send their tribute that Mr. Stanley himself, in his first
letter, was confident that the southern Lake Albert belonged to the
Congo and not to the Nile system ; it was only actual inspection that
convinced him he was mistaken. How it is that the Ituri or the Aruwimi
and other rivers in the same region are attracted to the Congo
and not to the Nile is easily seen from Mr. Stanley's graphic de-
scription of the lie of the country between the Congo and the Albert
Nyanza. It ia, he says, like the glacis of a fort., some 3S0 miles
long, sloping gradually up from the margin of the Congo (itself at
the Aruwimi mouth 1400 feet above the sea), until ten minutes beyond
one of the Ituri feeders it reaches a height of 5200 feet, to descend
almost perpendicularly 2900 feet to the surface of the lake, which
forms the great western reservoir of the Nile.
But when the term " glacis " is used, it must not be inferred
that the aacent from the Congo to Lake Albert is smooth and
J
i890]
STANLEY AND THE MAP OF AFRICA.
137
uDobstrncted. The fact is that Mr. Stanley foand himself involved
in tli6 northern section of what is probably the most extensive
and densest forest region in Africa. Livingstone spent many a
weary day trudging its gloomy recesses away south at Nyangw6 on the
Laalaba. It stretches for many miles north to the Monbuttu
country. Stanley entered it at Yambuya, and tannelied his way
tlirough it to within fifty miles of the Albert Nyanza, when it all of a
sndden ceased and gave way to grassy plains and the unobstructed
light of day. How far west it may extend beyond the Aruwimi he
cannot say ; but it was probably another section of this same forest
region that Mr. Paul du Chaillu struck some thirty years ago, when
gorilla*hunting in the Gaboon. Mr. Stanley estimates the area of this
great forest region at about 300,000 square miles, which is more likely
to be under than over the mark. The typical Afiican forest, as
Mr. Drummond shows in his charming book on *' Tropical Africa," is
lot of the kind found on the Aruwimi, which is much more South
American than African. Not even in the "groat sponge" from whicli
ttt> Zambesi and the Congo draw their remote supplies do we meet with
Mch impenetrable density. Trees scatttred alx>ut as in an English
park in small open clumps- form, as a rule, the type of " forest "
comtnon in Africa ; the physical causes which led to the dense
Packing of trees over the immense area between the Congo and the
Nile lakes will fonn an interesting investigation. Mr. Stanley's
•iescription of the great forest region, in his letter to Mr. Bruce,
is wHl worth quoting : —
"Take a thick Scottish copse, dripping with ruin ; imagine this copse to
J*'«Biere untlergrowth, nourished under the impenetralde shade of anrient
*«**, ranging from 100 to J 80 feet high; Viriais nnd thorns abundant;
Ifti)' creeks, meandering through the depths of the junglf, and sometimes a
•fetji ttiHuent of a great river. Imagine thia forest and jungle in jUI stages
of difay and growth — old trees falling, leaning jierilously over, fallen
prostnite ; ants and insect-s of all kinds, sizes, and colours murmuring
w^urid; monkevH and chimpanzees above, queer noises of birds and animals,
WMhesin the jungle as troops of elephtints rush away ; dwarfs with iM>isoued
•nows secui-cly hidilen behind some buttress or in some ilaik ieces.s ; strong,
'''Own-bodied aborigines with toirihly sharp spears, standing poised, still as
^«»d Humps; rain jvittering down on 3-ou every other day in the year; an
""p'llie atmosphere, with its dread consequences, fever and dysentery ; glcx»m
*kw\ighout the day, and darkness almost palpable throughout the night ;
•odthirn if you will imagine such a forest extending the entire distance from
*'ynoath to Peterhead, you will have a fair idea of some of the incon-
**ieBw endured by us from June 28 to Decemlier 5, 1887, and from
*•* 1, 1888, to the present date, to continue again from the present date
'illabont December 10, 1888, when I hope then to say a last farewell to the
^go Foi-est."
J4r. Stanley tries to account for this great forest region by the
loe of moisture c-arried over the continent from the wide Atlantic
■the winds which blow landward thi-ougb a great part of the year.
138
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
tJ
1
But it is to be feared tite remarkable pbenomonon is not to be ac =
counted for in bo easy a way. Investigation may prove that th«
rain of tie rainiest region in Africa comes not from the Atlantic, bu
the Indian Ocean, with its moisture-laden monsoons. And so w
should have here a case analogous to that which occurs in Sent
America, the forests of which resemble in many features those of th^B|
region through which Mr. Stanley has passed.
But the forest itself is not more interesting than its human*
denizens. The banks of the river in many places are studded with larg^
villages, some, at least, of the native tribes being cannibals. We are^ ^
here on the northern border of the true nogro peoples, so that when
the subject is investigated the Aruwimi savages may be found to be
much mixed. But unless Europe promptly intervenes, there will
shortly be few people left in these forests to investigate. Mr. Stanley
came upon two slave-hunting parties, both of them manned by the
merciless people of Manyuema. Already great tracts have been
turned into a wilderness, and thousands of the natives driven from
their homes. From the ethnologist's point of view the most interest-
ing inhabitants of the Aruwimi forests are the hostile and cunning
dwarfs, or rather pigmieSj who caused the expedition so much ti-ouble.
No doubt they are the same as the Monbuttu pigmies found farther
north, and essentially similar to the pigmy population found scattered
all over Africa, from the Zambesi to the Nile, and from the Gaboon to
the east coast. Mr, Du Chaillu found them in the forests of the
west thirty years ago, and away south on the great Sankuru tribu-
tary of the Congo Major Wissmann and his fellow-explorers met
them within the past few years. They seem to be the remnauta of a
primitive population rather than stunted examples of the normal
negro. Around the villages in the forest wherever clearings
had been made the ground was of the richest character, growing
crops of all kinds. Mr. Stanley has always maintained that in the
high lands around the great lakes will be found the most favourable
region for European enterprise ; and if in time much of the forest is
cleared away, the country between the Congo and Lake Albert
might become the granary of Africa,
To the geographer, however, the second half of the expedition's
work is fuller of interest than the first. Some curious problems had
to bo solved in the lake region, problems that have given rise to
much discussion. When in 1864 Sir Samuel Baker stood on the lofty
escarpment that looks down on the east shore of the Albert Nyanza,
at Vacovia, the lake seemed to him to stretch inimitably to the south,
BO that for long it appeared on our maps as extending beyond
1° S. latitude. When Stanley, many years later, on his first great
expedition, after crossing from Uganda, came upon a great bay of
^ater, he was naturally inclined to think that it was a part of Baker's
a89o]
STANLEY AND THE MAP OF AFRICA,
lake, and called it Beatrice Gulf. Bat Geesi and Mason, members
of Gordon Pasha's staff, circumnavigated the lake later on and found
that it ended more than a degree north of the equator. So when
Stanley published his uan'ative he made his "Beatrice Gulf" a
separate lake lying to the south of the Albert Nyanza. Mr. Stanley
Mw only a small portion of the southern lake^ Mnta Nzige, but in
time it expanded and expanded on our maps, until there seemed some
danger of its being joined on to Lake Tanganyika. Emin himself,
daring his twelve years' stay in the Sudan, did something towards
exploring the Albert Nyauaa, and found that its southern shore was
fast advancing northwards, partly owing to sediment brought down
by a river, and partly due to the wearing away of the rocky bed
of the Upper Nile, by which much water escaped, and the level of the
lake subsided. Thus, when Baker stood on the shore of the lake
in 1864, it may well have extended many miles farther south than it
does now. But where did the river come from that Mason and
Emin eaw running into the lake from the south ? As was pointed out
above, Stanley at first thought it could not come from his own lake
to the south, which he believed must send its waters to the Congo,
Bat all controversy has now been ended. During the famous
rarodas of the 1500 from Kavalli to the coast, the intensely interest-
ing ooimtr\- lying between the northern lake Albert and the southern
lake, now named Albert Edward, was traversed. Great white
gra«8y plains stretch away south from the shores of Lake Albert,
which under the glitter of a tropical sun might well be mistaken
for Water; evidently they have been under water at a quite recent period.
But soon the country begins to rise, and round the base of a great
inoontain boas the river Seniliki winds its way through its valley,
Irving through the picturesque glens many streams of water
from the snows that clothe the '^mountain-tops. Here we have
• splendid coimtry, unfortunately harassed by the raids of the
"anyoro, in dread of whom the simple natives of the mountain -side
*«t«n Creep up to near the limit of suow. Up the mountain, which
"•^ut. Stairs ascended for over 10,000 feet, blackberries, bilberries,
owlets, heaths, lichens, and trees that might have reminded him of
England flourish abundantly. Here evidently we have a region that
^'"ght well harbour a European population. The mountain itself, Ru-
^"^•luori, a great boss with numerous spurs, is quite^evidently an extinct
'"Ic&no, rising to something like 19,000 feet, and reminding one of
^Kilimanjaro, farther to the east. It is not yet clear whether it is the
■Oje moontain as the Gordon Bennett seen by Stanley in his former
•^pcdition, though the probability is that, if distinct, they belong to
™> same group or mass. Apart from the mountain the country
grsdaally ascends as the Semliki is traced up to its origin in Lake
Albert Edward. Mr. Stanley found that, after all, the southern Nyanza
140
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jah.
belongs to the great Nile system, giving origin to the farthest south-
west source of Egypt's wonderful river, which we now know receives
a tribute from the snows of the equator.
The southern lake itself is of compnratively small dimensions, prob-
ably not more than 45 miles long, and is 900 firet above the northern
Lake Albert, llr. Stanley only skirted its west, north, and east
shores, so that probably he has not been able to obtain complete data
as to size and shape. But he has solved one of the few remaining
great problems in African geography. The two lakes lie in a
trough, the sides of which rise steeply in placns 3000 feet, to the great
plateaus that extend away east and west. This trough, from the north
end of Lake Albert to the south end of Lake Albert Edward, is some
260 statute milf^s in length. About 100 miles of this is occupied by the
former lake, 45 by the latter, and the rest by the country between, where
the trough, if we may indulge in an Trishipni, becomes partly a plain,
and partly a great mountain mass. But this trough, or fissure, a glance
at a good map will show, is continued more or less south and south-east
in Lakes Tanganyika and Nyassa, wliich are essentially of the same
character as Lakes Albert and Albeit Edward, and totally different
from such lakes as Victoria Nyanza and Bangweolo. Here we have
a feature of the greatest geographical interest, which still has to be
worked out as to its origin.
There ia little more to 'say as to the geographical results of the
Em in Pasha Relief Expedition. There are many minute details of
great interest, which the reader may st-o for himself in Mr. Stanley's
letters, or in his forthcoming detailed m <fttive. In his own charac-
teristic way, he telb of the tribes and ]l pies around the lakes, and
between the lakes and the coast ; arjd it was left for him on his way
home to discover a great south-west t-xtension of Victoria Nyanza,
which brings that lake witbiu 150 miles of Lake Tanganyika. The
results which have been achieved have been achieved at a great sacri-
fice of life and of suffering, to all concerned ;~Tbut no one, I am sure,
will wis!) that thi^ work had been left undone. The few great
geographical problems in Africa that Livingstone had to leave un-
touched Stanley has solved, Little remains for himself and others
in thp future beyond the filling in of detjitla ; but these are all-
important, and will keep the great army of esplorera busy for many
jearsj if not for generations.
J. Scott Keltie.
WHEN the news was flashed fi*oni Venice that Robert Browning
had died, men felt as of old tht-y felt when a great king had
^aaed away — one who, at a time of change, had absorbed the new
18 and thoughts of his nation while they were yet unshaped, who
Iliad given them form in himself, and' sent them forth alive and fresh,
to be loved and used by his folk, and who, continuing to shape and
Ttahape them with more and more completeness, had himself quietly
grown into such a power that he impressed the seal and spirit of his
personality upon the character of his people. The movement is slow
of Buch a life and the strife is long, but at last, and when the best of
hia work is done, he comes forth, recognized as one of the spiritual
kings, listened to by all as one of the prophets of mankind. This
was the history of Robert Browning. He waited long, without com-
plaint, without pretension, for hia recognition by men of good-will ;
Mid he had the happy fortune to attain it before he died. He had
lOTed men, and he lived long enough to feel that they loved him. It
is not the common lot ; but his courage, his joyfulness, his consistent
floondneaa of mind, deserved that gratification.
We look back over a space of fifty-seven years to his first poem.
"Pauline" was sent to preaa in January 1833; and though it is
eiceedingly immature, yet there has been rarely any youthful poem
which more clearly foretold that a new world of poetry was about tx>
«>pen its doors to men. It has absoluteJy nothing to do with the past.
TTicre is, it is true, the sound in it of the blank verse of Shelley, but
it does not belong to any of the separate countries, which yet had one
atmoephere, of the world in which Wordsworth and Coleridge, Byron
■ad Shelley, Keats and Scott, thought and felt. It was part of the
142
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW,
[Jan.
first mail of a new wave of emotion and thinking upon the shoreB of
England.* His poetry of introspection whicli asked, " Who am I,
wbence have I come, whither am I going ? *' began in it. His
poetry which grew more and more eager round theological questions,
with a wholly new turn in the theology — which went below dogma
to the impassioned human desires out of which dogma had grown —
began in it. Hia poetry which asked what was the aim of human
life, what was the meaning of its problem, why the strife was so hard,
and what was the use of it — and which asked this, not for the world
at large, but for the individual in the world — began in it. His
poetry, which determined to represent not what was common to human
nature, to all men, but what was special indifferent types of humanity,
and special to individual phases of each type, began in it. Moreover,
there arose in it, as also in Tennyson — but in Tennyson it was less
original, more on the model of past poetry — a new kind of natural
description, or rather a new element in natural description, the
subtile differentiation of which J is too long to speak of now, but
which is more composed, more invented, more infused with in-
tellect, less drawn on the spot from Nature, more surcharged with
humanity, more passionate, more conceived in colour less in line,
more illustrative of the human purpose of the poem, than had before
arisen.
This novelty in the work, connected with the date, is full of interest.
The last great poetry had closed about ten years before, in the deaths
of Shelley and Keats. Both of them felt, but Shelley less than Keats,
because he was away from England, that the world in which they
lived was exhausted of beauty, interest, and excitement. There was
none of that popular emotion which flowing from the minds and hearts
of men kindles a poet and forces him into creation. The storm which
followed on the Revolution of France had blown itself out, and Shelley,
after in vain striving to excite himself with the struggle for Hellenic
• I say " part of the wave," because, even before '* Paulino," Tennyson had begun to
write, aii<l the same new elements, tliougb mingled inoro with past, motives, appeared
in his pncnis, '' The Supposed Confes.'sions of n Sensitive Mind not in Unity with
Itself," "The Poet," ana " The Poet's Mind," "Loyo and Death," the manner of the
" Sleeping Beauty"— all puhlii^hcd in 1830 — ilhisrtrate tbe new paths into wJiich i>oetry
■was turning. The same things jut out in the poems of his brother. They arc still
more marked in tbe poems of 1832. "The Palace of Art " is steeped in them. The
" Lotus-Eater."? " strikes another note of the same theme ; and tbe " Lovers' Tale,'' pub-
lished privately in 1833, may he compared throughout with " Pauline." How liko, we
say, yet how different I Nothing would l»e more fa.scinating than to isolate t lie new
elements in Tennyson's works from 1830 to 1933, but our business is with Browning.
May it still be long before we have to write of Tennyson as wc are doing now of
Browning, And it seems as if it woidd be long, for bis last volume is full of poems so
fair, so strongly wrought, so joyful in their sf rongth, so pathetic, and so passionate that
we seem to be reading the work of a man of thirty-five, in the plenitude of power.
Goethe wrote well at eighty years of age, but there was no youth in his works.
There i.* nothing in literature which resembles the young strength and feeling of
this book by a m.in of eighty hut the production of the "(Edipusat Colonus " by
Sophocles, if it be true that the drama was given to Athens when Sophocles was so old.
«890]
ROBERT BROWNING.
143
liberty, took to lore-songs and metaphysics, while Keats fled back to
Greece and to mediaeval Italy for subjects. Then, in a dead back-
water of exhaustion, pretty little poems of pot-pourri sentiment and
hric-ii-hrac description, like those of Mrs. Hemans, delighted and
enfeebled the cultivated world. But a new excitement which stiired
the dead bones now came on England. The Reform movement was
bora, and though the poets did not write about it, yet they breathed
the atiDosphere of passion in which the country lived. They were no
longer forced to go to Greece and Italy to stir themselves into creation.
They found their impulse in their own country and their own age.
They took that excitement, and they changed it in themselves into an
excitement on questions of the soul, of life, of human nature, of
^ataro herself. The political ideal aroused in them the conception of
« new spiritual ideal. The stir, the life, the battle in England did
not become subjects which the Muse could treat, but they awoke the
JJofic from slumber and filled her with eagerness to do her own work ;
and as the ground temper of the world had changed since the time
of Shelley and Byron, since it no longer looked backwards, but for-
wards, the work of poetry also changed, and looked also forward.
Bat the new elements of the soul of poetry were all in confusion,
mingled and tossed together like a sea in the centre of a hurricane,
tumbling up and down, no ordered run in the waves — elements
anable to be handled, seized, or isolated, their relations to each
other unknown, their tendencies only gaessed at, what they would be
when crystallized as yet unimagined — so that we do not wonder at
the tentativeness, the obscurity, almost the muddle of a poem like
** Pauline." It is eminently representative of the fitful, strange, tor-
mental, moody, wayward time ; but, while we say this, we most
remember that the trouble and fantasy of that time, its agony and
waywardness, were not those of age, but of growth, not of an ex-
hausted, but of a new-bom period. Therefore their evil, in g^o^vth,
would be eliminated — if the jwet were true, and if his ago pursued
nobility. This was the case with Browning, and the growth was swift.
In *' Paracelsus," published two years later than " Pauline," in 1835,
the Togne thoughts of " Pauline " had taken clear form : the poet
ime master of his ' ideas, and gave them luminous shape ; the
vrt% ran in one direction before a steady wind.
Simoltaneously with the political excitement and with the new
p<^tic movement arose a theological excitement and a religious reform.
U took two distinct shapes. One looked backward to find the per-
fection \o which it aspired ; the other looked forward to a like
Y' ' Both wished fn bring religion home to the people, and
til i al effect of both lias been great. One was the movement
which Newman led, and the other the movement which Maurice led.
144
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
The OQly thing I wish to mark in them waa common to both. It
their passion, their eagerness, their sense that a new world
beginning, their indignation at the apathy of the age just bebm^^iB
them in all matters of the aoul with God, of the nation oonceiveA. "
having a duty to God. " Let us re-create theology and religious "Ms
as its form," they cried ; and, what is more, they did that work. A
This impulse, unlike the politicnl one, could unite itself to poet'fcsi;
and express its more iileal portion in verse. It was an impulse wt»_:5c
had to do with the soul, with boiiea, ph'asures, and aspirations bey c:» n(
the world, with the shaping of the right way of living, with Nature, ■%?v^it2
the heart of man, and God. It was immediately taken up by Brown i-K3g.
It was not, save very slightly, taken up by Tennyson till 181>2, wl:»en
such poems as the " Two Voices " and the " Vision of Sin " api^eare-^J ;
till 1850, when " In Menioriam " concentrated all its questions xo^x'X^^
the problem of loss and sorrow. To Browning, on the contrary, t.ii<
whole theological matter in its application to tlio question, "What
the meaning and the end of this life ?" was always dear, Btnd continu
dear to him for more than half a century of work. In " Paracelsn*
the way he meant to meet the problem and his view of it were clear.?
laid down, and from that view he has never swerved. What he sai
there, he went on saying in a hundred different fasliions through th ^^
whole of his poetic life. In "Pauline" we have the same view, bu"^^
unshaped, in broken bits, like elements in solution • uncombined, bu^
waiting the flash of electricity through them, which will mingle them,,
in their due proportions, into a composite substance, having a clear
form, and capable of being used for a distinct puqiose. That flash
was sent through the confused elements of " Pauline," and the result
was " Paracelsus."
This is the history of the poet at his beginning in relation to the
time at which he began. I have no intention of dealing with
" Paracelsus," or with the wonderful world that was created after it.
That were too large a task ; for surely no other modern poet has had
a greater variety than Browning w^ithin his well-defined limits.
Nor can I attempt, in the few hours given me to write this article, to
define the main lines of his work, or the main characteristics of his
genius. That should be the result of some months of careful reading of
his poems as a whole, and of careful thought. It may be years,
indeed, before we can stand enough apart from him, and from that
deceiving atmosphere of the contemporary, to see clearly what he has
done, to give it its just value, and to distinguish those powers and
their pleasures which are unique in it, as well as useful for the
growth of the imagination and the soul in mam The dead, who
have been great, pass through a period of enthusiasm for their work —
then of depreciation tif it ; and then from the balance of the two
extremes arises at last the just appreciation which allots them their
ROBERT BROWNING.
145
true place in the temple of poetry. Our gitrndchildren will know
tJie judgment of time on Browning. Only one thing is quite clear.
That judgment will give him a lofty seat and a distinct one ; and I
believe, if I may venture to prophesy, that, among the whole of the
English-speaking peoples, and in proportion as they grow in thought, in
spirituality, and in love of men and women, the recognition and the
praise of the main lx)dy of Browning's poetry wUl also grow, and
grow into a power the reach of which we cannot as yet conceive.
What I have yet to say will be taken up with " Pauline." That
ia a matter small enough to treat of in an article so necessarily
occasional as this. Nevertheless, it has its own interest. Had
'* Pauline " been rejected from his works by Browning — were it as poor,
aa imitative, as the first efforts of poets commonly are, we should
have no right to speak of it. But he has republished it ; he felt
there was stuff below its immaturity; he knew it was original and of
itfi time, and that in the history of his poetic development it had
a distinct place. It was crude and extravagant ; " good draughtsman-
ship and right handling," he says himself, " were far beyond the
Mtiat at that time ; " but he was right, though " with extreme
repugnance and purely of necessity," in retaining it. It is valuable
for the history of poetry, and it ia valuable for the history of his own
^ebpment.
It is a fragment of a larger design ; of a poem which was to repre-
sent, as in dramatic contrast, various types of human life. Of these
types, some were put aside, or worked up afterwards with other poems.
'' Pauline " ia the presentation of the type of the poet.
It ifl remarkable that even at the age of twenty years Browning
Jiad chosen one of his methods, and chosen it for life. Even to his
latest book he pursued this contrasted dramatization of characters,
•*tting type over against type, and specialties of the one type over
■gvnBt another, without, strange to say, any power of making a true
dnma. The character drawing is superb, but the characters do not
cU»h or cohere to form a dramatic whole. They stand apart, like
peaks in an Alpine range, each clear and proud, but the attempt to
coordinate them fails. Here in " Pauline "we have the poet, but the
poet b the confused, chaotic time of which I have spoken. We find
^ Caught by love and hiding in his love from a past he longed to
'orget. He had sought wild dreams of beauty and good, strange fair
^orldg, and the end was vanity. The past was dead, but its ghost
lunted him and made him for ever restless — the shame of failure,
oT hopes grown craven, was ever with him. Once he had "sung like
one entering bright halls," but he had not been true to his aspiration.
He had fallen, out of the enthusiasm which took him beyond himself,
m^r the dominion of self, and all the glory departed. And a fine
lile of hia soul as ft young witch whose blue eyes
vol.. LVII. K
i4e
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jas.
" Ai> she stood nnked by tbe river springs
Drew down a god,"
but who, as he sat in the sunshine on her knees singing of heaven, saw
the mockery in her eyes, and vanished, tells, with much of the after-force
of Browning, of how the early ravishment departed, slain by self-scom
that sprang from self-worship. Then he tells, in contrast with this, of the
reverence and love he had, and which still survives, for one great
poet whom he calls '* Suntreader," and who may be Shelley, and this
adoration at the root of his soal keeps him " not wholly lost." To
strengthen this self-forgetful element, the love of Pauline has now come,
and something of the old joy returns. A new impulse has arisen on
him out of the universe. Let me take it, he cries, and sing on
" fast iis fancies come :
Rudely, the veme being as the mood it paints ,*' *
This is the exordium, and it is Browning all over — the soul aspiring,
the failure to realize the aspiration, the despair ; and then the new
impulse coming whence men know not, which bids the soul aspire again.
It is failure, then, that makes growth possible, and bids man, uncon-
tented, reach upwards to God, from whom the new impulse has come.
Then he strips his mind bare. What are its elements ? he asks.
The first is (and it is Browning's conviction concerning all men and
women — ^the root of his clear impersonation of them in which he
excels all modem poets) an intense and living personality, linked to
self-supremacy, and to a principle of restlessness
" Which would be all, have, see, know, taste, feel all."
But this would plunge him, " while confined in clay," into the depths
of self, were it not that imagination also is there, and never fails —
imagination which bears him beyond himself! With that there is
also
" A need, a trust, a yearning after God,"
wliich forces him to see God everywhere, to always feel His presence,
to know, even when most lost, that One beyond him is acting
in him.
Of thesOj imagination, fed by ancient books and tales, made him crea-
tive, so that he vjois aU he read of— *'a god wandering after beauty," or
" a high-crostcd chief
Sailing with troops of friends to Tenedos. "
liTever was anything more clear than these lives out of himself, never
anything clearer than what he saw — and the lines in which he re-
cords the vision have all the sharpness and beauty of his after-work.
* A line which lay."^ down one of the critical rules in accordaticc with which Browning
wishcB the metrical movement of his verse to be judged.
i89o]
ROBERT BROIVNING.
147
" Morn ....
On t\w dim clustered isles in tb6 blue sea.
The deep groves, and white temples and \ret cares :
And nothing ever will surprise me now —
Who stood beside the naked Swift-footed,
Who bound my forehead with Proserpine's hair."
" Yet it is strange," he goes on, " that having these things — God
in me urging me upwards, imagination making mine an infinite world,
I should aim bo low, seek to win the mortal and material, strive for
the possible, not the impossible — even while there was, beyond all I
could conceive of myself in God, ' a vague sense of powers folded up
in me/ which, developed, would make me master of the universe,"
But now, having aimed low, he fell into the sensuous life — and re-
morseful, sought in self-restraint peace — turning the mind against
itoelf; but there was no rest gained thereby. For it is one of
Browning's root ideas that peace is not gained by self-control, but by
letting, loose passion on noble things. Not in restraint, but in the
conscious impetuosity of the soul to the highest, is the wisdom of l[fi\
A hundred after-poems are consecrated to this idea.
So, giving up that, the poet returned to song. But song alone did
•-■■■y content him. Music — the music of which Browning alone, with
^liiton, has written well, and the love of which appeared in this first
poem— claimed him, and painting, and thon the study of the great poets,
in whom he "' explored passion and mind for the first time ; " till now
hia soul, fed at these great springs, rose into keen life ; all his powers
burst forth, and he gazed on nil things, all systems and schemes,
and heard ineffable things nngue.'^Bed by man. Tlien he vowed him-
self to liberty, to the new world that liberty was to bring, where
" Men were to be aa gnd^, and earth a» heaven."
All Plato entered into him ; it seemed he had the key to life ; his
M>nl rose to meet the glory he conceived.
And then he turned to ])rove his thoughts, taraed to
" Men and their cares and hopfs and tears and joys ;
.\nd as I pondered on tbeni all I sought
How liertt life's end might We attained— an end
Comprising every joy."
Bnt as he looked the glory vanished, as if it were a dream dissolved by
the touch of reality :
^B " I said 'twas beautiful
^B Vet but n dream — and <o adieu to tt !
W Bat,
First went my hopes of perfecting manlcind.
And faith in them, then freedom in itself
And virtnc in itself, and tlien my motivcii, endti
And powers and loves, and himiaii love went last.
Sat, Btrange to say, this seemed his suoceas ; he had gained the
^rorld. As old feelings left, new powers came — wit, mockery, int* Uec-
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THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
Uas
tiial force, a grasp on knowledge ; and they were his because that
aspiration for the unknowable had gone. God, too, had vanished in
this satisfaction^ and in the temple where He had been knelt troops
of shadows, and they cried— Hail, King !
Then, as the position given above is like that which Wordawort.h
relates as his, when after the vanishing of bis expectations from the
French Revolution he found himself without love but with keen
powers of analysing human nature — and was destroyed thereby — bo
the passage which follows, and which is exceedingly remarkable, is
built on the same theme as that which Tennyson has used in the
" Palace of Art " :
" The stkadowa cry,
' We serve thee now, and thou shalt serve no more .'
Call on Ds, prove us, let us worship thee ! '
And I said — ' Are ye strong ! Let fancy bear me
Far from the past.' And 1 was borne away
As Arab birds float sleeping in the wind.
O'er deserts, towers ana forests, I being calm ;
And I said, 'I have nursed vp tnerffien,
Thri/ mill prey on me.' And a band knelt low
Anil cried ' Lord, we are here and wc will make
A way for thee in thine appointed life I
(> look on us I ' And I saiil, • Ye will worship
Me; bnt my heart must worship too.' "
He is not yet, however, wholly lost in seir. The plaguing which
drove the soul in thu "Palace of Art"' into despair begins here
in the felt necessity of worshi[). The shadows know that this feeling
is against them, and they shout in answer :
" Thyself, thou art nur king ! "
But the end of that is misery, Hi.'j success is liis ruin.
Still the effort to realize all success on earth goes on. "I will
make every joy mine own, and then die," he cries ; " I will be a poet
whom the world will love, and find in that earthly love, satisfaction ;
I will have full joy in music, in old lore loved for itself j all the
radiant sights of Nature — all human love shall be mine. My fulness
shall be on earth."
Yet, " when all's done, how vain Beems all succefis"; the curse of
decay and perishing is on it all. " And now," he cries, "that I love
thee, Pauline, I know in touching the intiuit-e of love, that I cannot
rest in these successes of earth ; I cannot accept, finality " : —
•' Sonls alter not, .ind mini> must progress -till ;
1 cannot chain my soul, it will not rest
In its clay prison.
It lias strange powers and feelings and desires ;
They live,
Referring to some state or life they live unknown.".
Therefore he tries for the infinite — but still he will have it on earth.
He will have ont^ rapture to fill all the siml ; he will have all knowledge.
He will live in all beauty. He will liave a perfect human soul which at
some great crisis in human history ^all break forth, and lead, and
•«9o]
ROBERT RROIVNING.
oonquer for, the world. But when he triwa, everywhere he is limited,
his aoul demands what his body refuaea ; everywhere he is baffled,
maddened, falling short, chained down, unable to use what he conceives,
to (prasp what he can reach in thought, hating himself, imagining what
he might be, and driven back from it into despair.
What does this puzzle mean ? It means " this earth is not my
»her© "—
" For I cannot so narrow me bat that
I still exceed it."
" Yet," he continues, '• I will not yet give up the earth. I liave lived
in all human life ; it is not enough to satisfy the undying craving
in me. Nature remains, and perhaps in her beauty I may find rest. I
oan live in all its life; " and, as he thinks, he is carried away by the pas-
sion of external beauty mingled with his love for Pauline. " Come with
me," he cries, " out of the world," and there follows a noble passage
of natural description clearly and subtly invented, morning, noon, and
evening, with their colours and theii* movement, seen and felt as he
and Pauline pass upwards through the changing scenery of a mountain
glen ; a passage fall of manj^ of those sharpened points of description
in which Browning, all his poetry through, concentrates the sentiment
of a landscapxj! — and the passion of the whole rises till it reaches the
height of eagerhess and joy, when suddenly the whole firf of it is
rxtincrtiiahed :
" I caunot be immortal, nor ta^tc all.
0 God, wLero does this tend — these .ntrnggling' aims ?
WImt wonld I have 1 What is this tkep which .seems
To bound all 1 Can there be a leaking point
Of CTOWninj: life 1 The soul would never rule ;
It woold be first in all things, it would have
Its utmoKt pleasure tilled, but, that complete,
Commanding, for commanding, sickens it.
The laat point I can truce is. rest, beneath
Borne belter essence than itself, in weakness ;
Thw is mytclf, not what I think should be :
And what i.n that I hiingifr fur hut God ?
My God, my God, let me for once look op thee
Ab tboogh nought else existed, 'WC idono !
And as creation crumbles, my souIb spark
Expands till I can say, — Even from myself
1 need thee and I feci thee and I love thee ;
] lio not plead my rapture in thy works
Kur love of tlice, nor that I feel ah one
^Vho cannot die ; but there is that in nie
Wuch turns to thee, which loves or which i<l)ould love.
Why have 1 girt inyMlf with this hell-dress?
Why have I laboured to put out my life!
Take from me powers and pleasures, let me die
Ages, eo I sec thee !
• ••••••
All that errs
b a atmngc dream which death will dissipate."
___ ity has risen on him again, he makes an end in perfect joy.
fTTlBlieve," he cries, '• in God and truth and love. Know my last
is happy, free from doubt or touch of fear."
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THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jax.
This, again, is Browning all over. These are the motives of
" Paracelsus," of " Easter Day," of " Abt Vogler," of " Andrea del
Sarto," of " Waring "—
" Oh. never star
Woi lost here, but It rose afar 1 "
of a hundred poems — motives wrought out with aBtonishing variety^
in characters of men and women who loved nature and knowledge and
art and love : motives consistently kept from youth to age, the child,
in these, the father of the man ; never better shaped, nor with greater
force and individuality than at the trenchant and magnificent end of
"Easter Day/' where the questions and answers are like the clashing of
sharp scimitars. Take the close, when driven from all earthly suc-
ceasea, and Jinding that to stay in them was to stay in ruin of lie
soul, he breaks forth :
'■ Thon love of God I Or let me die.
Or ^raul what simll seem Heaven almost 1
Let mu uot know that all is lost.
Though lost it be — leave me not tied
To Miis despjiir, this corjiNC-like bride !
I,et tbat old life seein niinu— no more —
With limitation as before,
With darknpss, hunger, toll, distress ;
Be all the esirth a wildemi'ss !
Only let me go on, go on,
Still hoping ever and nnon
To reach one eve the Better Land."
Out of the same quarry, then, from which '* Pauline " was hewn, were
hewn all the rest. The interest of this early poem is that the blocks
are of similar shape to those which were afterwards used, and of the
same stuflF. But the stones, though quarried oat, are only roughly
hewn, unsculptnred with ornament, not fitted to each other, lying as it
were loose about the <|uarry — as indeed in the confiised time at which
the poet then livetl tliey were likely to be.
It pleasures us thus to see the first shaping of unorganized thought,
v'hcn the thinker has afterwards built them into a nobly archit«ctured
temple, when he has been foithful to his first conceptions and perfected
them. Few have been so consistent as Robert Browning, few have
been so true to their early inspirations. He is among those men
■' Wlio, when brought
Among the ta.sks of real life, hath wrouglit
Upon the ]>3an that pleased his boyish Ihonght."
It is well, with this in our minds — it has been well, with a desire
to realize this constancy of purpose and effort, to look back to his
first book now that he has gone from us beyond the antechamber
into the plenitude of the spaceless Palace. Then we feel how steady,
how fulfilled his life has been. Fifty-seven years of creative labour !
When we think of that, we rather rejoice than mourn. Indeed, there ia
nothing to mourn for in such a death coming on such a life. It was
a life lived fully, kindly, lovingly, and at its just height from the
««9o3
ROBERT BROWNING.
beginning to the end. No fear, no vanity, no lack of interest, no
complaint of the world, no anger at criticism, no ** villain fancies," no
laziness, no feebleness in effort, no desire for money, no faltering of
aspiration, no pandering of his gift and genius to please the world, no
surrender of art; for the sake of fame or filthy lucre, no falseness to
his ideal, no base pessimism, no slavery to science yet no boastful
if^piorance of its good, no despair of men — no retreat from men into
» world of sickly or vain beauty, no abandonment of the great ideas
or disbelief in tiieir mastery, no enfeeblement of reason, such as at
this time walks hand-in-hand with the warship of the discursive
intellect — no lack of joy and healthy vigour, and keen inquiry
and passionate interest in humanity — scarcely any special bias
rnnning through the whole of his work, an incessant change of
subject and manner combined with a strong bat not overweening
individoality which, like blood through the body, ran through every
vein of his labour : creative and therefore joyful, receptive and
therefore thoughtful, at one with humanity and therefore loving,
aspiring to God and believing in God and therefore steeped to the
lips in radiant hope ; at one with the past, passionate with the
praaent, and possessing by faith an endless and glorious future — it
was a life lived on the top of the wave and moving with its motion
fi%jTtx youth to manhood, from manhood to old age !
Why should we mourn that he is gone ? Nothing merely feeble has
been done, nothing which lowers the note of his life, nothing we can
regret as less than his native dignity of soul. The imaginative power
has varied throagh many degrees, as in all artists, but it never wholly
failed, it never lost its aspiration, it never lost its pleasure in creation,
it never painfully sought for subjects. It was nourished by a love
of beauty in nature, and by a love of love in man and of his
wondrous ways, which was as keen in age as it was in early manhood.
Hia last book is like the last look of the Phcenix to the sun before
the sunlight enkindles the odorous pyre from which the new created
bird will spring.
And, as if the Mnse of Poetry wished to adorn the image of hia
death) he passed away amid a world of beauty and in the midsb of
a world endeared to him by love. ItAly was his second country.
In Florence lies the wife of hia heart j in every city he had
friends, friends not only among men and women, but friends in
eiveay fold of Apennine and Alp, in every breaking wave of the blue
MiBditerranean, in every forest of pines, in every church and palace
Bfid town-hall, in every painting that great art had wrought, in
erery storied market-place, in every great life which had adorned,
hooonred, and made romantic Italy, the great mother of beauty, at
whose breasts have hnng and whose milk have sucked all the arts and
all the literatures of modern Europe. In Italy he died, and in Venice.
Sea and sky and city and mountain glory encompassed him with
152
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Ja.v
loveliness, and their soft graciouanesa, their temj>erate power of joy
and life made his death easy. There is nothing ? which is not fair
about his departure, nothing unworthy of him, nolhing which leaves
behind one trace of pain. Why s:hould we mourn him ? Strong in
Hfe, his death was gracious. Mankind is fortunate to have so noble a
memory. r /
Nor has ho left undone that which gives to us^ further right to
think happily of his death. He has left behind him a religions lore
of life, based on faith in a life to come. It is well that both our
greatest poeta in England, that is, the two greatest men in all our
modem England, men whose power will be ever young when every
other name in the last hundred years will be with difficulty remem-
bered— for the Poet is the eternal Power — it is \wll, that both, in
an age whose intellect and imagination have been ?io*Veakened by
outside knowledge, that it has become unable or unwiling to see God,
and has no shame in claiming utter death as the^rtrue repose of
men — should both maintain for us the mighty trulhs of Gkid's
fatherhood and man's perfection beyond death. ,
In a material world, in a world which claims the - Xsoning of tJie
xmderstanding, apart from emotion, as the judge of all hings, Brown-
ing never faltered in his claim of the spiritual as the firs-' as the master
in human nature, nor in bis faith of God with us, m king, guiding,
loving us, and crowning us at last with righteousnes md love. In
a world, the knowledge of whose educated men is c ^fly concerned
with the knowledge of death, the passion of which is ciiiefly absorbed
in gathering treasure which the moth and the rust corrupt, 'the ideas
of whose upper classes are decaying, which fears the fv ture and clings
to the past as if the morning were there ; whose culti < is criticism,
and whose outlook in life is too often the outlook cynicism or
Borrow or despair, for it sees nought but death at 1 t as absolute
monarch — this poet held up the blazing torch of L ? in God, of
aspiration to that life, of an ineffable glory whir v was to fill
humanity. He kept his contempt for hopelessness, lis hatred for
despair, his joy for eager hope, his faith in perfection, lis pity for all
effort which only claimed this world, for all love wHlch ^as content to
begin and end on earth — his reproof for all goodness and beauty
which was content to die for ever. It is a mighty legacy to leave
behind.
And now Paracelsus has " attained."
" If I stoop
Into a dark trcmciidous sea of cloud,
It is but for a time; I press God's lamp
Close to my breas«t ; its splendour, soon or lat c
Will pierce ithe plooir\: I shall emerge uui; di>\ .
You undcrstaixl me I 1 have said enough."
STOn-uHI>
'.ROOKI
^^liicl
" rpIlE keynote of Britiali politics just now," said an eminfTit mau
A. to me lately, *' ia that it is pai-ochial. If it desires anythiuy
it plots to obtain it, like a vestryman, below the mai*ket price." But
the price of a thing, we may bo assured, is on a scale with its yalue,
tnd with a low price we are apt to get a damagwl article. The
imperial spirit which cheerfiilly makes a present sacrifice for a remote
ettd, the national finance which sows seed for the future, have almost
(iimppeared. If we want something that would confessedly be a
great gain — the federation of the Colonies, for example, the federa-
tioa of the Empire, or the pacification of Ireland — the partisana of
tie scheme assure us that it will cost next to nothing, while its
•opponents clamour that if this disastrous thing be done the British
lyer will mayhap have to disburse another penny in tl^e pound,
financing may be '' according to Cocker," but it has ceased to be
rding to Chatham. We will neither pay nor play ; a great design
i!» sore to be troublesome, and the vestryman thinks it can wait, and
•t any rate he flatters himself it is some one else's business.
The federation of the Australian colonies concerns British interests
tios^r tlian any question for which we keep ambassadors at Berlin or
J'ans, and the colonists are exhorted from time to time in eloquent
■tides to overcome the hindrances which impede it — hindmnces
'liich it is tolerably certain they cannot overcome without assistanct'
withoot. The federation of the Empire, if it is postjMjnfd
"util after the next European war, will probably never take place
*hile Uje world lasts. But we are warned, in the highest political
iuart<^'rg. that we must not be impatient ; we ought to wait, it seeme,
fof what Providence will send, as the little politicians of the nursery
••it for what Santa Glaus or Epiphany will drop into their stockings.
TOL. Lvn. L
154
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Feb.
This was not the method of Burke or Chatham. They brooded
over State problems till a solution was found, and straightway
strove with all their strength to create the essential means and
agencies that the end might follow. It was not by the modem
method that the British Empire, or any empire, was ever made ; and
not so can it be held together. If the British taxpayer cannot look
sacrifice cheerfQlly in the face for adequate ends, if the British
statesman cannot draw all the scattered or discontented fragments of
the Empire into one confederacy at any present cost, a penalty little
dreamed of will have to be paid by-and-by for their incapacity or
neglect.
A rapidly increasing number of thoughtful men, at home and in*
the colonies, are persuaded that Imperial Federation is not a question;
for some remote future, but for the present. Before it can come in
any intelligible shape, however, the Aiustralian and African group*
must each of them be brought under the authority of a supremej
Legislature, entitled to negotiate on their behalf. This is the first!
and indispensable step, and the way is barred by embarrassing im-
f)6dimentB. But they are impedimenta which a child can see, and a
statesman could remove. They are not new or nnexampled ; quitei
otherwise, they are as old as hiat,ary. Thpy forbade the union of tha
Greek States two thousand years ago, and of the Italian States five
centuries ago, but were overcome in later times by the authority ol
George Washington and the genius of Alexander Hamilton. They*
are simply local jealousies, and they only await the intervention of
an umpire whom the dissentients can all respect and trust. This is;
^he sine qvA lum of colonial agreement. Where is this umpire to b©
foand ? Colonists smiled somewhat sardonically, it may be, at the
exuberant hopes of the London press a couple of months ago that Sir
Henry Parkes was the essential man. They knew that whatever
way Federation may come, there was slight probability of its coming
in that way.
Sir Henry Parkes is a man of great ability, and sincerely desires
the end he proposes. He has been a constant friend of Federation
lindeed for thirty years, but it is a curious phenomenon that probably
Ihe alone of all his class in Australia does not recognize the fact that
he has rendered himself impossible as a mediator. No one has dona
more to sow the local jealousies which it is the main business of an
umpire to appease. Here are a couple of recent instances. The
Colonial Office, in the old, arbitrary, blundering days, in fixing the
'boundaries between New South Wales and Port Philip (now:
Victoria), gave the control of the great river that divides them
exclusively to the elder colony. It was as if some boundary commis-
sion assigned the exclusive control of the Tliames to Surrey, ignoring
the claims of Middlesex. The waters of the river have been recently
ased for irrigation by the enterprising population of "Victoria, i
t«9o] THE ROAD TO AUSTRALIAN FEDERATION.
after the example of Egypt aud Italy they design to make imtneaee
tracts covBred with a wortliless scrub blossom like the orchards of
iJevon&hire ; or, if this hope be too extravagant, at any rat© to render
thfim tit for human use. But the Prime ^Minister of New South
Wales did not bless this beneficent work. On the contrary, he
lint^rposed, declaring that his colony owned the water, and was
[S&tjtled to forbid the waste of it on Victoria enterprises. Fancy
Snrrey forbidding London to quench her thirst from the waters of
htT private river, and you will understand the feeling excited on the
southern side of tlie Murray. A little earlier Sir Henry bethought him
that the name of his colony was unsuitable and unsatisfactory. And
no ilnubt it is. New South Wales is a ridiculous name for a country
Inrger than the British Islands, and containing cities in which the
whole population of the Principality might be housed. The need of
11 change had been debated for thirty years, and it was one very proper
tfl be made, for no Australian, we may be assured, ever consented to
c»]l himself a New-South-Welshman. There was a good stock of
suitable names available, but Sir Henry pushed them aside, and
gravely proposed to his Parliament to change the name of the colony
fnim New South Wales to Australia. The old penal settlement of
B(;t,Hny Bay, and the prosperous colony of which it is the capital,
w«T(f to be Australia, and the colonies planted by the free enter-
prise of free men were to be content with the names bestowed upon
^hm. from London in the colonial middle ages. A jocose legislator
it Melbonme suggested that if the object was to distinguish their
•miiory from Victoria, they might call it Convictoria. If the
'" 'iii)^rB for Yorkshire brought a Bill into the House of CommouB to
cater on that important county the name of England, leaving the
lining fragments of the island which had hitherto borae that
tie to be content with their local designations, it is not probable
the measure would become law ; and Sir Henry's proix>sal
oBturally came to nothing. It was never a danger indeed, for the
' 1 certainly have been vetoed by any Secretary of Slate for
.:-s since Lord Glenelg; but it was an insult, and it damaged
^h» proposer's reputation for practical statesmanship and rendered
for the time being, and probably for all time, an ira|X)ssible
under of an Australian dominion. U he lives a dozen years he
n»*y bo a leading member of a Dominion Parliament, but he will not
the Fundaloi' ; other and newer men will reap the harvest which
helped to sow long ago.
If the time has come to consider how an Australian confederacy
btt initiated, it will be worth while to glance back at the im-
ikt« which the idea has encountered hitherto. Like Hercules
WM attacked in its cradle, and has been a good deal buffeted by
«• well as enemies from that time forth.
W.tit worth was tlie first Australian statesman. His
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THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
tr«D.
father, Mr. D'Arcy Wentworth, an Irish gentleman in the public
service at Sydney, sent him to England for education, and ho
returned from Cambridge with a good stock of ideas and a generoua
jimbition. He founded a newepapor, organized the memorable
Patriotic Aesociatiou, and by his speeches in the Legislative Council
inflamed the populationj free and convict, with tho desire for social
improvement and political liberty. It was he who framed tbo Con-
stitution for New South Wales which, with slight modifications, has
been adopted in all the Australian colonies. In this instrument,
Mr. Wentworth desired to insert a provision, enabling the colonies to
federate whenever they were ready and willing to do so ; ibr from
the beginning he desired, in his own words to create, "a new
Britannia in another world." In 1849, the Privy Council, reporting
on Australian affairs, recommended that one of the governors should
be appointed Governor-General, and entrusted with the authority to
convene a General Assembly of Australia in any part of her Majesty's
Australian possessions which he might consider most convenient when-
ever the need arose, or he was invited to act by the Legislative
Assemblies of two colonies. Wentworth rejKJatedly pressed the
advantage of such a slumbering power on the Im|>6rial Government.
The Legislative Conucil of Victoria came to his aid, echoing the same
advice. But the ignorant fear of colonists which then prevailed at
Westminster was too strong for them. They got a dose of ofTicial
slip-slop instead of the thing they asked for, and the simplest and
easiest method of initiating concerted action for common purposes was
snatched out of the hands of the colonists.*
But the moment they obtained organs throngh which to make
themselves heard, the colonists took the matter into their own hands.
The local parliaments assembled for the first time in 185G, and in
January 1857 tho Legislative Assembly of Victoria appointed a
Select Committee to consider the expediency of establisbinu' i\ Federal
Union amongst the Australian colonies, and the best means of attain-
ing that end. The members were selected from both political parties,
and it must be admitted they were well selected. Out of twelve
persons, then all with a single exception private members, three
afterwards held the office of Prime Minister, and six filled the
important posts of Treasurer, Attorney-General, Minister of Public
Lands or Commissioner of Customs, and another became a Cabinet
Minister in England.f The Committee, after prolonged considera-
• " I ne-ed scarcely say, that tho question of introducing into the measuTca lately
before Parliament cLiuscs to establish a Federal Union of the Australian colonies for
purposes of common interests ha.s been very seriously weighed by her Majesty's
Government : but they have been led to the conclusion tliat tho present is not a
proper opportunity for such enactment, although they will give the fuUfst considera-
tion to propositions on the Rubject which may emanate m concurrence from the
respective Legi^'l^ltures." — IjordJolm Huttdl't detpatch.
•f The Select Committee consisted of the following persons ; — Mr. Gavan Daffy,
i89o] THE ROAD TO AUSTRALIAN FEDERATION. 157
tion, adopted a Report declaring that the interests and houour of the
colonies would be promoted by the establishment of a system of
mntnal action and co-operation among them.
" Their interest suffers [says the Report], and must continue to Bufter,
while competing tariffs, naturalisation laws, and land systems, rival schemes
of immigration, and of ocean postage, a clumsy and inefficient method of
communicating with each other and with the Home Government on public
l>asinesR, and a distant and exf)en8ive system of judicial appeal exist ; and
the honour and importance which constitute so essential an element of
national prosperity, and the absence of which invites aggression fn>m
foreign enemies, cannot perhaps in this generation Iwlong to any single
colony of the Southern Group ; but may, and we are jwi-suaded would, be
speedily attained by an Australian Federation representing the entire."
Some adyantages of immediate Federation were suggested, which
time has since aliown to be real and substantiaU
" Neighbouring States [it was s^iid] of the second oi-der inevitably become
wnf&lerates or enemies;. By becoming confederates so early in their career,
Ibe Australian colonies would, we believe, immeu.sely economise their
strength and resources. They would substitute a common national interettt
lor local and conflicting interests, and waste no more time in barren rivalry.
Tliey would enhance the national credit, and attain much earlier the power
of tuidertaking works of serious cost an<l importince. They would not only
«i''e lime and money, but attain increased vigour and accuracy, by treating
the larger questions of public policy at one time and place ; and in an
Aiaemlily which, it may be presumed, would consLst of the wisest and most
•^wrienoed statesmen of the Golonia! Legislatures, they would set up a
•Uegnard against violence or disorder — holdinp it in check by the common
*'iise and common force of the Federation. They would possess the power
of more promptly calling new States into existence throughout their
umnense territory, as the spread of population re<juired it, and of enabling
•*«h of the existing States to apply itself, without confhct or jealousy, to the
1*eial industry which its position and resources render most profitable."
On the method of attaining Federation, the Committee laid dovvn
* principle which would be worth the attention of Sir Henry Parkes
t<Hlay.
"No single colony [they said] ought to take exclusive possession of a
*"'';M of such national importance, or venture to dictate the programme of
' ' ■! to the rest. The delicate and important questions connected with the
I'l'^Lio functions and authority of tlio Federal Assembly, which i)reseut
MJPin.<«lvefi on the thi'eshold of tho inquiry, cam be sohed only by a Confer-
*iiT' of Delegates from the respective colonies."
lliey accordingly recommended that such a Conference should be irame-
oiately invited to assemble, representing the Council and ^Vssembly
'° <?ach of the colonies, and to sit in a place to be determined by tha
^'-'It'gntes themselves by preliminary correapondenci^'.
This Report was adopted by the Assembly, and was aflerwarda
COBiTnunicated by message to the other House, who concurred in it.
lirnun ; Mr. (afterwards Sir John) O'Shonassy, Mr. (now Right Hon.U.C.E.) ChiWers,
Mooro, Mr. (now Sir Archibald) Michic, Mr. Foster, Mr, Homo, Mr. Uriflitb,
Kruut Mr. Hotkcr, Mr. Syme, Mr. (now Sir James) McCulloch.
158
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW,
[Kkb,
Y
It was my duty as Chairman of the Committee to commanicate
with leading statesmen in the other colonies. It proved an e-a^
task ; most of them would have been ready to begin themselves a
little later, but they were all prepared to accept and second the
beginning which had been made. It simplified the task that the
colonies to be consulted at that time were only New South Wales,
South Australia, and Tasmania. Queensland did not then exist as
separate colony, and Western Australia was merely a penal settli
ment on the fringe of a vast unoccupied territory.
The proposal was immediately taken into consideration by
consulted colonies. In South Australia, both Houses reported
favour of adopting the suggestion of Victoria for a joint Conference,
and appointed three Delegates, two of whom afterwards held the
office of Prime Minister, to repre.<?ent them there. Tasmania was
nearly as prompt. That colony also selected three Delegates, repre
senting the two branches of the Legislature.
A couple of months after the movement in the Victorian Pai'lii
ment, but quite irrespective of it, Mr. Wentworth, who was then in
London, presided over a meeting of Australians, and on their behalf
presented a memorial to the Secretary of State for the Colonies urging
that a Permissive Act might be passed by the Imperial Parliament,
enabling the colonies to confederate in the manner most convenient
and agreeable to themselves. The Secretary of State replied that the
colonies which now possessed responsible Ministries must take the
initiative, and that he would be happy to co-operate with them
obtaining the sanction of Parliament for any measure they desired
Thus at home and in the colonies there was a close agreement
what ought to be done, and on the legitimate way of doing it.
But the assent of the mother colony was still wanting, The prin
ciple of Federation had wann adherents in New South Wales. Mr.
Deas Thomson, formerly Colonial Secret^iry, and still Vice-Chairraan
of the Executive Council, who was among the foremost of them,
procured the appointment of a Select Committee by the Legislative
Council on tlie subject. The Report was a State Paper of great value.
It urged the significant truth that the attempt ought to be made at
once, as time would probably increase its difficulties, and aggravate
local jealousies, as indeed it has done.
ue
as
he i
sd. J
"It is impossible [the Iveport declared] to contemplate the rapidly increas-
ing population of the Australian colonies, and the future development of
the unbounded resources which they undoubtedly possess, in the great
extent and diversified character of the country which they embrace, from
the tropical regions of the northern districts to the more temperate cUmates
of the south, and their consequent adaptation to the production, in a high
degree of perfection, of almost every article suited to the wants and luxuries
of society, without entertaining the most confident expectation that they
axe destined in the fulness of time to rank amongst the most important
iS9a3 THE ROAD TO AUSTRALIAN FEDERATION. 159
cnumunities founded by the British nation. It becomes the more necessar)'
therefore in this early stage of their existence, that every means should be
wloirted to render legif^lation, on matters affecting their common interests,
DOtiudlj Bdvantoj^eous and acceptable. And year Committee are of opinion
tiut a measure of this kind cannot be longer postponed, without the danger
of creating serious grounds of antagonism and jealouay, which would tend
pwitly to embarrass, if not entii-ely to prevent, its future settlement, upon n
satisfactory ba^is."
And they were of opinion that the Conference of Delegates, sug-
gested by Victoria, ought to be held with as little delay as possible.
So far all had gone well. The Upper House iu all the colonies
and the Legislative Assembly iu all but one were ready to act. But
the local jealousy which the Sydney statesman foresaw and feared
w»8 already an active agent in affairs. Mr. Charles Cowper, the
Chief Secretary, who dreaded expei'iments and had no policy
beyond holding fast to office, vehemently opposed the appoint-
ment of Delegates, and obtained a majority against the proposal.
It is right to note that among those who contended that action
ihould be taken at once was Henry Parkes, who believed that we
could not too soon bring the Australian group into permanent relations.
But party feeling and petty jealousies prevailed, and the scheme of a
('■onference at that time foil through, a majority of the Delegates
being nnhappily of opinion that wo conld not proceed without New
8(mdi Wales.
After a lapse of three years the question was taken up anew in
the Victoria Parliament, and a Select Committee was again ap-
pointed, inclnding the Prime Minister, three gentlemen, who after-
wards held the same office, and four others, who became Ministers in
important departments.* The Committee recommended that nego-
tiations with the other colonies should be renewed at the point
where they were broken off, and they expressed a hope that the
^ger of war, which then prevailed, would overcome all locaJ
difficaltieB. South Australia, Tasmania, and Queensland expressed
themselves willing to make the experiment, but New South Wales
WM still the difficulty. Dr. Lang, always a prominent figure in
Aoatralian politics, procured a Select Committee of the Legislative
Aswably on the subject, in which he had the assistance of eminent
ncD— Mr. Parkes, Mr. Darvall, Mr. Hay, Mr. Jones, and others ;
tW it taay be presumed that the Cowper morass was still impassable,
w ihey never brought up any Report.
For nearly ten years the question slept, but in August 1870 a
Royal Commiflsion, with larger powers than a Select Committee
POBtetBee, was appointed, under letters patent from the Citown, to
* The Ei&iues of the Committee weic : Mr. Gavan Duffv, Chairman ; Mr. Kicholson,
^' Micbie, Mr. (V8baiia.sHy, Mr. McCulloch, Mr. Anderson, Mr. Mollisou, Mr. Culdwell,
^i lltwkc, und Dr. Ev£iu«.
160
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[FSB.
take up the questioni again. The Speaker of the Legislative Assembly^
and two gentlemen who afterwards held the same office, three lawyers,
who were in succession Attorney-General of the colony, two leading
politicians, afterwards Prime Ministers, and two or three others of
distinction or influence, composed the Commission. The time seemed^B
singularly fit for conceited action, for Von Moltke was on his way t«>^B
Paris, and the colonies had no military organization, no fortifications,
and slight hope of assistance to defend their fi-ontiers if England
were drawn into the war.
The Commissioners promptly brought up a Report which, among
other cognate subjects, discussed the existing relations between the
mother country and the colonies. These relations were represented
ns being eminently insecure and intriusically unfair, and therefore
liable to give way on the first emergency. This was the language j
held by th© Commissioners •.~— '
" The Biitish colonies from whicli Imperial troops have Jie^n wholly with- •
di*awn present the unprecedented plieiiomenoii of resp<jnaibility without
either corresimnding authority or adequate protection. They are as liable to
all the hazanls of war as the United Kingdum ; but they can influence the
couiniencenient or continuance of war no more th.-m they can uontrol the
nio\'euient8 of the solar sy.stera ; and they have no ceiiain assurance of that
aid against an enemy upon which integi*al portions of the United Kingdom
can confidently i-eckon. This i.s a rehitiou so wanting in mutuality that it
cannot safely be regarded ii.s a lasting one, and it becomes necossui*y to con-
sider how it may be so modified as to afibi'd a greater security for perma-
nence." j
Admitting this description to be substantially accurate at that
time, and still, the remedy no doubt lies in Imperial Federation, but
in 1870 Imperial Federation was a vague suggestion which nobody
had thought out. The tendency of the time was not to draw closer
together the colonies and the mother country, but to drive them
apart. In London eminent statesmen held the mad theory that
Mngland ought to cut off all connection with the spring-heads which
fed her from afar with health and strength in order to escape the trouble
of keeping watch over them. This theorj'^ had not many friends in
the colonies, but it acted ou opinion in another way ; it taught
colonists to face the consequences by formulating methods of protect-
ing themselves. The Report contained a proposal for which Imperial
Federation is a wise substitute, but it belongs to the history of the
question as teacliiug in a significant manner the consequence of
It-aving the difficulty to settle itself. When the statesmen who
founded the Canadian Dominion were in London, one of them said to
me on some difficulty arising, " If we cannot negotiate successfully in
Westminster in summer, we will negotiate at Washington in autumn."
And Australians were beginning to contemplate a measure of inde-
pendent statesmanship almost as decisive.
iS9o] THE ROAD TO AUSTRALIAN FEDERATION. 101
Thi« was th« propofial in the Report : —
"It has Ijeen proposed to establish a Council of the Empire, whose advioo
most be takea before vm was declAre<l. But this measure iii so fomgn to the
gnins ami traditions of the British Constitution, and pretcupposea no large
an ahandonmetit of its functions by the House of CommonM, that we diamiM
it frum consitleration. There remains however, we think, more than one
method by which tlie anomaly of the present system may be cured.
" It k B maxim of International Law that a Sovereign State oannot be
involved in war without its own consent, and that where two or more States
aiv subject to the same Crown, iind allies in pea<^, they are not, therefore^
neceaauily associates in war if the one i^ not dej^etident on the other.
"Tbeaorereignty of a State does not arine from its extent, or power, or
pcpoJatioD, or form of Crovemment. More than a century ago, Vsttel
foimtikted the principle now universally accepted, that a small comuxuoity
mil J be a SoA'ereign State, no less than the most powerful kin^j^dom or
empire, and that all Sovereign States inherit the same right* and obligation*.
"'Two Sovereign StAtes [says Vattel] may be subject to the aame
ffisce without any dependence on each other, and each may retain its rigfate
m % free and Sovereign Stat«. The King of Prussia is SoiVereign Prince of
HinMiatel in Switzerland, without the principality being in any manner
■Did to his other dominions ; so that the fieuple of Neufchatel, In Tirtlie
«f tkcir franchises, may s>^vye a foreign Power at war with the King of
nvak, provided that the war be not on account of that principality.'
"Whwton end other modem public junsts have illuetrat^Hl the aame
fWKi|iw bjr tike case ol Hanover and England, which, though they were
*IM bf persona] union under the same Crown, were not neoeowrily
MMJites in w or responsible for each other. And the lateitt writers on
iMoMtianel Iaw cite the more modem and analogona case of the Ionian
UttA^ • State garraoned by British troops, and having as chief magisttate
a Utd High Coouniadaoer appointed by the Queen ; and which wae, noi-
•ttitiBdu^ adjudged before the Brilaah Coort of Admiralty (on a prtvata
•mMmb aiising) to eonstitute a Soreragn State not aasociated with the
Caihd Kingdon in the Crimean war. nie laat chief magistrate bat ona
<f Ikii Sovwcign State was anee promoted to tlie Govavonhip of the
oit^ flf Xew Sonili Waha, and thence to the Goveraonhip of the
AMaaoB of Canada. The Isst Lord H^h Commksioner was ttmnsferred to
tl» GewBtBsnlup of the dniendaicy of Jamaica.
'Wiikeet wveslooking ^ ijiiitinftanm bet ween ec^onies i'niMi>ting of men
if Asmme «*%!&, as the popaiatien of the United Kingdnw, and BCalai
bgr the C^tiwn, like HsBoeer, or obtained by treaty, like the looiaii
J it is s^ggHted for ooBadarstion whether the rule of Intematiooal
Uw eadbr wUeh they are dedaied oeotraLi in war would not become apptk
■kb Is eaisum enjoying srif-goranmeat by a single addition to Umst
t£ Vietcna, for example, pruseifs a separate Parliament,
mad Ataa^oishine flag; a sepatate naval and military catab-
All the pnhKe appoinlments are made by the local GoeeiumeBt.
liai iiMmsni 1 fiiwi Fii|,Iinil shii tufciLMM authority witfcin
» tke Utoatm'a ma— autatJTe; and in the IcDisa Tahnii^ i^3e
«imdt*edly a Soiraem Statit, the Qoeen's iii|SMljsliiii was
■ the mme manner. Tlie mn^ fanetaan of a Ouiiai^gB States
n IntanaticBal Law, whieh the eokmy doaa not eMHiss or
tke pMnv flf emktraetiagohl^atioDS with other Btatfls. IVwBBi
Mr position bam that of States nm-
were aotlionxed by the Imperial Ptolismsnl to i
to
162
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Feb.
the gi-eater colonies the right to make treaties, it is contendeil that they
would fulfil the conditions conatitutinf^ a Sovereign State in as full and
pei-feot a sense as any of the smaller Statea cited by public jurists to illus-
trate this rule of limited responsibility. And the notable conce?sion to the
interests of peace and humanity made in our own ilay by the great Powers
with respect to privateers and to merchant shipping renders it proliaVile that
tliey would not, on any inadequate grounds^ refuse to recognize such States
as falling under the ride.
" It must not be forgotten that this is a subject in which the intei"ests of
the colonies and of the mother country are identical. British Btatesmen
have long aimed not only to limit more and more the expenditure incun«d
for the defence of ilistant colonies, but to withdraw more and moi-e from oil
ostensible resjKinsibility for their defence ; and they would probably see any
honoui-able method of adjusting the present anomalous relations with no lesa
satisfaction than we should.
*' Nor would the recognition of the neutrality of the self-goveined colonies
deprive them of the power of aiding the mother country in any just and
necessai-y wai*. On the contrary, it would enable theiu to aid her with more
dignity and effect ; as a Sovereign State could, of its own free will, and at
whatever period it thought proper, elect to become a pai-ty to the wai."
The Report also recommended that a Permissive Act stould be
obtained from the Imperial Parliament, anthorizing the Queen to cail
into existence by proclamation a Federal Union of any two or more of
the colonies as soon as Acte had been passed in their respective Legis-
latures, providing in identical terms for the powers and functions to be
exercised by the General Legislature. The colonies would be thus left
free to determine by negotiation among themselves how far, and how
soon, they will avail themselves of the power thus conferred on them.
The Report was sent for consideration to leading statesmen in the
neighbouring colonies. A dozen years had not ripened the question
for action, but apparently had reared a plentiful crop of new objec-
tions. In the correspondence which, as Chairman of the Commission,
I maintained, I found the desire for Federation less decisive, and tbat
it was generally hampered with new conditions and qualifications. In
New South Wales, Mr. Parkes was " unresen-edly in favour of seek-
ing a Permissive Act," but expressed no opinion on the other pro-
posals of the Commission. Sir James Martin (afterwards Chief
Justice) did not think " that any advantage whatever would be
derived from a Federal Union j " and the letter of Mr. Forster, late
Colonial Secretary, bristled with ingenious doubts on the same
subject. Mr. Edwai^d Puller (afterwards Attorney -General), and
Mr. Charles Cowper, who had retired from active politics at this
time to become Agent-General in London, assured me that there was
universal apathy on the question in New South Wales, Yon Moltke
noii obstante. In South Australia, Mr. Boucaut, late Attorney-
General, approved of the Repoit in all respects, especially the
neutralization of the colonies, and thought its recommendations
ought to be acted on without delay ; but Mr. Strangways, who had
j||o] THE ROAD TO AUSTRALIAN FEDERATION. 163
held the same oflice, feared that Victoria, a.s the strongest and
wealthiest of the group, defsigned to impose her will on the smaller
.jCokinies, and was not prepared to seek a Permissive Act or toiicli
"Federstion till the Imperial Parliament had passed an Act recognizing
the colonies as independent States.
'■ I think [ho said] that the question nf the neutrality of the colonies in
time (rf war onght to be dealt with at once. I con see no reason why each
of ihein should not be declm-ed by Act of FnrUament an independent
Sorerejpx State for such purposes, but to remain subject to the jurisdiction
of h*r Majesty, in manner, and on the points to bo deckred in such Acts."
Mr. Palmer, Prime Minister of Queensland, had no objection to a
Permissive Act, provided it were not to be acted on immediately ; for
Fderation, though pt-rmanently necessary, would, he conceived, be
mature just then. Mr. Lilley, late Prime Minister, approved of
•eUng a Permissive Act, provided it was to be obtained by negotia-
tion between the Colonial and Imperial Governments, " without the
mwldlesome interference of colonial society in England ; " while
i(r. Macalister, Speaker of the legislative Assembly, failed to dis-
cover what benefit Federation would bestow on Queensland at present.
Tismania was offended by some idle declamation on the probable
innexation of that island by Victoria, and gave but a languid adhesion
to tbe Report.
The press in the chief colonies took up the question of neutraliza-
tiou, and debated it vehemently. Some of the leading journals were
^anonate partisans of the scheme, and others treated it as illusorj'
«ul impracticable. But the proposera were encouraged by finding
thlft a similar sentiment existed in another quarter of the world.
The New York Chamber of Commerce proposed that the Government
of their country should concede to Canada advantages of the same
mUjpb sought for the Australian group.
"It may be intimated in an entirely kind spirit [says the Report of the
Chaokbor] that if the confederation to the north of us could obtuin from
*hfl Imperial Gtrtexnment a guarantee tliat it might pre.serve a strict
ft^Btiility on the breaking out of all future foreign wars in which it htis no
i>l*wt, it might count on pei-petual peac« and tranquillity and uninterrupted
Httaetnal relations irith the Unit^ States."
w* while the leading States of Europe were at war, while France
vii sadergoing her long agony, it was manifestly no time to propose
to foreign Governments, and it was silently postponed.*
b W tiglit to nj that tbe Commission was not un.inimous. Of thiB eleven ComniU*
^^n, tvbdiarfented from the proposed neutralization of the eolonie* : these were
<^IL FiilflVB (aftenrards Mr. Justice Fellows), and Edward I.Angton (ftfterwards
«i»mL Tbe nine who si^ed the entire Report were — C. Gavan I>uffy. Chairman ;
y*rii XojphT (Sir Francis Murphy, Speaker of the Legislative Assembly) ; C. Mac-
^^M (allarwartle Sir Charles MacMabon, Speaker) ; John MacGregor (afterwards
*BHita «( Xliiea) : J. F. Sullivan (afterwards Cammi!>sioner of Customs) ; J. J. Casey
V^feVWlslBldMer of Justice) ; G. fi. Kerferd [now Mr. Justice Kerferd); Graham
^V(afiu«aJiLi Prime Minister, and now AgeotrGeneral in London) ; James Graham
l^liHAar of the Lcgifilatire CoQDCiJ).
164
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[1
In passing in rapid review the History of Federation as a Parlia-
mentary qaestion, it would not be just to forget how much the press
and persons unconnected with Parliament contributed to keep it olire.
There were essays, lectures, leading articles and speeches on the
subject from time to time, and the hope of ultimate Federation was
never permitted to disappear altogether.
It was twelve years, however, before action was at length taken, and
on a limited scale. In the summer of 1883 Anstraliana learned that
France meditated planting the New Hebrides and other Pacific islands,
as she had already planted New Caledonia, with the most dangerous
of her criminal popiilataon> and they knew that French convicts had
the faculty of escaping from penal settlements and sheltering in the
free British colonies. They heard at the same time that Germany,
full of the pride of her great success in France, cherished the design
of seizing New Guinea, the portal of the Pacific, a necessary part of
the defence of the future Australian empire. General alarm and
indignation was felt, and on the suggestion of Mr. Service, the Prime
Minister of Victoria, a Conference of Colonial Delegates was held in
Sydney, representing all the colonies enjoying responsible govern-
ment. This convention called upon the Imperial Government to
employ active remonstrance with Germany against a design which was
not only injurious to the colonies, but in violation of specific treaty
obligations, and they besought them tn occupy New Guinea imme-
diately, undertaking to provide for the necessarj' expense. And the
imminent public danger induced them to recommend that application
should be made at London for a Permissive Measure enabling the
colonists to create a Colonial Council for joint action. Such a Bill
was sent home, and with slight alterations at length passed the
Imperial Parliament, and in the autumn of 1885 the Colonial Legis-
latures were invited to grant the necessary authority for bringing it
into operation in Australia.
The Fedei'al Council to be created was to consist of two delegates
from each of the Australian colonies possessing responsible govern-
ments, and one delegate from each Crown colony. It was to meet
at least once in two years, at such places as it should from time to
time determine. It was to have legislative power with respect to
fisheries, the prevention of the influx of criminals, the enforcement
of the judgments of courts of law beyond the limits of the colony in
which they originated and the like, and on such of the following
questions as might be referred to it by two or more colonies : —
" CJeneral defences, quarantine, pjitents of invention and discover}--, copy-
right, bills of exchange aud proinis.sory notes, uniformity of weights and
measures, recognition in other colonies of any marriage or divorce duly
solemnized or decreed in any colony, naturalization and aliens, status of
corporations and joint-stock companies in other colonies than that in which
it»a JHE ROAD TO AUSTRALIAS FEDBRATIOX,
*
ikttf kn« been constiinted, and any other mattor of {j^onftml Auitrnlaaian
JBlvBsl, with respect to which the Lejfi'*!'*'^"*'"' "f *^>'^ sovoml oolnniw onn
l^^ikiif within their own limits, and ns to wliii-li it is iI.-khkhI il.sir.iMn flmt
t^av should be a law of general application."
This was bat a feeble copy o£ tho Fodemtion the oolonitiU had
sought, creating an Australian Dominion. Ami it was furtlii>r liniilocl
br piroviBOS that the Acts of tlic Council should only oxtiMid to thr
colonies by whose Legislature tho subjoct-mattor had boon rt«forrt<d \o
it, ftnd by another declaring that in ca«o tlu« pi-oviftions of any Act
of the Council should bo inconsistent, with tin.'' law of any culnny
affected by it, the local law should prevail and tho inoonHiiiboncy have
no operation.
The gain was not much, but at least it accuHtouioil tho c()loni«*M U*
^P BCttoj^ther, and was the basiR tipon which uii nrlnquato ext'iin»ion of
r>"'^'=rs might be founded. Thi- nt'W law was to Jiuvt* no (orct* in any
I '' iiv until the local Legislature passed an Act accepting it, and
fixing a day upon which it would come into operation. Kiit all the
'.T ir colonies, save Victoria, refused to accept it. New /.ealund,
M::g far outside of the Australian gronp, had a Meparato policy and
Kpuate interests, bat when New South Wabin and tSouth AnRtraliA
iWined to join the Council became practically nnelnHM, and oidy niH
t'' '\imply with the law, which reqnired a biennial nie**liog, Snith
iostralia has since joined, bat the matter is not much mc!nd«<d, an tbi>
iBOther colony, which almost equals Victoria in p/pulalion and i^xcMxIft
Hid tenitory and revenue, persistently rcfu«e« a^Jhe^ion,
liii at this oonjunctare that 6ir Jlenry J'arkon intitrpo^'S. Hir
Btmpf is a poet, who has risiofis of a gr<*nt empire plaut^f] on
fttMwts of the Pacifie, and be is a litt}>) too impatient of fnUir-
hicfa be regards as petty and sterile, Ue looks npon ih*'
Cooncil sad its dtwinatire resnlM with the «fe ci m
V and if it be pm iiiiMibl«» to tnnalsto his eloqiMioe iuUr tktf
v^pr toBgne, mjs in eftet to the otibcr Infers of ook«rial nyiaion :
"3ty MfastMte friiwih, Jim fare nadea mA mtm of thia
^ ^op sH TOB has* baai doia^ for th« bist ittt ymn m m
^*Be muk, and I w3] shov joq ham to pmcmd in sodi ss
m pliriftil hf Ifca Y«m m »y tW
that be win aot bet caOad in m
m a«ar Mr.
cflba
166
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
VB-
There
the business, which has hitherto been wanting. There can be xo
Federation of the Empire, I may repeat, until the Australian and'
African grcapa are first federated among themselves, and there is not,
I am persuaded, any solid hope of Australian Federation till it'
aiccomplishment is made an Imperial question.
Note what is at stake, and in what temper the hazards of the gBcr'**
are regarded from Westminster at present. Never since humc*^
history began was so noble a patrimony treated with such ignora*^^
and perilous insensibility. While Bismarck is roaming the unive:
to discover some shreds nnd fragments of unappropriated territory o:
which to plant the Prussian flag, and while the French Republic i
loading its population with inordinate taxes to pay for expeditions^
designed to snatch a barbarous and hostile population from China
what do our politicians at home do ? There are six great States which--^
possess more natural wealth, wider territory, a better climate, and \
richer mineral deposits than the six greatest kingdoms in Europe,
where a new England, a new Italy, a neAv France, a new Spain, and
a new Austria are in rapid process of growth, and are already occupied
by a picked pripulation, of which a larger proportion Las taken per-
sonal part in great industrial enterprises, in founding cities, planting
commerce, and developing the resources of Nature than any people on
this side of the Pacific ; and these prosperous States are ready and
willing to unite for ever with the nation from which they sprang, on
terms of fair partnership and association. And they are no insigni-
ficant handful of men, these Australian colonists ; they are more
numerous than the people of England were when they won Magna
Charta, or the people of the United States were when the stars and
stripes were first raised to the sky : resolute, impatient, independent
men, not unworthy to follow such examples on adequate occasion.
But what cordial liand is stretched out to clasn theirs in affectionate
embrace ? What joyful reception attends a proposal to confirm in
perpetuity a boon such as no nation has received since Columbus
bestowed on Spain the primacy of Europe ? I will risk the reproach
of Celtic exaggeration ratlier than refrain from affirming that West-
minster has been illuminated, a Te Deum aung in St. Paul's, and
statues and columns erected to commemorate events of less intrinsic
importance to the United Kingdom than the easy victory of gathering
under one government the colonies of the Pacific.
For to the mother country the victory would be an easy one, and
if L too, must appeal to the omuijTOtent taspayer, it is a victory for
which there will be nothing to pay. The local jealousies of the
colonies are too vigilant and distrustful at present to be overcome
except by some friendly interposition from without. They will not
listen to each i>ther just now, but they will listen to the mother
country whenever she speaks through authentic organs. The Parlia-
fi»9o] THE ROAD TO AUSTRALIAN FEDERATION. 167
ent and the Sovereign are still words to conjure with. There are
doubtless many ways of employing their influence successfully ; here,
for example, ia one which, if not the best, would at any rate answer
the purpose proposed. If those who are entitled by official position
to take the initiative, would after a conference with the leaders of the
'fion — for the prosperity of the State is not the property of
. irty — induce the two Houses of Parliament to declare that the
Federation of the Australian colonies is of high importance to the
Interests of the Empire, and invite the local Legislatures to consider it
•Mwwith a view to agreement, we should be on the road to a settle-
ment. If the Queen were advised to appoint two lloyal Commissioners
t/> carry these resolutions to Australia, if men interested in and
familiar with Australian affairs were chosen— Lord Rosebery and
Lord Carnarvon are such men, for example— the wishes of the Sove-
reijfn and the Parliament would remove difficulties otherwise intract-
able. If this be not the right method, let a better method be adopted j
but surely it is time that there should be an end to the base apathy
luch is permitting a great opi>ortunity to slip away for ever.
If these Royal Commissioners visited the colonies successively, heard
I ohjections of leading men, and reduced them to their minimum,
ad inthe end held a Conference of Delegates from the Colonial Legis-
ires, at which they would represent the Crown, Federation, I am
'pOBoaded, would be obtained.
The Commissioners would have difficulties to encounter, doubtless,
Bt it is the mitier of statesmen to remove difficulties, and the dele-
|f»tes of the mother country ought to consider no labours too arduous
to remove them, for the mother country is primarily responsible for
_^e most serious of them. The vexed questions are mainly tariffs,
ionid defences, and a Federal capital. As respects tariffs, there
no wonder that so many colonist.8 agree with Bismarck, Gam-
and Mill in believing that native manufactures cannot be
started by private enterprise alone, and that Government may properly
M to its aid. There would be no difficulty in establishing inter-
lonial free trade throughout the confederacy, but as regards external
le it may be assumed that it will be long subjected to protective
lies. Either the entire confederacy will adopt them, which no
w looks impossible, or each colony must bo left to take its own
irse. There is a group of commercial patriots in London who
Ilk that the colonial question will be settled effectually if only the
oniats will consent to abandon Protection, and to be amerced for
orial defences in a Parliament where they are not represented.
Heniy Parkes has encountered these gentlemen. '" In commer-
and monetary circles [he say.s] the question is, what prulitable
can be done with Australia, and never what advantage can arise
by our drawing closer to the parent State. We are
168
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
seldom thought; of by any class of the English at home aa formln
int-egral part of the Empire ; " though it is easy and pleasant to afK"
a political speech with that hackneyed quotation !
If Australians would only consent, like their own flocka, to unde-
an annnal fleecing ! But they have too bitter a memor}' of theii'
spontaneous and unprotected experiment in manufactures to do tfcx -^
When Victorians attempted to turn their abundant raw materiaX ^
native wool into serviceable tweed, the dishonest greed of Yorkshii' -^
manufacturers sent out a shoddy imitation of their fabric and ruiu^^^
their enterprise by selling it in Melbourne as Australian manufactur^^f
It is idle to inrito a people with such an experience to lay down thet- j
arms of defence and trust to the magnanimity of free corapetition. I
On the question of national defences they have had a warninjg^
as significant to beware of the parochial politics of Westminster.
The British flag is floating throughout the Australian continent, but
it is long since there was a British soldier to protect it. To effect
a small annual saving the Hag was left afloat, and the soldiers com-
missioned to guard it were withdrawn. Economy is, doubtless, one
of the safeguards of a nation, and there is not a budget opened
between the Tiber and the Thames which would admit of larger
pruning than that of Downing Street ; but to leave a flag undefended
which a foreign enemy uiay pluck down, and whose dishonour might
be the seed of war, is scarcely a point at which a wise statesman*
would begin his retrenchnients. There is a local force, indeed —
Volunteers, with abundant courage and spirit, but commanded by
traders and civil servants mtli imperfect military Bkill, The need
of professional suldiers was so strongly felt in the colony that the
Government of \'ictoria sent to the Colonial Oflice an offer to raise,
clothe, feed, and pay a regiment, and to accept its oflicers and orders
from the Horse Guards, on the sole condition that in case of war it
should not be withdrawn from Australia, and this offer was delibe-
rately rejected. The net result is that the anny of the Empire has a
regiment the leas — a regiment, let the taxpayer note, which would
not have cost it a penny — and in case of war the colonies are without
one tiained soldier. We may be assured, then, tliat when Austi-alians
consent to pay, aa they are able and williuf^ to do, for the defence of
their cities against the disasters of war, they must be sure they shall
obtain the defence they pay for.
With respect to a Federal capital, it has long been plain tliat it
must be selected, aa Washington and Ottawa were selected, to allay
jealousy by its lemoteness or insignificance. Wherever a Federal
Parliament House and Government Offices are built, private enter-
prise will furnish the necessary supply of hotels, villas, club-houses,
and the other equipment of a season city. If it be planted on the
Murray, it will be equally convenient for Victoriaj New South Wales,
s89o3 THE ROAD TO AUSTRALIAN FEDERATION. 1G9
&n.d Sontb Anstralia, and no conceivable place will be less incon-
venient for tie remoter colonies.
This is the road to Australian federation.
But the hope that this necessary service will be rendered to the
colonies and the Empire, no one familiar with colonial history will be
too ready to indulge. Most probably it will not be done. Nothing
has ever been done for colonies from Downing Street bat to awaken
to their complaints when they become too vehement to be neglected.
There have sometimes been eminent statesmen in the Colonial OfEce
during the last, half-century, and the permanent staff included men
who had distinguished themselves greatly in fields that lay apart from
current politics. But there never has been a fixed colonial policy,
except to let ill enongh alone ; there never has been a thoughtful and
frnitfal initiative in colonial affairs. The great colonies are supposed
to have been reared and nurtured by the mother country, but the
ficta are in constant contradiction to this theory. British colonies
hive been created by British emigrants, and by them alone. Great
cities have arisen on soil where they were officially forbidden to
intrude. Beneficent laws stand on their statute-book, which were more
than once disallowed at St. James's. Colonists were warned that they
oust not presume to manufacture a horseshoe or a hobnail without
permission from Downing Street. Some of the most notable spokes-
oen of liberty in England scoffed at the idea of having self-govem-
inent in the colonies, Victorians were forbidden at the outset to dig the
gold which baa since made England prosperous, and to till the land
which sends cattle, wheat, and win© to her porta. They were flooded
with convicts till they resolved to send back the worst villains to
England. In their last political emergency they asked advice as
from a parent, and a noble pedant in the Colonial Office told them
to go home and settle their own business in their own way. The
same gracious answer will, perhaps, be accorded to those who desire
•■istance at present, but if this be the ultima ratio of the Colonial
Offic«, it ia difiBcnlt to comprehend for what purpose such an institu-
tion is supposed to exist.
Better feelings, it is said, prevail of late, since the Imperial Federa-
tion League have awakened England to her great responsibilities. It
n*T be 80 in some degree, bnt it is doubtful at this hour whether
tiwie who represent the opinion of the mother country will consoli-
Art* the strength of the Empire by prompt and friendly action, or let
things drift till neglect and indifference have, in the fulness of time,
CTMted another America in the Pacific, jealous, suspicious, and
boitile, courting the Cosaque and cursing the Britisher.
Alpes-Maritimes.
VOL. VltL
IT is not of my own accord that I write these few words on th&
great and good BiBhojj — the great scholar, the great theologian
— whom death has taken from us at the comparatively early age of
sLsty-two, Although I have known and loved him for more than
thirty-five years, there are many far bettiT qualified than I am to pay
their tribute of affection and gratitude to his honoured memory. Ali^H
that 1 can write may be, and will be, inadequate ; and it is only owing ^i
to the accidental inability of others, at short notice, to speak of his
work and character, that I have consented to express the feelings
respecting Iiim which he, at any rate, would not have despised. He
was my private ttitor at college. lie presented me with all his books, ^j
in succession as they were printed. I heard from liim not uafre-^^|
quently. He did me the honour to ask for such small help as I could ^^
render to good causes in which he felt an interest, more often than I
was able to obey hia call. I dedicated to him the best of the poor
Ixioks which I have written, and when I sent him anything of min&
it always evoked kind words, and somi'times kind suggestions^ I
tried to offer him "the shadow of a wreath of honour," which he did
not need from me when he was living ; T trust that I may at least be
pardoned if I here offer to him, now that he is dead, the shadow of
that wreath of grateful acknowledgment which he needs still less. 1
do not pretend to be able to reach liigh enough to place it on the>
forehead of his statue ; but
" Ut caput in magnis ubi non est tangere signis
Ponitur liic iinos ante corona pedes."
No doubt his biography will be written by some competent and
sympathetic hand ; but, as in the case of his great and like-minded
predecessor. Bishop Joseph Butler, he needs a biography less than
i«9ol
BISHOP LIGHTFOOT.
171
most men. The facts of his inner life were revealed to few, perhaps
fully to none. His letters were usually brief and business-like, and
touched but rarely on his deepest feelings. He never " wore hia heart
®n his sleeve for daws to peck at." It will not be possible in his case
" For knave or clown
To hold their orgies at his tomb."
His best biography, his truast monument, is the great simple, unselfish
life which the world saw, and the thought and toil accumulated in his
books. Beyond such personal incidents as may serve to deepen the
influence of his example by illustrating the beautiful consistency and
aingle-mindedness of aim which reigned throaghoufc his life, there is
nothing about him to reveal, as there is nothing to conceal. How
often have we read biographies of men intimately known to us, in
which the chief fact of their history, and some one essential element of
their character, has been intentionally or unconsciously omitted ? And
■oinetimes this has been the very fact which did most to make or mar
their lives, or the one element of character which chiefly influenced their
career. No mistake of that kind can happen iu the case of the late Bishop
of Dnrham. His career was uneventful in external incidents ; the circle
of his relations and intimates was small ; his aims were definite ; his
character transparent from marge to marge. lie lived a life fortunate
and happy beyond what falls to the common lot ; a life untroubled
by a single tragic circumstance, if we except the prolonged trial of
the illness by which he was at last prostrated. But through that
loDg career of unbroken prosperity, in which he rose from the position
of a middle-class boy to the enjoyment of a great revenue? and the
hcmonrs of a princely bishopric, ho remained always the same strong,
■Utcere, simple man, uniuflated by his immense success as he would have
been undaunted if it had pleased God to try him with failure. ^Vhen
tJMd experienced his own eminent capacity for the promotion which
)me to him unsought, his friends noted in him what one of
them described as a " solemn gladness." But no one ever saw in
him the disguised self-satisf action, the ostentatious condescension,
tlHS arrogant mock-humility, the airs of gracious patronage to old
eqaab, which are but too common in smaller natures whom accident,
ormerit, or the wirepullers of party have elevated to some high position.
The friends of hia youth, however unfortunate their lot, however
hamble their circumstances, however unpopular their names, remained
his friends. He did not forget them, or ignore them, or show them
th« cold shoulder, or oppress them with hi.s magnificence, or make
tbttm wince under the exhibition of hia social superiority. The
^iwlnHiH which he showed as a young graduate to his juniors was
iwmtained when he was a loading Bishop towards all worthy
pnsbjtera or carates. The generosity which led him to give a latge
172
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Fra.
snm when he was a Cambridge professor to the rorcdos of St. Mary's,
made him spend hia income with, exemplary munificence, and build
and endow the Church of St. Ignatius at Sunderland when he became
Bishop of Durham.
It is this unity of his life which is one of its most beautiful
characteristics. The prayer of Lightfoot must have ever been that of
Wordsworth : —
" My heart leaps up when I behold
A rairbow in the sky :
80 was it when mj life began;
80 is it now I am a man ;
So be it when I shall grow old,
Ur let lue die.
The child is Father of the Man ;
And I could wish my days to be
Bound tach to each by natural piety."
And that prayer was granted. There have been men whose youth,
" full of idle noise," was in sharp contrast with their manhood ; but at
no period of life was Bishop Lightfoot unworthy of himself. It conld
never be said of him " Dissi7nile!s hir rir ct ille puer." In this whole-
ness and wholesomeness of his life he resembled the gi'cat poet whose
death was so nearly simultaneous with his own, to whom he once
sought an introduction in my house, and whom he greatly admired.
He would have said with Mr. Browning : —
" Have you found your life distasteful t
My life did and docs .«iniack sweet ;
Wa.s your youth of pleasure wasteful 7
Mine I suvcd, and hold complete.
Do jnnr jnvs with age diminish 7
When mint) fail me I'll complain.
Must in death your daylight flnisb 7
My sun sets to rise again."
There are two lines, characteristic of the poet's view of life and
duty, which I think that Bishop Lightfoot would have regarded as
expressive also of his own aim and opinion ; namely,
and
"Take one step onward, and secure that stop; "
" Truth is the strong thing ; let man's life be true.'
It must not, however, be supposed that there were no elements of
gaiety and humour in his character. Those who knew him, and saw
him in the unreserve of his lighter houra^ — ^those who, even in his later
years, have seen hini among his '"boys" at Auckland Castle — knew
how playful he could be. If any one fancies that Ijightfoot never conld
have been a boy, he is much mistaken. If his character was of a grave
cast, it by no means lacked a capacity for fun. Among other anecdotes
of his schooldays some of hia old comrades still remember how one day
his much-loved master. Prince Lee, afterwards Bishop of Manchester,
saw him standing on the master's desk, and called out to him, in his
i89o:
BISHOP LIGHTFOOT,
178
quick, energetic way: KaTa/3a,<aTa/3a,Kara/3a,icaTa/3a ! — Kara/3^ffo^at,
answere<2 Lightfoot, with a broad smile on his face ; iiuperturbably
finishLng the Aristophanic Hue.* Dr. Prince Lee has, I think, not
found a biographer, but the eminence and warm allegiaoice of his
pupils — among whom we may name, almost as contemporaries, the
late Bishop, the Archbishop of Canterbury', and Dr. Westcott — are
atnong" the many proofs of his exceptional power. The greatness of
bis pupils, as they would be the first to admit, was due in no small
measure to the stimulative character of his teaching. His remark,
*' Ah ! B f.11] ffio^ov f^iovov 7rmreuf,"t still rings in the memory of
one of them. His recommendation of Barrow as a model did much
to mould the style of another. The one word, SoATrio-ft.f which he
chose to be carved upon his tomb, has had a potent influence over the
imagination of a third. Prince Lee, though very unequal, Bometimes
Bpoke with great eloquence ; and I remember a sentence of hifl,§ the
spirit of which he must have breathed into the studies of his most
promising pupils. It was this : " You must not only listen, but read.
You must not only read, but think. Knowledge without common-
Eense is folly ; without method it ia waste ; without charity it is
fanaticism ; without religion it is death."
1 first made the acquaintance of Dr. Lightfoot when I was an
undergraduate at Trinity College, Cambridge, and he was a young
Fellow of that foundation. Before I knew him personally I had
often heard of him as the Senior Classic who was supposed to have
sent up papers without a single mistake ; and 1 remember how, night
after night, the steady lamp might be seen burning in the window of
his room, and youths would point to it and say, " There ia the great
Lightfoot steadily at work." It was in one of the Long Vacations,
when only the scholars and more studious undergraduates were allowed
stay up, that I became his private pupil. Those Long Vacations
rere truly delightful times, to which' many look back as to green
islandfl
" Acrois the barren wastes of waadering foam."
1 can still recall walks to our afternoon bathe — in the old bathing-
abed in the green fields by the Biver Cam— with him and with others
who still live ; and in one of those walks I remember the vivid " chaff"
which he expended on one of his old schoolfellows, which showed me
how much sense of the ludicrous and what powers of sarcasm lay
»r his quiet exterior and usually shy talk. But the sarcasm was
rer venomoua. It was intended to heal, not to wound. It was
"Gentle satire klo to cbarity."
1 am not writing an indiscriminate eulogy, and I cannot say that
lightfoot was at that time specially eminent as a private tutor.
• Az. V«p. na. t Mark t. 36. J 1 Cor. xv. 52,
$ In a speech at tbe opening of the Bury Athenaiom.
174
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Vm.
It may be that he did not wholly like the drudgery ; it may be that
he had bu unpromising pupil ; it may be that his massive scholarship
was not best displayed in the Greek and Latin composition which then
occupied a disproportionate share of attention. He was always pains-
taking and conscientious, and he was kindness itself. Other pupils
probably gained more from his tuition tlian 1 am honestly able to say that
I did ; but my deepest gratitude to him was due to all that I learned
from him in later years, not then. I once offended him — I trust
that it was the only time that I did so^by telling him when I got
my Fellowship that he might have saved me many gloomy misgivings
aa an Undergraduate, if the Cambridge system had dealt a little more
freely in words of encouragement, I said tJiis, not by way of any
personal complaint, but only from the deeply seated conviction on
which I have always acted as a principle in education, and which to my
knowledge has produced good fruits in the minds of some, that there are
youths of diffident temperament, always inclined to luidervalue them-
selves, to whom the total dearth of hopefnlness about their own efforts,
which their elders and betters might so easily inspire, produced the
effects sometimes of mental paralysis, sometimes almost of death.
The secrets of Bishop Lightfoot's great career were the perseverance
and the resolution which in the long run achieve greater results than
careless genius, and are not liable to the same aberrations. This
was remarked in him even as a schoolboy. " What is Joe working at
now?" asked one of his school-fellows. "Is he learning German?"
'' Oh, no," was the reply ; " he has done with German, and has gone on
to Anglo-Saxon." In his earlier years he was not regarded so much as
a man of brilliant originality and exceptional endowments as a man of
untiring industry and indomitable purj^se, devoted to the training
of g[reat and solid capacities. Thus he — as has often been noticed of
another dear friend of past days, Bishop Cotton, of Calcutta — was a
man who continually grew in power and ability, adapting himself to
erery ofiBce to which he was called. A favourite line of his old
schoolmaster used to be Homer's
" aiiv aptdTtvtti' Kai tnrupoy^ov tpfitvai aWutv."
Dr. Lightfoot fully absorbed the first part of the exhortation in the sense
of " always doing his utmost, and always being his best ; " but
I do not think that he ever allowed himself to covet the pre-
eminence over others at which Hippolochus enjoined his eon Glaucus
to aim. For that ambition he would rather have substituted the line
of Hesiod, which was so often on the lips of Socrates : —
Kao ovva^iv C ipdnv ttp uQavaTmoi Ofoiai-t
Horn. 11. vi. 20«.
t Hes Op. 334.
tioci]
BISHOP LIGHTFOOT.
175
He put forth his beat endeavours not only in matters of relipon,
bnt in the routine of daily life. Thus, when he became a I'rofessor
«t Cunbridge, his greatness was immediately established. The im-
mense range of his acquisitions, the earnest efforts to do his work as
well as lay in his power, were at once recognized by the Under-
gradnatee. The frequent failure of Professors to win an audience is
a matter of common complaint, and men as learned in their own
domain as Dr. Lightfoot have not succeeded. But there was iozne-
tking electric in his quick sympathy with the young, in his masculine
independence, in his strong practical good sense, in his matchless
lucidity of exposition ; and these gifts caused his lecture-room to be
throno^ed by eager listeners. The late Master of Trinity was not given
to enthusiasm, but once he did wax enthasiastic, as be de«cril)€d to me
the passage between the Senate House and Cains College " black with the
flittering gowns of students" hurrj'ing to imbibe, in the Professor's claat-
' ItfOtt, a knowledge of the New Testament such as was not open to their
km happy predecessors, and such as would last many of them all their
IiTcs as a fountain of valuable exegesis in many a pariah and many a
fLiipit.
And, speaking of the pulpit, I will say that Dr. Lightfoot's preaching
furnished another ilinstration of the determination which carried him
I" excellence in every branch of work which he undertook. SV^hen
he began to preach he crested no striking impression. He had received
from Nature none of tboee gifts of persoo, and voice, and grace of
manner which stand so many orators in good stead. His delimj
at that time has been described as doU and moootoDOaa, and be ww
perhaps conscioas of the disadvaatages against which he bad to
*tmggle. Bat be oompletelj overcame them. As a fpeaJxr, indeed^
he never attained, as a role, to vbat voold be called efiective ontotjf
^ogh those wbo knew what be was. and hoar impoanble it WM &r
him to My anything which «m not worthy die beat ttUrAm, tra«ld
'(thrr have listoied to him than to almost any man. But aa a
]««wber he achieved s greataeas which wQl not be foDy tr»vigmmt\
VB^ those three wlmnes of varied MiiBoua are printed wfaidi are
ffadr, or nearly ready, tot the pnaB. When they aee the fight, I
fKliere that the general
^riuch I have wiy often
"Mjfaty of style he w
*>or» iaponant than
the fim^-if Dot Uu first-
vnaoQs were often altered with » i
Best poweifnl cftet, and As
•(«&» to be kat, an4 ^*
ttKT, I will inj ami(^ the
tint they trere
of than win jmtify an opinion
ad that, if a^tcr be iafittiteiy
nnU hsfvbeenankedaacMcr
JnthaChnahcf T^gjiBJ Hb
re«hi(^lDeena»the
Mtfe
176
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Fkb.
first of his sermons whicli eliowed to what heiglits he could attain
was that which he preached, after the death of Dr. Whewell, in Trinity
College Chapel, in which he described so touchiiigly how, in the first
flush of his utter grief and loneliness, after the death of his wife, tho
great Master of Trinity " appeared in the chapel to join his prayers with
ours, not shrinking from lis as from strangers, nor fearing to commit
to our sympathies the saddest of all sad sights, an old man's bereave-
ment and a strong man's tears." I should be glad to quote passage
from his admirable sermon on " The Father of Missionaries," and from
that on '* The Vision of God," preached at his enthronement; or from
that on Ezekiel'a vision, preached at the opening of the Croydon
Church Congress. I have no spEwe for such extracts, and, indeed, I
never heard him preach a sermon which was not admirable and
weighty. But I may refer to that fine picture of a self-dedicated life,
which he sketched at the consecration of the Archbishop of Canter-
bury to the Bishopric of Truro* — the picture of one who '' lays down
at the footstool of God his successes and his failures, his hopes and
his fears, his knowledge and his ignorance, his weakness and his
strength, his misgivings and his confidences — all that he is, and all
that he might be — content to take up thence just that which God
shall give him."
So, again, it was with his work as a Biahop. The old proverb,
apjfjj avSpa Bi'iKvvai was true in his case. All his ruling and adminiB-
trative capacity at once came out. He has left his diocese one of th©
best organized and one of the most united in England. Tlie secret of
this success lies in his own words on the day of his enthronement : —
" I have but one idea for the administration of the diocese, that we
should all strive to work together ; that, as we contemplate the awful
amount of sin around us, we should one and all resolve to do our best,
by God'a help, to lessen this gigantic mass of evil, and should be careful
not to give or take unnecessary offence at what is done by those who
are labouring earnestly and faithfully in the same cause." Under his
rule tho diocese was divided ; the diocesan work flourished ; he
preached in nearly every church in his diocese. Churches were built;
home and foreign missions were promoted. Social efforts of all
kinds were set on foot. The dense crowds of pitmen who watched in
silence the funeral procession as it passed through Tudhoe and Spenny-
moor showed how deeply the heart of the people had been touched by
the work of the shy scholar who had been transformed into their
Prince-Bishop-
This is not the place to attempt any estimate or characterization of
the great work which it has been given him to do, although, if it had
been possible, I would gladly have touched on the subject. But I may
mention one feature which shone conspicuously in every branch of
• On St. Mark's Day, 1887,
BISHOP LIGHTFOOT.
177
labour whicli he nndertook. It was the exemplary tJwroughnus which
showed the ripest fruit of the best form of Cambridge training.
Instances crowd upon the memory, but I will content myself with one
or tffft Fifteen years ago he was asked to read a paper on MissionB
at the Annual Meeting of the Society for the Propagation of the
Gx>spel. Thousands of such papers have been written which have been
forgotten a few weeks at the latest after they were read. But Dr.
Lightfoot discharged the duty in such a way that his paper has a per-
manent value, and is a most important contribution to the literature
of missions. It finally swept aside the modem assertion that missions
i»« lust all their ancient efficacy. It showed, with a masterly know-
ledge which few possess, and which fewer still would have had the
ptieoce to concentrate, that the progress of Christianity through the
ages bos been quite as rapid in proportion as it was in the first four
ceatories. It thus dissipated a sense of diacouragemont which weighed
ieavily on many minds, and it gave a fresh impulse to missionary zeal.
^nUce, as another instance, his essays in the editions of St. Paul's
Epistles on the meaning of prcctorium., or of TrXiipuifia, or on ivwvatfK;,
or the dissertations on the Christian ministry, on St. Paul and Seneca,
and on the " Brethren of the Lord." Those essays are absolutely ex-
IiAOstive of the existing materials for forming a judgment. Tliey are
specimens of a research which refused to be wearied. Once again,
take his edition ef the *' Epistles of St. Ignatius and St. Polycarp."
Determined to get to the bottom of every question, and to examine
the genuineness of the Ignatian Epistles in every possible light, he
ftdded Armenian and Coptic to his already vast stores of erudition, with
the sole object of examining what could be discovered about the epistles
in those languages. Often in steamboat, or railroad carriage, he would
be found with an Armenian or Coptic grammar in his Land. And yet,
ao absolutely unostentatious was this newly acquired learning that a
reader might easily go through his book without so much as once
Baticdiig the fact. For it is as tme of him as of any man that
lived that he wore
Ij^^^^ " the weight
^^^H Of all that learning, lightly aj a flower."
V He avoided controversy as much as possible, but when he was called
^■^oa to perform the functions of a critic, he discharged his duty with
Hrire perfection. One of the first writing.s which brought him promi-
nently into notice was his criticism in the Journal of PkUoloijyy of
two works by men of genius — the edition of the Epistle to the
GbrinthUns, by Dean Stanley, and of the Epistle to the Ilomana and
Galsdaas, by the Master of Balliol. Exact scholarship was not of
the forit of the beloved and gifted Dean ; and minute gram-
■od critical precision was not the immediate object of Pro-
Jowett. Both works were composed from an exegetical stand-
d
178
THE CONTEMPORARY REVlEfV,
point different from that of Dr. Lightfoot, though he was the fi—
to recognize the high nnd permanent importance of both,
know very well how the criticisms of such works would have bt — ?—
written by the shallow and pretentious cleverness of some smoll-mLm^K
anonymous critic in the ordinary religious, semi-religious, a^^
pseudo-religious journals. Long experience has made na famil:s^
with the tone of superiority which such writers always assunx^
with their studied depreciations, their unfairness, their determira^
tion to ignore every merit, to exaggerate every defect, and nc^
to attempt to understand the real object of the writer whom i^
is their one aim to injure, to wound, and to write down. Dr, —
Lightfoot was endowed with a nature, and had attained to a
goodness, which could not descend to those abysses of the ignoble.
Very far different, and indeed a model of outspoken yet modest,
manly, and respectful criticism, was his review. No author could
be otherwise than grateful for such corrections. As a matter of fact,
Dr. Lightfoot received tht^ cordial thanks both of the Dean and the Pro-
fessor, who, in later editions, gladly corrected the errors or oversights to
which he had called attention. So, too, there was a controversy between
Dr. Lightfoot and the present Bishop of Salisbury, on the subject of the
famous views of the former upon the Christian ministry ; but it was
conducted by both bishops with mutual and loving court-esy, and not
one word was said by either to pain the feelings, or even to ruffle the
susceptibilities of the other. Some may say that in his other chief
controver.'^y — that with the author of " Supernatural Religion " — Dr.
Lightfoot showed some acerbity. The impression is a mistaken one,
aa those who read the papers will see. Tlie author of " Supernatural
Religion," in his recent reply, makes no such complaint. On the special
points of controversy, with which Dr. Lightfoot alone wifihed to deal,
the unknown author hatl laid himself open to many refutations, and as
the issue of the contest was one supremely important in itself, and of
ooiMummate interest to the bishop, he did not hesitate to drive his
lance home between the joints of his opponent's harness. But if he ex-
tenuated nothing, he certainly set down naught in malice. Of insulting
language, and of acrimonious personality there is none. There are no
venomous sneers, no corroding epigrams, so that in this region again
the bishop set a shining and greatly-needed example. 0 si sic omnes t
His attitude as an ecclesiastic is akin to his attitude as a critic. He
was a man of large and tolerant mind, who apprehended too seriously
the importance of the deeper and more vital queetions on which the
issues of this age depend, to care much, if he cared at all, about
petty squabbles. He had learnt from St. John that the real Anti-
Christ is the spirit of faction. It was therefore impossible for him to
take any share in the manoouvres or intrigues of partisans. We can-
not even conceive of him as condescending to whisper innuendoes against
a9>}
BISHOP LIGHTFOOT.
179
opponeiits or rivals ; or as saffering himself to be actuated by pre-
jodic^s which induce a colour blindness to all merits of thosa from
whom we differ. Such tilings were utterly alien to his temperament,
mhI belonged to a region immeasurably below his habitual aspirations.
He left such methods to falser aims and meaner spirits.
" Through the heather an' liowe gaed the creepin' thing,
But abune wna the waft of an angel's "wing.
When he became a Bishop, there were many who feared that the
sdiolar n-ould be sacrificed to the Church officer, or that episcopal
drties would be overbalanced by theological pre-occupations. It was
Br>t so. His varied erudition had not been purchased at the cost of
practical wisdom. By unswerving diligence, by early rising, by
stciwly ose of tlie fragments of time, be was still able to contribute to
the liisrher branches of scholarly and historic research, while yet he
"as an active and most useful Prelate. His charity, his tolerance,
liis magnanimity, tending to the annihilation of all that is petty and
PWiaaic, gave to his diocese a singular sense of brotherliness as well
«s an energy of devoted service. He found time to train gratuitously,
in Auckland Castle, a succession of youths, who, having enjoyed the
idrantage of seeing the daily spectacle of his example, are now, to
4e aamber of seventy, working as clergymen in the Church of
£of?laQd. Into two great movements he flung himself with clear-
^ '^^ H** could not live in the midst of a district inhabited
'. I'les of pitmen and miners without observing the ravages of
ttose two great enemies of mankind — intemperance and impurity. He
btaine by choice and conviction a total abstainer and a prominent
•i»wate of temperance legislation. He spoke on this subject with
perfect firmness, yet without bigotiy, and he wisely said (as every
«nsibli^ abstainer would say) that, if at any time he could be convinced
tlwt his health absolutely required the use of wine, he should then
nnhflgitatiogly. resume it« use, believing the preservation of health to
^ ■•>' duty when no suprrior duty demands its sacrifice. Of
' . Cross Society he was the president, and, if I mistake not,
tke principal founder. When he spoke on the platform he showed the
fumt of handling a difficult subject with absolute precision, yet with
tksmost refined delicacy ; and we cannot doubt that by his words and
Im example he has greatly contributed to establish among young
lun a holier and more chivalrous view of the relations which should
]nnal between the sexes in a Christian society. He was himself, by
<iilibemt« choice, a celibate ; probably, among other reasons, because
h tfik with St. Paul that as matrimony is a most blessed aid in
ibdMrging many of life's highest duties, so there are particular voca-
tiou to which it may be a hindrance. He may have thought that
tt irogld be a hindrance to the vocation to which God had called him.
180
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Feb.
But he did not fall into the anti-Christian and Manichjean heresy
which treated marriage as a necessary evil, or regarded it as an
obstacle to priesthood, or placed celibacy above it in intrinsic
meritoriousness. On the contrary, more than thirty years ago, in the
controversy which arose about the tenure of fellowships, he laid down
the true princi])lo that neither matrimony nor celibacy possesses any
inherent superiority over the other condition, but that each is best as
God indicates His will respecting it to individual men.*
It is impossible to consider the life of Bishop Lightfoot without
observing its singular felicity in this resi)ect — that he was one of the
few who all his life long seems to have escaped from the stings of
malice and detraction. Many public men of the present day, as in
all ages, have lived for years amid incessant attacks of which they
themselves are often unable to account for the bitterness. In not a
few it happens, and has happened, to spend their lives in " the oppres-
sion of a perpetual hissing." Take the case of four of the most
prominent divines of latter days, Dr. Pusey, Canon Kingsley, Professor
Maurice, and Dean Stanley. Their personal experience would have
led them to ratify the verdict of the Laureate —
" Each man walks witli his head in a cloud of poisonous flies."
During many years Dr. Pusey passed tbi-ough hurricanes of abuse.
Canon Ivingsley, as he tells us in one of his letters, was at more than
one period of his career " cursed like a dog " in the public prints,
and the chief religious newspaper of the day said of his strong
and tender story, "Yeast," that "he taught immorality and in-
sinuated atheism." For loag years in succession an article abusing
Maurice was the invariable miiec j^ifjitaiiie which was required in the
first number of every evangelical periodical, and reams of insult and
slander against him lie rotting in old files of the Jii-coi'd. I have
seen a paragraph in a High Church paper saying that if (as was
probable) a statue was over raised to the Devil, Dean Stanley would
certainly be the fittest person to unveil it ; and on his deathhed, a^i
he lay dying, I saw the last number of a very superior Church review
speaking with the bitterest contempt of his Christian Institutes — a
review which, happily, ho was too ill to read, so that he was uninjnred
by its virulence. Dr. Lightfoot eutirely escaped all such literary and
theological assaults. The only word of abuse I ever read against him
was written opposite to his name in the vi-sitors'-book at the top of
Snowdon nearly forty years ago — written probably by some reckless
Undergraduate whom he had tried to save from energetic attempts
to throw himself away. " When a man s ways plea-se the Lord,"
says the Book of Proverbs, " he maketh even his enemies to be at
• His words arc as follows (on " The Celibacy Question," Oct. 26, 1857) :— " When God
has not only permitted but sanctioned both states of lite alike, is it not unreasonable to
hold that all the advantagea are on the side of the one to the exclusion of the other ?"
BISHOP UGHTFOOT.
181
paaee vitk bim." But I do not think thftt Dr. Ughtfoot over
Wd maj enemia. To what was this duo ? Partly to tho aonBO of
km ||icat kumi^^ piu-tly to bis uncontmrersinl way of pnracoiting
etvn cunliwwgial trath. He certainly did not suppn^ss hia viawa.
SLtBoondosoas abont the origin and tnio functions of tho ministry aro
not those which seem to be getting almost nnivrrsally prevalent among
tbe English clergy. Many of them would not l>« ploaaed with hia
cKfrtanct declaration that in the epistles of Ignatius thero is to bo
fimnd no tinge of sacerdotalism. His views on rtn'ision— in which hia
xofloenoe told with gt^&t power — ran counter to those of IX>an Hurgon
and his numberless adherents. His comments on Col, ii. 20-23, which
he explained in a sense directly op]X)8ed to the exaltation of aaoetioiam, it
only one of many comments in which his opinions woro not thoao of tho
Ritaalists. And yet he somehow escaped antagonism. It is a bleanod
lot for those by whom it is won legitimiit«^ly and without comjiromise.
Bat if any one be led by envy of such spontaneoualy grrtu1.«i happi-
ness to win it by unhallowed means, by " steering between the Scylla
and Charybdis of yes and no," or acquiring a reputation for Hnfi'ty
and moderation by "never stating a proixwition without can-fuliy
protecting himself from seeming to exclude \\w contradictory," ho iM
not following the great Bishop's examplo. Ami wlmtin-er be the rare
exceptions, Christ's rule holds all but univorsiiily truf : " BloHHed ore
ye when all men shall hate you, and persecute you, and Hpi>ak nil
iner of evil against you falsely for My natiw's sake ; " mul *' woti mito
>u when all men shall speak well of you." Tho ruh' is itormal; but
every now and then the Master makes blessed ttxc«''ption« for thoiw
whom He loves.
I have tried, then, to say what little, at the moriifnt^ Koeined worth
saying abont the great career, about the noble character, alnjut mrnv^
of the manifold labours and achievements of a man in whom pomtority
will probably recognize by far the greatest ecclesiastic of tlii> preHt-ufc day.
Bat his chief eminence and his highest claim upon our gratitude lies
IB thia — that he left us all a stainless example. He soughl. \\u lionourN ;
though, when they came to him unsought, he accopt^-d them with
hmniKty and thankfulness. He was wealthy witliout ostentation and
witboot avarice. He was a presbyter who row? supcnnr to tlm tz-mpta-
tioB* of worldliness and ambition. In no man whom I have ever
kaown was there leas of egotism or self-seeking, and in this too be
reaeiBbled U>e great contemporar)- poet over whom the grave haw ao
vaeSDtly cioaed. Called upon to face death at an age comparatively
pcvontsre, when years of fruitful work might have lain before him, and
it seemed open to him to win a secure and lasting memorial in
miads of all men, by completing his editions of St, Paul's Epistles,
1 gradfring his longing to write a history of the fourth century, he
sat thecal! of God, and left his unfinished work and his accumnlated
182 THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW. [Fb*.
materials, not only without a murmur, but without so much as a s%h
of regret or a single backward glance. How can I end more fitly
than in his own noble words ? —
" While I was suffering fit>m oTerwork, aod before I understood the true
nature of my complaint, it was the strain, both in London and at home, in
connection with the Pan- Anglican gatherings, that broke me down hope-
lessly. I did not regret it then, and I do not regret it now. I should not
have wished to recall the past even if my illness had been fatal. For what,
after all, is the individual life in the history of the Church % Men may
come and men may go ; individual lives float down like straws on the surface
of the waters till they are lost in the ocean of eternity. But the broad,
mighty, rolling stream of the Church itself — ^the cleansing, purifying, ferti-
lizing tide of the river of God — flows t)n for ever and ever."
F. W. Farrak.
«89ol
OXFORD PROFESSORS AND OXFORD
TUTORS.
REPLY OF THE EXAMINERS IN THE SCHOOL
OF MODERN niSTORY.
I.
AS charges bave been made by Professor Thorold Rogers, in the
Contemporary Review for December 1 889, against the conduct
at the examinations at Oxford by resident teachers in the University,
we, the undersigned, being non-residents, who have acted ns examiners
in the school of Modem History during the last five years, wish to
express oar opinions on the following points as far as that school is
eoooemed.
1. Thongh there may be a danger of confining the examinations
too doaely within the limits of the teaching given, there would be a still
greater danger to the maintenance of a high standard of knowledge
from the exclusive appointment of examiners unfamiliar with th*-
work of the university, and therefore liable to vary the standard
aooovding to their own ideas or their own reading.
2. Attention has always been paid, in the choice of examiners, to
th" desirability of securing either non-residents or those who were not
ilin!Ctly concerned in teaching for examination, and further, during
thp last, four years, only two of the examiners out of four have been
•ppointr<l from the resident teachers of history.
8. All papers set in examination are fully discussed by all fhe
enminers in common, and care is taken that they shall test knowledge
of tho subjects as a whole apart from any particular theories or modes
oftoaohing.
4. It ifl an invariable rule that no exanuner aiks questions in vial
fpnf examination, either of his own pnpils or members of h's own
QoUegf, Further, no examiner either votes or expresses his opinion
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW
about the position in the class list to be given to hia pupils or members
of his college.
5. We bare never seen the smallest sign of personal favour, or
college feeling, or partisanship of particular opinions on the jjart of
our colloagues who have been resident teachers. The only considera-
tions which weighed with them were signs of industry, mental vigour,
and merit, so far as it showed itself in the work done in the
examination.
SAiiUEL R. Gardixek, >\
Sometime Professor of Moriern History at
Kiug's College, Londau ;
E. S. Beesly,
Professor of Ancient and Modem History
at UniversitT College, London ;
W. Hunt, M.A. ;
M. Ckeighton,
Dixie Professor of Ecclesiastical History
at Cambridge ;
T. F. Tout,
Professor of History at St. David's College,
Lampeter ;
NoD-rosident
Examioers
in the School of
ModernHiitory
since
May 1883.
n.
In the December number of the CoNTEMroRARY Review, Professor
Thorold Rogcr.s brings charges against the system of teaching and
examining pursued at Oxford, more especially in the two Schools of
Literro Ilumaniores and Modem History.
These charges may be thus bricGy summarized almost in the
Professor's own words.
The College Tutors and Zcclurers, for the purpose of protrcting their
lymi ig-norancc, hoycoti tJic Professor's lectures by dissuading their pupils
from aUcndivg them; and then, hainng a icorking majority in tfie
.sch4}ols u'hicJi they represent, audit their own accounts by examining those
they have taught. Under tJicse circinnstances the teridencies of the
present system are towards a sltallow and barren rovtine, the vieious
circle in which the lecturer t):amines and permanently tickets the pupil.
Such a system of examination, in which the examiner has a pecuniary
interest in the success of his pupil, w not, and eannut he, free from
suspicion. The sy^cm, in shvri, is discreditable, and^ as the Professor
implies, a public scandal.
Although here in Oxford, where we are well accustomed to 'Mr.
Rogers' inaccurate statements, his sweeping, ill-founded, and often
ill-natured criticisms, these formidable charges only raise a smilo,
it is otherwise, no doubt, with many of his readers. In the pablic
interest, therefore, we ask leave to answer these charges, so far as the
School of Modern History is concerned, by a plain statement of facts.
i8gol OXFORD PROFESSORS AND OXFORD TUTORS. 185
The bcxly for nomiuating examint-re consists of six members. Tliree
of these are elected by the Board of Faculty iu Modern History, tbe
other three are the Vice-Cbauceilor and two Proctors for the time beiug.
The Board of Faculty is composed of 22 members. Of these only 10
represent the college teachers, being selected by all authorized lecturers
on the snbject, and very often not all of these are college tutors or
lecturers ; thus, at present, the head of a College is a member of the
Board, and last year the Keeper of the Ashmolean Museum also fier\'ed.
Ten are Professors or University Readers, who are ex-officio menibers
of the Board. Two are co-opted members, one Professor S. R. Gardiner,
the other the Deputy of the Regius Professor of Modem History at
Oxford.
Thus the proportion of resident teachers is at present only 9 to 13
(last year it was 8 to 11) : moreover, the chairman, who has a casting
vote, has, to the best of our beUef, invariably been a Professor since
the foundation of the Board.
It is difficult therefore to sf^e how the three electors chosen by the
Bo&rd can repi-esent the exclusive interest of the college t.^achers so
far as those interests are at variance with those of tlie Professors.
But, even supposing this were so, it is self-evident that the \'ice-
Chancellor and two ProctorSj who form the remainder of the Body for
nominating examiners, and who are in no way necessarily or officially
oaonected with any one school, can easily prevent any improper
tioimnatiun, especially Avhen it is remembered that the Vice-Ghancellor
has a casting vote.
But that, as a matter of fact, the examiners thus ajipointed, since
the date of the last Commission, have not represented the resident
tfachers alone can be conclusively demonstrated. Out of a total
namber of 14 examiners who have been appointed since that date,
five only have be^Q college tutors or lecturers; of the other nine,
five have been non-resident (four of these being Professors at other
Universities or Colleges, and one, a gentleman in no way connected
witii teacliing in the University) ; one was Bi.shop Stubbs, late Regius
Prrjftnisor of Modem History ; one the deputy of tine ])resent Regius
Profesflor; one a reader of the University; one the head of a College,
wLu 'm neitlier tutor nor lecturer of his College. Thus the proportion
of LhoHe representing the interests of the college teachers on the
Plxauiining Board lias been only as 5 to 9.
In the face of these facts, it surjiasses the wit of man to see how
the examinations can have been manipulated in the interest of the
raudeot teachers in the manner suggested by Mr. Rogers.
Sorely it is to be deplored that Mr. Rogers did not take the trouble
to acquaint himself with these facts, of which he professes au intimate
knowlrdge, before bringing charges against a body of gentlemen.
That the Professor's lectures are not so nunurous-ly attended as
VOL. LVU, K
186
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Fib
could be wished, the return of 188G shows; that this may be to a
limited extent the result of the definiteness of the curriculum set
before tie student we do not deny ; that this limitation of the subjects
of study, absolutely essential though it be, more especially in such a
wide subject as Modem History, has its evils we frankly admit ; but
that the scantiness of attendance is due to the boycotting of the
Professor's lectures by the college tutors, for the purpose of protecting
their own ignorance, as Mr. Rogers implies, we emphatically deny.
For the rest we are content to leave our readers to judge of the value
of our critic's statement on this head, from the inaccuracy of such of
his assertions as can be brought to the test of facts.
A. H. Johnson, N
Sometime Fellow of All Souls' ;
E. Armstrong,
Fellow of Queen's ;
A. L. Smith,
Fellow of Balliol ;
R. Lodge,
Fellow of Bnwenose ; -
College Tutors
or Lecturers
who have
examined
since
May 1882.
[*4,* The signatures to the firtt of these Replies are those of all the Non-Resident
Examiners. The tecond Reply is signed by all the College Tutors or Lecturers who
have examined since the date of the last Commission — with the exception of one gentle
man now absent in India. — Ed. C.B.]
tSgoJ
THE FUTURE OF ENGLISH MONARCHY.
"1 /•"ORE than a generation has passed since the Prince Consort
_l.fj_ declared in a speech upon a public occasion that Constitutional
GoFemment was under a heavy trial. The popular imagination
ocmverted the phrase into a very different one, which the popular
memory has retained. The husband and most intimate and influential
cooBsellor of tie Queen was thought to have declared that represen-
latire institutions were on tlieir trial. To be on one's trial may some-
fiiBiiii be a very heavy trial, especially when there is no great confidence
in the verdict and sentence which may follow. To be under a heavy
trial is the condition from time to time of all men and of all things
hatnnn. The Prince Consort's words were used in the crisis and agony
of the Crimean war, and he dwelt with emphasis on tie difficulties
which are inseparable from our Parliamentary system, and from that
iMfc result of civilization, a free newspaper in a free country. Daring
s period of war and of negotiation secrecy is essential, and it is all bat
ioipoesibleu The Prince said nothing which had not been urged with
casphasis by the Duke of Wellington nearly half a century before.
Wellington in the Peninsular war had to carry on a I'arliamentary
at well as n military campaign. Napoleon, he said, could run great
nka for the chance of decisive successes. No one in France could
oeomre or recall him. But "Wellington could not afford to lose a
angle battle, and that was why he never lost one. He could only
t^A when he was certain to win. His successes were cavilled at and
■ifiSauzied by perhaps the most unpatriotic Opposition that ever
played the part of a doleful chorus to a great drama which had a
Uagdosn for a stage. His strategy and tactics were adversely
criticised by politicians who had not even the bookish theories of
OCliello's vitLmetical lieutenant. As Chatham boasted that he had
'188
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Feb.
conquered America in Germany, so the mmp of a faction lioped to
conquer Downing Street in Spain. The consequence waa that
Wellington had to keep almost as close an eye upon the movements
of Parliamentary parties at home as on the movements of Napoleon
and his generals in the field. He had to know not only the divisions
of a battle, but divisions in the House of Commons. Defeat meant
recall. To these considerations, quite as much as to any peculiarity of
his own genius and character, was due the exaggerated caution with
which critics, competent from the military point of view, but not
understanding the political conditions of the problem he had to solve,
sometimes reproach him.
The purpose of the Prince Consort's speech, though he did
not, so far as I know, refer to the precedent of Wellington's
campaigns, was to point this old moral. It is no dei-ogation
from the authority of Parliaments, or from the legitimate influence
of the free newspaper in the free country, to show forbearance
towards and confidence in men engaged on their behalf in an
enterprise of pith and moment. If you have a giant's strength yoa
are not bound at every moment to be showing that you are giganti-
cally strong. The House of Commons can at any moment make and
unmake Slinistries. The obligation on it is the stronger to select
only the right moment for making and unmaking them. Standing
aloof from parties and representing the stable and penuanent element
in the Constitution which is not alFected by general elections,
Parliamentary- divisions, and votes of want of confidence, the Prince
Consort in 1855 was probably the only man in Englnnd who could
deliver with authority words which it was necessary should be spoken,
but which nevertheless it required no slight courage to speak. The
nation had been taught in a phrase, which perhaps contains as much
truth as any one can reasonably expect to find in half a dozen words,
but which certainly does not contain the whole doctrine of Constitu-
tional Monarchy in England, that the Queen reigns but does not
govern. A Speaker of the House of Commons once said that he had
only eyes to see, and ears to hear, and a tongue to speak, what the
House of Commons bade him see and hear and say. Similarly, the
Queen, it is thought, can only think and apeak as the Ministry of the
day bids her think and speak. The Prince Consort, however, as lie
did not reign, was supposed to be ambitious of goveraing ; and his
intervention in public afiairs by speech or action was childishly
resented.
In the Eve-and-thirty years which have passed since the Prince
Consort spoke, a considerable change has come over public feeling ;
not the House of Commons, but the Monarchy is on its trial, and the
Monarchy is on its trial before the House of Commons. In the
debates of last Session on the Royal Grants, Mr. Gladstone alone, of
that party which deems that it has a monopoly of a near and long
THE FUTURE OF ENGLISH MONARCHY
189
fatarp, spoke with any recognition of the part played hy the Monarchy
in the political life of England ; and JSIr. Ciladsfcone, to whom, in the
Mtnral course of things, not many years of the long future of Liberal
ascendency can be granted, carried with him into the Ministerial lobby
only a handful of peraonal adherents. Polite phrases were used by
Mr. Labouchere's supporters on the front Opposition bench, which,
bciwever, amounted to little more than veiled good wishes for a
peaoefal Euthanasia. The Monarchy is dying. Long live the Monarch.
T< mmturam saliUamiis.
It is possible that that Liberal party of the future which is
tireamed of, may not come to birth at all, or that the parturient
Uadical mountain may bring forth only a mouse. The coarse
triiich will be taken by the newly enfranchised electors, who, if
tfcey are of one mind and choose to exercise the power they have,
la' the masters of England, is at present only a matter of speculation,
of hope and fear. What an ancient writer says of war is as true of
Democracy, that it seldom adheres to the rules laid down for it, but
ttrikes out a path for itself when the time comes. But though one
tidng only is certain, that the future will be unlike what any one
ezpocte, though events will take their own course, and will decliue to
bo driven and pulled aside by whips and wire-pullers, instrnmenta
Mn<ely loo ignoble for Providence or even a self-reepecting Destiny to
flsaploy, it does not do to be indifferent to the turn which attempts are
made to give them. Still less is it safe to neglect more general
teodeuciee, which are real and operative, though they may be counter-
acted by otJiers working in a different direction. Loi-d Melbourne
]ay9 down the doctrine that it is not safe to despise a book because its
Mitlior ia a ridicnloua fellow ; Lord Melbourne's precept was necessary
(or his own guidance, for he was a great reader, and to him all authors
were ridiculous fellows. Parodying his remark, we may say that it is
not safe to neglect a revolution even though it occurs in Brazil.
According to the version which first reached Europe, an Emperor who
had done nothing wrong, a plant-coilecting and beetle-hunting
Eaiperor, an Emperor fond of dabbling in the smells and explosions
wlueli to some people make up experimental chemistry, a reforming
■ad Constitution-observing Emperor to boot, was suddenly told to
•*B»TC on and get out of this," put on board a ship, and sent across
the nas. When, on Napoleon's proclnmation that the House of
Ibapuiisa had ceased to reign in Portugal, the Royal Family proceeded
to til* port of Lisbon, they were accompanied by a weeping crowd.
Unpeople of Rio Janeiro parted f^pm their lOuiperor with less demon-
ttnition of emotion than they would have shown to a popular actress
^M mngiohall entertainer. He was left off like a suit of clothes
^^Htfdl was worn out or hod become uanishiuiiable. Brazil was tired
^^Kltetfig an Empire, and wanted to be a Republic. As the Elder?, o^
^^fciel snddenly discovered that they mnst have a king Uke Ihe tval\ow?y
hi
190
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Feb.
around them, so the generals and politieianB of Brazil have discovered
that they must have a fteaident like the nations around them.
This sudden dying out of the monarchical sentiment, its extinction
by atrophy, is the wonder of the thing. Other monarchs have been
deposed because they oppressed their subjects, or resisted their will,
or were centres of strife. But the Empire had kept Brazil together.
The Portuguese are not a race superior to the Si)anish, yet, alone of
the Americans of Latin blood, their state during seventy years was free
from civil war or social disorder. The Emperor was ready to do
everything he was asked to do, even to going away when he was
iisked to go away. The fact is, I imagine, that by one of those secret
transformations of feeling which go on for a long time without
emerging into distinct consciousness, even in the minds of those
subject to them, and then declare themselves suddenly and with a
strange simnltaneoiisness, the itiea of monarchy had become in Brazil
slightly ridiculous, the Emperor had become an incongruity, and out
of relations with his place and time. And, though epigrams do not
kill, a general sense of the absm-dity of an institution may be fatal to
it without expressing itself in a single epigram. The feeling may
I)© unreasonable, the institution may have a rational basts, but, in a
ronflict between feeling and fact, the fact will get the worst of it.
There are traces here and there in England of the sentiment which,
jxilitically speaking, killed the Emperor of Brazil, In the debatt* on
the Royal Grants, a member who is popular, if popularity is to be
judged of by e.scorting and shouting crowds, suggested that it would
be desirable to terminate the engagement of the Royal Family at the
death of the Queen, to declare that the throne was vacant, and that
there was no intention of filling it up. Sir Wilfrid Tjawson, who is
sometimes witty and always jocose, has improved on the idea.
Enraptured with the cashiering of an Emperor in Braisil, which he
apparently looks on as Fox looked on the taking of the Bastille, as
much the greatest event that ever happened in this world, he proposes
that a shorter shrift shall be given to monarchy than Mr. Conybeare
was willing to allow it. He is for, in future, engaging kings and
• •mperors on the terras of a month's warning or a month's wages. He
thinlis it a grand idea " that since the fall of the Brazilian Empire the
new world, from the frozen north to the sunny south, is without a king
or emperor, one hereditary grand duke or hereditary humbug of any
kind." Emperors and monarchs are pot up by people who have not the
sense to see the uselessne.ss of them, and children will some day ask,
*' What was a king, mamma ?" and will be told that kings lived in the
dark ages, but had disappeared. Even Mr. Gladstone, while sus-
pending judgment on the merit of the revolution, and eulogizing the
character of Dom Pedro, expresses sati-sfaction at the example whicli
has been given of revolution made easy, and holds up the Brasdiian
i89o] THE FUTURE OF ENGLISH MONARCHY. 191
diort way witli monarchs for approval, in comparison with the long
and bloody strife of former times, rormerly anti-monarchical Benti-
ment expressed itself in the fervent Jacobin aspiration that the last
king might be strangled in the bowels of the last priest. Now it
takes the mild form of a month's wages or a month's warning.
Not merely baronetcies and Cumberland estates, but human nature
••-•'T vre may remind Sir Wilfrid Lawson in i)as.^ng, are heredit^uy in-
luns. Mental qualities, habits, and capacities are transmitted; and
mfn whose fathers have for generations followed the same pursuits are
' '^'■'' to be more proficient in them than those who enter from
■ lit spheres. Allowance must of course be made for exceptional
caies of incapacity on the one side and capacity on tlie other, for the
growth of new abdity and the decline of old. According to the
modem theory, certain qualities become imbedded in the organization
and are transmitted along with it. lu each man, so to speak, all his
ancestors reside, and what is individual and special to him is the
amallefit part of the total life he bears about with him. In this sense
Heine's lines are not true —
"Es blcibon todt die Todtcn,
Und nur der Lobcndiger lebt."
On the contrarj', the dead are more alive than the living. Moreover,
the circumstances amid which the heir to a kingdom grows up give
him at least the opportunity of being aopiainted with conceptions of
gOTemment and policy. The talk about him may often, and must
aometimes, be of these things, as the talk of graziers is of bullocks and
fiuTB, and of grocers of sugar, and possibly of sand. Franklin nsed
to i«j that an hereditary legislator was as great an absurdity as an
hflreditary mathematician ; anylxKly who will look in Mr. Douglas
Qalton'a book on hei-editary genius will find that hereditary mathe-
■flticianfi are not absolutely unknown in history. In truth, the
apecalations and researches of Darwin and his predecessors and
IkyvrerR deprive the FraukJin-Lawson doctrine of the axiomatic
ithfalne^s which was once attributed to it, and if they do not
*ree it, yet very gravely qualify it.
But • view may bo true without being popular, and if monarchical
it ceases to appeal to the imagination and to justify itself
tliO oommon-senae of men, converts will not be made out of l^arwin
OaHon.
For a long time we have heard of the decline of the monarchical
ittment. Air. Lecky, whose " History of England in the Eighteenth
itnry " is more alive with thought than any contemporary work
of the i»me class, making it a storehouse of political reflection on
wlndi «»t«dent.s and politicians may draw, traces this decline back to
irly years of the eighteenth centur}*. The number of disputed
to the various European thrones, in his view, contributed much
192
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Fbb.
to weaken reverence for kings. Its decline forms, he says, one of
tlie most remarkable political characteristics of the eighteenth cen-
tury. The thrones of England and Spain, of Tuscany and Parma,
the electoral crown of Poland and the succession to the throne of the
young and, as it was thought, moribund king of Prance, were all
disputed. Mr. Lecky assumes as a cause what is not a true cause.
A disputed title to an estate does not involve or tend to produce a
weakened sense of the sanctity of property. Just as little does a
disputed title to a kingdom involve or tend to produce a decline of
monarchical sentiment. Rather it assumes monarchy as an institu-
tion fixed and unassailabl^j though there may be uncertainty as to
the individual ■monarch. The quesHou, "Under which king?"
implies that there is no question of anybody but a king. Respect
for the office is not necessarily impaired because there is doubt as to
the person.
If this had been otherwise — if the stability of monarchy had
depended on the stability of the thrones of individual kings — it
could scarcely have existed in T^ngland. It would certainly have
disappeared long before the Commonwealth. The conflict between
the House of Hanover and the House of Stuart was not the first, but
the last, of a long series of struggles between kings in possession
and pretenders to the throne. Tlie history of England, .so far as it is
a history of the kings of England, is an almost continuous record of
wars of succession, in the open field or by secret conspiracy, from
the Norman Contjuest to the Rebellion of 1743. The conflict between
William I. and Harold, between the sons of the Conqueror, between
Stephen and Maud, between lienry 11. and his children, between
Richard and John, and John and Arthur, between Richard II. and
Bolingbroke, between Henry IV. and the partisans of the Earl of
March, the Wars of the Roses, setting on the throne three kings of
the House of York in sequence to three kings of the House of
Lancaster, the victoiy of the adopted representative of John of
Gauut's hne over the last of the reigning descendants of Lionel
Duke of Clarence — the Lambert Simnel, Perkiu Warbeck, and
Richard Wilford conspiracies of Henty VII. *a roign, involving the
unhappy Earl of Warwick, son of the ill-fated Clarence, in a oonnnon
doom with two of these counterfeit princes ; the real or imaginary
conspiracies and the death on the scaHbld of nobles of royal lineage and
royal ambition, De la Pole, Duke of Suffolk and Strafford, Duke of
Biiokingham, and Margaret Count-ess of Salisbury, under Henry \'1II. ;
the brief mock-qneendom of Lady Jane Grey, and the dangers which
be^et the life of the Princess Elizabeth under Queen Mary ; the
Norfolk and Babington conspiracies under Elizabeth ; the prefcen-
aious of Philip of Spain, who claimed the throne not merely as
his wife's heir, but as the descendant of John of Gaunt, the
Spanhh Armada being quite aa much a djmastic as a religious
il90l
THE FUTIRE OF ENGLISH MONARCHY.
193
eoterprise ; the more formidable pretensions of Marj^ Stuart — all these
ihings show that insecurity of title, and the fact, or constantly appre-
hended danger, of wars of auccessionj run through English history,
Uom the Battle of Hastings t-o the accession of the first of the Stuart
kiags, from the eleventh century to the sevent-eenth.
The intervals of undisturbed possession and peace were comparatively
rare and short. The doctiine of hereditary right was very loosely held ;
ii inferred merely a preferential title, and was subject to the most fan-
tastic erasions. The younger sons of William I. succeeded, in disregard
of tie claims of their elder brother. Henry I., indeed, affected to base
\u$ claims to the throne on the fact that, though not the eldest son
of the Dake of Normandy, he was the eldest aon of the king of
Eoglaod, being alone born after William I.'s accession. John's title
was in derogation of the claim of the son of his elder brother.
Henry VIII., with the authorization of his Parliament, made a testa-
meotary disposition of the Crown, entailing it, as if it had been a
landed estate, after his son, upon his two daughters, both of whom
ooold not be legitimate. Edward VI. attempted by his ^' plan " to
•ft aside this settlement in favour of Lady Jane Grey, on the ground
of tho bastardy of both his sisters. Under Elizabeth, an Act of Par-
liament made guilty of treason any one who should declare any
particular person, other than tlie natural issue of the Queen's body,
to be entitled to the throne. The hereditary title, on the Queen's
deoth without children, was in the House of Suffolk, the descfudauts
of Henry VlII.'s elder daughte^r, and, ou gi-ounds of policy, they were
set aside fur the Stuart family. An hereditary title to the throne is
firmly established now, by Act of Parliament, in the descendants of
the Elect ress Sophia; but the principle in its strongest form dates
from the eighteenth century, iu which it is strangely said to have been
bnpftired. There seems to be little ground for contending that in
England the monarch was ever held to rule by divine right, nt least
by any other divine right than that which sees the benediction of
Heaven in actual possession : hcnti pos&idcntea. It was not much
heard of till the accession of James I., and was used by him to supple-
nmi a notorious defect of hereditary title, which he wna unwilling to
■lengthen by an acknowledgment that he owed his throne to election
liy the nation. The fact ia that James I. was King of England by a
kind of adoption, not altogether dissimilar to that which prevailed
BndM- the Koman Empire, and with the working of which M. Renan
is io well pleased that he would like to see it introduced into the
pablic law of modern Eiu'ope. The extreme doctrine of divine right
which Shakespeare puts into the mouth of Richard II. is an ana-
ehrooiam. It belongs not to the fourteenth century, but in germ
perhafM to the closing years of the sixteenth and the commence-
«Knt of the seventeenth, to the Tudors and Stuarts ; and not to the
Plantagenets. In the wen
194
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEIV.
[FEJt.
" Not all the water in the wide rongh se*,
Can wash the biihn from an anointcrl king ;
The breath of worlilly men cannot depose
The deputy elected by the Lord '*
it is noticeable that it is not the hereditary title, but election by
the Lord, the consecrating balm and not primogeniture and role o£
birth, 'on which an Lualit-nable right is babied. So in Hamlet, the usurper
and murderer, Clandiua avows himself safe in the shelter of that
divinity which doth so hedge a king that treason can but jjeep to
what it will. A subject and courtier of Elizabeth and of Jainea 1.
could not identify divine right with hereditary title, in which they
were lacking. Elizabeth, indeed, during the Esses rebellion, is said
to have detected incentives to sedition in the stoiy of Bolingbroke's
adventure, and to have exclaimed, " Know ye not that I am
Richard II. ? '" But if we are to suppose that Shakespeare was writing
as a politician and not as a poet, it must be kept in mind that his
politics, if they were not, as is sometimes contended, those of the House
of Lancaster, were certainly in succession those of the Houses of
Tudor and Stuart, whose title was through the House of I^ancaster.
Till near the close of the fourteenth century of our history, the doc-
trine that the king never dies, expressed in the formula of the
French monarchy, "The king is dead ; long live the king," did not
prevail. Tho reign of the new monarch was supposed to begin, not
on the day of what is now called his accession, but on the day of his
coronation ; the interval between the two was often a lawless anarchy,
and the king's peace died with liim. The inconvenience which this
state of things produced when any considerable interval elapsed
between the death of the king and hib coronation made it necessary
to adopt the system which recognizes no interregnum. But the older
usage shows that the divine right of the king, so far as it existed, was
in the office, and not in the person ; that it was confen*ed, not by
hereditary title, but by popular election and divine sanction, by the
acclamations of the people, whose voice was, in his case at least, recog-
nized as the voice of God, by coronation and tlie consecrating balm. It
was the anointed king, the deputy elected of the Lord, who ruled,
and not the inheritor by rule of birth, though the two qualifications
usually cohered in the same person.
It", therefore, the monarchical sentiment in England is impaired, its
enfeeblement cannot be attributed to the decay of ideas which never
had any hold of the national mind. The superstition of divine right
and of an absolutely indefeasible hereditary title was never a popular
superstition. It was a kiugly belief iu the mind of James I., a bookish
theory with Sir Robert Filmer and Sir George Mackenzie, surviving
from the Stuart period to that of tho House of Hanover in " Old
Shippeu," and in the eccentric and learned John IJeeves. It was a
royal dream, a clerical dogma, a university thesis, an antiquarian
»89ol THE FUTURE OF ENGLISH MONARCHY.
195
ket, a legal pedantry, a branch of political speculation ; but it was
tli«? belief of the English nation. It sprang first, as I have before
aid. oat of James l.'s desire to find another than a popular title to
his throne, and was strengthened by reaction from the Parlianientaiy
iriamph over Charles I., from the Protectorate, from tbe Exclusion.
Bill, wid from the Declaration of Bights and the Act of Settlement.
The thwries of De ilaistre and Bonald had the same counter-re vol a-
tionsrv' origin in France. In England the doctiine has seldom been
note tttn militant, an affair of the closet and pulpit, of the university
doister or the lawyer's chamber, at most of the political pamphleteer
and the (Opposition leader. The royalist superstition has disapp<.'ared,
bat nut necessarily with it tho monarchical sentiment.
Some change has, however, come over it even within the present
or during a yet shorter period, as any one may convince
ilf who will turn over the pages of the late Mr. Bagehot's book
"The English Constitution." When that little volume appeared,
about twenty years ago, it was received by many persons as a
of revelation of the real nature of the institutions under which
w# live. Otber writers had been detained in the outskirts of the
tdnple ; he had peneti-ated to its inmost shrine, and drawn thence the
life of the building. They had been engaged in the forms ; he had
reached the substance. They had entangled themselves in the
BBchanism ; he had laid bare the very pulse of the machine. " The
Mret of Mr, Bagehot " was this : that the English monarchy, in the
aiwacter which it had assumed during the present reigii, was a
Apitse for hiding the real elective character of the English Con-
ttitntion. The House of Commons was, of course, openly elected by
I Um constituencies. Ministers were nominally appointed by the Crown,
\mk they were really chosen by Pai*iiament. The statesman who
poneflsed in a higher degree than any other the confidence of the
fUtj which hod a majority in the House of Commons was prac-
Hwlly elected by that party to tho Premiership — that is, to the real,
tkoDgh temporary, chieftainship of the State — as certainly though
Mi BO formally as the President of the Federal Council in Switzerland
(wfco ii not, as he is commonly called, President of the Swiss Republic)
ia efaosen for his yearly t^rm by the Federal Assembly. The elected
laid of the State, the Prime Minister, chooses his colleagues, who are
»M|^ily deaignated for him by the position they have attained in the
Benap of Commons. The Queen's business in the matter, allowing a
cartMii nuu'gin for those personal accommodations, that reciprocal
give and take, without which neither life in general, nor that par-
tienlar branch of life called government, can be carried on, was
■tmply that of graceful »C(|niegcence.
In the main this may be a true account of the matter,
tkoogh it had not even, when Mr. Bagehot wrote, anite the nove
relty
196 THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW. [Fbb-
wliich lie and his critics fancietl. Lord Macaulay and many lesser*
writers had said it all before. What Mr. Bagehot did was to re-stato
what wpre then, and had long been, the commonplaces of constitutional
doctrine with a freshness and keenness of style and a copiousness of
piquant illustration which gave them the aspect of discoveries, almost
of revelations. His art was akin to that of the careful housewife in
Burns' poem, whose skill gar'd the old clothes look ahnost as good as
new. Rather he dressed the old truth in new clothes, and the taUor
got the credit of having made the maji. But the truth was not to be
disclosed beyond the sacred but limited circle of the initiated who read
Mr. Bagehot's essays as they originally appeared in the Ihrtnif/fUly
MetHcWy or in the volume in which they were afterwards collected.
According to ilr. Bagehot, the poorest and most ignorant classes in
Ilia time really believed that the Queen governed. The separation of
principal power from principal station is a refinement, he says, beyond
their power of conception. " They fancy they are governed by an
hereditary Queen, a Queen by the grace of God, when they are really
governed by a Cabinet and a Parliament, men like themselves, chosen
by themselves." I doubt whether, even in the politically distant
period at which ami of which Mr. Bagehot wrote, this description was
true. The poorest and most ignorant classes, strictly speaking,
probably never troubled themselves as to how they were governed at
all. Their speculations and imagination did not travel beyond their
experience, which was restricted to the policeman at the street-comer
and the magistrate at petty or quarter sessions. The needy knife-
grinder represents their state of mind. Mr. Bagehot constructed for
himself a stage peasant or artisan whose naivete he brings into subtle
contrast with his own keen analysis.
If we advance beyond the poorest and moat ignorant classee,
the conception of royalty which prevails is, we fear, too
generally that of the pot-house oracle, who denounces it as a
useless and costly extravagance, the greatest of all our spend-
ing departments — a department in which there is great pay for no
toil, and in which the sweat of the working-man's brow is by a
mischievous chemistry converted into fine clothes and sumptuous fare
for them that dwell in kings' houses. Wliether this view prevailed in
Mr. Bagehot's time or not, there are many signs that it is prevalent
now. Like the rustic in Virgil, who foolishly deemed that the city
which is called liome resembled his own little village, the field or
the town labourer is persuaded that the Government of the United
Kingdom is simply on enlargement of the municipal or county
government of which he ha.s direct experience. To him the monarchy
seems a mere appendage to this Government, which could be detached
from it without harm, and even with advantage — an inconvenient fifth
wheel to the coach, a flapping and fanning drapery getting itsfrlf
J
dpi THE FUTURE OF ENGLISH MONARCHY.
197
Htng^ed witli the machineiy and impeding it, and which it would 1>e
dfSTable 1o cut away. Within the memon- of men still living it was
rertomarT to speak of the King's or Queen's Government. Now the
jfciMr is never heard except as a decorous Parliamentary formality.
"Mr. Gladstone's Government " and '' Lord Salisbury's Govem-
arnt' have supersedeii both in work and thought "the Queen's
fioTcmment." But if Mr. Gladstone or Lord Salisburj* is governor,
whkt is the Qaeen ? If they are the real heads of the State, what is
jhe? These words are not intended to describe the true theory ol
stihitional Government in England, but the popular impression of
which School Boards, an almost periodically extended franchise,
self-goremment in town and country, and neo-Radical speeches
htiv ci«at€>d. In it there is little place left for the monarchical idea,
Mr. Bagehot, whose doctrint- has the fault inherent in all doctrines
that K^ bast'd on the necessity of disguise and false pretences in
fi»*rainent, was not content with representing monarchy as a
lidly embroidertxl veil or screen behind which the prosaic
'^ of Parliamentary and Cabinet Government worked. It was
> riew scarcely less essential that such political functions as the
h still discharges should be hidden. He seems to have thought
..,..; .z would be dangerous if the fact that the royal robes clothed a
Kmg person, and not a mere doll or puppet, became too widely
known. *' The House of Commons," he wrote, " has inquired into
it things •, but it has never had a Committee on the Queen. There
no authoritative Blue-Book to say what she does." On tho other
kand, the Queen in her dignified capacity was of necessity con-
sptcnons. Her appearance on great State occasions, her function as
a part of the pageantry of State, were spectacular. She was a part
of the outward show of life, the largest contributor to that ornamental
tide of government without which it becomes dull and bare and
aainteresting. Since Mr. Bagehot wrote, all this has been changed.
Kit w»8 private has been made public, what was public has been
drawn into privacy. The first of a series of Blue-Books on the
Qawo was published in 1875, just six years after Mr. Bagehot's
eaaay on " Tlie English Constitution." They were not called by that
nuat, they were called " The Life of his Royal Highness the Princo
Cooaort, by Theodore Martin." Mr. Bagehot said that our own
generation would never know, though a future generation might, how
great and useful had been the part played by the Queen and the
Prmoe Consort — perhaps it would have been more correct to say, by
like Prince Consort, in the name and with the authority of the Queen —
0 the government of England. He thought it undesirable that tho
fiidoBiiTe should be mado.
•* Secrecy ," be said, "is essential to the utility of the Engliisli monarchy
M it DOW is. Above all things, our Royalty i« to be reverenced, and if you
198
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
CF».
begin to poke about it, you cannot reverence it. When there is a Select
Committee on the Queen, the charm of Royalty will be gone. Its mystery
is its life ; you c-annot let daylight upon magic. We must not bring the
CJuecn into the combat of politics, or she will cease to be reverenced by all
combatants. She will become one combatant among many."
All that Mr. Bagehot thought ought not to be done has been
done deliberately, and with the Queen's own sanction and authority,
in the five volumes of *' The Life of the Prince ConsorL" The
** august and unknown powers " of the Constitution have been
exposed to the same close scrutiny as " tlie known and serviceable
powers." At the same time the spectacular part of the monarchy has
been retrenched, and almost entirely abolished.
What is the effect of this double change on the public sentiment ?
There is naturally some grombhng at a spectacle which is paid for,
but not exhibited, at a theatre, the doors of which are almost always
closed. As regards the direct action of the Crown in pubhc afiairs,
the cognizance of it vouchsafed to her subjects by the Queen has
been nearly simultaneous with the growth of the idea that the
directly representative element in the Constitution ought not simply
to be predominant, and in the long run decisive, but exclusive, and
at every stage in the conduct of affairs the sole power.
The House of Commons obeys the imperative mandate of the con-
stituents. The Ministiy is the creature and instrument of the House
of Commons. The right of any power not thus directly oommissioned
by popular suffrage to take part in affairs is rudely questioned, and
seems to be submitted to only by way of contemptuous tolerance for a
survival, not destined to be of long continuance, from an older state of
things. The attitude practically enforced by the Queen and the
Prince Consort upon the ilinistry during the American Civil War may
have been wiser than that which Lord Palmerston, and Lord Russell,
and Mr. Gladstone, if left to themselves, would have taken ; the
Court may have been right with the masses, when the Cabinet, or its
most influential members, were wrong with the classes. On the other
hand, the feeling of the Court towai-ds the Italian movement for
unity and independence may have been loss generous aud sagacious
than that of Lord Palmerston and Lord Russell. But the point now
raised is whetlier the Queen had the right to be in the right against
a Minister possessing a majority in the House of Commons^ — whether
it is within the province of a constitutional moiiai-ch not to share the
error of the Minister of the day, and to impose caution upon him in
foresight of the wiser opinion which the people will entertain to-morrow.
Of course there is the perhaps even chance — let us, for argument sake,
say the greater probability — that when they differ the Minister will be
right and the Monarch wrong. Even so, divergence of opinion, though
the divergent opinion may be erroneous, may be an advantage as
t89o] THE FUTURE OF ENGLISH MONARCHY
199
eiuorujg deliberation, and tlie attentive weighing of all sidos of a
'ppstion, before action is taken. Nevertheless, to a public incapable
of entertaining more than one idea at a time, this is a bard saying.
Tbf ftfjmiasion that the principle of representative government is in
modern societies of European race an essential principle, is converted
into tie very different doctrine, that no power ought to exist in the
Slate which is not derived ftom direct popular election. A more
iins political philosophy and practical statesmansliip have been
J . .to language of admirable cleamt"ss by Mr. J. S. Mill. Censor-
ing the politicians of a certain French school, from which the new
K^^lsh Kadicalism seems to have drawn its inspiration, who are for
dedacing everything from a single principle of government, and
eschewing everything which does not logically follow from that prin-
cqile, Mr. Mill says :
" Ina>>tuucl), liowever, jus no j.'ovei-nnient produces all possible beneficial
ofiectA, but all are attemled with more or fewer inconveniences ; and since
theee cannot be combated by tbe very causes wjiich produc-e them, it would Vje
often a much stronger recommendation of some practicjil arrangement, that
it does not follow from the general principle of tbe government than that it
does. Under* government of legitimacy, tbe pi-esumpt ion is fur rather in favour
of institution^^ of i>oi>ular origin ; and in a democi-ac}*, in favour of arrange-
■lentjs tending to check the impetus of popular vnW. Tlie line of argumen-
tataoo, »y commonly mistaken in France for political pliilosophy, tends to the
ntScCicul conclusion that we should e.^ert our utmost eflforts to aggravate,
iast«af| of alleviating, whatever are the cliaracteiistic imperfections of
tt' of institutions which we prefer, or under which we happen to
liv • /• m of LoyiCf vol. ii. p. 521, tbiiiJ edition.
Ifc is the fate of Mr. Mill to be praised by the politicians who affect
to be his disciples, and to be neglected by them. He himself is almost
A muqne example of a man who in qnitting the closet for Parlia-
BMOlary life remained true in the House of Commons to the doctrines
which he had thought out in his study. With others a change of pur-
seems not to be complete until it issues in apostasy. If Mr. Mill's
ine be sound, and in theory it will scarcely be questioned, it
fQUo>ir« that the inevitable defects which inhere in the representative
ajrit^m of government require to be checked and counteracted by
•nmngemcnts based upon other principles. The practicid difficulty
in til* way is of course thia, that the predominant power in a country-
is always Mnbttious to be the sole power ; and that, when forces do not
exiflt ftrOBg enough to impose checks upon it, it is seldom iu the mood
to impose restraints upon itself. A power strong enough to give
cfSectiTe assertion to its own just ri^rhta is u-iuatly strong enough
to womt more than its just rights. Democracy is as little
toienok of rivals near its throne as despotism. The period at
a jnst balance is established between the old and tbe new
the powers which have long been in possession and the
200
THE CONTEMPOHAliV REVIEW.
[:
1
It
powers enter'mg oa poasession, is usually, as time is countecL
history, but a moment — that is to say, a generation or half acentczarj.
In England we had this balance from 1832 to 1868, or let aa sajr^ to
1885. Now things are tending to the ascendency of a single po "^'^^^
in the State, the House of Commons, and to that of a single class i^\
tlie community, the working classes.
That, in the present state of England and most European countri^^
practically the whole adult nalion must be inchuled in the repreaex*"
tation, with or without distinction of sex, and with such conditions ^
durable residence as it may be expedient to enforce for the exclusio*^
of the mere waifs and strays of society — the vagabondage, in the liter^
sense of the term, of the country — what in Switzerland are called th^
homeless classes {hdmathlox)^ can uo longer be disputed. The theory
is in the ideas of the time, and, moreover, it is an established and irre-
versible fact. Tliat within this system representation should be in pro-
portion to numbers — that is to say, that groups uumencally equal should
return an equal number of members — an arrangement which prevsals
in Germany, France, Switzerland, and the United States, but to which
only a very imperfect approach has as yet been made in England —
follows logically from the democratic principle now established ; and
even here, where facts follow logic with but a lame and halting foot,
wUl no doubt presently be realized. This one man one vote doc-
trine implies that every vote and every man shall count for as much
as every other, and carries with it the principle of equal repre-
sentation among constituencies numerically equul, and of the equal
power of each vote wit liiu those constituencies — that is, of proportional
representation as advocated by Mr, Hare, Mr. Mill, and, among
men now engaged in public life, by Mr. Courtney. Whether logic
and equity in this matter are destined to prevail over habit and
prejudice ho would be foolhardy who should predict. The principle has
been discredited by the phrase, " representation of minorities," which
untruly describes it^ and at present expresses the means, not the end,
which is the proportionate reprt'sentation of the majority. Now,
as frequently happens both in England and the United States, a large
majority in the constituencies may return a small majority to Par-
liament, or a minority of voters may return a majority of representa-
tives. This is, of course, in direct contradiction to the democratic
principle that the majority must rule ; but this is not the worst. Our
system makes it possible that the great bulk of the nation may, on
particular questions, one after the other be overruled by infiniteaimal
fragments of it. The two gi'eat political parties may be nearly
balanced, as they almost always are. In this case, a handful of
fanatics or theorists, by selling its support to the candidates who
wUl pledge themselves to its particular crotchet, may, under the
present conditions of English political life and morality, succeed in
securing the return of a majority of members pledged to their
iW THE FUTURE OF ENGLISH MONARCHY.
201
political crotchet. This has been the tactics of the opponents of the
ConlAgions Diseases Act, it is the tactics of Sir Wilfrid Lawson and
^ local optionists, of Mr. Champion and the Eight Hours Bill
•gitators, of the antagonists of compulsory vaccination, and I know
Mt what besides. It is thus quite conceivable that a minority of,
*"jr, three hundred thousand voters might succeed in carrying a
pwject opposed to the opinions and feelings of three millions-
la former times, the House of Lords might be trusted to throw
ODf a moasare which came before them noder these conditions. But,
oader the tyranny of the democratic idea, wrongly interpreted, the
ffoQse of Commons is disposed to resent the ^-indication by the
flonjse of Lords of the ' real opinions of the majority in the Commons
W ag^ainst their false professions of opinion ; and the doctrine that no
flBtitution has a locm standi in politics which is not based on direct
elective representation, is diffusing the same sentiment in the country.
On great questions which divide parties an appeal may be made from
the House of Commons to the country by a general election. But
in the case supposed, both parties are tarred by the same brush,
Bad at any rate the Ministry in power derives its majority from the
diqae against whom it would, in the case supposed, appeal. More-
n general election would simply bring the same instrumentalities
le falsitication of opinion into play once more.
le Royal veto is even more completely out of the question than
rejection of the Bill by the House of Lords. But why may not
c»3untry at large have the opportunity of imposing its veto upon a
iB<>asDre which represents not its own convictions, but the successful
oneoring tactics of busy and unscrupulous organizations, and the
rdice and want of principle of political candidates and leaders ?
Supposing an Anti- Vaccination Bill or an Eight Hoars Bill to become
the circumstances which have been supposed — and it could
;ely become so in any other — why should not an appeal be made,
on the principle of the Swiss Hf/crendum, to the general sense of
th« country? The Sovereign of the country, standing aloof from
political parties, would naturally be the person in whom, when there
w«« reason to suppose that the voice of the nation had been falsified
in i\xf Parliamentary representation, this right of appealing to the
nation at large wonld be vested. Instead of the merely formal assent,
" La lieine le veut," or the obsolete form of veto, "Xa Reine s'aixiMra"
we aboald have at the initiative of the Crown the decision, "Zf* ptuplf
tf rait^" or " Lf peupk s a viseraS' The trouble and inconvenience of
liwjaeQt and vexatious appeals to the country on individual projects of
bgiabtion would prevent needless recourse to tlie Reftrcndum. But
■odar our present Parliamentary system, I do not see what other
inmna exist for relieving the country from the domination of coteries
»' ' -, which are able to turn the scale between the two parties
202
THE CONTEMPORARY RE VIE IV.
in favour of projects which both parties and the country disapprova
and from the danger of snap votes on questions vitally affecting tin
Constitution and the future of England in a Parhament retumeii as
a great variety of issues other than that assumed to be decidecl. aft
the general election.
To take a critical and proximate inst^ance : if an ostensibly Kome
llule majority should be returned tAvo or three years hence to tJi©
House of Commons, it will consist largely of peraons whose const*'
ttients care little or nothing about Home Rule, but who think that ^
Home Rule majority and Ministry will bo a Welsh or Scotch disest^^
blishment majority or Ministry, al ocal option nnd licensed victualler^
disestablishment Ministry, an Eight Hours* Bill Ministry-, a laii^
nationalization Ministry, an anti-vaccination Ministry, a Ministry not
of all the tali-nts, but of all the fads and all the crotchets. On ff
matter such as this, there should be a means of taking the sense oT
the ]ieople of England, simply and directly and without the intmsicai
of such side issues as deflect the votes at a general election even
though the appeal be nominally made only on a single ^xiint. The
coarse bribe offered in the phrase " Home Rule will help the^e things,
!iud these things will help Home Rule," expresses the lowest degra-
dation of general jx>litics, and implies a system of more corrupting
|>urchase and sale than was ever practised by Newcastle or Wal]X)le.
Even on the lirfercjiJian demagogic incentives would be freely plied,
and endeavours would be made to induce men to vote on the simple
question of the Union or of separation with an eye to other questions.
Electioneenng tricks, however, would be practised under greater dia-
advantagea than at present, and there would be an appreciable
increase of probability that the nominal Issue would also be the real
issue on which the vote would be taken.
The monarchical system is not essential to the Mtfercvxluvi) since it
exists in Switzerland, both in its individual cantons and over the
confederation as a whole, and, I believe, in some of the States of th&
American Union. But monarchy offers the conditions on which it
could best be exercised. The President of a Republic necessarily
represents the party in power, and he would nut appeal to the country-
against what is his own policy. The same remark applies to the
Prime Minister under a system of Cabinet Government such as ours^
No doubt it might bo arranged that the lirf'crcntlum should be adopted,
if a certain proportion of the electors of the country, or if either, or
both, of the two Houses called for it in petitions or memorials; and
this scheme might be useful as an alternative in default of the spon-
taneous action of the Sovereign. Bnt the easiest and promptest method
woidd be by the direct action of the King or Queen. This would to
some extent take the operation out of the hands of the wire-pullers
and managers of factions, the producers of machine-made opinion.
Those who believe that the monarchy in England is worth main-
rSjo] THE FUTURE OF ENGLISH MONARCHY.
203
tiiaing, hold that, it is, as compared with the immense cost of Presi-
intial elections in tlie United States and of the administrative mechanism
rf France, a cheap form of government; that it is, what is yet more
important, a pure form of government, the choice lying between
kwditary sovereignty, or an elective and temporary monarchy by
jparclfflse, calltn.1 Presidency ; that it familiarizes the public mind with
fllifi idea of other public interests than those of rival parties and factions ;
•btit gives dignitj' and splendour to the forms of government ; that it
|«ii the conception of an England whicli is more than the soil on which
ne forty millions are struggling, sncceeding and failing — an England
aj? between a glorious past and a hojieful future, of which the men
"f f'xiay are simply the living linlc ; tliat it ensures the presence in
luitiittliate contact with affairs of one who has, at least, had an oppor-
I Rmity of following them continuously through a generation, it may
'»?iialf a century, while Ministers have come and gone and have but
fra^nentary and interrupted acquaintance with them ; of one to whom
'^OBStions of State, domestic and foreign, are, or onght to be, what the
rnre of st^jcks are to City men, and the price of fat oxen to farmers.
These considerations, simpln and elementary as they are, are yet
Iniths of reflection rather than of simple inspection. The prevalent
ideft — that no one ha.s a right to exercise any functions who has not
ken cliosen to them by the vote of a majority, can only be qualified
■id corrected by the conclusive proof that the functions which are
titas exceptionally tolei-ated are real functions, and that they are
dbnoiisly exercised for the benefit of the country. The maxim of
fmyment by results will bo applied to the monarchy, except as regards
Ike numbers of the younger and remoter memliers of the Royal family,
«i whom the supply may exceed the demand, with the economic and
pbUtieal consequences involved in it. The old jealousy of a king
who «hoald attempt to govern as well as reign still subsists, but it is
tooampanied by a contempt for a king who reigns without governing,
lad a disposition even to question the title of a new king so to reign.
Ab a matter of fact, English kings and queens, even under our Parlia-
BeatRry system, and not exclusive of the Srst two Georges, governed a
gr»t deal more than is commonly supposed, and the disclosures made
in tbr Memoirs of Stockmar, and in the Life of the Prince Consor ,
U»p active part played by the Queen and her husband in public affairs
•"TP received in some quarters with misgiving. This jealousy, how-
•fw, isi not likely to be excited when the governing jiower of the
kaig ifl seen to be the instrument of giving more effect to the direct
wfc« of the people in their own affliirs, in correction of its possibly
mi.sinterpretation in the House of Commons, and of substi-
1 certain cases the popular assent or veto fur the Royal assent
ri proj»'Ct8 of legislation.
Tbo IVirliamentary history of England during more than two
entnnrs has been &o splendid and useful, it forms so brilliant an
204
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
\y—
epoch in history, that there is difficulty in believing that it requL
readjustmeBt to altered social conditions. Its supremacy tends
become indepeodenci' of the nation, its omnipotence an all-meddli a
ness ; instead of representing the will of the nation, there is dan^^oJ
a danger which the reduction of the septennial to a quinquenniaL «-
triennial term would increase, that it may represent, turn and t u r*n
.aboat, the accidental predominance, jwssibly of a factious minocifcj'i
■tor even of a balaace-tnniing clique. These evils have declared ther*'^
selves elsewhere. In England it is held that the annual raeetinj
of Parliament is essential to freedom, and it is secured by the fa^
that the taxes are taken only for a year, and by tlie annual passings*'
now a little altered in form, of the Mutiny Act. In many of tl»
States of the American Union it is expressly provided that th^
Legislature shall meet only every second year, and then for but shor^
periods, in order to limit its opportunities of law-making for the sak^
of law-making. In other States the litfitauhim exists, and tht?
subjects which lie within the scope of the Legislature are strictly
defined. As regards the Congress at Washington, its functions are
limited under the Constitution by the legislative rights of the several
States, and by the interpretative power of the Supreme Court, as well
as by the executive authority. As a Parliament, in one sense the Hoose
of Representatives and the f^enate have almost ceased to exist, the real
work of legislation being done by small and manageable committees,
whose decisions are usually accepted without revision or discussion.
In France, though the Parliamentarians triumphed at the last general
election, so far as the majority returned was concerned, the Revisionists
of different orders ran thera close in the popular vote.
In Germany, the Parliaments of the Empire and of Pnissia, and
of the several States, are very limited as compared with the functions
of the Legislature in England. Here the supremacy of Parliament is
in danger of becoming the supremacy of a caucus and a dictator, over-
riding the genera! sense of the nation, to which there ought to be
some mode of authoritative appeal.
The principle of the Itcferendum, or appeal to the people, at the
initiative of the Crown, on particular issues, seems the best mode of
counteracting this danger. A constitutional reform of this kind would
be at once the crowning of the democracy, and the democratizing of
the Crown. If we are to have a king of England in future, he must
be, like one of his Stuart ancestry in Scotland, the King of the
Commonsj by which I do not mean of the House of Commons. He
can no longer afford to be simply the head of the classes, the chief of
society lit its conventional sense, the culminating point of the aristo-
cracy. He must belong to the whole people, to the masses, as well
as to the classes. Frederick William IV. was not a very wise ruler;
but he said a wise thing when he declared, on his accession, that as
Crown Prince he had been the Gi-st of the nobles, but as king he
was the first of the citizens, of Prussia.
.J90] THE FUTURE OF ENGLISH MONARCHY.
205
Thf' great evil of the monarchy is the Bocial flunkeyism of which
ii ii the centre, the abject snobbism which it produces, tho base
serrility which radiate from it in circles ever widening. If this evil
f?re iflfl^'parable from it. it would go far to balance its political advan-
tJgM, Nambers of persons read with increasing contempt and amuse-
aaitthe announcements of the Couti Circtdar that thfl (^ueen or tho
JViace of Wales has ridden or walked ont, " accouipauied " by this, that,
•r the other small Germau princeling, and "attended" by some great
fii^liah noble or exalted English lady. The apparatus of Lords-in-
TTaiting and Women of the Bedchamber does not stir veneration,
lie American feeling, often pushed to limits which go beyond the
«}uirements of a legitimate self-respect against |>ersonal or menial /
Tice, is atVecting English sentiment. Great dukes do not now
Datend which of them shall air and which of them shall put on the
of the king, which shall hold the basin in which he washes his
ads, which shall pour water on them, and which shall hold tlie
rel — for one reason because we have no king. But it is pretty
certain that when the expenses of the Court have to be revised,
the payment of a nobleman and gentleman for discharging menial
fanctions about the Sovereign, or for pretending to discharge them
nod not doing so, will be sharply overhauled. It is probable that by
tliat time a feeling may have grown up which will make English
ffrntleraen hesitate or refuse to acci'pt relations other than those of
-h gentlemen towards the Sovereign, who in this relation is
•ig more than the first of English gentlemen. Under the early
;i!i Emperors, the humljlest Horaan citizen would have felt him-
•elf dislionoared at the ide« of his filling a place about the person
in the household of Caesar — in fact, the idea could not have
-pf'd. These posts were therefore left, often with disastrous political
social results, to slaves and freedraen. According to Burke, the
taste of kings and princes for low company, dne perhaps to
Hpulse to throw off completely the restraint of ceremony, made
H expedient to give household places to great nobles. Whatever the
adTmntaigB of this sy.'ttera, which in its time may have had its uses, the
pablic feeling now revolts against the spectacle of menial Dukes and
Dachcssee, Lord High Footman, to borrow a phrase from Mr. Gilbert's
last opera, and Lady Chambermaids or Kitchen-mwda. English
BoTaltr must not merely be seen in the discharge of public
&ioctioD» which cannot so well be performed by any other institution.
l80 be seen to l^ the monarchy of the whole people and Dot
/per classes only, and must disentangle itself from those
(xjoditions which reduce English nobles and ladies to the rank of
menials, acting in an ignoble farce of I^ow Life Above Stairs.
Fba5K H. Hill.
MR. BARING-GOULD'S NOVELS.
SyilPATIIY is the ink in which all fiction phoultl bf> wntten;
indeed, we shall find, on examinatiou, that the humour, which
scime say is the novelist's greatest gift, and the |)Ower of chai-acter-
drawing by which others hold, are streams from this same source.
There is oft«u bynipathy without humour, as so many ^Titers with a
purpose prove, but humour without syunpathy is misnamed, and difibrs
from real humour as Dickens's sportfniness from a sai-castic writer's
sneers. Dickens is the greatest of the humorist*, because, with,
a sense of the ridiculous, he had a heart tliat was a well o*
sympathy and reflected the ]X>etry of the meanest objects. Instead
of sitting in the sconier's chair, the humorist is the true lover of
hia species, and hence the teare that so frequently tremble on his
laughter. Give humour and pathos the chance, and they ran into one
like two drops of water ; keep them apart, and they die of want of
each other. If it were not false to call Thuckeray merely a satirist,
this would wealcen our argument by denying his humour, but what
we often speak of as Thackeray's satire flows direct from sympathy,
coloured, but not poisoned, by the channel in which he chose to run
it. Thackeray weeps over the follies he chastises as? one sad at lieart
that they should be, but your satiribt discovers them with a whoop (rf
satis Fact ion.
Without sympathy character-drawing, except in black and white, is
equally im]X)S8ible, and for the reason that .sympathj- is the only cajidle
to the human heart. Wanting it, the novelist may, at his most
ingenioua, concoct a Wilkie Collins mystery which is laid aside
with a headache when solved, or he may raise the hair with a stage
villain. But life is not n mechanical puzzle, nor are its black sheep
made out of a suit of clothes and a capacity for evil. The " realist " may
MR. BARING-GOULDS NOVELS.
207
pktofifnph a dranken peasant beating his wife, bat that photograph is
not tie peasant, it is not the tliuusaudth part of what goes to t)ie
makmgof one humble man. l^etter not put that drunkard ou paper if
JFOQ cannot se** him with some of the attrilmtes he got ffoiu God, if you
en tiuTj contemptuously from him without a tear for the boy he once
niiiodthe man he then thought to be. The spiritless drab whom
JOT bve photographed at his feet pli^jhted hi^r troth to him long ago
inarountry lane, or at a mean hoarth which had a halo round it that
'Liv Beware l<'St even now. now that they have come to this, you
^iiuiiJJ exhibit the thing in your camera as that man and woman. See
tiem atfain many times, and you will lind that the bouI is not dead,
the light which was in their eyes at the altar gleams there fitfully
till, aad. as your heart beats to theirs, it will fill, not with scorn but
: sorrow that a man and woman whom God has not deserted can fall
'» liiw. But if you have not sympathy yon will see none of these
tliini^.
Of oor eight or ten living novelists who are popular by merit, few
r ability than Mr. Baring-Gould. His characters are bold
...^ . ... .0 figures, his wit is as ready as his figures of speech are apt.
Up has a powerful imaginatiou. and is quaintly fanciful. When he
incribes a storm, one can see his trees breaking in the gale. So
nonnoas and aecnrate is his general information tliat there is no trade
«r profess^ion with which he does not seem to be faniUiar. So far as
'ic knowledge is concerned, he is obviously better equipped than
-.. . iileraporary writer of fiction. Yet one rises from liis books with
» f*--ling of repulsion, or at least with the glad conviction that his
- views of life are as untrue a.s the chai'actei*s who illustrat'i*
- Here is a melancholy ca»e of a novelist, not only clever but
sncfrp, undone by want of sympathy,
Mr. Baring-Gould's cynici:*m is such as most men, with a tithe of
U> enpacity, are anxious to turn their backs on at five-and-twenty.
" We betrin life iis believers," he saya, " and end it as sceptics. As
liwk up to every one ; as old men we look down on all."
• .. .5 an* for the fools and knaves. The foola are endowed by
Providence with luck to counterljalance their folly, and the wise are
bnrfeiitid with conscience, which prevents them proCting by their
■i^biB." •• When we attend the funeral of a dear relative, do we
Mt partake of the breakfast ? . . . . The widow upstaire has her
■ 1 with tears, but is quite sensible whether there is sugar enough
' 'vinl-Bance with the lamb ; und afterwards, iii the hush of
_', when the masons have closed up the tomb about her
-. uud file monruers are gone, she will speak to the cook in a
I voice full of suppresae-d tears, and bid her mind another time
i* the aiigar in the sauce-dish before sending it in, and chop
Ur auiit a little finer. So also the widower who, with manly aell-
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW,
ITT
restraint, has bottled up his tears and talked of the weather, thrc
the crust of his cold veal-pie impatiently to the margin of his pla
because the paste is not flaky, and curses his destiny because now
has no one to keep his cook up to the mark." With such sentime?
are all this author's books tarnished. It is said that there is a gK
market for " smart. " writincf of this kind, and one occasionally he
of autlioi-s complaining that they have to write down to it to lua^
living — though there are surely other ways of breaking stones. >■
we have both Mr. Bai'i rig-Gould's own word for it, and t^videnct
his stories, that he writes as he feels, lu & chapter in " Richard Cal>
addressed to the public, he says that he is an earnest worker ■%
would rather "tear himself to pieces" than write without a lofty 'v3L'
and in '"The (laverocks" there i.s an incident that unintentionally pre
what one is forced to call the sincerity of his heartlessness. The eC:
only contains one character that is not repulsive or silly — a girl caJ
Loveday, who is intt^ndt d to be veiy good and affectionate. Ye*
few days after she hears of the tragic death, as she supposes, of
husband, Loveday joins a jaunt to a lively country fair, and it ne
seems to strike the author that such callousness would be painfu.1
even a less amiable person. It has been argued that fiction is nov
days taking the clergj-man's place, but may that never be if t
new pulpit is to tell us that the world is as despicable, its face such
sham, and its heart so rotten as Mr. Baring-Gould makes them.
If Mr. Baring-Gould's characters were not caricatures he wou
prove his philosophy. In most of his men, who are not offered t
laughter, the brute element has such a master)'" as to keep the otb
elements out of sight. Perhaps the poor do not suffer more at II
hands than the wealthy, but his misi-epresentatious of them are ci
culated to do most harm, and such treatment of a class that mt
suffer dumbly is to stime readers hard to bear. Though many write
of the present time have discussed the poor of our great cities wi
warm sympathy, few of those who have cast their views into the foi
of fiction have added much to our knowledge of the humblest classt
The poor have little for which to thank the novelist who thinks the
80 miserable that theii* state is best painted with a smudge of blac
The aim is admirable, but the result is distortion. Kven in a Whit
chapel court life is not all bJows and blasphemy. It is many-coloure
It has its sons and daughters who do sublime things for their mothej
sake, its tender husbands, and its glee. Dickens knew better than
be always writing of the poor on black-edged notepaper.
But it is not excess of sympathy nor want of art that makes M
Boring-Gould's pictures of the jioor untrue. He seems to despise thei
The man who lives by digging ditches, the woman who has to do her ow
washing, are to him so little removed from the beasts of the field th;
to draw a distinction were only tedious. He notes their failings, ar
n]
MR. BARING-GOULD'S NOVELS.
209
hen «huts his eyes. The refuse brought up by the dredging apparatus
I hij sample of th© river. In "The Pennycomequicks " a poor man
'Wshis wife, child, and possessiona in a ilood. and has himself oidy
k leiv momenta to live. He is dinging to the roof of a hat, when the
of his wife sweeps past, and this is how Mr. Baring-Gould
"tljinbthe heartrending incident would strike a peasant: ''The man
ked after it and moaned. ' It all cornea o' them fomentations,' he
id. ' Sho'd bad pains about her somewhere or other, and owd Nan
I Bho'd rub in a penn'orth o' whisky. I was agin it, I was agin it
-mj mind misgave me, and now sho's taken and I'm left, 'os 1 had
1 to do wi't. I shudn't miud so bad if I'd gold my bullock. I
. au offer, but like a fool I didn't close. Now I'm boun' to lose
neiything. 'Tis vexing.' " This recalls the doctor's story in "■ Eve "
'a man who sent for a doctor because his wife was ill, and was
to smother her under pillows to cut short tlje attendance and
the bill within the compass of his means." In " Mehalah,"
^on either side of the east window [of a village church] hung one
ible of the commaridraents, but a village hamorist had erased all
' Dots ' in the Decalogue ; and it cannot be denied that the
BsliioQers conscientiously did their best to fulfil the letter of the
thtw altered." The poor are not only immoral, bnt without taste,
I or feeling. Richard Cable is a widower with a lai'ge family of
nng children.* Though he is a ]xior man, a great heiress of the district
rios him, and they are to live on her estate. Richard's old friends
elcome them from their honeymoon thus: One claps the lady on
shoalder, a second offers her a pail of shrimps, and a third — the
iy one who is even " half-drunk " — invites her to "• shake a flapper."
Tbc Gaverocks '" the squire's sou is found by some of the poor
fthn neighbourhood shot through the brain, and they present the corpse
thf" sqnire in this way : "Here, your honour, here be two pocket-
oks and a purse us have took out of his coat-pockets, lest they
lid fall and be lost. I reckon they be chuck full of money. And
Iw dry and would like a drop of cider.'' "When we see Loveday
lliii Ixmk k-aving the district, and her poor npij^hbours showing
tir appreciation of her past kindnesses by bringing her little gifts, Wf
dnk, here is our autlior sympathetic at la.st, But the rht-umatic
woman who brings a bottle of ketchup, the simple little ser\'ant-
rl whose present is eggs, and all the others, are not showing heart.
iir. Baring-Gould, who thinks he understands the poor, knows that
ily (M'lfish motives actuate them.
Mr. Baring-Gould's powers as a story-teller are in spite of want of
ipnthy, to which can be traced other failings than those mentioned.
' The Mitbor't* protty picttircs of the ftimily ami Hichard'K fond rhapttodios over
"1 ut tiUhfTT >|ioilt. as efforts at ]iiitli(i«. by iicitbor Mr. Baring-GouW nor tbc father
lafi^Tvntly quite cortiun whutlier there were st-vcii children or six.
210
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEIV.
He 1ms a trick of upsetting the reader's gravity by sudden jump*
from tlie serious or ' ' emotional " to the broadly comic. On the stage
where sadden and varied effects are wanted, this is perliaps a virtue
at all events, '' exit the herOj enter the comic man "- — -that iss to say
'* exit serious interest, enter 9 jest " — is a favourite stage direction
But, though a comedy scene may immediately follow a pathetic on(
on the stage with excellent effect, both situations are ruined if the
coraic man walks on a moment before his time. This is what is
constantly happening in our autlior's novels. One has seen a magic
lantern maliciously work«l so that as the picture we have been
admiring is withdrawn from the slide ifc is turned upside down, when
our admiration becomes ridicule. It is so with II r. Baring-Gould,
whose humour of^^n burlesques his best work. Fuller sympathy widi
his characters would check this unfortunate mannerism. fl
Though he has an obvious sense of the ludicrous, Mr. Barings-
Gould's comic situations are usually vulgar and farcical, as is to be
expected of a writer whoee humour is so seldom kindly. On the
stage, where few incidents arouse such merriment as the low comedian
falling into a custard pudding, his fun, if not so long drawn out,
would probably answer its purpose, but the readers who enjoy his wit
must often find his humour tiresome. This is especially the case ii
some of his later novels, such as '' The Pennyconiequicks," but h«
might witli advantage condense the farce of all his stories. A fail
sample of it may bo repealled in "Richard Cable,'" where a whoU
chapter is devoted to a lady's discovery that her full-grown nepheA\
has been in the presence of her female companion mth a hole in hh
stocking. Over her shrieks that the hole is the size of a threepenny
bit, and that he is consequently '' in a condition of partial undress,'
we are expected to laugh through a chapter.
Our author, who complains that the novels of to-day are too short
holding out for seven volumes to one story, has been criticised, b(
says, for making his characters talk too smartly. His answer is
that to be simply the literal reporter of their conversations would b<
to make himself tnireadable, .and he gives sarcastically a specimei
page of what the critics seem to want. In this he reports all th<
nothings naid at a breakfast-table. But no critics could be so absurt
as to mean what he says they mean. They know that selection an(
condensation are great part of the novelist's art, and doubtless the com
plaint was that he made people talk contrary to their character. T(
take an extreme case — one not found in these novels — no typica
villager should (|Uote Herodotus. It is undoubtedly true that the rani
and file of Mr. Baring-Gould's characters are too clever to be natural
As has been already said, he is himself remarkably apt with illustra
tions drawn from an apparently inexhaustible fund of scientific an<
historical knowledge. ^XHien he speaks in his own person he use
•M
JfA BARiyC-GOl-LDS XOl'ELS.
:ill
tim adranUge kaa4rad» of times «itk admimbfe eAect, bat
iaqiWBlIf he eaoaal nsit tfe tgrnptition of miidmg illitenfee or
fiirabiB penoos as witty and weU4nfaniied as luinaelL It is as if
kr bflded tliem his bag of knowledgev and invited tkem to pidi^ uui
•iono priaas each. TLese tbev introduce into their ooBTenalion
•ith (he air of p«raona who own the bag, which compels the nMtW
to ibnn a new eatimata of them. Whetiier tbej be rich or (wor, at
MKOr in peril, the^ tend to start off with " yoor action renunds me
rf t^ ways of the jelly-fish, which," Jcc Were we Uy encounter
1^ in private life they woold choke us witii a string of metaphors
ian from nataral history. In the theatre, where dialoin"? most be
~ Idling, " aoch clever talk woald. withla limits, be comaiendable, but
trm Uiene it robs out or paints over in a new colour the <|iialit>e8
t^M make the man. From a bottle labelled castor oil we do not look
fer alierry. Mr. Baring-Gonld, of course, is not the only noVflist
wio truisgresses in this way — and doubtless there are many who
weald be the better of the overflow of his cleverness — but consider-
Mioo will show ns that the more an author is in sympatljy with his
ckaiaeters the less chance is there of his yielding to this temiitatiiMi.
Wfl hare really returned to the proposition we set oil" with, that
tivaeter-drawing is an oflkhoot from sytnpittby.
Aot though our author has all the defects that want of ByiripiilJjy
^li'W, there remains a writer whose novels have built, liiiu up a
npotation. No freak of fashion is responsible for his rise. He
•»•« his position entirely to ability, and we have yet to see OJnoii^
wiat writers he should bo classed. It has been remarked luuro thiui
«nce in this paper that his weaknesses as a novelist pixjp-r would bo
!«• noticeable, or even mij^ht pass for virtues, on the stage. lie in,
uidicd, essentially a melodramatic writer, thou^di ton niueh <jf a
■tihst to weight his stories with the bombastic sentiment that
■oally struts through melodrama. The melodrama of tliH sta^e
fnridea cheap sentiment to warm the spectatt^r's hands, but r»'i»ders,
however carried away by delight, do not lay down their IkkjW to
cbeer, and consequently rhodomontade caa be omitted from tlie
lulodramatic novel. ^Melodrama girea na a painting in which erary-
is as in real life, except the figuree. They are porpoacJj auHf-
to give theui greater piominfTnce. and onderelopcd oundi are
]y more struck by the giant than they woold be by whal tbef
ir ordinary pensonc, thoogli be ia really DoChing more Uian one
'themselves reflected large opon a Mreen. Ilia dceda are made to
wnspoad with his nae, m ava the mititm far ihem, and tfaoa tht^
MMOOB of his action are traosiMnat lo aa >Ti'^*~* ii^ oon\d not «t»
«aiiy follow the motma «l tfca noe fi^an gvdsesd to tUtnuatt. If
«e nade ourseivaa aeqwiBtod «itli the a&UMBt» peiM^ oo *km^_
ABiodnmias by tlieir ftinm wa w««id dovUJew diacover titat
212
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Tkb .
pieces are popalar because they are thought so true to life. The
passions portrayed are human passions exaggerated, and so only the
better brought home to the spectator whom subtlety of character-
drawing on a minute scale would bewilder. Subtlety of a kind ia
not, of course, impossible in melodrama, in which startling contrasts
are obtained by making a character not one walking passion, but
several which struggle for the mastery. If they are not, however,
larger tban life-size they are out of keeping witia the figure, and can
no more be shown moving him than a toy engine can pull a cart of
hay. Comedy has obnonsly no place in melodrama, which has for
its comic aspect farce, and farce is comedy exaggerated. In the play
of rral life the comedian laughs with his own mouth ; but in melo-
drama ho wears the grotc.sf|ue face of pantomime.
The novel of melodrama follows the same rules as the theatrical
niplodranm, and Sir. Bariug-Gould conforms to them all. Through
a world that he oilers as the world we know his characters stalk, as it
were, t«n feet high. Any one of his books — except, to an extent,
'' !Mehalah" — illustrates this. We may take "The Gaverocks " as typical.
It is an extremely clever story, full of Ixjldly drawn characters, of
whom not one is absolutely true to life. Much the most striking
figure is the old squire. A century or less ago there were rural
magnates whose manliness was founded on brutality, who ruled their
households as an Iroquois brave may have controlled his squaws ; who
were not cruel so long as no one contradicted them, and who cursed
and drank almost from the cradle to the grave inwhattliey considered
the fine old English fashion. Squire Western is the best glimpse we
get of such a being. Old Gaverouk belongs to this class, but all his
points are magnified. His brutality, his shrewdness, hi."! colossal
faith in himself, his farcical humour, are the stuff these squires were
largely made of but not in such pi-oportions. His tions are also
painted with the generous brush of the melodramatic writer. The
younger is merely the stage villain that certain theatres keep on the
premises, and the other is a good-natured yokel with means. With
a little less stolidity hp would be such a man as is still to be met
with at countiy houses. Further removed from life than Gerans is
the doctor, a surly and evil fellow, as dete.stable and uunatural as his
professional brother in " Kve." Loveday is the persecuted heroine of
melodrama, and Gerans and Rose could stand for the comic lovers.
The two chai-acters who provide most of the fun are an impossible
lout and an amiable simpleton, Paul, whose goodness only makes
virtue ridiculous. An effective stage play could certainly be written
round such strongly marked characters, all for showing at their best
in tht) limelight, and there is also a fine dramatic scene, on which
one curtain could fall— that in which Loveday is suddenly brought
face to face with her husband, supposed dead, but now married to
a>p]
MR. BARING-GOULD'S NOVELS.
213
MotiT woman. Even Mr. Ban ng-Gron Id's method of writing is
ikeatrical, a« in *' Ere/* where Jasper preeerves his secret in true
ladodnniattc manner, and at ]a%t drops it into Barbara's ear inch by
indi to iocresaae the effect, though in real life his love for her, not to
ipitkof 1u8 perilous situation, woald make him blurt it oat. Barbara
hetieres the constables are hnrr}-ing to take him, while ho wastes time
jfw hi confession to her, and so theatrical is the whole scene that
> mtm to see the constables waiting at the wings. Jordan's confession
murdered his wife is in the same manner, and on the stage
too, oould be made impressive.
As an eectpe from the hum>dreadfal-dmm of conventional life,
gives hard-worked men each a sensation as ladiee seek
tbey fly to ices. Taken for what it is, it exhilarates, but there is
ao reMOD why the raelodraraatic writer should not be sympathetic.
C^ind snbtle insight into the human heart, which means sympathy,
ii BOi asked of him. If he had them, he would cot be content to
•lite melodrama. But kindliness in the rough he should certainly
htttf or hb work will leave an unpleasant taste in the reader's month.
Tbt Mr. Baring-Gould's melodramas are cleverer than those of any of
kb oootemporaries is undeniable, but they would be better art if they
«we more geniaL
Mr. Baring-Gould has a contempt for criticism, though it may be
^oneai, if not truer, than he thinks it. In *' The Pennycorae>.
'old Jeremiah, when drowning, as he believes, thinks of anchovy
aodf as his tarewell to the world, quotes .six lines from " D
'* which he had learned at school and had not repeated
Ibis Bsy be complained of, the author says, by the critic, ' who
hits oa Uioee particulars in a story which are facts to declare
to be imptMBbilities and those characters to be unnatural which
boat nature." But the critic " has had no experience
described, or he would know that what is described above
1l ■ scoovdance with nature.'' Thus the poor critic, who may really
W — "^r** lo do his best, is warned off the course. But, though he
ha Bok bal mfficient experience of death by drowning to know
«Wtb«r this ia tkot a theatrical exaggeration of what is understood to
W a &et, be can cry out as he goes that honestly to think our
are transcripts from nature and really to make them so are
things. The greatest novelists have only been absolutely
t» Biie ao«r aod again, and would probably have agreed that
;■ t» inm'd in reproducing on paper the men and women tiaey
ly known is as difficult as to pluck the moon and walk
it onder their arms.
A JMC void may be reserved for " Mehalah," which is 31r. Baring-
X% \i^ book. The subsidiary characters are melodramatic, but
Bakes the story romance. Romanoe gives human
214 THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW. C
beings at their most picturesque, but it does not caricature th^
They must fit into the picture without destroying the perspecti —
Probably few of us have known an Elijah, but he is offered as
exception, not as an ordinary specimen, of mankind, and as su^
must be allowed at once. The author's want of sympathy preveic
" Mehalah's " rising to the highest art, for, though we shudder at tK
end, there the effect of the story stops. It illustrates the futility
battling with fate, but the theme is not allowable to writers with tbf
modem notion of a Supreme Power. Glory's death is not justifiable
because it is altogether undeserved. Tragedy can show a good characte
suffering wofully for very human sins, but not where there is no sin C
punish, for in tragedy justice is an essential element. Thus, thoug"
the work of art can never be written with a "purpose," its more
stares us in the face as we lay down the book. This it is whi<x
justifies the boast that the highest art is the highest morality. Ii
" Mehalah " it is not retribution that overtakes Glory, and so th<
story falls short of tragedy. But " Mehalah " is still one of the most
powerful romances of recent years.
J. M. Babris.
490]
THE CRITICAL STUDY OF THE OLD
TESTAMENT.*
fE aim of the present article is to stute, in. unteclmicul Iungiiiig<>,
the grounds upon which the criticism of the Old TeHtument renin,
to explain wherein their cogency consists, and to illuatratt) some of thi*
frincipal conclusions that have been reached by critics. Tlie groutidH,
itited generally, consist in the observation of phainonienu, whicli,
neved collectively, constitute a cumulative argument incomputibl't
nth the unity of authorship of the books in which they an; obiuirvcd.
Ue phaenomena which are perhaps the mo.st obvious are literary ouch.
h the first place, the narrative is not always perf'.'ctly cr^ntinuouK, or
pafectly uniform ; there are breaks interrupting the conii<;cti'>u of
thought ; or what is apparently the same occurrence is narrated twic;.
Further, particular sections of a given book are ol.yserv<:J Vj rkHf.iiMr
oae another in style and phraseology, while differing from the Kurround-
ing or intervening sections ; the refiemblanc^:!:, mort^jver, Wmn hoi
inUted or superficial, bat numeroaj» and sinxiiiiy uiarkfcd. lJiih:r".ii/yi:ii
rf phraseology also very often ooincldir r«rz::Jirkab>.- with dl^ir-.tiCiii
of representatim or point of vjtw ; tiiA tl-r O'y.v.r>lui*.'o;j 'A dii!Vr<r.v>:}:
it not cmifined to a single paj^batr?- '^y-' rrcur-. v. Lvvrrra^. xLrj'-^yr'ti I'ti.",
wWe of a book or sr-ritrr of 'u>-i.? : Ht. f^r l:jt'JUU'>:. xi^rr^'/h Ti.'-
PentBteacii and the Book of JcaI:-.^ or rLc; w, Yy/.tLj., of Y.\:.'jy:.
ft is on the obeerrau^n :f Ei?i. cJf*?r»o'>->: t^At ♦.•«!; <;.•■>.>,-. %.v. *X ti-T
(Hd Testament sutijaa-Vriy T'S^t : ii.v. t.- \LAr.rj^. *r<j:i,>fi v/ ';.-..r->.
nqiecting the ttmctsrt vf iL* ■::^^r*c::\ v/,-JCi. ij-: ^r.vifta.-. v- .•% Vy
«»Kiidiiiate aitd *cxjc/::i.; f .'• -Ju-r y.^::xjc:jK\A.. vf *—': :-*.V^'»: '.:jU':at>^i .
vkieb the books preseal.
* Ike lawjit aitieitr it lawi itv"*"-
Okfovd, at the iBTiiaciac. '/. :•:•* t-:i-m>>
LMmr, tatcrof Xi^dkita. Uii JLtrvM
MifltaatBeallBEdfaBlld.T ■' Xi
•-'.■•■V '.•*:-! UL-
li«.' li'.-V '!lV'>li"
'.iv;r- '»,-'. ■•.,•,■■. , ■/,■,,,
'...-..r-
■ii.i-.i
.v;i»rj:» .'r.-VV.
216
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Fki
Is the inference a just one ? Is it legitimate to argue that fro
such differences we may infer diversity of authorship ? We possess as3
instance in the Old Testament which satisfies us that it is so ; and
which, at the same time, shows us what the method of a Hebrew
historian was. The instance is the Book of Chronicles. One of the
chief sources ased by the compiler of the Chronicles is in our hands —
viz., the narrative contained in the Books of Samuel and Kings.
From these books he makes a series of excerpts, which he inserts into
matter based upon other sources, and expressed in his own phrase-
ology. We ae* the two styles and modes of representation side by side,
that of 8amuel and Kings, and that of the Clironicles. We loiow that
the Book of Chronicles is of composite authorship ; we olscrre that the
work of the different authors is marked by differences of style and
representation. It is a reasonable inference that when elsewhere we
observe analogous differences of style and representation, we may pre-
sume difference of authorship. We learn, moreover, from the Book of
Chronicles the method of a Hebrew histxirian. It was not like that
of a modern author, to re-write the narrative in his own words, but
that of n compiler, to make excerpts from the sources at his disposal^
and to incorporate them, with or without alteration, as the case might
be, in his work. Thus the Chronicler sometimes excerpts passages
from his sources with hardly any alteration. At other times he
changes a word rather remarkably ; or expands a narrative, taken
substantially from one of his sources, by introducing many fresh
particulars ; sometimes he merely appends or inserts a short comment ;
elsewhere he adds entirely new incidents. And of couiise he does not
scruple to omit what is not required for his purpose — in fact, he treats his
authorities with considerable freedom. The methods of historiogi-aphy
postulated by criticism are shown by the example of the Chronicles to
be a vera eausa in Hebrew literature. Another point of some importance
is also madp clear by a study of the same two books. Wo learn from
them, namely, that Hebrew historians used some freedom in attribut-
ing speeches to historical characters ; for in this book there are
speeches attributed to David and other worthies of Israelitish history,
which can be nothing but the composition of the Chronicler himself;
both the syntax and the vocabulary being such as mark the latest
period in the history of the languag^e, and being often quite without
precedent in pre-exilic literature; the thought also often, not to say
usually, displaying likewise the characteristics of the same age.*
The observation of differences such as those mentioned above has
satisfied all critics that the historical books of the Old Testament —
except the shortest, such as Huth and Esther — are of composite
structure. The 8imple.st are perhaps Judges and Kings, which consist
• See 1 CtiTon. xxix. ; 2 Chron. xiii. 5-12,; xv. 2-7; xx. 3-12, &c ; ami <-ontrttst, for
instUDCO, the specchesln 2 CUron.x., which are uxcerpted nearly verbatim from 1 Kings liL
^]
ewDlttlty of older narratives, fitted into a framework provided by titc
eoBpUw. The compiler in these cases is strongly inflneijccd by th<*
t;i Tit and principles of Deuteronomy ; his additions are in style
i-irkcdlv different from the sources incorporated by him, and arc
nsnallj discoverable without difficulty. The structure of the Penta-
teaeh and Book of Joshua is more complicated. The facts presented
by these books authorize the conclusion that they have been formed
b7 the combination of distinct lui/rrx of narrative, each marked by
diinrteristic features of its own. That which stands out most con-
ifBCBonsly from tlie rest is now often termed the Pri4^ts Cmtf, and
wprwented, for convenience, by the abbreviation F, This begins with
(rrti. i 1-ii. 8, and contains an outline of the patriarclml historv
iblloiving : • but the writer's interest evidently centres in the sacrilicial
«nd ceremonial system of th«5 Israelites ; and to the description of this
iia work is chiefly devoted, t The principal parts of the Hook of
Joshua which belong to this source are (in the main) tho account of
tike distribution of the land among the tribes in Josh, xiii.-xxi. TIn'
1 distinguishing /' from tlir othfr sources nre so marked and
-..:„. rous that there is practically no disagreement between critics as
to its limits. The use of the term God in preference to »/f/wn'rtA until
Ex. vi. 3 (whence the teruj ElohUtic tutrmtive, formerly given to this
-•'T'^-), though the most palpable to the English reader, is but one
•n among many which recur systematically in rombiualiort with
ther.
\t remains in the first four books of th*- IVnfali-uch niid in
K after the separation of /-*, presents, however, still marks of not.
liein^ completely homogeneous. Some sections show a preference for
tbfi term Go<l (though the absence of the concomituni criteria, whit'li
iT^larly appear beside this term in the cases just ivferred to, forbids
thcae nections being assigned to the same source, I'), others pn-fer llic
tenn Jehovah ; tho narrative, moreover, is not always perfectly con-
tiaooiui, or written utio tenorr ; so that here also it is difficult to resist
the conclusion that the narrative is really formed by tht* combinatim
of two sources, now usually denoted by ihe two letters ./ and A'. It
mnit, however, be understood that the criteria distingul.shing ./ and !''
from e»ch other are decidedly less marked than those diHtingui*lii«g
/' fnmi JE treated as a whole, and that thero are pnssngcs in which,
chooirfa the narrative seems indeed to be composite, it cannot be
dHtribut«d with certainty between J and E, and critics differ in th*tr
li^ itrirti".! (^ i Ti-. ^* •tLri'-a
Gcii. T.
tiJTi Ot 1
• b M uu>«nr»>wy tu enter itore jmiticmiatij iatw ite ctjoweut
TOL. LVD. r
r2i U. i 17:
tk] , XXXiii
' Aptlttll,
,f oh kit it
•ii*oi«iMl with
218
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Kkb
analysis accordingly. The view taken of JE is tkat there were two
similar narratives embracing the Patriarchal and Mosaic periods, and
that a compiler took extracts from each, fusing them together, and
ao producing the whole which we denote by JE. But the distinction
between J and E is leas important than that between JE as a whole
and P ; and they may be treated for many purposes as a single work.
From the point of view predominant in F and JE respectively, we
may term P the pritstly narrative, and JE the propfcetuud narrative.
The difference of style between F and JE is strongly marked. Every
attentive reader must have obaerved the contrast between the narrative
of creation, in Gen. i. 1-ii. 3, and that in Gen. ii. 4-25 ; and the same
contrast repeats itself to the end of the Hexateuch. The priestly
narrative is characterized by a systematic arrangement of material ;
great attention is paid in it to chronological, genealogical, and other
statistical data ; it is minute and circumstantial, oven in ita aim to
attain precision not avoiding repetitions ; it abounds in stereotypei
phrases and formula!. The prophetical narrative is free and flowing j
it details scenes and conversatious with great force and i.'ividness ; the*
style is much mon- varied, and its representations of the Deitjr
(especially those of J) are far more anthropomorphic than those of P -
Contrast, for instance, Gen. iii.-iv. with Gen. v. ; or Gen. xxiii. witls.
Gen. ?cxiv. JE also contains legislative matter, but very unlike thafs
contained in P — viz., Ex. xx.-xxiii. with the repetition of parts of xxiii.
in xxxiv. 17-26, The laws in P are almost entirely connected with
sacrificial or ceremonial observances ; those in JE consist of tho
Decalogue, a collection of dvil ordinances, and elemmfart/ regulations
respecting religious observances (Ex. XX. 23-26 ; xxiii. 10-19 j xxxiv.
17—26), very different from the elaborate, minutely differentiated
system set forth in P.
Deuteronomy, except shoi*t passages towards the end, is based
upon JE. The two retrospects (i. C-iii. ; ix. 9-x. 11) are based on the
narrative of JE — phrases and sentences being frequently adopted
ve-rhniim : the legislative parts are essentially an expansion (with com-
mentaiy) of the legislative parts of JE, but coutnin in addition a
considerable number of new enactments not found in JE. The
characteristic feature in Deiiteronoiuy is its parenetic treatment of
the laws, and the stress which it lays upon the moral and spiritual
motives which should prompt the Israelite to the observance of
them. What, however, is peculiarly remarkable in Deuteronomy is
the nature of its relation to the Priests' Code, both the narrative
and the legislative portions of the latter being, to a suqirising
extent, ignored in it, and sometimes even contradicted.* At least
• TIkto !irc piirallels iu Deuteronomy with tlni group of laws ticerptcd in Lev.
xvii.-xjtvi. ; but with the Priests' Code proper, so far as it touches the »ame ground,
it is geoerallj in disagreement.
iS^o] CRITICAL STUDY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 219
OM oODclosion follows from a systematic comparison of Deuteronomy
wilfc the preceding books of the Pentateuch, which curiously
fffUffifnuf the results reached by the literary analysis — viz., that at
wlkftletw date Deuteronomy was written, P and JB had not yd been
gmhintd tofjtiher, and JE, apart from P, supplied the basis upon
irhich the discooraea of Deuteronomy were constructed.
The Book of Joshua is similar in structure to Genesis — Numbers,
txeept that here the narrative which corresponds to JE, before being
combined with P, must have passed through the hands of an editor
nnbaed strongly with the spirit of Deuteronomy, who enlarged it,
Sometimes considerably, by tho addition of passages expressing tho
principles of that book, and conceived in its style. From a historical
lint of view, it is characteristic of these additions, that they
ize Joshua's successes, and represent the conquest of Palestine,
«ilKted under his leadership, as far more complete than the earlier
Mwnnts authorize us to suppose was the case.
Sach, stated in its broadest outlines and its simplest form, is the
criticnl theory of the structure of the Hexateuch. It only remains to
ftdd that the different sources of which it is composed must bo supposed
Iv have been combined gradually, not all at once. Some critics,
indeed, consider that there are indications that all the stages were
not 80 simple as has been here represented ; but whether that lie so
(IT not, the principle of the theory remains unaltered. That principle,
ittted brietly, is the tjradwxl formation of the HinXxUcuch out of
fn-gxiding sources^ these sources being still (in the main) clearly dis-
tiugmshable in virtue of the diflerences of style and representation
by which they are marked.
The distinction of sources is an easier matter than the determina-
tioQ of their dates. True, the more attentively the Pentateuch is
cxsmined, and its different parts are compared, the more difficult it
beoomes to see how the current view of its being written by Moses
aa be sustained. It contains indications of a later age, which have
been often pointed to, and never satisfactorily met. Its literary
itraeture also, taking the simplest view of it, would seem to imply
nodes of compoiition which could hardly have been employed as early
«• the times of Moses. And an impartial consideration of the Uj/Is-
idirc di^ertnci:^ between Deuteronomy and the preceding books, makes
k, moreover, impossible not to feel that they are of a nature that
ouaot be reconciled with the opinion that both are the work of Moses,
or ercn of the Mosaic age. These differences do not relate to super-
fldal features merely : they are inherent in the texture of the several
oodei oonoenied, and relate to pointfl of central significance. The
tbr«e codes of the Pentateuch — that of Exodus, Eteuteronomy, and the
PtMita' Code — when compared with snfficient attention, reveal
pbaBomcna which create, it cannot be disguised, a very decided
220
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEIK
[r
impression that they took shape at different periods of history, i^:
represent phases, by no means contemporaneous, of Hebrew legisl;
tion. Even tho differences between Exo*^'': *nd Deuteronomy j^;
very imperfectly explained by the supib^.^^on that the latter in ti
duces changes made in view of the approaching transition to settl.
life : for the code in ExoduB is also conceived in view of settled liT*
it presupposes, or, in any case, is designed for, the regulation or
society, the members of which occupy houses and hold property in lara.<
The divergences with Leviticus and Numbers are still more remarkabl <
Deuteronomy, for instance, presupposes customs and institutio:
respecting the tribe of Levi entirely at variance with those presenf
in the two preceding books. Making every allowance for
popular and general scope of Deuteronomy, one cannot but feel tk
were the legislator in both cases the same, his rhiimi would be 0:3
of which the original would be at once recognized in those bool^^^
But this is just what is not the case, language being frequently usi
implying that some of the fundamental institutions of P are unknov
to the writer.
Thus far the argument has been but negative. The parts of tl
Pentateuch do not all date from the age of Moses. When we
positively to what age the several sources belong, decisive criteria fe
us, and in some cases divergent opinions are capable of l>eicig heli
J and E are usually assigned by critics to the ninth or eightli century
B.C. ; but it would be rash to maintain categorically that they cout*
not be earlier. The question dejiends partly upon the view take^ '
of the growth of literary composition among the Hebrews, partly oi>
other considerations, for which perfectly conclusive standards of com-
parison are not forthcojning. In style t/ and i' (especially J) belong
to the golden period of Hebrew literature. They resemble the best
parts of Judges and Samuel, and the earlier narratives in the
Kings; but whether they are actually earlier or later than these the
language and style do not enable us to say. There is at least no
archaif flavour perceptible in the style of JE. Deuteronomy is
placed, almost unanimously, • in the reign of either Manasseh or
Joaiab, though Dolitzsch and lliehm think that there are grounds
which favoui- a slightly earlier date — viz., the reign of Hezekiah. The
Priests' Code is held by critics of the school of Graf and Wellhausen
to be ^ia^y-Deuteronomic, and to have been committed to writing during
the period extending from the beginning of the exile to the time of
Nehemiah, Dillmann, the chief opponent of Wellhausen, assigns the
main body of the Priests' Code to about B.C. 80O, but allows that
additions, though chiefly formal and unimportant ones, were introduced
afterwards, even as late as Ezra's time.
Let us proceed now to consider biiefly some points connected with
the history. Here the facta force upon ua oonclusions at variance, it
!Rh€
Jw trith the parallel texts of Samnel and Kings can leave no
ble doubt that, though the differences may have been Eomei-
|e»ggerated, the additions made by the compiler of Chronicles
reprt»3entation of the pre-exilic period, differing from that of
and Kings in a manner that cannot be adequately explained
Jsnpposition that they are reports of the same events taken from
Bt points of view. A narmtive in which this is very apparent ia
' the transference of the ark by David to Jerusalem in 2 Sam. vi.
who will be at the pains of marking in his text of Chronicles
[xiii.-rvi.) the aMitiofu to the narrative of 2 Sam., and will con-
beir character and import, will perceive the truth of what has been
H. The later writer has modified the older record, so as to bring it
Ib agreement with the usage of his own day ; or, in other words,
kbanfl&rred to his picture of the earlier period elements belonging to
I o»m age, and his representation is coloured accordingly. It ia
ttoo much to say that the Chronicler's picture of the earlier history
ia coloured similarly throughout.
JOS pha?numena, however, show themselves in the earlier
books. Let ns take one or two instances afforded by the
Jch. which seem to show that the actual historical facta have been
to some modifying or transforming influence before they
to writing in the form in which we have them.
iber the scene (Gen, xxvii.) in which Isaac in extreme
biases his sons; we picture him as lying on hia death-
ww, however, all realize that, according to the chronology
of Genesis, he mnst have been thus lying on his death-
ytttrrf* Tetwecan only diminish this period by extend-
ly the interval between Esau's marrying hi.s Hittite
and Kebekah's suggestion to Isaac to send Jacob
222
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW
:\
it would be tediouH to dwell. Let us pass to a more important difiPi
ence. We all know the representation of the '' tent of meeting"''
the Book of Numbers, how its position was assigned in the midst
the camp, how regulations were laid down for its being moved
separate portions by the tliree Levitical families, how on the mar— >«S
Judah and certain tribes preceded, the ark came in the centre, a^arS
the procession waa closed by other tribes following in the rear. TXijt
is the representation of tlie Priests' Code. But in JE there ia
totally different representation. In JE the " tent of meeting "
ontside th^ camp, it has apparently but one attendant, Joshua, and % "^
journeys in front of the host. Nor does this representation rest upo*^
an isolated or doubtful passage ; it recurs. In Ex. xxxiii. 7-11 ^^
we read, '' Now Moses used to take the tent and to pitch it without-^
the camp, afar off from the camp ; and he called it, The tent of meetings 1
.... And when Moses ivtnt ov.t unto the Tent, all the people rose up, <
&c And he turned again into the camp : but his minister^
Joshua, the son of Nun, departed not out of the Tent." The tenses
used show that not a single act, but a practice, is here described.
Now if we turn to Num. xi. 24-30, we shall find that Jfoses goes to
the tent of meeting with seventy elders — " But there remained two
men in the camp . . . . : and they were of them that were written,
but had not (jont onf unto the Tent .... And there ran a young
man, and said, Eidad and Medad do prophesy in thr camp .... And
Moses ffitt him into thd cafnp.^' Here there is the same representation.
And in ch. xii., after Miriam and Aaron have complained of Moses,
*' the Lord said nnto Moses, Come out ye three nnto the tent of
meeting. And they three wen^o?/^. And that the ark journeyed he/ure
the camp is stated in Num. x. 33. There are two representations
in the Pentateuch of the tent of meeting, one that of a simple
structure outside the camp, the other that of an ornate structure in its
centre ; and in reading the former account it is difficult not to be
reminded of the ]>icture in 1 Samuel i.-iii. of the apparently simple
surroundings of the sanctuary at Shiloh, and of the manner in which
the ark is cared for in the times of Samuel and David generally.
" It is evident," writes Delitzsch,* " that these two representations
belong to two different narrators." But am they be reconciled ?
Del itzBch, though he discusses certain other points connected with the
two representations, does not show, or even attempt to show, that this
is possible, Dillmann is obliged to own that F describes the
Hanctuarj" and its service not as they were in Moses' day, but in a form
which had been gradually developed in Canaan from a simpler Mosaic
basis, and at the time of the naiTator was already reputed ancient :
from this point of view and in agreement with the ideal perfection with
which the work and age of Moses were invested in bis eyes, he may .
• " Zeitschrift ffir Kirchl. Wissensctaft und Kirclil. Lebbti, ' 1880, p. 69 : cf. ib. 1882,
p. 229 (where a doxible tratlition is rccognixed) ; and ' ' Die Genesis (1887), p. 20.
;?»] CRITICAL STUDY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 223
bre depicted particular traits in a more ideal and systematic form
tkn that in which tradition actually presented them. It would not
'^ difficult to adduce other instances of similar historical incongruities
fiiciitb Old Testament presents, and which resolve themselves some-
linto divergent representations of the same occurrence, sometimen,
BiBt, as it seems, be confessed, into actual improbabilities. What
ii particalarly to be observed, however, is that the difliculties which
ike ordinary view of the Old Testament narratives involveB, ai'e
flitirely irrespective of the miraculous character of the events recorded.
fir differences would be precisely the same, were the occurrences t-o
fkicfa they attach of the most ordinary every-day character —
tie double representation of the tent of meeting, the double narrative
0/ the spies (Num. xiii.-xiv.), the two accounts of Saul's ap-
jRmtmeat as king, or of David's introduction to him, the divergent
it«tion of the position and revenues of the tribe of Levi in
lomy and the Priests' Code, the treble view of the
iigli place at Gibeon in the Kings and Chronicles.* And they arft
laostly also of snch a character that it does not seem possible to
f«»imt for them by the supposition of our imperfect knowledge of
the dicamstances of the time. The very fulness and circumstantiality
of the divergent narratives renders such an explanation improbable-
But if these divergent representations exist, the caiTatives which
iuclade them cannot be, in the ordinary sense of the term, historical ;
•key most either (as in the case of Deut. and P) reflect the usage of
^ftnnt ages, or they must exhibit to us tradUions which in the
fHceta of oral transmission have been modified in ahape, and perhaps
a Bome cases artificially systematized or idealized, and which, being
floaunittcd to writing at different times, and by difi'erent men, have
MKbed OS in correspondingly different forms.
Attempts have, of course, boen often made to meet the arguments
critics ; but the facts are too numerous to be disposed of by
the methods which their opponents are able to employ. The ablest of
tbese opponents is Dr. W. H. Green, of Princeton, U.S., who seeks
to invalidate the analysis altogether^ and in pursuit of this object sets
><?un8t one antither, with some cleverness, the divergent conclusions
which critics have in some cases arrived at, and endeavours strenuonaly
to aj^Iain away the marks of composition which the narrative of
iFBOtateDch presents. But when he has finished, all that one feels
to have proved is that a particular critic has failed, or that the
are in certain cases ambiguous ; the conviction that the
ivo is compoflito remains as before. The analysis in its main
I wigjaal muthor of 1 Kings iii. 4-15, narrates Solomons sacrifice at the high
Jib OMtufcAt approval: to the iK-uteronoiiiic rompiler of the ISookof Kings
,SX it is a lliiw in Solomon's obedience, tbougb excused by the fact that the
■as not yet built: the Chronicler justitip-s the kiiip by expluining, 2 Chron. i.
In » Trt.,,,.,... inmrtrd bi'twcrti the two halvas of 1 Kings iii. 4 (which in here
rds " for that was the great high place" being at the same time
Tiib^mack' was there I
224
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Kki
features caunol be controverk'd ; if it bad rested, as Dr. ( !reen supposes*,
solely upon illusion, tliere would not. have been a succession of acute Con-
tinental critics — who are ready enouf^li to dispute and overthrow one
another's conclasions if able to do so — virtually following in the same
lines, and merely correcting, or modifying in details, the conclusions of
their predecessors.
It may be worth wliile to allude briefly to a few of the arguments
most commonly advanced on the conservative side, and to ofTer some
indication of the grounds upon which they must be held to fall short
of the mark. The commonest is perhaps thisj that critics all differ : a
theoiy reigns for a time and is then overthrown ; their method is in
conseqaenc^■ a refutation of itself. This argument greatly exaggerates
the points of difference between crit ics, and dues not properly distinguish
them from the point,s in which critics agree, and which are important
points (as, for instance, the distinction between F and JE). Tlipn-
id an evident fallacy in arguing that because the conclusions are un-
certain where the criteria are ambiguous, they are likewise uncertain
where the criteria are clear ! There is an area within which critics
agree, and a margin beyond where there is room for difference of
opinion. And where there are rival theories, the proper course is to
examine Ihi^ grounds on which they rest; this will generally show
either that one has a more substantial basis than the other, or that the
case is one in which the data are iusuflicient for deciding between them,
and we can only say that we do not know which is correct. Again, o
doubtful detail is often represented as if it invalidated tho entire
theory with which it is connected ; but this argument overlooks the
fact that the detail may be unfsspntial or capable of modification. It
is objecied that critics prc-suppose the cutting up of verses intu parts,
which they assign to different authors, in a manner which is incredible ;
but thi.s is what thp ChronicUr nctually does, as the example in the
note on p. 22;« will havi^ shown, li is said that " Egyptianisms appear
in Hebrew at about the time of the Kxodus ;" but (what is un-
accountably forgotten) so they do nt ofkfr times as inll (for instance, in
the Book of Isjiiab), being in fact (so far as they deserve the name*)
naturalized in the language, so that their occurrence in a given
passage ia no evidence of the date at which it was written.
Another objection very commonly heard is, that if Deuteronomy
be not the work of Aloaes, it is a forgery, and its author seeks to
pass off hia own inventions under the colour of a great name.
In estimating this objection there are two or three points of some
importnnci' which ought to be kept in mind. In the first place,
though it may seem a paradox to say so, Deuteronomy iloc^ Tiot claim
to le, vritlcn ly Moses. As Delitz.sch has observed, it is the work of
an author who mentions Moses in thp third person, and so introduces
• For tlic number of Egyptian worrls in Hebrew has been greatly exaggerated,
Kjpecially by Canon Cook in the "Speaker's I'omincntary."
lip] CRITICAL STUDY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 225
him M a speaker. 'Hi is is the case tliroughout i. I -5-, iv, 41-v. I,
jxrii.; rxix.-xxxi. The true "author*' of I^euterononiy is thus
tile writer who ititroili«vx Moses in the Ihinl prrson: the tllBconrsea
pboed iu his mouth fall consequently into the same category as the
jjwcha in the hiatorical books, of which (as was remarked above)
HUM are largt?ly, others entirely, the composition of the compilers, and
» placed by them in the mouths of historical characters, Thh
&<?edom in ascribing speeches to historical personages is characteristic,
mure or less, of ancii'ut historians in general, and it certainly was
falliiHreJ by the Hebrew historians. The proof lies in the great similarity
in style which these speeches sometimes exhibit to parts of the nan*n-
' vr which are evidently the work of the compiler himself An author,
:'" 'lore, in placing imaginary discourses in Moses' mouth was doing
nothing inconsistent with the literary practices of hia time. Very
ponibly, also, as Delitz.sch supposes, there was a tradition of a final
£aooarK delivered by Moses in the plains of Moah ; and it is far from
improbable that J£ itaelf contained some notice of it, of which the dis-
CQOrseflof Deuteronomy are an expansion. Tliinlly, the laws in Deute-
WBomy are certainly not the author's inventions, nor is such a supposi-
tion an element in the critical hypothesis respecting it. Many are
RpMted from Exodus xx.-xxiii. ; others are shown by intrinsic
gimnds to be ancient ; in some, no doubt, an intention formerly in-
iitinctly expressed, is more sharply formulated : but on the whole
the laws in Deuteronomy are clearly derived frtim em'renl usage. ; the
iibject of the legislator is to insist upon their impurtancs, and to
supply motives for their observance ; it is the parenetic getting which
not the laws. Deuteronomy, upon the critical 'view, may be
ii as the prophetic re-formulation, and adaptation to new needs,
<i an older legislation. It derives its authority, not from an ille-
gilimate nso on the part of its antlmr ai Moj-es' name. Imt from the
C^nit of Xtaicjs npon which it rests, the provisions of which, while
m •ame cases they imply (as it seems) the extension and application to
oew cases of older principles, are in the great majority nf in-
*Mj«s the direct reproduction of more ancient enactments. The
objection to the critical view of Deuteronomy, based upon the assump-
tion that if it be correct the book must be a literary fraud, appears
tiw to be one which cannot be sustained.
A amilar objection, which is not unf requently urged with reference
te the Priests' Code will be considered immediately. The strength
of Uie critical position lies in the cnmulativc (trt/innnU by which it is
■"ipportrd. It is upon a Mtnhinalurit of resemblances and differences
• literarj' analysis of the sources depend.*^ ; divergences of
iogy do not stand alone, they are attended by differences of
trmtment or representation. 'Ilie dilFerences between the codes again
they rrriir ; and they are parallel, in a large degree,
iding differences of ceremonial usage, as attested by the
226
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Fww-i
liistorical books. The cumulative character of the argument is not
usually perceived by advocates of the traditional view. The expla-
nations which they offer of the facts pointed to by critics iu sapport
of their conclusions, contain too often an element which is artificial
or otherwise unsatisfying, and when this element is constantly repeated
it gains weight rapidly, and in the end proves fatal to the theory
of which it forma a part.
With certain pro%-isoe8, the theory advocated by Wellhausen, or at
least a theory approximating to that, would seem to be the one which
harmonizes moat completely with the facts of the Old Testament.
The essential feature in this theory is that it places the completed
8y^t.em of the Priests' Code after Deuteronomy, and in fact after
Ezekiel. We find in the Pentateuch three systems of law, that of
JE (contained chiefly in Ex. xx.-xxiii.), that embedded in Deutero-
nomy, and that of the Priests' Code^ — the first, especially in matters
relating to ceremonial usage, containing primitive, rudimentary
regulations ] the other two exhibiting a prriffressicc elaboration, and
specialization of details. Any one who will compare the regulations
respecting the three Feasts in Ex. ixiii. 14-17 with those in Deut, xvi.
and Num. xxviii.-xxii., will be sensible himsflf of the contrast between
them. And with these differences between the three codes there
correspond remaikably similar differences in practice. The freedom
of sacrifice, the relative nnconventiotui.lity of ceremonies connected
with it, the simplicity of the feasts and religious observances as
witnessed to by Judges, Samuel, and the early parts of Kings, are in
harmony with the principles expressed iu JU. The standpoint of the
period following Josiah's reform (which is reflected in those parts of
the Book of Kings which are the work of the compiler) agrees with the
principles inculcated in Deutsi-onomy. The point of view of the
Priests' Code is beginning to make itself perceptible in Ezekiel ; it is
looked back upon as completed, and generally recognized, in the
Chronicles (compUed about RC, 300). 'J'here is an independent con-
sideration which tends to confirm this conclusion. The tone and
repreeentation of ./A', and the theological truths whii-h find expression in
it, are of a more primitive order than those which are expressed in
F: the Priests' Code shows marks of a more advanced stage both of
mental habit generally and of theological reflection in particular. The
stage of history, ceremonial, and theological thought, to which the
most characteristic parts of P belong, lies hlwa'u Dfnteronomy and
the Chronicles.
It is possible that to some the arguments advanced in the last
paragraph may be thougiit to be met by the consideration that Moses,
writing under Divine inspiration, would not be confined by the laws
which govern ordinary human development, and that the maturity of the
thoughts expressed iu the Priests' Code fatlmitting it to exist) is no
valid argument against the opinion that he was its author. In thft
>I9»1 CRITICAL STUDY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 227
jbstrect, this is no doubt true; but it must be remembered that
reyelation is, as a fact, progressive ; and we cannot determine upon
»Df«cedeDt considerations how much or how little it may have pleased
Ooi to reveal to a particular agent of His will. In order to deter-
mwie this question, we are thrown back npon the evidence of history.
y/' tlw entire Pentateuch were written in the style of Gen. i. ; if its
representations were uniformly consistent ; if the other historical books
tfitl the prophets everywhere agreed with it, and presupposed its
•'xist«iDce — in other words, if the contents of the Old Testament were
oUierthan they are — there would be no difficulty in supposing that tlie
stage represented by the Priests' Code had been reached in Mose^*
time, and that he was its author. But we can only deal with the Old
Testament as it is ; and the conclusions indicated alx)ve rest not npon
any cl priori limitation of the method of God's revelation, bat upon
tie oburrcd fact that the Old Testament itself contains data, which
appear to (xtnlltct with that supposition.
It is a mistake, however (though one not unfrequently made), to
appose that those who follow Wellhausen imagine that everything in
the Priests' Code is the creation of the exilic period. Such an idea
•©aid be contradicted by obvious facts. Neither Wellhausen* nor
'•'■■-- nt qnestions that Moses was the ultimate founder of the
.il and religious life of Israel; what they question, and what
iflrieed there are sufficient grounds for questioning, is, that he was the
utLor of the Israelitisb institutions precisely as they are set forth in
!lw» existing Pentateuch. Tlie right to pronounce Torah — i.r., to give
decisions on cases submitted to them — to determine whether or not a
man was " unclean," whether or not he had the leprosy, whether or
not he was liable to render a particular sacrifice — belonged from an early
date to the priests, and in civil matters it is the function that Mo-ses
himflelf is represented as dischtirging in Ex. xviii. To determine,
towever, points like these would require at the outset certain fixed
pnndpleis, the application of which to particular cases would give rise
to precedents and fresh definitions. A body of Torah, or difFerent
T/koth, on various subjects, would thus be gradually formed ; and
«n excerpt from such a T&rdh on clean and unclean food, nearly
*fcBlio«J with what is fonnd in the Priests' Code in Lev. xi.. appears
ID Deot. xir. ; Deuteronomy alludes besides (xxiv. 8) to the priests
poiiwiiig' the right of judgment upon cases of leprosy. Ezekiel also,
m vmaj parte of his prophecies, presupposes laws or institutions
•Slirely analogous to many which are found in the Priests' Code.t
iB t^M ]» not questioned by Wellhausen and his followers; what is
^Mtiooed by them is whether the earlier prophets, and whether even
WwtWuuuiuy andEzekiel, presuppose the rompletai Priests' Code, whether
• - ttmarr of Israel," pp. 432, 438. t " Theol. Tijdschrift." 1883. p. 199.
t |Hp*BlallT '- -' 'nstratum of laws preserved in Lev. xvji.-xxvi (p. 3), many of
p«r .>e in Deuteronomy, and, in subslauce, are certainly pre-
1 -'-T hopei to d«>ftl vrii h thi-< subjocl more fully elsewhere.
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW. [km.
in truth they do not presuppose the Tion-exiatence of parts of it. It is
certainly doubtful whether this is not the case. Bat, even if that bo
admitted, it is clear that the chief sacrificial and ceremonial institutions
of the Priests' Code had existpd in Israel, under simpler forms, from
a remote period : what ia held is that they were gradually developed
and elaborated, and in the shape ni which they are forvtviate-d in (hr
Prirsts Codr that they belong to the exilic or post-exilic period. In
principle the critical view of the IViests' Code is entirely analogous
to the critical view of Deuteronomy, In its main stock, it consists
not of tho fabrications of priests, sprung upon the nation as a thing
unheard of before, but of a codification of ]>re-r.ristin;/ Temple ifsn/ff.*
Hebrew legislation took shape gradually ; and J£^ Deuteronomy, and the
Priests' Code represent three successive phases of it. The great
difliculty connected with J* arises out of the nature of the historical
matter associated with it : there are passages in which it would almost
seem as if the past had been invested with ideal attributes, and
depicted with an ideal completeness which could not have appertained
to it in reality. As regards the laws, future investigation, aided by a
comparison of the usages of other Semitic nations, such as has been
instructively exemplified by Prof. W. R. Smith, in his recent volume
''The Religion of the Semites/' may perhaps succeed in determining,
more accurately than has hitherto been done, the nucleus which is old.
The laws, even in their developed shape, may be supposed to have
been attributed to Moses, because Hebrew legislation was regarded,
and in a sense regarded tnily, as derived ultimately froni him.
As hiis been said, Wellhau.'^eu's chief opponent in Germany is
DlUmann. Viewed from the tr.iditional st-andpoint, however, tho
difference between the two critics resolves itself into one of degree
rather than of kind. For Dillmann accepts, as a matter of course,
the analysis of sources, and assigns JI! and Deuteronomy to the same
general periotls of history as Wellhausen ; but he holds that the
main stock of the Priests' Code is earlier than Deuteronomy, and
places it at about B.C. 800. The fact of so many institutions of the
Priests' Code being ignored in the earlier prophets and Deuteronomy,
Dillmann explains by the supposition that the Priests' Code was an
ideai representation of the aims and claims of the Jerusalem priest-
hood, a document possessing only a private character and circulated
only among the priests, the principles of which they had no power
to enforce, and which remained consequently a dead letter till circum-
stances favoured its general acceptance by the nation. To the pro-
phets, and to the prophetical author of Deuteronomy (who rather
*S«e Wellhaunen, "Hist," pp. 366, 404; and Stade (a pronounced adherent of
Wellhantien's) "(Jt-scti. dcs V. Lsrael*.," ii. G6, who refers in particular to Lev. i.-vii.,
xi.-xv.. xvii.-xxvi. ; Num. v,, vi., ix., sv., xix., as consisting for the most part of laws,
in whidi vwcrilten prf-exilic ii.sngc appears reduced to a written shape. This element
in \Veniiuii."«cn",s t liviir\ iieul ralizus an objection, which is not uniiommunly urged against
it, and which, if it tiruiid he sustained, would be most cogent — vi?.., the iiLer«dil>ilitj
of the iTe«Vb accepting aa Mosaic a law "manufactured" m Woe during the exile.
iS9s] CRITICAL STUDY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
229
pm his Eanction to usages that actually existed), a document of
inch » nature might well be either unknown, or known only imper-
' ' It must, however, be allowed that there is something arti-
- m this explanation, especially when it comes to be applied to
details. It may also be pertinently asked whether it is probable that
a s^Mm such as that of P would be projwunded at a time when (as
U admitted) there was no hope of its realization ; and whether it
is not more natural to treat it as a product of the age with whose
tfendencies it is in harmony, and whose spirit it breathes, tlian of an
•ge which shows no acquaintance with it, and whose most representa-
tire men evince very different religious sympathies. It is possible,
however, that both Dillmann and Wellhausen only insist too strongly
vA unreservedly upon two opposite asjiects of the same truth — viz.,
that the Priests' Code is of mixed character, and that older and
vnunger elements have been blended in it. Even though Well-
hausru'a general position be accepted, there are cases in which
both the principles and the precepts of the Priests Code must have
been tnfhoatr long before the period of the exile, though they were
not, perhaps, bo fully matured as Dilhnann's theory would postulate.*
It appears, then, from what has been said, that so soon as we study
' flMTeetament with care and minuteness we find ourselves con-
■il with a problem, or group of problems, partly literary, partly
hietorical, which the traditional views respecting the origin and structure
<if its dilierent parts do not solve, and the nature and dimensions of
which are very imperfectly apprehended by those who seek to uphold
those views. Hence, as it seems, the conclusion is inevitable that the
views alluded to must submit to be modified. Tin' grounds upon
fhich this conclusion rests, and the direction in which such modifica-
Bppears to be necessary, have been indicated, at least in outline.
the preceding pages. Accepting, as a matter of course, the view
the Old Testament ia a record of God's revelation of Himself
man, it would seem that both the writings embodying it, and
the stages through which it passed, and the modes iti whit-h its
ipients WL-re iniluenced by it, have not been altogfther such as
had supposed. The difficulty does nob consist in the liudrints
bicli the Old Testament enunciates, but in the historiral KfUinij in
rh they are placed before us ; and it behoves us to consider
ler we have in all cases inteqjreted this setting rightly, whether
b»ve not approached it with precrmeeived theories of wliat the
innel of revelation must be, rather than with the humbler aim of
diflfiovering, by a calm inductive study of the records themselves, what it
*« been- It would seem that our current views of inspiration need some
ratlcin and nnision. Revelation is made uniformly through the
i ill prini'ijtl'- approtirln's thai of Welllmusen. tlioiitch !ie contem's
r u tnorf Btifit-nt, traditiuiiJil cleiiicnt in i* tlmn Wellliausin
.,,,. ,.. ../..o.v concetlc. Coaip. " Die Uonusis" (l(W"}, p. 26 "j.
230
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Vnm,
human organ ; and wo should, perhaps, keep in view more f uHy than w<
always do, the faculties and constitution and historical conditions attacU^
ing to and limiting this organ. The inforaiing Spirit does not, aa a rule
confer new powers upon the men whom it entploys as its agents : :m.1
quickens, exalts, adapts the powers which they already possess. Tfc»^e
Jews were a nation like other nations of antiquity ; it is, therefoi
probable from analogy that they passed through similar phases
mental growth and similaj stages of culture ; their narratives «r»f
events in the distant past may thus, it is reasonable to suppose, ha
included elements akin to those found in the parallel narratives ol
other nations. The diflfereuces will lie chiedy in the ethical at^cl
spiritual colouring which these naiTatives possess, and the truths of
which they have been made the vehicle. And these dtflerences, though
this is not the place to dwell upon them, are evidently vt-ry marked,
Then, again, the Jews themselves have shown that they are a race
gifted in a rare degree with the \x>wer of imagination. The prt»dic-
tions of the prophets, which, it might have been argued antecedently,
would be direct, clear, and comprehensible to all, ver\' often contain
a large ideal element, wholly um-ecognizable in the fulfilment, which
perplexes the int^^rpreter and embarrasses the apologist. If this
idealizing genius is a characteristic of the nation, must we not be
prepared to admit that it may have been operative, partly in the for-
mation and moultling of traditions themselves, partly even in their
registration ? As regards the latter point, it has been remarked above
that the Chronicler has certainly given an idealized picture of the
pre-exilic history ; and U one canonical writer has done this, the
possibility must be conceded that another may have done so as well.
The distinctive character of the Old Testament narrative lies partly,
of course, in the history itself, the chief actors in which, in spite of
faults and imperfections, are illumined by a clearer light and actuated
by purer and higher principles than their heathen contemporaries, but
partly also in the point of view from which the history is treated, and
the way in which it is made to convey ethical and religious lessons,
and shown to reveal the hand of God educating the race. And so
even where the narrative is not the work of an eye-witness, but
records traditions which only gradually assumed the shape in which
we now know them, or where it is coloured by the associations of the
age in which its author lived, it is still penetrated by the same spirit,
and is made subservient to the same aims. "What seems to be needed
at the present time is a more comprehensive theory of inspiration
and a wider view of the faculties that have co-operated in the pro-
duction of the Bible, which wUl include the facts which critics have
observed, and a few of which have been noticed in the present
paper. At present these facts are an outstanding difficulty which
the current theories do not explain or allow for. What is required
«|o] CRITICAL STUDY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 231
IS > ihttjry to which the facts will form no exception and no tlifTi-
cuity. The apologetic use of the Old Testament is another subject
wMch needs to be adjusted to modern points of view and accom-
modated to modern conclusions. Many arguments which were consistent
with the stAte of knowledge fifty years ago are now antiquated ; some
must be abandoned altogether, while others require to be modified in
lunn and re-stated. Apologists are utill too apt to damage seriously
their own caose by adhering to untenable positions and refusing to
sdmit facts which are patent to every one except themselves.
In looking at these qnesttona from a practical point of view, it is of
randamental importance to disengage the religious from the critical
and historical problems. Critical investigations concern really not
Ha fact of revelation, but its mode, or form, or course ; upon Christian
dith and practice they have no hearing whatever. Moses (as we 'have
seen that critics admit) was indeed the prime originator of Israel's
national life and peculiar individuality : but the law, as we have it,
waa not his work ; it assumed the form in which we know it by a
Hries of stages. Certain truths were not possessed by the prophets
or psalmists so soon as we had supposed. Certain prophecies are
tnaaferred to a different age from that to which tradition has
•asigDed them. The history is sometimes coloured by the associ^
doM of the age in which it was written. The doctrinal and moral
troths which the Old Testament enshrines are not afie-cted by changes
soch as these ; it is only that they are enunciated by different persons
and in a different age — an age which, as it is now seen, was prepared
to receive them. The fact that there was a unique spiritual force
operative in ancient Israel, moulding the character and directing the
aims of a long succession of its leading men, and impressing thereby
a distinctive ethos upon the nation as a whole, is not touched by
critical investigations. What critical investigations do is to teach (aa
it would seem) more truly the course and method by which it operated.
The formularies of our Church, the Creeds and Articles, bind its
members, indeed, to a systeni of doctrine j they leave them free to
•dopt whatever view of the authorship of the Old Testament books,
<n of the course of the Old Testament history, is most consonant with
the facts supplied by the Old Testament itself.*
S. R. Drfver.
iph OD tbc bcuring of statonients in the Xew Te^tameDt upon tho
[iir^rn«-nt of the Old Testament has been omitted, as it appeared to be i<up«r-
Iftrr Mr. Gore's ilisciissinn. of the f>nme subject in " Lux Mundi," p. 'Ahl »<i.
' » ilioiif^ht ful letter in the (liuinlian, December 34, 1889, signea " A. R. )
II only remark that, as it appt'ars to him, it is a method of very doubt-
Tairi], ' ■ Now Testnuient to the results of critical inquiry, and
liat t.i ru and an eye to the future will rather seek to show,
i' " -^ ,.,..... uf the New Testaiueni, and i^spccially our Lord, were
I. I with thcAc questions, and pasa no ju<lgment upon them.
DEFOE'S WIFE.
W\'1 liave abundant materials to enable us to form & judgmput <
Defof's public lil'".', thougli tin- cunclusions arrived at t>^
difiererit ivrittTs vary to an extraordinary extent ; but of his |)rivar"t'
life and domestic relatiuas very little is known. In the case of Swj/fe
or Steele we have a botly of private correspondt-nce %vbich enables u^
to see the very heart of the writer, and in the caHe of Pope there aS9
innumerable letters written to or by friends which, thuugh allowance
has to be made for the fact that many were composed with a view to
publication and others were fabricatKl, enabh^ us to funii a clear idea
of the poet. But when we turn to Defof the aid furiiishi'd by private
letters fails us almost entirely. The object of this paper is to set forth
some new facts which have an important bearing upon one or more of
the unsettled ])roblems of Defoe's life.
The biographers tell us that Defoe was twice Married, tlie name of
the first wife being Mary and that of the second .Susannah; '"their
family names liave not readied us,'" This statement in baaed upon
the only two facts bearing on the subject which have been known ;
first, that " SopTiia. daughter to Daniel l)e Foe, by Mary liia wife,"
was baptized at llackney on December 21', 1701 ; antl secondly, that
Defoe's widow. Su.sannah, is mentioned in the letters of administration
granted to n creditrix of Defoe's in 17t33. I shall, however, be able
to show that, by some means or other, thf name " Susannah " must
have been inserted in this document by mistake, and that there is
not the slightest reason to think that Defoe married twice. Among
other things, the facts here given show the groundlessness of the
suggestion made by Mr. Walter Wilson, and supported by Mr. Lee,
upon the evidence of an obscure allusion in Dunton's Life and
Enoia, that Defoe, like Dunton, married a daughter of the Rev. Dr.
Annesley, the minister at whose chapel Defoe's parents worshipped.
DEFOE'S WIFE.
23S
DeWs father, James Foe, son of a Daniel Foe wbo was a yeoman
.- ling his owTX estate at Elton, in Northamptonshire, was a butcher
'• pariah of St Giles, Cripplegate. We have his signature to s
iient in October, 1705, ami in the Jieoicw for September 23,
• Defoe alludes to him as his " late father." His will, moreover,
• ! eiistence in the Probate Court of Canterbury, and, as probate was
-iited to Daniel Defoe on February '2b, 1706-7, it is probable that
lis Foe died early in 1707. ''James Foe, of London, merchant,"
; iiiiwill, executed on March 20, 1705, directed that all just debts
^tefe to be paid, and that his body was to be buried at the discretion of
cutor, but at a charge not exceeding £20. He left to his grand-
ter, Elizabeth Ilol>erts, £20, to be paid three months after his de-
to Mr. John Marsh £20, to be paid within six months ; and to his
[tousin.John Richards, such moneyas Richards owed him before the lat of
'N'orember, 17(>i, provided that a fair and true account was given of a
p^kral of goods committed to Richards to sell on or about the 6th of
ume month, and that he paid the balance. His grandson.
Foe, was to have the testator's gold watch, '" now in the
an of his mother ;'' and the silver watch " now in his
eseion " was left to his grandson, Francis Bartham. A graud-
jhter, Anne Davis, was to have a bed, furniture, and drawers " now
1 the possession of her sister, Elizabeth Roberts." to bo delivered on
I W marriage or coming of age. £100 was to be paid to his grandson,
Ikniel Foe, at the age of tweuty-one. The remaining part of the
(aUt« was given to this Daniel Foe's five sisters, to be divided among
by their father, 1 Janiel Foe, the testator's son and sole executor ;
Bt ia case this son or his wife '" shall by any accident be at any
•iine 80 distressed as to stand in need of any part of the legacy hereby
-■ :; unto their children for the subsistance, education, or clothing of
vuvif said children " — the words " for the subsistance," &c., were
uterlined before signing the will — then Defoe or his wife might make
MB of it for those purposes, and it should be allowed by the children
M n much money paid to them on account of the legacies.
From this will we learn, among other things, that Defoe had a
wter, who married a Mr. Barthtun, and two nieces, who may or may
not b»Te been children of the same sister. We learn, too, that Defoe's
-^dest son was not of age in 1705, Probably he was still young, for
^Defoe himself waa bom only in 1661. In early life Defoe was a hose-
^^■Mkr in Freetman's Yard, in Cornhiil, and when he was, perhaps,
^Hpl twen^-six he married. Entries iu the registers of St, Michael's,
j Corahill, hitherto unnoticed, show that on September 7, 1688, Mary
Foe, daaghter of Daniel Foe and Mary his wife, was buried in the
birer mult — now hermetically sealed — iu the south aisle of that
ciarclL Probably this was Defoe's first child, an infimt, named after
Utwife. In the following February a John Foe, son of John Foe —
TOL.LVIL a
23i
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
a blank is left for tlie wife's name — was buried in tho same vau
and itt January 1G85-6, Jane Fenn, servant to Mr. Foe, had b<
buried in tbe churchyard. We already knew that at the close o:
170G Defoe had two sons, Daniel and Benjamin, and five daughters,
one of whom, however, Martha, a child, died soon afterwards, in 1707,
at Hackney. Sophia, who was in aH probability Defoe's youngest
child, was, as we have seen, baptized in 1701. We may here notice
two allasions to thesL^ children. When Defoe was released from
Newgate in the summer of 1704, the Queen, as he tells us in his
Appeal to Honour and Justice, '* was pleased particidarly to inquire
into his circumstances and family, and by Lord Treasurer Godolphin
to send a considerable supply to his wife and family." In the same
pamphlet, published in 1715, Defoe refers indignantly to a recent
slander, that he never paid for the education of any of his childi*en.
" I have sis children, I have educated thera as well as my circum-
stances will permit, and so, as I hope, shall recommend them to better
usage than their father meets with in tho world I am not indebted
one shilling in the world for any part of their education, or for any-
thing else belonging to bringing them up."
Bnt we have yet heard nothing of Defoe's wife except her Christian
name, and I consider myself very foitnnate, after tinding particalara
of Steele's first wife, whose name was previoufily unknown, to be able
to perform tbe same seixice in the case of Defoe. On the 22nd of
October, 1714. Samuel Tiiffley, of Hackney, gentleman, made his
will, and this document furnishes the key to the story. Samuel
Tuffiey directed that his body was to be decently but privately interred
at the discretion of his dear sister, but as near as might bo in the
same manner as his dear mother was lately at her n-quest interred by
him, and as near as might be to the same place. He gave and
bequeathed to Daniel Defoe, husband of his dear and only sister, and
to his tno nephews, Beniamin and Daniel, and to his four nieces,
Mariar, Hannah, Henrietta, and Sophia, all of them children of his
dear si-ster, one guinea each to buy n ring. £10 was left to Susan,
wife of Jonathan Marshall. All the residue of the estate, lands,
tenements, goods, &c., except as here^ifter excepted, was left to
Tuffley'a known and good friends, Mr. John Pettit, th<? elder, and
Mr. John Pettit, junior, of London, woollen drapers, and to Mr. Henry
Langley, of Queen hithe, salter, in trust for and to the only use of
his dear sister, Mary Defoe, now wife of Daniel Defoe, of Newington,
County Middlesex, and for and to her disposing and appointment
absolutely and independently of her husband, or of any claim or
demand which he or any one claiming by, from, or under him by
right of marriage or otherwise might have or made to tho same ; the
intent being that Mary Defoe, after the testator's decease, notwith-
standing her marriage, might fnlly receive and enjoy the eflfecta of
>t9>]
DEFOE'S fVJFE.
235
tif estate as universal heir, with full power to sell, dispose, ami
tmufer as far as the trust abovo mentiont-d would possibly admit.
Tbetrnstees were to account to her or to her assigns for nil the profits
yf tlif estate and to none other, and to pay her or her assigus eveiy
fflt monriis, or oft^mer if she required, all the profits ; and a receipt
wifT ber hand was to be a sufficient discharge to the trustees, without
n^iuinng a receipt under her husband's hand. The trustees, or two of
them, were at any time, at her rexjuest, given under her hand and seal,
' ' ^1! or make over for such coosiderations as she agreed to, any part
w :. I of the estate. And if she affixed her hand and seal to any deed
i Jill? with the trustee, it should be a gfX)d and sufficient sale although
liw Lusband were then living, and the purchase-money was to be paid
Ui the trustees in trust for her. If any of the trustees declined to
•ft, full power was given to the remaining trustee or trustees. K
n«nit"| Defoe died, then, and immediately after his death, this trust
WM to expire, and Mary to enter upon all the estate in her own right
loii name. And as her children might suggest that the trust was
nufle in order to preserve the estate for them, Tufl3ey expressly declared
tiiit Ills will was that the estate should be preserved for the sole use
<if hia water, to be used and disposed of to such persons as she thought
ft; and if she thought fit to bestow any part on the children, his will
»M that she should give the greatest share ''to such of them as
hAxff> with the greatest tenderness, duty and affection, both to their
lud to herself, declaring that if any of the said children shall
' . - andntifuUy, disobediently, or disrespectfully, either to their
•aid father or mother, and continue obstinately to do so without
iBmbling themselves to their parents and obtaining their pardon," he
"' led that "to such not one shilling of my estate shall be given,
ire being as much as in rae lies that the said children should
'd»- krpt in an entire dependance upon their said father as well as their
"■ •'' -, declaring that it is not from distrust of or disrespect to their
iber that this my will is made in this manner." The trust was
nol to descend to the heirs of the trustees ; and Mary might name
any two more persons over and above the trustees appointed, and if
t^" of the trustees died, the two persons named by her should act
'•■««. She was to make a will or disposition of all the estate
-iiiiin {,wo months after Tuffley's decease. All deeds, Ac, relating
V> t!jp mtate were to remain in the hands of the sole executor, Mr.
s*jnior, for the use of the trustees ; each of whom was to have
n'." ill Iray mourning. Susannah Marshall and Dorothy Grove signed
this Will as witnesses, and Jonathan Marshall affixed his mark.
i<*l Tufflt'y, •• late of St, John's, Hackney," appears to liave died
I" ii".I'i, for on the 23rd of August in that year probate was granted to
Marr. wifr of Daniel Defoe, Pi-ttit, the executor, having ilicd before
tk* tntator. In tho bond (and for this and other information I am
236
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
iudebted to Mr. J. Ciiallenor iSiiiithj the sureties are Daniel De 1
the elder, of Nevvingtoa, geutleman ; Daniel Do Foe, janior, of
Mioliiiel's, Cornhill, merchant j and Aaron Laaibe, of St. Mar— '-^--^
Islington, 3<jriveuer. The penal sum was £3000, and this would
considerably in excess of, perhaps double, the value of the persi
estate. What real estate there was will be seen hereafter. We
note in passing that the Mr. Henry Langley, Salter, one of the trus
appointed by Tuffley, was probably the husband, or related to
huaband, of Defoe'8 daughter Maria, who is known to have marrC-^
some one of the name.
Defoe died in April 1731. and was buried in Bunhill Fields, t
entry in the register being as follows: "April 2G, Mr. Dubot^
Cripplegate." His wife died in the following year, and was buri^^
in the same place: " 1732, December 17. Mrs. Defow. Stokr
Newington." Defoe's ftrst biographer, Chalmers, referred to th^^
administration of his goods in 17;]o ; but it has not been noticed tha*^ j
Mary Dt-foe, the widow of Daniel Defoe, late of Stoke Newington, lef "t
a will, dated July 5, 1731 ; probate was granted on December 30,
1732. She made her will according to certain powers of disposition
given by the last will of her late dear brother, " Samuel Tuffley, of
Croydon, Esquire/' concerning such estate, lands, goods, &c., as were
given to her, or to certain trustees, in this will, for her sole l^enefit.
Of this estate she gave lo her sous, Benjamin and Daniel, £1 each to
buy a ring ; and to her daughter, ilaria Langley, one-third of the
protits from her three houses in White Cross Alley, Moorfields, to be
paid as long as the executors enjoyed the same. The remaining
two-thirds was left to her daughters and executors, Hanuali and
Henrietta, equally ; but if Maria died before the houses were out of
the possession of the executors, her share was to go to the other
daughters and to their heirs. Her daughter Baker was to have £1
equal with her brothers. To Hannah and Henrietta equally, and to
their heirs, was left the farm at Dageuham, Essex, then in the
possession of Henry Camping, tenant ; as well as all the rest of the
estate, including all plate :ind wearing a]>parel.
Lastly, we have the administration, already referred to, of the
goods, <fcc., of Daniel Foe, or De Foe, late of St. Giles, Cripplegate,
deceased. On the 7th of September 1733, administration was granted
to Mary Brooke, widow, principal creditrix ; " Susannah Foe, otherwise
De Fqe, widow, the relict of the said deceased," dying before she
took administriitiun ; and Daniel, Benjamin, Hannah, Henrietta
(spinsters), Sophin Baker, and Maria Langley, tlie natural and lawful
children, and only issue of the deceased, being first cited with intima-
tion but in nowise appearing. The Long Act does not refer to the
v/idow's name, but adds that Defoe died *'in January 1731—2." The
fact that this date is quite wrong shows that the information f umifihed
J
#1
DEFOE'S WIFE.
2ar
fi«n the administration was taken out was i:»iv?n by a person who
bev little of the matter, and explains how the widow's name camo to
be given &s Sns&nnah. The name is distinct on the bond, l)nt. nifty
lure been written over a carffnl erasnw. The snretieB were Mary
Broob, of St. Leonard, Shoreditch, widow, Grace Porter, of the same,
widow (each of whom signed with a mark), and Kdward Inrnnii, of
1 St Giles, Cripplegate, vintner.
Virions interpretations have been put upon the fact that lett/'rB of
I idministration were takpn out by a credifcrix, and it hna been siiggestetl
I flat Mrs, Brooke was tho landlady of the housf in which Defof^ died.
fKvsteiy surrounds the closing months of Defoe's lifL% and the tnatt/or
lonljmade worse by the well-known letter to his son-in-law, Henry
Biker, written on Augnst 12, 1730, from "about two miles from
eowich, Kent." In it he speaks of the inhuman dealing of iiin
son, which had ruined his family and broken his heart. " I
•^nded upon him, I trusted him, I gave up my two dear unprovided
ciildren into his hands; but he has no compassion, and ruJT'ith tlu-it*
Dd their poor dying mother to beg their bread at his door, and l-o
iro, as it were an alms, what he is bound under hand and senJ.
the most sacred promises, to supply them with ; himst'lf, al^
nne time, living in a profusion of plenty." He had not, he (!Jvy»,
wife or child for many weeks. They dare not come by water,
by land there was no coach. In the absence of other evidence
»p camiot say how far w« can take this letter literally. Possibly
I^foe had some special reason for writing thus to Baker ; possibly
his mind was giving way. He says himself. "I am weak, hartng
hid some fits of a fever that have left me low. Bat those things
audi more." It will be observed that he speaks only of one son.
ad it is not clear whether he refers to Daniel or Benjamin. In any
omt it ia evident from Mrs. Defoe's will she was in an independent
pBtkn when she died, and was able ^q lenre the bulk of the pnv
pB^ wUch site inherited from her brotlier, Srannel Taffley> to hei
vanned daoghters. Each of the sons, it will be remembered, and
Scifkb Bakar, receired onlj a sovereign for a nog. The explanation
■ n^sdi Sophia may, perhaps, be found in th^ fact that IWore her
BMBif* in 1729 De^ hsd giren to her intended hnabaod, Bakffr,
■ • fottioa, B tnod for £o<» apoa the house at Nf^wingfon. Tt was
poUbir rmiiMilHied ^at she had thna abrady received her share.
IVm ace rariooa gromids for thinking that Defoe was nctwfthont
**■% ip** boat ike firceinalaaee tkai£ h^ wa« able t/> lire eomforf-
^ ^ BtwBiHteM. Ha iMM^bAts Haaraib h^M South Ses Stoek ;
«d '■ XTH \m took Kirkwood H^tb od leaae from the Corporaifon
rfHikhihu. ife wao, however, takas for Ua daogltor Bfluak, »d
*^ i—» iw thai BBiigiii ii] to a Mary SiewltM ; koC fk norCfags wan
^ 4f na 1727. The mnat prnlMihIe> erphmatton of IVfo* tw*
238
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEIV.
sir:^^*-
making a will geoms to be that his property was secured for the be
of his family, and from the letter to Baker it would aecm that itii lu|
been transferred to ono of his sons, who did not fulfil the condi.'ti ioA
upon which the arrangompnt, had been made. Mrs. Defoe's own. -j^rflj
perty wai fortunately strictly settled u]5on her, and it was this ^h9
she was able to bequeath. There is a remarkable passage in Sarjn
Tufflpy's will about wlmt he wished done in the case of the dJB
dionco of any of Defoe's cliildren. Perhaps one of them had alre.^'^**-*
when that sentence was written in 1714, shown signs of bis
character. Daniel, supposed to be the eldest son, is said to t^'-^^j
emigrated to Carolina ; and of Benjamin nothing whatever is kni>
ilr. Wilson had no ground for identifying him with a Norton D^^*
who, if scandalous statomouts by Savage and Pope could be belieV^"^
was a natural son of Defoe's. It seeuia not improbable that it
Defoe's son Benjamin who went to America, and not Daniel, of wk--
deacendauts Mr. Wilsou gives many particulars. If this is the
we have an explanation of the absence of any particulars of Benjam.—
A Mr. Do Foe, now in Australia, states that he is a great-]
son of Defoe, and that bis family have always lived abroad
hia grandfather — probably Benjamin — left England. Of Defo
daughters, Sophia lived happily with her husband until her dea
and Hannah and Henrietta, the latter of whom married Jo.
Boston, a su])ervisor of excise, are buried together at Wimbom
Several children of Daniel and Dorothy Foe were baptized
St. James's, Clerkcnwell, between 170t and 1708 ; but this Danie/.
though probably a connection i>f Defoe's, cannot be his son, uule^ss^
that son married very early in life. Other Foes are mentioned in the
registers of the same pariah ; and a Daniel Defot- , " an infant and
nursed child," was buried at Hackney, in 1724. On Noveml^er 3.
1720, IVffley, son of Nathaniel Defoe and Mary his wife, was buried
in the churchyard of 8t. Michael, Cornhill ; and it is probable that
" Nathaniel ' was here entered by mistake for " Daniel," and tliat we
thus have a fresh glimpse of Defoe's son. That son, as we have
Been, was a merchant in the parish of St. Michael in 1725, and this
child had for ("bri.stian name the maiden name of Defoe's wife. Two
great-great-granddaughter.'i of Defoe's — daughters of James Defoe,
who was the son, by a second marriage, of Samuel Defoe, Defoe's grand-
son— are still living in London, and were, a few years ago, very pro-
perly placed on the Civil List. A " Mrs. DefFoe," who was brought
irom Hackney, was buried at Bnnhill Fields, in 1737, and cannot there-
fore bb identified with a Mrs. Foe, whose Christian name, curiously
enough, was Susanna, and who wrote a letter (now among tie manu-
scripts at Trinity College, Cambridge), dated March ;50. 1739, to
Dr. Warren, thanking bini for five guineas paid by him for her use to
her kind friend, good Dr. Grey. She was a " poor unfortunate wid-
dow," with not above £7 a year to maintain herself and her child.
i9»]
DEFOE'S fflFE.
239
We hare another glimpse of the faniilj into which Defoe maiTiod in
tk? »iJ] of Charles Talfley, a brother of Mrs. Defoe's, whose life seema
lohav? been somewhat of a failure. He was a mariner, late of H.M.S.
Tk Ciwit, hut sick when he made liis will, on the 22nd of June,
J7I1. He must have then been on his deathbed, for th^ will was
on the 17th of July. Of such worldly goods as should be dtt©
I at Lis death he gave to his honourable fatlier and mother one
iWling each if demanded, '' declaring that I should have shown my
daty to them in a larger respect were I capable, but am hindered by
fliT honest intentions of paying the just debt from me due and owiug
to Mrs. Mary Simonds, of Allhallows, Barking, Ijondon, widow. "' He
i^ft, too, one BhilUng each, if demanded, to his brothers Samuel and
Giles Tufiiey, and to Aunt Sarah Tuffley. All the residue of money,
[wjp'g, pay, goods, &c., went to his loving friend Mary Simonds, the
ole executrix. From this we learn that Mrs. Defoe's parents were
|hDth living in 1711, and we know from Samuel Tuffley'a will that the
was lately dead, in 1714; the father, too, was probably then
iSeSamuel was in possession of the property,
his Serious RejUxLions Defoe said that the story of Jiobinsuii.
\Crntof Was a sort of allegory of his own life ; and immediately after
we apppurance of the great romance an anonymous pamphleteer had
jaoliccd how the title could be applied to its author, and had published
'The Life and Surprising Adventures of Mr. D — de F — , of London,
Icsier, who has lived about fifty years by himself, in the Kingdom of
iforth and South Britain." Defoe did indeed live, to follow the title
Sobinaon Crnsot still more closely, " seventy years all alone in the
ndof Great Britain." He was misundei-stood by men of all parties
ag his contcmjjoraries. His name does not appear in the bulky
olumeB of the origiual edition of the Biographia BrUariniea, tJiough
Urork was not commenced until 1747, nor concluded before 1706 ;
I while it cannot be said that he is nowadays forgotten, much that
I written about him shows an extraordinary mLsappreheneion of his
er. In his Serious Ueflidiom he says, in the person of Robin-
Jsoe, that he had grown old in affliction, and that he hml
WKoA that the remedy against universal clamours and contem])t of
wokiixd was patience, a steady life of virtue and sobriety, and a
•"■brtJDg dependence on the justice of Providence. And in similar
■wd» he concludes his Appeal to Jlonour aiui Jtcsiic^, Out it be of
a* Wont Enemies : — " A constant, steady, adhering to personal virtue,
•i to public peace, which, I thank God, I can appeal to him, has
•Iwjn heen my practice, will at last restore me to the opinion of
•h» and impartial men, and that ijs all I desire : what it will do
vttt]iQM> who are resolutely partial and unjust I cannot say, neither
P tot macb my concern."
G. A. AlTKEN.
THE EIGHT HOURS QUESTION
THE argnment addressed to the pnblic in the Di'cember Nnmbi
this Revikw, by Mr. Sidney Webb, has not made the real issc«<
easier to disentangle. The question is whether Parliament shoal^^
rognlate the hours of labour. This Mr. Webb very fairly states ^
Bat he proceeds to develop his argument by speaking of "' the Eight^^
Hours Bill which the rising Democratic tide is now making inevit- -^
able," and telling ns " that every politician knows in his heart of
hearts that a reasonable Eigbt Hours Act will probably be one of the
earliest fruits of the next General Election." Having assumed this as
beyond doubt, he goes on to assume further that, in passing the
Factory Act?, Parliament decided the very point in dispute, and that
accordingly *' no question of principle really remains at issue, and the
important task of to-day is to clear up the misconceptions which
hinder popular unanimity on the subject, and to devise means for
the practical application of the admitted principles to the com-
plicated circumstances of modern industrial life.*' For the rest^ Mr.
Webb's own task is comparatively easy. In a simple and an
nnostentatious fashion, he steps forward as having the nndoubted
title to assure ns of the opinions of a large section of the electorate,
and informs ns that " students of political meteorology among the
industrial classes already begin to declare that the party which first
takes up the Eight Hours Bill, besides effecting an unparalleled im-
provement in the social condition of the worker, will gain the Labour
vote for half a generation."
Now, I am not complaining of the tone of the article. It is
Btudionsly moderate and reasonable. And the economic discnssion
of the effects of the proposed legislation upon production, prices, and
international relations, of which I pay nothing at this stage, because
tip]
THE EIGHT HOURS QUESTION.
241
it appears to be introduced more for the comfort of ns who are in
misfortnne than as a needless argument in justification of the inevit-
«ile, is oaejiceptionable in form, whatever it may be in point of
labstance. What I do complain of is, that in the preliHiinary
positions he takes the entire situation for granted, and, while pro-
feadng' to present us with a logical sorites, assumes the very point
which he has to establish as its conclusion. Of coorse, if it bo tnie
tbit the vast majority of the working classes have definitely and
finally gone on the side of the legislation in question, the discushioii
is no longer a practical one. Of course, if Parliament has already
cmliodied the principle in the Factory Acts, the controversy is merely
u to detail. It would follow that members of Parliament in general
sliould give effect to the national conclusion, although, as Mr. John
Marley pointed out in his speech at the Eighty Club, it woald 7iof
fcllow that particular members ought to agree, if elected, to give any
vote to that effect. Bnt has the nation come to any snch conclusion,
or IB it doing so ? For my part, I must controvert some of Mr.
Webb's positions as to this.
Let ns, in the iirst place, see upon what we agree. We agree that
die hoars of labour ought, as far as is practicable, to be so shortened
»» to enable the worker not only to preserve health and strength, but
lie have leisure to recruit hia body and develop his mind. ITie con-
jlrOTwgy is not, in other words, about the end, but about the means,
the position of Mr. Webb's Radical critics is that their own
lA«tlioda offer a safer and more certain way not only to this end.
at towards the general ideal of equality of opportunity, than does
'" mme of the Fabian Society by its legislative short cuts.
•r hold that if, in the higgling of the market, Labour is to
|lBi;gun fluccessfuUy with Capital for a large share of the profits of
wir combined application. Labour must be highly organi/.e{l, and
that accordingly it is to do to Labour an ill-service to withdraw from
ligation what haa hitherto been not only part of its rai^on tf'Mrr,
Bt <ine of its chief and most successfully accomplished aims, the
lation of the hours of labour. The sphere of discussion is thus
► good deal narrower than is represented.
Apain, some, at least, of the opponents of an Eight Hour? Bill
vtT not, what is currently imputed to them, an abatract principle in
h«r ininds which compels them to condemn, without regard to con-
all State interference with adult labour. On the contrarv,
;..'n which the ordinary opponent of tlie Bill takes up is
Bply that formulated by such economist.^ as Mr. F. A. Walker and
l»te Mr. Jevons. Why !^Ir. Webb should hint, as hr does, t\m\
litter of these writera may be cited in supjiort of his own conclu-
aa I cannot imagine. In the very passage which he qaotes from.
State in Relation to Labour." for the proposition that there nn*
242
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
3
cases in which State interference with tht^ hours of labour -woxjl JJ b
justifiable, the important words occur, '' If it could be clearly s^:«owi
that the existing customs are injurious to health, and that tJur^ -at-s "<
otJier probable, rmiedii" The whole point is whether this last coa<3 ifc»0E
is satisfied. Mr. Morley and hia followers are not, if Mr. W^^''"
and his friends would only believe it, talking metaphysics. And "tzi^^y
ought not. merely becauae they happeui to have formed an opinion
a matter of fact and VjusLneas, to be confounded wholesale with
members of the Society for the Defence of Liberty and Property-
know of no writer who puts what seems to me to be the true poin-"**
view better than Mr. Walker.
" I should rather define," he says, in condemning the abstract doctri»- ^^-
ZaJisw /Iiire, " the Mandiester School to consist of those free traders ^^^^^
carry into the department of distribution tliat assumption of the econoia. '^
sufficiency of competition whicli the whole body of free traders ncfept w^^ ,,
dealing with the ijuestions of exchange ; who fail to recognize any di(Ferec»-_
between services and commodities, i>etween men and merchandise, wlm-^*^*
require tbcm to modify their doctrine of laissezfaire, looking on a MancheE^*^
spinner as possessing the same mobility cconoraicully, as being under "^
same subjection to the impulses of pecuniary mterest as a bale of Mancbei*'*^
cottons on the wharf, free to go to India or Iceland, aa the diflerence cpf
penny in the price offered may determine ; free traders who, to come down t^
single practical questions, object to laws against truck as an interferenc*^^
with freedom of contract ; who oppose exceptional legislation respecting t^^^
employment of women uiidergi-ound in mines and at factory labour duringfj
pregnum y, and for the period immediHtely succeeding continement, on the
ground that such niattei-s should be regulated by the interest of the parties
thereto; who, while perhaps approving, on socia! considerations, laws regu-
lating the eniployment of children in mines and factoiies, yet deny that
such regulations have any economiad justification, holding that self-interest
is here, again, a suflident guide ; who object to laws or compulsory rules
respecting apprenticeship, or admission to the professions, to the govern-
mental regulation or inspection of industiiai opei-ations, and to any and all
acts of the State directed to the promotion of prudence and fntgality on the
part of the working classes."*
But this repndiation of the tendency to erect the doctrine of letting
things alone into a paramount principle need not lead us to the opposite
mistake of invoking State regulation without misgiving.
" In considering the probable tendencies of such acts," continues the
writer just quoted, " we should bear in mind bow great are the liabilities
to error and corruption in legislation ; how certain i.s the administration of
the law to fall short of its interest ; how mncb better most i-esults are
reached through social than through Icgjd pressure ; how destitute of all
positive virtue, all healing etbcacj', i.s restniuit, its only ollice being to prevent
waste ; how frequently, too, good sicts become bad preccdents."t
" It is one thing," writes Professor Cairnes.t " to repudiate the scientific
anthority of laissez /aire freedom of contract, and so forth ; it ia a totally
different thing to set up the opposite principle of State control, the doctrine
• F. A. Walker. "The Wages Question." p. 161. t lh\d. p. 171.
X " Essay." in Politkuxl Economy," p. 257.
»]
THE EIGHT HOURS QUESTION.
243
«rp«lenul goverDtuetit. For my part, I accept ueither the one doctrine
nor ll« other, and, asapriictical mile, I liold laiJisez /aire to be incomparably
lliB »)ifer L'tiide. Only let us remember tbiii it is a jtructical rule, and not a
doftrine of science ; a rule in the main sound, but, like most other sound
pnrtital rules, liable to numerous exceptions ; above all, a rule wliich must
Mmr for a moment be allowed to stand in the way of the candid con&idera-
HflUof itny promising propnssd of social or industrial reforms,"
Is the statutory regulation of the hours of labour a case within
f eiception ? Are there any grounds for bo regai'ding it ? Thia
a qaestion — the question of fact rather than of principle — and
answer it we must do what 1 think lIi-. Webb and his frieuda
do not io^look at the fads. There may well be cases where com-
bination on the part of even adult labourers is not reasonably
possjble. Whether there are, in point of fact, any such coses in
is country is doubtful. That of the shop assistants appears to be
16 of the nearest apj^roaches to an example. Probably, too, that
Cftsnal labourers, weakened by want and privation, and lacking
proper sense of independence, is another. The success of the
t dock strike, and tJie possibility it has disclosed of organizing
flwnal labour, may cause us to pause before deciding about the second
twnjple; and, as for the first, it remains to be seen what public
■ ' n and combination may yet effect. At all events these are not
istrationa commonly put forward by the advocates of an Eight
flours Bill. Their case has been largely rested on what is by many
looked on as the altogether exceptionally strong case of the
.ind other underground labourers. It will be useful briefly to
MMune this case. It is one to which members for some mining consti-
^wociea, where the demand for an Eight Houi-s Bill ha.«i been strongly
I»B8Bed, have had to devote a good deal of attention, and have had
opportunities of gaining some reliable inibrmation. Now, although
underground labour is not nowadays the severest or most unliealtliy sort
of labour, it is severe and unhealthy, and it may be readily conceded
lliat eight hours is as long as it is good for any man to work under
gnnmd, just as the same might be conceded in the case of the above-
froQiid work of the agricultural labourer, who, unlike the miner, is
Opoaed to the most varying weathers and temperatures, and probably
■n&ra even more than the latter. Yet it is not too much to say that,
oTiU the cases given, that of the miner is probably the one where the
ioUc&rence of Pai'liament is least called for. How do matters stand
*t preeemt? With the possible excej>tion of the engineers, the miners
of this country are, on the whole, the most thoroughly organized,
from a Trades Union point of view, of all the classes of working-
Bum. Not only is this so, but probably from the circumstance that
tteir tame ia largely spent under ground, in places where they are
iaiocseesible to intimidation and other forms of illegitimate influence,
Umj are a most independent and self-assertive body of men. They
244
THE CONTEMPORARY RElTEfT.
d
ad for'moet pnrpoeee in oonoert, and wbere titer «xut in ifl|
siderable nimibeTB can nowadays generally cxwtrol the lepmMJ
not only Parliamientary, bat Hnnicipal, of their distfkt. Hia
is that whenever they choose to combine — atod in noflt oases tj
chooae — they can dictate their own terms to the coUiej f im uasaa i
houn of work, and within limite, provided the mazkct is • nuii|
M regards wages. The consequence has been atzikii)^. "niel
Miners' Unions of the north-ea;^ of Eng-land, not oontetit
eight hoars day. have instituted a system, which has now
operation for a long tim<?. of sncceanre shifts of men whose Auif,
ing period is six and a half to Kven honrs. In other parts of H(
the regulation of the length of the miner's day is in his own )
It is only from Scotland that serious oomplaintf haT<* come <
eombination of masters to keep the men at work more Utaaj
hoars. Now. in Scotland, the facts are worth noticing. Tbeij
f»»tare is thi^, that where there is an t-fficient Union there
eight hours day. and that there is a departure from this satid
Htate of things only where the men do not take the trouble li
the Unions in an efficient condition. In the East of Scotls^
example, there is a great coal-mining industry distributed a%
oounties of Fife and Clackmannan and Mid and East Lothiat
tiiese counties there are two large and efficient Unions. The r^
that. KO far as I have been able to ascertain, there is only ai
pit (a, Midlothian one) where there is systematic work for moi
eight houjB, and in that pit the departure from the rule is due*
practice of the men, and not to the coercion of the owner. In
on the spot disclose the real circumstances. In an ordinary ]
Scot.]and pit the normal day is eight hours. But, as the m
paid according to his output, there is a temptation to etaj!
ground a little longer in order to make more money. This li
becaufle a particular miner is not so skilful a worker as his neig
Or it may be because, having a larger family or wanting most
desires to make a little more than his neighbour. But, whatei
reason of the practice, it is not a general one, and there is certai
oompalsion on the part of the masters. A miner remarked
the other day of his neighbour, who was working with him at i
of a gallery ; " John is an Eight Hours Bill man because he
an Act of Parliament to protect him from himself." This is a*
instance. Some of the men who are loudest in demanding legl
aw themselves the greatest offenders against the rule. On thi
hand, many of those who are most strongly opposed to ParliaxI
interference are men who them.selves observe the principle'
eight hours day as rigidly as does an Australian miner. Bl
say very forcibly that there might come an exceptional state o^
in which they desired to make a larger ontput per man, and it
THE EIGHT HOURS QUESTION.
245
: irciiild be most inconyement that they should be unable to do so.
Ij! migbt be well for some of those critics who denounce the opponents
Eight flours Bill for miners as persons of doctrinaire views, to
tdDto to the £ast of Scotland and investigate the state of matters
tboaelres. Instead of a poor, helpless, unprotected class of
», they would find a large number of keen-witted, intfUigont,
hard-headed men, well able to take care of themaelves, and
blj conversant with nil that is going on about them. People
• godowTi the pit at half-past six in the morning and are out by
\ iu the aflernoon have abundant time for the study not only of
tics, but of other matters, and the miners of the East of Scotland
time, on an average, as well as most pcopL-.
, it may be asked, if this is so, why is it that there has been in
I very region so strong an expression of opinion on the subject ?
bT is it that at meeting after meeting of the men resolutioas in
' of the Kight Hours Bill have been carried ? The question is
1 30 perplexing to those who have been on the spot. It is true
taach resolutions were carried at a great many mcotlngs some time
aod that even now probably a majority of the miners are
ely in favour of the Bill. But if they are cross-examined as to
'teasons, these are found to resolve themselves into two. One is
iy for their less well-organized brethren in the West of Scot-
There are many districts in Lanarkshire and Ayrshire where
I orgmization is of a miserable description. It is not that Unions do
I exist in most places, or that there are not able and capable leaders.
■ the rank and file of the men ap]>ear either to have moral back-
Lof an inferior fibre to tliose of the East, or to be apathetic about
ion. It has accordingly become possible for certain colliery
ownera to put pressure on their men to remain at work as long as
^ hours. This, of course, would be impossible were the Unions to
^ action, or were public opinion to be brought tx> bear on the
■'P'oyer?. Certainly there is in the nature of the circumstances ud
'PP'^Mit reason why the men should not insist on an eight hours
% with M much success in the West as in the other ptrts of Scot-
^*^ To do the Unions justice, in most even of the Western districts
**J have gained their point. There are, relatively 8i>eaking, as far
• J have been able to ascertain, very few places where tht; day Ls
** »n eight hours one.
Bat there is another and more general reason for the dfiiiaud
'wch hag been made for legislation. There is an idea which is
^tfj prevalent among the men, that the state of things to be
'"'^'d at is one in which the output of coal could be so completely
^"twfled as to enable the men to dictate tlieir own terms as to
"^S*- The Bucceas of a policy of restricting the output is generally
***" for granted. But putting aside the objections to it from a
24r
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
A
public point of view, with the observation that, at all events, i -^
not desirable that we should be entirely at the mercy of a sL
class for our supply of coal, any more than for our supply of com, -fc.
question remains whether it would be practicable so to limit the d^n
put. The public demand would surely lead to the employment of tcm. on
men and possibly to the inlToduction in Scotland, as in the Nortla. at
England, of the double shift system. In discussing this policy r^^tl
the men, the impression one derives is that it has been very nuperfecz^t/Vi
considered.
To sum up the situation as regards under-ground lalxjur, the re^ *^
of the evidence appears to be that there is practically little or
compulsion to woik for more than eight hours, except in a few pits-
the West of Scotland, and that the difficulty there could be got rii^
by the Unions themselves with a little effort. Elsewhere, there
gre^t division of opinion as to the expediency of any legislation,*
it appears that the real object of those who are in favour of
is, not simply to regulate the hours of labour, but to raise wa|
by making the output of coal the monopoly of a certain class. If t^
question is put to the country whether, under these circumstances,
will sanction this policy, or leave the hours of labour to be efficirtiC^
regulated, as experience has shown they can be. and nearly alwa-,^^-'
are, iby the Unions, the answer ought hardly to be doubtful.
The proceedings of the Trades Union Congress at Dundee las<^
autumn probably reflected pretty accurately the opinion of the working
classes in general. There was a remarkable and very decided repudia-
tion by the Congress of the demand for any general regulation by
statute of the hours of labour. But in the case of mines it was wud
that this was an exceptional case, and should be exceptionally dealt
with by the Legislature. The opinions of working-men are very
valuable in regard to their own trades. But where we are dealing
with questions relating to other trades, we may be tempted to examine
the authority for their opinions somewhat sceptically. As a rule,
they are at work all day and cannot get knowledge, from experience,
or at first hand, of what other working-men are doing. Nor do the
various srctions of the working cla.sses hold much intercourse with
each other. The opinion of the average member of Parliament on a&
industrial question may not be worth much, but, strange as the
assertion may seem to some people, it is probably at least as good on
a miner's question as that of the average joiner. The result of the
proceedings at Dundee, and of those of the very-mnch-di\nded meeting-
of mining delegates at Birmingham shortly afterwards, is to leave the
impression that there is a strong desire among the miners to have, or
♦ At th<! present monnmt the Scottwh miners are makinp more mone.v thftu hmc
V>ecn the case fur the lost nine yeur^, and tho result is that but little Is tu be heart!
atncng theoiselve.s of ihc dcmund for legislation.
av>]
THE EIGHT HOURS QUESTION.
247
mtliiir to retain, an eight hours day, but neither unanimity about
I Puiiimentary interference, nor cause shown for it.
InotliiT case frequently put forward is that of the workmen
tntployetl in its various factories, arsenals, and other industrial estab-
liiiiiDeiits by the Government. Now, most people will agree that it
! ii lUJiinently desirable and right that the Executive should set an
[umplo to ordinary employers of labour. There is sometimes reason
tothiuk tliat certain officials take the view that the Goveriiuient work-
1I1H11 ire in tho position, not of onlinaty workmen, but of subordinate
nfficialsjwlio ought not to combine and bargain at arm's length with their
aaployera in tho osual way. If there is any such opinion abroad, it
m well be that it ought to be got rid of. And for eti'ecting this
|MTp>*e-the proper instrument is a Resolution of the House of Commons
"T» Division in Committee of Supply. On the balance of advantages
\aii disadvantages it is probably beat that the Government should
' W':iati> with the Trade's Unions in the ordinary way. If so, there
I* no reason why the hours of labour in its employment should not be
nvtl/it<^d in the customaiy fashion, the great employer being, if
*««<»ry, reminded of its obligations to society by a vote of the
CotiiTiidns who control it. But this is very different from saying that
•icff oijglit to be. legislation, or that the privileges of Government
• '' '11 "U should be difierent fix>m those of other workmen. As Mr.
' pointed out in his address to the Eighty Club, the tax-paying
' I -ii elsewhere would, were this to be so, have cause to complauu
' i,ey were paying for tlie extra comfort of their fellow-labourers.
n»CMa of the Government workman, therefore, no more than that
<fl|je taiuer, seems to fulfil Mr. Jevuns' condition that no other
T^M)^ remedy can be indicated for the improvement of existing
Ill Tf remains a third instance, which has been prominently put
fiTwwd — that of railway servants. There is a class of railway
Kirant, of which the signalman maybe taken as a type, the efliciency
' "' li k of great moment to thw public. The men in the box at a
ucdon or lenuinus retjuire to be constantly on the ali*rt, and
n w acceseary in the interest of the public that they should be so.
la tiiia interest, therefore, it is *:|uite proper that there .should be
^l(n»l»tion if there is a serious evil to l)e met. The principle of such
!^l»tion would, however, be not the interest of the men themselves,
■ ■' proti'ction of those who travel by rail. The Unions, which
I unoth'T purpose, do nt>t look after the ]>ublic, and the public
Bait therefore protect itself in tho only way it can. Bat in
iwtaoc<^ wh«'rr this larger interest is not specially concerned, there is
wnvtton to suppotte that the Unions cannot take care of themselvea
•"w«i TTiui ap^Mu-ently the general sense of the great meeting of rail-
*if terrwits which met to consider the question in November last in
218
THE CONTEMPORARY REVfEfT.
^
Ijoudon, and which declared that low wages rather than the exist^ioi
hours constituted the grievance of the men. <
The special instances cited accordingly appear to amount to v«?T
little. But there are other aud positive objections to anything X -^ka
the propoaitions put forward in the Fabian Society's Bill. There ^^
certain textile industriea in which the wbulesale market is only in *^
active condition for certain niontha of the year. During tls ^^
months large wages are to be made, and high-orertime pay may "{
earned by the workman, just as the physician or barrister may e.^^*^
more than his average at certain periods by extra work. I have :*^*fl
yet met the workman who wished to abolish the special opportunit>^^
of this period. Here, again, the Union is the proper authority^ M
adjust with the employer, in the interests of its members, the ter^x:*^
on which a departure is to be temporarily made from the ordin^fcX^
conditions of employment. Why the Home Secretary should, unc3^
the " Trade Option " clause of the Bill in question, be called in »-'
the instance" of a conjectured majority as a,dtiis ex machind to do wha^ ■
organization can do, not only naturally, but efficiently, it is difficult tc^
see. The knowledge of Mr. Matthews aud his inspectors of the^^
state of things at a particular season in mills of the Border Burgli*'-^
could hardly, on the most favourable supposition, satisfy the hard-
headed workmen of the district.
There is no evidence, with all deference to those who, like Mr. Webb,
assert the contrary, that the majority of the working-men of this
country desire legislation of this kind for themselves. Sometimes they
desire it for their neighbours under a mistaken impression, fostered
by the advocate of certain social and economical opinions, that
their neighbours are in absolute need of it. It ia customary to
speak of the " labour vote '' as though it rcpresenti^d some peculiar
kind of opinion. Mr. W^ebb and his colleagues gently threaten the
Liberal party with it, and proceed to dress up in electoral statistics
a bogey with which to terrify weak-kneed politicians. Until the
other day few people were alive to the import of their proceedings,
or to the fact that the House of Commona was rapidly getting into a
condition in which a large number of it« members were being pledged
to support an Eight Hours Bill. Only one side of the case was
being presented to the candidate or the sitting member. He was
asBored at his meetings, by some person instigated from head-quarters
in London, that the labour vote would go for the Bill, and that if he
boggled at swallowing the entire principle he must at least swallow
some of it — say so much as applied to miners' or t Government employ-
ment. Much alarmed, and hearing nothing of the other side, he in
many cases did so. Now, the average elector knows no more, if as
much, as the candidate. Hearing the statement that such a BiJl ought
to be gone for, and seeing his candidate agree to it, he begins to think
||RfHH Ik ^K Vp lOH V]gaO OB tM OthCT WIK AM IbVI tlM^
' Am 0B iaoicatioias mat tqi's si.-uo of ilun< i.h ..^lltl^^u.•
eipoaeate of those opinions on otli< . ^ " ^^twtU 'm<<
witi tie working clusoa, 8uch iM Mr. Jnhn Mt\H*y, Mr**
i, Mr. Laboacher©, Mr. Burt, nml Mr. HnkAtllMo t
I mtced Btionglj against the priuciplt*. So tVir an 1 hn
iaccenalD, they represent, in doing so, (ho npiition of i\w vnnf niAjoi'lhy
[iiibovnn about (fuir oirn tra(ft\ oxcviitlin^ pnHnilily iii IIim rawc of
immera. And the miners are not itrily ^hmiIIv itivi*|i'i|, Itiiti id' flu-ir
«de there exists the peculiar i-xplanfttiori n!f«wly liullcal-nd. Mjr
ODg belief is, that when thfcaHo aKaiimt, tin I'ii^lii lI'MirH Hill Itaii
lasmoch and as strongly arg*^] hh han i^otui tlin cann Tmi' )t, (lie
pI(5C0Qcemed will go againit it by an ny^rvflwUnUin rri^jrrritjr.
iroold imagine from the currrnt talk that th« wrrV' <>
ahnosfe witboot exception a pimrnt of iM\uttf' ntd
[ineuaily {mnoanoed opiaiofM, Notbing ia furtb'T frrmi )m]nf( ifin
•K, M those who hava voiK t/' '
■Hknov. Htf »
I
Ib £r«i grtt^ Mv Id tfc«
to«ehH«Mihai«»lfc
Iksiufai •»pBfir.
EMtaoL An Mm
» nlk- b« » <f^anr (
■BrtHicdiMtlwSwaatBniih ;^.
c#ft«»hDai»df laUfMB'.
t&e rb wnfnr i
Starii. .- -ry miiebi
■a rlar tmllr of 9 npnial
#hw^ 4IMi ht Uf hfi
m 9» mn-''-
fh w\[\ wMfr (Vy \¥mf
fftMii difT ifwMni^
Iff. th«* .Vfr. Wrthh-
'> mill Mil acjon
.act flrind in polMeft 11U<^ t,,
'Tf oMiiy 'if iii(
.u;
260
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[I
theory of Collectivism as it liaa been advocated by Marx and oti
writers. Now, here again it is desirable to see how far one fit
oneself in sympathy with Mr. Webb. We may think that
Collectivist ideal is a noble one. We may agree that we ought
possible, to make capital the servant instead of the master of labc
to minimize the monopoly of capital and land, and to seenre a
even distribution of the proceeds of industry. The aim of our po'
may be to secure equality of opportunity for all alike ; to br
down the az'tificial barriers of class distinction ; to raise the stati
labour, and to remember that, as politicians, we have duties of
struction as well as of destruction. But politicians must be not c^z^K^
idealists, but men of business. In other words, as no one wo^^l:*
more readily admit than Mr. Webb, they must bear the facte* 4
human nature in mind. And one of the facts of human na
appears to me — and here also I think ilr. Webb would agree with m
to be, that you cannot do all this at a stroke. The existing order
things did not come about by accident, nor yet by force or frau
In the main, it is the result of tendencies in haman nature wf
which we have to reckon. It may be that, as the result of time ar
change, these tendencies will be modified, imd that we shall be ab
to avoid falling into slothfuSness in the absence of the greed of g
with its good as well as its bad consequences, of the stimulus
iiction which it supplies to the plain man, as well as of the seltishne
which it engenders. But that time has not yet come, and will m
come, if it comes at all, for many a long da}-. And until it doe*-
come, many people will refuse to believe in experiments the object of
which is to see whether, at a stroke, the new order of things c-annot in
certain particulars be substituted for the old. The point in an Eight
Hours Act, in the eyes of those who wish to substitute a socialist
r^ime in place of that vk'hich at present exists, is, that it must prob-
ably, to make it workable, be speedily followed by statutory regula-
tion, not only of wages, but of the general relations of labour and
capital. If the programme be accompanied by a vigorous campaign in
favour of land nationalization, there will then be every prospect of
the speedy application of Collectivist principles to capital also. Why
not? some of Mr. Webb's friends, if not Mr. Webb himself, will
ask. Simply because the soil is far from being prepared for tie
reception of such a plant. A great deal must happen, and a great
many changes take place in the opinions and motives of society, before
such a revolution can be tried without the prospect of immediate
disaster. It is all very well to advocate Collectivist ideals, and to try to
incline the world towards them. But when people wish to introduce
a system through the medium of measures which sigmfy nothing
in practice, if they do not signify that we are to go the whole way,
the matter becomes serious. To say this and to insist on it is to do
TBS EIGHT HOimS QUESTIOX,
wnog^to the ideals tiiemselTes. It is good that capital (shoold hm
■nplr t OMatis to an end, the instrament of tho IfthoHrpr wli»»n*vor
i* practicable. It is good that the coramunity should, in as many
Mare consistent with the public well-being and oooTenipncp,
tik* means of production, and that the land, which muBt always
B monopoly, should be. where this can be, the inonojKtly of
oommnnity rather than of the individual. Let us, then, while
iwpecting existing rights of property which cannot \w set aside
we are in a pjosition also to set aside mucli more, take such
M we can in the desdred direction, but take them with a <ln«
to practical possibilities. Let us by all jnenna fost-er and
ft Collectivist policy wherever the world is rejuly for it. Itut.
Bot let ns push the principle into operation where the world in not
ly for it, and where its adoption can only lead to its own discredit.
As thugs now go, the tendencies ai*e all in t}ii> direction'of labour
ig B much larger share of those fruits of industry which are,
oust for long continue to be, divided between it and capitnl,
W in the past been the case. Not only is the rate of interest
'"?, but the standard of wages and of the comfort of the labourer
' '"!£:. At present only a small percentage of the workers of the
lielong bo any combination powerful enrnigb to hold its own
j'rocees of negotiating with the capitalist employer. But the
aaiicarioos are that the capacity to combine is a growing one. With
•tended political power and with a eon.stanfly growing nmtiiint of
ifSpatby directed towards his position, there would appear to bo no
Bout to the extent to which the status and powfT of the labounT
■If rise.
, a formidable objection to an Eight Hours Hill is that it taken
ODe of the chief motives for combination. The force of this
was very apparent in the cajje already referred to of the
miaerB, As the agitation for legislation gained in strength,
ityand influence of tie Unions diminished. At one Union
ng At which I was present, it was ^nth great difficulty that the
amU be got to continue the appointment of the collector of
H caDtzibations. This state of things has been in part, removed
hf tike AMKMint of business which the associations have had ta do of
IB arsanging a proportionate rise in wages as prices have risen,
Uw iaICRSI of the members in their combination has distinctly
But the decline of enthusiasm and the causes of its revival
I object lesson. If the Unions are to be kept in an
they most be left plenty to do, and if we remove
*■■ tkea the roiponsibility of seeing to the adjustment of hours,
F** •* tkrir bread of life will have been taken from them. It is surely
bi*^ the peiot to nrge against this conclusion, as does Mr. Weblji,
^ fc* rf tbe deinelopment of the Union principle notwithstanding
252
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
frFxi
the passing of the Factory Acte. Those conditions of male »(
labour which were regulated under the Consolidation Statute of I
were matbera which never had been and never could be efficie:
dealt with by any ordinary combination. They relate not to
comprehended subjects, such as hours of labour and rates of wi
but to standards of efficiency in mechanical arrangements and 8anit>a^
provisions, often of a highly technical character, and almost alw«j5t
requLiing the investigation and criticism of the trained intellect o:£"
professional inspector. Such legislatiou was needed, because the F»xx
pose for which it was wanted could not be effected in any other way.
It will be apparent why I do not propose to follow Mr. Webb
a discussion of the effect on prices and inteniational trade of an EL
Hours Bill. If such legislation implies, and will by degrees eflT^'Cfc
results which it does not enact, it is impossible to ascertain viritl
certainty the conditions of the problem to be answered. Could srx d
u Bill pass without more passing with it, I am disposed, as far a^ 4
can find materials for judgment, to agree with Mr. Webb in think Laof
that the change would not have much consequence in the regio ^*^[
under discussion. In the mining industry, for example, it woi* ^'
probably have no effect at all, since it would effect no substant*- *
change. In some industries of a textile character, where the forei^*^
market exists only for a brief period, and is of a character whi<^*^
cannot be seen ahead, it might produce much disturbance. But i-^^.
the majority of cases it is common ground between Mr. Webb anc:^
those who desire the shortening of the existing hours by bargaii^^
between employer and employed, that increased energy and inteUi— '
gence would probably compensate for shortened hours. Yet th^
very difficulty of prophesying as to the future makes it additionally
undesirable that we should tie the hands of our industrial community
in any hard-and-fast fashion. In some parts, at all events, of
Australia there is a general eight hours rule. But its existence baa,
from al! accounts, been established exclusively by combination.
Besides this, Australia is a young country, where the materials of
production abound, and where labour natui'ally commands a high price,
which is not limited by the uarrowf r margins of protit in the opera-
tions of production which obtain in an older community. As regards
the operation in our own country of the proixvsed legislation, we are
left, so far as experience is concerned, practically in the dark. Why,
then, should we take a leap which may land us we know not where ?
The working classes have not only not made up their minds in favour
of such legislation, but of those of them who have thought about it
at all probably the majority are against it. No necessity for it has
been shown. On the contrary, the evidence is conclusive that the
desired result can be effected by combination. And, lastly, we cannot
justify it on the ground of our intention of treating it as the first
il^J TBB EIGHT HOlltS QCRSTiOSs ^>»
itep tonrds a statntoiy regulation of waow, «' noc tKo xV»m|iIo(o vv.Ax't-
nent 17 Puliament of a Coliectirist onlor of thii\c>, TUU (»<«( vri^\
2M rflookiiig at the question I believe to Iv tho rt^ j^ixmuu) wt Un
popularity with the more clear-headed of its u|t)vt^- tuul utiddio oinw.
idrocates. And they know that, if it is even 8tat<HK nl lonNt lintC \\\'
fleeuy-going politicians who support tho pn^]HK<titu>ii on Iht^ ^imuiuI
tbttlieir constituents wish them to do so, will W iVi^ldonrd tiwnv
Bat if the case for the Bill can not bo HU8t«inod, il rollnwn, iVnm
tlieiiilare of the subject, that the case against itoan. To piiHn tlm Mill
vodd be to make a new precedent. Now pn>ciMloiil.H oii^lil. iml. thii
In freely to be made when needed merely IiKcauHo tlmy nm imw,
lit this one is something more than now. Jt in iiiiHuliinvoiiH, if Uirwi'
hi any force in the considerations of fact wliicli hiivn ulri'iuly li^nn
■ged. One of the political tendencicH of tho day in t^o iiiMiiriin iliui.
vsdj because a matter touches th'; af&irN of thit working/ rluQeiN.
tt^ akme must be the depositorif-s of wixdorn ni)inil il,. Now, ikiI,
9ij is this doctrine new, not only has it \ii-An n-.innUtiU'A \ty I Untn-.
^We in the past most completely ftnloy-A i},*: rj,u\'u\ntin' i,\
*cridng-men, but it is without: foandati^n in ftu^.. A^ wrll tt,iifhi
way that because the Com Law* txriCfrrififi t.h". lhr,flU(tii ':l;i«-9, it,f.
tfom. of that clasa as to tL>:> 4>r>!>,ir>n ^^^yKr f// >.Ar<: t-rf\t"\
odosTe oousideTaQr.u. Tbt yTirxrlz,,.-^ ',i r.v: y..'^.\ H'r.rx i'n.: *^'l
other labour propoBri.:!* 'xtxwz. *tA rr.yr.r:..\:.*.j xt, .stc/;-. ^v^. m <!.:t.\t
■ did th* Com. Lapr*, B-i* "i*.i* t -'•v. .'.y-r/.^r. *.'.orr.'. wt-, r-v* 'i'*, .'./z
iBBept the dairn. waich it tJi^r-^'-'^i '.n *(".«.• '^.f.xt:' \f-,«cf. ,v.^'-'. ">.'.
hive dacuassd :itt»>e vitwrxr.r^H T-.rn -ii»*Mi r.'.iv«- 'i-.^i- v..- -iui .•/.A/.-.-^y
fed tia>si»:lT'>s ac ffia i~»".n ":ii»ni. im' wir i-.i* -.'.:'.-.»• vi*-.'i«',r-. ,-.j+^-</; /
nftrrng ^. If :&fi^ oa*:"* ut" '.ni.Tw.nfi ;t«»-; vi*.* m * *i«> v»«*«/', v.
de !«7pca!C -gyrtigc* um :i**ftii .t' Ji-im« .v*/:!* .tr.py mr. h.--
o*n. Wiar "aw^ suih: T"UTr .';. "ik lav* '^w vwi»» -.n v^^n mU't o*/ i*vj
obL E opser riu: riii«7 naf j«*f n&ifrrjmi;, 4V » v.-ior.n ami ^'»»'--
flii hac Seo UiUl^. "il**^ vil j:*-.. u- >. I<-r»:MAn «» •tmstlJi- .1. rti-; •••
CObU brCK' T^ XHT Trim, uir •.^:.--r' »<*?./.'. ■>' :.,• .-.i^:, r-.i,> K-.f >**.
a 3iir amni" i •.*-»*?' ■.•.»•• ii./i t.^ .sit-.» ,.- \-, *'.'.'. f ^i'> r f. '• <■
i at €USI. '.r.: ii-Lf'.:.^--:-. ; i ■■• i kt , :.i- ..'.-(■ /*. t
mit ir— Tswr.ir;;: s : ..>r>r t..-' ■ ;-.-.-. .-i .-•. r,.,..t >.-
r. I timiir T:;.srJ:.>r .:.. !.i.i\^ .-..-■,. •.-/•r.,..:. .^.■.-« --»
♦ .-'*- *
264
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
the least favourable circumstances, against a great aud powe
capitalist organization, has strengthened the hands of the oppoui
of an Eight Hours Bill more than anything which has happened f^
many a long day. If so much could be done by the poorest workM^^sa
enfeebled by their poverty, possessing at the outset, as the story of — th
movement, as we now know it, shows, no real organization, pre»> sai
from outside by competitors for their places, and devoid alike of ~*1m
high average of intelligence, and the accumulated resources which h_ avt
enabled other combinations to succeed, how much more may nob 2>*
done when the conditions are favourable to the labourer! Pul»/i^
sympathy is increasingly with hira. The extension of the franchi^^
has brought with it a far greater attention to his case from bot-^*
political parties. We appear to be approaching a time when it wi^
no longer be endured that labour should continue to be dealt mth
a commodity to be bought in the cheapest market, and used for th^
purposes of the dearest, without regai-d to the results to the labourer.
High profits and low wages are no longer allowed to go freely hand
in hand. The improvement which has, beyond reasonable question,
taken place in the past, in the status of those who work with their
hands, ahow^s signs, not of abating, but of largely increasing its rate
of progress. It may be that the Collectivist ideal of Marx and
Schaeffle will never be realized, but at least it promises to continue
an asymptotic limit towards which we shall ever be moving, along a
line to which no end can be assigned. But be it observed, that it is
not through interference from without that the worker has progressed
thus far. It is by the growth of his own intelligence, and by a more
determined reliance on himself. It has been said, that the curse of
the poor is their poverty. It would be e<iually little a truism to say,
that they begin to be well oiF when they cease to be badly off. Then,
for the first time, do they divert their attention from the immediate
necessities of their miserable condition, and gain the spirit and
resolution which the eflbrt to raise themselves in the social scale
requires. And it could be shown, were this the place to show it,
that the analogous rise of the middle classes to equality of opportu-
nity with the higher has takeu place along similar lines.
Few things are more striking than the rapid increase of sympathy
in this country with the Collectivist point of view. We feel it in our
pulpits as well as on our platforms, and it is thrust on us in oar
literature as well as in our daily Press, The fact is one to be
recognized and not deplored. Such sympathies can hardly fail to
do good, and gradually to bring about not only beneficial changes in
our laws, but higher conceptions of the duties of property. What we
have to resist is, not the tendency and the standard which is being
Bet up, but the desire of the hotter heads to accomplish in a short
time wKat can only be the result of a slow change. Nothing annoys the
iHb]
THE EIGHT HOURS QUESTION.
965
sitrMocialist party in tliis country more than to be told that their
9*m, if carried at once into effect, would import a fresh divide up
a Ae iuunediate future. But if the change were made suddenly,
ttd wifboat a corresponding change in human nature, surely oxpuri-
«B0? teaches us that the criticism is a just one. The French Revolution
Wftiined, for this very reason, a negative movement, and was attended
with many failures. The world was not ready for 1 lie only ciuiHtruc-
1m ide«5 which its later leaders had in their minds. Ijot UB not
btjiei the lesson. The growing demand for better distribution will
■Mt its reeponse outside the House of Commons, and will op»^raUi by
ihng^ the material on which that body has to work. But that
liiciiiil cannot be changed by Acts of Parliament, and while it
Mttins unaltered the duty of the people's men of business is to
icoognixe the fact.
Sm history of the world, and not lea.st that of our own country,
that time may bring about the greatest changes, and bring
ikm about by the gentled means. It may I>e that failure and
^B^ipoiotment would be t2>e ooBseqoenoee of an Eight Hours Act, or of
IbinuDediate inttx^duction of a ColIecthriBt systeia. But it does not
Mow. becaim such a policy will not saoceed, that the order of things
i^SBBitwhioiiitisdiret^ed will renuua, merely by reaooti ClMt tiie polkgr
4Bnoi reeerwd eSett. There warn % peood in wkidi the eoo&tvjr wm
tfadad with diaeaaNoas on the mantitr of cnttiiig off the bead* of
^■fL Thne has oome • period wben me aak oanHirea «^ether WB
iMdnot fay BOBB atarafce get lid of that nonopoiy of the naaaaaf
iniactMo whidt, at erezr tarn, oottfrenia the laboarar in the atnggle
to mae> hia cwnHitkai. Ike dmrnmi/mm Wve oeaaed ia A» §aft «Mt>
Ihe poiai ia no loagg • laartiaal one. Aad ao it aagr be wiA IIm
■^ yet he Bo wtiMtMly te
the otkfv the ehawe Mr «
and
S. B. HaiJmw^
flbattihwartiiiFwti
^Qtmt Britain hw
«rl^lliel
K to be
»4r<ke
<ftfca».aty<
viti ai«
It h, 4i
iletlae<
>4H.^^
PHILOSOPHICAL BUDDHISM IN TIBE^
THEY who may have gathered their notions of Buddhism from
Sir Edwin Arnold, or from the Esoteric ecstasies of a Theosophist
novel, would hardly recognize their romantic faith, we fear, when
observed in that vulgar field of operation — daily life and practice.
In the sacred land of this religion, in Tibet, both the philosopher and
the ploughnaan are to be met with, equally earnest in their respective
patha of the " Doctrine '* ; but, alas ! nothing in their faith or doings
seeiuB to correspond with the ideas we had preconceived upon the
subject. The creed, which we were told had succeeded in marrying
Science to both Mysticism and Poetry, appears before us in its coarse
particulars. The philosopher is found to be a most uiiwashen and
most uniwetical idler, who has never put the same interpretation on
the doctrinal phrases of his books wliich his English admirers have
painfully attached to them. The ploughman, too, is a most obstinate
pagan, who has heard, in truth, of the great Kyapgon and the goddess
Dolma, but knows nothing of Shakya-muni or Nirvana or karmn.
If you were to broach to them the theories of Esoteric Buddhism,
both would certainly declare that the Kueho was a monstrous learned
gentleman, but his notions seemed to be neither those of the lx>oks
nor those of daily observance.
Nevertheless, the Tibetan form of Buddhism oomes direct from
ancient India, and may claini to be as deeply philosophic as when it
was taught and preached in Prakrit vernaculars in Magadha and
Pitalipura. In Tibet, more minds, more lives, more money, more
ceremonial, more book-learning and book-writing, are devoted to the
study and service of Buddhism— nay, infinitely more — than in any
other country at the present day. Yet it may, without hesitation, be
roundly asserted that the Buddhism of moat modern European writers
J
i«93] PHILOSOPHICAL BUDDHISM IN TIBET.
257
CO the subject is not the Buddhism, past or present, of Tibet — nor,
indeed, of any other Eastern land.*
How THE Doctrines wehe Bevealed.
All the teaching and precepts of his religion are comprehended by
tli« Tibetan Buddhist under the inclusive term Cnnos (pronounced as
It IS spelt in Ladak, but in other parts of Tibet sounded more like
«*^). But how was this Chhos lirst revealed to mankind ? Tlie
ronoeptiou of the early propounders of the faith seems to have been
lliat their reli^on was an entirely new thing, first made known almost
ui their owti time by Buddha Shakya-t'ubpa, ■who, according to received
chronolog)', probably lived circa 350 B.C. However, when treatises
CO the subject came to be elaborated in the early centuries after
Christ, the Oriental love for piling up the ages and dating everything
from infinity to infinity had to be gratified. So the Chhos revealed
bv Sliakya-t'ubpa was averred to be new only as regards the present
Mpa or age in which we are now living. Kalpas or ages innumerable,
of varying lengths, but mostly lasting eight to ten thousand years, had
codored and passed awa}' before the present era set in. Now, in
«ach of the three ages previous to our own, it was taught that a
different Buddha appeared, and instructed mankind then existent, and,
imleetl, all living creatures, in those self-same doctrines which Shakya-
J'ubpa had revealed in the current period. Later writers, however,
did not stop here ; but were fain to carry the date of the first appear-
ance of a Buddha on earth back to earlier times still. They assigned
omilar teachers, therefore, to the three epochs preceding the last
X\iTw ; and thus declared Shakya-t'ubpa himself to be the seventh of
the earthly Buddhas. Meditoval mysticism, nevertheless, was not
contented with these, and has enlarged the number to 1000, inventing
names for each one of them, Many of these, however, have yet to
i^ipear. But all the systems agree in teaching that at least one other
Baddha has in any case now to come, who will complete the revelar
tion of Chhoe made by his predecessors. The doctrine of the Buddha
to oome is not found in religious books written previous to the
■erenth century A.D. His name in Sanskrit works is Maitreya ;
and by Tibetans he is styled Jhampa {Biiamspa\ " The Loving One,"
In the temples and monasteries of Tibet we find frequently effigies
•nd paintings of the seven human Buddhas, However, we may
Kmark that the term " Buddha " is hardly known in Tibet, and
* We mnat except from our sweeping statement the Bnddliists of Ceylon, who.
Ilhnkily enmigh, in recent years, have permitted EnropeanH to Te-tGach them tbcir old
ilBD itt lu newly developed form a» interpreted by Christianized modes of thought.
Ibtj }Mra ago the ^Sinhalese priesthood were intensely illiterate; but prcBently
luOpCMIl M^iarship broaght about u revival of Icaminiz' in native circles. However.
Ikt Vaddliism now imbibed was really a foreign importation — the product of the
i^ianknu (pecnUtiona and mitdnt-crpTetationiJ of European students.
258
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Ytu.
never used by the populacp, Sang-gye, Chomdende, or Chowo
Rimiwclihi!, being the colltxjuial names carrent. Sang-gye (" The
Increase of Purity") ia the correct apppUation ; and the Tibetan
names of the seven Sang-gye are :
I. Bnam-par Gzigs : " He who saw through and through."
II. Gtsug-tor-chan : " He who had a crest of fire."
;in. Tams-chad Skj-ob : " The Preserver of All."
rV. Kor-bn Jig : " The Dissolver of the Ronnd of Life."
V. Gser-t ub : " Golden Might."
VI. Od Srnng : " The Guardian of Light."
Vn. Shakya-t'ubpa : " The Mighty Shakya."
The Age of Literary Buddhism.
One commonplace error deeerves here si>ecial mention. People
have been deluded into assuming most exaggerated notions con-
cerning the antiquity of Buddhism. Certain of its leading doctrines
are indeed ver)- ancient ; but they were borrowed from Bralmiinism,
which was itself but an Oriental variety of the speculative meta-
physics of Greece and Egypt. Buddhism in its developed form, as
it is presented to ns in its sacred treatises, is really comparatively
modern. Professor Max Miiller, a decided partisan, frankly admits
that the art of writing waa not introduced iuto India at least until the
first century before the Christian era. The earliest lucubrations
never pretended to detailing anything like a statement of facts in the
life of an individual founder of the Buddhist faith. It was only
gradually that the lay figTires, upon whom the philosophy of the
system had been draped, were put forward in books which certainly
were written after the Christian era had opened. The.se figures were
by degrees merged into one pre-eminent personality — the Shakya-
mnni, whose life is portrayed with a certain amount of fitful detail in
such works as the Lalita Vistara and Abhinishkramana.
Brief Biography of the Last Buddha.
The Tibetan canon, following similar statements in Chinese works,
seenus to make the last Buddha a contemporary with King Aaoka,
who flourished circa 240 13. r. At any rate (in Kangyur, § Mdo,
book xxviii.) that king, as a lad, is made to meet Buddha in his earthly
existence begging alms in the mendicant capacity. We need not,
however, emphasize this point, as most of onr schemes of Indian
chronology are the result of pure speculation, and rest on data derived
from Indian authors, who are proverbially destitute of the chronological
faculty.*
* Even King Asokii's date, as supposed to be fbced br the inscription on the jVlla-
babad Column, ia not beyond suspicion. There wo read what are alleged to be the Pali
Domes of certain contemporaries of Anoka ; but these Pali synonvm.s are only genedc,
not indiviilaa,}, and might apply to later monarchs with the aame dynastic names.
4%]
PHILOSOPHICAL BUDDHISM IN TIBET.
259
The family name of this Buddha of oar own age was Gaatama, the
name by which he ia commonly known in Burmah at the present day ;
and his personal name was Don-dub (Sanskrit, Siddharta). However,
belonging, as he did, to the royal race of the Shakyas, his usual desig-
nation is that of Shaky a-t'ubpa (Sanskrit, Shakya-muni), or Shakya the
Mighty. In his human capacity he was the son of one Za-tsang-ma,
King of Kosala, and of Gyu-t'ulraa, his wife. He was bom in the
province of Oude in North India, at the city of Serkyd-i-dong (Sanskrit,
Kapihirastu). The elaborate legends of later writers, however, aver
his conception in his mother to have taken place through the
nuracnloua entry into her side of a six-bodied elephant ! The mother
having died in child-bed, the young prince's early education was con-
ducted by his annt, who likewise acted as his wet-nurse. In due time
he had bestowed upon him a wife, whose name was Sa-ts'oma; and
presently he thought fit to take unto himself a second spouse, bearing
thp name of llag-dzinraa. A son was bom to him, who received the
appellation of Da-chen-dzin (Sanskrit, Rahula) ; and all things prospered
with the young father, as became a prince full of power and pleasant
oocnpation. He devoted himself both to gaiety and to royal sports ;
bat every now and again problems concerning the object and miseries
cf human life obtruded themselves on his mind. At length an aged
Brahmin who haunted the palace-grounds began to instruct him in
iJie seeming realities of life, the illusion of all around him, and the
port which he was destined to play in the destiny of human affairs.
Finally, "having visited a \'ill8ge of jxiverty-stricken labourers, and
noticed how wretched was their existence from birth to death, be
resolved to abandon home and wife in search of the truth. He
quitted his father's palace, and spent years in wandering and meditation.
And thus, to shorten the story, he at length, after trial of various
pkaaes of asceticism and social communion, arrived at full knowledge
of the Cbhos, and conquered forthwith every desire for existence.
Bebg then deemed completely victorious, he became Chomdende
(Bhagavan), and practicaLy fitted for Nirvana. Next, so far as
caa be gathered from many confused narratives, the hero frequented
nriinia set localities, which he turned into his preaching places.
One place wis styled the Vulture's Peak, another was the pleasure-
ffirdcn of a king whom he had converted, and so on. His sermons
*•«♦ chiefly anecdotes of former Buddhas, with expositions of right
^bought and doctrine. Most certainly, however, not one-hundredth
pwt of what is ascribed to Buddha's personal utterance and regulation
»»» ever delivered by the hero himself. All the later writers, com-
poiiag treatises five hundred years and more after his demise, put
tfceir effusions and speculations as proceeding from the very mouth of
Boddba. In the end Shakya-t'ubpa retires to Kamampa in Assam,
te ' ■.:.d by thousands of followers, dies of spinal disease under a
ps i rcffi. Thus he enters Nirvana.
260
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Feb.
The T^VELVE Actions or Characteristics of a Buddha in the
Flesh.
1. Descending from the region of Dewachen,
2. Conception in the womb,
3. Birth from haman mother.
4. Exhibition of physical skill.
5. Marriage and conjugal diversion.
6. Belinquishment of family ties.
7. Penitential and ascetic exercises.
8. Conquering the demons.
9. Emerging to be Baddha.
10. Preaching 100,000 sermons.
11. Dying a calm and natural death.
12. Deposition of body in various parcels as holy relics.
Sometimes these characteristics are expanded, or rather sub-divided,"
into an enumeration of 125 fin-le, or acts.
Metensomatosis.
the hog the tape-worm — the crocodile,
There can be no proper appreciation of the elaborate fabric into
which the dogmas of Buddhism have been built up unless it be
remembered that one fundamental doctrine underlies their vfhole
position. The whole rosts upon a thorougli acceptance of the doctrine
of the transmigration of souls from body to body. Moreover, in
holding tliis principle, Buddhism asserts, at the same time, another
axiom — that between the souls of man and the lower animals there is
no essential distinction, except perhaps a generic one, th« body being
merely the temporary lodging-house of the soul. Buddha's offer of a
way of escape from the misery of life is expressly made to " all living
creatures," not to human beings alone. Such a principle naturally
follows from the transmigration theorj' ; and iu this the Buddhist is
more logical than the Hindu, from whom he has borrowed the idea.
To him — in doctrine, if not in practice — the lowest form of animal life
is sacred.
When a person dies, the aura of his merits and demerits, acting
one against the other, has naturally moulded his soul into a karnia,
which requires to be re-born into carnal existence, accompanied by a
body properly suited to the worth and the wants of such karma.
The hirma (or las, as it is termed in Tibetan) is, therefore j the psychic
development naturally ensuing from a man's actions and thoughts.
Moreover, the body proper to such new development of soul is not
only that which the soul has fairly earned in its last-terminated career,
but is even (he only vuderial form in which such a soul so shaped
amid make itself visible upon earth. The new body is merely the
1890] PHILOSOPHICAL BUDDHISM IN TIBET.
261
mode b which such a fresh development of soul must, as a physical
necearity, manifest itself in fleshly form. In a word, that new body is
;/'"- new soul looks when seen by vwrkd fyrs. A very pretty theory
md one which, we believe, has been acknowledged on respectable
BUtbority to be highly scientific.
'1 iwever, the sentiments, and especially the nuraerons illustrative
; i'tes, to be found in the books considerably modify the philo-
sophical exactitude of this theory.
Baddha Shakya-t'ubpa (though he be absorbed long ago into " The
Void"), the Three Holies (namely, Sang-gye, Chhos, and Ge-dun),
gods Lhai Wangpo Gyd-chyin (Indra), and particularly Chenrdisi
Iralokit^svara) and Dolma (Tara), the special protectors of Tibet,
re indefinite powers — according to the books — of changing, improving,
or making worse, the particular condition in which any living being
to l)e re-boru. Thus, in one narrative, an nnfortunate individual
a vision, in which he foresees his next appearance upon earth will
be m the form of a hog. He proceeds to bewail his fate with heart-
g and pithy word-pictures of what such a state of existence will
volve. ** Ah, me, a yard ! 0 horror, a sty ! O woe, to have to
OD dang all my days ! Alas for the seats of the gods and their
i^ty at the solemn assemblies ! " Hearing these lamentations, Indra
Is him to cry for help to Buddha. This he does j and,
happily, he finds his destiny altered.
Th^re is certainly a fine sense of retributive justice in the theory
jiich assigns a fresh life to a man strictly resultant upon his line of
.doct in a past career ; but the weak j>oint would seem to be that
in the new existence the soul is totally unconscious as to what
ught it into its degraded or higher condition. Its desires and its
are adjusted to its present state. There remains no recol-
of the Ufe just concluded or of those that went before. One
indeed, see a certain ingenious equity in the fate which in one
TibetaQ murative is meted out to a loose liver among the Lama
Entemity. He is adjudged to be bora npxt as a tape-worm in the
bowels of his mistress ; but, alas, how is that tape-worm ever to have
the chance of bettering its existence ? What instigations to higher
iiafl, what desires after purer morality can it ever acquire in the
•BteMl* of this fair, but frail, enchantress ? Nevertheless, were there
itowmbranoe of the fault in those subterraneous regions — the con-
mooioeaB that punishment was being inflicted upon one — who shall
^JK that even a tape-worm might not strive to govern its dark doings
^Hith abetinenoe and rectitude ?
^H I'mcttcally, however, we believe that the idea of the next life being
P^k pccoliarly repulsive one does, in even the sordid lives of Tibetans.
andw some wholesome control. One of the most munificent alms-
prvn at Taahi-lhampo at the present day is said to be a merchant
many years resided in Khams, on the Chinese border, mi^
262
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Fffl.
amassed a huge fortune by selling goods at nnfeur profit to the
pilgrims to a neighbouring shrine, as well as by usurious loans to
them. This rascal was visited one day by a Lama of unusual sanctity.
That worthy, having observed the roguery of the fellow's dealings,
succeeded in terrifying him in a very thorough manner. He declared
that he had had a vision in which it was revealed to him that the
merchant, in his next period of life, would infallibly be born as a
crocodile. However, he had also learned that charitable deeds durin|f
the remainder of his days might yet save him from the crocoilile
existence. The conserjuencea of that revelation have been aatisfactorv^
The repentant merchant for the last thirteen years has resided at
Shigatse, and has, ever since, distributed weekly a dole in money to
500 of the pooi-est and most deformed beggars outside the gates of
Tashi-lhumpo monastery.
There can be no question that the leading doctrine of Buddhism is
the theory of metensomatosis, and that without this doctrine as a
foundation the entire superstructure would be without fulcrum or
weight. All the preachments of Shakya-t'ubpa and the writers who
have invented his impossible 100,0U(J discourses derive their plausible
force from the cycles of miserablt? life asserted to be in store for
every living creature. Renegades from Christianity are eloquent with
their mis-statements of what their cast-otT i^iith owes to Buddhism.
Christianity, at li^ast, despised and repudiated this, the keystone and
soul of all Buddhist philosophy. But even this foundation doctrine
was borrowed by the Buddhists from the Brahminists, and by the
Brahmins in their tarn from the Greeks ; for no Indian philosopher
has been, or ever can be, anything but a plagiarist. Give him a
striking thought, yielding scope to his talents for innumerable and
useless re-arrangements, and he can indeed go on twisting a hideous
chain of iogeuious worlnnanship, reaching to inJinity. But he cannot
originate. He will 'jo on without stopping; but filari he cannot.
The Six Classes of Beings.
There are six orders of living creatures into which the transmi-
grating soul can be bom. They are classified iu descending grades
thus: — (1) Lha ; or potty gods. (2) Lhamayin ; or they who are not
gods, but are still higher than men, and rvre ever fighting with the
Lhii for a higher position on the sacred hill of heaven, Mount Sumeru.
They correspond to the Indian Asvran. (:3) Mi ; human beings. But in
many treatises ^^'e are told that all holy men, such as full Lamas and
hermits, rank with the Lhil. (i) Dhli-do ; properly only beasts, but
presumably including birds and other lower creatures in the present
classification, (5) Yi-dak ; gigantic beings hovering between earth
and hell, and, though not actually among the damne<l, yet living in
torment. They are represented with huge bellies and with bodies
some miles in length, but witJa tiny mouths, incapable of admitting
i%>] PHoosopmcju. si'DDmsa i\ rmKr. ^^m
aay bit Ihe nihwrteia; morsels of fctcni (t^) }\yiki.''Xcn^\Mtn iht^ fu^
laKfnti of tiie inftnul Tie«:ioiiis, who CAunot. n>i«;^n * lli};r^<^r iilMfm
The Mtsttkry of l.m\
Tlie recipe wliich 3iakya-tubp» is a1U\i;rfHl to hnw ^^wn t\^ tW
care of the schtowb and the pains to Iv fonnti in ovvrv li(<« (i^Km
abnoBt the fonn of a syllogism. This sylloji^imu, wliioU hiMi tHtou
wicRuIy quoted, may be thus arrangotl :
All Sorrow and Fain are the roault of MximI-imioo ;
All Existence is the result of Dosiro ;
llierefore, if all Desire be annihilAt«cl in tlio houI, Somiw niul I'niii
will no longer survive.
Accordingly, it will be seen that, in onlor to he rid nl' rttirnm itiiil
pMD, tiiere can be no remedy but to escapn from nxiNliinr'H, nr, nn iJio
Buddhist would frame it, from the orb of triiiiNitii^i'Hl.ii»rt, ftimi iJin
rnimtliTig circles of birth and ro-birth in which it hurt iMTDirm ninii'n
&to to be caught up and whirled rr>ijnd. Wh<fii lUn ilt^mrn fm-
eziitenoe, which is supposed to indnrjc all nthf.r <h'»ii-<'N, htm Imwh
completely oonqnered, then will man's nt,til hiinin «Mif.irn lUtUv^rnin'r^
from the burden of having to liv; ; it will (ia«!?. vj<:ty/n«>u«|y \ityitint
(^dum-idan^das)j and enter into th*; nuffrcintu:-/ »;•'! Hniiluuity »,S ii'/t
Being— of Nothingness — htp-pfA ir. *.':i':'::-*'.r\t^l\tnrt-xtt)(rsi/A'. of Sirvuitn.
Thus, theoretically, do^a th* phi>>«//;;hi.';si. »*/;*♦>/. ot '//f,«», J#/,|/J
ihoiild be the diief yrA:xr. ^A \\. *u^::Jkf.U/ri, nul V,/-, 4,vi m»/1 tt,tl
of ill his mgutid/m't.
XtxtiV-:. t: .re .V. > ■».»»,
Obe CHI w-*rll xnixtT* -iift reitir.n Wr -.ia *r. '.•«*. AiV.r.* '/ ^r. y,
M|Ual BiaaBalaa. ix-^i ipr-.n -:i,- t.-,qf,'.v.i- ',f.*xf,r ■•■ \ r ■«--,* »»» ■.%,-^
iltimite gcaZ 'c£ loi^ ^une^^rrn^r 'sr.ir. A.'iy ■,•'.•» •■ ■ i ■•-/ yy a^,f:> -/
MntiJ pKijuts. ■'ffgiw:aJ7 -:iar ru*^ n.ia.-.n .n«/ >i»- -;,jt.»>j' #■ •■»«»v..
tkeBodc&dK ir»«i ▼!» itar vjn *nri i^-':r,tv»ri r.. v.^'V-aci ■■rtt»t .i«.,
MsidBauTioii-JueiHtf tesrp* ■jr ianr-,iiv-»s H*-- Y.avp-:^ j -rtat -.»• •.»»*■.
jnUUlVUUlk .^*AC. _^ '» .'t.iii'iil !<'■ sa \ /-CT ti^'t Ji^''^-^^ <<-■ u ' /i»--.'i
ihr. JDSBUK.^ JanO*" r''i'- -'JWii :«••"> ■►•r"!! C 1--..I.;, •wAnci .ro
OSHBSmL'lC ul mrirsH ti..! '-.■■.r,'r„.-',t rr . r .rt\-- .r,t\ t*
iiiK inrinn l«r-»nsar-. .-.•■■. ■••c v.-jQaT,ri-- f' rJ. ^A.-.-i-.fti
"WjdiX "ill* Uttrrnj e---..>r. .-■■:- r ;.,-. • -.f^- ,r,. e .;- t^r,u:-
^MlimUS i-V'fS>,\ -.iT-j ..' ■•:a«»f . (^ •'.-•■.■' V.. trt.fj^
3iiiuuiiiE^ 'onttf ..'."'",?•.• .p-.-.- .J. v. .•-. ,rt.r, .A-..-^.
tar«>!? n .i- ^ ■' '■ ■■- .w»j r-- •••■ '
264
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Fib.
Notwithstanding, every on© who has associated with the oommon
order of persons in a Baddhist country will have discovered that
none save the bookworms have any notion of thu philusophical mean-
ing of Nirvana. The synonym for the state of Nirvana in theas
Tibetan language is Mya-tigan-las Das-pa, contracted colloquially intc»
Mifaitg-ddi or Nyang-dai ; and the exact signification of these worda
is, "the being delivered from affliction." Now, that is truly what tha
popular conception finds in Nyang-dai, or Nirvana ; not annihilation,
but only the fullest deliverance from all that is disagreeable in human
existence.
The philosophical definition of Nirvana is, as indeed is nearly all
else in the system, utterly inconsistent with other dogmas of the faith.
Thus we have Buddha Shakya-t'ubpa, who is supposed to have achieved
the state of Nothingness and Nirvana long ago, still spoken of as
taking the deepest interest in living creatures, and with so much of
feeling in his present disposition as to be accessible to, and even
influenced by, their prayers. In fact, the Buddha in Nirvana has
nearly taken the place of the Jehovah and the Theos in the Hebrew
and other faiths which existed long anterior to Buddhism.
Buddhism In\'exts a Supreme God.
In order to meet the difficulty ju8t referred to, and realizing the
contradiction involved in the notion of Buddha being in Nirvana, and
yet attentive to our prayers, in quite the later days of Buddhist
doctrine, a large party have formed a schism, and have invented
wliat is styled the Adi-Buddha theory. In this new system a heaven
ha.s been created, where the spirits of Buddhas and Bodhisattwas are
assembled previous to manifestation upon earth, or before absorption
into Nyang-dai. This region is named Dewachen, and it is presided
over by a supreme deity, who in Sanskrit is style^l Adi-Buddha, and
by the Tibetans is known as T'og-ma Sang-gye, or else as Kuuzhii
Snng-gye. The accessories of this unorthodox doctrine are very
obscure. The chief being is certainly prayed to by his votaries, and is
held to rule especially over a new set of Buddhas, who had previously,
by orthodox Buddhists, been considered as existent in the celestial
regions. Tliese celestial Buddhas are five in number, and under the
name of Dhyani Buddhas have been long and universally believed in.
For their origination, a single ray of light is said to have filtered ont
from Nyang-drd, where it had sprung from the essence of all the
Buddhas absorbed there, and on reaching the mansions of Dewachen
the ray created five Buddha-like emanations correspondent to the five
human Buddhas. The Dhyani Buddhas manifest the utmost interest in
the concerns of the world. Sometimes their interest seems to be shown
personally, bnt usually it is exercised by means of certain vicegerents,
PHILOSOPHICAL BUDDHISM IN TIBET.
265
I to each Dhyani Buddlia, who are desi^ated Dbyani BodJiisattwa.
I of these Bodhisattwas is Chenniisi, special protector and tulelary
of Tibet ; another is Jam-pal, who has taken Nipal under his
liar care. Personally the Bodhisattwa are saints who have
ttined to the position antecedent to Buddhadom, but they volun-
rilyfoTfgo the bliss of Xirvana out of philanthropy toward mankind.
The Five Dhvam Biujdhas, with xHEm Correspondent
BODHISATTWA.
liuddha. BodhitatUra.
L Rnam-par Nang-mdzad [Vairocbana] :
Kuntnzangpo [Snmanta Bhadra],
n. Mi-skyod Dorje [Akahobhya] : Dorje Chhang [Vajrapani].
IIL Dzinsten Jung-do [Ratna Sambbava] : Jampal [Manjiishri],
IV. Od-pag-med [Amitabha] : Chenniisi [Avalokitesvara].
V. Donyod Grubpa or Rnga Sgra [Amoghasiddha]: Unascertained.
I l«.B. — ^The Sanskrit titles are placed within brackets.
To Reach that Goal.
I To reach the ineffable state of Nothingness is, accordingly, in theory
long, long ambition which the true Buddhist carries with him
liiehout his circle of existences. He approaches it, he swerves, he
t»l!< back, h^ re-ajiproaches, is nearly there, loses a step, recovers ;
and finally, by a splendid epilogue of meditation and self-denial and
vnrenal benevolence, makes the ultimate flight beyond. There are
Ui numerical rules as to the multitude or fewness of the births to
hp previously undergone. There is no record of its having been
led in a single existence. Moreover, as it is impossiblt^ to know
any soul first entered on the round of transmigration, he who
•Mms to gain Nirvana at one boand may possibly have been bom in
nfinity previously. When a being has really made up his mind to
Midi Nirvana, he tuust attain by perseverance in the prescribed ascetic
rxcvciaes to the various settled grades of perfection. He has, it most
be notn], set himself apart from the ordinary mass of mankind, and
•tered the stream which flows from the external world to the port of
^Kiiarge from all being and existence.
TTiefB are four stagea of perfection defined by Tibetan Buddhists.
I. Gyiin-dhu Shfi-pa : " He who has entered the stream."
II. Len-chik Chhir Yong-wa : " He who comes back for one time
nwre " — i.e., he who returns just for one further period of
earthly existence,
in. Chhir Mi-yon g-wa: "He who does not return" — t.e., being
in the Bardo, or Dewachen, but not prior to birth, bat
waiting for admission to Nirvana.
266
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
IV. Da Chom-pa : " He who has conquered the en(?my " — i.(., <^:o^
quered existeuce and desire, and has become an ^rfe-^*'
or complete saint.
A Bdddhist's Meditation.
Attainment to the grades of perfection, and thence to sMntshi]
only to be acquired by the most complete abstraction from exte
objections and the profoiindest internal contemplation. This musfci Ij
persisted in for months — nay, if possible, for years together. Thn_a
the Buddhist hero gradually separated by his own earnestness ftxr
the world and its desires. He loses all notion of surrounding thina.
what we deem to be realities become to him sheer illusions. Notbi.i
ts, but the idea he has set before him.
This systematic meditation is donoted in Tibetan by the gen€»a
term Goia-pa^ but, as Jaeschke, the Moravian missionary, has set fox*:
there are held to be three degrees of this mental concentration.
(1) Ta-wa, or contemplation.
(2) Gom-pa, or meditation, properly so called,
(3) Chytj-pa, or exercise and practice.
Contemplation is defined to be that state which is deaf to m^
^louxids prevailing within one's hearing.
Meditation is that state which has no knowledge of the existene ^
of oneself or surrounding objects.
Exercise and practice are attained wIh'U all desire vanishes (fo^
the time) from the thoughts, and when even disgust and dislike o0
what a Buddhist ought to dislike no longer remain.
The actual modes of meditation are various. The commonest plan
is to place a small image of Buddha, or the relic of a saint, or even
the last letter of the Tibetan alphabet, before oue. You an^ to gaze
tixedly and immovably at this object, until everj' other idea is lost.
You continue lookiiig and drawing the object, aa it were, into your very
soul, until no impressions from the outer world seem to touch you. At
length you gain an absolute inexcitability of mind and deadnesa to
»ll that could impress you from without — a full absorption in the idea
of Nothingness, which Buddha is supposed to embody. This state of
mental inactivity is termed Zhi-lhak, and whoso acquires that con-
dition of mind has learnt the first lesson of Buddhistic holiness.
Observance of the moral laws, the Eightfold Path of Buddha, is as
nothing compared to the jiractice of Zhi-lhak. Any lapse from these
laws in ordinary life is amply atoned for by every occasion that
this abstract state is reached ; but he who is able to phmge himself
into mental vacuity, and, we might fairly add, idiocy, merely by his
own cflTort, unaided by any sacred object of contemplation, will soon be
♦»ndowed with Xgoi'duh^ or the supernatural powers of a saint.
m>]
PHILOSOPHICAL BUDDHISM IX TIBET.
267
Theiv are various species of saintly meditation. The different schools
of mysticism, such as the Du-kyi Kliorlo (Kalachakra), the T'eg-pa
iTileii-pii. and others, have each their own methods. In the^e 8yst^?ma
Bmak dired ions are given fur meditating on tlie inspirated, or else
(B tli« expirated, breath. They teach, for example, how, by dint of
lon^<oiitinned pi-actice, the power may be acquired of liolding back
Ik hnaih for an incri?dible length of time. By this inspiration the
liriisaid to be drawn from the lungs into the blood, flowing through
Ho veins near the heart styled ro-iiut and Lt/ct)u/-i)ia, and thence to
aitwB main conduit, the u-nm ,• whereupon a delicious feeling of
nniith, comfort, and uncommon lightness is experienced inside. This
process is styled *' Tum-po " ; and the Tibetan poet, Mila-n'ii-pa,
fflatcs several instances where the internal lightness and buoyancy
thi acquired has pennitted the operator to rise from the earth, and
to floftt for several minutes majestically in the air.
Another favourite device for compa.ssing the requisite depth of
inctioQ is to imagine some object known to be impossible in
p, and to survey that in the mirror of the mind's eye. The
ibie thing usually recommended for this species of meditation is
I BOW ON A hare's heap. Contemplate this, pray, from all points
viaw, likening it to what is grands noble, and yet Himple. "" In
says Milaniipa, '• it is like a king seated on a cushioned
I ; to the right it is as an ofScer waving a flag upon the hill-
, from the left it is as a lotus in the marsh ; from behind it is as
aus jewel of the Doctrine appearing from the ground " ; and
I forth. A Til^et^n poet can. hardly be devoid of imaginative genius
able to conceive pretty conceits upon this f)ne-homed and
jpoetici! lipust.
Bldluilst View or Virtie.
lio seek to instruct the general English reader in the
PiOl the Eastern creed make strong point.s in their expositions
vi the Four Noble Truths and the Eightfold Path to A'irtue. Those,
■owwer. who have had any practical acquaintance with the inner life
■riojttnions of native Buddhists of professed sanctity and genuine
iMraio^, Boon can enlighten the inquirei- as to the estimation in which
Ih* portion of the Doctrine is lield. Such saints rank the observance
« UM mere moral maxims as the poorest and least desirable of the
•MaininentB proposed to them. In fact, we have always luund that
•■y Bnropean investigators had seized on these moral precepts as
?""• of great price amidst the general dross of Buddhist maundering,
*^ ■eeoaplishgd Naljor-pa (Jogi) has hardly even known of their
^^cnmnce in bis lx>oks. The truth is that our Christian interpreta-
, of nut Word virtue incapacitates it and similar expressions from
268
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Fm.
being rightly employed in rendering what are supposed to be the
corresponding phrases iu Oriental literature. In fact, the highcat
manifestation of moral perfection amongst Buddhists is held to consist
in the power of performing feats of jngglery. One who possesses the
greatest virtue proves his claim thereto by the ability by which he can
make things seem to others what in reality they are not. This magic
power is styled Hzn-t'vl, and it does not imply the capacity to perfonn
substantial miracles, but, admittedly, the art of creating illusions sncb
as sliall bafHe all attempts at unravelment. Thus MilarAipa proves
his sainthood by appearing to fly up Jlount Tise astride upon a banjo-
shaped tambourine. He lies down, moreover, on Lake Ma-p'ang and
completely hides its waters with his body, and yet (it is distinctly
8tat«:'d) his body retains throughout the feat ita proper size.
The ordinary Tibetan does not seem to vex his soul much as to
what may be the next ts'c-rab, or period of existence, in store for him.
He believes that his actions now will tend to shape the condition in
which he is to reapjx-ar at his re-birth ; and therefore he who is of ft
sober frame of mind possibly seeks to influence the fate of the future
by rectitude of conduct now. But mere morality in his daily bearing
seems to him to be of much less power in developing his after-destiny
than tlie due performance of certain prescribed duties of a purely
mechanical nature. Moreover, even these perfunctory acts of the
ivgulation type are practised by him on account of blessings to be
derived in his present life, rather than because of remoter rewanls to
be realized hereafter.
The B.UIDO.
Between death and re-birth, a certain lap>se of time is held to be
necessary, and during that time the spirit of the departed exists in an
intermediate state. We say, the spirit ; but both the common and the
philosophical belief is that the spirit is always accompanied by an
immaterial body. Moreover, the spirit is clothed in this ethereal body,
not only while it is separated from the grosser earthly envelope, bnt
also during its various tenancies of material frames on earth. This
immaterial body is GifU-lus, " the body of illusion,"' and it passes into
the intermediate state, giving a certain form to the soul whilst there.
The waiting time previous to re-birth is termed the Bardo ; and to be
quickly delivered from the Bardo is the devout hope of every dying
man of the Buddhist creed. There are terrors in the Bardo, and they
aro said to be unspeakable. Even the Buddhi>t son] shrinks from what
is so near akin to non-existence : and yet he philosophically pretends
to labonr after the attainment of ultimate annihilation. Ah ! the true
80q1 of man is, ^er all, of one common aspiration. We k-i7/ exist
somehow, somewhere. Nothing can hold us back from individuality
and being. Even in Buddhism, annihilation has been invented, not for
popular belief, but only, like the theoretical meeting-point of parallel
iS^oI
PHILOSOPHICAL BUDDHISM IN TIBET.
269
iinrs ia matiieniatics, to give a symmetry to a system which otherwise
Tould have uo logical ultimatum or terminus.
It would seem that the holiest of men are not exempt from under-
guag the Bardo. Even the souls of the high incarnate Lamas, the
hads of the mighty monasteries of Tibet, who are the transmitted
isma of the greatest saints of Buddhist history, must stay there the
allotted interval previous to reappearance. Nay, the spirit of the
Teneiable Chenrdisi, a Jang Chhub Sempa (Bodhisattwa), which so
benevolently returns to earth to animate each successive Grand Lama
of Lhasa, endures the Bardo at eveiy fresh transmigration. This
period can never be less than forty-nine days, and may extend to
aereral months. Prayers are prescribed for the shortening of thia
intermediate period, the appraisement of which seems to rest with
Buddha Shakya-t'ubpa. Both the Bardo and thf prayers for its
»bbp?riation are among the improvements inti-oduced by later Buddhist
doctore, not earlier, certainly, than the eleventh century a.d. Not
oonatarally thuse and other points of resemblance between mediteval
Bcddhism and mediajval Christianity are claimed by several European
iheologiists as the result of the missionary enterprise of either the Nes-
torian Christians in the earlier centuries, or the Roman fathers in later
times. The Bardo and the prayers for its short duration are absurdly
analogous to the doctrinal teaching concerning purgator}^ But that
Christians could have derived their theories thereupon from Buddhism
is anqoeationably an historical impossibility. In the early Sanskrit
works this intermediate period is not once even hinted at.
Some Concluding Words.
T . parallel which Arnold attempts to draw between the life of
■ -: and the career of tlio Buddha is as unfoiind^^d in actual fact
■ it is chronologically and historically impossible. Christ's life, as
poitiBjed in the Gospels, had been given to the world long before the
mfmuiid editions of Buddha's career, including the supposed striking
pMiHel iacts, had been invented and put into writing. Max Miiller,
whofi^ disposition is to give a greater antiquity than justifiable to
eriTjfthing Sanskrit, confesses that the art of writing could not have
been known in India more than 100 years before the Christian era.
UoKt probably it was introduced even later. Now, the earliest
wxnmts of Buddha are so slight and unpioceable as barely to
indiTiilnalizo the hero as a distinct personality. Yi*t, on Max
MlllWg theory, they could hardly have been written more than a
hm jreuB previous to tlie Christian Gospels. Later and later writings
^adually evolve and drape with more and more substantial details a
ddb<^l ' ' out of the shadowy generalities of the earlier narratives.
kaH vs ..IV Sir E. Arnold wish us to believe his Buddha, stolen
bom Seydel the German, was shaped ? When were the works
«
270
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
lY&i
from which he has drawn his facta written ? Certainly not earlie
than the fourth century after Christ. The very nucleus of thi
Bnddha biography, giving it the utmost antiquity possible, as w
have seen, could hardly have appeared earlier than the dawn of th
Christian era. And every frank student of Sanskrit literature mua
confess that the enlarged biograpliies, such as that in the " Lali*
Vistara," evidently were written several centui-ies lat«r. If, the~
there exist these alleged parallels (as they were clearly in the cat
of Buddha put into form and announced in the Buddhist woe
some centuries after the Gospel narratives had appeared) it woi=:
seem pretty conclusive who were the copyists. Nay, if these paraLi,
incidents are to be insisted on, the Buddhist authors of the enlar^
biographies of their hero, it must be allowed, had certainly gci
opportunities for learning the facts of the life of Christ. The Syi-d
Chi'iatians — "the Christians of St. Thomas" — had been some ti^
settled on the Western Indian coast, in Travancore. when "t
later details were invented. K the most probable date of t
appearance of the greater Buddhist writings be taken, we might s.
that the ancient Syrian Church had then hold sway in Southern ar
Western India nearly 200 years, even if wc delay the formation of tB
Christian colony to so late a time as oOO A.n. Jloreover, the latte
would not lose any opportunity of circulating their tenets.
But, a.s a matter of fact, there is no analogy in the leadiv^
occurrences of the two lives. OXE is a carpenter's son who passe
thirty years of His early life in the round of daily toil in a provindi
viDage. He is never married ; leads an active life of practici
temporal as well as spiritual benevolence ; His doctrines are despise
and unsuccessful during His life ; and He dies a cruel and disgraced
death. The othek is a royal prince, living, in bis father's palace :
the metropolis, a life of ease and pleasure ; some accounts allegii
immorality even, and dissipation. He is thrice maiTied, and has al;
a son. After his conversion and perception of the truth, he leads, c
the whole, an inactive meditative career j does nothing for the me.
temporal relief of his fellow-creatures, believing all earthly comfort ar
help to be illusions. His doctrines are received with acclamation evf
by kings ; and he finally dies a natural death, lamented by thousand
and buried with honours.* Any such general comparison makes tl
minor likenesses of petty det-ails lose all their significance.
Another point which the ordinary reader deserves to have mac
clear to him is this. The original Buddha of the Buddliist religio
and of the ancient Buddhist classics is certainly not the Buddha t
Sir Edwin jVmold, or of your modern convert, to poetical Buddhisn
Tlie Buddha of European and American enthusiasts is quite a fancifi
creation of their own. It had uo existence in either facts or do(
PHILOSOPHICAL BUDDHISM IN TIBET.
271
in the minds of the original inventors and propagators of tbt'
[old religion.
The truth seems to be somewhat this. We have all of us been
ibraight up from the earliest childliooJ in an atmosphere saturated
llrilli Christian teaching. We may have been directly tauglit, and
[♦v«n personally touched, by Christian doctrines and their practical
ilication in daily life. On the other hand, we may have had little
instruction on such subjects, and religion may never have made
Ji conficious impression on our character. Yet, for all that,
rtrther the teaching has been earnest or superficial, every European
hu been bred up in a society permeated with the results and feelings
centuries of Christianity have given rise to. Humanitarianism,
f, self-denial, purity, are all of them the offspring of Christianity,
»ve come to be recognised even by the irreligious and worldly
uglj and noble things, and as essentially part of any religion. Thus
I every man born and brought up in England, unconsciously or con-
potiily, possessed of a mind impregnated with such preconceptions
feelings, His cast of thought is insensibly moulded by Christ's
ching, however much lie may befoul with his lips the old faith now.
so it comes to i>ass that when he fain woidd discover or make
' liimaelf a religions hero or a god, he cannot help endowing him
M the qualities and attributes which are inseparably asaociated in
' soul with a spiritual Ideal.
Apply this line of thought to modern Buddhism. There we find
*t the translators of Sanskrit works on the subject, who have had
Christian antagonism for the creed they concern, have yet had,
it were, minds evolved out of Christianity i^ well as Christian
ainiscences, and have rendered expressions and sentiments in a
and ideal manner, which the Ea.stern originals were never
led to convey. Even renowned scholars, like Rhys Davids and
iberg — generally dispassionate and unsmitten with any taint of
new eclecticism — cannot help being l«"d away in this direction.
Meanings are given to words and doctrines such as would occur to the
Quistiftn-trained mind, Ijut they are such as the Buddhist author and
Orientftl reader would neither conceive nor, uniustructed, understand.
tinui, likewise, has the Modern Buddha been created. He has been
dowed (by the unscrupulous partisanship of new converts), either
ilfally Or unconBciously, with the character and sublimity of the Christ
ibeir old faith. Accordingly, it comes to paas that the hero of this
»ad dilettanti religion is not the old Bhagavan and Shakya-niuni
Indian conception, but a mystic hybrid, a modern ideal deity,
* taidful impossible Christ-Buddha, ingeniously comprftmised, but
Mistent. f
Gbaham Sakdberg.
RECOLLECTIONS OF A VOYAGE WITI^^
GENERAL GORDON.
DURING the early part of the year 1882 General, then Colori*
Gordon, was stationed in tlie Jtauritius Barracks, in commt
of the troops there. Just at that time the troubles in Basntoland we/
gathering to a head, and threatened to culminate in another nati?
war ; and Colonel Gordon had commnnicated the wish that he shonlc
be allowed to proceed to the affl-cted region, and use his influence
bringing about an amicable settlement of the awkward difficulty which
had presented itself. Gordon's offer was accepted, and tlio EngUsh
mail, which arrived at Mauritius on the 3rd of March, 18S2, conveyed
orders to him to proceed forthwith to Cape Colony. Those who have
studied Gordon's character will readily understand the extent of Lis
anxiety, that he should at once, and without a moment's unneceasaiy
delay, carry out the injunctions of the order ; but tJie probability of
delay did present itself. At that time the facilities for passing
between Mauritius and the Cape were verj^ inadequate, and Gordon
at once perceived that to wait several weeks for the next passenger
steximer would mean the retarding, if not indeed the ruin, of his
mission. The commander of the Ever Victorious army hated procras-
tination, and he detennined now, if it could possibly be done, to over-
come the difficulty and prevent delay.
In the Mauritius harbour there lay a small trading schooner of 300
tons burden, named the Scotia* and, on inquiry, Gordon was informed
that thifi tight little cmft would proceed in a few daya to Cape Town.
This was Ilia chance. Ho at once communicated to the captain of the
Si'otia his intention of joining the ship and of proceeding with it to
its destination. The communication came as a surprise to all on
*[ The Scotia ■was then, anrl is now, commanded hy Captaiu Wm. Duncan, Eis^ton-
Oii-Siwj, ilorayshire.
^
A VOYAGE WITH GENERAL GORDON.
273
baud, and the captain's wife (who sailed with her husband)
w«s exceedingly perplexed that no time was left to make more
idefiuate preparations for the distinguished passenger ; for the SiMtia,
t sn&U vessel, fully manned, had no pretensions to offer either the
BHal comfort or the ordinary conveniences of a passenger boat, and
the reception of the military magnate must therefore be of the
httiableat, if of the kindliest, description. In a diary of the voyage —
I wkicli the writer has had the advantage of perusing — and under date
V'"' I, the following entry is made: — "At i P.M. a letter came
;■- ?ay that Colonel Grordon (Gordon Pasha) was going as passenger
jwiti M to Cape Town. It took us all by suqiriae. We felt rather
tpatout at having a passenger at all, and more especially such an
[ulustrions one. However, wo have to make the best of it."
Tlie Colonel informed the captain of the Scotia that he would
w OH board at a given honr in the afternoon, and, by the time
on, such preparation.s as could be made for his reception
Completed, The afternoon wore into evening, however, and
• evening into night, aud still the distinguished passenger did not
The captain and his wife concluded that the Colonel had
ilHDg«d bis mind, and were just making everything snug for the
M when, close on midnight, a stealthy step was heard ou deck,
aext minute, the missing one presented himself at the cabin-door,
ipologized heartily for neglecting to keep his engagement, and
to explain the reason of his lateness. On its becoming
he said, that he was to leave Mauritius in a couple of days,
' military comrades and many private friends had resolved to make
the sabject of a parting demonstration. '' Tliis sort of thing "
^heartily detested; and, in order to shun the ordeal of being lionised,
fe had ir&lked into the country a distance of some twelve miles, and
•Itere secreted himself till darloiess fell, after which he walked
^*dt again to the town, and from thence to the Scotia. No wonder
tint the captain and his wife were somewhat amused at the explana-
0»' This little incident, however, did much to reveal the man, and
^d«d to popularise the stranger in the eyes of his host and hostess.
For fta hour he talked lightly, and seemed to derive much enjoyment
»|the fact that he had succeeded in escaping the honours his
i wished to bestow on him. With that peculiai* aptitude which
men have for making all those around them feel happy
^ease, the Colonel, even before he retired to rest that night,
rly established himself as a favourite with all on board ; for
hf waj! B man who, as the captain put it, " sternly resisted all fuss."
Early on the following forenoon the sliip was besieged by visitors
rto CMse to bid the Colonel (jod-speed. They by no means
N^BcWDted only the " uppjer crust " of Mauritius society, but included
taaj in the middle and lower class of life to whom, at one time or
274
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEIV.
othfr, Gordon had shown kindness. In connection with this receptio
of visitors, an incident occtrrred that went still further to the revealin
of Gordon's gentlemanly disposition. Late in the aft«>moon a laoi
coated officer from the barracks — a personage of '-high degree "-
strode on deck, with that air of hauteur which, alas ! tliose bearing h
Majesty's commission so often display in intercourse with the mercha-
marine. Without deigning to lift his cap to the captain's wife, w
happened to be on deck, or even stopping to exchange compliments wi
the captain, he, whisking his cane in quite a lofty manner, aslc
curtly : " Is the Colonel at home ? " Gordon, who saw the whole p~3
ceeding, emerged from his place on deck, and drDy exchanged civility
with the officer, whose manner had suddenly become quite ingratiati'm
Tlu' interview was a brief and fonnai one, and, when the digni£
young oflaoer stepped down the gangway, Gordon stepped up toS
captain and his wife and offered a sincere ajwlogj' for the bad mancft
displayed by his lust visitor. When he had done this, he took occasi
to remark that, had his command at the barracks not come to
end, he should certainly have deemed it his duty to tell the haug-l:
fellow what he thought of his breeding. "'He had no more rigli
he said, " to corae on board your ship and act as he li
acted than the occupier of tht» ]*.rit,ish throne would have to enl
the private house of any of her subjects, and demand to be shop
through its rooms, without first securing the consent of its ownec
'Hvis incident, slight as it may appear, seemed to give tlie Colons
mucli puin, for nothing ofieiided him more deeply, or called forth la
jntligtial ion more efiectually, than the witnessing of an ungentlemani
aetion of any kind. ^
Gordon's love for children was somewhat akin to a passion, H
several of the Mauritius boys and girls, on whom he had been accui
toined to Ijest/iw — what were always at his command — a kindly smil
and an oncouraging word, came on board the ship to bid him goo^
bye. One little lad, in whose welfare the Colonel had taken a vei
8|)ocial interest, came among the rest, and was introduced to tl
caj>tain and hi.s wife as *' My pet lamb/' The child brought wit
him a parting gift for his benefactor, consisting of a couple of bottle
of sherry, and these he presented shyly to the great soldier. Tl
Colonel thanked his favourite very warmly for the gift., and the
parted from his *' pet lamb " in the most affecting manner. Tl
b<ittles of sherry wer^ not uncorked, nor was a case of champagi
that he received as a parting gifl from his friends disturbed dnrin
the voyage, for Gordon's habits were of a strictly temperate natxur
and it was only on the rarest occasions that he could be induced (
taste stimulants.
The Colonel's luggage, which was of a very meagre descriptioi
was easily stowed, the only bulky item of it being a large and Ter
3] A VOYAGE WITH GENERAL GORDON.
275
hncfj box, addressed " Colonel Gordon," and with the word '* Sta-
tiaaery " printed in large cliaractera on the lid. The captain was
Bitanlly mcch exercised as to how and when his illustrious passenger
intended to consume such a tremendous supply of writing materials,
bnt the real (wntents of the box were, as yet, a secret.
On the 4th day of April the anchor was weighed, and the voyage
to the Cape begun. The wind was at first light, but on the following
|4jj"aswell prevailed, and Gordon, who always admltlL'd he was a very
sailor, had to draw on his heroism to support him under mal dc
er. In short, ho utterly failed to keep up ; he fell sick, and was
iJuctantly forced to remain below. Indeed, it was while he was yet
Bring severely from the horror of sea-sickness that he became a
rneral, for, under date April 6, we find this entry : " Yesterday we had
a Colonel oa board ; to-day we have a General, for this is the day of
vox passfinger's promotion. He does not seem to attach much
onpoftance to his honours." For the next day or two (.-xcellent
•*4er prevailed, and the General's health and spirits improved pro-
portionatply. He was a great smoker, aud, seated in a big easy-
d«a»r. which had Ix-en placed on deck for him, enclouded in cigarette
«Doke. he would &it for hours during the heat of the day, and talk
tt tLe most entertaining manner. At nightfall he would, when in the
Jminonr for it, keep the watch company on deck, and wliile away thy
toQimn by drawing liberally from his never-ending fund of stories,
md ve^ry occasionally he would touch on his own past history and
future prospects. He shrank from all appearance of self-laudation,
•DU svonld never encourage questions that would involve him in
DJtliingof the kind. In the cabin, of a night, he would often
^ his conversation to flow forth in a swift and unbroken current.
*a8 jiis talk ever frivolous. Many times, indeed, his manner
BUS, and even solemn, and often he would sit for hours silent,
apparently deep in thought.
■According to the diary, the Gene ml possessed one theme on which
specially delighted to speak. Under date April 8, appears the
uowin^ somewhat remarkable passage : —
''The (jt-neral was very talkative this evening, explaining to us
pet theory — viz., that the Seychelles Islands, which aie situated
'the north-east of Madagascar, are the site of the Garden of Eden !
D* gave many reasons for thinking so— one being that there was a
fonnd there that is not to be found in any other part, of the
This, he is conGdent, is the ' Forbidden Tree ' ! It is called
Coco-de-Mer, or ' nut of the sea," and has many peculiarities. The
i» shaped like a heart, but, with its hosk taken off, it is like a
I'a Uidy from the chest to tht« knees. To raise a tree, he ex-
i«l, a unt is laid on the ground and covered with leaves. By-
•bjr, a shoot comes out and runs along the ground, and, when about
276
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[fb
twelve feet long, it takes i*oot. Tlie root is iu the I'orin of a bn
four feet in diameter. The tree itself grows to the height of Ow
liundred feet, and is only about nine inches thick. It is forty-sev
years old before it beaj's fruit and its nuts grow seven in a banc:
from the end of the exteuded arm, each weighing perhaps forr
pounds. They take seven years to ripen. The leaves are twenty-:^
feet long and fourteen feut broad, and can bear a man's weight ! ^
must, indeed, be a wonderful tree." ^M
Many times during the voyagt-. in conversation during ~^
evening, Gordon would revert to this pet theor}'. But, thog
he would sometimea become quite eloquent over the subject,H
argUTuenta hardly persuaded the other occupants of the cabin ;
captain, a sound-headed Scotsman, '• thinking to himself that if
theory was a correct one, then Eve must have experienced considers
difficulty in getting tlio ' apple ' conveyed to her husband." S
In connection with this eccentric idea, so firmly believed in"
Gordon, let me mention a peculiar and somewhat remarkabh' incid^
as given in the captJiin's own words.
" One morning,' said the master of the Scotiu, ^' I was work:!
upon deck when, in his usual polite manner, the General camo ai
asked me to give him a hand in moving the largo trunk marked ' Sfc
tionery,' which had, up till this time, occupied a place in his rooa
I went. He merely wished its position reversed — that is, il
address side turned toward the wall, so that he would not, as h
said, see that imposiug word * Stationery ' meeting his eye ever
time be ascended to (he deck, or descended from the deck to the cabin
He did not yet tell me what the mysterious box contained, but, som
days later, he informed me that he wished to put its contents int
less space, and respectfully asked me to help him. The case wai
after some difficulty, opened • and judge of my surprise when, instea
of books and papers, as I expected, there met my eyes a great nun
ber of equally-cut pieces of wood, arranged with the greatest possibl
care, and almust filling the large box. The General, perceiving tn
surprise, speedily explained to me that this was a treasure he prize
more highly than all his personal belongings, ' for,' said he, suddeni
becoming serious, * this is the wood of the Coco-de-Mer, the " Foi
bidden Tree." I beard,' he continued, ' that there was ut one titn
seen in Mauritius a cht-st of drawers mjuln of this wood, and, thoug
its discovery cost me protracted search, I at last came across it i
a second-hand upholsterer's shop. I ]mid a good price for the old an^
rickety piece of furniture, and depend on it, I would not have \o§
the rare opportnnity of possessing a quantity of this most valuablifl
woods — not for any sum.' " ^*
He afterwards presented the captain's wife, as a mark of thi
greatest favour, with a piece of the wood which he so much cherished
iSgo] A VOYAGE WITH GENERAL GORDON.
27
Itadlkt, together with a pair of ostrich eggs which he gave her, as
[ ft keepsftke, on his leaving the Scotia, are now preserved by her with
I the greatest care and veneration.
A certain and considerable portion of every day was sot aside by the
I General for reading. The mail which brought the orders for him to
JBOceed to Sonth Africa also broaght a month's daily papers — the
JVwoi, the Standard, and the Daihf Nfica — in all nearly a hundred
ifRat sheets. These, which he took with him, he read with the
Igieab^ eagemes.s and care, and the rapidity with which he read sur-
Cproed those on board. Not a single item, however tri-vial, escaped his
ttotioe, uid of this he gave proof when giving of an evening what he
all*^ "a digest of the news budget." The newspapers exhausted, he
tickled the captain's library, which happily was of considerable pro-
jpKtions. Nor did he seem to have any particular fancy for any
lipecial kind of literature. Astronomy, navif^ation, history, geography,
1 whatever else came lirst to hand, seemed to be 0f[ually acceptable to
iuc mind, for he read the books as eagerly as he had done the news-
ptpers. He undoubtedly possessed, too, the enviable faculty of ini-
prtmg to those around him the knowledge he derived from his read-
J, and his stock of infonnatiou was as varied as it was accurate.
the captain and hie wife bear testimony as to that, declaring
to sit and listen to his conversation on any subject, that lay near
hearts was indeed a pleasure which they appreciated very highly.
llyon philanthi'Opic questions would be speak with the gi-eatt^st
sm and earnestness, and then it was that the tenderness, and
lB]gwie88 of his heart were manifested to the fullest degree.
Wlea a little more than a week's sail from Mauritius, the wind rose
♦mldenJ)", and, as suddenly, a dark cloud passed over tho Geiienirs
buoyancy, for he had a wholesome dread of a stormy sea. The higher
the waves reared themselves the lower sank his vitality, and the old
nem, Ma-aickness, again attacked him without mercy. He re-
coTwed, however, in a few days, and was soon able to move about.
'■The General is better,'' says the diary, "but as he ia vfry positive,
and would sit on deck during the rain, it is to be feared that he will
be ill to-tnorrow." The prophecy, alas ! proved to be only too true,
nd daily Gordon's health went from bad to worse, aa this entry will
ihow:—
"Our guest has been very .sick. He is still suffering, and all the wliile we
kftTthiul corapamtively fine weather. It is hani to snv what will be<'0]]ieof
kuB whftu it is rough. He is not improving' in heiilth, far less in spirits.
Btdmra to be. lainlnl at tht first, port u>e reach ! It is surpri-siiifj tliat hi; has
!■< httrt ao soon. How many kinds of couiiige there must be ! This great
•Idiermust have nmlergone many hard.ships anil seen much .siekne.-vS durinii
«• tfgrols in Africa. Besides, hLs life in China was not till ease an<l
••wtnew."
Despite careful nursing his case grew worse, and his suffering and
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
misery were described by himself as " far more severe than he
ever during his lifetime experienced, either at home or abroad,"
often he repeated his determination to go on shore at the very
port the Scotia reached, and, one morning, after a sleepless ni
sickness, ho called the captain to his bedside, and offered him £
he would make for land with all possible speed !
Bat, under date of Wednesday, April 13, wo meet this encou
ing entry : " Tlie General is better, and is getting on splendi<3
Again, the captain said, his free and ea.«;y manner returned to ]
his meiTy laugh and cheery word could be heard both fore and'
and his cigarette-case, which had remained untouched for a we$
more, was ngain often appealed to. He had a great love for nau
erpressions, and used to vie with the crew in his frequent use of 1jl
The most ordinary story he made amusing by padding plentifully 1
these. In those bright days, after he had mastered tlie sickneal
became happier than ever, and he took delight in jwking fun ai
around him. He had his big armchair taken on deck, and pll
alongside his hostess' work-table, and there he would sit for b
together, with his favourite cigarette between his lips, intently rea<
But often he would lay the book on his knee and, as he puffed tobi
smoke vigorously froin his mouth, his mood would suddenly chaj
his eyes would assume a " far-away " expression, and there for an
he would sit almost motionless with his gaze Used on the sea.
strange fits of absent-mindedness would often overtake him, even
in the midst of conversation with his hostess, and after a le
interval of unbroken quiet, he would, by an apparent effort,
from his day-dream, and talk lightly as before.
Late ono beautiful evening lit' and his hostess were sitting toj
on deck, he smoking, and she sewing. Tlieir conversation
changeabli^ as the breeze that flapped the topsails overhead.
General talked of the perils he had come through when, some
before, he commanded an expedition in search of the som*ce of the
nf his friends and home ; of hia wanderings and privations in diffii
f|uarters of the globe ; and of the momentousness of the task h©
now on Ids way to attempt to perform. Suddenly and unexped
the conversation turned upon the subject of matrimony, and his hoi
ventured to ask why he had never married. For some secoudsi
General smoked in silence, and then, speaking slowly, said : —
" I never yet have met the woman who, for my sake, and ]>erbaps
moment's notice, would be prepjired to siicrifice the comfortH of homi
the sweet isociety of loved ones, ami ncroinpany me whithei-soever thedi
of duty might lend — accompany uw tu the ends of the earth per]
would irtand by me in times of danger and difficulty, and sustain me in
of hardship and perplexity. Such a woman 1 have not met, and b
one alone could be my wife I "
li9D]
A VOYAGE WITH GENERAL GORDON.
279
Ik answer was as brief as it was emphatic, and the topic of
is«trimony was not further touched npon.
Where sickness prevailed Gordon never stood inactive. Several of
crew of the Scotia suffered from illness, and they were his especial
OK. He gpoke kindly and cheeringly to the poor fellows, and either
mi to them himself or saw that they were supplied with literature.
They were the first he asked after in the morning and his last care at
.light. He had pet names for several of the crew, and one young
whom he took a deep interest in, he called the " Dover Powder
lonth," from the fact that he used to have a " Dover 's-powder " atlmi-
to him when he lay ill.
While on board the Scotia the General observed tlie Sunday in his
characteristic fashion. A large portion of the forenoon he devoted
t™ a close and careful study of his Bible, and he invariably wrote out
erteojive notes and comments on the portions of Scripture that might
kave been engaging his attention. This done he would lay aside liia
oot«-book, and witli his lUble lying open before him, would engage in
deep meditation. If one entered the state-room on a Sunday fore-
iDoo he would find the great soldier, if not reading or writing as
bdioited, sitting in his favourite seat with his head resting heavily
• hiahand, and his eyes shut as if he were asleep. The afternoim
I0 devoted to conversation and general reading.
Not long before the time of which we write, the General, it will be
ed, had accepted the post of private secretary to Lord Ripwn,
then newly appointed Governor-General of India. The private
:ary, however, suddenly and without warning, flung up the
iatment, to the surprise of everybody, and returned home. One
, in course of conversation, the topic of fashionable society was
touched upon and Gordon made reference to the reason that induced
iflm to give up office on the occasion mentioned. The true and only
tMaon he had, he said, for leaving India was that he could not
pnt up with the ways and customs of the high social circle in which
hr was expected to move. " Dress for dinner, dress for evening
pwties, dress for balls, dress and decoration, decoration and dress !
dqr after day. I could not," said Gordon, " stand the worry of it,
ud nther than do so I gave up the appointraent."
General Gordon's absolute faith in Providence was one of the
leading features of Ids wonderful and peculiar characfcr. Not once,
e*r twice, but often, he said, he had been reduced to little short of
>rconiary destitution, but he had always beeu granted enough to do
lis torn, and assist those in need. For he parted freely with
ne)', and this weakness of his was ofiten taken advantage of by
iy perBons. He used to tell of a friend of his who was a bit of
ft spendthrift, and to whom he (Gordon) had often given money. I*ut,
to his generosity there was a limit, and, in reply to a pressing
280
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
appeal in which his needy relative declared, by way of a threa
if the money was not sent he would go to Patagonia. Gordon
replied : " Go, and I trust the change may do you good."
" Captain," said the General, as they both sat together on deck oi
ing, enjoying a smoke — " Captain, you remeinl>er the occasion on wl
was 80 ill with that horrid sea-sickness, when in my sore troiilile I <
you fifty pounds to land me at the nearest port ? I could have heh
my bargain, but nothing more. I have been miiking a rummage ov
pecuniary possessions, (in<l 1 find that I can scrape together exactl
sum — all 1 possess in the world."
The remaining days slipped quietly and happily by, and at I
the voyage of almost a month's duration was drawing to a clos
under date May 2, we read : — " Saw the Cape of Good H(
four P.M., and were within sight of ita lights all night ; " and i
little furthfT on, " We were very pleased to get iriund the Ci
last, and had a glass of wine with the General to congratnlati
other on the event." I
At length, his destination reached, the General parted from
on hoard the Scotia, not before faithfully promising to come
and spend an evening soon. (" We will miss the General's coi
much/' says the diary.)
In a few days afterwards, therefore, in fulfilment of his pii
the General came on board, and stayed the evening ; and, oveii
of tea, hf told the captain and his wife of an awkward situation I
found himself in since last he saw them. His arrival in Cape
was known only to his two nephews, but, when the intelligenc
he was in the city got wing, he received numerous invil
to dinners, suppers, balls, and the like. He went to an e^
party at the house of a wealthy and influential citizen, and ga\
account of his adventures : — |
" At last the time came," he said, *' when we had to tack ahead an
unchor in the dinin|^-hall. 1 was offered the arm of my ho.stcss, and hx
on to the port side, 1 made good headway for some time. As we appr
the door of the dining-hall, I cuuld see that it was too uhitovv to iillov
room for two clippers under full .Hiiil. I tlierefriie dropped behin
allowed my hostess to sail ahead, but. failing to kt'Pj* a (iroper looJi
stupidly jilanted my foot on my e.'scort'K dre.s8- tails, and rent the ga
For my hc-iuous blunder I received a wild Imik of <lisapproval, und
not easily bo forgiven. During the evening 1 fell intei .''cveinl oth
takes, and, when I rose to leave, the company seemed as hrnrdly relit
I was." * * j
Thus he chatted till late on in the night, when he took a final faf
and left, nor did his host and hostess ever see his genial face of
A few days later the captain of the Scotifi received a brief
from the General, stating that, as he had taken command i
colonial forces, he would proceed up-countrj' immediately. I
not forget to ask particularly after those on board, whoj durii
4»] A VOYAGE WITH GENERAL GORDON. 281
nent Toyage, had received so much Mndness at his hands : for, in a
jatKdpt, he asks, " How is the invalid Martin and the ' Dorer
Ibwder Toath ' ? " This note was followed by another (both letters
m ovefiilly preserved and highly-valued by the captain) in which he
adnd m a &voar that one of the two ostrich eggs he had given to the
qitain's wife should be presented to his " pet lamb, Willie Brodie,"
■dtken fbUowB the benediction, " Good-bye, all of Scot in !"
Enrot," said the captain of the Scotia, " on one other occasion when
Gwal Gordon sent us his compliments, we heai-d no more of him till his
itA 1EU lamented in both hemispheres and his name was on every lip.
isl I often think that could we, by some means, liave been afforded a
^^laeinto the distant future ; could we have witnessed the stirring events
Art crowded the last stages of bis career, and looked upon him at the
Boaent when, the eyes of the world turned towai-ds bim, he so dearly won
iainuBortal title 'The ITero of Khartoum,' I question if we could have
bud him more than we did, when, as a much more obsciire, though a none
km noUe man, he was our cabin companion on board the Scotia."
Wm. H. Spence.
VOL
THE TAXATION OF GROUND-VALUEJ
THE object of the following few pages is to briefly examine t
proposals contained in a pamphlet on this subject, which h
been recently issued by Mr. Fletcher Moulton. Q.C. The author b
a considerable reputation with regard to some other subjects, and al
apparently writes as the official exponent of tlie views of a Sociei
for the Taxation of Ground- Values, And, consequently, his \^ew
and the reasoning in support of them, have a primA facie claim '
the attentive consideration of the public.
Mr. Moulton begins (p. o) by calling attention to the reed
growth of local expenditure and local indebtedness, and remar!
(p. 4) that, although this local expeBditure may be a wise econom
the local taxation by which it is met is felt as a heavy burden. I
points out that the whole of this expenditure is raised by an indi
criminate levy of rates upon the annual value of buildings, whi
consists (rt) of the value of the structurt' representing a capital oi
lay, which is entitled to apeciaily " favourable treatment," and (ft)
the value of the gi-ound which is not due to any expenditure, but
" the presi^nce of the town," and partly also (p. 5) to the creation
the community, at its own expense, of — ^^^1
'' FixeJ capital in the shape of .streets, biidges, open spaces, pul
buildings. sewer.s," JL'c, &c " Even the more ordinary local exp.
dituri", which is devoted to the iruiinteuunce of existing streets, sewers, A
is largely for the benetit of the lajidownera. Their laud can only presei
its enhanced value l)y the maintenance of those works which have enab
it to acquire that value."
"Set'iiig, then (p, I'p), thut these swollen gi-ound-valucs (though they hi
become the privnte jnopLrty of the landowuers) are chiefly created a
miuntidned liy public expenditure, wliil« the value of the buildings in a to
is created and maintained at the cost of private owners these t
deacriptions of property ought to contribute to local taxation in vf
different ways and to very diti'ereut extents."
THE TAXATION OF GROUND-VALUES. 283
And ttis would, in fact, have been the case long ago but for —
*The pteTalence of a notion that rates — though levied upon Innded pro-
I)— are in reality a persona! tax pai<i by the oet-upier, and that they are
lieb on (i.e., made pfopoi'tional to) the annuid vakie of premLse-s solely
I the rent of the premises he occupies is taken as a rough measure of
"ty to coiitribute." .... "The position of local taxation in onr
is, therefore, as follows : — The proceeds are to a large extent
eixled in crejiting and maintaining the enormously enhanced value of
|ft>llBdapon which the town is built, while the owners of that land, who
rfn&t thereby, contribute little or nothing directly, and but a siiudi part in-
[fortly, to that Uisation."
The two fundamental principles of the Society are then (p. 7)
iie£ned to be —
. *(I) That the local taxation of a town ought, to a large extent, to b© levied
I the o\Tners of the land within the town in proportion to the annual
n«of their land," and (2) " that no arrangement should be pi?rmitted to
■fwe with the landowner's obligation to pay thia tax persomJly."
first of these propositions is justified by the consideration
I* It Lt only fair that the groind-valueM created and maintained by the
eiieeaiiii development of the town should heiir the expense of the common
to the continuance of that existence and that development ; "
Be Becond, by the remark (p. 8) that —
I* Without it any reform will be delusive, and the landowner will be able,
"•t pw^ent, to slip the biinlen from his own shoiildei-s to that (*tc) of
1 occupier hy reqiiiring him to imdertako to pay the rates."
[It i« thea stated that to carry out the principles of the Society
ilion is neceasarj-, with tins object of assessing and rating
1 Mid buildings separately ; and (p. 9) of fixing the land-rate upon
OKLera of the ground-values by means of successive deductions,
^hich are to be made from the occupier downwards in respect of so
of every rent payable as represents land-value. This present
kalae is called by the author " firoinul-valw:," and is entirely
ependent of any grouud-rent that may actually have been fixed,
it represents the actual rental value i>/ //«■ I'dul for the time
Thcmltfi levied on the ground-value should then (p. 10) be far
ier Uiftn the rates on the value of the buildings (though Mr.
. does not actually recommend at present any legislation with.
I object).
' f&daol ii ig a very doubtful question whether some kind of buildings
on mitaiM at nil. To cmipel n mun {the italics ai-e not Mr. Moulti^m's)
FP*5 • A«riff tax iKenime he prfi/ers to liv*^ in n th-cent and wdi-buiU
**'"' ''•W than in u hovel »avour» of the at>»urditiea of the icindow-tax."
liaoocapied land must bear its full rate, in order to force it into
ai84 THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW. ^
the building market. In the case of a bnilding held at an bqI
ground rent of £100, but standing on ground now worth £500 aye
and let to an occupier at £1000 a year (so that the value of 1
structure is also apparently £500 p«?r annum) the occupier C \
deduct from the rent payable to the owner of the building lease
rates on £500, the ground value ; and B will deduct from the r
payable to the landowner A rates on £100, being so much of
ground-value rent as reaches A, B, thus paying rates on the £40M
annnm ground-value rent, which he himself receives.
The above, then, is as fair a nsttini as I have been able to maki
the main arguments, and the main proposals of Mr. Moulton's p:
phlet upon this important and interesting subject. The remaii
of the pamphlet is devoted to answering certain objections to
proposed scheme, especially with reference to the allegation tha
would be an interference with existing expectations and existing i
tracts. These answers do not appear to me to at all meet the ol
tions in que.stion ; but I do not intend to deal with them at pres
both from considerations of space, and also because there are ol
objections to the scheme that appear to me to be fatal, and that
be immediately stated.
Generally, the whole pamphlet is written in an easy, flowing, rat
rhetorical style, which is unusual in treatises of this nature, andwl;
is well calculated to attract persons who are usually repelled by
logical severity of economical investigations. Unfortunately, as
soon appear, ilr. Moulton has not been able to combine with
too attractive method that precision and accuracy of thought
language wliich are tiie most essential requisites for subjects oiM
nature. ^
The first point that will strike an attentive readier is, that
increase in land-values is ascribed to two ditfereut causes — nam
(I) "The presence of the town," and "the growtli of the c
muuity ; " and (2) the expenditure of the rates ; and that no atte:
ftt all is made to distinguish between, or ascertain, the amounti
increase which are respectively caused by these two factors ; and
these two causes are sufficiently distingaished by most, if not
writens on political economy, the increase due to the first of tl
causes being, in fact, nothing more nor less than our old friend,
" unearned increment." This mistake would be sufficiently impor
in any case, but in the case of this pamphlet it appears to vitiate
wholn argument — which is, as I imderstand it, that increased li
values should be^r their proportion of the rates, because they are ea
Iry the. ('.rpenditure of (he rnfes. If, then, a portion of this increaa
not caused by this expenditure, but by something else, this portioi
whatever other way it ought to be dealt with, ought not to be rate
respect of this expenditure ; and this consideration is of ti
7HE TAXATION OF GROUND-VALUES.
285
upirtaDce, the larger the portion of tke increase, which is, in fact,
'nueanied iDcrement.' How largo this portion in fact is, Mr.
nilon iukfi, as I have stated, not endeavoured to ascertain, and I
not myself try to estiniat^:". Indt'ed, it appears to bear no pro-
, or relation whatever to that portion of the increase of ground-
which is due to local expenditure. It would be Lm possible,
instance, to say that the " unearned increment" in London and
ijftirespectively bore any sort of projxirtJon to the respective rates of
jexpcnditure in the two cities ; but it dofs, undoubtedly, appear to
ad I think almost all political ecoiaon;i3ts would agree with this
«r — that wherever, as in many parts of Ijondon, there has been a
land striking advance in grouud-vatues, by far the larger propor-
this increase is due to '' unearned iiacremeut," and not to local
eaditare. Indeed, it is well known that a high scale of local ex-
re, or what is known as " heavy rates,"' has a distinct tendency
down rents, and therefore land-vahies.
^Agun, Mr. MoiUton justifies the rating of gixiund-values because
ixecreaicd and vuiintuined by the common outlay. The pre-
paragraph has shown that the extent to which they are so
td is uncertain and probably small. But, to let that pass for the
at, why is '^ vuvintciuxnce" coujiled with '^'- craiiion" to the
confusion, so far as I can see, of the argument ? Increase of
l-Yulue is to be rated because it is created by local expenditure,
when it has once been so created, is the whole ground-value,
il and increased, to be rated again because it is maintained ?
juent local expenditure will, according to the argument, be
apied in making an additional increase to the already increased
und-valne, and this additional increase must therefore be rated
the benefit bo derived. But are the already existing gronnd-
ii which are necesstvrily maintained during the process of further
e, almi to pay for this maintenance ? This appeai-s to be ruting
' OTW in the couree of the same process, and for a necessarily
it resolt, and would in principle involve tho rating of mort-
smco their securities are undoubtedly maiiUaiiicd by the ex-
Bfitore of the rates.
section with this ix)int, it miiy be noticed, first, that Mr.
Uiftkes no attempt to distinguish between uri(jinai grounJ-
which should apparently, on the principle of benefit, not be
** ** ^11. and incnvsi'd ground-values which may be said lo bi'
%doe to the expenditure of rates; and, secondly, that he is
^ly ignorant or oblivious of the fact that a considerable portion
•etual presf-nt ground-vahie is as mueh due to private expenditure
'•*«(• buildings standing on the ground, since new sti-eets, foot-
••ftTB, &c., are, in all ordinary cases, paid for not (as might be
from certain passages in the pamphlet) by .the ill-used public,
286
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[YHB.
but by the landowner himself, or by some one whom he pays either
in money or money's-worth. But the point is chiefly important as
leading directly to the consideration of the question, " Who is the
person who actually benefits by an increase in ground-values ? " and
so, as I believe, to tie detection of the central fallacy in Mr. Moulton's
argument.
Let us take the illustration given by Mr. Moulton himself, on p. 11
of his bookj and suppose that a landowner A has lot land at the rent
of £100 per annum for ninety-nine years to a builder, B, who
erected thereon a structure which is (apart from the land) of the rent
of £600 per annum ; and let us also suppost; that, in consequence of
local expenditure alone, the value of the ground has increased to L500
per annum, and the value of ground and structure together to £1000
per annum, at which rent it is let to C. But let us further make this
additional supposition, which is necessary for tie purpose of distin-
guislxing between the various parts of which B's interest is composed —
namely, that after B had built the structure, which was then with
the land worth £600 per annum, he secured his profit, partly in cash
and partly in rent, by letting the structure and land to Bb in con-
sideration of a premium for the whole ninety-nine years, less one day,
at an annual rent of £D00.
The position of the parties may then be illustrated by a diagram,
in which the rental of the land and structure is repi-esenttd on a scale
like that of a thermometer, each division representing £100, thus: —
Original
Ground-
Value.
Value of Structure £500.
of wliich B takes £<liH> und
Bb the rc-inaining £100.
Increase through Rates.
£700 £800 £900 £10«K)
£200 £300 £400 £/>(M) £)5)iU
£100
At the commenceinent uf affairs, then, before the supposrd increase
in ground-values, the position of the parties is this — C, the occupit-r,
pays Bb a rt-nt of £G00 per annmu, being the full rack-rental of the
property, but deducts fruin this paynunt tht- rates on £100, being the
then annual ground-value ; Bb pays B a rent of £o00 per annum,
from which he similarly deducts rates on the groimd- value of £10U,
and thus himself obtaius a full net rent of £100; B pa}B A a rent of
£100 piT annum from which he also deducts rates, and thus himst If
obtains a full net rent of £400 ; A ,is the only owner who has to bear
rates on his ownership, and this he does to the full amount of the
rent he receives, although a very considerable part of it must have
been original value, totally irrespective of local expenditure, and
another part of it may represent private expenditure in streets, «S5C.
<IM
THE TAXATION OF GROUND-VALUES.
287
Now, sasame that, in consequence solely of local expenditure, the
pooad-v<ie of the land has risen to £500 per annum, and the rack-
mrtalof land and structure to 11000 per annum ; and let us again
eonuder tlie position of the parties. C, the occupier, now pays lib a
not of £1000 per annum, from which, however, he now deducts the
atn on £500, bt-ing the present ground-valuL- ; Bb pays B a rent of
1300 per annum ott the whole of which lie tww dt'diicta the rates, and
Ami himself obtains a net rental of £lUOO — £oOO=£500 per annum.
" ' per annum mor»' than ho did before (exactly the amount of
_- i-'.-reftae in groimd-valiu-) ; B pays A a rent as before of £l(l<)
per ranam, on which, as before, he deducts rates, and therefore him-
jrff nveives a rental of tlOO per annum (tus rales ^m the whole amount ;
toA A ppceives just the same us before. The net result is that B,
beautse his fixed net rent of £iO() per annum has, by the increase of
gniand- values, been brought withiir tin* range of the present ground-
nlttt, has to pay rates in respect of the increase of £100 per annum,
•eery penni/ of which goes vnrak-d into tlic pocket of Bb. If a final
praof has to be given of the absolutely arbitrary character of the
ail^ated scheme, it is only necessary to consider the position of B
4nrine the progress of the increase in groand-value from £100 to
!• annum, or the future position of Bb when the ground-value
ivo loOO per annum. In the first case, B would have seen his
it of £tW per annum g^-adnally becoming subject, to taxation in
if an increjiso in ground-value, in the benefit of which he was
wed to share. In the second case, Bb will at last, after having
i an increase of £400 per annum for which he has never paid
J-, begin to pay rat^es on further increases, because it just
us that a portion of his rent now falls within the ground- value
iples of the above kind might be multiplied ad infinitum, but
'IfOuld all tend to the same result. The simple fact is, that I he
penona benefited by a rise in ground-values are not those who receive
the fixrd primary or ground-value rents ; but those who are entitled
eilher to possession or to the receipt of the ultimale or rack-rentals.
■ pwportion to the extent to which they are so entitled ; this extent
■jpin being measured both by the duration of the time for which
lh<7 will be so entitled, and by the comparative proximity or remote-
am of that time. The receipt of increa.se iu ground-value has
aotkisg in the world to do with the receipt of ground-value as origin-
«njr fixed. The gigantic fallacy (I can nse no weaker expression)
1 Mr. Moulton's projxjsal consists iu taxing the receiver of original
«d groond- value for the profit which accrues to the receiver of the in-
'••■f in gronnd-value — namely, the person entitled to the ultimate rent.
It nay, however, be i-aid that A, the owner of the reversion, will
l*ly benefit by the expenditure of such parts at any rate of local
288
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEJT.
[PS
taxation as have been devoted to works of permanent importancejH
believe myself that, even independently of contract, the grievance
verj' much exaggerated, since the sinking-fund for the repayment
capital expended in this way (which is all we have to consider) iq
very small proportion of the rates ; and that when contracts are ^
liberately entered into to pay this sinking-fund there is no real gri__
aace whatever. And, as a business man, I do not agree with C
Moiilton's view (p. 7) that the effect of the nncertainty in rates i^M
exclude their consideration in fixing ground-rents, and think it i^H
likely that (as in other similar cases) the result is to cause a im§
allowance to be made, wLich shall cover any possible increase. !E
my main answer is that the proposal 1 am criticizing is one for tax:ij
incomes, not reversions; that under it improved leasehold ground-ren
which are merely termiuablL- anniuties, and in most cases represeA
actual expenditure, and feu-rents or chief-rents, which are mere^
perpetual annuities and hare no reversion attached to them, would fc
rated equally with freehold ground-rents, which involve a reversion
that as between reversions themselves Mr. Moulton does not propos*
in any way to estimate the value of the reversion, hut merely to dednc
rati'S on the present ground-rent, which he himself calls arbitrary', an<
which to the knowledge of everj' surveyor affords no indicntion of th(
value of the reversion ; and that Mr. Slonlton has not attempted b
draw any distinction between capital and income expenditure of thi
rates, a distinction which is absolutely vital to any efiective considera
tion of the subject. When a proposal to rate reversions is put for
ward (and few pcojdo who have not considered the matter can fom
any conception of the difficulties and dangers surrounding th
iitterapt) then it will be time to deal with any such projwsal on it
merits.
I have purjiosely dealt liere only with one or two main and funda
mental reasons for consideriug JMr. Moulton's proposals unfair ant
oppressive in their tendency, and have not attempted in a periodica
which appeals to the general reader to enumerate the almost number
Ifss ways in which such legislation as ho recommends would unsettb
and confuse the operations of those who are accustomed to develop
uianage, and deal in building estates and house property. But it ma^
lie useful briefly to notice what class of persons would be most bene-
fited by the proposed change in rating. It is quite clear, in the firsi
place, that the wealthy inhabitants of fashionable localities would gaii
far more tban thi' less opulent class who reside in the suburbs, sinc<
the ground-values in respect of which deductions are to be made beaj
a far greater proportion to the value of the structures in the formei
case than in the latter. But to the middlemen who farm out single
rooms in the central districts to the very poor the proposed change
would be a veritable godsend. They, of course, charge to their tenanta
»l9o]
THE TAXATION OF GROUND-VALUES.
289
■ rent inclusive of all rates, and would hare no reason whatever to
abtte a jot of their demands on this score. But, on the other hand,
tbey would be entitled to deduct from the rents paid to their landlords,
id loput into their own pockets, the whole rates on the full value of
the ground on which their houses are built, estimated, as it would
ip'ra, not only on the value of that ground if used for its present pur-
pose, bat on the value which it would realize if cleared and then applied
*> metre Incrative objects.
Too mnch importance also can hardly be attached to the following
ideration (on which alone it would be pos-siblo to write nearly a
'le treatise) namely, that for the cheap development of land, and
p erection of houses, it is above all things essential to bf able
ftud capital at low rates of interest. This capital is at present
rapplif^ to a very large extent for the purchase of freehold and
leasehold trround-renta, because, though the interest is low, the security
19 aloiijst iM?rfect, and the income is absolutely fixed. If this security
» Once assailed, or this income once rendered fluctuating, the wljole
^ large mass of cheap, or trust, capital will forthwith be drnwn
•'•debenture or preference stocks of railways, or other similar
•ecnntieB, with the sanctity and fixity of which no one, so far, has
bwn found bold enough to meddle ; and rents will inevitably be rniaed
'D?h the higher rates of interest which will be charged for the
'1*1 and not merely for the more speculative part, of the capital
WTexted in houses. The stock-splitting operations, which have recently
b«ii taking place, prove to demonstration how large is the amount of
capital smoking investment at a moderate, but fixed return. It would
h«' an act of p*>]itical fatuity to drive this capital away from being
ntilizi'd towards the production of dwellings for our ever-increasing
Minivers.
'W word more in conclusion. Mr. Moulton speaks airily at page 6
of his pamphlet of the former " prevalence of a notion " that rates are
a Uk on the occupier, and are levied on the rent, bt^cause it is a rough
o*»wreof his ability to contribute. Was he aware, when writing in
^UB faithion, that this '* notion " is the deliberately reasoned conclusion
^^B (amongst others) the greatest modem English master of Political
^^Biuniy.* If he «Yrs await? of this, does he consider it right in a
^^Hv, priced at one penny, and therefore intended for the mosses,
to 006 language so obviously likely to mislead tho.sp who have no
■*•■» rf checking his statemi-nts ? If he was vnt — but here it is
■w*0B*>W7 ^0 do more than suggest an inference !
C. H. S.\rc;ant,
• Sec ••MiU'n rrinciplcs of rolitical Eci.iioniy." liook V., clwp. iii., § G.
4
. UNIONIST FUSION
FOR a time it seemed that the proposal to bring the two secti
of the Unionist party together in a common organization a^^
under one name had been abandoned. But it has been revived i
late, with a more particular view apparently to the inclusion of Lo^^*
Hartington in the Cabinet. That it is a seductive proposal for tl^-^
Government party must be allowed. But that there is much in it that
purely experimental, and that if carried out its cousequenceSj whateyi
their character, could not be slight, must be admitted too ; and the
fore it behoves all concerned to inquire very carefully whether fhey w
press the proposal on pitblic attention do not commit a common faul'
in politics by running after a fascinating idea with eyes for nothing'
but its fa.scinations.
These there is no difficulty in understanding ; but, so far, no
iicconnt of them that has appeared in print goes beyond the presenta-
tion of a glorious vision, in which all that is sober, wise, and strong
gathers under one banner — all trivial differences discai'ded, every
grave difTcrencp rf>duce<l to triviality — in order to quell a most alarm-
ing incursion of disorder. Who, being a patriotic Briton, does not
wish that it could come true ? But who, being a sensible Briton,
does not wish for some assurance, before the friendly clans are
gatluTod beneath the one new flag and under the command of a
• committee of their chiefs, that the trivial diflerencea hare been dis-
carded and the grave ones reduced to tririality ? It is an important
point, because, if nothing of this sort happens before the fusion, the
differences may be carried into the fusion ; and the result ? I do not
say that there is any certainty about it, but I do say that thero is
much uncertainty. What usually happens on the intrusion of a few
'drops' of water when two masses of molten metal are run together ?
UNIOMST FUSION, 2&1
hdeoca bids ns remember what does usually happen, and look to
hat ffonld be the outcome and the cost of similar accidents in the
of party fusion.
He prospects of such a proposal as we are considering cannot be
fly judged without regard to several circcmstances which appear
be entirely neglected. The suggestion having been made, and
tp than once ropeat<;d, it is important to ask, Whence does it
Jf? To whom has it been addressed, and what has been the
ponse to it? Quite conceivably, it might have arisen from a
ianeona change of feeling in the general body of Conservatism
the one haod and Liberalism on the other : a change so complete
:, even if it were not accompanied by a demand for fusion, aigni-
readine^s to fuse and the temper to remain in accord. If that
; £0, the proposal would stand on firm ground, and somebody may
tottt this is the octual state of the cAse. But^ — no illusions where
Ml w dangerous, however pleasant it may be. It is not true
the fusion proposal did so arise, and we may doubt whether
IS a sofBcient modification of feeling or opinion on both sides to
uil belief iu the scheme as generally acceptable.
»e know exactly when and where the idea was first broached. It
nuited with Lcird Salisbuiy at a time of stress which soon passed
F' '^f course, the Prime Minister ranuot have been moved by
loaal feeling alone when he said that he would readily accept Lord
(tingtoQ as a colleague in the ilinistry. Obviously, he must have
that more good than harm would come of such an arrangement,
as the country was concerned. But how was the suggestion
reJ by those whose assent was invited and could not be forced ?
coldness in some places, with repulsion in others. Some
ridnals liked the notion, but they were few, and Lord Harfcington
iU iras not of the number. It soon appeared that, as a body,
OoDaervatives were strongly opposed to it ; to the Unionist-
la, as a body, it proved yet more offensive ; and, of course, that
uite enough to make the scheme impossible. But it was not
up. From time to time the suggestion has been heard of
-dways, however, in the same way. It has never proceeded in
pe from the rank and file of either party. The reek of
opinion " from those quarters has never exhibited a trace of
for fofiion, while signs of a contrary wish have not been
Bt. Whenever the proposal has reappeared some Individ aal
OT less distinction has raised it ; and in every case it has
rd to the ground again at once, chilled by the frost of general
On the last occasion, indeed^ — when the suggestion was
y rrvived by Lord Hartington himself, and support-t-d imme-
afterwards by Mr. Chamberlain — surprise kept it before the
or come days : the wonder being why they, of all men, should
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Fn.
have brought forward the scheme just then, nothing being known to
accoant for their doing so. No explanation appeared, and again the
suggestion waa dismissed by common consent. Tlie follovrers of Lord
Hartington and Mr. Chamberlain would have no more to do with it
than other people.
Wishing is of no avail in circumstances so adverse as these. How-
ever desirable the fusion of two political parties may be, it cannot be
accomplished unless both are willing, and cannot be attempted
without the opposite result if they are not. But, suppose the
( /Onservative and Liberal Unionists, the geuei'al body of them, ready
to gratify their Ieadei"s by making the experiment, would a wise man
decide on permitting them to do so? Not witb much confidence, I
should think. Some ( 'ooservative voices have spoken in favour of
tilt" attempt — but faintly, and with the hollowness of echo.
Soim- Liberals, whose jndgtnent ranks high (and not officialized
Liberals either) would not hesitate for a uiomont ; that we know.
But, one and all, the Liberal support«ra of the proposal stand upon an
assumption of extreme fragility. The basis of their reasoning is
that, auialganiatinti having beei; resolved upon, the Conservative
brethren would carry out the idea by walking the whole distance
into the Liberal cainp. They would make no difficulty about that ;
the fact being — (this is the innnilVst and sometimes the avowed
notion) — that since Mr. Gladstone has preached Home Bi
Conservatives have shed their Conservatism, ^^'hat there is in the
natural order of things to account for their doing so has never been
explained, I venture to say, oven in the minds of those who seem
to believe it done. However, there is the belief and the expectation
drawn from it. Suggest to any one of these Liberal Unionist advo-
cates of fusion that the Liberals will have to move toward Conserva-
tism a little if amalgamation is to agree with lx)th pa^'ties, and if he
thinks you sensible he will hardly bi^lieve yoii serious. To him it seems
manifestly impossible that the Liberal Unionists should make a single
step toward Conservatisui, and not much less than an outrage to ask
them to do so. There is little to complain of in that, tor it testiiies
to well-settled convictions, which are always respectable ; but it has a
great deal to do with the fusion scheme, obviously. We are thereby
informed that, as soon as the actual business of amalgamation was
attempted, the prond unyielding spirit of Liberal consistency would
clash with quite enough of Tory feeling to strike (ire. Why not ?
Is there no fighting pride in Toryism? no remnant of the Old Adam
in persona of that creed ? Can it really b*' supposed that Tory
opinion has become Liberal from the root beciiuse of a controversy
about government in Ireland ? Or is it imagined that the later
developments of lladicalism-— which is Liberalism in extremes —
naturally incline Conservatives to adopt more "advanced" opinions
ve<^
Il90]
UNIONIST FUSION.
29'd
UieDudres ? None of tbese questions can be made to yield an
answer favourable to fusion, and others quite as cogent and unman-
ageable might be set.
This being so, let ns see what might be expected to Iiappen if the
two parties tried the experiment of combination. Wc will assume
Uut the initial difficulty of persuading both to abandon their
olil designations has been got over. A cotiinion name Iiaa been
chceen (never mind at what sacrifice of valued associations on
■' -T side), and a stringent necessary rule has been passed by
J ;K no parliamentary candidate is permitted to refer to his previous
ounnections in the language of preference. It is a good deal to take
lor granted, but let so much be assumed. Now comes the business
of •'sUbUshing a common organization in every constituency ; and as
tooa as that essential detail is approached, the likelihood of scores of
TftlH local quarrels comes into view. At once we are confronted
r. i[ti the probability of contentions like those which have dis-
fracted Birmingham for two years, and which no authority can ever
hope to compose. As matters stand, the Unionist parties have separate
organizations in most constituencies ; in all, I suppose, where the
liberals are fairly numerous. In absorbing one of these into the
1 '• — (which into which?) — in choosing oflicers for the common
-i^.ciation, in making rules as to the choice of Tarliamentary candi-
^tes (and no candidate can have belonged originally to both sections
of the Unionist party), what risks of open and even of furious discord
may arise? The bye-elections have taught us whether jealousies and
heart-burnings do exist where we should naturally expect to find
th'?m, since political differences are commonly a growth of ineradicable
diffrrences of temperament. Again and again we have seen how
the«> jealousies operate, even while the two parties are not mixed up
^■snun to grain like the particles of saltpetre and charcoal in gun-
H^owder. Besides the local associations, there is the central office to
r be considered — the head-quarters' bureau of reference and direction.
The working of that bureau, the admission of another King of
Brentford to sit with the manager of the Central Conservative
I Aasociation and watch his counsels : here is another detail whence
strife might spring sooner or later, and probably wonld.
The«e, however, are but examples of dangers which theory over-
looks and practice would certainly discover. Cabinet difficulties
might not, but yet might arise. Indeed, trouble would probably
Wgin with the business of Cabinet reconstruction. To put Liberal-
Uniooiats in, Conservatives would have to go out ; a matter that
WDoJd become very afflicting if there was much care for the f|uestion
*i How many ? To men of strong Conservative feeling — and there
1.-V pl«jty of them — that would be rather a rousing question : for the
t'Jir ambitious young Conservatives in the House of Commons it
THE CONTEMPORARY REVlEtV.
[Kkb.
woalil haw a particular and personal interesb. To dip further into
detail, at least oae energetic Liberal-Unionist could not join the
Cabinet ; and Mr. Chamberlain being left oat, it might not be
unimportant to consider what Mr. Cliamberlain would naturally do in
that situation. One thing he wuuld do like all the rest of us :
watch most narrowly and jealously the legislation of the Mixed Govern-
ment. If he did not think this legislation suflicieutly harmonious
•with Radical i>rinciples, such as were embodied in the Unauthorized
Prograraiiiv and the like, he would denounce it, organize against it,
'stump" against it; and this he would do all the more probably
because thus a new career would be ojiened to him where every
practical avvnue seemed closed. There may be differences of opinion,
of course, us to the amount of uiischiel' that might arise for the
Government party in that way ; but there can be little doubt as to
the gravity of the consequences if a distinct leaning in the Cabinet
to Conservative principli-s on the one hand, or to lladical principles on
the other, roused rebellion in the amalgamated rank and file. Hoiw
much easier it is to disagree as strangers at a distance than as
members of one family under the same roof is pretty well known.
Joined in the same local club, the still -differing Tory and Liberal
would watch for every sign of party d<miination at the seat of Govern-
ment in Downing Street; and they would do so with a restlessness,
all the more feverish, all the more likely to break out into wrath,
becau.^o of liie marinr/e dv convcname in which they were domiciled
together. Fusion, or no fusion, we know already that the Liberal
Unionists have no idea of making any concession to Ton,' principle
and the Ton,- teroperameut. Aware of an extreme sensitiveness
on that point, their leaders scarcely ever speak in public without
betraying a consciousness that they must carefully guard themselves
against being supposed capable of anything of the kind. On the
other hand, the later developments oF EadicaUsm, so far from inclining
Conservatives to adopt more " advanced " principles, have had a
precisely contrary eSect. How should it be otherwise, indeed ? It is
useless to nrgjie right or wrong in such matters ; there are the facts,
and they render it all but certain that the policies of a mixed
Cabinet would !)e marked from both sides with a sharpened jealousy,
now on the Wiitch for a particular and special grievance: breach of
an honourable understanding, to wit.
Therefore, that the leaders theiiiRelves should hanker for such a
"fusion" — which, moreover, ib in this case a word for a wish rather
than for anything else — is barely comprehensible. Difiiculties with
their followers they must desire to avoid, and we know that on several
occasions during the last two years there has been great uneasiness
in both camps. It has been seen on the Conservative benches in the
House of ComittOQS, and has disturbed the local associationa of either
UNIONIST FUSION.
295
|Mrty. Fusion of the formal kiud that is gtill recommended from
some quarters would increase the risks of yet greater disturbance ;
wliile, as to a Cabinet of Fusion, that harmony should last long there
SMms very doubtful indeed, except on one condition. If the Conserva-
tive members of the Government agreed to clothe tliemselves with
Liberal principles (as those principles havo been hitherto distin-
^ished from Conservatism, and as they have hfretoforc divided the
(iUlowers of Lord Salisbury from the followers of Lord JIartington)
tiia Cabinet itself would bo harmonious enough no doubt. But here a
coBftideration comes in that should not bp lightly treated. Liberalism
|i a wride word and covers a very broad range of principle. What.
tf»-- '' - ' sort of Liberalism that Lord Hartington would be expected
to : _ it and to enforce in a Coalition Cabinet? Or, if coalition
stopped abort of the Cabinet, what sort of Liberalism would thr
Government be expected to adopt in reward for fusion in the consti-
toeacy-orgauizations ? We shall not exaggerate if we say that it
Attst be a distinct and unmistakable Liberalism. It must be so
8ii ' larked from the beginning of the arrangement as to assure
;!]• -Hjrs of that creed that they have not erred — that no
(iladatonian can call their leaders place-seduced renegades wit^
the filightest degree of plausibility, or ridicule tliemselves as sold to
Ton^ism. Lord Hartington must see that he would be expected to push
forward a step or two, instead of standing on the foot of Whiggish
UbuBlism; or, without Lord Hartington, the Government whicli
nqpnaented the amalgamated party would be expected to ad\-Bncv
Uy(»ui Whiggish Liberalism. But how would that suit the Conserva-
tive*— the born Conservatives who form the bulk of tlio Unionist
cunDcctiou in the constituencies ? And whut would be Lord Hartijig-
l</n's position as a Cabinet Minister under such cirotuustances ? what
His rvlations with his colleagues on the one hand and his own party in
tii>« country on the other ? Excessively uncomfortable, we must
Mppoiie, with a risk of declining into the intolerable.
AdiI mark this ]x»int, for it is a most important ont» ; wliatever the
rvlfttious of Jtliuisters to each other there could Ije no resignation. There
«>al»i beno resignations in a Coalition Cabinet formed under such circum-
r| at such a time — or none of any significance — ^vithout
' ii- verging on disaster. Vet, in the ferments precedent to a
Uener^l Election such as the next one is likely to be, or when the
H?i»lation of the last Session of this Parliampnt is being prepared, it
IS i-asy to conceive of strong differences of opinion both in the Cabinet
•«>d witliout. On either side there are men of expediency and men of
PWiriplc. How to win the election will be the main point with the
<*>• — bow to win it without the sacrifice of principle which was so much
**di>ianed in the Gladstonians will be the aim of the other. Nobody
Oto doubt that, as we come nearer to the end of this Parliament, the
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEfV.
[YZB.
choice between fighting the New Radicalism on lines of CJonservative
resistance or of Liberal concession will be sharply pi-esented to the
Unionists. That choice must be decided in the Cabinet ; and the
debate upon it will go on while the two sections of tlie united party
pour in their opposing influences from without. It must be so, in
the natural courae of things ; and supjxjsiiig that, at this time, we have
a Coalition Ministry, the diOiculty of accommodation in Downing Street
will rise to a majdmum. If sacrifices are forced upon the representa-
tives of either section in the Cabinet, they must not include resignation
of office. If sacriHces have to be submitted to, they cannot be solved
by resignation, or even by any avowal of subjection for ex])ediency's
sake to what is felt to be a wrong course of policy. Anjrthing of
that sort would put all at loggerheads just when an oj>en breach of
concord would be fatal. And, yet, what would be the position of Lord
Hortington or Lord iSalisbury, what would thrir position be in the
eyes of an eagerly-jealous following, if either submitt**d in silence to
a range of policies that announced the subjection of his party ?
Of courae, resort might be Lad to compromise, and that, no doubt, is
the idea for the occasion. But it is all to the point of these remarks
that a compromise-policy (supposing it attainable) would seem far
more gracious and acceptable if it were not bi4ieved to be the out-
come of bargaining in the Cabinet — mutual surrender of principle
arranged at a green baize table. It is more important to observe,
however, that since the grand question for settlement will be whether
the New Radicalism is to hi' fought on lines of Liberal concession or
Conaervative resistance, compromise would be unusually difficult of
application. Compromise is a sweet word, and the thing is often
excellent in such disputes as go before the County Courts. The com-
promise of principle is far less easy, as well as far less lovely ; and
the composition of preci.se oppositea is rarely manageable at all. To
use an image frequently employed in the debate of such matters,
this is a case in which hitting on two stools would be difficult in
attempt and hazardous in accomplishment. The supports on either
side might be expected to give way by the withdrawal of thousands
of Liberal, thouBands of Conservative voters — the one as much dis-
gusted as the other.
If, in short, " England does not lore Coalitions," the distaste is
neither so vague nor so unacccmntable as many who repeat that
saying seem to suppose. It is by no means a case of •• I do not like
you, Dr. Fell." Engliahmen know perfectly well why they do not
love Coalitions, and feel that their reasons for the dislike are i-ooted
in experience of the advantages of plain conmion sense and common
honesty as guides to conduct. A little sophistication in political
afi&irs, some infection of the complaint that sickens the air of West-
minster, and they might take to Coalitions more kindly ; but though
Mo]
UNIONIST FUSION.
29'
tae contagion is spreading from caucus and platform nowadays, the mass
af political opinion in England retains the simplicity which made
ooJitions repugnant to it fifty years ago. They are disliked for the
tniSc in principles which they imply, and are none the less suspected
■8 unworkable, because, in almost every case where they are proposed,
the saggestion proceeds from the personal ambitions, the personal
es, the contentious wants, wishes, exigencies, of two or three
duals highly-placed. The present case is more free from that
mspicion than others have been, but not free altogether. The men of
the day in politics, or most of them, are new, and have yet to become
eatabliahed on a firm footing. For various persons of distinction, the
grand question of the reconstruction of parties is associated with
another — namely, Who is to lead them when reconstructed ? where
shall / be in this case, and how shall I stand in that ? The temptation
to have a hand in the process of reconstruction is therefore very great ;
bat no man can hope to meddle with much effect unless he happens to
be in enjoyment of an all-commanding popularity. At present, no
such p>er8on exists on the Unionist side in politics, which is the only
one we have to deal with in this discussion. Neither Ixjrd Hartington
■or Lord Salisbury himself can claim to be so bleat ; and that, of
foorse, is another reason for abandoning these projects ofmechanical
fision.
On all accounts it is a business that had better be left to " the heat
conflict," of which there will be no lack as the General Election
'8 near. If the mechanical fusion could be accomplished now (as,
tbaaks to the unsophistication of tbe electorate, it cannot be), the
' s are that it would be all undone in this very same " heat of
^:Ji.cL. " That is to say, it would fall to pieces at the first and most
critical application of its use. In the two sections of the Unionist
party em they stand side by side there are many potential elements of
■coord, but there are also some potential elements of discord. Neither
h»Te yet been awakened to full activity. Accordances and discordances
»Iike are slumbering in unknown quantity ; and there is no likelihood
thai they will come out in force till tbe rival leaders have definitely
marked down the lines on which they mean to Bght in future. When
tiw Gladstonian programme is published, when the Unionist programme
n declared, and the grand struggle of 1893 begius in earnest, the
tank and file of both sections will know how they stand in relation to
thtir own leaders and to each other. But not till then will they
0W, or not till then will the knowledge be brought home to them
irmly and definitely ; and then we shall see for the first time a
anal movement of resolution into one or other of the two new
rties which will be the product of the next Geueral Election. In the
It of that struggle the infusible elements on each side will ran out
KMDe into the opposite party, some (in all likelihood no small portion
fOL. Lvn. D
298
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Feb.
on botVi sideB) into sheer evaporation ; or, to speak plain prose,
retirement in disgust from all concern with politics. According
as the rival programmes are finally planned, some Liberal Unionists
will go back to their old chief, some Gladstonian Liberals will drop
their present connection, some Conservatives will stand off, leaving
oompromiae to its own rottennees, as we may suppose them to say ;
and thus a lasting fusion will come about by the only effective means.
To be lasting it must be spontaneous, and we must wait for the spon-
taneity till the forces get to work which are necessary to set it in
action. Press the two Unionist sections into the mould of fusion now
and they will ily off here and there with all the stronger repulsion, all
the louder eclat, when the day of spontaneous reconstitution arrives.
It seems, then, that while the temper of the rank and file of
Unionism renders all attempts at consolidation impossible just now, •
no good would come of the project if it could be carried out. The
most probable consequences would be a repetition of the Birming-
ham bickerings in a score of constituencies, a livelier ferment
of jealousy on the Conservative benches of the House of Commons,
and the introduction into the Cabinet of additional hazards of dis-
sension ; and all this as preliminary to a great electioneering struggle
which demands the utmost provision of concord for success. And
yet the project is still advocated— still advocated in spite of the
palpable consideration that even if amalgamation worked fairly well
up to the time of the elections, it would almost certainly Haw and
" fly " when the rival programmes are produced. Then, why ia it
still advocated ? This is essentially a matter of practical politics ;
yet, so far, I have seen no argument for fusion that differs in
character from the rhapsodies of Universal Brotherhood associations.
Argument, indeed, there is little or none. Its place is taken by va^ne
indulgence in the language of longing, as of those who sigh for a
purer and brighter world below. Yet the proposal has been sup-
ported by men of whom it certainly cannot be aaid that they
are hasty or injudicious. It must be observed, however, that if we
except Lord Salisbury himself and those who are supposed to speak
for him, the preachers of fusion are all on the Liberal Unionist side,
and all of a certain order — that is to say, above the rank and file of
the party. Possibly this may be explained by "the lesson of the
bye elections." It ia a fact that liiberal Unionist candidates for
Parliament are not always backed with cordiality by Conservative
voters. The consequence is, that the number of Liberal Unionist
representatives is dwindling considerably; and the fear is, that it may
decline yet more before and at the time of the General Election.
That, of course, is a very grave matter, and one tiint Eiffects the
official members of the party above all. Not that the Conservative
Unionists are unaffecte<l by it, since they do not gain the seats that
iS9»]
UNIONIST FUSION.
299
tn lost by their allies ; though it is sometimes supposed that they
would gain them if they were contested by Conservative candidates.
However that may be, the most striking and immediate consequence
of the loss is, that the Parliamentary following of the Liberal Unionist
btdere is melting away. It was never very numerous ; and should it
oontinQe to decline at the same rate, or sufier corresponding reverses
at the General Election, the leaders of the party will soon have a
very poor show of numbers to back their personal pretenaions and
Mthority. Now, whether they look to the furtherance of their
principles or their own place in the world, that is a serious matter
far them ; and so it may be that their desire for fusion — which has
been expressly advocated as including the common and equal use of
the whole machinery of electioneering — has blinded them a little to
itfi hazards.
It is not so easy to account for the favour which the fusion pro-
posal seems to have found in the eyes of the Prime Minister. Possibly,
lie is leas inclined to it now than he was some time ago ; and then
its charm for him appeared to be relief from over-great responsibility.
A Cabinet fiision was his first desire. It has been an extremely
difficult time at the Foreign Office. More than ouce, events of
tremendous import seemed to be at the very point of birth — events
fraught with the gravest consequences for the British Empire, and
entailing the necessity of framing decisions of an equally momentfjus
character. It would liave been only natural, then, if Lord Salisbury
had wished for a highly-placed colleague in Lord Hartington, who.
partly on account of his known gravity of judgment, partly on account
of his position as chief of an independent Liberal party compriHtng
nuny of the wisest, and most sober of Englishmen — would have added
greet weight to the decisions of the Government while he shared
ilB responsibilities by half. It now appears, however, that the
dangers have passed away which various high personages admit they
trembled at ; and though they may revive, and revive at the very
time of our General Election, the day of their return seems distant.
If so, then ali the less reason is there to force a union of parties
which precipitancy might ruin, and which cannot be true and lasting
if it does oot come about spontaneously, or under pressure of all that
is really capable of fusion.
A« we have seen, this pressure will probably be brought to bear
io the stress of the elections ; but it may be hastened by accident.
What will happen to the other party when Mr, Gladstone disappears
ia a matter of common speculation j nothing more common, in fact,
Bferjr shuffle and change that is likely to follow upon that much-
anticipated event is discussed openly aud at large. Meantime, the
potability of another disappearance from this mortal scene is quite
Jiafegmnded ; not, perhaps, because a higher degree of delicacy is
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THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Yrb.
demanded where Lord Saliabuiy is concerned, bat becaase a complete
failure of health in his case is not likely to be followed by any
serious political complications. But is that so ? The question has
never come under debate in the newspapers and reviews, but it is a
matter of deep concern in the official entourage of the Prime Minister.
A sincere solicitude, and the doleful chatter of gossip insincere, have
probably exaggerated the fear that he is " not strong; " but, however
that may be, no sooner does he fall ill than his colleaguea of both
sections put on their considering caps, and the buzz of speculation
amongst them becomes anxious to a degree that seems quite unsus-
pected beyond their own immediate circle. In the language of the
French, they have reason. The Prime Minister is not much con-
sidered as a centre of stability, but that he is, and bis withdrawal
from public Kfe would put everything into confusion. It is unnecessary
to speak of the rival ambitions at his side — the various eyes fixed
upon the same office whenever he has an unusually bad cold, the
claims and counter-claims that stir in Opposition, the arrangements
of Ministries and policies that instantly take form in different minds.
Enough to point out that should that happen on the one side in
politics which we are quite at liberty to discuss when the other is
concerned, Fusion would become at once the question of the day —
of the hour. And where would the question centre ? It would
instantly be massed upon another — namely, a Ministry with or with-
out Lord Hartington ? Supposing him to be in the land of the living
(a moat ungracious matter to discuss, all this) that would bo the grand
point ; and how much would be involved in its debate and decision
need not be said. What may be remarked, however, is, that when
we cast imagination forth to embrace the difficulties and contentions
that would arise upon the fusion question, should it be forced on us by
an event that shall be nameless, it is easier to understand the argument
against the premature adoption of a hazardous project.
Frederick Grbrvwood.
[NoTE.^lt is due to the writer of " The Home Rule Moveme nt io India
ana in Ireland," in our January number, to explain tlmt, owing to the non-
iirrival of a proof, two or three printer's errorj? crept iato the text: on
p^^re 79, in line 6, 1880 should be 1888, in line 7, £15,000 should be
£1500.— En. C.R.]
»%o]
COMMUNISM.
S'
IIXCE the great awakening of the Renaissance and thf Reforma-
tion, each century has been entrusted with a special task, and
;»h a special science to accomplish it. In the sixteenth century that
iface was theology, and the task it enjoined, religious reform. In
' .? seventeenth the science was mora! philosophy, and the task the
.jfteaian renovation of moral philosophy. The eighteenth century
was given over to the study of pilitics, and found its correlntive task
in proclaiming throughotit Europe those natural rights already in-
taganted by the Puritans of New England. While the nineteenth
oroturj- has devoted itself to p.iHtical economy, and has set before itself
the amelioration of the lot of the greater number.
The sixteenth century says to man : " Thou shalt no longer submit
to the decisions of Popes, but thyself search the Scriptures for Truth."
The seventeenth centuiy .says : " Thou shalt no longer bow before
traditional authority, but seek oat truth by the light of reason." The
eighteenth centuiy says : " Thon shalt cense to be the slave of nobles
and despots who oppress thee ; thou art free and sovereign." While
the nineteenth centnry argues : " It is a grand thing to be free and
•overeign, but how is it that the sovereign often starves ? how is it
that tho8«? who are held to be the source of power often cannot, even by
bard work, provide themselves with the necessaries of life?" This ia
th*" problem which now lies before ns — a problem which men Lave
endeavoured to solve by books, by lectures, by rude violence, and
hare hitherto endeavoured in vain. Yet for any fresh endeavour, for
any new light upon the problem — Justice among men- — we must turn to
♦hat recent science, by some called political economy, by others social
■•-i«nce, whose object is to analyze the production and distribution of
wealth. When Voltaire was studying history, with Madame de
TOL» Lvn. X
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THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mak.
Ch&telet, and attempting to discover the laws which rule the rise and
feU of empires, he fully realized that for his object a knowledge of
political economy was necesaaiy, a science, at that period, barely out-
lined. In the present day it is sufficiently advanced to materially aid
our researches with lessons from the past. All social problems are
certainly not l>y any means new. In all ages the unequal distribu-
tion of the good things of the earth has excited the astonishment of
the wise and the complaints of the poor : — to some leisure, luxury, and
power; to others lalxiui*, miser}'', and servitude. In the introduction
to his excellent JTLitoirc dc i' Economic Puliliipic, Blainjui writes:
" In all revolutions there are never more than two parties ; those who
wish to live on the produce of their own labour, and those who would
live on the labour of others." This very true remark is expressed in
another way by Aristotle, who says : " The weak are ever clamouring
for equality and justice, the strong do not trouble themselves about
the matter." It is obvious, then, that though no verdict has yet been
reached, the case has been in court a long time. Inequalities date
from the earhest stages of society, though the most cursory glance over
history shows that it has been the constant effort of humanity to
combat these inequalities, and that the efibrt has been increasingly
successful. In our own time, however, new circumstances have
arisen, which have totally changed the conditions of the fight, and of
these circumstances I will mention three.
In the fii-st place, those who live by manual labour, who were ij>
the beginning slaves, then serfs, and are now but the " lower orders,"
are, theoretically at least, recognized as the equals of the non-worker,
and in many countries have already legislative rights. Secondly ^
political economy has discovered to us the causes of ine((uality by
explaining how wealth is distributed. Lastly, thanks to the press^
and the spread of education, tlie workers are themselves mastering the
mysteries of political economy, a weapon which will be formidable
enough. These circumstances, and many others which I cannot enume-
rate here, endow the old problem of inequahty with a gravity which
it never previously possessed, and which is now appri'ciated by all.
The problem therefore calls for most persevering study, for so long
as the old conservative forces exhibit blind terror at all change, and
the new radical spirit frets foolishly at all that is, we shall be swayed
continuously between despotism and anarchy. Careful study is the
more requisite, too, hecauao no remedy lias yet been found for that
evil inequality, the source of which we have discovered. It is true
that remedies have been invented, and each patentee, so to speak, has
been convinced that hia alone was the universal panacea, just as not
infrequently the confidence of a raw physician is in pi-oportion to his
ignorance. Some of these remedies are worthle-sB, but others
certainly repay examination, as there is often a soul of truth in things
COMMUNISM,
ernmeoas. and one may possibly pluck out a jewel, and set it in
eoDspicnous daylight. Wlien the improvement of the condition of our
fcllow-men is at stake, attentive and patient examination becomes the
Mrict duty of humanity. Let us, then, examine Commutiism, the
ifBwdy which is offered in an engaging and seemingly scientific form
veil calculated to seduce the public.
The importance of Communism lies in the fact, that, it is specially
•ttractive to two classes of men of mutual sympathies, reformers and
■uken. The former are drawn to it by a sentiment of justice;
lliAlafcterby their own necessities. The two broad facts at the base of
OoauBuoLsm which account for its persistence are, a rebentmeat of the
inequality of conditions, and a faith in the principle of universal
Intherbood, a principle which is just in itself, but has unhappily
Veen misapplied. Not in vain were the watchwords, Ecpudit;/ and
Fmtanity, sounded in the ears of enthusiasts of the new ideas ; once
grmven in their hearts, they could not be effaced. But how are these
principles to be applied ? How is society to be reformed in accord-
Miee with justice? Communism is offered as the solution of this
dUBcnlty ; Communism, that dream of so many great men, the in-
ilfiiute organization of the earliest human societies. Its simplicity seems
to make it feasible ; its apparent regularity takes the imagination; its
•dloiir of benevolence wins the pitiful. It is adopted without reflection,
■id without knowledge ; and naturally, for it necessitates neither. It
ia golden-mouthed, and draws delightful pictures ; its descriptions are
BO leas fascinating than its contrasts are striking ; but it reasons little ;
ft does not appeal to the intellect. Of the difficulties in the way of
■fi economic reform it has nothing to say ; it simply ignores them.
Ab for the workers, is it likely they would refuse to follow this
pitfi strewn with the flowers of Utopia? Their lot is often veiy
kvd, (ilways nncertAin, and appears all the harder in contrast with
Ifce Inxnry in their midst. The eighteenth century tells them of
• tame when land was unappropriated, when man was a proud free
agvnt, rirtuouB and upright, earning his substance by the strength of
kia Aims, not as a serf, or a paid servant, but as a warrior, the darling
■n of nature, whose exhaustless benefits he enjoyed. They are told
now of a happy future, when evil shall be banished from the earth,
•nd tsjuBtice from society, when there shall be no laws nor restraints
iBVo those of love, no limits to enjoyment but desire, no labour but
Boch as they have taste for; when life, in a word, shall become the
Vng and pleasant feast that poets sing of. Is it strange that they
xne ap snd msh forward with outstretched arms, and hearts full of
Wipe, to embrace these visions of happiness presented to their excited
ia^giiMlaoii!) ? They would have these dreams realities ; they would
fllAa tlieee phantom fancies texts for legislation ; this happiness, of
vlidi tJbey have caught a glimpse, they want actually to enjoy •, and
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THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mae.
if society, in its present conditions, resists them, and rejects their
ideal, they stand up and attack it. Yon may tell those who have not
the wherewithal to livt', that their lot is inevitable, that the majority
must ever Bufier so that the minority may enjoy ; they Avill not believe
you. In the heart of sufiering man hope dies hard ; and it is well so,
for when hope is dead, what ia there left bat revolt ?
Should ytiu bind youtli down to the present by bonda of interest
or ambition, it will yet escape you, for it believes it has a mission
to fulfil, a certain progress to realize. It were vain to attempt to
detain it, yet you may perhaps guide its flight. So it is useless to tell
these enthusiasts of brotherhood, that humanity falls again and again
into the sauio errors all ending in ruin. The reply will be an affirma-
tion of indefinite perfectibility, an article of faith bequeathed to us by
the eighteenth century, and an enumeration of the startling evidences
of progress yrr'it large on the page of modern histx^ry : the printing-press,
and steam, religions liberty and equality before the law, the wonders of
industry, and the wonders of thought. It is vain, too, to add that
whitle we think we are advaucing, we are but moving in a circle-,
blindly turning the treadmill of our centuries as of our lives. Tlieir
answer is: " It is true we are moving in circles, but they are the circles
of a vast spiral ascent starting from the mire of the dibivian period, and
reaching to that invisible sun, which Plato called Truth. Coarse clay,
at the outset, we are ever perfecting ourselves, as our reason grows,
and grasps new principles." It were wiser did you say to these im-
patient enthusiasts: " The evil is indeed great, and it becomes all lovers
of justice to fight against it. Analyse it, discover its cause, that you
may find also its remedy. Do not listen to the voice of instinct, about
which so much is talked ; it is the voice, not of mind, but of matter.
Do not trust the imagination ; its impressions are all embellished
by the senses. Feeling will not suffice • you must have knowledge.
Cease to dream, and learn to know. Your Communistic plans are
merely the delusions of your heart ; see if they can satisfy your
reason. You desire liberty, erjuality and fraternity ; they would crush
liberty, violate equality and impose fraternity." This is the attitude,
and the argument that I have adopted in the following pages. Before,
however, putting a systom to the test, it is necessary clearly to deter-
mine its nature and its object.
Communism, as generally understood, includes any and every
idea of reform or stxjial progress. Infatuated with the prevail-
ing order of things, in this view every novelty and every pioneer
of reform are tainted with this heretical Communism. It is
the spirit of evil, disguised and metamorphosed in numberless
ways. Like the recluses of the Middle Ages, these fanatical Con-
servativea, disturbed by the phantoms of their imaginations, see the
Black Monster everywhere. Communism is the Satan of political
t«9o]
COMMUNISM.
305
roooomy. Any intervention of the State to assist the needy classes,
-uii to lessen social inequality, is condemned as imbued with this detest-
»i>le error. Free education, public libraries, the housing of the poor,
agrarian lawB for Ireland, limitation of the hoars of labour — all
tins is said to affoct liberty of contract, and free competition, and to
he Commanbm more or less pronounced, which, if once admitted, will
spread throughont the body politic. But the principle of Communism,
it mast be remembered, is this : that the individual works for the
profit of the State, to which he hands over the produce of his lalxjur
for equal division among all ; so that all shall receive the same amount
«f wM^efl. or rather remuneration corresponding to their rerjuirements.
Hie maxim which sums up the whole system is well known : Fram
OKk accordin/f to his strength, to each accordin// to his iu-(vl,f, as in the
cMe of a family. This is the basis of the social order advocated by
Mr. Bellamy. Communism must not be confused with collectivism.
Id the collectivist system, all the materials of production belong to
the State, but. the production itself is in the hands of co-operative
p3, under hierarchical rule, each man being paid in proportion
.-■ .Mj labour. Such a system may offer egregious difficulties, but, as
it aJmits of the incentive of individual interest, it is not of itself an
impoMibility. In Belgium the State holds and works the railways,
in Prussia, many mines and collieries, and in France, the forests.
There is nothing to object to in the principle of this.
The first Christians condemning the world, its prides, its distinc-
tions imd its laws, fled to the deserts, where they lived in common. In
tie Mme spirit. Itousseau, disgusted by the inequalities in the society
of his time, condemned tho individual possession of property, and even
▼entered to find his ideal in primitive society, and advocate a return
to this. The social condition of these primitive savages is pretty
dearly indic»t<'d by him when he says : " Beware of forgetting that
the fruits belong to all. and the earth to no one." Unhappily, the
enthusiasm of the eighte^mth centuiy in regard to the " natural man"
has been completely chilled by the accounts of modern travellers, who
havf found him frequently more ferocious than the wolf, who does not
day and eat his fellows, and more treacherous than the tiger, who, at
lfii«t. makes no protestation of friendship before despatching you.
Contx'raporary reformers have therefore abandoned their search for
th»' idi'ul community among primeval forests, and have preferred to
■tndy conventual life, and the Moravian brotherhood. Tho organiza-
tion of a ooraraunistic society is exceedingly simple. All the means
trf production belong to the State ; the citizen may work as much as
hp choowe, and also consume as much as he pleases. This is pretty
well ft «traiinary of Communism, but all its advocates from I'lato to
Mr. Bellnuiy have adorned it with more or less ingenious details, and
fittwoa of one sort or another.
306
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW,
I should like here to glance at the errors on which CommunisTn
founded. It seems to me that it springs up in tarn from t^
principles, just in thomselves, but misunderstood or misapplied
fraternity and equality. There are thus two Borta of Communism : o^
which is based on the idea of fraternity, the other on that of equalitjr*'^
Let us first examine the former kind, to which alone I shall refer i^^
the ensuing section.
If I look down into the innermost depths of my consciousnesB, I
become aware of two sentiments from which all others spring, I feel
in the first place that I exist and love myself. 1 seek my own happi-
ness primorUy in the acquisition of material objects, finally, as my
reasoning powers grow, in the acquisition of truth. Here then la
the first of these two feelings — seljishness. Moreover, I am in the
midst of other beings like myself, and if they do not attack me and
there be nothing to excite conflict or rivalry between us, I tend to
like them. This then is the second of the two feelings. It has been
called sociahUity, because it is the basis of every sort of society,
altrnism because it involves affection for one's fellows, and fratemUy^
because it is the link which unites the great human family together.
You may analyze the feelings in all their infinity dogrees of intensity,
and you will find they all have their source in the two primarj- senti-
ments. Even in our love for others there is something of self-love.
We can never lose consciousness of our own individual and personal
vitality, which is the twurce of all our ideas, and the arbiter of all our
desires. But self-love assumes a disinterested character when we
rejoice in the pleasure of others or grieve over their sorrows. Atnare
est altcruis felicitate dthHari, says Leibnitz, and this is the finest defi-
nition of love that has ever been given. All our actions are gtiided
by love of self, and love for others under the names of ^"7y, charity ^
sociabiliii/, altrnisyn or Jrafcnrih/. These two principles are the
motive powers of the mind, I might almost say the pivots of life.
Yet Communism ignores one of them, it would indeed abolish self-love,
and leave only love for others, or altruism. Frat-emal love in univer-
sal brotherhood is the sacred theme which has been the inspiration of
Communism in all its intoxicating madness. I say madness, because
the attempt to uproot from the human heart all self-ward feeling is
of the idlest. It will thus be seen that Communism bears some
resemblance to Qiuetism, and still more to Pantheism, in that it tends
to absorb individuals in humanity and humanity in God. So far from
loosing the passions it would completely subject them to the reason,
for ita creed is that in spirit alone can men be united. Thus it calls
on all men to live the rational life, which it maintains is the only true
one. It aims, moreover, at the deletion of the individual with his
1 his
J
COMMUNISM.
iaiiv\i^\ view and hia individual existence ; lie ia to be merged in
ihe coUectiveneas of the social body. It recognizea no distinct or
ae|»i»t^ btfresta, talks of duties, knows nothing of rights ; for my
rigbt is in what I own. and if no one owns anything, there can be no
I^t iM break the fetters of the material, cries the Communint,
*n(i scar upwards into the realm of the spiritual, where in true
anity we may worship in common the true, the beautiful and the
good. Private property would sever us, distinction of interests would
be a Uir to union. AH happiness is increased, by being shared ; to
«ijjoy together is double enjoyment. This maxim should be the
ioaiw of all effort, for effort without it is but selfishness. Meals, too,
siioald be eaten in common, that the social life may be cemented.
L«t tu institute phidicies as in Crete, andries as in Sparta, si/ssitus as
in .Athens, or ugapcs as among the early Christians. I'hese common
meab will be at once a means of communion and the symbol of
broiiierhood. Men are merely members of that collective being called
Humanity ; there is neither I, nor thou, nor vk. Why should we
^bpmeral sojourners here bring war into the world by setting barriers
in the road of the hot natural impulses? Love should admit no
divisions, everything should belong to everyone. Appropriation
aogend^Ta selfishness ; let selfishness be uprooted from the earth, with
ihe very name of property it has originated. " God," says St.
Ambroise, " crpated all things for the enjoyment of all men, and the
etrth for a common possession." Nature herself, therefore, is the
author of Communism ; property is a fraudulent usurpation. As the
■artik is mankind's common property no one may make a claim in
•XOesB of hia requirements in the name of property diverted from the
matsaan possessions, and held only by violence. Being one vast
family, why should we not follow the laws of tlie family ? The earth
IB oar c-omnion mother ; why divide her ? Why cause bloodshed by
our fratricidal quarrels ? Is not her provision sufficient for our needs ?
I we share her blessings in common, and thrill together in the
of her harmonies, why not enjoy together her boundless fecun-
dity also?
Self-sacrifice makes man superior to beasts. Self-sacrifice should
our mle of life, and oar highest ambition. Let us work for the
of others, without reckoning the pains or counting the cost. The
well-being of humanity is our own. Whoso considers himself fails in
hit duty to hia fellow. Selfishness should be punished with dishonour.
No nnit in the community should be allowed to suffer from defects
in kit individual organization, for which he is not responsible. If the
iMalth or other requirements of a unit necessitate a greater allowance.
It most be given. Fraternity knows nothing of the parsimony of
iTidaaliem. Need is the meamre of right. On the other hand, if
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THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mab.
you have been endowed ^vith greater strength or higher intelligence
than others, you may not use these gifts to your personal advantage.
Is it a provision of Providence ? Sovereign justice wills that you
render an account ol" it to your brethren. Is it a faculty developed
casually ? That constitutes no right in itself ; you owe others tJie
use of your superior gifts. To devote one's ability, one's time, in
fine, oneself body and mind to the service of one's neighbour, that is
the whole law of love. Duty is limited only by capacity ; from eack
according to his poicer.
For two people who love each other, the greatest happiness
lies in proving their mutual attachment. The recipient of a
aervice is not indebted to the donor, but rather is the douor under
an obligation, for his happiuess consists in giving pleasure to the
object of his affections. One cannot even conceive gratitude from the
recipient ; it would be an insult to friendship. Gratitude is rather
the natural feeling of the giver, who is delighted in thr* indulgence of
his heart's impulse. All the members of the Community will be
animated by this temper.
Why speak of justice? Justice is a measure, and love needs and
win have no measures. Love is infinite, inexhaustible. It throws a
veil over faults and negligences: it sets aside all obligations to give
to each according to his deserts. In its effusion it wipes out all
differences. Does not the father of the prodigal son do likewise ?
Let this be the type and model of .society, ' As things now are.
man's aflections are limited to a narrow circle, within which
suffers and enjoys. His intercourse with people at large is rare,
distant, and i-eseiTed, and is usually tinged with distrust and indiffer-
ence. It is this condition that fraternity is to destroy, Man must
feel himself to be a part of a whole, must realize that his interest is
so bound up with that of society that be suffers or rejoices with it.
The entire community should live in each one of its members, and
eEkch one of its members in the entire community. When each
believes that the interests of others are identical with his own, all
will have the same end in view, and joys and soitows will be in
common.
Under these circumstances all control becomes superfluous. The
confhct of selfish interests is at an end, or, rather, self-interest rightly
understood fashions them to the common weal. Government is then
based upon " the persuasion and voluntary consent of hearts." All
power, in fact, becomes useless ; for power is merely foi-ce employed
to impose justice on the relations between man and man, and that
will no longer be necessary when private interest works s^'mpatheti-
cally with abstract love of justice. To love my neighbour is to benefit
myself ; to devote myself to him is to increase the sum of public
happiness, of which my own is a part. Love of self is absorbed in
love of others, and I can only love myself in the pewou of others, wad
0eek my own happiness in theirs. What use, then, is there for
the State in this contest of self-abnegation ? The Stat<« is the jx>wor
that enforces the performance of duty ; but duty is now synonymoua
irith interest, and there is need of no incentive to its perfurnianoe.
Such are some of the familiar arguments of Communism in its
most, spiritual form. We find this view in Plato, and in all tl»«
authors of Utopias, who took their cue from him ; we find it, too, in
Gospel, and in most of the Christian writers. Listen to lioa8u«t*8
ments on the beautifal words spoken by Christ in Uis last prayer,
snd given to us by St. John : —
" At Thou, Father, art in Me, arid I in TJice, tfutt thrifahn may fw one in fa.
That there may be between them, as between Us, perfect tHiimliCy, fi'om the
fint UDongst them to the last; that there may be coniplelo fi-ienjHhip and
community ; that ejich may say uh it were to hia brother, ' ull tlmt in utino
w thine, and all that is thine is mine.' • This, it is often neresHiiry to ro]>oat,
WIS in reality the case in the early days of the church. ' And thoy woro of
OBe heart and one mind; neither said any man that anythiuK ho iiuHHoaHed
■m his own, for they had all things in commun.' ThLs Bysteiii wiis ofTuclual
in the primitive churcii, showing that a disposition to su(;h an mnau^^tiuH'tit
arnst bu at the bottom of all hearts. Let us therefore encrmni^i! thm
difspofiition, let us commune together, let an bo charitablfj and coinixinKioiwitQ,
bokiog on none with disdain. In reality all are equal ; we huvc! nil hnon
created from the same dost, and we all alike bear the image of (irMJ in cmr
hearts. Let charity equalize all, according to St. Paul, who Wiyx that idl
libould be equal. And to that end he writes : ' that your abundance may Ixi
a mpply for their want, that their abundance also may b« a ttupply for your
vant : ' and he repeats : * that there may be equality as it iji written ; he thai
hail gatiiered much had nothing over, and he that liad gathered litlJK had no
lack' (2 Cor. viii. 14, 15). It is the Divine VS'iil that thwro nhould b««
«qujdity amongst men, that is to say, that none Khould be in wiuit ; hut
iaat nil i^hould have what they need, and that there Nhouhl becorofMrtiMitiou
for inequality. When eholi we aay with oar whole heart to our i«utr(Brirjg
In-other 'all that i& mine is thioe/ and to our more wealthy Wotiu:r 'oil
that ii< thine is mine.' AJaa '. we shall never Me »uch a {terfect tAMJU <A
things in this world. Vet this is what Clmat holdft forth as Hn exauiple.
Litt us seek for this Divine nfiixy. Hy God, I often wide my ana« to my
bvthrni. my fa€Mt wanH to thcs aad aqr bdveb am filad with mmmiIhi ;
I voold be to them latttr, mathrr, fanthar and ditLtrf trioA mod Manlar
■11 in fact that they require to mtikm thcaa hftp^.* *
These are eloquent wqmIi. T*"|t''g hum m beavt snceRl/ tnwttf^
by the evils whii^ wej|^ do«a the grtai «■« ci —alrinil. U i^
this feetiag of hummuij wUdl aasfy alvaf* girci bvth to Coitffiritt
ijctems. Thoae who |TTlfiMl tkA tknv " -H— ^»-*- foflac* ** iffniV
up in our a^e, ham the XmaAm» «4 amm'B aadb mA t^ Utmm
pven to their paBaoM, ^aote fcvjpt thai, haA tte mp» <d mtkftkf
tad the aaiotA of fliialiMJij mkmiwkai tkm mm ikmU'mu. 9^ tkM.
thftSntmthe ijmiIi— rf ifca jrwiiiij. iliii li jT" mf^witi^^
jatioe a&d Tirtaa veaa hcaai, and iba
310
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[liAB.
whose walla were the sole witnesses of their piety, alike preached the
necessity of community, seeing no other remedy for the evils of society.
These great men were distressed and indignant at the manifold
iniquities under which the human race groaned. They conceived a
state of society where justice should reign supreme, and where mutual
affection should unite together all men, henceforth brothers. From
the heights of ttiis great ideal they emptied the vials of their wrath
upon luxury, pride, distinctions of class and private property. They
quite forgot the obstacles that personal interest and the instinctire
desire for independence placed in the way of the realization of these
schemes inspired by feelings of charity.
Yet, as is known, these plans and visions were not wholly and
entirely day dreams. Associations founded for tJbe abolition of pro-
perty have existed, and have even thrived and prospered. But in
what circumstances? At the time of the French Revolution (1789),
religious communities owned about one-third of the land ; towards
the close of the eighteenth century, they possessed about the same
proportion in Spain, Italy, and Belgium. At the present day, in the
last named covintry, there ai-e over 2<J00 convents and religions estab-
lishments, almost as many as there are communes, and it is, I think,
universally admitted, that if these absolutely communistic associations
had the rights of poaseaaion as corporations, in less than a century the
entire country would be in their hands. If once religious Communism
bo granted a legal existence and power of inheritance, it will certainly
triumph over the individualist principle, even with respect to the
accumulation of wealth. During the last few centuries the Jesnita
have been eugaged in trade. Several convents on the Continent ^o busi-
ness successfully ; so that if the members of these orders were to
live what may be called a spiritual rather than a material life, and
were ever ready to .sacrifice their interests to what they consider their
duty, they might yet realize Mr. Bellamy's Utopia.
Between pure spirits community is natural ; between brutes it is an
impossibility. All that satisfies the tastes of the mind — t.c, the poe-
session of knowledge, the sight of the beautiful in nature and art,
may be enjoyed by a number in common ! Many nations and suc-
cessive generations can be gladdened by fine works of art. The
beautiful and the true, and all appertaining thereto, have the
divine privilege of being enjoyed by all eimultaneously, of being the
entire possession of each, and of losing none of their charms by an
increase in the number of their possessors. The more, then, men rise
to the appreciation of pure ideas, the greater is their serenity, and the
greater their capacity of intimate union with their fellows. Whereas,
on the other hand, all things which satisfy the senses can only be pos-
sessed by one person at a time ; the desire of two, for the same thing,
is at once a source of dispute and conflict. The more therefore mea
All graift BOB «ko adwMj^ted OwwOTwrn rMliMd Uu« UMl. U
«MtbeirdettretD«niksBiB«HBkiBdatMte far ** ijiiiilaal * tMl^P^
vUdi oould be |iimiiliwhi1 in onwiman. And to reatricl tW iKpfM*
Mlsfcr imgiUe tldnga, tfae pnawwikM* of wiuoh it mUmI^ raohlkv*.
laad Fbflo and listen to St. FImI. Hm fonnfir taUi w tl» M]r it Ml
oppreaor, a ^rrant, a wdght holding us down to tiio lovrar r*0ont t
(be latter, that it is the aoarce of all evil, a toni1< MoU»in|t
bat decaj. " ^Mio will deliver us from the K> . ic^tUiy**
The possession of a wife engenders jealoQuoa and qunnvlw ; nmrrin^
i» an excJasive and personal contract. Tbercfon^ Sf<. Pniil oxttUa vlr"
gioity, which would obviate a great disconl. IMutu tliinkH timb wiv«t
flhoold be held in common, and establishes a sort o( ohaiit« proniitioutty,
■» as to make the union between mr<n compli't**. PluluiuRtn ntui
Jkaoetidsm both sacrifice personality and uuirna(;t<. A nuiti tininb
acrifice not only his interest but his will to livo '' in o(«riimuitiiy"|
he most renounce self entirely, and yield imiilii-il. iilx'dicrirn In hiii
iiqierior, who has sole control of him, liis phyHituil powcrn ninl liit
tastes. This superior may be society in jcenerul, ait r*^»ri«iMiiiltMl l»y
gUhudUf or it may be an individaal, MonoNtic c^mitnitriitiiM woU
■deratood the indispensable conditlonii for life in (ioinrnori. 'VliPir
diief object was to root oat firom men'i bearta pridti, cinonpiaowwMi,
nd lore of earthly things, benoe the tbree voire of cbttitity, pofvrljr,
■d homilitj. Bot to attain Iht*, tbe mmimpriag of thn human orgjuio
■itiaa was so atnined that it sometiiMS snapped^ Tbsae ooaiflui*
■jjcs, bowewr, aanrivied, are Hill ia ntjitgaei. Mid f* WttMy^y* BH
«beB oBoe tiny dsKxad isom tbe emUivatiam of tbe " spMinel/ tMf
lUl is sad mogb.
hf mtn <4 gsswi to
St tbe
mi 0&tti m alwwifair m'
ite
Wei
Imhf
Ci^mm'^
hmmmm<d
812
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mak.
inequality." It is necessary, he thinks, that there should be
equality of condition throughout the same order, for it would be
difficult to maintain a government based on injustice ; and he
explains in detail all the means that have been from time
to time employed for the maintenance of equality. Minos and
Lycurgus attempt^'d to solve the problem by establishing a sort of
Communism, and the institutions they founded lasted sufficiently long
to excite the ill-justified admiration of both ancients and modems;
but inequality finally invaded Sparta, and the Greek Republics ended
in anarchy. Montesquieu shared the views of the Greek statesmen, for
he says the btisia of a republic should be tnrtiie, which he defines as
love of equality. " As what I call virtue," he writes in his introduction
to the Spirit of Laws^ " is love of country, that is to say, love of
equality," Again, in Book \di. chap. 2, " Equality in the distribution
of riches makes the excellence of republics." These are maxims which
have been too much lost sight of in our day, as they have not been
considered applicable to the present age. I think this is an error.
It is true that they were certaiuly more applicable to ancient cities,
where the citizens were comparatively few in number, and where all
considered themselves as eqaals; but at the present time precisely
the same feeling of equality is spreading throughout all classes. I am
quite aware that the opinions of Montesquieu are not wholly reliable,
because, having studied ancient society much more than modern, he
thought more of artificial than of natural organizations. Nevertheless,
I think tliat he is right when he says that a certain equality of condi-
tion is essential to the continuance of a democracy, even though that
democracy be a modern one. The events of these later years have
given still further proof of this. When those, who by their labour
can only secure to themselves insufficient or, at all events, precarious
sustenance, have a voice in the government, it is more than probable
that, sooner or later, they will do their utmost to alter laws which
sanction the inequality from which they suffer. Those, on the other
hand, who are b^^tter off, support, the laws already in existence, and,
to maintain them, are willing to have recourse to a dictatorship.
So that democracy tenuinates in either anarchy or despotism, and
usually in the one as a result of the other. Under any circumstances,
inequality is the cause of its downfall. Such has been the lesson of
history from the earliest times, and such also was the lesson of history
but yesterday. It cannot be denied that the opinion of Ariftotle and
Montesquieu is supported by facts. Historical changes of this sort
formerly took place within the bmits of a city, or at most, of a realm ;
they never occurred everywhere simultaneously, because each city and
each realm had its own peculiar faith, ideas and institutions. In
our day this is no longer the case. The spread of Christianity, the
facilities of communication, the activity of trade and commerce, and
COMMUNISM.
818
■any other circumstances have broxight all Cbri.stian nations to share
tte same general views, and to face the same social problem, modified
leaidi case by local influences. The result is that the difficulty which
these ancient cities within their narrow limits, at present
5, and threatens still further to ag^itate, all the nations of Europe ;
that, by the extension of its sphere, it has now acquired an
>rt«iiica which cannot fail to strike every one, and the more bo,
we have lately seen an Emperor taking the lead of the Socialist
rement. I will endeavour to demonstrate by what process this
Ity has grown so in modem times, and how certain reformers
luive sought to solve it by Communism.
During the Middle Ages men's minds, being sf.ill slaves to custom,
•ere not vigorous enough to attain to auy conception of the rights of
ity. With tiie Reformation, that bold insurrection against
303 despotism, a new era of things commenced. Holland took
anna in support of liberty of conscience ; England shook off the
of the Stuai'ts and proclaimed the sovereignty of the peo]>le ;
the seas Puritans and Quakers founded democracies based on
nciples of universal suffrage, of direct government by the people, and
universal equality. Finally, the eighteenth century adopted all these
inciples and arranged thera in systems, and, as ia well known, the
French Revolution promulgated them through the world. Since that
the idea of equality has penetrated everywhere into men's
and become the foundation of many societies. The process is
as follows : By an energetic effort of self-assertion man comes to con-
fider himself independent of the institutions under the domination of
which history would place him. This call upon nature, or rather upon
rmnfin gives him a glimpse of the essential right.s of man. In fact '
is quite impoesible to conceive the bare idea of man, without a glance
that goal of perfection, whither it is the law of his being to tend.
Hioa art a man, thou must therefore be all that thy name implies ;•'
jy development is thy destiny.'' But certain conditions are indis-
lie for the accompliBhmi-nt of this destiny, and these may be
led up in the one word Lil>erty — liberty of thought, freedom of
•etioiL, and property, as a free sphere in which to exercise that liberty.
These are essential rights. They belong to all, for all are of one kind.
The man therefore who claims freedom for himself must admit to his
fetlows the enjoyment of the same right. An abstract idea of e(|uality
thsa becomes the basis of the new social order. The root of the words
sqsity and equality is cequus. Justice and equity could never be
ooaoeired without the idea of equality. Jv*tum ayjuaU td. says the old
dsfiMtMH. Aristotle was the first t-o write : " Right consist* in an equal
pn|K«tk>n " (FoiU. iii. G). In Gr«e>pk dilM-um means "just and e*jual." It
biaacribed in the written conntitutions in the following words: " All
ailnouare equal hrfort the laic," and in England this is admitted aa a
314
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mab.
fact. But in reality all men are not in enjoyment of their primitive rights,
and the greater number lack the means of development. They have no
opportunity fur culture of the mind. Their whole time is taken up
by manual labour. Thoy are not free, for they have nothing on which
they can employ their vital energy ; others hold the land and capital,
and themselves non-workers, exact from the workers payment for the
right of retaining a portion of the bread they earn by their labour.
Private property is an essential condition of liberty, and consequently
of the development of human destiny. As Sir Louis Mallet recently
remarked^ with his usual penetration, without private property freedom
can have but a merely nominal existence. But how can property be
assured to all, it being of itself an exclusive appropriation ? And here we
come to the formidable incongruity between the right to live by working
for one's livelUiood, which it appears ought certainly to be the right of
all, and the right to private property, which seems to offer an invincible
obstacle to the exercise of the former right. This difficulty requires a
few words of explanation.
A man is born. He can invoke the rights that this incident con-
fers on him, and therefore the right to procure himself food ; otherwise
society must either take upon herself to feed him, or let him starve to
death. Everything is already appropriated. The exclnsive private
domain of those ah-eady in existence refuses to receive the newcomer
or to give him sustenance. What is to be done ? Do you deny that
he has certain rights, and foremost among them the right to live ? Even
you yourself enjoy all you possess merely by the same title that he
appeals to, that is to say, your birthright as a man. To deny
him similar rights would be to transgress the law. Would you dis-
pute his exercise of tJbese rights ? In that case the very conception
of rights, resulting from the earliest notions of individuality, would
fade away, and nothing would remain but chance and strength. But
neither strength, chance, occupation, nor conquest, are titles to adduce ;
they may all be summed up in one word — facts. To-day facts may be
in your favour, but will they be so to-morrow ? Who say strength
say numbers ; and it is obvious to which side these belong.
The progress of the human species seems to be arrested at this
point ; how overcome the obstacle in the way ? How ensure to
every man education, property, and even work without attacking the
privileges of those already enjoying all these ? Which of the two
ideas — equality or exclusive possession — will gain the victory ? The
future destinies of the civilized world depend on the issue of these
conflicting interests. What indeed is civilization if it does not enable
the greater number to enjoy their necessary rights, and to have a share
in the general well-being, education, and social and pwlitical freedom?
But, once again, how is this end to be attained ? The problem is as
complex and difficult to solve, as it is serious. As a rule, economists
I&p]
COMMUNISM.
315
[ttaaks
not stopped to consider it, and the majority of Socialists
answered it too thoughtlessly. During the eighteenth oen-
it was acknowledged by all thoughtful men, though its com-
factors oould not be as clearly perceived as they are now,
to the progress made in economic science. The majority of
who, during the last century and the present, became conscious
the difficulty were satisfied with calling attention to it, aui] setting
It forth with more or less precision and eloquence ; other more daring
rafonners sought tx) do away with it, after the manner of Minos and
Lycurgns, by Communism. But as the majority of them were
llaterialists, they have given this creed a new characteristic, which it
is essential to note here. They denied the existence of evil instincts
in man. According to them, man is essentially good. All the evil
proceeds from established institutions. If these were reformed, evil
voold wholly disappear. All the passions are holy. They are excellent
springs which must be wiflL4y controlled and worked for the common hap-
piness. Nature is our mother, they argue j why resist her voice? Instinct
is h«r voice : to satisfy it is our right, and since it is an equal right
(far all, all must enjoy equally, as enjoyment is our destiny. The only
wsy to effect this equality of enjoyment is to institute community
nt jxesesaions. These materialistic Communists, therefore, instead of
•djiog for means to realize equality of rights, endeavour to
oteblish absolute equality of possessions. According to their view,
Ban is no longer a free agent, possessed of certain rights, and
responsible for the way in which he usies them, but a simple unit to
he placed in a line with other units, so that none may exceed the
aniform level. The syst^^m, as has been said, would turn society into
L A sort of bed of Procrustes,
H For rights to be thoroughly respected, or in other words, for all to
HcDJoy complete equality, society as a body should eat with the same
^■■Kmtii, work with the same members, and feel successive sensations
with the same senses. In default of this perfect unity of society,
wkich alone would realize the absolute idea of equal rights as con-
oesTpd by the Materialists, it is possible to have at least meals, work,
[mid pleasures in common. All care should be taken to prevent one
baartng a larger share of enjoyment than another. If necessary, the
aid of despotism must be called In to hinder this. The principle of
aqnality demands it, if there is to be an equality of sensations. The
iBittvidaal possession of implements of labour necessarily entaib certain
£Bn«ucn which the principle of r^ponsibility sanctions. Individual
fMUBOn, a necessary condition of all lAbour, and individual respon-
aftOhy, an essential condition of all morality, must therefore both be
abolislied. Can there be any greater inequatidt'S than those which
tmn\t from the institution of marriagi' ? Womun has ever been the
object of the most ardent desin?, and the source of the greatest joya.
316
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mak.
These mnst be the same for all, says the Materialist. What then is
to prevent completo promiscuity ? Logic points directly to it, and
there is no moral law to forbid, it. Is not indeed the voice of in-
stinct in its favour? Therefore the Communists of the eighteenth
century added to their doctrines community of wives as well as of
goods.
Nature herself differeutiates between man and man. Strength of
muscle, or of limb, quickness, vigour, or special intelligence prevent
uniformity in the same race. All are differently endowed. But these
varieties of faculties are to be arrested in their development.
Phrenology must be consulted that means may be found to efface
these differences, by modelling the tender heads of infants in the same
mould. Such a course would ettect material equality- The uniformity
would be complete. Obviously, too, the culture of the mind and the
various talents, constitute sources of serious inequality by developing
those tendencies which date from birth. Let all culture bo prohibited,
and all progress arrested. The cultivation of the soil suffices for the
maintenance of life. Any other occupation would become a cause of
inequality ; let ib therefore be prohibited. The distribution of labour,
in itself so great a good, would be wholly incompatible too witji
justice, thus understood ; for labour, if distributed, would not be the
same for all. Let each then cultivate the common soil for himself,
and draw from it what ho needs for the satisfaction of his wants.
Freedom of thought is not compatible with this n'ifime ; its whole
tendency would be to destroy anything of the kind. The greatest
possible care must bo taken that the laws are properly executed, and
any budding superiority must be at once nipped with an iron hand ;
for superiority of any description would constitute a public danger,
and an attack on the established order of things. 'I'his doctrine is
very clearly ex]>lained in the Manifestc des Effcmx dra vn up by Sylvain
Mar6chale at the time of the conspiracy ofBab<cufin 17GS^* : "Equality
of condition before the law is a mere day-dream ; if there l>e one single
man in the world in the least degree richer or more powerful than his
fellows, the equilibrium is upset ; there must be no other difference
amongst them but that of nge and sex ; the soil belongs to no one,
the fruits of the earth are for all alike ; it behoves tlie State to dis-
tribute them equally amongst all men, who in return must give
enforced labour, the description, quality, and quantity of which are
regulated by the State alone. Luxiiry, which bears in itself the stamp
of inequality must disappear, and, with it, all great cities, hotbeds of
agitation and immorality. Equality im]iltes the common education of
children beyond the pale of their jiarents' supervision, and their instruc-
tion is to be limited to useful and practical knuwledg(^, to the exclusion
of any speculative information. When this system is once established,
no one will have the right to express an opinion opposed to the sacred
OMMUNISM.
principles of equality, and the frontier will be inexorably closed to all
forei^ produce or foreign ideas. Finally, in order to assist the establish-
ment of the new state of things public and private debts will be abolished,"
{Hist, du Social, par B. Malon, cb. vii.) Absolute and necessary
despotism is then the last stage of this system which invokes
liberty, promises happiness, and swears by equality. It recognizes the
independence of man, and makes a slave of him. It gives free vent to
\aa appetite, but ties up labour. It liberates him from the obligations
of the moral law, but introduces the inquisition. Respect the prin-
ciple of evil ; it is an instinct of nature. Let concupiscence spread
mchecked ; pleasure is the great aim of life. Woe to him who rises
nperior to his fellows in either genius or virtue ; he is infringing the
nghts of others, and violating equality. Why proscribe AriatideB ?
Because he is a just man. Dissolute brutes under an iron yoke is
the ideal communism which materialism dreams of. Herein is summar-
ixed the entire doctrine. Man is desirous of family joys, and of the
Kipreme charm of liberty. Instead of these he is allotted compulsory
labour and promiscuity of intercourse. Society must arrive at a
ctatd of organization, where the greatest activity can be displayed
under a reign of the most perfect order ; the materialists offer a dead
level of uniformity and general servitude.
It should be observed that this latter theory is in total opposition to
primitive communism. Rousseau's scheme was to let loose man as a
fipee being in an isolated condition. Baboenf, on the contrary, wished
a Conunanism of equality organized by the State. Instead of an
aggregate of persons in a state of freedom which knows no laws, yon
hxTO laws cramping individuals into a condition where liberty is wholly
BokBOwn. In the one instance the realization of Hobbe's homo homini
Itrjm*; in the other Loyola's maxim, homo perinde ae cadaver ; either
bfo withoat order, or order without life. In both cases alike justice
n^^WMt perish, and individuality be entirely lost.
^^Hniie doctrine here explained is in reality, with the exception of a
^Vvir trifling details, that of the communists of the last and the present
B eeBtmy. It entirely differs from that of Plato, the ascetics, and
Bovxiet, wheal], nevertheless, extolled community of possessions. The
watb tAocA would have all the passions fully satisfied, while the object
«f Uw other is to stifle them. The one reinstates the flesh, denying the
vol; the other abhors the body while exalting the mind. The onei»
pnHHnil, and calculates on attaining its object by authoritative measurea
L and by Uie power of the State ; the other is religious, and relies for
H ita nnwiHJ oo conversion and the advancement of morality. The one
H !■• its origin in a conception of rights, appeals to self-interest, and
H •i"" at Uie establishment of equality ; the other originates in a con-
eEftioB of doty, appeals to charity, and seeks to establish universal
Cntenty. Finally, if the one be the better calculated to fire the
LTD, • Y
818
THE CONTEMPORARY RE VIE FT.
[Mab.
masses by a perspective of material enjoyment, the other is more suited
to captivate generous and enthusiastic minds by the vision of a ter-
restrial Eden, and by the ideas of justice on which tliese day-dreams
are based.
m.
Let us now briefly inquire if Communism be Buitable to men as they
now are, and as they aeem likely to be for some time to come. Before
pronounclnj^ a judgment on this point, we cannot do better than look
at Sbuart Mill's opinion on the subject. He writes as follows :
"The restraints of Commimism would be freedom in comparison with the
present condition of the majority of the Jiuman nice. The generality of
labourers in this and most other t-ountries have as libtlo choice of occupation
or freedom of locomotion, arc pi-acttcally as dependent on fixed rules, and on
the will of others, as they could be on any system short of actual slavery. If
therefore, the choice were to bo made between Communism and all its chances,
and the present stato of society with all its sulTerings and inju-stices ; if the
institution of private property necessarily carried with it as a consequence,
that the produce of labour should be apportioned, as we now see it, almost
in an inverse ratio to the labour —the largest jxirtions to those who have
never worked at all, the next largest to those whose work is almost nominal,
and so in a dosccnding scale, the remuneration dwindling as the work grows
harder and more disagreeable, until tho most fatiguing and exhausting bodily
labour cannot count with certainty on being able to earn even the necessaries
of life; if this or Communism were the aliernative, all the difficulties, great
or small, of Communism would bo but as dust in the balance."
Mill's opinion should put ns on our guard against hasty judgments,
and precipitate denunciation of Commnnism. Nevertheless there ar©,
in my opinion, strong objections to it, so strong as to quite suffice for its
nnhesitatrng rejection. Mr. Bellamy, and communists of his stamp,
blinded by th^ir utopian visions, will not see what 13 daily proved by
experience. From each avawdinj tn his strength they say, but who is
to be judge of this ? The State, The State, then, is to set me my
task, and condemn me to an amount of laboor which is to be settled
solely by its arbitrary judgment. What is the difTerence between this
and the galleys ?
To enrh accordiju/ to his wants. But who is to limit these ? Each
individual? No; for this would bo making caprice or gluttony the
measure of the allotment. The State then ; that is to say, the daily
rations, shall be fixed by law ; there shall be a national " pot au fen,"
a sort of enforced mesa for all time. This is no longer a feast of
eqaals, a family banquet, or the evangelical love-feast. In the
Agnpc the State had no part, love reigned supreme ; it was in.
consecration of their unity that the members of one great family
gathered together, a communistic institution rendered possible by evil
overcome. But away from this ideal, the memory of a foregone or the
forecast of a very far off future age, no such institution is possible
save by constraint. Communiem may also be reproached with
weakening the springs of activity and with enervating instead of
iS9o3
COMMVSISM,
■riaqlating U»e wilL I( is eertam tihak umm en oa^ drur kit mmI»>
naooe frcnn the euth bjr dinft of labotur. L«kbo«r aeoasstelM Mi «Abit
Against the instinct o£ kj^enow, a oettain degree of tvMb)»« of wkkli
want is the incentiTe, and t^ •atigEactkm of w«ttt tbe ivvm^. If
you take away the reward for the tioable, ywa r«>QK»v« the slimultta.
There mast be direct and Immediate oonnecclon between laU^ur and
its produce ; in other words, the labourer must feel that tlie prodooe
of hia labour is his own. If the produce bo entirely, or ewji partially
absorbed by another, the intensity of labour will bo impaired. Thia
is what actually take^ place in the ssjciety of to-day ; and it
would take place to a far greater degree in a state of sooiely whore
^li-- producer had only a certain share of tlie produce allotted hiui ;
;. tr.ity would certainly decrease, as there would be no iinuu'diatn
connection between the eflbrt and its object, between Inbour and thw
prodaoB destined to satisfy the need. The producer wauld not have
the full enjoyment of his own creation.
The larger a community is, the less direct ia tho connection
between labour and its produce, and the less intense is Mm artivity liorn
of peal want. It may easily be conceived that in a Bociety of Hoiriti
miliioas of persons this force would be reduced to a moro miiumum.
"'" _'ious communities, in order to compensate for this inevitable
!:i, offered — as a reward for labour — happinesa in a future Mtato»
which acted as an incentive to work, in the place of want or a doilrn
to enjoy the g<x>d things of the world ! In this way indur*try WM
encouraged in their midst, and work did not come to a olandiitill.
Bat could any one with a full knowledge of men of the present day
leasonably suggest that tbey ahoold go down into mines, dig oat ore,
wmk in factories or workshopB, drive enf^tnee ; in a wofd, acoonipUiih
any of the mnltitudinous duties inrolred in onr indostrial and
eommercial life, with a view to aeciiriiig h»pptaeH bejond the graTe«
and the joys of Paradise ?
On the contrary it is sMCt h^hljr fmentmi to mpeet t« ferj waj
«Dd stimulate tbe lacetiTS of peMMil ial«rait. Girt H iht iwplssi
miisf action bgr tiwifag to the vodker dw lUI ^ijiajntmi of M*
produce ; jostice inOs tfcsfr ttas sfcn^U be ssi. Gmnudm to aU turn
■oope for their eoogy ; *imltij ■'■■M Imw flii m, iMtht isuito'
neat of want sal tW iemm tm I yliwiti i«ji/»iMt migt te dw
iiphere of labour; ihtr vil fi*» • fttSffiom lafttes to himttf*
But do ndi iiiwjit 'tm mfmt m mtHiid ** l^ftMy " j k wmU
eogeader hatir^ mI wmii U |iihrtgpi Mff U mimtj, Utk9
lights of each be ciiaslf 4dtmt4 amd pMaitoei, 0m fiiftinpi «f
thtse brotbstB bs— » shsObis mdtmmdkm^htlifiitfimimtiVf
Ultm
820
THE CONTEMPORARY REVFEW.
tMAa
boirnd to work for my neighbour, I Bhall, more than probably, dialiko
him ; all that ig oppression entftila hatred of the oppressor ; but if
both of us enjoy the fruit of our own personal exertions, I shall h&
animated by feelings of affection, and ready even to make sacrifices for
him.
It is very important to keep the two primitive sentiments of man
within the compass of their spheres. The sting of want may incite tt>
the struggle with the barrenness and parsimony of Nature, ro that ease
and comfort may be wrenched from her ; but such elevated feelings
and aspirations as love, abnegation, and brotherhood must not be invoked
for the production of riches. They are wholly out of place. Lovo
must no more be a speculation than labour a sacrifice or appetite a
right.
If every man in his own legitimate sphere of action were free to
produce for himself, and if the tax of idleness were abolished, a
epirit of fruitful emulation would inspire all workers, and the welfare
of one woi/ld not spring from the poverty of another. What moro
than this could be desired ?
But the chief objection to Communism is that it destroys respon-
Bibility, and consequently sacrifices either justice or liberty. Justice,
in its practical sense, means giving to each his due, cuiqucsnum. To
each according to his merit and work, is a very old maxim, which the
consciences of all nations have ever accepted. It is the very principle
of responsibility, and the basis of the moral law. If thou doest well
thou shalt reap thy reward, if evil thy punishment, for these are the
sequels of thine own actions, good or evil.
It follows, then, that the fundamental precept of social economy
should be : " To each nnrkei' his produce, his entire proditfc, and nothing
hit his prodnce" The great problem of social organization is to realize
this formula of justice. If this were once applied, pauperism and
divitism-, misery and idleness, vice and spoliation, pride and servitude
would disappear as if by magic from our midst. Communism
entirely ignores these first principles, the perception and realization
of which are the constant effort and crowning glory of civilization.
Zeal or cowardice, cupidity or abnegation, it recognizes no difference.
Each one has his work appointed him j one does it ill, another not at
all — it matters not ; meals are served to al! alike, all are treated in
the same way, the idle and the industrious ; brotherly feeling ia
tender over such slight delinquencies. It is quite clear that with thi9
fiystem it is to a man's advantage to do as little work as pcssible, all
his wants being attended to under any circumstances. Vice is re-
warded and virtue sacrificed. Abnegation offers a premium to lazinesa.
When two persons, out of politeness, debate as to which sIiaK not
accept a service each is anxious to render the other, the less scru-
pnlons will have the best of the generous contest. It is precisely the
«*90l
COMMUNISM.
821
nine in Communism, wbicli is the dominance of tho weak by the
■troDg, of the active and industrious, by the greedy and self-indulgent.
Without responsibility morality becomeB a word devoid of signification.
How then is such a system as Communism to be maintained ? There is
but one way. Stringently to enforce the penal code, that is to say,
arrange an entire scale of penalties and punishments, regulate all the
actions of private life, divide the workers into brigades under the
Arbitrary orders of an overseer, or submit all the questions of produce
to the general votes, to punish auy wilful idleness ; substitute, in fact,
lor the incentive to work the fear of the gaol.
Instead of emulation and personal responsibility, constantly stiran-
bting to increased vigour and activity, there would be then constraint
in balonce with indolence, disgust and weariness with law, and
" fraternity " with justice. If you once do away with individual
responsibility, society becomes one vast wheel, kept in motion by force.
Bot, let ua listen to what Stuart llill says on this subject :
"The objection ordinoi-ily made to a system of community of property and
«qtuJ distribution of the produce, that each person would be incessantly
occupied in evading his fair share of tho work, points, undoubtedly, to a real
difficulty ; but those who urge this objection, forget to how great an extent
the 5.ime difhculty exists under the system on which nine-tenths of the
bu-iuess of society is now conducted. TJie objection supposes that honest
' Ik'ient labour is only to be had from those who are themselves in-
. iaily to reap the benefit of their own exertions. Cut how small a part
tt( ail the lalx)ur performed in England, from the lowest paid to the highest,
it done by pei'sons working for their own beneiit."
These statements of the eminent economist certainly possess a
▼alae which we will not contest ; their application to the present
•yet^ra is undoubted, but they are no justification of Coramuniam,
which wonld merely extend the same lamentable defect that exists
ID oar present social organization.
Moreover, at the present time, tho ill-effects of the wages' system
<yn the quantity and quality of work are considerably mitigated by the
jricman being closely overlooked by his master, whose interest it is
sec that he works as well and as quickly as possible. When this
erintendence ia too difficult to be effectually carried out, work ia
iooe " by the job " instead ; in this way the force of responsibility
acts either directly or indirectly on the workman through the medium
the master. This is generally the case with most agricultural
Ubour, with mines and small industries. It is quite true, as Mill
'obierves, that there are very many cases in which the stimulus of
private interest is not called into action. For instance, many func-
4ioncaries and oflacials in large companies have a C.xed stipend, in no
way dependent on the way they do their duty. In such cases, it must
of oooree be admitted, that the principle of responsibility ia less direct
ka itA action, and yet it seems to me that it has more influence than
822
IHE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mas.
in a Communist association. Tiie superintendent of the labourers has
the hope of risiug to a higher post and of receiving higher wages ; in
addition to this he generally Leldngs to a class somewliat above the
workmen under him, and he is thus better able to understand that his
interest lies in doing his duty conscientiously ; finally he knows that
if he does not work well, he may be dismissed, and that he would
thus lose a position superior to that of the great majority of those
who have to live by their own exertions. All these stimulants to
activity are lacking in Communism. The superintendent or overseer
is not urged to ilisjilay the utmost zeal in his power by any hope of
better pay, or fear of losing what he already enjoys. True, ho has a
certain intere&t in the prosperity of Eociety, his own being dependent
on it, an interest which the hired workman has not ; but this stimulus,
which might be efiBcacious in a sinall communistic association com-
peting with other contractors, would be of no possible avail in a uni-
versal association for governmental purposea, for there would be no
proportion whatever between his disposition to neglect, and thf benefit
he could obtain from the addition of his personal produce to th&
general produce of some millions of co-associates. Nowadays, when
ft workman is idle he is dismissed ; as the Communist workshop would
comprise the wholf country, dismissal wonid mean exile, a punish-
ment eo seven- that it would probably be replaced by imprisonment.
So that, not self-sacrifice, but the gaoler would be the pivot of the new
state of society. I am of opinion, therefore, that Mill goes too far
when he sums up his conclusion as follows :
, " I consider that nt the prpsent time it is an open question as to what
extent the power of labour would be decreased by CommunisiD, and even
whether it woulij bo so at nil."
I believe, on the other hand, that at the present time it is perfectly
certain that nothing but very fervent religious feeling can induce men
to give up entirely their private interests and their own free-will for
the benefit of societj'. The experiment has been made several times.
Those who have made religious conviction the basis of the association
have sometimes been successful ; the others have invariably failed.
Communism is a protest against the existing order rather than &
Bystem of organization in itself. As we have seen, it owes its birth
to an erroneous inference from the principle of fraternity or firom
that of equality, but in neither case does it offer any hope of a new
social order. Real study of man's instincts is entirely lacking in its
doctrines and precepts. It disdains to study becanse it only recog-
nizes in our present state of society spoliation and injustice, and the
order of things it dreams of is the exact reverse of what it sees. It
troubles itself nought with the laws of production and distribution ;
they are unessential, and are to be entirely set aside. There ia no
tfgol
COMMUNISM.
323
transition between the forests priroeval and paradise, between the
wwidering savage and angels united in bonds of ineffable love. It
does not understend the onward inarch of civilization, and fails to
pQiceire the slow and arduous, but none the less snre and glorioae,
progpess of reason.
The problem set by socialism — that is to say, by the science of
Mciety and civilization — is the following : Since men are equal by
right, and possess divers aptitudes and inclinations, how shall the
right of each to his means of prodncticJn be secured to him, and how,
it the same time, shall labour bo stimulated by responsibility ? In
Olfaer words,, in what manner should the association of mankind be so
«rgaiuzed that equity may govern all social relations ? Comraunisn
hM not answered this question, because it has never even asked it.
Its aspiration is generous, but it in no way solves the difficulty
before us. Since Campanella, Communism has not made one
itep forwards, and since More, it has gone backward. Two
Ikiasand years ago it was at its zenith. Plato was its inspired
advocate, and St. Paul its austere apostle ; while the days of
primitive Christianity were its period of religious enthusiasm, of
daring proselytism, and of practical realization. Mr. Bellamy's
Utopia, in spite of the charm of the pictures he draws, and the skill
of his economic arguments seems to me inferior to More's,
Though I have thus pointed out some of the chief objections to
Comnionism, I am well aware that they are not all equally important.
But I think we may draw this conclusion'from them, as a whole, that
as long as men are such as they now are, and seem likely to remain
tar some time to come, generous minds may sigh for Communism an
aa enchanting picture of regenerate humanity, but that it is not in
its |wefient shape, a scheme suitable for men. In the sphere of
flooaomy it would snap a.sunder the spring of all work and effort,
while in the judgment seat it would not respect justice, seeing that it
fails to ensure to each the fruit of his labour. The second defect is
more serious than the first, for there is just a remote chance that some
mt of motive power might become developed in man, to act as a
tdanlos to production with the same force as does private interest ;
W men will never willingly submit to a system which rewards good
and bad workmen alike.
The sole advantage to be gained by studying communistic pro-
gnounes lies in the fact that they criticize v^^th more or less eloquence
aad with a good deal of truth, the abuses of our social organization,
and that they stir up an enthusiasm for reform.
If we may judge by the past it may safely be affirmed that the
futare is not for Communism. The system of property ia rather
naktng progress than losing ground ; it has always had the advantage
of powseaaing a principle of organization superior to that of Commn-
324
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mas.
uiam. Property will not perish ; but there will be gradual modiGcations
in the manner in which it is held. It will become more and more
a personal, and leas and less an hereditary right. Every institution
which is essentially stationary by nature, is condemned to disappear,
sooner or later, because all things change, and more particularly the
thoaghts and faiths of men.
Oa the other hand, principles which form the necessary basis of
society subsist always, being accounted for and jastified by our very-
nature ; only they are gradually modified and perfected in the process
of general progress. The relics of barbarous times disappear one by
one as these principles draw nearer and nearer to the ideal of justice,
growing more and more at each step into conformity with the laws of
reason, and more and more favourable to the happiness of all. Such
ia, and has ever been, the destiny of property, as I have shown in my
book, '* Primitive Property." The laws with regard to it have always
been, and still are, very different with different nations ; frequently they
have varied very much with the same people, and it ia perfectly certain
they will suffer many more changes. None but the enemies of
property would wish to restrict it within the limits of its present
prescribed boundaries. Social institutions gradually become trana-
fornied, but they generally develop in a certain given direction, and
according to fixed rules ; at all events during many consecutive cen-
turies. It is therefore probable that property will become modified
In the way I have indicated, and the changes which have already-
taken place allow of our foreseeing, in a measure, those which are
likely to ensue. Property is becoming more accessible ; it is there-
fore probable that a time will come when all will share in it, as it is
essential to a real state of freedom, and the true development of
individuality that all should accomplish. It is also becoming more and
more a reward of labour; we may therefore reasonably believe that by-
and-by that maxim, which is at once both the absolute negation of
Communism and the most sacred justice, will receive due legislative
recognition : To each the produce and nothing but the produce of
his labour.
Emile dh Laveleyb.
iS9o]
DR. VON BOLLINGER.
IT was in the month of May, 1870, that I first made the acquaint-
ance of Dr. Ignatius von Dolliiiger. I was on my way to
the decennial representation of the " Oberammergau Passion
■," which was then very little known in England, and of which I
promised Mr. Delaue a description for the Times. It was the
year of the Vatican Council, and Dr. Diillinger was the foremost
figTire in the opposition to the dogma of Papal Infallibility, which was
taen in debate. For this reason, and also because of his immense
liiniiTig and of his great personal chai-m (of which I had heard from
ftiends of his), I was anxious to make bis acquaintance. I chanced
lo mention my wish to Mr, Gladstone, who at once kindly offered me
n introduction, and gare me, at the same time, an interesting
■ t of his first meeting with Dr. Ddllinger twenty-five years
lisly. I called on Dr. DoUinger in company with a friend who
bnn a not very distinctively Welsh name. On greeting him, Dr.
BoBiager said : " You are Welsh," and went oft' forthwith into a most
fatuifiting digression on the unsuspictcd traces of Keltic origin which
itiD mrvive in the language and nomenclature of persona and places
■' ^' '1, His mind was a wonderful storehouse of knowledge on
ty of subjects, and the knowledge was so well digested
-^orted that it was ever at his command. He was a great
I an omnivorous reader in the literatures of Europe and
- well as of ancient Greece and Rome. And his acquaint-
inth men was as various as his acquaintance with books. Hardly
n\&u of note passed near Munich without calling — not always with
mtrodoction — on the great German theologian and scholar; and
y made long journeys on purpose to see him. He was not a good
i^nepondent; indeed, he could not have been. He was the
326
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mas.
recipient of an immense number of letters, from Royalties downwards ;
but he never allowed his correspondence to interfere with his hours of
study, and his letters therefore, though numerous in the aggregate,
were sparse to individuals. He preferred to write in German, bat
wrote fluently iu English, French, and Italian. He read Spanish with
ease, but I do not know whether he wrote or spoke that language.
A man may be highly intellectual and wonderfully learned without
Ix'ing necessarily a good talker. It is impossible to define a good
talker, for the accomplishment is infinitely various. There, are divers
styles of good talking, each excellent in its way, and there are mea
who excel in more styles than one, of whom the late Mr. Robert
BrowTung may be given as an example. In general .society his con-
versation was so light and oparkling, so full of anecdote and repartee
and breezy fun, that admirers of his poetry who met him for the
first time were sometimes gri<'.vou5]y disapjwinted. They had pictured
to themselves a man of austere and dignified mien, who spoke like
his poems, instead of which they met a very cheery, well dressed, old
gentleman whose speech was by no means oracular, but was, on the
contrarj', an excellent specimen of good dinner talk. But Browning
could talk in a very different strain when the opportunity presented
itself. I remember a summer evening, two years ago, when, after
retiring from the dinner-table, he started a discussion on the doctrine
of evolution, from which the conversation passed to Plato's Dialogues;
and Brovraing's conversation was so brilliant and stimulating that
the hours sped on without reckoning ; and when we thought it was
verging upon midnight we fouud that it was already the dawn of another
day. Browning, so far from feeling tired, playfully proposed that we
should continue the discussion till breakfast.
To this class of talkers Dr. Dollinger belonged. He seldom dined
out ; but he once did mo the honour of dining with me iu the Four
Seasons Hotel, llunicbj to meet some friends of both sexes, including
the present Vicar of Leeds and Mrs. Talbot. He charmed the ladies,
young and elderly, with the brightness and lightness of his conversa-
tion, and with his familiarity with topics which they had supposed
mast have been beneath his notice. He was full of humour, and I
have never known a man who had a keener sense of the ridiculous, or
laughed more heartily. But there was no malice in his humour ; like
Bheet-lightning, it irradiated without hurting the objects on which it
played. I can confirm Mr. Gladstone's experience in affirming* that
I never heard Dr. Dollinger speak an unkind word even of those whom
he might reasonally have regarded as his adversaries. Archbishop
Scherr, of Munich, was a personal friend of Dr. DoUinger, and was at
fiirst on© of the opponents of the dogma of Infallibility. At the railway
station of Munich, as he was starting to attend the A^atican Council, h©
« See Mr. Gladstone's article in the Speaktr of Jan. 18.
«S9o]
DR. VON BOLLINGER.
327
Dr. Dollinger tJjat in the event (which the Archhiahop
Ukoagbt improbable) of the dogma being proposed in the Council, it
lAoold have his determined opposition. For a time the Archbishop
iBok his place among the minority of the Council, but he yielded at
Wt, and excommunicated Dr. Dijilinger for not following his example.
T«t 1 never heai"d Dr. Dollinger speak bitterly of him. On the con-
Inrj, be made excuses for him ; urged that he had acted under pre3-
■re £noiu Rome ; pleaded that he had more piety than strength of
* :r ; and declared that he was bound to act as lie did, or resign
__ : - -. To illustrate the Archbishop's esprit cxailc, which subordinated
\u jodgmeut to his religious emotions, Dr. Dollinger one day told me
i£olk>wiDg anecdote, on the authority of Archbishop Scherr himself.
th© Archbishop received information from Rome that he was to
presented with the Archiepiscopal Pallium on a given day, ho
■ began to prepare himself for this great honour by
_ ._j interval to retirement and religious exercises. The I'allium
.*- rally, but not invariably, made by the nans of one of the Roman
*Arrnte from the wool of lambs kept on purpose — a fact which added
1» the honour of the gift. On tho stated day, the Archbishop's
mTaot announced the arrival of the messenger with the Pall.
' Ue Arcbblfihop expected a special envoy from the Vatican and a
imal investiture sanctified by the Papal benediction, instead of which
liere walked into his presence a Jewish banker with a bundle
Lis arm, out of which he presently produced the Pall with a
[UH for £200. Keenly as Dr. Dollinger entered into the humour of
■tory, he really told it as an illustration of the Archbishop's
ty of character, and by way of excusing hia conduct in excom-
.. ting himself. " To him," ho said, " the dogma presents no
?rable difficulty, and he cannot understand why it should present
oy to me. He bows to authority, and cannot see that authority has
aomors \o do with historical facts than it has to do with mathematical
fteta.** He was always prone to make excuses for the bishops who
tBBTptfwi the dogma of Infallibility — even for those who had been
•BOBg ita most prominent opponents at the Vatican Council. He
Aonved in© once a letter from one of the latter, in which the writer —
a diatiogaished prelate — declared that he was in ead perplexity. He
kad proclaimed the dogma, he said, while still remaiidng in the same
and in which he had opposed it at the Council. " But what could
1 do? " he afked. " Can one be in the Church and be out of com-
with the Pope ? Yet can it be right to proclaim what one
Dot believe ? Such is ray dilemma, and it has made mo so
that I have thought of resigning my See. On reflection, I
iduaea what I consider the safest course." " Allowance must bo
; lo» these men," said Dr. DiiUinger. " Habit is second nature,
I WW mental attitude baa been so invariably that of unquestioning
'328
THE CONTEMPORARY RE VI EH'
obedience to I'apal authority, that when they have to choose betwee:
that authority and allegiance to what they believe to be historici
truth, their secoQcl nature asserts itself, and they yield."
On a aubfiequent occasion, 1 asked Dr. DuUinger if he thought t
Bifiiiop of Rotti'nburg (Dr. llefele) would end by accepting t
dogma. The case was iu one way a crucial one. As an authority
the historical bearings of the qtieetion, Hefeld was the best equipp^
man at tlie Couucil. His masterly " History of the Councils "
accepted as the standard authority on all hands. Not only did
oppose the dogma at the Vatican Couucil, but during the sitting
the Council he published, through the Neapolitan press, a pampi
against it, basing his opposition on the example of Houorius as a
case. Perrone, the great theologian of the Roman College,
a strong Infallibilist, has laid it down in his standard work
" Dogmatic Theology," that if only one J*ope can be proved to h
given, ex cathcdrd^ a heterodox decision on faith or morals, the wbzj
doctrine collapses. Hefele accordingly took the case of Honorius, :3e
proved that this Pope had been condemned as a heretic by Popes «;
(Ecumenical Councils. Pennachi, Professor of Church, WveXovy
Rome, replied to Hefele, and Hefele returned to the charge in
rejoinder so powerful that ho was left master of the field. If ther
fore Hefele, so honest as well as so able and learned, accepted ^tt^
dogma, it was not likely that any otluT bishop of the minority wou T
hold out. " He must yield," said Dr. Dtilliiiger to me, three montlx^^
after the prorogation of the Vatican Council, "or resign his Se^.
His quinquennial faculties have expired, and the Pope refuses to rene**"
them until Hefele accepts the decree. At tJais moment there are nine-
teen couples of rank in his diocese who cannot get married because
they are within the forbidden degrees, and Hefele cannot grant them
dispensations." ■' But since he denies the Pope's infallibility," I asked,
" why does lie not himself grant the necessary dispensations ? " " My
friend," replied Dullinger, " jou forget that the members of the Church
of Rome have been brought up in the belief that a dispensation is not
valid wittoTit these Papal faculties, and a marriage under any other
dispensation would not be acknowledged in society." The event proved
that DuHinger was right, The quinqennial faculties are a tremendoaa
power in the hands of the Pope. They are, in fact, Papal licences,^
renewed every five years, which enable the bishops to esercis
extraordinary episcopal functions that ordinarily belong to th
Pope, such as the power of absolving from heresy, schis
apostasy, secret crime (except murder), from vows, obligations
fasting, prohibition of marriage within the prohibited degre
and also the power to permit the reading of prohibited
It is obvious that the extinction of the quinquennial facul
in a diocese means the paralysis in a short time of its ordi
«^>]
DR. VON BOLLINGER.
S2d
•dminiBtration. It amounts to a sort of modified interdict. And 80
Dr. Hefele soon discovered. The dogma was proclaimed in the
Titian Council on the 18th of July, 1870, and on the 10th of the
LfAowisg Apn'l Hefele submitted. But he was too honest to let it
\ infnred that his submission was due to any change of conviction.
I deemed it his duty to submit in spite of his convictions, because
^(bopeaoe and unity of the Church is so great a good that great and
IT pereonal sacrifices maybe made for it." Bishop Strosamayer
I ont longest of all ; but he yielded at last, so far as to allow the
1 to be published in the official Gazette of his diocese during Ms
in Rome. Nevertheless, ho remained t-o the last on the
firiendly terms with Dr. Dcillinger, and it was to a letter from
DoUingtr that I was indebted for a most interesting visit to
hop Strossmayer in Croatia in 1876.
To some able and honest minds Dr. Dollinger's attitude on the
tirni of infallibility is a puzzle. His refusal to accept the dogma,
nle he submitted meekly to an excommunication which lie believed
be nnjngt, seems to them an inconsistency. This view is put
in an interesting article on Dr. Dolltnger in the Spectator of
'kit JaBuary 18, and, as it is a view which is probably held by many,
I lie gist of the article before I try to show what Dr. Dollinger's
B* of view really was :
ri' was something very English in Dr. Dollinger's illogical pertinacity
a Voiding his own position on points of detail, in Kpite of the inconsis-
of that position on points of detail with the logic of his general
He was, in fact, more tenacious of what his historical learning had
( him, than he was of the it priori position wliith he had pre^'iously
— namely, that a trtie Church must Vie infnllihle, and that his
H was actually infallible. No one hml taught this more distinctly than
ijger. Yet hrst he found one erroneous di-ift in the practical teach-
vt iii>i Church, then he found another, tind then when (it last his Church
\j declared that the true ]>roTidfntiiil gutiniutee of her infallibility
only to the Papal definition of any tlogma touching faith and
■■li promulgated with a view to teach the Uhiireh, he ignored that
mr, though it was sanctioned by one of the most unanimous as well a&
« of the most numerously attended of her Councils, and preftrreil to
oimit to excommunication rather than to profess his acceptnnco of it. And
t Uler he cnme, we b«liere, to declare that he was no more bound by the
'MS of the Council of Trent than he was by the decrees of the Council of
Vatican. None the less he always submitted to thti disciplinary authority
I Um Cbtirch, even after he had renouoced virtually her dogmatic authority.
noTtdr celebrated mass nor assumed any of the functions of a priest after
etcammunication. In other wonls, he obeyed the Clmrch in matters in
vUdi BO one hud ever claimed for her that iihe cotthl not err, after he had
to obey her in matters in which he had formerly taught that shf
■old BOt err, and in whirh, so far as we know, he liad only in his latter
!«■» taught that hhe could err by explicitly rejecting the decrees of one or
General Councik When she s.-iid to him, "Don't celebrate
I any more,' he seems to have regarded himself aa n»ore bound to obey
thuk mhen she uid to him, * Believe what 1 tell you.' "
\(%r.r
330
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
Dr. Dijllinger would nob have accepted this as an accurate
menfc of his position. He would have denied that the dogi
Infalllbilit'y "was sanctinned by ono of the most unanimous" (
Church's Councilsi, and would have pointed to the protest of
than eighty of the most learned and influential bishops in the I
Communion, whose subsequent submission he would have discc
for reasons already indicated. And ho would have been g
surprised to be told that it was as easy to obey the com!
" Believe what I tell you," as the command " Don't celebrate
any more." I remember a pregnant remark of Cardinal Newmo
myself at the time of Dr. Diillinger's excommunication, of which i
approved, though accepting the dogma himself. " There are s
he said, *' who think that it is as easy to bolieve as to obey ; thai
say, they do not understand what faith really means." To obc
sentence of esconrmunication was in no sense a moral difficulty t
Dijllinger. He believed it unjust and therefore invalid, and he
aidered himself under no obligation in foro conmiaitice to obey it
did not believe that it cut him off from membership with the C
of Rome ; and he once resented in a letter to me an expression '
implied that he had ceased to be a member of the Roman Oonimr
He submitted to the sentence of excommunication as a mat
discipline, a cross which he was providentially ordained to bear
involved nothing more serious than personal sacrifice — subra
to a wrong arbitrarily inflicted by an authority to
obedience was due where conscience did not forbid. " Believe
I tell you " was a very different command, and could only be o
when the intellect could conscientiously accept the proposition,
bid him believe not only as an article of faitli but as an hist
fact what he firmly believed to be an historical fiction was to h
outrage on his intcllectaal integrity. For let it be remembere<
the Vatican decree defines the dogma of Papal Infallibility not r
as part of the contents of Divine revelation, but, in addition, as
of historj' *' received from the beginning of the Christian faith,
challenged the ordeal of historical criticism, and made thus an a
to enlightened reason not less than to faith. To demand belie
proposition that lies beyond the compass of the human underst^
is ono thing. It is f|uite another matter to demand belief in a
ment the truth or falsehood of which is purely a matter of hist
evidence. If Dr. DoUinger had been asked to believe, on pj
excommunication, that Charles I. beheaded Oliver Cromwell, th(
writer in the Spectator would readdy understand how easy subm
to an unjust excommunication would have been in comparison
obedience to such a command. But to Dr. DoUinger'a mind thi
position that Charles I. beheaded Oliver Cromwell would not be
»]
DR. VON DOLLINGER.
831
I preposterous, not a bit more in tho teeth of historical evidence,
the proposition that " from tho beginning of the Christian
,* it was an acceptod article of tho creed of Christendom that
, the Roman Pontiff speaks to the Church cjc cathtdrd on faith or
lis. his ntterances are infallible, and '' are irreformable of them-
and not from the consent of the Church." He was firmly
of the contradictory of that proposition, and while he
of that mind how could he have honestly profcased his
BOP of the dogma ? The appeal was not to his faith, but to
liBMon. It was, as he said himself, like asking him to believe
; two and two make five.
* Bat there is an ambiguity in the word *' infailible," and the writer
Spedaior uses it in a sense in which Dr. Dallinger never
it, either before or after the Vatican Council. In the most
period of his life he was no believer in the Ultramontane
of infallibility, whether of the Pope alone, or of tho Pope as
w«I organ of the Church collectively. The Ultramontane view is
'bishops are not witnesses of the faith handed do'wn among their
I from generation to generation ; but that by consecration they are
Mtted to the ecclcsia docens as doctors and j udges^ and are thus
ted snpernaturally with the custody of the true faith. So that
ithpy assemble in Oecumenical Council they are not witnesses of
'tnditional and immemorial faith of their ilocka, but of the faith
lit came to them Bupematurally iu the line of their consecration.
Diillinijpr never held that view. To him the infallibility of the
iBJch had always meant a co7isensm of historical testimony. The
of bishops in an Oecumenical Coilhcil was to bear witness
Uy to the faith handed down in their dioceses. If there was
inanimity in this testimony, it was held to afford decisive proof
tke doctrine thus attested was part of tho original deposit.
'Councils had to deliberate as well as to bear witness; to track
to its lair and expose it as well as to testify to the truth ;
» was therefore believed that the promise to " guide them into
'OBth" was not personal to the Apostles, but was made officially
"?!» them to the Church at large. It was not enough^ for
B, at the Council of Nicaea that the bishops tliere assembled
Iwkve each delivered the traditional doctrine of his See on the
of our Lord's divinity. For Arius did not deny the divinity
'^8t in express terms. He disguised his denial of it by
BO subtle that it required uncommon skill and dexterity to
r\\m ; and it was illuminating guidance of this kind that was
ed to the Church, not an infused grace at the consecration
j* e«d} bishop for the purpose of endowing him with the custody of
332
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
Others again, like Joseph de Maistre,* have explained Papal infa
bility as if it merely meant the power of giving a decision which
£nal and from which there can he no appeal ; the same in '
Bpiritual order that sovereignty is in the civil order. The infallibij
defined in the Vatican decree is different in kind from this. 1
infallible decisions of the Roman Pontiff are said to be '* irreformabl
This is a fandamental distinction. In civil government the soverei
power for the time being has saprerae jurisdiction over the past
well as over the present. It can reform and revoke past decisions
well as lay down the law for the present. The analogy suggested
De Maistre therefore breaks down on the threshold of the arguma
Nor is this all. There never was a time when Dr. DoUinger admit.
the irreformabilifcy of any ecclesiastical decisions, be they Papal
Conciliar. He always held that one (Ecumenical Council ooi
review and amnnd (as indeed some did) the acts of another.
Moreover, the Vatican definition declares that the ex
decisions of the Pope are not only " irreformable," but are
themselves, and not from the consent of the Cbarch." According
Cardinal Manning,! this means, and indeed it is the obvious meani
that " the whole Episcopate gathered in Council is not infallible wil
out its head. But the head is always infallible by himself. . . . . Tl
divine assistance is his special prerogative depending on God alon<
The Vatican definition therefore " ascribes to the Pontifical acts
cathcdrd, in faith or morals, an intrinsic infallibility ; and, secondly,
excludes from them all influx of any other cause of such intrim
infallibility." "I need not add," says the Cardinal, "that by the
words many forms of error are excluded : as, first, the theory thatt!
joint action of the Episcopate congregated in Conncil is necessary
the infallibility of the PontifiT; secondly, that the consent of t
Episcopate dispersed is retjuired ; thirdly, that if not the express
least the tacit assent of the Episcopate is needed. All these ali
deny the infallibility of the Pontiff till his acts are confirmed by t
Episcopate," "which is to deny his infallibility an a privilege of t
primacy, independent of the Church which he is to teach and
oonfifm.'
This is the doctrine which Dr. Diillinger was required to bslie'v
not as an article of divine truth revealed to the Fathers of the Vati«
Council, but as an article of faith always held " from the beginning
* " L'nn et I'autre expriment oette h&ute paiBsance qai ks domine tootes, donttoal
les aatres denvent, qui (jouvcrne et n'est pas gouvernde, qui ju^ et n'cst pas jag<
Qnand nous dLsons que I'Ef^lise est itifaillible nous no demandons poor elle, il estbi
esseatiel de Fobserver, aucuo privilege particalier ; naaa demandons sealmeat qa*e
jouisse dn droit comrann il toates les souverainetes possible qui toates ayissent n6c4
Bairement comme infaitliblea ; car toat gouvcraement est absolii ; et da moment i
Ton pcut lui r^KiKtei fioaa prCtexte d'eneur oa d'injustice, iln'existeplug." — Du P<q
c. i. pp. 1&-1G.
t *' The Vatican Cooncil and its Deflnltiong," pp. 90-92.
How was be to believe it consistently with his historical convictions ?
How was it reconcilable with the facts of history — with the fact of
6<Mnl Coancils, for example ? If the Roman Pontiff, as teacher of
tl» Charch, is infallible when he speaks <u' cathcdrA on faith or morals,
wkv were Cooncils summoned at all to decide what the Pope coald
Te decided independently of them ? Why the long sessions and
1 disputations of Nicaea, Chalcedon, Ephesus, and the rest, if the
could by the fiat of his infallible prerogative have settled the
itter at once ? In those days of difficult and dangerous travelling
(Bd precarious postal communication, to withdraw the bishops of
fCliMtendoni for months from their Sees was a serious evil to the Church
large. Would it have been incurrpd without necessary cause ?
where was the necessary cause if the Pope could decide the
er infalUbly of himself, "and not from tlie consent of the Church " ?
whvwas the Vatican Council cailpd to declare the Pope's infalli-
Jitj', if infallibility belongs intrinsically to his office by lineal heritage
^Pet^ir? Why proclaim as anew dogma what is declared to have
inji boen a necessary article in the crcdenda of the Church ? And
it did the Church for eighteen centuries, by its appeal to the General
cil, practically deny tho Pope's alleged prerogative of settling all
Dtroversies on faith or morals "independently of the Church"?
These are specimens of tlif questions which Dr. Dollinger found
his way to belief in the Vatican dogma. I have often heard
aay that there were several objections to the dogma which were
plj decisive against it, to say nothing of the cumulative force of
whole mass. Like Hefele, he regarded the case of Honorius as
conclusive. And indeed it is not easy to see how that objection
be removed. The attempts that have been made to surmount it
are really increased the difficulty. Cardinal Manning, for example,
two arguments,* one of which misses the point of the objection ;
the other, in saving the infallibility of Honorius, virtually aur-
that of the Popes who condemned him. Even suppose we
he argues, the fall of Honorius, what then? Does "one
ttkeo link destroy a chain," while " two hundred and fif^y-six" remain
? *' I would ask, then, is it science, or is it passion, to reject
cataolos of e\'idence which sun-ounds the infallibility of two
1 *nd fifty-gjx Pontiffs because of the case of Honorius, even
■ippowd to be an insoluble difficulty " ? " One broken link " does
nbtedly destroy a chain on which anything hangs aa completely
»» Wfwy link in the series were broken. Perrone, as we have
iy wwi, aays positively that only one error committed by a Pope
.•c ' -hil pronouncement would be fatal to the doctrine of
ty. His words are: Si vd imicus cJii.$7nodi error depre-
■*■■<* »<ttT,opp(i7.cnf onmes ndductaa p'dbati<m(3 in nikHum redactum iri.
pp. 116-118.
lalfctdf
'<^- uni.
' T)ie Vatican Council,"
Z
334
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW,
[Mas.
The strength of a chain is proverbiaUy in its weakest link. K that m
broken, all that hangs on the chain falls to the ground.
Bnf Cardinal Manning's own view is that Honorius needs no
defence. His language is "entirely orthodox, though, in the use of
langnnge, he wrote as was usual before the condemnation of Mono-
thelism,* and not as it became necessary afterwards. It is an
anachronism and an injustice to censure his language used before that
condemnation, as it might be just tocensnre it after the condemnation
had been made." f Let us see what is involved in this argument.
Being appealed to by the Monothelite Patriarch Sergios, of Constan-
tinople, Honorius adopted and sanctioned in a public document the
technical formula of the Monothelites, and pronounced it a dogma of
the Church. His letter is extant in Greek and Latin, and his words can
bear but one interpretation. Confessing our Lord's Incarnation, he
asserted that He had one will only, and denied that He had two. For
this Honorius was condemned and excommunicated in a Conncil
(a.d. 680) admitttjd as ffieumenical in East and West. Two subscqnent
Councils repeated the anathema, and pvery succeeding Pope down to
the eleventh century, in a solemn oath at liis accession, gave his
adhesion to the Council which condemned Honorius, and prononijced
an anathema on tliat Pope as an abettor of heresy. In other words,
a series of Popes, for more than three centuries, publicly admitted
that a Council can sit in judgment on a Pope, and condemn him for
heresy; and in particular that Pope Honorius was justly condemned
for heresy. Individual Popes, moreover (Leo II., for example),
denounced Honorius as a heretic in very energjetic language. If,
then, " it is," as Cardinal Manning tells us, " an anachronism and an
injustice to censure his [Honorius's] language," the anachronism and
injustice have been committed by three General Councils and a multi-
tude of Popes. To save the infallibility of Honorius, therefore, is to
.sacriOce that of the Popes who condemned him as a heretic. I do
not see a way of escape from that dilemnifi. I know, on the other
hand, that the case of Honorius pi-esents no difficnlty to sincere, able,
and learned believers in Papal infallibility. I cannot understand
their state of mind, and thoy will probably consider me too biassed to
appreciate their reasoning. But Dr. Zollinger's natural bias waa in.
favour of believing what the Roman Church taught ; and it was not
without a painful wrench that he faced excommunication rather than
profess belief in what he believed to be untrue.
The controversy on Papal infallibility naturally forced Dr. DoUinger
to reconsider his position generally, and the conclusion at which he
arrived was that no Council could be received as CEcumenical, cons»-
• Cardioal Matming would find it hard to jirove tliat the Monothelite language of
Honorins wtu ever coiumon nmoDg orthodox thcologiaos.
t " The Vatican Council," p. 223.
tl90]
DR. VON DOLLINGER.
S35
^MUtly "B bindicp on the whole Church, since the last Council recog-
oixed as (Ecnmenical by both East and West. That opened up a
Dumlier of qaestions which he set himself to study with the ardour
and diligence of a man who knew the magnitude of the task and the
precarious tenure of a life which had already passed its threescore
jcan and ten. He began to re-stndy ecclesiastical history afresh
fretn th*> earliest ages, in order to trace the genesis of the cai-dinal
OTTjre which have afflicted the Church and done so much harm to the
Christian religion. It is to l>e hoped that he lefl matt-rials for his
voBBmeiital work in so forward a state that some of his disciples may
b»» able to arrange them for publication. His plan was to apportion
ecttain collateral and illustrative subjects to the investigation of scholars
working under his own guidance, while he reserved for his own pen
th<> unravelling of the Papacy along the whole course of its develop-
How completely he had reconsidered his whole attitude on
^^, -tical subjects will be apparent from a bare and crude sketch of
^H t >'U the Church, which he wrote down forme five years ago,
^riti the expression of a wish that I would undertake it in conjunction
witli some eminent men, English and German, whom he named. Mr.
Gkdfltcne had often expressed to me the wish that a new and revised
edition should Ije published of Palmer's " Treatise on the Church of
Cbnst " — a book which Cardinal Newman, since ho became a Roman
CfttLolic, has characterized as the ablest exposition of the position of the
Chnrch of England that has appeared since the Reformation. At last
I ondertook to edit a new edition of Palmer's book, and consulted
Dr. EJiiUinger. He agreed in Mr. Gladstone's and Cardinal Newman's
opinion of Palmer's book. " English theological literature," he wrote,
** poastweea nothing comparable to it, or which could replace it. The
fltady of such a work should be an indispensable requisite for every
CHidiiate for Holy Ordei-s." The lines on which it wiis proposed to
Wing out the new edition of Palmer's work are indicated in the fol-
bviog extract from a letter which Mr. Gladstone wrote to me on the
■fajeet :
"What I want to have, on the Ijasis of Palmer's book, is a setting
iertti, Recording to the methods which theological science provides, of
tke CiviUu bti, the city set on a hill, the pillar and ground of truth,
»k« UUjoUc and xVjhostoIic Church, /ortsetzutig fler Fleinchmrdung, ex-
■biud not as against Nonconformists, nor even jirincipaJly as against
^ a^Kremve Church of Rome, but as a positive dispenBation, a
idiviaely given to the religious idea, which challenges u-ith authority,
Wy to reason, the assent of the rational and nght-minded man,
turn with all other claimants on that assent. I want some solid
•f"'''' ^^><^li "h'dl set up historical or institutional Oliiistianity to
► axinnct! m the mile« of systems, dogmatic and undogmatic, revealed
^WBvooleJ, jwrticularist, piigan, secular, antitheistic, or other, which
^^* "8*^- Hdvin? spent more than fifty years of adult life [this was
•-!«r""; -Tn "'^"J "' *^'» "*^'^'. I fi"d tbe method I descHbe the
wKwuj of iU],ttnd I wish that there should bo a text-book oi it «or
336
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mas.
the help of doubtful or iininstmcterl minds. Also that this text-book,
founded on the principle I have described, should iipply the principle, lov
the benefit of F^iiglishmen, to tho cu.se of the Euglish Chmuli, under the
shadow of which our lot is providentially cast,"
After some progress liad been made in the revision of Palmer's
book, it was found that parts of it would have to be entirely re-
written, and much of it, which events — particularly the Vatican
Council and its consequences — had rendered obsolete, would have to
be omitted. While this was goinij on I often went to Munich to
consult Dr. DoUinger. He was bo kind as to give me a room in his
library for study, close to that in which he sat himself ; so that he
was always at hand to help ine. While thus engaged one day, five
years ago, he advised me to content myself with a revision of Palmer
up to date, and devote myself, with the aid of some scholars whom he
named, to the compoaition of an entirely new book. In the course of
the afternoon he handed me a rough sketch of the kind of book
which he thought would be nsefnl, filling up the sketch, to some
extent, dui'ing a long walk in the environs of Munich. I reproduce
the sketch here literally as Dr. Dtillinger gave it to me : —
GENERAL OrXLINE.
Matters to be treated more historically than systematically and polemi-
cally : —
Periods (o) A.D. 324- ; {h) A.i>. G80 ; (c) Middle Ages, down to the beginning
of the thirteentli centur}' \ {d) the time of developed Bcholasticism, when the
authoritative works wure written by Papal eommandment, or imposed as bind-
ing Liw by the Popes and the religious Ordei-s— Ale.xander of Hales, Thomas
Aquinius, Duns Scotus ; («) the fourteenth and iifteenth centuries till the
dawn of the Kefoniiatiou, l.'j]? ; {/) the Council of Trent ; (7) the period of
Jesuitic;!.! domination ; the chitnjSfei* in dogma, morals, and genenxl spirit of
the Church, introduced by that Order,
Consequently seven successive survej's of the state of dogma. Tlie dat« of
the rising of each new dogma can generally bs fixed very accurately.
Doctrine of <hrclopmcnty as it is taught ]iy tho Fathers and the .»^holastics
(principaHy Viucpntius Lirinensis and Thomas Aquinas), to bo carefully dis-
tinguished from Newman's system.
Doctrines, where tho change is particularly momentous and fraught with
far-i-eaching conse<piences —
1. Authority of the Bible and Tradition.
2. Penitence and Absolution (attrition or contrition).
3. Making marriage a Sacrament, and consequently entirely and eac-
clusively a matter of Papal legislation.
4. The all-engrossing worship of the Blessed Virgin.
5. The vii'tue of faith, as it is taught in the New Testament (justifying
frtith), changed into an act of passive and blind obedience to the
Church, or rather (since 1H70) to the Pope.
G. The greut change of the doctrine of grace by Augustine and the
canons of the Eleventh Council of Orange ; wliereas the Greek
Church preserved the ancient doctrine.
7. Change in the idea of sacrifice in the Eucharist. (Compare Johnson'.*
work and that of Benedict XIV. De Missa).
Origimml utdependeitce of l^ntiona.1 Church. The Church of Armenia — of
Pai*im of Abygginia (Ethiopia) — (it has never becu in cnniuiunion with
BaoMuxl tbe Western Church) ; the Church of Ireland (Culdees), which
wm indqieniient down to the time of St. Mahichy, in the twelfth century ;
AttidSootei Church (Columba) ; the Afriam Churcli — the Spanish Church,
•iwre tike subjection to Rome was introduced from France at the end of
tbe eieTcaitli century, by means of the monks of Cluny.
The dumges in doctrine and practice siuce the fifth century are mainly
ttemdufaL, cajculated to make the Laitj' more dependent on the services of
Che CSergy, and to increase and multiply gifts, ofl'erinps, taxes.
Biimi ob^lienot to tbe Church, developed in its perfection by the Jesuits,
4Dd perverting conscience and moral judgment.
Institations directly immoral or grt>ssly superstitious: —
(1) The Interdict, baaed on the idea that the Hierarchy can punish the
innocent instead of the guilty.
'.') OrdeaJs (direct intervention of God in human judicial trials)
oountenanoed, consecrated by the Church.
^5) The extension of Exorcism to cases of all kinds, generally confound-
ing any case of mental disease, lunacy, or uncommon malady with
demoniacal possession.
Changes in doctrine : —
11) Chiliasm or Millennium doctrine of Wordsworth, showing the
toleration of the Primitive Church.
(A) Tbe fall of Satan and the demons. The earlier doctruie* of the
Fathers of the second and third century was rejected, and a new
one (fall by pride) introduced towards the end of tbe fourth
ctntury.
(c) Change in the doctrine respecting the authority of Councils (St.
Augustine, Gregory of Rome). St. Aug\istine said that one
Council could correct another. Gregory compared the fLrst four
Councils to the four Evangelists, and negatived the competency of
one 'Ecumenical Council to amend another.
((I) Change respecting the worship of angels, fables and lies (apparition
of St. Tklichael, ic.) by which it was established.
i^) Change respecting the state of souls after death, %'isible even now
in the Roman Missal. A state of peace {requiee, rt/rujerium)
clumged into n state of cruel torture by fire. Immense influence
of the fable.s told by Gregory of Rome.
(/) Change respecting the rite of anointing the sick.t
Dr. Df)lUnger was penetrated with the conviction that the great
Ele to the spread of Christianity was the divided state of
sodom, and he gathered together in Bonn, in 187i and 1875,
Wprescntatives of the Oriental, Anglican, and American Churches,
together with representative Nonconformists, to discuss in a friendly
wi^ the diflirences which divided them. Want of space forbids my
fong into that episode of Dr. DoUinger's busy and fruitful life.
Tlnw who were present, as I was, at the second Bonn Conference
CM MTRr forget the tact, learning, courtesy, intellectual resource
ttrd agility, and exuberant vitality of its venerable President, Dr. von
T\ut «&rlier doctrine " was that tbe full of the angels wiw dae U> iteayualitj,
"f OcxJ.'' iDentioned in Gen. vi. 1-4, being angcis.
_J '^ tbe change from anointing with a view to recovery to anointing I'n <x<reii»j#,
v^Baikoe \m no hope of recovery.
338
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEfF.
[MAB.
Dollinger. He was then seventy-one years of age, but there was not
a man among us more akrt in body, and none half so alert in
mind. On the last day of the Conference he delivered an address on
the main questions which divide Christendom. It was a marvellooft
exhibition, both intellectually and physically. He spoke for five
hours — three hours before luncheon and two hours after luncheon.
He never used a note, and never hesitated. He stood all the while in
the middle of the room, and looked as fresh and vlgoroua at the close
of his address as if he had been doing nothing in particolnr. He was
a man of splendid physique : slim, wiiy, with what Mr. Gladstone
has aptly described as a " thatch " of hair, which began to show
streaks of grey only within the last few years. He was a very early
riser — at five a.m. tiJl the last few years. He breakfaKted at eight, and
dined at one ; after which he touched nothing. He was hard at work
in his study, when not receiving visitors, till about four or five in
tho afternoon, when he took a long walk, and charmed any one w^ho
had the privilege of being his companion wnth his conversation. He
seldom studied after hia return from his walk, and went to bed
early. I am disposed always to think well of a man of whom
children and animals are fond. I don't think I ever took a walk
with Dr. Dollinger without being touched by the sight of children
running out of cottages or from the fields to greet him with smiles
and kisa his hand ; and I noticed more than once the friendly terms
on which he seemed to be with animals. He spent some weeks in.
every year at the Tegernsee, close to his friend and whilom pupil.
Lord Acton, and I believe that he kept up to the last his early habit
of having a good swim daily, whenever tho opportunity presented itself.
Though sanctioning the public ministrations of the Old Catholics,
he never took any part in them. I believe that he obeyed his excom-
munication strictly, leaving himself in the hands of God, and accepting
with resignation the chastisement that had been inflicted on him,
unjust though lie deemed it. Ecclesiastic as he was, he was
eminently a man of the world — a keen politician, interested in social
and literary subjects, and, in a word, sympathetically concerned in all
that touched the interests of humanity. He was emphatically a m&n
whom it was difficult to know without loving.
Malcolm MacColl.
»«9o]
THE
RESULTS OF EUROPEAN INTERCOURSE
WITH THE AFRICAN.
ONE of the most remarkable features of the century has been the
phenomenal interest displayed in all things African. One dramatic
8iirpnj$e has followed another, and each new tale has seemed more
romantic than anything heard before. The popular imagination has
be<ea touched by the varied story of the Dark Continent to an unpi*e-
oedented extent. It has been a story wliich has appealed in trumpet
tonee to the philanthropist as well as to the mere lover of adventure,
to the merchant as well as to the geographer, and to the Christian
missionary eager for the spread of Christ's kingdom as well as to the
I patriotic politician anxious for his nation'.^ aggrandisement.
Frightful wrongs to be wiped out, deeds of high emprise to be
[achieved, virgin countries to be com niercially exploited, valuable scien-
tiitc discoveries to be made, myriads of people steeped in the grossest
I idolatry, and i-egions more or less capable of colonization, where no
ttviiiaeii tlag floats — these are some of the varied elements which have
jlibTown a glamour and fascination over Africa, and taken men's minds
I c^tive.
People are ever most easily swayed by that which touches the
I feetings and imagiuatiou, and to these Africa has been appealing in
mx new and startling ways for nearly a century, caaKing Chribtendom
U) tingle with its name. Not the least interesting feature of the
pablic interest shown in the Dark Continent is the apparently
ttaslfiah form it takes. The very atmosphere is electric with
I, religious, philanthropic and commercial, for the exclusive
it of the negro. From a thousand platt'orms uud pulpits rises a
lOur of voices, in which we hear with never-ending iteration the
fopolar watchwords of the day : civilization, progress, the good of the
*gro, legitimate commerce, conversion of the heathen, and other high-
340
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mab.
sounding phrases, all having relation to the goocl things to be done for
the African.
The company promoter equally with the private trader freely
sprinkles his prospectuses or his conversation with glowing accountB
of the great benefits which the African is to derive from further
intercourse with commercial Europe. We are told to picture as the
result — the negro clothed and in his right mind, alternately sitting at
the feet of the missionary and of the trader ; learning from the one
the truths of a higher and better life, and from the other acquiring the
arts of civilixatioii.
We never hear now of the trader who goes to Africa with the
merely selfish object of making his fortune. Each and all have become
" pioneers of civilization," thinking only of the native first, and of
self afterwards. Imbued with these notions as to the aim, character, and
results of our rarssion, we daily bum incense to our noble selves and ask
the world to remark tlie glorious work we have accomplished. We
speak as if the good to the native had been enormous, and our
intercourse with htm an unmitigated benefit and blessing. We look
back with pride to onr sacrifices in the suppression of the slave-trade,
and point to our West Coast settlements as centres of secular Hght
and leading, to our numerous missionary stations as stars twinkling in
the night of heathendom with a heaven-sent light, to the returns of our
trade, increasing with every new entrance to the heart of the country,
as showing the spread of our beneficent influence.
We see clearly that the work of other nations has been pernicious in
the extreme, that they have been brutal in their dealings with native
races, and have thought only of their own sordid interests and
national aggrandisement — all in marked contrast, we think, to our own
aims and methods. That they resent this, however, may be seen
in any daily paper, each being equally well convinced of the purity
of its motives and the disinterestedness of its ends.
Among no people have the magic words, progress and civilizarion,
been more persistently used than among the French. It has l>een in their
interests, too, that the Germans have levelled every town on the East
Coast, and bespattered the ruins and the jungles with the life-blood of
their inhabitants. It was under their banner that Major St-rpa Pinto
advanced up the ShirS and slaughtered the Makololo, who did not
perceive he came for their good. In fact, it is the same with all the
European nations. Whatever has been done by them in Africa, has
been at the dictates of civilization and for the good of the negro,
while, as if not content with that, more than one leader of African
enterprise, on looking back over hia blood and ruin marked path, has
seen the evidence of a guidance and sapport more than human.
But we must not suppose that this .spirit of philanthropy, Christian
chivalry and altruism, of which we now hear so much, is of entirely
d9o] EUROPEAN INTERCOURSE WITH AFRICA.
341
ntodeni growth, and that the good of the African was never thought
of previous to our day. Quite the contrary, in fact. It was the
Bortogaese who alike instituted African exploration and Christian
fUlBrprise among the natives. Early in the fifteeuth century they
ooramenced that marvellous career of discovery which stopped not till
tbey had crept with ever-growiug boldness and experienco to tha
SDQiiiemmost point of the continent, and, rounding the Cape, pushed
OB to the conquest of the Indies. But it waa a career inspired by
BO mere sordid motives. The desire to do noble and worthy deeds, to
cct^ld the Portugese empire, and with it the kingdom of God, were
the underlying exciting causes. Each new discovery of heathen lands
g»ve a new impetus to the vigorous missiouary enthusiasm of the
time, till it rose to a pitch never surpassed.
No outward bound ship was complete without its complement of
vikot missionaries vowed to the cause of Christ, and before the close
of the sixteenth century a chain of missionary posts surrounded
•Imost the entire coast-line of Africa, and, especially in the Congo and
Zambesi regions, extended far into the interior. That was the
fJoriooB period of Portuguese history, when, still animated by the highest
Cbristian and chivalroaa motives, and untainted by the frightful national
iSwjaiieq which soon afterwards attacked her, Portugal carried on a
Boble work among the ^\irican natives.
That period unhappily was short. Between Philip II. of Spain
by land, and the Dutch and ourselves at sea, Portugal as a nation was
nearly extinguished. With her political glory and lustre went all else
that was gr<?at and noble, till, lagging behind in the current of life,
Ae was isolated from its healthy movement, and in Africa became
the noxious malaria-breeding backwater we have so long known
ker to be.
With the fall of Portugal from her high estate there occurs a sig-
aificant blank in the brighter aspect of European intercourse with
Africa. Of such aspect, in fact, there was not a glimmer, for England,
Spain, Purtugal, Franco and Holland were hard at work in per-
petrating upon Africa one of the most gigantic crimes that has
tret stained a nation's history. For two centuries that crime grew
B magnitade and far-reaching consequences of the most direful
fVwcnption. Government, churches, and people alike seemed un-
ooosciouB of the frightful wrongs that were being committed — wrongs
fcr eacoeeding any in the annals of Roman despots or Eastern tyrants.
Hafypily, tJie conscience of Europe was only masked, not dead. The
ad of the last century heard the awakening voice, and, once made
emsctotM of the national sin, Britain arose and ended its connection
with the traffic in human tlesh and blood.
HesDwhile an Association was being organized, which was des-
tbed to commence a new chapter in African history. This waa the
342
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEJT.
[ILAB.
African Association, whose object was the exploration of the interior
of the continent, which till the end of last centnry had lain an almost
absolutely unknown land to Europe. Their first successful man was
Mango Park, and to him belongs the honour of pioneering the way,
and starting that marvellous series of expeditions, the last of which is
even now filling the daily papers.
The end of last and the beginning of this century was a period
fraught with great things for the future of Africa. It saw not only the
abolition of the slave-trade and the commencement of the exploration
of the continent, but also the landing of the first Protestant mis-
sionaries. It seemed, indeed, as if Europe was determined to pay
off the moral debt it had incnrred.
Traveller followed traveller, each more eager than the other to
open up the dark places of the continent. Ninety out of th©
hundred became martyrs to their zeal, but there was no dearth of
volunteers ; fifty were ready where one fell. In each one's instruc-
tions were the magic words, " opening up of Africa to commerce and
civilization." The benefit of the natives was always mentioned aloiig>-
side the prospective good to the traveller's country, if such and such
objects were achieved. Each narrative of successful exploration
breathed the same spirit, telling how the traveller had not toiled and
aufi'ered in vain if he had done something in the interests of civili
tion and the common cause of humanity.
Nor was missionary enterprise behind in this race to do deeds worti
of a Christian people. Long and terrible has been the death-roll of
those who have perished in its cause ; but it has illustrated the saying
that "the blood of martyrs is the seed of the Church."
Thus, almost from the firat, now four hundred years ago, to the
last, the good of the negro has ever held a foremost place in the prth-
gramme of African expeditions. During that long period, European
commerce has exercised its influence with ever-widening effect, while
more directly hundreds of lives, and untold sums of money, have been
spent in the single-minded hope that the heathen might be brought
within the educating sphere of Christianity. In addition to all this
active agitation we have to take into consideration the incalculable
effect of mere example ; of simple contact with the European ; the sight
of his mode of life j his dress, houses, and all the amenities of civilized
life.
And now let us ask, what has been the net result of all this ?
these direct and indirect efforts aud sacrifices, and all this intercourse
between the European and the African ?
The impression to be acquired from our daily papers, our missionary
magazines, and from pulpit and platform oratory is, that the bene-
ficent effects are enormous.
Unhappily, my conclusions on the subject have not been obtained
844
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mab.
to happier lands, expressed ter coucem lest any of " the Africans
should be carried off without their free consent, declaring that it would
be detestable, and call down the vengeance of Heaven upon its under-
takers,"
The slave-trade was thus not started in absolute ignorance or abeeuce
of a consciousness of its frig-htfuUy criminal nature. Enlightened
opinion was against it, but it was au opinion easily hoodwinked and
overruled, and, once started, the trade increased at an enormous
rate.
For quite three hundred years the unfortunate natives were treated
as wild beasts intended for the use of higher races. As wild beasts
and things accursed they were shot down in myriads that others might
be enslaved and transformed into the beasts of burden, hewers of
wood and drawers of water of Europeans. The whole land was
transformed into an arena of murder and bloodshed that our markets
might be supplied, our plantations tilled. Chiefs were tempted to
sell their subjects, mothers their children, men their wives ; tribe waa
set against tribe, and village against village. Between Portugal,
Spain, France and Britain many millious of people were trausjxjrted
to the American plantations. Before that number could be landed
in America several millious more must have succumbed in /■onk; and
untold myriads been shot down in the raids in which they were
captured.
Twenty imllionia of human bt'iugs probably undcr-estimates the
number of killed and captured for European gain, and his was not
the most foitunate fate who lived to become a, slave. For him was
reserved the apectprle of Hlaughtered relatives and a ruined home ;
for him the slave-path, with all its horrars — chains, the slave-stick,
the lash, the killing load and toilsome, march, the starvation fare, and
every species of exposure and hardship. For him also were all the
horrors of the middle passage in European ship.^, and but slight was
the improvement in his esperiences when, knocked down in auction
to the highest bidder, he was transferred to the plantation.
It may bo urged that this is now an old story, that the slave-trade
is a thing of the past, and that we at least, as a nation, have atoned
for our participation in it by enormous sacrifices of money.
If compensating the slaveholders means atonement, then we may
rest in peace. But where ia the compensation to Africa for the
frightful legacy of crime and degradation we have left Ix'hind ?
Where is the reparation and atonement for the millions torn from
their homes, and the millions massacred, for a land laid waste, for
the further warping of the rudimentaiy moral ideas of myriads of
people, and the driving of them into tenfold lower depths of savagery
than they had ever known before ?
i89o] EUROPEAN INTERCOURSE WITH AFRICA.
345
For answer, it will no doubt be said that " legitimate commerce"
has replaced the vile traffic in haman flesh and blood. Still the same
old Btorj — legitimate commerce — mag-ic words which give such an
tdractive glamour to whatever can creep under their shelter — words
vhich have too often blinded a gullible public to the most shameful
md criminal transactions. There are still those who believe that
«wy trading station, once the slave-traffic was stopped, became a
b«con of hght and leading, beneath whoso kindling beams the dark-
MOB of heathen barbarism was bound to disappear. The truth of the
mtter is that, taken as a whole, our trading stations on the greater
part of the West Coast of Africa, instead of being centres of beneficent
■ad elevating influences, have been in the past disease-breeding spots
which have infected with a blighting and demoralizing poison, the
wbole country around. They have been sources of corruption where
men have coined money out of the moral and physical ruin of the
Bstions and tribes they have supplied.
What has been the character of this so-called legitimate commerce?
It consisted, to an enormous extent, of a traffic in xHo spirits and
weapons of destruction — the one ruining the buyers, the other ena-
Uiitg them to slaughter their neighbours. It is a trade which cora-
auenced in congenial union with that in slaves. In exchange for
Africa's human flesh and blood, the best England could give was gin,
iiim, gunpowder, guns and tobacco. With these combined we inten-
nfied every barbarous and bloodtliirsty propensity in the negro's nature,
while arousing new bestial appetites calculated to land him in a lower
depth of sqnalor and degradation.
With the stoppage of the slave-trade the gin-traffic only received
k more powerful stimulus. To its propagation all the energies of
tiie traders were devoted. For spirits there was already a huge
dunand, and it was increasing out of all proportion to tln^ taste for
bKter things, it required no exertions on the part of the merchants
to Bet it agoing, and once started it grew and spread of itseK
withont any danger of its stopping. The profits, too, were enormous
ml certain, because the appetite for drink had to be assuaged,
oo matter what tlie price. Yet in all conscience the pleasures of
intoxication are not expensive in West Africa. Over the doorway of
kradreds of traders' houses might be hung the signboard of
Hogarth's picture, *' Drunk for a penny, dead drunk for twopence,"
only the " clean straw for nothing "' would have to be left out. With
the traffic in useful articles it was entirely diflerent. To push it was
n slow and laborious task, and the profits were uncertain, which did
not suit men who wanted to make money rapidly.
Tl>e result of this state of matters is that the diabolical work
commenced hy the slave-trade has been efiectually carried on and
346
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
PLU
widened by that in spirits. I for one am inclined to believe that tb
latter is producing greater — and what ai'e likely to be quite as lasting-
evils than the former. The spirit traffic has a more brutalizing effect
it more effectually blights all the native's energies, it ruins hi
constitution, and, through the habits it gives rise to, his lands are lei
as desolate as after a slave raid.
What are the most characteristic European imports into Wea
Africa? Gin, rum, gunpowder and guns. What European article
are most in demand ? The same. In what light do the nativai
look upon the Europeans ? WhVj a^ makers and sellers of spirit!
and guns. What largely .supports the Governmental machinery ol
that region ? Still the samp articles,
Tlif ships which trade to Africa are loaded with gin out of al
proportion to more useful articles ; the warehouses along the coast arl
filled with it. The air seems to reek with the vile stuff, and evert
hut is redolent of ita fumes. Gin bottles and boxes meet the eye a^
every step, and in some places the wealth and importance of the varioul
villages are measured by the size of the pyramids of empty gin-bottloi
which they erect to their own honour and glory and the envy ««
poorer districts. Over large areas it is almost the sole currency, acd
in many ]mrt8 tho year's wages of the negro factory workers is poa^
in spirits, with which they return home to enjoy a few days of fien^
debauch.
Outside such towns as Sierra Leone and Lagos, which, thanks'
special circumstances, form small oases in the wild wastes of barbaris."!
not the slightest evidence is to be found that the natives have b^nt
influenced for good by European intercouj"se. Everywhere the tender»-<
is seen to be in the line of deterioration. Listead of a people '* wlx i
unto harvest " crying to the Churches, *' Come over and help us " ;
the merchant, " We have oil and rubber, grain and ivory — give ua
exchange your cloth and your cutlery " ; or to the philanthropil
" We are able and willing to work, only come and show us the way '*-
in place of such appeals, the one outcry is for more gin, tobacco, eH
gunpowder. To walk through a village on the Kru Coast is lik^
horrible nightmare — the absolute squalor of the huts, the uncultiv&'b
lands — the brutality and vice of their o^vnera, is without a parallel
the uutouched lands of the interior. There, woraon and cbildi'en, w3
scarcely a rag on their filthy besotted persons, follow one about eag^«
beseeching a little gin or tobacco. Eternally gin and tobacco, har<3
the slightest evidence of a desire for anything higher.
Oar West African settlements instead of being, as they sho-ca^
bright jewels in the crown of England, are at this day — thanks to ^
melhoda of dealing with them — standing monuments to our disgr*^*^
Everything tending to the elevation of the unhappy people '%^
inhabit them has been blighted. We have done everything
1
EUROPEAN INTERCOURSE WITH AFRICA.
U7
CNPer to sappress all habits of industry and stop the develop-
«£ tbe resoorces of the country. We have made Bare that no
ky tastee, no varied wants, should be aroused. The result is now
in the backward condition of the settletnents. and the fact that
ITeet Coast negro has been transformed into the most villanous.
herons, and vicious being in the whole of Africa.
Mt a similar downgrade result is likely to lie the outcome of the
'tag up and exploration of East Africa is only too apparent.
B three years ago, in lecturing on Africa and the liquor traffic, I
occasion to draw a happy contrast between the benuticiol results
the East Coaat under the Mohammedan mle of the Saltan of
nbsr. and the deleterious effects of European rale on the west
t «l the continent. Since that time a gr(«at political change has
• orer the Eastern region. The Germans, after shamefully
ingaflide the rights of the Sultan, have commenced their civilizing
W. 'Towns have been demolished and hundreds of lives sacrificed.
r mison stations and all the carefully nurtured germs of thirty
nof nnselSsh work have been more or less blighted.
It would be t^Dmething if we could think that we had seen the
Hi; but we cannot forget that the Germans are almost the sole
NBMtoBTS of gin, that their merchants are quite as keen to make
!■?■ M OQTB, while considerably liehiiid ns in their views as to
Ik liglitB; and when, in addition, it is remembered that at
^ Bafia Conference it was the Germans who strenuously opposed
l]Hk3Btion of the liquor traffic on the Congo and the Niger, we
P* W my means be hopeful of their future action in their newly
•■"d taritoriefl.
*»i»faad almost certain that, as soon as they have pacified the
■» fcy means of copious blood-letting, they will continue their
P tf drilization by the introduction of the gin-traffic which the
^"'fcMiiiiii dim ruler prohibited. They will find a ready market,
'■^ '•inn has already inoculated the inhabitants with a taste for
Jii|aore. In a few years the work of the Fatherland will
to tlie world by a great development in the value of
to their new conquest, which, to t.ho.se who can recwi
iaee, will be a measure of the rate at which the ruin and
of the natives is proceeding.
we have a moral duty laid on us to prevent this same
We ourselves assisted the Germans to take the
■anbar 8 territories, and therefore we are in some measure
fcr what they do. In East Africa there is no vested
tnde to consider. As yet it has got no footing. There
f demand for it. It would be well if some action could
I would ensure that it never did get a footing. If the
rise they will not socriflce the future well-being of their
[8
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW,
[Mas.
new settlements to any consideration of present and immediate profit
But that 13 almost too much to expect. Certainly we have seen
nothing in the post methods of the Germans to make us hope much,
and, unhappily, we cannot come to them with clean hands to off»
them advice.
It may ba nrged that in this survey of the results of European
intercourse with the African I am only showing the dark side of the
picture. Perfectly truo, because there is no bright one as seen in
the bird's-eye view I have been taking. What is a missionary here
and there compared with the thousand agents of commerce who, with
untiring and unscrupulous industry, dispense wholesale the deadly
products in such great demand ? What is a Bible, or a bale of usefal
goods, in opposition to tho myriad cases of gin, the thousand gnns
which compete with them ? What chance has a Christian virtue
whore the soil is so suitable for European vice — where, for every
individual influenced for good by merchant or missionary, there are
a thousand caught up in the Styx-like flood of spirit-poison and swept
oft* helplessly to perdition ?
It would, however, be presenting an entirely misleading picture of
the situation were I to restrict myself to the distant and general
prospect. As already said, a closer and more detailed examination
reveals many bright points in the night-like darkness. Of these, none
scintillate with a more promising light than the enterprises of the
Christian missionary. And yet, however promising for the future,
when we look around and see with what rapid stridps the emissaries
of Islam have made their influence felt throughout the whole of the
Central and Western Sondau, and left the mental and spiritnal
impress of tlieir civilization upon the natives, we cannot but sadly'
wonder at the comparatively small headway that their Christian rivals
have matle against the sodden mass of heathendom. As compared with
the progress of Mohammedanism in Africa, Christianity in these lands
has been practically at a standstill. Wherever Mohammedan seed has
been bohti there it has taken root, and there it has remained to flourish
with a vigorous grip of the soil which nothing can destroy. The same
cannot be said of Christian seed : it has ever been as a delicate exotic,
difficult to plant, more diflicult to rear, and ever requiring outside
support and watering.
What, then, is the secret of this discouraging state of matters ? It
cannot be fur lack of good men and true. Of snch there have been
hundreds — -men who have been possessed with tho very highest ideals
of duty, and who have literally burned out their lives in the ardour of
their missionary enterprise. .
The explanation is simply this :' Mohammedanism has succeeded
becanse of its elasticity and its adaptability to the peoples it sought
to convert. It has asked of the heathen negro apparently so little,
EUROPEAN ISTERCOVRSE lilTH AFRICA.
ftod jet. In reality, so much, considermg what he is ; for in that littlo
"!e the gi?rms of a great spiritual revolntion. In fact, it is in a manner
: '01056 of its verj inferiority as a religion — looked at from our stand-
"xnt — that it has snooeeded ; and because it has just presented that
^laoont of good which the negro ^could comprehend and assimilate.
Moreover, the Mohammedan missionaries have l>een like the natives
linselrea — men who spoke the same language, lived the same life.
On the other hand, the Christian worker has accomplished so little
[•ccaose he has tried to do so much. He has seldom comprehended
the problems he has had to face. His edacation has rarelj been
«i^>ted to the work before him, and, filled with much enthusiasm and
jnioor and more erroneous ideas, he has gone forth too often to do
more than tlirow away his life with but small result to the cause
has at heart.
The missionary, as a role, has ignored the fact that men's minds
can only assimilate ideas in proportion to their stage of development.
He acts as if he could in a single generation transform a being at
the foot of the ladder of human life into a civilized individual, and
laiae a degraded heathen at a stroke to the European spiritual level.
Filled with such beliefs, he has ever attempted, in defiance of all
«nrnTnna sense, to graft Christianity in its entirety upon undeveloped
ii brains. Instead of taking a lesson from his successful
. umedan brother-worker in the mission-field, and simplifying
_; i^.-i'sentation of the Gospel truth, he has generally done his best
to stupefy his hearers with views and doctrines which have been beyond
ihcir spiritual comprehension.
It has rarely occurred to him that he had better, like the Moham-
-Bsdan. sow one good seed which will grow and fructify, and strike
nd permanently into the life of the negro, than a thousand
-...^.. only remain sterile on the surface.
B«fore any great advance will be made in the Christian propaganda
ica, a total revolution in the methods of work must be accom-
r— u.J. Surely the time has come when professorships for the prepara-
lioa of missionaries should be founded, so that men might be sent out
properly armed for tJie conflict, instead of leaving theiu, as at present,
to enter the mission-field not knowing what they have to face, imbued
«Hh the unworkable traditions of bygone times, and hampered by
lW onsuitable theological training for the ministry which they have
leoored among a civilized people, and which in Africa b worse than
Oace the negro is attacked in the right spirit, and with a suitable
ihiioe of weapons from the Christian armoury, I venture to predict
P«Do mre splendid results to Ch^i^tianity than has ever marked the
of Islam. For the negro, with all his intellectual deficiendes,
lly a very religious individual. In his present helplessness
[fOL. Lva. 2 A
350
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mab.
ftnd darkness he gropes aimlessly about after an explanation of his
Burroandings, and finds but slight consolation in his stocks and stones,
his fetishism and spirit-worship. That he gladly adopts a loftier con-
ception is shown by the avidity with which he accepts as his God,
Allah — the one God of the Mohammedans. We cannot be too quick
in entering the field in opposition to the religion of Islam, however
great may be its civilizing work among the natives, or splendid its
beneficial influence in raising up a barrier against the devil's flood of
drink poured into Africa by Christian merchants. For unhappily its
ultimate results belie the promise of its initial stages araong the lower
levels of humanity, if we are to judge from Morocco and other
ilohammedan empires ; and we have only too good reason to fear that
what in the present is a great blessing to myriads of negro people in
the Central and Western Soudan, may become a deplorable curse to the
generations of the future.
In view of these facta — namely, that our intercourse with Africa
has been almost one long career of crime and sliame, fraught with
direst consequence to a whole continent of people, and, in addition,
that our varions missionaiy enterprises have not accomplished the
amount of good which might reasonably bo expected of them — one
might be temptf d to ask, ought we not to retire altogether, and leave
Africa and the African alone ? To such a question I should answer
most emphatically, No. We must not, if wd could, and we ought not
even if we would. We have laid ourselves under an overwhelming
load of debt to the negro which centuries of beneficent work can never
repay. We have not made reparation and atonement for the evil w©
wrought with the slave-trafiic. The hydra-headed beast — the gin and
weapon trade — is still continuing its ravages, still bringing new terri-
tories under contribution. We brought the monster into being, and
ours is the duty to give battle to it, and rest not till we have not only
checked its desolating career, but slain it outright.
Here is indeed a gigantic task, which we, as a Christian people^
cannot shirk. It would be well if we heard less about high-sounding-
impossible schemes for the suppression of the present Arab slave-trade,
and more practicable proposals for the stoppage of our equally ruin-
working comnuTCo in .spirits and weapons of destruction. Let us stop
our Pharisaical trumpeting from the houes-tops over the pounds we
spend for the converFion of the heathen, while our merchants continue
to make fortunes out of their demoralization. Instead of talking of
retiring with our enormous gains — a proceeding which would only bo
in harmony with all our dealings with the natives — conscience calls
aloud that wo should put ourselves in sackcloth and ashes, and set
about sweeping our commerce and our politics free from the iniquities
by which they have hitherto been characterized. That accomplished.
we have before us the stilt more mighty task of undoing the evils pro-
lifft] EUROPEAN INTERCOURSE JVITH AFRICA. 351
ptg&ted daring the last three centuries, and inaugurating the real work
of civilizatioQ — religion, working hand in hand with no hypocritical
make-Wlieve " legitimate commerce."
Justice might indeed join hands with such as demand our with-
drawal from Africa were there no indication on our part of a conscious-
tt«s of wTODg-doing — of a dcsii-o to reform where we have erred, to
retrace oor steps where wo have gone astray. Bat already on all
udes there are signs of hope — signs of the approach of a brighter day
aad of better things for the negro. The national conscience is
awakening — men's eyes are being opened to the real character of our
douogs in the Dark Continent. Societies have been formed, vowed
to the suppression of the worst evils, and are spreading their inSluence
at a rapid rate. Governments are becoming more and more alive to
their duty to the ignorant savages who have come under their rule, and
are striving to check the liquor traffic where it has been established,
and to absolutely prohibit it where no hold has yet been obtained.
The sympathetio ear of the Houses of Parliament has been obtained,
aad Churches of all denominations are lending the weight of their
ioflucDce to the good cause. Still l>etter, merchants themselves are
becoming alive to the fact that they are engaged in a business they
ought to be ashamed of, and are seeking for a way of escape from the
situation in which they have placed themeelves. Public companies,
t4», armed with the powers of a Iloyal charter, are entering the field
with enlightened views as to what their aims and objects should be.
More especially do they take a stand i^inst the further development
of the ruinous traffic of which so much has already been said, appa-
rantly determined to restrict and finally extirpate the vile thing.
Of such we have no better example than the Iloyal Niger Company.
which since it got its charter has started on a career bright with
^BHBpe. The British East Africa Company is anotlier which we may
^^^^Bpe will never soil its hands by any misdirection of its commurcia)
I dealings with the people under its rule.
Aa a bright spot in the black expanse of Africa, let me point with
pride to what our Scottish merchants and missionaries are doing on
Lake Nyassa.
There, hand in h.and, commerce and religion are pursuing a common
end. Filled with the noblest aspirations of their great pioneer,
Ijivingstone, and the best characteristics of their native country, the
band of Christian heroes have planted their flag on a rock, and,
ttnfurling it to the breeze, have taken the helpless heathen under
their protection in the name of Christ and humanity. Sword in
hand, they have driven back tho slave-raiding hordes in the north,
aad now they stand prepared to repel the equally desolating wave of
PortngueBe aggression which threatens them from tho south. At
SDch a crisis, it is car duty as individuals, as a Christian people, as a
'
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THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mab.
nation, to see that that flag is never again lowered, and that those
who protect and gather round it are supported and encouraged in
their glorious struggle.
In such facta wo see clearly that the tidal wave of evil has
coDOTuenced to turn, and that a new and more beneficent current is
asserting itself. But, happily, not only commercially and politically
are there signs of the approach of a brighter day.
It is gradually dawning upon Missionary Societies that their
methods have not always bfen the most suitable for the work to be
done. In this respect our Scottish Missions have also been taking
the lead. They have sent of their best to carry on the difficult work.
They no longer disdain the helpiug hand of the layman, but see in
the artisan and the merchant co-workers in the same field. In every
respect they have broadened the basis of their operations and grappled
in a more modem and common-sense spirit with the question of
Christian propaganda, and how best to come in touch with the unde-
veloped degraded nature of the negro. This spirit is likewise reflected
in 'the communications to our missionary magazines . Throughout,
these manifest a more \'igorou3 and healthy tone, and are made np
less of the weak milk-and-water demanded by spiritual babes and
sucklings.
Thus, with missionary enterprise starting forth new armed on a
more promising career of Christian conquest ; wtth commerce
purging herself of criminal iniquities, and joining with religion in
the work of civilization, what may not bo predicted of the future of
Africa ! Already the remotest comers have heard the glad tidings of
the coming good — uttered in a still small voice perhaps, and possibly
unheeded, uncomprehended — but bound to catch the heathen ear at
last, and grow in form, in volume and in harmony, till they swell into
one grand pajan and Christian hymn, which shall be heard in every
forest depth and wide waste of jungle.
Then in the far distant future. Englishmen who shall be happily
alive to hear that hymn, may indeed be able to speak of the
beneficent results of European intercourse with the African, knowing
that the sins of their fathers have at last been expiated, and the blot
on the national honour wiped out.
Joseph Thoh^son.
Isaac, and of Jacob, the God who later became sublimated and
fttherealized into the God of Christianity, was in his orif^in nothing
more nor less than the ancestral fetish stone of the people of Israel,
however sculptured, and perhaps, in the last very resort of all, the
moaumental pillar of some early Semitic sheikh or chief." This is
Mr. Grant Allen's conclusion, published in the Fortnightbj Ilcnew
(Jan. 1890). The opinions are trenchant, and, perhaps, if Mr. Allen
■provea his case, we may as well shut up the Book of the Uistory of
Behgion. It is all stated here in a paragraph. You begin, in the
very first resort of all, with a monumental pillar of a Semitic sheikh.
Or rather, you don't, after all, begin with that, but with the ghost of
">e Arab sheikh himself, which sanctifies the pillar. Mr. Allen forgot to
Joention the ghost in his conclusion, but he had referred to him before.
'iist, then, the ghost, next the grave pillar sanctified by the ghost, then
•^e pillar carried about in the ark as a portable fetish. Then (after or
•»fore that) the fetish recognized as the God of Abraham, then the God
of Abraham etherealized into the God of Christianity ; then, I may add,
"^ God of Christianity sublimated into the " Unknowable " of Mr.
"Crbert Spencer, which, however, Mr. Frederic Harrison spells with
* small " u." Here is the whole history of Keligion, unless we ask
^•ly one particular fetish stone, out of so many millions strewn over
*' tie world, was etherealized (a process including pulverization) into
* God like the God of Christianity. This too may, no doubt, be as
'"dily explained by one of the fairy tales of popular Science as the
•Jwelopment of the strawberry, or the aquatic habits of the water-
ooitl.
I
I
354
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mak.
But the student of tbo History of Religion may not, after all, be
satisfied that Mr. Allen's conclasions are unavoidable. Perhaps my
friend Mr. Allen will permit me to show him how he " can easily
avoid " drawing his obvious inference, or, at least, how other people
can avoid it. For the inference is based on more than one conjecture
of the most avoidable sort.
Mr. Allen's conclusions, as readers of hia article will see, imply
several propositions. One of these is that Mr. Allen knows what the
ark of the Covenant contained, and that its contents were tiot that
which the only accessible evidence declares them to have been. The
ark did not contain the Tables of the Law (as in 1 Kings viii. 9), but
it did contain " an object made of stone," and that object was
" Jahveh." Again, Mr. Allen's conclusions imply the proposition
that aJl worshipped or sacred stones were once ancestral grave-
atones, or that their sanctity was derived from a real or supposed
resemblance to ancestral grave-stones. Once more, if we are to agree
with Mr. Grant Allen, we must believe that, when a " fetish " stone
is found in certain relations with a god, the god derives his origin
from the stone.
All these propositions are highly disputable, and, perhaps it may
be shown, are not demonstrated by Mr. Allen. If we can show this,
it will be quite easy for us to avoid drawing his obvious inference,
and thinking that wo know more about the origin of Jehovah than
the most learned and " advanced " Biblical critics now believe them-
selves to know.
Now, what evidence have we as to what the ark really contained ?
We have 1 Kings viii. 9, " There was nothing in the ark, save the
two tables of stone, which Moses put there at Horeb." Either we
must accept this evidence, or admit that we know nothing about the
matter. The evidence, let it be admitted, is understood to bo neither
very ancient, nor very authentic. But, if we suppose it to be
false, then it must go ; we have no business to choose the part of it
which suits Mr. Alien — namely, the existence of stone in the ark, and
to reject the statement that there were two stones, containing the
Decalogue. This mode of treating legends, admitting what we like
and discarding what we dislike, has been criticized sufficiently by Mr.
Orote, in his chapter on Greek Heroic Legend. Again, if Mr. Allen
is right, then surely all the traditions, by many critics allowed to
be old, about the Decalogue and the two tables of stone must have
been invented, and inserted in Scripture, to account for the discovery
of two stones (not one) in the ark. These are mere guesses : we
may, to be brief, admit or reject the evidence, but we deal in pure
guesswork when we say the author of 1 Kings viii. 9 told the
truth when he said there was stone in the ark, but invented a pious
[fraud when he said there were two stones, inscribed with the " Ten
••9«>]
JTAS JEHOVAH A FETISH STONE F
355
WopiB." However, Mr, Allen's guess is not, probably he does not put it
forth as being, original. He has " great allies " to whom he does not
appeaL Thus Kuenen says, '* Was the ark really empty, or did it
(XKitain a stone, Jahveh's real a}K>de, of which the ark was only the
jpository ? This we do not know, although the latter opinion, in con-
BMiiOD. with the later accounts of tho Pentateuch, appears to us to
po&esB great probability." But Kuenen adds that " we cannot draw
•ay entirely safe conclusions." • He elsewhere remarks that " Jahveh
was worshipped in the shape of a young bull." " Bull-worship was
really the worship of Jahveh." f Thus a god was worshipped as a
jx>nQg bull, who probably had his abode in a stone.
Welthausen again observes that, if there were stones in the ark,
they probably served some other purpose than that of writing mate-
riola, and says that " the ark of the Covenant, no doubt, arose by a
<h»nge of meaning oat of the old idol." +
1 make Mr. Allen a present of these conlirmatory conjectures by emi-
MSit scholars. M. Kenan's guess is that the ark "contained objects
^ general interest," that it was a small portable case, holding the
best things in the Israelitish collection. These opinions are all mere
** shots," and are of no historical value; or, as Kuenen mildly puts
it, " not entirely safe." This part of the argument, then, is peculiarly
perilous.
We next examine Mr. Allen's theory that all sacred stones have been
grave-stonea, or were worfchipped because sanctity attached to them
from their resemblance to stones sanctified as grave-stones.
Here the controversy would have been easier if Mr. Allen had
consolted and given references to original authorities. But his
examples of stone-worship are mainly taken, as he acknowledges^
from works by Mr. Herbert Spencer, by Mr. Tylor, and by myself.
X IV, to omit references makes easy reading, and perhaps easy writing,
bui it does not permit a student to correct his author, if that author
<d»nce8 to overlook important facts in his context. It is really im-
ible to know about these obscure matters, as far us they can be
at all, without taking trouble, and working, as it were, at first
hand. To myself, Mr. Allen's whole argument seems vitiated by the
le that " the origin of all which is most essential Ju religion " is
rived •' from ghost-worship and ancestor-worship." Mr. Allen
kioks that this has been brilliantly demonstrated by Mr. Herbert
5Cer. Not even by Mr. Tylor, I think, has any such demonstra-
b6«a really and convincingly made. I am not persuaded that
l-lhs germs of a belief in tho »ujKrnatural, still less of tho
itial in religfion, arise in ghost and ancestor worship, or in any other
agle Bcnrce whatever. The bane of those studies is the exclnsive
♦ "The Kdigion of Israel." vol i. 233, Lon<lon, 1874. f Ibid, p. 236.
J •• nUlory of l«racl," p. 393, Edinburgh, 1885.
356
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mas.
belief in single '* keys of all the creeds." These are onlj opinions, to
which anthropology has led me. But my opLnions have, at least as
to certain details of Btone-worship, the support of Mr. Tylor. "The
ideas with which stone-worship is concerned are vinlli/ariouSy'^ he
Bays, " and the analogy" — the analogy which suggests the conjectnro
that stones, like menhirs, cromlechs, and so on, were worshipped as
representatives or embodiments of gods — "may be misleading." To
" multifarious " ideas and practices I am loth to assign one singl*
origin ; but Mr. Allen would trace them all to the worship of ghosts
or ancestors.
Ho begins by thinking it unnecessary to prove that the erection of
an upright stone is one of the commonest modes of marking a
place of burial. The *' prehistoric savage " " erected a pillar over the
tumulus of a dead chief." That depends on whether the prehistoric
Bavage had any chief, and whether lie practised earth burial. But
head-stones are certainly very commonly erected over tombs.
The question is whether the peoples who now worship stones,
or who did of old worship stones, also always erected pillars over
their dead.
Common as the practice is, if Mr. Allen is to stow that stone-
worship arose from ghost and grave-worship, he must prove that stone-
worshippers do, or once did, bury their dead under such stones. Now
Lucian remarlied long ago that "the Greeks bum their deadj thePer-
Bians bury them; the Scythians eat them, and the Egyptians mummify
them ; " no head-stone being needed in three cases out of four. Some
savages carry the bones of the dead about,some devour the dead, some, as
Apolloniue Rhodius tells us, bang them in bugs from trees, some expose
them on platforms ; some, like the ancient Hebrews in Genesis, bury
them in the walla of caves, some embalm them and set them up in.
the temples, some sink them in the sea.'
Mr. Herbert Spencer quotes many cases of burial in caves, in huts^
in houses, on elevated platforms, under sheds, and so forth. The
sheds, huts, houses, become temples, he thinks. But it is plain thatr
in many cases, head-stones are not needed nor used, and yet the
people who do not buiy under head-stones worship stones, as we shalT
Bee. Whence did those stones gain their sanctity ? It may b&-
alleged that, at some period, all stone-worshipping races buried under
head-stones, but that needs proof, which is not offered.
Are there no instanticc coniradidoricc of people who bury under-
head-stones, or under pillars of wood, yet vrorship no pillar nor stone,
on one hand, or worship stones, and yet do not erect them over graves ?'
Mr. Allen does not touch this essential question ; his theory absolutely
• Garcilasso de In Vepa, "Com, Ileal.," i. 56 ; Apol Rhod. iii. 202; "Legends oJ
Hawaii,"' p. ;,y ; "Among Cannihuls," Lumliollz, p. 278. where buria] in the earth i»
also nsed ; Pietschmann, second part of his " History of riiccnicia," in Oncken's " Alg.
Ge«chicht"
X^]
WAS JEHOVAH A FETISH STONE?
357
demands, as preliminaTy, a study of burial customs, but no sucb study
» offered. Want of room may have hindered him from examining
and presenting the evidence in detail ; yet such a presentation seems
necessary. For example, some Australian tribes erect sculptured
pillars, yet I never heard that they worshipped pillars. Mr. Allen
himself states that the Samoans mark the grave by a little heap of
stones, a foot or two in height, but the stones which (among other
tilings) the Samoans worship are Fongo and Toafa, two oblong smooth
■tones, on a raised platform of loose stones. Here it is rather the
platform of loose stones than the smooth oblong stones which ought
to be sacred, if the sacredness be derived from marking a place of
burial. Or can it be shown that the Samoans once buried their dead
under oblong smooth stones ? *
However, stones often mark a place of burial, undeniably, and
when victims are sacrificed at the tomb "their blood is constantly
smeared on the head-stone or boulder that marks the spot." Here,
again, we have no reference to original authorities as to the diffasion
of this custom, whether wide or restricted. Bat " after a time the grave
and the stone get to be confounded together, and the place itself
oomes to have a certain sacredness, derived from the ghost which
haunts and inhabits it." Mr. Allen now quotes Major Condor's
theory of menhirs " erected as memorials and ivorshipped as deities,"
ud of dolmens, cairvis, and cromlechs in similar case. We have
marked Mr. Tylor's more cautious warning against misleading
analogies. But stones answering to three at least of the four classes
— menhir, dolmen, cairn, cromlech — assuredly existed in ancient
Qansan, and are often named in the Old Testament. We shall
examine later the part they play, or may be supposed to play, in the
legends, the history, the ritual, and the religion of Israel.
Mr. Allen now advances some cases of stone-worship. The
Samoan example of the two oblong stones, parents of the Rain God,
hafl already been mentioned. In the case of the tall coral sandstone
o£ the Augustine isles, Mr. Allen does not tell us whether the islanders
ertet such sida- over graves, and he is as iiKlifieront to the burial
en^ma of the stone or slab-worshipping Gilbert Group race.
Goddesses there are flat slabs ; does any such corresponding difference
appear in the grave-stones of men and women in the Gilbert Group ?
Or do the people of the group erect stones over gi-aves at all? Among
•he Ehonda each god has a stone under the tree in the village. Do
the Kbonds place head-stones on gi'aves ?
In Peru, stones were placed " to represent the penatesof households
nnd the patron deities of villages.*' How did the Peruvians bury their
niiiiiniir-il dead ? Mr. Allen does not tell us, but Garcilasso says " they
'■iili.'kliiiHd their Ynca's body so as to keep it with them, and not to
* Mr. ADeaqaotea Hr. Turner, withoat name of bo>ik oitod, or note of page.
358
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
CStHB.
lose sight of it," * No stone was needed here. In Fiji the gods and
goddesses " bad their abodes or shrines in black stones, like smooth
round mile-stones, and there received their offerings of food.t Mr.
Allen takes this from Mr. Tylor, who takes it frona Williams's " Fiji
and the Fijians." J Mr, "Williams gives a sketch of a stone named
Lovekaveka, " the abode of a goddess for whom food is prepared."
The sketch may be consulted by the curious, who will see the real
nature of the stone at a glance. Assuredly it is not sepulchral. The
Fijians, moreover, do not bury their dead under stones like this, but
under small houses with roofs from three to six feet iiigh.§ This pre-
vents the grave from being defiled, " for a Fijian burial-ground is
usually a veiy filthy " — instead of being a very sacred — " place."
Some are buried in temples for this reason. Such are the graves of
chiefs. Common people have graves edged round with stones, or
with a stone at head and foot. It is open, of course, to Mr. Allen to
argue that all graves were originally thus marked ; hence the worship
of stones in Fiji. But this is conjectural.
In all these cases Mr. Allen never once proves that the people who
worship stones employ similar stones to mark resting-places of the
dead. If they do, he should not spare such an important link in his
argument ; if they do not, it would only be fair to mention this gap
in the evidence. One may doubt whether he ever asked himself the
question. Let me now give an example of a stone-worshipping people
who do not use head-stonea. The Hawaiiana deposit the bodies of
their dead in caves, but the bones of chiefs and kings were tisuallj
destroyed or hidden lest, they should bo made into Csh -hooks or arrow-
heads for shooting mice, by their enemies. Some were thrown into
the sea, others concealed in caves after partial cremation. In the
royai tombs which do exist are probably few royal bones. The bones
of one great chief were eaten, after being pulverized. The stones
which are worshipped are brought from a certain beach in the south of
the island. They are believed to propagate their own. species. A
selected stone ia taken by its owner to the athletic sports. U tha
owner wins hia race, the stone is admitted to be a god. If he fails,
he throws it away, or makes it into an axe-head, lliere is, perhaps, little
trace of ancestor-worship here, not more than in the superstition which
leads burglars to carry a piece of coal in their pockets, " for luck."
In Hawaii, then, I find no head-stones, but plenty of worship of
stones which never stood over graves. ||
Mr. Allen next remarks, very pertinently, that when certain stones
had once become sacred (from thfir position, as he thinks, of sepulchral
monuments), other stones resembling those might come to be regarded
* " Com. Heal.," i. 93. f Williams's "Fiji," i. 2'JO. % Ix)tidoi), 1858. § Op. citA. IW.
II " legends and Myths of Hawaii." By His Hawaiian Majesty, Kulakaua, Preface
{quoted} by Hon. R. M. Daggett. New York, 1888, pp. 41, S'J-
«%D]
VTAS JEHOVAH A FETISH STOSE ?
359
_ drriiM as eontAining an indTrellIng ghost or
Tidi b my probftble. Bat he is not reallj aided here by
Mrs abocT of « fish-ahaped stone prayed to bj fishermen, a
into a god of yams, and so forth. A simpler expla-
KiitB tbeae imtanoea. The New Caledonians bary stones like
vitk Aa yaai roots to fertilize them. The Zanis regard any
pdlfcle wfaidi distxnedy resembles a bird or beast as a god which will
koB^ hsd: in hunting that game. It is a case of timUia similibus :
Take aSsefia fike, m rety oommon idea in early thought.*
If tlus -new be aooeptod, ^oets, ancestors, and head-stones of giaTaB
Wre **i*^*g to do witk the adoration of yam-shaped, fish-ahaped,
mad IbiiI rfisiiml pebbleB. Thns we may assuredly find many ex-
SH^ks of stoue- wot ship which need not be derived from ancestor-
■wahit*. little but confusion comea of the desire to trace multi-
ftnoos pfceafloifeaa to one single origin. Mr. Allen would work
bck to his fiiftxinte origin by snpposixLg, as we hare seen,
Aii tke gbost and the grmve lent the first sanctity to certain
Stanes, mnd then that other stones were sympathetically affected
hf tkis attnbote. Sanctity amoog stones was '' catching," so Mr.
i&B giTee a few examples of worshipped stones '* where no im->
we£ale oonnectioin with any particular grave seems definitely
iayiied." Hub reads as if, in most of his earlier instances, a
Wfiirf^>»«' between tlie holy stones and some particular grave kad
Ihb ** definitely implied." But we have seen, on the other hand, that
there was not even an attempt made to prove any such connection in
iitb ^^^Tnpl^ cha&ai from Samoa, St. Augustine Island, the GDbert
Gfoopi, among the Khnndu, in Fiji, and so on, while the Hawaiian
CMS was an inBlautia etrntradidoria. There was among all these
bit a aiagie inmtinn of grave-marks, the tinj cairn in Samoa, where
Bot cairns fact laige oUong atooee were said to exist among other
ohyorte of worship. Thns Mr. Allen's new cases of worshipped stones,
^ where no connection with any particuW grave is implied,^ so far are
aach on a level with his other nmrn. '' The Dacx>tahs t pick up a round
heoUer, paint it, imd then, addressing it as 'grandfather,' make oficrings
is it, and pray it to deliver them from danger." Here Mr. Allen is
gxatified by the trace of anoestor-worfhip in the term " grandfafther.*
B«t that may be a mere ** hanoor^ving name." Do the Daootaha, a>
a matter of fact, morAap Aeir grandfathers, and do tlMjr fdaoe
looad boulders, capable of being " picked np,^ on the tombs of their
dead? Hus ought to have been looked into. A£ a rule, the
Bed Indian tiibea erect wooden pillars, carven with the totems of
* Mr. J. J. AtkiiMon g»ve mc 4b» Htm ri^r^-vmn tasp. 7%e Burewi of BtlmniWy
la^FaBUagtno |iubU«}MSoaIoa«doopi«iaf tbeZon ;>. and oq«. im eagle. t£«
Ift villi:. War. kin my own ooOaoCioa. It ahoni' vith me»l and powdered
Mb « evUia tntatvaic bst daa* sol ' get iu Meau» recouir. "
t TrkK. L 147 ; BtiWilrraft. ii. 3W ; ilL K».
360
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[MAX.
the dead man reversed. But do they worship those stdcc ? Mr.
Allen notes that where sticks, not stones, mark graves, as among th»
Siberian Samoyedes, sticks are more worshipped than stones. By
parity of reasoning this should be so, too, among the Redmen of
the carved and heraldic grave-post, and in Australia. Bat Mr. Allen
does not enter on that Bubject. There is a difficulty in accepting even
the theory that " all the European sacred stones are cromlechs, dolmens,
trilithons, or menhirs," and thus are sepulchral. These stones unde-
niably retained a sanctity in Christian times ; but was that a
fresh development of folklore, or did folklore retain the exact
ritual of heathendom ? The latter is, no doubt, the more probable
theory, as a rule ; but superstitious beliefs, if not sanctity, are attached
by folklore to the stone arrow-heads, or elf-shots, which, in the
heathen times, when they were made, had no more magical value thsta
a bullet has to-day.
Again, Mr, Allen himself mentions two European sacred stones —
the stone of Scone in the coronation-seat, and an Irish fetish, worshipped
as late as 1851 — which are neither menhirs, nor dolmens, nor crom-
lechs, nor trilitlions, which cannot be shown to have had any historical
connection whatever with graves and ghosts. Nor is any such con-
nection proved by the Fijian idea, that boulders have sex, and beget
pebbles. Tha animation and human character of everything ig part
of early belief ; and it . would be rather hasty to derive that belief
from ghosts and graves, though the attempt has been made. Mr.
Allen now speaks of sacred stones which have been carried about like
the stone " Jahveh " of his theory, in tribal migration. We know that
the Israelites carried the "bones " (or the mummy) of Joseph, as the
English carried those of the Hammer of the Scotch, and as Australian
blacks carry the remains of their kinsfolk. Of course, if you cany
the bones of a man, you do noi carry his head-stone too ; it were
superfluous. Nor, again, is a tolerably large grave-stone very porta-
ble, though, if Mr. Allen is right, and if the inner stones of Stonehenge
were bronght " into Britain from the Continent," the objection from
weight of course falls to the ground, and I do not in any case insist
on it. Whether the " fancy Fijian stones," carried to a certain
Samoan isle, were once grave-stones, there is nothing to show. That
sacred stones of some kind may be and have been carried about is,
however, certain ; that they ever were head-stones of graves, there
appears to be no proof ; it is an inference of Mr. Allen's.
As to the coronation-stone of Scone, we only know it in its present
shape. Emphatically it never could have been a head-stone, but I wiU
grant that, for all I know, it may have been a chip of an old block
which was once a head-stone. That is merely matter of conjecture.
Had Israel, like Scotland, a coronation-stone? Mr. Allen appears to
think so, because (2 Kings xi. 14) Jehoash, at his coronation, " stood
«l9o]
WAS JEHOVAH A FETISH STONE?
361
the pillar as the manner was." This was in Solomon's Temple.
Mr. Allen think that a pillar, in a temple of Solomon's date,
lily aoEwers to a menhir, or other ancient sepulchral stone ?
is precisely the kind of text where an instinct warns a man to
I eoQsalt the original. Now the Hebrew word for a sacred pillar-stone
iilfasaebah. But the word used for pillar, where we read that the
king " stood by the pillar," is ammfirf. Clearly enough the king waa
It the inner end of the Temple court, facing the people, and he took
his stand by one of the two famous decorated bronze pillars which Hiram
ol Tyre made for Solomon and erected in the porch of the Temple
(\ Kings vii. 15). Mr. Allen, of course, may argue that these decora-
tive bronze pillars, eighteen cubits high, were derived, in the long
ran, from manhirs, or from grave-stones ; but he should not confuse two
totally different Hebrew words, representing two utterly different things.
Mr. Allen now reaches another province, where he finds matter
which, in itself, I consider quite fatal to his theory. He remarks, with
truth pTX)bably, that the sacred stones of a backward religion often
pet themselves (if I may say so) built into the edifice of a later
religion. Thus, certain sacred stones, in Greece, were " Hellenized,"
as he puts it, and had a new meaning attached to them, perhaps by
kelp of a divine name of Greek religion, as the title of Zeus Cappotas,
*y., was given to a boulder which may have been worshipped before
iha worship of Zeus was introduced ; or, as Mr. Allen prefers to put
it, developed. We cannot now tell which of those expressions is correct
in each instance. Again, " Islam has adapted the Kaaba " (sic), " the
great black stone of the Holy Place at Mecca." * Precisely ; but even
Mr. Allen does not assure us that Allah " had his origin " in this
black stone ! AVhy, then, should he assume that, even if the ark con-
tuaed a stone, and was the sanctuary of Jehovah, therefore Jehovah
ma developed out of the stone ? f The recognition of the Caaba by
ICohammed was really due to local patriotism and policy. He got
Xeocfton his side by reserving for it religions privileges to which it
<Mved its wealth and importance. It is easy to see that the ancient
wacahippers of Jehovah, like the Prophet of Allah, might have made
% tttoilar concession to a powerful tribe, even if Mr. Allen could
^MBOiiBtrate that a sacred stone was really carried abroad in the
«k. Jehovah would no more necessarily be, in that case, " an
Moestral fetish stone in origin " than Allah was, in origin, a black
iloaittat Mecca.
W« now come to the sacred stones which undeniably existed in
Canaan. What } Mr. Allen calls the menhir or pillar, is the Hebrew
* IL Ren&nbu thesame illnstratioa.
t Zt Buiy neem pedantic to object, but the reason for writing Kaaba ia not obvioar.
" r«id apelling is Caaba, the reccivorl .xpellinflr Js Ka'ba.
lOmpareKaenen's " Iteligioiiof Isrritl," i. 390; ncil. in pre-prophetic times. Kuonen
ltl|p*d th»t Abrabam was not originally a sloae god.
362
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mab.
Massebah, often rendered '• image " in our version. For cairn also thero
JB a Semitic name. But that any of the Hebrew, Aramaic, or Arabic
words for *' altar " means a tfnliticn is not known to scholars. Gilgal
probably means a stone circle. Mr. Allen calls it a great Stonelienge.
About the cairu at Mizpah, llr. Allen says it was " doubtless a
sepulchral monument." Of this there is no pmof at all, we cannot
go behind the Hebrew tradition (Gen. xszi. 46) ; and, if Mr. Allen
knew Scotland well, he would know that cairns are t-rected for many
varioos puqjosea, not only for sepulture, M. Kenan attributes this
custom to the Touaregs. ('aims maybe, and often are, shepherda*
landmarks ; again, they may commemorate, liko a cairn by the way-
side near Clattering Sliaws in Galloway, the scene of an event not three
years old. The " JehoTist " priests, as ilr. Allen oddly calls them,
may have " Jehovized '"old pillars and cairns in Canaan, by e.xplaining
them as memorials of patriarchal history, or, like other cairns and
obelisks, they may really have been memorials. It is not true to Bay
that the oldest legends in Syria regard holy ])lftces as graves. The
converse is the case ; it is the characteristic of motiirn legend to change
ancient sanctuaries into graves of saints. The old heathen sanctuary
of Ashtaroth Carnaim has for LjOO years been honoured as the grave
of Job. On the other hand, when Genesis tells us that Jacob set np
a pillar on the grave of Rachel, Mr. Allen asks us to think this an
attempt to " Jehovize " an early sacred stone. How can he know ?
The stone may have been a head-stone of a grave, whether of Rachel
or not is not the question. Rachel ia not an historical character, bat
the eponyma (and possibly an old goddess) of the house of Joseph.
The Jehovization, if any, consists in making the sacred stone of &
goddess into the grave of a human ancestress.
There were, at all events, many sacred stones in Canaan. They
were parts of Canaaaite religion, and when the Israelites conquered
the country these stones were adapted into the local worship of
Jehovah. Jahveh, saya Mr. Allen, " would tolerate no otlier Bacred
stones (sir) within his own jurisdiction.'* Kuenen, onthe other hand,
remarks that " the Jahveh worshippers deemed it uunecessarj'^ to assume
a hostile attitude towards the stone and tree worship." In truth
there were difterent " attitudes '" in the long history of Hebrew re-
ligion. Kuenen holds that, even so long ago as the invasion of
Canaan, many Israelites were above the belief that the sacred stones
were either gods, or dwellings of gods. Thus Mr. Alien thinks
Samuel's stone of victory, Ebenezer, was " originally worshipped before
proceeding on an expedition" (1 Samuel vlii. 12). Kuenen. on the
other hand, scouts the idea that " such a man as Samuel ascribed bis
victory, not as Deborah, for example, ascribed hrrs to Jahveh, but —
to some stone-deity or other." How this harmonizes with Kuenen's
i««e^
WAS JEHOVAH A FETISH STOXE
363
idea that Jehovah's real abode was probably a stone, I koow not,*
Bowerer. the Canaanite stones were early admitted, more or less per-
haps under protest, into Israelite worship.
Tims Hosea says that the p<H)pIe of Israel shall abide many days
vithomt king, and without prince, and without sacrifice, and without
pilar (^ifoMebah) (Hosea iii. 4). Thesei pillars were c<>nsured when
^lodns, perhaps in the ninth century B.C., was written, but noboily
denies that Israel had copiously ashamed them into .Tehovoh's cult.
TWae stone pillars were no more than the symbols of the ]Jre8«mce at
die sanctuary of a god who was not himself a stone-go<l, any more
tkan Zeos or Apollo was a stone, because a stonn lay in his tempi©
Saeki stones may have oxistetl at Gilgal. and probably did. but Mr.
jklleii puzzles one when he says that Jt'hovah was " domiciled " tliere.
When the very oldest Hebrew poetry allots a dwelling to .lehovali, that
dwelling^ is Sinai, as in the Song of Deborah, f To be brief, sacred stones
existed, survivals of Canaanitish times, in many holy places of Jehovah.
They were ofiFensive to what we may call the Puritanism of tJie
rsforming prophets. But they no more meant that Johovali ivaa
" domiciled " in them, there and nowhere else, than Huitailopochtli
WES domiciled in " the Maypole in the Strand," itself an offence to
Puritanism. The prevalence of the opinions of Iho ]iropln'ts led to
the destruction of these sanctuaries as heterodox, in the reigu of
Joeiah : they had been sanctuaries of Jehovah, but not orthodox
■anctuaries.
We now come to Mr. Allen's remarkable theory that *' Jahveh
was sn object of portable size .... for he was carriwl fixiin Shiloh in
Us ark." He seems, if I do not misunderstand him, to i^ntertain
saother odd theory, that, in ancient belief, Jehovah was not only in
the srk, but was nowhcrr t/se. He is, as it were, even more eugor for
one angle place of worship of Jeliovah, namely, before the nrk, than the
Hebrew compilers of what VVellhauBon calls ** the Priestly Code," and
eoosiders later than the Captivity. Mr. Allen quotes texts where
Dnrid, dancing before tJie ark, is said to " danco before Jahveh," at
Kirjath-jearim, But, while the ark lay at Kirjath-jearim, Samuel
Bod the people " poured forth water before the Lord " at Alizpak.
Mr. Allen apparently must allow that " Jahveh " could be in at
Irsst two places at once, a difficult feat for a "portable object" to
woomplish (1 Samuel vii. G). However, Mr. Allen is convinced
that Jeborah himself was at " first personally present in the ark that
coveted him." To be sure this is inconsistent with the frequent
Mcrtfices to Jahveh where the ark was not, and where, therefore, in
* Kn«nni, op. tit., i. 334.
t It i< tro* that M. Maurice VeniM diApntcs the aoHnnity of thp novg. Renan'»
' Hui. linMi»^ i. 193 ; Jodger, r. 4 : Jirrtie de tliut. da Rd., xix. i. p 66,
«
364
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mab.
Mr. Allen's opinion, Jehovah could not be, which meet us, in the
Bible, at every turn.
We have shown that, whatever was in the ark, Jehovah was dis-
tinctly not confined to that sanctuary, but rather dwelt in Sinai, and
could manifest himself where he pleased. Places where he was believed
to have manifestd himself were chosen as sanctuaries, were often
marked by sacred stones, and were spots of sacrifice, and of meet-
ing between man and God, just as the ark, also, was a place of
meeting, a portable chapel of high saoredness. All this does not
prove that a stone, still less a grave-stone, was in the ark. Even if
such a stone were there, it need no more be the origin of Jehovah
than the Cnaha was the origin of AUah, or the stone of Delos the
origin of Apollo.
Readers of Mr. Allen's essay will have observed that he says nothing
about Semitic burial customs. Did the oldest Semites place stones of
the sacred sort, or others, over the graves of their sheikha ? We know
little or nothing about this. Herr Pietschmann, in Oncken's '' AUge-
meine Geschichte " (Abt. 175, pp. 206, 207), is a partisan, so far, of
Mr. Allen's. He believes that Phoenician sacred stones were ori-
ginally grave-stones, anointed that the oil might comfort the ghost
below, a favour later extended to gods, when they were evolved from
ghosts. But did Phoenicians use such burial-stones ? ITiat Herr
Pietschmann hardly proves. We don't know at all what the oldest
graves in Phceniciu were like. Those we do know are simply binna
cut into the walls of caverns (pp. 196, 197). Small houses were built
over earth-graves where caverns did not exist, or a tree, a fountain, a
high rock was chosen, and the dead interred near that natural monu-
ment. With Herr Pietachmaun's guesses about ghosts or gods in
these trees or rocks we have nothing to do. The theory of the head-
stone, and Avhy it was oiled, is a mere " shot." The Phoenicians are
not shown to have buried under head-stones at all. Mr. Allen will
find, if he cares, a more serviceable ally in Goldziher's " Mahomme-
danische Studien " (p. 239). Goldziher, like Mr. Allen, is a Spencerian.
He remarks that the Arabs adored stone pillars, called Ans^b, and
he quotes from heroic Arab poetry a passage in which ifu'^wija, in
an address to a dead man, swears ' ' by the offering I made at thy
black Ans&b." Here pillar and grave-stone bear one name, and
that, late as it is, is all the evidence (with what else Goldziher infers)
that I can lend Mr. Allen. M. Renan remarks that the heathen
nomad Arabs used to leave their AnsAbs behind them, to be worshipped
by the next occupiers of the district. But the bearing of all this on
pre-Mosaic Israel is remote.
I have now examined Mr, Allen's contention. I have tried to show
that, as to what really was in the ark, wo know nothing, unless we
accept the evidence of 1 Kings viii. 9. I have endeavoured to prove
iSgo] WAS JEHOVAH A FETISH STONE? 365
that Mr. Allen has not demonstrated sacred stones to derive their
wauMtj from their places as grave-stones. " How such a conception *'
(the presence of the Godhead at the sacred stones) " fibrst obtained
eurreiicy is a matter for which no direct evidence is available, and
which, if settled at all, can only be settled by inference and con-
jecture."*
I have given examples to prove that stone-worshipping races are
not shown to nse head-stones, as a rale, and that races who use posts
do not worship them. Finally, I have alleged that the presence of
a sacred stone, in the cult of a god, by no means proves that the god
was, in origin, a stone. On the whole, perhaps the conclusion is that
we may " easily avoid " Mr. Allen's inference that Jehovah was, in
origin, a grave-stone, especially as, even according to Mr. Allen,
iUme-woardiip is a degradation from the certainly more ethereal worship
of an ancestral spirit.
Hie trath is that abundance of belief exists to-day. Mr. Allen,
who bdieves in his own theory or romance of Jehovah, must have
plenty of faith, and perhaps it is unkind to assail it by critical
methods, and to shake, it may be, the creeds of people who take
their theology from the magazines. Few of them, however, will read
a dnll pedantic essay which asks for facts, and they will prefer a
&eile reliance on an article not strong in those hard uncomfortable
flibject8.t
Andrew Lan«j.
• Robertson Smith, "Religion of thf .S»-iaitp»," p. 188.
t Mr. Allen might replj to me. t>i i/hdiiw, im the stren^h of a lino in mj "3Iyth.
Btul, and Religion " (ii. 83). wh>'!r>> Jf-hovah is said to have been " borne in his
■■fc," like Hnitzilopochtli. But rhe mntark was a blun^lnr of meroorr, sinc«> cot-
neted. Jehovah, in the only »;viil«n''e we p«i'jsei<«. sits on thft Mercy Seat, between
tht Chembim. For the Tabemar-Ie, Mr. Allen miti^ht find, if lie looked, a very curious
■ffige analogy, which would. I am «iire, dfliirht him, ami which is '-a point nnt
Hted by Gemans." In connerricm wirh <rone worship it in intere.stin); that in an
>itkle,''An Infancy." by Miss Inseliiw, in /.onffMonn .Vaffnine (Febniary IflOO). she
^iMOthat, as a child, she believeil in the aniin.ition of al! store* : the " animi-tio "
" sof mind surriving in her earliest attempts at thons^ht.
'*. wn.
:i H
I
TITHES.
THE removal of an abnse, liki* tlie drawing of a rotten tooth, ia
always postponed until thf misery occasioned by it has beoome
absolutely unendurable. For some time past there have been signs
that the tithe system as at present existing in England and Wales is
trespassing on the extreme limit of public tolerance ; and the futile
effort of the Government last Session to grease the wheels of a rusty
machine has only serv»'cl tn put in cleamr light its absurd incongruity
with the national life nf to-day. English rural life is embittered ;
Wales is driven almost to the vei^e of rebellion ; and the muttered
incantation of '' Ihav and order " will have just as little effect on this
side of the Irish 8ea as on thi- other. What with rent, tithe, rates
and taxes, farmers have too much to pay on their present profits ; and
until the burden is lightened, either by increasing their income or
lessening the demands on theni, any short and easy method of recovery
will only make mfttt<Ts worse. Why the Home Secretary should
suppose recovery through the County Court to be a more agreeable
])roce83 than recov«.ry by the tithe-owner's bumbailifl", it is difficult to
understand. The former process looks more respectable certainly ; but,
like the silken cord supposed to be conceded to ari.stocratic gallows-birds,
it chokes them all the same. It is easier to comprehend the reason for
taking the rent-charge direct from the landlord ; but if the fai-mer is
not aware that he himself will have still to pay it indirectly, with a
probuble clinrgc for commission, he is even simjiler tban we tliought
him. The projwsal to reduce the tithe proportionately to any fall in
prices and in rent sounds rea.sonable only so long ns we ignore the renl
natnre of the settlement accepted by landlords in the Commutation Act.
This has been shown with admindde lucidity by Earl Grey, who speaks
now with unique authority. Tithe redemption, though approved by
TITHES,
367
» good a Liberal »a Mr. Herbert Gardner, means after all an invest-
ment by the landlords, on which they will look for a return in higher
rants. The only other solution short of thi- diversion of the tithe to
relieve other burdens on agriculture — in other words, disendownient
ef the CTburch — would be the conversion of the tithe rent-charge into
Isod. That is to say, every estate or holding might be made to yield
sp a portion sufficient to pay the present rent-charge on the whole of
it. These plots wonld tJius become the absolnte property — bo fiar a«
that is poflsible in the case of land — of the present tithe-owners. If
to such a aolntion there could be added a provision against alienation,
tiwre is very much to bp said for s«nch proposal from the point of view
of the land-nationalizer.*
The above proposals are enumerftted now only for the purpose of
indicating thf scope of the present paper. With the myst-eries of the
origin of tithes I have nothing whatever to do. There they are :
tUf* y amU, flits y ri'stcnt. I am conservative enough to be *' dead
■guiut" their abolition. In fact, they can't be abolished even by
an Act of Parliament. The only question is, who is to get them ? It
will be well to establish this point before returning to deal more in
«)etail with the above alternative solutions of the tithe problem ?
Many farmers and some of their friends demand a reduction of
tiibe under the impression that they — or, as they put it, agriculture
— wofkM get the beoetit. But except to thd possible extent of a
OMrely temporary relief, while certain leases are running out, thifl is
of ootirse impossible. For the owner will get the kighest rent he
esn for his land ; and if that land is relieved from any public burden
hitherto borne by it, of course it may be expected to yield to the
Isndiord an additional amount at least equal to this relief. Since
1886, the tithe has ceased to be a reserved quantity of produce, and
hsa become a reserved amount of rent. It no longer pretends to be
a tenth of the produce ; it is avowedly and by legal definition a
charge on the rent. The general practice, according to which thf
trnant pays the tithe, has disguised this fact, and deluded many
f^roiers into the notion that they are oppressed by greedy clergymen.
But the truth of course is that the farmer pays his rent in two
portitms, one of which goes to the tithe-owner and the other to his
Uadlord. If he pays £20 to the former and £80 to the latter, his
wsl Jtnl is £100. But because he is in the habit of paying the two
ttioimto separately, he calls the latter alone his "rent," and supposes
As £20 paid to his parson^ or other tithe-owner, to be something
OT^snd above his rent. Then, not unnaturally, in hard times there
>ins bto his confused brain a notion that if those Liberationiat
' '" ■ nt misintorprctation it should he s^aiil lliattlic present writer on It accepts
p/ui the Ten t'oramandmeiits — and the Be:atitiKles a.4 well : " Bleutd an
' • M.r iktij thall uiherit the earth." It is matnly because the present holders are
•;k, IhAi they are not likely to inherit it much longer.
368
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mar.
fellowa had their way it would be leflb entirely to his '' voluntary
principle " to pay or withhold his dues to the Church, and hence he
would sit so much easier, I have been told by a rural magnate that
nothing^ would " fetch " agricultural labourers, aud even farmers, like
an appeal to the country on the disendow ment of the Church. But
if it is on grounds like the above that they favour such an issue, their
political support would be baaed ou illusion. Still, if the tithe were
devoted to some form of public expenditure which is now paid out of
rates or taxes, the fanner would obviously be a gainer to that extent.
Thus, in the above supposed case of a farm yielding i80 rent and £20
tithe, if the latter were diverted to purposes of existing local
expenditure, the farmer would still bave to pay his tithe, but he
would quite sjave the amount in rates. Whether even in that case the
landlord would take it out of him in additional rent is a question
rather beyond the scope of the present discossion. The point to be
fixed now is the indisputable fact that the tithe rent-charge is not an
addition to the rent, but a part of it ; and that whoever may get it
the tithe absolutely cannot be abolished so long as rent is kept up at
all. In other words, accepting the ordinary theory of agricultural
rent, the tithe represents part of the '' excess produce beyond what
would be returned to the same capital if employed on the worst land
in cultivation." We may of course change the name of this part of
the " excess produce." We may taboo the word tithe, and think we
have alwlished the thing. But that would be a delusion. The
" excess produce '' would still go to some one ; and that part of it
now called tithe would still be paid. This is what I meant by saying
that tithes cannot be abolished even by an Act of Parliament.
This is, perhaps, not generally dieputad, though sometimes through
want of clear apprehension the logical and inevitable consequences
are ignored. But a plea is put in on behalf of farmers that,
owing to the unexpected working of the Commutation Act, the
amount of the tithe rent-charge has become excessive. Thus we are
told of farms on which the tithe is nearly equal to, or in some instances
even greater than, the part of the rent paid to the landlord. But
why should this be thought so very dreadful ? Is there not another
side to it ? Surely a good Liberal like Mr. Herbert Gardner might
find some comfort in the reflection that the landlords, by a deliberate
and carefully considered act of their own, have consecrated so large a
portion of their annual revenues to the public service. Take, for
instance, the cases mentioned by Mr. George Baylis, of Wyfield
Manor, Newbury, in a letter to the Daily Ncic& of Januwy 18th. I
reproduce hire his exact figures, only slightly altering the titles at
the head and adding a fourth column of totals : —
ia9>]
TITHES.
369
Beat paid
BcDt-eliargr
Ki.at or FiBW.
Acre*.
to
LaiKllord,
p»idto
Tithe.o»rn«r,
Total
Biai.
1M9.
IB89.
Knigbton Fann. ShrivenbAin ....
950
£200
£1(56
£366
Chiy>cl Vuna, Leek ham p»tead ....
326
142
108
250
Peoclose Farm, Winterboiirne ....
398
144
148
292
Smnbolt Farm. Sjiarshtilt
300
110
74
184
[AI. ' ' • li Farm, Bradfidd . . . .
230
71>
61
140
^ "n Farm, rangboiirnc . .
95
21
29
50
[p^ ..,..:... 1. East Gurston, about . .
350
Nil
90
90
S699
£6t>6
£676
£1372
The first thing that strikefl us in looking at this table is that tho
total rent, as shown in the fourth column, inclusive of the reserve
diarge called tithe, is remarkably low. The average is very little
above ten shillings an acre. Even if we exclude Pounds Farm,
which is said to pay nothing at all to the landlord, still the average
rPDt of the rest is under eleven shillings. Now if we remember that
King Charles I., when anxious to become chief speculator in Ver-
muyden's project for draining the Fens, based hia calculations of
profit on the assumption that reclaimed land would pay thirty
ihillings an acre as rent,* there is something almost humiliating in
the confession that the soil of famous Berkshire should now be worth
nesrly two-thirds less than that rent. Of course King Charles was a
TBfy sanguine man, and his calculations were often wide of the mark.
Still, after deducting a considerable percentage on that account, it
does appear odd that there should be such a contrast between that
estimate of land snatched from the tide and the present rents of royal
Berks after two centuries and a half of national progress. One almost
Guieies that many an Irish farmer would think himself very well off
indeed if he could get land as good at twice the rent. For the land
of these farms, as I am informed on good authority, is not at all bad.
I am told it is not well adapted to permanent gi-asses, and therefore
does not lend itself readily to the general tendency t« substitute meat
for com. And of course these are, as a general rule, the only alterna-
tives possible t/o the imagination of the British farmer. But as a
matter of fact., on these very farms the pait of the rent paid to the
l&Qiilord asetl formerly to be very much larger, in some cases twice
or nearly thrice as much as the " t«tal rent " set forth in the above
table.
I may be told that such rents were obtainable only before the
repeal of the Corn Laws, or al any rate before the full effect of that
bentificent measure was felt. Be it so. But aff^r all it does seem
panling to an urban ignoranms like myself that good land within
forty or fifty miles by rail of the greatest centre of population
* Mr Willitm Dugdale-, " History of Emb&EikiDenl and Drainage."
870
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
rujki
on earth should not be aLle to yield produce-value of one
pound an acre more than the worst land in cultivation. Nay,
the margin between it and the worst land able to return a bare sus-
tenance to the cultivator is little more than half that. It is, as we
have seen, scarcely more than ten shillings, including the part of rent
paid as tithe. Well, surely there must be something wrong here.
Perhaps the farmers take too narrow a view of the capacities of their
native soil when they can conceive of notliing it will produce but
bread, beer, or beef. Perhaps they are too contemptuous of the
Channel Islanders who, happy in ilome Rule and small ownerships,
adapt their agricultural practice to the necessities of their position.
Perhaps old-fashioned leases or estate regulations, obstructive of
scientific methods, are not so obsolete as we are sometimes told they
are. Perhaps sporting traditions, shared by farmexs a£ well as l&ud>
lords, are not quite consistent with liiijheKt agricultural art. (^\xt
Aryan progenitors, when they passed fi-om the grade of savage
hunters to that of rude cultivatora, would appear to have kept a
considerable spice of their barbarous instincts; and their children
have ever since been endeavouring, with indifferent success, to unite
in themBelvea the wild hunter and the quiet farmer. Thus, an urban
iginoramus would naturally think that the puq>oeeof a fence is effective
enclosure, with the least |)oasibIe encumbrance of the land. But those
who know better tell me that the two main purposes of a fence or
hedge are to afford shelter to game and an easy and safe jump to
horsemen. To set up a barbed wire fence is as wicked as to shoot a
fox ; and in maintenance of such rules of morality boycotting is a
virtue.* However, I am of course incompet-ent to discuss such
questions. I only mention them as illustrating tlie baffled peT])lexitj
felt by some of us when we are assured that good English land
within fifty niih-a of the greatest market in the world cannot be made
to yield twenty schillings' worth per acre of excess protluce beyond
that of the poorest land in cultivation. Taxes and rates afford no
explanation whatever. For in estimating the former we have no
• 1 nott' in tlip Dajlij Xewn of Kebruar>' 4, a summary of a letter received by the
e<Htor from Mr. T, H«lls, of Colville Hall, While Kodiup, describinj; " hi» experience*,
on the day of tlie first rueel this season, when from 250 to 300 riders came across
his farm. A large proportion having no nerve, tliey oonccntrated up>on a 'weak
place in liis fences, and here waited for eacli otlitT like a tlock of sheep to get
over; the consequence being llmt the young wheat and clover ut the spot wa*
' trampled out of existence.' Only the other day five of these timid riders fofted
one of thfi farm gatcK off its hinges nnd broke it up, so that it will require to be
replaced by a new one." Of coarse we are told that the Essex farmcrb ha\-e no
ofc^tion to genuine hunters, hut only to i lockney imposti.>r«. If that is true, it only
shows that the Essex farmers have not read Darwin's chapter on the "Struggle for
Existence." If they had they would be aware how very slight are the causes which
may involve life or death in a .severe competition. At any rate, they might kiunr
that the pound weight which sinks a swimmer's Qose six inches under watvr is, for all
practic«l purposes, equal to the hundredweight which wonid sink him six fathoms.
The genume hunter may be lighter on the land thttn the Cockney impostor, but too
, heavy for all that.
rti4 TITHES. S:\
right to exdade iadiRKt x&xaci:z : a:ii i: i: :< iitoIuu^U. M^f nImV. ilust
tJMt, taldii^ all pabiic caarj«s :ii>eifdi.7. VrM^^wh A:«..i Av.x^rl«'ji:t skniM^t'»
kwe faesTier bafdens to b^ar :han ours. a:s^. vc^: :V.K<ir ^)»ttu$^ss i»
prafitaUe.*
Bttt for the pnrpose ot*th.lsarvr.s2i«»nt. wo iii> :u^: :i>'»Hi t..» xlott^i uiui<«
wbetker the lotr rentable valae of English IaihI unvl<>r mv tnt^to is liv.^
iaolt of gpcnrting owners or slavish oultivatiou. Whiit.^wi* In* thr
trath on that point, and whether the ilepnwon Ih^ ]vriiKiiit«iU «.>r \wl,
it ia obviously the doty of thi>se who n^gttnl tho nation hm iiUiinui^
landowner, to keep a lirm grip on that {wrt of tho rent wiiioh wh^
■ooepted in 183G as an equivalent for tithe. The prt«si<iit iipplimiiou
of the rent-charge ought not to be allowed to obsinuv this tint v. 'rim
greater part of it goes to the national Church, of which ui) rttiiMouNliUs
conaiBtent, or oonstitntional definition ciui be glv<>n, i<\oo|>t tliat it in
tbe English nation considered ecclesiastically. Anotlit^r iwiM nC tlii>
rent-charge goes to certain great semi-eccloxiiuit.iciil coi^r**"; <^i"'
the remainder is absorbed by lay impropriators, who liiivi< 1lii>ir piii-
perty by descent or purchase from charlentd robbora of cliinrltfri. Hut ,
as Lord John Russell said, in introducing tlw lUll of IK.'WI, in tuty fnnf
"it is the property ofthe nation, though parlicipatiHl irt liy in(liviiliiitlH."f
The subtle exceptions taken by pedantic HcIinliirN Ui Hii»
broad assertion are clever quibbU'H rathor tliun ntriouM oliji'clionK. it.
may be true that until the creation of tli<; H^trclcsia^i icul i'mmuittfinti
there was no common fund. It is tru(^ tliat lith'^s, ^Ii^Ijck, and lu-dilfui-
Mtical estates of all sorts are brjfally the propt^rly of i-or|M«iuli«/ji^,
•do or aggregate, having local <?xiKi'riic«' and {><'i-fi<^tiiitl ;:ij<y-^-:ft;i</ii. ii.
iseqnallytme that Epping P'onrK' jk vttttUi'l in (li<s l/milnti I'nui'i. ni
Oonmon Council. But vw-ry urns knowK tlj;it thi^i la n.'-n-ly a fut-
venient method cf holding tlie lau'Jsin qu«rhlj';fj i''jr ijuhl:-: »>•*■ ; mi4 il
I were to deny that Epping J-"or*r>;t ik nn^l'jjml i/r'j]/i' :■*..'. it" ant*' j'
finnally belongi> 1/j Xh" ':'jr[/jnX\<)r: of l/jtA'iu, J *:).'* A !ja\«- i-..-^
M mndi pedamic ;uBtJtjcai*.io:j t* ajy »jf <'j«: if-,':'j-*-A>* .'■■.: a^itfji-j-*
nCerred to. Xaj, incir*-. ti* t.;*:.'->- a^'J Ar...';> t/i-.-'jti'/ni'/ •;? '^*«: »•,
«KirfeMat3cal oC'rport.Tk>L^ Lbvt W;.*-:. Lfa; d*"^; vv J''*sr,.jb." «". » ,.- t j.-.'^.-
tkat baa nerer bwc T.iaj-h".i«!:>*id r. ywi^t '.>! jju ■.■•. .'.
bare nerw bwh! yrrj'.thrrry '/. \ia ^ •:;.■ '.'f J/.'.^':;vr.
■or Jtmirii*^**; '.'i- ot.<- ;."vi.vJ '.i-u*
nocwKtas^a rv.-i t : -li'.sK-fM' jj-.:
aod bcBi MWJt K' v*-". ^ us: u* '»v'ju«i'.'' •.•.«« ■••'..
* II nnj i»» tBiit '.ua' • ic-; ;*• iu -i-!! ■ Imi ■ i.i .■
win- ISBI+ ••IIKI- «"!' «!' 4 lii>ll:il;»l ;-'i'.i •■■•■i
Soichif; uiiL iiuii'ii.vi; •i.'i;'.':iji." v I'l mj . .■
ite ouh; «if orTia^n. uva* ;•■ litni'liMi Vi- in'fi.--
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II hl(>'<.il<'
372
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Habl
called the Arclibishops of Canterbury and York, and the corporations
impersonated in tlie Rectors of Doddington aud Stanhope,* have had
many thousands of pounds deducted from their annual incomes for the
purpose of enriching poorer cor])orations, without the least regard to
locaJ contiguity.
Of course this has been done in due legal form under direction of
I'arliament, But the moral justiiication for the changes eifected was
obviously a recognition by the public conscience that the incomes of
these local corporations were in the nuture of a trust for national
objects, and might righteously be redistributed in accordance with
changing national needs. It is useless to object that the new appli-
cations of the property were still ecclesiastical. That has not been
entirely so in Ireland. And even apart from the precedents we have
for the diversion of eccieaiastiuul property to secular uses, our reply to
the pedantry about ecclesiastical corporations is amply sufficient. We
are accused of vulgar ignorance for talking al>out ecclesiastical tithes
as national property. With a sinile of conscious superiority our
critics t-ell us that they ai'e the immemorial property of local
corporations. On this we observe that in point of form our critics
are irreproachably correct ; but in point of fact the Legislature has
never Iiesitated to redistriljute. re-apply, and generally to hand about
the property of these corporations as public convenience might dictate.
In other words, Parliament has treated such funds as available for the
nation as a whole. There is no possible jnstification for such a course
except that, morally, though not technically, they are national pro-
perty.f And we prefer being s u bs tan tt ally right, though technically
■»vTong, with Lord John Russell, Mr. Gladstone, and ilr. W. H. Smith,!
rather than technically right and substautially wrong with Lord
Selbome.
The main points insisted on hitherto arc these two : first, that
ecclesiastical tithe is a part of rent ; and next, that it is public
property. Before going farther, it is necessary perhaps to say a
passing word on the tithes held by private impropriators. Such
property is a historic scandal. Of course, I do not mean that it is
any disgrace to the present owners. But it is a sunival from those
bad old times when true kingship was ilead, while democracy was not
yet bom, and when, to use the slang of the modern market, national
affairs were *' cornered" by limited cornpanies of Court parasites.
Still Sir William liarcourt had clearly the advantage in a recent
* These livings were formerly worth £730G and £4843 respectively. They Lave
been reduced ; the former by throe-fourths (roughly), the latter by two-thirdB, and the
income applied elsowh<"re.
t Technically, there is not a shred of national property in existence. The nearest
approach to it is Crown properly. But even thai is not technically but only morally,
practically, and substantially the properly of \\w nation. The truth is there is no
form known to the law by which the nution can hoM property, except by veMing it in
the Crown or some corporation, solo or apRregate.
X At the opening of the debate on the Address (February 12) both of the latter
statesmen spoke of tithe as " national iiropcrty,"
i«9ol
TITHES.
373
•Dooanter with certain critics who challenged him to show why
impropriat'ed tithes are not to be considered national property
•qually with ecclesiastical tithe. They were national property once,
but they were alienated, and they are so no longer, except in the
l>ense that the land itself which yields them is in the last result the
n&tion's. It may, indeed, be fairly argued that national projierty
conveyed away contrary- to public policy by an irresponsible and
tmscropulons monarch ought to be resnmable on easy terms. It is
difficult to conceive of any moral objection to an Act declaring that
tin the decease of the unborn heir to the younge-st now living
expectant successor, such property shall revert to the nation. But
the difference between the lay impropriator and the ecclesiastical
bolder is obvious. The former has heirs with legal expectations ;
the latter has not. The former receives the tithe on no conditions
whatever, exct'pt such as are imposed on all honest citizenship ; the
Utter receives them on condition of performing certain public func-
tioDS. The former is a private individual ; the latter is a corporation
— in most cases a corporation of one person, but still un ofiRcial
corporation. The former can sell or mortgage his tithe ; the latter
cannot. The former, unless under a private testamentary arrange-
ment, holds the pro{>erty in trust for no one but himself and his
heirs. The latter is entrusted daring good behfiviour with the
property to maintain him in the discharge of public duties. These
dif&rences are palpable and fundamental, and they ire not lessened
by the smart rejoinder that Parliament is just as able to disendow the
former as the latter. Of course it is ; or to enact that, either or both
•Kail be hanged, drawn, and quartered. But though both forms of
property are equally subject to Parliamentary omnipotence, there may
1m Tnoral grounds for the exercise of that omnipotence in the one case
which do not exist in the other. And that is all for which we
contend. For my part, I should very much like to see impropriated
thbes resumed by the nation. But I respect and sympathize with
the national sentiment which, on the whole, is against committing new
crimes for the purjxjse of redressing old ones.
Yet though for such reasons a broad distinction must be drawn
betw(y?n the two classes iif tithr-owiuTS, it is ct^rtuin that, as in 1836
•0 in th*' future, any legislation that touches the mode of estimating
or of collecting tithe will necessarily affect both classes. And this,
J, is a snflBcif'nt guarantee to the cU-rgy, even if they had no
ff that the value of tithe will not h<^ violently or directly reduced.
n*e descendants of sixteenth-century Church robbers are not as
powerful as their fomfnthers. Still they are quite strong enough
to reaist being robbed in their turn. In fiirthtir consideration, how-
ever* of the alternatives that have been suggested as a remedy for
*nit troubles. I leave the lay owners out of account. It is in the
jnU-rest I shuU plead, and with this they are not concerned.
374
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW,
[Vab.
Whatever may be the canse of the difficulty found even by Berk-
shire farmers in paying tithe, their eaac is mild indeed compared with
the friction, agitation, and passion stirred up in Wales. Fur here
the purposes to which ecclesiastical tithe is devoted Aggravate the
objections felt to claims considered exceasive. The position is so
different in the Principality from what it is in England, that the
Welsh fanners will probaljly be far more difficult to appease than
liieir English brethren. And we need not wonder at it. The
only matter for wonder is the long patience with which they
have endured the arrogant claim of a small minority of their
<X)untrymen to have their clergy and worship paid for by a reserved
rent-charge on Welsh land. With the suffc-rings recently endured
by the clergy, as the victims of a bad system, we may well sym-
pathize. But the sympathies of their own adherents ought to be
shown in something more than words. It is of no use to blame
ih& Welsh farmers, who have been taught by I'arliamentary neglect
that they must expect no reform till they make the present law
unworkable. These men have a r^ennine gi'ievance. ITiey have
talked about it, argued about it, find petitioned about it long enough.
They now say they will stand it no longer ; and we shall find onoe
more that " force is no remedy." Mi^anwhih- ricli Anglicans would
do well to put their hands into their pockets on behalf of the Welsh
■clergy. For it is tolerably certain that the burden of their support
will never be peacefully borne by the land again. But it does not
follow, because the clergy are to cease to receive tithe, that it should
be made over to the landlord. Yet let the Welsh farmers bear in
mind that this is just what would happen if the tithe were nominally
abolished. They would find that though the name was gone the
thing remained. Only it would go into the landlord's pocket instead
of the parson's,
The casea of England and Wales are different then in this respect,
that in the former there is no sharp and urgent pressure for the
secnlarization of tithe, while the latter will not be pacified without it.
But as tithe will continue and will have to be collected in both, there
remain some questions interesting to both alike. These questions
affect the value of tithe, Its* mode of collection, and possibilities of
farther couimutAtion or trausnvutation. All farmers and some land-
lords say that the Act of 183(> has worked qnite differently from the
expectation of its framers, and has given to the tithe-owner mnch
more than they intended. They therefore claim a re- assessment,
which of course is to ell'ect a reduction. It is odd to find landlonl
And tenant agreeing in this, since their motives are so ditferent.
The landlord wants to get more rent, and the tenant wants to pay
less. It is certain that the effect of a reduction, were it ]x>s8ible,
would disappoint one of them ; and I rather think it would be the
«S9o3
TITHES.
875
taiAnt. But agaiiut these two appears the tithe-owner, and declares
that he is worse used than either. He surrendered in 1836 any
poombility of substantial increase in the value of his property, and
accepted in return a legal guarantee that it should never be less than
tke net average received during the seven years previous to the Act.
Tfce re&son for expressing the amount he was to receive in terms
cf wheat, barley and oats, was not, as too often supposed, an agreement
tint his income ought to fluctuate with the fortnncR of the farmer,
Ob the contrary. Earl Grey, a living witness of what took place
at the time, tells us tliat it was believed a septennial average of these
oom valoes would be more stable than the value of gold. One
kmdred sovereigns might have less or more pnrchasing power in
tweut) years' time. But if the hundred sovereigns were first turned
into three equal portions of wheat, barley, and oats at the average
price of 1829-183o, and this com wjw then converted into money at
the Kverage price of 1850-1856, it was believed that the tithe-owner
•oqld get the same value. " Thus," said Lord John Kussell, when
introducing the Bill, " the tithe-owner would receive payment
Moording to the fluctuation in the value of grain, whUh must U
taken to represent tlu fluctuation in th* mlw. of vione^" * The
•xjrds I have italicized are obviously tlie key to TiOrd John's intention,
though the former part of the sentence might appear to justify
another view. He thought that the one Buctnation would neutralize
tho other: and so the tithe would retain approximately the same
patchasiag power. Under the operation of this rule, the tithe-
0<mer'« hundred pounds have at times risen above par ; the value is,
hwrever, now about 22 below par ; and the owner is a disappointed
nan, not less loud in his complaiuts than the farmer.
Both landlord and farmer are eloquent on the disastrous effects, so
fiv aa they are concerned, of Corn Law repeal. They say it has
pwmanently brought down landlords' rent, and that the rent-charge
9ti^i to be reduced in like proportion. To this the tithe-ownera
reply that, as a matter of fact, the rent-charge has been brought
dovn 22 per cent., and as they were promised stability of value
ia rttum for obvious sacrifices, it would be unreasonable to ask them
to take lass. The farmers fortify their demand by asserting that
ia 1836 no one expected the repeal of the Corn Laws ; and that if it
bad been thought possible, provision wonld have been made for
a nsraloation. But they are mistaken. For Ilansard's columns
thow that the possibility of Corn Ijaw repeal was several times
■antjflned during the debates, and that neither Lord John Russell
Bor Sir Robert Peel was disturbed by the prospect. Mr. Lennard,
■mber for Maldon, said, as reported : —
"Ko proviMon wnn mude for that period, if ever it .should arise, when the
• Hansarrt, vol. xxxt. col. 19.'i.
376
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mar.
Com Laws should be repealed, and wLen those lands which were cultivated
as corn lands, in consequence of tlit> luonopoly given by those laws, should be
thrown out of cultivation. In fjict, it allowed for no future modification of
the rent-charge." •
He mentioned lands, seven or eight miles from London, which were
paying tithes of thirty to forty-two shillings an acre. In view of the
intolerable burden that would be felt if the Com Laws were repealed,
he moved an amendment giving an opportunity for re-valuation at the
end of each decennial period. Now aurely in that House, elected by
ten-poundera in towns, and fifty pounders or freeholders in the
country, agriculture and the landed interests had a preponderant
representation. Yet so coldly was the amendment received that it
was withdrawn. In the House of Lords a still more remarkable
incident occurred. The Archbishop of Canterbnry, having an eye to
future enclosures of commons or waste, wanted' \io insert a clause
giving the Church a share of the land in lii'u of tithe. The proposal
was reasonable enough, if for Church we read nation. But Lortl
Ashburton was very angry at the suggestion.
" It wiis a much greater hardshij) on the landowners," he Raid, "to be
called on to pay tithe for Innda which inifrbt go out of cultix'ation than for
the tithe-owiier to be deprived of tithe.s for lands which might hereafter be
encloKed He knew in many cases, purticuhirly if there should
be any altenition in the Corn l^awt;, that it would te to the interest of owners
of lnud to give up land altogether to the tithe-owner rather than pay tithe
for it."
The last words should be noted by landowners who think their
fathers made a bod bargain over tithe-commutation. With his eyes
open to this possibilifcyj Lord Ashbnrton did not think it necessary to
oppose the Bill.
On tlie whole the tithe-ownei's seem to have the best of it when the
subject of dispute is the present value of tithe. But there are other
parties to the issue, or rather I should say there is one party, of far
more iuiportance than all other disputants put together ; I mean the
nation. If, as Lord John Russell said without contradiction from Sir
Robert VqbI^ tithes were national property, tlien the tithe rent-charge
remains national jiroperty, and we are bound to take care that it is
not diminished. To prevent misunderstanding, it is perhaps necessary
to repeat that this claim on the tithe as national property is
independent of any opinion one way or the other as to the pro]:triety
of its present application. Ihose wlio thiuk tliat the best application
of this national property is to the support of a particular Church,
equally with those who think this the very worst use — apart from
immoral applications — to which it could be put, must surely desire that
this public estate shall be kept intact. Its pecuniary value cannot
be estimat«<l accurately until we get the return of ecclesiastical
revenues ordr-red on the motion of the late Lord Addington, then Mr,
* Hansard, vol. xxxi.
iS9o3
TITHES.
377
Habbard. Bat we ought tu protest against any re-assesament which
woald reduce the tola,! amount. Without objecting to the possible
correction of local anomalies in the distribution of the burden, we may
doabt whether landowners or farmers would care for this if it did not
inToIve a redaction in the proportion of estate-tithe to estate-rent. If,
however, that is allowed, it may be impossible to get compensation by
rationg the proportion on other estatea where it is abnormally low.
The reault would almost cei"fcain!y be a reduction in the value of the
pablic property for the benefit of landholders ; and against thia the
stewards of the nation are bound to protest.
The doctrine of contract, often pressed unfairly by the rich and
strong against the poor and weak, may very justly be upjield against
the land monopolists who agreed to commutation. In the plenitude
f their power, when politically omnipotent, they agreed, for the con-
venience of themselves and their tenants, to give certain pei'petual
rent-charges on their lands in consideration of release from an
annoying and irritating claim to tenths of the produce. They
obtained a hand.some bonus for doing so. The value of tithe was, on
the whole, immediately reduced, and they were excused henceforward
firom paying tithe on their own improvements, Vthh their eyes open
to all contingencies, including the ptxibable repeal of the Corn Laws,
they concluded that they would make a good bargain if they sur-
rendered for ever to the public service a carefully defined rent-charge
in lieu of tithe. In such a case contruct certainly is sacred ; and we
ought to hold them to theli- bargain. If the rent-charge has come to
bear a larger pi-oportion to the remaining balance of rent than they
expected, this may or may not be their own fault ; but it is certainly
not the fault of the nation. It is perfectly preposterous that the
pablic should be asked to surrend^-r their part of the rent because the
landlords prefer sport to agriculture. If the farmers support them
.in their old-world barbarism, let the farmers look to them for the
needful reduction in rent. But don't let them ask tlie public to
{uiesce in a reduction of public revenue. The soil of this country
jperly treated must surely be capable <.if supplying some of our
home wants, such as fniit, fr<'8h vegetables, flowers, poidtry, eggs and
batter. It is all very well to ridicule urban ignorance of rural
buainesa. But at present we have the law on our side ; and I venture
to hope it will not be altered to the disadvantage of the public estate.
The landlords must b<» content with what i.s left a.(i.^.r the tithe rent-
charge is paid ; and if they say it is not worth while to keep their
estates on such terms, let them act on Lord Ashburtons suggestion
and surrender them. At any rate they might agree to such a refocm
in t^-nure and conveyancing as would imabte thera to sell land as
n*aiiily as railway shares.
Provided that the whole value of tithe is retained for public UFe,
the mode of collection has but a secondary interest. There can be no
Z7S
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mas.
objection to making the lantllord pay it directly, instead of indirectly
as at present. Indeed, many landlords do so now, and, I presume, find
no difficnlty in repaying themselves. The tenant in such instances
simply pays the whoh- rent to the landloni instead of dividing it
between the latter and the tithe-owner.
Tithe redemption is open to the objection tJiat it increases
danger of dissipating the public estate. So long as it consists in a
rent-charge we know where it is ; but I doubt whether any one knows
where all the money has gone that has been spent in redemption.
Certainly, fi'om a radical point of \iew, it appears desirable that
where the public have their hands in they should stick to their hold
on the land. Besides, one dot's not see what agriculture is to gam
by it. If a landowner sponds £100 in redeeming £4 annual rent-
charge, lie simply puts the letter into his pocket instead of passing it
on to the tithe-owuer. The land pays no loss than before, and the
farmer is not in the slightest degree relieved. The idea of agricultural
relief through tithe redemption seems to ignore the fundamental trnth
that laiullord's rent phis tithe rent-charge eqnal.s the- whole economic
rent of the land. Tu lessen the latter is to increase the former; and
though tlie landlord might find the investment a good one, tie farmer
would be no bftter off, and the public would lose as above suggested.
There is more to be said for the proposal to accept on every estate
of sufficient sixe a jTortion of land equivalent ia annual value to the
rent-charge on the whole. This would form a considerable national
estate in the management of which land-uatioualixers might hereafter
try their principles before adventuring on a greater scale. But there
are obvious difficulties on the other hand. Small estates could not
well be treated in this way, and would still have to pay their tithe
rent-charge. We should not, therefore, get rid altogether of the
existing friction. It may also fairly be maintained that a rent-charge
uticoraplicated with troubles of management is a much more con-
venient fonn of public property in land thsm the immediate ownership
of the soil would be. When the above method of accommodation
waHi suggested in 18-3fi, the objection felt on both sides in Parliament
was that it would not be safe to entrust bo much land to ecclesiastical
coqiorations. ITie nation which stands ready to resume the property
now in the hands of the.se corporations would have to manage it by
officials or boards. These would probably be as ill adapted as
ecclesiastical cttrporations to such management as is involved in
immediate ownership. On the whole, we may agree with Mr. Henry
fJeorge, in considering that a pecuniary burden on land is a better
form of public property than immediate ownership.*
* This is my intf rpn-taiion of ilii- " single fa.x '* theory. Tax the laiKl. lie says, up to
its f:ill uiinual value, but lenvi> tbe iumitMUnti- ownership in private hniubi. That is.
The luttion knows whit to do with the ground rent, but wouhl not know what to do
with tic laad.
t»9ol
TITHES.
379
Finally, there is the suggestion made by Lord Hramwell in a letter
to fche TinieSy tJiat if the landed interest rues the bargain of 1806, the
only fair way out of it ia to restore the datm <juit ante, and bt^gin
■gain <i' mny). Abolish commutation, he says in efTfCt; and try how
yoa likt* that. The suggestion has all the shrewd humour characteristic
of his lordship's clear insight and racy utterance. It is n ivell-merited
rrdvctio tul uhsunlinn. It awnkens us to an apprehension that the
Bystem of tithing produce belonged to an old world which has passed
•way, and is dead beyond recall ; while the principle remains that a
portion of the return from land belongs to the community. But those
rho kick against the perpetuity of the borden, would do well to
C'l»errt> that other features of the old world are passing away besides
the tithing of com, or of '* mint, anise, and cmnmin." The weightier
matters of the law, judgment, mercy, and truth are impressing the
pabltc conscience more than they used to do. Judgment pronounces
the Church establishment to be an anachronism, as well as a gross.
failnre and a caricature of Galilean Christianity. Mercy bewails the lot
of oar poorest poor as a shame to our civilization, and pleads that the
cnmnonnity's ancient share in the returns of the land should go no more
to bishops, or chapters, or priests, but to the refinement and culture and
comfort of common life. No doles, miscalled '' charity," can ctTect thia.
Bat the employment of four mil lions a year in schools, people's
palaees. and means for popular recreation, could do much. And truth
declares that the depression of airricnlturt^ is no necessary result of free
ttBfde, bat the inevitable cousequeiicc of a land system iinadapted and
unadaptable to the social and cnnimi'rcial life pursued by unshackled
cooinjerce. If land could be boiitflit, 8old, and transferre<l as eiisily
ai CVmsols; if rural England were less a rich man's playground and
nKirva poor man's farm; if every occupant of land were absolutely
free to make the best of it, had thf> same rights as in Ireland, and
wrn» wist? enough to sacrifice game to crops; if delicately tilled soil
and trim fences could be secured against the trampling and breakage
trf moanted Goths ; if every future farmer had some years' scientific
tcuning and practice ; if the needs of towns wore studied, and obstinate
boo^lic habit compelled to adapt itself to the markets of the nineties
instead of the markets of the 'teens; and If rfiihvay companies were
UjfckA to give rapid, sure, and cheap carriage for produce withont
partiality or favour — the land of this country would be well aljle to pay
*U and more than the charges laid upon it. Therefore I hold that
tadical reform, and not juggling with the bargain of 1830, is the true
•olntion of the Tithe Question.
J. AlLINSON PlCTOff,
[Mar.
A PLEA FOR THE PUBLISHERS.
ABOUT two years ago I was induced to send forth into the world
a book which, of course, would have been very ranch for the
advantage of mankind in general — if it had been extensively read.
My book was not a bulky one, nor a costly one ; it was only a single
volume, and its price was seven shillings and sixpence nominally.
The venturti has proved fairly successful ; the nmubf r of copies
sold runs into four figures ; the sale is still going on ; the critics
are lenient where they are not laudatory. I liave reason to be proud
and grateful, and T am itiore than content.
But it so hap])ened that, wheu I received my publisher's statement
of account some few weeks ago. my friend, the Rev. Theodore Grunip,
was paying me a visit ; and Mr. Grump is a man with a grievance
which he takes every opportunity of airing. Mr. Grump is a vei-y
learned man, and a somewhat prolific author. He has produced
several volumes of great merit, voluuies that are referred to and made
liberal use of by .second-hand compilers mucli more frei[uently than is
generally known. Nevertheless, friend Theodore is not a popular
writer, never will be^ never can be j he has not by Nature the hmcly
and he has never been taught the art of writing attractiv»'ly ; his
books are consequently " useful " and '■ valuable," but they do not
sell, and their author is somewhat soured, and, as I have s.tid, ho lives
now to air his grievances,
I have observed that when a man has published books which the
public persist in neglecting, that man has not so much quarrel
with the stupid and brutal millions who will not buy, as he has with
the crafty and cunning band of robbers who will not sell. Unsuccessful
writers are always passionately set against the publishers. On this
particular morning, when I had carefully pocketed tlie cheque which
A PLEA FOR THE PUBLISHERS.
381
Cfttne to me, I tossed over the account to my reverend friend, who
tkeo^enpoxi set himself to examine it. I thought he would congratulate
me on mj good fortune. Judge of my surprise then, when, instead
of felicitations, I was startled by a storm of fierce invective and
•Imost incoherent denunciation of my worthy publisher in particular,
and of all publishers that ever lived in the general. I was really
go carried away by the torrent of Mr. Grump's eloquence that I
fairly lost my breath, and could only stammer for want of words.
Bat when it came to this pass, that (Jrump challenged me t;0 make a
bet of half a crown with him — he loudly protesting that my " precious
nooeasful book," as he contemptuously called it, had not paid my
wrpenses in pens, ink, and paper for the year — I really felt compelled
to pull him up by resolutely asserting that he was talking nonsense.
On examination it turned out that Grump meant a great deal
by his " pens, ink, and paper." He meant not only stationery in the
narrower sense, bot he included all newspapers, reviews, magazines,
uid books which I had thought it more or less necessary to pay
money for during the year 1889. Even so, I felt sure that he had
greatly exaggerated my expenditure, and though I declined to make
it a matter of wager, I there and then drew up a careful list of
aO such payments as might fairly come under the designation which
my friend had made use of, and we spent an hour in making out the
aocoant.
I am bound to say that the result was a little mortifying. I found
tiiat the pursuit of literature, if tested by a comparison between the
looome derived from my successful volume and the expenditure uix>n
pais, ink, ami paper during the past year, had proved a somewhat
eostiy laxury. It was certainly jiroved that I was some pounds out
of pocket by indulging in the pleasure.-? of reading and writing. The
balance waa clearly on the wrong side. I confess to a feeling of morti-
fication, which was not lessened when I fonnd that Mr. Grump was
jabitant. If there is one speech more insulting and provoking than
«xiother when a man is smarting under the sense of defeat and disappoint-
inwit, it is that maddening and diabolical reproach — '' I told you so ! "
Gmmp kept on repeating this again and again, till we almost came to a
downright quarrel, till, in fact, I was bo irritated, that I declined to
listen any more to his furious denunciations of booksellers and
pnblijjhers. I brought our dispute to a close at last, by protesting
that I ooald no more bring myself to believe that all the publishers
in the nineteenth century were swindlers, than I could believe that
•11 the clerg)' of the fourteenth century were fools and hypocrites ;
sad that if I could believe either one or the other of these assertions,
I Aoald find life not worth living.
Tlie truth is that friend Grump had taken an unfair advantage of
m« in this wager of his, and had dexterously managed to have a trot
TOL. ISXX. 2 C
382
THE CONTEMPORARY REMEW,
upon his favourite hobby by resorting to a not uncommon sophistical
artifice. He granted that my book had brought me a profit, but
inasmuch as all the profit had been spent before it arrived, there-
fore he rpiietly assumed tliat there was no profit at all — the volume
had not paid for '' pens, ink and paper." The inference to be drawn
from that statement is not so obvious as at first sight might apprar.
There are some intellectual employments which require a very
small stock in trade. A mathematician, for instance, may pursue his
investigations, even into the higher branches of pure science, with
very few books. But if a man be more than ordinarily interested in
the great problems of history and all that they involve and have
an irrepressible hankering to know what is being discussed in
his favourite subjects, he m'u&l keep himself in touch with
the thought and discoveries of others. If he be a dweller in a
great city he has clubs and libraries, newspapers and periodicals,
books and maps, almost at his elbow, to say nothing of the living
men whom he may consult with at any hour. But if he be a dweller in.
the wilderness he must count the cost of having literarj' tastes, and
that cost he will have to pay in coin of the realm. I hold it to bo
simply impossible for a very needy man to keep pace with the his-
torical research of our time if his lot be cast in a country village.
Any man who has lov^t his heart to the Muse of history — even
though he can in no sen.'*e claim to be an historian — is a man with
tastes, and such a man's '' pens, ink, and paper " must needs come to
a great deal in the course of the year. Such a man may be con-
sidered a fortunate one who can pay the reckoning by the profits of
his own goosequill.
"When I put forward this view of the case to Mr. Grump he would
not have Jt ; and he proceeded to assure me that the position he took
up was founded upon a solid basis of principle, which he then and
there proceeded to enunciate. On examin.ition it appeared that be
had a whole bundle of " principles *' which he was anxious to put
forward ; but the principles appeared to me to be false and untenable
at the best, and at the worst to be mischievous and immoral.
But inasmuch as I find that Mr. Gnimp's teaching has not been \vithoiit
its efi'ect, that his " principles "' are rather widely accepted, and that
in some circles the evil of the discontented is apt to be at once
accepted as the voice of the wronged, I feel myself moved to say a
word upon the supposed grievances of authora, so far as such
grievances are supposed to result from their dealings with tiieir
publishers.
Mr. Grump's main assumption is that every book is a work of art
upon which a certain amount of skilled labour has been bestowed, and
that for that the labonrer has a moral right to receive his reward.
To begin with, it must be remembered that there is good art and
A PLEA FOB THE PUBLISHERS.
bad art, and that the amount of labour expended u}X)n this or that
iformance is no measure of the value of the work produced. It
y be almost, laid down as a rule, that the stupid man — the bad artist
in proportion as he is deficient in great ideas, will in that proportion
6pend himself upon elaboration of details, so attempting to conceal
feebleness and poverty of thought by wrapping it up in mere verbiage.
It is the very essence of bad art to attempt to make up for want of
quality by increase of quantity. The clumsy literary artist is the
aathor who gives his readers ten pages to get through when one page
would do as well, or better. Because a book has given me a great deal
of tumble to write, it by no means follows that I deserve to be paid for
uqr work by the hour.
In the second place, the market value of a work of art is deter-
mined by the demand that exists for it. You can no more command
ft retam for the fruits of a large expenditure of toil than you can
oommond a heavy crop — not to speak of a high price — by increasing
the balk of seed sown over a given area. A book may be a good book
^—Ktx excellent book in its way — but the question is, does any
brg© section of the public want it ? If not, then you have missed
jDor mark. Yon have made a bid for the support of the great hosts
of readers ; the response is given against you, and, whether your re-
jection and disappointment is due to the bad taste of the community
- not, the fact remains the same.
Bnt when you have written your book, you either mean to give it
4vay or to make raerchandijie of it. If you choose tx5 print it for private
armlation you will not need the help of a publisher. But in the
other case two courses are open to you : you may sell it outright, or
yoa may let it out for hire, just as you may deal with an estate or a
houae — ^that is, yon may sell the freehold, or you may give a lease of
H, for a consideration, to a leaseholder.
If yon sell your property for a lump sum, what further concern have
yoo in it? The purchaser having paid you the price agreed on may
keep it to himself for his own delight and amusement, or, if he thinks
fit, he may so deal with it that only a limited and privileged few shall
«joy a sight of it. At any rate, you have no voice in the matter.
When a man has spent the best part of his life in laying out oma-
nmtal grounds and planting belts of choice trees round the mansion
Ibat he built in his yonth, it must be very annoying to see the next
owner cutting them all down ; but the place no longer belongs to him,
•ad there ia no more to be said. If, on the other hand, you do not
«eti your work of art., but only let it out to hire, again your interest
ni Tour property is strictly limited by the tenhs of the agreement
which you have entei-ed into. You make your bargain with your eyea
•pWi lind you accept the offer made you, because, at the time you cloaed
^■»fi it, il was the best offer you oould get.
384
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mas.
The bargain as between an author and his publiaher is one that is
perfectly well understood. It is a compact ent<'red into between a crafts-
man with more or less skill and productive faculty, but very little else, and
the capitalist who is ready to enter into a speculation, and find a market
for the craftsman's wares. Mr. (J rump, in his lofty and magnificent
way, says it is a compact in which one side contributes brain-work
and genius, and the other side provides money, nothing more. Is that
quite a true way of putting it ? Is there no brain-work needed in the
management of a great publishing business ? Are authors, as a dasSy
distinguished for anything that may be called genius, even in the
loosest, acceptation of tliat word ?
But the agreement with which we are now concerned is undoubtedly
based upon the understanding that a book having to be published, the
publisher is callfKl upon to supply all the capital, to take all the trouble
of throwiug the book upon the market, and to bear all the loss if the
venture proves a failure.
What does the author contribute ? His literary " work of art,**
which he may be said to let out for hire to the capitalist, who hopes
to make his account by printing it and selling it. The terms on
which the author lets out his manuscript, in nine cases out often, are
either that he shall receive a royidty, or fixed payment, on all
copies sold ; or half the net profits of the venture — accounts being
made up pfriodlailly according to agreement. If he have bargained
for a roi/alfi/y the author gets his payment on sales, whether the book
has yielded a profit to the capitalist or the reverse. If, on the other
hand, hv has bargained to receive htilf-piofits, the capitalist still takes
all the risk. The worst that can happen to the author is that there
is no profit balance to divide. The roifnUy system is so obviously fair
and reasonable that there is no need to say much about it. The haJf-
projits system, however, I have again and again heard loudly declaimed
against in very strong language. I have never but once published
a book on the system of half-profits. When I did so, I received on
two editions, which were sold in three or four years, about fifteen
pounds, which was a great deal more than I deserved. The third
edition, of wliich the publisher, on false information, was induced to
print B very large number of copies — entailed a heavy loss, which fell
entirely upon the unlucky capitalist. That is my experience of half-
profits. To this day I cannot help feeling certain qualms of con-
science when I think of that transaction ; but I have never returned
that fifteen pounds, and if I had offered to do so, I am quite snrethat
my publisher, being an honourable and high-minded man, would have
refused the offer with something like indignation. I had done my
part, he had done his. Either through an error in judgment, or from
mere ill-luck, the accounts showed a loss. So much the worse for the
loser ; but by the compact, whatever it was, an honest man would abide.
tS9o]
A PLEA FOR THE PUBLISHERS.
385
It seems to be forgotten by many authors that a manuscript
is not a booJ:. Before it becomes what we now understand by a book,
it has to be printed, to begin with ; before its very existence can be
nude known to possible purchasers, it has to be advertized in some
wmy or other ; it has to ran the gauntlet of reviewers in the press ; it
kifl to be introduced to the world, and distributed among the retail
trade. All this means expenditure, and all this expenditure of capital
biJs upon the publisher, and upon him alone.
The author, meanwhile, sits passive — sits and waits. He does
nothing, he can do nothing. His self-respect and modesty — if he have
ny — forbid him from " pushing the sale" of his volume. He leaves
sll this to the publisher. The paper and the printer's biU, the cost for
sdrertisements, the distribution of presentation copies, the commission
ti salary paid to travellers, the rent for storage of the unsold stock, all
these and the like affect him not one jot, and he is immensely indig-
aant that these matters all appear in the account, together with a not
iiftreasonable charge for commission on moBey advanced. He never
thooght of all this. His calculations were of the simplest and most
innocent character. An edition of his volume, limited to 1000
copies, will cost to print, say £200 — that is, four shillings a copy ; 800
are sold at ten shillings a copy. Profit £200. His share,
tiwrefore, £100, and a potential profit of £50 by-and-by. Lot to
kis dismay, the printer's bill stands at less than half the sum total
of the expen.se incurred in bringing the volume into the market ; and
instead of his share yielding him £100, he finds that he has to con-
tent himself with less than a fifth of what he deluded himself into
expecting. And yet, what right had he to indulge in his golden
drvam ? Did he suppose that the book-merchant was so romantic
and quixotic and philanthropic an enthusiast that for the honour and
glory of introducing some unknown writer to the reading public, he,
tho publisher, was eager to become the aforesaid writer's banker, and
to begin by allowing him to overdraw his account ?
I will not enter into certain qu^^stions of fact which I am not
([Qalified to discuss — such as the difference between the real and sup-
poaed profits realized by publishers as a class ; or as to the amount
of capital embarked in the book trade, and the percentage paid upon
that capital all ronnd. This kind of inquiry, and the statements put
forward on one side or the other, seem to me to be very like drawing a
Ttd herring across the scent. The main issue is surely a plain one.
Aw our controctfito be binding upon us so long only aa we find it pro-
Stable to ourselves to keep them, but as soon as we discover that what
wt aotd yesterday is worth more to-day, are we at liberty to repudiate
the barg^ain, and throw our bond into the fire ?
When I hear authors and liturarj' men, who ought to know better,
Jppreaa themselves in the reckless way in which some of them do
386
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[MAJ
against the capitalists, on whose support and co-operation they depenc
and must always depend, for getting name and fame, at any rate a
the outset of their career ; when, too, I reflect upon the meaning <
the assumptions to which they commit themaelvt'S, and the tendency «
those assumptions, wliich they are doing their best to win acceptani
for — I am tempted to ask myself, " Are our moral instincts getti*
feebler ? Are we losing our sense of honour ? Is our respect fl
the sacredness of plighted troth on the wane ? In the ethics of t:
future win it appear that no engagements need be binding which tm
one of the contracting parties may flnd it to his advantage at aoi
time to break ? "
The profession of literature is a very noble profession ; I do 3
presume to call myself one of its members. I could never gain alL-
lihood by my pen ; but they who have to any extent the ear of t
reading, and therefore, presumably, the more thoughtful public, i
answerable to God and man for the way they use their large oppc
tunitiesof usefiilnebs, and he whoae voice — for it is a voice — islisten^
to by the millions over all the world, has the burden of a tremendoa
responsibility upon him, the weight of which he can, by no mean
'^relieve himself of. If they who ought to be the trainers of the nation*
conscience are helping to confuse it, and helping others to believ
that literary workers are oidy workers for hire, and dett^tmined o!
getting thatj even at the price of broken faith and broken pledges-
then there can be but a gloomy outlook for us all — the days of sham
are at hand.
Augustus Jessopi
Il90l
ANGLO-CATHOLICISM— THE OLD AND
THE NEW.*
'HIS book may be described aa a new series of " Tracts for the
Times;" but the '' Times" have changed, and with them the
■Trtct*." The noise of battle is not in the new as in the old ; the
iUn have been bom in the age of " sweet reasonableness," they do
fbdignantly address an apostate Church, or an impious State, but
gently to succour a " distressed faith," loving the faith and
^ing its distress. They believe that "the epoch in which we live is
I of profound transformation, intellectual and social, abounding in
needs, new points of view, new questions, and certain therefore to
Ire great changes in the outlying departments of theology." The
lalification ia careful, but more easily made tlian applied ; a change
the circumferejice of a circle changes the circle all the same.
'Theology," it is confessed, •' must take a new development;" bat ''a
development," though it be but of a single organ, afi'ects the
9le organism, all its parts in all their relations, internal and
»1. '"To such a development these studies attempt to be a
tribation." The writers are men of learning, piety, and sincerity,
'■errnntfi of the Catholic Creed and Church," but they are also
believers in evolution and in theology as a living science. The com-
on is excellent. " The Creed and Church " are the organism,
nen are its Living energies, the forces and conditions of the time
the environment ; and if the thoughts generated in the environ-
■•ot penetrate, quicken and modify the energies of the organiHm, we
n^ojolentedly leave the new life to reckon with the old restrictions.
A book like this is suggestive of many things, especially of the
••LaxMnnfli. A Serie« of Studio* in the Religion of the Incarnation." Edltwl
IrOwtai Oow. M.A.. Principal of Pnsey House, Fellow of Trinity College, Oxford.
■****• Joho MumiT.
388
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mar.
changes that have happened within the last sixty years. In 1833 the
first issue of the " Tracts " began, breathing the courage, defiance and
furious despair of a forlorn hope ; in 1890, the men who have replaced
the old leaders are within the citadel, victorious, proposing their own
terms of peace. The revolution has come full cycle round, which meana
the counter-revolution is at band. It were a curious question, why, in
what is fancied to be a critical and sceptical! age, so extraordinary a
revolution has been achieved. Perhaps this very critical scepticism has
helped to achieve it. Sceptical are always credulous ages ; the more
radical the disbelief in things fundamental, the easier the belief in
things accidental ; where faith in God is hardly possible, acceptance of
an ancient historical Church may be as agreeable as it is convenient.
It belongs to the region of the phenonu'na!, it lives in the field of
experience, and so men wlio think God too transcendental for belief
may conceive the Church as real enough to be deferentially treated.
The thing is perfectly natural : what has died to the reason may live
all the more tenderly in reminiscence. Make a thing beautiful to such
persons, and it becomes attractive, which is an altogether different
matter from its being true or credible. But one thing is clear, the
real cause of success has been faith ; for victories are won only by men
of convinced minds. In this case they have been mocked, ridiculed,
and have looked ridiculous, but they have been in earnest, and have
prevailed. Over them our modem Samuel Butlers have made merry,
collecting the materials for a new " Hudibras," richer than the old in the
grotesrjneries of sartorial pietism, and the too consciomsly conscientious
scrupulosities of the well-applauded martyr for a rite or a robe, only
in this case the robe is not the livery of " the scarlet woman," or the
deadly splendours of " the Babylonish garment," but the very
garniture, the sacred and seemly vestments of the truth of God.
The situation ia full of exquisite irony ; the delusion of the old hyper-
Calvinist, who was sure only of two things, his own election and the
reprobation of the immense multitude, becomes seemly and sane
beside its modem parallel — the superb egotism which enables many
excellent but most ordinary men to believe that their order, whose
constituents are often selected and formed in a most perfunctory way,
is necessary to the Church of God, and has command over the
channels and the instruments of His grace. If Englishmen had their
old sense of humour, the notion could not live for a single hour; and
where humour fails, so coarse a thing as ridicule has no chance of success.
For ridicule is the test of ti'uth only to men who fear laughter more
than God. Men like Samuel Butler see a very tittle way into the heart
of things — nay, do not see the things that lie on the surface as they ,
really are. The man who has a genius for caricature has a bad eye
for character ; he who is alwaj-s in seai-ch of the ridiculous never finds
the truth. So Anglo-Catholicism, if it is to be understood, must be
iS9o] ANGLO-CATHOLICISM— OLD AND NEW.
389
itodied from within as well as from without, in relation indeed to the
forces that created its opportunity and conditioned its progress, but
dw 88 it lives in the niinds and to the imaginations of the men who
hare been its chiefs and spokesmen.
The Anglo-Catholic reWiral may in its origin be said to have been
the pnjduct of three main factors : Liberalism, the inadequacy of the
old Church parties to the new aituation, and the spirit of Romanticism
b religion. The political conditions supplied the provocative or
ax'&sional cause ; the inability of the existing ecclesiastical parties
to deal with the emergency supplied tha opportunity ; while the
Romanticist tendency in literature supplied the new temper, method,
' nint, order of ideas. Our remarks on these points must bo of
_- L.iefeat-
1. It is usual to make 1833, the year when the issue of the Tracts
begmn, the beginning also of the ecclpaiastical revival, though for a
Ufm yenra before then the waters had been gathering underground.
liberalism Just then seemed •victorious all along the line, and had
effecffd changes that were as to the English State constitutional, but
M to the English Church, revolutional. The Deists of the eighteenth
ceotury had died, though only to return to life as Philosophical
Radicals, learned in economics, in education, in theoretical politics, in
aetbods to promote the greatest happiness of the greatest number,
tfumgli the greatest number was largely middle class, and the
happiness was more akin to social comfort than moral beatitude.
The Roman Catholics, just emancipated, were still suffering from the
sodal proscription which in England is the worst sort of religions
diBability, and seemed a people with memories but without hopes,
with illustrious names but without leaders, enfeebled by having lived
as long as aliens amid their own flesh and flood. The Dissenters,
tffWigtbened by their recent enfranchisement, and as it were legiti-
mated by the State, were demanding still ampler rights, freer educa-
tion, universities that knew no Church, while also mastering and
nunballing the energies that were largely to determine the march of
rrfonn. The Episcopal Church was the grand bulwark against Rome
tnd stood in very diflTerent relations to the two forms of dissent, the
'ic and the Protestant : to the one it stood as became a bulwark,
-— .uLely opposed ; but to the other its relation was rather mixed : one
Church party was, for theological reasons, sympathetic, but another
«i«, for ecclesiastical reasons, at once tolerant and disdainful, feeling
ii to a superfluous auxiliary, which would exist and assist without
otker its existence or assistance being wanted.
The effect, then, of the political changes had been twofold : they had,
THE CONTEMPORARY RE VIE
on the one Hand, broadened the basis of the English State, m;
terms of citizenship distinctively civil, and incorporated or a*
classes that hiwl hitherto been dealt with as aliens. But, on thi
hand, they had worked for tlie English Church what can only
scribed as a revolution. For up till now it had been, and inde
is, more easy to distinguish Church and State ideally than ac
the English constitution may be said to have recognized their
difference, but to have affirmed their material identity. Par]
is in theory the English people assembled for purposes of legi
the English Church is in idea the same people associated ;
purpose of worship. The supreme legislative authority is <
both Church and State, our great ecclesiastical Laws are as :
source and sanction civil ; our civil authorities appoint the m
fill our great ecclesiastical offices. Civil penalties follow the
tion of ecclesiastical laws, and our ultimate ecclesiastical tribui
all cilvil. The Act of Uniformity was passed and enforced
civil power, and under it dissent was a civil offence punished by ci
political penalties. The same power determined at once the bool
Bubscribed, the persons who were to subscribe them, and the U
the subscription. The practice was intelligible and logical
on the theory that Church and State were, though formally di
materially identical j each was the same thing viewed under a d
aspect, the civil legislature being at the same time in its owi
also the ecclesiastical. So long as the theory even tolerably
aponded with fact the system could be made to work ; but once
and State ceased to be and to be considered ns being co-extensi
system became at once illogicaJ, unreal and impracticable. N<
Acts which emancipated the CathoUcs and abolished the Tests, d
that for the State dissent, whether Catholic or Protestjint, hod
to exist ; that to a man as a citizen, it could no longer ap]
categories of Couftirmist or Nonconformist ; in other words, it
be a State with a Church, but had ceased to be a Stat© that
tried to be a Church, Nor did this change stand alone ; it h
another more flagrant, if not so radical. Dissenters, Catho
Protestant, had not only by the State been abolished for the
they had been admitted to Parliament, and to all the funct
legislators. But as Parliament was the supreme Legislature J
Church as well as for the State, it happened that men whose i
tive note was dissent from the Chnrch were, by a constitutional
which enlarged and benefited the State, invested with leg
authority over the Church they dissented from ; and men the '
could not truthfully recognize as fully or adequately Christian,
by civil action and on civil grounds lawgivers for the very
kt refused them recognition. The anomalies in the situatio
ay ; but to the State they were only such as were insepai'ab
tf9B] ASGLO-CATHOUCISM—OLD AND NEir. 301
ili ptogma out of a mixed civil and ecclesiastical socioty into n
ncietj' pnzely and simply ci\'il, while to the Church tlioy wi-n^
fnidBiieiital contradictions of its very idea as national, atid hh hiicIi
oa^ to haTie been felt intolerable. And the inexorable logic, of iho
■loitkm soon became manifest. The WhigH wen^ in t]w amMMiilanl,
iridi ample oppcfftonity to gratify their traditional disboiit^f in Churrh
dnns and lore of Church lands, especially as n mi^anH of cntalin^r ii
|iiaotic aristocracy. The Royal Commisaion on KcclcHifiHiJunl Hnvf-inu-n
iw ippointed, the bishops were advised to set their hoitH<; in onlor, und
duBtthe half of the Irish Sees were suppressed. 'i'h«; onilijiik wmm
wk hopeful, and in the Church camp there was rag<: not iiinii'iin/U-A
lUi despair.
%. Within the English Church the old VHri'!ti«;M of thoti;^ht anfl
ylaej prevailed, but all were chifracterized by th<: nam': uui'Am-.K- I'tt
tte new circumstances. The High Church uhK bt wm lint^., t>i<; o'A
ebinlioiu loyalties had become impossible, and ^uf.xn.^A-.ti hy «;.;. u-:yt
iinl its character had deteriorated. It waf, :ik<; ik\ k:j:.".:.* *'A!;.ty
vkae pride is sustained by inveterate ^tr^yA.r:'-'* ar.'i *.; 'r r f /..>/*. /jt,
rf conquests in a time too remote t«, \m- j, 'a.>a.'.*.;.' r<::.'.::.'/ ■t'.,
ft bd bnilt on the royal prerogative: '>..*: 'i. .:.■ r./r.- '.' *'. r f.y
kd dofined and determined the right o: ilr O. "..";,•. v. '/< -■ ■ ';.- ."•.
rflm people; its authority within tr.e .S*aV: >■.%.- %. :'-.•-.• '/ :..i <''-.
■a oonld not secede from the Ch'::rcL irh:,-.-.* '>.:./ o.v^v v, '.*,
^B^. It was a perfectly intellij?:''"- •r-':^.:';" *'-' %^ 'A;'.*"'* »>.'
•■■ intelligible, but then its pr:r!:*r;/ -■.•*'.'.■..» rf •'... r ■ /> '..• ...
li^t ; onoe the premiss had vaz, cLrtr-.-'^. :• f:..vi' •--/■-:-,.« '^^^
•wts, thetheory ceased to be e2^*r :.v.*-.-.v',v.- •,• -.v .•-•v /^ . *
Hb without reason is never a hap-Tj .-'»: : ^ ut.- •, >- -.it,-; ^ .-'/i *
fcaunliies the obstinacy br •■■iiri. h . --^t tv. •?-. ••vv^. «, /•/,
Uf of the ei^teenth oKit'irj tl-^ H_ia V" -■ -.jfe*'. :-<'j«.-'
■gnng dynasty, ploct^ iraicc J.i .-.* ;.*;%" -. - ''^ '>-;.-«.' ^j.
4etnMonitplott45d. A::c ^i^^ -Jii- .--rr.v .^' v ^j - ■ ->-<•. .>
•y 4ft theory being k =<c^^ t* -,-. : ' -.. x. *- :., . >
^aittemptedadiettcS'.c. -jf -_!.•: r.-.,- •. -.- ■' - " v . .-..■ ■
■fcoi hsnaony vi& t=i» fzzi^iii-'irjb v-i'^- . - <.-. . • m . , ^? / ..
*■*• oa nerer » jfr* -B-lriii -i' 'rrja- i^ -f •■■ .- « •^'.-.j- < ^
■■g- Ufa 4^ jj^ ^^^^ ^j,^ ^., ^ .^ ^ ^
_^^— fr X- lib* ?>Tr.T:'~
392
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mab.
tave been termed the type of religion most characteristic of* the
English people. On the intellectual side it was timid, hwni, formal,
closed. Its hatred of rationalism turned into fear of reason ; it lived
within its narrow tidy garden, cut its tree^ of knowledge into Dutch
figures, arranged its flower-beds on geometrical lines, hut was careful
never to look over the hedgo or allow any wild seeds from the outer
world to take root within its borders. Yet by a curious necessity the
spirit of an age lives even in the strongest reaction against it, and to
the formal rationalism of the eightuentli century the Evangelical
revival owed its violently conventional theology, the foolhardinesa
which could represent the relations of God and man by a series of
formulated and reasoned abstractions. But whatever may be said of
itiS theology, the heart of ita piety was sound ; it might be narrow, but
it was dpep and genuine. Men who did not know it took offence at
its manner of speech touching the more awf nl mysteries of being, and
sneered at it as oi/ie/'-worldliness. But no piety was ever more healthily
and actively humane. Face to face with a corruption that might
appal even the society of to-day, it pleaded for purity of manners and
created a social conscience and moral shame where for centuries they
had been asleep. In an age which knew no duty of rich to poor, or
of educated to ignorant, save the duty of standing as far ofl'as possible
and leaving them in their vice and filth, passions and poverty, it
awakened an enthusiasm for their souls, and a love for their outcast
children which yet was so blended with love of their lx)dies and tlieir
homes as to coin the now familiar proverb, so characteristic of the then
Evangelical faith, " Cleanliness is next to godliness." In a time when
humanity was unknown in the prison, and a merciless law became even
criminal in its dealings with the guilty. Evangelical, and indeed
specifically Dissenting, piety began the more than Herculean work of
reforming the prisons and Christianizing the law. In a period when
the less civilized races were regarded only as chattels, or as means of
replenishing the coffers or gratifying the ambitions or even the
passions of the more civilized, the same piety, in spite of the mockery
of clerical wits, and the scorn of the New xVuglicans, who could not love
the wretched "niggers" because they "concentrated in themselves all the
whiggery, dissent, cant, and alxmiination that had been ranged on their
aide,"* in apite, too, of the antagonism of statesmen and of all interested
classes, taught the English people to consider the conquered Hindu,
the enslaved negro, the savage African or South .Sea Islander as a soul
to be saved, and ^o created in England and America the enthusiasm
that emancipated the slave and created the rudiments of a conscience,
if not a heart, in the callous bosom of English politics, and even in
the still harder and emptier bosom of English commerce. Nay.
Evangelical piety must not be defamed in the homo of its birth ; it
* Hurrell Froude : "Remains," part i, vol. i. p. 382.
tlysj ANGLO-CATHOLICISM— OLD AND NEW. 393
was the very reverse of o/A«r- worldly, intensely practical, brotherly,
benevolent, beneficent, though somewhat prudential in the means it
Dsed to gain its moat magnanimous ends. He who speaks in its dis-
praise, either does not know it or feels no gratitude for good achieved.
Happy will it be for Anglo-Catholicism, which we may, in contra-
distinction to the Evangelical, term the sensuous and sacerdotal
revival, if, once it has run its inevitable course, men can trace but half
us much of human good to its inspiration. Great are the things it
has achieved for the idea of tho Church, for the restoration, which too
often means the desecration, of churches, for the elaboration of worship
and the adornment of the priest, but the final measure of its efficiency
will be what it accomplishes for the souls and lives of men.
Bat two things disqualified the Evangelicals for adequate dealing
with the emergency — their intellectual timidity and their want of any
safficient idea of the Church. Tlieae two were intimately related;
their theology was too narrowly individualistic, too much a reasoned
method of saving single souls, to admit easily, or without fracture,
those larger views of God, the universe, and man, needed to guide a great
society in a crisis, or, as it were, in the very article of revolution. They
did not sufficiently feel that the Church was a sort of spiritual Father-
land, within which they had been born, through which they lived, for
Vliose very dust they could love to die. The Evangelicals have often
been described as the successors and representatives of the Puritans
within the Anglican Church, but here they were their very opposites.
The Puritan theology was remarkable for its high and catholic doctrine
of the Church, so conceiving the sovereignty of the Redeemer that the
body in which He lived and over whicli Ho reigned could never be
dependent on any State or subordinate to any civil power whatever. The
high Anglican rather than the Evangelical has here been the l*uritan's
heir, though the Anglican has lowered the splendid idea he inherited
by giving it a less noble and a less catLolic expression. It was the
want of sQch a vivifying and commanding idea that lost the
Evangelical the leadership of the Church in its hour of storm and
oisifl.
4. So far, then, it seemed as if the battle against vigorous and vic-
tori'jag Liberalism must be fought on the lines, abhorred of the old
High Church, of the old latitudinarian utilities. Church and State
were allies, their union was duo to a contract or compact, by which
th>' Church received so much pay imd privilege, and the State so much
lervice and sanction. To argue the question on this ground was to be
defeated ; there was no principle in it, only the meanest expediencies,
profits to be determined by the utilitarian cnlculue, with contract
broken when profits ended. It was at this moment that Romanticism
■■nimed an ecclesiastical form, and emerged, changed in name, but
Dochanged in essence, as Anglo-Catholicism.
394
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[MAS.
RomnnticisTJi may be described, as the literary spirit which,
bom partly in tht-^ frenzy of the Revolution, and partly in the
recoil from it, executed in the early decades of this century ven-
geance upon the rationalism of the last. It was not Knglish merely,
but European ; it had achieved great things on the Continent
before it took shape here. In France it produced Chateaubriand,
whose rhapsodical Gdnir. was at once a coup dc tlUatrt et (Tautel,
Joseph de Maistre and the idealization of the Papacy. In Germany,
it blossomed into tie Stolbergs and the Schlegels, who preached the
duty of a flight from the present to the past, and bolieved that
they preserved faith by indulging imagination ; and througli the
school first of Tubingen and then of Mnnich, as represented by
Muhler, it entered theology, furnishing Roman Catholicism with a
new and potent apologetic and Anglican with a no less potent
source of inspiration and guidance. Its characteristic was an ima-
ginative handling of its material, especially mediajvalism and its
survivals, with a view to a richer and happier whole of Ufa.
Rationalism was an optimism which glorified its own enlightened
stge, and pitied the ignorance and superstition of the earlier men ;
but Romanticism was an idealism which wished to transcend the
present it disliked, by returning, either with Wordsworth to a severe
simplicity, all the more refined that it was so rustic and natural ;
or, as with Scott, to the gallant days of chivalry and the rule of
the highly bom and bred. All were subjective, each used a different
medium for the expression of himself, but the cliaracteristic thing
was the self expressed, not the mt-dium employed. The Lake poets
sang in praise of Nature, but it was the Nature of the poet's dream,
sleeping in the light that never was on sea or shore. Scott loved to
picture the past, but his was the past of the poet's fancy, not the hard,
grim world, where men struggled with existence and for it, but an
idealized arena, where noble birth meant noble being, and only a
villain or a hypocrite could lift a hand, even for freedom, against
a head that was crowned. In this use of the imagination there
was more truth but less reality than there had been in the cold and
analytic methods of the previous century. Rationalism, for want of
the histttrical imagination, sacrificed the past to history. Roman-
ticism, for want of the critical faculty, sacrificed history to the past.
What one finds in the elegant yet careless pages of Hume is a record
of events that once happened, written by a man who has never con-
ceived so as to realize the events he describes ; what one finds in the
vivid pages of Scott is a living picture of the past, but of a past that
nevor lived. This is the veiy essence of Romanticism, the imaginative
intf^rpretation of Nature or history, but it is only the form that is
natural or historical, the substance or spirit is altogether the inter-
preter's own.
•S9o]
ANGLO-CATHOLICISM—OLD AND NEW
395
1. Now it was this Romanticist tendency that was the positive factor
cf Anglo-Catiolicism. While the other two sets of circamstancessup-
l^ied respectively the occasion and the opportunity, this gare the
crettire' impulse ; it was the spirit that quickened. The men in whom
it took shape and found speech were three — Keble, Newman, Pnsey.
Berittpa we ought to name a fourth, Hurrell Froude ; bat he lives in
Kefrman. He was theswiftest,moBt daring spirit of them all ; his thought
0 hot, as it were, with the fever that shortened his days ; his words are
^nfiosed as with a hectic flush, and we must judge him rather as one who
moved men to achieve than by his own actual achievements. The three
we have named were in a rare degree complementary of each other ; they
were respectively poet, thinker, and scholar, and each contributed to
lite movement according to his kind. Keble was a splendid instance
of the truth that a man who makes the songs of a people does more
than the man who makes their laws. His hymns are a perfect lyric
«Kpre88ion of the Romanticist tendency; in them the mood of the
Bomeiit sjwaks its devoutest feelings in fittest form. This was the
secret of their power. They are without the passion of the mystic,
tbe infinite hunger of the aoul that would live for God after the God
H cannot live without, the desire to transcend all media, win the
immediate divine vision, and lose self in its supreme bliss ; rather are
tiicy the sweet and mellow fruit of " pious meditation fancy-fed,"
which loves means as means, feels joy in their use, in reading their
iiieamng. in being subdued by their gentle discipline ; and which loves
God all the better for the seemliness and stateliness of the way we get
to Him. Keble learned of Wordsworth t-o love Nature, to read it as a
▼ailed parable, or embodied allegory, spoken by God, and heard by the
mal; he learned of Scott to love the past, and seek in it his ideals.
His love of God became love of his own Church, of what she had been,
wiat ah© was, and, above all, of what she ought to be, of her ancient
monnments, her venerable institutions, her stately ceremonial, her
Mints and her saints' days. And by his sweet, meditative, poetic gift
be made what he loved seem lovely. What ecclesiastical ]>o]emic8,
pMTOchial activity, and sacerdotal ritual never could have accomplished,
his hymns achieved; indeed > they not onlymmle those otliers jx>ssible,
bot even necessary, creating for th^m that disposition, that readiness
xeeeiTe, to learn, and to trast, which is, according to Newman, the
iter part of faith. It is by sure instinct that the name of Keble
Iiu been seized as the name most typical of the i\jiglo-Catholic revival.
He aeiacd tJie prevailing sentiment, and translated it into a form at
poetic and religious, and by so doing tnmed a rising tide or
into the service of his party and his Church. But the secret
■trength may become the source of their weakness. The man
396
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mar.
of piouB and meditative fancy may evoke the historical spirit, and
make the present beautiful in the light of aoi idealized past ; bat when
the appeal is to history, scientific criticism becomes the ultimate judge,
and, though its judgments are slow, they are inexorable as those of God.
2. Newman was more rarely gifted than Keble, but his gifts
though of a rarer and higher order, were less pure in quality. He had in
a far higher degree the poet's temper, and more of his insight, creative
genius and passion. It was his misfortune to be an ecclesiastic in &
stormy criaisj and indeed to be of the crisis the foremost and cha-
racteristic polemic. He had a subtle and analytic intellect, but dia-
lectical rather than speculative, discursive and critical rather than
synthetic and constructive. He had more of the mystic's nature
and intensity than Keble ; the passion for God burned in his spirit
like a fire, impelled him as by an awful necessity to the Infinite, yet
divided him from it by a still more awful distance. He loved to
seek everj'where for symbols of the divine, which would at once
assure him of the Eternal Presence, and help him to gain more con-
sciouB accoas to it ; yet he had the genuine mystic's feeling that all
means were inadequate, and so divisive ; as mediative they held tie
spirit out of the immediate Presence, and not only shaded bnt
obscured its glory. Hence he had none of Keble's love of means as
means ; he had too much imagination to be satisfied with the sensuous
aeeroliness, the Laudian " beauty of holiness," which pleased Keble's
fine and fastidious but feebler fancy ; what he wanted was to stand
face to face with ( !od himself, and to find a way to Him as sure as
hia own need for Him was deep and real. But to find such a way,
never an easy thing, was to one situated and constituted like Newman
peculiarly hard. For as deep and ineradicable as his passion for
God was his scepticism of reason, which is, in the last analysis, tiie
subtlest of all scepticisms aa to God.* And it is the least tolerable,
because the most paralysing, to the man with the spirit and temper
of the mystic. To believe in God, yet to doubt His real presence
in the reason, is to be impelled to imagine that what in man has
most of God is also remotest from Him, and most completely ont
of His control ; and so the inexorable logic of the situation forces
the man, if he does not surrender his doubt of the reason, either
to surrender all certainty and all reality in his knowledge of God, or
to end the conflict by calling in some violent mechanical expedient,
such indeed as Newman was slowly but in-esistibly driven to adopt.
Whence this sceptical tendency came in Newman's case is too large a
• This interitretation of Newman is admirably illustrated by Mr. Hutton, " Modern
Guides of Engrlisb Thought in Matters of Faith," pp. 78 IT. The conclnsion was not
intended, but is only on that account the more significant. "It is, I think, profound
pity for tho restlessness and insatiability of human reason, which has ina'le him a
Roman Catholic." Jiut the " pity '* i.s only the superficial expression of the deeper
scepticism, which so doubts '' God's Spirit as revealed in conscience and reason," as
to require an infallible institution for their control.
«89o]
ANGLO-CATHOLICISM— OLD AND NEW.
397
to be here discussed ; but we may say he owed it, partly,
perhaps mainly, to native intellectual qualities, partly, to his place in
thfi reaction against Rationalism, and, partly, to an anthor he greatly
lores to praise, who possibly represents the greatest mental intiiience
came ander, Batler. The reaction against Rationalism was in
Ncinzian rapre a matter of imagination than of reason ; and he hated
aod disowned its results witliout tninscending its philosophy. As a
oonnequence, he shared in the common inheritance of our modem
English thought, that doubt of the reason which has become in
tbe more consistent philosophies either a reasoned doubt, or, what is
tbe same thing adapted to a positive and scientific age, a reasoned
!j«Kience. And to the difficulties or antinomies of his thought
Batler more than any man awoke him. The undei'lying or mate-
rial idea of the '■ Analogy," what may be termed the theory of the
correepondence of the physical and spiritual realms, especially when
further qualified by the influence of Keble, gave indeed to Newman
kis grand constructive principle, the notion of the sacramental sym-
bolism of Nature; but its formal and regulative maxim, '' Probability
is the guide of life," was more creative of disturbance and perplexity.
For to a man of his temper, mental integrity, and theistic passion, as
■ore of God's being as of his own, it must have seemed a sort of irony
to make such a maxim the judicial and determinative principle in a
religions argument. It may be said to have formulated his master
probrem — How is it possible to build on probable evidence the
certitude of faith ? or, How, by a method of probabilities, can the
ndstcnce, if not of necessary, yet of infallible truth, be proved ?
Indeed, Butler's probability, which was not without similar tendencies
m his own case, determined the search which landed Newman in
Papal infallibility.
We have, then, to imagine Newman, witli his mystic passion, his
pkiloeophical scepticism, and his apologetical maxim, called to face the
disiotegratiTe and aggressive forces of his time. He could face them
in strength only by maintaining his intellectual integrity, and from
the antinomies of liis thought there were only two possible ways of
ncape, either by a higher philosophy or a higher authority. And of
tiiMe two each was exclusive of the other. If the way by philosophy
bad been chosen, then the process of reconciliation would have been
isusaoent and natural, the antitheses of the formal understanding
wonld have been overcome by the synthesis of the transcendental
iCMon. But to choose the way of authority was to deny that any
natural process of reconciliation was possible, and to seek to silence
Ihe inward dissonances by the sound of an outward voice ; the deeper,
of eoonse, the dissonances grew, the more authoritative had the voice
to be made. For many reasons — constitutional, educational, circum-
ftantial, social — the philosophical way was not selected, and Newman
89B THE COSTEMPORARY REVIEW.
began his wonderfal pcilemical career a mystic vs. fait;, i bkt
philoBophv. a seeker after an anthority able to snbdit: u- seen
and Tiudicate tibe faiili. His power, studied in oanneciiicc. ini
marvelloTiE literari- faculty and intense religionb EmcenT;.- 2- ■:
cable enougb, bnt. regarded as a question in philoBopnica mi::
it is more complex and dii&cnlt of anaiysib. 2so xosl. .sa-
thoronglily understood the men of hie age : m^ man of senin.- ^r-*:
comprehended the problems of his time, or conrdbnt^c: les; t> -
solution. It is remarkable, considering hit immense procuciT
and the range and kind of subjects he has handled, aovr w
stmctive principles, speculative and historical, car br tomu
his works. The critical philc«ophy he doeh no* seen. t< i
cared to understand. Modem criticisn:. a.'' regard.'' iJotL pimd
and methode. he never tried to master, o: '^v-i,. ooiecii"'
to conceive. The scieniilic treatmem oi" history i- tor alis
niE: spirit and aims to be comprehended py him. HL'- onv
fdderable historical \^'ork it: but an overgrown polemical pami
— a treatise on the controversies of hit own time^ disguiseil i
iiistory. Hit *• Doctrine of Development " ii^ nor original, anil si
from being the equivalent tif evolution is it* autithesi'- and cantn
lion. It mav be loiric applied tc> doirmu. but is not science op]
I;.' history. HiF most considerable, at once piiiiosophiciil and S}
getical work, may be described as u treatise on tiie necesir
the personal equation in reiicion : it imores what i.'- primary
universal in the reav'ii! that it may buiid on wiiat if- specihr
acquired in the individual. Hut it is w- parador tr say. tJioK
eienient* o: hi^ jiiuioBrrpiiicul weaim^Ff- hovf- beor soarfet of
literary and conirov»rsial ptr'-nptL. Th* v^-ry .severity c: tht- cm
IV. iiii- owi. RTiirii ims ri'^-'i- '-iti tit- pr' diunti-p" i«-^ns' o: urv tV.t
iL om' day 'X th* ;»r'77t-''siti''i^ o: L'vii;!: mai.- — tii*. i.>ev-iideTmen"
TJiought. motivt . anc crjiisciontrt- thai ?Qmt a:' limii^'c. and pss:
:u. t»einr. bounL ;\v luv ye; il Te"'-C)h iuruiniM tiit- law tiiai b
;:. Oonvi.-T^.ioui- :ii- nnr- sirenuou^ that tiiey wor* iormuiatec
iMiiliicn unci huvf iit^-i. ut-icl amicl rontroverd"'. int-^mal and exter
;. nietv tiiii* i?^ nf^tiiiiiC iesi- thai. i. cr*>n'n? lo-^ '■•.•iiirion. an inw
;niariiiati-.ii".. usinr tii- :i:strciiieutf >j: sniiil*^ uiui-rTiir . and dcai
arcrunivn: :i siiee.'i n: v 'in tiro;; ^ rrat*- unc 'ore*; . uavf- enablec ]
tv aturt*!»r vi'ii ;;ii'.Mi;jili-il. ..Ci!'!. irresjsTin;- . "nr^ve: met who cc
:»T reu:"i;-"C m.>?: fa^iy liirom.*!. '.lit .' in>.'i-':»C' o: munrinaiion. S
luei. i-.: ii&> :v«i.. SI iicj;j-c.. ;■. ■i:'^:'rT!»('. ih-u^i. iy ii prc»ceaB t
aiirfiivr, .nv ■.•vf'r^i .vt^r-il ratii-'- zh.'.i. r"iv..vinpec tie reason. J
til'- ITT :-t^.- ii! \v.:> puTsut'i. v.-itiii-tu: ^^ i:i: the coxmtierptrt
Us- 11T- ••.—*- I:; iijii, ii;-::Ti- nuTsuet v.jrii;?.. Imtt ha^ never b»
i». iiUi ■■■ nrjuci. a: i»jii?o: iit ,.•.!•»«: cv. :iJw*tiiT: aj^ for scuf
■0-- .mi-iii-r^iiL iilfiftri-nrr h«> xv^^i. r «irr of moral
iS)o] ANGLO-CATHOLICISM—OLD AND NEW.
399
he has reasoned as if the men who held the principles he
must themselves be odioas. Hence came what Blanco
Tuite called his " deceiving pride," and his resolute sacrifice of old
to new views. Hence, too, the temper I will not call in-
cnint, but so severely and logically authoritative that, to quote
snoo White again, '* he would, as sure as he lives, persecute to the
ith i/he had the direction of the civil power for a dozen years.'"
' are the invariable characteristics of the man who bases a faith
finthority on a scepticism of the reason. Newman, with all that he
I for, represents the struggle of English empiricism to remain
pineal, and yet become imaginative and religious.
8, But tlie scholar of tho baud was as notable in his own order ae
poet and thinker in theirs. Pusey, indeed, was less a scholar
a schoolman, these two 1)eing distinguishable thus: the
bolar lovos learning, and uses it as an instrument for the discovery
'trath, while the schoolman is a learned man who uses his learning
a means of proving an assumed or formulated position. The
! studies that he may cultivate mind, develop and exercise the
es ; but tlie schoolman searches that he may find authorities
terify his axioms and justify his definitions. The scholar aims
' tibjectivity, seeing things as they really were, how and why they
sued, whither tended, and what achieved ; but the schoolman
llhroughout governed by subjectivity, brings his system to history,
1 his researches that history may be made to furnish
fence of tJie system he brings. Now Pusey had the making of a
in him, though he never became what he could have been.
I had a susceptible, sympathetic, assimilative mind, combined with a
largeness of nature that at once (jualified him to understand
and distinguished him as a man men could trust. His famous
quiryinto the Probable Causes of German Rationalism " admirably
atea his mental qualities, especially the susceptible and assimila-
It is full of his German teachers,* their spirit, method,
Is, though all has passed through a conservative English mind.
taad honest enough to defend a cause by being just to the cause
But in Oxford, Keble and Newman superseded Tholuck,
Pii»y passed from the scientific to a local and insular stand-
thp scholar became the schoolman. What he was to the new
aent Newman has testified ; he brought to it the dignity of
•cademic office and social rank, weight of character, counsel,
faculty and speech, the service of vast erudition, and reverence
' w Bonrces hia erudition explored. He had precisely the qualities
needed to consolidate and guide the party. Keble's fancy had
the Church and its past, had made its worship poetical, had
i^L^' *^^ ' Inqiiirv "' owed to Thohick, and his jnclgment on the use made of
*'*'*»l.»e<; Witte's "bas Lcbcn Thohick'g," vol. ii. pp. 242, 243.
400
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[TAKE.
toached its services with Jlnt? and well-ordered emotion ; Newman's
genius had filled the Church with new meaning and new ideals^
his elorpience had pealed throu<^h it like the notes of a mighty organ
waking long silent echoes, and had kindled in men a new enthusiasm
for their transfigured Church ; and now Pusey's erudition came to
search the Fathers and the Anglican divines lor evidence that
the new was the old, and based on venerable and invariable tradition.
Keble was loved, Newman admired, but Pusey trusted. Keble moved
in an atmosphere of reverence and emotion, difference in his case
did not breed dislike ; the xerj men wlio most disagreed with his
theology were most subdued by his hymns. Newman was even more
feared than admired ; the men that followed doubted, uncertain
whither he might lead, the men that resisted disliked, certain that he
tended with increasing momentum whither they did not mean to go.
But Pusey had Newman's strength of conviction without his dangerons
genius j he was conser\^ative not because sceptical, but because con-
vinced ; he loved his Church in the concrete, and he lived to prove
that she embodied the " quod semper, quod ubique, Cfuod ab omnibus
creditum est." On any dubious or questioned point he was ready
to bi'ing determinative evidence from his recondite lore ; on any critical
occasion he was no less ready to use the pulpit of St. Mary's as
a platform for the issue of a raaniiesto. And so tlie movement others
created Pusey controlled, and in his hands its character became fixed
as a creation or Renaissance of Eomanticism conditioned and tempered
by scholasticism.
III.
1. To these men, then, the progress of events in literature and phi-
losophy on the one hand, and in Church and .Stato on the other, com-
bined to set the problem : How can the Church be rescued from the
hands of a State penetrated and commanded by '■ Liberalism,"' and be
elevated into an authority able to regulate faith and conscience, to
control reason and society. What Newman named Liberalism was
a single force disguised in many forms, rationalism in religion, revolu-
tion or reform in politics, Erastianism and latitudinarianism in Chiurh.
It was the spirit of change, negation, disintegration, destraction. The
Church must destroy it, or it would destroy the Church, and with it
faith in God, godliness, religion. To save the Church, two things were
necessary — to invest it with divine lUithoiity, and all the rights flowing
from it, and to sft it strong in its anthority and rights over against the
apostate State on the one hand, and the rebellious reason on the other.
With sure instinct the New Anglicans began by assailing the Reforma-
tion. The Puritans had disapproved and opposed the royal autliority,
because it arrested and restrained the Reformation ; but the Anglican
liated the Reformation, because it had been effected by the royal authority.
AXGLO'CATHOLICISM—OLD AND NEW.
401
the old days, when the king reigned by the grace of God and tkrough
kbe zeftlons spirits of the Episcopal beuc}i, the Anglican had lored the
royal supremacy, and soundly punished the Puritan for denying it :
bat wten in the process of constitutional change the royal became
•oly the form or mask of parliamentary supremacy, which in its turn
was but the instrument of the hated " Libei'ulism," — then the Anglican
became as convinced as the Puritan of the excellence of independency.*
The aecolar arm in touching had ^^Ton^ed the Church, and while the
men who did it and those who suffered it to be done were alike re-
firoacbed, she was pictured as the gracious mother of peoples, with her
heroic yet saintly sons, and clinging yet stately daughters alxmt her,
CtMting the literature, civilizations, ai-ts, and whatever made life rich
tad beantLful, and remaining benignant, though forlorn, in the midst
at ft greedy and graceless posterity, blind to her beauty, and forgetful
of her beneficence. But Newman touched a higher strain ; bis genius
loomed to ask aid from sentiment ; ho called upon the Church to become
mUitant and equip herself in the armour of her divine attributes. The
£tete might suppress bishopricSj but bisliops were independent of th©
Sute ; they were before it, existed by a higher right, were of apos-
tolical descent and authority, stood in a divine order which the State
bad not made and could not unmake. And as with the bishops, so
vith the clergy ; their orders were sacred, inalienable, instituted of
God, and upheld by Him. And their functions corresponded to their
•othority ; to them had been committed the keys of the kingdom ;
they coald bind and loose, and were by their commission empowered
to act in their Master's name. In their hand-s too, and in theirs only,
wect) the sacraments, and '* the sacraments, not preaching, are the
floorces of divine grace." The sacred order was the condition of the
Church's being, and the factor of its efficiency j where the authorized
priest was not, the sacraments could not be ; and no sacraments
naant no Church, no life communicated by Baptism and maintained by
the Eucharibt. And the Church which ministered life by her sacra-
Bents, guarded, defined, and interpreted truth by her authority ; for to
the being aud belief of the truth an authoritative interpreter was
eren more necessary than an inspired source. And this was to be
nd in tradition, not indeed as collected and preserved by Rome,
kg contained in the lathers, and as gathered from them by
A**g*fiT" scholars and divines. Home was corrupt, but Catholic ; the
Pnxtestant Churches were corrapt and sectarian ; but the Church of the
• It is Ittrtractive to see how similar ideas uniler similar conditions demand for their
cspteauoo rimilnr terms. Thus the earliest treatise from the High Chtirch point of
vinr or ' '>'^ -^''t'loct is Charlea Leslie's ; the title runs : " TLe case of the Regale and
il llkt ' c stated, in a Conference eoncerninp the Indcpendt-ncT of the Church
Vaoii.ir ■n earth,intbc exercise of her purely Spiritual power and authority."
ima zxMCXij rvprodaces the very idea as to the relation of Church and State held hj
<kdw vbo wexe the ancestors of tbe Iftter "Independents.'' Indeed, the ADgUcatt
"tsitaDomj of the Church " is but the Puritan independency, or rather a single aspect
«(]t,Hid tbe Presbyterian "Crown rights of the Kcdecmcr."'
402
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mabl
FatAiers was Catholic and pure, and after it tlie Anglican was fashioned,
and tried to walk in its light and read the truth with its eyes. And
so a proud, coherent, and courageous theory of the Church stood up
to confront and dare the State ; to rebuke it as of the earth, to speak
to it as with the voice of heaven, to command it to revere and obey
where it had thonght it could compel and rule.
It is no part of my purpose to criticize the Anglican theory ; it was
the work of men who made an impassioned appeal to history, but
were utterly void of the historical spirit. The past they loved and
studied was a past of detached fragments, violent divisions, broken
and delimited in the most arbitrary way. Their canon, " qnod
semper, quod ubique, quod ab omnibus,''' they honoured in speech
rather than observance ; the " semper " did not mean " always," or
the '* ubique " everywhere, or the " ab omnibus " by all ; but only such
times, places and men, or even such parts and sections of times, places
and men, as could be made to suit or prove the theory. Tlien, for
tin authority to be of any use in the region of truth, it must be authorita-
tive, accessible, self -consistent and expUcit ; but this authority was not
one of these things — it was only the voice of these very simple, very
positive, unscientific, and oft-en mistaken men. Their supreme diffi-
culty, which broke down the transcendent genins of the party, was to
get their own Church to speak their mind, and they were even less
successful with the Fathers than with their Church. There is no more
splendid example anywhere of how completely a professedly historical
movement can be independent of historical truth. The Tractarians in
this respect present a remarkable contrast to the Reformers. Calvin
in his treatment of doctrine was nothing if not historical ; the Tracta-
rians in their treatment of history were nothing if not dogmatic.
They were traditional but not historical, while the Reformers were
historical but not traditional. The latter courageously, if not always
thoroughly, rejected tradition and authority that they might reach th©
mind and realize the ideal of the Christ of history ; but the former,
with no less courage, tried to adapt the liistorical mind and bend the
historical ideal to authority and tradition. Truth is patient, and suffers
much at the bands of sincere men ; but she always comes by her own
at last.
2. What has been the result of tlie Anglo-Catholic revival ? If the
saccess of a religious movement is to be measured by its power to
penetrate with its own spirit, to persuade and reconcile to religion the
best intellects of a country, then even its most devoted advocates can
hardly say that Anglo-Catholicism has succeeded. While at first cham-
pioned by the greatest literary genius and master of dialectic who has in
this century concerned himself with theology, it is marv^ellous how little
it has touched our chaiacteristic and creative minds ; with these neither
man nor Anglican Catholicism has accomplished anj'thing. Take
li^]
ANGLO-CATHOLICISM— OLD AND NEW.
403
tbe poets, who alike as regards period and place ought to have ben
Bost Boceesible and susceptible to the Catholic spirit and inflaenoe.
Aithor Hugh Clongh was educated in Balliol, and elected to a Fellovr-
diip at Oriel in the days when Newman reigned in 8t. Mary's, and is
judged by the moat competent of our critics to be " the truest expression
in verse of the moral and intellectual tendencies of the period in which
be lived." He is fascinated by Newman and held by him for a while,
but only that he may learn how little there is behind the subtle and
pMsnaaive eloquence that can satisfy a mind possessed with the
pMBoa fcr veracity, and he is driven by the recoil into the anxious
■ncertatnties where " the music of his rustic lute " lost "its happy
ooontry tone,"
" And learnt a stormy note
Of men contention-tost, of men who ^oao."
31&tthew Arnold, son of a father who made England love breadth
of view and truth in histoiy, studied, learned, and suffered with the
Thyrsas he so deeply yet so sweetly mourned, like him became a poet,
j«alotiB of truth in thought and word, and like him, too, faced the
prt/blem and the men of the liour, but did not dare to trust as guides
for the present men too credulous of the post to read its truths
■light. Too well he learned the bitter moral of all their arguing,
and concluded: " If authority be necessary to faith, then an impos-
nUe authority makes faith impossible," aud he turned from Oxford to
Uam of Weimar —
"Tlio need is everywhere,
Art still has truth, take refnge there,"
William Morris, formed in the Oxford of a later day, when in the
Cklm that follows conflict Anglo-Catholicism reigned, could find in it
ao aatisfyLng veracious ideal of truth, of aii or of life, and went
mntrad to the wild Scandinavian and distant Greek mythologies for the
ioBBS in which to impersonate his faith and hope. Swinburne, who
bi^ the hot imagination that easily kindled to noble dreams of
Ubcvty and human good, could find no prondse in the crimson sunset
glories Anglo-Catholicism loved, and turned passionately towards what
■eemed to him the east and tiie sunrise. But it was not only those
jOBDger sons of Oxford who hiid in a measure " the vision and the
fKolty divine,"' that the new Catholic failed to touch ; he touched
M little the maturer and richer imaginations of the two men who will
ewer remain the representative poets of the Victorian era. Tennyson
ka been eseentially a reUgious genius ; the doubts, the fears, the
tboeght perplexed by evil, by suffering, by a nature cruel in her
wry haxmoaies, by the presence of wicked men and tlie distance
d a helpful God, the faith victorious in the very face of sin and
dMtii, certain that somehow " good will be the final goal of ill,"
404
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mas.
have all received from him rich and musical expression. Bnt his
ideals are not those of medieval or modem CathoUciam ; they may
be clothed in forms borrowed from a far-off world of mythical chivalry ;
but it is not a priest's world, it is one of men all the more saintly
that they are kings, warriors, statesmen, a world of fair women and
goodly men. Browning, who was as essentially a religious poet as Tenny-
son, and indeed, though iio writer of hymns, as a poet more pro-
foundly, penetratively, and comprehensively religious than Keble, bears
throughout in his sympathies, in his love of liberty, iu his hopeful tmst
ill man, in his belief in God as the All-loviug as well as the All-great,
who through the thunder speaks with human voice, the marks and
fruits of his Puritan birth and breeding. But the sensuous seemliness
of Anglo-Catholicism had no charms for him ; it had too little spiri-
tual sublimity, stood too remote from the heart of things, had too
little fellowship with the whole truth of God, and all the infinite
needs and aspirations of mau. He had seen, too, the outworking of
its ideas ; had studied then* action and character in history, and his
curious lore and large experience helped him to many a fit yet quaint
form in which to embody what he had discovei-ed or observed. Brown-
ing more than any man has deepened the faith of our age in the
Eternal, but he has also more than any man made us conscious of
the evil of fancying that we can transmute our ephemeral polities and
shallow symbols into the infallible and unchangeable speech of God.
3. This failure of Anglo-Catholicism to touch our higher literature
is both remarkable and instructive. It has had and has its minor
poets, a goodly multitude, but even their poetiy has been mainly remi-
niscent and sentimental, not spontaneoiis and imaginative. Indeed,
this has been its characteristic in all periods of its being ; writers of
hymns, quaint, devout, beautiful, raelotlious, it has always had, but never
poets of the imagination ; if it has ever taken possession of such, it
has paralysed the poet in them, as witness Wordsworth and his
ecclesiastical sonnets. In this stands expressed some of its essential
characteristics. Within the rich and complicated and splendidly dight
folds of the Spenserian allegories, there lives much of the brawny
Puritan mind and purpose. The same mlud and the faith it lived
by made the noblest epic and the most perfect classical drama in the
speech of our English people. No man will claim John Dryden as a
religious poet, though he forced poetry into the ignoble strife of
ecclesiastical politics, and made it the mean apologist of royal and pa|)al
designs. Deism Lisped iu numbers through the lips of Catholic Pope,
and the Evangelical Revival inspired the gentle soul of Cowper to verse,
always genial and graceful, and often gay. But Anglo-Catholic poetry
measured by the Puritan is remarkable for nothing so much as its
imaginative poverty, its inability to create a literature that shall
adequately embody the true and the sublime. And this has its
tf9oj JSGLO^ATHOUT'S^Jl — JL3 ../.•; K'.-f aV
puBlld in the titeolog^ of "ms lusr roit-~.-?v.ifa:-« ^. .»au>>i, % .\ «..«.«
itaiids akne — Cafcfaolic aill jur » lylc^iu -i\' uw*. v^'u.t (v... i.:>..
vlut TMiiWB TCpraBot the aii:sc ^crfar rur.^ni' u !uvi(.>i^<k ..ul ..i.^
|%iwr rdigiolu thoogiit ? Qt iLL ^naciiLTs yr^k>i-K-iv w^VvtixM i.w.
■oet mored the mhid ami L'cns(.'i>?ci.*ff :£ t[L» ^^uortiMioJit : ^:l > >-'io j^-'^
aOzfoid man of the time whea ~» Trac&» v>vr(' »; \b\K\ mi-j<>S> <v>.<> \ >
■eyid from their toils with a rar;> love o: rv'ciUu. »i\ -tt'^vMi^vuvv \>i
an fdae sanctities, a dread of all vioU'iuv ott«ti\\( iu ^h^^ *\Jk\<w \'\
Mlhopty to reason. Frederick MauriiV was a ivitKuirtUt v \>l' («»(«> \A\m m
widi m sonl erertomed towards the Hj^ht, \\\\\\ a ltir^<^ ritii><,«t i>l \ M\>\\,
adm lore of love and light that maki>s him tho iiKmi. niyilloMl ltii«il.««
<foar centniy; yet his whole life wus oiu* HUNliiiiin<l innhml. ni^iiiifl'
Ae attempt to incorporate the religion of ('lirinl. in u nMiilitiiiiiil<il •n«l
■asmental symbolism. There hoN ]x'rn in our f/nii(Mitli«iii w rr«lii • Im
rrii^^ioixs history so pictureflquc, no r;fiun;firriuii mo Ii«iM in n|irt.t.|i noil
ia actioD, so possessed of a broad tunl inrJriNiy i/l/nl of flf- tmlintmi
Chnrch as Arthur Stanky; but h<; 1:'/<^I An/I 'li/-/| n>i >.|ir. r'^-olift'-
■tagonist of those Catholic rcL^tCi^r^ tK%^ v, \»Lt^,,nu\ u. f.t\-,t,„»\,t..
tte Chnrch he loved. Of aa-.*..-.** r'u. .y\ .f.v-.- '.i-\. .• «.»« ' ;.-,,;.
Kmgiley; but he was Iz. il- '^iir.'j>r* >".<■/: r. '/ / ... -/^,. .,.y. -.. .
philainthropiesY socialfaaa, -.■.>.r i.-.f: !•'•*. c tf v, yy./..,^ .,
MiKva dreams in atrrac:!'' r v'.r.n •..':,: .■ ».., //t^,..,,/. ,. «.. /,,..•
OB only be descr5>»c u i jrair .- — -^ .-if ... \,. ., .,«. / ., ,. .
jntilfnTn *1i*»tTrf iir^^v:! v^;^ >rv^ :-..->f ■'. r^, .,/ ...«,.,-.. .
fifb of the Fwg*'f^ vsr.n.-.- '.-•''..-.' -* ,y ■ r. . . . ,' • -•
a tiriinlar whi5 rniji W" u--..^ • .-• w • ... / ., . .
nn. Bcc tiuiiuB. >- i^. :•..>- ■ - •-^- ....
far Mm tie «^.: -rTa >^-- .->- - - - ...
m J3 r--r^- :•- iti.
Ir sscr .•.« ,»-
uppfioihi & crrr » ■-.-.-
■pir
406
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW,
tMAU.
IV.
But this has brought us face to face \villi another and no less
interesting problem, or rather series of problems. How does ife
happen that the party that has been bo active and so enunent ia
litei-ature has accouipHahed so little in religion, while the party
that has accjompliahed most in religion has been less eminent ixk
literature ? For two things aeem manifest and beyond diiq}ute
— -the decay, pointing to approaching extinction, of the Broad
Church, und the revival and growing douiinancy of the High. It may
aeem moi'e dubious to say, a main coudition of the success achieved
by the High Church has been the hterary activity and efficiency of the
Broad ; but, paradoxical though it may sound, this represents the
sober historical truth. Why it has so happened is a question we
nmst discuss in order to get a fuller view of the situation.
1 . The same events that had occaeioned the rise of Anglo-Catholicism
determined the being of the modern Broad Church. The latter was due
to an attempt to adapt the Church to the new conditions by broadening
it as the State had been broadened. Its fundamental notion was not
their ideal difference, but their material identity. The Broad Church
has throughout its history been dominated, though not always cleorly
or consciously, by Arnold's idea, which was also Hooker's, of the
coincidence and oo-extension of Church and State. The idea is
at once English and historical ; it implies a far deeper sense
than tlie other party possesses of the continuity of history and the
unity of the institutions created and maintained by the English
people both before and since the Eeformation. The idea imderlj-ing
the old legislation was right, but the legislation was in spirit and
method wrong, calculated to defeat rather than fulfil its idea. "What
was necessary was to realize the idea by changing the legislation.
Parliament had made civil rights independent of ecclesiastical tests ;
tests ought now to be so constmed as to guard rather than
invade religious freedom and ecclesiastical privilege. The Act of
Unitbrmity had but created division and established variety ; it was
time to attempt, by an Act of comprehension, to legalize variety and
create unity. The idea was thus through the State to reconstitute and
reunite the Chxirch, as by the State the Church had been broken and
divided. Comprehension and relaxed subscription were to undo
what nntformity and enforced subscription had done. The Broad
Church was thus the very opposite of the Anglo-Catholic, while the
one emphasized difference till it became independency, the other
accentuated coincidence and relation till they became identity.
The primary element in the one idea was, the English people con-
Btitute the English Church ; the primary element in the other idea
was, the Anglican Church constitutes the religion the Englii
tf9o] ANGLO-CATHOLICISM— OLD AXD TiEW. 4Xff
Tifople ara bound to coni'esfi and obey. The one coxMBived the
lorch as national, able to be only as it included and was realized by
Ute utaon ; tiie other conceived tbe Church as of divine authority^
Vm^^h^ of divine institution, able to fulfil its mission only by enforcing
ilB daixna. In the one case, not establishment, bat incorporatiou
vith tfce Stat« or Civil constitution was of the rery essence of th©
dnndi aa English and national ; in the other case, control of the
Charch by the State was held to be alien to its very idea as a society
(farinely founded and ruled. The parties differed in their conception
of tbc Church, but still more in their notion of religion. To the
-Vag&auL, in a very real sense, Church was religion, that without which
r>*ligion ooold not be acceptable to Grod, or sufficient for man ; to hia
Ttnl tlie two were separable, religion inward, spirit uhI, a matter
of beort or oonacience; Church, a meanB for ita cultivation, good
ID proportion to its suitability and efficiency. In jwlity and
ioratA, ritual and symbol, the Anglican could hardly di8tingui«h
brtwven accidental and essential, all waa of God, and all was
; bnt in all these things his opponent saw the creations of
or law, to be upheld or dismissed aa expediency or advantage
!it determine. In a word, to the one the Church wan a creation
ting rt'ligion, but to the other l.ho Church woh an
..... man, though religion an inspiration of God.
2. Now, these differences were radical, aud determined in each case
the mental attitude and action on all religious ({uestions. The Brond
(Bw* attitude tended to become critical, acutely conscious of the incou-
■iiBiiiii I of a too positive mind, and in.stitationa too authoritative to
to e^)abld of adaptation to the new conditions of thought and policy.
Cml legislation was conceived a.s able to accompli^b what was impoft-
idie tQ it, while the differences that divided, the agiesauiepte or
ilftntties that united men were conceived more from without than
fran within, from the standpoint of the Stat/^ rather than of the
Qmrd). Hence, there was anperabnndant criticism of things positive,
tfa dogmas authority formulated and enforced, the institutions it
«Mted and upheld. The criticism struck the Evangelical most h»^avily,
fiarliiB faith was of the fixed and frigid type that most invites criti-
ama. The Pauline Epistles were transiaf^d into a speech and resolv*!d
■to ideas that were not hia; hia theories of justification and atone-
ant w«re assailed at once from the hiatoricai, eat^|etical, and
^•nlattve points of view; his doctrine of inspiration was discredited
nai made untenable, and hi- ,,n of the Church dismissed as
•iUtmy and insiifhciont. ; r the Evangelical so hard was
to^thft tttmort possible service to the Anglican. It disshied, pre-
' ' paralysed his mo«»t ' •- adversary, thinned hia ranks,
hia weapons, daprivod the convictions that give oonra§pe.
the Bcoad Church criticism, while mainng no impreasion oo
408
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mas.
the ADglican, appealed to the sort of niiuds the Evangelicals had
been most able to influence, surrounded them with an atmosphere,
begot in them a tendency within and before whifh the old Evangelical
formulto could not vigorously live, and yet it did nothing to pro-
vide new homes or agencies for the generation and direction of religious
life, The Broad Church is only the name of a tendency, but the
Anglo- Catholic denotes a party, well officered, well led, disciplined,
organized, and inspired by a great idea. Tlie representative men within
the former have all been marked by a certain severe individualism,
they have attracted disciples, but have not formed schools. Arnold
was a man of intense ethical passion, and to it he owed what we may
call the most transcendent personal influence of our century ; Maurice
was a thinker seeking to tmnslate Christian ideas into the terms of
a Neo-Platonic idealism ; Arthur Stanley was a charming irenical
personality, fertile of schemfs for reconciling our divided religious
society ; but neither they nor any of their allies had the enthusiasm
of the sect. They loved a Church as broad and as varied as the
English people, but would neither do nor attempt anything that
threatened to narrow its breadth or harass it into a prosaic uniformity.
And their positive qualities helped the Anglican even more than their
negative. They loved liberty, used the liberty they loved, but
preached toleration even of the intolerant. They were impatient of
formulic, but patient of aggressive difference ; they resisted every
attempt to restrict freedom, but encouraged attempts at its extension
and exercise. Hence they helped at once to create room for Anglo-
Catholic developments, and to lessen the forces of resistance. Their
intellectual activity made the English mind tolerant to the most varied
forms of belief and worship, which means that they prepared the way
and the opportunity for the men who believed that theirs was the
only form of divine sufficiency and authority.
1. But while the Broad Church was thus securing for it an easier path
and a freer field, the Anglican was gathering momentum and growing
more missionary and theological. The Tracts had been mainly histo-
rical and ecclesiastical ; only in a very minor degree doctrinal and
religious. They had ijeen more concerned with the archajology than
the theologj-- of the Church, but the work of Archdeacon Wilberforce
on the Incarnation forced theologj- to the front, with most significant
results. This work is an expansion of a section in Mtihler's " Symbolik,"
which in its turn is an application of the Hegelian idea to the Catholic
Church. The idea, indeed, ia much older than Hegel, but its modem
form is due to him. Schelling formulated the notion : the incarna-
tion of God is an incarnation from eternity. Hegel expressed the notion
in the terms of the philosophy of history ; Mtihler translated it into a
410
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[IfAB.
2. Now the significance of this work lies here, it supplied the raove-
ment with a dogmatic basis j placed it, as it were, under the control
of a defining and determining idea. Most of the positions had }>een
maintained before ; what Wilberforce gave was a co-ordinating and
unifying principle. Thi.s changed the whole outlook ; the questioa
did not need to be debated as one of Patristic or Anglican archaeology;
it had a philosophy ; its reason was one with the reason of the incar-
nation. The Church was, as it were, the »Son of God articulated in
sacraments, explicated in symbols, organized into a visible body ]3olitic
for the exercise of His mediation on earth. This dogmatic idea
created the new Eitualism as distinguished from the old Tractarianism;
and changed the centre of gravity from a dubious question in ecclesi-
astical history, discussed with learning, but without science, to s fact
of faith or living religious belief. Ritualism may be described as
the evangelical idea done into the institutions and rites of a sacerdotal
Church. The idea remains, and is the same, but its vehicle is
changed. To speak with Hegel, the Begriff is translated back into
the VorstcUunffy the spiritual truth is rendered into a sensuous picture.
Ritual is dogma in Bymbol ; dogma is articulated Ritual. Jusi Ificatiou
is as necessary as ever, but it is conditioned on the sacraments rather
than faith. Regeneration is still held, but it is worked by an out-
ward act rather thnn an inward process. Where the pure preaching
of the word once stood, the due administration of the sacraments now
stands. To it an authorized priesthood is necessarj- ; without it there
can be no Eucharist, in other hands the iSupper is no sacrament ov
efficacious means of grace. In order to a valid priesthood there must
be a constitutive authority — the bishops who stand in the apostolical
succession, and a constitutive act — ordination at their hands. Tlie
chain is complete : without the apostolical authority no bishop, with-
out the bishop no priest, without the priest no sacrament, without the
sacraments no Church, without the Church no means of grace, no
mediation or reconciliation through Christ of man with God.
Two things are essential to the Church, the clergy and the
sacraments; and of these the clergy are the greater, for without
them the full sacraments cannot be, while the sacraments cannot
but be where they are. They are therefore in a most real sense
of the essence of the Church, while the people are but an acci-
dent ; they represent its formal or normative authority — i.e..
they are the regulativf^ principle of its being ; it is not the condition
and warrant of theirs. But, so construed, the theory is less a
doctrine of the Church than of its officers ; it is not the Christian
Society or people or commonwealth constituting its officers or priest-
hood, but the priesthood constituting the people. In its Anglican
form the Apostolical Succession of the clergy, or the bishops who
•rdain tbe clergy, is a denial of the Apostolical descent of th^
TGLO-CATHOLICISM—OLD AND NEW.
411
ChoTch. And so it is not too much to say, the larger and
more emphasized the idea of the clergy, the meaner the idea of the
torch ; and we may add, that here the Broad Church has a nobler
than the Anglo-Catholic. To resolve the English Church into
Christian people of England is to show a right conception of
place of the people within it ; but to resolve it into a hie-
rarchy or hierocracy, with its iustrnments and dependences, is utterly
lo misconceive the relation of the society and its organs. Yet even
»der these conditions the evangelical idea has proved its energy ;
be men who have construed their Church and their order through their
jlogy have been of another spirit than the men who constrnetl
through Patristic and Anglican tradition as interpreted by an
iposaible canon. The old men feared the people ; " Liberalism "
the spirit of evil, '• Wliiggery " its tool, and popular movementsi
!ie very thing the Church most needed defence against ; but the new
len bom with missionary zeal, the peculiar evangelical passion that
seeks to save men by reconciling them to God. In their hands are
tbe inBtruments of life, and they multiply symbols and administer
ncraments as men who possess and distribute the grace that saves.
Now, it is a question of the very gravest order, Is this Anglo-^j
lolicism a sufficient and a veracious interpretation of the religion
Christ ? Is it a system to which we can trust with a convinced
IMson and a clear conscience the future at once of our English people
and car Christian faith ? Does it present that faith in the form most
cmlcalat«d to satisfy the intellect and heart of our critical age, to deal
rith its social and economical problems, to unite its divided classes, to
and conquer its sin, to foster its virtues, and be the mother
its beneficences ? These are too large and vital questions to bo-i
3itcn5?sed in a concluding paragraph ; so we shall reserve the discussion
for another paper, in which we shall seek light and help from the pro-
tesed *' servants of the Catholic creed and Church."'
A. M. Fairbairn,
.[Mas
THE TAXATION OF GROUND-RENTS
(A REPLY.)
SINCE writing my pamphlet on " The Taxation of Ground Rente,*
I have had the great privilege and ph^asure of receiving criti*
cisms from persona of very varied views, some favourable, and som<
hostile. Many of these criticisms have been to me of great valne, ai
testing more thoroughly than a writer can do for himself the valne 0
the theories he has propounded and the accuracy and cogency of thi
statements and argnmenta he has advanced in their support. Bn
such criticisms to be of value must come from those who have givei
sufficient time and thought to the subject of nites, to enable them t(
form clear ideas of their own as to the nature and conserjuences o
the present incidence of rates so as to be able to judge of the effect!
of the proposed changes. Without some such prejiaration, criticism
are likely to be superficial, and of small worth.
I should be glad to class the article by Mr. .Sargant in the Fobruar
number of this Re\ lEW among those which — whetlier favourable o
hostile — have iwssessed the.se qualities. But unfortnnately, tlie criticism
of which it consists appear to be based on no study of the subject. I
is impossible to ascertain from it even whether Mr. Sargant consider
that the rates at present fall fo any extent on the ground-owner, o
what change in that respect would be wrought by the new plan
Some passages would seem to point to his being of opinion that ih
rates come out of the rent, but before he concludes he accuses in>
of a false and malicious libel on a certain theorj- by calling it " a pre
valent notion." I can put no interpretation ui>on this indignation tha
this partieidftr theory should be called a "notion,"' other than tha
Mr. Sargant believes it to be true. If so, he thinks that the rates are *
personal tax, borne entirely by the occupier. But whichever of thes
views he may actually hold (if, indeed, he himself knows), it does no
^^4
THE TAXATION OF GROUND-RENTS.
413
appear to aftect his notion of what should be done. WTiatever exists at the
?nt time is fair and right, is his text j and although he apparently
not decided either what it is that is fair and right, or vvlmt it is
kt takes place under the present system, he is emphatic that any
diange must he bad. This may be an excellent programme for a
political party to work on, but it prevents Mr. Sargant giving much
-lasistance in solving the social and economical problem of rating,
jiu the following pages I propose to examine the chief points raised
Mr. Sargant in answer to my pamphlet ; but before doing so, I
to at once dismiss one matter, because it is too trifling to merit
ission. He raises the question, whether upon my principles the
Bund-tax in a town should be levied on the whole ground- vahie, or
iyon its excess above what it would be if no town were in existence,
annual value in the latter case would be from £2 to £3 per acre,
I even that would bear rates as land in a rural district. The value
[an acre of town land is so much greater than this that it is a useless
nement to discus-s whether or not £2 to £!J per acre of rental
Ine should be taxed at the higher or lower rate.
After a short n&vin^ of the argument of my panijjhlet, Mr.
int commences his attack by calling attention to the fact that T
ute the increa.se of land-values in a town to two causes : (1) The
ence of the town, and the growth of the community ; and (2) the
fnditnre of tlie rate's ; and then proceeds to find fault with me for
distinguishing between the amounts due respectively to each of
» causes. This is a strange complaint from a man who is defend-
% system of rating in which not only are these two not distin-
bed, but they are indiatlngnishably mixed up with a thirtl
iponent — the value of the building — which is utterly unlike either.
Bt passing over tliis peculiarity, and allowing him to claim the name
t^Dneamed increment " for the value due to the first of these
liit QB see how he proceeds :
"TWs mistake would be suffieiently important in any rase, but in the
Que of this pamphlet it appears to vitiate tlie whole .argument, which
IS, as I understand it, that increased land-vakiea sliould bear tlieii*
proportion of tlje rates, Iteaiuse they are cnuaed by tlie rates ; "
be then proceed.^ to argue that the " unearned increment *' is not
'«»Med by the rates."
Now why does Mr. Sargant at the critical jxtint of his argument
Elbe language which I consi.stently use when stating the grounds
which I maintain that land-values ought to be taxed ? He
wimt that language is, for he uses it both on the preceding and
»nl««>qaent page. It is that they should be taxed because
i*t«s are expended in *' > reatin;/ ami maintuiniHf/" these ground-
When this correction is made in the language of the
TOL LVli. 2 E
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[MabT
paragraph, what becomes of the plea that unearned increment
is not due to local expenditure ? Its contimuincc is directly dne
to it. Let the community permit the streets and bridges and
sewers to fall into disre|jair, let them neglect the various branchee
of expenditnrf which keep a town habitable, ami what remains
of the " unearned incrt?ment " ? It may suit the advocates of
the present system to call a portion of the swollen ground-values
in towns by the familiar name of '' unearned increment," though I
should scarcely choose that as the most suitable name if I were about
to plead for its being exempted from taxation. But it is only
unearned in the sense that it goes into the pockets of those that have
not earned it. Its continuance, and the continuance of the revenue
it yields, is only secured by the active expenditure of the commnnity
for local purposes, and whether or not it was originally created by
the same means (which it is unnecessary to argue here), this depen-
dence on local expenditure for its continuance is abundantly sufficient
to warrant its being taxed directly and substantially in order to
support that expenditure.
But the phrase " created and maintained " occurs too frequently
and too prominently in my pamphlet for it to be entirely passed over by
my critic. In the next paragraph he refers to it. Instead, however, of
applying it to correct his previous argument, be proceeds to deduce
from it conclusions which involve such a confusion of thought that if I
had not read the passage over and ov<'r again T should not believe that be
could be guilty of it. He actually thinks that if ground-values are
created by rates, and are subsequently rated because they are maintained,
they are rated twice over ! Does the owner of a house or of a boiler
think that he is paying twice over because he has to lay out money in
order to maintain the house or the boiler in a state of efficiency ? If
ground-value, however created, need local expenditure to keep them
up, do they do so the less because they were originally created or have
been increased by it ; and does this fact lessen the justice of requiring
them, equally with all other ground-value (if there are any not so caused),
to bear their share of the necessary expenditure ?
I now come to the point on which Mr. Sargant apparently prides
himself most, the ' ' central fallacy " of my argument 8U5 he styles it.
He embodies it in an example which is illustrated by a diagram, but
which seems to me, I must confess, simple enough to be understood
without such aid. It is a case in which a ground landlord A lets
land for its full value £100, to B a builder, who erects a house worth
£600 a year {i.e., £500 in addition to the ground-rent), and parts with
it to Bb for a premium and a rent of £500 a year.
Mr. Sargant then supposes the land to go up in value to £500 a year.
He rightly says that under my scheme B would now be taxed on the
tf^l THE TAXATION OF GROlXD-RKXru. 41.N
£400 which he annnally receiyies be«mst» it xrnMiUi W jvmI <^f <h«» ^>nnti-
TBlve. Plreviously — ix., when the land was only worth tl 0»^ n x^imm* — ^1x«»
ma not texed on his £100. Thorcfoiv
" B would have seen his fixtvl ivnt of .CIOO)>im- iinninu ^ntihmllx
becxming subject to tnxation in r(«<|MV( of »n inoi<o.imt in ffninni) xithio
in the benefit of which ho m'as not tiUo>r<<4l (o Khniiv"
What! Does Mr. Saigant say that in IhiR onsp /i if.tfH ]>.</ sfhtr.
im the rise of ffivund-raluc f It is diflioult to holiovo Omt hn ootiM
hare oommitted such an egn^gions blundor, Imt< (lu'ro nm lio mi ilouhl
that this is what he says, and what ho moans.
To ascertain whether his view is corroct, \r\< uho<)iii|)imv M'n fxifaiHnn
faefoire and after the rise in valuo of t.ho land, lldot'o I In* riso t^iok plwf^
he was in possession of a rental of £500, sfcumd im n i-nok-rpntnl nl
onlf £600, and ont of it he must pay ilio ^roniid luiidlord £|f>0 pr>r
MinnTn. He was therefore in a position not. iniirh ImMnr ilintt \]w
owner of a rack-rent of £400 per anniiiri, and Win irilorf*«f. war
probably worth, say, eighteen years* purchawr - *.r.. £7iiOO.
After the rise of value in the land hf. is tlif. ownr^r of nu ''f|iinf
net lental of £400 ; bat this in now part, of thf^ ^roiind-vnliio fif fff
had, and his gross rental of (1500 in »f^.tjr^.d (tn a rnrk-r«mh of
£1000. Such an interest would be wort.h, ;)''Thfif»s, twrity-sAv^ri
•paxAaae — ».«., £10,800. Thft valne of Ima \nf/:rf<t has. th^T**-
gone up some 50 per cent, by thi.-i riwi in jrroTind-valnp, -' in
4e iMBcfit of which " (according fo Mr. .'^arjranf, •■ hr-. w.k nfA- ftllowwl
So nnxch for the cnxshinsr <*xaTnpirt tvhir.h Mr. Sflr'/ar.f <'r,n<nd*»r-;
to demonstrate the " nentral fallacy "' (r.y ■■ i>iQ;,tntio MUcy.'
elsewhere calls it) of my ars*um<»nf;. S^* «ijf»rrfiiM«i ar-"* Mr
t'a views on th^-se matters that the aimpli- :aot ^h«f• tho n»'<
tdut B derives is not increaspd in animint lm<< b^An aooi^pt.-^rl
hr &nn as equivalent to tlip r.-vlup of liis i!it*»r"''t .•.'main! 07 'hf. ^ainp
Ki Unnder is neither aTRatt»r nor ioR« than rhat ■.?" a man '-'lo »Jionlo'
■r t±a6 tiiR holders nt' RgrpHnn -took -.roiild >l*»riv'^ no -f^-nfi'i- frr.»»^
Bitiiiifff't :znarantepin<? 'hp 'iivirl»»nd< npoai]<»p 'lip a"»"'i"*' •'•^ '^^"•
Jwiwiii would nor !je rhpr»»by increased.
TJSmoA -int he snppo.apd "haf *liis .••■•anlt of' 'Iv ■>v:»TOT»ii- y]v.r-\\ M'*
:nlectB for thp I'nii'posp .it >li»nir.'nstfatin'.' it- •■nvirt! ;« .n K^cj.
•ne. It is rrup "Iiat iif iia- -lio^p-n :\rr\}r.-a «r!iirli /iv rt vBiTlt
aKldl ^UWfl tht* failacv -^i i)is 'ir'/uin.-Tit n • ■»"r' t'"ikint» na'T^'*^
IhC wfaakRTPr liad lieen :hi' 'icrnrf? r ^'I'lild i.i^'" •iP'>ri •onani- intnK-
dba; 3 wrmld not '^harp .u '\u* .■i«!p n -Mhip. ;*'-ir iV; ■.•■'-'••■nii*« '^nnii?
vdf he hrangfat imder rh** jrr-nmi-rnu- iv 1 -haTitrp if"! -'d'lp ■">+* 'bp
]m£ wfaieh cansed it "-o ■•onit' ritliin lip imir- -f *1i»» lori'nl /I'z-.nnH-
bnmne an inrnvvpd .T<'iTn<l-"«''Tit. n apt— '^n ■^st bp irm'
'M6
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mas.
itself was sufficient to secure it apart from any queation of the value
of the building- Before the riso took place it was not a ground-rent
at all, but was merely a part of tlie rack-rent of the building, having
as its security the vahie of the building alone. Such a change in the
security must neces-sarily increase the value of the interest.
If my sole object in writing the present article were to reply to
llr. Sargant's criticisms, I might leave the point here. But the
example raises a questiou which may have puzzled some people in con-
neclion with such cases of intermediate landlords. It is not the
question why the ground landlords are to be taxed in proportion to
the value of their land, which is raised by instances such as these,
but it is the question why the owners of the buildings are not also to
be taxed in proportion to the value of the buildings.
The answer is a very simple one. Speaking generally, any rate
levied upon the building in proportion to its annual value (exclusive of
the land on which it rests) is in reality borne by the occupier, and no
legislation can pi-event this being the case. Tins can easily bo seen
from considering the case of a house newly built. The builder mnst
get from it the fair and ordinarj' trade return upon capital employed
in such a manner. Thi.-j he must receive net after all outgoings, or
otherwise capital will cease to be employed in buildiiig. If, then, we
increase his outgoings by imposing a rate upon liim in respect of the
valuf of the house, he mu.st increase the rent of it by an equal amount,
or he will no longer get the required net return. The tax will, there-
fore, fall upon and l)e borne by the occupier, and might as well be
directly levied upon bim. And if this ia true of new houses it must
also be true of houses already built, with which they compete, and
therefore it is generally true of all houses.
This being so it is useless to try to tax the owners of buildings in
a similar way to the owners of the land on which they stand. Nor is
this immunity unfair. The property from which their revenue comes
ia the product of private capital, and is liable to very serious risks.
For instance, if land goes up greatly in value it by no means follows
that the building upon it will continue to be equally valuable. The
change in the circumstance of the locality which is indicated by
the rise in ground-value may render the building an unsuitable one,
so that its value, separately from the land, may decrease or even
disappear — f.c, it may be advisable to pull it down and rebuild. In
such a case the whole buildiug-value disappears, and it is only the
ground-value that remains. All these matters show how fundamental
is the distinction in nature and incidents between the ground-value
the value of the building. The former is a class of local property
» can and ought to be made to bear a tax. The latter may
proper exceptions) be made the means of assessing a tax
t«90]
THE TAXATION OF GROUND-RENTS.
417
upon the occupiers who inhabit the town ; but it cannot be taxed
in any way which will make the tax fall upon and be paid by its
Guraers.
In these remarks I have considered only the simple case of one
ground-landlord and one owner of the building. It might be said
thAt there may be more complex cases in which the-se interests are
sobdivided or combined together. But such distribution of interests
does not, after all, affect the matter, for it is ahvaya possible to trace
in whose hands is each of these components of the total value of the
property. Nor is tlie questiou how or ut what date the present
oimer acquired it material, in my opinion, to the determination of
tie proper incidence of rates. At the risk of beinf? misunderstood
by writers like my present critic, I will enunciate what I believe
GBgfat to be, and some day will be, accepted as the broad piinciple
npon which local rates on land should be levied — viz., that the
flonuaanity ought to tax for the expenditure of each year the returns
fram the land in that year in the hands of those that receive them in
that year, and that no regard should be paid to the nature of their
intwests in the past or in the future, or to the mode in which
they became possessed of the right to receive such returns. If the
owners have taken the ordinary course of reserving for themselves,
other as a ground-rent or an improved ground-rent, a portion of those
umoal returns, they should be t^vxed on them, for I see no reason why
Ikey should be permitted to draw off the most valuable portion of the
retams of the land in the locality without contributing to its expendi-
tare, and thus leave the whole burden of that exijenditure to fall on
the occupiers or on the small margin of the retams from the land
which may be left after their fixed charges have been paid.
And this is my answer to those who say '' why not tax reversions"?
I do propose to tax reversionsj but I do it by taxing in each year the
rerenae for the year. The owner of the reversion will not, therefore,
he taxed to-day for the prospective value of his i-eversion, but when
the reversion comes in it will be a tttcetl reversion. If this is com-
bined with a proper system of dividing the expense of permanent
improvements over a sufficiently long period, iti will, I Itelieve, act
tairly between all parties. I quite agree with ilr. Sargant as to the
difi^lties of taxing reversions, but if you do not tax them you
taast take care that year by year you tax the income of the year in
the hands of those that receive it. It is tliis that I propose to do by
the plan set out in my pamphlet,
I have not space here to examine all the various evil consequences
■•liich Mr. Sargant declares would follow upon the adoption of the plan
of rtting which I seek to introduce. I am glad to see in him a tender
nlicitade lest tlie we-althy dwellers in fashionable localities should
41 a
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mab.
unduly profit by it, and I think that he may let his mind be eaay on
that point. But the objection that the middleman who farms out
rooms will specially profit by it ia too absurd. If the total of the
rent and rates that he pays should be reduced by it, his profits would
be no more and no less affected than if his ratio remained the same
while his rent was lowered an equal amount from any other cause ; and
to say that he would pocket the whole diiference, is simply to say that
no fall of rents could benefit persons in the position of his lodgers.
To wind up the list of awful consequences, Mr. Sargant treats us to
the usual fallacy as to the price of ground-rents. He says that the
capital which, in future, will be invested in ground-rents will require
higher interest because of their possible iluctuations, and this will send
up rents. If such capital were to require higher interest (which I
doubt) it would have no effect on rent. If the annual value of a pieco
of ground be £100, it will fetch that simi and no more, whether ground-
rents are a 4 per cent, investment (i.e., worth twenty-five years' pur-
chase), or a 5 per cent, investment (i.e., worth twenty years' purchase).
It is the capital value and not the rent that will be affect-ed.
Mr. Sargant obviously belongs to the school that holds an attack
upon an opponent to be incomplete unless it includes some accusa-
tion of bad faith. We all know the style adopted for the pur-
pose— the indignant appeal to the adversary's sense of right and
wrong, the dilemma between the horns of which he is graciously
allowed to choose, the suggestion that more could be said, but he shall
be spared — " I could an' I would." Accordingly Mr, Sargant con-
cludes his article with an example of this invaluable addition to the
armoury of political controversy, and it is so typical of the ease with
which a writer can on such occasions dispense with substance if he
has but the correct style, that it ia worthy of being preserved as a
specimen for imitation by writers of like views.
The matter arises thus. In my pamphlet I have been remarking
upon the absurdity of taxing alike by one common rate the portion of
the rent due to the value of the ground and that due to the value of
the building, and I continue as follows :
" It is probal^le that the anomaly of treating alike these two kinds of
property which difler 80 widely in tbt-ir oriffin, nature, and incidents
would long ago have attracted the atteution of statesmen and compelled
rufoi-m Liid it not been for the prevalence of a notion that rates —
though iL'vied upon landed property — are in reality a personal tax paid
by the (XTujiier, and that they are levied on (i.<?., made proportional to)
the annual value of premises solely because the rent of the premises h©
occupies i*i taken as a rough measure of his abiUty to contribute."
Upon this Mr. Sargant remarks :
" Mr. Moulton speaks airily, at pago C of his pamphli't, of the former
' prevalence of a notion,' that rates are a tax on the occupier, and are
THE TAXATION OF GROUND RENTS.
410
levied on the rent because it is a rough measure of his ability to con-
tribute. Was he aware when writing^ in thi^ fashion that this ' notion '
is the (leUbenitely reasoned conclusion of {amongst others) the greatest
modern English master of PoUtiwJ Economy."
«tid gives a reference to Mill in support of this statement.
It seems almost incredible, but nevertheless it is true, that the pas-
9g& cited is to the very opposite effect. Mill's "deliberately reasoned
conclusion " is certainly given there, but it is to the effect that the
portion of the rates which is in respect of the value of the ground is
not a tar on tlic occupUr at all.
This is a bad beginning, but, after all, one must put up with such
things. I have no more right to exact that my critics shall be capabh?
of citing ilill'a opinions accurately than that they should comprehend
the simpler and more fundamental principles of land-valuation. But
Mr. Sargant is going a little too far in following up this baseless
statement as to the contents of Miirs " Political Economy," thus :
" If he loaa aware of it, does ho consider it right in a work, priced at
one penny, and therefore intended for the masses, to use language so
obvioasly hkely to mislead tliose who have no means of checking his
statements ! If he was not — htit here it is unnecessary to do more
than suggest an inference ! "
There ia no doubt what this means, for the language is blunter and
nore deliberately offensive than is usual even iu attacking an adversary's
good faith. It is intended to suggest that I had given the " go by "
lo a theory which I found to be inconvenient tu my argument, by
treating it as of no authority, trusting that my readers among the
poorer classes would not have the means of checking my statements.
It was not prudent to make such an insinuation where there was any
'probability of my replying to the article. Let me give the concluding
perticn of the paragraph in my pamphlet, from which Mr. Sargant is
qootiBg:
*' But this theory that rates are and nre intended to be a personal tax
on the occupier only renders the present system more indefensible. On
the one hand the owners of the pi'operty benefited by the rates escape
contribution, and on the other hand the apportionment of the tnx among
the different classes of the community is grossly inecjiiitable. It would
be difficult to devise a tax that would press more heavily on the poorer
a* compared with the richer clas.>^es thtin one in which the payment is
proportionate to the rent, for it is notorious that the poorer a man is
the larger is the portion of his e.\penditure that goes in rent. "
So that instead of avoiding the consideration of this " notion " as
b>ing awkward for my argument, I show (what every one who considers
the matter must see) that our case against the present system of rating
would be rendered doubly strong If its defenders should be so unwise
m to put this theory forward. But none of them — not even Mr.
Stfgant — will, I think, venture to do so.
420 THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW. [Maic
It mnst not be imagined that I, in my turn, am insinnating that
Mr. Sargant is intentionally incorrect or nn&ir, either in his TeS.ec-
ences to Mill, or his fa«atment of my pamphlet. On the contrary, I
think that these and other matters to which J hare called attention
are due to an inaccuracy of mind too habitual to be conscious. <
Whether it is due to his not taking the trouble to look beneath the
surface, or to his neglecting to settle his own views before criticizing
those of others, I do not know ; but in any case he will do well to
moderate his tone until he has attained to that very mediocre standard
of accuracy which will enable tiirn to quote from well-known books
with reasonable correctness.
J. Fletchbr Moulton.
REMINISCENCES OF A CHURCH-RATE
STRUGGLE.
IT was a long time ago, at least it was in tlu- forties, and that
seems quite a distant period when one looks Ijack to it now.
l*he day was dull and grey ; perhaps it even rained, for though the
early dinner was over, the chiklren liad not gone ont to play, and,
as tlvey looked out of the window for amusement, their curiosity was
«xcited and their hopes were raised by the arrival of a man on horseback.
Tb«*y knew the man quite well, for he was their grandfather's groom,
tnd messages from that quarter generally meant something pleasant
or nice, bo there was a nish to leam why he had come. And after
dl, it was nothing but a note for the elder sen^ant, a confidential sort
of person, from their mother, who, with their father, was spending the
d»y with her parents at their home in the country, about two miles
•w»y.
Sarah read the not«^, and then proceeded to act in an extraordinary
mMintT. First, she locked the front door, which was usually only
ioae at night ; then she drew down all thi- blinds, though no one
^longing to the family was dead ; then she put out all the fires,
•liicli was very uncomfortable ; and, finally, she marshalled the whole
llocltof foDr children, besides the ntirse-gir! with the baby in arms,
'tpstairs to the spare bedroom^ and placed them upon the great four-
pwtei' with orders not to speak above a whisper. The mistress, they
■" told, desired that the house should appi-ai- shut up, as if no one
"'4 home, so if any one came to the door no movement was to
"f hcttd within ; and no attention was to be paid to any amount of
•wAiag and ringing. For a time it was delightfully exciting to
"•en U) the passers-by, and hope that footsteps might be heard
Ruling the six steps which led to the front door, and the persons
w attack upon the defences. It was such a little town, with
422
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mah.
such small traffic, that each, separate foot-passenger afforded a fresh
sensation, and the little party were prepared to feel quite heroic in.
their state of siege, if only the besiegers would arrive.
But when, as it seemed to them, hours went by, and no one took
any notice of them ; when all the feet and elbows and heads on the
bed seemed to be just where they were not wanted ; when there was
nothing to do, and no one to while away the time by telling tales ;
when it grew dusk, and Sarah held out no hope of lights or tea — then
they began to find that heroism is not quite such an easy matter after
all, and, as was natural in such circumstances, every one became very
cross, as well as most anxious to Ije set free from that odions spare
bed. At last there was a familiar and welcome sound — they were
sure of it, the pony-chaise was coming ; the pouy-chaise to them
being the one belonging to their grandmother, and drawn by their
particular friend, her grey pony.
Sarah, after peeping cautiously from behind the blind, went to
unlock the front door, but even then no one else was allowed to move
till the mother herself put an end to their imprisonment, and ex-
plained its cause. After leaving in the morning, she and the father
suddenly recollected that their home might be visited by the poUce,
and not wishing this to take place in their absence, had sent orders
for the house to be shut up ; but the peculiar encampment in the
spare room had been altogether Sarah's own device, and was not
commended, which was a comfort to think of. Those who were old
enough to understand, learned that, though the police had not
appeared, they would certainly come before long to take away some
furniture, because the father had refused to pay a church-rate.
Members of the Church '' as by law established " were provided
with buildings, and the salaries of their ministers were paid for
them, so that for these matters they were not called to contribute
a single farthing. For part of the expenses of their form of worship,
they were further empowered to levy a rate, provided it were passed
by a majority of the ratepayers present at the meeting held for this
purpose. It might be thought that those who objected to the rate
had the remedy in a measure in their own hands, if they could
procure a majority ; but then it was if, and as the wealth and the
power were almost entirely with the Episcopalians, and as they did
not hesitate to apply the screw by withdramng custom from the shop-
keeper, or turning off the labourer who dared to offend by exercising
the right of private judgment, it was not wonderful that faith was
often wanting to incur what looked like the risk of ruin.
When the young Baptist minister first settled at Kettering, he paid
the rate without thinking, and as a matter of course. But after a
time he became aware that his Quaker neighbours, who thought it a
dnfcjr to refuse such paym ent, unresistingly allowed their goods to be
»i»>l
A CHURCH-RATE STRUGGLE.
year after yeaor, and, dr&wn at once to those who saff(^r»d for
a^e, he presently came to take their vicfur, and cast in hia
lot with them, bat with a difference, as vrill be seen,
* After the thing had been explained to them, the childre<lt wwp not
muaaanged to talk much about it, but the elder ones had many
SaoaauaoB among themsolves — what would the policemen do and say,
voold Ihey speak to them, and if so, how should they be answered ?
Many Taii&nt speeches were oonoocted which would be just the ri^t
Aiag, if only courage did not all fly away when the time came.
It was a Saturday morning soon after breakfast, the cheerfiil room
aas far^ht with sunshine, and the occnpations of the day had hardly
began, when a knock at the front door announced an early visitor,
al0|, when ushered in. scarcely waited for the usual greeting before
ItBag his errand.
**TT>e polioe are coming, I have just seen them at Mr. Smith's, and
I tkongfat you would like to know ; this will be their next place."
The master of the house was away from home, having an engage
WBBt to preach at some distance on tbe following day, and a journey,
A tkat daba, was a thing not accomplished in a hurry. The mistress,
Ipwevw, had evidently laid her plans, and imraeiliately proceeded to
mrrj tbam out, showing no sign of discomfiture at tlie prospeot
Mbreber.
*H» Baptiet chapel, or " meeting," as it was always then called,
tf which this lady s husband waa tho minister, had been built at a
tine when Nonconfonnists were in constant danger of rude and
'violeot interruptions to their religious services, so that they were far
from desiring to attract public attention to their placoa of worHhip.
Aft a matter of precaution, therefore, the building had been plficed
badk liwn the street, hidden away behind the minist-^^r's houfw, and
the approach was by a narrow covered paasage called an entry,
with gitee toward tho street, f )n that Saturday morning th<> niiniRt^r »
wile ardered the gates to be opened, as well as tho door leatiing from
kitchen into the entry, and then, having given some further
took her little daughter by tho hand, and went out. on the
cAar ode ot the house into the Ijackyard, t-o a do^ir which op^-ned int^'j a
aHitnirotmded by small houses and communicating with tbe stniot by
m wthaay. There the little girf was told to run quickly t/> a honw* f»n
^ other side of the road, nod to say that the police were coming, and
<k«, porhaps catching a look on the chihfs facet, the mother abided
^ifc a saile that she should wait for her there. It wa« a kind of
■■iap oo the fiery cross, oaYy in this case the people were iwtb-
■■■i In endurance, not to
424
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[M\B.
On that sti"ange moming, when everything seemed out of course, the
mere crossing the quiet street presented, itself as an action requir-
ing some courage. But it had to be done : the high knocker was
out of reach, and little fists thiunped on the door till a tall sedate
woman opened it, looked gravely down, and very deliberately put the
question :
" Well, cliUd, what does thee want? "
*' If you please," was the panting answer, " mamma sent me to
tell you that the police ai'e coming."
The grave woman softened at once, and smiling as if she had heard
good news, replied warmly :
" Thank thee, child, for coming to t«U us, and thank thy mother
for sending us word ; be sure remember to thank thy mother j we are
very much obliged to her and thee, too."
So the hard task was done, and the doorstep, ascended with so
much fear, had become a delightfxd haven of refuge in which to listen
to pleasant words of thanks. The child scampered back to the mother,
who put out her hand, and then lx)th went together to the kitchen,
which by this time was nearly cleared of overj-thing it was pai'ticularly
undesirable to lose. The law gave its officers power to ejiter a house,
and take from it so much as, in their opinion, would, when sold, pro-
duce enough to defray the unpaid rate and expenses. If the first
room they entered contained sufficient to satisfy their claim, they
were obliged to take what was there, and were nut allowed to go
further. This was the reason why the victims were grat*-ful for
information as to when the seizure was to be made. For want of
this precaution, one house had jiTSt lost family treasures and presents,
which could never be replaced. It seemed like play to help to clear
the kitchen by running off with a dish-cover to a place of safety. In
H few minutes, the mistress, casting a careful eye around, declared
that there was no more to be done ; and then, surrounded by the
whole family, quietly took up her position in the denuded room to
await what was to come.
Soon a step was heard echoing loudly from the brick pavement of
the entry, and all eyes were eagerly fixed upon the open door. It
proved to be a friend, ono of the deacons of the Baptist church who
had com© to stand by his minister's wife during the expected visita-
tion. The police, he said, need not be looked for just yet. He had
passed the house where they were at work, mid as they had only one
small cart, they would be obliged to return to the station-house and
unload before proceeding to another seizure. Meanwhile, was there
no broken furniture which might be mended, and made, as he expressed
it, fit for the police ? He was fond of carpentering in his leisure
time, and had put a few tools in his pocket before coming out.
Children and servants, who were suifering under a temporary law of
tt)f^
A CHURCH-KATE STRUGGLE.
435
mIkamaBy «?agerly pointed out a cliair which had lost a leg. The amateur
jaiaer aoon made that all right, ending with a vigoroas thump of the
ftsfeoced member upon the stone floor, to prove the soundness of his
varic, aad then demanded something more on which to exercise his
ikilL Finding that the best efforts of all present could produce no
otker article, he looked about for himself, and so caught sight
of mn old Dutch clock which had never ticked within the memory of
BUL, or at least of child. The very thing — he would just reach down
tiie ancient timepiece and restore its voice in readiness for the raid.
Herd, however, the lady of the house inter|x>8ed ; the clock, she
wad, was utterly worthless, and it bad been found useless to tiy tx>
m»ad it.
•' Bat,^ pieced her zealous ally, '' I can make it go for a tittle
while, and it will be quite good enough for the police."
"Then some one would buy it, and find himself deceived."
"Serve them right, too," was the energetic reply, "if they are
■ran enongh to buy such things. Do let me have it, I can get it
done yet, if we lose no more time."
The request had the cordial sympathy of the majority, but the
minister's wife stood firm.
*■ Thank you very much," she said, " but indeed it inusb not be. It
would make Mr. Robinson very angry ; I should not lib* to tell him
neb a thing had been done."
•♦ If that is so," agreed the disappointed deacon, '■ there is nothing
more to be said, but it does seem a pity."
The children thought so too.
A little more of the trial of waiting, and then thr sound of wheels
stopping before the house was succeeded by a sharp rap at the front
door, and all knew what it signified. A servant was sent to look
thiongh the chain, but by no means to open the door, and ask the
vsn to come to the back by the way prepared for them. Then came
their approaching tramp, and the children, quivering with excitement
which might not be expressed, watched the appearance of the superin-
tendent of police, a short, very stout, red-faced man, whom the vvits of
the place had surnamed Pontius Pilate, followed by two uncomfortable-
looking subordinates, with drooping heads — and one had almost said
taile, they looked, poor men, so exactly like a couple of whipped dogs,
•r dcigs fearing to be whipped.
The superintendent had evidently composed a speech for the occasion,
■ad of this he now proceeded to deliver himself:
* Good-morning, madam. Most unpleasant business this. Most
'■iplBannt duty for me. If I had my own way, I'd rather be a
indred miles away; but duty is duty, and must be done. Moil
a|)leMant, I'm sure. Still duty.*'
With a little encouragement it seemed as if the oration might last
426
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mab.
Bome time, but. no notice being vouchsafed except a slight bow, the
speaker Bloppeil and proceeded to business ; he would take tliis table
and that, and those chairs. The repairs bo lately and deftly executed
seemed somehow to awaken suspicion, but another testing thump pro-
duced no sign of weakness, and there really was a sort of satisfacticm
in seeing that chair taken by the invaders.
All present had been in one way or another so closely occupied,
that they were quite startled on perceiving an addition to th^r
number — a tall man, an auctioneer, who stood in the doorway, so that
egress was imjKjssible till he chose to move.
" Put that chiiir down for a minute, my man," he said. " Now
how much are you taking the set for ? " Having asked the same
question about everything which was being seized, and entered
the list in his book, he stood aside. Then, the work of spolia-
tlon finished, and the door shut and fastened behind its agents,
the whole party adjourned to the front of the house to watch
the departure of the invaders. The police cart was a light con-
veyance kept for use when duty called the guardians of the peaco
into the country, and not at all suit-ed for a furniture van, and
the work of packing was not made more pleasant by the jeers
small crowd.
The next tiling was for the minister's wife to reftimish her kii
and she soon sallied forth to the old-fashioned little furniture shop,
where an old-fashioned man regarded his customers with a meditative
air of interest, as if he would Uke to enter into conversation on the
unusual event which had sent them to him. The business with him
was soon finished ; the next place was a grocer's shop, which was
found in a state of confusion, omng to a visit from the police, who had
just departed, and who seemed to have been somewhat hesitating in
their choice, judging by the parcels of tea, sugar, &c„ which lay
scattered about in disorder.
The shopkeeper, a prisoner from a sprained ankle, sat upon a
counter, and discoursed to all sympathizers on the rudeness of the
minions of the law, and tlie needless trouble they had given to his
assistants on a Saturday moming. Indeed, that the thing had bean
done on a Saturday was considered to add vileness to a vile deed.
How, it was asked, oould the Rector .itand up and preach the doctrines
of Christianity on the very day after his neighbours' goods had been
taken in such a manner for such a purpose, contrary to all Christian
principles ? But it is always a mystery how men and women professing'
tbe faith of Christ can bear to make that profession an excuse for
grasping worldly privileges at the expense of those who are
and weaker tlian themselves.
When the minister returned to his home, and heard all about what
had happened in his absence, and saw the impression made upon his
1 pcjuut' ir
1, and P
PS of a f
itckj^l
I shop.
;*«u
A CHURCH-RATE STRUGGLE.
427
, be c&lkd them to him, and then, for the first
I of a lesson, of tf^n afterwards repesfeed wad
ift when they were older, and able to imdentss
[fhinlv:
** If you will be consistent Nooconfomiiats, you
• en parse and position, and to be wronged in every
Soch teaching given at a father's knee, illustrated
ksaous as fell to the lot of this little family, ia not e
yet it was witliout bitterness, for he taught also that
sr for the truth is the highest honour that can be
Lb awrtal — a thing, therefore, over which it. is right to
tine, gave them
enlarged upon.
d, he told them
must expect to
relation of life."
by such object
asily forgotten ;
to be called to
conferred upon
rejoice and give
m.
So many persons had refused to pay the church-rate as to add
LiMaideiably to the oi^dinary labours of the police, who had to find
for all the distraining as best they could j sometimes they would
off several cases in one day, and then have to wait for an uncer-
period of leisure to continue a task which, to the subordinates
-as highly distasteful. This delay in the proceedings pro-
l^ged and enforced the lesson which the little community was learning.
[Ift» lesson of liberty and of the right of private judgment. Every
IflKJde&t connected with the various seizures was eagerly caught up
dtflcusBed, and there was great exultation wlien it becamo known
I tbe two policemen had positively declared that tijey would dt> nc
of such hateful business. If the churchwanlens Avantnd ti done,
Bi^ht do it themselves, and there was proportionati> dinappoint-
at when the men yielded to the threat of dismiseal.
Ajdod^ the houses to be visited was one occupied by the manager
'•small silk factory, an estabUshment altogether different from tlir<
noisy, many-storied edifice which, at the present time, natu rally
itself to the mind in connection with the word factory. A
long^, low, two-storied building, at the hack vf thu inannger'ii
.;»•, bounded by his garden on one mde, so tJmt ftom the wide
ss of the workrooms there was always a cboerful, arul unvw-
. \ bright outlook, when the flower* were in bloom Home of thu
ek was done on the premises. Materials were also givt^n out to br
't home, and woven — by hand, of coorsa — on 1«joiiih which w«»ri'
_ . .»perty of the workmen, wlw^j, surroimdad by iheii' fuiiiilia«, and
<?j oft^i with a book propped op*<n in a aonv»n)ttnt (KMitiiiii, would
waiaee fabrics so beautiful and ri<.'lj tt» t/t saem slran|/Hly incon-
racns with the humble sunvyundiugb in which ihsy lirHi appeared.
ht reaposisible head of this liitlr industry way lie best dfscriljed aa
bfaii fearing man, who would rath)'r ituf(*:r wrong than do It, a man
ipiy to the Dtmo«t of his iKfWvr iu give h«lp where mt»d*-*i ■ i»nil htx
428
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[:
character was apprecialed by those umlor him, who regarded hira \
affection as well as with respect, and were intensely angry at
wrong aboat to be done to him. In their opinion, it ought not %
<:[uiptly permitted. This idea, once started, grew in favoar with g
rapidity, and hints began to be dropped that the visit of the p<
was not likely to pass off without exciting incidents — that the mei<
made up their minda what to do, and meant to stick to it.
A crowd bejfan to assemble, as to the direction of who.'^e sympal
there could bo no doubt ; the police, oi* course, could not give way j
men would not. Matters were growing serious, when the master 01
house appeared, and begged his self-appointed defenders to retun
their work, and not raise a disturbance. They listened relacta)
but at last they could resist na longer ; but disappeared into
factory with an aching sensi' of the emptiness of things in gen
only partially relieved by the thanks for their compliance tenders
them by the manager, when, having seen his property carried at
he was at liberty to come among them and talk tlie matter over.
IV.
When William Kobinson, Baptist minister at Kettering, bega
consider the question of church-rates, it seemed to him that
exaction according to Jaw ought at least to 1k^ legally carried out,
he soon saw rea-^jon to doubt whether this were the case. On
study-shelves was a copy of Burns' Ecclesiastical Law, hitherto
of the least valued among a lot of books bought at an auction
This he now began to study carefully — " that revelation of i
Christ," he used to call it. He also had access to, and pre«
became possessed of, Blackstoue's Commentaries, and found
these two works would furnish him with weapons sufficient f<
least the outset of the contest on which he was about to enter.
Then seeing the next thing - he did it.
Every year the Rector and churchwardens made a calculation o
amount needed for current expenses, and called a vestry, at wb«
was proposed to ifiise the money by laying a rate of so much in
pound on all the pi"operty in the parish. If this were objected tc
opponents could, if they pleased, demand a poll, and then a daj
fixed on which every ratepayer might give his vote for or against
proposed impost. The Nonconformists, not having hitherto atten
to resist what they felt to be an injustice, and knowing that they
not likely to have a majority at a poll, had not, so far, thoug
necessary to assist at the sacrific*' of themselves by being prese^
the vestry ; but now there was to be a change.
The Rector, chairman c.r pffirio, and the usual attendants at
meeting, were accordingly surprised and puzzled by the appearaB
A CHTRCU-RATE STRUGGLE.
TUKBIMg A was aiBtlui to MMI|^IB^ UNy OMmI
to pRvvBf the nie. Tke Ra^or kmnag «Mtod
reqmrad, tW nte «v» pwywi afti tinemJr^. Bm IImm
St miiMiii iini ijiim il md pOMfepd o«t t^st the kur »gqdwJ
oe- oT tW soBBOniB^ of Klie r^stir shoold bfr pust«d in
plaoes ; tliat. in the prespnt iTwtM>wi> • aotioe ktd
•fixed to the ckaidt-door. b«it aa«lwsfg «i» ; «iad dMi
tbeirfixr ooald ooi br fegsHT Uid. Tke Rector and hU
WTK at first iocSned to make ligkt o£ the objeotaon ;
were fortJbrT inforaied thai any atlestpl to erdotc^ parHMOt
illegally laid would be an oftvoe tor whiob the law prorided
r, and that if they peiaiated they most be prepttred for the
*"»«*^ and diacomfited at finding the tabka thofr
[vpOQ then, th^ yielded rehictantly to the ineWtable.
I that the rate was afaaadaDed; and by what mwiiB this bad
aboat, flew throogh the little town, creating excitemeut
[iband exprenion in varioas ways. Not only the church
bat some of the minister's warmest and moc^ valued friends
of what had been done : and the Impossibilists who, lika
nril fairy in thv fairy storie*. are always ready at the birth of any
peioas ent4*rprist>^ did not fikil to present the inevitable gift of
bpagement. It was tnie, they said, that the rate had been
^folly opposed for once, bat it was for once only ; next time care
Id be taken that there shoaid be no repetition of the mistake.
Awhile. much ill-feeling had been created, and this was an
which more than count«-rhalanced the trifling and temporary
antage just gained. Church-rates. 8up]K)rted as they were by
{Tpat hierarchy, backed by a powerful and wi-althy aristocracy,
h the rntire landed inten-st, could not possibly bo overthrown :
bftm of such a thing was mere madness. Though, in a few other
Pbd casi's, opposition was b«'ing attempted, it was carried on by
P» whft, like thi^ minister, had neither money nor political influence
"ra wMch to attack a vf.«ted int<Test walk-d about with impregnable
■fcocw. Both be and thry had far better listen to the advice of
*ell-TirisherB, and refrain from lut-ddling with things too high
litrong tor their attack. Siin-ly, said these cautious counsellors,
|«oaiiane8s of their opininn must bf i-vident to any one who would
'^e trouble to study the history of the question,
''^•''•l, Ijord John Russell, who wislied that the Jjiberal Govern-
tt suoiiid have an opportunity of settUog the fjm-stion, had dis-
the NonconforrnJstH by proposing aa a compromise that
••fi should be laid ujioti the land-ta.\. In 1837, a resolution
•^te ehould cease, intrnduced by tlie Liberal Ministry, was
**fn<d ; hat tho majority on tlip second occasion being verv
•lohn Hussell announced that the Government had
Uii.
2 ir
430
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mas.
abandoned its intention of taking tho riui-stion to the Upper House ;
and einoe that tlmf the Whigs had not only dropped the matter, bnfe
hftd opposed all attt-mpts at settlement l>y private members. Was it
reasonable then to imatrine that anytliiii^' could be done in the teeth
of both the oreat political parties, WhifjfS as well as Tories ? Moreover,
some hot-headed persons, who had ivfused to pay the rate, had found
themselves in pnaon in consecjuence ; and what was the use of that ?
The next year, as was to be expected, the notices duly appeared in.
every place by law dinctcn], and no further difficulty was expected.
But the mini.ster pointed out that althuuirln the legal provisions had
been carefully complied with in one resiject, they had been neglected.
in another. The prescribed number of days had not elapsed since the
appearance of the notices, therefore the rate could no more be laid this
year than last, llie law was plain, and there was no getting round it ;
so again there was no church-rate laid at Ketteriiig,
Another year came, and, as one of the Church people said v.fter~
wards, they thought they " had got it all right this time." But again
tJieir irropressible oppont^nt, finding some small oversight, was onoe
more victorious, and taught thera that to lay the rate legally was not
quite such a matter of courst? as they had always supposed.
So the. struggle went on fur seven or eight years. Once, the minister
being unable to find any more h^lp in his law-lxioks, the Nonconformists
demanded a poll, and, being beaten, had their houses despoiled, as has
been already dcBcribed. But, notwithstanding the ojiinions of the Im-
]X)8sibilifita, much more had been gained than a few temporary successes.
Inteivst had been awakened, courage strengthened, and sympathy
aroused by the spoiling of the goods, insomuch that this, the only time
of defeat during all the long contest, proved to be also the last time
that a church-rate was ever laid at Kettering.
Mr. Robinson Imving come to the end of his legal resources, help
was sought from a lawj-er at a distance, who had given much attention
to the subject ; this gentleman was the minister's guest during one of
the battle times, and with his aid the obnoxious impost was once again
warded oft. And still the ranks of the opponents were swelling, young
men were growing up with fresh enthusiasm, chivalrous feeling for the
oppressed, and a loathing for injustice ; and these naturally came to join
in a brave fight bravely fought against what seemed, at first, over-
whelming odds. Thus though resistance still meant hard work, and
the endurance of much obloquy, it no longer meant to stand almost
alone, for to vote against a church-rate had become quite a usual thing
at Kettering.
Among the little band who first took op the question in that country-
town, was a good man who found it hard to believe that the Rector
A CHURCH-RATE STRUGGLE.
imluted the great injustice for which he was in largo measure respon-
•Ue^ Mid who therefore, at a vestry, appealed to tliat functionary on
dw j^roand of their common Christianity, askinj^how he, n pi-nf^-ssedly
Ohrattao minister, could bear to act so hardly and unkindly to disci-
plflB of the same Mastftr — disciples, too, who for the most part wer?
Uie poor of this world. The appeal, however, was curtly
in the words, •* It's the law ; "' and nothing that could be said
mi^ed tlj© clergy man from that refrain ; they might talk as tiiey
£k«i of Christian fellowship and the law of love, their hearer pre-
«nted an unmoved front, and always defended himself with — " It'«
di« Iaw, it's xbe law."
Mr. Bobiasoo, becoming rather tired of this policeman-like reitera-
_ tion, determined to break down the ignoble defence, and appeared at
^B^ next veatry meeting with a big folio Prayer-book containing the
Vbtie nnder his arm, having arranged with one of his friends to draw
flit Uie stock phrast- by the usual method. " It's the law." said the
BivCor. and then the minister, o]>ening his big book, took up hi^
pmble:
'* Yea, it's the law, and now I will tell you what else is tlie law.
It's the law that as Rector of this parish you should liold mnrning and
^Mnifig service in the cburch every day. This you have never ditne
MM ytm have held the living. It's the luw that such neglect on
joai part is punishable for a first offence by deprivation of the revenue*
fl£ joor office for a certain time ; for a second offence by a longer
4»fmTatioa, with other penalties ; for a third oftVnce, by the loss of the
iisvii^ thos begrm. he went on to point out other failures of duty
«• tke part of the clergyman, and to state the punishment a])pointed
lor flidi, and then added : — -•' If the law gives you the power to exact
faan ni contributions towards the maintenance of your church, it also
^nm to every ratepayer of the parish the power to procet-d agiiinst
vw fat leaving undone that which yon are paid to do. As you xay
iti the law, yon can hardly complain if we say it alsi:». and ])ul the law
in motuia against you in self-defence."
The unhappy listener, knowing that these words were uttered by
»r who had made himself an authority on ecclesiastical law. and one
from whom, moreover, it was hardly reasonable to expect any mercy,
twaed white with fear. As he had dealt was it now to be dealt to
toa? All pre3»'nt, except the one friend in the minister's confidence,
•■tied bj- the extraordinary turn he had given to the affair, watted
itier breathlessly for the next words of the master of the situation.
** Yai," be proceeded, deliberately ; " your offence against the law
iiWHiy proved, and cannot be denied. I can, if I choose, have you
>ly pani.shed ; msny people would think it my duty to take this
In fact, noiiiing prevents me from so doing except that I
432
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mar.
believe in the Bible, which teaches lue to do good to those who despite-
fully usp nie and perst'cut^" me. For tliis n^ason, and for this reason
only, as far as 1 am concerned, you :ire safe."
A good many yeans lalor, among the guests at a little dinner-party
at Cambridge fhe rainister and his daughter met two gentlemen, a
barrister much intea-stwl in the Liberation Society, and a clergyman.
The latter having shown some little tendency to magnify his order,
Mr. Robinson was moved tu expound to him the law in relation to
it, and the heavy pennlties which might at any time be enforcetl
against numbers, perhaps tlx- luajority, of his beneficed brethren.
He was heard with incredulouH amazement, and at last, able to bear
it no longer, the olergymari turned to the barrister with the impatient
question, "It isn't so, F.. is it?"
"■I think," was the quiet reply, " that you will find that Mr.
Robinson is right ;" and leaving the ecclesiastic to digest the unwel-
come information, he added, '' our society has a little pamphlet with
that title — 'It's the Law,' — 1 don't, know if you ever saw it? "
'' Well, yes, I did," said the minister, " for I wrote it."
VI.
One day, when a few of the iiiost valiant Nonconformi.^ts were dis-
cussing measures of defence, som« one suggested that, as ratepayers,
they had a right to a voice in the appointment of the parish church-
warden, a functionarj' chosen e\<iYy year, and that if they could manago
to put in one of their own friends, they would at least always have
timely learning of the intentions nf the enemy. The idea was hailed
with delight : it seemed the very thing to do. There was, however, a very
serious dithculty in the way of carrying it out. The election was not
one which excited much interest ; the vestry called for the purpose
was generally thinly attended ; it might be easy to carry their man if
(hey could first find him ; but that was just the thing — where could lie
be found ?
No conscientious Nonconformist could accept the position, because
it involved sajing and doing that which would be against his
principles. Neither could these innocent conspirators fi^l it right to
elect. \jO &uc1i a pnst a man of doubtful character, showing themselves
in this particular much more careful than was the Rector,, who had
the appointment of the other warden. After much di.scussion, it
looked as if this promising plan would have to be abandoned, ivhen
one of those present exclaimed :
'' Why, there's Abraham Teblmtt. he'll do; he's a Churchman and a
thoroughly good man, and is Ijesidea a little bit of a soft. If we can
put him in. I'll engage to get anything we want to know out of
him at anv time in half an hour's tnlk."
CHURCH- RATE STRUGGLE.
Nothing could be better. In strict secrecy the word was passetl
TDond to the faithful to attend the vestr}' in sufficient numbers to
oury the election. Once again their presence excited surprise, not
vunixed with consternation, for they had certainly some object in
Tiew, though its nature was not guessed.
The Kf'ctor having announced his choice, oneof tht- Nonconformists
poposed that Abraham Tebbutt shniild be parish churchwarden for
tte ensning year, and another seeomled tlie motion. The Kector,
•rwng himself in a hopeless niiuority, left the meeting in anger,
followed by all his party. Those who remained had then a clear
course, and at once voted ilr. Itottinson into the chair ; be put the
motion to the meeting, it wa.s carried uiiatiimously with all formality",
ttd entered on the minutes, the liaptiet minister signing the book as
daimmn. ITien the meeting complacently btxike up, and the new a
«£ hifl most unexpected promotion was at once carried to Abraham
tuDself.
As soon as the coast was clear, the opi>oslt6 party returned to the
dmrcb, anxious to see what luul been done, and found the election of
Abmh&m Tebbutt duly recorded in the parish book. Distasteful as
tkis was. no way out of it could be seen excejit the bare chance that
Ike good man Idmself might refuse to occupy the ptisition to which he
W] been legally appointed. It was worth trying at any rate ; so the
ekurchwarden-elt'ct had hardly parted with the visittir who brought
ttw tidings of his new honours, before another caller arrived at his
kanble dwelling.
" W'l-ll, Abraham," said the new-comer. " I suppose you have heai-d
the news ; yon know what has been done at the vr^stry meeting this
moniing—ha, ha, ha ? "
" Well, yes, " he said, " I do."
'' It's a gix>d joke, a very gootl jnke indeed j for of course you
TOo't tliink of ."erving."
A»this observation did not meet with the expected, or at least the
Vipnl-for, response, it seeuutl desirable to put the question more
<iiwily, with a hint as to the proper answer.
'■ We all know that you would iVel very much out of place aa
irchwarden ; no one exp«>ct8 you to serve, and you won't, will
" I'm not 80 sure of that,'' answered Abraham slowly.
To all the arguments, expostulations, coaxing, ridicule, and throats
-h wen* addressed to him, he listened patiently and silently, but of
'■:-" tried none succeeded in getting from lam any further answer.
1 m not so sure of that,''' he said, when pressed to speak, and from
" strictly non-committal ptjsition wa.s neither to be pushed nor
■ i.ifd,
The day came when, in sicconlimce with the usual order, the
»3t
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEIW
[Mah
ArcUdeacon visited the parish, and the charchwardenK were to be
iuetulletl in ihoir office, and Abraham was in attendance. At last it
would bf soen what ha was sure of.
''I am told." .said the Archdeacon bhuuUv. '' that it ja not yoor
intention to serve this office, Mr. Tebbutt ? "
Now Abraham, it must be remombered, hml riot had the ad\aiitage
ol' a nnirersity education, neither had he been much accastomed to
polite society ; thas it would hardly be fair to blarui.' him though hU
nnssviT, while pi-rfectly clear, may not havi^* had the sweetness which
marked tho spit^jch of the ecclesiastical functiuimry. Besides, his
patience had probably been tried by the uhusuhI number and the per-
sistence of his visitors, from whom he was unable to protect himself
by the lie of " Not at home."
This is what he said :
•' And I should just like to know who told you that, for wboerer
said it, it's a lie."
•' Well," n^plied the dignitaty, " that is a tjuestion you have a perfect
right to ask ; it was Mr. (-!.;" naming the curate.
"Then,"' said Abraham again. " it's a lie, fur I mean to serve."
So Abrahoin Tebbutt was churchwarden fur tht" year, and though •
very poor man. was, as all the txDwnapfoplf knew, far more fitted for
the office, Jis far ns character went, t!mu others who had borne it.
Perha|>s he might have yielded to the pressure bi-oiight ujion him, but
he had a very strong motive for remaining steadfast, a motive which,
though personal, cannot be said to have bcf-n unjustifiable. Being
unfit for hard work, he had long been unable fully to earn his living,
and theivfori" was in regular receipt of o small jsum from the parish,
by means of which ho managed to get along. Unfortunately for him,
the parisli to which he belonged was Shureditch, and tlie guardians,
lia\'ing frugal minds with regard to the public money, not infrequently
concluded that if this man were not dead, he ought to be, and then
deciding that he was so, they naturalh- considered that he could have
no further claim iqion them. There was no railway, aaid if there had
been, he could not iiave nftbrded the fare, and the mail-coach was. still
more beyond hi.s reach. The poor man was obliged therefore, on these
cccBsioDs. to walk all the seventy miles between Kettering and London,
sleeping a.s he could on the way, in order to produce himself before
the Shored itch guardians that they might see that he was yet in the
Besh, and consequently needed .sustenance.
Then, after spending a da}* or two with a sister, he would trudge
back to his little home in Northamptonshire, a weary distance even if
the weather yr^te favounible. and much more .^o if the enforced
journey happened to take place in the time of snow. From this ivcnrring
necessity he had never hoped to be free, and the prospect l>efore him,
when strength slionld fail for the expedition, was a dreary one. To be
CHURCH-RATE STRUGGLE.
sure, if be could once sorve a pariBh ottice at Kettering, that would
then becotne his parish, legally bound to afford him relief, but such
■dvaDcement 8«*emcd as utterly aud hopelessly out ot' his reach as — let
us say as the most unattainable thing any one of us can think of.
Aod now that this unexpected deliverance had come, was he not to
■ l-' if ? "When the sky falls we shall catch larks;" Abraham had
■ aiLTUt his bird, and was too wise to let it go.
The Rector and the Rector's churchwarden could do nothing in parish
ailiuTS without the concurrence of thu parish churchwarden, who saw
no reason for secrecy in such matters, so for that year the Non-
oonfomiists were able to relax somewhat the strain of that vigilance
which is the price of the choice treasure of liberty. Later on, th»
church people took a comical revenge, one of those things which may
i*- described as cutting off the nose to spite the face.
vu.
After twenty-three years spent among the Baptists at Kettering,
Mr. Robinson removed to Cambridge, to become the minister of the
Baptist Church meeting in St. Andrew's Street. When his children,
lAo were still young, heard of the expected change, they asked
vbetber there would be church-rates at Cambridge, and being told that
the battle there was practically over, hardly knew whether to be glad
or sorry. They had lived almost as long as they could remember in
(ke midat of this conJlict, and it was difficult to imagine existence
without it. As to the Kettering people, both parties were a good
deal exercised with regard to the future ; would there or would there
noi bo found any one to lead the opponents of church-rates ? Mr.
Robinson himself was not without nniiety on the subject. What hii
■Koeaaor might do, no one of course could tell, while his very
iaUmate friend, Mr. Toller, the Independent minister, had always
misted everj' entreaty to take part in the fray, declaring, "You
•re perfectly able to do all that is wanted, and do not need my
belp."
The new minister, however, coming to his first charge, threw* him-
klf at once into the mutter with all the enthusiasm of youth. One
wvexpected and most welcome result was that Mr. Toiler came out of
ltt> shell ; he could not, he said, leave the young man to stand alone ;
•od his help was so heartily given as to draw from one of the church
pwty the elegant remark that " they had lost one devil, and got two
i» lii» place,"
Then, after a time, there came a day when Mr. Robinson received
fcwa his yonng friend at Kettering a letter beginning with the
•xulting exclamation, " WeVe beaten "them hollow ; " and going on to
gire some details of the steps which had led to this victory.
436
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEfV.
[Mas.
They had demanded a poll, which had been so decisive that it was
never again thouglit worth while to attempt to lay a church-rate
Kettering.
vni.
When one ha« saffered a decisive defeat, it is extivmely natural,
though perhaps not always very wise, to wish, iu some way or other, to
take vengeance upon the victor. Church-rates l>eing dead at Kettering,
the party interested in their existence felt the need of some outlet for
their disgust ; some means of relieving their wounded feelings. What
could they do ? Their opponents had no exclusive privih'ges which
might be the object of attack, and whose loss might make them know
by experience the pangs of the beaten, the <loIour of deprivation ; for
from those who have nothing, nothing can be taken. The Noncon-
formists paid their own ministers, and put their hands In their own
pockets, not in those of other people, for all expenses connected with
their places of worship; they were thus free to choos»' their own church
officers, and (juite beyond the reach of interference in stjch matters.
Still the true story of Abraham Tebbutt was fresh iu tht^ minds of
all concerned, and might somehow be made to serve as a hint, though
anything done in that way woidd want the merit of originality, and
possibly some other merits as well.
Every year the money to be spent for public pui-poaea — lighting the
town, and things of that sort — was voted by such ratepayers as chose
to attend the vestry meeting called for the ]nir|>use. It was generally
a mere matter of form, carried out for needful purposes as the law
directed, and, like the flection of a chnrchwardfii before the time of
Abraham Tebbutt, seldom attracted many voters. Thus the Church
people, on retaliation intent, found no difficulty iu currying out their
idea, such as it was — they went and voted that for a whole year no
: loney shoald be spent on lighting the town-, the gas lamps were to
i c-majn imused ; the laniplighters' occupation for that time would be
gone.
The minister's children, on a Christmas visit to their grandparents,
found the state of things exceedingly interesting ; wlienever they were
in the town after dark, they seemt-d to be almost in a different world,
uT at least in a different age, from that in which they had been living
at Cambridge. A narrow escape from an overturn while driving into
Kettering one dark night, as it ipas an escape, did but ad<l /est to the
absurdity of the situation.
Fortunately for the Kettering people, the habil of dis>ipation which
makes evening engagements of some kind a perpetual necessity, had
not yet reached them. When they did go out at night, precautions
had to be taken, and lanterns served.
The Nonconformists were more inclined to Imv^h than to jrrumble
layO A CHURCH-RATE yjRUGGLE. 4,37
at the iJbBaTdity of the thing, and as for the Church p(H>p)(^. if tho\'
ically feh that they had the comfort of revenge, th«>y ]>rolial>1y also
felt that the game was hardly worth the candle.
The c^iMiah prank was not r(>peated, and the following winr^r tlie
inhabitaiitB of Kettering may Itc presumed to have had a very lively
of the importance of srrcet-lam])S.
IX.
The voice of the Inipossibilists had gradually b<>conir silent with
ngard to the supposed necessity for continual submission to chnrch-
bot these dismal prophets were cert-ainly not witluMit » show ol
if they continued to foretell failure to those who wen* patiently
woikiiigfar the legal abolition of the unjust impost.
In 1834, Nonconformists had felt themselves deserte<I by the
WlngB, whom they had been the means of placing in power — a
frequent Nonconformist experience. In 18-J9, the Wliigy op])osed
the iii:bt>duction of a Hill for the HoHef of Dissenters; in ISIH, LonI
John BuBBell's Ministry led the opposition to, and procntvd ihc d(>fent
d, a similar motion introduced by !Mr. Trelawny. Twelve years later,
in 1861, we find the same gentleman in charge of n (.'luireli-rnte Mill,
which waa lost on the third reading by the casting vote of 1 1m* Speuki-r ;
and the same measure was lost, and again lost, th(> n<>xt Session, and
the Sesuon after that.
When an unjust privilege draws near to death, those who have jirotited
fay it, fintiing that they cannot much longer retain tin- enintort of its
presence, generally endeavour to console theniHclves by proposing a
oompromise. They will give up what, they nniKt. but xirive hard to
keep all they can, and this they think Ixitli right anil uis-e. 'I'hi'; wan
attempted in the present case. Jl was thought that by -shifting the
boden the profit might be retained, and that thus the Nriiironronrii-^ts.
who were not such bad people after all when pioj)-ily rrtanaged,
vught be cajoled into acquiescence. But few persons seernwl to like
Aelook of the scheme, and the Bill in which it was eiril,'.Hied sutf<r^d
cndiiug defeats in 18(j1, I^'C,, and l-^^i7.
In 1866, Mr. Gladstone, speaking in the ffou^e, said ti.nt ix' flid
Mt think the simple abolition of the nite wo:ild Ik- i, -iati.««fn<^topy
"ttlement, and oddly enoufrh declared his MU-f rhat when ;i ehnnl.-
aXt was levied against t'ttp- A-i^h-^ r,f a r'--iri<-.tarit lein^rity, they.
**b nine cases out of ten. f-HePj..- ov ri.-f:!ine jiaymenr. ' Tiie .«<M/,i.re
of the property of the- in-^niiiers ..;' i rtnv -nr-h n,\u',:-\:\"-. tli- irr-
pncmment endnred by criwr-. -. -m'-d rr, hnvf nsn-le no i rn pre-Bior
OB the honourable gentleman. Th,^ pr,inn;ciity ,« if!i vhi. h thw who
00 not suffer an injustice, a n«; p.fhn?iM .»v"n profit f.v ii. '":>ri di-T.ii-.-
)iithow mnch it hurts, i- r.otr [-.vKjUnhU^ and i-r'-.-.k-in-j- '■ \h- viefin .
13S
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mar.
Mr. Ciliulatone having exprussed a desire to introduce a Bill on lines
uhifli he thought likfly to be successful, the member who had charge
of I lif Abolition Bill refrained from pushinjii' it ; but the Goveniment
huviiig been defeated on the lleform Bill, Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli
uame into office, and a few weeks later the Compulsory' Church-rate
Aljiilition Bill was read a second tinii' without a division. But it went
no further.
Tlu- following year, the Bill, introduced iu March, passed through
all its stai^fes in the House of ('oiiinions. and was read a third time in
July, and then, for the first, timr, was actually sent up to the Lords,
will), however, promptly threw it out on the second reading. It seemed
fis if fhe Tmpossibilists were right after alt ; the Lords, among whom
were the Viishnpa, blocked the way, and wei-e likely to continue to do
w). Iu the winter seeaion of that year, another attempt was made,
resulting, as usual, in another fnilure.
Early in 18G8, Mr. Gladstone Mj:«in introduced a Bill containing the
aiTangemeuts for tlie retention of the parochial system which he
thought practicable and desirable* declaring at the same time that,
sliLnild his proposal not meet with arceptauce, he should no longer raise
any obstacle in the way of the more thorough-guing measure which
had been so long before the Mouse. In little more than a month the
Bill WHS read a third time, ilr. Newdegate mournfully declaring that
it would destroy the parochial system of the Church of England.
i\iter some cobbling by the Ijords, the Royal assent was given to the
Compiilsor)' Church-rate Abolition Bill, thus bringing t«.i an end the
parliamentary struggle which had been carried on ever since the deser-
tion of the Konconfornjists thirtv-fuur years previously. Thirty-four
years of patient perse%'erance, of many defeats, of tantalizing disap-
pointments when the end seemed almost gained ; but years also of
steady advance in religious liberty, educating years to both parties,
bringing great principles into prominence, and in the end proving the
ImpossibiliatH to have been mistaken.
And yet, after all, church-rates had not been abolished. A rate
might fitill be laid ; the diflerence, a very great one, was that no one
would be obliged to pay it. Mr. Gladstone had retained the parochial
system on which he had set his heart, but the patuf* and penalties had
been done away with. Nonconformists had gained a large measure of
justice, but not quite the full measure they had a right to expect.
In the following year, to the minister's daughter, in her own house
at Cambridge, there appeared one day the housemaid, bearing on a
waiter two slips of paper; the man, she said, had called for the rate*
— a town-rate, and the chnrch-rate.
'' The church-rate ! " said her mistress in .surprise, then, finding
on examination that it really was so, that the demand was printed
precisely like that for an ordinary rate, with no hint that payment
; -1 cHVRiU'LiAj:-: <T:{L(HiLi':. t^'j
oprionaL •shr :xavf "hi' :riri nr uv'^.-v bv 'lie iiowii-.iuf, >uu ni^i
■r tp ^y n:i die ooilecrr-r "tiat ■ vi- o v..', >a,v ;aun;.a-;i«ts.
The iiaiiten \v*='jir ber vav. jur v.,.- tju.-.-- iin-cMjr.
"The maa sar.^^. maikin. 'Ituc .1^ -:Lu:iot: ~:uki< auuu tu .»ii>vv-f uv
hi' rxva^t ift- :hf master. "
fftf 'iiii ^ee riie '.nastc-r. mci t-.'mv.-'i v:ta tijium iuauiouc:-. it»clui-!iii;
timr riif aoii&.* heioiu|«i "o t. rniiii-, ■.'nlf^. :md "br i." »ilt<>{B A^t^aiii
-ixpecc rbeir renaut ro ;Tav :huiT;n-i"ares. ^)i '^jiirrse 'i«! was ^iiiL-Ii'v
^aat iiiiont tiia bnisiiit-aa. :u riim Huisi'- -uuii ■)i'vcuufei«>iis 'Viji-v iiui ik^.-Iv
TD be socceasdnil. Bur nmnnir "ne iijcr-r ininibihuiirs A ••"ii«.' tiiu-iMi,
nuurr proiiabJy woiilii be jiiaicu ty iic riiiiuiuM" in •'vihcii ■Iii.- >lt>iii.i.-fj
•xas madf — wanlii. in rhi-T. )»? :}i»-!irivi ur i' "ibiiir niuui.'y.
Thi* iiit:itli*nt .hJiuwh riit-* ii'monlialnir ;rf>:';G -.'t Ii.'H;^ tvteutioi." v/
ininBr piivili*a»*s. for Lc la ^•■-Jl»^' 31 r a -j^x'ii riiiTjif r^* a(».*C mouev liw
■ay piirpo*» by •* tvlivs 'uiaS ar* lia/ii. a::ii cricks v.haii aw vsuu,'' stud
specially aot for rsliirious pnrpi:-!**^*. In -jliow-j aJsL* cb;is wh.;'i.i ouo s»/'
die •* fbrr^ <>f ifoilj" ia aboa- r,> i"al!. naos*; who arr^ jjUuUWuf.Hl b\ chv>
pn^Pcr lin well if tkej caa piit^tiess cbeir jouU lu ^vkti^iuv, ;*iul
•andont a little Lonsrer the Ioi<s«:^ :•.> which they ha\«* a» Uu'x l>s'ou
■a^uMunifd. rarh'ir than be cotirc^ir \%i:ti atiythini; loa^t cbau u
•xnnpjeT" vicTory, rh«* thorough owrthrv»w v^t" \\v\x. {>*:tiv-uU-»i" sti\»iii»h'.'Ul
of iiqnaif" .
ThiB tmir atoty s.-.-fms to hiiYc i\i\ \n\>'Mihu' ti'U«lriu-\ (\> k^iul liL«
^ oidr&ahion'ed sermon with vknmilhf — und to cf/trt'idA. )''iit4UI,\ liwit
bnn abmuiy spoken. And to i>oiiehuI«- if itny rt<itili>r nl' tli\«r.o |>)i>;rit
H»enang*Hi in. a struggle with one of tho iiiiinv ruriiii ul (ii,|Mn|tti\ Irl-
bnn taki* to heart this Ioshoii of i>\|>i<riiM>i-it Ni-\im In iniiul ilm
&Bpo«biIi9t£. for it is n glorious fiiri tluil, "'im 'I'liilli ulniit. !•>
TBthtv'* an«l that it is pi> niiglity n^ to Im nllnf^i-lln 1 iin-iiiniilili-
FREE SCHOOLS AND PUBLIC
MANAGEMENT.
FREE Bchools Jiftve always bien a popular tniiic among LiberiilB
and tile working class. The programmi' of tho National Educa-
tion League, in lS(J!i'-7<>, was compulsory educat ion in free unsecta-
rian schools under puliHc local management.
But when the Act of 1W70 was passed, the sympathies of the then
iTovemmenf worketl in tlu* same direction as the organized power of
ihe CouKervtitive .\nglican and denominational party, and, as is usuu! in
Knglisli politics, legislation resulted in a compi-oniisc which called into
Hxistfuc*' the new force of popular local seIf-goremnien< , smd at the
saiue time fortified and e.xpanded the antagonistic princi]ile of private
lienoniiDationrtl nianagenient. The consi'quence was what sliould have
been foreseeTi, that during the last twenty years national education,
which demands for its successful development the united elYorts of all
who wish for the elevation and civilization of the nation, has b<^en. more
than almost any question, the cause and object of hifti-r party strife,
\hv more bittrrhrcanseocclisiastical animosities havelarg-ly inilnenced
Iho combatants.
As a rule, tin* friends of denominational education under private
management have been strong opponents of free schools. Obviously,
where the State (irant supplements private local resonrces, the
managers of denominational schools could not attbrd to give up their
income from fees unless an equivalent was supplie+1 them from public
funds, and the most eh'ar-aighted supporters of tiie denominational
system have always seen that any such additional public aid must lead
to the abolition of private management.
Mr. Chamberlain, who seems generally to care far mure for the
article of fre^-dom from fees than for the article of public kK?al
management of the old Birmingham progrnmme, raised this qnesiion
tS9o] FREE SCHOOLS AND PUBLIC MANAGEMENT. 141
of the abolition of fe»'s in what was known aa the unauthorized pro-
gr»mme of 1885. He loadi- overturt-s to the leaders of the deaomi-
national party, and suggt-ated that Parliament should free all schools
by means of a .subsidy, heaving the quest ion of rnanwgement intact.
Bat two difficnltiea presented themselves at that time : the one the
immediate opposition of the active spction of this Ijiberal party, who,
at the meeting of tlie National Jjiberal Federation at Bradford in the
autumn of 188.'i. refused to accept a rcsolntion simply in favour of the
abolition of fee.'^, and amended it by adding, as an inseparable condi-
tion, that the schtiols so froed should be under public management.
The other difficulty was the unwillingness at that time of tlie
lominational i*arty to accept llr. Chi»mbfrlain's offer, even if they
jre to retain their private managt-nient.
In those days the advocat.es of denomiuattonal schools were very
iguine that the fmturr had great things in st<:>re for their advantage.
irdinal Manning had. i\s hv thought, organizt'd an allianeo between
the Romjin Catholics and the National Society, whereby the settlement
of 1870 wan to Iw reopenetT and the denominational sehoola were
to be placetl in a much raort* adviintagfoiia position in reference to
Board Schools. Lord Cross (then Sir Richard Cross) announced at
Widnps, in November, 1885, the intention of the (Tovernment to
appoint a Royal Commission on Education, with a view tfl redressing
the grievances and improving the position of the " voluntary "
Bchools, and it was felt that the freeing of all schools would be a
dangerous step to take, a? no matter what might be said or promised
»t the time, it must lead to a diminution of independence for managers
of " voluntarj' ' schools. Moreover, Mr. Chambfrlain had not at
tliat time thought out the details of his scheme, and there was clearly
» great difference between a grant based on the average fee throughout
the country, and a grant based on the average fee of the particular
school which was henceforward to give gratuitous education.
In the event of a nnifoim subsidy in lieu of fees, the Church of
England schools in rural districts, the mass of the Board schools,
»nd the mass of the Itonuni Catholic schools would gain. But the
Church of England .schools in towns, the British schoola, and especially
lh« \i\esleyan sciiools, would be lii*iivy Insprs ; and as the.'ii* classes of
»chooL? are at prest-Jit maintained with little or no subscription, it was
felt that a loss of fee income of thi'ee or four shillings on an average^
Mil in some cases of a pound or more a head, wonld be fatal to their
continued ^-xistence. On the otht-r hand, a subsidy which gave large
help to schools used by the lower middle-cla.«!S, and where the managers
whwrribe little or nothing, and a paltry subsidy to those schools which
WDcite the poor, and where the voluntary managers or the ratepayers
^ making a considerable local effort, would be too outrageOBs s
PffjpQttl fur any one to li.-tfen to.
442
THE CONTEMPORARY REV JEW
ItfAS.
Questions therefore, both of high policy aud of practical expediency,
with the certainty of strenuous Liberal opposition, made Mr. Chatnber-
iaia's proposal inopportune and unacceptuble.
The appointment of the Royal Commission shelved the Educntion
tjaestion for two or three years, with the certainty that as suun as
that CWimission liad reported many imixji-tant <|uestioiis would be
raised, and Parliiinient would be called upon to consider vital prinei-
plprt, and to crmpple with serious diffieultiei?.
The report of that Commission is not always cou6isf«nt with itself,
and such as it was it was repudiated by the minority, who presented a
counter report directly opposed to the nmjority, as far as the political
questiouB related to education are concerned.
Perhaps the moat definite and easily apprehended proposal of the
majority was that of aid to denominational sch«x)ls from the rates with-
out ratepayers' management. But here, too, the V">luntary managers
of the Estiibliahrd Church, more clear-sighted than their friends on
the Commission, saw that public support involved public management,
and repudiated the ntler of the Commission.
The Gov rnmeut then proposed to embody in the Oo<le an
»ttenuat«'d residuum of those recommendations ujx)n which the majority
and the minority were agreed. But the organized power of the
denominational party, acting through the National Society, prevailed.
and after a period of liaga'lint; aud of offers to reduce still further the
demands for educational efficiency included iu tlie Code, the Govern-
ment finally succiuuIk^, not vcn,' honouriilily, to the clearly formulated
demand of the National Society, that there should be no improvement
in education unless by im-ans of leg'islation the financial position of
the managers of denominational wchools should be strengthened.
But while the struggle was thus maintained in England — not openly
in the House of Commons, but in secret conclave aud in the private
rooms of the Education Department — the action of the Scotch members
of Pajliaraent entirely modified the political situation.
It has been a tradition hantled down from the days when large
landowners controlled the county representation and county govern-
ment, that whenever the counties should obtain from Parliament the
right to manage their ov^^l aflairs by elective councils, a compensation
would have to be given from Parliamentary funds to the landowners
by way of relief of rural rates.
This compensation went in England, as might be expected, mainly
in relief of property.
But wlien the turn of Scotland came to receive some £2iO,00O a
year a.s a compensation for being ]iermitted to manage its own busi-
nes-s, the Scotch members said they would rather apply the money to
the relief of the poor than of the rich, and urged that this subsidy
hould be used in freeing the schools. The (rovernment, in spite of
•S90] FREE SCHOOLS AND PUBLIC MANAGEMENT. 4-13
Um tears and opposition of some of its more consistent supporters,
mare than fifty of whom voted a^inst the proposal, granted the wish
of the Scotch representatives, and a scheme was framed — faulty itnd
JnanfRrJeat. but one which, nevertlieless, has already established a
mfastantially free-school system for Scotland — and no one can doubt
that a short time will sweep away the remnant of fees which are still
oollected in the elementary schools of that country.
The points to be noted in the Scotch plan are : — 1. That foes wens
only partially abolished, and, as far as th<'' Ciovernment were con-
cerned, were to lie retained beyond the Fifth Standard.
2. That provided there were a suflictent amount of free placi'K (o
tht satisfaction of the dt-partmetit. sonif public Bchouls niigh' lie
flMicfeioned as continuing to charij^f:* fiies.
S. That the subsidy in lieu of fees was offered to tht« denominational
•••■ n as to the public schools.
I' first point is. ]}erhaps, the most objectionable of n,lL The vicious
habit prerailfl in many parts of England of raisiug the fee witli the
standard, thus an extra impulse is niven to the selKslmess of the
{Mrent, who may be tempted to look rather to the eariTiogs of his child
tlMD to the child's educational progress. It is admitted that in some
iti<li( tn the fee is raised for the pui-pose of driving the oliild out of
«kool to work, or in order in a rural school to get rid of the trouble
of teaching with an insufficient staff two or three children In tht* upper
^Mkdards.
de^riy, if tiiere is to be only partial remission, it is mori^ jm-
poctaot that that remission should tjike. plucc: in the liiglipr nither
ikui in the lower standards.
Ajlto No. 2, the main objections to permitting a free school to charge
fat is the great danger of emphasizing class distinctions in our
•teMOtary system. There is too much nf these already under a paving
•jfii^nil, with ft*e8 varying in individual schools. One of theadvanti^gi's
of a fre«-Bchool system would be that no school would be stamped a.s
wctallj inferior, nor would there be n danger that a liberal stafl' and
iateUigent teaching should be resened for the schools where a liiglif r
fee is charged.
Ab to No. 3, it must be n'luai'Ki-d that in Scotland only about
ODfr-fifth of the children are fducated in privately managed sch<X)ls.
bar-fifths are found in the Board schools, or, as they are better
BMBed, the public schools of Scotlnnd. No school other than a Board
iebool can be placed on the list for annual grants in Scotland,
oolcfli the department is satisfied that for s{>ecial reasons, such as the
nUipoaa convictions of the parents, the school is needed, and the
difMrCtBfnt reports all these cases, with the mason, for sanction to
Hwliament.
Where the education of the mass of the jieople is in the hands of the
if4
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEIV.
[Mak.
repreaentativps of tho people, there seema no serious objection to allow-
ing what may l>e di^scribed as a safofy-Falve for religious difference.
Tho minorities, mainly Roman Catliolic, with a small sprinkling of
Epif>co]mlianH who have taken advant4i^e of the libiTty of the Scotch
Education Act to apply for annual grants, have not built their schools
for the coTiiinimity but for their own special supporters. The general
education of tin- district in supjilied by the public authority — the
School Board of the district. If the Scotch system of educational
organizatioii were extended t^j Eugland there would be very little
difficulty iu cariying, with the consent of nearly all parties, proposals
for the libi^ral treatment of dissentient niinorities. But where, as in
England to a very large extent, education is not supplied by the
people and managed by the people, but is furnished for the people
and managed for the people by volunteers often not in sympathy with
the prevailing feeling of the district, it is necessary to bear in mind
the fact thut wf are slowly and painfully fighting our way to that
municipal antl puhHcly managed system of which the Scotch are in
the full onjnyiiK'nt.
The moment the (rovernment granted free education to Scotland it
was obvious tliat so attractive a boon could not be long withlield from
England. Formerly the Government, the Education Department, the
philosophic counsellors who are so ready to furnish instruction to the
nation, had told us that free education was SociaUat, that it under-
mined pureiitiil resjionsibility, that it was injurious to education, led
to irregidur attendauci^ — that what was not paid for was not valued,
Ac. &c. We have all been familiar with the well-worn warning,
*' Ex-spectes padem a aummo miniuioque poeta." But when once a
ConstTvative C^overament had freely conceded this gift of free educa-
tion to Scotland, few supporters of the Government could be found to
repeat those old arguments which fonnerly they had relished so much.
It is therefor-' no matter of suqirist- when we learn that the National
Society iasuetl certain leaflets against the abolition of fees in 1885,
but that they are at present withdrawn from circulation j and it is n
mattei" of thr very mildest surpris*^ when we find a series of letters iu
a Hampshin^ iiewspapt^r in favour of free education signed A. S. E. C,
which initi.a]s sei^m to stand for Assistant-Secretary Education Com-
mission. In fact, tlie Tory party is now well trained in that process
of education which Mr. Disraeli began, and which so roused the wrath
of Lord Salisbury twenty-two years ago. If the huniorou8 satirist of
the party which lie once led could now revisit the Political party of
which he was so great an ornament, he would enjoy the sight of the
oncf reluctant liobert Cecil, now coining a phrase not so happy iu form
as those of the great master of phrases, but still worthy of being labelled
ithe performance of a pupil — "School of Disraeli — Assisted Education."*
When the Government passed the grant to free schools in Scotland.
i89t>3 FREE SCHOOLS AND PUBLIC MANAGEMENT. 415
they virtaally enacted what is hinted in the phraao assisted ediicatioo,
what will be realized in the short war-cry of the old l^eague —
free schools.
Those who are corapelled to st-and aside from the viHee of party
conflict may be indulged the satisfaction of an. amused sense of humour
at the changes enforced by our political situation on the most
relactant to depart from the traditions of the past, and yet amusement
does not imply censure. Pew politicians nowadays are not forced to
imitate the Sicambrian and burn what they once worshipped — worship
what they once burnt. Mr. Matthew Arnold was no friend to free
schools. He was sent abroad to report on foreign schools specially
with reference to this question of the abolition of the fee, and he, who
had no constituency to please, who was free to allow the li^ht of pure
reason to illuminate the whole question which he was discussing,
recommended that we should take the question in hand. Hla remarks
show the necessity which will certainly force even the reluctant in tho
direction of free schools. He writes ; —
"In the first place, tho retention of Bchool fees is not a very iinpoi*taiit
matter. Simply from tlie point of view of a friend of education there are
MirmntAges in their retention, and advantages in their abolition, and the
bahuice of advantage is decidedly, in my opinion, on the side of retention.
Bat we roust remember, on the other hand, that there are ^ome questicmri
which it in peculiarly undesii-able tu uinke matters of continued [mblic
diBcaasioD ; questioms particidarly lending themselves to tite mischievou.s
declamation and art^; of deniagogites, and that this question of grutiiitoiia
schooling i.s one of them. How often, if the question liecomes a
one, ^"ill declaimers be repeating that the popular school ought to
I made free because the wealthier clfis.seu have robbed the poor of endow -
kt0 intended to fducate them ! The assertion is not true, indeed ; whut
call * popular education ' is a quite modern conception ; what the pious
foander in general designed formerly was to catch all promising subjects and
to »««»Vo priests of theni. But how surely will popular audiences believe that
\V%m popular school has been lobbed, and liow bad for them to believe it, how
will the confu.sion of our time be yet further thickened by their believing
itt 1 am inclined to think therefore that Hooner tlian let free popular
■ehooltDg^ become u hurrdng politi«il question in a country like oure, a wise
gtatasman would do well to adopt and organize it. Only it will be impossible
to onanixe it with the State limiting its concern, ati it does now, to tho
popvhur Bchool only; and this can be so palpably shown to be a matter of
oatOJDiaa justice that one need not despair of bringing even the populur
j^dgBMBt to recognize it.
gecDCtdly, there ia a danger, perhaps, lest when we have got very elaborate
and complete i-eturns, and these returns show a very satisfactory proportion
between scholars in daily attendance Jiud scholars ou the booki^, n very .'tatiri-
faobocy limit to the number of ncholarK allowed to each teacher, and a very
■litfMft'nry percentage of piisses in the eRtabli^hed matters of instruction,
W shonld think that therefore we must be doing well with our popular
Mboolli and that we have no cause to envy the popular schools abroad, and
B«f4t;tiig to learn from them. On the contrary, the things on which we pride
oaaelTee are mere machinery ; and what we should do well to lay to heart i.i
ikU forai^ schools with larger classes, longer holidays, and a schoot-dajr
446
TUB CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Uab.
often cut in two as we have seen, nevertheless, on the whole, give, from the
'setter training of their teachers, and the better plan&ing of their school
course, a superior popular instruction to ours."
These words of Mr. Arnold are important farther, as reminding as
that the question of the fee is not the only question affecting the
welfare of our schools, and the existence of dual and rival systems is
the main hindrance at present to that public responsible organization
of onr national education which is the greatest security for its
progress.
It may be assumed, after what has taken place, that it is only a ques-
tion of a short time before we have a system of free schools in England.
The only question is, shall we get free schools directly, or by ono
or two steps ? Shall we at once have representative management, or
will that be delayed for a short time ?
Undoubtedly the simplest and best way to establish free schools is
to make them universal But apparently some attempts will be made
to enact an optional system.
The first proposition to be established is, that whatever Parliamen-
tary grant is offered shall be based on the average fee of the country,
and in fairness this grant should be calculated a little below th©
average fee ; first, because a great deal of trouble will be saved by
the receipt of a fixed sum from the Treasury instead of weekly collec-
tion of fees ; secondly, because fees are a local burden, and localitie>s
should be willing to take something on themselves in consideration of
a very liberal Parliamentary grant. The average fee throughout the
country by the last returns was IO5. 2^d. A grant, therefore, of lOs,
a head would be very liberal. But all schools where the average fee
is Sd. and upwards a week would lose by accepting this grant in lieu
of fees, and by the annual report of last year about 11 per cent, of the
scholars paid 3d. a week and more. It does not follow that schools
with 41 per cent, of the scholars would lose by accepting a fee
grant of 10s., as there are many scholars paying 3rf. and more
in schools the average fee income of which is below lO.y. a he-ad. A
large infant school enables a high fee to be charged in the senior
department, and yet the average fee may be moderate. But it may pro-
bably be assumed that im schools attended by more than a quart^er of
the scholars of the country, the fee income exceeds the grant which
Parliament is likely to give in order to abolish the fee.
Some may suggest, let schools be free to choose whether they will
accept or refuse the boon of aided gratuity.
One remark may here be made, that a school cannot be allowed to
be partially free. Clearly it would be most unsatisfactory to allow a
school to free a certain number of standards and not the whole. It
has been already pointed out that if we are to have partial freedom,
Buch fx'eedom should rather be granted to the higher than the lower
XBOaUi AND PUBLIC MANAUtiMH-M imi'
anJOTa si«gnsaon iuh» ':m«u uhnmi titei « «;ikv>
be* atlowed a Parttmut'UUkry t{riutl :ii JiiutUu-
n rba 5Be. Thus tiio liov. ij. I'mmuu, ^ :c«f >;
**^^""^ I}«T«s: "vzinng in chu AVum 'ji' tiiu ISrU </i iniiit»u»ey
E in. iiL. ir Ja. acbooiB riie :Vm -^luuid b« 1o«i«m<:-j 'ju iu. y.
■ s "iie 'aorrsmmenc jubsiuv.
4<jiuLi 3eraxiESe«z. a achrx'i 3i;w cau.->c;ii|«( -kt. wvu.iJ .■«l.-9>:
i
ji SOB' s« ttKi. <««Te tt .iMk^s YOiI;iul«rji «t>k<k:« n-iva <•>
IE- JHTiae ifie kk-o. In aii»wtr. )T :u*v br i»v>tw«l^ !•««. |L*t
"v^ npirijj"^ 7 not m^ke • trnwi r<|iMl f» lhi> «vim^ii rfv.
"K £«t laose schools whos« f<-« i»iv>i]|n ]« )«),>« Uio !»Yor«,<--.
TEfaB-wnmc xiaaslT making an extra |m'*<ii! U' lUr m-iu>kAa ntiU ]••«
ai^ afsna^j. if free schools are di:r< to t)iii«<- wli,> ii«n i>ur nKnttriM
'^mj' »wiwi"i» ix cannot be Mt to tho liiA-r'-ii.ni of Mtn in^iiv-i-i
"ais- psrentB enjoy that ri^ht nr not
a sown as Pre8t4)n, Flirkmhoul, or Mt4H:k|i<trl, ti« it,.)!!- i.f
K^ ihen anj Boarrl Nchrjoln. fn iVm^m Mm frir. iiK^.f^^ Mi
rlv l->3. ahearl. fn (iirltrrtluatl mnrr. Mimh lis t |....t«|
ix. SRKkporc more than I %. a lu-iul
£j iLe people of th«i:'.»? i^invrm will imi. fj.i.um.i. Ij. !,..,•.. ,< ».,
IT scaaagera to aetdi^ whiTUiiTf r.iir: u.Uu.ij *\,4tH fx. r.-^.. .,, „.,«
i ife naaagera who Ii%77 tb:^ :..{/!. fi-^u •.■.<! •".••ir u m\ u o.ti.
voluntary 'Vjnr.nio'.r.i/.r.:: .i:uu <.i..ir. :•< ■» :....«#| » ^ ,,
ixmtarily to «u;rut//r ."'.■•Mrt '.. /, ». , ,...h/: ./ ,,.../„,., ,,,.. .
t act likely to ra*;* "J^r •:..Sr»' r.^j v .... i..:i w*-..- ,.
result of friwMasr «ft^:/.'..: .. /.*-.• ,.■*■.. ./ *,^ ,. „ /<
Boac be taani'-jJ^-""**: v. *•._».•. :»...^.'..
ant of riw: r,t.-r-
3ter '?nai in lowTiii •■;.. '-._-.■. '^-^«. .. '. ti-, . .
3clirE>nocL ahour :ii:«-»-i...':_ .«■ :^ ^., ..
vBMoiaEj achoniiL ^c/c :_»=.-> ^.^... .^. .,..
AJHBC "aie voiiuuiA-' .-....:...:.... ^ ^ ^... . ■ ■ . ^
w> coiux separab' :_- r. ..^- i: ..^ j . ,,.
iIhk. "ve sfanrU/t ^r:-.ir; . .. ^, . ,-■ .
SM: of ■ifascnnKu.':. L-. . ^ . , . . -c / • . . >
Ab "is* 'TQlmuMr' .i^ik^ttt. .. _ , -'-y- ■■ ■^
^■■sqority if :al;^.
to
448
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mab
Even in towns where tlie School Board f umishea tho balk of tha
accommodation the same grievance would exist locally. In London
the great mass of the school accommodation in Westminster and in
Pftddington is in denominational schools.
People living in these districts would not submit willingly to pay
fees ; and where, as in Bethnal Green or Walworth, nearly all the schools
are Board schoois, still, when these school b are fall, some must pat up
with the teaching supplied in the voluntary schools and might be
met by the demand of a fee. In short, it is obviona that whatever
attempt may be made to avoid the conclusion of a universal free
system, we must, if we entertain the matter at all, arrive sooner or
later at this solution.
The next consideration is, supposing that we have a universal free
school system, is it possible bo leave the greater part of the schools
under private managemrnt ? On this point there is a large body of
evidence from friends to denominational schools and opponents of the
abolition of the fep, that the two changes must go together.
Thus the Rev. J. R. Diggle, at the Church Congress at CardifiF, on
the 3rd October, 1889, said in reference to the abolition of fees :
" Take, for instance, the schools in connection with the Church of England.
Atprosont, the State contributes 4fi per cent, of the total cost of those schoolj*,
and exercises accordingly an excerviive amnnnt of control within the school,
through its inspectors. The parents contribute 30 per cont., iind exercise only
nn indirect, but none the }es8 a powerful inJluence upon the welfare of the
Bchool ; the R«bscriber.s contributB 24 per cent., nnd practicidly nominate
the ollioiiil body of managers. It is obvious that if the contribution from
tho 8tiito is increased from 4(5 per t'«.nt. to 7(! per cent., that increase of con-
tribution mu.it be accompftnied by such an increa.se of control as to render
them practicftlly State .schools. If, on the other hand, the ratepayer is
substituted for the parent, I think that it Ls equally obviou.s that the rate-
payer would obtain a more direct repi'esentation upon the management of
the schools than the parent now enjoys. In either case the schools would
cease to retain the independent character which now marks their manage-
ment, and which has hitherto influenced their progress ; and little except
the existence of voluntary contributiona would exist to distinguish them from
schools under School Boards. That little would soon disap^iear under the
circumstance-s which I have detailed, and practically the era of universal
School Boanls would be ushered in."
Archdeacon Smith is reported in the Gwirdian of July 17, 1889,
as having said at the Canterbuiy Diocesan Conference, that he believed
the abolition of school fees would be tlie death-knell of voluntary
Bchoola, and it would be a suicidal thing for them to promote.
Many other ata.tements might be quoted, both from letters signed
bv prominent friends of denominational schools and in leading articles
of newspapers which take that side, all agreeing that free education
must involve, if not at once, at any rate in a very short time, public
representative management — that is, universal Board Schools.
i89o] FREE SCHOOLS AND PUBUC MANAGEMENT. 449
It is enongh to quote one such utterance which appeared in the
Times of Feb. 7, 1690, in a letter signed C. H, A., initials which
correspond with those of Mr. C. H. Alderson, one of the oiajority of
the Royal Commission, and for many years an able iaspoctor of
schools.
In reply to Archdeacon Smith, another Royal Commissioner who
has been quoted already as regarding the abolition of the fee of the
death-knell of voluntary schools, and who wrote to the Times, of Feb. 3,
that there was no logical connection between additional aid from the
State and local representative management. C. H. A. states that
though the Archdeacon's contention may be logical, the world is not
ruled by logic. The writer goes on to say :
" And would the Archdeacon consider it a more valuable guarantee for
the maintenauoo of those strictly Church of England trusts in which he is
interested to open them to Her Majesty's iii.spector tx officio who might be
a Roman Catholic, or a Nonconformist, or un Agnostic, or to other
nominee.s of the ilepartment, irrespective of creed, than to give a voice in
tlieir management to the suspected but possibly orthodox nitepayerl"
C. H. A. goes on to ask what is the probable future of the present
Tolnntary schools.
•' Can any one suppose," he aays, "that schoola which are preponderantly sub-
sidized by the State will Ije permitted for any length of time to continue undi^r
the same slightly patriarchtil management as that which exists for volunturj
schools at pre,seut ? To any one who cherifihes this illusion, the resolution lately
passed by the London School Board, coupling free schools with reprcBcntative
management, the utterances of Canon Fremantle and Dr. Percival ought to
convey a warning note.
'• It would be sufficiently absurd to speak of schools maintained to the
extent of three-fourths of tlieir annual cost by the State as voluntary. But
they are not likely for any long future to retain even the last shred of titJe
to be so designated. Voluntary subscribers will probably not care to con-
tinue their unequal and insignificant partnerehip with the State, when their
religious preferences in such matterw as the choice of teacher count for little
or nothing. SubRcriptions will dwindle, and then cease, and either the State
wiU step in to make good the deficiency, or recourse will be hod to the rates,
upon the condition.s, no doubt, of the Cowper Temple clau.se in the Eklucation
of 1870. In either wtse, the voluntary element iu the supjiort of public
lementary schools will linally ce;ise. This may Ite a good thing, or a bad
ing, according to the <li(rerent stiindpoiiitsfrom which it is regarded. But
Bue thing is clear — that the abolition of hxzjilly raised school fees will draw
its train consequences which will profoundly modify the relation of deno-
lational bodies to elementary education."
It is from the conviction that the statement of C. H. A. is absolutely
ect, and that the proposal to free the schools even partially must
ead to a national representative system of local school administration,
"■that we hold it would be childisli to try and evade the intimate and
necessary connection between the two proposals.
Bat here a distinction may be drawn. If the State recognizes that
460
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
rifu.
the schcK)U which are intended for all should be twder public manage-
ment, and so conducted as to show full consideration to the theologioai
differences which divide those who use the schools, and which after
all are, in the great majority of cases, of a minor character ; it may
also be fairly urged that, once given a national system, we ought to
be very considerate to those minorities, who only plead for themselves,
and who make corresponding financial efforts which may justify their
petition for private management, coupled with a liberal measure of
public support.
The broad distinction between the Chnrch of England and the
Roman Catholics* — the two great champions of denominational and
privately managed schools — is this : the Established Church claims to
be the Church of the nation, aud as such to have a right to edocat/e
the whole nation. The Roman Catholics, as a rale, plead for religions
liberty to eduoate their co-religionists, and ask for public help to
supplement their private resources.
The Roman Catholic school ia never the only school of the locality.
But throughout the rural districts the Church of England school
is, as a rule, the only school. Even were there are no Nonconformists,
it would be right that the school of the village community should be
under impartial management. The existence of large bodies of Non-
conformista makes this more imperative. In a village where the
school population is under a hundred there should obviously be but
one school, and even where the school children number three or four
hundred, it is far better educationally to have but one school.
But in Wales and Cornwall, for instance, where the great bulk of
the population is Nonconformist, it is intolerable that the school
should be under the clergyman, and the schoolmaster chosen for hia
churchmanship ; advertisements for village schoolmasters and mis-
tresses habitually stipulate not only that the applicant shall be a Church-
man, but often what is called a " good '* or " sound" Churchman, and
a communicant. He is generally required to add the functions of
organist and trainer of the choir ; and, especially in the case of mis-
tres.ses, to teach the Sunday-school. In towns the dual system may be
tolerable, in the country there should, as a rule, be but one system,
and tiiat one managed by the comnumity. Of course the area of the
present village boards needs considerable enlargement.
Some persons propose as a compromise the severance of the religions
and secular teaching, and the handing over the latter to public manage- j
ment, while retaining the fom^er in denominational schools in the hands
of the existing managers. This, which is theoretically the Iri^
system, and which was advocated long ago by Dr. Hook, when Vicar
of Leeds, may seem just and reasonable; but it would not work in
practice, nor would it be a wise policy for the friends of religions
(©aching to advocate it.
t89o] FREE SCHOOLS AND PUBLIC MANAGEMENT. 451
The large body of the Wesleyans and many otlier Nonconformiata
do not desire secular schools, but schools where simple Scriptural
tracking is given without introducing the children to theological
controversy. The great bulk of the laity of the Church of England
desire the same thing; and, according totheRey. Brskine Clarke, this
is the kind of t<^aching which prevails in many Church of England
schools. But if we sever the secular school from the religious
teaching, we give what apparently the hulk of the people do not want ;
we satisfy the zealots of the High Church and sacerdotal party, and
we also satisfy the theoretic secularists, who insist, at any cost, on the
enforcement in all spheres of social life, of the complete sccularity of
State action. But many of us, though favourable in principle to
aecolar schools, are not prepared to hamper the progess of education
by dividing Englishmen into two camps on this point of Bible teaching
in the public school, or to interfere with that local liberty which is
nearly always used in favour of Biblical teaching. On the other
hand, the experience of the National Society is not favourable to this
divided responsibility. The Rev. J, Duncan, Secretary to the
National Society, stated in his evidence before the Royal Commission,
QQ. 11528-11533: That in 1875 tie National Society issued a cir-
cular recommending the clergy, if they were forced to transfer their
schools to a board, to reserve the building for the first hour for
the purpose of giving religious instruction. He stated that such an.
arrangement was apt to end in failure, and he said that ho would
rather the School Botird were responsible for the whole teaching,
nJigionfi as well as secular, since, though such roligious teaching was
not as full as he would desire, yet it was better than none, which
would be the practical result of the reservation of the building for
the hour of religious instruction.
It seems, therefore, that the scheme which extreme eacerdotalists
extreme secularists would unite upon, would not be acceptable to
bulk of the parents, or to tho bulk of those who desire religious
beaching in the schools.
Another compromise is Boraetimes suggested that in the existing
Clmrch schools there should hereafter be a dual government by
means of representatives of the ratepayers associated with some of the
existing managers.
Such a solution would be delusive and certainly unacceptable to
the friends of public management. It might seem a moderate pro-
posal that there should be five elected managers and two representa-
taves of the old management ; but this would mean in practice the
oonttnaed predominance of the denominational system, coupled with
public support ; for it would be strange if in rural districts two out of
fire elected menil)er8 were not supporters of the clergyman, and these
two, with the two representatives of the old managers, could always
432
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mas.
outvote the representatives of the majority of the parishioners, and
thug the teacher, as before, might be required to be the ecclesiastical
8er7ant of the clergyman. The following advertisement shows how,
by means of onr national elementary system and the liberal Parlia-
mentary g^-anta denominational purposes are sobsidised :
*' Wanted immediately, first or second class certificated infants'
mistress for country national school (average sixty-seven). . . .
Thorough churchwoman (high) and communicant, willing to help in
parish and Sunday-school."
Another advertisement mentions weekly eucharist and organ,
rtpparent!y snggeating that both are among the duties of the school-
master. These advertisements appear in the School Guardian of
Feb. 8, 1890. The National Union of Teachers could give ample
evidence of the way in which ecclesiastical services are frequently
demanded without extra pay from the teacher of the village school.
The salary which is entered in the accounts of the school submitted to
the inspector, frequently covers by an understanding or express agree-
ment the duty of playing the organ in church. The way teachers are
often treated by clerical managers wa.s painfully revealed in a paper
read by Mr. Girling, formerly President of the National Union of
Teachers, at a recent annual conference. Even with a purely elective
body of managers, unless the area of administration is largely
extended, such oppression and fraud may still be practised. Nothing^
short of representative management over considerable areas will
secure that in our elementary schools the teacher shall be selected
for his professional merit and efficiency, and for that alone ; that he
shall be fairly paid, and that no unprofessional services shall be
exacted from him.
This change from parochial autocracy to independence will be
resented by many of the clergy, and by nearly all the clerical
organizations from Convocation to the smallest ruridecanal conference,
but when political parties move in earnest this kind of opposition
must give way. The Government yielded last year to clerical pressure
as to the CoJe^ but rvrn a Conservative Government cannot afford tctj
go twice to Canoesa.
We may therefore conclude that free schools will shortly be estab-"
lished, accompanied or soon followed by public management, at any
rate for the bulk of the schools, and those professing to be available
for the nation as a whole. It is impossible in these days of growing
democracy that the direct superintendence of the education of their
children can be long withheld from the community as a whole, and
left in the hands of voluni^eera.
Moreover, there are certain popular questions to which, when they
are propounded, only one answer is possible.
The clergy undoubtedly are alarmed, and they may blame Lord
i89o] FREE SCHOOLS AND PUBLIC MANAGEMENT. 453
Salisbury for having spoken on this question. But they, too, feel that
they cannot easily make him draw back. Should free schools be
now abandoned, the Liborationiat lecturer in the villages will be able
to say with justice, When even a Tory Government was ready to
enable you to send your children to school free from fees, it was the
clergy of the Established Church who prevented him for fear that you
should manage the school to which you send your children ; and he
will add. Vote for the Liberationiat candidate, and you shall have a
free school — a school managed by the people, and a school that shall
cost you little, for the funds which endow one of the many religious
bodies which make up collectively the Church of England — that is, the
Christianity of England — whpn once applied on behalf of all to a truly
national purpose, will maintain a far more (iberal and complete
education than any you have yet enjoyed.
E. Lyulph Stanley.
P.S. — ^The recent declaration of Mr, W. H. Smith in the House of
Commons has been generally taken to mean that any proposals in
relief of fees are abandoned, at any rate for this year.
This receding from Lord Salisbury's position of last autumn may
do gn&t injury to the Conservatives as a political party ; but it will
not throw back free education into the limbo of questions outside the
horizon of practical politics. The only effect will be to make a
present to the Liberal party led by Mr. Gladstone of a popular cry,
and to cause the concession, if made by the Conservatives, to have th»
character of a capitulation, and not of a free gift.
Perhaps Lord Salisbury need not have put his hand to the plough.
Having done so, it is fatal to look back.
[Kaa.
THE FOUR OXFORD HISTORY LECTURERS.
To the Editor of" The Contempouart Revikw."
Only a sbort time before he fiimUy quitted public life, my late friend,
Mr. Bright, made a speech. One of those smart people who write short
notices for the daily London press, whom we may ctill S , ctjngratulated
him on the fact that he had called no one knave or fool in it. The
paragraph was put before Mr. Bright by a candid friend, and when the old man
had read it^ he said : " Well, I was not thinldug of S— - — wlien I made the
speech." So, in my December article, I called no one knave or fool, and I
was not thinking of the four lecturers who have sent you what they call
a reply.
i wished to point out what were the motives which led me to get a return
of the work done by the Oxford and 0am bridge Professors and Headers,
what were the errors, in my judgment, of the Commission, what wer© the
inevittkble consequences of the policy adopted, and what might possibly or
proliably ensue from it, in the higher teaching of the two UniverBitie*,
particularly Oxford. I have lived here for nearly fifty years, am possessed
of certain faculties of observation, stud have the experiences which come
from the fact of my having filled probably more unpaid offices in the
Uuiversity than any person who has resided there. I can also claim that
no member of the University has more persastently striven t.o do service to
the University than I have, and I can allege that I see no cause to regret
any line of action which I have taken hei'e since 1853, when I first held
academical office, to the present day and liour.
The statements which I made are, I submit, accurate. I objected, and I
do object, to the practice under which college lecturers, who may be
presumed to havs an interest in the success of their pupilB, are habitually
examiners. I pointed out what was likely to follow fiom the pracitiee, and
what were the schools in which the mischief was most likely to be dominant.
I made no allusion to indiviihial.^. The proces.s which I adopted is entirely
fair in controversy. If 1 was under tbe impression that the English
bankruptcy laws assisted debtors in cheating their creditora, no tradesman is
justified in alleging that I meant that he was going to cheat his creditors,
if I :irgiied that the law which regulates private banks of is-sue takes no
guarantees that the issuing house is solvent, no banker, who had such an
issue, would have a right to charge me with saying that he was insolvent or
fraudulent. Systems, and the possible or probable consequences of systems,
are, and always vnll be, fair subjects of criticisms, and it would be a very
serious thing for the prospects of integrity and justice if they were not.
The four lecturers, however, are very indignant. They have fitted the
cap on themselves. I had never thought of them personally ; I gave no hint
iSgo] THE FOUR OXFORD HISTORY LECTURERS. 455
that I thought of them, though they are under tho impression that I meant
to describe thtsm. I was doing nothing of the kind. I wcu* thinking of a
geneml system, not of particular inskinces. I shoutd not dream of applying
general rules to individual cases. Tho game is not worth tlie candle. Of
coarse I know very well that the most cautious generalities offend some
people. And I should not on this occasion care to notice the "ropl}'," were
it not for certain p>i.ssages which I wintiot leave without rejoinder. Apologies
for practices generally answer themrfelveif. So do charges of " inaccurate
statemenLs, of sweeping, ill-founded, and oft.en ill-natured criticism." I am
perfectly content to leave my reputation aa it is, and I lun convinced that
not four, and not forty, college lecturers can damage it — at least with those
whose good-will is worth having. But there are some statements which
have to be answered.
la tlie tirst place, the summaiy printed in italics, and purporting to be
an account of what " ai-e almost my own words," is a ti-avesty of what I
wrote. I said, it is true, that the college tutors (or lecturers) boycotted the
professors. I never found fault with them for doing so, but with the
Commissioners who allowed this to he possible, and then I commented on
ihe tendencies of the system under which college lecturers secure a
vBonopoly of the stmlent's time, and ticket him in e.i£aminations where they
I dorniuant. There is all the difference in the world between describing
» tendency and alleging a fact. I know absohitely nothing of the
hUtorical knowledge possessed by the four lecturei-s. They may be
entirely well-infoimed and competent or the reverse. I know nothing
about this, and I am not likely to know any tiling about it. I will put my
a parallel which will, 1 think, be clear. Let us suppose that two
ftrailesmen were 6f[ua!ly and identically licensed by the ."^me authority
toc-irrv on the same business in the same t-own, but that the authority gave
<nieof the sets the sole riglit to compel customers to u.se the sliops of this
one wet only. Would it not be fair to predict what would be the conse-
<]ue&ce to the other set, to the customers, to the trade, and to the goods ?
Is it Dot clear that the other set would be boycotted, that the customers
would be appropriated, that the trade wfudd be partial, and that the goods
*o<ild be liable to deterioration and adulttr.ition '/ The favoured traclers
jht Ije sensitive, but the system would not be above criticism. Now, it is
Ifvstem analogous to this, and, in my opinion, rather worse than this, which
Til IV,. examined, and, if you will, condemned.
Till TO are two details in tho reply which need a more porticulai* i-ejoinder.
It id nu doabt the case that the process of naming or commending the
examiners is as the lectui-ers allege. I have, indeed, taken little intere.st in
the proceedings of the Faculty, for I speedily discovered that there was a
bofcrd within the Bojird, a lecturers' association which prepared business,
wiiich brought it forward, cut and dried, and secured its acceptance. In the
nature of tilings such a combination is an organization, the rest of the
Board is a mob. The Vice-Chancellor and Pro<;tors may or may not be
*Ofjuainto<l with the merits of these examiners who are proposed. They
UBwl to appoint them, and are now superseded. A superseded, and therefore
e>d, element in an elector.d body is probably deferential. But the
fchy which a theoretically elected and otficial bodj' may be turned into
IS would interest no one. The result is the subject of interest.
I did not write on the subject without examining the facts. I took the
Itott/m years of the Oxford Caleniiar, which is an official document (or at
Iwdt th>? only official document on which I could rely) for the name.s of the
wswninerfl, and their status in the several collegcii. Var the tirst three yeai*s,
^iwo were three examiners and two examinations yearly ; for the last seven,
I txaminatioD and four examiners. During this period there have been
456
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEIV.
Cmar.
thirteen examinations and forty-gix votings. Of these votings thirty were
by college tutors or lecturers, sixteen by outsiders. Of the persons appointed.
eleven have been college lecturers, 8i.\ outside examiners. The statement,
then, " that the proportion of persons representing the interests of the college
teachers has been only as tive to nine " is erroneous for the whole period. In
1880 all three were college lecturers. In 1881, in the first examination, one
was an outsider, in the second, two were. In 1882 in the first examination,
two were outsiders, in the second all three. Now begins the new system.
In 1883, there were two outsiders out of four. In 1884, 1885, 1880," 1887,
1888 on© only was an outsider. In 18S;) two were outsiders. Now, let us
see how these four lecturei-s deal with the list. One, they say, is the head
of a college, who " i* neither tutor nor lectui-er in Ids college." This can only
mean Dr. Bright, who was, wlien ho was appointed, lecturer in historj' in
his college. These ferociotw critics pass by that fact, by pointing to the
present and taking no notice of the past, a somewhat iiTegular proceeding
on tbe part of history lectiu-er.-*. " Oue is the deputy of the Regius Pro-
fessor." But the Calendar informs me that ho is a tutor of Christ Church.
Another is " a reader of the Univei-sity." But he is jilso described in the
Calendar as a lecturer at Christ Church. Evasions of this kind are
unworthy. A college tutor or lecturer may bo a Professor or Reader. It
used to be said that when Christ Church was throat^^ned with an Academical
reform, it declared itself an Ecclesiastical corpfiratioii ; when with an
Eoclesiustjcal reform it took shelter under the plea that it was an Academical
institution. The iecturer.s have borrowed the metliod. It is the de\'ice
which Bunyan intends to be the character of Mr. Anything or Mr. Facing-
both-way.s. If I am rely on the Univereity Calendar during the seven yeai-s,
1883-1889 iiiclu.sive, the college lecturers and tutoi-s have l>een in a majority
on the Board of History e.xnminers for tive years out of seven.
As regards the outsiders on the several boards, they are precisely the
persons whom I wish to see engaged. Four of the six are widely known,
have contribxited important work to the subject of history, and have a just
and high rejiutation. They have thought proper to take part in the exami-
nations, and while they give a testimonial to the actual working of the
system, and supply the time-honoured defence for the appointment of
resident teiichei-s, they have abstained from commenting on the tendencies of
the system, and in jjai-ticidar on that objection on which I laid stress, that it
signified verj' little who e.xamined and voted for a candidate, if the person
who litis taught and drilled him is allowed to draw up the papers of questions
which he is expected to answer.
Of the two schools which I specially criticized, and of which 1 attempte<l
to describe the i/endencies. that of Tli.story has impei-fei-tly earned out what
I wish to see general. But in a controversy of this kind, nothing is achieved
by such statements as the four lectui'era have made ; and though I know
nothing of their abilities. I trust that I may express a liope that they do
not extentl their method to the subjects which they teach, and the pupils
whom they drill.
I am, youTB faithfully,
JaMSS E. TuOROLb ROOKKS.
KING AND MINISTER:
A MIDNIGHT CONVERSATION.
A FEBRUARY evening of the present year. In the capital of a
C5ertain kingdom, in two great houses in that capital, in two
rooms of those houses, two pillows may be seen inviting to repose.
Well may they invite, for the heads that will presently be laid upon
them are all a-buzz with a conflict of speculations, dubieties, impulses^
rtich, in the outcome, may have all the import«nce of a battle in
rhich the fortunes of a nation are engaged. It is near midnight,
but the conflict is not over yet in either brain j this which ia the King's,
or that which is the Lord Keeper's. Repose ia not for either great
man yet, even for the night ; and when some thought of rest does
interrupt the hurly-burly that goes on in the mind of both, imagina-
tion presents to the view of both (in one case mistilyj in the other with
a more welcome distinctnes?) a different sort of pillow from that which
•waita them at the moment. For it is not the worst of their disturb-
ances that the King and the ilinister are in conflict with each other,
thongh it is that which keeps each of them brooding and fuming, re-
solving, dissolving, and resolving anew, so late on the evening when
they are to ** have it out ; " part, or go on together in more or less
of oancord.
The picture presented by the younger man — and though he is King
and Master to an immense extent, there is much about him that justifies
that synonym of clay — is well worth marking. As infant in arms,
child at mother's knee, breeched boy, grown man, king in eipectation,
king in very fact, he has lived only thirty years altogether. A young
man, then ; and one of the gravest questions of the time is whether
he will ever grow older. Hatl his Majesty been born eighty or a
hundred years ago, no anxiety would have arisen on this point. Up
to that period, or, so there is reason to believe, it was a rare thing for
TOL. Lvn. 2 H
458
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[APBIt.
yonng men to remain young till they became too old to profit by the
riponing of age. Nowadays, nothing is more common amongst the
governing classes ; possibly for the same reason that in etTete Bengal
the educated young gentleman is often a mine of promise at twenty-
onej and exhaustion without results at thirty-three. But whatever the
explanation, many a promising young man of our time and race baa
been ruined, and his whole career turned to mischief, by the gift of per-
petual 5'outb ; and not only his own land but all the nations round
about will know tbe dilference if this impulsive and self-confident young
Sovereign should turn out to be of those who never grow older. There
is great anxiety on that point already in many quarters ; but it
torments noIx>dy more than the keenest observer in his Court, who ia
also one of the nearest to hiro and his Majesty's Prime Minister.
Something in the King's whole appearance favours tbe direful appre-
hension that he does belong to the ever youthful, never mature; though
not HO much, perhaps, at this moment, when we behold him pondering
what course he should take at an eventful turning-point. But even
under circumstances that would put the mark of years of sobriety on
moat figures, there ia no sett.led weight in the look of the King,
though there is an abundance of activity in his appearance. Whether
he moves restlessly in his great chair, or paces his severely ordered
room with military heel, the idea he would convey to a British reader
of romance is that the fundamentals of his character resemble those
of Sergeant Troy ; though the sergeant's superficial gallantries are
replaced in the young monarch by an equi|Hnent of the stemejst officer-
on-dnty manners. If his features must be described, as the reader
of this veracious sketch no doubt expects, we may again go to romance
with advantage. The King bears a strong general resemblance to
^Ir. Rider Haggard as represented by the engravers, and again to
Mr. Kendal as represented by himself. It is not from perversity
that gi'eater persons are not chosen for the comparison. None suf-
ficiently like are to be found ; and while these two present the advan-
tage of being generally known, the ideas associated with them serve
to caiTy tlie resemblance beyond form and feature.
Whether moving restlessly in his chair or pacing the room to
measures somewhat less military than are usual to him, the young
King is evidently in a state of nervous expectancy. The doors being
^losed upon any potentate, he becomes aware at once that he is but
human. No matter how great he may be — a Napoleon, a Nicholas, a
AVilliam the Second of Germany — as soon as he site down in the solitude
of his own room something happens to him which corresponds to the
transformation of the Grand Monarch in Mr. Thackeray's famous
sketches. The wig comes off, the buckram gives out, the lofty heels
sink into slippers ; the king is but a man, and he is conscious of it.
How innch of a change there is depends, of course, upon how much of
«89o]
KING AND MINISTER.
459
« man the prince may he an fond, and what his sense of his natural
infirmitiea. Now in this young prince the conscioas ego is a
different thing at differtrnt times. His estimate of self fluctuates
much more >videly than he would have anybody else to know for
worlds. The self-confident exaltation which never declines when he
is in the presence of others, and which he maintains in every word
and deed with a determination more feminine than he is aware of,
runs down a good deal when his Majesty is off parade and alone.
Thus it is that a close observer who, by imijossibility, happened to
view him from some dark corner to-night, would hardly fail to detect
a subtle bracing-up in his whole demeauoar whenever ho suspected
the approach of a foutfall from without. The lassitude of limb, the
relaxation of tlie facial muscles which accompany dubiety of mind, are
startled away at once ; not aa by an effort of conscious will, but rather
,with a habitude of precaution almost as instinctive aa that of the
flower that closes its petals at the most distant approach of rain.
No doubt there is a special reason to account for this exhibition of
, sensitiveness to-night ; for orders have been given that as soon as a
certain great person arrives he shall be brought to the King's snug-
gery without announcement. But even though no one dare approach
the door unsnmmoned, the effect would be much the same. His
M&j«ety 13 in his downcast mood. The spirit of him unbooted and
nnhelmed, he neither looks nor is what he was a few hours ago in the
midst of a little knot of generals and Ministers, nor as he will look and
be a few minutes henco, when the womanish pride, energy, and
obstinacy in him are roused to reassert themselves as the very
j-character of the King.
At this moment he is con.sciou8 of a weakness — what he feels as
[ireftkness, though it is something quite different — which impels him
l"to do two really weak things. He has certain miniatures in a locked
case, and a little manuscript book stored away where no hand but his
own can tonch it. These he takes from a cabinet with that feeling of
•tealth which we all experience on like occasions, and places them
before him. His Majesty's tastes are simple by the tradition of his
house, and that tradition he is careful to follow in many domestic pai--
ticnlars ; but of all the various potentates styled The Magnificent,
none ever loved splendour more than lie does in hia heart. The minia-
^tore-caae is plain enough ; but as for the little volume, nothing in I
moroooo and heraldic gilding was ever more costly or more beautiful.
And why ? It is a book of royal thoughts, aspirations, resolutions,
TOWS : and all his own.
Quite early in youth the King iixed his ej'ca upon the throne that
might be his — Heaven only knew how soon ; and, with a forethought
'tare in so young a man, he spent many an hour in pondering what ho
would do if he were king. His grandfather was still in that exalted
400
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Afbil
station, but wherever the young prince went, whensoever he looked
into the public journals of his own or other lands, he rarely heai'd or
read anything about the king ; so rarely, indeed, that it hardly
seemed as if he was the inaster of his country's destinies at all. A _
magnificent, an august figure, no doubt ; but very little more than Ik^^l
figure. Ail the world saw and acknowledged that the mind, will,^^^
power of the State resided in a subordinate person, not long since a
country gentleman. Under the name of Minister, lie was the great
man ; uncontrolled and uncontrollable. In the palace itself he was
master, as well as in the bureau whence he directed the affairs of the
kingdom according to his wisdom and his will. Now the young prince,
looking along his line of ancestors while be listened to the everlasting
reverberations of the great maii'a nnme, percfived that this was a
state of things which no reigning member of such a house as his
should endure. Studying to put an oud to it when his turn came, he
providi'd himself with this little book ; and there, he entered not only
his Thoughts on Government, and his Reflections On the Dignity and
Doty of a King, but a series of Vows, each beginning with " I swear,"
with intent to hold himself to the linn resolve to reign absolute if
ever at all. This was done not without a full sense of the tremendous
solemnity of the princely oath ; and when the baud of a mysterious
fate, suddenly put forth, swept clear bis path to the thrune, it was as
if the Power that confers divine right luvd taken cognisance of pages
117 to 132 of " The Book of the XXVth Blitzenberg." Such is the.
title of the small but priceless tome which is destined to become oxi»\
of the most treasured heirlooms of an ancient djTiasty.
It was to brace himself up that the King flung open the miniature
case, and spread before his eyes those proudly recorded vows. The
portraits had not been chosen at itmdom, or for their beauty. They
represented an unimpeachable selection of the most masterful of all
the Blitzeubergs ; and they had been brought together as in a i>hrine
and for the puipose of inspiration. To gaze upon their shrewd and
truculent faces was to gain strength and assurance that he too was of
the denii-gods of his family, and perliapa the greatest of all. There-
fore the King resorted to them now ; while, in opening his book i
of vows at the same time, he recalled to himself the lofty and con-
fident resolutions by which he was pledged to renew tlie splendid
autocracies of his race. With his hand upon the open pages, with his
eyes fixed u])on the portraits of the indomitable three — all seeming to
speak to him at once^ — -dilation spread from the heart of the King to
his whole frame.
At tliis moment the masculine figui-e of the great Minister was
nearing tlie palace, heaving his mighty limbs before him at a mechanical
slo\v pace, and full of care to the overflow, which is carelessness. The
Lord Keeper had passed a bad evening too, silently consuming many
KING AND MINISTER.
461
huge pipes of tobacco, and filling the smoke with a long succession of
jMist scenes whicli liad become ahadavvy before their time. He was
not a soft man ; and of all the hnmnin iMiings on the face of the earth,
the last for whom he could have supposed himself capable of tender-
iness was the owner of his own brain and brawn. In the course of
his career, he h<id imagined many wonderful things that might come
to pass ; but none so strange as that he should commiserate himself.
Yet that he had been brought to do. Not, however, with a melting
heart — not at all ; but with one that glowed like a peat fire, tlameless,
intense, but prescient of falling into uhite ash before long. His
cogitatioDS over, a glance at the clock, and wrapping himself in a
st coat with a collar that stood level with his ayes, the Minister
le out to keep his appointment with the King.
Expected and awaited at this precise moment, he was shown with-
out a word or a moment's delay to the place where his youthful
Sovereign was still engaged with his admonitory miniatures, and his
■till more admonitory little book. As soon as the unmistakable foot-
fall was heard approaching, these treasures were shuffled away with a
haste which hardly befitted their dignity, and up stood the King to
jive his much upstanding visitor. Great the contrast between the
two men ; and since the Minister sonifhow conveyed to the King at
his first st-ep into the room that they met as men, both were aware of
the contrast ; which, however, the one did not presume upon nor the
other yield to.
*' Good evening. Prince," said the King, holding out his hand from
the place where he stood. " A cold night ? "
'* A cold night, sir, but waruv enough," the other replied, Ijending
over the extended hand with impressive formaUty, which the woman
in the King hardened at instantly: '* Let us be seated," he said.
"When his Majesty bad taken one chair, the Prince (a country-
gentleman-promoted prince he was) took another ; and was no sooner
well-settled in it than he bent upon the King a look of listening
readiness, which yet seemed to signify that he saw his Majesty at a
distance.
" Well, you have thought of these things," said the ICing.
'• I have thonght of a thousand things, your Majesty."
" But most of •" A pause.
•' I Imrably confess not. If it may be said without offence, I should
not know how tx> employ a second hour upon them."
•' Then you come as you went this moniing, I am to understand ? "
*• Not (juite so. To be brief — and your Majesty wUl at once
nndi^rstand what I mean — I come with a feeling of being more my
own man."
'* Being more your own man seems to require explanation," said
Ihe King, drily.
4G9
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[^U>BIL
"At your Majesty's command," was the response. " I propose to
relieve myself from competition with the Herr Professor Struwelpeter,
and the King from a sr-rvant who is — what shall we say ? "
"Too prond,"' said the King'.
" Too tall ! " said the Minister ; and at the impulse of the word he
rose to the full height of his six feet and a bit.
Both felt that the conversation, even for such hot-heads as they
knew each other to be, was going too fast; though a moment
afterwards neither regretted an exclamation which cleared up a
good deal at a stroke. Uttered by the one and accepted by the
other, that " too tall " established an understanding of the main point
of difference between them that eased both when the first shock was
over.
" Sit down, Prince," said the King, after an interchange of looks
which gradually softened in either countenance from something like
fierceness. '^ Your abruptness is terrifying ; and I suppose all my
nerve is needed for what you have got to say."
The Prince resu^ued his seat heavily.
"■ Whether too tall or not, I understand that my Minister-in-chief
proposes to leave me unless I give up a certain course which I have
determined on."
" Unfortunately, there is no question of unless. By which I
mean," he hastened to add, for he saw himself misunderstood, *' that
your Majesty has closed the door of ' unless.' Since you have
sounded this determination in the ears of half the Court you will not
give it up though you bum for it."
Now it was the King's turn to rise to his feet, and it happened
that in doing so he clapped his hand into his jacket-pocket and closed
it on the little book.
" Prince," he said, " your freedoms of speech are really amazing.
And I may as well tell you plainly that — (this, however, is not what
he was going to add) — that in one respect you are right. You are
not far wrong, certainly. I have been thinking of a thousand things,
too ; and I do not intend to give up my plans, I am the King; L
know my own mind ; I am resolved to be no dummy lord, but king,
father, brother, master !" (See little book, ]). 12 k)
" I find no fault with the resolution. It is every way excellent. But
on the strength of my age, my labours, my services, my loyalty to your
house — which was best seen, perhaps, in years before you were boni —
and lastly on the strength of this country being as much mine as
your Majesty's "
" Indeed ! "
'* Yes, sir ! " returned the other, with a (in© blend of pride and
ferocity on his face. " And would bo if I had been nothing but a
trooper at Weissenstadt, and had done my bloody day's work with
i«9o]
KING AND MINISTER.
468
tea thousand men equally nameless on some other fields that you have
heard of. What ! " (The King looked down at this). '* Is it unknown
that I am a bit of a democrat too — so much, at any rate, as to maintain
what I have just said ? "
"Well, and the rest?"
" I repeat, then, that your Majesty's resolution to be king, counsel-
lor, father, brother, master is admirable. But if on the grounds of
presumption which I have named I might add a word to my heart-
bom commendation, it would be this : the wherewithal ? "
''Prince, this is mere insult,' said the King; and he said it very
proudly.
" Sir, I am your friend to the smallest bone in this finger. And
now let me speak in a stmghtforward way. To-night we ai-e here
together — I'll take no more liberties than duty enjoins — on a footing
thait is not likely to be repeated. For the moment you are not the
King and I am not your Minister. We are citizens of one country,
■with an equal solicitude for its welfare. There will be so much more
distance and ceremony between us after to-night — that of course is
already understood — that we will do without it altogether till I pass
through that door again."
The King said nothing, but looked troubled and gloomy. It was
one thing to make up his mind at more heroic momenta (which, to
be sure, reckoned about fifty-five to the minute taking every day
through), that his great Jlinister might go if he pleased, but quite
another to hear him talking as if he had already gone.
" His Majesty, sir," the Prince continued, after settling himself in
his chair, " has made some irreparable mistakes — mistakes loaded
with mischief and absolutely irretrievable. God help us ! And he has
made one grave miscalculation.''
" He has heard of the mistakes already, I think ; but what of the
miacalculation ? "
" Well, possibly I may be in error hei-e. But I fancy he assumed
that nothing would induce the Lord Keeper to give up hia lofty and
powerful position in the State. The arrogant man might talk of it,
hut after playing bo great a part, after standing so high, controlling,
determining, dictating, the greatest figure in Europe people said — he
oould never boar to look as if he had been cashiered, and sent to kennel
like an old dog who loses a scent oftener than he finds one. And, sir," the
Prince went on, turning a softer face to the King, " there is a good deal
in that. The humiliation of it is not easy to face ; and I believe I can
tell you that the Lord Keeper is capable of feeling it, though not so
uiQch by any means as the King supposes. The calculation was, tlien,
that when it came to the point the Minister would cling to the sem-
blance of authority for the few years that were left to him, giving
Uand aasesit to projects and policies with which he had nothing to do,
464
THE CONTEMPORARY RE VIE IT.
[Apeil
rather than endure to be pointed at as practically turned oflF and dis- ,
pensed with. That was the miscalculation."
" In effect, after a certain conversation to-day, he has resoWed to '
resign his offices."
"Definitely; after consideration of all that has happened since
his Majesty's reign began."
" Because in one department of government his master, who sees
with younger and clearer eyes, means to have his own way."
'" One department ? Because in every department his master means
to have his own way, cannot be prevented by any power in the
Stat«^ "
" And never .shall wliile I live."
" and neither can be dissuaded, I do not say by men who
know the business better, but by the repeated perpetration of palpable
error .^*
'• Such as in your judgment he is about to commit now."
" Such as was committed when those tourings about Europe were
nndei'taken — good God, when I think of them ! — and what not since,
dowu to this ])roceeding ; which is at the same time dangerous and
ridiculous. Your pardon, sir — ridiculous ! Publish those decrees, and
there will be a smile on the face of every statesman in Europe. '
*' Except that of the great man here who has had nothing to do
with them."
" It would be well if that were the only exception. Add also,
that of every statesman in the Alliance. His Majesty takes short
views. He does not think of these things, apparently. There is a
lack of imagination in his abundance of ixjuiance ; and what there is
dwells about his own person. If he could extend it beyond theseprecincts,
send it ont to Russia in one direction, to France in another, to Italy,
to Austria, he would see in a moment how our foes and friends will look
when they read these wild rescripts^ which the Lord Keeper refuses to
sign."
" But which I presume he will uot denounce.^'
Taking no notice of the interruption, the Minister proceeded.
*' Perhaps I may offer the aid of my vision. The first look, in every
case, will be one of blank ania/.enient that the Sovereign of this
country should suddenly prnclaiui himaelf the friend and patron of
Social Revolution. No, no; not in reality, of course j only in
policy : the policy of the innkeeper in one of the ' Contes Drolatiqnes:'
the innkeeper, the innkeeper's pretty wile, and the predaceous mousque-
taire ; and how the innkeeper, though armed with the sword of his
ancestors and equipped with the family cuirass, did not come out of
the cupboard at the critical moment ; and what the innki-f^per's wife
afterwards remarked to the innkeeper."
The King glowered fiercely, as well he might ; but his .Minister did
not seem to care.
i89o] KiyC AXn MIXtarKK. 46»S
"In effect, however, the kind's moiiv<»s «.n> of ^uiaU ttM)^Minnc<> in
his neighbours; whose stacks art« likely lo lutrn jiiM aq fif>i>ly. Iton
ever deep the calculation with which ho linni hJ8 hiMnoQf(>M)l. IVtaqiMv
they may reflect that his Majesty oithor kiiowit or iIopp iii<< l<nii\r Ihnf
nothingbat a straw-yard connect fariu niid rnrm ; nml <lin( ir In- iImi-u
know, as most be presumed fn>iu his rnnflitiiiiiH ntul piiiiiinn, il i" n
little too much that he shoald staii. IiIh iNiliticfi-iiltilnnpiilijfnl l)iiiiliii>q
without previous consultation with Uhmii. !(■ in nnjd fJml Iiim
3Iajeety stands well with none of hJM iini^lilKiiii-M; llml hiw* lir> |inii|
a round of visits some time a^ th<^y linv<^ lif«>ii holilin^ niY frnrri Itirrr
in alarmed curiosity; and he niay di-pmid ii[Kin it. tliol. oun r>r ih^w nl
leasts up in the north and down by t.li<; (toAt., wilt br^in f'* Uiiik n\.f<v
him as a public incendiary at thi.H rati''.'— ^^v^.n Um >|nii(/'>rri7iq hi Im
let alone, perhaps. An it iii, Alfsxand^'T nnvr y/ii ^ »lfr'in/l .viMi'iMf.
fcf<7lring up sparka from thf: combaxtiMr-H that nKr-w lii^; ri'>Trinin . nrcf
if he fean a further commnnication of fir«, h« will rtot. ^l*» rrcK-h
appeased by the arjjnmt^ntM of t'eoffnnvtv .St.r»iff«'lf»"*''r. Ffi«« Wwi/-;**/
thinir* that a mattcfr of indiifer^nc^ ; hf. may !'/■ »'4<<iir'>'l f hnt. it ix r^r
"Boc have I not hi*ard rhar in rh« f/iH K^'^pz-r'^ (-.jviniz-.n .lotViinjf
will aec Alexander in luov.-mt-nt for /'-ar-t ro 'v»mi' ' "
"Thiiee an^wif^ra Co char. Tin- l>-iri'i i<,'««p*>T 'li*'! ii'.*^ }or'^««»" 'h»»
imiwuitfTTifthit. - [if .'/inid :ior iiav*- mf»nt. '.'nftt A."-.'»*n>i««»" .ro'r*^! ;io*-
mavis with .i di-p miier :ii« !>»d : mrl ■>t' "^-kiir-!** iiA li<l vi*- ptmti i\t~
•fCfOcian fmm. •iioiomatic :Tiovt'mftnt. vlnrJ) t ,« (/•i«eii,i.j i, .fiTTmiMf*'
90 "Veil as vt ■lai'aiyrte. Hiu ;.-r i*< ";*!<»■ i. nv.stfU--- •!.■■<• >' n'.af n«.
Sjkc ia :U)onr "•) in. uiri :'rrim vliirli :i«(ri>iii'_' in iii-! 'nv'n y-'.. (!«_
foade iiim. 3t* laa said hi* vorfi. wfl o vfliiirrin- t '-,i:!.| i\i,.-.v
aim. ^jo -ihanit*^ w li'i'ain tf us \rim.-8t-Hr. .•'•■ipiwu .mi i—u .ilL-.. .-■'ii
Iodic iunazni ind kiarmprt vln-n 'Ijos** i^m-cftt »r.' ,ii},ilili.>.! .nf
w'liii** iravirv viil -r-main >n li»* :'fi/»f<5 .r" 'd^' n.- •\tf ''■!-".. im
TSean : 'lu* Ulii*s — •'♦■•ii -hall .pf* i, .»«?;r» .invt'pfllni/ in !>.• ■••»>.■-• >'
TJie >rht-rs ; vhat 'lie .iiiv*«|-'vi':;K.ri vi niil all ■ (Hr'nli-n- ,nii:.i
^ VJW .mr I -Tniie 'Unt »;«>J>=t»f1 ■\'^^^ iit» .'■iin'r*- •iii'nt...-i.'tT<i'-. .a
vm ~hts. Hit k ii>l\ .if •■rTj-rthl" ..n</r,)>li -■m!.--u-.->i,f .»• .nr-i'iwv ■■■•♦■
wn» iiiefTtVmcir.v. .r s -iijr.iriiTini- U>'t i-*- ,'...■/ ;,..:.■ .ri !,;>•.,.<.. '.i-.-vi
•a -^notion vir.h iipnsnr**.
• L'ltr .it .'Oiirsp, Uc .'i:i«'.- -.-.Titim-K-d
^iumm iLmdnlnhian ic?n.n.»<! •' '^^ '-'fr',
lit' iSnotish miuiiw. .nH -m .,»p.. iiL-.ti
MZU'TOli'S Vlll nil n 'imc.» -ilv .'•.tni'liil>i|>i-
glMMintf kK vpil |4 melt > i:\.-f 1
iir klM lot :'flii«iW .u .:*rf..~ f ^<^■^e^f^
^iutc at^ if^n? ■.ar<■h•»«^ -••" ••"-
'iknia^e *}iAm '.-rv ,i.ui<i,'f.-.i.i<- ■ •-■ii
111. .r•<>T'l^''^
■'■" ^^.^
11
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'■
466
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW
[APBlIi
Beeing this bully kingdom (an excellent American word) thrown into
distraction by its own nalors before it is well settled on its foundations.
I see iUesander's head-clerk grin in anticipation of the fun. And is
that all ? "
" Are you waiting for me to give you an answer to the question ? "
" I wisli to Heaven that you would give the answer : I should then
have a better belief that the King has a gliuimering perception of
what he is about, and I should be relieved of the delicatt; duty of
answering the question myself."
" Your delicacy is always understood, I'riuce, and this evening it is
particularly impressive."
'' Impressive I mean to be, if I can. Well then, it is not all.
Give me a glass from the cask, and I will tell you w hat is in it to the
bottom. * There is more where this comes from,' says Alexander's
head clerk to Alexander. ' I had some conversation with the brewer
a little while since,' says Alexander to bis head clerk "
The King flushed with mortification and wrath. " If I may
80 bold," said he, " I will ask you to halt there."
" You shall hear me, sir; aud if you do not pardon my bitterness
now, you will when you share it. In plain words, the conclosion
that must be dra^vn from these proceedings is tliat this country is no
longer in wise hands, no longer in steady hands, or safe. It is iu the
hands of heady, romantic and confident impulsiveness, capable of
incalctdable turns aud surprises, and of committing itself in a moment
to enormous error. So much is suspected already ; from to-morrow it
will be impossible to doubt it. The King knows well, or aliould know,
that his aliie.s are less happy and leas confident in their bargain t^an
they were only two years ago. How will they look when they see a
firm prospect of stability fading into the confusion of uncertainties
that will rise to view when these wonderful socialist plans come out ?
And by just as much as our allies decline into their boots, our
enemies will lift their heads and laugh. And is that all ? We have
been looking abroad so far, what if wo look at home ? "
" Precisely ; let us look at home."
" We are in partnership here too."
*' I think not."
" It is natural for some of us to forget it, but others will be
reminded of the fact when the curtain goes up on these theatricals.
First, our friends abroad ; secondly, our foes abroad, Trui-, these
last have hitherto given the partnership a ridiculously important place
in their calculations, seeing possibilities of a break-up of the federal
kingdom where or when they were invisible. But now there is a thirdly ;
or there soon will be. The pai'tnership will be brought home i-ather
sharply to the chiefs of every once-independent State in the Con-
federation ; and their people are their people, with no particular love
1890] KING AXD MIXISTKR, U\r
for Blitzenbei^ers. That, however, will Ih^ of no iiii])«irtanoo iC. ilnrin^
the progress of events about to be started, uiuMiHineNs linnH iml. hnvniin
lesentment, and resentment rek>lIion."
" Bagbear !" the King exclaimed, reacliin^ rin'Mi Iiin Imnd Uy tlm
sword that was always to be found on him or mmr tiiin, nnd li»|i]iiii(r
it prondly. " That bogey is unworthy of itH piinnln^o, I'rinpi'. Tliivi
is what I complain of: you would treat mn liko u \nty."
"Boy yoa are," beamed from the Minister's nyi-H ; " ftr»< nnd nv»i'
will be! " But with an extraordinary offort of jftAhrumn lin rf<rrniiind
from putting his reflection into words,
" Yet it is something to loosen the bond.s of unify," ho wiid. " A
good deal of blood was spilt to make the gluR."
^ And his shall be spilt who moves a step or who nti^n n wrtri] f»
disBolTe thoee bonds.''
llieae words were spoken with an immensity of pridft anrl rf<v>\ntif>\t ;
but ic was an mitoward speech, and the moment it wan i}t,f*iri>f\ thn
King harot with confusion and chajyrin. fSrat thf. f'rinc*-. wjm
geo^roos. and murmured ■* nfmf. wmyo " iindi-r \\\n Krwi-th. .V'^iv^rthft--
LjsBu he fell forthwith into a spealcinir aili»nce. nc,t ry»mpl«tAl7 dipir>.
bus only parrialiy s<*. F".ir. as a matt^ir rS isu:t., thorn r|i«-|
CO the inward -^yes ot* him a rracriV. iwvni^ that had pn«vwl
hsSan tliem more rhan once wifhin rhn iaHt ff.w fln-y^ ; axxrl asrain if
CKS&called the attention ot n mind <^-liiRh. Iv^inor f-iiat of a -'rily grr'^at,
■saEssman. was in the hiifh*»st dfaree imaoinativf : a difr.«r.->T»t ^hin«?
frvs b^mr fiinciful. N'ow w.* ail icnow rhe ahsnrii-ion 'hat iriv-'^iHtilii'/
ehaHeniffKi cariosity ; ami rhi* iasr vorrla ^nolc••n iJ^t.w.^PTi ■ ln-api • -vry
penouaoes .gar«» mfanine ro ^.hf* dt'ad ^iii^n^e it" rh*- 'JrU'r .nan
b fennbled tJiP jonnqer 'ini* .•W)r«» :han ;io wimid ;iav.> .ib-ri o
acfcacwirnigp ; and aftf*r i .itlle cijiii- iu. ^rkI. in ^i)ii,. )f iiiui'Si'M'
~ Aad now. perhap-o. '"on '.lav.- 'omi^f "o .m -nrl. I'thp.-. ihl'"-!« .-on tr>'
~ Sit 'tnite ro -ii.» -nd .- )i:t irs-t- -«in <liail ,-ii. iv -ir v-'iat . '"i"
lainiEmg IS 'hf momenr. ' -pnlii-fi he .\rini-ff'r •« f -!.-,\vi;- •T»ipr»/it.._j'
7:nL a Tiaintui "ertrir". ' rin* v-Hf-ntirin ■.4Vi!PVf-fi 'i' up iQcinffH ri
4 IjuSijnal iilnstratirm -nrpml .ftl^rr- nv ni^nfal >-iv,iy lint iiVvolm i<.>i
taonuii "Uwayq h* -n iiiv-i*- ii;in;i</i-.fi ri ni»i».-.cf..;.. ".-i! .^Iu-WmiI -liii
ttsipiinett. i* ant *o ^t. istri nil o-ivl^^r u ,pcr i-i,.r.iia '"l.ov.. j
«nriiue, "Omnlfpr' ■ '.v.Miff.r • \'i,,- ■■i-.,,t ., ,,.,■!• .M i-.m^* V%.',j«
■ni mnic jv Ar*n.Tr,i,-!i ' «<..! niKf -, w ' \ .!;itw<»T)».v.,.'
Bfiiarain»*nr in )Uv>fi imi y.tim -.twi .nd .i-.it, '
Jt:; rliesR -Trciamsit-ioTi.; ii«» .r:i;,*..- v, .,,■.. ^i •:!•■■! •;^.'.«
468
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[April.
died ! '' Then for tlie King's ears he muttered in a low tone of
rumination : " Mottemich ! ilettemich \ " Then aloud, as he rose to
take his cap for departure, "• Yon remind me, sir, that I have my
last word to say, and it is this : T would have his Majesty believe that
he cannot thrust off the Chancellor nf this realm, publicly belittle
and supersede him, without conse<|ut'nce8. The most perfect and
even the most well-founded confidence in a superior sagacity and
strength would not justify hie doing so ; for though the superiority may
exist — as, perhaps, we shall presently see — not a soul in this country
o:" beyond this country- behoves in it."
" No ? " said the King, lifting his head haughtily.
" No ; and what is more, sir, has no reason to believe in it ! And
let me add that the service of the State must suffer in every part
when it is understood that the faithfuUest, highest, best-proved ser-
vants of the common country are subject to the stroke of the ver-
milion pencil — borrowed from China. And now, with your Majesty's
permission, I will take leave,"
■' Yon have been very candid, ass you ever are," said the King,
taking a tight hold of the little book in his pocket; "and now,
perhaps, you will listen to a few plain words from me. Prince,"
and here his Majesty drew himself up and faced his Minister loftily,
"you are a gi-eat man, and the utmost gratitude is due to one who has
so faithfully served my House. I acknowledge in you a great historical
personage; but — you are hifitory ! "
■' Your Majesty is reported to have said the same thing last w(
in precisely the same words. I heard of it at the time."
'* And I hope it did not make you angry. Now listen. I am
the kiug J I am master ; I am the New Time i You do not see with
my eyes, nor do I see with yours ; not, at any rate, in these matters
that we have been discussing lately. If you cannot follow me in them,
do not expect ine to turn back with you. Where you see rashness and
folly, and even, 1 understand, destruction, I see nothing but bold
and audacious wisdom, and the makings of a more splendid future
upon what — thanks very much to you, no doubt — ^ia a noble past. It
is a new age ! My empire is in its youth ! I am in my youth, and 1 will
be its leader ! From of old, my people and its kings have been one ;
and they shall be one again, with no intermediaiy vvhateoever. Under-
stand that well ! As for my present plans- "
" May I ask the date of them ? "
" From my very boyhood- "
'• Your pardon, sir. The date of these plans for wrapping wolves
in fleeces, and leading them with pipe and tabor to crop the green
herb with your Majesty's muttons ? How many days old are they,
these plans ? Give them their right name : they are impulses."
" If you please. Any way, there is a voice that tells me that the
AYA'G AXD MINISTER.
4M
0BHH ud ecKmgo of my House is in them, and they shall be
panBedi! Why, even where yoa see danger I see safety — power!
Tkt Head aad Hope of the peoples is the master of Europe ! "
Tk& Frince did not often blench, but he blenched at this. '* Permit
■e to ■aderatamd,'' he said, as the King turned prondly on his heel to
tdbi aaotber torn across the room, *' The head and hope of the
paapks is the master of Euroi>e ! The peoples ! "
Tl»e King laughed aloud, but rather nervously. '^ Why yea, my wise
old eoansellor. Read the signs of the times, and understand that such
>, if he stands in shoos like mine, will have a garrison in every
round about him, whether friendly or hostile. What now ? "
Stfuwelpeter again! A friendly garriaon in every foreign slum!
mn inspiration ! If I am not deceived, then, I dimly see befoi-e
a Napoleon of Anarchy ! 1 fancied the role undesigned ; but
Sir, permit me to say good-night."
The Minister moved toward the door impetuously ; but the King,
who was nearer to it, intervened, standing silent, and at once wrath-
ful and embarrassed. At length he said, " And you ? "
" My business is to prepare the way for my successor in your
Majesty's service. Possibly some delay may be unavoidable, or even
ndicious. But I hope I may rely upon your goodness to release me,
MK>mpletely, as soon as may be."
"•That we must think about," said the King, with majesty. " Mean-
while, silence. Prince, of course."
" Certainly. Yet no one must be allowed to imagine that 1 share
year Majesty's confidence in these idees NapolionitnncH"
The King bowed, the Minister bowed, and this midnight conversa-
tion came to an end.
Afl the Prince descended the stair with heavy tread, as heavily
went the King to gaze again n\yc>n the portraits of the indomitable
three. But, 9omeho^^•, the sympathy of kindred soul that beamed
from thera at most times seemed checked ; and the King was not
quite himself again till next morning, when there was a review.
[ArEiL
THE DISCOVERY OF COAL NEAR DOVER.
THE discovery of coal near Dover is one of those events which mark
a new era in our industrial development, and which promises, in
the not very remote f nture, to effect the same changes in south-eastern
England as those which have been caused by similar discoveries in
France and Belgium in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
The story of the discovery is fall of interest, not merely from
the commercial point of view. It is the story of a scientific idea
originated many years ago, taking root in the minds of geologists,
developed into theory, and nltinmtely verified by facts. It offers a
striking example of the relation of faith to works in the scientific
world. The faith has been proved by experiment to be tme, and the
works necessary for the proof would not have been carried out without
the faith. The idea, which when first started was in advance of the
evidence, has been the centre round which the facts have clustered,
until, from the standpoint of to-day, it appears almost as the result of
a strict and rigid induction, without any trace of " scientific imagina-
tion," or a jmori argument.
The physical identity of the coal-bearing districts of Somerset on
the west, with those of Northern France and Belgium on the east, was
fully recognised by Buckland and Conybeare, as far back as 1826, as
well as the fact that the coal-measures lie buried partially under the
newer rocks. It was, however, not until twenty-nine years later that
the idea of the buried coal-fields was advanced by Godwin-Austen,
in a memorable paper, read before the Geological Society of London,
** On the Possible Extension of the Coal-measures beneath the South-
eastern Part of England." * He pointed out that the coal-seama are
• Quarterlif Journal Oeological Soeieti/, London, 1856, xiL p. 36.
i89o] THE DISCOVERY OF COAL NEAR DOVER. 471
vegetable accamnlations, on flat alluvial marshes, close to the water-
line, and extending over a vast area, and that at the close of the
carboniferous age these coal-bearing alluvia wera thrown into a series
of folds, the upper portion of which have, for the most part., been
removed by the destructive action of snl>-aerial agents, and by the dash
of the waves on the shore line, and lastly that most of the present
coal-fields are the lower portions (synclines) of the original curves,
which have been preserved by their position from the operation of the
above-named destructive forces. Great lines of smashing also and
dislocation were developed at the end of the carboniferous period,
and the destruction of the upper curves of the folded rocks was
effected before the deposit of the newer strata. He then proceeded
to shew that the general direction of the exposed coal-fields in South
Wales, and in Somersetshire on the west, and of the Belgian and
North French coal-fields on the east, was ruled by a series of folds
running east and west, parallel to a great line of disturbance,
centred in the ridge, or " axis of Artois," from the south of
Ireland, through South Wales and North Somerset into West-
j>halia. Throughout this area the exposed coal-fields lie in long,
narrow, east and west troughs. Then the series of faulted and
folded carboniferous and older rocks, constituting the "axis of Artois,"
formed a barrier, which gradually sank beneath the sea of the Triassic,
Liassic, Oolitic, and Cretaceous ages. Against this tlie strata of the
thre« first-named ages gradually thin off, while in France and Belgium
the coal-measures and the older rocks of the ridge have been
repeatedly struck, and are now being worked immediately beneath
the Cretaceous strata, over very wide areas. The folded coal-fields,
moreover, along this line, are of the same mineral character, and the
pre- carboniferous rocks are the same in Somersetshire and on the
Continent. This ridge or barrier also, where it is concealed by the
newer rocks, is marked by the arch-like fold (anticlinal) of the chalk
of Wiltshire, and by the line of the North Downs in Surrey and
Kent. Godwin-Austen finally concluded, from all these observations,
that there are coal-fields beneath the Oolitic and Cretaceous rocks in
the south of England, and that they are near enough to the surface
along the line of the ridge to be capable of being worked. He
mentioned the Thames Valley and the Weald of Kent and Sussex as
possible places where they might be discovered.
These strikingly original views gradually made their way, and in
the next eleven years became part of the general body of geological
theory. They were, however, not accepted by Sir Roderick Murchison,
the then head of the Geological Survey, who maintained to the last
that there were no valuable coal-fields in South-eastern England.
The next stage in the development of the question is that which is
marked by the Coal Commission of 186G-71, before whom Godwin-
472
TE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[ApRrt.
Ansten gave evidence. Prestwich was one of the commissioners, and
to him we are indebted for an elaborate report, in which he gives al]
the evidence for and against the existence of the buried coal-fields.
He fortified the views of Godwin-Aneten by a large series of observa-
tions, and finally concluded that coal-fields of the same kind and value ag^
those of Somerset, and of North France and Belgium^ do exist under-
neath the newer rocks of the south of England, and that the very same
coal-measures which disappear in the west under the newer rocks
of Somerset, reappt-ar in the east from underneath the newer rocks
of the Continent along the line of the ridge, or " axis of Artois."
These, however, do not consist of a continuous band of coal-producing
rocks, but are a chain of long, narrow, and isolated coal-troughs,
ranging eastward from Somerset, and with their position so conceAled
beneatli the newer rocks, that it can only be ascertained by actual
experiment. The publication of this report contributed largely to the
solution of the question, which, up to this time, had been merely
treated as a matter of opinion, by helping it onward towards the
experimental stage.
This report, was published in 1871, and in the following year the
Sub-Wealden Exploration Committee was organised, by IVL'. Henry i
Willett,* to test the question of the existence of the carboniferous, andl
pre-carboniferous rocks in the Wealden area, by an experimental boring»J
The site chosen was Nethnrfield, about three miles south of Battle in
Sussex, where the lowest rocks of the Wealden formation constitute
the bottom of the valley. It was resolved to go down as far as the
rocka in question, which were thought to be about 1000 feet below,
or to carry the boring down to at least 2000 feet, if they were not
Btruck before. The work was carried on under considerable diflSculties,
until, in 1 875, it had to be abandoned, on account of the breakage of
many hundred feet of cast-iron lining-pipes, and the loss of thft^
boring tool at the bottom of the hole. The rocks penetrated were
follows : —
Section at NETrrERriELD.
Purbeck Stmta .
2(tn feet
Portland Stmta .
57 „
Kimmerjdpe Clay.
1073 „
Corallian Strata .
515 „
Oxfoi-dClay . . . '.
60 „
1905 „
This boring showed tJiat the eroded surface of the coal-measures and
older rocks were, in that region, more than nineteen hundred feet
from the surface of the ground. We may also infer, from the fact of
• The CotQinittec consisted of Profs. Ramsey. Warrington Smyth, antl rhillijM, Sir
John Lubbock, Sir Philij) Egfrton, and Messrs. i'ljoinai. Hawksley', Prestwich, Bri^tow,
itheridge, Boyd Dawkina, Topley, and "Willett,
i89oI THE DISCOVERY OF COAL NEAR DOVER. 473
the bottom of the bore-hole being in the Oxford clay, and from
the known thickness of the Bath oolitic strata in the nearest places,
that it lies buried baneath considerably more than two thousand feet
of newer rocks. With this valuable, though negative, result, obtained
at a cost of £0275, the Sub-Wcalden Exploration came to an end. It
was a purely scientific inquiry paid for by subscription, and largely
sapported by those who had no pecuniary interest in the result. Had
it been a success, the large landowners in the neighbourhood, who, for
the most part, left the risk of the experiment to outsiders, would have
stepped into the full enjoyment of the results. The chestnuts woald
have been out of the fire, without their paws having been so much as
warmed, at the expense of those of the cat.
The experience of the boring at Netherfield showed that the search
for the coal-measures and older rocks, of Godwin-Austen's ridge,
would have to be carried out at soTne spot further to the north, in the
direction of the North Downs. In the di.strict of Battle the Oolitic
rocks were proved to be more than 1700 feet thick, and the great
and increasing thickness of the successive rocks of the Wealden forma-
tion above them, which form the surface of the ground between Nether-
field and the North Downs, rendered it undesirable to repeat the ex-
periment within the Wealden area proper, where the Wealden rocks
presented a total thickness of more tlian 1000 feet, in addition to that
of the Oolites. My attention, therefore, was directed to the line along
the North Downs, where Godwin-Austen believed that the Wealden
beds abruptly terminated against the ridge of coal-measures and older
rocks, and where, therefore, there would be a greater chance of
«access.
For the next eleven years the problem remained as it had been
left by the boring at Netherfield. In the area of London, however,
evidence was being collected in various sinkings for water, through
the Iy>ndon clay and chalk rocks, that proved the existence of the
ridge in question, which there happened to consist of Silurian strata and
old Red Sandstone, at depths varying from about 800 feet at Ware, to
1239 feet at Richmond. Here, too, there were no Wealden Strata, and
the Oolites at their thickest were not more than 87 feet. The rocks,
moreover, which composed the ridge, were inclined at a high angle, as
in the case of similar rocks underlying the coal-fiflds of Somerset,
aad of Northern Franco and Belgium, and this implied the existence
of troughs of coal-measures in the synclinal folds in neighbouring
areas. It was therefore obvious that the line of the North Downs was
a desirable region for a second experiment.
I come now to the last e.xperiment which has been so fortunately
orowned with success. In 1880* I presented a report to Sir Edward W.
♦ Since this was written my aftcrition Las been dr&wn to the fact that in the same
TtAT Wbitakcr indicated Dover as a likclj fiite for a trial, in a paper road before the
<i«ologlc&l Socioty of London.
VOL. LVIL 2 1
CONTEMP ORAR Y RE VIE W.
[Apwl
Watkin, Chairman of the South-Eastern Railway, and the Channel
Tunnel Company, on the general question, and recommended on both
scientific and commercial grounds that a boring should be made iu
south-east Kent, in the neighbourhood of Dover, and that the Channel
Tunnel works, now so unfortunately suspended, oftered the best site
for the trial. It was almost within sight of Calais, where the coal-
measures had been proved at a depth of 1104 feet. It was also not
more than six miles to the south of a spot where about four hundred-
weight of bituminous material was found imbedded in the chalk, in
making a tunnel, which, according to Godwin-Austen, had been
derived from the coal-measures l>elow. Prestwicb also had pointed
out, in 187S, in dealing with Ihe question of a tunnel between England
and France, that the older rocks were within such easy reach at Dover
that they could be utilised for the making of a submarine tunnel. Sir
Edward Watkin acted with his usual energy on my report, and the
work was begun in 1 886, and has been carried on down to the present
time, under my advice, and at the expense of the Channel Tunnel
Company. The boring operations have been under the direction of
Mr. r. Brady, the chief engineer of the South-Eastern Railway, to
whose ability we owe the completion of the work to its present point,
under very difficult circumstances.
± Chalk.
Coal Mttururft.
A BoriJiji.
B.Channf I Tunnel Shaft.
Kin. 1. — Section of the Strata in Boring at Sluikebpeare ClifT, Dover.
A shaft has been sunk (A of Fig, 1) on the west side of Shake-
speare Clirt', close to the shaft of the Channel Tunnel (B) to a depth
of 44 feet, and from the bottom of this a bore-hole has been made to
a depth of 1180 feet. The rocks penetrated are as follows : —
»89o] THE DISCOVERY OF COAL NEAR DOVER.
475
Section at Shakespeare Cuff, Bover.
Lower grey chalk and chalk marl .
(ilawoonitio marl .....
Gault
Neocomian or lower gi-eensand
Portland stratii .....
Kiinmei'idge clay .....
C'oi-allian rocks .....
Oxford clay ......
Kelloway rock .....
Bathoniaa or lower Oolites
Coal-measurea consisting of sandstones, I
clajstones, shales, and underclays, with ^
coal I
5(11) ft.
GCO
i'O
"Xhe coal-measures were struck at a depth of 1204 feet from the
Surface, and a Beam of good blazing coal was met with 20 feet lower.
Tliis discovery establishes the fact that, at a depth of about 1204
dfeet from the surface, there is a coal-field lying buried under the
xiewer deposits of south-eastern England, and proves up to the hilt
"the truth of Godwin-Auisten's hypothesis after a lapse of thirty-five
^ears. The question is finally settled so far as the purely geological
and scientific side of it goes. It is, howeverj too soon, while the works
are still in progress, to estimate the commercial value of the discover}',
the number of the seams, or the total thickness of the coal underneath
the Shakespeare Cliff. Nor can the extent of the buried coal-fields
be ascertained without many other similar trials in other places. There
are, however, ample grounds for the belief that it is of vast importance
from the value of the Belgian and North French coal-fields on the
eastern, and those of Somerset and South Wales to the western end of
the buried ridge of carboniferous and older rocks.
A series of great coal-fields extends, as may be seen in Godwin-
AoBten's map in the CoaJ Commission Report, from Westphalia in a
ireakerly direction. They are, as Prestwich writes :
" Deep, long, and narrow, and their long axes succeed one another in the
same line of strike. Omitting a few smftll iinimportint coal-ba^iins, the most
euHterly of the groat coal-fields is known as that of the Ruhr, the .second as
that of Aix-la-Chapelle, the third hh that of Liege, and the fourth .as that of
Charleroi, Mons, and Valenciennes. In all these districts the coal-measures
are tilteil-up or faulted on the south against the mountain limestone anil
older rocks, and pass northward under the newer strata, beneath which they
are prolonged until thrown out by other undulations of the older rock.s. The
width, north and south, of these coal-tields is always small compared to their
length. ThuH the coal-fields of Liege is only tln-ee to eight miles wide,
whert«« it haa a length of forty-five miles. So the exposed coal-fields from
Namur u> f'liarlcroi is thiHy-threo miles long; it then pas.>*es under the
dr*'' ' strata, and is prolonged, with a few small e.\posureve,
uii" md thence to Valenciennes. The length of this other
porliuu uf Uie cuiil-iitild is thirty- two miles, making a total of sixty-live miles,
CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
lAvnih
with a width near Namiir of two miles, increasing to seven or eigbt milfis
near Chavleroi, and continued in Franco witJi a widtb of from six to seven
miles."
The enormous value of the Valenciennes coal-field during the last
one hundred years pave rise to numerous borings being made through
the chalk and Tertiary sti'ata, by which it has been proved to range
past Douai and Btthune as far to the west as Aire, and within thirty
miles of Calais, Between Bethune and Aire it is less than one mile
in width. The discovery of coal -measures in sinking a well at Calais,
at a depth of 1104 feet (see Fig. 2), revealed the presence of a fifth
.OaiA
BTHAITS of DOVrn
Coal
attastt re
Fig. 2.
-Section showing ilie probable range of tlio Coal-measures from Dover to
Cnal-field setting in along the same line of strike, and making straight
for Dover under the Channel. It is, in my opinion, part of the Dover
coal-field.
It remains to extend the Belgian and French coal measures still
further to the west under soutliern England, by trial Ixirings, by which
they have been tracked through more than two departments in Franco.
They will, in my belief, ultimately be proved to form a chain of isolated
£eld8, extending from Dover to Somerset.
Nor can there be any doubt as to the value of . these coal-fields,
when the value of Westphalian, Belgian, and French coal-fields is
taken into account. The Westphalian field is 7218 feet thick, with
117 seams, yitldiner 21)1 feet of workable coal. That of Li6ge is
7G00 feet, with 85 seams, and about 212 feet of workable coal. That
of Mons 9-100, with 110 seams and 250 feet of valuable coal. In
Somerset.=^hire the coal-measures are 8100 feet thick, with 55 seams,
yielding 98 feet of workable coal, and in South Wales 1100 feet, with
75 seams and 120 feet of available coal. These coalfields may reason-
ably be taken to indicate the value of those which await the explorer
in southern Enghind.
Are they, however, it may be asked, within the depths at which
mining can be carried on at profit ? They occur at Dover at 1204 feet
iS9o] THE DISCOVERY OF COAL NEAR DOVER.
477
rfrom tho surface, and at Calais at llO'l, and further to the west,
Btween Dover and London, maj be expected to be at the same depth
as the Old Red Sandstone under London, or at about 1100 feet.
This deptli is well within the limits of practical mining. Most of the
important coal-pits in this country are worked at a much greater
depth than this, and range to over 2800 feet. In Belgium one pit
at Charleroi is worked to a depth of 3il2 feet. Year by yoar, as the
means of ventilation, are improved, they are being pushed deeper.
The coal commissioners i\x the limit at i-000 feet because the tem-
perature of the rock at that depth is about 98°, or blood-heat, at
■which work becomes so difficult as to be almost impossible. The
temperature, however, of the air in the workings can be regulated by
the expansion of compressed air, which, at tlio point of escape, lowers
the snrroonding air to freezing point. With this system of ventila-
tion the only limit to depth is that of expense.
From these considerations it is obvious that a large addition to
the supply of coal may reasonably be expected from southern
England.
The discovery of these hidden coal-fields is a question of national
importance, well worthy of the attention of Parliament. It is closely
connected with tho question of royalties, which is now being con-
sidered by a Royal Commission. As the law stands at present, if
the search for coal be successful, the neighbouring landowners, who
nay or may not have contributed to the experiment, are masters of
'the situation, because they can charge what royalties they like. They
can also use the knowledge, obtained by a successful venture, to guide
them to sink pits of their own, without any acknowledgment to those
who have paid for the venture. This serious difficulty in the way of
developing the coal-fields may, in my opinion, be met without inter-
ference with the law of private property, by a small royalty being paid
to the original adventurers on all coal raised within a certain specified
distance of the successful boring and for a specified term of years.
Or, on the other hand, the Government might itaolf take the
necessary exploration in hand, and repay itself by a charge levied
on the coal brought to the surface. Or lastly, the landowners in a given
district might band together to have the experiment carried out at
their own expense.
It cannot reasonably be expected that many such enterprises as this,
which has been so energetically pushed by Sir Edward Watkin, will be
Cfuried on under the present condition of the law as to minerals. At
present all the atlvantagea go to the landowners, and all the risks to the
ndventnrers. Looking at tho magnitude of the interests involved in
this matter it is undoubtedly deserving of special legislation. In
France the minerals belong to the State, and every encouragement is
given to private enterprise, with the net result that wealthy centres of
A LITTLE circle of iniluential writers for the Press are doing
their best to persuade the public thai. " the critical orthodoxies "
of the day are opposed to all forms of idealism in literature, that
" romanticism " is a " backwater," and that the " stream of tendency "
is towards a newer and purer *• realism."' Nonr, I feel rery strongly
that this is utterly untrue, Eind that somebody should say so with all
the emphasis he can command, and thereliy warn the public against
an error that must be fatal to the making of good literature, the
appreciation of good literature, and the moral eftects of good literature
wherever it gains credence and support. But first let me say what
I take these two words ''realism" and "idealism" to mean when
applied to the literature that we call imaginative. I take realism to
mean the doctrine of the impc>rtance of the real facts of life, and
idealism the doctrine of the superiority of ideal existence over the facts
of life. 1 am not a logician, and may lack skill in stating my deHui-
tions, but I think plain people will grasp my plain meaning.
Long ago M. Zola put forth a sort of manifesto in support of the
writings of the brothers De Goncourt, and, as nearly as I can remem-
4wr it, ho therein told the world that the school to which they
tSrloniTHl had st-t out with one clear aim, and one only, that of repro-
' actual life. No romance, no poetry, no uucommon incidents,
ii no situations were to be touched by them. These things
I he machinery of an earlier school of writers, of Dumas and
.Sue. Only the plain, unvarnished, naked, stark fact was to
>d, and with such materials they were going to produce
I nbould be bi-yond comparison more potent than any
n 'Uiiijticism in their influence on man and the world. Well,
what the end of it has been ; bat I am not going to discuss
480
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[API
Zolaism in its effects. Clean-mincTed people are weary of the talk of ^
it) and I grieve to see tliab a writer of pure and noble instincts, |
Thomas Hardy, in his recent protest against the painfal narrowness
Englisli fiction, has been betrayed into prescribing a remedy for the]
evil that is a thousand times worse than the disease. One frequent
reply to the plea of the French realist is that in his determination to
paint the world as it is he has only painted the world's cesspools.
And indeed it is s sufficient answer to say that, though there may be
many Madame Bovarys in the world, the Madame Bovarys are not
the women whom right-minded people want to know more about, and
that though the world holds many harlots, we do not wish to look
down into the deep pit that is a harlot's heai*t. Bat there is a better
rejoinder to the demand of the realist that he should be allowed to
paint the world as it is, and that is that he never can — no, not if h&
were a thousand times a Balzac. And in attempting to do so he is
not only missing the real aim of true literature, but ranning a fearful
risk of following a false literature that can never do the world any
good.
What I mean is this : the largest view that any one man can tal
of life "as it is " usually shows him more that is evil than good. The
physical eye sees, must sec, and always has seen, an enormous prepon-
derance of evil in the world. It h only the eye of imagination, the'
eye of faith, that sees the balance of good and evil struck somewhere
and in some way. And if the physical eye in its pride goes abroad
to believe only what it can see, it comes home either blurred with
tears, as Carlyle's was when he asked himself what God could be doing
in the world he had made for man, or shining with ridicule, as
Voltaire's was when he protested that there v/as no God in the
rascally world at all. For the former of these there is the salvation
of faith always hovering near, but the latter is by much the
'likely chance, and for that there is no salvation whatever. It brin^
cynicism with it, and cynicism is the deadliest enemy that
literature ever had or can have.
Now this is the real pitfall of realism — cynicism. It never has,
and never will, lay hold of an imaginative mind, for imagination and
cynicism cannot live together, and no man of imagination ever was
will be a cynic. But it possesses, like a passion, another type
mind that none can dare to undervalue, a type of mind that is oft«n
stronger than the imaginative mind and always more trustworthy oa
the le.sser issues of life. And it is an evil thing ia literature, because
it leads to nothing. It prompts no man to noble deeds, it restrains
no woman from impurity, it degrades the vii'tues by taking all tha,
xmaelfishness out of them that is their spiritual part. So when wo
hear the realist boast that he is painting " life as it ia," it will be a
sufGoient answer to say that he is talking nonsense ; bat we can add
/
i89o]
THE NEW WATCHWORDS OF FICTION,
481
with truth that, if it were possible for him to paint the world as he
sees it, the chances are that he would thereby be doing the world
.IDttch harm.
The true consort of imagination is enthusiasm, the man of itnagiaa«-
tion has never lived who was not also an enthusiast, and enthusiasm
is the only force that has ever done any good in the world since the
world began. It is the salt of the earth, the salt without which the
earth would rot, and when things' rot they stink. "We see how surely
it has been so with French fiction, which, for twenty years past, has
been the least imaginative fiction produced in Europe. It has no salt
of enthusiasm in it, and so it rota and stinks. It is cynical, and
,Boit does the world no good. Bat enthusiasm, living with imagina-
tion in the hearts of great men, has again and again set the world
aflame, and purified as well as ennobled every nature it has touched,
save only the natures that werf touched already with fanaticism.
And this enthusiasm, which cannot live at peace with realism, lives
and flourishes mth idealism. It seema to say, " If we cannot paint
the world as it is, we can paint it as it should be," and that is idealism.
Don't say the idealist, by my own showing, starts from nowhere. He
starts from exactly the same scene as the realist, the scene of daily life,
and with the same touch of mother earth, only he realizes that the little
bit of life that has come under his physical eye is only a dispropor-
tionate fragment of the whole, and the eye of imagination tells him of
,tiie rest. If he sees the wicked prosper in this life, he does not
content himself with a mere picture of the wicked man's material
prosperity, leaving his reader to cry " If this is true, what is God
^ doing ? " No ; but he shows side by side with the material prosperity
a moral degradation so abject and so pitiful, that the reader must
rather cry, '* Not that, not that ab any price ! " Thus he shows the
man who has failed, as the world goes, that to have succeeded might
have been a worse fate, and he reminds the man who has won in life's
battle that the man who has lost may yet be his master. Lifting up
[tlie down-trodden, encouraging the heavy-laden, "helping, when he
tneeta them, lame dogs over stiles," he does the world some good in
his way, and he does it, not by painting life as he sees it, but by
virtue of the inward eye that we cull Idealism.
Now this idealism has nearly always talcen the turn of romanticism
when applied to literature. It was so when Schiller, in his youth and
wild inexperience, struggled to express himself in "The Robbers,"
when Goethe vrvote '"Faust," when Coleridi^e wrote " The Ancient
Mariner," when Scott wrote "Old Mortality" and "The Bride of
Lammermoor." Romance seemed to these writers the natural vehicle
for great conceptions. Not that they wanted big situations, startling
ofliscts, pictnreatjno accessories, for their own sakea only. These were
I fell good in theii'way, and no writer of true instijicts could have under-
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
lAp&h.
valued them. But they were not the prizes for which the authors 8©t
out. They had no life of their own opart from the central fire that
brought Ihem into exiatence. It was not the Slough of Despond that
produced Christian, but Christian that called for the Slough of
Despond. Then, again, Idealism claims Romance as her handmaid>='n,
but she does not require that the handmaiden shall be of surpassing
beauty ; shi.^ may be a very plain-featured body. Romanticism does
not live only in the loveliest spots in this world of God, and it does not
belong exclusively to the past, as some writers imply. It exists within
the four-mile radius at the present hour, and could be found there if
only we had a second great idealist like Dickens to go in search of it.
To condemn all forms of romance, na the Zola manifesto tried to do,
to banish from fiction all incidents that are out of the common, all
effects that are startling and "sensational," all light and colour that
are not found in every-day life, is t^ conPrnind the function of the
novelist with that of the historian. To the historian fact is a thing for
itself, it is sacred, it dominates all else. To the novelist fact is only
of value as a help towards tlie display of passion ; he does not deliber-
ately falsify fact, but fact — mere fact — has no sanctity for him, and he
would a thousand times rather outrage all the incidents of history than
belie one impulse of the human heart.
The idea at the bottom of the Zola manifesto is a sophism, and a
shallow sophism. It seems to say that the novelist, like the historian,
has for his chief function that of painting the life of his tiiue, and
leaving Ix'hind him a record as faithful and yet more intimate. To
accept this is to narrow the range of imaginative art, which should
have no limits whatever, certainly none of time or healthy human
interest. The real function of the novelist has been too frequently
propounded, and ought to be too obvious to stand in need of definition.
It is that of proposing for solution by means of incident and story a
problem of human life. Passion therefore, not fact, lies at the root of
the novelist's art. Passion is the central fire from which his fact
radiates, and fact is nothing to him except as it comes from that cen-
tral lire of passion. He looks about him, not for startling situations
(though these he would be a fool to despise), but for the great mys-
teries of life, and then he tries to find light through them. These
mysteries are many, and do not belong to an age, but to all time. Two
good men love one woman, and one of them goes up to Paradise while
the other goes down to Hell. There is a problem of life, a human
tragedy occurring constantly. How is it to be solved ? What will or
should the rejected man do ? That is the question the novelist sets
himself, and to ansvvor such a question is the novelist's liighestand all
but his only natural function. But, in answering it, must he Limit
kimaelf to life as he has seen it ? If so, the chances ar« a thousand to
one that he will make the rejected man kill his favoui'ed rival, or else
i89o] THE NEW WATCHWORDS OF FICTION. 483
the woman, or both. That ia realism, that is painting "life as it is."
And is the world likely to be much the better of it ?
The idealist goes differently to work. Instead of asking himself
what solution to this problem life and the world have shown him, he asks
his own heart of what solution human nature at its highest is capable.
This leads him to the heroisms which it is so easy for the cynic to deride.
And the heroisms, for their better effects, often tempt him to a more
inspiring scene and picturesque age than he lives in. He wants all
that the human heart can do, and he gets heroism ; he wants heroism
to look natural, and he gives it a certain aloofness, and that is Roman-
ticism.
It 18 easy to foresee the kind of objection that may be urged to
Idealism as an aim in fiction, and no writer could put it more forcibly
than Mr. Russell Lowell did in one of his early letters to the author
of •• Uncle Tom's Cabin."
" A moml aim is a fine thing ; but, in making a story, an artist is a traitor
who doos not sacrifice everything to art. Rememlier the lesson that Christ
gnve II* twice over. First, he preferred the ii-seless Mary to the dishw.tshing
k Martha ; and next, when that exeniptaiy uioi'alist and fiiend of humanity,
Jadas, objected to the sinful waste of the Mag<lalen's ointment, the great
Teacher would rather it should Ijc wasted in an act of simjjlo l»euuty than
utilised for the benefit of the poor. Cleopatra was an artist when she dis-
solved her biggest pearl to captivate her Antony-public. May I, a critic by
Iprofession, say the whole truth to a woman of genius? Yes? And never
w forgiven ? I Khali try, and trj- to he f<»rgiven, too. In the first place,
pay no regard to the advice of anybody. In the second place, pay a great
Ideal to mine ! A Kilkenny-cattish sort of advice? Not at all. My iidvice
i« to follow your own instincts, to stick to nature, and to .ivoid what people
Commonly call the * Ideal ' ', for that, and beauty and j>athos and success, all
lie in the simply natui-al There are ten thonsjind people who can
write ' ideal ' things for one who cau see and feel and reproduce iiatiu-e and
cbamcter. Ten thousand, did I say ? Nay, ten mihiou. What made Shak-
spere so great ? Nothing hut eyes and — faith in them. The same is true
of Thackeray. I see nowhere more often than in authors the truth
that men love their opposites. Dickens insists on being ti-agic, and makes
«hipwreck."
Now, forcible and eftective, sound and true as this seems at first
sight to be, it is, I make bold to say, one of the most misleading bits
of criticism ever put forth by a gi-eat critic. Surely it would not be
I bard to dispute every clause of it, but only one of its clauses concerns
U5 at presemt, and that is the broad statement that " t<:'n million " can
write "ideal" things for "one who can see and feel and reproduce
nature and character." Exactly the reverse of this is the manifest
truth. Indeed, to outstrip Mr. Lowell in his flight of numbers, I will
nr tliat there is hardly a living human being who cannot in some
-Hwasure " see and feel and reproduce nature and character." Tlie
mere«L child can do it, and often does it(such is the strength of the talent
for mimicry in man), with amazing swiftness and fidelity. The veriest
484
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Apsu.
stable-boy, the simplest village natural, will startle you with his repro-
ductions of the oddities of character, and the novelist who has rendered,
however faithfully, however humorously or pathetically, the scene on
which his bodily eyes have rested, has achieved no more than the cx)nie-
dian on the stxige. But lest this statement of mine should seem to be too
daring a negative to the word of so high an authority, let me set Mr.
Lowell in contrast with one who can do him no dishonour by a contradic-
tion. "As the actual world," says Bacon, "is inferior to the rational soul,
so Fiction gives to Mankind what History denies, and in some measure
satisfies the mind with shadows when it cannot enjoy the substance.
And as real History gives us not the success of things according to the
deserts of vice and virtue, Fiction corrects it, and presents us with the
fates and fortunes of persons rewarded and punished according to
merit." Obviously Bacon, with all hia strong common-sense, was not
one of those " who avoid what people commonly call the ' Ideal.' " And
Burton, quoting this passage in the Terminal Essay to his monumental
'* Thousand Nights and a Night," adds, in his virile way : " But I would
say still more. History paints, or attempts to paint, life as it is, a
mighty maze, with or without a plan ; Fiction shows or would
show us life as it should be, wisely ordered and laid down on fixed
lines. Tlius Fiction is not the mere handmeiid of History ; she has a
household of her own and she claims to be the triumph of Art, which,
as Goethe remarked, is * Art because it is not Nature.' " Goethe
hits the nail on the head. Merely to " reproduce nature and charac-
ter " is not Art at all ; it is Photography. And for one man capable of
that moulding and smelting of nature and character which is rightly
called Art, there are whole worlds of men capable of using the " eyes."
of which ilr. Lowell makes too much, as a sort of human camera. Of
course one cannot be blind to the real force that lies somewhere at
the back of this demand for the real to the neglect of the ideal. A bad
ideal, an imperfect ideal, a wild and mad ideal, is a trivial and common-
place thing, and rather than have such vague imaginative varnishes
one asks for the solid facts of life. We know the fascination of fact —
any sort of fact, no matter what, any life, however remote or mean —
and if it is only real enough we feel it, " Tell us what you know,"
is our cry again and again when writers seem to be busied with telling
us only what they fancy. This craving for the real is good and
healthy, but it ought by no means to be set (as Mr. Lowell sets it) in
opposition to the craving for the ideal. A novelist should know his
facts, lie should know the life he depicts ; yet this knowledge should
not be the end of his art, but only its beginning. That should be
his equipment to start with, and his art should be adjudged by the
good use he puts it to, not by the display he makes of it. Burton
could not have expressed more clearly the difference between fiction
aa Mrs. Beecher Stowe had unconsciously practised it, and as her genial
iS^o]
THE NEW WATCHJVORDS OF FICTION.
485
critic would have had her follow it, than by that contrast, drawn from
Bacon, of fiction and history : '' Fiction is not the mere handmaid of
History ; &he has a household of her own." And I would add for
myself as the essence of my creed as a novelist : Fiction is not nature,
it is not rharacter, it in not inuojined history ; it is fallacy, 2}oeiic
falhcy, jmtJictic fallaty, a lie if you. like, a beaiUiful lie, a lie that is
<it once false and true— false to fact, true to faith.
Towards such healthy Ilomanticisra as Bacon describes English
fiction has long been leaning, and never more so than during the last
five-and-twenty years. We may see this in the homeliest fact, namely,
that craving for what is called poetic justice which makes ninety-nine
hundredths of English readers impatient of any close to a story but a
happy one. The craving is right and natural, though it may be
pnerile to expect that the threads of all stories should be gathered up
to ft happy ending. I know that it is usual to attribute to such
arbitrary love of what is agi-eeable the inferiority in which the fiction of
H this country is said to stand towards the fiction of the rest of Europe.
We are asked to .say liow fiction can live against such conditions of
the circulating libraries as degrade a serious ait to the level of the
nnrserj' tale. Thf answer is very simple : English fiction has lived
ftffainst them, and produced meantime the finest examples of its art
that the literature of the world has yet seen. Unlike the writers
who pronounce so positively on the inferiority of fiction in England, I
^ cannot claim to kuow from " back to end " the great literatures of
B Earope ; but I will not hesitate to say that not only would the whole
body of English fiction bear the palm in a comparison with the whole
^body of the fiction of any other country, but the fiction of England
during the past thirty years (when its degeneracy, according to its
critics, has been most marked) has been more than a match for the
iption of the rest of the world. Indeed, I will be so bold as to name
px English novels of that period, and ask if any other such bulk of
irork, great in all the qualities that make fiction eminent — imngina-
Uon, knowledge of life, passion and power of thought — can be found
N among the literatures of France, Russia, or America. The six novels are
m '• Daniel Deronda," '-The Cloister and the Hearth," " Loma Doone,"
F " The Woman in White," '' The Ordeal of Richard Feverel," and " Far
fiom the Madding Crowd." All these novels are products of romanti-
dsm, and the circumstance that they were written amid the hampering
difficidtieg that are said to beset the feet of fiction is proof enough that
•rbere power i.s not lacking in the artist there is no crying need for
licence in the art.
Bat if liberty is the one thing needful for English fiction, it is not
the liberty of the realism of the Third Empire in France, but the
KlMirtjr of the romanticism of the age of Elizabeth in England ;
lie liberty of all great and healthy passions to go what lengths they
486
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[APBXb
■will. For many years jiast the cynicism that has been only too vocal
in English criticism has been telling us that it is a poor thing to give
way to strong feeling, that strong feeling is the mark of an untaught
nature, and that education should help us to control our emotions and
conceal them. I am told that this type of superfine cynicism comes
from Oxford, but on that point I can ofter no opinion. Whatever its
source its eiTects are baneful, for it outs at the root of the finest
quality that imaginative writing can have, the quality of passion. No
such plea ever had a hearing in the days when English literature was
at its best. It was not a childish weakness to give way to powerful
emotions when " Lear " was written. Powerful emotions were sought
for their own sakes, and no man was shocked when Cordelia perished
in a just caase. Sentiment is different now, and with great passions
of the purest kind lying everywhere abont us, we who write to please
must never touch them, or, touching them, we must never probe them
deeply. And this is one of the ways in which the thing called
realism is compelled to play its own game backwards.
A doctrine may fairly be judged by the example of its best
exponents, and of all the champions of realism the healthiest, I think,
is TurgeniefF. I do not place Fliinbert in that position, because his
work seems always to be clouded by the moral shadows that over-
hung his own life. Neither do I place M. Daudet there, for the
reason that the ethical character of his best work is disfigured by what
I cannot but consider a wilful determination to find the balance of
justice on the wrong side of the world's account. But I place
Turgenieff at the head of the n^alists, because he seems to mc to have
been an entirely healthy man, who cnmeto an honest conclusion, that
poetic justice is false to human Hfe, and that human life is \he only
model for imaginative art. Well, what of Tourgenieff ? We shall
never know how much we have lost in him by that accident of exile
which brought him under the influence of Flaubert. He does not of
set purpose make *' the wicked prosper and the virtuous miscarry^"
still less does ho paint the world's cesspools under pretence of painting
the world ; but he leaves you without hope, without expectation, and
in an atmosphere of despair more chilling than the atmosphere of a
vault. His novels may be just representations of actual life, but they
begin nowhere and end nowhere ; and, like the little bits of nature
that come under a phot^ngrapliic camera, they are transcripts, not
pictures of life. It is not because they end sadly that they outrage
poetic justice. It is because they do not in any true sense end at all.
" Macbeth " ends sadly, but it ends absolutely, because it ends with
justice. *' Cato " also ends sadly, but it ends only as the broken
column ends, merely because there is no capital to crown it. And,
rightly followed, justice is the only end for a work of imaginative art,
whatever may be the frequent end of life. Without it what is a work
iS^-]
THE NEW WATCmVORDS OF FICTION.
487
of art ? A fragment, a scrap, a passing impression. The incidents
of life are only valuable to art in degree as they are subaervieut to an
idea, and an idea is only valuable to man in the degree to which it helps
him to see that come what will the world is founded on justice. Tom
by the wind a bird's nest falls to the ground, and all the young birds
perish. That is a faitMul representation of a common incident oflife,
bat a thousand such incidents massed together would not make a work
of art. Justice is the one thing that seems to give art a right to exist,
and justice — poetic justice, as we call it — is the essence of Roman-
ticism.
And is this Romanticism a "backwater"? Has the stream of
literary orthotloxies ceased to flow with it ? A little band among the
writers of the time are ansWering, "Yes," but we answer "No;"
Romanticism is not a " backwater," can never be a " backwater," and
the stream of literarj' orthodoxies in England is at this moment
flowing more strongly with Romanticism tlian at any time since the
death of Scott. It is true that realism has lately had its day in
England as well as in France. In France it has been nasty, and in
England it has been merely trivial. Bat the innings of realism is
over ; it has scored badly or not at all, and is going out disgraced.
The reign of mere fact in imaginative literature was very short, it
i» done, and it is making its exit rapidly, with a sorry retinae of
either t^acnp-and-saucer nonentities or of harlots at its heels. And
oW Romanticism that was before it is coming into its own again.
Sorely it is impossible to mistake the signs of the times in the
aflTairs of literature. What is going on in Europe ? J never meet a
Frenchman of real insight but he tells me that Zolaiam as a literary
jCorce is as nearly as possible dead in France. Its dirty shroud keeps a
iith of it flitting before men's eyes. And what is France going back
The Idealism of George Sand ? The Romanticism of Hugo ?
Perhaps not, though Hugo is not as far gone in Franco as some people
would have us believe. France is at this moment waiting for a new man,
depend upon it, when he comes, he will be a romanticist. If such
the signs of the literary horizon in France, what are they in the
refit of Europe ? What in Russia, where Tolstoi has taken all that
is .good in the Realism of France and engrafted it on to the brave and
noble and surpassing idealism of English poetry at the beginning of
this century ? What in the Scandinavian countries (the stronghold
of the purer and higher Rcalisiu), where Bjnrnsen, as I can attest from
tome personal knowlt^dge of Norway, is a stronger force than Ibsen,
himself more than half an idealist ? What in America, where the
romance of tie soil is pushing from its stool the teacup Realism
' thq last twenty years, and even the first champions of such Realism,
who have said that there is suflicient incident in *' the lifting up of a
ehalr," and that "all the stories are told." are themselves turning
(
483 THE CONTEMPORARY REXHEW, [Apbil
their backs on their own manifesto, and coming as near to Romanticism
as their genius will let them ?
On every side, in every art, music, the drarua, patntiog, and even
sculpture, the tendency is towards TiomaDce. Not the bare actualities
of life " as it is," but the glories of life as it might be ; not the
domination of fact, but of feeling. I think one might show this yet
more plainly by illustrations dra-mi from the stage of the time. The
cry of the stage of tO'day ia Romance, the cry of fiction is Romance,
the cry of music is Romance, and I do not think I belie the facts
when I say that the cry of the Science of this honr is also for
Romance.
Romance is the cry of the time, and the few eyniM of the Press
may deride it as much as they like, but Romance is going to be once
more the tendency of literature, and the sum and substance of its
critical orthodoxy. The world now feels exactly the same want as it
has always felt. It wante t» be lifted up, to be inspired, to be thrilled,
to be shown what brave things human nature is capable of at its best.
This must be the task of the new Romanticism, and the new Romanticism
can only work through Idealism. It can never be the task of the old
realism. The Realists are all unbelievers; unbelievers in God, or
unbelievers in man, or both. The Idealist most be a believer ; a
believer in God, a believer in man, and a laeliever in the divine justice
whereon the world is founded.
So I say that these two are going to be the watchwords of fiction
for the next twenty years at least — RosiAKTiciSM and Idealism.
Hall Gains.
1890]
OUGHT THE REFERENDUM TO BE
INTRODUCED INTO ENGLAND?
" TT is a question for us EnglLsbmen to consider whether it woiild he
J. possible and advantageous to introduce the Referendum at home. For
instance, it might well be that such a vexatioua question as Home Rule for
Ireland couM once for jill be settled one way or the other, by a vote of the
'Hrhole electonil l>ody in the United Kingdom. We merely throw this out
a suggestion, but of course the conditions of Great Britain are very
^different from those of Switzerland, where the nation in so eminently
'■democratic, and where the Referendum has been liabituaMy employed for a
variety of local matters."*
These are the words of the only Englishman who has treated of
modem Swiss politics both with adequate knowledge and with perfect
impartiality. They will not in the long run fall xmheeded on the
public ear. The British Constitution, while preserving its monarchical
'fonn, has for all intents and purposes become a Parliamentary
democracy. When this fact with all its bearings is once clearly
^perceived by Englishmen, theorists and politicians will assuredly
ask themselves what may be the effect, for good or bad, of trans-
planting to England the newest and the most popular among the
institntions of the single European State where the esperiment of
democratic go\ernment has, though tested by eveiy possible difficulty,
tamed ont a striking, and, to all appearance, a permanent, success.
My aim in this article is (following out the line of thought
TOggested by Sir Francis Adams), to examine three qut-sttons : first,
what is the nature of the Swiss Referendum ? secondly, whether it he
possible to introduce the princi])le of the Reftrcnflum into the world
of English politics ; and, thirdly, whether such introduction would bo
beneficial to the nation ?t
• AdamR, " Swiss Confederation," p. 87.
t The liefcrendum is throughout this tirtielc doscrihed only in its broadest ontline,
{or Englishmen are much more conccrne<l with this principle of the Swiss institatioo
VOL. LYU. 2 K
490
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Apbiu
Tho Referendum may be roughly defined as the reference to alJ ydti^
possessing citixons of the Confederation for tht- ir acceptance or rejection,
of laws passed by their representatives in the Federal Assembly.*
Under the Swiss Constitution ns amended or re-enacted in 1874,
all legislation of the Federal Parliament is or may be subject to the
Referendum,! but an important distinction is drawn lietween laws
which do, and laws which do not, effect changes in the Constitution.
In Switzerland, as in England, the Constitution can always be
revised or altered by the National Parliament. But in Switzerland
no law w^hich rcvisoa the Constitution, either wholly or in part, can
come into force until it has been regularly submitted by means of the
Referendum to the vote of the people, and lias been approved both by
a majority of the citizens who on the particular occasion ^i\e their
votes, and also by a majority of the Cantons. With the elaborate
provisions which secure that under certain circumstances a vote of tie
people shall be taken, not only on the question whether a particular
amondment or revLsion of the Constitution approved by the Federal
Assembly shall or shall not come into force, but also on the preliminary
question whether any revision or reform of the Constitution shall take
place at all, we need for our present purpose hardly trouble ourselves.^
What Englishmen should note is that when any law, or as we should
say Bill, amending thp Constitution has passed the two Houses of the
Federal Assombly, it cannot take effect until it has been made the
Bubject of a Referendum and has received the assent of a majority
bo(h of the vottTS and of the Cantons. For the validity, in short, of
a constitutional changp n reference to the people is an absolute neces-
sity. The Referendimi is here, in the language of Swiss constita-
tionalists, an " obligatory " or " necessary " Referendum-
Critics ought further to note that the necessity for the Referendum
extends to many laws which under our English system would not b&
called Reform Bills, or be considered to effect any amendment of the
Constitution. The reason of this is that the Swiss Constitution con-
thoQ witb the particnlar constitational mechanism by xrhich cEfcct is given to tlie
principle in Switzerland. Whoever desires further information sbould consult, among-
otbcr authorities, Adams' " Swiss Confederation," cap, vi. ; Orollis "Das Stiiatureoht '
der Schweizcrischen Eidgenosscnr^clitift," pp. 79. 80, 8.1-88 ; Coa.stUtition Fi-dcralo, art*.
89, 90, and 121 ; and also a notice uf Adams' work in the J&iinbttrgh Jieview for Janoarr
1890. The Referendum, it should al.xo be noted, is in this article treated of all but
exclu*ivclv as a p,aTt of thr^ Swiss Fedcnil or Natiuti.il Constitution. It exists, however,
and flonrinhciJ a.<i a local in.stitution in nil but one or two Cantons. A competent
English observer who should report minutely upon the working of the Referendum a»
a cjintonal institution, and e.'ipecially at Zurich, woidd render a service of inestimable
value to all students of political .science. * See Adams, p. 76.
t See Constitution Ft'df'rak', arts. 89, 113-121. Swiss authorities do not apjiarently
apply the term " Referendum " to the popular eanctiun required for the validity of any
revision of the Constitution under Const. Fed,, art, 121, It is, however, clear that the
popidar a.ssent which i.s required for all coui^titutioual amtudmeats pa: lakes of the
nature of a Iteferendum.
i89o]
THE REFERENDUM.
491
tains a large number of articlea wliicli have no reference to the
distribution or exercise of Sovereign power, but which embody general
maxims of policy, or (It may be) special provisions as to mutters of
detail, to which the Swiss attach great importance, and which there-
fore they do not wish to be easily alterable. All the enactments,
however, contained in the Constitution, form, whatever be their essen-
tial character, part thereof. No one of them can therefore be legally
abolished or modified without the employment of the Referendum,
Thus ft law which limited the liberty of conscience secured by Article 49
uf the Federal Constitution, or which interfered with the liberty of
the press guaranteed by Article 55, or which in contravention of
Article 65 enacted that treason or any political offence should be pun-
ished by death, would not, according to English ways of thinking,
•Ijring about a constitutional change ; but it would undoubtedly modify
a part of the Federal Constitution, and could not therefore be enacted
without the use of the Referendum.
Laws which do not affect the articles of tJie Constitution como
(or may come) into force on being passed by the Federal Parliament
without the necessity for being submitted to a popular vote.
Bat in the case even of ordinary legislation 30,000 voters, or eight
Cantons, may, within a definite period, fixed by .statute, after the passing
of any law, demand that it shall be submitted to the Svnss people
for approval or rejection. When once this demand has been duly
made the particular law, say an Education Act, to which it applies,
must of necessity l>e made the subject of a Ileferendum. AVhether it
comes into force or not depends on the result of the popular vote.
There is, be it observed, no need in this instance for obtaining the
assent of the majority of the Cantons. This Referendum, which may
or may not be required according as it is or is not demanded, is called,
in the language of Swiss jua'ists, a "facultative" or "optional"
Referendum.*
The matter then stands shortly thus : No change can be introduced
into the Constitution which is not sanctioned by the vote of the Swiss
people. The Federal Assembly, indeed, may of its own authority
pass laws which take effect without any popular vote, provided these
laws do not affect the Constitution ; but It is practically certain that
DO enactment important enough to excite elTectire opposition can
ever become law until it has received the deliberately expressed sanc-
Ikm of the Swiss people.
Foreigners often miss the true characteristics of the Referendum in
8witKer]aiid, because they confuse it with essentially different forma
of appeal to the people which are known to other conntries.
• It woiilrl apjiear further that, ns a matter of priicticp even whore no demand is
raatto for on appeal to the people, the Feiieral Counuil or Ministry luay, if it tliink8 fit,
make aoy ordinary law the subject of a Rifereudum.
492
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Aphil
The Referendum looks at first sight like a French pHhiscilc,* but no
two institutions can be marked by more essential diiferences.
A plihiscitc is a mass vote of the French people by which a
Revolutionary or Imperial Executive obtoius for its policy, or its
Crimea, the apparent sanction or condonation of France. Frenchmen
are asked at the moment, and in tht' form most convenient to the statt'S-
men or conspirators who rule in Paris, to say '' Aye " or " No '' whether
they will, or will not, accept a given Constitution or a given policy. The
crowd of voters are expected to reply in accordance with the wishes or
the orders of the Executive, and the expectation always has met. and an
observer may confidently predict always will meet, with fulfilment.
The plt'listiitc is a revolutionary, or at least abuonnal, proceeding. It
is not preceded by debate. The form and nature of the question to
be submitted to the nation is chosen and settled by the men in power.
Rarely indeed, wlien a plihiscitc has been taken, has the voting
itself been either free or fair. Tain© has a strange tale to tell of the
methods by which a Terrorist faction, when all but crushed by
general odium, extorted from the country by means of the pld'isciti- a
sham assent to the prolongation of revolutionary despotiam.t The
credulity of partisanship can nowadays hardly induce even Imperialists
to imatfine that the jiUhiscitcs which sanctioned the establishment of
the Empire, which declared Louis Napoleon President for life, which
first re-established Imperialism, and then approved more or less
Liberal reform.s, fatal at bottom to the Imperial system, were the
free, deliberate, carefully considered votes of the French nation given
after the people had heard all that could be said for and against the
proposed innovation. Grant that in more than one of these cases the
verdict of the pUhiscik corresiKiuded with the wish of the nation,
ThQ pUhisdtc itself still remains without value, for, at the moment when
the nation was asked to express the national will, France was placed
in such a position that it would have been scarcely possible for any
sane man to form any other wish than that assent to the Government's
proposals might remove all excuse for 'prolonging a period of lawless-.
ness or despotism. It is reasonable enough to believe that Franco
desired the rule of the First Napoleon. But tbia belief depends on
the result not of Napoleonic plelnmhs, but of a fair estimate of the
condition of affairs and of the state of public opinion. We may
believe, in short, that the plUAscite which sanctioned the foundation of
the Empire expressed the will of t\w nation, because there are rational
grounds for believing that France might desire Imperial government.
But no one bases his belief in the desire for the Empire on the result
of the plebisciic which nominally sanctioned its establishment..
Deliberation and discussion are the requisite conditions for rations
• See Maine, " Popular Government,'' pp. 38-41.
■f Sdc Talce, "La R6voluticD," totue iii.j "Le Gouvernement R6vohitionnairc,*'
jij<. 561 and following.
>89o]
THE KEFEREXDUM.
493
decision. Where effective opposition is an impossibility, nominal
assent is an unmeaning compliment. .
The essential characteristics, however, the lack of which deprives
a French jiJ^bmUe of all moral" significance, are the undoubted
properties of the Swiss Referendum. When a law revising the
Conatitution is placed bcifore the people of Switzerland, every
citizen throughout the land has enjoyed the opporfcmiity of learn-
ing the merits and the demerits of the proposed alteration. The
subject has been '"■ threshed out." as the expression goes, in Parlia-
ment ; the scheme, whatever its worth, has received the delibe-
rately given approval of the elected Legislature ; it conies before the
people with as much authority in its favour as a Bill which in England
has passed through both Houses. The voters have been given the
opportunity before pronouncing their decision of learning all that can
be said for, and (what is stiJl more im]iortant) all that can be said
against, a definite measure, by every man who. either from a public
platform, or in the columns of the press, or in private conversation,
advocates or deprecates its adoption. The position of the Swiss people
when summoned to vote upon a constitutional amendment is pretty
much what would have been the position of the British electorate if,
in 1886, the Home Rule Bill had, after ample discussion and amend-
ment, passed through both Hoases of Parliament, and thereupon the
Queen, .feeling the extreme importance of the occasion, had called
upon tde voters of the United Kingdom to give an answer by a mass
vote '• Aye " or " No " to the question whether she should or should
not give her assent to the Government of Ireland Bill, 1886. Swiss
citizens, be it added, vote on the occasion of a Referendum at least as
freely as do English electors at a general election. Neither the Council
nor the Federal Assembly can constrain or influence their votes ; as
a matter of fact, the voters constantly reject measures referred to
them for approval. The gravest charge brought against the Refer-
endum by its critics, and brought with much show of reason, is that
it obstructs improvement Whatever be the force of this criticism,
the mere fact that it can be made with plausibility afibrds conclusive
proof that the Referendum is a real appeal to the true judgment of the
nation, and that the appeal is free from the coercion, tht^ unreality, and
the fraud which taint or vitiate a, plebiscite. The Referendum, in short,
18 a regular, normal, peaceful proceeding, as unconnected with revo-
lutionary violence or desjKitic coercion, and as easily carried out, as
the sending up of a Bill from the House of Commons to the Housf of
Lords. It causes less disturbance, and probably less excitement,
throughout the country than is occasioned in the United Kingdom by
a general election.
To an Englishman the idea naturally occurs that a general election
is in its nature, though not in its form, a Referendam.
■jrxi/',
inrr
r,-
.:..;u:
■■= i:
Tn
:..:!V..
~\:r-Ti.
«S9o]
THE REFERENDUM.
495
iation. But our English system of governrneat makes it a certainty
tJiat statesmen, of all psulit'S will do their best to confuse the issues
which at an election are nominally subiiiitt^d to the* verdict of the
nation. A Ministry will always, if possible, ilissolve at the moment
when any adventitious circumstance enhances the popularity of the
Cabinet. A success ftbroad. any circumstance which for the moment
discredits a leading opponcat, auy suddon event which may have
raised the reputation of tlie Government or brought odium upon the
Opposition, will be used as a means for inducing the electors to
favour the Ministerial policy, and to return representatives who may
support the legislation recommended by the Ministry. The Opposition
of the day will follow suit, lOvery accident which tells against the
party in office, every error or alUgod error of judgment, whether im-
portant or trifling, which affects the momentary jxjpularity of the
Cabinet — the inconsiderate utterances of a Prt-mier, the inopportune
severity, or the undue leniency, of a Home Secretary in the execution
of the law, the badness of the seasons, and the depression of trade —
are each and all of them matters which respectable politicians
turn to accoimt in the effort to deprive the Government of the day
of public goodwill, and to divert the attention of the electors from
the serious and substantial issue w^hether the kind of legislation
which is opposed by the one, and supported by the other, of the great
parties in the State, be or be not likely to benefit the country. It
were useless and pedantic to blame or deplore conduct which, how-
♦•ver disastrous to the countiy, results naturally from the faults of
human nature when these vices are fostered by a scheme of public
Ufe, which links indi.ssolubl3- together the personal success and
influence of politicians with the triumph of particular schemes of
legislation. Nor is partisanship always to blame for the confusion
of issues which the public interest imperatively requires to be kept
clear of each other. An election determines which of two parties
r^hall enjoy the advantages, and incur the responsibilities, of govern-
ment. Now it may well happen that men of sense and patriotism
viah, on the whole, to keep a particular body of statesmen in power.
whilflt severely condemning some legislative proposal which these
[rtatesmen advocate. These well-meaning citizens are at a general
election placed upon the horns of a dilemma from which there is
no practical escape. They must either banish from office men whose
policy they in many respects approve, or else sanction the passing of
a law which they belifve to be impolitic. Contrast this state of
things with the position of the Swiss people wlirn appealed to by
means of the Referendum. The appeal is exactly what it purports to
bt', a reference to the people's judgment of a distinct, definite, clearly
stated law. Every " Bill " laid before the Swiss for their acceptance
has, be it again noted — for this is a fact which can hardly be too
496
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Afto,
(Strongly insisted upon — passed through both Houses of the Federal
Parliamtmt, It has been drafted by the Federal Ministry or Council ;
it has been the object of ample discossion ; its fair consideration has
been, or certainly may be, secured by all the safeguards known to the
Parliamentary system. The Referendum does not hurr\" on a single
law, nor facilitate any legislation which Parliamentary wisdom or
caution tlisapproves. It merely adds an additional safeguard against
the hastiness or violence of party. It is not a spur to democratic
innovation ; it is a check placed on popular impatience.*
It may be worth adding that the most trustworthy SwLss authorities
consider an " obligatory " far preferable to an " optional " Referendum ;
the latt*T is the result of an agitation which gives a character of
partisaiifihip to the resulting Referendum.
Tho law to be accepted or n-jected is laid before the citizens of
Switzerland in its precise tenus ; they are concerned solely with its
merits or demerits, their thoughts are not distracted by the necessity
for considering any other topic. No one's seat either at the Council
Iward or in th»> Assembly depends upon the law's passing. The
Councillors will cxsntinue to discharge their administrative duties
whether the measun^s submitted to the Swiss people are or are not
sanctioned by the citizens. The rejection of measures approved bv
the Federal Parliament does not, it would appear, injure the position
of the majority by whom the rej^ted schemes have been proposed or
supported. The Swiss distinguish between men and raeafiures ; they
send to Parliament the members, say the Radicals, with whose policy
they on th(^ whole agree, even though these representatives have carried
through Parliament Bills to which the Swiss voters refiise their assent.
This fact is well established ; it is quite of a piece with the absolutely
indisputable fact that the members of the Swiss Council, or Ministry,
thongh they require triennial re-election by the Federal Assembly, hold
oflice by what is practically a permanent tenure. All this appears odd
enough to Englishmen. To a stranger from China or Persia, such as
philosophers of the eighteent h century introduced into their es-says as the
observer, critic, or satirist of European customs, the habits of English
public life may appear more opposed to the dictates of right reason
than the practice of the Swiss democracy. However this may be, the
])eopl6 of Switzerland have recognized to the full their own sovereignty,
and act in the main on tJie principles which guided an English
monarch during the ages when, though Parliament was the acknow-
•Of course in making thw statement, I <lt> not refer t^the right given under Cons
tutional F^'dorale, .irt. 120, to 50,0(H) Swiss citizens of demanding the preparation <
» scheme for revising the Constitution. This right i.s what Swiss aathors call the
Initiative, and is certainly not an essential part of the Referendum.
A law which has p-ossed the Houses is sometimes submitted to the people in i
form that the voters may accept it either wholly or in part, but in general I '
laws for the amendment of the Constitution are voted niion as a whole.
i89o]
THE REFERENDUM
497
ledged and sovereign Legislature of the land, the king was the most
influential member of the sovereign power. A Tudor monarch
retained valued servants in his employment, even though he rejected
their advice. He acknowledged the legislative authority of I'arlia-
it, but he maintained his claim to be part of the Legislature and
rfused assent to Bills which, thoiigh passed by the Houses, seemed
to him impolitic. The Swiss people in like manner, being the true
Sovereign of Switzerland, retain, in the service of the State, Ministers
whose measures the roters nevertheless often refuse to sanction. The
Swiss democracy values the legislative ability of the Federal Parlia-
ment, but, like an English king of the sixteenth century, constantly
withholds assent from Bills passed by the two Houses. The Refer-
endum is a revival of the miscalled *' veto," but is a veto lodged in the
hands, not of a sovereign monarch, but of a sovereign people. Such a
veto produces the same effects, whatever be the power by which it is
exercised. It secures the Constitution against any change which the
Sovereign does not deliberately approve ; it tends to produce per-
manence in the tenure of office ; it undermines the strength of that
elaborate party system which in England lies at the basis not of
Parliamentary government, but of government by Parliament.
No vital change in either the law or the customs of the Constitu-
tion would be so easy of introduction into England as the establishinent
in principle of the Referendum, or of a popular veto on any amendment
or alteration in the Constitution ; such, for example, as thr diaestab-
lishment of the Church, or a considerable diminution in the numbers
of the House of Commons.
The methods by which this popular veto might be established are
various and of different merit.
First. The House of Lords might adopt a new policy with regard
to all Bills which, in the judgment of the Peers, modified the Consti-
tution. They might announce their re.solution, on the one hand, to
reject every Bill, from whatever party it might proceed, which contained
coDStitutional amendments, until the Bill, after having passed the
House of Commons, had been in eilect submitted to the electors at a
general election, and had received their sanction by the return of a
decisive majority in its favour ; and, on the other hand, when once
such a majority had been obtained, to pass as a matter of consti-
tutional duty any Bill which, being again approved by the House of
Commons, substantially corresponded with the measure the Peers
bad before rejected, with a view to ensuring its submission to the
judgment of the nation.
Such a policy, if carried out with vigour and impartiality, would
198
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[APHIt
constitute the House of Lords the guardian of the Const itation.
It would involve a great noiuiiial sacrifice of authority, but the real
loss would be little or nothing, for the Peers would exchange an
unrestricted veto, which they cannot exercise, for a suspensive veto
which would be real, because its exercise would be supported by
popular approval.
This is the easiest mode of establishing the Referendum. It is,
however, the le«,st satisfactory. The Act finally passed aflber a general
election, would not be the Bill on which the nation had pronounced
a verdict. What is of far more itnportance, a general election is, for
reasons already stated, but an indifferent imitation of a true Referendum.
Secondly. Either Ilouse of Parliament might petition the Crown
not to assent to the passing of a particular Bill, say for the disestablish-
ment of the Church, or for granting the Parliamentary sufTrnge to
women, unless and until a vote of the electors throughout the United
Kingdom had been taken, and the majority of the electorate had voted
in favour of the Crown giving its assent.
The Queen might further conceivably vwiu proprio — i.e., in truth,
■on the advice of the Cabinet for the time being — announce that her
Majesty would give or refuse her assent to a given Bill which had passed
the two Houses, according to the results of the votes given on the
matter by the electors of the United Kingdom.
This use of the royal prerogative has been suggested by ^Mr. Frank
llill, in a recent number of the Contemporahy. It would, of course, be
new and anomalous; it would therefore be called "unconstitutional"
by every man who feared the result of an appeal to the people. But
this employment of the veto would be in strict conformity with the
principles which have governed the growth of the Constitution. English
history, from a constitutional point of view, is little else than a record
of the transactions by which the prerogatives of the Crown have been
transformed into the privileges of the people. The exercise of the
prerogative has no doubt hitherto been in effect transfen'ed from the
Crown to the House of Commons. But now that the true political
Sovereign of the State is the electorate, the Crown may rightly exercise
the royal veto, so as to ensure that changes in the Constitution shall
not be in reality opposed to the will of the electors. It were impos-
sible for the Queen to make a more legitimate exertion of her
prerogative than to use it as the means for checking tie arrogance of
party by ensuring the supremacy of the nation.
Thirdly. Parliament might insert in any important Act (such, for
example, as any statute for the repeal or niodification of the Act of
Union with Ireland) the pronaion that the Act should not come into
force unless and until, within six months of its pas.sing, a vote of the
electors throughout the United KJingdom had been taken, and a
majority of the voters had voted in favour of the Act.
i89o]
THE REFEREXDUM.
499
Fourthly. A general Act niiglit be passed containing two main
provisions ; first, that the Act itself should not come into force until
sanctioned by such a vote of the electors of the United Kingdom as
already mentioned ; and secondly, that no future enactment afiectiug
certain subjects — eg,, the position of the Crown, the constitution of
either House of Parliament, or any part of either of the Acts of Union
— should come into force, or have any effect, nntil sanctioned by such
v<.>te as aforesaid of the electors of the United Kingdom.
It is not ray object to draft even in outline an enactment for the
introduction of an appeal to the electors with reference to legislation
of grave importance. Any Act establishing a Referendum would
neceasarily lay down the conditions on which the vote of the electors
shonld be taken and the mode of taking it. Such a statute might, it
is clear, make the validity of the law which was to be submitted to
popular approval depend either upon its obtaining in its favour the
vote of the majority of the electorate, or upon its obtaining, as in
Switzerland, the approval of the majority of the electors who actually
vote. With these and other details no man of sense will at present
trouble his mind j what needs to be insisted nixjn is that, either by the
use of the prerogative, or by direct Parliamentary enactment, the
Referendum may easily be introduced among the political institutions
of the United Kingdom ; it may be introduced eitJier in a general
form, or experimentally in regard to a particular enactment. There
is no lack of mechanism for achieving this object; the resources
of the .Constitution are infinite.
Some theorist will object that any Act introducing the Referendum
will have little validity, since Parliament might by a subsequent
statute undo its own handiwork. This objection, whatever bo its
speculative force, is in the particular case of no practical moment.
Any careful student of the Swiss Constitution will perceive that the
Federal Assembly might, under the ailicles of the Constitution itself,
(jccasionally dispense with or override the Referendum.* This possi-
bility of rapid legislation may conceivably be of great advantage at a
crisis, which places the existence of the nation in peril. But in
Switzerland the rights of the people are never in fact overridden. As
it is rn Switzerland, so would it be in Knglanrl. Let a popular veto
be established, and the popular veto will command respect.
A critic may again suggest that the introduction of the Referendum,
is practically impossible, because the change it involves is opposed at
once to the interests and to the instincts of members of Parliament.
iTiftt the Honse of Commons would cordially dislike an innovation
which tends to diminish the importance of the House admits not of
dijipate. In this one instance, however, the feeling of members of
Parliament is of small importance; the authority of the House
• Constitntioa F^df rnlc, art. 80.
500
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Apbtl
depends ou the support of the electors. An appeal to the electorate,
by whatever party and by whatever means it is Lntrodnced, will never
offend the electors. The rejection of a Bill by the Lords excites
indignation because it may be represented as a defiance offered by
the ariatocracy to the will of the people. But were the Crown, or the
Lords, to prevent a Bill coming immediately into force solely for the
sake of submitting it to the people for popular approval or rejection,
a course of proceeding which would elicit Parliamentary rhetoric and
reprobation, could provoke no popular censure. The nation would
condone or applaud a direct appeal to the nation's own sovereignty.
The possibility of introducing the principle of the Referendum into
English legislation admits not of doubt. The far more important
question is whether a change of immense moment, which is certainly
feasible, is also expedient.
m.
Would the introduction of the Referendum into England be of
benefit to the nation ?
This is an inquiry which no competent student of comparative
politics will answer oflThand, or with dogmatic assurance.
The assumption were rash that even in Switzerland, where the
recognition of the popular veto on legislation is firmly established, the
Referendum is entirely successful, and does not produce evils which
must be carefully weighed against its alleged beneficial results ; and
though Conservative Swiss opinion now, on the whole, favours an
institution originally invented and introduced by Radicals, there is no
doubt that the Referendum is, in the opinion of fair-minded and com-
petent judges among the Swiss, open to criticism and to censure.
It were, again, the rasheat of assumptions that arrangements which
work well in Switzerland are certain to produce good effects in England.
The Swiss Republic is no ideal commonwealth. And the experience
of more than a century makes it impossible for honest thinkers to
fancy that in the world, either of fact or of imagination, they can
discover some perfect constitution which may serve as a model for the
correction of the vices to be found in existing polities. No man
endowed with a tithe of Montesquieu's learning and sagacity could at
the present day treat the institutions of any country after the manner
in which the Constitution of England was treated by the author of
the " Esprit dea Lois." It were imddious to dwell on the short-
comings of that immortal work, for modem critics are far more
likely to neglect the vital truths contained, and to a certain
extent concealed, under the dogmas of the French jurist than to ex-
aggerate the importance of teaching expressed in formulas which
have ceased to be the commonplaces of the day. Yet the mistakes
of Montesquieu contain a lasting warning. He studied English
i«9o]
THE REFERENDUM.
501
institutions with infinite care, yet in some points he profoundly
misanderstood the Constitution which was the object of his intellectxial
adoration and his misunderstandingfl, just because their ingenuity
have misled generation after generation. The errors of M'Jiitesquieu
are not more instructive than the mistakes made by the gi-eatest
among his disciples. The more minutely the details of the French
Resolution are studied the stronger becomes the conviction of capable
jodges that the genius of Burke was, even when swayed by passion,
endowed with something of prophetic insight into the nature and the
perils of the most astounding movement or catastrophe which, since
the days of the Reformation, has convulsed Europe. But every
increase in historical knowledge, just as it enhances our veneration
for Burke's insight into the folUes and the vices of the Revolution,
also increases our sense of the gravity of those misconceptions as to
French history and character which, for the purposes of practical
g^uidance, made his prophetic power all but useless,
"We have all now learnt that ca-lum non animuru mufanty if true of
individuals, is profoundly untrue of institutions. English constitu-
tionalism has been transplanted from its native soil to every civilized
land, but in no single instance has the exported plant reproduced
the characteristics of the original stock. Even if the condition of
Switzerland strikingly resembled the state of England, the lieferendum
might probably change its character and working when transplanted
from the Alpine Republic to the insular monarchy. But the two
countries differ as widely from each other as can any tsvo lands, each
of which is the home of rational freedom. Switzerland is the smallest
of independent States ; her population is less than that of London ;
federalism and localism of an extreme type are as natural to the
SiriBS as they are foreign to the inhabitants of the United Kingdom.
Fortune has not given to us, and no human art can create in any
part of the United Kingdom, the cantons and the communes which
are the backbone of the Swiss political organization. In Switzerland,
again, popular education has reached a level as high as perhnps is
attainable in any modem Europenn country ; the S\riss ao-e, in more
points than one, the Scotch of continental Europe. The system of
party, moreover, which flourishes with exuberant, or ominous, vigour in
all countries inhabited by the English people, is, it would seem, but
incompletely developed in the Swiss Republic. This is a point on
which a foreigner must s]5eak with the greatest caution. Swiss
institutions, there is reason to believe, check the growth of the party
lyatem ; but the imperfect development, not indeed of party feeling
bat of party organizatiouj may well facilitate the working of Swiss
institutions. Any thinker who gives fair weight to these obvious
reflections will conclude that the success of the Referendum in
Switzerland falls far short of proof that a similar institution would
902
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEIV.
U
work beaeficially in England. Swiss experience is evidt'nce that the
popular veto may, auder certain circumstances, produce good effects.
Thia it does prove ; but it proves nothing more. Any one who wishes
to weigh the expediency of introducing such a veto into the institutioos
of England under forms and limitations suitable to the genius of the
country, will give less importance to the specific experience of
Switzerland than to the general arguments which, fis things now
stand in the United Kingdom, are producible against and in favour of
direct intervention by the electors in acts of legislation. He will also
find it convenient to consider the operation of the lieferendnm in
England, not as a check on legislation generally, but as a veto solely
on changes in the Constitution, or, at any rate, on laws affecting the
fundiiiiTeiital institutions of the State, such as the poor-law.
Two obvious objections lie against the introduction of the Refe-
rendum into England.
The Referendum diminishes the importance of Parliamentary debate,
and thereby detracts from the influence of Parliament.
Tliat this must be so admits of no denial ; a veto, whether it be
exercised by a king ur by an electorate, lessens the j>ower of the
Legislafure whereof the Bills are liable to be vetoed. When Eliza-
beth refused hi-r assent to hall' the Bills of a session, the two Houses
possessed nothing like the legislative authority which they exercise
under Queen Victoria, who, during her reign of more than fifty years,
baa nrver refused assent to a Bill passed by Lords and Commons.
If ever the electors obtain authority to reject Bills passed by the
Houses, the Houses will lose their legislative supremacy. Debates
which ai"e indecisive can never possess the full importance, or interest,
attached to discussions which result in final docisiuns.
Though the truth of the allegation that the Referendum would
dimijush the authority of the Legislature is undeniable, its practical
importance may well be exaggerated ; under any system similar to
that wliich exists in Switzerland, no law could be passed without
the full assent of Parliament. The Referendum, as already pointed
out, does not enable the electora to pass laws at their own will. It
is a mere veto on such legislation as does not approve itself to the elec-
torate. Debates in Parliament would in any case poBsess immense
importance. The certainty of an appeal to the people might add to
the reality, and increase the force, of Parliamentary argument. No one
out of Bedlam supposes that the results of a division are greatly, if at
all, affected by the speeches which are supposed to convince the
House. Sudden efforts of rhetoric, dexterity in the management of
debate, astuteness in the framing of an amendment, may on rare
occasions (generally to the damage of the country) affect the division
list. But even the outside public can conjecture, before a debate has
begun, what members will vote for or against the Government ; and a
l89o]
THE REFERENDUM.
503
*• Whip " can venture upon predictions, having far more of certainty
than is generally ascribed to conjecture. If it were certain that the
ultimate fate of a measure, say for the disestablishment of the Church,
■would finally turn not upon the votes of members of Parliament, but
aponthe votesof outsiders who never took part in the hollow and artificial
svstem of warfare waged at Westminster, it is conceivable that speakers
in Parliament might address themselves to the task of convincing
an unseen, but more orjess dispassionate, audience ; it is conceivable
(wild though the idea appears) that power of reasoning might become
a force of some slight moment even in practical politics. Swiss
experience does here a little help us. There is nothing to show that
the Federal Assembly lacks weight or respectability; it compares
favourably enough with the Sovereign Xatioaal Assembly which
makes and unmakes the Ministries and controls the destiny of Fmnce.
That '• sovereignty of Parliament," moreover, which Parliamentarians
defend against |)opular control is, though a legal fact, something of
a political fiction. Worshippers of power instinctively discover
where it is that their idol has its shrine. Oratory, rhetoric, reason-
ing, and adulation are nowadays addressed by politicians to th&
electoi's. The electorate is king ; the Referendum might turn out
little more than the formal recognition of a fact which exists, even
white men shot their eyes to its existence.
An appeal in matters of legislation from Parliament to the people
ia (it may be urged), on the face of it, an appeal from knowledge to-
ignorance.
This objection to the Referendum has weighed heavily with Maine
and thinkers of the same school. Its weight cannot be denied, but
may be lessenod by more than one rfflection.
This line of attack on the principle of an appeal to the people is
an assault upon the foundations of popular government. It establishes,
indeed, what no one denies, that nations, which have not reached a
crrtwn stage of development, are unfit for democratic institutions, and
It democracy is a form of government which, at best, is marred by
ive deficiencies. But if, for the sake of argument, we concede that
every charge which reasonable men have brought against popular
n. . I V can be substantiated — and this is to grant a good deal
ui' I truth retjuires — the concession does not support the infer-
ence that the Referendum is of necessity an evil. For the matter to
he determined is not whether democracy be or be not an admirable
form of government, but, the quite dift'erent question, whether in
democratic countries, like France, England, or Switzerland, a veto by
tlie electors on the legislation of a democratic Parliament, especially
when «ach legislation changes the Constitution, may not, on the
whofoi, have salutary effects. The Referendum is but a veto, and, for
the parpose of the present article, a veto only on the alteration of
504
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[APKIU
fundamental laws. But were this appeal to the people imported from
Switzerland to-morrow, and made, what no careful thinker would am
present advise, applicable to every kind of law, it would not compel^
the passing by Parliament of a single Act which Parliament might
deem impolitic. Parliament could still maintain an institution such
as, say, the poor-law, of dubious popularity, but of undoubted
wisdom. What Parliament could not do (supposing the Referendum
were applicable to the poor-laws) would be to develop still further
sound, though unpopular, principles in the administration of relief for
the poor- This incapacity would be an evil. Unfortunately it is an
evil which already exists. A modern Parliament may possibly main-
tain wise legislation enacted by the bold statesmanship of a lesa,
democratic age, but hardly in harmony with prevalent sentimentalism, \
But no modern Parliament will pass laws known to offend the general
sentiment of the electors. This state of things may, or may not,
be lamentable ; it will not be rendered worse by recognising its '
exiBfeenco. It is an error to imagine that there is great danger in
taking from Parliament theoretical authority certain never to be
exercised in practice. Against this delusion it behoves us to be
specially on our guard. The weakness of English statesmanship is to J
retain names whilst sacrificing realities ; the Crown lias bee» stripped
of real authority, whereof the maintenance might have been beneficial
to the nation, by Ministers who would have resigned rather than deprive
the Crown of a single nominal prerogative. Nor is it certain that the
independence of members of Parliament, if such independence has
still any real existence, would decline in proportion to the increase in
the legislative authority of the people. A member might defy the
whims of local busybodies, or the fanaticism of benevolent associations,
if he knew that his conduct might ultimately be ratified by the
visible and unmistakable approval of the nation.
No doubt the Parliamentary opponents of the Heferendum have
in their minds an idea which does not often in modem times find
distinct expreaaion in their speeches. They think, and not without
reason, that electors well capable of determining who are the kind of
men fit to be members of Parliament, are not capable of determining ■
what are the laws which members of Parliament should pass or reject.
This idea, as we all know, has been expressed in various forms by j
Burke, and by WTiters whom Burke influenced. Its substantial truth fl
is, subject to certain reservationSj past dispute, but its applicability to
the circumstances of to-day is open to the gravest question. The
House of Commons has ceased to be a body of men to whom the electors ■
confide full authority to legislate in accordance with the wisdom or "
the interests of members of Parliament. It is really a body of persons _
elected for the purpose of carrying out the policy of the predominant
party. It is not the fact that voters choose a respectable squire or
i89o]
THE REFERENDUM.
505
snccessful merchant because they know him to be a worthy man, and
trust that he will legialate more wisely for them than they could for
themselves ; they elect a member — a worthy man, if they can get
him — because he pledges himself, more or less diatindtly, to vot^e for
certain measures and to support certain political leaders. Elections
are now decided for or against the Slinistry according as tJi© majority
of the electors are Unionists or Gladstonians. It is idle to fancy that
what the voters consider is simply, or mainly, the pradence, capacity,
or character of their representative.
Fall weight must be given to the arguments against the Referendum,
Init it is equally necessary to examine fairly the grounds on which
a fair-minded man may advocate the Introduction iuto England of the
popular veto on constitutional changes.
These g^nnds are, when stated broadly, twofold.
First, the Referendum supplies, under tho present state of things,
the best, if not the only possible, check upon ill-considered alterations
in the fundamental institutions of the country.
Our Constitution stands in a peculiar position. It has always been
from a legal point of view liable to revolution by Act of Parliament.
Bat this liabiHty has till rp'cent times been little more than a theo-
retical risk. From IGSJ* down to, roughly speaking, 1828, the funda-
n^ental laws of the land, though not unchangeable, were never changed.
■The customs and feeling and opinion of the age, no less than the
interest of the classes Avho alone exercised effective political authority,
^•* told against innovation. The idea of constant Parliaraentarj'
**^ivity in the field of legislation was unknown to Englishmen till near
^^ era of the Reform Act. Faction wa.s as violent under George the
•*^*>ird as under Victoria ; it was far more vicious and cruel in the last
*^*»tnry than at present. But parties did not seek power by proposing
*'terat.ions in the fundamental institutions of the land. Serious states-
^<^ndid not, the moment they quitted office, discover some new principle
^uereof the adoption was to achieve the main object of restoring its
***Voc«tes to power, while it incidentally changed the composition
^ the electoral body. A century ago every one admired the far-
^atned Constitution of England, and the advocacy even of admitted
^niprovementa repelled rather than attracted the classes whose good-
will conferred success on politicians. It were far easier in 1890 to
abolish the House of Lords than it would have been in 1790 to
diifranchise Old Sarum. The change or amendment of the Constitn-
tion was till recently a slow and laborions process. For nearly half a
ON^ary before the passing of the Roman Catholic Relief Act, every
argument against the penal laws had been laid before the public. It
took forty years more to drive into tho rainda of Englishmen the
mumswerHbte objections to the exclusive maintenance of a Protestant
Establishment in Ireland. Reform, free trade, and every important
VOL. LVII. 2 L
506
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
change in n&iional laws or habits, has till recently been the imit of
agitation as long as it was laborioaa. This agitation was an eril in
itself and the parent of evils, bat it was the viable sign of theatiaugUi
of the barriers opposed to innoTation. The state of the world iuBaoNr
entirely altered. The authority of the Crown, the infinenne of 4>
nobib'ty^ oxa old party system grounded on arist-ocratic caanectka,
the predominance of a prudent and moneyed middle-class, are "pttfn
of the past. The barriers which used to limit the exerciie of n»>
boanded authority by a Parliamentary majority are all faroikiofii dowiL
AVhat is more serious, change has become the order of the day. Aa
age devoid of the genuine revolntionaiy enthusiasm which a ueulua^
ago carried away the best minds in Europe, is ako devoid of the
servative instancts or passion which saved England from sm
to the fanaticism or violence of the French Revolution. Ev
is now deemed changeAble, and there is nothing from the TYown
wards which Parliament cannot legally change. The e:
of 188G has taught the oountiy one lesson which will be remembezcd
wken the agitation for Home Rule is at an end. A Rill which is
eflbct repealed the Act' of Union with Ireland might conceivably have
become law without the ooontry having ever ezpresBed aseent to a
change amounting to a constitutional revolution. The measure, mam-
over, which might have been carried in 188G, ie one which, as regards
its most important provision, is now in 1890 neither advocated nor
defended, by Gladstonian Home Rulers. A calm critic, indeed,
doubt whetiier the Rill of 1 68(t would not lose its one merit by
omission of the clauses which excluded Irish members from
Rritish Parliament. With this matter we need not concern ourael
The noteworthy point is that in 166G Parliament might have
law which, if reprodooed in the same form in 1890, would
be vetoed on an appeal to the people. Here we come to the root
the whole matter. Englishmen have, in accordance with our c
system of bit-by-bit reform, at last established a democracy wi
estakbUshing those safeguards which in avowedly democratic common-'
wealths, such as the United States or Switzerland, protect the Consti-
tution &om sudden changes, and thus ensare that eveiry amendment in
the fundamental laws of tiie hind shall receive the deliberate sanctii:
of the people ; the object, be it noted, of these safeguards is not
thwart, the wishes of the democracy, but to ensure that a temporarv,
ffictitiouB, majority shall not override the will of the nation.
The time may come when Englishmen may borrow from Am
the constitutional provisions which, by delaying alt:eratianB in tii
Constitution, protect the sovereigntj' of the people. Bat to fimne a
written and rigid Constitution is not the work of a day or of a year.
Whether in England such a polity when framed would answer its ptn^'
1^ ii, noireover, a qnestion not to he answared withont most careffttl
t
-«S9o]
THE REFERENDUM.
507
consideration. Meanwhile the RefereTiclum, whrcli inigHt bo introduced
with cotnparative ease, and, what ia equally important, might he intro-
duced as an experiment, supplies the very kind of safeguard which all
true democrats feel to be required. It is an institution which admirably
fits a system of popular government. It is the only check on tho
lominance of party which is at the same time democratic and con-
tive. It is democratic, for it appeals to and protects the
fiovereignty of the people ; it is conservative, for it balances tho weight
of the nation's common sense or inertia against the violence of par-
tiaauship and the fanaticism of reformers. This check has one pre-
emiuent recommendation, not possessed by any of the artful, or
ingenious, devices for etrengthr^uing the power of a Second Chamber,
or placing a veto in tlie hands of a minority. Its application does
not cause irritation. If the Lords reject a Bill people demand the
reform of the Peerage ; if the French Senate (a popularly elected
body) hesitates to approve a revision of the Constitution, the next
scheme of revision contains a clause for the abolition of the
Senate. Popular pride is roused, voters are asked to make it a jx)int
<A honour that a measure, which an aristocratic or select C'hamber has
rejected, shall be carried. A Bill's rejection turns into a reason for its
passing into law. Should a regular appeal to the eh^ctors result in
tie rejection of a Bill passed by Parliament, this childish irritation
txcomea an impossibility. The people cannot be angered at the act
of the people.
^secondly, the Referendum tends to sever legislation from politics.
That this separation is in itself desirable is a matter almost past
dispute. It were hai'd to find, I will not say valid arguments, but
WPn plausible fallacies, in favour of the position that thi' pas.sing of
w important law should depend upon circumstances, which have no
"^ceasBry connection with the nature or the terms of the enactment.
" canixot, to take an example frtjm recent Swiss legislation, bo reavson-
Mle that a law, restoring the penalty of capital punishment for murder,
^ODJdbe passed, or rejected, because of the popularity or the nnpopularitj-
"f tie politicians by whom the measure is proposed. The Referendum
'•'• » distinct recognition of the elementary but important principle
"Wt In matters of legislation patriotic citizms ougiit to distinguish
hwiveen measures and men. This distinction the Swiss voters have
•hown themselves fally capable of drawing. They have, as already
pointed out. rejected legislative propositions made to them by leaders
* whose jKiIicy on the whole they approved. Whoever studies with
Adjvms' account of the Referendum will think it doubtful
', on th<i whole, the Swiss people have not shown a good deal
od sense in the use of their legislative veto. Let it be granted,
■Otftrer, what is more than possible, that the electors have in some
**» «xhibit«Ml les^ enlightenment thnn their repreaent-ativea. Still
508
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEIV.
[Apsn.
it is difBcult to eiaggerate the immense benefit which in the long
run accrues to a people from the habit of treating legislation as a
matter to be determined not by the instincts of political partisanship,
but by the weight of argument. The Referendum is, or may be, aa
education in the application of men's understandings to the weightieal
of political concerns — namely, the passing of laws — such as is ab-
solutely unobtainable by voters, who have been trained to think, that
their whole duty as citizens consists in supporting the Conservative
or the Radical party, and in their blind acceptance of every proposed
enactment which happens to form part of the party platform.
The Referendum, however, it is sometimes suggested, will, if intro-
duced into England, be at best but a useless innovation. English
politics, it ia argued, are already subject to the predominant influence
of party. Voters will always adhere to their party programme, and
the men who, at a general election, will give a Tory, or a Liberal,
vote, would, on a Referendum, unhesitatingly support any law carried
tbrongh Parliament by Lord Salisbury or by Mr. Gladstone.
This reasoning undoubtedly contains an element of truth. The party
system would for a long time, at any rate, often vitiate the working of
the Referendum. But there is not the least reason to suppose that the
result of an appeal to the electors of the United Kingdom on the
question whether they would pass, or reject, a particular law, would
always have the same result as an appeal to the constituencies, at a
general election, on the question whether they would send up to
I'iirliament a Conservative or a Liberal majority.
The differences between the two appeals are most important. The
electors voting for members in diflerent constituencies are a very-
different body from the electors voting en masse throughout the United
Kingdom. The persons, in the second place, who vote at an election.
and who would vote on a Referendum, need not necessarily, and indeed
would not probably, be exactly the same. There exist, it may well be
supposed, large bodies of electors who, while taking little part in
current politics, especially in places where they happen to be in a
minority, would record their votes with regard to a given law of which
they knew the importance, and which was the subject of their strong
and deliberate .approval or condemnation. The question lastly sub-
tnitted for decision at an election is of a totally different kind from the
question submitted for decision on a Referendum. It is one thing to
be asked which of two men, for neither of whom have you any liking,
shall represent you, or misrepresent you, in Parliament, and another
to be askud whether you approve of a law, say for disestablishing the
Church of England, or for repealing the Act of Union with Ireland.
There is at least nothing absurd or irrational in the anticipation that
citizens who did not care to answer the first inquiry at all might
answer the second with a poremptoriness and unanimity surprising to
tKS9o]
THE REFERENDUM.
5C9
politicians. No phenomenon is more curious than the divergence which,
in all countries enjoying representative institutions, is apt to exist
betireeii Parliamentary opinion and popular convictions. Even as
things now are, careful observers conjecture that measures, which
it were hardly possible even to propose in Parliament, might not
displease the electors, whilst proposals which command strong
Parliamentary support might not stand the ordeal of a popular vote.
Small would be the support which Parliament would give to
one of the most salutary reforms conceivable — the reduction of the
number of seats to be filled both in the llouse of Commons and in
the House of Lords. Yet there is no reason for asserting that the
people of the United Kingdom would object to a change which reduced
the Houses of Parliament to something like the size of the Houses of
Congress. Every year the likelihood increases that Parliament will
grant the electoral franchise to women. Yet even those who, in common
with the present writer, look with no disfavour on this reform, may
gravely doubt whether it would, on a Referendum, command the
spproval of the electorate. There always have been, and there are,
qnestions which interest politicians, but hardly interest the people.
No historian would pledge himself to the assertion that, between 1832
and 1865, the electors cared deeply for the reform of Parliament. Yet
daring that period statesmen promised, or produced, more than one
Keform Bill. We all know that the so-called religious question has
in the hands of politicians impeded efforts to establish or extend
popular education. Yet well-informed persons will sometimes assert
tliat ordinary parents look with great indift'L'rence on a controversy
which excites bitter contention among the members, of all parties,
by whom these parents are represented. From whichever side the
matter be looked at, the conclusion becomes more than probable that
the results of a Referendum would, occasionally at least, be utterly
different from the results of a general election, and that the electors,
when consulted on the advisability of piissing a definite law, might
break through the bonds of party allegiance to follow the dictates of
their own prejudices or common sense.
The popular veto on constitutional changes which freed electors
from bondage to the party system might also promote the straightfor-
wardness of English statesmanship. As things at present stand, the
position of a statesman, forced to surrender a policy which he feels
does not approve itself to the nation, is full of awkwardness. We all
admit that a political leader must, sooner or later, shape his course of
action in conformity with the will of the country. No one blames
Peel for his loyal acceptance of the Reform Act ; no one now thinks
the worse of Lord Derby for having in 1852 acquiesced in tho
national resolve to maintain free trade. Unfortunately, legitimate
dianges of conduct are apt under our present system to bear ike
ilO
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW
[Apbil
appearance of dubious cliangea in opinion. It may often be a doubt-
ful matter whether on a, particular subject the country Las, or has not,
pronounced a final verdict. Aa the tenure of office is. or may be,
immediately connected with a Minister's success in carrying a given
Bill through Parliament, there is great difficulty in his renouncing
legislation proposed by himself, when he finds the country •^vill not
Bupport his Bill, without his at least incurring the charge of undne
tenacity in clinging to office. The reference of a particular law, say
a Parliamentary Reform Bill, to the people for approval or rejection,
would greatly increase the freedom, and improve the moral position, of
the Minister who advocated the measure. If the Bill were accepted,
things would stand exactly as they do now when a Bill finally passes
into an Act. If it were rejected, the Minister could, like a member of
the Swiss Council, accept the rejection as a final expression of the
nation's will. It would soon be felt that he might with perfect
honesty pursue the course which would now be taken by a member of
the Swiss Council. He need not pretend that his opinion Is altered;
he might say openly that he still, as a matter of opinion, thought his
Reform Bill wise and politic. But he might also say that it was a
matter on which the nation was the final judge, and that be accepted
the nation's decision. In all this there would be no pretence at
conversion ; there would simply be a pledge aa to conduct. The
Minister might, if still supported by Parliament, continue to administer
the affairs of the country as honourably as Peel held office after the
passing of the Reform Act, or as a servant of the Crown in the day*
of Elizabeth remained in the service of the Queen even though her
Majesty had, on some high matter of state, rejected his advice.
The modification in the doctrine of Ministerial responsibility which
would, certainly, sooner or later, be caused by the introduction of the
Referendum, must, to all devotees of the system of government by
party, seem a fatal objection to the suggested innovation. Of specula-
tions which have some family similarity to the ideas propounded in
this article, my friend Mr. Morley (whose zeal for party takes me by
surprise) warns us that they " must be viewed with lively suspicion by
everybody who believes that party is an essential element in the
wholesome working of Parliamentary government." To this suspicion
all, who call attention to the merits of the Referendum, are, it is to be
feared, obnoxious. Tho plain truth must be stated. The party
system, whatever its advantages, and they are not insignificant, is op-
posed to the sovereignty of the people, which is the fundamental
dogma of modern democracy. That system throws the control of
legislation first into the hands of a party, and then into the hands of
the most active or the ma t jumerous section of that parry. But the
part of a party may be, and probably is, a mere fraction of tlie nation.
The principle of the Referendnm, on the other hand, is to place, at
1890} THE REFERENDUM. 511
any rate as regards important legislation, parties, factions, and sections
Tutder the control of the national majority. The creation of a popular
veto is open, it most be frankly admitted, to grave objections. The
oonaideration, however, which, more than any other, may commend it to
the favourable attention of thoughtful men, is its tendency to revive,
in democratic societies, the idea which the influence of partisanship
threatens with death, that allegiance to party must in the minds of
good citizsens yield to the claims of loyalty to the nation.
Let none of my readers suppose that my object in writing this
article is directly, or decisively, to recommend the adoption in England
of the Swiss Beferendum. My object is simply to show that there is
much more to be said for, no less than against, the popular veto than
English thinkers are generally ready to admit. The time approaches
when we may import from the United States the " Constitutional
Gonyention," which in the domain of politics is by far the most
valuable result of American inventiveness. The time has come when
we ought all to consider the possible expediency of introducing into
■England that appeal to the people which is by far the most original
creation of Swiss democrat^.
A. V. Dicey.
[Ami.
SUNLIGHT OR SMOKE?
"OSES GATE," cried tlio porter, and wo aUghted. The
heavens were black with soioke, and the smother of the mills,
to one whose lungs were unaccusfcomed to breathing sulphurized air,
made itself felt.
Down Hall Lane we went. Colliers in their clogs clattered by,
grim and {?rimy, and the baker's cart jarred and rattled angrily over
the cobbly pavement. I saapect he dealt in black bread, — to judge from
the surroundings and the dingineas of his cart. Soon the street was
seen to fall towards Famworth Bridge, and yellow mounds of d6bns
stood np against the sky, that reminded one in colour of the great
mud mounds of that city Moaea knew, Heliopolifl, the city of the Sun.
It was a coincidence that bore, in the desolate sunlesancss of a smoke-
smitten people, thr very railway station's name and mounds of dfibris
should conjure up :iii Eastern dream of Sun-worship; yet it was aa
votary of the great god, Ra, himself, that I was bound on my errand
of inquii-y.
Suddenly there was a rift in the dirty, drabbled house fronts, and
standing on a kind of spoil-heap, on the top of which the inhabitants
were busy pouring their house-refuse and emptying their slop-psdls,
we saw such a scene aa, except in Dante'a " Inferno," or in Fam-
ivorth, could not be realized.
Below us lay a Stygian lake :• — " Crompton's "Water-Lodge " it waa
called. Remains of paper-mills stood on a bit of land at one end of
it. "Wliat once was a grand house peered red through the smoke-
blighted trees, that, like souls in pain, turned withered arms upward,
and led the eye to a ring of umrky factory chimneys on the surrounding
hills ; Vr'hile here and there, beneath their sulphur canopy, a desolate,
hopeless-looking House of Prayer stood up, aa if to prove that dirt and
godliness could go together.
iS9o]
SUNLIGHT OR SMOKE?
518
Towards the water-lodge, and tinder tJae brow of a dark, sooty liill,
crept beneath its old-fasLioned stone-arched bridge a thing that only
in Lancashire could be called a river. Poisonous with the discharge
into its frothy volume from the setding tanks of the Farnworth and
the Bolton sewage works ; black with the refuse waters of mines and
chemical works for miles, it almost seemed to taint the air at our
distance.
> Upon the brow of the surly-looking cliff bank, below which the
Croal — for that was the name of the river — crawled along, chimneys,
BoUd and square, were belching forth clouds of Erebean darkness
and dirt, as if they had a dispensation from the Devil. "Chemical
and vitriol works," said my friend ; " owned by one of the last made
'batch of magistrates." Small comfort then, if we are to depend upon
an unpaid magistracy to enforce the Smoke Pollution Act, thought I.
More chemical works down in the valley spat their fumes in answer
to the vitriol mill up bank, and made the live air sick.
But in this dismal landscape there was seen a Hashing of white
water. The Croal at the Weir could not forget her native grace,
and for a moment shone like silver.
There was a patch of red colour amid the universal monotone of
soot, that took the eye. It looked at first sight like a church tower
and roof, but there were strange gangways leading from a colliery
shaft on the bank above to the top of the church tower, and the
windows in the chancel side were evidently of no Gothic shape, and
were nnglazed.
Close beside the warm-looking edifice of brick rose a chimney, a
smallish chimney in a land of giants. But as I soon learned,
that little David of a chimney was the champion of Heaven's cause
against the Goliaths of darkness. That was the chimney, that with
its smokeless breath, for these past twelve years, had been pleading for
light and wholesome sunny air for the labouring classes of Lancashire,
and for the vegetation of tree and flower by the bank of Croal.
As I gazed upon that apparently lifel(''S3 chimney-stack, and heard
from my friend that that was the Famworth CoUit-ry cLimncy which
was helping to solve the smoke problem for England, I felt indeed
that Moses Gate might come to be truly called Heliopolis, and that
thimncy-stack might stand one day, fitly enough, an English obeUsk
in the Famworth fields, as an ofiering to the Sun.
Leaving the red brick roay-loojf£i^ ^tiX\ of Progress and standing
close by its smokeless ch\mne\{^ ^^^'^^tfi^eA that the lifelessnesa of
the latter was a pure delusioy-*^, J. °^eJge iron cyKnder kept coming
np from below as if by raa^'^'c 'then automatically it opened its
mouth and discharged its conten.o into a sluice. Every Iialf minute
the. vast bucket dived, and brought up from a depth of 100 yards
600 gallons of water from the mine.
814
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
The motive-power behind this work was the steam of
Galloway boilers of the insidp-firing Lancashire type — two fumi
each. Each of these boilers, 7 feet C inches across and 30 feet
was hard at work evaporating the necessary water to supply the
needed for this task, and for the puraps 200 yards below the bu
at the rate of 600 gallons per hour. Each pair of furnaces to i
the heat to do this work was burning in the twelve hours thre
of fuel. They were in full blast, and the chimney which had
no Bign of life was constantly drawing up, through the burning*
of ignited coal within these furnaces, the requisite air to
oxygen for the burning, and all the resultant products of com
combustion, and yet it was to all appearance a dead, idle chimne
We entered the boiler-house, and found a single man in charfl
the three boilers, for the firing was being done constantly bat
matically, by means of a Cass mechanical stoker, with certain imj
ments that the owner of the colliery had suggested. All the foi
had to do was to fill twice an hour the hop[ver from which tht
was fed in a continuous stream to the furnaces, and occasion!
take a rake, open a cinder or ashpit door, by means of a pull(
chain, under and quite at the back of the furnace-bed, removi
6Coria3, or clinkers and dirt, to which the fuel, after slow p^
through the furnace, bad been reduced.
'ITie transit of the fuel along the bars is caused by their vaovi
They first advance all together, carrying forward the fuel resting
them, Euid thenjretire one after another to their former position tw
bringing the fuel back.
It was notable that even here the health and convenience
stoker had been thought of. An iron guard, or apron, had been,
at the front nnder the furnace door, and the stoker, rakinfl
clinkers from the far end to the front, allowed the whole hot mjB
fall into an iron ash-pan, in which it was quenched by water, he b
entirely guarded the while,, by the apron, from sulphurous
steam, and heat from the scoriEC.
" You would like to see that the farnaces, each of them capva
driving £40,000 worth of modem cotton-mill machinery, are
in full blaze ? " said my friend.
I assented, and involuntarily stepped to the doorway of the
house to make quite sure that the chimney was smokeless.
" Put down the mica screen qi3''t,open the furnace door," ss
master ; and the raan, who had B~;osqst^6d to the job — for visitoit
during the past few months poui'' •^■v\^**>f re to see the Smoke Pi
solved — with something of a look g ^ide on his face, did as li
ordered.
" There's a fire for you ! " and truly it was a fire that Nebnchadl
in his fiercest mood would have been content with. The fn
»89o]
SUNLIGHT OR SMOKE?
an
slowly like fine rain from the Cass hopper, a red-liot fire brick arch by
its radiation at once ignited it, and then very slowly, but quite surely,
the glowing mass moved on and on to its destination about 8 feet
from the furnace door, where its bed of molten lava, as it would
seem, gradually thinning down in depth from 3* to 1 inch, rose a
little and fell behind the ashpit door ftrim off the far end of tho bars.
The journey was slow ; it took about 20 minutes for the fuel to pass
right along ; but in that 20 minutes it had parted with nil its life and
came back mere dirt, for tho most part, only useful to be carted back
to the earth from whence it came, to serve for filling up the drifts from
which tbe coal had been worked.
This fuel was indeed 30 p. c. pure dirt when it started on its fiery
journey, for it was nothing more than coal refuse — ^slack dust that had
fallen through quarter-inch screens, such fuel as you may purchase for
'It. a ton anywhere, mere waste, through the absence of machines to
burn it. Yet here was this waste being put to its greatest use ; and
though doubtless with such fine dust fuel the problem of supplying
sufficient air to the mass to insure sufficient and full combustion, and
to prevent the formation of smoke, was a more than ordinarily difficult
one, here was a Coking Stoker dealing with coal dust and coal dirt in
a cleanly, effective way, and adding not a single puff of smoke, or
visible impurity, to Lancashire air.
"We had Fletcher, the chief inspector under the Alkali Works
Act, here a few days since, tei^ting the flue gases," said my friend ;
" he found none of the deadly carbon monoxide, and he told me that
at present he had failed to discover it in any furnace ga.ses, when free
from smoke, and that it would be contrary to first principles in
chemistry that he should find tt."
This was news, and good news, for much had been said in papers
and elsewhere of the pc)ssibility that the snioki' preventers, who were
doing what they could to get rid of black smoke from their chimneys,
«rero, in reality, likely to flee from evils that they knew, to ills they
could not foresee, and by their more certain and complete combustion
were only going to give the deadly invisible carbon monoxide *' CO "
for carbon pure and simple and the carbonic acid " CO^," which
asphyxiates, but does not poison. How often had we seen this bogey
raised in the daily-paper discussions of late. The Smoke-making folk
had never been weary of reiterating their dolorous forebodings: —
" You anti-smoke people are going to do away with good, black,
honest clouds of visibly unbumt carbons, and you are going to deluge
the countiy with deadly volumes of invisible and lethal gases. Wo
shall have more sunlight, but less time in which to behold the sun ;
our men will die like dogs in the * Grotto del cane,' as they toil beneath
our chimneys."
But here at the Famworth Bridge Colliery chimney was a con-
fil6
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Apbil
elusive answer. Instead of the " carbon clouds," with their highly
absorbent powers, drinking in the sulphurous acid gas and other nn-
burnt hydrocarbons at the chimney-top, and slowly falling to earth
with their poisonous prisoners to kill the grass and stiflo the leaves and
bark of all tree growth, went forth an invisible volume of harmleaa
gases — 80 per cent, being nitrogen, 14 carbonic acid, 4 free oxygen,
and 2 steam and gasified sulphur, which were at once diffused as
they went upward in a heated stream, and that diffusion so rapid,
that, ere by reason of its weight when cooled the carbonic acid fell
towards earth, it was as though it had not been. The cry of poison
from the complete combustion of a smokeless furnace is a cry that
science will silence. The poison is known as monoxide or carbonic
oxide, and is caus^ by the same deficiency of air that causes smoke.
Meanwhile it is just as well to note that where smoke is not, there
are no yellow fogs, and no death from clogged and irritated bronchiae ;
that as far as the carbonic-acid gas goes, it is the natural food of
plants and trees and grass, to their greater luxuriance and man's
gain, provided their little mouths have not been first stopped with a
coating of soot, and that there ia an abundance of sunlight. People
talk about ozone and free oxj-gen. I wonder if they have remembered
that God has given " green herb for the service of men " as one of the
great oxygenating agents ; but that to render it possible for plants
to take in carbonic acid gas, and give back the gift of oxygen, it is
really a sine qud non that the sun should no longer be hidden by a
cloud of smoke, and that, as much for the health of man as for the
health of the herb of the field, the joy of the clear noontide should be
scattered free.
W<' left the Famworth Colliery, but not before we had learned
how its owner had for the past two summers done all he could to
encourage working engineers and firemen to visit his furnace, and see
the result of his twelve years' practice. " The better the day the
better the deed," appears to have been his motto, and knowing that
Sunday was the only day in which moat of the practical men he
wished to interest in the {irevention of smoke could visit Famworth,
he asked them to come on that day, and see for themselves how
easily and at how small a cost and how effectively the smoke demon
could be combated. I suppose he felt that many asses had fallen into
this pit of unholy destruction, and that as much on the Lord's Day as
on the old Sabbath Day it was the Lord's work to do what he could to
lift them out of it ; notwithstanding much criticism of a certain kind
to the contrary.
I left Famworth devoutly thankful. Black Bolton was my
journey's aim, and thither along the canal, above the frowsy Croal,
above the Sewage Works in the Valley of Death below, we went. A
gentleman's house, tenantless and dismal enough now, peeped through
l89o]
SUNLIGHT OR SMOKE?
517
Btnoke-bitten trees. Had there been no smoke the owner might have
been resident still. Away across the valley, in the direction of
Moses Gate, several chimneya were seen smoking continually. They
were, I am told, fitted with mechanical stokers of the " Sprinkler "
type, which, so far as I can see, do little towards preventing their
smokd.
I saw enough ere the sun set that day (I could not tell exactly the
hoar of sun-down) to make me sure that the battle of the future
would lie between the Fast-feeding Mechanical Stoker of the Sprinkler
type, and the Slow-feeding or Pushing Stoker of the Cokiug type ;
and roughly speaking, the difference between the Sprinkler and the
Coker lies in this : that the Sprinkler, constantly discharges a fine
rain of coal on to various parts of the glowing famace bed in turn,
and trusts to the immediate conversion of the coal thus distribated in
fine division into gag ; while the Coker slowly introduces a mass of
fuel into the furnace front, and trusts to its being converted into gas
as it moves slowly along from the front to the back of the furnace.
Air in both cases is supplied through the bars. In both cases the
furnace bars are movable, and by their motion give forward motion to
the burning fuel, and both get rid of clinkers and clear the fu mace-
bed by precipitating the fuel or its remains into the ashpit after it
has gone through the furnace ; but it is to be remembered that with
the " Sprinklers" a fireman is needed to stir or break np the fumace-
bed from time to time with a poker, and in the "Cokers" no such
raking or poking is needed, whilst, whenever a poker or rake is used,
Mjjoke is a certain consequence.
But we were now opposite Messrs. Wardle and Brown's weaving
mills at Hacken Lane, Darcy Lever, and we turned asido to see Roscoe's
apparatus for smoke prevention. It certainly was simplicity itself.
The boiler was of the ordinary Lancashire type, driving machinery
at about 130 horse-powor, and was consuming about eighteen tons
of fuel per week of sixty hours. The Crlng-up waa done by
hand, and no coal was used but best free-burning steam-coal,
technically known as Biirgy. The fireman opened the furnace-
door, stirred the fire, and threw on his coal. We coald see the
dense vapour rise and rush along with the draught to the furnace-
end, and we expected to find that volumes of dense smoke were
coming from the chimney-top ; but, at the same moment, the fireman
poshed open a valve beneath the far end of the furnace, and, as the
flame leaped up and over a split firebrick bridge at the far end, a
rush of air, entering through the valve and passing up the split in the
red-hot firebrick bridgt-, met the incandescent carbon particles and
gave up its o.xygea, and instead of dense clouds of soot careering np
the chimney, an invisible volume of carbonic acid and the other pro-
ducts of completed combustion passed up to the outer air. Of course
fHE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[APfilL
it is fair to say that the firing was distinctly observable at the
chitnney-top for a minute, bnt certainly ere two minntes elapsed no
smoke was visible, and we felt that Roacoe'a split-bridge, if it were
in the hands of a competent and intelligent fireman, offered one solution
of the great smoke puzzle.
We left Wardle and Brown's, and passed away by Darcy Lever
Church, with its grasslesa graves and its smoke-grimed spire of open
terra cotta, — that under ordinary country-side conditions would still
have been radiant after its forty years of weathering, — and let blue
sky and green of hill and dale gleam through its tracery, — up to the
quaintest of old Lancashire Halls — a house of good Queen Bess's
date, half timber and half masonrj*. '' Here," said my friend, '' I
have det-ermined to live, not so much because it was the home of
my fathers, as because I didn't see how there could be a better ' spur
to prick the sides of my intent ' to fight the smoke fiend than this
prospect of the enemy's camp. One is able to realize here how
diflicult it is to keep a house clean, and how impossible at any cost it
is to keep the * leaf upon the tree.' It is easy enough to shift from
one's conscience the harden of blackening the very sun in Heaven, if
one does not feel the foulness of the cloud, and the unkindness to all
who are doomed to labour in the dusk. If our City magnates and
mauufacturers lived but for a year in the tJiick of their own smoke,
the smoke abatement movement would go forward with strides."
" The paraons," he added, " do live in it, and we here in Bolton have
already heard some straight words from the pulpit," and as he spoke
he shewed me a sermon preached before the Mayor and Aldermen
the Sunday after the late municipal election, which was certainly cal-
culated to make civic authorities " sit up " and listen.
We sallied forth to Black Bolton, or Bolton-in-the-Smoke, as it
has been called. A drizzling rain had set in, and we almost
tasted the chimney-tops in solution as it fell npon our faces. We
visited, in order, all the chief factories where the smokeless Coking
Stokers, or Cokers, of the Vicars, Cass, Sinclair, and Hodgkinson
types were at work.
At Messrs. Crosses and Winkworth, in one mill we found that a
Sprinkling stoker had been talcen out to make way for a " Coker."
Three boilers were at work though two were sufficient for driving
purposes j the horse-power of the engines was estimated at 500 ;
45 tons of fuel were l>eing converted in a week of GO hours into
force without the smoke. We fonnd tl»e same "Coker" in use
at the Atlas Mills, of Messrs, Musgrave & Co., Ltd., a firm who
have rendered five out of their several mills almost smokeless, and
at the mill we visited we found four boilers at work converting 54
tons of fuel into horse power without eraoke. At the Persian Mills
of ^lessrs. Bay ley & Sons we saw five boilers at work consuming 100
i89o]
iUNLIGHT OR SMOKE?
H9
tons of fuel per week, and three of these again, by means of a
*' Coker," were doing their work without the smoke.
We next visited the mills of P. Crook & Co., Ltd. Here we found
a firm of spinners needing 1075 horse-power to do their work, and
doing it with three boilers, 8 feet by 30 feet, whose furnaces consumed
93 tons of fuel a week. And again, thanks to their public spirit,
there was no smoke.
I asked the cost of fitting the Coker to boilers, and was answered that
it conld be done with all the necessary driying machinery for about £90
for a two-flued boiler. Not a great outlay that, when one considers how
much cheaper a kind of fuel the Coker adniita for use. Sinclair's
machine, fitted to the sixteen boilers of the Penicuick Paper Works,
near Edinburgh, had, as I was informed, saved that firm nearly £100
per annum per boiler for the last ten years. One came away right
glad to have seen the mill of Peter Crook and Co., Limited, with its
busy furnaces, and its stately chimney-stack in blessed cloudlessness.
We had seen the Cass Coker at work at the Farnworth Colliery, so
did not visit the Bleaching Mill of Messrs. Blair and Sumner, but
we could not leave Black Bolton without a peep at Canon Brothers,
the fathers of the smokeless furnaces in Bolton — or rather one of
the father-firms, for there were three who nobly began to do their
work without smoke some seventeen years ago. And very willingly,
as a stranger who believes that Eolton-le-Sun would be a healthier
place for a working man than Bolton-le-Smoke, do I bear a grateful
testimony to those three firms, " forerunners of a golden time to be.''
We visited one of the mills, and fonnd the old Jiickes furnaoea
working away under externally fired boilers. The fire in one of the
fomaces had been withdrawn, and we could then see to great advan-
tage the system of drum and revolving coga, by which the furnace
bars In so many linked segments of an endless cliain were moved
■tlowly round, carrying the fire from front to back.
As we came back through the town, we wondered how it was
< possible for Bolton not to rise, to a man, and insist that all its chim-
'fteys should be as smokeless and harmless as the chimneys of the
factories visited. We had asked (he price of introducing these anti-
smoke appliances, and in no instance could we find that the cost stood
at more than £100 outlay per boiler, while the saving of fuel would
save the original outlay in a year or two. We had asked how the
men liked it, and the firemen had answered, that it saved dirt, and
that though it prevented tliem " pusliing" the fires as much as they
could have wished for an emergency, as far as health went, they were
better off, with less of sulphurous fumes, and less exposure to heat.
That pushing of the fires is a crux. I had, on a previous day,
lited one of the largest flannel factories in Lancashire, to find
my disappointment that Coking furnaces bad been replaced by
520
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[April
Sprinklers. The reason is simple enough. The Sprinkling machine
enables more fuel to be fired than is possible by most of the '" Cokers "
in use. Hence, where furnace fires require to be " pushed," and there
is no room to add another boiler, and so get the same amount of
evaporatioa per hour by a rather slower fire, and smoke is not con-
sidered, the Sprinkler, with its light cloud of continnous smoke at
the chimney-top, seems to be resorted to. Of course, it is manifest
that boiler-room is an expensive item in town factories. It pays
■ some firms better to work with quick firing and a better quality of coal
in a cramped-up space, together with the smoke-producing use of the
rake to break up and push the fires, than to go in for slower furnaces
and more land or larger boilers and chimney. Until the smoke
penalties are enforced it is probable that in confined areas the furnace
proprietors will go in for the Sprinkler.
Meanwhile public opinion will ripen slowly into demanding the total
abolition of smoke at the chimney-top, and thou, at all costs, boiler-
houses will be enlarged, and the Coker will be King.
An influential committee formed in the Mayor's parlour at the
Manchester Town-liall ou Friday, Noveraber 8, 1889, has undertaken
" to gather, test, and supply information of the present practice, pex-
forraance, and uttermost capabilities of all the smokeless furnace
apparatus in the market." We may be sure that that information will
be reliable and exhanative. Meanwhile, let us seriously ask ourselves
if it is not a little uneconomical to be burning fuel at first hand in our
boiler furnaces at all ? "Would it not be possible to convert our coal
into gas in closed retorts before using the heat-giving properties as
fuel ? The chief inspector of the Alkali Works tells us that this is
actually being done at the great chemical factory of Messrs. Brunner,
Mond & Co., at North wich. The coal is there subjected to destructive
distillation, and tlie amitioniacal and other by-producta are retained and
found of great value — sometimes equal to that of the cheap fuel
itself — while the residue of the gas is used for furnace heating.
But, it has been asked, pending the time when all furnaces shall be
worked by gas, wliat can be done to render smokeless the great iron
puddling and steel-making works ? They are tlie worst offenders, pot-
teries only excepted. The answer is, use smokeless coal, coke, or an-
thracite ; use Welsh steam coal, as is done largely in Ixjndon ; use the
best screened bitaminous coal, as has been done succesfuUy at Wigan,
and begin to believe that iron-works, as has been proved by John
Cockerill &, Co., at Liege, and by the Barrow-in-Furness Steel Works
Company, can be carried on smokelessly if only some such furnaces as
the "Bicheroui" at Li6gc, and the "Vicars Boiler" stokers at Barrow,
are introduced.
Meanwhile, the difficulties met with in the working of the Public
Health Act are enormous. In Black Bolton chimneys are not under
SUNLIGHT OR SMOKE?
521
police control, as in the metropolis. In Lancashire local authorities
hav« not yet agreed as to what amount of emoke constitutes a
nuisance. Thus, for example, while in Iirancheater one minute of
dense smoke in tha hour is the standard for prosecution, here in
Bolton the Smoke Inspector is told he is not to interfere uuleaa the
emission of dense smoke is of two and a half minutes' duration, or
that of moderate smoke ten minutes duriog the half-hour.
Another complication arises in the various interpretations that are
]>nton the meaning of the words " black smoke" in Section 91 of the
I'nblic Health Act, All smoke is black, and contributes to the
geueral nuisance, and all smoke, ergo, is, by the Act, illegal ; and,
until this is recognised, any standard based on estimated degrees of
density will vary according to the eyesight and taste of various
inspectors, and the judgment of various benches of magistrates, and
lli9 private interests of the local authorities. The magistrates are not
Infallible ; sometimes they are not entirely disinterested ; and the
liaving to prove to a bench of manufacturing magistrates in a manu-
facturing town that smoke has been seen issuing from the chimneys
<'f their friends, " in such quantity ns to be a nuisance," is often a
l*8k beyond the power of the local Inspector of Nuisances, or the
Vigilance Committee, or the Sanitary Board,
But Bolton-lo-8moke has proved conclusively that all black smoke
u a nuisance, and that all black smoke is needless, and that all black
^oioVe can be prevented without in any way impairing the efficiency
w nUimate success of the various manufactures that are carried on
"J means of steam-boiler fnrnaces. The words of the Act, " in
«Uch quantity as to bo a nuisance," after what we saw in Bolton,
"oiiikJ ridiculous. All that seems really needed is that public opinion
"liall ripen as to which is the real nuisance — the smoke-maker, or the
"'an who puts the law in motion against the smoke — and the wished-
^or t^nd wilTbo attained.
The Bolton authorities, on May 9, 1888, gave notice to all the
*t*'ani users of the borough *' that the smoko in.spectora had been cau-
tioat'd not to give the impression that abatement of tho nuisance to
sny degree short of cessation would be permanently satisfactory, as
.Wo Council had it in evidence that the nuisanco could he entirely
Woppcd, with but slight exceptions, by day and night." Why, then,
ili'i we, as we stood and gazed on the Bolton mills, from one of
the 8mokele.ss factory doors, see there the dense clouds of unbnmt
"ind wasted carbon belch and blacken the day ?
The answer seems to bo that, until penalties for the nuisance can
p,4» at once made more immediate and more exacting, until conviction
bo more. summary and more certain, these mill-oniiers, who are
devoid of a public conscience in the matter, will quietly risk the
clumce of conviction with payment of the fine, rather than spend tho
TOL. LVIL
•Z M
522
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[AfBlI.
necessary .£100 in rendering each factory fnmace for ever eniokeless.
Ab matters are now, the Smoke Inspector watches a factory chimney
for half au hour, notes whether the smoke is dense or moderate, and
the duration of the nuisance ; leaves the result of his observations at
the works, and enters a copy of his observations at the Local Board
Office for the Health Committee to deal with. The Health Committee
serves a notice on the offending firm to abate the nuisance within a
reasonable time — say, a fortnight. It is probable that the firm do
little beyond cautioning their foreman, and it will not be till after
several months that the Smoke Inspector will again make observa-
tions on the particular mill chimney in question.
The process is then perhaps repeated, and if no sufficient abate-
ment is noticeable, the Inspector applies for a summons. At the end
of six months' actionable smoke-making the case cornea before the
Bench. The firm instrncts a solicitor, who argues that all that can
be done, or can reasonably be demanded of his clients, has been done
to abate the nuisance, and that if the bench hareiss his clients with
such vexatious litigation and restrictions, the firm must shut up shop,
and the town will be beggared.
The Smoke Inspector or the Town Clerk then has his say. He shows
that by the express terms of the Public Health Act, a magisterial order
requiring the firm to abate the nuisaEce must be made, provided that
the Magistrates are convinced in their minds that black smoke has been
issuing from the factory '* in such quantity ns to be a nuisance." The
magisterial mind until lately has been the diflicnlty here. The
offending firm declares that all that can be done, has been done.
The Inspector answers by appealing to the notorious fact that live or
six firms in the immediate neighbourhood have rendered their mill
chimneys absolutely smokeless ; and after a long wrangle, a fine is
proposed, and of what amount ? A maximum of £5, with a possibility
of an additional fine of 10s. a day until the nuisance is aMted.
Now what does a wealthy firm care for such a trifling penalty ? It
has taken the Inspector six months to bring them to book, and if con-
victed— which is doubtful — a eujn of £5 is the utmost fine iraposable.
They will purchase immunity for their purses and impurity for their
chimneys for another six months at least for a .£5 note, or leas,
and they leave the Court whistling. Can wo wonder that a Health
Act so difficult in operation is considered by many who wish to see
sunlight in Lancashire impractical and discouraging?
But, as wo walked to the Bolton Station, we were cheered mightily
with the thought that the mind of Lancashire and the moral conscience
of Lancashire had already felt the sun. Already, without any appeal
from the Public Health Act, mill-ownera who cared for the people had
determined to set an example, and had recognised their duties to tho
flunlesa lives of those who were building their fortunes for them.
i89o]
SUNLIGHT OR SMOKE?
523
I say " sunless Uvea " with a good reason.
' ' When did you see the sun last ? " I asked the little child opposite
me, as I journeyed back through the Stygian darkness of a November
day from Black Bolton to Manchester.
" Last Friday, I think, sir," waa the answer.
For nearly a week the little child had gone backward and forward
to her school -t-ask aunlesslj.
Nine years she had grown, and a gradeiy little Lancashire flower
the lass was, but she had had to grow with little sun^ and the showers
liad been soot and sulphurous acid, and I gave a good sigh to think of
the poor lass's lot, and to contrast her with the children who grow in
Bun and shower through the length and breadth of our English Lake
district.
" Sun doesn't pay hereabout," said a man at her side ; " more
smoke more work hereabout, at least, that's wot my master says."
" Yes," joined in a head clerk, " that's about tbe ticket, and if
them anti-smoke gents are going to come fussing round our works
with their notions, it's my opinion that the masters will just jack up ;
they're keeping mills moving now at a loss."
I explained that I was one of the wicked anti-smoke gents, and
believed sincerely that it could be demonstrated that the actual cost of
patting in anti-smoke apparatus to the furnace could be recouped in
three years, and that by the more complete combustion of fuel a
saving of force would be made, while cheaper fuel, now ofr«n left
to disfigure the counti'y as refuse, could be burnt into the bargain.
" You just shew that to the Lancashire mill-owners^ and there'll
jolly soon be no more smoke in this land," said the clerk cheerily,
" and, I know well enough, men would be glad to have a chance of
dean air and sunshine, if not for themselves, at any rate for their
flowers."
What a chance, thought I, waa here ; get twenty Deans of Rochester
to do sedulously for Lancashire what Canon Hole once did for the
Nottingham people, and the Jlower-loving masses of miners and mill-
baads will go for the no-smoke agitation in a body, not for themselves,
Iheir wives or bairns, but for their flowers ; but the conversation was
not played out.
" Dirt ain't cheap, though we do say dirt cheap," piped in a wizened
Kttle old body with a market-basket on her knee. " I tell yow the
gentleman's right. It costs us poor folk a sight in soup and clean
curtains, let alone clean brata and gowns. When we used to get
in our hay there out Darcy Lever way onr gown pieces were solidly
Boiled black as soot in just, going between the bay-mowa. Talk
rsboat hay-gettin', it was dirt-gettin', and that's all about it now," she
)ke defiantly.
Her challenge waa not taken np^ for the train slid into the station.
524
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Apsu.
Bnfc tliat frowsy, filthy, sulphur-smitten, soot-begrimed meadow of
hay-grass haunted me all the way home ; and I felt for the English-
men and maidens of the mill robbed of their sunlight at the noon,
cheated of the poor man's heritage, the way-side llower, sickened by
the filth of their black and torpid streams, with never so much as a
meadow of hay-grass sweet for the smell or clean for the getting. I
thought of the pale faces and the dreary dawn, the dark noon hours,
and the lengthened gas-lit eventide, and wondered how long commc
sense and science would delay to make it possible for poor men's eyes
to behold the sun, and poor men's souls to find more heavenly cheer
than the gin-palace-lights at the comer. Yes ; aud bow long Lan-
cashire lads would ''sit in the dark and hear each other groan," as onj
after another through sunless days they wt-nt through joyless work to3
the sunless tomb.
Tho train drew up at a ticket-collecting platform. " Sunlight
Soap " stared at me from the advertisement hoardings.
" That's the only sunlight we chaps gets in Lancashire," said the
clerk.
" And it costs a deal more than the real article," piped up the
little wizened farm-woman. Tlie occupants of the carriage tittered ;
but there was a pathos about the thought of their make-believe sun
at so much a pound, doing duty for tho Daystar's purging, and I did
not wonder that momentarily an angiy sun looked blood-red above a
guilty city, as leaving the Victoria Station we stumbled out into
the murky streets of smoke-stricken Manchester, and thought with
sorrow of Bolton-le-Smoke.
Let the furnace-owners realize that smoke-prevention is their duty.
Let the workmen uuderstand that smoke does not mean work, and
how easy it is to prevent the smoke.
Let electors feel that they have it in their power to insist on
aeeing the sweet sun, by enforcing the Public Ilealth Act.
Let the people be taught that sunshine means health, joy, the sight
of their eyes, aud abundance of days ; that it is their wealth — as much
their wealth as their wnges ; then, tho love of flowers, and clean gown-
pieces and window-curtains will do the rest, and the answer to the
question, Sunlight or Smoke ? will be certain.
U. D. Rawnslet.
1890]
ARISTOCRACY OR DEMOCRACY.
A REPLY TO rROFESSOM HUXLEY.
WHEN a man like Professor Huxley, who has long been looked
up to as the most brilliant champion of adranced thought,
propounds principles which are not easily distinguishable from thoso
of the most fossilised old Toryism, it behoves those who believe
in modem progress to review their position and make sure that
they are standing on solid ground. The Proft'ssor has been moved'
to descend from the serene regions of science, and enter on the
burning region of practical politics by two considerations.
1. He is alarmed at the progress of democratic ideas and institutions^
by which, as he forcibly expresses it, the navigation of the vessel of
State is to be entrusted to the votes of the " cooks and loblolly-boys
instead of the officers," and when '* the ' great heart ' of the crew
is c&lled upon to settle the ship's course."
2. He specially distrusts such a democratic extension of the franchise,
because he thinks that it leads straight to what he calls ^' Rousseauism,"
that is, to a disposition to throw all the fundamental institutions of
society, and especially that of land and other forms of private property,
into a crucible, and cast them into new and impracticable forms in
tACcordance with visionary abstract theories of the natural eqnality
men.
It is clear that this argument is in sabstance that which has been
"-■•d sioco the days of Thucydides, in the long controversy as to the
!• lutive advantages of Aristocracy and Democracy; and that the
" lobloUy-boy " simile is in effect a pregnant and pithy way of putting
le objections to the Reform Bill of 1832, urged by Sir Charles
Teiherali and Colonel Sibthorp, and since repeated by every opponent
tlie great democratic reforms, which, in the course of the last fifty
Bj have so completely transformed the conrae of legislation. It
526
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Apstl
is a plausible argument ; but it has certainly thus far shown no
sign of satisfying that, which, after all, is the surest test of troth,
whether in scientific, or in political and social evolution, " the snrrival
of the fittest in the struggle for existence."
And here let me begin by saying that it is a source of great satis-
faction to me to find that in contesting Professor Huxley "s conclusions
it is a question of appreciation of facts, and not of confiict of principle.
I entirely agree with him that social and political problems are so
infinitely complicated that it is impossible to solve them absolutely by
any recurrrence to axioms or first principles.
If even the simple problem of three bodies revolving round a com-
mon centre of gravity by the law of gravitation, can only be solved
by successive approximations, how hopeless must be the task of
arriving at any hard-and-fast mathematical solution of the problem of
thirty-five millions of people revolving each in its own individual
orbit, di'termined by an infinite number of impulses of self-interest,
sentiment, hereditary influences, race, country, ixlucation, and all the
vastly varied action of a complex environment. In fact lam disposed
to go even farther in this direction than the Professor himself, and to
object that in his "loblolly-boy" simile, which contains the essence
of his argument against democracy, he has stated the problem too
generally, and not coupled it with the necessary limitations as to time,
place, and other conditions ■svhich are indispensable to arrive at any
practical conclusion. At the same time I so far agree with Herbert
Spencer, as to think that it is not only interesting, but may be useful
in arriving at practical conclusions, to trace back the results which
have survived in the course of evolution of civilized societies, as far
as possible to their origin or first principles, so as to see what factors
have become permanent and inevitable, and what are temporary and
evanescent. Thus it seems to me that while Huxley is perfectly
right in rejecting the axiom that all men are bom equal, he might
study Herbert S]>encer with advantage in tracing the conditions under
which this axiom, absurd as au absolute conclusion, has yet in some
cases a real element of truth. Thus he would scarcely deny that all
classes and conditions of men, be they rich or poor, strong or weak,
ought to be equal in the eye of the law. Nor would Spencer deny that
questions of property and contract, of finance and franchise, are in
their nafcura questions of more or less, of time and circumstance,
rather than of absolute' conclusions. In short, I hold that a right
appreciation of first principles and of the history of evolution are
useful in enabling us to state the conditions of social and political
problems, though powerless to solve them. In order to define more
closely the conditions of the problem of Aristocracy v. Democracy,
we must greatly narrow the assumptions on which Professor Huxley's
argument depends. In neither case is it a question of '' cook and
t«9o]
ARISTOCRACY OR DEMOCRACY.
527
lohloUy-boys " actually navigating the ship. There muat always be
a captain and superior officers, and the sole question is under which
system we get the best ones. Monarchy, or as Carlyle calls it, hero-
worship, implies that the rulfl of a single individual is best ; but here
w? are met by the primary condition which the sagacious Mrs. Glaase
put forward as the first requisite for making hare-soup. First catch
your hare, first find your hero. Hereditary descent clearly fails us,
yon are just qj3 likely to get a Nero or a Commodus, as a Titus or
a Mnrcus Aurelius. A plebiscite may give you a Napoleon III. or a
Boalanger, as probably as a Washington or a Cromwell.
Aristocracy means that you are likely to do best whon the CJovem-
tnont is Belected by n small, hereditary, privileged class who from
superior wealth and education may be supposed to understand political
Questions better than the mass of their countrymen. The theory of
<^eniocracy is that you will get a better result from the outcome of
the varied opinions and contlicting views of a very large number of
voters, comprising the whole or nearly the whole of the adult com-
km Unity.
wl priori there is nothing absurd in this latt er theory. Professor
Hti3cley will admit that it is quite a tenable proposition that you may
^^ti a more accurate representation of the annual parallax of a star, or
<*^ 'tlae precise moment of the commencement and end of a transit of
■ ^^ixus, from the average of a large number of moderately skilled
**^>servers, than from those of two or three first-rate astronomers who
*^*^y l)e biased by personal equations. Or again, to take another
B scientific simile, who coald have predicted that the erratic movements
I ■^* imuimerable atoms of a gas, rushing about and colliding in all
^''iiigiuable ways, would have resulted in an uniform temperature and
P»^S8uro ? And yet such is the case, and the kinetic theory of gases
!■ ^ an establisheJ fact.
H 1 invoke his own principle that " the proof of the pudding is in the
bating " ; or, in more magniloquent language, that the survival of the
^ Kltest is the best test of fitness, and 1 apply it to the facts of past and
H of contemporary history.
H Aristocracy, has undoubtedly, had great advantages in the past, and
^ has so still in countries where militarism, or the condition of frequent
T&rs and constant preparation for wars, is the first necessity of
national existence. 1 confine myself to English speaking States ; the
Caited Kingdom, the United States, Canada, and Australasia. Can
it be said that the patent fact of the age, the decay of the principle of
Aristocracy and the progress of Democracy, has been a failure as regards
those countries ?
If Professor Huxley thinks so, I venture to difier from him. I
Ailmit, to the fullest extent, his superiority in scientific attainments and
in lit«rary ability, but in this particular class of questions I have the
528
CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
TAwx,
advantage over him of being a Specialist. •{ have had a very long and
very close training, in the House of Goinmona, at the Treasury and Board
of Trade, as Finance Minister of India, and as tlie head of great railway
and commercial companies, in the great questions of the day which
come within the definition of practical politics. And it is a study oi
contemporary facts, aided hy this training, which has led me to-
reverse the course commonly attributed to age and riper experience,,
and with advancing years to become more Democratic.
I will refer first to the United States, for here the problem of
democracy has been tried on the largest scale and to the fullest extent.
Prior to the great war and the presidency of Abraham Lincoln, the
selections of the captjiins and oSicers to navigate the American State
had been made, for many years, practically by a select aristocracy, the
Southern planters. Since then the " loblolly-boys," as I suppose the
Professor would call them — that is, the great democratic mass of the
community on the one man one vote principle — have had it all their
ovm way. What has been the result? Nothing has impressed me
more than the exceeding wisdom and sobriety with which all really
important matters have been dealt with by tbis democratic community.
Take the most important act of their political life, the triennial elec-
tion of Presidents. They have elected an uninterrupted succession of
highly fit men ; in some cases, like that of Lincoln, their greatest man ;i
in all, men of high character and sound judgment, iintainted by any
suspicion of loose morality, or of extravagant demagogism — men who
were fair, or rather excellent representatives of the best traits of the
national character. These I'residents have selected Jlinisters of whom
it may be said, without exaggeratiou, that they are quite up to the
average standard of Cabinet Ministers of any European country.
Take the mnungement of foreign affairs, which is perhaps the best test?
of wise statesmanship, and that in which the opponents of democracy
have predicted the worst consequences from the transfer of political,
power from the classes to the masses. That of the United States ha»
been uniformly wise and successful. Filibustering has become extinct ;,
temptations to annex territory in Cuba and Mexico have been resisted p
the Monro doctrine has been upheld, and France compelled to retire
from Mexico without Gririg a shot ; differences with European StateSp.
as with England abotit the Alabama claims, and with Germany aboufri
Samoa, have been settled temperately and honourably. In no singlf
case can it be said that the foreign policy and diplomacy of the United
States have been unwise or have met with a rebuff.
And in great domestic questions, where demagogic incitements were
not wanting, the same wise and provident policy has been equally
conspicuous.
At the conclii.sion of the war, the nation found itself loaded with
an enormous debt and an inflated currencv. Most of this debt huA
,890]
ARISTOCRACY OR DEMOCRACY.
529
I
I
I "been incurred in paper, depreciated far below its gold value. Surely
liere was a case, if ever, where the " loblolty-boys " and common sailora
might have been expected to listen to the seductions of demagogues,
iw'ho were not wanting, t^41[ng them that they ought not to submit to
oxcessive taxation, in. order to pay in full in gold, the cormorant
> ^capitalists who had advanced their loans in paper. But nu ! the ma-xim
-that " honesty is the beet policy " was so engrained in the nature of the
American masses, that they submitted cheerfully to a load of taxation,
%vJiich converted tlip United States from one of the cheapest into one
of the dearest countries in the world, and the demagogues, instead of
ridi ng into power on popular prejudice, found themselves simply ostra-
cize^ from pnblic life.
Those who wish to pursne the subject farther, and to understand the
re^l efiect of democratic institutions on social life, will do well to study
on €9 of the most admirable Jjooks of recent times, Professor Bryce's
wroi~lj on the " American Commonwealth." Space forbids my pursuing*
t>li^ subject farther, and it is sufficient to say, that I challenge any dis-
l>^'^iaionate observer to say that democracy has beon a failure in America ;
a.i^<i what is true of America is equally true, on a smaller scale, in all
Es^^glish-speaking colonies, mth self-government, representative insti-
^**^*«tonfl, and a wide franchise.
Turning to our own country, the sitnation is more complex. The
P*^litieal education of the ma.sses can only be said to have begun in
•*™® present generation, with Board schools, a cheap Press, and the
^st^lision of the franchise. On the other hand, the principle of
*i^stocracy is not merely hereditary, but is reinforced by the numerous
*^*®'Se who have risen to wealth ; by the social inihipnces radiating
»rotn the Queen on the throne down to the wife of a retired tradesman
wing in an Acacia or Beaconsfield Villa ; by powerful professional
ftr»a monopolist interests, such as the Law, the Church, and the
publicans, which are either manned by members of the upper class or
niVo grown up under its shelter ; and by the conservative instincts
""^^icli have made Englishmen as a rule slow to move and suspicious
^^ novelties. Still there remains a large number of facts from which
*^ ^.pproximate induction can be drawn. Take, first, the rjuestion of
****^ign policy. Hem, certainly, if the " loblolly-boy " theory has
*^y force, the superior wisdom of the Classes over that of the Masses
^^'^Ht to be most apparent. If an aristocracy has any rainon d'itre
**^ times of peace, it surely ought to be in keeping alive sound tra-
'*'ons, and takintj sensible views of our relations with foreign powers,
***d of the true and permanent interests of the empire as distinguished
^^*tl temporary ebullitions of sentiment and prejudice. Has it been
^' In my own experience, ranging over the best part of 50 years,
^8 chief features of the policy and feelings of the " Classes " have
530
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Afbh,
%
1. Sympathy with Louis Napoleon, and the entente cortUalt
the French Empire landing ub in the Crimean war.
2. Sympathy with the Southern States in the war of the Union
'6. Sympathy with Turkey and an exaggerated Kusso-phobia, lead-
ing to a policy alike cynical and stupid, of trying to bolster up the
decay of the decrepit empire of the Sultan at the expense of the
Christian populations struggling for their inevitable enfran^isement.
4. Sympathy with Austria in her wars to prevent the creation of
an united Italy and of a great Germany.
5. Violent indignation at the settlement of the Alabama claims by
arbitration.
6. Successive Afghan wars undertaken in defiance of common se:
and of the remonstrances of the leading authorities, like Li
Lawrence, who were practically acquainted with Indian aSairs.
7. A Colonial policy of treating Canada, Australia, New Zcalan
and South Africa, as dependencies of Downing Street, by which our
Colonial Empire would have Ijeen infallibly lost to us but for the
tardy application of democratic principles.
Many more instances might be mentioned, but these are sufficient
to show that, in point of fact, the " classes " have signally failed to
make good their claim to be a real " Aristocracy," that is a Govern-
ment of the best and wisest, and that in the very field where, if
anywhere, their superiority ought to have been most clearly manifested.
If we turn to domestic affairs it is stil! more clear that the " classes "
have not shown that supi'riority in political wisdom which is claimed
for them over the " masses." It would be difficult to name one of the
great and beneficial reforms of the last CO years which could have been
carried if the upper classes of society, represented by the hereditary
aristocratic House of Lords, had been able to give effect to their
opinions and wishes.
The Keform Bills, the Extensions of the Franchise and of Education,
Fre« Trade, the Repeal of the Corn Laws, the Disestablishment of the
Irish Church, tlie Irish Land Acts, would all have been rejected, and
it is not too much to say that, if the navigation of the ship of State
had been entrusted to the select few, it would long ago have been
among breakers, and instead of Reform we shoald have had Revolution.
If we inquire the reason, it will be found in the fact that the so-
called aristocracy hia ceased to be what its name purports — a selection
of the beat of the nation. Militarism, or a state of frequent great
wars, or apprehension of wars, requiring a system of miUtar}' organ-
ization, is the condition under which alone an hereditary aristocracy
can maintain their position as natural leaders. "When I read of the
noblemen who come to gi'ief in the betting-ring and in divorce-courts,
I often think how different would have been their career if they had
ARISTOCRACY OR DEMOCRACY.
531
been bom in Germany instead of England, The stuff is there — the
physical courage, the high spirit, the feeling Uiat noblesse oblige — but
how different has been the training. In the one case, duty, discipline,
and the stem realities of the battle-field ; in the other, the enervating
influences of luxury and idleness. Compare tlie House of Commons,
the crew selected by the nation, including, if you like, the cooks and
loLloUy-boys, with the House of Lords, the crew selected by hereditary
succession, and recruited only from the upper classes. Any one who
has stood a contested election must be aware, that in a great and in-
creasing majority of cases, no one has a chance of being returned to the
popular Assembly, who has not a good deal of the experience and
qualities which make for statesmanship. He must be a fairly good
sptraier, well up in all the political and social questions of tlu' day,
W'itH command of temper tu stand heckling, of independent means,
ajad cf fair position and moral character. He must have done some-
thixLg to make his name known as a man who has succeeded in life or
^rlio has shown marked ability. The House of CommoHS is recruited
nxor^e and more every day by men who, if some accident called thera
to "Lie Cabinet Ministers and heads of great departments, would dis-
cH^rge the duties of their office very creditably. Men like Mr. W.
U. Smith from trade, Mr. Goschen fi-om the City, Mr. John Morley
from literature, Mr. H. Fowler from a solicitor's office, and scores of
otilieTa who would do fairly well if they had the opportunity- Can the
Mk^n© be said of the House of Lords ? Assuredly not ! With a very few
eftnirsent exceptions, they do not even take a sufficient interest in
politdcB to attend its sittings. And they are terribly biassed by what
*- Have called the ''personal equation;" they view things through
the medium of West-end society, and the result is that nine-teutiis of
ineBa are utterly out of sympathy with the public opinion and political
vie'Ws of a majority of their countrymen.
^Hien an organ becomes useless in the course of evolution it is very
>pt to become injurious, and this, I think, may be said of the principle
<^l hereditary aristocracy under existing conditions. The great mis-
cnief it does is in fostering the national defect of snobbishness. What is
■Jiohbishness ? It is the tendency to bow down before a golden image,
aad Worship rank and wealth rather than real merit. We hear loud
<^*«plaints of this, the besetting sin of the age ; but how can it
'*' otherwise, when the fountain of honour flows in a channel the first
^ti<lit.ion of which is the j"»ossession of wealth sufficient to found a
»fnijy, and keep up an hereditary title.
l^thore are to be honorary distinctions at all, surely those names
*''8ut to be enrolled in the list of British worthies who have been,
•9 Universal consent, foremost in doing honour to their age and
**nitry — names like those of Darwin, Herbert Spencer, and Huxley
MS
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW,
[Al
in Bcience ; Dickens, Thackeray, and George Eliot in literatu:
Wordsworth, Shelley, and Browning in poetry ; rather than n
whose claim is opportune ratting, party sen'icea in contesting el
tions, excuses for excluding from Cabinets, in all cases with
condition of wealth , and, in many instances,, with this obviously i
obtnisively the sole qualification. Tennyson is the solitary excepti
and his case shows more forcibly the degradation of hereditary honoi
for a painful thrill of surprise ran through most of his admirers
heai'ing that the greatest poet of the age had condescended to aco
a peerage.
There remains the bugbear of " llousseauism," I call it a bugbf
for any ono, who is practically acquainted with the House of Commi
and the drilTb of public opinion, must be aware that it is as far
possible from being within tlie sphere of practical politics. Ti
the case of the Irish Land Act and the Scottish Crofters Act, wh
jire, I suppose, the high-water mark of what the members of
Liberty and Property Defence League would call Socialist legi8lati(
I doubt whether ten members of the House of Commons have e
road the " Contrat- Social,"' or whether a single one of those "who vo
for these Acts was influenced by a belief in the axiom that all n
are bom equal, and that all property is a robbery. On the contrs
the argumt-nts which were used, and which prevailed, were identi
with those which Professor Huxley himself puts forward with so mi
force in his article on " Natural Rights and Political Hights."
says that '• labour is tlie foundation of the claim to sound ownershi
and instances the rude flint chipped into an axe by a palieolit
savage, and tho green crop on the otherwise stony desert of Up
Egypt, which had been fertilized by the labour of the irrigator brh
ing to it the muddy water of the Nile. " Property," he ss
*' consists in fact of two elements ; the soil or other raw matei
and the laboar applied to it."
Now the Irish question was this : that in a vast majority of su
holdings, under £10 a year, comprising half the population of Irela
and to a considerable extent in larger holdings, the landlord had c
tributed nothing but poor, rocky, and boggy soil, worth certainly
the average not half-a-crown an acre, and often not worth sixpeno<
annual rent, while the tenant had built the houses, drained, fenc
and reclaimed the land, and made all the improvements, which 1
created a property worth say, 155. or 205. an acre. "Was the lawj
which entitlrd the landlord to take the whole or the greater pari
this 15s. or 20«., and to leave the other partners who had created fi
three-fourths of the value, notliing but a bare subsistence in a c
dition of poverty unmatched in any other civilised counti-y, and of
not even that, for the rent was paid not from the land, but £t
1890]
ARISTOCRACY OR DEMOCRACY.
533
extraneous sources sucb as harvest labour in Eagland, and remittances
from sons and daughters in America ? That, in a nutshell, is the
Irish Land Question.
And was it right or wise for the English nation to throw tho whole
weight -of the Government, the law, the army, the police, and the
whole system of evictions and Coercion, into the scale of tho landlords
to perpetuate this state of things, with tho certainty of ao exasperating
the feeling of an intelligent nationality whom you have educated, and
to ^vhom yon have given eqnal political rights, as to make Ireland a
80CLr-ce of weakness rather than of strength to the Empire, and compel
yoxiy in case of war, to lock up a fourth of yonr available military
strength in order to keep it in subjection ?
That, in a nutshell, is the question of Home Rule,
These views may be right or wrong, but assuredly they are based on
soTEi.ething quite different from the abstract axioms of Ilousseau.
So far from denouncing all property as a robbery, we aim at recog-
n-LsLng it by restoring to those who, on Professor Iluxiey's own principles,
&x*c» "the chief owners, some moderate share at any rat« of that of which
tixi&y have been robbed by unjust legislation,
'But then it is said that you are violating the principle of the
Ba2x.ctity of contract which is the main object of the State to enforce,
iknd which is the foundation of all civilized society. Here again we
reply : — No, we are seeking to strengthen the principle of contract by
nukkiDg it a reality, and not a legal fiction. Even the English Law,
K«Li«li as it is in siding with the rich against the poor, the strong
•gainst the weak, admits that contract is only valid where tho con-
^'acting parties are free and meet on equal terms, and not under irre-
■iatible compulsion. It does not hold in the caso of minors, married
▼omen, or where undue and Irresistible influence can be established.
Now in the case of Irish and Scotch Crofters, Commission after Commis-
sion has established the fact that there was no real freedom of contract
between landlord and tenant. Eviction is in efifoct what it has been
•o often called — a sentence of death.
Th^rp is BO little independent employment for labour, that the
^****er, if he is aged, infirm, or burdened with a family, has no
•"•nurtire bat to pay, or promise to pay, an impossible rent, or to turn
^^ tad die in a ditch. Even now, after the passing of the Land x\ct,
*^ k his fate in the poorer half of Ireland, unless he can pay the
^^^'Wb of what are admitted to be unjust rents. In Scotland it is
•"oerent. There arrears of unjust rents are held to be nnjost, and
we Land Commission reduces them accordingly.
Wliat first opened my eyes, more than 20 years ago, to the realities
w ftft Irish question, was a conversation I had with an Irish labourer,
*Dom I found trenching a piece of mountain land on the banks of the
5a4
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Afsil
Lake of Killamey. He told me that he was working for a farmer,
that his wages were eighteenpence a day, but that he only got work
on the average for 90 days in the year. I have since visited most of
the poorer parts of Ireland and cross-examined innumerable labourers
and cottars, and have found this statement confirmed, or rather
aggravated, in the remoter districts. Take the case of Gweedore, where
I once spent a month. I am certain that in an area of 20 miles round
the scene of the recent lamentable events, with a population of 3,000
or 4,000, there is not employment at day's wages for 50 or GO
independent labourers. In the notorious Falcarragh estate, it has been
stated in open court, and the figures have never been contradicted,
that the ancestors of the present proprietor bought it originally for
something like £500 ; that the landlords have never expended a
shilling on improvements, and that the rental before the passing of the
Land Act was £2,500 a year, and is still nominally from £1,500 to
£2,000. Am 1 Rousseauist, if I say that this is indeed robbery, but
robbery not by the tenant on the landlord, but by the landlord on the
tenant ?
To turn, however, from Ireland, whose burning questions of party
and political interests obscure the view, what are the general questions
respecting the rights and duties of property, and especially of landed
property, which are within the sphere of pi-actical ]iolitics ? They are
all questions of finance and of figures. Even Ilenry George, when he
comes to the practical application of his able and ingenious, but often
extreme and impracticable theories, confines them to the special case
of land, and limits his practical demand to a transfer to it of the larger
share of national taxation. This is a question, more or less, of com-
promise and practical adjustment, rather than of abstract theory. The
principle is already admitted, by the income tax and succession duties,
that property ought to pay something towai'ds the support of the
State?, that is, for the common good ; the question is whether it pays
enough, and whether it is levied on the right sorts of property.
Hero in England, apart from all questions of Ireland, there is a
general and growing opinion that past legislation has not sufficiently
kept in view the great and fundamental distinction between earned
and unearned property.
The former, whether in land or personalty, is a natural, the latter
an artificial, right. That it is artificial is clearly proved by the fact
that it ia different in diflFerent ages and countries. England is the
solitary exception in which the right of property has been strained bo
high as to carry with it the absolute right of the owner not only to do
what he likes with his own, with what he has made by his own exer-
tions and during his own life, but to do what he likes with it after
his death. A millionaire may, if he likes, disinherit his family, and
ARISTOCRACY OR DEMOCRACY.
685
Ijeave his widow and clilldren to be supported by the ratepayers. To
a certain, extent this ia mitigated by settlements, bat even these leave
the first owner the power of tying up his estate as he likes for a
long period, and the theory of the English law is that the absolute
right of ownership persists after death. Bat this ia an exceptional
law ; in the Roman law, and in. the laws of France. Germany, Austria,
Italy, Spain, and other civilized nations, and even in such an integral
part of our own empire as Scotland no such theory prevails. On the
contrary, the unlimited power ceases with life, and the disposal of
property after the owner's death, ia not left to him, but to the opera-
tion of law, by which tho bulk of it goes to provide for the family.
Clearly the devolution of all property to those who have done nothing
to earn it beyond, as the witty Frenchman says, " taking the trouble
to be bom," ia an affair of laws, and the fortunate heirs may be
expected to pay handsomely for tho support of the law and order to
which they are indebted for their windfall. This is a question not
of abstract theory, but of the proper amount of succession duties, and
of the incidence of the income-tax on the two descriptions of income,
earned and unearned.
Then there is the case of tlie unearned increment. To take a
practical illustration, there is a mountain valley in Wales which
might have been worth, at the outside, £800 a year as a sheep farm.
Bat coal and iron were found, works created, and a town of 10,000
C inhabitants sprung up, and the landlord now gets a secure income of
£8,000 a year. This extra value has been created by the outlay of
capitalists, moat of whom lost their money, and by the labour of the
community who live on the soil.
Now 1 do not care how the landlord's ancestors got the land in the
times of the Tudors or Plantaganets, nor would I propose to confiscate
liis income on the plea of equal rights or ancestral robbery. But
without being a Uousseauist, I may be permitted to say that I think
the original legislation was bad which did not reserve the mining
rights for the State or Commune, and that the modem legislation was
bad which did not impose some large share of the local rates on the
fortunate landlord, to provide the requisites of civilized life for the
community, which had thus grown up, and to which he was indebted
for his enhanced income.
Again in the case of betterments in towns. Am I a Rousseauist
if I hold that where a street is widened at the expense of tho rate-
payers by taking one side of it, and by so doing the value of the
other side is greatly increased, the owner of the soil ought to contribute
some fair proportion of the rates ?
These are tho sort of questions which are fast coming within the
range of practical politics, and they are obviously in a totally different
536 THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW. [Araa.
sphere of ideas firom speculations as to the original equality of
mankind, and the abstract rights or wrongs of the principle of private
property.
They will be solved not by any appeal to such abstract theories, but
by what Professor Hnzley admits to be the only method of solving
such complicated social problems, by trial and error, by practical
experience, and by the sxurival of the fittest in the struggle for
existence. Such solutions are not far off, and it is pretty clear in
what direction they will be. In the meantime, I can only say that
advancing years and closer observation make me every day less
alarmed at the inevitable progress of democracy, better satisfied with
the present, and more hopeful of the future.
Samuel Laino.
i89o]
THE OLD TESTAMENTT AND THE CRETICS.
TvVO uotable articles have receatlj appeared iu tliia Review
OQ what 13 called *■ the Higher Criticisra," a name coined by
Eichliora for th(i criticLsiiiol" the style and contents of Holy Scripture,
a* diatingiiished from the criticism of the Biblical text, which 13
called "Textual" or -'Lower Criticism." One of these articles, by
Canon Chfvae, was hraded, " Hsforra in the Teaching: of the Old
Testament;" the otlu-r, by Canon Driver, bore the titU' of "The
Critical Study of thi- Old Testament."
In his artich^ of last August, Canon Cheyn© pleaded for a reform in
the teaching of the Old Testament from the pulj>it, from the chair,
and e7en from the desk. He asked for " a progressive movement "
towards teaching the Old Testament ''on tlie basis of the facta gene-
rally admitted by experts." ''Why should not," he inquii-es, "a
ppovifiional compromise be entered into, in all suitable cases, between
(^"hurch teachers and Old Testament criticism on the basis of the facts
generally admitted by the experts?" Surely an innocent refjjuest, a
proper recjuest, nay, a commonplace and needless request. For how
*'^ can the Old Testament be taught, or how else has it been taught ?
Where ihe experts are agreed, the popularizers must follow.
i'htjaim of Canon Driver's paper of February was, he told us, "to
^, in natecbnical language, the grounds upon which the criticism
the (31d Testament rests, to explain wherein their cogency conai.sts,
•Od to illustrate some of the principal conclusions that have been
f<aclifd by critics." Surely, too, a purpose as useful as laudable.
Whih? Lhe.se two jwpers are fresh in the public mind, 1 have a
**<*'r»*to add a few words to the discussion. For I. too, am anxious to
*'n|>ha>jiEe the indispensableness of a critical study of the Old Testa-
*»'nt. And I wii-h, in the present state of Old Testam-'nt studies, to
vou, Lvii. 2 n
ueaerucu ur iuui-u«xK}ri«u uy iu» iittburtu aiiit», ijucy xem uuuxiu
the risk of misconception, and not even refuse personal contro
Besides, with Canon Cheyne I also believe firmly, and she
ashamed not to believe, that " it ought to be possible to remo:
or to protest without violating truth and charity, and with tl
stant recognition that the points on which the antagonists agi
more important than those in which, perhaps only for a tim<
differ." Further, if I hesitate in accepting some of the opinions
of Canon Cheyne or of Canon Driver, I do so to my great sorro
under a sense of unwelcome compulsion, for I cannot forge
much I owe to the careful scholarship and patient research o
these leaders in Old Testament interpretation.
Canon Cheyne referred in his article to " the unwise po
branding critical inquiry as unchristian." The epithet " unwi
mildness itself. Such a policy is dangerous, is destructive. A
tianity which cannot stand criticism will soon cease to stand. (
inquiry into the Old Testament is absolutely necessary to any ad
understanding of the Old Testament. For what is. criticism ?
inquiry by the critical method. And what is the critical mi
It is the examination of the Books of the Bible by the sam<
ciples by which all literature is studied ; it is logic ; it is the
cation to the Law and the Prophets of that inductive met
which discoveries innumerable have been made in all walks of re
The critical method is the questioning of facts — the prosecution of
ledge by, first, classifying facts, and, next, reasoning from facti
classified. The Christian man who refuses to acknowledge the
macy of such a method in the study of the Old Testament is nc
,S9oJ THE OLD TESTAMENT AND THE CRITICS.
539
seminaries and pulpits and schools ! For. I venture to assert, scholarly
and thorough and balanced study of the CMd Testament is one of the
pressing needs of our times. Quite a dangerous neglect of the Old
Testament, that unique literary monument of the past world, has
characterized Christian tliinking all too long. I have even heard of a
prominent Nonconformist minister so preferring the New Testament to
the Old in reading lessons as to use in public no part of the Old Tes-
tament except the Psalms. And even where the Old Testament has
nofc teen ignored, too frequently its poetry has been spii-ituali^ed beyond
recognition, and its prose has been wholly removed from its historical
setting; whilst, as for its magnificent prophecy, it has been rendered
uniritelligible by crude extravagance. Is it not high time that so ex-
qnisite a literaiy relic — to use very insufficient language — should be
"^ticiied at least as carefully and rationally and lovingly as the epica
"Del. histories and philosophies of Greece and Rome ? For, monumental
** "tliese, too, are, do they not fall short of the Hebrew literature in
^n^ **gy and in insight, in speculation and in elevation, in simplicity and
^^ «3»eauty, in humanity*, in reflection of all things divine ? And how
*°^1 1 this splendid literature be mastered but by criticism ? " Brand
^*-^ ical inquiry as unchristian?" Nay, let us welcome even one-
°**-^^d and erroneous criticism if it recall attention to this priceless
"*-' -*-*"loom of religion. Let us rejoice in the proclamation on the house-
'*'t*s^ even of false conclusions, if mankind is but made to listen. For
*'"*'^«jr often proves usefnl in arousing the lethargic ? nay, error facUi-
^^^?8 its own burial. For my part, I believe that the present move-
"'*^»t in critical circles is not withnut its providential side, quickening
'^"^^■^rest and concentrating labour. Criticism unchristian ? Why,
*^* *-'t3ci8m is simply carrying out the very Chri.stian advice of Paul to
throve all things, and hold fa.st that which is gootl." I cannot but
"*^J» that as tliis momentous century has seen the birth of an inter-
TH^^nal and scientific exegesis, so it may also see the birth of an
*'^t:»'niational and scientific '' Higher Criticism."
But this is taking a wide view of criticism. After all, be it said,
'"■**! critics themselves are largely responsible for the disrej)ute into
•jicli ciitic^il pursuits have fallen in many quarters. They have too
*fl'ow a view of criticism. Canon Cheyne afibrds an instance of
^ois tnigleading Limitation of view, as his ai-ticle testifies. For observe
*M<-* practical principle by which he proposes to carry out the reform he
*<3vocates in teaching the Old Testament. He asks *• the religious
^ides of the nation " to act upon the well-known rule crcdc txpcHls.
*'Why should not a provisional compromise be entered into between
Church teachers and Old Testament criticism on the basis of the facts
8*nerally admitted by the experts ? " Why not indeed !• To follow
til" experts in all facts generally admitted by them all, cannot but
1^ eoond and good and wholesome. But who are Canon Cheyne s
540
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Apul
experts ? Germans all. The critics of varying schools in Protestant
Germany are the experts he would have our religious guides follow.
Now, ill as it would become mo, who owe so much to German scholar-
ship, to say that German scholarship is worthless, I do venture to enter
a caveat against Canon Cheyne's canon, for four reasons.
" Do not, ray friends, give occasion," writes Canon Cheyne, " to
the Matthew Arnolds of the future to mock at your indifference alike
to the truth of history, the charm of poetry, and the exquisite
simplicity of early religion." Nor, I would add, to mock at your
indifference to cultured judgment, to balanced criticism, to tact, the
primary lesson Matthew Arnold strove to teach his age. For I cannot
but agree with Matthew Arnold in his opinion on the value of German
criticism. *' In the German mind, as in the German language,"
wrote Matthew Arnold in his *' Literature and Dogma," ** there does
seem to me something •>*///«'/, something blunt-edged, unhandy Emd
infelicitous — some want of quick, fine, sure perception, which tends to
balance the great superiority of the Germans in knowledge, and in the
disposition to deal impartially with knowledge." " Of course, in
a man of genius," Mr. Ai'nold continued, " this delicacy and dexterity
of perception is much less lacking ; but even in Germans of genius
there seems some lack of it. Goethe, for instance, has less of it, all
must surely own, tluui the great men of other nations whom alone one
can cite as his literary compeers : Shakespeare, Voltaire, Macchiavel,
Cicero, Plato. Or, to go a little lower down, compare Bentley as a
critic with Hermann ; Bentley ti^ating Menander with Hermann
treating .t'Eschylus. Both are on ground favourable to them ; both
know thoroughly, one may say, the facts of their case ; yet such is the
difference between them, somehow, in dexterousness and sureness of
perception, that the gifted English scholar is wrong hardly ever,
whereas the gifted German scholar is wrong very often." " And
then," as Matthew Arnold goes on to say, with his own characteristic
directness, " every learned German is not .gifted, is not a man of
genius." "' Whether it be from race," he suggests, " or whether this
quickness and sureness of perception comes, rather, from a long
practical conversance with great affairs, and only those nations which
have at any time had a practical le^id of the civilized world, the
Greeks, the Romans, the Italians, the French, the English, can have
it ; and the Germans have till now had no such practical lead, though
now they have got it, and may now, therefore, acfpiire the practical
dexterity of perception ; — ^however this may be, the thing is so, and
a learned German has by no means, in general, a fine and practically
sure perception in proportion to his learning. Give a Frenchman, an
Italian, an Englishman the same knowledge of the facts .... and
you could, in general, trust his perception more than you can the
German's." And, with great pertinence to the point before us,
i89o] THE OLD TESTAMENT AND THE CRITICS. 511
Matthew Arnold adds, " This, T say, shows how large a thing criticism
IB ; since, even of those froo: whom we take what we now in theology
most want, knowledge of the facts of our study, and to whom there-
fore we are, and ought to be, under deep obligations, even of them
we must not take too much, or take anything like all that they offer ;
but we must take much and leavp ranch, and must have experience
enough to know what to take and what to leave." The quotation is
8o singularly d propits^ that its length may be forgiven. It expresses
clearly and reasonably why the German experts are, in one respect,
undesirable guides. It presents, with all the grace and insight of
the writer, one reason why I dissent from Canon Chej-ne's canon.
Whilst I cannot but express the warmest gratitude to the great
German experts in the Old Testament, I feel myself compelled,
reluctantly, to avow that experience has led me to distrust the
conclusions these experts have drajvn from the facts they have so
perseveringly marshalled.
•'Then criticism is international," Canon ('heyne has said, oddly
enough, in criticising me for not following the German, trend of criti-
cism in the matter of the Pentateuch. Just so ; criticism that may
I be safely followed by our religions guides, who are not themselves
[experts, should be international. This is my second reason for not
accepting Professor Cheynes canon. In Old Testameut matters
there are happily, and in daily increasing proportion, critical col-
clusions which are acce]ited by the experts of different schools and
various nations. These conclusions onr rehgious guides, who are not
themselves experts, may wisely accept. Critical researches are being
carrie<l on, with equal loyalty to truth and along similar lines of
inquiry, in England and Scotland and America, ns well as
Germany, and a genuine international criticism is rapidly growing.
Indeed, in critical studies as in doctrinal, the great need of nur times,
I think, is an international development. Criticism is, or ought to be,
one and not many. National, nay sectional, development has run a course
sufiBcifntly long, and we now de'sidcrate a catholic, an international,
criticisnj instead of a German criticisin, or an American criticism, or an
English criticism. I am glad tn find Canon Cheyne also aspires after
an international criticism. But in framing this catholic criticism,
peace cannot l>e yet whilst opposite opinions are so strongly held.
Keenly controverted criticism can only reach its unassailable stage by
long-continued conflict of opinion. A trumped-up peace is more dis-
Bstroos in the long run than war. And it certainly would be a
trumped-up peace which bids us accept German results, and ignore all
results which are Knglish or Scotch or American. Let Canon
Cheyne have a little patience. If the German views he advocates so
ably ore truth, they cannot but spread. Tin- " religious guides of
the nation" will rapidly adopt them as the conviction grows of their
542
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Afbil
truth. Probably, too, these views would have the more favourable
reception for being pcxjh-poohcd for a while. Moreover, let Canon
ChejTie consider how lamentable it would be if the views he advocates
proved to be erroneous after all. For ray part, I cannot forget that
he who Bides with the conclusions of this generation of German
scholars takes sides asrainst the Tnanv Biblical scholars of Great Britain
and America who either controvert these German \'iews or declare
them improven. Nor am I prepared to say that these English-speak-
ing critics are less scientific, or are less lovers of truth, or are less
balanced in judgment, or are less competent to form an opinion, or
are less characterized by that peculiarly scientific attribute of caution
which refuses to announce an hypothesis as proven theory withont
many-sided verification. It is because I believe in the possibility of
an international criticism, and because I believe that this international
criticism — one, impregnable, universal, true — is on the way that I
urge our '* religious guides," who are not themselves experts, to wait
a while. It is wiser to suspend judgment than to say hastily what it
may speedily he necessary to unsay. Great men may have poor
opinions, nor, I believe, does the greatness of a critic make his poor
opinions more precious.
And there is a third reason why I cannot but object to constituting
the German schools of critics, liowevev opposite to each other in their
conclusions, reliable giiidea for those who are not experts. The critics
of the two opposed German schools, the followers let us say (for clear-
ness, if not in perfect accuracy) of Wellhaiisen and DiUmann, both
agree in conceding certain fundamental postulates which it seems to
me should not be gninted without further inquiry, and both coincide
in teaching certain results which will show themselves, I suspect, quite
othern-ise than legitimate when narrowly scrutinized. The whole
history of the Higher Criticism of the Pentateuch would have to be
cited in support of this objection. Still, I will endeavour to outline
very briefly the evidence on which it is ba.^ed. Let us suppose that a
modem Romanist is asked why he believes in the Immaculate Con-
ception : he would probably reply because he believes in the infallibility
of the Pope ; if asked Avhy lie believed in the infallibility of the Pope.
he would probably cite the infallibility of the Vatican Council ; if
urged to Ktnte why he believed in tliD infallibility of Councils, he
would probably allege the common traditions of the Church ; and if
pressed as to wliy lie believed in the infallibility of ecclesiastical
tradition, he would doubtless call attention to the apostolical tradition.
A similar recession occurs whenever a full statement is asked for of
the grounds of Pentateuch criticism in its common form to-day. The
full grounds of the dominant theory of Welihausen are not to be
found in Wellhau.sen ; he assumes the results of the school of
Billmann : but the full grounds of the theory held in common by
1890] THE OLD TESTAMENT AND THE CRITICS.
543
Dillmaim and EwaJd and Knobel and Schrader (to cite prominent
names only), are not to be found in Dillmana or in any of his
associates, they assume the results of the school of De Wette and
Tuch and Bleek ; but again, the full gromids of the theory of the
school of 13 leek are not to be found therein, they assume the results
of the Bchool of Bichhom. Now Canon Cheyne asks the religious
guides of the nation to accept as proven all results in which the
schools of Dillniann and Wellhausen are agi-eed ; he might as logically
ask us to accept the dogma of the Immaculate Conception because the
Pope and the Vatican Council are agreed. Indeed, I ventxire to
ivssert that when our Englisli Old Testament scholars undertake the
laborious but indispensable task of checking the conclusions of the
Gterman critics, ab initio ipso, they will express their warmest
lanks for the facts which the Gfennan critics have laboriously un-
earthed, but will draw for themselves the very different conclusions
which to them the facts appear to warrant. Submission to authority
is good, if the authority is reliable; but it is just the reliableness of
the judgment of the authorities, to whom Canon Cheyne would have
bow, that I venture to impugn. I do so after having some years
cordially, nay enthusiastically, believed in their value. But
maturer and more protracted examination has led me to utterly distrust
the mcTe serious results announced by these authoritie-s.
And there is a fourth reason why " the religious guides of the
nation," who are not themselves experts in criticism, should pause, I
think, before popularizing the results of the German experts, especially
upon the origin of the Books of the Law. That reason lies — let the
truth be said^in loyalty to the religion in which they are guides. As
a matter of fact, the prominent Gei-man critics who have made the
present phase of Pentateuch criticism have not been in warm sym-
pathy with supernatural Christianity. It is true that, if I under-
stand Dr. Cheyne's contention, he denies this of Wellhaiisen and
Kuenen. Thus he says, speaking of a leading American scholar,
" Dr. Chambers knows more than I do of Kuenen aud Wellhausen, if
he can assert that either of them is a pure naturalist." I do not
know what Canon Cheyne means by " a pure naturalist," especially
when he adds hie confusing remarks about " pure supernaturalists ; ''
but I do venture to say that there is little ground for assorting that
either of these great scholars is a believer in supernatural Christianity
(I use the seemingly tautologous qualification because it is difRcult to
BadeTBtand what some folks mean by Christianity when they banish
therefrom predictive prophecy, and e.xpress revelation, and miraclf),
aud I vrnture so to say, as regards Wellhausen on his own authority.
For, in SchafTs " Encyclopaedia of Living Divines," under the hea<Hng
of Julius Wellhausen, this great critic's own statement is transcribed —
"that he left the theological faculty at Greifswald of his own accord.
544
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
TArBiL
in, the couEciousness of no longer stnnding quite on the basis of
the Evangelical Cliurch and of Protestantism '' {in dmi Ikwussfsein,
durchaus niihi 'nu-hr avf dnii Ikxlcn der fvanfjclmhen Kirchc oder
dcs FrolMtantismns zu stehen). Again, what says Kuenen in his
" Beligion of Israel " ? Does he not frankly state that his desire is to
show " a natural development both of the Israel itish religion it-self and
of the belief in its heavenly origin ? " Then, after Kuenen and Well-
hausen, what greater name in tlie initiation of the theory is there than
Graf, or shall I add Vatke (from whom ^Vellhausen actnowledges
himself das MeUtc vnd Bcsfc ffdo'nt zu hahcn — to have learnt best
and moat) ? Did these men, eminent as they were in scholarship,
hold those Christian tenets, that catholic faith, which tlie Eastern
Churches and the Western, the Anglican and the Lutheran, and the
Kefonned Churches, agree in teaching V Or what nmst be said con-
cerning the more prominent English critics, Kalisch and Colenso ?
True, some of the upholders of this latest phase of the Pentateuch
question are coaspicuous adherents of the catholic Christian faith (the
issue of opiuions is not always seen at once), but the fact remains
that the leaders in this momentous change of view upon the Law and
the Prophets are, for the most part, advocates of a naturalistic evolu-
tion of tlie Christian and Hebrew Scriptures. Is there not in such a
fact cause for caution 'i Supernatural Christianity has so many reasons
in it^ favour, " the religious guides of the nation "' are wont to con-
sider, that any theory which seems to be alien to supernatural
Christianity is ipm farto rendered suspect — not withoot justice. It is
not wholly unreasonable to judge a theory by its consequences or by
its postulates.
However, uever mind the bias, Canon Chejne says in effect ; it
has not influenced the judgment of the German critics in any undue
manner ; the duty of the expert who disagrees with them, is to show
where their facts are partial or their iuferences incorrect. '• The
other leaders of criticism are, and always have been, what Baur was
not," the Canon says, "pure historical critics; , ... if it can be
shown that a bias of a definitely philosophical nature ever does lead
them astray from the right historical course, accuse them of it^" Very
good. I do not think it would be difficult to show in very many
instances how " a bias of a definitely philosophical nature " has
influenced the critical interpretation of facts. How could it be other-
wise ? If a critic — to begin with, and for what appear to him con-
clusive reasons — disbelieves, for example, in supeniatui"al revelation
(as from the mercy-seat in the tabernacle), believing only in the
naturalistic evolution of all religion, surely he must re-shape the Old
Testament to his taste, and is very liable, I should say, to emphasize
some facts unduly and unduly ignore other facts. But I do not
delay to instance. I am anxiou.s now to leave general principles, and
i89o] THE OLD TESTAMENT AND THE CRITICS. 545
to dt^I, in what space remains, witli the facts alleged, and with the
facts alone. I will occupy myself with " the leaders of criticism," on
the asmiraption that they are pure historical critics. lu short, I
would turn from Canon Cheyne's paper to Canon Driver's, and show
why the facts of the case do not, in my opinion, warrant the conclu-
sions drawn therefrom. In doing so, let mo again say that I have
too high a respect for Canon Driver's conspicuous ability in Old
Testament studies to be in any danger, I trast, of transgressing the
bounds of Christian courtesy. We are, alas! in opposite camps at a
time when conflict i.s inevitable, aud wh<"n plain speech is inseparablo
from the discharge of our duty to man and to God. Would it
were otherwise !
A few brief explanations before proceeding. And, first, let me
again repeat that I have no quarrel with the method of the Higher
Criticism as such. lu my riew, the Higher Criticism is, as I have
said, legitimate, inasmuch as it is but tho study of the Bible by the
common method of all science, the inductive method ; or, as Canon
Driver expresses the same thing, " all theories framed by critics
reap*:cting the structure of the different books are endeavours to co-
ordinate and account for the pheeaomena, of the nature indicated,
which the books present." Again, T call attention, and content myself
with simply calling attention, to the limited use by Canon Driver of
the term *' critics *' for those who hold what are called " advanced "
views. Further, let me state distinctly that I quite agree ivith what
Canon Driver has said concerning the pluralist authorship of those
historical books of the Old Testament which form in the Hebrew
canon the Earlier Prophets ; indeed, in my Cougregatiorial Union
Ijecture. 1 have given my reasons for saying— what my own researches
have led me to say, and what I believe has not been ])ointed out
before, at any rate so fuUy — that these so-called Earlier Prophets —
the books from Judges to Kings, were produced by the labours of
several generations of prophets — by Samuel and Nathan and Gad, by
Abijah and Iddo and Shemaiah, and by Jehu and Isaiah, and probably
by other prophets ; and I also agree with Canon Driver that the Books
of Chronicles are compilations of a relatively late date. Yet, again, I
believe with Canon Driver in the comiio&ite authorship of Genesi?,
>Iding a view upon that authorship which I have also stated at length
in my Congregational Union Lecture.
I make these explanations that irrelevant matters may be^ excluded
from a controversy already sufficiently complicated. Whrre I join
isBue is with Canon Driver's assumption that the method of the
Chnmiclt'S, or the metho«l of the prophet writ^^ra of the so-called
hlarlicr Prophets, all of which bonks seem to nic thomseh'es to suggest
their composite authorship, is the method of the writer or writers of
the Bookis of Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers and Deuteronomy, which bear
546
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIETT.
[April
on their face their authorship by Moses. Let the issue be clearly kept
before all critics. That issue is whether the Books from Exodus trj
Deuteronomy are, so to speak, substantially the jouraal of Moses, orj
whether these books arose during the lapse of centuries. The issue
is, whether these four Books of the Law are substantially contemixirary
with Moses, or whether these four Books of the Law arose "gradually^
out of pre-existing sources/' as Canon Driver believes, '' which txx»l
shape at different periods of history, and represent phases, by no
means contemporaneous, of Hebrew legislation." This is the problem
which the Higher Criticism has to solve (Canon Cheyne and Canon
Driver would say which the Higher Criticism has solved), without bias
and by the aid of its own peculiar methods. And for the solation, \y
it added, important doctrinal problems wait.
Two rival theories, then, on the authorship of tie Books of the Law
(excluding Genesis) occupy the field in Higher Criticism, which may
be called for handiness the Journal Theor}' and the Evolutionary
Theory. According to the former, the homogeneity of the Books of
the Law is due to their contemporaneousness with the events df-
scribed. Moses preserved for after times a record of his age (which
probably underwent in after times some conservative revision).
According to the latter (I utilize Canon Driver's description) *' the parts
of the J'entateuch do not all date fmm the age of Moses. When we
ask positively to what age the several sources belong, decisive criteria
fail us, and in some cases divergent opinions are capable of being
held. J and E '" (the earliest stratum of the three strata .said to be
discernible in the Law) " are usually assigned b^' critics to the ninth or
eighth century ii.c," (more than six centuries afti^r ifoses). ..." Deu-
teronomy is placedj almost unanimou.sIy, in the reign of either Manasseh
or Josiah, though Delitzsch and Riehm think that there are grounds
which favour a slightly earlier date — viz., the reign of Hezekiah " (say
eight ceuturifs after Moses): *' the Priests' Code" ^he third stratum
said to be discernible in the Law) " is held by critics of the school of
Graf and Wellhausen to be p)s/-Deutf'ronomic, and to have been com-
' mitted to writing during the period extending from the beginning of the
exile to the time of Nehemiai " (completed, that is, nearly a tliousand
years after Moses) : " Dillmann, the chief German opponent of Well-
hausen, assigns the main body of the Priests' Code to about 800 B.C.,
but allows that additions, though chiefly foitnal and unimportant ones,
were introduced afterwards, even as late as Elzra's time.''
In evidence of the truth of this analysis of the Pentateuch, Dr.
Driver, like Dr. Cheyne, insists strongly upon the unanimity of the
German critics ; " the analysis," he says, "in its main features cannot
be controverted ; if it liad rested solely upon illusion, there would not
have been a succession of acute Continental critics, who are ready
enough to dispute and overthrow one another's conclusions, if able to
•89o] THE OLD TESTAMENT AND THE CRITICS. 547
do 80 — ^virtaally following in the same lines, and merely correcting, or
modifying in details, the conclusions of their predecessors." This
appeal to authority may he passed over without additional remark
af^er what has been previously said. In fui'ther supjwrt of thi.s
evolutionary theory, Dr. Driver does not profess to give more than a
ie?r illustrations. Not even upon the.se skilfully chosen illustrative
instances do I delay. For, as Canou Driver says so pertinently, when
** a doubtful detail is represented as if it invalidated the entire theory
with which it is couuected, this argument overlooks the fact that the
detail may be unessential or capable of modification." Of course the
general view, based upon a careful survey of the entire evidence, natu-
rally guides the interpretation of isolated facts and difficnlties.
Besides, as Canon Driver also says so admirably, " where there are
rival theories, the proper course is to examine the grounds on which
they rest ; this will generally show ^ithor tliat one has a more sub-
stantial basis than the other, or that the case is one in which the data
are insuflficient for deciding between them, and we can only say that
'vre do not know which is correct." M on over, as the Canon empha-
siaee, "'the strength of the critical position lies in the nnmrL/firr.
aiyiimnit by which it is supported."
Aesnredly. The argnmpnt for the Evolutionary ITieorj* is cumula-
tive. The argument is to be judged, not by this detail or tliat, but
by the frank recognition of all the evidence in its favonr. To dream
that this momentous Pentateuchal controversy will be solved either by
Mr. Skim-the-surfacp or by Mr. Facing-one-way is to show total
incapacitj' for understanding the question at issue. As Dr. Driver
insists, there is a great cumulative argument for the Evolutionary
Theory to be considered before any solid conclusion can be reached.
Let the indubitable fact be carefully weighed. Bi/t, while the
advocates of the Evolutionai"y Theory of the origin of the Books of
the Law emphasize the cumulative argument on their side, and resent
'the attempt to judge their views by a criticism of a few details, let
them, at the. same time, never forget, what they have shown them-
selves very liable to forget, that " tltcstrnifjth " of the JOURNAL TiiEORY
4]/ao " /iw in the Cl*MULATr\'E argicmfni by which it is supported"
Two rival theories, then, of the authorship of the Books of the Law
hold the field. Let the evidence relied on by the advocates of each
theory be briefly outlined.
On the one hand, the argument for the Evolotionary Theory of
origin mns as follows : —
\. According to the tvcofold evidence of style and contents, com-
ptflison of stj-le and comparison of contents, there are three strata of
laws in the Pentateuch — viz., the so-called Prophetic Code (Exod.
xx,-xxiii., together with the repetition of parts of Exod. xxiii. in
Exod. xxxiv. 17-26), the so-called fViests' Code (viz., the elaborate
348
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW,
[Apbil
and minntely difTereiitiated legal system contained in the rest of
Exodus, in Leviticus, and in Numbers), and the Deuteronomist Code
(containfd in Deuteronomy). These three strata of laws are declared
80 to difl'er both in style and contents, as manifestly to belong to
different authors and ages. Thus Dr. Knenen has written : — " The
position that all the laws of the Torah are froin a single Jia7ul really
does not merit refutation. The very form of these laws, apart from
their contents, reduces the supposition to an absurdity." Further,
when the contents of these laws are considered, " comparison reveals,"
he says, " important, nay irreconcilable, contradictions."
2. Bat, it is further maintained, these three strata of laws are
imbedded iu narrative, which, also judged bj"^ the double test of style
and contents, discloses three authors — viz., the .Tehovistic or Prophe-
tical writer, who shows a preference for the name of Jehovah for God,
the Elohistic or Priestly writer, who shows a preference for Elohim
for the Divine name, and the Denteronomist.
3. Further, a.s the Evolutionary Theorists asseit, not only do these
three sections of the Law show different hands, but different ages.
For, when these three sources are minut«ly examined, sundry
anachronisms suggest that they belong to very different centuries of
the Israelitish history, and, moreover, mutnal comparison turns this
suggestion into actual proof. For instance, a comparison of the
Denteronomist with the Elohist shows, it is said by the Wellhausen
school, that the Deuterouomist preceded ; although, according to the
Dillmann school^ comparison shows that the Elohist preceded. In
short, the age and succession of these strata are statetl by Dillmann
to be Elohist (some century before 700 B.r.), Denteronomist (circ.
700 B.C.), Jehovist (some centuries after 700 B.C.) ; whereas the age
and succession of the three strata are said by Wellhausen to be
Jehovist (before 700 B.C.), Denteronomist (circ. 700 B.C.), Elohist (some
centuries after 700 B.C.).
4. Further, the Evolutionaiy Theorists add, the unhistorical charac-
ter of the contents of all these three sources shows them to be verj"
far from contemporary with the events they record. To quote Kuenen
again : " The exodus, the wandering, the passage of the Jordan and
the settlement in Canaan, as tJuij are descriheJ in tlo- Ifci'attinh (Pen-
tateuch and Joshua), simply couM not hare happeneri." And Canon
Driver endeavours to show reason why the narrative in Genesis of the
death of Isaac cannot be historical.
Such is a brief outline of the cumulative argument of the Evolu-
tionary Theorists, which they support with abundant acuteness and
infinite detail. The argument cannot be further criticized here. Bat I
would adii that whatever I have written here or elsewhere upon this
theoty has been written after as full knowledge as I have been able to
acquire of the whole history and characteristics of the theory, and no
iSgo] THE OLD TESTAMENT AND THE CRITICS. 549
German or English expert has hinted at any unfairness in my presenta-
tion of their views or my own.
Oa the other hand, let the Evolutionary Tlieorists ever remember
that the argument of the Journal Theorists is also cumulative. Briefly
put, that argument runs somewhat as follows : —
1. The Journal Theorists allow that there are in the Pentateuch
three strata of laws, although thf^y regard these three strata as sub-
stantially belonging to the same early age in Israelitish history. The
first stratum was, in their view, given, as it assumes to have been
given, three mouths after the Bxodus, as the general conditions of
ttational obedience, in the new covenant relations between Jehovah and
the ransomed people. If thi^ phrase may be allowed, this first stratum
of laws, Exod. xx.-xxiii., is the niiujh sl.rfrk of the coming theocratic
^Feroment. The second stratum of laws, the remaining legal
^janctions of Exodus. Leviticus and Numbers, were given by Jehovah
fo the Hebrews, as the permanent code of the theocratic rule in the
wilderness. The third stratum, Deuteronomy, was a popular presen-
^ion of this theocratic law made forty ynara after, and immediately
prior to the entrance into Canaan ; thi.s Deutero-noiny or second law
sho-wring, in many points, specific adaptations in view of the passage
frc>»xi nomad to agricultural life.
:2. The Journal Theoi'ists deny that three strata are visible in the
lU^T-rative portions of the Pentateuch as a whole.
3. In Genesis, however, some of them see, botli in style and
oOTi.tents, traces of a composite structure, which they explain by saying
tk&t its author used earlier materials of various kinds.
•1. But in the narrative from almost the beginning of Exotlus to
the close of Deuteronomy they see, on comparing the style and
oornt«Dts throughout, only one haudj as testified to by the singular
ivnity of style, by the unstudied but palpable maintenance throughout
of the diary form, and by the uiatter-of-factuess, the pragmatism, of
the contents reflecting ev^ery where the desert life.
•). As for the anachronisms cited by the Evolutionary Theorists qs
'w^'-ssitating a later date of composition, the Journal Theorists regard
toeia verj' largely as exaggerated and partly as witnesses to a subse-
(juent revision of those books with a view to making them intelligible
^ tlie Jews of a later and post-exilic age, such a revision having been
certainly conducted by Ezra, if not by the successive prophetic schools.
•'- Further, the Journal Theorists point out how strikingly the
chronological order of events is maintained from the coumienceiiient
of Kxodus to the close of Deuteronomy.
<". And further, they call attention to the historicity of the whole
oontenta of these Books of the Law, a character wliich receives
•^CMsjons of evidence daily, so to speak, from scientific, archtcological,
philological, and other branches of research.
550
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Aphtu
8. Yet again, the Journal Theorists remark on tJie simplicity of
their theory. Taking these books at their word, they do not find
that they are doing an iiTational thinj,'. Difficulties many they
meet with, as might be expected in a document of so ancient a date,
but they find it quite as easy, to say the least, to explain these
difficulties on the theory of the Mosaic authorship as on the elaborate
Evolutionary Theory.
9. Still they cjuite see how, if the possibility of miracle is denied,
and especially the possibility of that form of miracle which is seen
in supernatural revelation, it is impracticable to regard these books
as veracious, and how it is necessary, in order to give them any
practical value, to entirely reconstruct these books according to an
evolutionary theoiy.
10. And y<?t again, they Cannot but add that, in their view, these
books (excluding Genesis) claim to have been contemporary with the
events they describe, and suggest by express passages that they were
written by Moses.
11. Further, the entire series of later books of the Old Testament
soema to them to have as a background the vary political, social and
religious life which these books describe. whDe references innumerable
are made therein to both facts in history and details in. legislation
which are recorded in the«e books.
12. Nor do the Journal Theorists see how they can do otherwise
than emphasize the numberless adjustments which the Evolutionary
Theory has necessitated. The Levitical legislation, which at the
earliest date given by the German critics was written seven centimes
after Moses, and at the date now more commonly held by the
Cierman^ was written a thousand yeai*s after Moses, forms manifestly
the background of the Book of Joshua. Therefore these critics
relegate the Book of Joshua to a post-exilic date. Again, the Psalms,
ascribed by their Hebrew headings in. many cases to David, assume
the same Levitical legislation as a background, as is also manifest ;
therefore these ciitics now deny the Davidic authorship of any of
these Psalms. And these two conspicuous adjustments are typical of
very wide-reaching changes that the Evolutionary Theory has been
and is still necessitating. In fact, Canon Driver's article shows signs
of another adjustment. The Levitical legislation is said, by the^
evolutionary critics, to be of a date subsequent to the exile ; but
unmistakable references occur in the earlier and later prophets to
characteristic sections of the Levitical legislation ; and this is not to
be denied, Canon Driver says — although it is a recent position — but
it is the law as a whole which is post-exilic.
13. Yft again, as the Journal Theorists cannot but point out,
Jesus and His disciples manifestly regard these Books of the Law as
J^osaic.
i89o] THE OLD TESTAMENT AND THE CRITICS. 551
14. And yet Bgain, the Jewish tradition has been almost ananimous
as to the Mosiac authorship, and surely the Jews ought to have some
knowledge of the matter.
lo. And lastly, and possibly moat important of all, the inter-rela-
tions between the Law and the New Testament — inter-relations beyond
the power of man to devise — show that the revelations recorded iu the
Law have about them the signs of a Divine authorship ; for being
beyond the comprehension of any pre-Christian man, whether priest
or prophet, they are also beyond the productive power of any pre-
Christian man. The evidence is large ; and this fact of specific reve-
lation once patent, the Evolutionary Theory will have to adjust itself
; again, or — vanish.
Upon each one of these points many pages would have to be filled
if any satisfactory survey of the evidence was to be presented. But
the aim of tliis article has simply been, to adopt Canon Driver's words,
" to state iu untochuical langnage the grounds upon which the criti-
cism of the Old Testament rests ; to explain wherein their cogency
consists, and to illustrate some of the principal conclusions that have
been reached by critics," using the name '' critics " for another school
of criticism than that advixiated by Canon Driver.
At least the crucial points in the controversy have been snggested
in this article, ami thi; two eminent exegetes who have been so
frequently referred, to here would confer an incalculable benefit npon
the cultivated religious public, who after all must be the jury in this
new Trial of the Witnesses, if, without appealing to the autJiority of the
the Higher Critics of the Continent, they would dearly indicate for the
benefit of English readers who are not themselves experts —
First, the ajuichrouisnis upon which the theory of the composite
authorship and late date of the Pentateuch is based ;
Second, the con (mtUrt ions in the Pentateuch which demand a com-
posite theory of authorship ;
Third, those parts of the Pentateuch which have been, apart alto-
iier from the evolutionary theory-, proven to be iinhistorical ;
Fourth, the intcrprftatinn they place upon the constantly recui'ring
words of the Law, " Jehovah said" (unto Moses, Aaron, SiC.) ; and
Fifth, criticizing the antagonistic theoiy as well as constructing
thwr own. the (iroundii of their disbelief iu the Journal Theory of
ftnthonhip of Exodus, Leviticus and Numbers.
Alfred Cave.
[AritTt
INDUSTRIAL CO-OPERATION.
OF all the qui'stiona which press for an answer at the present
moment none is fraught with weightier issues than the Labour
Prob!t*ui. The wealth of the world grows apace ; and in its creation
the labour of the industrial classes fulfils functions of very great
importance ; but the share of this wealth allotted to the working-men is
coneidered by them to be unjustly and intolerably insignificant; and in
thia view thoughtful persons, no matter to what class they may
themselves belong, must admit that there is no small degree of truth.
On all sid»^8 men are asking themselves whether it may not be possible,
under some novel method of industrial organization, to satisfy the
reasonable claims of the working-classes. Amoog the most important
of the methods which have been suggested with this object is that
which is known as Co-operation.
" Co-operation " is a much-abused word ; and many of us have
begun to doubt if it has any definite meaning. In these pages
Co-operation will be used in the aeu.se in which it is applied by the
co-opei-ators themselves. The Co-operative Union, the central
organization of the British co-operators, thus defines its objects : —
" Thia Union is formed to promote the pitictice of truthfulness, justii*,
anrl economy in produrtinn unit oxchange.
1. ]ly the filxtlition of 4<U false dealing, either (ft) direct, by representing
iiny article produced or sold to be other tlmn what it is known to the pro-
ducer or vendor to be, or (/') indireft, by concealing from the punduvser any
fact known to the vendor, materiul to be known by the purchaser, to enable
him to jndge of t!ie value of the article purchased.
2. Tiy couiiliiiting tlie conflicting iuterests of the capitalist, the worker,
and the purchaser, through an eqiiit^iblie division amongst them of the fund
commonly known as jtrofit.
3. By preventing the waste of labour now causetl by unregulated com-
petition."
3]
INDUSTRIAL CO-OPERATION.
553
I "The Central Co-oparative Board (the representative council of the
<ZJo— oj>erative Union) has, by the aulbority of the Co-operative Con-
gTT^-SB, publiahed a '' Manual for Co-operators," * from the prefswie to
-^vlxich we learn that the aim of Co-operation is by means of associa-
t.ic>x3 " to control and bring into obedience to the highest moral law the
"pt-oceases of production and distribution of material thini^'s ; '' while in
th.c3 chapter on *' the relation of Co-K)peration to religious faith," we are
tol<3 that Co-operation is " a new manifestation of the counsels of God
for- the redemption of man out of the slavery of the flesh to the
fr^^lom of the spirit." These are eloquent generalities. But what,
■w^ inquire, is the method of organization by which the lofty ambition
■ of CJo-operation is tu be attained ? It is, as llr. Holyoake, the dia-
I tic^^guishod historian of the co-operative movement, informs us "that,
itt 'vhich the purchasers and servants take all the profits of the store,
w*-«3 in which the workmen and the customers take all the profits of
Ji-^^ manufactory." t
C!^o-operation, therefore, is the association of different persons coii-
. h"».l3nting their money, or labour, or both, for the purpose of earaing
lP'"«i:>:fits, upon the terms of such profits being equitably divided between
•li the contributors.
^Excluding all " bastard " associations, and treating as co-operative
or*.l.jr those recognised as such by the co-operators themselves, we
fi'c:^-*^ that there are in the United Kingdom more than 1,500
1 " ^5"enuine " co-operative societies, whose members, belonging (with
p (ft^^r exceptions) to the working-classes, nuoiber upwards of 1 ,000,000,
ttticl which possess between them in share and loan capital fully
t^ 1.000,000.
The various forms of co-operative enterprise divide themselves into
^x-ee principal categories ; first among which comes that form of
Co-operation in which the "conciliation of the conflicting interests
ot the capitalist, the worker, and the purchaser, through an equitable
division among them of the fund commonly known as profit " is
effected by allotting the whole of the profits to the capitalist.
Instances of this type of Co-operation are the ninety odd cotton-
"iilU at Oldham, '* the most co-operative town in the world," as it was
ctlled in the address of the Chairman at the last Co-operative Congress.
Th«e mills have a capital of between £8,000,000 and £9,000,000 ;
Mnongthe shareholders are included some thonsands of working-men,
*ho^it is not unworthy of remai-k — prefer to hold shares in mills in
^hich they are not themselves employed. ^ The entire profits of
• K(Utc<l by Thomas Hughes, Q.C., and Edward Vansittart Nealc, General Secretary
wlht Co -operative Union.
t"Hist<in' of Co-operation," by O.J. Holyoake, vnl.ji. p. 231.
t 8«e "Working-men Co-o|«rators/' by Arthur H. Dyke Acland, MP., a former,
••xl Bcnjuinin Jones, a present, member of tlje Central Co-operntivc Biiiard, p. 92. It
*w itaufd in I'Hb that " not more than 2 per cent, of the !<htires of any one mill arc
VOL. LVn. 2 O
556
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIElf.
[APRU.
All the same, equity has nothing whatever to do with this type of
Co-operation, which is nothing better (nor worse) than " a new device
of gain ; " this is the term applied to it by the historian of the
Co-operative movement in a very lucid pamphlet, in which Mr.
Holyoake has the commendable frankness to assert that " the consamer
was not given a share of store profits from any theory of its being
right, but because it paid."*
So much for the " equitable " character of Co-operation of the
Rochdale type, when applied to distribution. As to the claims of
this form of Co-operation, when applied to production, whether in the
workshops in which some of the distributive societies manufacture a
part of the goods sold in their stores, or in those belonging to associa-
tions whose sole function is production, here the fact that the right
to share in the profits is wholly denied to the employees can leave us
in no doubt. The *' conciliation of the conflicting interests of the
capitalist, the worker, and the purchaser through the equitable division
amongst them of the fund commonly known as profit," which is in-
scribed upon the banner of Co-operation, is seen to be but a deceptive
device. And — be it clearly understood — the form of *' co-operative "'
production in which the workers are altogether excluded from par-
ticipation in profits is that which prevails over all others.
" Tiie majority practise Co-operation in the form which has been de-
nounced by some as ' unco-operative/ 'a sham, and a delusion.' The amount
of production can-ied on by them in the Retail Societies, the Wholesale
Societies, and the Corn Mills is fully three millions of pounds a year ; while
the amount of all the many other foi-nis of co-operative production is only
one-tenth of this, being less than three hundred thousand pounds a yeai\"
These are the words used by Mr. Benjamin Jones, author of the
text-book already cited, and one of the first of living authorities on
Co-operation, in his official address at the Ipswich Congress (alluded
to above). While we shall hardly feel ourselves called upon to imitate
the example of those who hurl against the big battalions of '* nn-
co-operative " Co-operation the vaiu weapon of vituperation, we must
allow ourselves to recall the eloquent passage with which Mr. Holyoake
has concluded the preface to his " Historj- of Co-operation " : — " What
an enduring truce is to war, Co-operation is to the never-ceasing
conflict between labour and c-apital. It is the peace of industry " ; with
the reflection that language such as this, however applicable it may be
to the theory, is yet wholly inapplicable to the prevailing practice of
Co-operation. Year after year the grea.t Parliament of Co-operation
— the Co-operative Congress — passes, amid salvoes of enthusiastic
applause, resolutions affirming, in the clearest possible language,
the inalienable right of the worker to share in the profits of in-
dustry. But there the matter ends. Resolutions cost nothing ; and
• " The Policy of Commercial Co-operation aa respects including t*'
by G.J. Holyoake, p. 14.
i89o]
INDUSTRIAL CO- OPERA TION.
557
sound well. The participation of the employees of these working-men
capitalists in the profits of co-operative industiy remains^ in the teeth
of these resolutions, a counsel of perfection.*
" Dfterutta st'qui" is, however, not the rule of life with all co-
operators, without exception ; and the form of Co-operation practised
L|)y the small minority who admit the worker, as well as the capitalist,
and the customer, to a share in their profits (our third category of Co-
operation) is not the least interesting type of this industrial method.
tare, at any rate, we have the opportunity of watching the operation
jf a system entirely novel in the history of the organization of indus-
try, An experiment, in which the endeavour is made, with more or less
jf earnestness, to reconcile the conflicting claims of labour and capital
a just apportionment among all the persons engaged in a com-
lercial enterprise of the realized profits of the undertaking.
"WTien we examine the working of this, which we may call the
'• complete " form of Co-operation, we shall discover that, when
applied to distribution, or to production in the workshops of distribu-
tive societies, although no absolute uniformity prevails, its custom, in
very many cases, is to allot to the emplo^'ees a " dividend on labour "
at the same rate per £1 of wages as that paid to purchasing members
each £1 expended at the store, the addition thus made to the
lormftl wages being, in a fairly successful society, equivalent to from
5 to 10 per cent. In the societies, whose sole function is production,
we find that, in the division of their profits^ the greatest possible
divergence exists between the methods adopted by different associa-
tions. As a rule, the purchaser gets back a part of the price of the
which he has bought in the shape of a dividend, a percentage
the profits, the amount of which is different in different cases ; by
>me, however, of these societies the claim of the customer to share in
the profits is entirely ignored. Capital, in all cases, takes a fixed rate
of inttjrest, generally from 5 to 7^ per cent., sometimes without any
further right to share in the profits : very often, however, capital
takes both a fixed interest, and also a proportion of the profits, the
(unount of which varies widely in different cases. With regard to
the proportion of profits allotted to workers, the most bewildering
riety of methods of division obtains. In some cases a certain pro-
f|jortion of the surplus profits (remaining after payment of the fixed
interest on capital) is given to the workers ; this may be as much as
>/) per cent., as, for instance, in the rules of the North Seaton Dairy
Farm (which, however, pays a fixed 10 per cent, on its capital, and
aever has anything left to divide among its employees), or as little as
1^ per cent., as in the case of the Sheemess Economical Corn-mill
* Tbe resolalion of the 1889 CoQcpreBs to the above cfiFect having been officially
twl to l<Vt3 co-o}>crative aasociations vritb an inquiry whether ibey were prepared
1 II. 179 »ocicties employing bibour in prodaction expressed their willingness
'Mh their employccB ; 1016 did nut answer.
558
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Apoil
and Bakery ; more often the dividend to labour is from oO to 40 per
cent, of the surplus profits. Sometimes, again, these profits arc
divided between shareholders and workers in the proportion which the
capital bears to the aggregate sum of the wages earned in the year by
the em]>loyees, or in that which the fixed interest on the capital bears
to the total amount of the wages, rateably at so much in the pound ; or
at the rate of 2 on each £1 of interest to 1 on each £1 of wages ; in
otiier cases they are divided between the workers and the customers
according to the relative amoiuit of wages and of purchases. In
short, the attempted " equitable division of the fund commonly known
as profit," leads to a chaotic confusion, in which it is absolutely im-
possible to discover any principle whatever.
However, there is one important question, at any rate, which the
balance-sheets of these co-operative associations enable us to answer —
the actual addition made to tie wages of the workers by this, the
purest of all the forms of Co-operation. In the " llt-tm-ns relating
to Productive Societies " (which show the division of profits between
capital, labour, and custom) contained in the Report of the Co-opera-
tive Congress of 1 889 (p. 35), we read the names of GO associations
(engaged in various branches of manufacture) which are constituted
on the principle of sharing profits (when profits are earned) with their
employees. Omitting 9 societies, which made their first start in the
course of 1888, or had not at the end of that year yet commenced
operations, we find that out of the whole number of 51 societies, all
professing to give to their workmen, in addition to. their wages, an
"equitable share " in their net gains, 17 only are stated to have
actually paid to their employees anything whatever beyond their
wages; the total sum distributed as bonus by these 17 societies
amounting to £2,482. When we inquire what was the ratio which
the bonus received by these exceptionally fortunate co-operative
employees bore to their ordinary wages, our statistics show us that,
taking an average of 16 out of these 17 societies — in regard to one
society the Eetum is silent on this point — the addition made to the
normal earnings of the workpeople by means of the dividend on
labour was a little less than 5 per cent.
Here we have a decisive test of the efl5ciency of the co-operative
method, when applied to production, as a means of increasing the re-
muneration of labour. Although the employees of all tJiese 51 co-
operative associations, stimulated by the hope of obtaining under this
specious system a just share in the profits of industry into putting
forth their utmost exertions, undoubtedly work (fighting, as it were,
for their own hand) with far greater assiduity than they would dis-
play if working in the service of an ordinary middle-class employer,
yet, in the large majority of cases, these operatives receive nothing what-
ever beyond their bare wages ; and, even in those comparatively few
««9o]
INDUSTRIAL CO-OPERATION.
559
iiistances in which they do receive a dividend on labour, the addition
thus made to their normal earnings is very often considerably below the
fair money value of that extraordinar}- zeal which they have exhibited.
The accuracy of this assertion may be proved by comparing the
average dividend on labour of less than 5 per cent, paid in these 16 co-
'iperative factories with the bonus earned under the method known as
l*ro Jit-sharing, or Industrial Partnorship. Under the method of Indus-
trial Partnership, of which a full description was given by Professor J.
Shield Nicholson in the Jimuary numbsr of this REVIEW,* the
".'mployer tempts his workmen to exercise an extraordinary degree of
industry and carefulness by giving them a share in his profits. It is
of the essence of Industrial Partnership that the total amount paid
nway in bonus shall be recouped to the employer by the increase in
liLa profits which the extra zeal of the workers produces. So that in
^o case is the bonus paid more than the money value of the extra
■srvicee rendered by the profit-sharing employees. But the pioneer
<* Itidastrial Partnership, Leclaire, who always asserted that he
***opted profit-sharing on a strictly commercial basis, giving his men
"^ber less than more than the money value of the extra zeal called
forfch. by the profit-sharing system, paid during a period of seventeen
years a bonus averaging more than 17^ per cent, on wages — wages
"^od according to the full standard of the trade ; and, speaking
8®*iierally of the whole body of profit-sharing firms, it may be said
l^at, even in years of only average prosperity, it is very common
™-^©ed to find a bonus of 10 per cent, earned and received by the
^*>».ployees f-
The facts already stated in regard to English Co-operation may be
^^■^erj to bo fairly representative of the system throughout the world.
liia co-operative associations of the United States, whether distribu-
^iv-© ^r productive, are distinguished by the simple and uniform manner
^^ "Wlxich they deal with the claims of labour. The American societies
v^*^tli the exception of about a dozen, mostly societies quite recently
•oTin^f^ upon Socialist lines by the Knights of Labour) have settled the
I'^^atiou of " the equitable share of the worker in the profits *' by reso-
'^^^ly dechning to recognise the claims of labour at all, and dividing
•■•©ir entire profits among their shareholders in strict proportion to
**^ aiaonnt of capital held by each.| Recent statistics in regard to the
■•^Aflratire osscjciations of the French co-operators give their number
*• 26, out of which 2 alone allot any part of their profits to their staff.
^^^ *?e*ji|so on this "subject the articles b^' the present writer in Fortnirihily Jt«riew,
^^^ '*W, and in Charity (hrrianixation Jitview, Jan. 18!X>.
— ^ In the Pillsburv Flour Mill.i the bouiis has in j^ood yeara been 33 per cent, on
^*j8*s; in the furniture factory of Fourdinois the Ixmua was in 1873 equivalent to 25
*2AQl. on the uragcH of t)ie men ; in the Maison Leclaire it was in 18t»4 eqnal to 124
*^^t. ; in the Godin ironworks the bonus declared in 1883 was at the rate of from
*^» 15 per-ceat., according to the position of the employee. •
X »» " History of Co-operation in the United States." edited by Dr. Ely, Baltimere,
»»*8
5^
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Aprtl
The most noteworthy feature of the productive societies in France is
that, in very many instances, the associated workmen, by rigidly re-
fusing al' applications for membership, convert the society after a short
lapse of time, into a close corporation, which employs, for the benefit of a
kw partners, a large number of " auxiliaries," to whom no share what-
ever in the profits is accorded- Thus we have the celebrated " Socit^t*?
dea Lunettters" which consists of 53 associates, with 50 " adherents '
and 1 ,200 ' ' auxiliaries; " the " adherents" take only a very small interest
in the profits, in which the auxiliary workmen do not participate in any
manner whatever. The Co-operative masons, who some time ago
wound up the flourishing business which they carried on in Paris,
were 90 in number, owned between them a capital of £100,000,
and employed from 1,500 to 1,600 "auxiliaries,' who were not
allowed to receive any share in the profits of tJie association. The
Paris Co-opTativ^e Coach-builders were, in 1687, three in number,
who employed 00 workmen ; all the profits went to the three asso-
ciates, who have now sold their workshops and retired from bu»ness
with fortunes of a substantial character. So, again, a Co-oj>erative
Association of Carpenters, founded at Tours in 1808, began in 1873
to employ *' auxiliaries," who received no share in the profits; soon,
two alone out of the original associates remained ; and these men acquired
considerable wealth by employing some two hundred of these subordi-
nates. The Paris sofa-makers, who, also, exclude their employees from all
participation in profits, are stated by Signor llabbeno to say of themselves
(what is true of veiy many among the French Co-operativo societies) :
** Vassociatio-n est deveniie une niaisan de commerce : et dang le commerce
on ne pent pas /aire dv> scniiment : il faitt devenir, comvu on dit, des
^pickrs." *
The German co-operators appear to take much the same view : for
neither in their distributive, nor in their productive associations do the
employees receive anything whatever beyond their bare wages ; and
we ore told by Herr Schenclc in his Reiwrts for both 1887 and 1888
upon the German Co-opei-ative Associations (p. xii) that the pro-
ductive societies '' object to admitting new shareholders, since they
desire to escape the necessity of dividing their profits among a greater
number of persons than at present." Thus it has come about that, in
the words of Dr. Schneider, '" in many old and successful productive
societies the number of members is slowly diminishing. In some,
though this is not publicly known, the number of membei-s has shrank
to such an extent that they are no longer societies, but have become
tr.jding partnerships." f In Italy the distributive societies decline to
**' Le SocieU cooperative rli produ*ioDe," Milano, 1889, p. 19C.
t *'Seventeeiitli Keport of the Massachussetts Labour Bureau," 1886, p. 134. If this
spirit of exclu»ivi'ti«ss is very rare in English Co-operation, the reason is to be found,
not in the euperior virtue of our countrymen, but in tlie provisions of oar l^islation.
which practically compel our co-operative societies to admit new members without
limit, under pain of forfeiting tiicir right to exemption from the payment of income t*x.
INDUSTRIAL CO-OPERATION.
iGl
giye any share of their profits to their employees ; while, though many
( bat by no means all ) of the productive associations allot a fraction of
their gains to the workmen engaged, yet, as Signor Rabbeno jxjiiits
out, the statistics given by him *' show very clearly the prepon-
derance given to capital and the insignificance of the share taken by
llAbour in the division of the profits." *
We have now completed our survey of the application of the co-
operative method to the organization of industry, and are in a position
to consider how far the pretensions advanced on behalf of this system
tune capable of justLficatiou. Co-operation has certainly enabled many
working-men to supply their daily wants in an economical manner,
while it has incidentally done much to promote thrift and something to
develop intelligence among this part of the population. But that
Go-operation has gone far in the direction of conciliating the conflict-
ing interests of capital and labour, or even in increasing the remune-
ration of industry, we shall acarcely feel able to assert.
For the economist the method of Co-operation possesses a high
degree of interest. The systt'm of dividend on purchase, and that of
dividend on labour both rest on a firm foundatiou. l"'or the bribe of
bonus is, perhaps, the only means by which the unfortunate repug-
nance, which is entertained by so numerous a section of mankind to
payicg their just debts honestly and promptly, can be overcome, and
by which the working-man can be stimulated into displaying the
highest possible degree of industry and carefulne.s8. On the other
liiaad, the theory of Co-operation involves economic fallacies of the
. gravest character, in regard both to the nature of profits, and to the
I character of the functions performed by the entrepreneur.
"In former times," says Sfr. Holyoake, "capitalists hired labour,
paid its market price, and took all the profits. Co-operatire labour
proposes to reverse this process. Its plan is to hire capital, pay its
1 market price, and itself take all profit." f
*' The workmen hire, or buy, or build their premises ; engage or appoint
, Bumagers, engineers, designers, (ii-chitects, uccountants, or whatever officers
tbej require, at the orditisirj salaries such persons can conimatid in the
market, ac-cording to their ability. Every workman employed is paid wages
in the same way. If they need capital in excess of their own, they borrow
it At market rates, according to the ri*ks of tlic business, the capitiil sub-
■cril>e<] by their own members being paid for :it the same rate. Their rent,
materials, Ridaries, wages, business outlays of all kinds, and interest on
_ capital, are the annual costs of tlieir umlertaking. All gain beyond that is
profit, which is divided among all officers, and workmen, anti customera,
aeeording to their aidariea or service.*." J
It will be seen that the key-note of the theory laid down in this
well-known passage is the belief that, after capital and labour (includ-
ing the labour of management) have received their full remuneration
• " Lc Societi\ roop«rafive,*' p. 292. -f " Hictory of Co-operation,'' vol. ii. p. 8".
X Ibid. pp. 123-124.
562
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
tAJBU.
at current rates, there remains a balance of profit capable of " equit-
able division " in the manner prescribed by the doctrines of Co-opera-
tion. Dearly cherished as is this belief by those " inside the move-
ment," it is one which the uninitiated vulgar, persons who still feebly
cling to the idea that some sort of law exists governing normal profits^
must find it far from easy to accept ; nor, indeed, will it be possible for
such persons to watch, without betraying their incredulous amusement,
the ingenious process by which the accounts of the co-operative societies
are manipulated in order to persuade the onlooker that, under the
new system, two and two make, at the least, five. If we watch this
process, we shall find that, while the view expressed by Mr. Holyoake
in the two passages just cited, that the remuneration of capital
should invariably talce the form of a fixed rate of interest, capital
being altogether excluded from participation in "profit" — a view
borrowed from the special features of distribative Co-operation —
is carried out in some cases, the method adopted in very many
instances is as follows: — The capitalist, who oould fairly claim, Bay,j
7i per cent, for his money, receives, first, a fixed rate of, say, 5 per '
cent., which, in fiat defiance of the facts of the case, is alleged to be
" the market rate according to the risks of the business," and then, in
addition, a super-dividend, varying with the gains of the concern,
which, taking one year with another, may, and often does, amount
to an aven^ of at least 5 per cent, more, thus securing a total yield
upon the investment of 10 per cent, or upwards. This super-dividend
is called "the equitable share of capital in the profits."* In moefe'
cases the customer, again in the sacred name of equity, takes a dividend
on purchase, which is partly discount for cash, partly a trade dodge
intended to tickle the palate of the purchaser, a sum added to the
price of the goods in order to be taken off again. As to the remune-
ration of labour, the secret of the juggle is very simple. The wage
of the worker is treated by the co-operative theorists as the market '
price of all the services rendered by him. As a f»ct, of course, the
wages or salary received by the employee of a co-operative association
represents the money value, not of alt the services rendered by him, but
of that part of these services which may be tenued ordinary. In addi-
tion to these ordinary services he has exhibited an extraordinary degree
of assiduity, called forth by the promise of a share in the profits,
profits which this assiduity tends to raise above the normal level.
Now, on the one liaud, the total amount divided between any body of
co-operative emi)loyees in respect of this share — their dividend on
* Among Booieties praotisiai: the "eqnitable'' division of tbeir profits among workers,
customers, and capitalists will be fciimd one, in which the fixed interest of 5 per ceaU
»ml the share of profits allotted in addition together kroiight up the total remunera-
tion of capital at one timp to nearlr 18 per cent., and in which the average return
upon capital .since it foiumenccd btisinpss has been rather more than 12i percent.,
and another, in vhifh the super-dividend added to the fixed interest of TJ per cent,
habitually raises the total yield upon capital to orer 14 per cent.
»89o]
INDUSTRIAL CO-OPERATION.
56a
labour— can never (assuming that the workmen have already received
their full wages and the managers their full salaries at current
rates, and tliat tho capital is to receive not less than its market
rate of remuneration) exceed the money value of their abnormal
BBsiduity ; on the other hand (as the figures quoted above &om the
balance-sheets of the co-operative associations indicate) this dividend,
as a matter of fact, in many, if not in most cases, falls considerably
short of that value. Co-operation, however, not content with obtain-
ing from its employees two shillings' worth of extra work for one
ahilling, invites thorn to consider that shilling as a free gift, presented
\o them, over and above the price of their labour at its current
money value, from purely " equitable" considerations by this wonder-
working system.
Such are the methods by which the delusion of the co-operative
working-men, that by "becoming their own employers" they enter
into a sort of boundless Tom Tiddler's ground of gains, is sedulously
fostered — a pleasing hallucination, which a few moments' consideration
; of the obvious fact, that by no amount of shuffling is it possible to
'increase the size of the pack, or, in other words, that profits are limited
by the value of the product, would rudely dispel.
That the ideas of the co-operative working-men in relation to the
true nature of profits should be inaccurate, is scarcely to be
TTondered at. But the false conception of the functions of the
capitalist entrepreneur, whom the co-operators regard as a sort of fifth
wheel on the coach, is all the more remarkable, because this conception
ia no mere vagary of the working-class intellect, but has received the
liigh sanction of philosophical approval.
*' Tlio form of association which, if mankind continue to improve, must be
expected in the end to predominute, is not that wliiiih can exist between a
eftpitalist as chief, and workpeople without a voicp in the management, but
tiiA asBcwiation of the labourei-s them-selves on termfl of e<[uality, collectively
owniag the capital n-ith whicli they carry on their operations, and working
under managers elected and removable by themselves." *
This emphatic prophecy was uttered more than thirty years ago,
not by a working-class visionary, but by the foremost economist of his
day, John Stuart Mill. Let us inquire what signs there are of its ful-
filment. As to the idea that the working-classes can dispense with the
cnpital of the middle-class employer, is it not difficult to understand
laow aa economist of the first eminence can have serioualy imagined
that, in an age, in which machinery on the one hand, and credit on the
other, play so important a part, it would, except in comparatively rare
instances, be possible for the workmen engaged in a manufactory to
''collectively own "the capital necessary for carrying on the business?
• J. S. Mill : " Political Economj," fourth edition, vol li. p. 344
564
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[APRIb
In a cotton-mill from £200 to £800 is required for every worker
employetl. Enter the carding-room of a woollen yarn factory, and you
find tkree women in sole charge of machinery worth £2,000. The
Co-operative Printing Society, with a capital of £28,226, employs 200
workmen. The co-operative corn mills, with a capital of £500,000, are
said to employ between them only 300 persons.* The capital needed to
provide raw materiala and machinery and to cover outstanding debts
is, in many branches of manufacture, much smaller than this. But the
industries, in which the necessary capital is of dimensions so modest
as to be within the means of the working-men employed, are certainly
anything but numerous, and their nunaber unquestionably tends more
and more to diminish. As a matter of fact, the capital required by
the co-operative associations now at work in this country is not
*' collectively owned " by their employees, but is supplied by minute
contributions from many pockets, only a small part of it being
furnished by the actual workers.
If the idea of the collective ownership of the capital by the
labourers themselves is seen to be Incongruous with the actual facta
of industry, what are we to say of the conception of their '' work-
ing under managers elected and removable by themselves " ? Oat-
numbered as they nearly always are by the non-working shareholders,
the members employed in a co-operative factory must always be liable
to be hopeleaaly out-voted in the appointment of managers, as in all
other matters. Nor, indeed, is any c^nsisteint attempt made by the
practical co-operatora to allow to their employees any real voice in the
selection of managers, or any effectual control over the operations of
the business. In some of the most important among their associa-
tions (including the two great wholesale societies — societies possessing
a joint capital of more than £1,500,000, of which about £130,000 is
devoted to production) the employees cannot even hold shares : in
many other societies the rules provide that no person employed by the
concern shall be eligible to serve on the committee of management.
Thus, instead of enabling men to work under managers elected " by
themaelvea from amongst themselves " t — for Mill, of course, meant,
and Thornton expressly declared, that the manager of the ideal co-
operative association is to be chosen by the workmen actually engaged
in the workshop from their own number — all that Co-operation is ablo
to gain for the workers is the substitution for the single middle-clas3
employer of the many-headed working-class employer. Whether the
moral and the material results of this substitution can justly claim to
possess a high degree of value, appears to be open to question. It is
often said by working-men that the most exacting of all masters are
those who have risen from the ranks, men whose favourite axiom is
*' what was good enough for me is good enough for them ; " and there
• •• Workiiig-men Co-operatorg," p. 102. f Thornton, " On Labour," p. 396.
iSgo]
INDUSTRIAL CO-OPERATION,
565
are many who think that the worst maBter of all is a trading company
of small working-class capitalists.* Certainly the hardships endured
by workpeople employed by persons who themselves belong to the
working-classes, form a prominent feature in the revelations made before
the Lords' Committee on the Sweatioig System. Nor is it possible to
ignore the fact that the manner in which many co-operators treat
their employees is considered by their fellow working-men to be sa
little just and so far from generous, and the tendency which the
co-operative associations exhibit in labour disputes to take the side
of " the masters " to be so marked, that Co-operation is regarded by
the English trades unionists with dislike and distrust, and by the
stpidicats ovrricrs ii France with the strongest detestation. For
onrselves, though desirous to avoid harsh and hostile criticism, we
shall hardly be able to escape the conclusion that the method of
Co-operation necessarily places the employee-employer in a position
in which it is difficult for him to reconcile that oi>en-handed liberality,
which his natural sympathy with his own class might be expected to
dictate, with his no less natural regard for his own interests.
Passing from the moi*al fispect of the co-operative organization of
industry to consider the economic efficiency of this system, we find
this adequately indicated by the very large number of instances
in which, notwithstanding all the economic advantages admittedly
possessed by the co-operative methods, trading societies formed and
managed by working-men have met with financial disaster. As far
&s it is possible to get at the facts, it would appear that not much
more than 50 per cent, of the distributive, or than 25 per cent, of the
productive, associations of this nature have attained success.
So fai* as distributive Co-operation is concerned, " the elimination
of the middleman " is of the essence of the method ; the management
of the store by the purchasers is the guarantee against fraud and
extortion which alone can secure their custom. But in regard to
production it is submitted that a serious error lies at the root of a
system which attempts to dispense altogether with the services of the
middle-class cnirtprcnnir^ or which, at any rate, seeks to impose upon
the directors of an industrial enterprise a degree of dependence upon
the votes of the employees, which no man belonging to the middle-
class (whether he have been born into that class, or have won his way
into it by hia superior abilities), who is capable of taking the command
of a body of workmen and of controlling the financial operations of a
* It is a significant fact, that at the liLst Trades Uaion Congress, when the usual
complimentary vote of welcome to the representatives of the co-operative movement
was brought forward, it was found necessary to add a rider exprestiing the desire of the
Cong^ress that the co-operative societies should be urped in future to pay to their
emplojcc; the rscog^nized trades union rate of wages. These representatives ofHcially
reported tliat tliej had been received by the general body of trades union delegates
with a marked absence of cordiality.
366
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Apbh.
bnsiiiess concern, can reasonably be expected to regard otherwise Uiaa
as an insuperable obstacle to his acceptance of the post of manager.*
But how inaccurate a conception of the nature of the functions per-
formed by the entrepreneur must have been entertained by that school
of thought — a school at the head of which stand the great names of
Mill, Caimes, and Fawcett — which could bring itself to believa a
method of industry, under which these functions are confided to a
working-man, however intelligent a workman he may be, or to a com-
mittee of working-men, elected by their fellows, to be that " which, if
mankind continue to improve, must be expected in the end to pre-
dominate"! These are the economists, who, when they speak of the
remuneration of the cntrcprcnfur^ make use of that singularly inapt
phrase, *' the wages of superintendence ; '' as if the duties of the em-
ployer were identical in nature with, and but little superior in character
to, those of a foreman or overlooker, and who, when they treat of Co-
operation, argue as if tho industrial army could be led to victory by
sergeants elected by the privates from their own number, without the
slightest assistance from the commanding authority and the strategical
capability of superior officers. As Bagehot justly remarked : " You
might as well call whist superintending the cards." f The general-
ship of the entrepreneur is of paramount importance in the organization
of industry. It is the tnireprentiir who " settles what goods shall be
made, and what not : what brought to market, and what not. He is
the general of the army, he fixes on the plan of operation, organizes
its means, and superintends its execution. If he does this well, the
business succeeds and continues ; if he does it ill, the business fails and
ceases. Everything depends on the correctness of tbe unseen decisions,
on the secret sagacity of the determining mind."* These are func-
tions which cannot successfully be exercised except by a man possessing,
in most cases, special and lifelong training and, in all cases, natural
abilities which, however much mankind may " continue to improve.'^
will always be rare.
The organization of modem industry is highly complicated ; and the
co-operative ideal, which would fain abolish difierentiation and special-
ization in regard to the functions of the entreprtnctir, is inconsistent
with success in the struggle for existence. The entrepremur is the
brain of the industrial organism : but a co-operative association is like
a moUuBC, with brains aU over the body, and not much of them any-
where.
In those cases in which production can be carried on with an insig-
• In two cases (those of Mr. G. ThoniBon, woollen manufacturer, of Hnddersflclfl antl
Mr. F. Curtis, builder, of Brixton) a middle-class employer has turned his) > •>
" a co-operative association " ; but in each case the rules have been so fram< f
the removal of the head of the'< concern and the control of the busiuesn oui. m me
hands of the cnptoyecs. Both these associations are, for all practical puiposee.
indust ri.^ jtfirtnerships.
t " Economic Studies," p. 42. X Ibid. p. 52.
tSgol
INDUSTRIAL CO-OPERATION.
567
nificMnt capital, in which success depends almost entirely upon the
exlxibition by the operatives of a high degree of zeal and carefulness
(especially zeal and carefulness, the presence or absence of which cannot
con.'V^niently be tested by supervision), and to but a small extent upon
the business instinct and training of the entrepreneur, in which nier-
carxtile, as distinguished from technical, ability ia almost nselees, in
wliich sudden and secret decisions are seldom, if ever, required — here
the Tiethod of Co-operation has a fair field. By experiments made under
conditions such as these associated industry has conferred in the past,
and will — it is fervently to be hoped — continue to confer in the future,
opon energetic aud painstaking workmen advantages, both moral and
material, of the first imiwrtance. Why is it that we have in England
no counterparts of those co-operative groups of labourers, which, under
the name of artel, are to be found all over Russia and Bulgaria ? Or of
the aimilar organizations, which have been formed in Italy among men
m^faged in road-making, earth work> &c. {hraccianii) ?
" The meagre rapital required was reiidily obtained by savings from wages,
the par valiio of the shares being placed at a low figure. Almost the onlj*
otJtJay required was for pickaxes, ban'ows, ic, and in many caaes these
vcre already possessed by the workmen. The plan of operation was simple,
lATge contracts are taken by the society at tised rates, and sub-let in sections
*<* members, who work by the piece. By thi.s plan individual remuneration
•* in proportion to the work performed. The workers become directly ih-
'^'^stiBd in the work, and their efficiency is proportionately increased. The
middleman is abolislied, and the labourer is brought into immediate relations
"^th the proprietor who controls the undei-taking. Under these advantages
men vho previously earned from 7\d. to Is. 2{rf. a day have increased their
*Bges to '2», 5d. and in some cases to Ss. 2^d. or 4«. daily." *
Towards all forms of Co-operatjon, in which it is practically pofisible
for Working-men to become, really and truly, their own employers, all
^f QH who have at heart the well-being of our fellow -citizens roust en-
tertain the liveliest goodwill. But with that large, indeed predomi-
iWit, section of the co-operative movement, in which the actual workers
*** the servants of a number, much greater than their own, of working-
**^ shareholders, more especially when, as is very frequently the case,
"•o treatment of these workers by their masters is characterized by no
'ttintest trace of liberality, it is impossible to feel more than a moderate
''^Kiree of sympathy.
-Association and thrift — these are two excellent things, which
*^<*~operation has done much to promote. But Co-operation cannot
^••iin to be the only form of association possible for working-men, or
^ possess a monojwly in the promotion of thrift. The growth and
♦^tension of working-men's clubs and institutes morita, in an eminent
iIpj^.^^ the fostering care of the social reformer ; nor can any more
>^%^fal ta.sk be undertaken by the leaders of tho working-classes thim
"ic development) upon lines making greater concessions than hereto-
* " Scvcsteeuth Annuml Report of the Masaacbussctts L&boor^BureaD,*' 1886, p. 143.
568
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
km
fore to the claims of social morality, of the trades unions, combinatior
which, in addition to their duty of organizing resistance to nndol
onerous conditions of employment, make provision, by means of thei
sick, out-of-work, and saperannuation funds, against the terribl
hardships to which the precarious character of his income too ofte
exposes the wage-earner. Of the great value possessed by friendl
societies and savings banks established upon a sound basis it i
needless to speak. Nor have we by any means exhausted tb
opportunities for discreet investment which are, or could, and ough
to be afforded to the prudent and industrious artisan. Let thi
working-man be persuaded to buy Government Stock through the Poa
Office Bank ; let him be enabled — arrangements can easily be devise*
to make this practicable — to invest his savings in debentures o;
mortgages, such as might be selected by the trustees of a middle-clasi
marriage settlement ; or, better still, let him secure to himself an olc
age of independence and comfort by purchasing by easy payments j
deferred annuity from the Government, or from some thoroughly
sound insurance company.
That the industrial classes shall possess property, and shall acquire
those prudential instincts, which the possession of property can alone
engender, is eminently desirable. The existence of a '• naked
proletariate " must be deemed to constitute a grave social danger.
But every form of property is not equally well suited to be held by
the industrial classes. And, with all due respect to those unquestion-
ably sincere friends of labour who are convinced that the salvation of
the working-classes depends mainly upon the unlimited multiplication
of joint-stock undertakings owned by working-men, it is difijcult to
believe that the best use that a working-man can make of his money
is to place it in that very hazardous form of investment, the shares of
a co-operative factorj', or to gamble with it by " bearing " and
" bulling " such shares, as he does in the Oldham beer. houses ;• and
that the only possible solution of the Labour Problem is to be f^iund
in the universal adoption, in every* branch of industry, of that ve
unsystematic system which goes by the name of Co-operation.
David F. Schloss."
* See " Report of the Industrial Remuneration Conference," p. 307.
IF any city iti the world has a physiognomy of its own, that city is
Rotterdam. Whichever way it is approached, whether by the
Moerdyk railway-bridge or by the Maas, or through the new canal
traversing the Hoek of Holland, its unique character strikes the
traveller. From the viaduct which passes through the town, con-
necting the railway from Belgium with that to South Holland.
Botterdam appears a network of canals, bristling with funnels and
"Mtfts, and lined with trees and houses. Thia singular port has no
flocks in the ordinary sense ; the whole city btung, so to speak, a
peat dock, vessels coming from the Indies and America lying moored
witluQ a short distance of the warehouses for which their freights are
intended.
liotterdam has existed so long fliat its origin is prehistoric ; pro-
^Uyits inhabitants were too much engaged in maintaining their own
existence to find time to worry or rob their neighbours. However,
the universal enemy found thorn out : the Norse pirates ever and anon
pkid them a visit, and destroyed in a night the labour uf years. But the
^Bage was repaired, and Rottfrdam slowly grew, the genn of a busy
**rt, to which the four winds of heaven long lirouglit the treasures of
•JotJi hemispheres. And with steam this old port toi>k a new lease of
ita life, its merchants having in the present generation advanced in
proeperity beyond any other city in Holland. While the Ithine trade
'ttrough Amsterdam steadily declines, it just as steadily increases by
"•y pf Rotterdam. And the respective progress of the two cities is
'''flftcted in that of the growth of their populations, the increase daring
w Ust fifty years in Kol terdam as compared with Amsterdam being
•8 to 2.
At the outlet of two such rivers as the Rhine aud the Meuse, with
'«.. Lvn. 2 P
570
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[APRUi
the Thames gaping on the opposite shore to receive their produce,
Rotterdam has an exceptional position. Germany is ever increasing j
her downpour of exports, while a crowd of vessels, mainly carrying
the British flag, fill the port.
Although recognised as a city, and afliliated to the Hanseatic League
before the close of the thirteenth century, the early progress of Rot>-!
t«rdam was so slow that, at the close of the War of Independence,
it was not regarded as one of the great cities of the Netherlands, but
took its place Ln the iStatea-General as first among the minor cities,
It had endured something for the cause, having been, by an act oi
infiamoua treachery, seized by the Spaniards, and four hundred of itai
iuhabitanta imndored.
The War of Independence, like the Thirty Years' War, created hordea,
of brigands, and the North Sea was stained with many devilish ac'
Ounkirk was a pirate den, and one of these fiends, a certain Ad
de Waecken, made war on the Dutch fishermen, who, being ^MennonitesJ
oileri'd no resistance. Pillaging a vessel, be threw the crew over
board, or fastened them to the cabin, and then, scuttling the ship, hi
left it to sink. In 1605, a Dutch skipper, Lambert Heurickzoon,!j
captured the then Admiral of the Dunkirk pirate fleet, and brought
all the crew that remained alive after the action to llotterdam, when
sixty of them were hanged the next day. On the way to the gallowi
some made their escape, and were not pursued, though surrounded b
a population who might have been expected to feel, not only exi
jierated, but vindictive. The explanation can only be found in the fai
just stated ; if the mass of the people in llotterdam were not professed
Mennonites, they were so far affected by the doctrine of Merino thai
they would not even help to bring their most cmel enemies under thfl
sword of justice.
An authority on Anabaptist history, Dr. Lodwig Keller, archivist
of Munster, says, " The more I examine the documents of the time afe
my command, the more 1 am astonished at the difiusion of AnabaptisB
views, an extent of which no other investigator has had any knbw-j
lodge ; " and be says further, '' The coast cities of the North Sea and
Mast Sea from Flanders to Daiitzig were filled with Anabaptists." Li
1530 there v/b» scarcely a village in the Netherlands where they werfl
not found. One hundred and fifty years later, a writer on '" The
Heligion of the Dutch " divides the population of Holland into thrt
parts — Reformed, Roman Catholics, and Anabaptists. And th
descendants of the latter people must, to a great extent, have remaini
the working classes of Holland, for their creed cut them off from
ascending into the ruling class, if that had been easy, which we sha!
see it was not. " It is not lawful," they said, " for Christians to swear,
to exercise any charge of civil magistracy, or to make use of the sword^l
tSgo]
ROTTERDAM AND DUTCH WORKERS.
571
nofc even to punish the vricked, or to oppose force with force, or to
engage in a war, upon any account or occasion.'' *
The Anal>aptist3 suffered not only for their attitude of reproof to
all who took thn sword of authority, but also for the trrror with
which in the Peasant Revolt, and in the fanatical outbreak at
IVf unster, their predecessors had inspired the rulers. Their martyrology
[is fall of t/ouching incidents, some of which occurred in Rotterdam.
la lo3i> Anna Tautzen, returning from England, whither she had fled,
was denounced for having sung a hymn. On her way to prison she
osWed a baker in the crowd to take cliarge of her infant, The child
bore the name of Jessias de Lind, and lived to become burgomaster.
Its mother was drowned in company with another woman, the
betrayer throwing herself into the water immediately after.t About
the same time several men were beheaded, and other women drowned.
One of the latter was a girl of fourteen, who, among other things,
said, '* I will risk my body and my goods, I will deny my friends and
give up all for Jesus' sake." J The elevation of soul which enabled
ihese poor people to face their dreadful fate comes out in another
woman, thus murdered, who left four children, to whom she wrote a
^ng letter, containing this prayer : —
*' 0 holy Father, sanctify the children of Thy servant in Thy truth,
«nd preserve them from all evil and injustice for the sake of Thy
^ly Name. 0 Almighty Father, I commit them to Theo for they
»re Thy creatures, take care of them for they are the work of Thy
liwids. Let them walk in Thy ways. Amen."§
In 1558 the Rotterdam peopK^ rose in rebellion against these
^rocities. The executioner doing his work very slowly, the crowd
got exasperated, and, proceeding from one point to another, drove
^'"ly the judge and his officers, stormed the prison, and delivered all
who were to have been bumt.|( Thus it is clear the Rotterdam
People were much afifected with Anabaptist views, and that even when
in religious profession they were Roman Catholics or Reformed. A
proof that this avTnpathy was common to the townsfolk is the way the
"Otterdam authorities intervened on behalf of Anabaptists badly
^►^ated in Switzerland. They addressed a long letter t« the Council
•t Berne, entreating them to do justice to their Mennouite subjects,
■nd Bssaring them that they had no cause to regret the liberty which
n>d been accorded to Anabaptists in Holland, through the intlexible
^Ptermination of William of Orange, and that notwithstanding the"
opposition of the most powerful of his followers.^ The great leader
•o the War of Independence seems to have understood what later
' " Tbf Religion of tbe Dutch." By an Officer iu the French Armr. 1680,
t "Oosrhit'bU; '3e Martvren," Konig.sbcrg, 178U. X '''""•
J Idem. II Idem. ^ Idevt.
572 THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW, [Aran
research is proving — ^that the Anabaptists represented the heart 9H
soul of the people. They, on their part, had the true instinct ol
national life, recognising in Wilham of Orange a heaven-sent protec-
tor. When they bronght him their contributions towards the struggle
he asked them if they made any demand. " None," they replied, " bnl
the friendship of your grace, if God grants you the government of the
Netherlands." This friendship, continued by Prince Maurice, gecurec
the Mennonitos toleration, and they seemed to have recovered theij
numbers, which had been thinned by persecution. ^|
At the close of the seventeenth century the cities of the NetwP
lands were full of Mennonites, who had their public assemblies, and ax
absolute liberty of exercising their religion." ^H
This alliance between the House of Orange and the people of nl
United Provinces was a necessity under a constitution which permitted
the entire domination of the States to fall into the hands of the ii^H
ential citizens of the towns. ^^
As every city was, like every province, a State in itself, the United
Provinces formed a federation of independent communities, each ruled
by a few families, strong in their common interests, and their complete
knowledge of the management of puLlic affairs. In Overyssel, Gron-
ingen, and Jliddleburg, the inhabitants hud some part in the election
of their rnhn-s, but in Utrecht and in UoUand generally the rulers
recruited themselves with the lielp of a small number of privileged
electors to whom they gave a share of the official sweets. ^|
The dislikf of the Dutch people to the oligarchy displayed itsR
effectively during the minority of William III., afterwards King ol
England under the same title. Thy oligarchy had completed its own
power by suppressing the Stadtholderato altogether. In 1G58 there
was great popular agitation at Rotterdam, the Prince's party being
80 strong that the Hegents could not prevent it making levies on
the Ueet. In 1G72 there was a general rising in Holland; and in
Rotterdam, by the complicity of the city guard, the Orange party
Hurrounded the great church of St. Lawrence during worship, com-
pelling the citizens as they came out to declare for the Prince or the
States. The result was a demand for the nomination of a Stadtholder
and the hoisting of the Orange flag on St. Lawrence's, an intima-
tion being conveyed to the members of the City Council that their
houses would bo destroyed if they did not sanction the resolution.
With one or two exceptions they obeyed, and it was next morning
conveyed to the Prince,
Thus urged, the deputies of Rotterdam took the lead in proposing
to the States-General the restoration of the Stadtholderate, and tho
elected under the style and title of W^illiam .
ige
• "KeltgioD of tlic Dutch," 1680, p. 39.
iS^ol
ROTTERDAM AND DUTCH ff'ORKERS.
573
13 «i*- ^^ people, Bospicious of the mfluence of the party which had
rixled so long, wished to purify the State of all its adherents, and the
Ifcostility between the latter and the Dutch democracy may be gathered
froixi the words of a contemporary: — "There are people who, con-
aicle'ring that foreign domination is far less intolerable than an anarchy,
f^xxd that the tyranny uf the populace is the most nnsupportablo of all
domination, would have better liked to submit themselves to France
I t.lia-11 to remain esposed to tbe insolence of an insurrectionary and
CnriouB rabble."
The residence of William III. in England had a seriona effect on
t^llis populsu" attachment to the House of Orange, and under bis suc-
cessors that attachment grew weaker and weaker. In the later half
tie eighteenth century the llepublicana became tho real national
Lrty. An insurrection in 1787, suppressed by the assistance of the
lixxg of Prussia, gave warning of the change that had taken place in
the popular mind, and when, toivards the close of 1704, tho French
revolutionary army, under Pichegra, menaced Holland, the Stadt-
holder found himself deserted, and tho proposal to flood tho country,
fls on former occasions when the national independence was at stake,
energetically opposed by the Dutch people. The nearer tho French
armies drew to the confines of the United Provinces, tho bolder and
more explicit was the avowal of the people at large of a detennioed
partiality in their favour. So much, indeed, was tbis the case, that
the iStadtholder's own party was itself afi'ected, and could not resist
the general enthusiasm. A severe winter enabled Pichogru to enter
Tlolland over the ice-bound rivers ; the French aimies entered
Rottirdam on Januai-y 20, and Amsterdam on Jhe 22nd. Scenes
of popular rejoicing occurred, recalling the groat days of the French
Revolution. The writer possesses two large prints of the time, repre-
senting the great square in front of the Town Hall at Amsterdam
iillfcl with thousands of people, mostly of the humbler classes. A
circle of men, women, and children are dancing round a pole sur-
nionnted by the cap of Liberty, and several smaller parties are engaged
w other parts of the square in the same festive manner. This change
of feeling towards tho House of Orange shows that its former basis
lad been the belief the people entertained that it was their best
palladium against tyranny, that with reference to Merr rights it would
fulfil its motto, " Je rnainlitndmi." But when the Stadtholderate fell
iDto tte same vice as the old rulers, and supported itself on an
^'igf^rchy, it lost its hold on thepeople, and the last Stadtholder, William
of Orange, left the Hague in 1795, pursued by popular execration.
But the admission of the French into Holland proved a woful
mistake. Napoleon, having given the coup dc grdce to the Revolution,
pot hiB foot on tho neck of Ucpublican France, and upon those of her
574
THE CONTEMPORARY REV JEW.
lATsau
allies. Holland was chained to his triumphal car, aod, without having^
strnck a blow, the Dutch saw their whole history reversed. Once
more they associated the national cause with the House of Orange,
and William V., welcomed hack in 1815, was created King of the
Netherlands with the title of Williftm I. It was a veritable reaction^
for with him came back the oligarchic rule, and thus, notmthstanding
all its revolutions, HoUand is, as it has ever been, ruled by a small
class of influential people. The suffrage ia limited to '{00,000 electors,
not one workman in twenty possessing it. In Rotterdam not a
single dock labourer has a vote for either the deputies to the Second
Chamber or the City Councillors. The mass have, as ever, no part
or lot in appointing their rulers, or iu making the laws they have to
obey. No wonder that the interests of the workers have not only
been neglected, but powerfully opposed.
It is clear, however, that among the Dutch ruling class there
are some who struggle for justice, and one or two disgraceful
laws have recently been removfd from the pi^nal code, and a
few positive reforms have passed into law. Until 1872 it was
penal for workmen to attempt any combination whatever which
tended to fetter work or raise the price of lalxiur ; any on©
joining in such a combination, or in a denunciation of par-
ticular directors or managers of a factory for such an end, was
liable to imprisonment from one month to three, and the leaders
or originators to two to five years' imprisonment, with subsequent
police surveillance for another thi^^e to five years.* Other ofTorts have
been almost stifled by governmental dUatoriness. In 1863 a Com-
mission was appointed to inquire into the conditions of child labour
in tho factories, but eight years elapsed before the Report was pub-
lished, and then another three years passed away before a law was
enacted prohibiting the labour of childrpn, except in agriculture, under
twelve years of age ; and it was not until fifteen yeai's later still — that
is, in 1889 — that a second law was obtained limiting the labour of
women and j^oung persons under sixteen years of age to eleven
hours a day, with a pause of one hour, and interdicting them from
night work and Sunday labour. Another Commission into the con-
dition of the working class commenced its inquiries in 1887, but it
has only as yet covered a fmction of the country.
There has also been considerable improvement in the dwellings of
the poor. It is a peculiar trait in Dutch family lii'e to desire to have
a house to itself, however small. Thus, there are many streets in the
suburbs of Rotterdam composed of houses of two rooms ; if larger
ones are erected they are so built that the families no more interfere
with each other than in houses semi-detached. Formerly they lived
By Sidney Locock. Dec. 10,
1669
" Reports of H.M. Itoprescntatives Abroad : Holland.'
AccouDls aod Papers, 1870," Lsvi.
ROTTERDAM AND DUTCH fTORKKRF.
r::.
vory clovor if
docker, I'ioti^r
own ctiHo. If
m ooBzte leading oat of the lanes betw(>en the* Inr^r sirMs. Hen*
MOB. tbey had, as in the suburbs, miniatuiv craixlons. Ami tho int(>rion<
were, oonaideTing the circumstances, ivcuUarly clean. Hut o\t>n
tUB •"■*'""«1 charact€aistic of cleanliness was decaying in the premNmv
«f poverty induced by low and uncertain wages, and ita too o«>rtain con-
taacdtant — drink.
JBtoIIand is, above all things, a comnn^rcial country, and its well-to-
4> cJaases are among the richest in Europe ; nevertheless, its workem
i» miserably paid. Wages average throughout th«» countrj' from
ll«. to 12s. a week ; in a city liko Rotterdam from 16«. to 20ir. On^
of tlie dockers in Rott^^rdam sent an account to a newspaper of his
wag«8 during seven years. The annual average was illS HJx. 1^</.,
a lititle more than 16«. a week. For such wages the Dutch workmen,
MJti especially the dockers, labour long htmrs. .\ Bkillfd warktimn -
M, for example, a CMpenter — works from six in Ihe morning until
dis-l3.t at night, inclnding pauses for rest and Mu>jits, luid catmut
ni^Jace more than 4s. a day. A pfiinter iinist
be snakes drf. an hour. As to tho hours of
Sa^y the leader in the late strike, gave me
te worked in unloading a ship in the grain trmin the hourK
wo :r-o from six to eight at 4</. an hour (since th«« ntriko, Of/,); if it
wa.^ in the iron-ore trade, he would have to work ttixtomi hours a day
wi."fcli eight hours off, the working time biding mitnfJitin'H ul, flay, Nnme-
tizxxes at night. As his homo is thrcccpiartrra of a mili* fr»im hiN
work, he loses, with the time consumed in wuNbing nnd takifig a
mjeal. three hours, reducing his rest to five. No wondf-r, willi such
exJaAusting labour, the workers die oiV prcmnturoly, ami t.lmi old nu-n
■re not numerous among them.
The well-to-do classes in Holland liv* as g<*nen)iiHly uh in ;
o£ the world, but the working-man is miH"^"M'' f.A ffr. raft I ^ ... ,; ,.
M«i*i especiallj if he has a family. Vf . iro his chief
3i«*. One excellent authority describes U»e food of ibe workepi b»
***"ihtnig of " potatoes and gin." And it is a fact that th'* orm-
^■Hition of alcohol ham connderably inoreaaed in Holland of 1nt4>
TOOL In 1870 the Dutch drank 7*46 litres of alc/jhol per in-
^iism, in 18S7 it had reached 002 litres. This is nearly half a
litesleM tiiso in 1$S4, but this cannot connt for moch in presruc^^ ot
^ bd tittt tlie excise on gin in Holland yii^lrbi annnally £2./KK),0(;0
i^&fp At the same time we have I'ieier Baa's aatbcaity for stAiing
^ia BoCtcrdana drunken workmen are the exception, nd not at nil
^■•ieaaDoed hf Ottir mates. No one, however, ooold be surprised if
^ PMkap sfcowW hanre attractions for a people worited in Ifcis
■■^Nr waA bd oa such a diet — a di^t all the mori ilraagv in a citj
n one year to Eagland 24,250 csMie, 11^,d&0 emWm,
I 238,000 abeep.
576
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[APKIL
It will be Been from the above facta that the process of *' besting^
God's people to pieces, and grinding the faces of the poor," is as much.
the custom in Holland as in other commercial countries.
The Dutch worker's misery may be further illustrated by the follow-
ing facts extracted from the " Statistical Year-Book of the Kingdom
of the Netherlands for 1887."* Out of a total of 1,300,115 houses
in Holland in 1886-7, 258,030 had only one room; 479,64-2, two
rtwms ; 241,551, three rooms ; 104,5)08, four rooms; 67,710, five rooms;
and 147,674, six rooms or more. If, then, wo consider families liviiig
in houses of three rooms and under as the poorer class in Holland,
and those living in houses of six rooms or more as the richer, it
appears that tlie jxwrer class is scvcii times as numerous as the richer —
tbat nearly one-half of them live in houses of two rooms and under,
and more than a quarter of them in houses containing only one room.
Rental returns show a similar result, and that the general
poverty these facts indicate is not confined to the artisan class
is shown by tlie returus of failures in business. The figures in 1876
and 1 880 are respectively 403 and 888, considerably more than
double, and these failures were mostly among the smaller tradesmen.
Naturally, the trade uf the vioiita de piM increases, and the pauperism
of Holland jh portentous. In 1871 an eighteenth part of the popula-
tion were in this condition, and more than half of those unable to
8Up|>ort themselves were heads of families. The increase in the
number of persons supported in 1B88 by the Reformed Church at the
Hague, as compared with the number in 1880, shows the rapidity
with which the panperism of the countty is increasing. In 1880 the
number was 1 103, in I 888, 1950 — an increase of more than 67 per cent,
in eight years.
Thus we see that the bulk of the Dutch people are on the road
to that terrific gull" which yawns in every great city in Europe and
America, and that they have no means of making themselves heard,
for in no country in Europe does poverty more completely imply loss
of political power.
Hardly anywhere, on the other hand, is wealth and political power
80 concentrated in a few hands. Between the persons who live in booses
of four rooms and less, and those who live in houses of six rooms and
more, there is a great gap, filled only by a small contingent of five-
rooraed householders. Those who live in houses of six rooms and more
form only a ninth part of the population, and this ninth part engrosses
the enormous wealth of this rich little corner of the earth, the reservoir
of the treasures of the Indies. l''or, be it remembered that the Dutch
Colonial possessions exceed the mother-country fifty-four times in
area, and seven times in population, the European element being;
comparatively infinitesimal. Probably Java alone transmits tc:
* " Joarcifers omtrent bevolkiog, landbouw, handcl," caz. 's GraTcabr.&g. 1687. 8vc=
tSgoJ
ROTTERDAM AND DUTCH WORKERS.
b77
I
Holland a sum little short of a million pounds sterling a year. It
may be that the progress in national wealth is stationary, bat the
ret«3-XTis of failure in business show that it is not the great merchants,
sadL above all the companies, that are suffering.
^5ach is the nature of the power against which the Rotterdam
deciders lately set themselves, and over which, notwithstanding all
odcis, they momentarily have come off victorious. For it cannot be
(lo«-"». Tated that their success was due to that of the London dockers,
an^. that its maintenance will depend upon what happens to labour
in ^England and Gennany.
There is one great oppression under which the Dutch workmen
La've fallen in common with their fellows in Germany — Sunday labour.
Under the pious rule with which that latter country is blessed an
atfc^mpt was lately made in the German Parliament to stop Sunday
wori. It was supported by the Conaervativea and Socitd Democrats,
bat Bismarck put his foot on it, speaking five times against it.* Ho
J^joiced that there was no English Puritan Sunday in Germany 5 bat
It ia permissible to beliexe he spoke as the organ of gi-asping manu-
facturers, and some miserable workmen, who would make, not seven,
but eight working days out of the week if they could. ]Iow much
moro truly tlie humble dockers of Rotterdam expressed the best
interests of their class when, in demanding double pay for Sunday
laoour, they said that, if they could, they would like to make it an
^"'iitional 200 per cent., so as to render it impossible altogether.
It seems that the law only allows it when necessary, and there must
P<^ & special permit from the burgomaster, but this is said to be quite
*'*usory, as that official appears to be anything but a martinet on
■QcK occasions.
fiut when it came to evading the law in the interest of the work-
*^ti, how different was the action of ofljcialdom. When it became
clear that the dockers were in earnest and meant to prevent the
^'^^ployment of "blacklegs,'' an old law was found forbidding more
^"axx Gvo people to meet in the street, and in its support not only
^'^®*"C! the police sent, but also the militia with drawn swords.
This immediate appeal to military force seems the usual plan in
-*-*olland, and reveals more than anything else the imnienso gulf
**^tiween the rulers and the ruled, the entire want of sympathy
^'•^cialdom has with tho heart and mind of the people, lliere has
^^*i for some time a movement going on in the llcformed Dutch
^titirch against tho extreme heterodoxy of its ministers and in favour
*^^ a freer ecclesiastical organization. The representatives of eighty-
*^ven Churches in Holland, besides those of eighty societies or groups
^* ChriBtians, met at Rotterdam for the work of reformation. The
^■y character of the movement is shown by the fact that, whereas
• " Ev&ngclical Chnslondom," 1885, p. 178,
578
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[APMt^
tbirty-two out of thirty-three eWers, and twenty-fonr onfc of thirty-
two deacons, forming the Kirk Session in Rotterdam, joined the
inoveraent, only two out of the fifteen ministi>rs in the city went with
them. At Leidendorp, near Leiden, the minister and the lai^&
majority of the congregation joined the reform movement. Tlio Presi-
dent of the Kirk Session shut them out of the church, and the minister
he had invited was escorted through the village by mounted police,
while police, armed, were stationed in and around the church. The
people, indignant at the sight, rose in tumult, whereupon the burgo-
master at once sent to Leiden for a detachment of troops to restore
order, while the pastor of the dragooned people was cited before a
court, of justice at the Hague on the charge of causing the disturb-
ance.*
In the great struggle for independence in the Netherlands, nothing
perhaps did more to arouse and sustain the courage of the people than
the earnest letters which "William of Orange addressed to them from
time to timo. " Resistj combine " — such was the burden of his appeals.
" 'Tis only by the Netherlands that the Netherlands are crushed.
Whence has the Duke of Alva the power he boasts ? Whence hia
ships, supplies, money, weapons, soldiers ? From the Netherland
people. Why has poor Netherland thus become degenerate and
bastard?" t
Because its people and its cities had each sought their own
interests. Disunited they were all of a different opinion. " L'un veut
s'accommoder ; I'autre n'en veut faire rien," The result would be as
in the fable of the old man and his sons. They would lose all, and
wish too late they had remained bound together in unity as the
bundle of darts. This is the lesson for the masses in Holland to-
day, this is the lesson for the peoples of every country. Let them
combine among themselves, and let each united people federate with
those in other lands.
" If," said William, " the little province of HolJand can thus hold
at bay the power of Spain, what could not all the Netherlands —
Brabant, Flanders, Friesland, and the rest united?"? If the
Rotterdam dockers could, when united, conquer by so short- a
resistance, what could not all the workers in Holland effect by com-
bination ? And if those of all Europe were united the whole position
of affairs would rapidly tend to a permanent settlement on a just and
equitable basis,
" Tonto puissance est faiblp, a inoins que d'etre unie."
" Therefore, good lords," concluded this most illustrious of Dutch-
men, " as loving brothers reflect seriously, throw aside all slippery
timidity and pluck up your spirits in manly fashion, make common
* "Evangelical Christendom," 1887, pp, 113, 114. -f Motley, ii. p, 4SS. % hkm^
»«9o] ROTTERDAM AND DUTCH WORKERS. 579
cause with the people of Holland, and with all the people of our country,
yea, as brothers of the same flesh and blood, join hands, that our poor
^wntrodden fatherland be not assuredly delivered up to tyranny, nor
^iU you, venerable and gracious lords, recover old rights and privileges
binder obedience to the king, and by striving to maintain your
*QSB8tomed tranquillity, or bring back to a State, worn out by
Prostitution, the bloom of its early prosperity. Let us not be in
^bt; God Almighty shall lead both you and us, divinely helping
^ in our right to the increase of His kingdom in glory."*
fieaist, combine, and God will give the victory. Such was the faith
ky which Holland's civil and political rights were won, and such is
^ lesson of this short study of Rotterdam and the Dutch workers.
Richard Heath.
* 1 Pieter Bor, i5 Boek, p. 404.
THE "MIDSUMMER NIGHT'S DREAM."
L
t
WE have heard of a member of polite society who on being »«1=-^ —
his opinion of some play of Shakespeare's not often represenfc^^
on the stage, replied, in an aggrieved tone, " I do not like to r^^s;
things of that sort." A play, he intimated, was something to wa M^
with the help of scenery, lights, an orchestra, and good acting ;
expect one to study it in a book was as unreasonable as to preser:*- "I
sonata of Beethoven's in response to a petition for a little music,
recent evening at the '' Globe " has awakened a certain sympathy v^r
this non-literary hero, whom, indeed, in spite of conventional assi
tions, we regard as singular rather in his candour than his practi
We do not deprecate the practice of reading Shakespeare. But
would urge all. readers to make acquaintance with our great drama "t
wherever it bo ix)ssib]e, thi'ough the medium for which he hinas
intended his production; and we venture to promise all who att:>*
the present performance of the " Midsummer Night's Dream " t
however intimate they may be already with Oberou and Titania, Sx:*-
Bottom and Co., they will know them better after the perform*^^
8 Itch at least was our experience, and we would as far as possible si*
it with our readers.
All admirers of the too sparing genius of Mr. Holman Hunt C«3
have noticed the striking effect produced, in his latest picture's-
his inversion of the ordinary rules for any artistic represeot-atioi^
the Bupfrnatural. In his " Flight into Egypt " it is the spirit—
the murdered innocents which are distinct and brilliant ; the uxc^
travellers show beside them as dim and ghostlike forms. We feel ^
selves transported to the new region which those babes have ent^
and look back on earth as the realm of shadows. A kindred infln^
is manifest in the most charming and spotless of Shakespe^
Lce.
-ur-
tSgol
THE ''MIDSUMMER NIGHTS DREAM:*
581
I
creations. The poet takes us into fairyland as the painter into a
more Bolemn region; this everyday world is pallid in both. Was
there ever a less interesting quartette than Helena and Hemiia,
Ly sender and Demetrius ? Whether they Bcold, or whetlier tliey woo,
they leave ua equally unmoved ; here and there a gem is spared them
from the poet's treasury, but for the most part he eeeras hardly to
attend to his pen as it discourses of them. Theseus and his court
Ha,ve more life, and so have the clodhoppers who appear in masquer-
ade before him ; but the true interest of the piece lies in fairyland.
Xts queen is the central figure, and it is interesting to watch her grow
ttx Shakespeare's imagination, from " that very Mab " of Mercutio —
the elf half-hidden in a IiaKel nut, charioteered by a gnat, whose sole
business it is to inspire mortals with fantastic dreams — to the Titania
**eIoved by Theseus, and jealous of LLippolyta, who seems as much
of a goddess as of a fairy, and whose quarrel with her spouse might
<50me straight from Homer. She has, in the change, grown as much
*^^ outward form as in character ; instead of the midge-like Mab,
appears a stately queen, for whom a human child is a fitting pagt? ;
*^*i<i we see the little hand within that jealous clutch, with which, in
*^e representation at the "Globe," we fully sympathised. She is full of
■** 'itnan preference, human jealousy ; bIic cherishes her page from tho
•"^Collection of bis mother, lu*r faithfulness to whom puts to scorn tho
**tful friendship of Helena and Hermia. Her "young squire," too,
**as a faint affinity, with classic mythology, but ho is more of a
***^<^em on the whole. With him the modern fairy tale is bom; h©
^^'-'Tives in that enchanted land whore wo have all wandered in years
S^Ho by ; where the happy boy or girl awakens from some mysterious
^^^inber, and finds himself or herself at home amid a quaint bright
**»r>tig where earth is forgotten. That Indian princeling is the
^-^lumbus of fairyland, and all who have trodden its soil since, down
-Adice in Wonderland, are followers in his track.
Shakespeare, says Gervinus, is as much a creator of the fairy
^■thology of Teutonic Europe as Homer is of that of Greece. We
^^>glit he.sitate to accept a tribute perhaps hardly allowing enough to
*^rtnan popular legends, if it were not paid by a Genuan. A
***ilar hesitation might be inspired by the legendary lore of our own
^^^Utry. A well-known ballad of "Robin Goodfellow " would seem
V>
prove (according to the usually received date), that the knavish imp
iT^'^yed hia pranks before his summons to the court of Oberon, where
,^^eed, according to our text, he appears as somewhat of a stranger.
**tit; something like this, probably, may be said of Homeric legends,
*^*1 rtill it ia Homer who makes the gods and heroes of Greece living
^K^Tes to the modem world. And Shakesjx^are in like manner has
■•'•de the denizens of fairyland familiar objects to the mental vision
*** •U readers, not only of his own country, but of his own civiliBatioti.
582 THE CONTEMPORARY RElTEfK ikr^^m^^^
He has exchanged the sombre coloaring in which oar Scandina^^^j,
ancestors had clothed the tradition of elf-land for the bright hne^ jj,
which Oberan and Titania flit before us, and finding Pack a hobgot>lijj
with horns, hoof, and a tail (the representation given in an old prixjt)
the traditional Satan, in short, he has left him a dainty sprite, 'fc^^v^jji
brother of Ariel, a creature hovering between a butterfly and a claiJiL
that painters have laboured to portray as the ideal of fantastic love I J-
nefis and sportive gaiety.
His fairies indeed are bright creatures, though all their associations
are of the night. They trip after the moon's sphere, they take flig-ht
before sunrise ; but they are no spectres banished at cock-crow, t>lieT
linger, as Oberon reminds ns : —
" Even till the eastern g;«te, :»I1 fiery- reel,
Openinjr on Neptune with lair blessed beams,
Turns into yellow gold his salt green streamB."
There is a moment in every morning and evening when night and
day seem to embrace ; when the flower in the hedge is as clear as the
planet in the sky, when all commonplace objects seem half-lumiaoas.
and the painter who merely copies them accurately presents us witJi a
poem on canvas. This moment, we know, is the kiss of the wave of
amber light that floats for ever around this earth, and in this dim yet
glowing atmosphere the fairies live and move. They come with the
evening twilight, they linger till the morning, but they know notliMig
of darkness till they call it up for their own purposes ; they •**
like those cloudlets in the northern sky, of whicli Scott says that
" Morning weaves
Her twilight with the hues that evening leaves."
^hile Earth is dull and dark, they are bathed in opalescent radia-T**'*'
■which falls on the dewdrop or the cowslip as they draw near, and c**^^**^
not desert them as they enter the house where all lie wrapt in slum. *^
Tliey bring a " glimmering light " into the palace of Theseus vr*^
the embers are dying on the hearth (we refuse to surrender '*^*^.
radiance at the bidding of the commentators), and the glimme*^
altogether of good omen, prognosticating a happy awakening from
ainmbera that are thus watched. Their visits can be no more unwelc^^^^^^
than that of the dawn which is their atmosphere and their home-
The influence of the Renaissance is less visible here than in n*- "*^
plays which would appear to give less scope for it. The reniinisc©*-^^*" J
of classic mythology which we have noted are not, on the whol^^ ^v3
numerous as we should have expected in a drama for which Sb^^^ 3
speare has chosen the scenery of legendary Athens. The dewy, l^
haunted glades with their cowslip border, the green com seen thrc^
the tree stems, and the lark singing above — all are English,
Ives are their fittiog inhabitants, and we meet no fawn or di^J
«
i
t89c]
THE ''MIDSUMMER NIGHTS DREAM,'
583
It is not, as iu the faiiy-land created by an imaginative FreDcliman—
Edgar Quinet — where the gods of Greece are discovered to have
shrunk and dwindled into the elves of the northern mythology. That
ia tlie imagery of satire, not poetry. The geniua of Hella.s expands
the legends of the north, but does not fade into them. Yet something
there is akin in the two ; the spring-time of the Renaissance, we feel
as ■we read, was the budding-time of a mythology that fonnd a new
Oljonpus at the Court of Oberon, and a new Capid in Robin Good-
fellow. And when we turn to the human court, so much less interest-
ing than that of Oberon, we feel the influence of the same spirit which
lights up the legends of heathen mythology and renders natural on
the page of Shakespeare much classic allusion which would be
intolerably pedantic in any similar utterance of our own day. The
picture of the Athenian prince, as compared with the authorities
from which Shakespeare drew it, manifests very clearly the charm
possessed by every classic name in the world of the poet. The reader
Who will peruse that laborious piece of antiquarianism, Plutarch's
** Life of Theseus," will probably allow that the tiresome half-hour so
«pent has yielded no single distinct or vivid conception whatever. Yet
from this liortus sictus of withered legends, Shakespeare has drawn the
ideal of a princely and finished gentleman, which seems to stand in
sotno relation to this legendary lore, because it has a certain similarity
*o th.0 only picture of Theseus worthy of bfing placed by its side, and
w-hich was painted 2000 years previously. We suppo.se it must be
**iAixily accident that Theseus in the " Midsummer Night's Dream "
•"©Calls here and there Theseus in the " CEdipus at Colonus." Shakespeare
<5ati. hardly have read Sophocles, and Sophocles certainly never read
r*lutarch. And yet there is something in the prince who shelters the
^eary (Edipus, and the prince who defends and counsels the runaway
lovers, which seems tx) point to a common type. To one who ia
fatniliar with the earlier conception, the later one seems to point
"*ckwards.
And then, on the other hand, in the attitude of Theseus towards
the sDpematnral, there is something essentially modern. It is very
*nnch in the manner of Scott, or rather there is something in it that
•^niinds one of Scott himself. We see, wherever our great novelist
«ntera the world of magic and legend, that he regards it through the
'**®<3imn of a cool, shrewd, eighteenth-centary scepticism. He ia
*"*'ady to turn an unbelieving ear to the best accredited instance
^^ the Bupematural tlie moment it appears under the guise of
"J«tory; yet, on the ground of imagination, he welcomes it with
^ inipulse of taste and sympathy so deeply seated that we can
*iardly speak of the logical denial as amounting to unbeUef. He
'^^gbt that any contcmixirary who believed himself to have seen a
Khoat mast be insane ; yet when he paints the appearance of the grey
584
THE CONTEMPORARY REVlEfV.
[Apbh.
spectre to Feargas Maclvor, or what seems to us his most effective
introduction of the supernatural, that of Alice to the Master of
Ravenswood, we feel that something within him believes in the
possibility of that which he paints, and that this sometliing is deeper
than his denial, though that be expressed with all the force of bis
logical intellect. It seems to us that the eighteenth-century element
in this is exactly what is given in the well-known speech of Theseus: —
"'Tis Btrange, my Theseus, that these lovers telJ of,"
says Hippolyta ; and he replies : —
" More Btrange than tme, I never may believe
These antique fables, nor these fairy toys.
Lovers ami madmen have such seething brains,
Such shaping fantasies, that apprehend
If ore thaii cool reason ever comprehends.
♦ • • • •
Euch tricks has strong ima^rtation.
That if it would but apprehend gome joy,
It comprehends Eome bringer of that joy.
Or in the night, imagining some fear,
How easy it> a bush supposed a bear 1"
The genius of Shakespeare takes in the genius of Scott» what the
leaser vxis the greater iviagincd. Theseus, explaining away the magic
of the night, is Scott himself when he drew Dousterswivel, or when he
describes the Antiquary scoffing at a significant dream. And the
other half of Scott — that in which the legendary beliefs of bis
ancestors survived in some dim region of hia being and swayed his
imagination towards all that enriches our human world with a border-
land of the invisible — this is here too and fills the whole foreground
of the picture. The dnal impulse gives exactly the right point of
view for an artistic representation of the supernatural. To paint it
most effectually, it should not be quite consistently either disbelieved
or believed. Perhaps Shakespeare was much nearer an actual belief
in the fairy mythology he has half created than seems possible to a
spectator of the nineteenth century. And yet Theseus expresses
exactly the denial of the modern world. And we feel at once
how the introduction of such an element enhances the power of the
eai'lier views; the courteous, kindly, man-of-the-world scepticism
somehow brings out the sphere of magic against which it sets the
shadow of its demand. The belief of the peasant i^ emphasised and
defined, while it is also intensified, by what we feel the inadequate
confutation of the prince.
The play of the tradesmen which at first one is apt to regard
as a somewhat irrelevant appendix to the rest of the drama, is
seen, by a maturer judgment, to bf^ a.s it were a piece of sombre tapestry,
exactly adapted to form a background to the light forms and iridescent
colouring of the fairies as they flit before it. But this is not its
gpreat^st interest, to our mind. It is most instructive when we watch
iSgo]
THE " MIDSUMMER NIGHTS DREAM:
585
►
the proof it gives of Shakespeare's strong interest in his own art. It
ifl one of three occasions in which he introduces a play within a play,
and in all three the introduction, without being unnatural, has
just that touch of uunecessariness by means of which the pixjductious
* of »i*t take a biographic tinge, and seem as much a confidence as a
creation. How often must Shakespeare have watched some player of
a iieix>ic part proclaim his own prosaic personality, like Snug, the
joiner, letting his face be seen through the lion's head. We are told,
indeed, that thti incident is copied from one which did actually
'' create great sport " at some pageant of the day, and which is repro-
duced^ in Scott's *' Kenilworth." But its interest lies in the satire,
rather than the history embodied in the speech of Snug the joiner,
and the satire lies near the deepest pathos. In the speech of Theseus
ordering the play, we may surely allow ourselves to believe that we
hear not only the music, but the voice of Shakespeare, pleading the
cause of patient effort against the scorn of a hard and narrow
dilettantism. "What are they," he asks "that do play it?" and
Pbilostrate, the courtier and fine gentleman, answers scornfully : —
'* Hard-hAiided men, thnt work in AtheD!> livru.
Which never laboured iti their minds til] now.
And now have toiled their unbreathed mt'inorics
With thiH dame i)lay, aguinst your nuptiul.
Ttie. And we will hear it.
PUL No, my noble lord,
It h not for yon ; I have heard it over.
And it in notliing, uothinp in tiie world
Unless you can find sport in tlieir intents,
Extremely stretched and conned with cruel jmuii,
To do you »er\ice.
The. I will hear tbiat play,
For never iinytbing can be amiss
When .Kkiiplcness and duty tender it.
I^pp- He s^yn they can do nothing in thi>> kind.
ne. Tbc kinder we, to give them thanks for nothing.
Our sport hhall be to take what they mistake,
And wlmt alone poor duty cannot do,
Xobk respect takes it in might, nut merit."
*^ his rebuke to his bride ia in the same strain as that to the
^^rtier. " This i.s the silliest stufT I ever heard," says HippolytA, and
*^Dswer, while it calls up deeper echoes, is full of the pathos that
*^*Hg8 to latent memories. " The best in this kind are but shadows,
^ the worst are no worse, if imagination moud them." Here the
'^^t in speaking to the audience ; in Hamlet, when he addresses the
^ *yQrs, his sympathy naturally takes the form of criticism ; what the
. ^•Jnian prince would excuse the Danish prince would amend. But
^ ^th alike we discern the same personal interest in the actor's part,
J^^ feel ourselves listening as much to a confidence as to a creation.
® learn that the greatest genius who ever lived was the one who
^^Id ahow most sympathy with incompleteness and failure. There is
^^ing scornful, nothing merely critical in his delineation of the
VOL. LVII. 2 Q ,
586
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[April
rough clowns who shadow forth the loves of Pyramus and Thisbe.
On the contrary, almost every touch has a ceitain delicacy. With the
exception of a single obscure allusion, they utter hardly a word that
might not fall from the most refined among the aiidience. .Shakes-
peare throws liimself into the part of the actor. He remembers all
the patient effort needed to produce a very mediocre resalt, he pleads
that this result shall be regarded through a medium of sympathy.
He seems to write of actors with the feeling expressed iu his own
Sonnet : —
" Oh for my sake do you with Fortune chide.
The guilty goddcas of my harmful deeds,
That did not better for my life provide
Thau public means which puhlic manners breeds."
rh^
We catch the accent not only of the immortal poet, but of one wl
has felt himself ' ' in disgrace with fortune and men's eyes," who has
"troubled deaf Heaven with his bootless cries, desiring tliia man's
art, and that man's scope." Whatever be the feeling which inspired
the lament of the Sonnets, it is not wholly out of relation to the art
which delineates the performance of the Athenian tradesmen, the
criticism of the unsympathetic spectators, and the pleading in which
the Prince unites the canons of the truest art with those of the widest
courtesy, and the deepest human kindliness.
For Shakespeare s sympathy with the members of his speoial crafts
is as a window, whence he looks on life as a whole, and sees in its hurry »
its transiency, its strange misfit of capacity to claim, of knowledge to
impulse, a repetition of the experience o^ the player. That truth,
which is wrought into the very structure of language, whereby the Latin
name for a mask has become the modem ■person, reminding us that
there is within each of ua that which " sounds through," not only our
outward surroundings, but much that in the eyes of other men makes
up ourselves ; this could not but haunt the mind of one who knew the
players' part both from within and without, '' All the world's a stage ; "
every man ia in some sense an actor, most often an untrained actor,
ill at ease in his part, and often tempted to exclaim :—
"The time is out of joint, 0 curae<i spite
That I was over bom to set it right."
The sense of all that is difilcult in the part of the actor passes into
a type of life's vain efforts, and varied futilities : —
" We are such stuff as dreams are made oL"
That line haunts na all through the " Midsummer Night's Dream." We
feel the adventures of the night no mere play of fancy, but a parable of
the confusions, the mistakes, the shifting vicissitudes, the inexplicable
changes of human attraction and repulsion.
" The conrae of tree love nerei did ion smooth,"
i89o]
THE " MIDSUMMER NIGHTS DREAM.'
587
Eeems a bitter theme for so sweet aud fanciful a setting, but it is the
theme of the whole play. Theseus and Hippolyta have begun with
conflict, they may perhaps have a serene interval before them, but we
doubt even so far as to Lysander and Hermia, Demetrius and Helena,
Oberon and Titania. Even poor Pyramns and Thisbe, murdered by
thti clowns, how does their history in its caricature repeat the
lesson of misfit, barriers, impediments ; and then when these are
removed, mistakes and misunderstandings, which have just been set
before us in the adventures of the night. Was the whole play an
expansion of that compliment to Elizabeth, which naturally links itself
with the lament over the course of true love ? Did Shakespeare mean
to imply that *' the imperial votaress who passed on in maiden medi-
tation, fancy free," had chosen the better part ? Was he repeating
the lesson which his hero receives from the weary (Edipus in the other
play, in which a kindred genius has given a representation ao curiously
similar ?
'• Oh Thesens, gods alone know nought of death.
r_^ All else Time, the victorious, withereth.
H Faith fades and perishe*, distrust is bom :
H What man or Statu has loved, each learns to scorn.
B| The sweet grows bitter, then ag;Un a joy,
P And lightest touch can fiimei>t bond dcstroj."
■^nbtless the instability of all human relation was in his mind, the
feeling which led Madame de Stael to exclaim moumfully in reviewing
h©r life: "'J'ai aime qui je n'aime phis, j'ai estimS qui je n'eatime
plus." But we hear the voice of Bottom, wakening from his meta-
morphosis, " Man is but an ass, if he go about to expound my dream."
What can the wisest of us add to that reflection of the awakened
dowD^ reviewing the part ho has unawares been called on to play, so
Btratigely contrasted with the heroic character he has chosen ? As
^8 time of awakening draws near, do we not all with the moat
varied memories and anticipations echo those words of his ? Do we
Dot feel the summary of all the confessions, all the vain hopes, all
"'^ Vitter disapjxjintnients, and then the wonderful revivals of our
'inttian experience gathered up in that decision, '* The dream needs
*'*»^e wiser ex|K)nent than he who has dreamed it, or than any son
^ «»ian."
Jllla Wedgwood.
[Apbi
THE CRETAN QUESTION.
IT has rarely happened in our time that five successive years lia
passed without a disturbance in Crete. No less than twice
this century have the outbreaks of its ^xipulation been dangerous
the existence of the Turkish Empire, as, indeed, any recurrence of th
may be again. The record of the struggles aud sufierings of t
pugnacious and irrepressible race should be in the mind of those w — ~^^^
attempt to judge of. or, directly or indirectly, repress, agitations IS^ ^**'
the present, which, unintelligent ly treated, threatens to repeat Br-^^
lesson already twice disregarded. Pashley has left us a tolera"^=^^v
complete history of the destructive aud horrible conflict of the peri*^
of the Greek revolution, a history unique in the kuig story of Mus^"*^*^*
man conquest in its lurid painting of a contest, religious as v«^^"
as ethnical, but always merciless, and on one side as determine-*^ ^7
extt-rminnting, as on the other determinedly defiant of extermLxafi-
tion. He gathered the story in all its details fmm participants «fcXJd
survivors, or from those who were near the scene of its evexx't's.
I myself have known and talked vvith some of them, and at least oth^
of the chiefs of tliat struggle and many witnesses of it are amox^gst
those who are now in the rece.sses of the mountains of Crete wa£"tJ*R
for the spring to loosen the bonds of a new ineuiTection. The old s'p*"''
is not dead, nor have any of the circurastancea so clmnged thati "fcli^
history of that struggle may not br^come the story of another.
In 18G0 I was appoint<'d by the Government of the United St"-efcte»
of America as its consul in Crete, and was an eye-witness of t^**
tragedy wliich began in the following year, and, lasting three years-
left Crete devastated and half depopulated, but was still more disas-
trous to the Turkish Empire, bringing it to the verge of bank-mptcj;
draining its finances, demoralizing its army, and preparing the road /or
i89ol
THE CRETAN QUESTION.
i89
I
the successful movement in tJii' Herzegovina. The cost of the insur-
rection of 1866—68 to the Turkish Treasury was not less than
200,000,000 francs, and the losses in the army — more from maladies,
tJhe hardships of mountain warfare, and the inclemency of the seasons,
botli winter and summer, than from death in battle — amounted to
no less than 5l>,00') men. Besides this, the expenses of the
iSgyptians called into aid, after tlie example of 1828, were, as
I Icjaew fix)m the European representative of the Viceroy in the
islj^nd, above 50,000,000 francs ; while of the splendidly appointed
e^irxxij of 22,000 men, sent from Alexandria in the summer of 1866,
only about 12,000 remained to be recalled when the failure became
a'X>T>arent at the end of the second year, the rest having been sent
Ixome broken down, or having died iu the mountains or in battle. The
losses of life amongst the Cretans, as we found when the accounts
"^r^jre made up, after the afllaii' was over, were about 5000 of the Mus-
sialrnan men and about 25,000 of the Chi"istianSt including women
^^ncl children wlio died from hardships or starvatiou. or were killed by
■tlxe troops and irregulars.
That insurrection began, as this agitation has begun, in the
^xxtrigues and ambition of the Governor-General, for the purpose of
■prolonging his occupation of the position, stimulated by a rascality
&iicl greed on the part of the representative of the Sultan such as
xxovr is impossible. Then, as now, the correction of a part even of
tlie abuses complained of would at the beginning have atopi>ed the
notation, for in neither case was there any preparation or desire for
an insurrection, whatever may be the standing hostility to the Turkish
>Tile. But in 1806 the agitation grew, as there ia danger of its grow-
ing now, to a great disaster, through the obstinate refusal of the Porte
to uiako any concession, even the most ju,st, to the Christian popula-
tion; and in large measure, as now again, through the neglect by the
**ower8 of the state of the Christian populations, due largely to the
•^difference of their consuls in the island to the symptoms of trouble
*nd the habitual cont^"'mpt of men who have passed their lives in tlie
influences prevalent in the Turki.sli Empire. The prolongation of the
P^w-allel depends in all probability on the retrieval of this error within
'"© next few weeks.
In 1866 the political sky was clear, and the consequences of the
*^totion against the Governor-General caused no apprehension to any-
^^y. The only demand the Cretans made was for the recall of the
^'OVernor, and later for the witlidrawal of certain taxes which Ihey
been exempted from by special firraan. dating froni the conquest
^rete, and which the Porte now proposed to im|x>se. The Greek
of
overnment, of which Coumoundouros was, if I remember rightly, the
^^ad, and Tricoupts the Minister of I'oreign Affairs, discouraged the
'^etaDB Btrongly and refused any assistance, and even KuEsia did not
590
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
TApbil
at first show any disposition to fan the flames, for the afiair seemed
utterly hopeless ; but as it grew in gravity there came into the ques-
tion a new element which, though it had no permanent influence on
the dispute, serves to show how ill the guardians of the peace of
Europe did their duty. The "Viceroy of Egypt, then entirely under
the influence of France, had an ambition to extend his realm, and an
intrigue was evolved at Constantinople between the Porte, the Viceroy
and the French Ambassador, to delegate the conquest of the island to
the Egyptians, and, when it was effected, to transfer the island by way
of compensation to the Viceroy, who was to pay a stated sum down,
and tribute, beyond that paid for Egypt. The details were arranged
between the French Consul-General at jUexandria, the Consul at Canea
and tht! agent of the Viceroy, who was SUahin Pasha, the Minifiter of
War of Egypt.
As it happened, in the early stage of the agitation the Governor-
General, tuidiug it advisable or necessary to obtain the assent of
the Consuls to the coercive steps he desired to employ, called
them to consult and approve in a body, not apprehending any
opposition on that side, and with gi-eat justice, for they were
almost friendly to the views of the Porte. As the United States
had no political interests in Turkey, and as I had been educated with
certain prejudices in favour of the Greeks and was especially interested
in the Cretans from my short acquaintance with the island, I took my
position seriously. My opinion was asked in the Consular Council :
I gave it, and when it was overruled, I made a fonnal protest
against what seemed to me a violation of the legal privileges of the
Cretans, who had so far committed no act of violence or rebellion, but^
had simply met in syncretic assembly, as their immemorial custom was,
to petition the Sultan for the dismissal of the Pasha and the with-
drawal of the new taxes proposed. The Pasha desired to disperse
the Assembly by employment of the troops and to arrest the principal
agitators, and I energetically protested agaiust the use of violence.
This led to a reconsideration of the decision, and the Italian Consul sup—
porting me, followed by the llussiaii, a Greek by birth, we were thxeet
against the English, Preuch and Austrian representatives, supported bj-
some honorary consuls of the minor Powers who had no weight in th&
scales of justice or policy. The Pasha was disconcerted and withdrew
his order to the commander of the troops, who had already begnn to
move. This incident, so slight and unforeseen in its consequences, led_
to a division of the consular corps on the question of the treatment of th»
agitation; and, owing to my exclusion from all the politics of the Empirei^
I became the leader of the opposition to the Pasha. This course, wit}«^
my previous tendencies, caused me to be cousidered by the Cretans a&
their champion kud best friend, and gave me the position of greatest
influence, which with all the Greeks is always assigned to the mai:3-
d^
^Ml
««»]
THE CRETAN QUESTION.
591
who advises them to do what they had decided in advance or desired
to do.
When the shrewd Shahin Pasha, finding that he made no headway in
the affections of the Cretans (who remembered the subjugation, of 1830,
and. feared Egypt more than the Turks), and that, afttr spending some
thousands of ponnds in baksheesh to the chiefs, schools and mosques,
besides promising banks and roads, he was no nearer the desired petition
for the transfer of the island to the Viceroy, thought to change his
tactics, he asked some of the oldest Cretans who there was who could
help him, and was told that the only persons who had any influence
with the agitators were the American and Russian consuls. His
dragoman at once waited on me, and opened the matter with all the
frwikneas of a man who proposes a fair bargain, ottering me any sum
I should name if I could help his master to the desired end. He gave
me, without any suggestion on my part, all the plan, including the
establishment of a great naval station at Suda, invited me to a grand
dioiier on board the flag-ship, and had the yards manned as I came on
••ow^ ! He made new and more favourable propositions to the CretanSj
"Ofc at the same time did not neglect to despatch a strong body of
^'oops to the point which would make him master, as he hoped, of the
JJ^itary position, in case the bribes did not suffice. I sent the pro-
Positions to our Minister at Constantinople, and he laid them before Lord
Lyons, which produced some trouble at the Porte, and probably stopped
"^® intrigue. But in the meantime the Cretan.-?, who had hitherto
*«^oitIed all collision with the troops, finding that the Pjgyptians had
*>cctipied a position in the Apocorona which enabled them to cut all
their own communications in case of hostilities, ordered them to
evacuate it, and on their refusing to comply, surrounded them, and
CQtting them off from the water sources, compelled them to snr-
•^ikder unconditionally, 'lOOO strong. The troops had leave to march
•^It with their arms and ammunition, and two days to remove
'heir artillery — though the Creta,n8 were at the time only armed with
***« flint-locks and pistols, and the rifles of the troops would have
^®n a priceless aid in the contingency of fighting — so anxious
^'Bre the Cretans to pat no needless obstacle in the way of a peaceful
***»Ution of the difliculty. There was no dream of annexation to
^^^^iOe, or even of independence or autonomy, but simply of the pre-
^^•VBtion of rights long accorded. But the Powers were still apathetic,
***<! except some friendly remonstrances on the part of Lord Lyons,
^"hose personal tendencies were Phil-Hellenic, nothing was done by the
^***^er8 to render the position of tlie Cretans endurable. Greece did
^Q»t interfere in any way till the affair of Vryses and the surrender of
**^ Egyptian army to the half-armed Cretnna had made the pacific
^lution improbable, when patriotic committees in Greece began to
'^JJ- the blockade with arms and ammunition, and the Government to
592
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
tAPBIb
atford facilities for pi-ocuring them. The Porte threw into the island
heavy reinforce uients. and sent . to command them Mehmet Kiritly
I'asha, the conqueror of the island in 1828-30. War began in
earnest. IMehmet besieged the convent of Arcadi, the depot of the
insurgents, jind stonned it after a bombardment, and in face of a
bloody and lieivjic resistance, only succeeding in entering it by driv-
ing the Egyptians into the breach at the point of the bayonet as a
mask for the Turkish regulars behind them. He put the garrison and
hundreds of the women and children to death, the Christians com-
pleting the tragedy by the well-known incident of the eaqilosion of the
jwwder magazine, which made the fight famous the wide world over,
and for the first time etiabJed ine to hope for the success of the
movement. Up to that time I had st<*adily discouraged armed resist-
ance, but it seemed to me then impossible that the civilized world
should not interfere. I was still an innocent. Lord Lyons had been
succeeded at Constantinople by an Ambassador of different sympathies,
and the nftUir went tm. The American government, in obedience to
the popxdar feeling, openly expressed its sympathy with the Cretans,
our Minister at Constantinople and myself received orders to
co-operate with the Russian representatives, and thenceforward I
received my instructions from General Ignatieff. Moral aid came,
and contributions from all the civilized world, and the course of dis-
aster was from that time almost unbroken for the Tnrkisli arms.
Mehmet Kiritly, Hussein Avni, the renowned Sirdar Ekrem, Omar
Pasha, not. to mention minor men, were recalled in disgrace, and a
better genei^al tliaii any of thosi-, Reschid Pasha, died of a wound
received in battle with the Greek chief, t'oroneos ; the attempt to
conquer the island by arms had distinctly failed, and A'ali Pasha, the
Grand Vizier, came with oflers of concessions, which amounted to
practical independence. The army was demoralized to such an extent
that the men deserted from regiments ordered to Crete ; the Greek
Government began to make preparations to carry insumction into tlie
contiuental provinces ; Sei-via agreed to rise, but accepted concessions,
and violated her agreement ; the ferment began to spread into all
the provinces of the Empire, and Aali Pasha used in vain every
appliance in his power to induce the Cretans to come in. The end
of the Eastern Question seemed at hand. At this jxiint the Russian
Government interfered. The general movement which was pending"
would have gone on under Hellenic auspices, aud this interfered witJj
the Pan-Slavonic movement which RLi88ia was preparing.
The Jlufisian Minister at Athens iuduced the King to dismiss th^-
Ministry of Coumoundouros and, when the Chamber refused to accepi
the new Cabinet, to dismiss the Chamber and bring in one which wa*-
pliant. The Russian Minister then proposed to Tricoupis, that if th^
Coumoundouros Ministrj- would accept the Russian plan of a genera^^
J«9o]
THE CRETAN QUESTION.
593
movement, it should be reiiiBtated in office and the movement should
go on aninterruptedly. The proposition was refused, the Cretans
nrere gradually deprived of the means of maintaining a resistance, and
finally, by an intrigue t(>o disgraceful to be believed if it were not sub-
stantiated beyond dispute, the island was handed helpless over to the
TiLrliish commander, who had at the time not 5,000 men to put in
the field out of the eighty Turkish battalions sent for the subjection
of Crete. Those who care to read the story more in detail will find
it in the Tr/Hcs of November 2G, 1871, in a n'sKme of a little book,
no'w out of print, in which, for the preservation of the material for
history, I recorded from diary, letters and despatches, the three years'
events qtws vidi ti qitorum parii vingna ftii. The Porte withdrew nil
concessions.
In 1878, profiting by the Bulgarian complications, the Cretans rose
again, and with little difficulty obtained the concession of an autonomy
with a Christian Governor and an elective Assembly under a con-
stitution, which is said to have been of Midhat Pasha's contriving, as
nafit for the Cretans as it was possible to make it in a single trial.
The most disastrous defect in it was the provision for the renewal of
the term of office of the Governor at intervals of five years. The term
01 office began with intrigues for its renewal for another term, and a
devor Pufiha, applying the maxim divhff et impem, succeeded in avoid-
'"g revolts against himself or the Sultan by an extremely complicated
'jst^em of quarrels which he provoked between districts and individuals,
"1 consequence of which the island became what it now has been shown
*** lie, a complete anarcliy. His feuda have resulted in not less than
partisan murders during and since his direction of the Government,
the condition has atefvdily grown worse since it comp<.'lled his recall.
"""iU' his successors have only averaged a little more than a year of office.
*o this condition of affairs the last Governor, probably conceiving that
"*® Control of the insular assembly wa.'' the key of the position, instead
. attempting to abate or dominate this factionsness. which was ruin-
"^8" the island, formed on alliance with one of the two parties into
**iclj the numerous minor factions had become grouped, and gave his
^^^ «"nergie8 to creating for himself a majority and strengthening its
^^'^trol of the Assembly. All the devices ever employed in a closely
'^ tested election by an American democracy were here outdone.
••^^T© the mayor was of the Governor's party the matter was simple
**'^e returns were reversed if against it ; where that I'unctionarj' was
*-l»e other party, the appliances were more complicated ; in some
the leading men of the opposition were charged with some
ce and thrown into prison a day or two before the election, the
^•»Vilf of which was that the opposition was more or less intimidated
**^^ fthstaiut'd from voting ; in others, the pressure called by the
^"^t^ticnns " bull-dozing," was applied — i.e., a leading partisan was
io
I of
5D4
TBE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[APBIt,
here and there assassinated ; all the infiaence to be gained by the
promise of the offices in the gift of the Government was given to its
candidates, and the majority having, by one or the other or all of these
methods, Ijeen secured in the Assembly, was made more triumphant by
the arbitrary' invalidation of the elections of obnoxious members on the
sufficiently good ground, as one of the " majority " said to me in
Canea, " that we don't want him in the Assembly." This would have
been incredible, even to me who know the ways of that part of the
world, had I not happened to be in Canea while the process of puri-
fication and elimination was going on. The '* opposition " thus
evolved, representing, as is well known, three-fifths of the population
of the island at the lowest estimate, only mustered thirteen votes out
of eighty. The sixty-seven was what the official despatches from the
island represented as the legal majority!
As I have before said, partisan rancour had been growing more and
more bitter in the island for several years, and amid the corruption
and favouritism growing out of it justice had nearly disappeared
from the tribunals ; the judge being elective, no person not of his
party had a right to expect a favourable decision, and had no motive for
appearing at the tribunal ; murders went unpunished except by retalia-
tory murder ; olive-trees were cut down where murder was impractica-
ble or considered- too severe (one of the soberest Cretans of my acquaint-
ance estimated the number of olive-trees cut down at not less than
40,000, and he had lost several hundred) ; vineyards were laid waste ;
cattle and beatjta of burden were killed or mutilated all over the island ;
and all without any attempt on the part of the executive authority to
find a remedy. Last year the sufiEi-age was made universal, and the
prevailing state of things was intensified by the new electoral activity
which threatened or effected the dismissal of all the functionaries yet
remaining who belonged to the " opjMJsition ; " so that the real majority,
and, by general confession of all parties, the large majority of the
well-to-do element of the population of the island, were menaced with.
exclusion not only from office, but from the enjoyment of the funda-
mental rights of constituted society. They were in ftict threatened
•with a proscription like that we associate with the names of Marios and.
Sylla. The protest which followed, and which has been dismissed
with contempt, by most of the consular despatches from the island &&
the movement of an insignificant and petulant minority, was simply ^
rising against thin condition of things, a revolt against anarchy, no"t
against the Sultan, who was implored to send a force which coultJ
re-estabUsh security and tranquillity in the island. Amongst th
signers nf the protest were the most respectable inhabitants, wh
had been tlie chief sufTerers by the disorder, and there was no difteren
of religion in the movement, the best of both religions being inclnd
in it.
iSgal
THE CRETAN QUESTION.
595
»
Daring the entire period of this contest the consuls of the European
Powers, with the exception of the Russian, would pay no attention to
tie representations of the islanders, whose petitions that the consuls
would see that the law was respected were not received. No petitions
were to be accepted against the Governor, and he stopped all the
tele|7rams to the Porte, while his statements were accepted without
hesitation, and the complaints of the Cretans dismissed as the conten-
tions of habitual grumblers. When I reached Canea at the end of
June, I was told by the entire body of consuls that there was nothing
serious in the agitation, that the whole trouble was the work of a
fe^v discontented oflBce-seekera in an Adullam's cave in the mountains,
aad that it would be put to rest in a few days. *' The majority," I
was told, would arrange matters at once when the Assembly was
organized, and meanwhile the expulsion from office of the few remain-
lug officials of the " minority " was going on as rapidly as possible
aad the agitation consequently getting more desperate. I was at first
°*yaelf deceived by the earnest assurances of the Governor and the
ff^tteral consent of the consular body, but a few days' investigation on
"^dependent lines made the matter clear. Some of my old friends of
1366 came in to see me, and amongst them Costa Veloudaki, a hero
of the " great revolution " (as that of 1 827-30 is always called), and the
resident of the Epitrop6, or general committee, of 1 8G6 ; a man past
'^nety-five, tall and straight, and clear-eyed, and who, as soon as he
noord that I had landed, walked in from his village to Canea to see me.
When they told me you had come," said he, "I rose up, and
* thanked God, for I knew you wo\ild help us, and I came straightway
^ See yon." He told me their story, of which the important part was
■'^^t no one was disposed to revolution ; but they were tired of anarchy
*tid robbery and mm-der, and like men on an uneasy bed were
**Aspofled to turn on it, feeling that nothing could be worse than what
^*y Bufiered. Nobody wanted to fight, nobody favoured a revolution,
^^Oody, except the five foolish deputies of the minority, who had con-
^^*^Ved the idiotic notion that to proclaim the annexation of Crete to
''©©oe was a way out of their tiYjuble, thought of Greek aid. This
P*®oe of childish folly gave the pretext that was needed to put the
^•*»id under mailial law, and had the Porte at the same time sent
^ Vieasonable and acceptable Governor with full powers to treat and
^^•^>«lify, the interregnum of militarj* rigimc would have permitted the
^***Hlilication of the defective constitution and the cancelling of nil the
*^*«;gTil nets of the Assembly. This was what the malcontents wanted,
**^ot; an insurrection, nor did the bulk of the population take any part
^*-U Very lately in any illegal agitation. They were fully warned by
***« Greek Government that they would get no help from Greece, and
^**lS*d in the most pressing manner to remain quiet ; the Russian
^'^aaal did uphold them in their opposition to the Governor, but, as I
596
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEtV,
[April
satisfitHl myself, did not encourage an insurrectionarj' movement. He
knew, as I soon did. that thi> Governor was incapable — he had neither
tlie energ}' nor the wisdom to retrieve tli<^ position. There were
nil fortunately in the island, as there are always in any democratic
coninumity, and especially in a Greek one, a nnmber of those incendiary
demagogues who are the especial danger of Greek politics. If
some of these had been arrested and sent tt) Damascus or Beyrut it
would have done great good, for they were the disseminators of alarm
and disorder. They were not disturl>ed however ; but spent their
days in the ra/A of Canea declaiming, and each one trying to prove
himself a better patriot than his neighbour. Since the annexation
had been proclaimed, and the authors of the proclamation wore
undisturbed in their daily propaganda in thi* mfi'^, the others could
not be left behind in their Pao-TIellenism, against the day when they
might be candidates for the Voule at Athens. So they all signed an
adhesion to the proclamation of the five ; and the demagogues across
the yEgeAn were assured that the jiopulation of Crete was imanimong
for annexation to the Mother-land. The " majority " were no less
vigorous in their protest than the five who were supjiosed to represent
the " minority " j but at the same time they kept up the extirpation
of the opposition functionaries, the Governor obeying blindly all their
exactions, and dismissing every remnant of respectability in tJie
kaimakamlika, tribunals, &c. Mr. Biliotti finally threw off hii
official reserve and earnestly represented to the Governor the conse
quences of what he was doing, and the proscription was stupped.
This induced a lull in the agitation, and the appointment of
Imperial Commissioner to investigate the difficulty improved thi
situation so much that I concluded the danger of a collision hi
passed, and left the island in the end of July, shortly after t
arrival of the Imperial Commissioner. A little tact and goodwill
that time would have ended the crisiH. Thug far the I'orte had givi
no justification for the agitation, which had been causetl solely by t
excess of liberty accorded to the Cretans and their misuse of it,
interference with the constitutional rights of the Cretans having be
attempted. Tlie only blame that could have been attached to
action of the Imperial Government was that it did not dismiss
Governor a.s soon as his illegal practices had been brought to noti*
but since the Consular body had up to this moment been declaring t^
the Governor was blameless, and that the demonstration had
importance or ju.stification, we may, up to this point, discharge
Turkish Government from any responsibility for the difS<
The Cretans, again, had not attempted any act of rebellion again.'i
Sultan. And even much latter in the progress of the trouble,
Shakir Pasha arrived with tioo]is, the Cretans received him.
no diffidence or defiance ; he met with no opposition inoccupyin.^
with
1890]
THE CRETAN QUESTION,
597
tig troops positions which the Cretans could have defended with
the utmost ease if they had been disposed to hostility. It ha.s
Deeded a good deal of blundering and some bad faith to bring the
^tter to where it now is.
The trouble, was inherent in the constitution of the Government
and in the condition of Cn-te. Since the adoption of the coiii]>act of
Khalepn in 187H, the Cretans had been doing the best they could to
break down the authority of the Governor-general, the terms of
office of all the later Valis had been shortened by popular dpraonstra-
tiona, and the habit of driving out the Governor had become so con-
tfrnied that a new one was no sooner in office than an intrigue was set
On foot to drive him out. The decay of the central authority had gone
*o far that anarchy was incurable without radical change. If the people
^ta<3 had the political education for thrir position, they would have
s«eT^ that the evil was of their own creating, and must be cured by
tti^ir own action ; but they otjly felt that there was no law, and they
o*xly knew by experience of one remedy, and that was the Epitrope or
g"**i:aeral assembly of the Cretans, with protests or petitions to the
Sdltijin, and an insurrection shadowed forth in the backgronnd if the
Petitions were not granted. This governor had failed and they
'^i^krated another — they had been for ten years trying to break down
fbe central authority, and now they demanded its reinforcement. But
^^& Cretans suffer, as people in their state of civic development always
svifter, from extravagant ideas of those who take the lead anmugst
tViern. The majority has always been passive in the hands of the
Agitators, who are mostly young men who come back from school at
A^tHens, educated for lawyers and school-teachers and doctors, but
"'Utterly unfitted for the life of a condition like that of Crete ; tilled
"W'^vfcli the idea of their political importance, and, having no property
^eept their castles in the air. they have no appreciation of the conse-
luences of an insurrection in the devastations and destructions which
■**ve for generations impoverished the ialand. The majority are com-
PO'Scd of simple peasjiots, ready to fight for what they consider tlieir
•^fir^^ta, but mainly anxious to secure justice, and always ready to obey
* decision which shows itself just. They are only drawn into these
*^Dflict8 in their acute fstage, when the Porte, with ite usual want of
•^'acriniinatiou, begins to aptply its only rule of conduct in caseof iiisur-
'^ectjon — to strike the whole jwpulation in order to be sure of hitting the
8^»lty; labouring under the persuasion common with uncivilized govern-
*'*^Ht8, that cruelty applied to the unoffending relatives and compatriots
^^•ctes and overawes the offenders whom it cannot reach directlv. This
Course drives the peacefully disposed into the ranks of discontent,
*^ though it may succeed with a Mussulman or a timid Christian
2^*T*tilation, it never succeeds in Crete, where every demonstration is
tu
■^od into an insnn-ection becauso^ instead of the justice and redress
598
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Apbil
of maladministration which the people demand, they are offered re-
pression. Knowing the Cretans as I do, I am convinced that a jasi
and firm governor would maintain tranqoillity in the island so long
as he was supported by the Imperial Government against the int
of Stambotd.
The Porte followed its usual rule in this case. The Imj
Commissioner met and listened to the propositions of the Conimitte*
of the discontented Cretans, and sent their complaints to Constan-
tinople, where they do not seem to have received serious consideration
and were rejected, and the Commissioner was recalled, apparently
because he was disposed to consider the position rationally. Looking
back on the affair in the light of more recent events, I am convinced
that there was & parti jn-is at the Porte, and that the Government, con-
lering the opportunity a good one to finish with this perpetual
^Bource of disturbance while its hands were free on every other side,
had determined to reduce the Cretans to unconditional submission,
and this the more readily that the Cretans had provoked an intervene
tion without any fault of the Porte. They had obtained all their con-
cessions at times when the Empire bad its forces occupied elsewhere,
and none to spare for Crete, and now they had raised a question when
they had no complaint against the Government at Constantinople, and
were themselves entirely in the wrong. They had secured the indiffer*
ence of all Europe by disturbing the peace it wanted to preserve, and
it could not be i^xpertud to look into all tlie details of a minate
question like this, and t^eo that only the demagogues of Crete were
responsible for the disturbance. All the world knew that the Cretans
had enjoyed an almost absolute autonomy for ten years, with their own
Diet and their own laws, levj'ing their own taxes, and paying no
tribnte, doing what they pleased in the interior of the island, and only
having to submit to the Turkish rule when they came into the fortified
cities, electing their own judges and police, and suffering no inter-
ference in their insular afl'airs from the military authorities, no matter
what happened. The Porte had even assigned half the customs'
receipts to the island, and only suflered a large pecuniary loss by the
retention of the island, as the cost of the garrisons exceeded the
customs' receipts. Everything but absolute independence had been
accorded to tht? Cretans.
The appeal for annexation to Greece as the remedy against the excess
of liberty which has made government impossible was absurd, and, while
it prejudiced their cause with the Powers, it aroused all the animosity
of the Turkish Government and the native Mussulman papulation, the
former consenting, under pressure, to the concession of reforms, but
never to the cession of a province, and the latter bitterly hostile to
Greek citizenship. This has been the weak side of the later Greek agi-
tations— that they take the form of an appeal for annexation to Greece
■ 89o]
THE CRETAN QUESTION.
59f^
r^^tVier than for the extension of local reforms and liberty, making the
ag"^^randizement of the Hellenic kingdom the end of every movement,
*"affcer than the improvement of the condition of the Greek commn-
*^"tiie3. In this case it was clearly fatal, as furnishing the Porte Avith
^ "plausible and logical reason for suppressing the movement. No
I'^^'Vrer can be expected to cede a province except to force viajetire,
'*^<^ matter by what title it is hekl, and the condition of Europe at
''■'^^is moment is such that the Powers cannot safely or wisely pnt
*^'*^^^rcion on the Sultan for a question so deeply prejudiced as that of
^ *^«te, hardly, in fact, for any question involving Greek nationality.
"l:xe attempt to do so would at once throw him into the arms of
*^ ttssia, and whether this would be a bettering of the chances of liberty in
"*'*>.« Balkan provinces anybody can judge as well as 1. Moreover, the
^ Xirks see as well as we do that the successful result of a pressure on
^ixem to cede Cret* would be the signal for the beginning of an agita-
^i^n in Epirus or Macedonia. The Greeks of the kingdom do not seem to
**ave the common-sense to see that the true way of securing the exten-
sion of their national interests is to profit by the neutral tendencies of the
Ti^Tirkiflh suzerainty to strengthen the Greek element by improving its
^^ondition against the day of final dissolution of the Turkish Empire in
H^urope, The commonest remark of people who stay long enough in
Greece to judge the character of the people, is that the Greeks are
<5liildren, incapable of mature judgment or action. They cannot control
"tlieir impatience to seize what they desire ; in their impatience to gather
"the golden eggs they have to be prevented by force from cutting the
"t^hroat of the goose that is laying them. Like children, they exagge-
ite their own importance, and over-estimate their own powers. They
^laave qualities which make them invaluable in the future reconstitution
of the Balkan and Eastern Mediterranean world, but by their crude
insistance on the recognition of the right to anticipate their share in
"the inheritance of the sick man, they compromise not only their own
"bat the general good. Tricoupia is the only Greek statesman who has
always seen this, but the public impatience neutralizes all his efforts
to maintain a conciliatory policy towards Turkey.
Tlie present crisis in Crete is peculiar, and pecidiarly difficult to treat.
Tlie Sultan being in no wise responsible for the state of the island, at
any rate prior to the first of August last, there would be no justice in
depriving liim of a possession recognised by treaties and by inter-
national law, on account of it, and no room to demand extensions of
a liljerty which was already excessive, and led to abuses fat>al to the
well-ljeJng of the Cretans, and which was too great for their governing
power. Yet anarchy prevails and order must be restored in the
interest of the general good. Tlie partisan rancours which have been
for years ruining the island, and causing a war of faction more
desolating than the rising of 18GG, can only be brought under control
600
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[i
by the strong hand of a (Tovernmeiit which has a military* force at iti
disposal ; and what can this force be but Turkish ? Europe has t^
deal with tht^ Ottoman Empire; and imtLl it can be dispensed with w«
must rt'spect its sensibilities, for its prerogatives are protectee
by international law, and the maintenance of this law, so laborious!;
evolved, is of far more import«,Dce than any local or temporaiy objec
to be gained by its violation. All (governments recognise the righ
of rii'volution, but thpy also r«'COgnize the right of other Govemmenb
to suppress them, and by their nvvn methods so far as they involve n<
needless severity or cruelty, and we respect the rights of the Czar in thii
respect in reference to excesses which we do not have to complain of ii
Turkey. The Turks have only ^lussulnian soldiers to maintain thei]
authority, and this condition is known to all in advance of
appeal. The Cretans knew it too well, alas ! but have invoke
and iiuist accept the consequences.
But, on the other hand, what had the Cretans done? They hat
not revolted, for the foolish act of the five deputies had no real effect
and the island welcomed the arrival of the troops of Shakir Pasha a
the restorers of order; imperial intervention was received as thi
solution of the problem. The treatment implies bad faith. It
excess justifies my conclusion that the Porte had decided to avai
itself of the opportunity to revoke all the concessions gained b^
the Cretans through the long and varying struggle of the ceuturjf
Under the circumstances an intervention was indispensable, but i
would be difficult to show that because the Cretans liad risej
against their local authority and protested against to«5 much licen^H
that therefore they should be deprived of all liberty. The Porte ni
treated the revolt against the (lovernor and A.ssembly as if it ha«
been again.st the Sultan, and the prisons are full of people who can a
moat oidy be accused of holding subversive opinions ; for no over
act had been committed against the Suzerain prior to the reig^n o
terror now obtaining, and all that has been done since is sixnpl
the consequence of the unprovoked geverity of the military r^ifim
which is the only govei-nment accorded tjie island. The refuges c
the mountains are full of men ready to caiTy on the war of indepen
dence as soon as the spring shall open, ami several thousands are ii
exile iu Greece, instruments of a substantial and dangerous rebellioi
when it shall suit the (^reek Government to launch it. However th
beginnings of the present crisis may hnve difTered from the events o
18t)6, the position is now almost idi-ntical with that in which theislaiu
was in the beginning of the month of April of that year, the onh
important difference being that the Cretans are better provided fo
hostilities, and the Greeks are more ready to begin. This is to i
certain extent counterbalanced by the possession by the troops o
positions which would have to be fought for; but there are no
iS^o]
THE CRETAN, QUESTION.
islaad, and no fortifications in tJie interior, and the positions to
be held are pretty mucli in the air. With the facilities which the
island affords for ninuing the blockade, the Greek committees w-ill
Hi&ve no difficulty in throwing into the island suihciont ammunition
^antl provisions, and we shall have in the first year of the war the
position which was only reached in the second of the former. How
■it will end it is useless to conjecture. Under any circumstances,
there will be two results which the Porte ought not t<* desire, the
• intimacy of the relations of the island with Greece will be closer, and
the eetablishment of a true autonomy of it more difficult ; and the
division between Mussulman aud Christian, lately almost healed, will
I become inveterate. It mu.st not be forgotten that there are in Crete
■ 50,000 Mussulmans, as much Cretan as the Christians, and as
much entitled to the protection of the Powers. They are even less
I than the Christians responsible for the present imbroglio, having
been practically out of the Government, and in general ra.ost pacifically
iacUned. They are irreconcUeably opposed to the annejoitioa to
Greece, and will resist to the last such a solution of the problem,
vhile the sympathy for them in the Empire will compel the Sultan to
refuse any cession of the island to Greece if even he were disposed to it.
This is of course a point to which the Greeks give no consideration.
I long ago satisfied myself, however, that the great majority of the
Cretans are indifferent to njinexatiou, except as an escape from the
interference of the Turkish Government with their afTairs, and that they
''ould as willingly accept, and better maintain, a protected autonomy
^liich assured them against any such interference. Regarding,
*s they do, however, the union with Greece as the only solution which
offers thifl benefit, they do not dare to commit themselves to the
conse()uences of a declaration which would be visited on them iu a
Prob&ble future, aud when the cry of aunexation is raised no one
cares to risk the future reprobation. A prominent and influential
Cretan said to me this summer: ** We are not ready for annexation to
Greece ; we ought to be under one of the Powers for tifty years, as the
*otuan Islands were, before it comes." Again, there can be no doubt
••hat the inveterate hostilitj- of the Turks to reform is due to the per-
**Ptiou that it will be made the way to independence, a final result
*^hich we see to be Inevitable, but which they may be pardoned for
•^lUsliig to accept till they must, and resisting by fire and
'Word. If the interests of the Cretans are to lir cousoUed primarily,
^S mast be distinctly and nnraistakably separated from Greek
^^itlons. The incapacity of the Greeks to perceive this is only
"^^tKer evidence, where we have many, that they are devoid of
Poutioal circumspection, or that they are willing to sacrifice their
^**iical kindred to the temtorial aggrandisement of Greece.
"Ut supposing the conflngration to be for the moment stifled by
'^L. Lva. 2 R
602
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
u
expedients of force which can only last wliile the force weighs, we hav
always the embars ready for another outbreak when the opportuuit
comes. What is the use of plastiiring over a volcano ? The SultiU
ynil never b© permitted to extirpate the Christian Cretans, aud ever
day of a falsi^ poHcy increases the diflBculties. And while it is jus
and iiifvitabli- that the Cretans shall one day decide for themselves o
tte qiiestion of union with Greece, it is not so clear that that day i
near at hand. It must be left to the logic of progress when and ho^
the union shall take place. "What is most important for Crete is, tha
it should not be driven to fight for annexation by the intolerable ral
of corrupt pashas, or the hardly more grievous edge of the scimitar. ]
the conflagration is to be avoided, not only to-day but to-morrow, aa
Crete preserved from a decimating and desolating struggle, which may b
also disastrous to the Turkish Eiiipire, the autonomy of the island mui
be rexirgauized at once, and without that satisfaction to Turkish rt}/it/«
propre which the complete subjugation of the island would aiTord
The Cretans have suffered already more tlian they have offended
Having had a larger experience of them and tlieir peculiarities thfti
the authors of the present policy, I venture to indicate the linei^J
which such a reorganization nmst be conducted. Ilie gravest d€»o
hi the old constitution was the renewal of the term of the office of th(
Governor at intervals of five years. English experience is, I am told b^
a very high authority on this question, opposed to the principle of life
governorships, mid if there were fit men waiting for such appointment
in the employ of the Turkish Government, I should admit this experi
ence as conclusive. I do not say that it is not, but when we knov
that there are very few men in the Turkisli employment who could b
trusted with a mixed province and a difficult one like Crete, we liai^f
thiolv what must be said on the other side. I only know of one mai
who is in that position, and that is Adossides Pasha, who wa
Governor of Crete for a short time in the early days of the Constitn
tion, and was dismissed by the Sultan because he disarmed th
Mussulman pulice when they were selling their Martini rifles to th
dealers.* The Porte seoms to have tried every available man. Th
difficulty is iu the intrigues for and against a renewal of the term
These can only bo prevented by making the office tenable for lift
or for a term of years without the possibility of renewal. Th
former has been tried in Samos, with very good results on th
whole to the peace of the island. The second has never beei
tried. Whichever may be adopted, it is imperative that the govemo
shall not be disturbed by the intrigues of the palace or of th
factions in the island, which cannot make use of him. To secur
this, his position must be put under the guarantee of the Powers
* The Christian branch of the force were armed with Sniders or Chassepots, which
being inferior weapons, were not in denmad.
r«9oJ
THE CRETAN QUESTION.
603
or tlie majority of them. My opinion is in favour of a life governor-
ship (principality), the approval of the majority of the Powers being
z>^ixiBite for an appointment or for a removal in case of violation of
tin? constitutional obligations. But to induce the Turkish Government
to a«ccept this intervention it must be protected against the new con-
oessiona being made steps to a secession ; the same Powers must
.tain, by the same guarantee, the autonomy accorded against the
m
GTollenic propaganda as well as against the reaction of the Mussulman
element in Turkey; tbe autonomy of the island must be guaranteed
for its natural political life, and the position of the CJovernor assured
ec|ii.a.lly against insurrectionary intervention from Greece and oflicial
in-teT^ention from Constantinople. The fruit of agitation being thus for-
bi<3.<3.en to both parties, the islanders will be allowed to develop their
o^m. institutions in the way their own interests lead. And tins I
mikintflin, not from any opinions I hold as to the Greek Government, or
from distrust of it, or from any objection to the annexation of the island
to G-reece, but because I am convinced that as long as the question of
amxexation is held up to the Cretans as their only way of escape from
their present position, so long any scheme of pacification is imprac-
ticable. The Greeks will of coarse regard this pro\-ision as one hostile
to tielr nationality, while it is, in fact., only the means of preservation
<*i a branch of it from the danger of destruction, and makes its pros-
perity independent of the Greek agitators. They would proljably
prefer to see it desolate snd depopulated to knowing it to be proB-
P^rooaly independent.
The Governor (or Prince) of the island being definitely confirmed
}^ Jiia place, he must be enabled to maintain order by a police which
** absolutely indejx-ndent of the local influences, and therefore mnst
^ foreign. The Cretan police was one of the wont elements of
^i^OTijer, and if it is distinctly understood that the iiland will not be
•^lo^-ed to go to Greece, sod that the Governor is not be at the mercy
tbe intrigues or agitations of Athens, Stambonl, or Canea, and is
P^t subject to tlie exactkms of baksheesh, there will be no difficulty
^^ ^aint&ining order with a small foroe of AltwiiAfi police,
The elective jndidsry was one of the gravest caosee of that partisan
^^T which was the causa cmuatwm, <^tn>ablft, for \ht judge wbodid not
^'^«rd his psriisMiti in his jodgmenta had no chaaoe of beintr re-elected ;
"^^ it must at all hazards be abolished.
The Aflsemfaty should be mrpniHfnfed a« a noceawry astisfaction
r? the principle of seif-goveRiiiieat ; but it wts modi too muacroos.
*^^ recent suggestion of a secondary etoctifla sesiiis to me a good ooe
f^ a popnlatkn ia the ooodxtioa of that of Crete, where • |»o|Kitt»oD
^^ween the KpreseBtstions of the tnro nligiiOM is iiiiWspf nssWe ; hot
^« veto in iu acts should be exercised, aot» m heratofore, by U>0
^tUtan. bat by the Governor, whose Mikivity Acwld be strengthened
GOi
THE CONTEMPORARY REViEJV.
[krva.
in every possible way, instead of being held in check by every
other clement of government. The Governor had really no power
except to intrigae ; he had an adminiatrative council which bullied
hiin, and a legislature over which he had no lionest influence* and which
he cotild not dissolve when there was a dead block ; and, being a
Christian, he had a Mussulman suzerain who was always ready to
listen to any intrigue against him from the discontented Mussulmans
in the island, or from any one who wanted his place.
If the conditions I have indicated are considered impracticable, and
not Avithiu the limit.s of respoiisiljility assiuaed by the Powers, there
is nothing left but to let the struggle wear itself out, or break out
anew at another time. The general opinion is that the Cretans are
very difficult to govern, I believe this is only the case when they are
governed in absolute disregard of their character. They have immense
respect for a juBt, even if severe, mau ; but a just, impartial, and
inflexible government has not been tried on them except during the
short, period of Adossides Pasba, who has left a reputation in the
island as its Haroun al llaschid ; Turks and Christians praise Eoonf
Pasha : and I have often heard tlie old Cretans speak in praise even
of the government of the bloody Mehuiet Kiritli after 1830 as just
and impartial. The Cretans have, what is absolute!}' lacking in the
ccmtvuental Grwk, the sentiment of gratitude ; they never forget the
man who has shown himself their friend, and will always li^iton to him.
I believe that if the late English Cun.sul in Canua (Sandwith) had been
still there, there would have bern no dii^turbancf last summer, for he
would have listened to their complaints and they to him ; he knew
them and they him, and there was the mutual confidence between
them which should exist between governor and governed.
Bygones are bygones, but the blood and the tears of Crete have
reddened and salted her soil long enough to bring fche wisdom of
Europe to find some stay for them. It seems to me that the casejus-
tifiesF the extreme intervention of Europe as much as did the Greek
crisis of four years ago, when the right was assumed in order to
enforce peace. It may well be that nothing less will at once put an
end to the violence and illegality which have made life almost in-
tolerable in the island, and at the same time secure the dignity and
recognised rights of the Sultan, without which interference would only
substitute a greater for a lesser European danger.
W. J. Stills
uld only i
»«9o]
SCHOOL FEES AND PUBLIC
MANAGEMENT.
HE subject of Public Eleinenterj- Education gathf^rs round itself
a group of questions wliich touch the daily life and tlie highest
^^*^teresta of the people moiv intimately, pt-rhaps, than any of the uther
^ts of subjects with which the politicians of to-day alternately
'"ftilightea and mystify a bewildered public. To a considerable extent
'Xie interests of Public Elementary Education have escaped from the
;>artisan entanglements of political warfare, and the great parties in
"^lie State each profess, what I do not doubt is a sincere desire, to
"^lace them upcm secure and firm foundations. This disentanglement
■*~endered the settlement of the Act of 1870 possible. If the whole
^abject is f^in to be reopened in the light of the experience of the
last twenty years, both parties in the State will have to bring a dis-
'jxassionate consideration to the issues which will be raised. And at
the outeet it is no slight consideration to reflect that multitudes of the
electors with whom the decision will ultimately rest have received
their own education as a result of the non-partisan settlement of 1870.
It is not difficult to foresee that the agitation for the abolition of
achool fees may lead to a total revision of our present educational
arrangements. And the agitation lias reached a point at which it
may be possible to make a fairly successful attempt to appreciate its
force, to understand its meaning, and to forecast its results. For the
demand is not the outcome of the Act of 1870. It existed long prior
to that date, and as Mr. Lyulph Stanley reminds us,* it formed an
essemtial part of the programme of the National Edocation League in
1869. For twenty years the ecatt^^red remnants of that organisation
have been advocating the policy before an enlarged electorate, and now
it stands behind the question of Home Rule in the first rank of the
* COBTKMPOKAKy Ssvicw, M«/ch 1890, p. 440
606
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[April
anbordiuate planks in the platform iu the most numerous section of
the Liberal party.
When the agitation for any demand htis reached that point it
comp<.4s the consideration of all parties in the State. But the first
fissential to the rational consideration of any question is that the
issnes should be accurately defined. Unless that be done, politicians
of all parties will be satisfied with piously repeating their creed, and^
as in some other cases, incontinently postponing its application.
The main difficulty of the present position is the strange avoidano^
of any definite explanation of what they desire to do on the part of
those who ore advocating the demand. The cry of " IVee Education "
is dinned into the ears of enraptured multitudes who are vaguely led
to believe that it refers to some boon which they are about to receive
from politicians who are deemed to be as open-hearted as they are
nprn-mouthed. Such politicians never explain that the policy means
simply the taxation of the whole community for the benefit of a single
class within the community. Instead of this, perhaps Mr. Stanley's
Liberationist lecturer * comes upon the .scone, and explains to the
villagers, " with justice "' or without it, that on the whole it would be
best to make the Church pay the cost of the change, and he raises
the cry, " Pay the school-pence by the disendovvment of the Church ! "
If shouting loud is to be the chief test of political wisdom there
would be no difficulty in these days in saying where wisdom was to
be found ; but if there is a desire to ascertain what all the shouting is
about, and to what end it is directed, a much more complex problem
presents itself for solution.
For, stripped of its rhetorical trappings, the policy of *' Free Edu-
cation " is the policy of relieving the parents of children attending
public elementaiy schools of a slight proportion of the cost of educat-
ing their children, and of placing the entire burden upon the community.
At present parents pay, in tJieir position as parents, small sums which
in the aggregate amount to nearly £2,000,000 per annum. If the
]iollcy of " Free Education" is to prevail in Mr. Stanley's sense of
»hti tfrm,t no parent sending a child to a public elementary school
will be allowed to pay a school fee, nor wiU the managers of such
a school be permitted to receive it ; and consequently the taxpayera, or
the ratepayers, or both, will have to provide from the taxes or the
rates a yearly amount of £2,000,000, now provided by the parents
wh(j directly and immediately profit by the education received by their
children.
It is obvious, therefore, at the outset, that a financial question of
enonnous magnitude i.s at once raised, which can be dealt with apart
from any strictly educational question whatever. Upon that point
the leaders of both political parties are agreed. Lord Salisbury
• CosTEMPOlLiiiy Rkview, March 1890, p. 453. t /tfow, p. 448.
tSgoJ
SCHOOL FEES.
607
^lieves it "to l>e a question for the Chancellor of the Exchequer."*
4fi». Gladstone in his speech on the Address,t seized upon the same
point and expanded it. " I do not mean," he said, " to express more
thr^-rx a general opinion that it is undoubtedly a large financial question,
and t>liat it involves a great number of considerations over and above
r th^ -mere extension of your liberality to a point somewhat beyond that
wixicsla it has heretofore reached." A moment's consideration shows
tb^-fc s perpetual charge of £2,000,000 and upwards every year is no
lig'l^'fc burden for even a rich nation to undertake. It is equivalent to
incrr-etaaing the National Debt by a sum of over £70,000,000.
I I"f there is anything in the present condition of our educational
anx*^ngem<»nt8 to render so costly an experiment necessarVj the expense
of it ought cheerfully to be borne. But it is precisely at the point
■wli-^n the necessity for the change has to be proved that the difiSralties
I u*- 'fcloie way of accepting it become most overwhelming. It must bo
■'^^Ti.ejmbered at the outset that when the £2,000,000 yearly have been
*^l>^i:xt, the standard of efficiency in our elementary education will not
. h^-v^;. been advanced by a single .step. Tf the nation can afford to spend
^ — > 000,000 a year more upon education than it spends now, would it
**<>*:. 'he better to spend it in a way which would not leave its condition
^^'^ *vc3tly as it now is ? For yrars pa,st it has fallen to my lot to insist,
^^^"fcVi varying success, upon frugality iu the expenditure of public money
pp>OTi educational uses, not only because all wastefulness is injurious
*^^^ itself, but because profuseness of expenditure involves a limitation
*^* efficiency and of improvement. The more costly our educational
^^**"»ngement8 become, the less opportunity shall we have of perfecting
'^'^'^ of extending them. The demand for the expansion of our cduca-
*-*^<^Xial arrangements in the direction of the systematisation of Secondary
**^*^<i Technical Scfmols, together with the establishment of Continuation
^^ilools, is one which presses upon public attention with incnasing
^"^•gency. To satisfy this demand would be to improve our educational
^^'stem. An annual grant of £2,000,000 would render these iraprove-
*Q«?tit8 ix)ssible to a large extent. Why, then, if we have the means,
^i\0ttld we not set before us as our first aim, the completion and per-
•Vvction of our plan of education ?
From this point of view it is essential to observe that the advocates
^^ the compulsory abolition of School Fee-s must undertake tlu- task
^f advancing reasons in support of their policy. It is they who are
Urging the change upon thr- nation, and thn main contention which
tlieyare bound to make good i.s, what advantages the nation may hope
to gain from theii- ]>roposal. Tlie supposed advantages fall into two
groups, one of primary and the nther of .secondary importance. And
the remarkable feature of the whole agitation is the manner in which
those of secondary importance are msiated upon with considerable
• 8I>e«^ch at Nottingliam 1889. t February 189l>.
608
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Apbil
vehemence, whilst those of primary importance are comparatively
ignored. We are told that we shall gain in increasing regularity of
attendance, in diniinishiug friction in the enforcement of the laws relating
to compulsory attendance, and in setting free for teaching purposes the
time now spent in collecting the fees by the teaching staff. Every
one of these advantages is of the nature of a prediction. For reasons
which I need nut again urge here, I am of opinion that the totaj
abolition of the school fee will make no perceptible diiference whatever
in either regularity of attendance, or in the enforcement of compulsion ,•
ivhilst the proportion of the teacher's time occupied iu the collection
of the school fee, aa distinct from the general work of school registra-
tion, is so slight as not materially to affect the consideration of the
question. And yet these supix)6ed advantages are those which are
most strenuously asserted ; but, as often happens, theii" importance is
in inverse ratio to the vigour of their advocacy.
The main reconmiendation which the policy professes for the great
bulk of its supporters is, that the compulsory abolition of school fees
must necessarily involve what Mr. Lyulph Stanley calls " the a}K.>lition
of private management"* of the schools. The abolition of school
fees, and the abolition of private mangement are '' two changes,*'
which must " go together." That is the burden of Mr. Stanley's
plea in the article which he contributed to the Moi'ch number of the
CoNTEMfORARV REVIEW. By " private management," Mr. Stanley
means the management of every public elementary school not aided
by a rate and managed by a School Board. At other times, tliese
schools are referred to as " Denominational " schools, and then, what
is meant is that formulas of Christian faith or practice can be taught
in these schools without let or hindrance. Now these schools com-
bined, considerably outnumber the schools under School BoardsL
The number of cltiidren in average attendance in England and Wales,
in these so-called " privately managed " schools was, at the date of
the last return, 1888-9,2,236,961, against 1,378,006 in Board Schools.
Compulsorily to alter their whole character and position constitutes an
undertaking of no mean importance. It is not the first attempt of
the kind which hat! been made. The compulsory abolition of school
fees, however, in Mr. Stanley's judgment, will work tJie revolution.
In what manner do the leaders of the great political parties uew
this aspect of the question ? Lord Salisbury, in liis speech at
Nottingham in the autumn of 1889, said: *' I venture to repeat now
that the gift of free or assisted education must be so conducted as not
to diminish in the slightest degree the guarantee that we now possess
for religious liberty as expressed by the voluntary' schools. If it is to
suppress the denominational schools^ free education would be not a
blessing, but a curse." Upon this observation it is only necessary to
* CoxTUMPOiUBT Review, March 1890, p. 440.
r«9*=»]
SCHOOL FEES.
609
xna^l^e one comment. In tlie opinion of the lloyal Commissioners of
IS 88, Lord Salisbury has set himself an impossible task. That
cnT^ously constituted body was fairly unnnimous about a few things,
Bkxx^L one of those was that school fee.s should be retained, pnrtly because
fcla^ evidence preponderated in favour of their retention, and partly
l>e»<2ause they knew of no practicable means of abolishing .school fees
tconaisteotly with the maintenance of voluntary schools.
-A few months, however, after Lord Salisbury's speech came the
cle»l3ate upon Free Education in the House of Commons (Feb. 21,
1890). In the course of that debate Mr. John Morley described the
a'tldtnde of the Liberal party thus : — '• Our position I think is this —
that when a school is intended for all it should be managed by the
repreMentatives of the whole community. Where, on the other hand,
th.e school claims to be for the use of a section of the community, as,
for example, the Catholics or the Jews, it may continue to receive
Ipablic support as long as it is under the management of that sect.
• • . . That appears to me to be a ix)sition which we, and even the
gentlemen below the gangway, may consistently take up." Imme-
^*t€>ly upon the conclusion of this speech " the gentlemen below the
g'^rigway " pix)ceeded to " take np " that position, whether consistently
^ not it is not at present material to inquire. Mr. Sexton accepted
1^® '''declaration just made," "on the part of the Liberal party,"
^ "fcoAt when a school ia under the management of persons of a par-
tictilar creed, it may still remain under that management after the
^yst^m of free education hod been adopted," and straightway be voted
*'^*^h his followers for Free Education.
^y general consent this proceeding constituted a singular episode.
***"• Stanley's explanation of it is that Mr. John Morloy and Mr.
^■^liidella, who had spoken in similar terms, were simply proclaiming
'ipon the housetop principles which "five of the minority"* of the
'■**»yal Commission had whispered within the pages of a Blue Book.
"Ut, this explanation finds no favour with ilr. Stanley's friends. ).Ir.
"' • -A.. I'icton, AI.P., informs us that '*tliese words, as used in Parliament,
'Will scarcely bear the interpretation put upon them by Mr. Lyiilph
otanley/'f Mr. Philip Stanhope, M.P., asserts that " it wuuld be a very
grave error if it went forth to the country that the whole Liberal
V^^t-y Were committed to the expressions used by two prominent men of
^"*t party." J Upon Sir Wilfrid Lawson it had an immediate uud
J^^Jarkable effect. It took away his pluck, rendered him for the
'"otiip.nt speechless, and for a week afterwards bewildered. His
BnrjerJn^rg were apparently a compound of mental iulluenza, followed
"y ^*a Nonna.§ " He very much regretted that he had not the pluck
^ K»t np and make a speech, consisting of two words and three
• Letter to the Timai, Feb. 24, 1890.
t Xonfon/ormtil. March 6, 18W. p. 234. J /dcm. \>. 235.
S Ni» Noniia it a iraoce-like state, which 16 siud to fgllow upon influcota.
610 THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW. [i
syllables, ' I object.' Ho had spent nearly a wholo week in r«M
letters about this great compromise or concordat, and the more he
the less he understood it." * Such utterances .is these are
echo of the sentiments of the political Nonconformist press.
Morley seems to be giving at the knees," says the British
*' and Nonconformists must awake." The Christian World desc
Mr. Morley 's proposal as " a false note." '' The principle involv
wrong, unsound, and anti-national." X ^^'^' Morley took the pai
explain himself in the columna of the Spt'akvr, and invokec
authority of Mr. L: Stanley and Mr. Mundella, When political
confonnists agree with these gentlemen, they are quoted a^
excellent friends," to whom they are under " the deepest obligati
Now, however, we are told that " Mr. Morley ought to know thai
useless to quote to us Mr. Mimdella and Mr. L. Stanley, as if
names were sufficient warrant for any sort of educational pid
He should understand that while boOi have rendered good wf
neither is a Nonconformist, and both hold principles which N03
fonuists unanimously condemn." § J
There is some difficulty in understanding precisely in which 'f
tion apostasy from " principli's '' is really to be found. Mr. L. Sti
thinks it is clearly among his friends. " 1 think," he says, " it ii
of the deplorable results of our present political position that so 11
people are forced to run away from thogp vital convictions whicl
ought to hold ao dear." || On the other hand, Mr. J. A. Picton,'!
who cannot endure the thought of "those vital convictions " ao^
to Mr. Stanley, as explained by Mr. Morley and Mr. Mundella, af
that, " we know very well what tins is intended for. It is inte
to get over a difficulty I think we have erred in the pa
making unsound compromises. We are reaping the conseqa
now, and if we would do better for the future, for heaven's sak
us stick to our principles ! "^ It is in Wales, however, that apo
is most rampant. The Reverend Herber Evans relates how in \
there lives " an old Welsh wealthy lady," who is considerab!
advance of free education. " She gives every child that will {
the church a good dinner every day." The effect is appalling, &
children swallow their dinners and their nonconformity witilj
impartiality. In what manner the abolition of school-pence^
alter this condition of affairs is not explained. But *' the lai
fermenting with dissatisfaction," which is apparently a mode d
pressing a desire for more dinners, and a cry goes up for Englisb
''^here is to-day a great opportunity in Wales for any one who
principles in the market. He is bought at any price. We
» Kvtvonfnrnist, March 6, 1890, p. 235^ f ^^^- 2fl, 1890, p.
{Feb. 27. 1890. ^ Briti$h Weeldy. March 7. 1890, p.
ifoncwtjormiit, March, 6, 1890, p. 233. ^ Idetn, p. 234.
SCHOOL FEES.
611
our dear friends from England to come to our rescue." * It is more
tbati doubtful, however, under these circomstances, whether the article
is ^rorth buying in !
These diversiiied appeals to stick "to our principles" without
defining more exactly what they consist of, makes doubly precious
any sort of straightforward statement which one may hght upon in the
course of inquiring precisely what the agitation for the abolition of
school fees is seeking to accomplish, Such a statement, for instance.
as this of Mr. Stanley's sheds a ray of light npon the situation : —
** In any step forward in the question of our national education the
/h-si thing is to make it thoroughly national A/fer that we
may take op the question of making Education free from fees ; but
the Yital question is to make education national, and to put it under
public representative management, "t The abolition of school fees
is here revealed in its true aspect. It is a very useful lever to raise
an agitation with, but it is not the " vital question." ^ The vital
question is to make " our national education'' " national/" and to put
it *• under public representative management.''
^^Tiat is meant by making education national is simply this, that
rjTrhere Nonconformists should have supplied fur their use, at the
ptiblic e.X])ense, an undenominational school. Mr. lllingworth, M.I'..
explains that '^onr main duty for the present is to secure to the agri-
cultural districts, to all the parishes of this count r)', a choice of schools
under popular control." ^ In the particular case of Salisbury, Mr..
Mundella pointed out in a letter published in the Times, that after
"*^y had given up supporting by subscriptions two undenoniinatluiial
•choolg in that city, " the desire of the Nonconformists " to obtain one
** more Board ' Schools was due to their anxiety to "rate them-
swves ;"§ but he omitted to remark that a school-board rute is nO'
•^^pecter of persons, and that the chief burden of the rate would fall
^Pon others, not *• themselves." Th^ great grievance in, as Mr. Stanley
^*plaiiiB, that " throughout the rural districts the Church of England
**ool ia. as a rule, the only school," i| In these districts, there are
•ome Nonconformists, all of whom are protected by the conscience
**ti8e. Somehow there does not appear to be the same veneration
°' the conscience clause as there once was. The schoolmaster is a
^QUrchman ; he may be a " good " or '' sound " Cluirchmnn ; and t-o add
^ hiB qualiiications he may even bo '-a communicant," and a '• Sunday
'^uool teacher." If, as we shall afterwards see, he were a Jew, no-
whatever would be taken. But this series of Christian
in Mr. Stanley's eyes against the *• national " character of the
j^^oola constitutes the claim for " a choice of schools." The claim
''*"©ver does not end here. He proceeds to lay down a further rule.
I ^«»W»ir«wi>^ iLircb 6. 1890, p. 238. f Wkbi, p. 233. X Jtlrm, p. 232.
' ^ •»*»«, Jan. 7, 18'J0. || CoNTKMPoaAUy liaviEW. March 6, 18'J0. p. 450;.
;i2
THE CONTEMPORARY REMEW.
[Apkil
^
" In a village where tlie school population is under & hundred there
should obviously be bnt one school, and even where the school children
number three or four hunilrcd, it is far better, educationally, to have
but one school." * No ineatiing can be attached to such a policy aa
this, except that it is only in the case of a Nonconformist that a choice
of schools should be allowed to exist. The Churchman must sur-
render any right of that kind. Now, in England and Wales there are
about 5000 schools with an average attendance of under 100 children.
Towards the erection of only about DOU of these has there been received
any State aid whatever. They are mainly schools built and supported
by the adherents of the Church of England. Some are called
National Schools because they are in connection with the National
Society.! Mr. Stanley proposes either to shut up all thi-se schools
on the plea that obviously there should '* be but one school '* in the* ^*"
village ; or else he projwses conipulsorily to expropriate those wb»
conduct them without any hint of compensation to those who ha;%
built and endowed them, or without paying any regard to the co
sciences of those who have supported them. Spoliation of this ki
or, as Mr. Illingworth puts it, " the moulding of a National Instit
tion," does not seem to be a promising beginning in connection w
any attempt to render " our national education " " national."
Wlien the schools have thus been uatioualised they are to be plai*::::*^.^^
" under public representative management." No reasonable per^^ ^^
objects to the public managing what they pay for. It is an axi«z>Bi
of public affairs that the expenditure of State money necessit^^'fres
the institution of State control. The 8])hereof our educational 8y&"t^Di
neither can, nor ought to be removed from subjection to this 1 a.-w.
But whilst they are clamouring for "public representative manage-
ment," as if the thing did not now exist, Mr. Stanley and liis
friends forget to explain what it is they mean by the phrase. Tky
they mean management by the State, or management by the locality ^
The two things are essentially different. If they mean manageme'iit
by the State as the corollary of State aid, then the reply is tUat,
whilst in Church of England schools for example, the State contributes
4-6 per cent, of the total cost of those schools, the Stat^ exercises w
amount of control, through its inspectors, largely exceeding the per-
centage of its aid. If they mean management b}' the locaUty, "uyon
what ground can this be asked for, so long as the locality contril>i3*^
nothing by (ocal rates towards the cost of the schools ? One of ^^
Stanley's latest confrt'res is Mr. T. P. O'Connor, M.P. He is a. t^^i
of many and varied gifts ; but nothing he ever did excelled the* ^''*'
• COSTKMIMKAUY ItEViKW, March ISOO, p. 4oO.
t Mr. Illingworth, M.P., t]isf)lays a quite uuusiial and extraordinary ainoaDt oC I'*
on this point. " The National Schools were an appendage of the NatJonaJ C^ti'"^
The National Church was a National Ia,<!titution. They had the right to xaraoiil''
National Inictitution as the nation might demand," — J\'oHconformut, March 6. 'i
235.
iS9o]
SCHOOL FEES.
613
he recently achieved of addressing a body of Protestant deputies, and
their parliamentary friends upon '•intorforence with, religious liberties."
"■ F*opular management," he said, " may mean more than one thing.
Popular management in the sense of the most severe examination,
and scrutiny of the education given in the school, no Catholic could
ob>j^>ct to But popular management may mean, and has meant
in many places obnoxious vexation, and even bigoted interference "
I^Clieters). Then followed an ejcample relating to the administration
o£ tVie Poor Law ; and the speaker continued, '' In the face of inter-
f<»»-ei-ic© like this you cannot woiidifjr that Irish Catholics iu England
Wo clread interference with the management of their schools, unless
I'tbnt^ interference be safeguarded from such vile attacks on their
fligious liberties." * It is in deference to such opinions as these of
l^^r. O'Connor, backed as they are by votes which do not answer of
■necessity to Liberal whips, that to use Mr. Picton's phrase, Mr. John
^loi-ley got " over the difficulty," but sacrificed the principle, by sug-
g^^sfcing that a Catholic or a Jewish school might '' continue to receive
puV>lic support as long as it is under the management of that sect."
The fact is, that just as the abolition of school fees is used as a
I lever for the agitation in favour of so called public management, so
th© latt*'r cry is simply the leverage for the abolition of religious
teaching in elem<^ntary schools and the disestablishment of the English
CKnTch. It is this which makes Mr. Stanley's parting threat of the
Liborationi-st lecturer's appeal so apposite to his argument. The Chris-
tian. Worhl newspaper points the same moral by arguing that the case
it» England and Scotland is wholly dissimilar. In Scotland Pre.sbyte-
I riatvism is the religious belief of the democracy. There the Shorter
I Catechism may reasonably be taught in the schools. But " here
I t>ie endless divisions of religious opinion leave us no option bnt to
L level down all round." f The sentiment does not appear to differ
■ m nature from that of the dog in the manger ; and it is a curious
■ ootQinentary upon Mr. T. P. O'Connor's non-interferonce with religious
n "''Arties. But it is the .spirit which generates the motive power of
^^ whole agitation, and for that reason, and not for any intrinsic
value which it possesses, it deserves attentive consideration.
* he student of the science of politics ma}' perceive in the agitation
*^rther singular feature. To him it will present the instructive
^*^^tacle of an attempt of a minority to rule a majority. These
^'^Pons of public management and public control are double edged
^P'* for politicians, such as have been named in this article, to play
-^'-a , Personally it seems to me that they embody correct principles.
® more they are insisted upon, then the more will the majority
'"'^^We to the fact that they too have rights. When this awakening
• yicmaonformUt. March 6, 185W), p. 235.
+ ChrUtian World, March 6, 18»0, p. 198.
fill
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEir
i\vmu
takes place the policy of the dog in the manger will not prove a very
effective basis lor public action. And I bt^lieve that the time has
come when such political doctrines as that religious teaching in
connection with the Church of England "should be taught at the
expense of those who desire it ; " * and Mr. Mundella's doctrine that
Nonconformists in their desiro to have Board schools wish "to rate
themselves," will meet with an application not contemplated by those
who now teach them. And when Churchmen begin to desire the
practical application of these doctrines as Xon conformists are said to
doj the Mr. Morleys and the Mr. ilundellas of that time may find
it convenient to indicate a policy ." which gentlemen below the
gangway " can acquiesce in and vot« for ! For the typical politician
is a flabby personage, without, as Mr. Stanley puts it, '' vital con-
victions," ''dear" to him, and he is ruled only by votes. If the
country is to be stirred again by the re-opening of the whole education
question, it is not, in my judgment, the cause of religious teaching, or
even that of the Church of England, which will be shattered in the sirife.^
For those who talk so glibly of public management as if it neces
sarily meant undenominational religious teaching in schools are simpl
blind to the most obvious facts of what is passing around them. M
J. A. Picton, M.P,, gave his Nonconformist friends a very pertine
illustration of this truth. " In the ea-st of London in Whitechapel
he informed them, " there is one of the oldest Board Schools. Whi
that school was first opened it was found very difficult indeed to fi
it. Why ? Because the neighboarhood is almost exclusively i:
habited by Jews, and they would not send their children to
school taught by Christian teacliers. What doeB the School Boarr:
do ? The School Board appointed a .Tewiah master and mistres?
and allowed that Jewish master and mistress to teach excl
sively out of the Old Testament. But the Scliool Board remain
supreme. The School Board elected by the whole metropolis h
made a slight alteration in their ordinary mode of religious instr
tion, so a.s to meet the wants of this particular scliool while retaini
the absolute supremacy of 1:he ratepayers."! Now, even as 3
Picton paints the picture, it somehow or other presents the outlt
of what one might call a distinctly denominational school ; and
Mr. Picton bears witness to the fact that this goes on '* without
one taking objection." But when the outline is filled up, and i
foand that the Hebrew version of the Old Testament is taught : t
a special school session is arranged on exevy Fiiday, so that
school work may not entrench upon the Sabbath, and that spe
holidays are given so as to coincide with the Jewish holy-days —
easy to understand what view Mr. Picton holds of undenominat
* Rev. H. P. Hughes, CoSTEMrORAnv Rkvjew, March 1889, p. 3.15.
+ Noncoit/onnift, Marcb 0, 18yO, p. 254.
iSgoJ
SCHOOL FEES.
615
Ciirxstianifcy when this is described as "a slight alteration in the
Ofdinary mode of religious iustrnction " under the London School
&s lie knew it. But with examples of this kind before them few
religious bodies would object, if tliey might equally share in its " slight
alterations," to "the absolute supremacy of the ratepayers."
Ttiere is, however, in some quarters a tendency to allow judgment
I in -fcliis controversy to go by default. Those who so act think that
they see in Lord Salisbury's utterances a disposition to " dish '' the
Ea^licals, as in not very remote days there was an attempt t/O " dJKh "
tho "Whigs. On the other hand, they see in Mr. Chatuberlaln a
m-cxioration and a snavity which have not always accompanied his
utter»nces upon this qiiestion. They notice also that in Scotland
Keclxool fees have been, with few exceptions, abolished, and they think
Bth&t^ the ab<:>Ution of school fees must come in England as a necessary
■teonsequenct? of its partial extension to Scotland. They mark also
tlxe tendency in the ranks of the Liberal paity to which Ma*. John
^^£orley gave oracular expression. No doubt these incidents combined
<3o together constitute a favourable opportunity for a fair discussion
■of tiie whole range of the questions which must be dealt with in the
' Oovernment Bill, the nature of which was I'ecently foreshadowed by
tJie Secretary of State for War.
I** It is our desire," he said, "that we should he enabled to moke these
pi'ojxjals to the Hous<i witJi due regard to piuticular objects. The first of
"tliese objects, as I ciintliJly avow, is that in notbing we propose we shall
da,ixiage or injure the prospects of Voluntary st-hools. We want to consider
, tfa© question of Free Education in connection with other branches of the
H »*n>»j€ct, ituJ any one who has read the report of the lloyal Commission wiil
H Icrvow that they are lUllicult and numerous. The subject can only Ijo rlealt
H ^vitli by a Bill, and it' we think it necessary so to deal with it, we desire at
H t-lie same time to tieal with the nuestion as a whole."*
^^ is just because the questions involved are " difficult and numerous "
H that the plan of allowing judgment to go by default is so reprehen-
H sible. The present condition of educational affairs in Scotland is not
H 8o hopeful as to warrant any rose-coloured view of the application of
^^ same treatment to England and Wales. Already there are signs
that as the probate duty will not be sufficient to meet the loss from
««e non-payment of fees, the canny Scots are looking about for other
^^^atis of meeting the deficit than by an increase of local rates, and
"®^re hmg we may look for a raid upon the Consolidated Fund from
^*^t quarter. If that raid is not successful, there will be a consider-
*|^*^ temptation to revert again to a partial re-imposition of fees.
'^©I'e are already rumours that somehow or other the regularity of
^'^-©udance of children at school has not improved ai& the promise
T^'i^ected with the policy professed that it would. And in any case
**^ Scotch experiment has scarcely reached the stage of an example
• Timet, Feb, 22, 1890.
616
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Ai>RiL :
to be imitated. But without going the length of the compulsory
abolition of Bchool fees in all public elementan* schools, it is possible,
and as I think desirable, to take any favourable opportunity of dealing
with the cases which now fall under the plan of remission. The only
valid plea for the non-payment of the fee is inability to pay. But
there are bo many various modes of estimating the inability of the
individual parent that the variations in dealing with separate cases
constituted a series of grievances of an irritating and vexatioug
character. It may be found to be feasible to deal with these cases
as a whole throughout the country by allowing the managers of any
public elementary school to elect whethi-r they will retain the fee or
commute it for a grant of, say, 10«. per child in average attendance.
In strict justice that grant ought to be a charge upon the local rates^
and it would be equivalent to a school fee of threepence per week.
Parents who can afford to pay more than threepence per week do not
oonstitute a body of persons who have, to use Mr. Gladstone's language,
any inherent right to " an extension of the liberality " of the State.
If at the same time, by means of Government inspection, all schools are
kept up to the same standard of educational efficiency, it is difficult to
see what real grievance the contiinmnce of the school fee in other cases
could possibly be to any one. But to destroy with one blow, aimed by
sectional interests, an income of £2,000,000 yearly, which might be
used for the purposes of educational improvement, would be not only
a lamentable waste of national resoui'ces, but it would also inflict
a cruel injury upon the hope of extending and of i>erfecting oiir
educational system.
Joseph R. Diggle.
HOW BRITISH COLONIES
GOT RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT.
THE British Coloaies which live under responsible government,
resting on a broad democratic franchise, have been engaged for a
K^ixeration and upwards in an experiment on which the United King-
**oix». is jnst entering, the experiment of disciplining these independent
loroes, and accustoming them for the first time to work harmoniously
**^gether. Tlie Colonies have already solved, or tried and failed to
'^^^Iv'©, flonie of the problems which just now perplex statesmen at
"*^'ttke. Free Education, the Eiglit Hours' System, Local Option (with
*^'* "without compeuBation), and the One Man One Vote principle,
**^"V-e bt'en dealt with ; some of them in a manner to amaze persons
'^*io only know democracy by the bookish theoric. Shorter parlia-
^^'•^latB. payment of members and elective exiienses, borne not by the
*^^'^<3idate3 but by the State, which are already debated as necessary
'*'^n:>Tms in England, have also been tried in Australia, with more or
*<5sg success.
The experience of men of the same race and education, though
"®y happen to live in Ottawa or Melbourne, and not in Westminster,
****>y not be without value. It will sometimes prove a persuasive
^^^mple, sometimes a significant warning — for the experiment of re-
sponsible government based on a broad democracy, though singularly
Successful on the whole, has not escaped grave mistakes, and even
*^tiou8 sins against public lib*:'rty.
There is a livelier and perhaps a more intelligent interest taken in
**lonial aflairs of late, and a few students havo mastered them as
•sympathetically as liurke and Sheridan mastered the obscure Indian
VPoblem a hundred years ago ; but I do not believe our patron, the
■"^'Atlinfj public, has got much beyond the general conclusion tliat there
f^To prosperons British settlements scattered over the world which they
•>ua their predecessors, by liberal expenditure and wise guidance, as
^^y make no doubt, were good enough to establish and maintain.
VOI. LVII. 2s
4
618
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mat
If an inquirer desires to know a little more, lie is met on the threshold
by the difficulty that he has to grope in the dark for the history of
obscure transactions, and does not know where to begin. But as
the relation of colonies to the mother country must be put on a new
footing if they are to be permanent, it will not be amiss to understand
a little of their past relations.
I have been repeatedly invited by the editor of the Contemporary
Review to describe the experiment in Australia. I shrank from the
task because I must apeak of transactions to which I was a party,
and I cannot be free from prepossessions. But as I lived nearly a
quarter of a century in one of the great colonies when responsible
government was initiated and developed, and from the necessity of mj
position there, was a student of colonial liistory in general, the subjec".
is at least not new to me. To his foui'th appeal I have answere«
that as some one must begin I will do my best. I ])ropose to teL
without unnecessary' detail, how these distant possessions came V
obtain English liberty, for this is an essential preface if the lat^
story of colonial progress would be understood. Next, at convenie^
intervale, to tell what use they made of it ; and finally , how far th^
experience may be serviceable to this country since it has adopt^i^
the same democratic franchise.
There are British colonies in Africa, America, and Australia inhabit
by more than ten millions of the same birt,h or blood as the populate
of the United Kingdom, and controlling a territory many tim
larger than Europe, who are now living under Parliamentary govemmer
This system, as it exists in colonies, was like English liberty itself, HX
result of cautions experiments, and of concessions tardily made i
pubUc necessity or public danger. No great statesman at home, poJ
dering over the interests of his troubled dependencies, proposed tl
tranquillise them by transferring the hereditary institutions of Englana
from the imperial to the colonial community. No colonist of supe:*
colonial growth distinctly claimed this concession as of right from tl*
beginning. In the history of human perversity, indeed, there *
scarcely a chapter more marvellous, more grotesque, or morehumiliat:^
ing than the story how British Colonies obtained the liberty whicTl
they enjoy.
Plantations, as the earlier colonies were commonly designated, wer«
regarded for a long time as personal possessions of the king, to b*
dealt with at his Majesty's gracious pleasure. '' The king is the legis^
lator of the colonies," was the peremptory dictum of the prerogativ*
lawyers, " The earlier colonies," says Mr. Arthur Mills, in his valu-
able work on " Colonial Constitutions," " were regarded by the Sov^'
reigns of England rather as part of their own domains than aa subjecs
to the jurisdiction of the State. Territories in North America wen
granted to be held as part of our manor of Greenwich, in Kent, or m
q£ onr Caatie of Windsor, or Hampton Court."
I
1890]
BRITISH COLONIES AND PARLIAMENTS.
619
The House of Commons, liowever, soon claimed a share in this
magnificent spoil, and in the end came to monopolise it as completely
M the Sovereign had done in the first instance. The doctrine of the
exclasive right of the Crown ovtr territoriea for which the Crown had
done nothing was succeeded by the doctrine of the absolute dominion
of Parliament over communities who had neither actual nor virtual
representative in either House. There was some difficulty in this
theory because from the first creation of colonies the right of the
settlers to exercise a certain control over their own affairs had Ijeen
recognised in lloyal Charters. Some of the founders of colonies, by
freaks of Court favour, had secured exceptional powers of great value,
and capable of being maintaim-d, as they believed, against the Crovsii
itself ; but there was no uniformity iu their provisions, and these rights
proved in the end to be held on uncertain tenure, the Grown or Par-
liament menacing them from time to time with contemptoons subver-
sion. Down to the reign of George III., the doctrine prevailed on
all sides that colonies existed for the benefit not of the colonists, but
of the mother cotietry. Statesmen, who were good enongh to insist
that they ought to be permitted to enjoy certain municipal liberties,
Were careful to declare that they were not entitled to employ them
for the purpose of competing in any industry in which England was
®ng^ed. Spain had forbidden her subjects in Mexico, and France
nad forbidden her subjects in Lonisiana, to plant the vine lest they
should presume to make wino and interfere with the trade at home ;
•wid when some andacious colonists planted the forbidden fruit, it was
*ttnnediately rooted out — and in the same maternal spirit England
•nterdict-ed manufactuiing enterprise in all her colonies.
But England was not only a manufacturing, but a trading and
^^Airying nation, and the colonists were compelled to send their raw
*Daterial to English markets alone, to purchase their supply of manu-
factured goods only in England, and to carry them to the colonies in
tnglish bottoms. Ireland and Scotland had then made some progress
"* manufactures, but they were included in the foreign countries,
^■ith which colonies were forbidden to trade. They had also the
'^^ntiing of a mercantile marine, but their ships were not " English
'>Uilt " within the meaning of the law, and the colonies could not
•^waploy them. 'J'he New Englander must not print the Bible which
*** loved, and what was, perliaps, harder to endure, could not carry to
*«^ neighbouring settlements the "notions" which his ingenious
*^tistry had already begun to fabricate. Colonists were prohibited
'tun slitting or rolling iron, an industry in which they had made some
T*i^t>pes8, and from weaving linen, of which there was a beginning
** Boston. The commercial principle on which they were required
y> exist was to buy in the market where they paid most, and to aell
'" til.? market where they got least. Colonists are charged with
'»»?iag made selfish blunders in their fiscal legislation \t\ Va.l\jet \.\Tcvt%,
620
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[May
and, perhaps, they have ; but they will find it diflScult to rival tlie j
mother country in this line.
Even the employment of their own funds was a luxury denied to^
coloniets, except when distinctly acknowledged as a favour. The Hous^
of CommonB, in the year 1755, declared that " the claim of right in e^j
colonial Assembly to raise and apply public money by its own ac:^
alone is derogatoiy to the Crown, and to the rights of the people c::^
Great Britain.'" This declaration was intended to bear fruits, and ,
bore some memorable ones. Nine years later the House of Commo:^^
without a dissentient voice agreed to impose a tax on the colonists ,
North America towards meeting the public expenditui-e of the Emp^l
— that Empire which had fostered them in so singular a mam^^
These coloniea habitually paid the cost of their civil governm^^^^
and of their milttaiy defence, and had quite recently aided the motXi^
country in a prutraeted war with France. They declared themselv**^
however, willing to grant further aid provided it was granted thro
their own legislature, but they denied the right of the Parliament
England to impose any tax on them. The English lawyers (sa.
Bancroft) all maintained the right of England to tax her colonies. Uti
is worth remembering as an eternal lesson not to be deterred fro^^i'
asserting a clear right by the authority of names — it is a fact vrhic:?!*'
might even disturb the supreme self-confidence of Sir James Stephen c^*
problems of imperial policy — that at the time this doctrine was insist^^
on English lawyers had Lord Mansfield at their head in one Houi
of Parliament, and Blackstone in the other. The statesmen, who we:
more liberal than the lawyers, held a doctrine which will seem i-*^
insensate in our day. Lord Chatham insisted that colonists could n*^^
be taxed without their consent, bat he wa.s ready to admit that tli^" J
had no right to fabricate a spade or a pickaxe without authori*>3
from the Alma Mater. The philosophers were naturally mo*^
unreasonable and wrong-headed than the statesmen, Samuel Johnso*^
whom Carlyle asks us to accept (very much against our will) as tlr^^
foremost man then living in the island of Britain, reminded tk-^
appealing colonists that they were a race of convicts who ought to ^^
thankful for any treatment short of hanging. Junius, the champic:^
of popular rights in England, scofted at their claims to self-gover^*^
ment, and the newspapers assailed them with ferocious scorn for pt"" l
suming to assert that they had any rights contrary to the interest a^^
convenience of the mother country — an amiable theory of intematioc:^
rights, which some of us have reason to believe is not quite extinct \
present. Ingratitude was the sin of colonists it seems, they had 1«*^
gotten the State which made and maintained them. Colonel Barr^ 3J
distinguished Irish soldier, who after serving with Wolfe in Canada, i^ ^
occupied a seat in the House of Commons, told that assembly his n*-^»^
perhaps, not yet quite out of d**-"*
on this subject, in terras which are.
" ' They planted by yovir ctwe \ ' he exclnimed
'No, your oppression plajn "t-^
rS9o]
BRITISH COLONIES AND PARLIAMENTS.
621
I
-fe,ls.^m in America. They nourLshed by your intelligence I Tliey grew by your
n^^lect of them. They protectetl by your arms ! They hive nobly taken up
a»jTXiLs in ynur defence, have exerteil a vjilour amiilst tliLur constant and
lck.l>oriouit industry for the defence of a country whose frontier was drenched
£-r». blood, while it<t interior parts yielded nil its savings to your emolument.
.^5k_jr»d, l>elieve me, remend>erl thijj day tell you so, the same spirit of freedom
■ygv liich actuated that people at tiret will accompany them still. But prudence
foarbidii me to explain myself further."
The maimer in which the struggle between the mother country and
liesT North American colonies terrainated, need not be told. It is
sixlRciently kept in mind by the fact that the struggle coat a
li.nndred millions sterling, of which we are still paying the interest on
title necessaries and conveniences of life ; but it belongs to my present
•purpose to note that before the contest had finally closed the English
Parliament passed an Act solemnly renouncing the right of imposing
on. colonies any duty, tax, or impost, with the object of raising revenue
for imperial purposes. A right was reserved, however, in the same
Act of imposing taxes to regulate trade ; but this reservation was
carefally guarded by the proviso, that any such tax should be expended
upon the colony paying it, and applied by the same authority as
applied any local duties levied in the same colony. This Act (18
George III., chap. 12), which has been named the Magna Charta of
the Ck)lonies, as their security against any illegal appropriation of
their property, is the first great landmark in the history of colonial
w^ts.* Having received in the American contest so memorable a
■©ason in the management of colonies, the Imperial Government pro-
ed to utilise their experience in a marvelloas manner.
The narrative now passes to Canada. The province of Quebec, as
Hras then named, had distinguished itself in the American war, by
lelity to the British Crown. Though its population wm almost
delusively French by birth or descent, the territory having been
*^o^ed by France to England, so recently as 17Co, the Canadians
•^fased the solicitations of the colonies in arms to unite with them in
**®claring their independence. Congress sent the American Ulysses,
**©Qjamin Franklin, and a popular Catholic bishop, on a mission to
TcUebec, but their seductive counsels proved vain, and the French
^***Xadians not content with neutrality, took up arms for England. When
*«*e war was over, a large body of English loyalists left the United
?***tes, and settled in the division of Canada, afterwards known as the
_ Pper Province, rather than violate their allegiance by becoming
^^iaens of the new Republic.
Hew these faithful subjects were cherished, how they were reoom-
^^»\Bed for their fidelity, how far the Magna Charta of the colonies
^****T©d their local rights against invasion, are themes as Ccuitful as a
^^•'Jdent of colonial interests can study. For a dozen years or so
" An Act for removing uU doubts and apprehensions concerning lax:^''
lisnii^nt of Great Britain in any of the Colonies, Provinces, and Pl.i.
America and the West Indies, and for repealing the ActuC 7 Q«o.
on tea."
62»
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
i
i
nothing was done for the rights of Canadians, but when France
became a Republic, and a war between England and the new dein>-
cracy was imminent, the younger Pitt bestowed a constitution on ty
colony with great precipitation. The territory was divided into t
provinces — Lower Canada occupied by the French population,
Upper Canada colonised chiefly by the immigrant English 1"'ili" ■ , i ,
The pro\ince3 were to be governed respectively by a Legislating vb-
Council nominated by the Crown, a Legislative Assembly elected J> J
the people, and a governor to represent the sovereign, assisted by an
executive council, chosen at his discretion. These gallant and faitW_ftii
communities one might suppose would be cn/ants yaUs of the mot^Sier
countrj', but the mother country preferred the discipline of Solon:*, on
and did not spare the rod. The form of free institutions alone ~«Bvas
established. The representatives of the people had no control o-ver
the public revenue, nor the slightest influence over the policy ^krirf
patronage of the Governor and hia Council. One considerable sotirce
of revenue arose from duties on trade. The Magna Charta of the
colonies, as we know, provided that such duties should be spent oia. tie
colony, and by the authority of the colony ; but on the pettifogging plea
that the Act imposing these particular duties was passed four years
before the Colonial Magna Charta, the money was expended under tJie
direction of the Lords of the Treasury in London, and continued to be
80 expended in these loyal colonies for more than half a century aft«r
the right had been renounced in favour of colonies in arms. It is »
rule of law that beneficial statutes extend to things not in esse at the
time they were enacted, but the rule of law was not considered op^^ra."
tive in colonies. If the history of human error and perversity ever
comes to be written, it will hardly contain a more significant inci^i^'*''
than this. Bat it had its use ; the second important step in colox»i^
liberty was gained through the contests which it naturally provoke^-
The Legislative Assembly in Lower Canada was quiescent ^^J*"
submissive at first, but it soon came to comprehend in sox»e
degree its rights. It found itself opposed, however, by an UpP®'
Chamber consisting of officials imported from England, and uomLo^*^
for life, and whom every Governor supported, and who were ^
possession of all real power in the colon}'. The first demand ***
control over the public purse was met by the outraged Govemo*' *^
Strafford might have met it Lu Ireland, by sending the leaders of
opposition to gaol. There was an annual deficit in the colC>^***'
Exchequer however, and as it had to be made up by a grant ^^"^
England, the offer of the Legislative Assembly to supply the defio*-*'
a colonial tax was a bait too tempting to be resisted, and they
permitted to buy a fragment of their rights, at the beginning of _ jj—
nineteenth century, as a trading community in the Middle Ages rK^^^jB
have bouglit it from a robber baron, at a fixed ransom. The conce?^* .
made was that they "were permitted to vote the supplies. Bu ^
(
L»l
rere
-the
S9o]
BRITISH COLONIES AND PARLIAMENTS.
623
ifficial gentlemen in the Executive Council thought the most respect^
dI and convenient manner in which they could proceed, would be to
ote them for a series of years together, according to the anciont and
pproved practice in England : that is to say, the practice under the
Stuarts before the Involution. At length it was conceded that they
aight be voted annually, but only iu a lump sum for the service of
he year, leaving the Governor and the official gentlemen aforesaid to
iistribute the money at their discretion.
In the contest which ensued, the Governor invariably agreed with
the Upper House, and the Colonial Office commonly agi-eed with the
Governor. The Canadians, however, had come to understand their
rights, and persisted in demanding them ; gaining a little from time
to time by judicious pressure. They limited themselves so strictly
fco constitutional ends and constitutional means, that when in the
middle of their struggle, the war of 1812 broke out between Englsjid
and the United States they again took up arms on the side of England.*
(^fter the war, they pressed their complaints on the Imperial Parliament,
From which their constitution had been derived, and at last, in
1828, a Select Committee on Canadian afi'airs was appointed by the
House of Commons. This Committee recommended that the whole
af the revenue of the colony should be placed under the control of
the Assembly, and that a more impartial, conciliatory, and oonstitn-
tional system of government should be adopted. Aa the Duke of
Wellington was Prime Minister at this time, it is probabio that
•onxething practical would have been done to give effect to these
pood intentions, but a struggle with his own supporters, who were
lugged with him for promising Catholic emancipation, engrossed his
ime, and the colonies had to wait.f
A.nd now came the French Revolution of 1830, followed by the
*®fonn era in England, and men wfre moved with the passion to
ibate abuses everywhere. Some of the Radical leaders in the House
* Commons, especially Hume, O'Connell, and Roebuck, and later
■^ajles BuUer and Sir William Molesworth, took an interest in the
*^»onial contest, and it was no longer possible to postpone inquiry.
^Haen the condition of Canada was looked into, a curious and
^strnctive spectacle presented itself. In the Upper or British
yDpTince, planted by men who had abandoned their homes rather
^^t Let mc nnte in passing th.-it thn-o rears ago, wlien the Parliament of thifl loyal
^Hp gallant commanity addressed tlio Queen in favour of Homo Kule for Ireland,
BJ^^nabcring, doubtless, what evils foreign rule had inflicted on themselves, the
Jp^^nccUor of the Exchequer, Herr Joachim Gost-hen — not a descendant, I fancy, of the
^**"oii8 who framed the great Charter — declared that they were merely Frenchmen and,
^ Coarse, not worthy of bring listened to. This ia the modern Stock Exchange ide«
"f conjolidfttlng the British Empire.
-. f The sort of attention colonies received in thin era from Ministers charged with
^^>r guverament, is instructive to note. We read in GreviUe's " Jotumal" — "Stephen
1b Sir James) said that Sir George Murray, Secretary of State for the Colonies.
; — never wrote a despatch — had only once since he bad been in office seen
erwardfl Sir Henry) wiio had got oil the Weat Indies under h\& cax«."
62^1
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW,
[M.
than their allegiance, the representatives of the people were whol
without power, all authority thei*e, as well as in the French distri(
residing in Legislative Councillors nominated by the Crown. The
gentlemen possessed control over the Supreme Court and the ent:
botly of functionaries, and against all remonstrance had maintain
higli salaries and an improvident expenditure of the public reven
Violent partisans of their party were created judges, while, on t
other hand, magistrates and militia officers were dismissed for attei*.«:
ing meetings to petition for reform. The management of the pnbl j
lands was retained by the Crown, and a million acres had been m^dT
over to a London company at an inadequate price, and the procfe<y -
spent without the authority of the legislature. A portion of th
clergy reserves (lands originally designed for Church endowment"
was sold, and ^300,000 derived from the Bale remitted to England*
The religious feeling of the people, who were mostly Protestftnt
Dissenters, had been wounded by the establishment of rectories with
exclusive ecclesiastical privileges such as belong to the Established
Church in England, and Ijy the rejection in the Legislative Council
of a measure to relieve Quakers and other Dissenters from certain
penalties. And they were oppressed in common with the other
province by a fiscal system established by the Imperial Parliament
which, under the pretence of regulating trade, laid a lieavy burthen
of taxation on them, and prohibited them purchasing articles of
primary importance in the cheapest European or American market.
The case as respects Lower Canada was still worse. The Canadians
of French descent who were seven to one of the jxipulation, and con-
stituted the bulk of the elected Chamber, were excluded from all
authority in the colony which they had founded, and twice defended
in arras. The Upper Chamber, appointed by the Crcwn, that is to
say, the Colonial Office, consisted of twenty-three members, of whom a
steady majority were persons insolently hostile to the nationality and
interests of the colonists. The Executive Council or qita.'d Govern-
ment consisted of nine members, and was constituted in a manner
that would reconcile Colonel Sannderson and, perhaps, even Mr.
William Johnson to a Government in Dublin. Of the nine Ministers
set over the Canadian Catholic people only two were Canadians, and
only one a Catholic. Eight of these gentlemen and their families had
signalised themselves by obtaining grants amounting to 63,936 acres.
The public service was crowded by their dependants. Among a
hundred ofScers there were only forty-seven Canadians, and in
general they held inferior offices. The judges who administered the
French law of property were nearly all selected in Westminster Hall
by a potent official of the Colonial Office whom Charles Buller nick-
named Mr. Mothercountry. The public lands were .squandered in
jobs and favouritism ; public offenders were retained in office oontraiy
r
I
890]
BRITISH COLONIES AND PARLIAMENTS.
625
I
■*o the remonstrance of the representatives of the people, and the
legislative ami executive powers, instfatl of being in harmony were of
:«eces8ity in constant collision. By the practice of appropriating
-public money without the authority of the Assembly, the Governor
liad raised himself above the need of satisfying it either in his
:»neasuros or the persons to whom their execution was entrasted, and
"the Colonial Office, as far as they understood what was going on, had
sjanctioned it. Before lifting your hands too high in amazement at
•the folly of a former generation, remember, oh gracious reader ! that
"there still exists in another BritLsh possession an institution of the
same animus, known a3 Dublin Castle.
The reformers then in power in Westminster at length yielded to
tie Canadian Assemblies the control of a large portion of the public
revenue, but not of the whole, as was claimed of right, and as had
been recommended by the Select Committee of 1828. And they
prepared to make some tentative experiment in the practice of self-
government. Their task, it must be admitted, was not an easy one.
Tixej were dealing with interests and forces they imperfectly under-
atood, and they were receiving advice from official persons who knew
tli£kt their own power of monopoly depended on successfully misleading
Kixgland. The Governor, who lived habitually among this class, had the
e^kiT of the Secretary of State whoever he happened to be, and generally
tsfciaght him to regard the colonial democracy as a wild beast, which
£ox* safety must be kept on a chain and under wholesome discipline,
^^^d that he would endanger the stability of the empire by letting it
looce ever so little. The Secretary of State for the Colonies was com-
monly as indifferent to his charge as Sir George Murray, but if he
"appened to be industrious, his colleagues were little disposed to be
Postered with Colonial aiTairs. " Cabinets," said the Lord Darby of
*hat day, " hate Colonies,"* The Minister's safety was to do nothing,
o*" something as closely as possible approximating to nothing. One
*^^^ conceive a Minister with a different view of his duties when
^^"^rged with the interests of a population greater than that of many
^'•tes in Christendom ; but if a man of capacity filled the office, he
"** probably engaged too deeply in Imperial politics to give more than
* 'iftety and casual attention to his distant clients, and instead of a
"^^t* of capacity the office often fell to some indispensable blockhead,
^a.ci vi-as placed by his loader in a position where his blunders were
^*^*^t; likely to escape detection.
In the meantime a clearer notion of what constitutes responsible
^'^^'amment began to prevail in Canada. The colonists of French
•j^ At a later peritxJ. when he was for the first time rrimc Minister, Lord Derby said,
^^*"^e lame spirit : " There is the g^reatest ditticulty in refaining for the affairs of the
r^|***tiAii« a very small portion of that very small amount of time whii'h Ministers are
j^^^led to Bpore from the administration of particular departments for the collective
^7***^a««ion of public aiTairs." The remedy was found in jfiving the Coloniea the
^^**«ISenicnt of their own affairs : a wise principle, which merits farther exteDslon.
"' ^-
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
I
I
I
I
\
descent, to whom a free legislature was a new phenomenon, and one
Bcrutinised the more curiously and the more fearlessly on that account,
gradually developed the idea that when a parliament was granted
them the main consequences which followed parliamentary liberty
England were implied in the concession. Among the British T—lnniTt^i ^^~T
in Upper Canada a large party eagerly accepted this idea, wliicUf.^;;— --,i
debate rendered clearer and simpler. Sometimes they strayed firor
the right road, and made demands for which there was no precedei
iu the practice of England, but they kept in view with tolerabi
steadiness the fundamental proposition that, having by their o\
choice remaiued under the British Crown, they were entitled to tl
full enjoyment of the British Constitution, and that the British Corr
Btitution lodged the control of finance and policy in the representativ
of the people.
The attention of the mother country was kept alive by the attitn^^K^ dp
of the Canadian legislatures. In Lower Canada it was [ii i iiliii — fj
menacing. Having in 1832, on the first promise of reforms, cheerfim;^ !3jy
granted supplies for the year, they expressed their displeasure at de ZSH^aj
by attempting in 1833 to effect them by their own power, and b w^ a
method which was ultra vires. To correct the accumulation of ofl»_ ^arres
in the hands of the same person, which had been a constant subj ^^^ct
of complaint, they named on the estimates the officers to whom -M^-he
salary was voted, and in some cases attached conditions to the vc^ ^~^.
Wherever responsible government exists these results are now attains- ™
without strain or contest by the influence of the House over Minist.^»— ^">
but there was no precedent for the manner of attaining them a^**-
tempted in Quebec. The Upper Chamber rejected the Appropriabic^^^^
Bill founded on these votes. Next year, no reform having been y^ ^^-
effected, the Assembly passed a series of ninety-two resolutions, specifj
ing their griovances, aud deliberately refused supplies uutU grievs
were redressed. The demand on which they laid most stress wa
that the Upper Chamber might become elective. Thia design wa
odious and alarming to a large party in England, because there wa
then current a proposal to make the House of Lords elective. Mr,
Roebuck, who had not yet developed into a " Conservative watchdog,"
wag demanding in pamplilets and speeches, '* What is the use of a
House of Lords ? " and O'Connell had made a tour through England
and Scotland to illustrate the same text. At length, it was made plain
even in Downing Street that measures must be taken to pacify the
Colonies, and in 183o Lord Gosford was despatched to Lower Canada
as Governor-general, and chief of a Commission, authorised to inquire
into grievances.
When George III. reigned, that assiduous monarch dictated the
Colonial policy of England, with the result, as we know, of what
courtiers called " an unnatural rebellion," and the loss of thirteen
I
^^^f BRITISH COLONIES AND PARLIAMENTS. 627 ^H
Colonies. His second son, who now reigned, was of opinion that, }
though the king had ceased to be the legishitor of the Culonies, he
might still be their administrator with advantage. Before the new
Governor started on his critical mission His Majesty was good enough
to admit him to a private audience, and to give him instructions on
the manner in which he was to employ the powers intrusted to him.
Sir J. Cam Hobhouse, afterwards Lord Broughton, a Minister of the
Crown, enables us to overhear this important conference. The king
said to Lord Gosford, " Mind what you are about in Canada. By
G — d I will never consent to alienate the Crown lands, or to make
the Council elective. Mind me, my lord, the Cabinet is not my
Cabinet, they had better take care, or by G — d I will have them
impeached. You are a gentleman, I believe j I have no fear of you,
but take care what you do ? '"
At the same time Sir Francis Head was sent a.s Governor to
Upper Canada, with instructions to admit some of the leaders of the
popular party to his Council, in ortler to bring the executive into
better harmony with the representatives of the people. This experi-
ment encountered its first difficulty in the character of the agents
employed to carry it into effect. Sir Francis Head, an Assistant POor
I Ijaw Commissioner, without experience in Colonial affairs or training
in political life, or, as he frankly puts it himself in a lively narrative
of his administration, " grossly ignorant of everj-thing in any way
"k^lating to the government of colonies," was entrusted with the
<3elicate task. Sir Francis, who was a man of agile and aspiring
intellect, soems to have regarded himself in his now position, not only
^kS a king, but as a king exercising arbitrary power. In England,
"William IV. was acting by the advice of sworn councillors selected
:from the political party who enjoyed the confidence of Parliament for
"the time being ; but Sir Francis Head was of opinion that to permit
■the Canadian Parliament to exercise any influence over the selection of
his counciOors would, in his amazing phraseolog)% '- be unconstitutional
and xuijust, besides which it would at once connect with party feeling
the representative of His Majesty, who ought " (as it seemed to the
new Governor), " to stand unbiased and aloof from all such considera-
tions." To entrust the management of local affairs to gentlemen
connected by property, interests and affection with the province,
I instead of leaving them absolutely at the discretion of a governor
from London grossly ignorant of everj-thing relating to colonies,
appeared to him to be "disrespectful to His Majesty, and a violation of
^is prei-ogative." " Can any tliree professional gentlemen of Toronto "
(he demanded in a public document), ' ' intently occupied with their
0\rn naltry interests, presume to offer to Upper Canada the powerful
Kon and the paternal assistance which our Sovereign can bestow
• Lord Brougbton's "Recollections of a Long Life."
628
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Hat
on this young country?" *' Our Sovereign" was, of course, an
official euphuism for the gentleman tranaferred by the Colonial Office
from wrangling with relieving officers and boards of guardians to the
task of governing a State. Taking' this view of his duty and position,
the new Governor admitted certain leaders of the popular party to the
Executive Coancil, but without removing those already in office. He
informed the new councillors that he would only consult them when
• he thought fit. To borrow his own graphic language from a despatch
to his chief in Downing Street, ' ' he expected them to give him advice
when he wanted it, and not to encumber him with help when he did
not require it." By this time, however, the knowledge of responsible
government was becoming familiar to public men on all sides, and the
entire Council, including, to the Governor's amazement, the three
original members, as well as the three new ones, informed his
Excellency that they considered they were, and ought to be, not his
clerks, but Ministers reponsible to the people of the Province through
their Legislature. Sir Francis assured them that such a principle
would never be admitted "while the British flag flew over America,"
and thereupon the Council resigned in a body. They were warmly
BQStained by the popular branch of the Legislature, and a fierce
contest commenced between the popular party and the Governor, who
appears to have been persuaded that he was doing battle for the*
salvation of the empire against open or disguised treason. Aat
Sir Francis specifies about this time, in a despatch to the Colonial
Office, " the traitorous objects which the reformers of this provinca
have in view," we have the advantage of knowing precisely what ifc
was that they persistently demanded, and which he, for his part, was
prepared to resist with arms.
The demands were : —
1. An elective Legislative Council.
2. An Executive Council responsible to public opinion,
3. The control of the provincial revenue to be lodged in the pro-
vincial Ijegislature.
4. The British Parliament and the Colonial Office to cease their"
interference in the internal affairs of Canada.
Sir Francis entered on the contest with great vigour; he appealed
to the loyalty of the people, assured them that the proposal to make»
the Executive Council responsible to them was (of all incouceivabl&
things) *' republican," and invited them to rally round "British-
institutions," meaning a Governor from London free from local con—
trol. It is scarcely necessary to point out that the actual fact is
directly the reverse of the fact imagined by Sir Francis Head. A.
chief of the Executive Government who cannot be removed by th»
vote of the legislature, and who acts as his own Prime Minister, i»
the republican system as it exists in the United States, and, with-
i89o] BRITISH COLONIES AND PARLIAMENTS. 629
)me limitations, in France and Switzerland. An administration
tliat can and must be changed the moment it has lost the confidence
of the legislature is a purely British institution. Connection with
the empire or separation from it was the issue which the Governor
jjresented to the constituencies. He warned credulous and illiterate
fanners that if they allowed the existing system to be altered or
*' what may be termed improved, they and their children became
instantly liable to find themselves suddenly deprived of their property
and of what is better than all property, their freedom and inde-
pendence." These dire results, which would spring from managing
their own affairs, are almost as alarming as the prognostications of
Lord Derby and Mr.Goachen on the consequences of granting autonomy
to Ireland. The Governor's popnlar eloqaence, his perfect reliance on
his own fantastic theories, supplemented (as it was afterwards alleged
on the authority of his successor, Lord Durham) by undue official
pressure, obtained a majority in the ensuing Assembly in favour of
his policy. How his labour bore no fruit, and how he got into trouble
with the Colonial Office and had to resign, are topics beside my
present purpose.
The experiment of Lord Gosford in the French province fared no
better. The Assembly received him graciously for a time ; but having
accidentally discovered that he came out with instructions to refuse an
elective Upper Chamber (wluch fact he had concealed from them), and
their most important Jjills having session after session been thrown
oat by the Chamber which he proposed to retain (a hundred and
tihirty Bills were thrown out in nine Bessions), they refused supplies,
^m.d declined tx) meet till measures were initiated to bring the
"two Chambers into more reasonable accord. But before separating
t-hey agreed to an Address to the Crown, where, after recalling the
■fidelity with which a people difft-ring in race and religion from the
balk of the empire had maintained its allegiance, they specified the
measures necessary in their judgment to the good government and
tranquinity of the pro%'ince. The list of these measures shows that
the French colonists had, at length, reached a clear and harmoniou.s
idea of the British Constitution. They were nearly identical with
the concessions already specified, which were insisted upon by tha
Upper Province. It is no longer necessary to justify these demands ;
the principles contended for, though they were still stubbornly resisted
in Downing Street, are now in full operation in every British colony
Capable of giving them effect,*
• The most briUiant campni^fn i"n tliis war for colonial rights was fought by Monsieur
**apincttu, leader of tbe Lugislutive Asseuibly in Lower C'nimda, and his associates of
I -1''* re rich extraction; uiitl I tyinnot dony nxTfielf tho wiTisfaction of noting that the
-utholic Legislature uii<ier hirt control )>aiiMHl laws anieliorulirg th*: comlition of Jews
>-nd Wciilcyaa Methodi-stf, and granted a liberal gratuity to Joseph Lancaster, the
^tuakei reformer of educatijn.
630
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mat
But the responsible Ministers in England wlio bad succeeded the irre-
sponsible Sovereign discerned the right road scarcely more clearly than
he bad done. Lord John TlusseU invited the House of Commons to
declare that it was inadvisiible to render the executive in Canada re-
sponsible to the local legislators, or to make the Upper House elective,
and the House of Commons, which has never failed to second any attempt
to suppress colonial Uberty, cheerfully assented. As supplies had been
refused, the House of Commons was further moved, and promptly
agi'eed to perniit the Colonial Office to take out of the treasury of
the Canadian people the local revenue which their own legislatures had
declined to grant. I pray you to note that I am not describing the
policy of Lord North, and the dark ages of the first three Georges,
but the reign of William the Reformer and Queen Victoria, and the
policy of a Whig Minister, whom benevolent critics have quite recently
pronounced to bo a statesman and, in some exceptionally happy
moments, almost an orator.
The design of seizing on their money by the authority of the Hoase
of Commons, which bad no more right to expend it than to tax the
other North American coloniea more than half a century earlier, created
a ferment.* Meetings were held in almost every county, and resolu-
tions adopted to consume no article which contributed to the revenue
about to be illegally seized. And as magistrates and militia officers
who attended these meetings were dismissed, the people elected pacifi-
cators to act in lieu of the magistrates, and enrolled Volunteers, who
elected their own officers to replace the militia. The Assembly met,
and again refused supplies ; they were immediately dissolved by pro-
clamation. Great confusion ensued; the loyal party, as those who
supported a coiTupt local executive denominated themselves, broke
into and demolished the office of a newspaper favouring the Assembly,
and some of the popular leaders were immediately arrested. Though
it was the era of reform in England^ it was still the era of the Stuarts
in the colonies, and there seemed no remedy but force. The an-ests
were resisted, and a partial insurrection broke out, in which the insur-
gents who had made no preparations for war were promptly defeated.
But their blood was no more shed in vain than the blood of John
Brown ; from that hour speedy and sweeping reform became in-
evitable.
In the upper province the sons of the men who had clung to their
allegiance, to the ruin of their fortunes, were also exasperated into a
* There was of course resistanco by the friends of 1 lie Colonies, but it was ineffectual.
In the riouse of Lords, Lord Brougham protested against thf resolations, as sabvcr-
siveof "tbo fundamcntaJ principle of theBrilish constitntion, that no part of the taxes
levied on the people fihould beapplied to any purpose whatever without the conseatof
their representatives in Parliument, and he predicted that an impression wonld inevit-
ably be propagated in Colonies that the people can never .•rifely entmst the powers of
govemnjent to any supreme anthority not residing aTnong themselves "—a truth wl " "
they have sicce come very thoroughly to understand.
iS^oJ
BRITISH COLONIES AND PARLIAMENTS.
631
risixxg in arms. They rose under a democratic Scotch journalist,
narn^rti Mackenzie, and though they were suppressed in the first
in^-fccfcTice, the fire broke out in new places for nearly a year. The
aix3.£kl ler colonies neighbouring Canada were also agitated by political
id^ivs. Newfoundland refused supplies until grievances were redressed,
and 2^ova Scotia and Priuce Edward's Island demanded an elective
coxxncil. It was at length plain to most reasonable pei-sons that the
3r*itLsh American colonists could no longer be ruled despotically, and
ttxE^t, if they could, the pleasure was scarcely worth the price, as the
t'wro Canadian outbreaks had cost the Imperial treasury between four
and five millions sterling. There were some, however, to whom it was
aot^ even yet plain, among them Lord John Russell. The noble
Ljord proceeded to vindicate authority, by inducing Parliament
to suspend the constitution of Lower Canada, and confer upon a
Grovemor-General and nominee Council absolute power over the colony.
The Governor-General, however, was Lord Durham, the leader of the
party in England most in harmony with the colonists, a powerful
tiolale who had recently been a Cabinet Minister, and he went out
accompanied by several notable friends of colonial rights. In addition
to iiis oflSce of Governor-General, he was apixjinted High Commissioner,
ant^liorised to inquire into and, as far as possible, adjust all questions
resjDecting the form and administration of the civil government, and
•^F^ort the result to the Queen . Causes beyond the range of my
pre-sent inquiry brought his mission to a premature close, bat not before
''& liad reported upon the actual condition of Canada. His report is
oj*-^ of the most remarkaT>le papers connected with colonial history. It
'^'^-s said at the time, in the epigrammatic way that aims at wit rather
th-^^n truth, that Gibbon Wakefield thought this Stat^ Paper, Charles
_ '^^er wrote it, and Lord Durham signed it. Whoever was its author,
**^ i-6 only just to remember that Louis Papineau had anticipated it.
^*^ said, in official language, indeed, and therefore with more weight
**-*■ ^ authority, what Le had repeatedly said as leader of the Opposition.
*^ recognised the fundamental principle to which officials had long shut
^-•-^ir eyes, that those who are fit to make laws must be entrusted to
**^ minister them, and this principle is the basis of colonial liberty. It
^■^^ vised the union of the two provinces under one legislature, and
''^^^wgnised the justice of nearly all the claims the Canadians had put
^<^Tward.*
And now the battle of colonial rights it may be supposed was won ;
*-^Xit not so. The Colonial Secretary of that era, who is best remem-
*^*«red for having left 1500 unopened letters in his closet in Downing
^^treet, was one of the last men in Europe to recognise the inevitable
• tht report described the policy of England towards her colonies in tenia which it
■ nay be nscfu) to recall. " It was a policy founded on imperfect information ; and con-
* 1 acted by continually changing hukds; and has exhibited to the colony a itysteni of
vacillation which was, in fact, no ejBlemat all."
THE coynatPo/tAMT
^Vm
of laid Dtok
mUmA
to effect aa nmoB of the
iiiwuilwlity in tite «'iwli>e eaanefl.
y»c»iwd fxtm Lord Jcim P— >11 May In
report vhicfa b« wofc hoine to lus dief o£
w* ft bit afaud [ha wnitel of dM Bm
adr dona ancfc to poi it .oowa m ibi
1 11^
-1
Imvc atraadjr dona anck to pot
ilioilnaand tlM> thifrrirmtT-iiJ^niiirilihnllif rwiiawiMti fiT^
aad tiMt tha Oovtnor ihill take tkor adriea aad be bond by k.
tjiis damand hnjrrrn aiade maA man for tlw peapla tkan by
I baire aoi mat witb aaj oaa vbo b«a not at onoe tdiiHwl tbe
of cfauaung to pot tba Goanol over tlie bead of tba GofrBnor." *
Governor Tborapaoo proceeded in tliia spuit to appoint a
'* which would affijrd no triumph to either party ** (that is to say^^
Coancit which waa iwl reqMMunble, for respoosibilitT depends on tA
^amph of party). He interfered actiTely in electaoos, and, in sho^
began to plaj the part, not of a Goremor, bat of a Prime "Mtwlii^ii^
Bred np in the House of Conmions hiinself^ it never scans to ha.^
oocnrred to him that it was precisely the system which was ia oper^
tiou there that he was now called apon to organise in another regiova
But it is only just to yir. Thompson and succeeding Governors
bear in mind that they r^arded themselves simply as agents of ^
Colonial Office, and considered precise fidelity to their instmctioDS sa
the highest fulfilment of their duty. The misgovemment
imported article manufactured in Downing Street.
The premature death of Lord Sydenham, and a change of Gf<wi
ment in England, transferred the control of Colonial policy to S3
Robert Peel. To his practical intellect it was plain that where
legislature exists you must have the responsibility of the Executive a*
the necessary complement of it, or, failing this, perpetual war between
the legislature and the administration. The new Governor, Sir Charle<<
Baj,'ot, was authorised to call to his councils a Cabinet, selected oui
of the Ket'orm party in Upper Canada and the French Canadians ir:
Lower Canada, who agreed in policy, and commanded together £
complete majority in the Assembly of the United Provinces. The
Baldwin-Lafontaine Administration, as it was named, led by an Iri^hi
Protefitant of remarkable ability and a French Catholic of great
personal influence, consisted of men who understood their task andl
• Despatch to Lord John RusseU, December 1839.
i89ol BRITISH COLONIES AND PARLIAMENTS, 633
their position. The leaders of it had repeatedly refused office in
mongrel councils with imperfect responsibility, and one of them had
been denounced in a proclamation as a fugitive rebel ; and now, for
tixG first time in any colony, there existed a Government in harmony
Tvit^lx itself and with the Assembly. Those who had been driven to
the brink of insurrection a few years before came themselves to
govexn and governed wisely aud justly.
The experiment of Parliameat^iry responsibility had for a time fair
play ; the more so that the failing health of the Governor, who soon
l>eoa.7ue incapable of active attention to busiuesSj permitted the con-
stitntional practice of government by MInisti?r3 to come into operation
'vs'itliout further contest. But he died while his work was bat half done.
Sir Charles Metcalfe, who had won reputation by ability and devotion
*^ the Civil Service of India, but who was wholly unacquainted with
-»***-rl lament ary government, was sent out to succeed him. He found the
-"^Idwin-Lafontaine Cabinet in office and in the effectual control
^f X'^hlic affairs. To the Indian satrap a scheme of government in
^*^**ich the wishes of the people dictated the policy to be pursued was
* Oomplete puzzle ; and, as he possessed a strong will aud a profound
^^if-respect, he tisked himself in some consternation what, under such
* System, would become of the Governor. His ideal of a Colonial
^^ministration was the old imjwsaible one, of a Council selected from
^*l parties, acting under the direction of a Viceroy. The first critical
'^"Ueetion that arose was whetlier his Ministers were to dispoi^ of tho
T^oblic patronage, as the Queen's Ministers disposed of it in England.
■tiord Metcalfe was of opinion that he would degrade his office and
Violato his duty if he permitted this to be done ; and that, on the
^^ntrary, .he would maintain his character and perform his duty
effectually by disposing of it himselfj to persons recommended from
X>owning Street, or who had won his personal confidence during his
brief residence in the colony. He was jealous of his constitu-
tional advisers calling themselves the " Ministry," the '• Cabinet," or
tile " Government," lest their pretensions should be in accordance
with this nomenclature, for he was determined to be himself the
Oovemment. As may be anticipated, he speedily came to a quarrel
■With his advisers, and they resigned. The last serious contest for the
despotic management of colonies now commenced. It is not within
^Vie scope of this brief sketch to follow it into detail. But, happily,
it was not found an easy task to rule a community which had tasted
■ ■*"«>spon8ible government, contrary to the will of its legislature. Sir
^L CJharles Metcalfe applied to all political sections in vain. The great
^■^^fices of State were hawked from one petty faction to another, but no
^F ^fc^ministration could be formed on the principle of subservience to the
I ■^^l of the Governor. Six gentlemen in succession refused the office
I ^*f Attorney-General for the Lower Province, and the colony was kept
I VOL. LTU. 2 T
684
THE CONTEMPORARY REVTKW.
mppoL^^
half a year without an Execntire. Ill©
suffered from the want of retpoosible ofBoera Id
the oommercial credit of the cocmtiy was endaztgcRdL
lieved that the rerenae woulil dednie daDgi»Qndj ; koC
persuaded that all things onght to be riaioed
the anthority of the Crofwa. The 4)Tiestiaii trmDr i*
the colony should be gorenied hy the wat/t
Canadian BtataBmen, or bjr an honest stid
India, who oosld not help regarding tbe ooloBists
dnsky bat m-^rre troablesotne Hindoos, end th^
goremment as chiiii>^cal and fatal
He dissolred the ABsembly , and with coorag^oos i
to the constituencies to sastoin him agSLinst a sptt^e* «f
inconsistent iritb the Britiah connection. A fierce
which party pagnons and mob riolence ran riot. Wh«3i the .
met there appteazed to b<; tvn insignificant and imeBrt
favonr of the Goreroor ^ but the contest had broken ^otm. ioM
he resigned, in Sovember, 1S45, and went to Kngtand where he
prematurely ; a dtsastrons fate, which bdfefl so isaiiy Goreraoa
gaged in the hopeless experiment, of tmrning bai^ the Sammg
Before his death, Lord Stanley and Sir Robert Peel
him to the Qneen for a peerage, not for his Indian serrinai,
recognition of "the zeal, ability, and prudence " he had
Canada ! — a melandioly evidence of how imperfeetly the troe
ciple of governing colonies waa aa yet nndentood in Viestada^ttr-
It is impossible to deny to Metcalfe or Lord Sydenham
even noble, qaaUties. They had no affinity with tie greedy
servile parasites of power, who have sometimes been m^fOKO^-'
Colonial Governors. They did their wort nnder the depi
fluence of damaged health and an nnfriendly climate^ with nnflinciD^s^^^^
courage ; sustained by a sense of duty, and the sympathy of a
circle of imperfectly informed friends in England. It was
after a contest, which before it concluded had lasted more thao
generation, that success was at last won. In 1847, Lord Eip
was sent out by the present Earl Grey with instructions founded uj
his memorable but somewhat tardy declaration that " it is neither ]
ble nor desirable to carry on the government of any of the Britfeh pr
vinces in North America in opposition to the opinion of the cokmists.
And now, at length, notwithstanding the repeated declarations o*
Parliament, notwithstanding the secret instructions of William IV.
notwithstanding the express refusal of a long line of Secretaries of-*
State — all that Canada ever asked was conceded. Responsible govem--
ent was formally adopted. The despotic Viceroyalty, for which
etcalfe and Sir Francis Head contended so resolutely, disappeared i
impleti'ly as the divine right of the Stuarts. The Executive
3 responsible to the Assembly. The Governor takes the advice of)
iS^o]
BRITISH COLONIES AND PARLIAMENTS.
635
I
Ooimcil and is bound by it. He is habitually represented at meetings
of "tlie Council by a Presidentj on© of the Ministers, to secure freedom
axi-cl privacy in their deliberntioiis. The entire patronage of the State,
•^j^ritiliout limitation, is in the hands of Ministers, And instead of being
^ "t>ody which the Governor may consult with liberty to take or
re j e-ct their advice, he can perform no act of State without the express
s£LXLction and concurrence of a Minister representing the people. And
ti-V*^** system was as completely in operation before the federal union of
tiilie neighbouring colonies with Canada as it has been since that event.
Tlaas the birth and parentage of colonial rights are traceable to the
aoil of Canada.
The apprehension of timid rulers that these concessions would
lead to the loss of the colony, was ko far from being fulfilled that
Caxiada was never so contented and never more determined to maintain
the connection. In 18 18, friends of the new French Republic invited
I the Lower Canadians to associate themselves with their kinsmen
at home, and they would probably have don© so had they remained
discontented; but they declined on the ground of their strong
oonJIdence in the Government under which they lived. That
Government had secared their confidence, by holding the balance
fairly between the parties of which the community is formed. On©
**^^tance becatne memorable. Acts of Parliament were passed com-
pensating the " Loyalists " (as they designated themselves), who had
suffered losses by the insurrection of 1837. It was then proposed to
•compensate the French Canadians whose property had been destroyed
■ "y violent mobs of the loyal party, and finally to compensate those
^■"O had suffered by taking part in actual resistance to the Queen's
*^*^ps. This la-st measure met with violent opposition in Canada, chiefly
■ *^**iong those who shared the first compensation, and was not looked
pOrx with much favour in England. But the Government stood on
^**'*4 ground. The rights for which the insurgents contended had
^^^®*\ since conceded and ought never to have been denied. These
».^^^'**t.ling and unprecedented proposals became law, and a dozen years
^'^l", Mr. Gladstone, in a lectins upon Colonisation, admitted that
«^^^ were just and reasonable. They were as politic as they were
~^*t.^ for it is certain that fhey produced among the population of French
^Oent the conviction of fair play, which is the basis of successful
^-*v-emment.
'X'o the other North American Colonies responsible government
^^ also granted, and has worked with more or less success, according
the capacity of the men who administer it, but in all cases it has
*'^^^>«lttccd friendly relations with the Home Government.
The narrative now passes to Australia. New South Wales, the
t colony of that continent, was originally established as a penal
^"tlement, before the commencement of the present century- For
than an entire generation it was managed solely with
^^1
636
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Ma-
the personal profit and pleasure of the gaolers and military officials
charge of it. They enjoyed a sort of antipodean ^;a^s t/i Cctatyne, whi(
Bupplied them with estateti by freo grant, to be cultivated by convi^
labourers who received no wages, and they were empowered to can
on trade which was liable to no competition. They had compl
control of the convicts, and were eaid to have established as cl
a monopoly for their vices as for their interests. But by degrees
immigration of free settlers took place; large sums were invested
flocks and herds, and a portion of the land revenue was expended^^^
paying the passages of industrious settlers from the United Kingdc::^:^:;:^
The descendants of the original convicts wrre in many cases en^fcii^
prising and respectable men, and among recent convicts there was alw- .^^|
a small class whose sentences did not necessarily imply any moral "t -ra fjj
The new men were doterroined to obtain self-government. 4
Patriotic Association waa founded to arouse and direct public opiai<33n.
The convict system was denounced as the curse of new counti-i ^s,
sowing their virgin soil with rotten seed. The right of the Cro«?*Ti
to the !and revenue was denied, and a representative Assembly ts^-**
claimed, which would give the colonists some control over their ov ^r^n
affairs. The Imperial Parliament was vehemently and repeate<f -^T
appealed to for these concessions, and the London press partialJ^^^^
awakened to the interests at stake. iSome results were obtain
In 1641, the system of assigning convict servants was abolished,
shortly afterwards the practice of sending convicts to the colony w
abandoned. And in 1843 Lord Stanley, then Secretary of Stal
conceded to their prayers a representative Assembly, to be denominate
the Legislative Council of New South Wales. The experiment, i
must be confessed, was not rashly made ; the franchise was restrict
the seats were skilfully distributed t<) evade i>opular influenc
and the nomination of one-third of Ihe body was retained by th
Crown ; that is to say, by the Governor. But the new Legislatu
provided at any rate a platform from which the completion of its owcr
powers could be demanded with unwonted authority — for this is th
first work to which a maimed and imperfect Legislature is sure to be pu^'
Tht' career of the new body proved the ripeness of the colon*'
for self-government. Among the members were several who sin&
became Ministers of State under the responsible syBt^ero, some wh-
led the free Parliament of New Soath Wales as Premiers, seven*^^^^
who have been considered worthy of havijig hereditary rank coi
ferred upon them, and one who has won also the higher distinctior
of a reputation familiar to both hemispheres. Robert Lowe was
^mber, and with him one whom the people of New South Wall
{»rd as his equal in masculine eloquence, and his sujierior i-^^^-—]
.riotism and political resources, William Charles Wentworth, tlc^^^^
.reateat native that the continent has yet produced.
Such an Assembly naturally made an inspection of the a£fa
I
B>] JEUrXSS COLOXIES AXD PARUAMESTS. 637
tSie viiaaj, sad fcond ercfTviMre tiie rBBolbi oC ai^gownuiMnt
•JuuujAiaiu Hie cliwcifBii kadt bad been gtaaled mwmj ia h«g«
infiffidnJa by tiie Goknad Offioa. Then uv
peen wiiose vaifeed esbttes ^Mnild not ooutitiite %
wm Imgo or »■ valsilile ■■ luid been aqondered ia tliis
The Tcvauw wbs disused of by Impeml autboritv ocmtmy
iaos of tiie oolmial lUgna Ckarta. The jodgos
t^ ykamuv of the Secretaiy of State, asd the cokniflto
[ iB wjyurt tlie remnant of a convict estaUi&bmcnt consist -
1 of whom the British tajqiayers wen rdieved. Tkoght
in Ouiada, Wentirarth and his ooU«agnes demanded
gawaaattat, and plenarr powers of legislation. By this
dw ahmj had eeased for ten years to be a rec«'ptacle for British
A eciiiwdiiable dass of native gentlemen, many of them
«d*icated in dte Bi^iish tmirersities, rejoiced in the name of Anstra-
; WentaKidii &cd them with the large political ambiii<m which,
while » fltodep^ wanned his own breast^ and bade then noi
of emjiiie, becanse of their origin.
' Did BM of otd Uie iaiperui] aiglBni«,
Halehed ia aa aerie ioater Carltea this !" •
*Alte cuhaiiiitB had justified their political ambition by great per-
^kej owned property in land and honses worth thirty
'■■■Tlioas sterling. They had established breweries, distilleries, and
other simple manofactcries as first arise in a new comraintity.
i^sy exported wool and hides to the value of a million and a half
■liog^ and the public revenue from all sonrces approached half a
■"-"^^lioa. The popnlation had increased to nearly two hundred
■^-taonaand, of whom less than three thousand were convicts, and more
*^**^ui eight hundred belonged to the learned professions. Such a com-
**^aity had quite outgrown the swaddling-clothes of the Colonial OflSce.
In 1850 the claims of the colonists for plenary powers of legislation
at length recognised by a somewhat timid but essentially just
^■id reasonable concession. The Assembly was authorised to frame a
*^*^iX8Utution for New South Wales within certain specified limits, which
^**^«nre should be afterwards submitted for approval or rejection to the
'**perial parliament. Mr. Wentworth induced the Council to employ the
**^^er conferred upon them in a very effectual manner, and one for which
Z^^** was no precedent in the Canadian struggle or elsewhere. A Select
^-^lUmittee was appointed to frame a Constitution, but instead of confin-
es themselves within the narrow limits prescribed, he led them to pre-
*^*o a measure which, if it became law, would recognise and legalise
* their claims as completely as the Bill of Rights emboilied the
*^*"^-iiciplcs demanded in the Petition of Rights. f As such a measure
Caiuhridpi? priio poem on Anxtralin Viy W. C, Wentworth.
•^ T ■■ ■ i!t*e consisted of Mr. Wentworth (Chairman) ; 5fr. DnnaldKon (after-
1^^ -vait DonaW.'ion, first Prime Minii>U<r of New Sontli Walc.^) ; Mr, Cowper
^**~.....i.jc bir Chark-a Cowper. for several years Prime Minister); Mr. JamcA
688
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mat
■as
se
was clearly vltra vires, a Bill was at the same time prepared fo
the Imperial Parliament which would cure this defect- This Consti
tutiou marks the third great step in the struggle for Colonial liberty
It distinctly provided or implied that the Executive Council must fo^
the future consist of certain heads of departments having seats in
Legialatore, and that all appointments t^j offices in the Colony shonl
be mode by the Governor with their advice — this was responsilx
government. And that the Legislature, consisting of two Hon&
should be empowered to make laws regulating the disposal of t
public lands, and for the peace, welfare, and good government of
Colony in all cases whatever. This was a Parliament with pleni
powers.
But the measure was substantially a conservative one, and exu
perated the partisans of extreme democracy. The Upper House ^«
not to be elective, but a power was retained to create an elective Hox
within five years if the new Legislature desired it. And it was pc-"^o.
vided that no fundamental part of the Constitution coold be alter^ed
without an absolute majority of both Houses on the second and thi j^"l
reading (a provision copied from the Constitution of Canada) and Ih -^^
Bills affecting Imperial interests might be reserved for the Queen^»^
pleasure, and be disallowed at any time within two years.
The contest in Canada, which was long at an end, might ha
taught the Imperial Government the policy suitable to Australia ;
experience seems to have existed for them in vain. When a diffical
arose in one hemisphere, which had already perplexed and in the en
overwhelmed them in another, they encountered it like aboriginals*
as if stich a phenomenon was unheard of. New South Wales had th
question of responsible government to fight over again, as if Canad
had never existed. It would be to their detriment, they were assnre^--^
to grant them the local patronage of the Colony.
" Her Majesty's Government could not i-ecognise in the inhabitants
New South Wales any monopoly of the right to such offices, and so preclut
their being bestowed on otlier of Her Majesty's subjet^ts. The inhabitants (
New South Wales were not considered disqualified for receiving simiht
appointments in other colonies or at home ; nor could anything be mor
injurious to the interests of the British Empire than to lay down a rule b;*
which the Empii-e would bo broken up into a number of small communities
the m©mbei"R of each of which should bo considered as only admissible
employment in that to which they more immediately belonged."
It was a rash experiment to send a vapoury placebo like this
men so able and well-informed as the popular leaders in New Sout
Wales. Their answer was direct and fatal as a volley from a mitral
leuse. They had never proposed (they said) to restrict the k
MacAjthnr, Mr. Murray (afterwarfls Sir Aubrey Murray, President of the Legislati*
Council) ; Mr. Laiub, Mr. Marlin (afterward.s Sir Jiimes Martin, Allomev-g'ciieral ai
Prime Minister) ; Mr. Plunkctt (then Altornej-peneral and afterwards Prc^deat of ti
Legislative Council) ; the Colonial Secretary, Mr. De.a.s Thompson and Mr. Douglass.
B9o:
BRITISH COLONIES AND PARLIAMENTS.
639
>atronago to the inhabitants of New South; Wales. ^Vhat they pro-
josetl and insisted on was that all appointments in the Colony should
»e distributed among persons who were thought fit for them by a
ocal Ministry enjoying' the confidence of a local parliament, not by
fentlemen in Downing Street irresponsible to the Colony. As for
ihe quaUficatiou of the inhabitants of New South Wales to receive
iippointments in England or the coloniea, they did not think it neces-
lary to speculate on such a purely theoretic question. It was certain
they had never yet received any such appointments, and considering
tlie manner in which the patronage of the Crown was distributed by
Her Majesty's Ministers in London, the most sanguine among them
did not anticipate that they shonld. As respects the risk of breaking
the Empire up into small communities, the practice they contended for
^fas in full operation in the North-American colonies, and they could
mot understand why New South Wales should not be put on the
eame footing. They respectfully but determinedly demanded that " all
tihat was necessary to place them on a pprffct equality with their
lellow-subjects at homo should bo conceded to them, and to their
t>osterity at once and for ever."
The Colonial Office was slow to more. Colonists, like atep-
nildren at school, were sometimes neglected, not of a set purpose,
O-t because their petty and distant claims, in which no one at home
's»s interested, got postponed in the hurry of more pretentious and
t».mediate engagements. But the colonists would at length wait no
►"Xjger, and when the estimates for 1853 were voted in the Legislative
"^Dnncil, ifr. Wentworth moved a resolution, and carried it against the
■%:moBt resistance of the Executive that the House would not vote
^timates for another year till a satisfactory answer were made to their
remand for responsible government.
While they were waiting for the constitution at the Antipodes,
t^ere was a change of Government in England, from Whig to Tory,
without any detriment to the colony. Sir John Pakington, the new
Secretary of State, sjwbe of the policy of the administration La tenns
treditable to his good sense,
•' Hia colleagues [lie said] considered them.selves bound tn meet the coloniats
KA confiding ami liberal j;pirit. They thought that the Government, living
til distance, could not judgo of their a(Tair.s and tlic-ir expenditure so well as
e coloni-sts themselvfs ; and that they ought to place that confidence in
khem which, as Enghshmen accustomed to the institutions of this countrj-,
Uiey were so well entitled to posses.H."
Both the Bills sent home became law in the end, the Colony obtain-
ing all her most prudent statesmen had demanded, and during the
generation which has since elapsed it has enjoyed unbroken tranquillity
■ad a constantly growing prosperity.
The history of colonial liberty would be incomplete without some
it of transactions in a province of New South Wales, then known
640
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
as Port Phillip, but which has since become famons as the coK)
Victoria. Sixty years ago, while England was struggling for he
Reform Bill, and France was in the crisis of her second Revo^
the foot of a civilised man had never been set on the soil <)|
territory. But half a dozen years later it became widely knowiM
exploration made by the Surveyor-general of New South Waleai
published a glowing description of its soil, climate, and resource!
speedily got occupied, and gradually became organised as an ot)
province of New South Wales. From the beginning it was ef
self-made ; th« Colonial Office having only interfered to declare
no settlement ought to be planted in that district, and the Gove«
Sydney followed up this dexiree by warning the enterprising al|
that they would be prosecuted as intruders on the public lands i
Crown.
Colonists who denounced the injustice of the mother countrj
not always just to their own dependencies. Port Phillip was'
discontented with the Executive and Legislature at Sydney. Its
dozen representatives in the latter body proved quite powerh
protect the interests of their constituents. After a short exper
it was found impossible to get fit men to reside a thousand
away from their daily pursuits for results so insignificant as coi
obtained. The handful of inhabitants petitioned the Imperial ij
ment over and over again that Port I*hillip should be creJ
separate colony, but were not listened to. To mark their disoc
with the existing system in a manner which could not be misu
stood, they at length elected the Secretary of State in Londott
their representative in Sydney. ITiis stroke told home in '
minster, and in 1850 it was at length detemiined to yield ia
wishes and to create Port Phillip a separate colony. '
One of the duties entrusted to the expiring conncil in Sydni
to frame an electoral Act for the Legislative Council of the newi
and it cannot be denied that they did this work in an tinfrienc
grudging gpitit. I must not bo supposed to paint tlie lea3(
colonial enterprise aa heroes of romance. They were contendu
just rights and so far entitled to our sympathy, but they were^
times greedy and unreasonable in pursuing their private int<
Port Phillip had constantly complained that the money raised b
of land in their district was spent in local improvements in Sj
and the new electoral Act threw political power in the new c
mainly into the hands of Crown tenants or squatters as they
called, of whom Mr. Wentworth was one of the leaders. Thflj
population got one member to every 5000 inhabitants ; the farmi
member to every 700O, while the squatter got one memlx
"Very 2000. This was the parting gift of the legislature at Syi
rhen it could hold them no longer, it sent them to sea
oat built to capsize. And it may be feared that Mr. ^
r8go2
BRITISH COLONIES AND PARLIAMENTS.
641
i
I
worth was scarcely more generous to his unhappy fellow-countrymen,
tiie aboriginal inhabitants of Australasia.*
-After the first Legislativo Council of Port Phillip was elected, but
bo fore it began to sit, a transaction occurred which changed for ever
thx^ fortunes of the settlement. The nxaddeuing vision which inspired
Col nimbus to explore unknown seas, and which drew Cortez, Pizarro,
Ckxx<3. Raleigh in his adventurous track, was realised among them in a
l^xx<3 seamed and sown with virgin gold. I have elsewhere told the
stox-y :
* •• Gold vms found on the suiface, and a few inches or a fow feet under the
»*ui-face; sometimes in solid lunnps of immense value (wliich the miners, after
"t.!:!^ Califomian example, called * nuggets ') ; sometimes in ' pockets,' where a
xiYiTXiber of smaller nuggets lay close together; Boraetiuies in scattered par-
"t-ic^les mixed with the soil, but (^nsily separated by sluicing the earth in water.
TTlae new legislatui^, created to re^julato the simple interests of graziers and
-t.<-a.4iers. would soon (it was plain) lind itself called upon to rule the turbulent
X>opulation of a gold country, and to fi«:e largo and imexpected problems of
■j>olicy and government.''
The coloniata encountered those unexpected difQcuIties with rea.son-
&l>le vigour and promptitLide. After a few sessions had given them
ptkrliamentary experience, they pronounced the system of an Executive
conapletely independent of a Legislature an abortion, and demanded
a constitutiou like that of New South Wales. They were authorised
to frame such a measure, and soon sent one to Downing Street,
differing from their exemplar chiefly in having au elective Upper
Chamber, with a high property qualification, instead of a nominated
one. This Bill was promised speedy consideration, but month
followed month, and session followed session, before the promise was
''"I filled.
It was delayed, indeed, till the colonists were fevered with
™'^^tli and indignation. A deputation was sent home to flap the
" With the next Governor, Sir Georire GSpp.x, Mr. Wentworth came into cnllixion
p?*^be subject of his land purchases iu New Zealand. He had bought of tlip native
■^f H, for goods of the value of £400, and a promise of n small annuity to each of the
g*"'*<Jors, the whole of the Middle Island, that irt the territory now conipri.'icd in Otago,
|. ''^tlil.'ind, Canterbury, Nelson, and Marlborouph — together with some 200,00(1 arres of
,^ -^ortbem Island. Sir Georgia Gipps regarded the attempt of Mr. Wentworth and
tners to obtain this va.st domain as a moiiMrroua perversion of the forms of
and ."iale in taking advantage of the ignorance of :a barbarous people; and
~_^ ••he efrort,s of Mr. Wentworth, by legal arf^iment and fx)litieal inlhiencc, to make
y?5**^ the purchase proved unavailing." — Heaton's " Australian Dictionary of Dates."
— *^ refusal of the Governor, Sir George Gipjw. indeed, was couched in language o£
•«i
^'"^o antl crushing scorn ; he wa# proUibly glad to have the popular leader at a dis-
,^ ^SMitage, who had not been a too .scrupulous critic of his oflicial career, and he spoke
Ij^^* like a judge than a triumphant opponent : — "A great deal was said by thi.s gentle-
*^|?^ [Mr. Wentwurth], in the course of his address to the Council, of corruption ^d
i^y^ory. as well as of the love which men in office liave for patronage. But, gentlemen,
•>?^*t: of corruption I talk of Jobbery I why if all the corruption which had defiled
^-"^fclaind since the expuUion of the Stuarts were gathered into one heap it would not
»?* Wf such a itum as this — if ul) the jobs which have been done since the days of Sir
^*^*>«-rt Wnlnole, were collected into one job, they would not make so big a job as the
** *hicb Mr. Wentworth nsks rue to lend a hand in perpetrating— the job, that is to say,
?4,
ttukine
■kfarti
him a grant of twenty milliaos of acres, at thu rate of one hundred acres
Dg-
MS
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
tic^
Colonial Minister in vain. But thongt he had not leisure to s
them a constitution, he had another boon in store for them. Tfe^^;^
had repeatedly refused to pollute their coioamuuity by the admis^^ ^
of conrlcta, but the Colonial Office thought their objectious futile
unreasonable.
^m
" And now, -when the desire of self government was about tCk
gi-atilied, the renewal of the attempt wounded their pride as muc-l^ ^
it alarmed their fetirs. A meeting was immediately held, at yv\x£ch
the chief men of the settlement — English, Irish, and Scotch — w-^re
spokesmen of the popular determinntion thut the convicts should x^ot
be received. And not in the masquerade of savages, like the patriot.*
of Boston, but vtithout disguise or fear, they delivered theii- will. ri»«
magistrates of the city and district met soon afterwards, and indoi-&***
the popular decision. The Governor at Sydney at tliis time, a ci-d'cc*'**
dandy, aiming only to keep things quiet, promised for peace' sake tluit •**!
convicts should be pei-mitted to land in Port Phillip until ' the feelings **
the community weie made known in ]>owning Sti-eet.' The colonists *^"
their side determined th:it no felons should be intruded upon their wives »-■***
children, whatever might ho the rcspon.sc of the distant oracle. A secc^ *^
meeting agreed ncmine coniradicente t\vAi the prisoners should not he permit ■^^^
to land. This intrepid resolution like all daring action, was originally t>
work of a few, but it suited the temper of the people, and wivs adopts
■with as near an approach to unanimity as can over be attained in cc^
muuitics where individual opinion is free. ' The con\-icta must not lai^
became the popular watchword. The Governor at Sydney, having
httle the temper as the resouixes necessary to play the part of a tyra
adhered to his promise, and the captain, under his peremptory orders,
sail for Sydney."
Here the story of how colonies obtained their political rigl
might stop, but that its most incredible chapter remains to be writt
At this period (ISul) responsible Government was in full operation
Canada and in all the neighbouring colonies. It had been obtaic
at the cost of two insurrections indeed, and the lives of th-
governors, who were sacrilicpd in the conilict as surely as if they L^^^^^3
fallen in battle ; but the victory of the people in the Atlantic colo™»- ^^
was complete and confeased, and the future course of the Colorrr^ ^■*'
OflBce was plain. The constitution of Victoria was promised as 8crrr>-*^°
as the House of Commons could find leisure to scrutinise the IV ^*- ^
sent home. The interval need not have exceeded a few months, ^^^^
might have passed in perfect tranquillity, interrupted only by put— ^ jS
rejoicings — a species of revelry for which colonists have always she
an uncommon aptitude. But the Imperial Government so emplo;
it that the worst blunders which disgraced the contest in the ^^'^^^j
were now renewed in the South. A fierce insurrection was provok:^ ^^ '
and another infatuated Governor, chosen to perform a task for wl»- •*" ^
he had no faculties or training, died, as Metcalfe and Sydenham '^*'^*-
died on another continent. It will probably be inferred that
permanent officers of the Colonial Department, in whose hands
threads of policy must always rest, were weak and incapable.
he
a
tSgol BRITISH COLONIES AND PARLIAMENTS. 643
fJuB assumption would be a grave mistake. The Under-Secretary was a
msuo. whose liistorical essays in the Ediniburgh Review rivalled Macanlay's,
and were often mistaken for them. One of his coUeagaes has influenced
political thought in England by his writings more than Cobden or
Srlg^ht influenced it by their oratory, and another is author of a drama,
tihe greatest, perhaps, produced in England since the Elizabethan era.
Nor were they overborne by the strong personality of their political
oHief. The Secretary of State for the Colonies was a country gentle-
TT***^^ in office for the first time, and whose highest achievement had
l>eeii to preside benignly at the Quarter Sessions of his district. All
tihe trouble came from another source, from the practice of sacrificing
tihe largest colonial interests to the smallest convenience in Palace
Yard. There was a steady supporter of the Government at this time
rarely heard in debate, but never absent from a division, who had a
ooxtsin to provide for, and as the salary of Governor in the gold colony
'w^as fixed on an Oriental scale, and was, in fact, as great as the salaries
of the President of the United States, the Prime Minister of England,
aotid the Speaker of the House of Commons united — ^he claimed this
prize as the reward of his party fidelity. His protigi was a post-
captain, trained on the quarter-deck, and as ignorant as a Pasha of
All that concerned parliamentary government. His achievements in
Victoria will complete the history of the long straggle for colonial
ng^lits.
0. Gavaw Duffy.
•^pes Maritimes.
646
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
general acqaiescen.ce in probably every State in the Union. Wt^^^^ J
Stimson wrote his book on American Law the principle of the ^**t-^^»-
ment tax had been incoqx)rated in the constitntions of five State '^^
Illinois, Minnesota, Arkansas, California, and Nebraska — and tVx .^,>
example has been followed by other States since, which have been -^^^
vising their constitutions — Ohio and Rhode Island, for instance ; 1_^^ut
although in the remaining States it may not have been rrprr- i Jji
formulated in the constitution, it has been practically made part of «zJifl
constitution all the same by judicial construction. In Kentucky it
was adopted as far back at least as 1810, in Maryland in 1847, N^^w
Jersey 1852, South Carolina 1852, Mississippi 1854, Virginia 18^^^,
Missouri 185G, and about the same time or later in Kansas, Pennsyl-
vania, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Indiana, Ohio, Wisconsin, lov^c^
Oregon, and very likely all the others. It has been sanctioned not or^^J
by the State legislatures, but also by Congress, which in its capaci-ty
as legislature for the District of Columbia gave authority to the city of
Washington to impose a special betterment rate for the improveme*:^*^
it had in contemplation twenty years ago.* Mr. Dillon, the author o*
the standard book on American Municipal Law, quotes the stateme""^*"
of a judge in the Supreme Court of Missouri to the effect that t ^*
principle of the betterment tax had been subjected to severe analy ^s^
in almost every State in the Union, and adds that " it is now
firmly established as any other doctrine of American law " ; while,
for the tax itself, it has become the usual form of assessment for n<
municipal works of eveiy description. For the last ten years tht
seems almost an entire absence of litigation against this form of i'
post, and from that we may conclude that the public mind has
length everywhere acquiesced in its reasonableness and equity,
it has not done so without much controversy.
The equity of the tax has been again and again discussed by
judges of the Supreme Courts of the several States, and inrarini
with the same result of an affirmative finding. The question
been raised before them in various way?, but usually either by an or
nary abutting owner who contends that the tax is discriminating a
violates the principle contained in moat of the State constitotic^
that all taxation must bo eqital and unifonn, or by a church or uc"'
versity claiming immunity from the tax on the ground of a spec ^
privilege granted them by statute (as has been generously done
most of the States) of exemption from all taxation. The answer K
been very much to the same purpart in all the diiFerent States, ^t^^ —
"ndges have taken their stand on the broad principle, that they wt* ^
ip the benefit of a public work ought to bear the burden of it, aC»^^^
tere the benefit is discriminating, the burden, to be equal, must tJ^^
scriminating likewise. The plaintiff has always been dismissed, ar**^^
* See Dillon's " Law of Muolcipal Corporatiom," ii. 675.
THE BETTERMENT TAX IN AMERICA.
647
1 very flatly he had no jast'canae for complaint, inasmuch as he had
»ady pocketed from the transaction more than he was asked to con-
>ute, and that his contribution was not so much in tho nature of a tax
t»f a mere consideration for value received. It was a definite quid
• quo, and the appropriator of the benefit of the improvement ought
common fairness to render some equivalent for the benefit he
sropriated. The churches and mniversities that liave sued for relief
m it, on the. ground of their constitutional exemption from all taxa-
Q, have been informed that this was not taxation — it was only a case
one proprietor improving his estate by works which necessarily im-
>ved the contiguous estate of another proprietor at the same time,
d asking the latter to bear his share of the expense. Harvard
liege indeed was able, in 1871, to maintain its ext-mption succesi5-
ly before the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, because by the
Buliar phraseology of its charter it was freed not from taxt-s and rates
ly, but from " all rivil impositions, taxes and rates,'' and although the
nrt was quite clear that a betterment assessment was neither a tax
p a rate, it could not see its way to pronounce that it was not a
il imposition. But in the same year, Brown University, in Rhode
and, had its plea for exemption repelled, because, less fortunate
IB the sister college, its charter merely " freed and exempted it from
taxes,'' and the Court had no difficulty in saying that an imposi-
t» for betterment was not a tax.* The efiV-ct of decisions like this
bliat a church or university which is exempt from ordLnnry road
i^Bsment for the repair of the streets, is yet always subject, like
t-ev adjacent proprietors, to the special improvement rate for their
attraction. When Nassau Street, in New York, was improved,
reral churches lay within the area of charge, and resisted the
jKJst in the court of law on the plea that an Act of the year 1813
pressly declared that " no real estate belonging to any church shall
^^ftd by any law of this State ;" but the Court held that a special
^■irement rate assessed according to benefit received, and in pay-
^m therefor was not taxation at all in any proper sense of the
»nl. It was no burden, and therefore it was no tax. " There
no inconvenience or hardship in it," said the judge in giving
e decision of tho Court. " and the maxim of the law that he
t»o feels the benefit ought to fi'ol the burden also, is perfectly
*xia8tent with th© interests and dictates of science and religion." f
f<? ridiculed tho idea of caUing this kind of assessment robbery, as
Ij^been done. The proprietor was not robbed of anything ; nothing
^h world was taken away from him. His neighbour — the municipal
wporation — had given him something, and imposed an assessment to
" An assessment is not a burden, it is an equivalent
** Ameriean Law Revlev, ir. 628.
•f AngcU and Durfee's " Law of HighwftTi," p. 152.
648 THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW. [ikr^T
for a benefit." * It is held of course to be a tax in this sense, thmjak
being a compulsory imposition it can only be levied by a public bocl^,
and is a particular and legitimate exercise of the taxing power alloH^^^
to the legislature by the constitution and delegated by the legislatc^^'^®
to municipal corporationa in conformity with conetitutional conditioK^^^*-*
In Illinois the Drainage Commissioners obtained the insertion of *
betterment clause in one of their Acta, but the Supreme Court heB^^'
in 1871, that it would be unconstitutional for a private corporati*
like the Drainage Commissioners to assess for betterment, becaus
compulsory imposition for betterment was a tax, and the taxing pov
could not be constitutionally exercised by a private corporation. f
though considered a tax in respect of the authority imposing it, it
been expressly ruled, not only in New York, but in Missouri, Louiaiar
and other States, not to be a tax in respect to the purposes for whi «^i
it is imposed, or the nature of its bearing on the people who pay it —
Sometimes tho judges, while ruling practically to the same eff^* -^^f.
base tlieir reasons on more limited and specific ground. In 1874 fi:i=^^lN|fl
Boston Seamen *3 Friends Society claimed relief from a betterm*^^ 3al
impost under the provision in the constitution of the State
Massachusetts, by which the property, personal or real^ of litera
benevolent, charitable, and scientiGc institutions incorporated wit
the commonwealth ia exempted from taxation ; but the Supre:^
Court decided that the taxation meant in the statute was taxation r^or
the public charges of government, and could not be reasona^Tt — >lj
interpreted to include assessments for expenditure of a purely \cz»"^^^
character, the benefits of which were more immediately aud specially^'
perhaps in some cases exclusively— experienced in the particu". ^^r
localities where the property clainiing exemption was situated. J '3-~^®
principle of this decision is allied to the doctrine wliich has also l>^^»'*ilj
laid down by the American Courts in dealing with betterment ca,^^^^
that a local improvement possesses always more or less of a priv^^^e
character, notwithstanding that it may be undertaken under pal:^^^'*^
authority ; but, whatever doctrine or reason ia laid down, the deciss-i-*" ^
always Bubstantially rests on the equitable consideration that "^'-"^ ■
sphere of benefit ought to be the sphere of burden, and that just aftJ^*" '^
would be wrong to tax individuals alone for improvements from wfci-^»- *''
all alike benefit, so it would be equally wrong to tax all alike ^*^
improvements from which particular indiv^iduals receive the lion's sfc". ^^^
of advantage. Judge Slidell of Louisiana accordingly declared t.^-^"'
the system of paying for special local improvements ivhollff out of -^^^
general treasury was inequitable, and would result, he believed,
great extravagance, abuse and injustice." He held the principL
the betterment tax to be safer as well as juster than the other.§
• Angell and Durtee's " Law of Highways," p, 163.
t Atnerican Law Jieview, vi. 504. J Ihid, viii. 363.
§ Dillou's '' Law of Municipal Corporations," ii. 697.
r
I
jS^o]
THE BETTERMENT TAX IN AMERICA.
G49
^ The municipal code of Ohio declares certain improvements, usually
considered in this country to be of a public character, to be purely
fe^i"VBte — so far at any rate as paying for them goes. "An assessment for
a.^ construction of sewers is in its nature a charge for a permanent
xa>d<3ition to the freehold, and is to be paid by tlie ovmer of the fee or the
t older of a perpetual lease, but is not chargeable against an ordinary
5X1 ant for years." * In Tennessee Judge Green went farther, and
r^p»resented a foot-pavement not as an addition given to a property,
loiatii as the removal of a nuisance from it. The mayor and aldermen
of [Franklin in that State got authority by statute to have side-walks
^rxd foot-pavements constructed on the streets of their town by the
o-WTiers of property abutting on the streets, or, in the event of the
o-wvTiers* negligence, to construct the streets at the owners' expense.
*I*he latter reclaimed against the impost as being unequal and
fctilierefore uuconstitntional, but the judge, in delivering the opinion
K-of* the Court, said : " We do not think that this law levies a
Hrt'n .V. A tax is a sum which is required to be paid by the citizens
' "ustially for revenue purposes ; but this ordinance levies no sum of
money to be paid by the citizens. It requires a duty to be performed
for the well-being and comfort of the citizens of the town. It is in
t.\xG nature of a nuisance to be removed ; and if an ordinance were to
re<^uire that each owner of a lot in town should remove nuisances
from his lot, and on failure to do so the town constable should remove
tlie nuisance and the party should pay the erpense of the work, it
■wroiild hardly be suggested that the expense so incurred was a tax,"t
Assessments for improvements of this kind have been accordingly
represented as falling more properly under the police power of
government than under its taxing power, and some Courts have chosen
tliat as the ground for vindicating their constitutionality. This
<|uestion of police power or taxing power is a very practical and
apparently troublesome consideration in America, but our own Public
■Health Act of 1875 confers on local authorities, for purposes of
**nitary p«vlice, the same power to assess the cost of street improve-
inentfl — levelling, paving, sewering, channelling, and lighting — on
*oatting owners according to their frontage ; and not only so, it also
®^ressly recognises the distinction between public improvements
*^d private improvements enforced for public reasons, and provides
*** a special private improvement rate. A private improvement is one
""nich, though instituted as a public necessity, yet confers its benefits
^*ixily on private individuals, and that class of improvement tJie
Piv-ate individuals, who benefit most by it^ are required to undeifake
''in any event to pay for. The beneflciaries, however, are supposed
be the occupiers, and the owners, with the consideration always
I
Vol. Lvn.
• Peck's " Manicipnl Laws of Ohio," p. 219.
t AngelJ and Durfeii's " Law of Highways," p. 164.
2 u
650
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW
L
Bhown them by English law, are charged only when the preiaises
unoccupied.
In America the distinction between private benefit and pa"^^-~,^i.
benefit, between local benefit and general benefit, is always recogn^^^^g^
as a ruling one in affairs of this kind, and as in actual events t V»_ .^
several benefits are nsually mingled, it becomes an object of ^y^^^
to distribute their respective incidence aright. While the impost t ^on
of a general assessment for a local benefit has been held to be wrc^ ^o
the American Courts have at the same time declared it equally WTK==>ng
to impose a local assessment for a general benefit. Acta throwing -*iie
whole burden of improvements on abutting owners have been if^
peatedly rejected. In the case of making a street, indeed, thi^ '^
often allowed. In New York the custom is for the abutting owners* ^
pay the whole cost of the construction. But then the cost her^ '*
not relatively high, and the advantage reaped by those partica^*^
beneficiaries is beyond all comparison greater than that reaped by ^^^^
other inhabitants of the place. But in the case of a country roa^- \
was decided otherwise, at least in the Pennsylvanian Court. A mu :
cipal corporation in that State was authorised by an Act of Le^^lata
to make a road seven miles long, running mainly through agricultu
lands, and to assess the cost on all land within a certain distance of f
road, whether abutting directly upon it or not. It was shown
evidence that although every one of the persons taxed for the
would benefit by the road, each in his degree, there was a great mt
besides who would benefit by the road but were not taxed a farthii
and that the road would bo, in short, a great public benefit to
people of the municipality ; and the Court held that in those circu
stances the imposition was unconstitutional, inasmuch as it impoj ' '"'
a merely local assessment for a general benefit. The same Court — ^^"^""^^
another decision to the same effect. The city of Philadelphia
a street, already in good condition, and improved it for a public dur J
or carriage-way, and then thought to assess the expense on the a<JL_
cent owners ; but the Court refused to sanction the imposition on "*
ground that the improvement had been made not for local, but ^
general purposes.* That is very much the contention of the oppon^^
of the betterment clauses of the Strand Improvement Bill. The »-•
provement, they allege, is devised for the behoof of the general pul
alone, and the general public alone should pay the cost. But this v
of the situation is not encouraged apparently in any other State qxc^^^P ,
Pennsylvania, and in that State generally the betterment tax p*"
ciple seems to be applied with more restraint and caution than elsewh^
In 1877 the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania declared a road assessm*-'
on abutting owners in proportion to frontage to be unequal, ^^
therefore unconstitutional, not merely in the case of rural, but>
♦ Cooley's " Constitutional Limitation*/' p. 680.
THR BK7TEiat£ST TAX IS AMERICA,
Hke oodljdiffaraiioe «« oaawe betir«eat^o(MO
I of rvnJ and snbofban propo^, u iImA tlM profMi^
wy modi urare Talnable as oompanMi with Um ooat incttrred
the iapravtment in Uie one case than in tJM odier, «ih1 oan on th«l
bear tiie burden easier. The jadgnnnt smom to raat tjbwtftwo
view of what the neighbourhood will bcttr. Tbe
pabtic deriro as mnch benefit &om tho urban streel aa (Vom
mral or snbarban road — possibly eron more ; bot ib»j am dia-
bom contribating their quota in the former case> beoause tlH>
property is at once so much abler to stand the oott, and ao
XDocb more greatly benefited by the improvement
In 1873 the Supreme Court of Missouri threw out what will probably
strike most people as a singularly objectionable attempt Ui lay t he whole
liarden of a public improvement on the handful of ailjaceut ]iroprieton.
The city of St. Louis had obtained from the State Le^fialature an Act- for
"the creation of a public park — to be called tl\e Fon'st Park -on land
oataide the city territory. The Act constituted a special Ixxly, called th«»
IPaik Commissioners, for the purposo of earryinj^ out the »ohome, and
gAYe them powers to purchase the land conipulworily, oiul to throw tho
price on the owners of the adjacent property by a special lax which
would pay np the whole in twenty years, liut the Court held thi^
scheme to be unconstitutional, partly because it eiitnisioil taxiiif^
powers to a private corporation, but chielly because it lev itul iJic timmomk-
ment exclusively on certain designated lands outside: (ho city, thuugli
the object was one of general btjneKt whioli this Act il.scif ih-elared |«i
be of great importance to the city of St. Louis, conducive t<i itw dignity
and character, and to the health and recn^atictn of its itdiabiUints. To
provide a public park for tbe amusement of tho people of St. Jjouin at
the exclusive expense of a few private owntirs of rMtate nutxidn Iho
town is clearly contrary to the equitable principlo that he who reajiH
the benefit ought to bear the burden ; anel the judj^o who delivere<J
the opinion of the Court concluded by saying that ** tho connlitution
had wisely erected a barrier agoinst this exorbitont pow**r. ond thero
is a time in the tide of any special taxation when it munt be nuiiJ,
* Thus far shalt thou go and no farther."'t It ought to U) ndd«<<l
that the Supremo Court of Missouri had already, an far back um 1 B50,
•lecided in the case of the city of Weston that the LcgiHluture crmld
Bot constitutiooally authorise a municipal cr>rporation to tux for It*
own local purposes the knds lying beyond the limita of ita ]uri«dictioii.
The land lying immediately roond a town deriveii, no doubt, an
enhancement in value fjrom ita ntnation near tbe totrn, but it inarii-
Ijr only does bo becaose, and in the meaanre in whiclj, the town, on
pirt, reoeivea accommodation and advantage from that land. The
* Amerieaik I^mr JUvitm, iL SML
652
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
tMAT
local authority under whose jurisdiction the land in question liea
could therefore as justly seek to tax the houses in the town for its
purposes as the town to tax its fields. The mere overlapping of juris-
dictions would not constitute a difficulty to the American mind, for
most of the .States are in the habit of constituting gpecial taxing
districts, different from any of the ordinary civil or jxjlitical divisions
of their territory, when they conceive that to be necessary for the more
equitable distribution of the ex]iense of any specific local improvement.
For building a bridge, for example, a State Legislature may mark out
the special area of benefit, and create it into a separate taxing district
for the purpose.* What guided the Court of Missouri in frustrating
the attempts of the cities of Weston and St. Louis to tax outsiders
for the local objects of these cities themselves was not therefore any
consideration of municipal jurisdiction, but merely the simple prin-
ciple of equity j those who enjoy the benefit ought to bear the
burden. So that this rule seems in practice to be applied both ways
pretty evenly — to prevent, on the one hand, the general public from
throwing their proper burden on the shoulders of the special private
beneficiaries, as well as to prevent, on the other, the private bene-
ficiaries from running ofl' with great pecuniary advantages from an
improvement without paying an adequate share of its cost.
The same consideration ia often shown in adjusting the delicato
point of the precise share of the cost of the improvement that ought
equitably to fall upon the adjacent proprietors. Very diffei-ent rules
are followed in this matter in the different States. In New York,
where the betterment tax has been longest in operation, the rule
seems to be, in the case of ordinary street improvements, to lay the
whole cost on the proprietors abutting on the street. It seems to
be so also in Maryland, and doubtless elsewhere. But the Supreme
Court of Illinois, in 1870, declared it to be unconstitutional to throw
the whole expense on the abutting proprietors without regard to the
actual benefit they might resi>ectively have received, because it was
contrary to the requirement of the constitution that all taxation
should be equal. It was considered uneqaal evidently because no
attempt was made to apportion the burden to the benefit. In New
Jersey a drainage scheme was stopped by the Supreme Court, be-
cause it threw the whole cost on the land benefited without providing
for the indemnification of the owners in the event of the expense
exceeding the benefit conferred. In Louisiana only one-third of the
cost ia imposed on adjacent owners, the other two-thirds being paid
by the public. In other cases the division is half and half. In
Illinois, where the decision I have quoted was given, a town got an
Act authorising the construction of side-walks on one side of the streets,
and half of the expense was to be thrown on the ownera of abutting
* Dillon's " Law of Monicipal Corporations," ii. 685.
It90]
THE BETTERMENT TAX IN AMERICA.
663
I
I
property, two-sixths on owners on the side in which the walk was
laid down, and one-sixth on the owners on the opposite side. Occa-
sionally, the attempt to distribute the burden according to the benefit
leads to proposals of other sorts of differential rating. One set of rate-
payers may be asked to pay a high rate, another a lower, while a third
may be exempted altogether. For example, the city of Jane\nlle, in
"Wisconsin, extended its territorial limits so as to include not only
fcowTi and suburbs, bat also a considerable extent of the surrounding
agricultural land, and the Legislature provided that whatever the
amount of the local taxation on the rest of the town might be, the
taxation on this agricultural land must never exceed one-half per cent.
for general municipal purposes, must never for roads and the support
of the poor exceed one-half the rate paid by the rest of the town, and
must not be taxed at all for any other purpose. This principle has
"been recognised in our own countr}'. The Metropolitan Improvements
^ct of 1889 authorised the London County Council to purchase a
disQsed burial-ground in Tottenham Court Road for a public garden,
»nd to impose one-half of the cost on the ratepayers of the whole of
Xondon, and the other half specially on the ratepayers of the pariah
of St. Pancras in which the improvement lay. But the Supreme
Court of Wisconsin did not sanction the analogous arrangement at
Janeville, though that kind of difFerential taxation, as Cooley tells ua,
is quite familiar in American legislation.* Other principles of varia-
tion may sometimes rule, A residential street is obviously much
more an affair of private utility and much leas of public than a great
thoroughfare ; and the Legislature of Kentucky gave a charter to the
city of Covington, in 1872, authorising it to pave the streets with
Nicholson pavement whenever " the owners of the larger part of
^© front feet of ground " abutting on the proposed improvement
'"Onld petition therefor, and not otherwise ; but in respect to
* certain portion of Madison Street, the principal thoroughfare
^^ the city, to pave that on a mere vote of the council without
^ initiative of the owners, but still at the ownei-s' expense. The
J ^^"Ort, however, held this discrimination to be unconstitutional, as
^-Hg •« contrary to the uniformity and apprtjxiniafe equality which
hold by law to be essential to the validity of such taxation
-^*i assessments." \ It will be observed, both of tliis case and the
*7 ^Sconsiu one, that though the acts were declared unconstitutional, the
^^^t-imination in both cases was in favour of private owners and
^*^ of the public. Some States expressly protect the privat** owners
^^^**i excessive exactions by imposing a maximum limit on betterment
jT^^^esments. In the municipal code of Ohio, for exam])h', it is laid
™5*^*Ti that in no case shall the tax or assessment specially levied
• Cooley's "Constitutional LimitaHons," p. 824,
f DUloo'a " Law of Municipal CorporatioDe," ii. 696.
G54
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[1
and assessed on any lot or land for an improvement amount to more
than 25 per cent, of the value of such lot or land as assessed foi
taxation. If the improvement costs more than that rate will meet,
then the excess must be paid by the municipal corporation out oi
its ordinary revenues, except in cases where " three-fourtha in interest
represented by the feet front of the owners of property abutting " oi
the improvement have petitioned for it to be undertaken. In that cas<
they are made welcome to pay the whole.* In the same State i
special betterment tax for sewerage is forbidden to exceed two dollars
per foot front; anything above that must be paid out of the seng
fund of the corporation.f ■
With regard to ordinary street improvements and some others, then
is a standing controversy whether the assessment ought to be impoMj
(1) on the old rude system of every man paying for the expens^H
making the actual portion of the street opposite his own property j cm
(2) according to frontage, without that specialisation ; or (3) accord'
ing to the superficial area of the several lots ; or (4) according to th<
value of the lots and buildings on them together; or (5) according t<
estimated benefits received. The constitution of some States contaim
a provision that all property is to be taxed according to its value, ba
in California the Court in 1865 evaded the difficulty raised by thi
provision by the convenient construction that a betterment impositioi
is not a tax, and need not therefore be assessed on the ad valorm
principle alone. t In Ohio it ia expre.gsly laid down that the better
ment tax may be assessed according to any of various rules, eithe
according to frontage, or according to assessed valuation, or acoordinj
to benefits received, as the municipal council may determine. § Unde
front/age a deduction is allowed in the case of comer lots, because the
have a double front. The question of the legitimacy of frontage a
the rule of assessment has come up in the Courts of Missouri, Kansof
Pennsylvania, Indiana, Illinois, and others, and frontage has bee:
held ■competent by them all. In the case of reclaiming land from a:
inundation, the Courts of Missouri and Louif?iana decided that tb
betterment tax should be levied on area, not on valuation. On tta
other hand, in Michigan a statute authorising a betterment sewfl
asHesament to be levied according to superficial area was pronounce
unconstitutional, and the city of Chicago was forbidden to impose
special street improvement tax according to frontage, on the grourr
that an imposition according to frontage was neither equal nor unLforcr
and that the true principle was assessment according to the specL.
benefits the lots received. Let each lot pay for what it specially gc
and let the rest of the cost be paid by the public. In New Jer
an Act authorising the expense of paving the road-bed of a
* Peck'-s " Municipal Code of Ohio." p. 137.; f I^^^- V' 218.
I Dillon's " Municipal Corporations," p. 702.
^ Pect's '* Municipal Code of Obio," " "'''
t89o2
THE BETTERMENT TAX TN AMERICA.
655
street, to be assessed in the proportion of two-tMrda on the abut-
ting- property and one-tbird on the public at large, was pronounced
an constitutional, on the ground that it distributed the expense
arbitrarily and not according to benefits.* Payment according
to l>enefit seems to be the growing rule, Benefits vary very much,
of course, according to the nature of the property and the use
it xs put to, but the friends of tliis principle contend that they are
no't> difficult to calculate, and that no other principle is at bottom so
arxiform and undiscriminating. On any other principle, the man who
g^ot; most good from an improvement might pay least for it. In
actual practice tbere seems no disposition to deal harshly with the
owner in appropriating the value of the improvement his estate
r^<5eives. In Boston the betterment tax was only one-half the esti-
ina.t>ed benefit, so that an ample margin was allowed for possible
o"ver -valuation, and care taken against possible injustice.
The benefits taken into account must be direct and not remote. In
<5on.sidering benefits with a view to a set-off in compensation cases,
A^merican law excludes contingent, consequential, prospective and
g'en.eral benefits, such as the property shares with all other property in
tlie town. The area of benefit is most commonly confined to imme-
d.i^tely abutting estates, but in Ohio it may bo extended further. " If
ixi tte opinion of the Council or Board of Improvements the same
^OTxld be equitable, a proportion of the cost of making the iraprove-
oa^Xit may be assessed upon such other lots or land within the cor-
E>oratioa not bounding or abutting upon the improvement as will in
ti».o opinion of the Council or Board be specially accommodated or
t»^ncfited thereby."! The same rule doubtless prevails in other
3^^'^^*^te8. In Mississippi an Act was passed and sanctioned for embank-
*~*-*^K the river Mississippi in a particular county, and the expense was
*^*-* t>e met by " a uniform tax not exceeding teii cents per acre on all
^^**<3s La the county lying on or within ten roUes of the river, and five
^^tits per acre on all lands in the county lying more than ten miles
«:«^ta the river."t
The valuation of property, or of benefit to property, nece^ary for
*»« betterment tax is made sometimes by special assessors, but usually
-^ tlie ordinary assessors for the other local taxes ; and American
^^^8 have always three assessors, who are burgesses in the town,
^ elected for a three years' term, and do the work jointly.
^»^ Tte way has been smoothed for the general introduction of special
-»7^*'t-ennent legislation in America by certain collateral principles having
^^^O already adopted iu American law. American law, for example, has
t**irted from the common law of England by refusing to allow an owner
*o
'"ecover his property from a ho7id fide adverse possessor untU he has
* Thompson's " American Heports," p. 562.
t Peck's " Municipal Cwle of Ohio," p. 204.
X Angell and Dvrlee's " Law of Highwajre," p. 106.
CONTEMPORARY REVIEW. [May
paid the latter adequate compensation for the improvements he made
on the property while it was in his possession. And an even more
important divergence is the recognition, in cases of compulsory pur-
chase for railway or similar purposeSj of the improvement to the rest
of the seller's estate as a set-off, according to its value, against
claim for compensation for the piece of land taken from him. Thisii
allowed in most of the American States, x>ossibly in all. In Massa-.
chusetts the Court laid down the doctrine in a highway case, th
" the benefit the owner of the land derives from the laying down of
way over it may often exceed the value of the land covered by t
way ; " and a railway company is allowed in that State to show by w;
of a set-off against a claim for the land it took any direct and pecul
benefit or increase of value which the owner of the same land obtai
from the making of the line, though not any general benefit or increase
value received by such land in common "vvith other lands in the nei|f^ 'Mi-
bourhood, nor any benefit accraing from the same source to other la— »■ n^
of the same owner, or in the same town.* The constitution of Vermcz^ ^mt
provides that the owner of land compulsorily taken should receive ^Emn
equivalent in money, but the Court decided that it was quite consist^s^- lit
with that provision to pay him the equivalent in the increased vaM_ "«ie
of the rest of his estate. In calculating benefit care is usually tnl-f — -^n
to exclude indirect, contingent, and general benefit. Thus, in Virgi
in a case of laud taken for a river improvement by a river compi
the appraisers were instructed to take into account, by way of set
only such advantages as specifically and exclusively affected the ^^
ticular parcel of land out of which the portion had been taken,
not to look at advantages of a more general character whicb mi
accrue to the owner in common with the country at large ; an
Massachuesetts they were in the same way instructed that the gen
benefit accruing to the property of a town through a railway —
benefit coming indirectly through increase of population and busin
and greater convenience for residence and trade — was too remot
be considered. t
But the peculiar benefit to which the valuation is limited
often be so much that the set-off exceeds the claim, and the land
has to part with his land and pay a balance besides. In New Y(
John R. Livingston owned land taken for a street, and when
looked for payment got instead a bill for betterment of his remain,
estate. He flew to law, but was told he could claim no damages
sustaining a benefit. *' The owner of property taken," said
Chancellor, " ia entitled to a full compensation for the damage
Buataina thereby, but if tJie taking of his property for a public imprt^
ment is a benefit rather than an injury to him, he certainly has
equitable claim of damages." And the Chancellor's view was confir;
• Angell and Dnrfee'a " Law of Highwaya," p. 93. f ^*^- P- 9^
-XJlO
i«9oJ
THE BETTERMENT TAX IN AMERICA.
657
on appeal by a unanimous judgment in the Court for Correction of
Errors.* This principle of tlie set-ofl* has sometimes been the thin end
• of" the wedge that brought in the regular betterment tax after it.
X^ennsylrama first borrowed the set-oft' from New York before it
borrowed the betterment tax, but eveu then the judge who delivered
tJie opinion of the Court in Philadelphia eaid that, though the set-off
^«rafi a new feature in the statutes of Pennsylvania, he did not conceive
■tJie principle of it to be altogether new. The American mind had been
in various ways familiar with the ideas of equity on which it proceeded.
IBotb the granting of compensation for improvements to the h»iA fide
owner of another's estate, and the ranking of benefit conferred on an
estate as a set-off against a claim for compensation, are advances upon
our English law, but they are distinctly advances towards greater
equity ; and one of them, the set-off, would have been of immense
public benefit here in reducing the cost of our railway construction.
Nothing has contributed more to make railway transportation so dear in
Sn^land than the exorbitant prices given to proprietors as compen-
sation for an interference with their land, which was not a hurt, but
■ Teally a great benefit to them.
Now it will be asked, but how has the betterment tax been found to
■'V'ork? Has the public been materially helped by it ? Has it led to
lio oppressive exactions, and provoked no discontent among the private
proprietors specially assessed ? So far as I have been able to ascertain,
tHere has never been anywhere any serious or continued outcry against
*t. At first it always caused opposition, and many persons dreaded it,
^>ecanse they felt that it was liable to abuse, and might in hands
ong-uided by ideas of fairness be converted into an instrument of gross
Oppression. But in actual experience they have found it generally
applied with great consideration for private rights, and under those
circumstances the advantage of the tax is obvious. It undoubtedly
'^cilitates improvements, because it is one of the least burdensome
'*i©thodfl of meeting their cost, always the chief difliculty in their way.
-*- **® mere fact of its general adoption among a people so shrewd and
*"'^*<5tical, and containing so largo a proportion of proprietors as the
~^^*iericans is a sufficient proof that it has given satisfaction. It has
^^^Q adopted after ample discussion and analysis by nearly forty
^-^^/^Cfent legislatures, as independent of one another as those of
JL^^ctoria and New Zealand, or for that matter, as those of England and
-^ .^^**ice. It has been adopted with equal decision in States the most
-»^,^®i*se in their history, material condition and political bias, in
-^,^~**glnia as well as in Massachussetts, in the newest communities of the
'^t; as in the now almost venerable commonwealths of New England;
- y^ '^ if it be said they only cojued it from one another, tlie force of
^ir testimony is really strengthened greatly by the circumstance,
■^ * Angell and Durfee's " Lav of Uighwajf," p. 156.
658
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
tMAT
because it ia the testimony of men who only introduced it among
themselves after witnessing the effect of the experiment among their
neighbours.
One of the beat examples of its operation is in the case of the
Boston Improvement Act of 1866, into which, after a long fight, a
betterment clause was inserted permitting the assessment on property
specially benefited by the improvements, of a special tax not exceeding
one-half of the estimated benefit the property received. Unless th^
estimate of the benefit was outrageously excessive, nobody conic
reasonably complain of such an imposition. A proprietor who gc
£100 a year from the improvement works was not likely to feel hi
by being asked to contribute £50 a year to the expense of the^- j^.
execution. Having got their Act the Boston corporation inimediate»-r^y
instituted a series of systematic town improvements, each of "-'■"'- ^_l.
Beems to have been on at least as great a scale as the Strand Impro^*« e-
ment Bcheme,'and they thus renovated successively the older quarters.^ of
the city. Mr. "VVinsor, the historian of Boston, does not distingoi^K^sJi
how much was paid by the private owners as betterment tax, nor c3o
I understand whether he even includes it in his totals, But his figu- "3r*ea ™
will at all events give some idea of the extent of the operatic* :r"a.3,^
Between 1822 and 1866 the total expenditure in Boston for csii^y
improvements was only ■i-/tOO,000 dollars ; between 1866 and 1880 it
was 22,200,000 dollars, and most of this was expended on three gi— ^^^at
schemes of street widening and demolition between 1866 and 1872 — fl
Mr. Winsor says this was all done '' without hardship to -t^h^
numerous individuals whose property was taken, and without la-.-»- "g®
expense to the city."* The people of Boston had eight years' exp'^^^^*- ""
ence of the operation of the betterment tax, when Mr, 8haw-Lefe
first broached the subject in England in 1875 in his speech on
(then Mr.) Cross's Artisans Dwellings Bill, and Mr. Lefevre on fc-^
occasion quoted the remarkable testimony of a friend in Boston, wt»- -^'^™
he has since mentioned to have been the late Mr. II. H, Dana. _J-" ■^-
Dana informed Mr. Lefevro that although he had been much oppo^^^^^
to the betterment tax proposal at first, because he thought it in."
fered unduly with the rights of property, he was obliged to ad
that it would be productive of great benefit, and that by the adop'
of the principle many schemes had been earned into effect wl
would before have been utterly hopeless. That seems to have \z^*
the general opinion in Boston at the time, for in that very year
city applied for another improvement Act, with the same bettenr:»- j
clauses in it, for the acquisition of a public park, and under this ~JJ
they purchased, in 1877, 106 acres of flats on Back Bay at an aveac *^
price of 10 cents the square foot, and Mr. Winsor says, "The assesBU^^*
which they were authorised to levy on the adjoining lands, on accouc:^'^
* Winsor's " Memorial History of Boston," iii. 274.
THE BETTERMENT TAX IN AMERICA.
659
tlieir increased value from the establisliment of the park, have made the
Bet cost of the property to the city only about 30,000 dollars." *
In Washingtou the experience was not so satisfactory, but in
Washington the betterment tax was not, as in Boston, one-half of the
benefit the owners derived, but one-third of the whole cost of the
teiprovement itself ; and besides, the improvements seem to have been in
extent out of all proportion with the roaonrces of the city, so that the
I TlioJe body of ratepayers felt the burden to be oppressive, and the
"■ipecial payers of the betterment rate to have felt it only something
more than the rest. Before the civil war, Washington was a mere
"^f^^mproved village, but in the five years, 1866-1871, the corporation
^<5 out 8,000,000 dollars on improveraenta, of which 2,500,000 were
^•seased specially on adjoining owners, and 3,000,000 seem to have
raised as a loan. This expenditure was felt so heavy by the
>le that a clamour arose, under which, not merely the individual
lifisioners but the commission itself as an institution was superseded,
id a new Board created in 1871 for the purpose of carrying out
ililic improvements. But if the old commission scourged them with
*"-"ips, they found the new Board scourged them with scorpions. It
■^iixched out into most extensive improvements j in four years it had
^^ved 90 miles of streets (more than half of them with wood), it had
W*cl down 13 miles of sewer-pipes, 1 !• miles of water-mains, 20 miles
^^ gpas-mains, and so on ; in short, as Mr. J. A. Porter says, " it created
■^^ashington as it is known." f The debt of the city was raised
^om 3,000,000, in 1871, to 20,000,000 dollars in 1875, and I presume
B^e taxation, both general and special, was also raised in the same
^T>o portion. For sewerage a special tax was devised, " The city was
jj-'vided for the purpose into five districts, the property in each being
^aVsjected to an arbitrary tax per square foot without particular
^*i£erence to value or location. "f From this sentence it would appear
^^*«t part of the complaint was because the tax was imposed indis-
<iriinuiately according to frontage and not according to benefit. At
^r»j rate the discontent was deep, and a petition was sent to Congress
"y the most respectable citize^i, asking tlie Board of Works to be
•^^^moned t-o the Bar of the Senate on a charge of recklessness and
''^•l-administration. When this failed, they^ started a newspaper to
'PoPtjnue the agitation, and Mr. Porter particularly mentions that
B* fiome of their (the Board's) ' special taxes ' were shown to amount
y^'^Qctically to confiscation ;" and that the *' special improvement" rate
^T^* felt very severely, so that it seems to have been made a principal
^ject of attack.
1 will only add one observation more. Whatever may be thought
"ViMor'B " Memorial History of Boston," iii. 285.
I Mr, Porter's interesting study on tbo " City of Wasliington," in John Hopkins
tSttttiics," p. 35. * X Jbid. p. 37.
660
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[VLtr
of this peculiar tax, it is at least very clear that it has nothing in i\
world to do, either in idea or in eSect, with those general proposj^,^^
to iotercept the unearned increment on real property with which t*^
Duke of Argyll has unhappily cbosen to confound it. Nothing
thought of but the fairest and least burdensome way of meeting ^
extraordinary common expense. City improvements are a purpose 7^,
which it has verj' generally been considered necessary to provide \^
some special resource. The city of London used to meet it by "tJia
coal duties ; the Scotch towns before the Union by an impost of 1;w9
pennies Scots on the stoup of ale; Glasgow, sixty years ago, bjr «
public lottery. But, on the whole, no possible resource seems so Mt-tle
burdensome as this betterment tax. Who is hurt by it ? It is call^
discriminating, but it is not really so. The coal duties were, inde^<3,
disci'iminating ; they forced the manufacturer in Lambeth and the pt^cr
searastregs in St. GOes's to pay for improvements in the City fro^^
which they drew absolutely no benefit, while the rich proprietor in ti^^
locality escaped almost scot-free, though the improvements filled fc»J9
purse. The Duke of Argyll condemns the betterment tax as a 00*^"
travention of the economic laws of exchange value, inasmuch as ii^^^t
land and houses alone, but every commodity occasionally contracts t^*^
accidental enhancement in value from rises in public demand, witho"«t
any expenditure of labour. But we have to do here not with ^am
enhancement due to a rise in demand, but with an enhancem»'»t
directly contributed by labour. When a house in a back street is
made to front a great thoroughfare by clearing away the houses tt»ai
stood before it, the improvement in its situation, which makes ii
more worthy of demand, hag all been conferred upon it by as defin.if#
a piece of labour as the labour of bringing sewers and water
to the house ; and the only question is whether the proprietor ougit
not to contribute to the expense of that labour in some proportioD
to the special benefit he appropriates from it, or at least in some
higher measure than his fellow-citizens who do not participate in tb»t
benefit. The benefit he recpivea, it is trupj accrues to him in this
case just as iu the ordinary cases of mneamed increment, without any
definite expenditure on his own part, so that he would be really no
sufierer if it were to be taken from him, but th© peculiarity in the
case, which marks it off from ordinary unearned increment, is that the
benefit all comes from a definite expenditure on the part of the pnbbc,
to which every other citizen is forced to contribute as well as he. Tbe
Duke's argument from the general utility of leaving unearned inert'-
ment untouched, as an encouragement to enterprise, turns agaio*
himself in the present case, because in the present case the enterprise,
the spirit of improvement, is so manifestly encouraged by the public
appropriation of the increment.
JoHK Bar
A "POISONED PARADISE."
|N all sides I hear that ilonte Carlo is not what it was. Its most
devoted admirera are gradually becoming faithless in their
giance ; and their enthusiasm strikes me as chillier as year succeeds
r. The deep blue, tideless Mediterranean is there ; the silver grey
kground of mysterious mountains still shelters this fascinating spot ;
still can wander in orange gardens and groves of lemon; the
sets and lanes are scented with geranium and mimosa bloom ; roses,
lets, anemones, are as plentiful as primroses and daffodils in an
glish garden, the sun still shines alluringly, the air is charged with
lilaration, but over the whole place hangs the atmosphere of un-
dtliiness, the miasma of decay and desolation. Under each
impled rose-leaf is a bright-eyed asp ; beneath the golden fruit in
)se Hesperides gardens gleams the foul-fanged adder. The Paradise
ide by God is th^re in its transcendaat beauty, but the poison is
rarnount, distilled by the devil.
I was ever anxious to be introduced to tho many joys and delights
Monte Carlo. Year followed year and still found me chained to
) oar, bound to the mast of incessant toil, doomed to fogs and days
Egyptian darkness, and gas-lighted gloom, and east winds, and per-
t«nt melancholy, whilst others, luckier as I f>ver thought, could fly
ay like the swallows to happier, sunnier climea. The torture of
at I then thought servitude seemed more intense when boxes of
Vera arrived, beautiful but scentless— presents from Kellers, the daily
uiezvous of Monte Carlo visitors — roses that smelt not of the English
''den, mignonette that somehow lacked what Matthew Arnold calls the
lomely cottage smell," and clusters of oranges and lemons with leaves
•ched which ever reminded one of the decorative wall papers of
illi&m Morris. It seemed to me from these tributes of afifection, from
THE COXrEirPORARY REVIEW.
rooiQ^
tsepfl
thran gloving ■inwiito of Moate Culo fife, from the bapfpy tone 0
cane in letters from old frimila, fmn whisperB sent from hill-€
villtt and fruit garfaw, tiiafc tbere laaat be Horatian ease, indeed
aodi aa were ladcj enongfc to cnjoj As hospitality of kindly pat«
like tlie modem Mccenas. fl
Hie diffical^ alwaja waa in ay mind to aaBodate this " gtfl
ease * with the daily and deadly pfleamce of the gambling rooiqg
separate the refinement and giadoasnesBof Monte Carlo life,
iwimiMt Tulgantj and rowdyism that are Bondicnr or other inse;
fxanx ^jUOBnA dutnoe ; to beliere thai Aere was indeed one place J
world that resisted and withstood the despair and decay that ioevftal
follow in the gamUet's train. Chance willed it that holiday rambl
from town to town made me JMnil^ity in old dajrs with the most popal
gambling resorts of the Continent. I think I saw them all at th«
beat ; at the period of bkeeoniing, not of decay. I hare eBJoy^
the pleasures of (the gaming esano apart) the delicioas pine woe
that snrronnd the picturesque Spa : the neatness and order, the tc
box grmmetry of the sweltering little Rhine Valley, where, on t
banks of a tribntary of the great river, kings and emperors and princ
came to drink the waters and to woo the goddess of fortune at Ei
Baden. I hare stood aghast at the glittering crowd, loxurions I
still refined, reckless, but still aristocratic, that almost dazzled 1
senses in the beautiful gaming rooms at Wiesbaden ; and on IoV(
summer nights I hare sat " under the dreaming garden trees'*
Baden-Baden listening to the incomparable music of the band
Strauss, delightfully fatigued after a ramble up the hills and about 1
rains of the old Schloss where .£olian harps, artfully concealed in I
ivy-covered window frames, were stirred by every passing breeze t!
came softly over the hills. The impression left on the mind afte
visit to these familiar spots was one of luxurious feveriehness, never
disgust. There was much there to allure ; nothing, so far as I co'
see, to make one shudder. We did not mix in those days w
rowdies, cheats, and blacklegs. There may have been disputes at '
tables — as there aro in many a well-cond acted clab — from the h
of play, but there was no petty thieving, no grabbing of other peop
monty, no pot-house cavilling, sach as are found in the Monte Cark
to-day. The privilege of entrance was never very select, but it t
an understood thing that all who were admitted to the rooms sho
know how to behave, and should learn how to dress. At the ti
that Thomas Robertson wrote his comedy called " l*lay," and ini
dnced some g^raceful pictures of holiday life at Baden-Baden, I si
pope the place was in its fall tide of success and fashion, and that
about the time that I visited this charming and well ordered nooi
few miles from the main railway station, called " Ooe," facetioo
known by all punters of those days as *' Double Zeros."
l89o]
A ''POISONED PARADISE."
668
life at Baden-Baden in those days was not particularly strait-laced,
bat yoa saw there all that was most distinguished in the aristocratic
and the half world also. There were races at Iflizheim and pigeoa-
Bhooting matches and driveg throagh the woods to the mountains ;
there were balls and concerts and theatres, and shops where winners
invested in diamonds, and losers obtained advances on priceless jewels ;
fortunes were lost there, and folly went hand in hand with fun ; but
Baden and its sister watering-places never sank to the tipsy depravdty
of the " American Bar." It was a case of " levelling up " at Baden,
not of *' levelling down." No doubt some of the scum of European
society floated that way, but the atmosphere of the place made them
be on their best behaviour and not their worst. A man who did not
know how to present himself in society, either in dress or conversation,
would have been politely shown the door — on the wrong side. The
snob who made a disturbance in the well-ordered rooms where discreet
silence prevailed would have been politely hustled out. The " Corin-
thian" who would have dared to swear and curse and shout at a
Baden hotel or restaurant, and to insult the guests assembled there,
"Would have been firmly but politely presented with the *' key of the
street," and not even then allowed to bnlly and holloa like a tipsy
Ooatermonger. In those days mere wealth, or mere impudence, did
'lot secure for their owners any special pri\dlege of impertinence towards
^Jj© majority. On the contrary, the majority were perfectly able
and willing to take care of themselves, and to protect the women
inder their care.
But gradually, I suppose, the tide of progress — or shall I call it
licence — aflfected the German as it did the other gambKug places. They
^er© quietly closed before scandal was allowed to place upon them
Its festering finger. Ems, Homburg, Wiesbaden, and Baden-Baden
^ere as brands snatched from the burning. They were handed over
*ro»n dissipation to health, and from pleasure to education. The water
'^fea healed the body, and the schools assisted the mind. Lawn tennis
*Qcceeded the board of green cloth, and the cricket-ball was heard in-
■^ad of the eternal click of the roulette table. There were stranger
**periences, however, elsewhere. Some mysterious chance helped me
**> Bee the last act of what I may presume was the most disreputable
*it.tle gambling hell in Europe. Like its brothers and siatera in
Iniquity it was situated amidst enchanting scenery — the last place in the
"''Orld you would expect to find amidst the "peace of solitary mountains"
*nd in the heart of a smiling valley with its simple villages and
Waterfalls. It was at the close of a summer holiday in Switzerland
^uat my friends, not without ominous warnings, left me on the platform
^f the station of " Saxon les Bains " in the Rhone valley. Here
Rambling was kept up some time after the German tables were closed ;
*i»d I very much doubt if such a villainous set of people, such a scum
664
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
of blackguardism, could Lave been found at any other place on
European continent. Outside all was fair and snailing — little viJ
seductive chalets, a miniature casino concealed in some gardens, di
and burnt up with the summer heat, and a second-class hotel wit
background of lovely mountains. I was destined to enjoy a stra
experience. Arriving late in the afternoon, I sat down in the unl
mile a manger of the hotel for table d'hftte, but before the din
was half over I was astonished to find that my left-hand neighboai
an untidy, careworn looking woman — burst into a flood of te
Being of a sympathetic turn vi mind, I tried to console her, or at i
rate to ascertain the cause of her despair. It appeared that her I
band, who was a French commercial traveller, was upstairs in 1:
half tipsy with brandy, and. threatening his wretched wife that
would commit suicide before moming. He had lost every farthin|
his employer's money on the morning of that very day, and they '
only a few francs between them to pay the hotel bill, for which t
were being pressed by the landlord. I then understood the objec
the flood of tears. I was expected out of my charity to extricate
fair neighbour from her difficulty, and save her demented hosb
from a premature death. But my own finances at the end of a holi
did not permit me to indulge in any very extensive scheme of cha:
My purse would not yield more than a small gold piece, which
naturally promptly convoked to the gambling table. Whether I st
the wretched woman from the beating which she hourly expectec
her drunken husband from the doom he contemplated, I never
covered, for the early dawn saw me many miles from the vile ]
known as Saxon les Bains. But In the few memorable hours tht
spent there I had impressions that I am not likely to forget. E
anxious to see what is to be seen wherever I may be, I made my v
after dinner to the gambling tables. It is impossible to describe I
vile appearaiice nf the men and women who crowded round thetabi
■or to record the language that was used. The croupiers all seemed
favour the most disreputable, and on more than one occasion tb
waa a free fight over some disputed stake. The smallest coin t!
could be staked waa a florin , and I am bound to say I saw very lit
gold on the table. I happened to be rather lucky, and my good f
tune aided me in securing my winnings before they were appropria
by the thieves — men and women — in whose undesirable compan;
was placed. I was only playing with florins, and as there appea
to be no gold on the board I was paid in silver pieces. As time W'
on I got heavier and heavier, all my pockets were filled, and, as n
be guessed, the winning of a very few pounds in silver pieces woi
eventually retard my progress somewhat, and make me an easy prey
^ any one concealed in the shrubberies who was armed with a stout cli
On one occasion two friends of mine who had been playing and
i«9oa
A ''POISONED PARADISE."
666
ning at St. Sebastian on the Spanish frontier were kindly provided
by the " administration " with a couple of old Dogberrys, who with
pikes and lanterns escorted them and their gains to their hotel. The
authorities at Saxon les Bains were not so considerate to ine, and I
had to make tlie best of my way home unattended. I saw at once
when I left the tables that I was a marked man. Two melodramatic
villx&ins followed me out of the room, and as I anticipated danger in
the dark shrubberies of the casino gardens, for the gas supply was very
limited indeed, I resolved, heavily weighted as I was in the handicap,
bo make a bolt for it, and to show my evil-looking friends a clean
pair of heels. Jingling and rattling I arrived at the mean-looking
hotel, and liaving found my way to my room proceeded to lling my
^a.ins on to the bed and to coant the spoil. To my astonishment I
heard crafty steps creeping about the corridor. Incautiously I had
forgotten to lock the door. Had I wanted to do so it would have
been impossible, as I found, when examining the door, that the lock
and. bolts had been deliberately ^vrenched away. There was no time
to Vte lost, for the cat-like steps still crept about the passages, waiting
for iny light to be extinguished. There was no help for it but to
make a barricade. I dragged the heaviest furniture from its place
and barred the door with the wardrobe, the chairs and tables. Bat
sleep was impossible. All night long my door was being tried by the
K^este of the hotel proprietor who had taken a fancy to my silver
pieces. By the first train I was on my way to Geneva with my prizo
secure. And I saw no more of Saxon les Bains, whose evil career
•^ttie to an end the next year. It was ruined by the power of its in-
aerent vice and reckless depravit}'.
-A.ti last, after many years waiting, the chance of visiting Monte
^^o presented itself. I was to go under the happiest auspices and in
"*® Company of old friends. Expectation had led me to hope for much,
**^^ in this instance all that I had imagined as to the beauty of the
^'^'^iera was exceeded. The best way to approach the paradise of flowers
*^^ sunshine is to start froni Paris — after a rest-^by the train dc liuv,
. On come to the most interesting bits of the scenery in the early mom-
**& after a good sleep and a comfortable breakfast, and all that the
^*^litisiast can desire is a flood of sunshine. We got it almost from
^3^1ii*eak. I can conceive no greater pleasure than the gradual ascent
^ it: were into the favoured regions of the sun. Hour after hour thfr
^ *^H>m and mist are left behind. We reach the grey olives when the
^^ is breaking. ^Ve arrive at llai-seilles and the calm blue Mediter-
^^**oan shore when the sun is mounting to the heavens. No more
*^*::k9 of olive-strewn plains, no more rocks and barren pastures — all
Ir^^tity when Marseilles is left behind. At once we are in another world.
^^therto our English eyes have only been accustomed to applo and
**erry orchards at home, but here the landscape is starred out with ripe
Vol. LVD.
i: X
666
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Ma-
-m
red oranges and golden lemons. There seems to be everything in nat
here. We can scarcely believe our eyes. Orange trees in blosao
and in fruit at the same hour : violets and anemones blooming side
side with acres of rose trees ; spring, summer and autumn, as we kni
them, united in one long embrace. After Cannes the sceni
intensifies in beauty. The train, rushing through little tunm
skirts blue, land-locked bays, sparkling with yachts and gay w
men of war. The windows of all the villas are open, and altho^,;^^^r
yesterday we were shivering in the Strand now there are sun-bl5.^f_,j
and tents in the gardens, and lawn-tennis players are seen in flaa-x:^^ e/s
resting from some tournament among the flowers. Each sunny s-^-tpt
on the Hiviera has ita admirers, but none can rival Monte Carlo for sit»_:3a.
tion and grandeur. Nowhen' else is there the background of maje^ tic
rock ; nowhere else the castled promontory of Monaco where C:>he
palace of the prince is half-hiddeu by bowers of mimosa and geranii*- ^n.
The key-not<j of the despair of the place is struck within a momenta **'
arrival. An old fi'ifud who cornea to meet ua at the station, a gL^"^^^
fellow who enjoys fun like the rest of us, is already preparing *^ _
depart. He has been over to Mentono and he owns he likes it bett^^^ " I
Another who has had but a slight apprenticeship of the Principal^***- ?
has made nji his mind to join his frionds at Nice. A third ^^^^
enthusiastic about the peaceful villa gardens where so many Engli
make a home on the sunny road between Nice and Monte Car!
A fourth, who has only remained behind to welcome us, cordially o
that *' he has had enough of it." ^Vhat is the matter with the placi
What plague has stricken it ? There is nothing to find fault with
the hotels, except the prices, which must run high at such pi
where money is no object. Some prefer noise, others quiet,
some the Grand and the Paris are too fast : to others the decon
Metropole is, according to them, too slow. As to the mere eating t^--^^"^^^^-"^
drinking* all own that you can dine or breakfsist here as well if c:^^^*^*
better than at the Cafe Anglais or Delmonico's. Every luxury that vcm- ^^■m
or woman can desire is to be had here for the asking. The suim- ^
shining in the heavens, the air is exhilarating, not depressing. H*^^^
flowf^rs scent the very atmosphere, the music is of the very best ti:»- -^^
can be obtained in Europe. Why then are all the visitors exce*^^**
the confirmed gamblers talking of removing away to select Cann^^*
or lovely Beaulteu ? There is something wrong with the plac--^?
something that does not meet the eye. What is the matter wit ^
Monte Carlo. To the outward gaze it is, indeed, a paradise. MTl-^**
poisoned it ? Ijet ns look for ourselves and see.
Up those fatal steps then to the great white building from whos^^^
portals the careless and s!ip-slop administration ^ so it is rumoured,,*-^
thought fit to expel the Prime Minister of England. This is the seat oC"^
the disease that is eating the life out of Monte Carlo. This is the canker
lo]
A "POISONED PARADISE"
667
>t of the lovely Principality. It is here if you take a seat at the cafi ia
9 pretty flowered square, nail emoke a meditative cigar, that you can
ietly observe the inner and the despaiiing life of Monte Carlo. All
Y long, from eleven o'clock in the morning until the clock strikes
rven at night, they ascend and descend — men and women, honest
jple and scoundrels, the over-dressed and the well-nigh ragged — the
ivhle steps that^ — good chance or bad chance — must eventually lead to
in. How confident and buoyant is the new-comer ; how gloomy
d. meditative the old hand ; how dejected and despairing comes out
B ; how feverishly excited and talking at the top of his voice comes
; gambler, who for the moment thinks that he is destined beyond
others to alter the course of the inevitable. On eveiy face, even
tihe youngest and prettiest, are already marked tbe lines of anxiety.
tkj do not our artists come and paint this, the most dramatic picture
all Monte Carlo ?
Xefore now we have seen in pictures the interior of the gaming rooms,
» hght, the excitement, the greed, the various expressions on the
»C6. But the true drama is here on the Casino steps, which must be
>ddeQ in despair at last in spite of luck, iu spite of systems, in spite of
^.rking of cards, and mathematical calculations, in spite of pilfering
«3 cheating, and boiTowing and sponging by the tragic figure, half
aid, hopeless, penniless — a pathetic ruiu. The pitcher has gone
oe too often to the well. It ia broken at last. And to this
oaplexion every gambler in the world must come.
The people at Monte Carlo appear to act on the principle that
Bry respectable person should be eyed with suspicion, and every
ady-looking customer welcomed with open arms. The change from
3 Ban and gaiety outside to the squalor aud gloom of the outer
U is vety striking to the spectator who can remember the old
>den days. No wondfr that hotel robberies are of doily occurrence,
•t you cannot leave your room without danger of your trunk being
led ; that squabbles and wranglings occur over the stakes, that a
>tipieThas been proved to be in league with the " knights of industry,"
10 swarm like beea about the place, when free admission is given to
aH a seedy society as this. Respectability is in a minority, whereas a
V years ago, it had a decided majority, and the company, as it ever
^B, has given a tone to the scene. In the outer hall, that reminds
* of the entrance to a railway station, ill-decorated, untidy aud
''Osted of all style, lounge fsorocs, smoking and spitting, men and
'Ctien, who are well known as evil characters by every police depart-
■*it in Europe. A lady points me out a man who robbed her and
^ husband only a season or so ago, and was kicked out of the Prin-
*^ty. Here he is back again, practising his old tricks, and con-
tviently provided with an admission ticket by the courteous adminis-
^tion. Here are well-known characters in the black book of our
668
THE COyTEMPORARV REVIEW.
fM*
own Scotland Yard. As I stand watching this curious assembly, 1
see a little man come out of the room in an excited state, his han^HsJs
full of money, chuckling to himself, and followod by a couple of wom^=?-u,
who cling to either arm. Ton minutes afterwards I discover that "»i.>
has robbed a friend of mine of a winning stake amounting to abi":^ ut
£20. Where on earth do all these people come from ? Where <lo
they hide at Monte Carlo ' We do not meet them at our hotels ; -^we
do not sit beside them at table d'h6te or the restaurants ; they xkt9
never to be seen at the concerts or public places; they come out
mysteriously, like hats or owls, and flit about the stifling rooms &Tid
fcetid tables. They are the vultures, ready to prey on the carcases of
the good-natured and inex]ierienced. People at home are under the
impression that the gambling-rooms have a certain allurement of
refinement and fastidious taste. It used to be eo in the old days, "but
is not 80 now. Badly ventilated they arc, ill decorated, very second-
rate and down at heel; the old drawing-room style has been abolished,
out of deference to the company that visits them. Strange to say. I -was
reminded far more of dingy Saxon les Bains, than of aristocratic Edo*
and Hombnrg, At Monte Carlo they suit their room to their companyf
and ft nice shady company it appears to be. There are three sooi»l
periods at the tables. First, in the morning, the inveterate gambleia
who make a trade of it, and are to bo seen in their chairs almost fro t"
morning until night; secondly, in the afternoon, what may be called 't.'fce
provincial and suburban rush that brings the amiable punters by tx"fii-iD
from the neighbouring peace f'vl spots shut out from temptation, and c<i>^"
sequently sheltered by respectability. Lastly, the desperate and ^^^s-
jewelled division, the after-dinner crowds in which peers, and officers, ^^<i
statesmen, and people of the highest respectability from every city in "fci^
world, attired as gentlemen and ladies, rub shoulders with thieves xm-'ho
demi reps, the ostracised and the suspected, the bold and the brazen, ^^Jif*
the queens of the half-world, plastered over with jew els, which are "ti*
admiration and envy of all beholders, particularly of the hotel rob*fc>^^j
who mark down their prey.
And modem Monte Carlo has apparently become converted to the "C^^
and advantage of the American bar. She is not alone in that reap^***"
At some of the most respectable Swiss hotels in the holiday seO^**'"
may be seen, either ostentatiously displayed or hidden away ix»- *
comer, a gaudy bar, at which cock-taila, pick-me-ups, and deleteri<^°*
drinks are administered by a showy young lady, or some accredi*-***
professor in the art of alow poison. Monte Carlo is well provi*^***
with these social rendezvous. It is the fashion when play is over ^^
the refined and the vulgar, the man of breeding and the social outc^***'
to foregather at one or other of these bars, which give quite a ton^ "^
the society of Monte Carlo. The downright good-fellowship, *^^
hail-fellow-well-met principle, the good-natured, reckless Tom ^^^
i
i
i
670
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Kit
fpi
and sisters elsewhere were reformed, it will be by the innate force of
its ovvn social depravity, and the growth of the cancer-fibres of ite
owix unbridled luxarj'. Vulgarity and knavery are the two wonfc
enemies of the Monte Carlo administration. When the place becomets
socially impossible to ■sisit its destiny is fixed. Monte Carlo vtX^
revive its old charm and position once more, its unrivalled beauty ax^
majesty — not because there is a revulsion against gambling — becaa^*^
gambling must exist as long as the world lasts — but because the raggi^^
FalstafTs array, the camp-followers of the gaming-tables, will at la-^^
become intolerable to the householders and peaceful residents of tih»--^
enchanting spot. One fine morning Monte Carlo will arise sod fic::^*
her lovely home purged from its impurity, clean, respectable, swe^^B*
and garnished. Nothing can take from her the glorious gifts ^'
nature, hor bright blue sky, her castled promontory, her flowe::^ ^
gardens and orange groves, her lovely atmosphere that can soothe i'^-^^^
jaiTed nerves of dwellers in great cities, and bring the roses back
the pale cheeks of the sick. The question is whether these ex
ordinary gifts of nature were not destined for a better purpose th
the one to which they are applied. Already to Monte Carlo, tlu
has turned its paradise into a pest-house, that has allowed luxury
run riot, and evil to triumph over good, has been given the aw
warning, the tremendous doom that buried I'ompeii and reduced H^ J!i
culaneum to ashes. That mighty earthquake shock, that rocked t^f— the
very place to its foundation, and sent the affrighted pleasure-seek^^^^rs,
pale and terror-stricken, to the streets, was surely not given as a ^^i^ga
in vain. When revelry exceeds the bounds of licence then comes (j^q
ruin. Already the " writing is on the wall.''
Clement Scom^,
to
THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM IN
PUBLIC SCHOOLS.
^HE educational problem is perpetual ; it baa not been, nor per-
haps can it ever be, solved. For it is the adjustment of moral
and intellectual discipline to the characteristic conditions of the time,
and those conditions are necessarily variable. The preparatory part
of human life is a constant quantity ; bo too, I am afraid, is the recep-
tive capacity of average minds ; but the number of subjects making
up the sum of knowledge is always, and has of late been rapidly,
increasing. It follows then that, except in so far as an improved
distribution of school-hours enables the same people to do more work
in the same time, whatevf r amount of mental energy is spent upon one
subject is at once so much taken from the rest. It is not enough,
therefore, to show that a subject is worth learning; we must show
that it is better worth learning than such other subjects as are or
Etiay be displaced by it. Thus, to take the case of Latin versification,
it is an art which may be elegant and elevating and may lend a new
pleasure to life ; but, if it takes up so much time as to prevent the
acquisition of indispensable knowledge, it stands condemned, for the
Large majority of boys, not indeed absolutely, but in relation to the
proper ends of educational science. Hence it is the first duty of the
educator at the present day to consider the relative value of subjects
in education.
It is not always seen how serious is the difficulty which the
multiplicity of subjects places in the way of an educational system.
Fifty years ago the education in public schools, if it was narrow, was
at least precise and definite. The good old formula " a echolar and a
gentleman " (though perhaps the scholarship was sometimes sacrificed
to the gentility) sufficiently expressed the ideal of parents and school-
muters. It is not unfair to say that the curriculum of the great
672
THE CONTEMPORARY REJTEfT.
VUr
public schools at the beginning of this centnir wa
same as it had been three centuries earlier. The reigK of
Elisabeth was one period of educational progreea, aad tliB n
Queen Victoria has been another ; bat all that lies between tka
be called the Middle Ages of scholastic histoiy. Dr. ^falim
hare walked through the playing fields at Eton in ai
tion with Dr. Hawtrey ; but it is sad to reflect what woaUL hB
feelings if he should listen to the views of Dr. Warre. One
fact, taken by itself, is a ■witness to the neoeeaity of ed
reform. The late Dean Stanley, in his biography of Dr.
claims that he was the first English head-master who made an
to incorporate such subjects as modern history, modem langoaget,
mathematics in the regular work of his school. He adds that.
Dr. Arnold found no great difficulty in introducing modem
Rugby, it was made impossible for him. by the obstacles pot in
way, to introduce the other subjects except tentatively, by alow
and under strict limitations. The study of mathemalacs, as may
expected, was the first to intrude into the preserre of the old
languages. Yet mathematics dates at Harrow from the year 1
at Eton from the year 1836. When Mr. Stephen Hawtrey,
fumcris ac pieiatu causa 7107)11110, went to Eton hardlj mors than
years ago, he was not allowed to teach mathematics except as
extra subject, nor to teach it to any boys except to such as were
the head-master's division, and to them only if their parents
them to learn it. Yet mathematics was a thriving subject at £
and elsewhere before the birth of natural science in public schools.
Fifty years ago not only was there little demand for an ed
extending beyond Latin and Greek, but had the demand
it could not well have been met. It would have been
to provide such books and appliances as are necessary for
modem languages or natural science. It would have been still
difficult to find the teachers. Few Englishmen of academical posit^^"^
had thought it worth while to enlarge their own education by goL
to lire for a time in some foreign country or by entering npoza
course of study in a laboratory. There was a sort of tacit agTeeme"
among schoolmasteTs that the mental discipline of their own gene:
turn had been the best possible, and, if a critic pointed out some d^^
fects occurring in the educational system, it was easy to reply that tX* ''
critic had himself been edacated nnder the system which he ooO"'
demned.
It is a different case with edocation to-day. For if it was onc^
hard to find the means of extending the educational system in pnbli*^
schools, it is equally hard now to find the means of confining it-
The modem schoolmaster is called upon to teach new subjecta withoa*'
(urrendering or impairing the old. It is taken for granted that if a hoy
F
SYSTEM IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS.
673
68 his public school, after spendiBg three or four years under
motion, there, without having gained any knowledge of English
lects, such as history and geography, without having read any book in
nchor German, and without having learnt the elements of natural
nee, he is an educational failure, whatever may be his skill in athletic
tea or his knowledge of the world. One party of educational re-
fers insists upon the value of natural science, another upon the value
Inglish literature, a third upon the value of modern languages, and,
ed, of modern languages taught colloquially. Meanwhile, mathe-
cal subjects have risen in importance, besides becoming wider in
«. And classical learning, in its recent developments of philology
!ircha?ology, which enter partially, if not fully^ into the intellectual
>f_schools, tends to demand a greater interest and attention.
may perhaps be doubted if modern schoolmasters have appreciated
aovel aspect of the educational problem. It has been a temptation fco
dace subjects into the curriculum as " happy thoughts " without a
5 of proportion. An examination of studies in the old public schools
1 as Iwas led to make some time ago) suggests the thought that their
ational system is still essentially the classical system, only modified
le accretion of new subjects. It is, if I may use a figure, more like
Id coat let out here and there to suit a growing child than like a
coat properly made to fit his body. Perhaps the subject which
'ared the worst in schools (probably because head-masters knew
east about it) is natural science. There has been a prevailing
that natural science should be taught. But whether it should
a primary or a subordinate place in education, whether it should
aught to all boys during their whole school-life or to all boys
ig a part of it, or to some boys during the whole or to some
Dg a part ; and again, as natural science is a comprehensive term,
ier all the subjects which fall under it are of equal purpose and
ft as educational instruments, and, if not all, which should be
feed in particular cii-cnmstances, and within what limits or
sr what conditions a liberty of choice among these subjects should
liven to individuals — these are questions upon which it has hardly
ot been possible to arrive, or even to aim, at an agreement,
'he present paper is an attempt at suggesting some considerations
i may pave the way for a reform in education. For it is the
i-t«ble which is the test of the modem schoolmaster ; it is there
he may win his main success. But to construct a satisfactjry
-table, to take the five hundred boys or more who make up a
>1, varying, as they do, in age, intelligence, and curiosity, to pay
*d to their neod.s collectively and individually, to put each one
em in the way of learning what is good for him, and of learning
ler more nor less than this, to provide that their education shall
Ide without being vagae, and that, while it is suitable to the mass
THE C0STE5fP0RARY REVIEW.
of hajm^ win auat bs orjinaiy, it shall not forbid the special calt;.^
of the wAaet ar gBed few — thia b a task of severe and ser^
aSBtxitj. Yet it is oaily he who haa been called to essay it tj
kaows wiiesB the dificnltf lies, and how gre»t it is.
An edoEHlioDal xefrtsi mna back to psychology. It cannot afa
mkaa it ia baaed upon a study of human nature. For the o«
odor CKUioft alter man's faenltiee ; all that he can do is to make •€
beafc IBM of tbca. It is tme, perhaps, that, in dealing with a jo^
child's »"'"n<l he is wixtn^ npon a tabula raaa ; but it is one wIb-^
ke did not Bake and camtot enlarge. Bat the fact of this essen.*!
HmitBt^ beii^ set fay Nature to his reforming energy is a proof, "■
aatj that the tniniiig of the teacher (as it is called) — i.e., the teacbJi
which the ♦*^r>«r^ leqniras in the art of teaching — is an indispens^
preliminssy to edwcatkait bat that that training must be, not mee^
practical or enipirical, but must strike its roots in psycholo^^
theofy. It is ooe of the most regrettable incidents in the contxe
potaiy hiaboKy of educatioD tint such efforts as have been mad^
pnpvide iuaUuLiion far fateze achoohaaslera in the theory and pracTi
of their art hsrs met with so little ratcouragement. Whether fie
impacieooe of stm^, or firom the need of earning a livelihood j
(as perhaps is probable) &om i}i.e native English distrust of specu
tioa, it has happened that few, if any at all, of the distinguished in
who have entered the scholastic profesBba have taken the tronl
of attending edncaidaaal lectures and of learning the principles
discipline and instriKtion. "When I entered upon my work at Harrwi
I wrote a letter to a gentleman then engaged in the training
teachers, in the hope that he would be able to recommend a mast::
among his students ; but he replied that no man of sufficient
had ever come under his influenc&
Still, without a peydtokgical study, it will be admitted as sel
evident that the schoolmaster, dealing as he is with a large numhi
of boys, is bound to consider individual character. He cannot tra
them all alike; he must endeavour to find some subject for which eK
haa a capacity, and eventually to train him in it. This is the principle <
tpeeialisation, which may be said to be the great educational discovei
of the present day. There is, I think, no school in which it is iii
recognised ; there are some schools in which it is acted np>on exttfi
rively. In fact, it is the polar star of the schools which devote thea
adres to scholarship-winning. But specialisation, if it is begun eaa
and practised largely, militates against the system of a school. Tl
is the reason of the traditional antagoxusm between public Bchoolmaattf
and the persons who have been somewhat invidiously called '^aaa
mers." It would be idle to deny that the " crammers " have oft*
taught their pupils better than the schoolmasters, and have snooerfa
where the schoolmasters have failed. " Cramming " is not neceMOfl
i«9o3
SYSTEM IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS.
675
bad teaching, but it is rapid teaching, and rapid teaching cannot be
tlie "best. But on the whole, where the " crammers " have achieved
success, and the schoolmasters have failed to achieve it, it has been
aofc so much by superiority of skill as by singleness of aim. It is
l>eoo.ase the " crammers " have subordinated system to individual
cas^s, while the schools have subordinated individual cases to system.
A.Tx<3 the proof of this fact is that the schools by which the greatest
distinction has been won in the examinations at the universities and
©Ise^where are, for the most part., juat the schools of modem founda-
tioxi. whioli have approximated to the educational lines of the
•* crammers."
-Neverthelees, although it may be frankly admitted that, at least in
some respects, a great public school, with its large intereata, its hopes,
amlntions, functions, and privileges, its varied life, and ita relation to
society, is not necessarily the best place for preparing boys for
paljlic competitive examinations, it may be doubted if the schoolB,
^d in particular the ancient, endowed schools, have altogether risen *
^ th.e level of their opportunities. Considering their power of
attracting clever boys by scholarships, and good teachers by lucrative
appointments, I am afraid they fail in intellectuality ; they do not
aKvays keep alive a true ideal of boyhood ; and it happens too often
'•^i^t. the boys of whom a school ought to be proud are in their school-
lix& clepreciated or ignored. It is much to be desired that the schools
<>* '^vtich I am thinking should re-assnme their intellectual leadership.
■*■*' "W-ould be a gain if they could permanently hold their ground against
"*^ Tecent schools and against private institutions. And so far as
®**^cational theory, forming a basis of action, is qualified to inspire
"*<^s« schools with a new and vigoj"ons vitality, it claims the interest
***^ attention of thoughtful men.
"Elducational reform may proceed upon two lines. It may aim at pre-
^*'>^ing all such rigidity, in the principles of a public school, as is not
^^^l^o-nsistent with the satisfaction of inevitable modern demands. Or it
^^'a.y aim at allowing the utmost elasticity which is not inconsistent with
* ^e>finite school system. In other words, it will either restrain specialisa-
*iiotj except in so far as it is nccesaitated by external circumstances, or it
^i\l encourage specialisation except in so far as it imperils the common
^^i^Kirate life of the school. There are numerous considerations which
**^m to show that the second of these views is the truer. It is justi-
^ed by the increasing number of educational subjects, by the variety
^f the examinations in which boys take part and of the callings in life
Tor which they are prepared, by the study of individual needs and
Capacities, and by the natural desire of giving every boy the best
chance of doing himself justice in the world. Accordingly, it will be
the educator's object to ascertain at the earliest time the study or
Btadies in which a boy is capable of excellence. He will start with
676
Tim CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[J
■0,
Serf
1
-»
«
I
the assumption that oveiy boy possesses some faculty and that
must discover it. Nor will he count himself snccesaful unless in
school the largest number of boys are enabled and encouraged
pursue their appropriate studies.
Still, no sooner is this principle stated than it is felt to requ
some limitation. It is evident that an absolute freedom in educatio:
subjects is chimerical. Tastes and talents do not reveal themselve
an early age ; it is often more difficult to discover what a boy
learn well than to afford him the opportunity of learning it. Ag^^^
nobody has yet succeeded in showing how a school can be organi
and administ'Ored without some sacrifice of individuality among
members. The association of boys in forms, classes, pupil-rooma , ot
houses implies a subordination of personal character to the goo<3 of
the whole. But the determining fact, which is apt to be forgott-^sn
when specialisation is advocated as a panacea for the intellectual fail-
ings of the young, is that education (as opposed to mere iustructio^«i')
loses a large part of its value if it be not to some extent the comm
property of all educated persons. Let it be granted, for argumen
sake, that an education in mathematics or in natural science is as
a mental discipline as an education of a linguistic and literary kisi
yet for the purposes of life two people educated (let me suppose), oi
in mathematics or science alone, the other in the classical langu
if they come into contact, are less efficient than they would be if tl
mathematician or man of science were not in ignorance of Latin a
Greek or the literary man of mathematics and natural science. It fc-
not, I think, sufficiently realised how much of human happiness ai
culture depends upon a community of intellectual interests. T
knowledge which is common to all cultivated persons is a sort
lingua frarnu, and nothing can make amends for the loss of it. ^~—
premature and exclusive specialisation is not only prejudicial to t
miud ; still more is it prejudicial to the conduct of life. For if it S^
true, as experience shows, that the student of one subject, whethc^^^
language, or mathematics, or science, imperceptibly acquires a certair *
mental temper, which it is not the less easy to understand because
is difficult to define, then education, taken in a large sense, ougl
to aim at correcting this one-sidedness, at restoring the intellectun
balance, and at qualifying the student for meeting all such duties ani
difficulties as may come in his way.
If these considerations are admitted to be just, it seems to follov
that educjitional subjects are divisible into two classes. There an
such eubjecta as form the common stock of educated people ; the^
should be taught to all boys, in a greater or less degree, during thi
whole, or nearly the whole, of their school-life ; I call these thi
fundamental or pnmari/ subjects. The other subjects, which I caL— -^^ ^
secondartf or accessory, are of such a nature that boys should not al^ ^^'m
r
18903
SYSTEM IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS.
677
1>o znade to learn them, nor should any boy be made to learn them
■fcljrougboat his school-life; but boj's should have the opjwrtunity of
learning them, and should learn as many of them, or some of them,
for as long a time as may bo suitable to their intellectual needs and
capacities; or, if I may pat the matter otherwise, it may be said that
tliere will be a common educational basis, and upon this will be raised
a superstructure differing in character and extent according to cir-
cumstances.
Snch a statement of the case clears away some difficulties which
liave at times been felt by a good many educational reformers. For
instance, it has been proposed to organise a school upon the principle of
bifurcation or trifarcation, or (as I think) some still more formidable
f larcatiou, the idea Ijeing that there should be a classical department,
a xaodem department, a science department, and so on, and that the
education given in each department should be essentially different
finom the education given in every other. But such a school is, in fact,
several schools in one ; it is deficient in cohesion and co-ordination ;
iTxdeed, it is only an accident (so to say) that its members receive
i-ixstraction in the same buildings. Nor is there any particular virtue
■-^x the comparison of a reformed educational system to a fork :
" Natoram exp«IIa« farca, tamen nsqne recarret."
-*^*&J*liaps the truer representative of such a system would be a tree,
^ii© trunk remaining always the same, though slowly tapering and
^^nding out its branches ou all sides. It seems clear, too, that the
S^'a^aal widening of educational opportunities in a school will corre-
^I*oinl with the process of a boy'a life. In his early years, when his
I^^sition is low in the school, he will learn the same subjects at the
*^Tn© times as all other boys in his form. Little or no privilege of
*^**<^ice will be allowed him ; nor is it necessary. But as he grows
^*Ao.er and advances in the school, as he becomes conscious, or his
^^^ster becomes conscious, of whatever powers and faculties belong to
■^^^^^^j the opportunity of specialisation will present itself. In a word,
^**ticational reform will begin with rigidity, it will end with elasticity.
It
■^ill begin with the subjects which all boys alike are bound to
<^W, and will end with such subjects as each individual boy is
~^P«*l)le of learning with moat pi"ofit. It will begin with an adherence
^^ tHe primary, it will end with an encouragement of the secondary,
^^^^jects. But, as has been already said, it will never, at least in a
*^^*^lic school, entirely sacrifice the primary subjects to the secondary,
the primary subjects in general to one such subject.
VVe have reached a point at which it becomes natural t^ discuss the
^*ing of such considerations as have been adduced upon the character
Preparatory schools. The relation of preparatory to public schools is
Subject of much interest and importance. It is my belief that the
i>-
o£
678
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[MMTi.
institution of preparatory schools, wHcb are now widely spread throu^s»V
the country and admirably organised, has been itself an irnmen. k
reform in education. It is a question whether the limits of age witK \\<,
which boys are congregated in public schools are not still somewl^^eiat
wider than they should bo. But it is certain that, when pab^^glif
schools contained boys of all ages from nine to nineteen, if not frc^^mig
a still younger age, they were much more likely than they are o- oir
to be centres of physical cruelty and immorality. A boy ente^^B^gj
Winchester in the last century at the age of six ; and it is atat m^,
though not on trustworthy authority, that a boy entered Eton in — «ite
present century at the age of four and a half. But there is no do^^zrbt
that boys went habitually to the public schools at nine, eight, ^mnd
even seven. Whatever improvement has taken place in the mcsjaJ
tune of the great public schools — and nobody who has studied tLaeir
records will dispute it — has been due in no small measure to "tie
di8api)earance of very young boys, whose mere presence in the sclaodl
tended to call out whatever was bad in the chai-acters and dispo-
sitions of their elder echoolfellows. The public schools owe a»
incalculable debt to the moral and intellectual care of the priv^at^
schoolmasters. It would appear to me, not only a retrograde, bat tt
dangerous step to interfere with the work so admirably done. It « n
my earnest hope that the years from ten to thirteen or fourteen ir». & fl
boy's life may belong as much by right to the preparatory school ** ~
the years from fourteen to eighteen or nineteen to the public sch-oO'-
Any attempt to bring boys into the public schools before ^thiri>^^*o
would disturb one of the main improvements in the training of l>oy~
hood. But the preparatory and public schools ought to livo *^
terms of intimacy. It is desirable that the head-master of a g-r-^2**
public school, and in a less degree every master, should enjoy "tlP
personal acquaintance of the preparatory schoolmasters, who ^m*
shaping his materials, bo as to communicate with them freely nl^^^'^fl
educational interests, discussing the nature and extent of the knC>"^"
ledge to be required of boys at their entering a public school, off^x"* ^8 ,
suggestions and accepting them in return, and, whenever a boy oo**^*
to his school, receiving a report, of a complete though strictly
lidential nature, upon his health, his industry, his intellectual st.^^
his moral dangei-s — in a word, upon all his antecedents. Whether" '^^^
tendency, which seems to bo strengthening in preparatory schools ♦■
associate themselves exclusively with ]iarticular public schools '^-
good one is a question upon which a good deal may be said ; for
own part, I regret it as tending to limit the scope and functio*^^
preparatory schools.
But, having said so much in praise of prepai'atory schools, I
allow myself to point out two defects which seriously threaten t>^^^
usefulness. The first is, that they are becoming too large ; for
SYSTEM IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS.
679
mcmtial advantage of such a school, in comparisoa with the
c school, that every boy is personally known, not to some master
e school, but to the head-master, who is responsible for him,
teaches and watches him, and who supplies in the organisation of
jhool a natural medium between the home and the great public
1. It is difficult to see any gain, it is easy enough to see serious
backs, in preparatory schools of large size. In tlie next plac&,
ugh this is partly the fault of thi^ public schools themselves,
iratory schoolmasters have not yet, I tliink, made up their minds
I the subjects which they can properly teach, or the attention
1 they ought to bestow on particular subjects. There is hardly
lubject taught in a public school which has not found its way into
uratory schools. The education of preparatory schools has tended
come the same as the education of the public schools, only iu
iture. But, if the intellectual capacity of a boy at twelve is not
smaller than, bat different from, that of a boy at sixteen or seven-
then it follows that the preparatory schoolmaster should not
an all subjects, but should confine himself to such subjects as are
BUy suitable to tbe tender years with which he has to deal. It
lardly be denied that he commits a grave mistake if he teaches
y subjects simultaneously. And, as the subjects which have
led primary are those which will occupy the first years of a
,blic school life, while the secondar)' subjects will come later
some of them later than others), it would seem advisable that
ipimary subjects should hold the chief, if not the sole, place in
ftfir of the preparatory schoolmaster. It is time, therefore, to
|mne these subjects.
liB subjects of primary importance in education are decided partly
Btoonstitution of the human ^ mind and partly by the practical
mBif life. Thus it is essential to excite in the mind the idea of
Plhat it may distinguish between what is known and what is not
Ti. To know what knowledge is is the beginning of knowledge.
habit of exact thought is indispensable to all thought. That
lifference between proof and prolmbility is an absolute one, that
fei must not rest satisfied with less than proof whenever it is
le, and, if it cannot be attained, must understand the nature
jaiueof the difHculty in attaining it — these are lessons which must
t and laid to heart in the earliest days of self-culture. There
ment of teaching them like mathematics.
as soon as the nature of exact proof is understood, it is
to apprehend that sucli proof is not commonly given in
affairs. If we delay action until we are certain, we shall never
11, Human life itself is a venture ; so are most undertakings
isions in it. Bishop Butler, in laying down his golden rule
iprobability is the very guide of life," denied implicitly to the
680
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
science of exact thought the first place in an educational Bystei
is BOmetbing different from mathematics, something more liberal
more human, that is needed to fit men for the conduct of life. S
a Btudy is pre-eminently the study of language. Language is a hu.^;
product, and the powers evoked in passing a judgment upon litei
or linguistic questions are akin to the powers required by conflict
probabilities in life. But to this point I will presently return.
The necessary education of all men cannot be said to be satasfiei
the discipline of exact thought or of practical wisdom. Man is pla-*
in a physical universe ; he is surrounded by objects of beauty, a.'i
ana wonder; his curiosity is aroused by experience ; his life is subj'
to the limitations of law. Even if the study of natural science vr*
not, as it is, second only to mathematics in its power of refining 1
intellectual faculty, and superior to it in its power of stimnkfc^
observation, it would possess a unique claim to a place in educati.'
as enabling a man to understand his environment and, in the Bacons
phrase, to conquer Nature by obeying her. It is incredible that W
should have been so long left ignorant of the world in which tfa
lives must be spent. It is incredible that their interest in scient^
Study should still be so indolent and half-hearted. But the faults
not in the subject; it is in the teachers. Considering that the tea<?j
of natural science in various branches is dealing with facts wl»
come home to boys' daily consciousness, that he possesses in expc
mentation an educational instrument upon which the classic or mat>
matician looks with envy, and that it is in his power to pnt yonng mil
in the way of learning new truths for themselves, I am astonished—
cannot help saying so — at the poverty of the results attained in schc
by the teaching of science. But it is enough for my present purpose
have shown that natural science claims a large, and will prob»
claim a still larger, place in a good educational system.
But, as man is a denizen of a physical universe, so is he als<:
citizen of a particular country and age. His education must take i
account his contemporaries and neighbours, the history of his land a
its opportunities. Thus the Christian religion, considered not oJ
doctrinally and morally, but historically, . is a subject calling
systematic instruction. Thus, too, English literature and Eug"!
history appeal to Englishmen more directly than the literature a
history of other countries. Probably it will some day be thoni
strange that the youth of England, after spending several years in
public schools, should at any time have been sent into the world wi^
out a knowledge of the illustrious men who by their writings or
their deeds have ennobled and exalted the English name. Wliate"'
other reform is made in education, English subjects must no more
ignored by English boys. ■
It is only going one step further to lay down the principle tha^
t89ol
SYSTEM IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS.
681
i
an Bge of rapid and constant intercommunion between the various
Stat.e3 and peoples of Eiirgipe, one modern language, and that the
Ickngnage of widest influonce and circulation, deserves recognition
aznocg the primoxv educational subjects. It is (Mssible that German
is "tlie most usefm modern language for purposes of scholarship and
Boionce ; but if one modern language is to be chosen as a general
©dacational instrument, it must, I think, uudoubtedly be French.
Xt appears, then, that by a natural process of reasoning we have been
led. to ascertain the primary subjects which will constitute, as it were,
tb.e backbone of a reformed or scientific educational system. Divinity,
mathematics, language studied for its own sake, French studied as an
instrnmcnt of utility, some branch or branches of natural science, and
the elements, at least, of English literature aud history as well as of
geof^aphy will make up the sum of knowledge without which no
person who may claim to be educated will enter upon life.
But it is necessary to define two of these subjects a little more
closely. What is the language to be studied scientLGcally or for its
osvn sake ? Shall it be preferentially a living or a dead language ?
And, if one of the dead languages, which of them ? Now, it seems
clear that, as an object of scientific study, a dead language possesses
sotne advantages. It does not lend itself to the natural temptation of
**crificing accuracy to utility. A language which is spoken can
uardJy be treated except as being sfjoken ; it finds its natural use ia
conversation. A student may acquaint himself, as well as he can,
'''ita the grammatical and literary characters of such a language ; but
"S is not satisfied Unless he can utilise it when travelling abroad. It ia
practically certain that the minute care bestowed for generations uf>oa
^® forms and idioms of tht- classical languages would have been
'^S'^rded as misspent had it been possible to make use of them in
P''**ctical dally life. It is worth observing, too, that all students stand
^^ an equal footing in respect of the dead languages, while a partial
^*^acent from a foreign family, or the teaching of a foreign governess
*^ early years, or the opportunity of residing abroad gives many a
^<3ent a considerable start in the learning of a modern language.
** Has been with some surprise that distant observers have seen some
'^'^at educational institutions awarding prizes for proficiency in foreign
^^gTiages to bova bearing unmistakably foreign names. But the
J^***o for a dead language is strengthened if the study of a modem
^^g'Uflge, as has been shown, liolds a place in the curriculum inde-
f*^ttdently of scientific gi'ounds. It will probably be admitted that
~^^ mind is capable of learning in its educational years at least two
***^age3 ; and if one of these is a living language studied for use,
^® other may well be a di-ad language studied scientifically. iJut
p*^ case becomes so strong as to be irresistible if there is a dead
***g:Bage which may be regarded as occupying an imperial position
Vol. Lvn. 2 y
682
THE CONTEyfPORARY REVIEW.
[M-
in the world, which is tho lan^age of law, of liberty, and of religic^ -^^
which is the parent of half the languages spoken in Jiurope. 'whi^^-^-»
exhibits a singnlar strength and precision of grammatical idioi
and which has been so long and closely studied iLs tc be fomiskj^
with the necessary means and appliances for teaching. Sack:^
language is Latin ; and I cannot help thinking it would be an e:k^(^
cation al mistake of serious magnitude to lose the nniversality of fci^^
Latin language as an element of the higher education. There ia
purpose in my saying so; for it has happened that some scbo-cz^l
masters, whether acting, as may be the truth, under a servile fear ^^f
parents, or, as I prefer to think, losing sight of general principles, ^^.^^
prepared to sacrifice Latin, when they have already sacrificed Gre^^*^-
to snpposed utilitarian demands. It may reasonably be argued tfc». ^^
Latin, from its relation to the Romance languages, is a subject of cc:^^*^'
spicuous ntUity ; bat it is not so much upon that ground that I defe^'*^'*
it. 1 defend it as entering, from its nature and its historj-, into tM-::»-**
collection or corporation of subjects which makes up, or ought toma^^^
up, the intellectual furniture of every educated man.
It is not unknown to me that some educational theorists, while adir^aK »-t^
ting the claim of a dead language to a constant place in the educatio ^«^ ^^
system, hold that that language should be Greek rather than Lafci-i ''^
They urge in support of this opinion, if I understand them, that Gr
is the more beautiful language, and that its literature is not only xo-^^^^'^
original and instructive, but is proved by esperience to be ii»
interesting to boys. It is possible to admit the contention with.<:^'**
admitting the conclusion. The idea of sabstituting Greek :^*~*'*'
Latin as a primary educational subject has never appeared to
practical. Whatever may be the comparative merits of the langui
and literatures of ancient Greece and Rome (and it is a comparis^^^**
which need not now be made), Latin stands so much closer tc« mo(3^ *"**
life, it is so much more nearly related to the other subjects wlai*^^^
constitute, as I have already said, the sam of education, that- ^*
possesses an inevitable superiority, not necessarily excluding Gre<^ ■*"'
as will appear hereafter, but taking precedence of it. And this *^
perhaps, a proper place to remark that, as it is, in my mind, a mat*'^^^
of the highest importance to retain Latin as an edncational subject
and by *' retaining '' it I mean, to provide that it shall be learnt by tl"**
largest number of people for the longest part of their school-years '
there would seem to be little or no gain in offering an artifi<^*^
impt-diment to the study of Latin by insisting upon a correct, or vrl>^*
is at the best only a semi-correct, pronunciation. It is the great poi^*
that Latin should remain as a general educational subject ; it matt^''*
little, if at all, how it is pronounced. For the time is past when eve**'
scholars of different nations would converse in Ciceronian Latin
is much better for them to converse in French or German.
I
^
i
SYSTEM IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS.
<8S
3at, again (to leave this branch of the discussion), it must not be
aght that, in preaeribing natural science as a subject suitable to
jMrly years of life, it is natural science conceived in an exalted
to. It would be unnatural to confine young boys in a labora-
Bat the study of natural science begins out of doors. What
ean is that children should be familiarised, even before going to
•aratory schools and while they are there, mth the names of flowers,
habits of birds, the elementary physical laws, the positions of the
i. That is just the teaching which can hv given most easily and
be remembered most permanently. It will establish a sympathy
■een teacher and learner. At a later age the boy will study
ice Bcientifically. But even then, unless, indeed, he is gifted
an aptitude for scientific study, unless it is worth his while
>end a great deal of time upon scientific work, he will limit
i«lf to a few — to two, or at the most three — scientific subjects.
y boy, then, will, at some time or other of his school-life, learn
such subjects ; few boys will learn more than two. And it would
I desirable that of these subjects one should be such as will elicit
powers of observation, the other such as admits of immediate
Ication by experiment. May I suggest botany and physics as the
acts best possessing these qualifications ? They are two of the
3 6ubj<?cts recommended by a committee of the Eoyal Society
h reported in the year 1867 upon the teaching of natural science
iiblic schools.
.aviug, however, in this way determined the subjects of primary
ational interest, I am in a position to give an answer to a ques-
which arises at once upon a consideration of educational reform,
position of Greek — the Greek question, as it may be called — is
ily less difficult in the edticational fivld than in the field of politics.
if Greece is advancinc^ her claims in the one case, it may be
that she is withdrawing them in the other. It is necessary to
from a theoretical as well as from a practical point of view, and as
idering, not only what is possible, but what is best, — Ought Greek
> a primary or a subordinate subject in education ? Should it
le educator's object to encourage the study of Greek as widely as
ble among his pupils, or should he recogni.se that Greek is becora-
Ed ought to become, the study of a minority ?
nust be admitted that this question is complicated by the
I of the pul>lic .schools to the universities. It is the nniversities
h maintain Greek in its present position. So long as a knowledge
Peek is required for matriculation, or for some indispensable exa-
.tion of the university, it is probable that the study of Greek will
ti ita importance in the schools. Schoolmasters are not alto-
free agents in education ; they are controlled by the homes
rhich their pupUs come and by the universities to which they
G34
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
A
Q-Lxn
go. AdcI the action of the universities afTects a lower edncatiot
ground than may bo supposed ; it lends to Greek, as a subject requir
for admission to the Bchools, much the same weight that it alrea
possesses as a suliject required for admission to the universities,
is difficidt, therefore, to say with certainty what would be the actiotk^'
schoolmasters in respect to the study of Greek if they were left, to ^
freely. Bat there are evident considerations which point to the grad ^j
subordination of Greek. I do not mean that the boys who st mj «;
Greek will study it less exactly or effectively. I mean that the nuns. "IX
of boys who study it has already been, and will be, diminished. J
wi'l not, I think, be dented that the simultaneous study of two O^ac
languages (besides all other subjects) is a burden too heavy for eocn4
youthful minds. It would be a distinct gain if some such boys as it
past years have left school without knowing anything that is wor^ll
knowing of either Latin or Greek could leave it with a toleratilj
as-sured knowledge of one language. Nor, again, will it be denied t t»a»
some lx)y3 who are not altogether incapable of mastering two d€»ai
languages may yet spend their time more proiitably than in learru-J
Greek. It would be perilous to augment the number of primary]
fundamental subjects as already defined. Greek has been, so to
driven out of the field as a study indispensable to education b3r
variety of circumst-ances, which may bp regretted, but which cax^^
be ignored — by the increasing demands upon boys' time, by
multiplicity of educational subjects, by the competition of '
by the practicality of educational views, by its own difficulty,
the iniportatice of other branches of learning. If Greek is i&.x* ,
the intellectual demand which it makes is often so serious as to
elude a good many other subjects ; and to some boys other subject!*
worth more tlinn Greek. Tho need of the present day is not that"-
men should know Greek, but that all men should, if posfsible, be i^^
liarised, by books of translation, interpretation, and criticism, with-
characteristics of Greek thought and literature. The stndy of eucrj
work as the Jla^ter of Balliol'a translation of tho Dialogue-s of I*-'
does more to Hellenise the minds of the contemporary world tIia-1
large expenditure of timf upon the Greek language.
Greek being, then, a secondary subject in education — j.»-.. a sol
which will not be universally learnt — it becomes necessary to
terniine what boys are capable of profiting by the full classical edi
tion, of which both Greek and Latin will be constituent.^. If it appj
that the element of classicality is wanting to a boy's mind, it wil
natural t:) deter him from sacrificing time and energy upon a
so difficult as Greek. If, on the other hand, it appears that his
cities, or possibly his circumstances and duties, are such as tJ
favour of a classical education, he will be led to begin and co|
the study of (Jreek.
SYSTEM IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS. 685
issify of this option will be admitted as soon as it is
that Greek is nob a subject to be imposed upon all boys,
be an obvious advantage in deferring it to as late a
boy's life as is educationally convenient or possible. And
who can best guide him in exercising it — unless, indeed, it
it — will be some one who is interested in him, who knows
id who is qualified, as a specialist, to pronounce upou his
needs and opportunities. But such a person will be
s tutor in his public school.
f consider, then, this option in its relation to the curriculum
school.
J. E. C. Welldon.
WEISMANN'S THEORY OF HEREDITY-
THE recently published translation of Professor Weismann's essi^
Heredity, and allied topics, has aroused the interest of the genei
public in the system of his biological ideas. But seeing that
system, besides being somewhat elaborate in itself, is presented in
series of disconnected essays, originally published at different tim«
it is a matter of no small difficulty to gather from the present coIIe
tion of these essays a complete view of the system as a whole. Therefc
I propose to give a brief sketch of his several theories, arranged
manner calculated to show their logical connection one with anotha
And, in order also to show the relation in which his resulting the
of heredity stands to what has hitherto been the more usual way
regarding the facts, I will begin by furnishing a similarly brief sket
of Mr, Darwin's theory upon the subject. It will be observed
these two theories constitute the logical antipodes of explanatcn^-^-^
thought ; and therefore it may be said, in a general way, that all otl
modern theories of heredity — such as those of Spencer, Haeckel, Elsbei
Galton, Naegeli, Brooks, Hertwig, and Vries — occupy positions mc
or less intermediate between these two extremes.
When closely analysed, Mr. Darwin's theory— or " provisioi
hypothesis of Pangenesis " — will be found to embody altogether se\
assumptions, viz. : —
1. That all the component cells of a multicellular organism thr
off inconceivably minute germs or " gemmules," which are then
persed throughout the whole system.
2. That these gemmules, when so dispersed and supplied
proper nutriment, multiply by self-division, and, under suitable oon«
tions, are capable of developing into physiological cells like those fr
which they were originally and severally derived.
*S9o]
WEISM ANN'S THEORY OF HEREDITY.
687
IS. That, while still in this gemmular condition, these cell seeds have
fox* one another a mutual affinity, which leads to their being collected
fro"*!! fiil parts of the system by the reproductive glands of the organism ;
aiX3.<3 that, when so collected, they go to constitute the essential
m^i-terial of the sexnal elements — ova and spermatozoa being thus
nofching more than aggregated packets of gemmules, which have
emanated from all the cells of all the tissues of the organism.
■4. That the developnieut of a new organism, out of the fusion of
^ywG Buch pEwkets of gemmules, is due to a summation of all the
•^eveJopmeuts of some of the gemmules which these two packets contain.
5. That a large proportional number of the gemmules in each packft,
liowever, fail to develop, and are then transmitted in a dormant state
♦o future generations, in any of which they may be developed subse-
<juently — thus giving rise to the phenomena of reversion or atavism,
6. That in all cases the deveJopment of gemmules into the form of
<iheir parent cells depends on their suitable union with other partially
developed gemmules, which ])recede them in the regular course of
groTvth.
7. That gemmules are thrown ofl' by all physiological cells, not only
during the adult statt' of the organism, but during all stages of its
development. Or, in other words, that the production of these cell-
«ee<l8 depends upon the adult condition of parent cells : not upon that
of tlie multicellular organism as a whole.
A-t first sight it may well appear that we have here a very for-
oaidable array of as.sumptions. But Mr. Darwin ably argues in favour
of each of them by pointing to well-knov\Ti analogies, drawn from the
Tit&l processes of living cells, both in the protozoa and metazoa. For
«»a:a.tmplpj it is already a well-recognized doctrine of physiology that
•*<^h cell of a metazoon, or nmlticellnlar organism, though to a large
extent dependent on others, is likewise to a certain extent inde-
pendent or automatons, and has the power of multiplying by self-
**^vision. Therefore, as it is certain that the sexual elennnts (and
also buds of all descriptions) include formative matter of some kind,
tlie first assumption — or that which sup]K)ses such formative matter
be particulate — is certainly not a gratuitous assumption. Again,
**® second assumption — namely, that this particulate and formative
™*^t«rial is dispersed throughout all the tissues of the organism — is
*>sta,xn^ by the fact that, Ijoth in certain plants and in certuin inver-
"*Hted animals, a severed portion of the organism will develop into
^ ®^tirc organism similar to that from which it was derived, as,
*" ^Xamplo, is the case with a leaf of Begonia, and ^^ith portions
, from certain worms, sea-anemones, jelly-fish, &c. This well-
^***Wn fact in itself aeems enough to prove that the formative
^^^'Hal in question must certainly admit, at all events in many cases,
'^ing distributed throughout all the tissues of living organisms.
688
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
t^^
Jki
4
I
The third assumption-^Kjr that which supposes the formative
terial to be especially aggregated in the sexoal elements — is noti
much an assumption as a statement of obvious fact ; while the foc^
fifth, sixth, and seventh assumptions all follow deductively from t"l:» ^^
predecessors. In other words, if the first and second assumptioix ^ ^
grunted, and if the theory is to comprise all the facts of hereclj[<f.
then the remaining five assumptions are bound to follow.
To the probable objection that the supposed gemmules must be of
impossibly minute a size — seeing that thousands of millions of th ^**
would require to be packed into a single ovum or spermatozoon— 3W^*'
Darwin opposes a calculation that a cube of glass or water, havt ^*** J
only one ten-thonsandth of an inch to a side, contains somewh^^'^^"
between sixteen and a hundred and thirty-one billions of molecnl-
Again, as touching the supposed power of multiplication on t
part of his gemmules, Mr. Darwin allndes to the fact that infectio
material of fill kinds exhibits a ratio of increase quite as great
any that his theory requires to attribute to gemmules. Furthermo:
with respect to the elective afliiiity of gemmules, he remarks th-
" in all ordinary cases of sexual reproduction, the male and fern
elements certainly have an elective affinity fur each other;" oft
ten thousand species of Conipositae, fttr example, " there can be
doubt that if the pollen of all these species could be eiraultaneou&r
ploced on the stigma of any one species, this one would elect, wiH
unerring certainty, its own pollen,"
Such, then, in brief outline, is Mr, Darwin's theory of Pangenesi
Professor Weismann's theory of Germ-plasm is fundamental
based upon the great distinction that obtains in respect of th
transmif^sibility between characters which are congenital ai
characters which are acquired. By a congenital character
meant any individual peculiarity, whether structural or mentc:^
with which the individual is born. By an aeqiilred characf^
is meant any peculiarity which the individual may subsequently d-
velop in consequence of its own individual expecience. ForexampH
IL man may be boru with some malfnrmaf ion of one of his fingers ; ^
he may subsequently acquire such a malformation as the result of
cident or disease. Now, in the former case — it., in that where tC
malfortnntion is congenital — it is extremely probable that the pec"
liarity will be transmitted to his children ; while in the latter cas'
i.e., where the malformation is subspquently acquired — it is virtu
certain that it will not be fraiismitted to his children. And thisgri
difference between the transmissibility of charncters which are co
genital and characters which are acquired extt nds universally as
general law throughout the vegetable as well as the animal kingdc
and in the province of mental as in that of bodily organization.
course this general law has always been well known, and more or!
fully recognized by all modern physiologists and medical men^^
p
I
I
I
I
I
,8901 JVEISMANNS THEORY OF HEREDITY. 689
before the subject was takpn up by Professor Welsmnnn, it was gen-
erally assumed that the difference in question was ono of degree, not
one of kind. In other words, it was assumed that acr|uired characters,
aldiough not so fully — and therefore not so certainly — inherited as
congenital characters, nevertheless were inherited in some lesser
tlej^ree ; so that if the same character contiuiied to be developed suc-
cessively in a number of sequent genenitions, what was at lirstonlya
slight tendency to be iuheritfd would become by summation a more
and more pronouuced tendeucy, till eventually the acquired character
mi^ht be as strongly inherited as any other character which was
«^ initio congenital. Now, it is the validity of this assnmption that
IS challenged by Professor Weismann. He says there is no evidence
At all of any acquired characters being in any degree inherited ; and,
■therefore, that in this important respect they may he held to differ
from congenital characters in kind. On the supposition that they do
thus differ in kind, he furnishes a very attractive theory of heredity.
■*w^hich 8er\-e8 at once to explain the difference, and to represent it as
^ tnalter of physiological impossibility that any acquired character
can, under any circumstances whatsoever, be transmitted to progeny.
la order fully to comprehend this theory, it is desirable first of all
"to explain ]*rofessor Weismann's riews upon certain other topics
■'^'hich are more or less closely allied — and, indeed, logically bound up
■'^ith — the present one.
Starting from the fact that unicellular organisms multiply by fis.fion
^^ I gemmation, he argues that, aboriginally and potentially, life ia
immortal. For, when a protozoon divides itself into two more or less
^cjtxa.! parts by fission, and each of the two halves thereupon grows
mto another protozoon, it is evident that there has been no death on
the part of any of the living material involved ; and inasmuch as this
process of fission goes on continuously from generation to generation,
there ig never any death on the part of such protoplasmic material,
although there is a continuous addition to it as the numbers of
individuals increase. Similarly, in the case of gemmation, when a
P»x>tozoun parts with a small portion of its living material in the form
^' a bufi, this portion does not die, but develops into a new individual;
^^^t therefore, the process is exactly analogous to that of tission, save
"'It. H small instead of a large part of the parent substance is in-
^ ^Ive^j Is'ow, if life bo thus immortal in the case of unictllular organ-
*n.s, vvhy should it have ceased to be so in the case of muUicel-
**'" organisms? Weismann's answer is that all the multicellnlor
^^^tiisnis propagate tliemaelves, not exclusively by fission or gem-
^*'>on, but by sexual fertilization, where the condition to a new
^'••iiiara arising is that minute and specialized portions of two parent
^^^^^Tjisms should fuse together. Now, it is evident that with this
^^'•'^IkfO in the method of propagation, serious disadvantage would
*^*'Ue to any species if its sexaaJ individuals were to continue to be
690
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
ti
immortal ; for in that case every species which multiplies by sex-c:*.^
methods would in time become composed of individuals broken do
I
and decrepid through the results of accident and disease — alw.^^,-^.
operating and ever accumulating throughout the course of tkz^^^j^
imraorta.1 lives. Consequently, as soon as sexual methods of prcfc-j^*.
gation superseded the more primitive a-sexual methods, it bec^^:x-|ig
desirable in the interests of the sexually-propagating species tlfa.at
their constituent individuals should coase to be immortal, so that ^lej
species should always be recuperated by fresh, young, and welI-for»-«c» *d"
representatives. Consequently, also, natural selection would spee^lily
see to it that all sexually-propagating species should become depri-^'^cd
of the aboriginal endowment of immortality, with the result thatd^^^fcth
is now a universal destiny among all the individuals of such specie*^ —
that is to say, among all th<' metazoa and metaphyta. Neverthel^??^
it is to be rerarrnbered that this destiny extimds only to the part:^» of
the individual other than the contents of those specialized cells wY». rich
constitute the reproductive elements. For although in each indivi<i -oal
metazoon or metaphyton an innumerable number of these special! ::^ed
cells are destined to perish during the life and with the death of" "Ahtf
organism to which they belong, this is only due to the accident, sc^ to
speak, of their contents not having met with their complements in. "^be
opposite sex : it does not belong to their essential nature that tfc^ey
should perish, seeing that those which do happen to meet with tl^K^fir
complements in the opposite sex help to form a new living individic '*^»
and so on through successive generations of/ infinUum, Therefore the
productive elements of the metazoa and metaphyta are in this respi
precisely analogous to the protozoa ; potentially, or in their o
nature, they are immortal ; and, like the protozoa, if they die, lb
death is an accident due to unfavourable circumstances, lint ll^^
case is quite different with all the other parts of a m.ulticellnla
organism. Here, no matter how favourable the circumstances maji^*^^
be, every cell contains within itself, or in its very nature, the eventual "^^
doom of death. Thus, of the metazoa and metaphyta it is the^^
specialized germ-plasms alone that retain their primitive endowment
of everlasting life, passed on continuously through generation after
generation of successively perishing organisms.
So far, it is contended, we are dealing with matters of fact. It
must be taken as true that the protoplasm of the unicellular organisms,
and the germ-plasm of the multicellular organisms, has been continuous
through the time since life first appeared upon this earth ; and
although large quantities of each are perpetually dying through being
exposed to conditions unfavourable to life, this, as Weismann presents
the matter, is quite a different case from that of all the other con-
stituent parts of multicellular organisms, which contain within them-
selves the doom of death. Furthermore, it appears extremely probable
that this doom of death has been brought about by natural selection
iSgol
WEISM ANN'S THEORY OF HEREDITY.
G91
/or the reasons assigned by Weismann — namely, becanse it is for the
tj^netit of all species wliich perpetuate themselves by sexual methods,
C.lickt their constituent individuals should not live longer than is
jaeoessary for the sake of originating the next generation, and fairly
srfcefc.rting it in its own struggle for existence. For Weismann has
=*liowTi, by a somewhat laborious though still largely imperfect itJ-
laeajch, that there is throughout all the metazoa a general correlation
"t>©t.ween the natural lifetime of individuals composing any given
6p^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^gQ *^ which they reach maturity, or first become
<^tk^pMe of procreation. This general correlation, however, is some-
»vli&t modified by the time during which progeny are dependent upon
tHeir parents for support and protection. Nevertheless, it is evident
t-lxekt this modification tends rather to confirm the view that exppcta-
t:ioii of life on the part of individuals has in all cases been determined
^wit-h strict reference to the requirements of propagation, if under
propagation we include the rearing as well as the production of
oflEspring. I may observe in passing that I do not think this general
law can be found to apply to plants in nearly so close a manner as
^Veismann lias shown it to apply to animals ; bnt, leaving this fact
*si<ie, to the best of my judgment it does appear that Weismann haa
'^a<le out a good case in favour of such a general law with regard to
^'utnals.
VVe have come, then, to these results. Protoplasm was originally
Jrtxxixortal, barring accidents ; and it still continues to be immortal in
itk^ case of unicellular organisms which propagate a-sexually. But in
^"^ case of all multicellular organisms, which propagate sexually,
*^^^aral selection has reduced the term of life within the smallest
^■^cxi-ta that in each given case are compatible with the performance of
t*^^ fi«?xual act and the 8ubso({ueut rearing of progeny — reserving, how-
^^^^STF, the original endowment of immortality for the germinal elements,
^^*^^wby a continuum of life haa been secured from the earliest
*'T*I>earance of life until the present day.
^ow, in view of these results the question arises, Why should the
^*~*^^al methods of propagation have become so general, if their effect
^s b^pn that of determining the necessary death of all individuals
r^"^®^iiting them ? Why, in the course of organic evolution, should
newer methods have been imposed on all the higher organisms,
^il the consequence is that all these higher organisms must pay for
* innovation with their lives ? Weismann's answer to this question
^« ^^ interesting and ingenious ns all that has gone before. Seeing
^^^*' sexual pnipagation is so general as to be practically universal
^ *^^g multicellular organisms, it is obvious that in some way or
^^^^lier it must have a most important part to play in the general
-^^tne of organic evolution. What, then, is the part that it does
^y ? What is its raison d'^tir f Briefly, according to Weismann, its
^c%ion is that of furnishing congenital variations to the ever-watchful
692
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[H*^
i^ncyof natural selection, in order that natural Eelection may alwa^^^ ,
preserve the most favourable, and pass ihem on to the next general ic::r-^^-n
by heredity. That sexual propagation is well calculated to fnmi m ii X
congenital variations may eajsily be rendered appareiit. We have oi^^^ "jy
to remember that at each union there is a mixture of two germic: — ^^ ^j
elements; that each of these was in turn ihe product of two otk: — ^^ ^
germinal elements in the preceding generation, and so backwards .^^^
injiniium in geonjetrical ratio. liernembering this, it follows that -^t ie
germinal element of no one member of a species can ever be the s
as that of any other member ; on the contrary, while both are
monsly complex products, each has had a diflVreiit ancestral hist*
such that while one preeents the congenital admixtures of tbousani
individuals in one line of descent, the other presients similar adiK=& ix-
tures of thousands of other individuals in a different line of dest^^^mt..
Consequently, when in any sexual union tn'o of these enormously com;j;z> lex
germinal elements fuse together, and constitute a new individual oua.*^ of
their joint endowmentSjit is j>errectly certain t]i«t Ihbt individual cai:* :not
be exactly like any other individual of the same species, or even o£~ ^lac
same brood ; the chances must be infinity to one against any single raca «ies
of germ-plasm Wing exactly like any other mass of germ-plasm ; w 1:*^ il^
any amouut of latitude as to difference is allowcd^up to the ]K>int at w 1j». i<-:h
the ditference becomes too pronounced to satihfy the conditions of ^"^r*
tilization — in which ra«c, of course, no new iiidividnal is born. He-i^^ <^^
theoretically, we have here a suQicient cause for all individual variati'*^^^^***
of acongeiiitiil kind that can possibly occur within ihe limits of fertil .»-*/»
and, therefnre, that can ever become actual in living organisms. In p<^^ * ^
of fact, WeibHiann believes — or, at any rate, began by believing — 't ^*
this is the sole and only cause of variations that are congenital, *"■
therefore (according lo his views) transmissible by heredity, i^^—
whether or not he is right as repnrds these hitter points, 1 th» ^*
there can be noquettiou timt sexual [iropagatiou is, at all events, oci^^
the main cauf^ea of congenital variation ; and teeing of what enorn^^^
importance congenital variation must uivvays have been in supply' ^
material for the operation of natural f election, we appear to have fou»^
moi^t fatisfueloiy ans^ver to our (|ne.«-lion — Why has sexual prop^
tiou become so universnl among all the higher plants and animals?
has become so because it is thus shown to have been the conditio:
producing congeniftil variations, which in turn constitute the condi
to the working of natural selection.
Having got thus far, I should like to make two or three subsid£
remarks. In the first ])lnce it ou^ht to be observed that this lumir>
theory tonching tlie causes of congenital variations was not origin^^^
propounded by ProPessJOP Weismann, but occurs in the writings
several previous anlhorp, and is expres.'-ly alluded to by Dartv>
Nevei theless, it tccupies so prominent a place in Weismann's Bys^t^^
of theories, and has by him been wrought up so much more el»i
1
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j^n
JVETSM ANN'S THEORY OF HEREDITY. 693
ly than by any of his predecessors, that we are entitled to regard
ifl, par exxdleuce, tho Weisraannian theory of variation. In the
b place, it ought to be observed that Wuismarin is careful to
rd against thr seductive fallacy of attributing the origin of sexual
oagatiou to llie agency of natural selection. Great as the benefit
ihis newer moda of propagation nnisf: huve bt^en to the species
senting it, the benefit cannot hcvf been conffrred by natural
ction, seeing that the benefit arose from the fiict of the new
Ijod furnishing material to tho operation of natural selection,
, therefore, in so far as it did this, constituting the condition to
principle of natural selection having been called into play at aii.
in other words, we cannot attribute to natural selection the origin
exnal reproduction without involving ourselves in the absurdity of
posing natural selection to have originated the conditions of ita
I activity.* What the causes may havo been which originally
to sexual reproduction is at present a matter ttjat awaits sugges-
L by way of hypothesis ; and, therefore, it now only remains to add
; the general structure of Professor Weistoann's system of hypo-
ses leads to this curious result — namely, that the otherwise
juitous and (as he supposes) exclusive dominion of natural selec-
i stops short at tho protozoa, over which it cannot exercise any
lence at all. For if natural selection depends for its activity on
occurrence of congenital variations, and if congenital variations
and for their occurrence on sexual modes of reproduction, it follows
> no organisms which propagfate themselves by any other modes can
;ent congenital variiit ions, or thus become subject to the influence of
iral selection. And, inasmuch as Weismann believes that such is
case with all the protoxoa, as well as with all parthenogenetic organ-
I, he docs not hesitate to accept the necessary conclusion that in
Since this paper was ,eent to press, Professor Weisraann hno pnblislicd in Xuture
. 6) an elaborate answer to a criticism of bis theory by Professor Vines (Oct. 24).
te course of this an-iwi-r Professor Weismann fays that he titirt altriuiite the origin
xnal reiiro'iiiction to natural selection. Tl)i* directly coiitrudiciH what he say.s in
8»aya ; and. for the reasons piven in tho text, appear.-* to me an illopical departure
his previously logical attitude. I herewith append quotation)*, in order to reveal
ontmdiction.
Int when I maintain that the meaning of sexual reproduction is to render possible
lansformation of the higher orpanismsby meaiisof natural selection, such nstate-
; in not equivalent to the a.s.sertion that sexual reproduction origin.illy came int<->
«nce in order to achieve thi.s end. The effects which are now produced by sexual
jdoction did not constitute the canses whioli led to its tirst apfwarance. Sexual
>duction came into existence before it couM lead to hereditary individual variu-
f [i«,, to the possibility of natural aelection]. Its first appearance must, therefore,
had some other cfiu^e I than natural selection]: but the nature of this cau.sa can
ly be dcterniined with anv de^rreo of certainty or precision from the facts with
A wfl are at present acquainted. " — ("Essay on the Sismificance of Siixual Repro-
ioo in the Theory of Natural .Selection : Kn^li-sh Translation," pp. 281-2S2.)
[ am s'-ill of opinion thai the origin of sexual reproduction depends on the advan-
which it afTonis to the operation of natural selection Sexual reproduction
wisen by aitd for natural selection as the sole means by which individual varia-
F«*n be united and combined in every possible proportion." — {Saturt, vol. xli.
».)
>w «nch opposite statements can be reconciled I do not mjsslf perceive. —
" .Feb. 17.
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THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mx^
C
these cases natural selection is without any jurisdiction. How, then, ^o^
he account for individual variations in the protozoa ? And, still nic>r^
how does he account for the origin of their innumerable species? ;gg
accounts for both these things by the direct action of external cckxidi-
tions of life. In other words, so far as the unicellular organisnia g^
concerned, Weismann is rigidly and exclusively an advocate o£ tl»
theory of Lamarck — just as much as in the case of all the malti-
cellular organisms he is rigidly and exclusively an opponent of that
theory. Nevertheless, there is here no inconsistency : on the contrary,
it is consistency with the logical requirements of his theory that le»<3^
to this sharp partitioning of the unicellular from the mnlticeJJaJ »^
organisms with respect to the causes of their evolution. For, as 3**
points out, the conditions of propagation among the unicella3- **^
organisms are such that parent and offspring are one and the y»M^^^^
thing; "the child is a part,, and usually a half, of its parent." Tlie^^^^,
fore, if the parent has been in any way taodilied by the action
external conditions, it is inevitable that the child should, from
moment of its birth (I'.f., fissiparous separation), be similarly moc^
tied \ and if the modifying influences continue in the same lin-
for a sufficient length of time, the resnlting change of type mi
bt'come sufficiently pronounced to constitute a new species, genus,
But in the case of the multicellular or sexual organisms, tJie child
not thus merely a severed moiety of its parent ; it is the result of tl
fusion of two highly specialized and extremely minute particles of ea
of two parents. Therefore, whatever may be thought touching tl
validity of Weismann s deduction that in no case can any modificatic
induced by external conditions on these parents be transmitted
their progeny, at least we must recognize the validity of the distin.
tion which he draws between the facility with which such transmissic
must take place in the unicellular organisms, as compared with tl
difficulty— or, as he believes, the impossibility — of its doing so
the multicellular.
We are now in a position fully to understand Professor Weismani
theory of heredity in aU its bearings. Briefly stated, this theory
as follows. The whole organization of any multicellular organi
is composed of two entirely different kinds of cells — namely, tJ
germ cells, or those which have to do with reproduction, and
somatic cells, or those which go to constitute all the other parts
the organism. Now, the somatic cells, in their aggregations
tissues and organs, may be modified in numberless ways by t
direct action of the environment, as well as by special habits form
during the individual lifetime of the organism. But although t—
modifications thus induced may be, and generally are, adaptive — sw"
as the increased muscularity caused by the use of muscles, "practi-^^ <^
making perfect " in the case of nervous adjustments, and so on, -^°
isgo]
TVE ISM ANN'S THEORY OF HEREDITY
695
no case can these so-called acquired or " somatogenetic " cliaractera
exercise any influence upon the gei'in-cells, such that they should
reappear in their products (progeny) as congenital or " blastogenetic "
characters. For, according to the theory, the germ-ct'lls as to their
germinal contents differ in kind from the somatic cells, and have no
other connection or dependence upon them than that of deriving fron»
thern their food and lodging. So much, thee, for the somatic cells.
Turning now more especially to the germ-cells, these are tiie receptacles
of -w^hafc Weismann culls the germ-plasm ; and this it is that he
supposes to differ in kind from all the other constituent elements of
the organism. For the germ-plasm he believes to have had its origin
in the nnicellular organisms, and to have been handed down from
them in one continuous stream through all successive generations of
niultieellulai" organisms. Thus, for example, suppose that we take a
certain quantum of germ-plasm as this occurs in any individual
organism of to-day. A minute portion of this germ-plasm, when
mixed with a similarly minute portion from another individual, goes
o form a new individual. But, in doing so, only a portion of this
^'ttiniate portion is consumed ; the residue is stored up in the germinal
C^lls of this new iiulividual, in order to secure that continuity of the
S®*'na.-plasra which Weismann assumes as the necessary basis of his
^^'Dolfe theorj'. Furthermore, he assumes that this overplus portion of
K^*"!!! -plasm, which is bo handed over to the custody of tho new
^^i^iividuai, is there capable of growth or multiplication at the expense
**» t.\xe nutrient materials which are supplied to it by the new soma in
''"''licli it finds itself located ; while in thus growing, or multiplying, it
^itlnfnlly retains its highly complex character, so that in no one
^**mate particular does any part of a many thousand-fold increase
^^i^ffer, as to its ancestral characters, from that inconceivably small
■ overplus which was first of all entrusted to the embryo by its parents.
I ■*■ berefore one might represent the germ-plasm by the metaphor of a
^L y^ast-plant, a single [)article of which may be put into a vat of
^Kp*t»-ient fluid : there it lives and grows upon the nutriment supplied,
^P'^ 'tUat a new particle may next be tak«^n to impregnate another vat,
■ and 80 on ad injimtum. Here the successive vats would represent
■ sacccasive generations of progeny ; but to make the metaphor complete
■ One Would require to suppose that in each case the yeast- cellwas
^*^^ired to begin by making its own vat of nutrient material, and
*^^t it ^3£ only the residual portion of the cell which was afterwards
^^ to grow and multiply. But although the metaphor is thus
®ceaaarily a clumsy one, it may serve to emphasize the all-imporlaut
^**^re of Weismann's theory — viz., the almost absolute independence
^-Ke germ-plasm. For, just as the properties of the 3'east-plaut
..**^id be in no way affected by anything that might happen to
Vat, short of its being broken up or having its malt impaired, so,
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THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[1
according to Weismann, the properties of the germ-plasm omnot
affected by nnything tliat may happen to its containing sivwu, short
the 8orrui being destroyeil or having its nutritive functions impaired
Such being the relations that are supposed to obtain between
soma and its germ-plasm, we havo next to contemplate
supposed to happen when, in the course of evolution, some modifictt
of the ancostral form of the soma is required in order to adapt
some change on the part of its environment. In other words, we
to consider Weismann's views on the viodus oprrandi of ad:
development, with its result in the origination of neup species.
Seeing that, according to the theory, it is only congenital variat — ^^^
which can be inherited, all variations subsequently acquired by
intercourse of individuals with their environment, however b
such variations may be to these individuals, are ruled oat as
the species. Not falling within the province of heredity, 1
blocked off in the first generation, and therefore present no sic
at all in the process of organic evolution. No matter how
generations of eagles, for instance, may nsc their wings for pu
of flight ; and no matter how great an increase of muscularit;^?^^
endurance, and of skill, may thus be secured to each generatic^» -
eagles as the result of individual exercise ; all these advantage's-
entirely lost to progeny, and young eagles have ever to begii
lives with no more benefit bequeathed by the activity of their an
than if those ancestors had all been barn-door fowls. Therefore
only material which is of any count as regards the species, or
reference to the process of evolution, are fortuitous variations i»
congenital kind. Among all the numberless congenital van*
within narrow limits, which are perpetually occurring in each gpne«"
of eagles, some will have reference to the wings ; and although
will be fortuitous, or occurring indiscriminately in all directions,
of thf>m will now and then be in the direction of increased rouscaV
others in the direction of increased endurance, others in the dii
of increased skill, and so on. Now each of these fortuitous vi
which happens also to bo a bi^neficial variation, will be favoni
natural selection ; and, because it likewise happens to beacon^
variation, will be perjieLuatcd by heredity. In the coarse of
other congenital variations will happen to arise in the same dii
these will be added by natural selection to the advantage
gained, and so on, till after hundreds and thousands of gene
I ho wiiiga of eagles become evolved into the marvellous
yMch they now present.
loh being the theory of natural selection when stripped
"wntH nf sii-i'alled Lamarckian principles, we have next toi
ilio llii>(jry means in its relation to germ-plasm. For, as
ifipd, congenital variations are supposed by "Weismann
to new t'ombinalions taking place in the germ-plasm as a»
tSgo]
WEISM ANN'S THEORY OF HEREDITY.
697
»
of the union of two complex hereditary hiatoriea in every act of fer-
tilisation. Well, if congenital variations are thus nothing more than
variations of germ-plasm " writ large " in the organism which is
developed out of the plasm, it follows that natural selection is really
at work upon these variations of the germ-plasm. For, although it
is proximately at work on the congenital variations of organisms after
birth, it is ultnmatoly, and through them, at work upon the varia-
tions of germ-plasm out of which the organisma arise. In other
■words, natural selection, in picking out of each geneiation those
individual organisms which are by their congenital characters best
suited to their surrounding conditions of life, is thereby picking out
those peculiar combinations or variations of genn-plasm, -which, when
expanded into a resulting organism, give that organism the best
chance in its struggle for existence. And, inasmuch as a certain
overplus of this peculiar combination of germ-plasm is entrusted to
that organism for bequeathing to the next generatiou, this to the nest,
and so on, it follows that natural selection is all the while conserving
that originally peculiar combination of germ-plasm, until it happens
to meet with some other mass of germ-plasm by mixing with
■which it may still further improve upon its original peculiarity, when,
of course, natural selection will seize upon this improvement to per-
petuate as in the previous case. So that, on the whole, we may say
that natural selection is ever waiting and watching for such combina-
tions of gerra-plasm aa will give the resulting organisms the best
IK>8sible chance in their struggle for existence ; while, at the same
tixne, it is remorselessly destroying all those combinations of germ-
plasm which are handed over to the custody of organisms not bo well
fitted to their conditions of life.
It only remains to add that, ac<;ording to Weismann's theory io
^** strictly logical form, combinations of gerni-plaam when once
effected are so stable that they would never alter except as a result
^^ entering into new combinations. In other words, no external in-
flaences or internal processes can ever change the hereditary nature
^^ any particular iruxture of germ-plasm, save and except its
^naiiture with some other genn-plasm, which, being of a nature
*<loally stable, goes to unite with the other in equal proportions as
Regards hereditary character. So that really it would be more
Correct to say that any given mass of germ-plasm does not change
®Ven when it is mixed with seme other mass — any more, for instance,
toan a handful of sand can be said to change when it is mixed with
^ Jiandful of clay.
Consequently, we arrive at this curious result. No matter how
^^y generations of organisms there may have been, and therefore
^ tnatter how many combinations of germ-plasm may have taken
place to give rise to an existing population, each existing unit of
K^rtu-plasm must have remained of the aame eeeential nature of
▼OL. LVU. 2 Z
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[M
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I
constitution as when it was first started in its immortal career
of years ago. Or, reverting to our illuatration of sand and <
particles of each must always remain the same, no matter how ma
admixtures they may undergo with particles of other materials, su
as chalk, slate, &c. Now, inasmuch as it is an essential — because
logicnlly necessary — part of Weisraann's theory to assume su
absolute stability or nnchangeableness on the part of germ-pli
the question arises, and has to be met, What was the origin
those differences of character in the different " germ-plasms
mnlticellular organisms which fii-st gave rise, and still continue
give rise, to congenital variations by their niixiure one with anoth
This important question Weiamann answers by supposing that th
differences originally arose out of the differences in the unicella lar
organisms, which were the ancestors of the primitive mnlticellT^___l ar
organisms. Now, as before stated, different forms of unicelli^L_Xa^
organisms are supposed to have originated as so many results dfl
differences in the direct action of the en\'ironment. Consequen-^t' ly,
according to the theory, all congenital variations which now occur — i
multicellular organisms are really the distant results of variati_-^i:
that were aboriginally induced in their nnicellular ancestors by "fc
direct action of surrounding conditions of life.
I think it will be well to conclude by briefly summarising "fc-
main features of this elaboi'ate theory.
Living material is essentially, or of its own natare, imperishat>3
and it still continues to be so in the case of unicellular organic
which propagate by fission or gemmation. But as soon as tfa
primitive methods of propagation became, from whatever cav» ^^i
superseded by sexual, it ceased to be for the benefit of species -t'l:*''''
their constituent individuals should be immortal ; seeing that, if tl » *^J
continued to bo so, all species of sexually-reproducing organis"*^^"^'
would sooner or later come to be composed of broken down and decr^X-*^
individuals. Consequently, in all sexually-reproducing or miil*'*'
cellular organisms, natural selection set to work to reduce the t^^"^*^
of indl%'idual lifetimes within the narrowest limits that in the caee» ^'
each species are compatible with the procreation and the rearing' *-*
progeny. Nevertheless, in all these sexuaUy-reproducing organi^^*-*' '**
the primitive endowment of immortality has been retained ■w^^-*
respect to their germ-plasm, which has thus been continuous, throti^*
numberless generations of perishing organisms, from the first ofif?^^
of sexual reproduction till the present time. Now, it is the nnioO ^
germ-plawis which is required to reproduce new individuals of nitil*^"
cellular organisms that determines congenital variations on the part ot
such organisms, and thus famishes natural selection with the mat«*^^'
for its work in the wny of organic evolution — work, therefore, wb"^"
is impossible in the case of unicellular organisms, where variation can
never be congenital, but always determined by the direct action of
I
IFEISM ANN'S THEORY OF HEREDITY'.
699
ng conditions of life. Again, as the germ- plasm of multi-
(rganisms is continuous from generation to generation, and
impregnation gives rise to a more or less novel set of
J characters, natural selection, in picking out of each
n those congenital characters which are of most service to
licms presenting them, is really or fundamentally at work
je variations of the germ-plasm which in turn give origin to
nations of organisms that we recognise as congenital.
I, natural selection has always to wait and to watch for such
1 of germ-plasm as will eventually prove beneficial to thi^
Is developed therefrom, who will then transmit this peculiar
' germ-plasm to their progeny, and so on. Thrrefore, also —
is most important to remember — natural st^leotion as thus
becomes the one and only cause of evolution and the origin
in all the multicellular organisms, Just as the direct actinn of
onment ia the one and only cause of evolution and the origin
I in the case of all the unicellular organisms. But inasmucli
ulticellular organisms were all in the first instance derivrd
unicolliilar, and inaaunich as their germ-plasm is of bo
tature that it can never be altered by any agencies internal
al to the organisms presenting it, it follows that all congenital
1 are the remote consequences of aboriginal dLSerences on tho
nicellular ancestors. And, lastly, it follows also that these
1 variations — although now ko entirely independent of
oonditions of life, and even of activities internal to organisms
iS — were originally and exclusively due to the direct action
londitions on the lives of their unicellular ancestry ; while
be present day no one congenital variation can arise which
imately duo to differenccH impressed upon the protoplasmic
of the germinal elements, when the parts of which these
composed constituted integral parts of the protozoa, which
»ctly and differentially affected by their converse with their
vironmente.
then, is Weisraann'a theory of heredity in ita original and
'gical form. But it is now necessary to add that in almost
of its essential features, as jnst stated, the theory has had
fi>— or is demonstrably destined to undergo — some radical
on. On the present occasion, however, my object is merely
he theory : not to criticise it. Therefore I have sought to
le whole theory in its completely connected shape. On a
CBsion — I hope within the present year — it will be my
r to disconnect the now untenable parts from the parts
ID remain for investigation at the hands of biological
GbOROB J, RotUMEB.
[Mat
BABY-FARMING.
" nP|ONT cry ; oh, don't cry ! " pleaded a frail boy with outstretch ^*
M-J hands, sitting up, asleep, in bed, in the night, dreamir»r^* '
He often did so ; the tears rolling Hovni his pained blanched face, as '*'
he would restrain companiong from suffering. He had been got iic^^^m
a bouse, where night and day he had the chief care of six cold, so*"^^
wailing, hungry babies, all yoanger than himself, all unwanted,
nearing the time of their departure, a small batch of that monm^"*^*i
tale of 51,000 children annually born in the land who ought not
have been bom. He was dreaming it over again.
If a process could be invented, by which stories of the invisible aSX*
hateful things done to these children could be brought to light, a,s
certain eolution, known to the experiments of my boyhood, brought otz*'
writing in invisible ink, the natron would not hesitate to prononut?^
them the darkest, most ghastly shame in the land. Yet is it the work o»^
a trade, doing a brisk basineas, known by the mild name of the '* Bai*^"
Farm." Even the studeut of heathen history may fairly challeng"^^
" Christians," as all Englislimen are called, to find amongst its horror-^*
anything done to children which provides a parallel to it. 'Wlil-^^
cannibal mothers, when an unwanted child is born, are said "t>*^^
put it back again " in a meal, English mothers put their unwante-^^
children back by a process of which the cannibal would be ashatnec^^
but which, happily for the comparison, her eye does not actaflll-.y^
see. The rcBponsibility lies with a trade which has grown up, and ^-^
in full swing in the land — the undertaker for the unwanted b«hy ^
death.
To apply such a disclosing solution as we have supposed to the
baby institutions, has been attempted by the National Society for th*
Prevention of Cruelty to Children. This much of the history of J* J^
BABY-FARMING.
701
1
gallons may be stated. It selected a certain number of
option" anuouiicements in newspaper advertisements, and, under
ible cover, attempted to bring up from beneath their composing
jarance, the trutli of Ibem, with a view to place it before the heart
conscience of Pailiament, for Parliament to apply regulations to it,
tefore stating what those regulations must be, let us set out the
1^ and magnitude of the trade to be regulated,
"here seemed to be an impression that of late years baby-farming
gone down j that since the Infant Life Protection Act was passed,
gs were better. It was my own impression that the trade was
as large and as bad as ever, though it was more skilfully con-
i>ed, Where permitted, the Society has carried out its inquiry
md correspondence into interviews with the advertiser in person.
even then, it has not always been allowed to see her home,
never has it been able to see the place which many considerations
ered it certain would be the destiny of the sought-for child. None
'hose who have attempted such wretched and delicate inquiries into
i*et ti"ade can imagine the number and magnitude of the difiiculties
h, at every step, barred the way. While definite knowledge was
ionedly obtained, generally it has been possible only to fonn
, the opposite of which would be laughed at as absurd by any
ind. And knowledge and opinion, confirmed by independent
."Umerous lines of evidence, make it certain that behind these
.try air and motlier's love " advertisements live a band of cruel
a who take children as mere means of gain which can only be i
Tjy their death,
avoid injusticCj let me say that advertisers are not all alike,
consist partly of undoubtedly good ones, where a child to
■ is really wanted, for joy in children ; partly of doubtful,
■ a '' living " is; the chief motive ; and partly of vile and criminal
Pfc, who deserve the uttermost vengeance of the law. These are mere
Hl^rs, obtaining not one child, but child after child, in prodigious
>crB, getting rid of them to receivers.
en found, the procurer is mostly of clean, genteel, respectable 1
3ig and manners. She often professes that she has been married
five, or seven years, has had '' no child," and is " anxious to
one from the birth." She wants something to compassionate
lo love. For the receiving of the baby an appointment is
Jy made at a railway station, from which (when negotiations are
ful) a wire to one of her receivers simply announces that she is
way. Her business is to snare ; her receiver's is to alay. J
is the goal to which one skilful and busy procurer hadi
lyed five of her little victims. It was the back room of a tumble-
labourer's cottage, scarcely fit for a coal place, about twelve feet
>. Crouching and sprawling on the floor, in their own excre-
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THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
tVlT
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ment, were two of them. Two were tied in rickety chairs, oae lay
in a rotten basainet. The stench of the room was so abominable Uiafe
a grown man vomited on opening the door of it. Thoug-h three were
nearly two years old, none of them could walk, only onp could stand a
even by the aid of a chair. In bitter March, there was no fire. T
children had a band of flannel round the loins ; one had a small aha'
on ; the rest had only thin, filthy, cotton frocks. All were yellc
fevered skin and bone. None of them cried, they were too wea^^*^ *
One had bronchitis, one curvature of the spine, and the rest ricketr .^^
all from their treatment. There was not a scrap of children's food i-,*^
the house. In a bedroom above was a mattress, soaked and 80^<^^xk
with filth, to which they were carried at night, with two old coats Pcir-
covering. All the children's clothes in the place were the bandjftxX»
of rags they wore. And a man and his wife sat watching them di© of
filth and famine, so making their living. It was their trade. Of on^,
which had died a few months before, was found a graceful memorij^l
card, with the motto, *' He shall gather them into his arms," whi^ri'fa
had been provided for the procurer who sent it. At the farm,
mother was not known. These five weary creatures were all reinori
into restorative care : all injured for years ; some for life. Two ner
recovered and died in hospital.
This was the destiny of the babies which had been lured from dt-
grace-driven, perhaps loving mothers' arms to their procurer by sui
pathetic pleas as " Married seven years and no child." and which hi
been received by her at some railway station with her prettiest, m
deferential grace. It was while the Society was on its ordinary pi
vention of cruelty work that it came upon this place of slow
sure slaughter, and was able to connect it with a pious adverti
in a religious paper.
Anotlier "farm," kept by a man and wife, consisted of one am
room occupied night and day by six persons — the two adults and fo"^
children. In a cradle on the bed was a child sucking at a bottH-
In a cradle by the bed was another suckling. On the bed lay a thir-
On the floor was a fourth child, and also the man and woman w
lived upon savings out of these children's keep. Two of the childr«? ^"^
were very ill ; hnd been ill for some weeks ; one seemed near deat I*—
Neither had had medical care. One had raw sores round the ejrCs^V
which were explained, "through the beetles getting at it" Th^^
were on the l>ody. too. When this child cried (it was " crying
day long," a neighbour said), it was never taken up. This neighbo
had seen the man angrily pile clothes on its head to silence it.
I cannot .lay if these j>ersons take pleasure in the cruelties tli<?y
practise ; but one thing is certain ; they are of the sort who bare n<^
sympathy with the imploring helplessness of suffering. They woui"
tot save an ache to a child in their care if they could do so only ly »
BABY-FARMING.
703
& pressed on its pallid lips, or a folding of it to their breast with their
KXiS. Whatever they might be to their own children — and a ahe-
l_£ is good to her cubs — to the children of others they are without
"pale of humanity. Baby's dying waLlings have no more effect on
B^'t, they are doing than have a lamb's on what a butcher is doing.
»3t»nst be done. For this rea.son, they suit the procurer,
iriie procurer seems to be the chief advertiser. She lives on the
irld of women who are mothers through somebody's misconduct,
1. in despair. The receivers are her business connections. These
B> by her. She is well in with her set. " Leave here 10 p.m. ; expect
■three in the morning." " Meet me 2.15." These are two tele-
kxxis sent in ^le same week, by the same procurer, one to a receiver
liers at Swinfl,on, one to another at Yarmouth. One was sent from
r^rpool Street Station, where a child had just been obtained ; the
ker from Oxford Station, where another had been obtained. Both
Idren were beautifully dressed, and evidently belonged to the upper
»sea ; one went to the wife of a fish hand, the other to a retired
—gatherer's wife.
file meaning of the telegrams waa well understood. The one was
a©^ " H — 1," the other " W — e." Both were from the same person,
> "traffics under at least four names. After a time we found out
* "this foul and poisonous deceiver was, and traced her to her home,
*i~0! her clergyman had no idea of her occupation, and where she had
•^X" but one child, which he regarded as her own. She had a
^ca— like neatness of deportment and dress, and held a testimonial
*^ a vicar with which the more easily to secure her hapless
»*-»*ig. The explanation of tlie secrecy in which she had conducted
Ibusiness was that all her appointments for receiving children were
*^ for distant railway stations within easy reach of some of her
*i"Vers. To her were ultimately traced (wbat more she had had it
' impossible to say) four-and-twenty babies, none of whom were
^«^r care, but all of whom in one short year she had received under
*^-^nce of adopting them. — ^
^ Vich is the monster, a baby-procorer, publicly carrying on her buai-
^a aa agents carry on theirs for your governess or clerk ; and (like all
'"^^cies) in a manner which those alone who are on the look out for
**a observe^ Her business success depends on secrecy. So timid and
^ is she, that under cover which seems incapable of suspicion as to
^*<md fidei, you may conduct your negotiations for the transfer of
•^Xild to her to within one point of such success as you want, when
"^lier negotiations are suddenly declined. Negotiations, not only
'V» one, but with two or three, in different parts of the country, who
*"« supposed to be separate individuals, are abruptly closed at the
**.« time, which suggests that yon have been corresponding with the
^^^ advertiser, or that there is a onion in the procurer s trade, with
r04
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mil
11
alertness for common intrerests. One apologised for precautions, Baying
that the exiatenee of the Society created great uneasiness in the trad^ ,
and rendered them more than ever necessary, and that advertisia'^
agents and papers were all '* very chary " now.
Judged from the extent of its advertisements all over the oonnt»-y^
(fi"om which we selecl-ed haphazard for our investigation), this bal»^-
procuriug is now a prodigious business. We have found the sarixDe
person's advertisements as far north as Sunderland, and as far soca^th
as Eastbourne. They appear very largely in those places of res<z>rt
which have earned the name " gay," and extend to the resorts of tie
English on the Continent. At different times the same person adver-
tises in the same paper under diflferent names, one under three, anotlaer
under four. *^
If we may ground an opinion of what we do not know on evidence |
afforded by what we do know, all procurers obtain tlieir children
under false pretences. The statements of their advertisements, their
correspondence, their conversations, are mere tissues of lies. Two cor-
respondents, under different names, which eventually turn out to mean
the same person, make totally different statements of their circum-
stances, and whenever by other means you get at the actual facta, both
statements furn out to be crafty and misleading inventions. Onesai"-
that her husband was in a hospital for an operation, which left hertec*^""
porarily without income. The same one said that she was a widow wi***
one child. Neither statement had the shadow of a foundation. IIT ^*
husband was a railway-carriage builder in good pay and regular wotr^-^'
and she was childless. Another said she had only one little girl, fc^'"**
and a half years old ; the rest of her children had all died at birt^- •*^''
With an air of consistency, she wrote on the deepest mourning pap^^''"
She was found to have ten living children, an invalid husba
and much trouble as to ways and means. Wherever it has be*
possible to get through the precautions as to personal identifier
tion and real dwelling of the procurer and to test statements
facts (as the mothers of the children have no means whatever
doing), unfavourable appearances have been explained away
lies.
But false pretences are not always necessary. For instant
two of the children in the large piggery already described had be-
obtained by the keeper of it herself. She advertised, " Want
a child to adopt by a respectable married couple ; premium rt quire*
apply, &c." The address given woa that of an accommodati-^*^*^
acquaintance five miles away from the advertiser's own miserable d^^*'
***»« inserted her advertisement twice in a London and twice ia. *
lingham paper ; and with no more knowledge of her than tiii*
living babies were made over to her, one from Havre, one froU*
amUm, In neither case did the mother of the child see theadver-
BABY-FARMING,
705
Be. The Havre child, she fetched from Southampton, It was
regular lady's." The other, she met on the platform at Snow Hil!
bion, Birmingham. These brief advertisements brought her one £10
one £20 from persons who knew nothing of her, and did not know
n her name or address. All the correspondence there had been
I as to terras. The children were never to be seen again.
?ar is it, alas! from being always necessary to deceive mothers in order
secure their children's charge. There are infamous cAatm-es, mere
-things, who look oat for foul and dishonourable people to consign
ir children to. Such was the following. The accommodation she
id for her two children, and for two other children, and three adults,
listed of two rooms, one living-room and one bedroom. In the bed-
n was one bed, for her two and the two other children, and three
Its. When the place was entered, the only children's food in it was
i-wl of pati-id bread and milk. Her children had sat daily in chairs
iteir thighs were now horribly raw with the wood of the chair and
T own filth. A chemise or a night-gown was their only clothing.
K were now ill, and had lain for days unmoved on pillows, cold,
pBodden with filth, and creeping with maggots, a piece of sacking
■them. Tivelve shillings a week the mother paid for them. She
>dically visited them, and saw their deadly whiteness, their shrink-
lips, their protruding teeth, the dry, hot, weary anguish in them.
died ; still the mother visited and saw the other. She visited up
xe last. Her 'children were in this place, wilfully put there one
* the other, both being taken away from excellent care to be so.
saw the man of the place. He had the wild eye and restless brain of
»d spirit-drinker, who cared nothing for the rights of a nurse baby,
less than nothing for tlie wrongs of his wife. He was thirety, sullen,
l>earing, mad ; with mind and will and craft enough to have his way.
"wife was pitiable, crushed, and dissipated.
•''ar be it from me to suggest that any large proportion of
:>andless motherH deliberately seek such a shambles as this,
ly a one sells clothes, trinkets, and watch, and taxes all her
II resources to the uttermost to secure ample, if possible, hand-
le attention to her child. To be bound to part with it for good
Ditter enough price to pay. Speaking of the baby to be dis-
sd of to "a respectable married person " advertiser, one letter
Society got possession of says, " I cannot afford the £10 at once,
ill give you £20 now, and £2() in a year. Were you to see her, I
ik you would say she is something to be proud of. I should like to
illowed to come and see her." Another says, " The little one is
T engaging. I should wish her to have a plain education, and to be
it up in the Protestant religion, I will, of course, give up all
her, but should like to bear how she is. I shall find it
pay yon." Could such a mother dream of the kind of fate to
700
TIFE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW,
[Mi^
which &he was consigning her little one, a thousand times rathex wooL^
she go to the bottom of the sea with it.
As we are not reflecting on unhappy mothers, it can be no sort m^zA
answer to any plea for baby-farm regulation to say that they nfti »tt
part with their babies in good faith. The plea rather gathesc^re
strength from the fact. Granting that even the great mass of fann^i^
children are obtained from mothers, honestly making the be?- st
arrangements they can for baby's welfare, then the plea for regulati«z3)n
primarily urged in the interest of the baby is clinched by con8iderati(^:»a
in the interest of the mother. She and her little means ought to To©
delivered from the possibility of such horrible frauds as, by ^akli
lines of investigation it is made clear, are now practised on )x^si-
I, for one, have no stone to throw at this torn, wits-driven class *>^
woman. I have tears for her. The victim of a trust, maybe, ^^<:»r
which there was no foundation^ she has become an unhappy motb^ss^-
In the nam© of God and humanity, let us relieve her of the chance o"^
being also an unwittiug murderer.
The creatures who exist to obtain her child are known to her only "1
advertisement, a testimonial-letter from a minister of religion, an^
hasty glimpse at a railway station while the train stops — her y*
down in an agony of fear lest some one on the platform may see h^
who knows her. She never supposes that this woman is a mere procu
^ for some other person.
The price for the absolute disposal of a child varies greatly. Oe::
shrewd guess as to the position of the persons — father as well as motU.
if possible — who have to escape disgrace, the procurer puts out feelers ».^^:^^*-^ .
makes demaida accordingly, from £5 for servants to £200 for gent^^^*''
people. It is incredible to what lengths of confidence she will go wfci.^^"
she no longer doubts that she has found somebody as knowing and. ^^
bad as herself, and sees a round sum of money in it. One who adv^^^**
tised, "A respectable married couple want charge of a baby, or to adop»"t-
in conversation, with the greatest simplicity and straightforwardn
refused £25 with child and £25 at death, on the ground that she Y^.^^
" better offers than that." She would take £G0. She had been al:*^*'
she said, to refer to hor clergyman till lately, but she had given "«^P
going to church and gone to chapel, because the curate had a8ke<3- "
the last child she had was not ''born in sio." Another, who advertis^^*'
*' Happy home for a little child, with every care and attention ; r*^*-**
house aud very healthy," agreed, also in conversation, to receive £L *-^ '
the child to be dead in three months, adding, " The sooner I have it 't-- *®
better." Another, who pat her proper and full name aud addx"^^^
in her advertisement — and, ia the pnper she advertised in, gave m-^^
vicar as reference — undertook that for £50 a lady's child sho"*-*
not be born alive, adding, " It is easily done ; the easiest tk»-*-^*^
in the world."
i
{
BABY-FARMING.
7(yr
^r the peace of tnin^ of those who may recognise themselves in
le statements, it may be worth while to say that on no considera-
ehall they be informed a^inst. We wanted to know what people
ieir profession would do fur a consideration , and we learnt it. That
all. Besides, we have neither the documents nor the witnesses
ch would be required for the technical ordeal of a witness-box.
Vhilst such positive undertakings could seldom be got, and least of
locnmentdrv evidence of them ; the etiect of what was got was to
e no doubt that the profession of desire for a baby for love of a baby
dishonest. The advertiser wanted money, not babies ; and that
baby might go to the grave as soon as was safe. To all the facts
be case no other meaning could be given.
t may be well to state some of these meaningful facts. There was
air of humbug about most of the procurers wholly inconsistent
L the reality of" want of a child tci love, had none and were lonely,"
Moreover their statements as to " no child " were frequently dis-
iTed to be false. Here is a report on one forwarded by the police of
town the woman was traced to: — ''Mrs. has been in this
a but a short time, and in consequence of the close manner in
3h she keeps, &c. .... She has a child of tive of her own, and other
5ren not her own, and I may tJiink it necessary to commuuicate
I respect to them." Whilst almost none had ever " adopted a
i before," when terms were proposed they unwittingly let out that
* had " been paid better than tliat." One of the most satis-
ory ol these " never-before " people advertised through a London
icy, through which we learnt that she advertised much, but
erred London to country* papers because she " got children easier
Ugh them. Ono had just died and she wanted another." Asked
, with three children of her own and evidently enough to do to
> them, she wanted another, she said, "I don't want any more of
own, but my husband aud I are so fond of a baby." Before the
Pview closed she showed quite a student's acquaintance with fatal
Bafeways of baby-feeding. Another of them would take a child for
but would not give her address because she said her husband
8o afraid of *' having a child taken away." They had " been
> that way before." One wishing t>o dispose of a child wrote a
V to a would-be receiver, as the husband of a newly made mother
ill to be allowed to know of the birth of her child. " Doctor
Ies she will pull through "- — immediate care wanted. The writer
a woman, in good health, travelling about, who wrote her letter
rondoD, posted it at Leamington, and lived elsewhere. The child
just been procured from a private lying-in establishment,
'he difficulties in the way of getting beliind the advertisements
been immense, bat wherever the effort has been successful almost all
statements, quite all the material ones, have proved to be useful lies.
0G4MI MPfC Msra
Tke«e wrelefed eoKiaMMB ai to
M to |wrtic»lar iafiviiiaali l^
nniltitadiBMM ontMoi^ aad
it, Mid Ibjr tfe tiitoof daHc ksoviedgeaod cxpen
M tliejr nawiUa^^ lee drop. Wlafee«cr doBbt
(frridence nuf^ lesre, u raDored ly t^
iKmie of tiie«e k«^;;en lor m dtild. Qae aged
bMid, Mtlrawtical, had 6tA^ was hard sp £jr daiif iMcad. Sib vo^
take* child for good and ail for £1Q. Anodier was the infeof a nvlc-
ing bootmaker. Another was a dr<easmaker who had loet her^ii
Another waa a coal-jard labt>arer, who had a chance of boTing ^
nuMter'a bonneaa if hf: coald raise moner br Chiistmaa. He hidbd
sereral " adopted " children ; they were all dead. He was fitiil £1*^
Mhort to pay for the horse and cart. HIb wife would adopt for £10.
They were really buying n a/H business by adopting. Another was
a stevedore's wife, out of work. Another was a bankrupt faraesr's
wife : another, a montlily nttrse, who had lost her eogsgements tbioiigii
drinking.
Of courne, the mere procurer does no ill. Her procured cliil(lre*i
go to receiving houses to Ix^ "done for," where in ones, twos, and threes,
generally under false n&nies, they remain till they die. The prociirer
keeps tho birth certificate. At an inquest she may be required to
furnish it to the coroner, when: she produces one wholly regardless o^
its being tho right or wrong one, caring only not to give one ffiicDi
if the pnpers make it jjublic, will be likely to get her into tioubl^*
At the receiver's, behiiul tlio ordinary screen of an English liouEe, sod
the great liberties allowed to everybody in the treatment of childre»
in it, without attracting anybody's attention, the child is slow^ly
changed from a bonny baby into a skin and bone corpse. One pro-
curer, liowever, declared her preference for over-feeding ; it was just »*
fatal as starving. When deaths at a " farm " have attracted attention
And remark, or some accident has brought its treatment of children to
«e " farmer " removes. One woman carried on her business i»
mt places in one year and eight months. In another case,
i<xn had been aroused, a dying child was removed froiB i
» second, and a third, and a fourth in eight mentis. J
I it had only been a few days. When there hss leen »
e^lect in one place, it does not count in another, i* -
BABT-FARMiyG. lf»
'Wkere Ae neglect b oantinined, aod brings dMtli ia
r^vyfcd tok tdtere is no presamptioa i^minst tbit ~ fiurmer."'
it &e espeneneed miatetB in tihe czafi, tliere is the quiet c«nni>
oftikedenL
■e Inge and luaaliie balnr-hiniting groond is polioe^eoott «ffili«>
emea Mhen ''qnalitj'' is oonoemed, and wkidi get into the
9K. In Goe month wo came across time diildraL attempted to be
■red in this fidd. "^
kmdm Ae adrertisfaig procurer, there are |Hocmers amco^ the
of wumoi nsnallT en^iged at the iMith of these illegitimates
iv-daoB monthly nurses amd nudwives, nuises at woitiiottaes, and
KTs of Ijing-in houses — most ot them probablr helfung the mother
of her ** trouble," not for gain, vet sending to houses which
t iir gain. When indirectly asked to see to a child being bom
I, one of this last dass of persons, not in the least discomposed
he request, replied : " We dare not do that ; we never know how
ly win fed to her baby till she's a mother. We prefer to deliver
*■ provide.' " He would be an idiot who did not see that to such
odacions woman the two courses meant practically the same thing
a diild's death ; the choice made was for her own safety.
ere is a " &rm " to which a servant, whose child was bom in a
Jionse, was referred by her nurse there. Its keeper had once
a nurse herself, but drink had brought her down. Our attention
called to it by a young Member of Parliament, to whose wife's
** the mother had become wet-nurse. On the floor of the small
-story room of which it consisted was a wretched stinking,
k flodc-bed. It had no covering of any kind. There was one
r in the room, and a chest of drawers. The place was damp and
'. It was nearly ten o'clock on a February night. There was no
neither was there any one in. The owner was traced to a
;eous drinking den, where one child of a year old slept on the
' at her feet by the bar, the other, a few months old, which
the cluld we were seeking, lay on her knee, with protruding eyes
Dttg at the gas. Both children were mere skin and bone. ** I
alf chose the mother to nurse our boy," said the M.P., *' because
*e magnificence of her baby." Scarcely seven months had gone,
this was the plight it was in. Seven shillings a week were
B who had taken from it its mother paying for it, that the
>§f little thing might be done well by. When the revolting
t«a was asked if she had got this child from S , sullenly she
** Yes." To " How has it come to be like this ? " she muttered,
s no appetite." Judging by her evident skill in providing to meet
l«gal requirements of safe baby-killing, she was no novice at her
Uy trade. She had two dispensary tickets, one for each child.
ma "all right " for *' certificates." Besides which precautions she
r^
Ifi a btNBeit I
«iil m vMftod M food &r ^'s
dMoefeer, Ibr vrfaiek ifce pocket ii gla%
Wii«li£Bl, piMd low A£m^ it
beiag Ae M^tevMl. Th« moklMr gmt
tfa« CMni«f gives hm A«^ £ar Ini life.
Vo iI^tqiTjit^ exp«di«uti are aeecMMy in tin rawl faonneaa.
little kanukn liv^, fir&tl and depenflgMt. oe^ieol fbniii^isa an
nmo^th aiid tmlfi iocUiu; to t^ g7»ve ; and the '' &rtaers'' know it Ti
of ways of f«*ding and they will eliow tou how well they midetsta:^=>
thui a f^rcrwn cKtld'A for^ ia a babj's poi£oii. Talk of siptaps h^aa
laodaikuo], and they will canttonslj smUe afsent. Talk of oppcv
taniiiM for iettiog dJ«, and they will take refuge in cant aoc] a et^sH
^' If it Hbotild pleaae God to take it, it will escape all the trials of «i^1
work?, and Iwi bwtl^r off/' iwid one. Not an tmoommon creed, yet ^3
all tlmi not tho \t;m a creed of the devil. Medicines can be procnred fV
dinRnHnH tlm chilrl hn« not got. InguiHcient clothing on bitter nig-l*.'
will bring on ailini'nts ; ailmente neglected will end in death. It is m
omy to get a baby's life out of it as it is to rub off the dast from
buttarfly's wing.
By mere neglect, the odds are all against the child living. A 7/
ohildren have ailments latent in their constitution. But for patiaxi^
l(JV6 and oaro, tho childhood of most of them would be but of few days
and evil. The soundest constitutions emerge from cradle and nnrseiy
alive ou\y because, happily, in almost every household baby commands
tht^se. But in the house of the mere living-maker it is motives of
UMmey-proflt that reign ; and profit increases by every untended weari-
neaa and pain, m\d is completed by death. Remembering that tl»
retM^iver'a undertaking in the cases we are considering is a commerda!
undertaking, not one of natural instinct, nor of charity, and that when
l»ttUY dies it leaves money behind it and room for another to do the same,
it ia not ditlienlt to form an opinion of baby's chances in her hands.
Uer hi»U8e is a social shambles to which the unwanted thing goes
a» a laiub to the butcher. It is this woman who is largely responsible
t\vr the terrible death-rate among these illegitimates, which is pennar
neuthk' )tH> jier cent, greater than it is amongst all other childrea,
iueludiu$ the children of married poverty and cnaeltT and litx and
i89o3
BABY-FARMING,
711
crima ; greater far than it is amongst these even when, in periods of
tnaat virulent infantile epidemic, it rises to its most abnormal height.
WHilst in every thousand of the man-ied-bom it ia 17 ; of the illegiti-
mate, it is 37.
If the manner of tlie deatrucfcion of these little human things were
that of the destruction of our unwanted dogs, or even that once
•naployed in the destruction of babies on the Ganges, outraged
tamanity would have less to say. But it is neither by the lethal
sbamber, nor by the short pain of the crocodile's jaws, that they
ollov^ one another out of life. It is by methods infinitely more
mel than these.
The deadlinesa of the receiver's house is the same whether she takes
©«kly payments or lump sums down. Idleness and bankruptcy can
on three starving children's payments, for there is a constant
ocession of unwanted children to be had. One is born every tea
utes of the day and the night, the whole year round.
-A.nd there is little check to her foul play.
The child cannot complain ; the police are not informed ; and the
igtibours, when they know a little, do not interfere. One, on being
'feed why she did not tell somebody what she knew was happening,
^, " You gets no thanks for interfering for them sort of children."
Tlie system of death certificates is but small security ; as a rule
is none at all. Disease generally supervenes, is named on the
*^Lficate, and is enough. Even that is often filled in from the
^S of the woman who, in the cases supposed, knows that her libprty
't>^nds on lies easily and safely told. When the child is seen alive
y the doctor, the view is generally only a cursory glance at its face,
X"t lies in "the anxious woman's"' arms; and, under "convulsions,"
*^*Xinchitis," and a host of other words which mean want of breath,
^ whole wickedness of the afiUii' is covered up. One woman who bad
'^"t secured such a certificate paid twopence at a pawn-shop for a clean
^^lit^gown to convey the dying thing to the dispensarj'. It was
*^ then almost always naked ! In most districts there is a doctor
*i-o is, as one of the " farmers'* ex]jre3sed it, '* not troublesome about
^^"t^ificates." Where there is no respectable registered practitioner
^* the not-troublesome kind, there is, at least, an assistant, or a non-
'"^gistered practitioner, or a registered one without integrity, and hard-
^p, who for a consideration will do almost anything. All this is well
'^'UowTi in this shameless trade.
And should all these chances fail this baby-slaughterer, unless
*he is a bom idiot at her trade, it is only she who can supply the
kroner's inquest with the material for its judgment. Its criminal
verdict, too, is restricted to manslaughter, and on tiie evidence produced
that is almost never possible. Failing manslaughter, her conduct is
aothing^ criminal. Besides this limit of the coroner's power, there is the
i89o]
BABy-FARMLWG.
718
a orinae which has, moreover, nothing to do with the horrible iniquities
of the system.
Besides, it says nothing whatever to the infamous traffic of the
procurer. Assuming that this has attained finything like the magni-
tttde suggested by its thousands of advertisements annually paid for
in. papers (many papers decline to receive them), it must be admitted
that it, too, demands the control of just national sentiment. Procurers
as yreU as receivers must be put under conditions which protect a
■wretched mother from plunder ; and secure an endurable life to the
child that that mother commits to their charge. They must be punished
for obtaining babies by advertising lies. We have just raised a
baby in England to the rank of a dog, we need now to raise it to
, the rank of a sixpence. To obtain money under false pretences,
■ that is febny ; to obtain a baby under false pretences, that must be
■ felony too. "^
m llec^ivers — drink-ruined monthly nurses, loafing labourers' wives,
and blind old tax-gatherers — to whom the little life that is obtained
by the genteel-looking procurer goeSj must be forbidden to eke out
their own living by eking out a baby's dying. I use the wurds eke out
, advisedly, for in making dying last consists the whole art of keeping
liberty and getting gain. We drive the receiver to do this. If avarice
■oscfi mercy, and dispatches its little charge with but one .short, sharp
pang, we hang it. We hanged Jessie King, we hanged George Horton,
"ecaose, for securing their ends, they did not resort to the slower,
^^ft^r, and more infamous arts of the crafty '" farmer." They disregarded
^he plain lesson of the law as to the means to be employed ; that was
*" — and they are dead. The crafty " farmer" give.s heed to it ; that is
enough — and she lives and is free. In the name of all that is biinian,
^♦■abbing is kinder than inflicting aches and biiraing sores, and lasting
k thirst, and famine, and fits j and snrely, if anybotly, the person who
H **^liberately intlicts th<^se, not the passionate user of the knife, ought
^ be hanged,
I One grave objection to what we ask, which is widely entertained,
^**d by the wise and humane chiefly, needs still to be met.
It may be feared that a thorough system of licence and inspection'^
^Ould destroy that secrecy, in which, at present, women stricken with
I
tih
^xtxe are able to bury it, and so save their whole life fi-oni absolute
'^^Q. To do that were cruel, unjust, and unreasonable. But widely
^^Oaidered, this very proper dread is wholly on our side, and greatly
*Peiigthens the Argument for supervision. Hitherto, these English
*ck holes of Calaiitta have been beyond the reach of the humane.
bl
^^ay, by 52 & 53\ Victoria, chap. 14, they may be entered. As the
*^ public sentiment! extends, becomes acquainted with its powers, and,
^^od with those powers, is watchful on behalf of children, the miscon-
^*>ct of buby-farmenj ilnayplay a part in bringing happily buried scandals
Vol. Lvii. I 3 a
714
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Max
and personal miseries to light, which for everybody's sdke had hette^^^
sleep. Whatever may have been the case in the paM., in the fatur^j^
everything that tends to enconrage the ili-iareatm^nb of an Q^^ '
wanted child most tend to the exposure in courts of all persons c»^_
nected with its disposal and birth. In five cases (over which we U^a^j
no control) these unhappy particulars have all como to light, and g^^
into public print ; one was the buried story of a housekeeper ; one, of
a governess ; and one, of a youmg lady of good &.imly. Through &.
thousand chances of discovery they had concealed that bitter esperi.—
ence till then. Two other stories of the misconduct of persons, capabl-^
of untold anguish, who have given big bribes to baby-takss f^i^'C
silence, are now in my hands. Not a word of them shall trsnspirr-^^ -
Our Society is not for pillorying wrongdoers. It is for stoppiv^s.^
cruelty to children. That done, that is enough.
Danger will not arise &om instituting national supervision in tfts.^
trade. It will arise from leaving the trade as it now is; because l>al>;y»^''g
dangers have recently become its parents' dangers too. What now C2^^^
be done to secure baby's health and comfort under a proper '* Cara ^jf
Children Bill," will also secure its parents from miserable exposim. ^
under the Children's Charter in the witness-box of a court of law, a:^^/
in the police column of our daily press.
For everybody's sake, all round ; for the child's Bake, first and abota
all ; for the mother's and even the father's sake ; lor tlie sake of our
own priceless national sentiment of justice and self-respect; it jg
urgent that there be made thorough and reasonable regulations for
these unhappily greatly needed, and at present shamefully condactW,
institutions.
Bexjamis Wil'GB.
^1
:atthew prior.
IIOR'S poems, even tlie best of them, have been somewhat
neglected of late years ; it is therefore especially fortunate that
y have now found an editor in the author of *' Old World Idylls."
other writer is so well qualified to speak of the vers de socUU by
ich I'rior's fame will ever be kept alive as Mr. Austin Dobson ;
i, OS might be expected, the volume of " Selected Poems," which
lias prepared for the Parchment Library, is one that will be
asured by all lovers of books that please on account both of the
Ltxe of their contents and of the beauty of their outward form,
sides an excellent introduction, there are valuable notes, and an
'Hing of Prior taken from a painting by Dahl. Mr. Dobson has had
* benefit of access to an account of Prior, more particularly of the
t*lier events of his life, which was written by his schoolfellow Sir
ttiea Montague, brother of the Charles Montague who was after-
k^^ds Earl of Halifax. The information thus obtained has enabled
■^. Dobson to correct the generally received account of several matters,
vill be more faUy noticed hereafter ; and from clues furnished by
^•e memoranda, and from other sources, we shall be able to add a
^ further details in this paper.
Matthew Prior was bom on the 21 at of July 16G4, at Wimbome,
'Oording to the view now generally held. A house in Eastbrook in
'«t town is said to have been the abode of liis fathep, George Prior,
fcjd we are told of one or more old people who had heard of visits
Md by Prior to the place. Ilutchins, in his *' Dorset," says that
^ut 1727 a labouring man named Prior, of Godmanston, declared to
I- la and others that he was Mr. Prior's cousin, and that he remembered
Cr. Prior going to Wimbome to visit him. This is coniirmed in a
irkable manner by the fact that a cousin of Prior's, named Arthur,
Ht
fUt raNTCJtPQKJRr eusview.
^^ IM^ IJH^i^ k l«9^MltS to tih* poor d-
|mi*^v «» Ml;? «i*fs. tliywl wtr VttiAiiniu. T3»
W '^ ^dUNwMiiiiii'' ^ i»
INdm^ «»t «t 2n% lamlfcw Ih*- » Ji i iHi i m. "i
%;£i^
tnvc pBtt <i^^
in. tfai?
tioA. l>»»a< i3»»iifcK t» aNJti»i» iifc bitt- -" ^pirtte-t» HuuiwuuJ. SbefkBek" ^=
rW 'M^t)»fi|feN»aC g>*ag^ piiMMV aii -'■r nay
t<MC 'i. tJ«M«t tkifc lb) "WMfe^ aft loiHft banr ia:<]r-
b««^ 'v]M«Mt. tQ«aiL cn«atkMk -.^ tiaft aitaafamK: to a. ^^vpp- o£
icu, \vvk«^v«r. .0 ^««M«d s^Mttk lasNTv- prhmmm ibat -'tm^'waiat. -^vimk^c^^
i sij«i:ii. >wUi.«i. iUtMiib URHUMOry- inkvtt- ?<» 'j»~ i.XMk. in:
.\ai,v'i^u " '«»,*m(i[?>- -viKV e -^Mims .::»«« -r> ca* camtt Lit I68*h.
c^s- isvc^c ■>»>«: .i*i. '^i "''¥iatoo£»s 'Ve r'-^^c. 'atsreMRt dam
V 1:110 ^"*>/r -*•«». • (rf^ ^'^uusc. -t«^ Safins?*', -viio ^^ utaawaoeii astAt
"Cteiuiuui. iii> •lie. ''5r».»%iiv, _e** ;: n*- ^a
HI -'-• ---ii laitil»ri«v. :>.««iiitt u"»«.»«ia»« --.lu^iiiit. .2- »v» i«^^
r^^jir^T ^_iu -'Tiv^av ->^-
rt»s- tiiafcTWwk
I in the licence, George was described as " gentleman, of St.
rtholomew-by-the-Exchange, London," and Dorothy as daughter of
otnas Wilkinson, of Tamdon, Cheater.
Tortunately Prior had a kiud uncle, who became a second father to
EL This uncle was perhaps the Prior refeiTed to by Pepys in his
Diary "for February li, lOUU. " We took him (Eoger Pepys) out of
» Hall to Prior's, the Rhenish wine-house, and there had a pint or
3 of wine and a dish of anchovies." This Rhenish wine-house was
Cannon (then Channel) Row, Westminster, and Prior refers to the
tter in his •' Epistle to Fleetwood Shepherd, Est],," which was
tten about 1G89. His uncle, it will be seen, was then dead.
b
" My uncle, rest his soul I when living,
l^light bav«j coiitri^c-d me ways of thriving ;
Taught me witli cyder to replenish
My vats, or ebbing tide of Rhenish."
laa generally been said that Prior's uncle kept the Rummer Tavern
IJbaring Cross, and it appears that Samuel Prior (who has been
posed to be the poet's uncle, and who was probably the son of a
auel Pryor, of St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, who died in 1062) was
ilord of that house from 1085 to 1688. Of course he may have
tx proprietor both of the Rhenish Wine House and of the Rummer
"ern ; both are mentioned in a couplet in *' The Country Mouse
the City Mouse." But Sir James Montague, in his memoranda,
Elects Prior's uncle with tho Rhenish Wine House, and Mr. ])obson
Jgs forward several arguments in support of this excellent evidence.
» Rhenish house was a favourite place of resort with the Earl of
"Bet and his friends, and thera it was that Dorset found young
ar, who had apparently left schoul to follow his uncle's trade,
ling Horace. The gentlemen were struck with the boy, and at
"set's suggestion he was sent to Westminster to continue his studies
ler Dr. Busb}'. The admission indentures of the time, which
(ht have given ns interesting particulars of Prior and his uncle, are
brtunately missing ; but we know that Prior obtained his election
^ King's scholar in IGBl, and no doubt he entered the school at
vt a year earlier. At Westminster his great friends were Charles
James Montague, and when they went to Cambridge Prior
Kpted a scholarship at St. John's College, in order that he might
Ht the same university. This was in 1683. In 1C8G Prior took
hachelor's degree, and in the following year joined with Charles
Qtague in writing " The Hind and tJie Panther transversed to the
t^y of the Country Mouse and the City Mouse," the wittiest of the
lies to Dryden's " The Hind and the Panther." Prior, according
Sir James Montague, wrot« the burlesque of the opening lines, and
■ibiy had the principal hand in this piece. There are allusions
iVing intimate knowledge of a vintner's business.
718
THE CONTEMPORARY RE VIE IF,
[5
In tMs year 1687, the will of Arthur Prior, made in 1685, ar
already referred to, was proved by his son Laurence, the executor.
is worth printing a summary of this document, because it cont
allusions to several relatives of the poet's. The testator says
according to the custom of the City of London, one-third of his
would go to his wife. To his " cousin Mathew Prior, now in
University of Cambridge," he left £100. He left small legacies to^
sister Joane Kellaway ; to Mary, and the two other children.
Christopher Prior ; to Joane Kellaway's children ; to the poor of
native place, Godmanston ; and to the hospital of Greencoatejs
Tattle fields. He had already disposed of a share of the last tia_u
part of the estate upon his two daughters ; to the one upon in*
marriage and since ; and to the other Katherine, he had lately gi"v<
the £500 due to him out of His Majesty's exchequer. With thi
thought they ought to be content. The residue of the estate was Id
to his son Laurence, who was to pay Katherine £100 in full, ^kXLd
moneys left by his grandmother, to make her equal with her si^rfc^
Thompson. If the testator's brothers, Christopher or Thomas, -vr^r^
living at his decease, they were to have £10 each. Not the le-s*^
interesting thing about this will is the fact, that the testator's tm
was Arthur. He was Prior's " con sin,'* and this adds some fore*
Sir James Montague's statement, that Prior's uncle was " Mr. Artfc^*'^]
Prior." Mr. Dobson, knowing that it was Samuel Prior who kept
Rummer Tavern, naturally suggests that this was written by a slip
memory ; but Arthur was evidently a family name, and the keep
of the Rheniah Wine House may, after all, have been an Arthi
Prior, a near relative of the landlord of the other house. Laurenci
the son and executor of Prior's cousia Arthur, did not long survive h;
father, for his will, made in 1690, was proved early in 1691, by \Sf^^^L
mother Katherine. He left £200 to his sister Katherine, and th ^^
same sum to his nephew James Thompson, son of his dearest sister"^^
Mrs. Ann Thompson, deceased ; and " to my cousin Mathew Prior £5C
besides what I have still in my hands of the legacy left by my father.
In 1688 Prior was chosen a fellow of his college, and wrote
exercise on a verse of Exodus, which led to his appointment as tut
to the song of the Earl of Exeter ; but with the Revolution came
uncertainty for the noblemen who had supported King James, ani^^-^
Prior was thrown on his own resources. He not minaturally appeale«^-^
to Lord Dorset, and sent an " Epistle " to Shepherd, friend and com-
panion of that nobleman.
" The sum of all 1 have to say,
Is that jou'd put me in some waj ;
And your petitioner shall pray —
There 'a one thing more I had almost slipt,
Bnt that may do as well in postscript ;
My friend Charles Montague's preferred j
Nor woqld I have it long observed.
That one mouse eats, whilu t'other's starved."
iS^ol
MATFHEW PRIOR.
719
I
I
I^ord Dorset procured for Prior the post of secretary to Lord
Dvirsley, afterwards Earl of lierkeley, the newly appointed AmLassador
to tvlie Hagae. Thus, at the age of twenty-sue, Prior commenced his
career as a diplomatist, and in the year immediately following he
fotand opportuoitiea of securing the friendship of Eang William. He
(lid not forget to publish various loya! poems; but, with one exception,
they are nut among those by which his name will be remembered.
Thxit exception is the " English Ballad on the taking of Namur," a
witty answer to Borleau's " Ode " of 1602, written when the town was
retaken by the English in 1 095. In " The Secretary," written in the
following year, Prior describes his life at the Hague, and his departure
on Saturday night " in a little Dutch chaise " to a place of rest, free
from tea-parties and dull refugees; " on my left-hand my Horace, a
njrTuph on my right." In 1697 peace was concluded, for a time, by
the treaty of Ryswick. Prior act«d as secretary during the negotia-
tions, and in October he wrote to Mr. Secretary Blathwayt, reminding
^iB correspondent that by a letter of June 16, 169t, in His Majesty's
'^ftTne, he had been recommended as His Majesty's secretary, and had
«ver since been treated by the States with all kindness. He now asked
that another letter might be sent when the King pleased that ho
should leave Holland, so that he might have occasion to take his leave
*tt<i return thanks for the favours he had received, ** It would let the
"^tat^g gpg I ^as not wholly forgotten by my master, and entitle me
^^ a medal." On his return, Prior was made Chief Secretary for
•'•''elo.tid ; but ho was soon afterwards sent to Paris as secretary to the
**^^1 of Holland, and he acted in the same capacity under the Earls
^^ Jersey and Manchester. A large quantity of Prior's diplomatic
^^^'^^spondence is still in existence, some in the public libraries, but
***Ore in private muniment rooms. Most of the letters evidently
^^*^te wholly to public affairs, but doubtless a careful examination
^^'^uld disclose passives of interest to the biographer. One letter to
'^'^rd Halifax, dati-d August 20, 1698, commences, " My good lord and
^^^ister, 1 have written one letter to you to congratulate you on your
^^Qours, one to condole with you. another to dunn you, and here is a
to thank you ; " and it concludes thus : '* Adieu, Master,
^^obody respects the Chancellor of the Exchequer more or loves dear
"^Ir. Montague better than his old friend and obliged humble servant,
In 1699 Prior was appointed Under Secretary of State, and was
^aoon afterwards elected mpmbfr for East Grinstead, and made a
TlJommiBBioner of Trade and Plantations. Official salaries in those
^lays were, however, somewhat uncertain ; and in 1703 wo find Prior
the other Commissioners complaining to the Treasury that their
klaries were six quarters in arrear. Inquir}' was ordered, and the
ftpers were minuted, '• They have as much in ^^ ^n as the other
*^iirth
#30 THE COSTEMPOMAMT MKVJEW. [lu
fA&eKri/' -m'aiek was ace a viuuLj ^rwfiffcrity isp^- Rior Ink Us
pcoc In April 1 707. cos chcained a* acam. im. Jii£r 17I*>>. la 1701 k
UmA in an aftpiieasiai fcr die Kaeyrrftip cf tbe BteimJi at YUfe-
k»^i. la cii« Twantinu*-. ae ^ James Hiwitagng rtpfaJBK. Ae ftrtitioB
Trtat/ «nM tander tfiacaawon- aatd Ptv? wva made nae of lif WillaB
IIL and Juooda XIV, to eoore^ coe iiiiwagi ii wtiek ooder vaaA
ekc*A U> maxaaii to {MfKK. Whea tiie deatit c£ tke King of Spisi
alt«ri»d the Eoxopeaa soiaCioiir WtUiaDL Azev tbe ofam oC U>e
impoimlar inaitj npoa bia Miniasets. and » mte fcr tfce
</ Sjr^d Sonten, Load HalifliT and otfaexs vac earned. Rior
that tbeae noUemoi luid been kept in Hus dazk wiiile ibe negotiatia0&
wer*; bein^ carried en, and wexe tlieiefixv anjastlr blamed, bok Isie
Toted againct them becao^e be held that it was better that
H'^rranta ahonid taSrir than the fiong^'s credit be damaged. Bat
condact nfiA mmataraDj proroked a fediing of ccxdnesB towards VaTMira
in l/ml Halifax.
Hhf/rtij after Queen Anne's acceasion Prior joined the Tories, aznd
for a time we hear little of him, except that he wrote some oocascna^al
jHMiTnsi, including pieces in celebration of the victories of 1704 ax&d
1700, and that in 1709 he published a ooUection c£ his writii^^K,
which he apologeticsllj described as the prodnct of his leisure hoor:^ ;
{i/r he " was only a poet by accident" Upon the fall of the Whij
in 1 7 1 0 he joined with others in establishing the Examiner, and
th'^ sixth number ridiculed some lines upon Lord Godolphin, wbicla
had li*5en written by Garth. Addison replied in the Whig Examn^^^^
And complained of the " shocking familiarity both in his railleries axm^
civilities," though he allowed that Prior had elsewhere shown '*' &ha^pf>y
talent at doggrel," and been "very jocular and diverting;" l^"*^*
remarks on ingratitude did not come very well from him, Intl*^'
following month we have the first allusion to Prior in Swift's Joune*^'
On the 1 5th of October Swift and Prior dined at Barley's ; Lo*^'*-*
}'et<Tborougli afterwards joined the party, and they bantered eac^-*-*
Other OS to the authorship of " Sid Hamet's Rod," a lampoon «::>*-*
(iodolphin, by Swift. " Prior and I came away at nine, and sat ^^
the 8myma till eleven, receiving acquaintance." A few days lat>^*
Bwifl wrote again about the verses. " Hardly anybody suspects r*»^
for them, only they think nobody but Prior or I could write thenc*^
During the following weeks the i^ets were constantly together, diiax*J0
at Harley's, St. John's, Lord Peterborough's, or an inn. On the iStla
of Novomber they dined with Erasmus Lewis at an eating-house, bt^*
with Lewis's wine. " Lewis wont away, and Prior and I sat oi>*
*^)kere we complimented one another for an hour or two upon otir
'ttll wit and poetry." On another day Swift had too much colo
'^.Kipper at Prior's lodgings, and was so much upset that be
tlwoghts of it.
MATTHEW PRIOR.
721
tout this time the Government began to negotiate for a ]>Qace
France, and in the summer of 1711 Prior, who had been made a
aiasioner of Customs in January, was sent on a secret mission to
f On his return, accompanied by iL Mesnager and the Ahh6
ier, he was aiTested by mistake ; and in order to pacify and
id the public mind, which was much excited by tlie stoiy,
^published in September a relation of Priors journey, '' all pure
tion," called "A New Journey to l^aris." The tract purported
a translation from the French, but it was '' a formal gi-ave lie,
:he beginning' to the end." A few days later Swift wrote : " I
he Ministry very busy with Mr. Prior, and I believe he will go
to France." In the meantime the Ministers had conferences
Mesnager at Priors house. In November plenipotentiaries were
ited to negotiate the treaty with France, and from Swift's
al. and a letter from a Jack Wiche (Priors "old school-fellow
•ieud") to Lord Strafford, it appears that Prior was named for
>st — a noble advancement, as Swift said ; but he wondered how
3ud a nobleman as Lord Strafford would bear " one of Prior's
birth ■' as his equal. Lord Strafford's objections seem to have
led, for Prior did not go ; and in January Lady Strafford wrote :
jar Mr. Prior is discontented and dos not think the Court dos
jy him." But he was no doubt satisfied in August, when he
mt to France, with the position of ambassador, though he did
ssume the title until the Duke of Shrewsbury returned to
nd.
or seems to have been equally popular with his royal mistress
je French king. In Octol>er he brought a letter from Lotus to
L Anne, in which the writer said : "I expect with impatience th©
i of Mr. Prior, whose conduct is very agreeable to me ; " and
peplied, " I send back Mr. Prior to Versailles ; who, in con-
\f to conduct himself in the manner that shall be entirely
ible to you, does no more than execute, to a tittle, the orders
I have given him." The peace made at Utrecht in 1713 was
ed by great uneasiness at home. A section, at least, of the
■y viewed with favour a return of the Stuarts, and Bolingbroke
)thers were in correspondence with the Pretender. In March
Prior vrrote to Bolingbroke urging hiui not to give way to
in, but to do his duty in spite of enemies. He himself had
than his share of trouble and apprehension, considering the
lical circumstances of his fortune, and the uncertain situation of
pirB. They must bear the importunity and impertinence of the
or go into retreat at Bucklebuiy or St, John's College. Retreat
I be made " as late as ever we c-au." Writing on Good Friday,
jly to a letter from Bolingbroke complaining of illness, Prior
med, " Good God ! in case of an accident, what is to become of
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
us all ? And, as I hinted to you, what is to become particularly^ ^f
your poor friend and servant, Mat, in all cases ? " Prior often xj^^^g^
the phrase " Mat and Ilarry " in these letters, and Bolingbroke, '^j^ho
addressed him as " Dear Mat," assured him that no man loved '\:xiin.
better than he, or was with greater sincerity his faithful servant. j^
May, Prior inquired whether the report that he would soon he
recalled was true. It might look like a bagatelle, but what was to
become of a philosopher like him ? he was, too, plenipotentiary, ^tai
ought not to appear neglected and forgotten by his mistress. M_ do
Torcy spoke of writing to '* Robin aud Harry " about him, but Grod
forbid that he should need foreign intercession. It was reported tr-i"**
he was to go to Baden, or be added to the Commissioners for settli^S
the commerce. *' My lord, you have put me above myself, and L^
am to return to myself, I shall return to something very disconten"*^®*^
and uneasy." A few days later he wrote again : " It is a long tirr*^ '
my lord, that I have practised to dissemble, under a face not handsoc^:^^ ' _
but seemingly pleased enough, a heoi't melancholy enough." ■
The death of the Queen frustrated BoUngbroke's plans, and theWh^^- ^_„
returned to power. Prior remained at Paris for a time, but his positi—
was an awkward one. The author of a Whig pamphlet, publish*- ,
soon after the ascension of King George, and written in imitation j
Arbuthnot, alludes incidentally to Prior's early life : '' Matt. Spind. — ^^^
shanks, the tavern-boy, is in a strange quandary, whether he shor ^^
return homo or stay at old Savage's. It is noted for excellent air
consumption, and 'tis very probable that Matt., who is a little in
will choose it for his health's sake." There was, too, much trouble
recovering arrears of pay. In October, Prior wrote to Lord Halifj
with whom in earlier days he had been so closely connected: "I hi
the satisfaction to believe that you think me an lionest man and
Englishman." There might be defects of pride in his mind, but
could swear to its integrity j as long as the treaties of Ryswick aJi
Utrecht were legible he might as well be thought a ISIahometan as
Jacobite. Since coming to France he had had no advance money o*
allowance stated by Privy Seal, but always, by a verbal power, drew
upon the Lord Treasurer. He hoped that bills would soon be paid,
and begged that " our old fellow collegiate and my Fidus Achates,
Mr. Richard Shelton," might retain the Commissiouership of Stamps
given him by Lord Oxford, and that Mr. Drift, w^ho had been •w-ifch
him as secretary eighteen years, might keep his place of first
clerk or under-secretary in the Plantation Office, where he had been
fourteen years, and had been carefully trained by Prior while he
was in that Commission and afterwards. " I have troubled you
with a book rather than a letter, but you must remember I have the
silence of a great many years to atone for ; and a good many
things, as you see, to ask." In response to directions that he
TO
,d
Sgo]
MATTHEW PRIOR,
723
live in leas compass, Prior wrote that he had lived like an
ktnbasBador — not that he took pleasure in it, for it was only an
mcumbrance — but for the honour and dignity of the nation. Halifax
>eplied that be had done him all the good he could, and that the
dng had directed that Prior's allowance as a plenipotentiary, from
ih.e first of August to the first of December, was to be paid im-
mediately, and that debts incurred during the late reign would be
paid in due course. In the meantime Lord Stair was sent as
ftmbassador to Paris, and Prior's papers were seized; but, as he said,
he would have been arrested if he had tried to leave Paris without
paying his debts. At last the money came. *' It will," wrote
Halifax, " be a great pleasure to me in particular, to hasten your
return from an unhappy station to yoar own coantry and friends, in
which number I desire you will rank me." When Prior reached
England in March, it was only to be arretted by order of the House
of Commons, and in June, upon Walpole's motion, he was impeached,
and remained in the custody of the sergeant-at-arma. It was no
doubt hoped that he would give information against Bolingbroke,
whose instrument, to some extent at least, he had been while in
Paris. He was invited to dinner at Walpole's, and Bolingbroke fled
on the night that he heard of the entertainment. But Prior did not
betray his friend. From the Treasury papers we learn that the
Speaker acquainted the sergeant-at-arnia that Prior, being committed
for no offence, ought to pay no fees while in custody, and that the
Chancellor of the Exchequer ordered the sergeant to apply to the
iVeaaury for satisfaction. The sergeant often waited on Prior, in
talking out for his health, and he was duly recompensed by the
Dreasury. Prior was specially excepted from the Act of Grace passed
n 1717, but was soon afterwards released. He had occupied his
eisure in writing " Alma," but ho had nothing to rely upon, save his
'ellowship, which he had prudently kept even in his prosperity,
;hough he had given the emoluments to another. It would, he had
re<marked, procure him bread and cheese at the last. In 1718 his
friends arranged for the publication by subscription of a two guinea
edition of his poems in folio, and the work brought in four thousand
^ineaa. Lord Harley added an equal sum for the purchase of Down
Hall, in Essex, and there Prior spent the remainder of his days, varied,
however, by visits to friends' houses, and to St. John's College. He
has left an amusing ballad about his first visit to Down Hall, in com-
pany with John Morley, Lord Harley's agent. The description of the
ride, and the gossip with the landlady of the Bull at Hoddesdon,
make this poem one of the cleverest and most entertaining of all
Trior's pieces.
Swift took considerable trouble in procuring subscribers to the
edition of Prior's poems, and we have several letters which passed
724
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW,
[:»itJ«
between them. Prior complained of a CJOUgh, which he thou. .^^Ivt
woiild be his for life. If Swift should %-isit London (this was writ^'fc^ti
in July 1717), he must come at once to Duke Street, where he wc^~«xld
find a bed, a book, and a candle. The *' brotherhood " was extrein:m.^ly
scattered, yet three or four sometimes met and drank to their ab^ ^nt
friends. In more prosperous days the " weekly friends " who me"*:: at
" Matthew's palace/' *' to try for once if they can dine on bacon, h ^Okxsi,
and mutton-chine," had included Oxford, *' humble statesman " ; ^^nd
" Dorset used to bless the roof." lu a letter of September Y^ 1 8.
Prior said he coughed, but was otherwise well. He found the gresfc.~t>est
pleasure in the conversation of his old friend, Dr. Smalridge. F :«roiii
a letter of Swift's, dated April 28, 1719, we learn that copiers of
Prior's poems were not yet delivered to the subscribers ; " your bc::>ok-
seller is a blockhead for not sending them." Swift had hoped to see
Prior; but had now resolved to tiy the more lazy method of Ilx-ish
country air. Prior replied, regretting that he should not see S^^^iift;
a cough was worse than the spleen, with which he thought Swift '^^as
troubled. *' My bookseller is a blockhead ; so have they all beein. , or
worse, from Chaucer's scrivener down to John and Jacob, Mr. H^'de
only excepted." In December he was again at his " palace " in YDMjmk'S
Street, Westminster. All subscribors had now been supplied, cm-^^
they had " ceased to call the bookseller a blockhead, by transferrin's
that title to the author." His lungs were weak ; but he had a v^s**^
good heart. In May 1720, he complained of deafness; he did c^^**^
take care of his ears till he knew if his head were his own or nc
In Febraaiy 1721, he wrote that he had been ill that winter. Ag
was coming on, he said, and the cough did not diminish. He we
tired of politics, and had lost in the South Sea mania. In April
was again in London. Matters ecclesiastical as well as civil were, fo
the most part, he wrote, a complication of mistakes in policy, and ot^'
knavery in the execution of it. " Priend Shelton, commonly callec
Dear Dick, is with me. We drink your health. Adieu." This is
the last letter ; on the 1 8th of September Prior died of fever at
Wimpole, Lord Barley's seat. He was buried at Westminster Abbey,
and a monument, for which he bad left £500, was erected to him.
with a long Latin inscription by Dr. Prelnd.
BoUngbroke wrote to Swift, some months later, that he had heard
of Prior's death, and that he was sorrj' their " old acquaintance Matt."
lived so poor as Swift represented. Bolingbroke thought tliat a
certain lord had put him above want ; he surely might have managed
things better with his young patron. It is evident that Prior was
often travelling with Lord Harley ; but when at Down Hall lie
amused himself by improving the grounds, p'or such an enil he had
profesBed to wish in lines written as early as 1700:
MATTHEW PRIOR.
725
"Great Mother, let me once be able
To have a garden, bouse, and stable ;
That I may read, and ride, and plant,
Superior to desire, or want ;
And as LealtL fails, and years increase.
Sit down and think, and die in peace,"
I he says : " It has pleased God for some years past to bless
nworthy creature with a greater share of health than I
a expected from the tenderness of my native constitution or
WB and troublea of life which I have undergone." He
Lord Hurley and Adi-iau Drift, his secretary and friend.
The only relative mentioned, his " well-beloved and dear
.therine Harrison," was to have £100 for mourning.* An
as to be bought for Mrs. EUzabeth Cox, a woman, we are
whom friends thought him fortunate in being emancipated,
eath ; and after the payment of some other legacies, the
is to go to Adrian Drift and Mrs. Cox equally. His papers
to his executors, and towards the close of 1739 a volume
,. History of His Own Time," with the date 1740 on the
was published, pur[>orting to be by Prior. Probably,
le had little hand in the materials thus collected. Heneage
)te to Lord Dartmouth that the book was ouly a trick of the
B ; Drift had been dead many years, and all Prior's papers
le hands of Lord Oxford (Lord Harley had now succeeded to
m), who was extremely angry at such an imposition on the
ugh the publishers had had the impudence to dedicate the
im. But the volume contains much that is of interest to
it.
iid that Dan Prior was " beloved by every muse ; " and
nsay wrote a pastoral on his death ; " Dear sweet-tongued
ousands shall greet for thee." That there wer<^ serious
ons in Prior's character we cannot doubt. He is said to
Bk fondness for low society in Long Acre, and his Chloes and
vere very real persons. He was an easy-going, pleasure-
id a connection, Robert Prior, who wn« admitted into St. Peter's College,
r, in 1710, at the ago of iHicen, and was elected to Cambridge- in 1713. la
ro of his atlraiAsion to WVstiuinstcr. Robert is described iw the son of
*r, born tti tx>nilon ; ami iti the entry of his ndmirision into Trinity GolleRe
a Uertfordslure person. Bolingbroku wrote to Prior in July 1713, that he
aurod to send "a very jiretty lad, who wears your nanii.', and, therefore,
,tO Diy very best Bervice.s, to Christ Church," but he ha<l been thwarted by
I Vaster of Trinity, who picked out the boy as liL* tirst option. Prior
t am obliged to you very particularly for your care of my friend Prior. I
fine how you came to know that !<nudging boy, for his mother i» very
intky will always bo an ill-bred pedant I think I shall always* have
uRh at Cambridge to make his stay there easy; and if ho has the con -
your patronni^e, I think, too, mattcr.s cannot go ao ill but tl>at in four
y net him alioat in flie world." Probably this Robert Prior w the same as
who wjis editor of a volume published in January ITM). with the title
ixtmonaKtcriensiH. Being a collection of epigrams, declamations, &c.,
jionally by the Weslmitister Scholars."
726
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[MAX
u
loving man, popular with all be met. Leigh Hunt, having in nmid
the portrait often founi in old editions of the " Poems," said, ^' I think
some books, such as ' Prior's Poems,' ought always to have portraits
of the authors. Prior's airy face, with his cap on, is like having hiii
company." It is not safe to place mach reliance in scandalous tales
about public men who lived in the days of JMrs. !Rlanley ; as Dr.
Johnson, no friendly critic in this CMe, says : " He lived at a tinw
when the rage of party detected all \^hich it was any man's interest to
hide ; and, as little ill is heard of Prior, it is certain that not much
was known." And we have the testimony of the Duchess of Portland,
daughter of Lord Harley, to whom, as a little girl — " My noble, lovely,
little Peggy " — Prior had addressed charming verses that he " ma<le
himself beloved by every living thing in the house — master, child, and
servant, human creature, or animal."
Of I'rior's poems those upon which he himself set most store are —
&s so often happens — now little known. He wrote two long poems,
and he was disappointed because his friends preferred the lighter of
the two. Few persons now living could, we think, honestly say they
had read the whole of " Solomon on the Vanity of the World. A
Poem. In three Books." In tlie preface Prior admits that " it is
hard for a man to speak of himself with any tolerable satisfaction or
success It is harder for him to speak of his own writings."
Out of the mass of treasure to be found in the books attributed to
Solomon he here endeavoured to collect and digest such observations
and apothegms as best proved the assertions io Ecclesiastes : " All is
vanity." He would make no apology for the panegjTic npon Great
Britain which he had introduced : '* I am glad to have it observed that
there appears throughout aU ray verses a zeal for the honour of my
country ■ and I hml rather be thought a good Englishman than the
best poet or greatest scholar that ever wrote." But in spite of fine
rhetoric and many happy turns of thought and expression, " Solomon ''
is hopelessly tedious, and the author himself, in his poem of '* The
Conversation," makes his professing friend Damon give utterance to
the general opinion :
•' Indeed poor Solomon in rhyme
Was much toti grave to be sublime."
" For ' Alma,' " said the same candid friend, " 1 returned him thanks."
" Alma ; or, The Progi'ess of the Mind," was described by Prior as
" a loose and hasty scribble ; " but it retains its interest, to some
extent at least, because we have here Prior himself, and not an
eighteenth century setting of the Old Testament. " Alma " is in
Hudibrastic verse, and among the most interesting passag^es are the
eulogies of Butler and of Pope. So far as it has any plan, it is a
burlesque account of the theory that the mind moves npwards from
tlie extremities to the head^ as a man advances from infancy to old
to j
j89o]
MATTHEW PRIOR.
727
age ; but the poom attracts us chiefly by the humorous passages and
witty sayings with which it abouncis. The style is wearisome in
certain moods, and to some readera always, even as in tho case of
I*rior's " oonsiimraate master " in this method of writing ; and we
cannot but feel that the poem occupies an undue amoant of space in
Mr. Dobson's volume. It was, however, desirable to give a specimen
of the more sustained efforts of the poet, and extracts would hove
been inconsistent with the plan of the book. The end of the
argument is characteristic. Richard Shelton, the poet's friend, tired
of the philosophy, exclaims :
" Dear Drift, to set our matters right,
Remove these papers from my sight ;
Bum Mat's Descartes, and Aristotle ;
Here ! Jonathan, jour master's bottle."
As Voltaire remarked, " Peut-etre cet ouvrage est-il trop long ; toute
plaisanterie doit etre courte, et meme le s6rienx devrait bien etre
court aussi;" and Prior's own lines apply to this case:
" Redtice, my muse, the vrandering song ;
A tale should never be too long."
^^^.Another piece, '* Henry and Emma," which Johnson called " dull
Hnd tedious," but which was for long one of thp best known of Prior's
poems, has no place in Mr. Dobson's volume. In this effort Prior
elaborated anil spoilt the fine ballad of the ^" Nnt-Brown Maid.''
Assuredly *' Emma and thi^ Xut-Brown Maid " are not " one," as
Prior said.
But enough of fault-finding ; it is not necessary to refer again to
the political and loyal odes, one of which is supposed to bo "in
Spenser's manner," though the writer thought he could " make the
number more harmonious.'' by adding a vei'se to the stanza. Prior's
Tales, some of which were first published as single folio leaves, are
among his best works, bat unfortimately the more important of them
cannot now be quoted on accoimt of their coarseness, though Johnson,
when Boswell asked if the Doctor would print them all in his edition
of the English poets, insisted on their harmlessness. *' No, sir. Prior
is a lady's book. No lady is ashamed to have it standing in her
library." Elsewhere he admits that one of the tales is " not over
decent." But Mr. Dobson gives the admirable stories of " Truth and
Falsehood j" " Protegenes and Apelles." and " The Convei'sation," in
which Damon talks much and condescendingly of the poet:
"I lovwl him, OB I told you, I
Advisrd liiin. Here .1 staader-by
Twitched Damon gently by tho clnak,
And thus iiQwtltinf; silence Inoke:
Duniun, "lis time we should retire,
The man you talk with is Mat Prior."
We have, too, " An English Padlock " (printed in 1705), in which
728 THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEIT. ta«
the troubled husband is advised to send his wife abroad, to lee ^i^
what she, " being forbidden, longs to know." is a dull &ice, ^ »
staple of romance and lies." When, to shun tlieae ills, she retgroa to
her husband, let him make much of her :
" Wait on her to the park and piaj ;
Pat on good hnmoor, make h«f pn^ ;
Be to her Tirtnes veiy kind ;
Be to her faults « little blind ;
Let all her ways be nnconfised.
And cli^ yoiirpadlo<^ — on lier mittd."
When we turn to the shorter pieces, which ane Priora Im* t^
we find so great a nomber and variety that we hardiv knov
which to mention. ** Every man oonversMit with veree-writii^
knows," says Cowper, *' and kno^re by painful esperience, that Ihb
familiar style is, of all styles, the most difiSctilt to succeed in. . , . .
He that could accomplish this task was Prior." And Thackeray addE,
"With due deference to the great Samuel, Priori. siE^enis to me
amongst the easiest, the richest, the most channin^ly hniztorons of
English lyrical poems." Where can we match such pieces as •' The
Bemedy worse than the Disease," or " ABeaeonable Affliction/' where
Lubin and wife are in despair at Lnbin's approaching death :
"A different caose, says Paison Sly,
The same effect may ^ve ;
Poor Lnbin fears that he shall die.
His wife that he may lire."
Or the lines upon a lady's troubles :
" From her own native France as old Alison psissed.
She reproached English Nell with nejfjlect orwitb *ngFk%
That, the slattern had left in the hnrrr uul basti-
Her lady's complexion and eyebrows, at Uolate."
Or this epigram :
" To .Tohn I owed jrreat obligation.
But John unhappily thought fit
To publish it to all the nation ;
Sure John and I am more thxm quit."
Or the lines " To a person who wrote ill, and spoke worse, against
me":
" PtiTsno mc with satire ; what harm i.s there in't ?
But from all rint rnrv reflection forbear :
There o«n bo no dancer from what thou shalt print ;
There may be ii little from what thou may'st swear.'
Ill mfttiy of his lovo verses Prior followed the fashion of his dav in
tiHiiif.' el(l.*^ie»ll tiames. much to the annoyance of Dr. Johnson. TW
hp~^\ '.1 t.hrra, )iif»rrs, snch as the one be.ginnin£r " The merdaacz »
st'.un Id: rrrtttanrr- "' n.r<' clflssical in nothinc: hnt the names, bes a
wftiii i-t rrii, rrniiuj.' (.1- fWitlifnlness often deprives them of the caacm
♦ti- -,,.,,11 i,ihrrwi«r 'pnsseiss. This is the case with smarv rf
' ut...i.i < 'Ul..n t,h,l l.tfltMtH. and the rest. Cfaloe
pr«rr u,., iiitilthi<ri».l with cryincr; the poet
iago2 MATTHEW PRIOR. 729
against haying to swear to the truth of a song : "I court others in
Terse, bnt I love thee in prose."
" Then finish, dear Chloe, this pastoral war,
And let us, like Horace and Lydia, agree ;
For thoa art a girl so much brighter than her,
As he was a poet sablimer than me."
" The Turtle and Sparrow," an " elegiac tale," written upon the
death of Prince George of Denmark, may serve as a type of the bad
taste which Prior sometimes showed. It is pleasant to turn from such
a piece to " The Female Phaeton," in which Lady Katharine Hyde —
•* Eatty beautiful and young, and wild as colt untamed " — frets with
zage at the restraint ordained by her wise mamma :
" Fondness prevailed, mamma gave way ;
Kitty at heart's desire,
Obtained the chariot for a day,
And set the world on fire."
Long afterwards, when Kitty was Duchess of Queensberry and
seventy-one years old, Horace Walpole wrote :
" To many a Kitty, Love his car
Will for a day eng:^e ;
But Prior's Kitty, ever fair,
Obtained it for an age."
We have not space to quote the whole of the poem " To a Child of
Quality five years old," which Mr. Dobson calls " the crown of Prior's
achievement"; but which, though printed as early as 1704, was not
inclnded in the subscription volume of 1718. Nothing forbids the
poet writing of " dear five-years-old " — " till she can spell ; " and when
she grows older, too, he may write, and they will still be friends :
" For, as our difiEerent ages move,
'Tis so ordained (would Fate but mend it I)
That I shall be past making love,
When she begins to comprehend it."
May we not, in closing with lines written half in humour, half in
sadness, " For my owfi monument," say that Prior has done himself
something less than justice ?
" Tet, counting as far as to fifty his years,
His virtue an4 vice were as other men's are ;
High hopes he conceived, and he smothered great fears,
In life party-coloured, half pleasure, half care.
Not to business a drudge, nor to faction a slave.
He strove to make interest and freedom agree ;
In public employment industrious and gnivc,
And alone with his friends — lord, how merry was he 1
Now in equipage stately, now humbly on foot.
Both fortunes he tried, but to neither would trust ;
And whirled in the round, as the wheel turned about,
He found riches had wings, and knew man vran but dust.
*•••»♦
If his bones lie in earth, roll in sea, fly in air,
To fate we must yield, and the tiling is the same,
And if passing thou giv'st liim a smile, or a tuir,
He cares not — yet prithee be kind to his fame."
George A. Aitken.
TOL. LTn. 3 B
THE PEACEABLE SETTLEMENT 0
LABOUR DISPUTES.
I
I
I
I
I
THIS 19 no new question. There have been constant attempts-^-*-^
provide some method of settling labour disputes in an antt^*- ^^'
tative way, and to prevent the parties taking the matter into t>-'-^^"'
own handa, ever since we first hear of labour questions in En^^^ ^
hist<iry. But all these attempts alike invoked the strong arm of '^^
law, and the law, being made by those who had nothing to do •%'V^^^"
labour aave to employ and pay for it, inclined towards settlenr^*^"
which were not always as judicial as impartial justice might have «i^c-
tated. Especially during the eighteenth century many Acts were pass*"
which were directed against combinations of employers or employ^'"'
and which provided means for the settlement of disputes in tJ^*
particular trades to which such Acts had reference. In some ca*^
the justices of the peace were to hear and determine the disputes; -^"
other cases the justices appointed referees to determine the questioi^^ ^
But in 1802 a Parliamentary Committ€e stated that recent legislation"^ .
"on labour questions had operated only in favouring the strong an
against the weak. Everything is made subservient to the maatt
and exclusively too.'' Thus there grew up amongst the labour clas^^*^'
a not unnatural suspicion and dislike of the law, which has showed .
itself in the practical refusal to adopt methods of peaceable settlemenr -^^^
dictated, or even encoui*aged, by it. »
If we take this century alone, we find that there has been frequen'"^^^^^^^
legislation upon the subject of industrial arbitration, and that man^ ^^"^
Acts have been passed with the direct object of furthering the adoption'
of arbitration in trade disputes. The most important of these is th-
5 George IV., c. 9G, which was really an Act of consolidation, an-
made one general law relating to difficulties in every branch of trade aiu-
manufacture. It provided that disputes relating to past contrac*
SETTLEMENT OF LABOUR DISPUTES.
ig between masters and workmen migkfc be settled and adjusted
bitration, either Bummarily by a justice of the peace, or by referees
nted by suchjnstice. The parties migbt mutually agree that any
)r in difference ehould be arbitrated in some other way, and the
1 would be final and conclusive, and powers were given to enforce it.
it this Act has never really worked. The Select Committee
inted in 1856, " to inquire into the expediency of establishing
able tribunals for the amicable adjustment of differences between
?r9 and operatives," reported that it appeared to be nearly
rative ; hardly any one, whether master or workman, ever
:ed to it, and ita existence was unknown to many people. It
Hsliked by masters and men, and " the dislike was inherent in
n nature, and in the relative positions of the masters and the
naen." They would rather settle matters amongst themselves by
tation, or even with some degree of violence. There was an
athy on the part of the workmen to go before the magistrates :
ked like a criminal proceeding : and the masters deemed it a dis-
to be taken to the court.
e evidence given before this Committee contains a mass of valu-
Bformation, and shows that, when it sat, men were beginning to
at law was not a necessity in matters of this kind. One of the
sses, an engineer by trade, said that he knew of no strike that
Dccurred which might not have been settled by a Board of Arbi-
n, but no Act of Parliament was necessary. It was better to
the Board named amicably without the interference of the law
I for though, if tbe law were adopted, you bad, no doubt, tbe
it of the law on your side, yet he could acarcely conceive a case
lich a decision could be arrived at, by a fair and equal arbi-
n in which each party named its own arbitrators, to which tbe
nen would not agree, even if they felt that it was a decision by
I they were foregoing something which they had a right to.
lother Select Committee was appointed in 1860 " to consider the
neans of settling disputes between masters and operatives," and
ted in favour of '* the formation of Courts of Conciliation in the
ry, more especially in manufacturing, commercial, and mining
cts." Although a Bill was introduced to carry out this recom-
ation, no Act was passed until 1867, when " The Councils of Con-
on Act " became law. It recited the Arbitration Act of Geo. IV.
three amendments of it in the present reign, and went on to
oonncils of masters and workmen to be formed under license
the Crown, with power to determine the disputes which were
mplated by tlie Arbitration Act, but without power to deal with
ate of wages or price of labour or workmanship at which the
nan should in future be paid. Thus, the whole result of these
r«te inquiries was to provide a Council of Conciliation, in the
732
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[I
place of, or as well as, a Board of Arbitration, bat aa the poven
the Conncil were more restricted than those of the Bou6, the
Act was rather worse than the old one.
Bat the question of the peaceable settlement of labour disputes
for ever trniiing np. The appropriate sections of the British
tion discussed it, the defunct Social Science Association deman^^^
further legislation upon it, and, in 1872, a new Act was forthcomi:^^^
" The Arbitration (Masters and Workmen) Act, 1872." It siira.;^;^'
provided for agreements of arbitration between the parties, and tix^^^
agreements might leave to the board, council, or persons to 1^
appointed arbitrators, the rate of wages, conditions under which vvori
was to be done, or any disagreement or dispato mentioned in tho ojrf
Arbitration Act, or to which reference was made in " The Master ajnd
Servant Act, 1867'' — an Act passed to remedy the one-sided law 'hj
which protection and assistance were given to masters against servanrs,
but without corresponding aid for servants against masters, ^nt
this fresh attempt to deal with the peaceable settlement of labo'**'
disputes by law, although really of a more thorough nature than 9-^^
predecessors, was vain and ineffectual. ^
And all the time the old oostly system of indastrial war flonriah. ^"^-^
in spite of universal condemnation, and to-day there are strikes
rnmours of strikes in eveiy part of our land ; there is a labo^"^
agitation, an industrial unrest, which we have never before kno
the like of. And yet, abroad, men look to England as to the land
which the peaceable settlement of labour disputes has made
greatest progress, and deputations come from Grerman Chambers
Commerce to know how it is that we manage to avoid industrial stri
and German students, of high culture and trained habit of cl
observation, live here to see for themselves how it is that the labo
question is on a footing so much more satisfactory here than it is wi
them.
There is a good and sufficient reason for this. The fact is th
whilst no body of men have cared to avail themselves of that assistam
of the law which has been so often offered to them, yet the peaceab
settlement of labour disputes by purely voluntary methods has co:
stantly progressed. Forty years ago imiwrtant trades in England h
appointed voluntary Boards of Arbitration, and, thirty years ago,
Mundella formed, at Nottingham, the first voluntary Board of Concil:
tion and Arbitration, and it still continues to flourish, and to legis
for the hosiery and glove trade, and its plan has been adopted in
textile and chemical trades, the boot and shoe trade, the lace t:
the building trade, aa well as in coal and iron mining, and in
manufacture.
I am best acquainted with what has occurred in some of the
important industries of Northumberland and Durham. In them
-:*»
SETTLEMENT OF LABOUR DISPUTES.
73a
y to avoid mduetriaJ war has be^n found, and followed with remark-
.e success. In the coal trade in both of these connties, and in the
.jQufactured iron trade of the North of Englnnd, the chosen repre-
itativen of employers and employed have met together at stated
«rTals and under fixed regulations ; have discussed and settled
lumerable disputes of more or less importance ; have, from time to
le, established sliding scales by which the rate of wag€^a has been
»niatically regulated ; and when, upon great and general questions,
eement has been found impossible, have referred their decision to
or more independent persons mutually agreed upon. And this
^m has lasted for long years, and has continued to work through
cl times and bad times alike, and, though occasionally under cir-
istances of a peculiarly trying nature, the decisions which have been
iG to have been loyally accepted.
^nd this has been accomplished voluntarily, by the mutual agree-
i.t and mutual loyalty of employers and employed ; and without
^mJ to any law but that of honour.
[This is a general statement of the case, and, as a general statement,
-s correct. But there have been instances, even in some of tho
lastries which 1 have alluded to, in which there has been an inter-
"t^ion of the peaceful policy ; the olive branch lias been cast aside
L the sword drawn. It is not surprising that this should bo so.
> are not yet thirty years away from the time when, in these very
3.68, the peaceful solution of labour disputes was a thing unknown.
B evil teachings of the olden time are not forgotten. A younger
aeration enter into work upon both sides who only know what
ostrial war means by those traditions which soften its worst features,
I Mrho experience the glamour which distance lends, not to natural
Sets alone. To them the questions in which they are bo deeply
treated seem to have but one side and to admit of but one solution.
*y are impatient of the tamer way of dealing with them. They
*8e to learn from the knowledge of the older men, or to accept the
«*nce of leaders who have the wisdom of accumulated experience,
^ strlkeB are the result. But when such strikes are over, and the
iliiieas of war, even to the victor, has once more been evidenced, all
ties return to the datus quo. It is, speaking generally, true of all
"^re alike that the men who desire a v?ar have never seen one,
"lit, if we give all the weight which they deserve to such failures
'laege, what a great balance of advantage still remains to the credit
k peaceful system. That system is, as I have pointed out, two-
The great majority of questions which come before a joint board
tloyera and employed, or the standing committee of sucli board,
fctled by what is called conciliation — which is simply friendly
^tudon over the table, bat very few matters being sent to
on. In a single year 629 disputes in the Durham coal trade
734
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[ILAT
were so eettled. More than 3000 have been peacefully disposed of in
the Northumberland ooal trade in the sixteen years of its exi8teii.<re,
and the standing committee of the Finished Iron Trade of the Nortli oi
England has, in twenty years, met 318 times, and has amicably arrang>5d
more than 850 questions, whilst the Board itself has only met 1 09
times, and in but eighteen instances has arbitration been resorted to.
I do not, of course, say that each of these disputes would have liad
to be decided even by a local strike had the peaceful method of settle^
ment not existed, but many of them must have been so decided, axxd
in several instances the strike would have been general. They ha-vo-
incJuded every possible variety of disagreement ; questions of wag-e^
only forming one, though the most important, section. But, recallir*-^
the misery, the loss, the ill-feeling, the disorganization of trade, all tfc»- ^
evils attendant upon strikes, think of the benefit which industri ^^
peace has conferred upon all parties, and of the great moral gm .^^ "
the substitution of reason and argument for force and opposition.
It may be well that I should, at this point, describe, in rather mo:
detail, exactly what a Joint Board of Conciliation and Arbitration i
and how it works. I shall take that for the manufactured iron
for the North of England, which is a good example of such a boai
It has succeeded in developing and maintaining friendly relationsh
between employer and employed in a trade in which a hostile attitu^
largely prevailed, a trade which had undergone peculiarly rap:
development, and into which there had been a large influx of laboure
fix)m Ireland as well as other parts of England, so that masters an
men were strangers one to the other. This friendly relationship h
stood the test alike of prosperity and of adversity, for, during
twenty years' existence of the Board, prices have touched the highei
and lowest points recorded, and wages have been reduced to t
smallest sum yet given.
The Board is thoroughly representative in its character. It consi
of one employer from each works in union with it, and one delej
who is annually chosen by ballot by the operatives at each works so
union with the Board, Each representative is deemed to be fal
authorised to act for the works which has elected him, and the decisi
of a majority of the Board, or, in case of equality of votes, of i
referee, is binding upon the employers and operatives of all wor
which are represented upon it. As a matter of fact it is binding u
the whole trade, and must be so where the greater number of wor
in the trade are represented on the Board.
At its first meeting in each year, a president and secretary
elected out of the representatives of the employers, and a vice-preside? tc« t
and a second secretary out of the representatives of the employ^?'<7.
The Board also appoints a referee, who presides when his presence £&
required, two treasurers, and two auditors. The employers nomiaate
^M-»
SETTLEMENT OF LABOUR DISPUTES.
735
of their number, exclusive of the president, and the operatives
of their numberj exclusi^'e of the vice-president, to form the
L«ling Committee. Only five of the employers' representatives can
. or take part in any discussion at any meeting of the Committee,
greater number which they are allowed being simply to meet the
e frequent absence from home of those upon whom the manage-
l"* of works devolves. The president and vice-president are ex
t4> members of all committees, but without the power of voting.
Board meets twice a year, but it can be convened at any time by
Standing Committee, which meets monthly, or more frequently if
Lness should require it.
fkJl questions requiring investigation are referred, in the first
«nce, to the Standing Committee, and must be submitted to
bing, and supplemented by such verbal evidence as the Committee
r think needful. IJefore any question is considered an agreement of
misaion is signed by the employer and the operative delegate of the
lc8 affected, and if the Committee fail to agree the referee is called
He has power to take the evidence of witnesses should he desire
0 so. Seven clear days' notice of any question to be brought before
Committee or the Board must be given to the secretaries.
should mention that the Board has issued and circulated printed
•uctiona which direct that auy subscriber to it, who has a grievance,
b first explain it to the operative representative of his works, and,
^re seem to be good grounds of complaint, they must belaid before
foreman, works manager, or head of the concern. " The complaint
lid be stated in a way that implies an expectation that it will be
y and fully considered, and that what is right wiU be done. In
b cases this will lead to a settlement without the matter having to
"xirther."
'lie Standing Committee has power to settle all questions, except a
Bral rise or fall of wages, or tlie selection of an arbitrator to fix
X rise or fall. These points are rfiserved for the Board itself. In
> it can arrive at no agreement upon them, a single arbitrator is
ointed, and his decision, at or after a special court held for the
"pose, is final and binding on the parties. The Board also considers
i decides all questions which the Standing Committee may refer
it.
When an arbitrator is appointed, the . party making an application
a rise or fall in wages furnishes him with a printed statenient of
1 grounds upon which it bases its claim, and tlie opposing party
ids in a printed answer. It is desirable that these should be so full
t each party may know the exact standpoint of the other, and under-
ad what will have to be met at the hearing. There is sometimes a
oinder from one or both parties, and, when the case is complete,
t arbitrator proceeds to hold his court The members of the Board
736
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
attend, one being appointed to lead the argument upon each aide, t^^^j
opportunity being also given for fall expression by every meirxX^^^^j,
who wishes to speak upon the matter. Either side may bx-i-j-^—,
forward any evidence, or the arbitrator may require evido-xa.cs*
to be brought before him. cind, when his award is arrived at, ii.«
prints it, and forwards a copy to each member of the Board. ^^
shorthand note is taken of all the proceedings, and this is afterwar-'«3-3
extended and printed. Reporters for the press are allowed to f®
present at the hearing.
The practice, of course, varies considerably in detail in the arbitr*^
tiona of different industries — reporters are frequently not allowed
be present ; sometimes many witnesses are called and there is litU ^__^
argument; but I am describing the practice in one special tra^^*~^
only. Invariably there is a desire to avoid mere legal technicaliti
but this does not prevent strict proof being recfuired of statements
fact upon which the parties differ. In practice, and as a genei
rule, each side is anxious to furnish the other with all facts ai
figure.s which it intends to use, and as a result an agreement rr
arrived at which prevents the necessity of calling much evidence.
The Board appoints an accountant of high position and great
perience, by whom the books of the several firms connected with
are audited at the end of each two months, with the object of correctTT-
ascertaining the net soiling price of the ii-on actually Invoiced and sor
by these firms during the preceding two months. He issues a form,
certificate of the average selling price for that period, and thes
ascertainments are held to be authoritative. He is, of course, pled
to secrecy.
* Perhaps the only Other matter which needs explanation is tl
method of proWding for the expenses of the Board, and the pajine
of its members. One penny per head per fortnight is deducted fro:
the wages of each operative earning half-a-crown per day and u
ward.% and each firm contributes a sum efjnal to the total sum deduc
from its workmen. Each member of tho Board or Standing Co:
mittee is allowed 10s. for each meeting, and the sum thus obtained
[is divided erjually between the representatives of the employed a:
those of tho employers, and is distributed by each side in proportio
to the attendances of each member. Second-class railway fare ei
[■way is allowed in addition, and necessary loss to night-shiftmen S
made up to them.
This, then, is a description of the way in which a board has beerr
formed and has worked for twenty years in the constant practice
industrial peace. But, if this be so, and if we can point to simil
boards, in many different industries, practising a similar peacefi
method of settling industrial disputes, and with conspicuous succe;
how comes it that such methods are not more generally adopted
(
I
i89o3 SETTLEMENT OF LABOUR DISPUTES. 737
W l3.Ab are tHe real or imaginaiy difiiculties whicli stand in the way of
tlie peaceable solution of labour questions ? Why are not Joint
6ockr<3s of Conciliation and Arbitration the rule instead of the
e3cc«ption ?
^Before I address myself to these questions, let me point out again
tlis^t; the peace principle, so far as arbitration is concerned, was long
a^o adopted in certain trades. There were one or two instances
of l>oards which aimed at the joint arrangement of prices and wages,
€>veii so early as 1853. Since that time the principle of arbitra-
"tioxx has been widely accepted, bo widely, indeed, that there are
'f'^^w trades in which serious disputes have not been settled by references
to <ii3interested persons, and there are probably no important and
'"®p>re8eutative bodies, either of employers or employed, which have not,
iix one way or another, declared in its favour. In fact the rules of
most trade unions make special provision for it. But arbitration is
<^^ily one department of industrial peace, and the least important. It
1* tilae department of conciliation which is the most useful and
'^^I'ciable, and it is exactly in that depailment that so little progress
*ia.s "been made.
In some trades there is provision for a sort of temporary joint
"Oixrd which adopts a kind of conciliation policy. In the shipbuild-
^'^S" industry, for example, the most important section of the employed
are represented by the General Committee of the Boiler Makers and
-'^^'oix Shipbuilders Society, to which has been delegated full power to
^^ttle labour disputes. In the event of a local or general dispute in
^*^y district, they meet the special firm, or the employers of the dis-
^'T-ct. generally, and endeavour to come to an amicable arrangement.
"*■*• is sometimes claimed that this plan is superior to that of a joint
**'^*^»^d, because, as it has no place for a referee, a strike is the only
*'**^^'»Tiative to an agreement, and this fact makes an agreement more
V*>*c>l:jftble. But there is really the widest possible difference between
'^^ two methods, and the joint board seems to possess many certain
^•^"^ outages. In the first place, it brings the employers and employed
^'-^S'either, and teaches them mutual forbeai-ance by showing each side
.•**-^ actual difficulties under which the other is placed, and it does this
^* » way which is calculated to foster mutual respect, at the same
'^'^ie as it strengthens self-respect. In the second place, it is more
^^-*^Gly to encourage the discussion which aims rather at that which is
***^lljr fair and right all round than at victory. In the third place, the
***en of the district, the men who are to bo affected by the decision,
*»« men who know intimately the ins and outs of the matter, are those
ho have to argue it with the employers — and, in the case of a local
7**spote, instead of having to argue it with one firm or, possibly, one
^<iividual alone, they have the presence and the moral influence of the
'^^sen representatives of the employers of the district, exercising a
straining force upon any unreasonable member.
788
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
I
I
I
^
I
I do not wish to imply any doubt fts to the excellent work for
industrial pence which has been done by the old and successful society
to which I have just alluded. Its able secretary recently stated
publicly that the aim in past years both of the North-East Coast
employers and the society had been to adjust all labour difficulties by
peaceful means, and he specially acknowledged the kind and courteous^
spirit in which they had been met by the employers. It is interesting^
to know that the plan they adopt has been found so successful, for i^
is certainly a form of cxjnciliation.
And now, having pointed out certain approaches which have bee~ -
made to habitual industrial peace, and having also shown how th
habitual industrial peace is secured, I must return to answer tl
question why, when it is so beneficial, it is not universally adopted.
The reasons, in ray opinion, are not far to seek. That which I shoi^
place first is the prevalence of caste feeling upon both sides. WhL
fully acknowledging that, so far as its moat objectionable features ^
concerned, this is disappearing, it is yet (perhaps unconsciously)
but universal, even where the best understanding prevails betw^
employers and employed, even amongst the wise, honest, good, s^
earnest men upon both sides.
Where this caste feeling has not been removed or modified
experience, employers do not look upon those whom they employ
men with whom they can discuss upon equal terms labour questio
affecting both ; and the employed look upon the employer as one W-
is not amenable to reason, who does not eipect his decrees to be argu -
about. There is no mutual trust, no confidence or sympathy. Tbe^
is suspicion of motives ; doubt on one side of the disinterestedness
any third party proposed by the other ; entire want of faith that ai
good could arise from meeting and talking matters over, for neith
Ueves that it is possible to convince the other.
This caste feeling will be killed out, partly by experience on th
part of the employers, and partly by growth of education on the par
of the employed. We must always remember that the factory system -^^ &
the parent of so many trade troubles, has been little more than i^^^-^^^^s.
century in existence, and trade unions, without which joint boards^'" _^-s«-*str
can, perhaps, not exist, have only been fully legalised for the "^^sls^ ^^_^,^rj
fifteen years. Daring four-fifths of the existence of the factoiy "^^^ ^^^
system the law itself adopted the idea of the supremacy of the^'^^
employer. The old domestic systera of manufacture died out with
the utilisation of the steam engine. ' The patriarchal systeim
applied to labour died out with the growth of the great factories, bu
the masters practically retained for long years the power to combine
and to regulate labour as they thought best, and to keep wages down,
whilst the men were comparatively powerless. Fifteen years is far
short a period to admit of the uprooting of the jealousy, the distrust,
i89o] SETTLEMENT OF LABOUR DISPUTES. 739
■ "tlie lieart-bumiDgB on the one side, and the dominant feeling upon the
ofclxer, which ninety years gave strength to. It is not surprising that
there are masters who cling to the old relationehip of superior and
JTrferior, of master and servant, who have still the feeling that they
cir<e "the benefactors of the men who give them the agreed amount of
latjoxir in exchange for the agreed amount of their coin. For that is,
affcer* all, the view generally entertained and sanctioned, by no less an
anfcliority than Society itself, which regards men who get money in
exrclaange for work as inferior, bnfc men who get money for doing
noticing as superior beings, ipso facto. And wherever the old feeling,
tH^ old feudal feeling, prevails amongst employers — wherever employers.
I^o :i3ot recognise that the relationship of master and servant has been
^-^csXaanged for that of the purchaser and the seller of labour — the old
»ov»1)ting, antagonistic, warlike feeling will be found amongst the
©>3a^^>loyed.
^5o long as eraployera endeavour to insist that their views alone
**^^^.H be considered in the regulation of labour, bo long, in any case of
**^^^X3.culty, will war prevail. The men will believe that the masters
^'<^'«-ald not advocate a peaceful solution unless they had some strong
■P*^<:^"fcive to do so, and unless it must result to their advantage, and both
P*^^^c— ties will be inclined to think that any peaceful decision which
^-^ ^^ ^ht be oome to would only be obsen-ed if it were not convenient to
^■•-'ti'^laer of them to disregard it.
—Again, the feeling to which I have alluded arouses an unwillingness
^-**^*- the part of employers in any way to recognise unions amongst
^_J^^^^ men, and the interference of "outsiders " in their business affairs.
."^ i^*-ds places a serioQS obstacle in the way of the peaceful settlement of
^^ »^;^>our disputes by a Joint Board of Conciliation and Arbitration, for
;h a board can only exist in any trade if it represents practically
5 whole of such trade in any special district, and such representation
^-^ ^^ most readily ensured where th© employers and employed of the
-*-^trict each have strong and general associations. Before either
:*^^ ^^^rty consents to join a board it must be satisfied that the other is so
^^J^^'^'^y representative that the decision of the board will be authoritative,
^^^^^d will be practically recognised and obeyed by the trade of the
^"^■^ ^strict, for the ultimate sanction of arbitration and conciliation is
^^"%irikes and locks-out.
Then, again, the idea of furnishing information to others about their
^-^'wn business transactions has been a stumljling-block to some
^^ mployers who have begun to think seriously about adopting industrial
^^:)eace. Now, in order that any discussion of trade difficulties may be
k^^io profit there must be an equal knowledge on both sides of all
lecessary facts. It is not enough that the employers should make
^38rtain statements. The point of view of the buyer and seller is never
%he same. However anxious for the truth a man may be, •' where
I
740
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[1
self the wavering balance shakes, it's rarely right adjusted." E"v?-^u^
when such facts as can be are actualliy ascertained, and their accor^vcTy-
guaranteed, the conclusions drawn from them often differ so wi3.^1y
that a third party must be called in to decide which view is "t^lie
correct one. But not only have many employers the old feeling fcln ^t
they only have the right to be judge, and that questions of pri<3^s^
wages, and so forth are for them alone ; but each employer ia, ijQ
relation to other employers, in the position of a competitor, and <3o^»«
not wish to disclose anything to those who may take advantage of it
to hia detriment. The verj' knowledge that there must be openn^s^^^
in the place of secrecy, the ignorance of how far this may go, the fe* ^^.
that it may militate against his interests, are barriers in the way '^^'^
the formation of a lx)ard, the undoubted merits of which eeem to ht^'—^
to be paid for at too great a price.
]'ut this, in common with the other objections to joint boards,
vanish with full knowledge of their character, and with even a eligb^
experience of their actual working. The books of an employer ar
neither disclosed to other employers nor to the employed. No evidei
is given or asked for which mentions the profits which are being mads^
The books of each firm, which has given in its adherence to th- ^-■
hoard, are periodically examined by a skilled accountant, who
pledged to absolute secrfcy. At the close of his investigations h».
gives the result he has arrived at, the average selling price which h&
been obtained during the period examined. I have never heard an;;
instance of an employer receiving the amallest injury from sue!
investigation.
I have already pointed out that, speaking generally, the decisioE
which have been come to by voluntary conciliation or arbitration hav»
been loyally accepted and acted upon by both parties. In the his-
tory of joint boards, there are, indeed, cases recorded where this has
not been so, but they have been the rare exceptions, and have no''
been upon one side only, and loyal acceptance has been the rule. M
must put this point emphatically ; for the experience which I have
had in several industries, but especially in that of which I have
Been the most, the finished iron trade of the North of England, and
that exclusively during an unsettled and trying period, has abundantlj
'shown me that awards, come to after patient hearing and careful
consideration, are received with a loyalty and appreciation which are
not only satisfactory and surprising, but which also give, t-o the person
called upon to decide, confidence and encouragement in the performance
of a delicate, difficult, and often painful duty.
And not only so, but the fact of sitting round the same table and
ening to each other's arguments ; the endeavour to see each other's
Ipoiut and to understand each other's reasons ; the learning to
M well as to take ; to bear and forbear ; to hold your own
SETTLEMENT OF LABOUR DISPUTES.
741
ion firmly and to express it moderately, -whilst keeping your
Ld open to conviction ; the desire to come to a sound and fair
<jlusion ; these things arc valuable in promoting mutual good-
1. ing, confidence, and sympathy, which evidence themselves in many
ys outside of the sphere in which thoy have been acquired, and
k3 tend to lessen the caste feeling to which I have alluded, and
ch 18 not one of the most wholesome features of our English life.
5j friendly meeting is the best feature of voluntary conciliation,
3 is the grand distinction between it and conciliation under the
r .
TI think, then, that the best way to secure the peaceful solution of
X)ur disputes is to promote the formation of Joint Boards of Con-
aition and Arbitration in all branches of industry, and, in order that
irTi boards may be readily fonned with'^'th© greatest chance of suc-
a, to encourage combinations both of employers and of employed.
L^elieve that there will be an increasing tendency, as sach boards
ntinae to perform their peaceful mission, for the unions to become
L6S, instead of competitors, to the great benefit of Ixith classes, and
the community of which they form so important a part,
I need scarcely say that I have not dwelt upon the question of
k«leavouring to make either arbitration or conciliation compulsory
r~ Act of rarliament, although that Las, from time to time, found
t locates, because I do not think that anything of the kind is likely
► obtain acceptance in this country. It is entirely opposed to the
t scries and practice alike of the employers and the employed, and
KDald be altogether a retrograde step. There ia in certain minds an
t*noHt pathetic love of legislation, and especially for other people,
lat those who would bo the most aflected will scarcely consent to
btom to the plan which was tried through last century and failed,
b it would fail again even though it were greatly modified,
I would only add, in conclusion, that I have no desire to urge the
brsal adoption of Joint Boards of Conciliation and Arbitration,
lied upon that which I Iiave described. Tliere are cases in
Mch industrial peace has been secured in other ways, and it may
ft be that, in industries where there are few fluctuations in the
mg price of the article manufactured, there is no need for the
nachincry of a joint board. So long as the desired end ia attained,
BB choice of road is not a matter of importance. But it is well to
piow that a certain road is a safe and sure one ; and it is of the first
importance to understand that the English working men do not yet
bok to the law as their saviour, bat still act upon the old maxim
|3iat Heaven helps those who help themselves.
Robert Spence Watson.
THE RACE BASIS OF INDIAN POLITICAL
MOVEMENTS.
ON & stone panel forming part of one of the grandest Buddhist
monuments in India — the great tope at Sanchi — a carving in 1
low relief depicts a strange religious ceremony. Under trees with'
conventional foliage and fruits, three women, attired in tight clothing]
without skirts, kneel in prayer before a small shrine or altar. In the]
foreground, the leader of a procession of monkeys bears in both hands]
« bowl of liquid and stoops to offer it at the shrine. His solemn
countenance and the grotesquely adoring gestures of hia oomndesj
seem intended to express reverence and humility. In the background
four stately figures — two men and two women — of tall stature and
regular features, clothed in flowing robes and wearing most elaborate
turbans, look on with folded hands and apparent approval at tbif
remarkable act of worship. Antiquarian speculation has for the most
part passed the panei by nnnoticed, or has sought to associate it with
some pious legend of the life of Buddha. A larger interest, however,
attaches to the scene, if it is regarded as the sculptured expression of
the race sentiment of the Aryans towards the Dravidians, which now
through the whole course of Indian tradition and survives in scarcely
abated strength at the present day. On this view the relief would
belong to the same order of ideas as the story in the Ramayan* of
the anny of apes who assisted Rama in the invasion of Ceylon. It
shows us the higher race on friendly terms with the lower, but keenly
conscious of the essential difference of type and not taking part in the
ceremony at which they appear as patronising spectators. An attempt
is made in the following pages to show that the race sentiment, v]dch
this curious sculpture represents, so far from being a figment of tie
intolerant pride of the Brahman, rests npon a basis of fact whici
scientific methods confirm, that it has shaped the intricate groapiogB
1890]
RACE BASIS IN INDIAN POLITICS.
743
of the caste syatem, and has preeerved the Aryan type in comparative
purity, and finally, that within the last few years it has helped to
unite the moat advanced classes of the Indian people in an organised
eflFort to win for themselves the characteristic Aryan boon of repre-
sentative institutions.
Some seven years ago, when the vast array of figures called up by
the last census of India was being gradually worked into shape, it
occurred to the Censns Commissioner that this costly statistical
material might be made the basis of an attempt to extend and
systematise our knowledge of the cuatoms, beliefs, and occupations of
the Indian people. Sir William Plowden's suggestions for an inquiry
directed towards this end were submitted to the Government of India
and commended by them to the various provincial governments, with
a pious hope that something might be done to carry them out. In
most provinces short work was made of them by the abhorred shears
of finance. The inquirj' was bound to cost money j it did not
promise any immediate return ', and local governments straitened in
their revenues were naturally disinclined to try experiments. In
Bengal the seed fell on more fruitful soil. The larger aspects of the
proposal were realised, and early in 1885 it was developed into an
ethnographic survey of the traditions, usages, beliefs, and social
relations of the seventy miiliona of people inhabiting the territories
administered by the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal. A few months
later the scheme was extended by adding to it an anthropometric
inqairy on lines prescribed by Professor Topinard of the School of
Anthropology at Paris, and approved by Professor W. H. Flower, F.R.S.,
into the physical characteristics of selected castes and tribes of Bengal,
the North-West Provinces, Ondh, and the Pan jab. The record of these
researches has been printed for the Government of Bengal. It fills
four large octavo volumes, which, although complete for administra-
tive purposes, require some further elaboration before they can be
published in Europe.
Before attempting to sketch the main results of the Bengal inquiries
we may pause for a moment to take stock of our terminology. Thanks
to Sir John Lubbock and Dr. E. B, Tylor the study of ethnography
lias of late years begun to be understood in England. " It embraces,"
eays M. Elisee Reclus, " the descriptive details and ethnology, the
rational exposition of the human aggregates and organisations known
aa hordes, clans, triboa, and nations, especially in the earlier, the
sarage, and barbarous stages of their progress." In other words,
ethnography collects and arranges large masses of social data ;
ethnology applies the comparative method of investigation, and frames
by this means hypotheses concerning the origin of the tribes themselves.
The less familiar anthropometry has an ancient and curious history.
.By its aid the Egyptian sculptors of Camac and Memphis worked out
744
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
iiUr
an artistic canon of the ideal proportions of the human figure, til©
influence of which may be traced in Greek art;, which was studied by
Dft Vinci and Dfirer, and which has descended to French studios ia
the form given to it by their contemporary Jean Cousin. Ita latest
application may be witnessed in a branch of the Prefecture of Police
at Paris, where the features and limbs of convicted criminals are
measured under scientific supervision, and the results recorded witli a
view to tracing their identity in future. For our present purpose
anthropometry may be di^fined as the science which seeks, by measuriDg
certain leading physical charactfrs, such as the stature and th^
proportions of the head, features, and limbs, to ascertain and clnasifr
the chief types of mankind, and eventually by analysing their points
of agreement and difference to work back to the probable origin of
the various race-stocka now traceable. Like ethnography and ethno-
logy, it forms part of the circle of studies grouped together under the
head of anthropology.
Looked at merely as a scientific experiment, an anthropometric
examination of even a small fraction of the people of India promised
to yield results of no ordinary interest. Nowhere else in the world
do we find the population of a large continent broken up into on
infinite number of mutually exclusive aggregates, the membera of
which are forbidden by an inexorable social law to marry outside of
the group to which they themselves belong. "Whatever may have
been the origin and the earlier dpyelopments of the caste system, tlufl
absolute prohibition of mixed marriages stands forth at the prpsemt
day as its essential and most prominent characteristic, and the feeling
against such unions is so deeply engrained in the people that even the
Theistic and reforming sect of the Brahmo Samaj has found a difficalty
in freeing itself from the ancient prejudices. In a society tlos
organised, a society sncriEcing everything to pridt:^ of blood and tie
idea of social purity, it seemed that differences of phj'sical type, how-
ever produced in past time, might be expected to manifest a higb
degree of persistence, and that the scifuco which seeks to trace aad
express such differences would find a peculiarly favourable fielJ for its
Operations. In Europe anthropometry has to confess itself hindered,
if not baffled, by the constant intermixture of races which tends to
obscure and confuse the data arrived at by measurement. In acoaatrr
where such intermixture is to a large extent eliminated, there weft>
grounds for believing that divergent types would reveal themseJrM
more clearly, and that their characteristics would furnish somecioeto
their original race affinities.
Apart from these special conditions, the necessity of having recoara?
to methods of research more exact in their character aud less misleading
in their results than the mere collation of ca^^joTflB mv^ beliefs wts
brought into prominence by the transform aJOvss^ '"^'^^ rw^^^ *
1890]
RACE BASIS IN INDIAN POLITICS.
745
gradually bringing about in Indian society. At the risk of driving
patient analogy too bard, we may perhaps venture to compare the
social gradations of the Indian caste system to a serious of geological
deposits. The successive strata in each aeries occupy a definite posi-
tion determined by the manner of their formation, and the varying
customs in the one may be said to represent the fossils in the other.
The lowest castes preserve the most primitive customs, just as the
oldest geological formations contain the simplest forms of organic life.
Thus, the totems or animal-names, by which the Kols and Santals
regulate their matrimonial arraogementSj give place, as we travel
upwards in the social scale, to group-names based upon local and
territorial distinctions, while in the highest castes kinship is reckoned
• by descent from personages closely resembling the eponymous heroes
of early Greek tradition. Even the destructive agencies to which the
imperfection of the geological record is attributed have their parallel in
tthe transforming influence by which the two great religions ot* modem
India, Brahmanism and Islam, have modified the social order. A
carious contrast may be discerned in their methods of working and in
the results which they produce.
Islam is a force of the volcanic sort, a burning and integrating
force, which, under favourable conditions, may even make a nation.
It melts and fuses together a whole series of tribes, and reduces their
internal structure to one uniform pattern, in which no survivals of pre-
existing usage can be detected. The separate strata disappear ; their
characteristic fossils are crushed out of recognition, and a solid mass
of law and tradition occupies their place. Brahmanism knows
nothinpr of open proselytism or forcible conversion, and attains its ends
'ft a different and more subtle fashion, for which no precise analogue
**i^ l>e found in the physical world. It leaves existing aggregates
^®ry "much as they were, and so far from wekling tliem together, after
the manner of Islam, into larger cohesive aggregates, tends rather
^ ^^^'eate an Lndefinite number of fresh groups ; but every tribe tbat
P**Sos within the charmed circle of Hinduism inclines sooner or later
^ ^"bandon its more primitive usages or to clothe them in some
"^^Ixmanical disguise. The strata, indeed, remain, or are multiplied ;
^^i** relative positions are, on the whole, unaltered j only their fossils
*"^ metamorphosed into more advanced forms. One by one the
"■^i-^nt totems drop ofT, or are converted by a variety of ingenious
■^^ces into respectable personages of the standard mythology ; the
"^*^5ih gets a new name, and is promoted to the Hindu Pantheon in
^ guise of a special incarnation of one of the greater gods ; the tribal
'•■^^f sets up a family priest, starts a more or lees romantic family
^^■^snd, and in course of time blossoms forth as a new variety of
Kj put. His people follow his lead, and make haste to sacrifice their
len at the shrine of social distinction. Infant marriage with all
'Vol. lvii. S c
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mat
its attendant Horrors is introduced ; widows are forbidden to many
again ; and divorce, which plays a great and, on the whole, a nsefal
part in tribal society, is Bummarily abolished. Throughout all theae
changes, which strike deep into the domestic life of the people, the
fiction is maintained that no real change has taken place, and every
one believes, or affects to believe, that things are with them as they
have been since the beginning of time.
It is cnrious to observe that the operation of these tendencies has
been quickened, and the sphere of their action enlarged, by the great
extension of railways which has taken place in India during the last
few years. Both Benares and Manchester have been brought nearer
to their customers, and have profited by the increased demand for their
characteristic wares. Siva and Krishna drive out the tribal gods a^
surely as grey shirtings displace the more durable hand-woven clotti .
Pilgrimages become more pleasant and more popular, and the tout'^j^
who sally forth from the great religious centres to promote these piot».a
excursions, find their task easier and their clients more open to pes or—
suasion than was the case even twenty years ago. A trip to Jaganna^-fctv j
or Gya is no longer the formidable and costly undertaking that it wa
The Hindu peasant who is pressed to kiss the footprints of VishE:»_tx
or to taate the hallowed rice that has been ofiered to the Lord of fe.- "!:».«
World, may now reckon the journey by days instead of months,
need no longer sacrifice the savings of a lifetime to this pious objt
and he has a reasonable prospect of returning home none the wo:
for a week's indulgence of religious enthusiasm. Even the diat
Mecx^a has been brought, by means of Messrs. Cook's steamers aJ
return-tickets, within the reach of the faithful in India ; and tfc»- ^
influence ef Mahomedan missionaries and returned pilgrims has mac*-'^^
itself felt in a quiet but steady revival of orthodox usage in Eastei
Bengal,
Rapidly as the leveUing and centralising forces do their work,
considerable residue of really primitive usage still resists their trans-
forming influence. The race element remains, for the most part, un-
tonched. Diversity of type is still the rule, and identity the eiceptioi
among the manifold groupings of the Indian people. To a practised
eye the personal appearance of most Hindus gives a fairly accurate
clue to their caste ; and within certain limits it is even possible to
determine the strata of the population to which given sections
Mahomedans must have belonged before their conversion to Islam.
The BcientiGc methods which anthropometry prescribes attempt to
fix vague personal impressions by reducing them to statistical formulas.
No one could mistako a Brahman for a Kol, but the most minute
verbal description of their characteristic differences of feature falls far
short of the numerical analysis that can be arrived at by measuring"
specific dimensions of the head, nose, cheekbones, orbits, forehead,
1890]
RACE BASIS IN INDIAN POLITICS.
747
ind zygomatic arches, and ■working out their proportions by the system
Jf indices invented by the Swedish anthi-opologist, Andei-s Retzius, in
1842. Add to these weight, stature, and the facial angle devised by
Cuvier, extend the observations to about a hundred specimens of each
groap, and it will be found that the averages calculated from this masB
of figares bring out a uniform tribal type to which all individuals tend
to conform. The data thus obtained from nearly GOOO persona, repre-
senting 89 of the leading castes and tribes in Northern India, from the
Bay of Bengal to the frontiers of Afghanistan, enable us to distinguish
two extreme types of feature and physique, which may be provisionally
lescribed es Aryan and Dravidian.
In adopting, even tentatively, these designations, I am aware that I
aa disreganling advice which Professor Jlax Midler was good enough
give me, about three years ago, in a letter since published (I believe)
a.n Appendix to his latest work. He warned me against the con-
sion which might arise from using philological terms to denote eth-
log-ical conclusions. I am entirely sensible of the value and the
se^saity of the warning, and fully recognise his right to speak with
il»ority on such questions. But we must have some general namea
our types ; it is a thankless task to invent new names ; and I trust
J Ustify my invasion of the domain of philology by the universal
entice of tlie Indians themselves, and by the example of Professor
"^^e, who did not hesitate, in a recent number of this IIeview, to
^Ic of the Aryan race as an established ethnic aggregate.
"lie Aryan type, as we find it in India at the present day, is marked
^ relatively long (dolichocephalic) head, a straight, finely cut
^'^^o-rhine) nose, a long symmetrically narrow face, a well-developed'
*li-ead, regular features, and a high facial angle. The stature is
^y* high, ranging from 171"G centimeters in the Sikhs of the Panjab.
L-05'6 in the Brahmans of Bengal ; and the general build of the
'•^'^ is well-proportioned, and slender rather than massive. In the
"^e which exhil>it these churactoristica the complexion is a very light
^Sparent brown — " wheat- coloured " is the common vernacular
^fiption — noticeably fain-r than that of the mnss of the popalation.
"^^nr, however, is a character which eludes all attempts to record or
**i.e its gradations, and even the e.^reme varieties can only be
^fibed in verj' general terms. As representative Aryan castes we
^y name the Sikhs and Kliatris of the Panjab, and the Brahmans,
^yaaths, Babhans, and Chattris of Bengal and the North-West Pro-
■ices. A larger series of mt-asuremfnt would probably add several"
^T© castes to the list, especially in the Panjab, where the observa-,
*>ns were greatly restricted by financial difficulties.
In the Dravidian type the form of the head usually inclines to be
iolichocephalic, but all other characters jjresent a marked contrast to
he Aryan. The nose is thick and broad, and the formula expressbg'
748
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
tlLir
ita proportionate dimeuaions is higher than in any known race, except
the Negro. The facial angle is conipai-atively low ; the lips are thick;
the face wide and fleshy ; the features coarse and irregular. The
average stature ranges in a long series of tribes from 150*2 to 1621
centimeters ; the figure is squat, and the limbs sturdy. The colour of
the skin varies from very dark brown to a shade closely approaching
black. The most characteristic Dravidian tribes are the Male Pahariae
of the Hajmahal hills, and the Mundaa and Oraons of the Chota Nagpur
plateau." The two latter are better kno^Ti under the general name of
Kol, which, according to Herr Jellinghaus, the best authority' on this
subject, means " pig-killer " or " pig-eater," and belongs to the large
class of epithets by which, since Vedic times, the Aryans have expressed
fheir contempt for the voracious and promiscuous appetite of the
Dravidian.
Between these extreme types, which may fairly be regarded as
repre.senting two distinct races, we find a large number of intermediate
groups, each of which forms for matrimonial purposes a sharply
defined circle, beyond which none of its members can pass. By
applying to the entire series the nasal index or formula of the
proportions of the nose, which Professors Flower and Topinard agre*
in regarding as the beat test of race distinctions, some remarkable
results are arrived at. The average nasal proportions of the Mal6
Pah^ria tribe are expressed by the figure 94'5, while the pastoral Gujars
of the Panjab have an index of GG'O, the Sikha of 68'8, and the Bengal
Brahmans and Kayasths of 70-4. In other words, the typical
Dravidian, as represented by the Malo Paharia, has a nose as broad
in proportion to ita length as the Negro, while this feature in tUo
Aryan group can fairly bear comparison with the noses of 8ixty-eig»*t
Parisians, measured by Topinard, which gave an average of Gi**'*'
Even more striking is the curiously close correspondence between, t^*
gradations of racial type indicated by the nasal index and certain **^
the social data ascertained by independent inquiry. If we tak^ ^
series of castes in Bengal Behar, or the North-Western Provinces, ^"**"^
arrange thcTU in the order of the average nasal index, so that
caste with tho finest nose shall be at the top, and that with
coarsest at the bottom of the list, it will be found that this o
substantially corresponds with the accepted order of social precede**^
The casteless tribes, Kols, Korwaa, Mundas, and the like, who 1**^
not yet entered the Brahmanical system, occupy the lowest t>^
in both series. Then come the vermin-eating Mussihars and
leather-dressing Chanidrs. Tho fisher castes of Bauri, Bind,
Kewat are a trifle higher in the scale ; the pastoral Goala,
the
race-
ave
ace,
I
anil
the.
cultivating Kurmi, and a group of cognate castes from whose l»«'^'-°
* The distinction between Dravidian and Kolarian tribes, on wMch stress is \.»m.*^ "^
ome writers, seems to be purely linguiatic.
fSi
RACE BASIS IN INDIAN POLITICS.
749
Brahman may take water, follow in due order, and from them we
188 to the trading KJiatris, the land-holding BAbhans, and the upper
ust of Hindu society. Thus, it is scarcely a paradox to lay down as
law of the caste organisation in Eastern India that a man's social
atna varies in inverse ratio to the width of his nose. Nor is thia
le only point in which the two sets of observations — the social and
le physical — bear out and illustrate each other. The character of the
irious matrimonial groupings for which the late Mr. J. F. McLennan
jvised the happy terra exogamous, also varies in a definite relation
t the gradations of physical type. Within a certain range of nasal
■oportions, these subdivisions are based exclusively on the totem,
long with a somewhat finer form of nose, groups called after
llages and larger territorial areas, or bearing the name of certain
ibal or communal officials, begin to appear, and above tliese again
e reach the eponymous saints and heroi-s, who in India, as in
reece and Rome, are associated with a certain stage of Aryan
regress.
It would be vain to attempt within the compass of a magazine
iicle to analyse and compare the large mass of figures which hare been
>llected, or to develop at length the inferences which they may be
lought to suggest. We can only glance at a few of their more im-
ortanib bearings. In the first place, it deserves notice that tlie data
btained by the most modem anthropological method agree in the
lain not only with the long chain of Indian tradition, beginning with
le Vedas and ending with the latest vernacular treatise on the theory
nd practice of caste, but also with the rationalised and critical story
r the making of the Indian peoples, as it has been told by Sir William
[unter in the " Imperial Gazetteer." Here the historian shows how,
irough the veil of fable and miracle in which pre-historic India is
arouded, traces may be discerned of a protracted struggle between a
rwer and a higher race, which would have tended to produce much
iie same results as our statistics bring out. Studied in the light of
lese statistics it would seem that the standard Indian theory of caste
lay deserve more respectful consideration than has been accorded to
; of late years.
The division of the people into four cksses corresponding roughly
0 the chief professions or modes of life of the time is in itself
ilansible enough, and is supported by parallel cases in the history of
.ncient societies. It is nowhere stated that these groups were rigidly
occlusive, like modem castes, and the rules laid down to regulate their
atermarriage show a general resemblance to those observed by the Kulin
tlasses of to-day. So far as anthropological considerations are concerned
ihere would be no great difficulty in our recognising the Brahmans
Elajputs and higher trading castes as descendants of the three upper
slasses — Brahmans, Kshatriyas, and Vaisyas — of the ancient Aryan
750
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Hit
Common wealth. The Sudras alone have no compact aggregate as their
modern representative. But the fonrtli caste in the ancient system was
apparently not of pure Aryan descent, and it is aplausibleconjecturethat
it may have been constantly recruited by the admission of Drandian
elements. The dominant Aiyan society must have exercised a stron/f
attraction on the Dravidians, but the only caste into which the latter
could ordinarily expect to be received would be the Sudra. Their
admission into this group would doubtless have been facilitated by
resort to the liction, characteristic of all early societies, that they iuul
belonged ti it all along. But such accretions must have swelled the
caste to unwieldy dimensions and thus have introduced the tendency
to disintegration or fission, which affects all social aggregates in India.
In course of time, as new groups split ofl", and took to themselves new
names, the original caste would have been, so to speak, lost in the
crowd, and only a small nucleus would have retained its original
designation. In support of the hypothesis that the survivors of the
ancient Sudras are to be sought among the higher strata of the so-
caJled mi.\ed castes, we may point to the fact that a group of castes,
whose physical characters approacli more closely to the Aryan than to
the Dravidian type, still cliog to the name Sudra, and regard them-
selves as descendants of the classical fourth caste.
Modern criticism has been especially active in its attacks on that>
portion of the traditional theory which derives the multitude of miie*i
or inferior castes from an intricate series of crosses between member*
of the original four. No one can examine the long lists which puC*
port to illustrate the working of this process without being struck ^^
much that is absurd aud inconsistent. But in India it does nG^*"
necessarily follow that, because the individual applications of a principle "*
are ridiculous, the principle itself can have no foundation in fact. Th-— *
last thing that would occur to the literary theorists of those times, c^^^J
to their successor, the pand'di of to-day, would be to go back upo^^^^^^--'^
actual facts, and to seek by analysis and comparison to work out th— -^*
true stages of evolution. They found, as I infer from troubleson^^^®
experience among some of my Indian coadjutors, the a priori metho^^^
simpler and more congenial. That at least did not compel them
pollute their soula by the study of plebeian usage. Having once g
hold of a formula, they insisted, like Thales and his contemporaries,
making it account for the entire order of things. Thus, castes whii^^ ch
had been developed out of corporations like the medieval trade-guil(5^:i^«
or which expressed the distinction between fishing and hunting, ag n-
calture and handicrafts, were all supposed to have been evolved
interbreeding.
But the initial principle, though it could not be stretched to e
everything, was in the main correct. It happens that we (
observe its workings among a number of Dravidian tribes, whic
I
t«9o]
RACE BASIS IN INDIAN POLITICS.
751
not yet drawn into the vortex of Brahmanisin, have been in some degree
affected by the example of Hindu organisation. As regards inter-
tribal marriages, they seem to be in a stage of development through
which the Hindus themselves have passed. A man may marry a woman
of another tribe, but the offspring of such unions do not become
members of either the paternal or maternal groups, but belong to a
distinct endogamous aggregate, tlie name of which often denotes the
precise cross by which it was started. Among the large tribe of
idas we find, for instance, nine snch grotips — Khangar-Mnnda,
iria-Munda, Konkpat-Munda, Karanga-Munda, llahili-Munda,
Nsigbansi-Munda, Oraon-Manda, Sad-Munda, Savar-ilunda — descended
from intermarriages between Munda men and women of other tribes.
The Mahilis, again, have five sub-tribes of this kind, and themselves
"trace their descent to the union of a Munda with a Santdl woman.
Illustrations of this sort might be multiplied almost indefinitely. The
point to be observed is that the sub-tribes formed by intertribal
crossing are from an early stage complete endogamous units, and that
they tend continuelly to sever their slender connection with the parent
jfroup, and stand forth as independent tribes. As soon as this comes
I to pass, and a functional or territorial name disguises their mixed
descent, the process by which they have been formed is seen to resemble
closely that by which the standard Indian tradition seeks to explain
the appearance of other castes alongside of the claaaica! four.
From the literarj' theor}' of caste we are led on to speculate regard-
I ing the origin of caste itself. How comes it that the Arynn race,
which in South Europe, as Herr Penka has shown, has modified its
physical type by free intermixture with Turanian elements, displayed
in India a marked antipathy to marriage with persons of alien race,
[ and devised an elaborate system of taboo for the prevention of such
nnions ? An explanation may, perhaps, be found in the fact that in
India alone were the Aryans brought into close contact with an un-
i equivocally black race. The sense of differences of colour which, for
all our talk of common humanity, still plays a grt^at, and, politically,
oft«n an inconvenient, part in the history of the world, finds forcible
expression in the Vedic descriptions of the people whom the Aryans
found in posgepsion of thf^ plains of India. In a well-known passage
the god Indra is pi'aised for having protected the Aryan colour, and
fthe word meaning colour (vama) is need down to the present day as
"the equivalent of cnstf, more especially with reference to the castes
'%>elieved to be of Aryan descent. Another text depicts the Dasyus or
Dravidians as noseless ; others dwell on their low stature, their coarse
eatures, and their voracious appetite. It is hardly an exaggeration
V that trnm th^jje sources there might be compiled a fairly
nition of the Dravidian tribes of to-day.
regates which would be included in
752
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Hat
the definition represent the lower end of a long series of social
gradations which ia their turn correspond not only to varieties of
physical type, bat also to peculiarities of custom and tribal structure,
it is obviously but a short step to the conclusion that the motive
principle of Indian caste is to be sought in tbe antipathy of the higher
race for the lower, of the fair-skinned Aryan for the black Dravidian.
It will be said, reasonably enough, that tliis hypothesis, however
applicable to certain larger groups, fails to account for the vast net-
work of intricate divisions which the caste system now presents. The
differences of type which distinguish the various trading, agricultural,
pastoral, and fishing castes from each otier are, it may be argued,
not sharp enough to have brought the sentiment of race antipathy
into play. On what principle, then, were these multifarious groups
separated from the larger aggregates of which they formed part ? I
would reply, by the influence of fiction — a factor which Sir Henry
Maine has shown to have contributed largely to the development o£
early societies. For illustrations of the working of this principle we
need not ti"avel far. The caste-making impulse has by no mean
spent its force, and its operation can be studied in most Indian districi
at the present day. In Bengal, where the Aryan and Dravidi;
elements are in continual contact, it has created a series of end
gamoua groups, which may be roughly classified as Ethnic, P-r^nif'^^ w ?
or lAnguistic, Territorial or Local, Functional or Occu pat io7ial. Sect
Tia7i, and Social. In the first of these classes the race basis
palpable and acknowledged. The others have been generated by tl
fiction that men who speak a diil'erent language, who dwell in
different distiict, who worship different gods, who observe diffe:
social customs, who follow a different profession, or practise the sai
profession in a slightly different way, must be of a fundamental
different race. Usually, and in the case of sub-castes invariably, t
fact is that there is no appreciable difference of race between t
newly formed group and the aggregate from which it has
broken off
If then caste was an institution evolved by the Aryans in
attempt to preserve the pimty of their own stock, and afterwa:
expanded and adapted, by the influence of a series of fictions, to fit
endless variety of social, religious, and industrial conditions, we m;
expect that the physical data recently collected will have some bearin
on Herr Karl Penka's speculations concerning the origin of tlr::^^^
Aryans themselves. Clearly the Indian Aryans represent the furthe*
extension of tho race towards the East. All along the eastern
northern frontier of Bengal we meet with a fringe of compact tri
of the short-headed or brachycephalic type, who are beyond questi
Mongolian. Starting from this area, and travelling up the plains
India north-westward towards the frontier of the Panjab, we obser
0
RACE BASIS IN INDIAN POLITICS.
75»
gradual but steady increase of tlie dolichocephalic type of head,
lich Herr I'enka claims aa one of the chief characteristics of the
ginal Aryans. Bengal itself is mostly mcsaticephaiic, and dolicho-
)ha]y only appears in some of the Dravidian tribes. In Behar,
ichocephalic averages are more numerous ; in Oudh and the North-
Bst Provinces this tj'pe is universal, and it reaches its maximum in
} Panjab. Assuming that Herr Penka has correctly determined
) original Aryan type, and that the theory of caste propounded
jve is the true one, these are just the results which might be looked
According to the French anthropologists, the shape of the head
the most persistent of race characters, and the one which offers the
latest resistance to the levelling influence of crossing. That the
yans should have retained this more durable character while under-
ng a change in the more fugitive character of colour is in keeping
h what we know of the conditions, social and climatic, to which
sy were exposed. In point of colour, indeed, the Aryan castes are
no means so dark as Europeans are apt to suppose — a fact which
rtially explains the indignation which the upper classes in India
pressed at Lord Salisbury's reference to Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji as
I black man." The complexion, moreover, tends to grow lighter
3 further north-west we go, and survivals of reddish-blonde com-
jxiun and auburn hair are met with beyond the frontier.
A possible objection may be disposed of here. It may be argued
it if the Dravidians are dolichocephalic, the prevalence of this cha-
5ter in North-western India may be accounted for by the assump-
n of an intermixture of Dravidian blood. But if this were bo, the
)portion and degree of doHchocephaly would increase as we approach
I Dravidian area, instead of diminishing, as is actually the case.
>reover, it is impossible to suppose that the rtices of the North-
st, if originally brachy cephalic, could have acquired their dolicho-
)halic form of head from the Dravidians, without at the same
le acquiring the characteristic Dravidian nose and the distinctive
avidian colour.
The student of European history will naturally inquire, whether
las which have exercised so marked an influence over social develop-
»nt have not also made themselves felt in the sphere of politics,
e modern theory of race has within our own times contributed
»atly to the changes which have transformed tJie map of Europe and
[fted the centres of power. In India, where race distinctions,
krper than any we know in Europe, have been maintained from
aeration to generation by a system of artificial selection, their
itBcal influence has hitherto been almost imperceptible. External
pnre has everywhere held the ethnic element in cheek. Only
tJiin the last few years, and under the stimulating influence of the
of English history and literature, has the Aryan section of
754
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW,
[KUt
the Indian people risen to tBe conscioasnesB of a sort of unity, and
attempted to give it political pxpression in the National Ck)ngreeB,i
which, a few months ago, held its fifth annual session. This awaken-
ing of tho upper classes — the Aryan castes — of India, though brought
about by contact with European thought, does not in all respects
correspond to the Western national moveraentB to which it bears a
certain general resemblance. The essential difference was clearly
brought oat by Sir Comer Petheram, Chief Justice of Bengal, in an
address delivered by him as Vice-Chancellor of the Calcutta University,
in January last year.
" Above all," said the Chief Justice, " it should be borne in mind by those
who aspire to lead the people of this countrj' into the untried regions of
politiKil life, that all the recogriised nations of the world have been produced
by the fi-eest possible intermingling and fusing of the different raoe-stocks
inhabiting a foumion territory. The horde, the tribe, the caste, the clan, all
the smaller sepiirate and often warring gi-oups, characteristic of earUer stages
of civilisation nuiat, it w-otild seem, be welded Uigether by a process of un-
restricted crossing before a nation can be proihiced. Can we suppose that
Oermany would ever have an'ivedat her jiresent greatness, or would, indeed,
have come to be a nation at aU, if the numerous tribes mentioned by Tacitus,
or the three hundreil petty princedoms of last century, had been sterotyped
and their social fnsiou rendered impossible by a system forbidding inter-
marriage between the members of different tribes, or the inhabitants of
different juristUctions ? If the tribe in Geriuany had, iis in India, developed
into the caste, would Oerman unity ever have been heard of ? "
The ethnological argument here used does not exclude, nor, if the
address is rightly understood, was it intended to exclude, the possibility
of the Indian people advancing in the direction of representative
government by a route somewhat more direct than the reconstruction >
their entire social system on European lines. It is true that the
of nationality does not assume the same form in India and in Enrox)e.
But anthropology shows us that an appreciable unity of racial type;
underlies the apparent diversity of the educated castes from whose ^
ranks the leaders and supporters of tho Congress movement are drawn.
T!ie scientific data upon which this conclusion rests confirm and
illustrate the unbi-oken current of Indian tradition which preserves the
belief in the continuity of the Aryan stock. Whatever may be thought
of the proposals of the Congress aa an essay in practical politics, thet
can be no doubt that its propaganda have drawn together the mc
advanced sections of the Aryans in India, and that the political aspira-
tions which unite them owe much of their atrength to the conscionsne
of close ethnic athnity.
In truth, this intellectual and political awakening, be it of good or
of bad omen for India, is no more than the necessary outcome of the
process of evolution which was set in action whpn Lord Macanlay
induced the Government of India to make the English rather than the
Oriental classics tho basis of the higher edacation. Some have seen.
RACE BASIS TN INDIAN POLITICS.
in Lord Macaulay's decisioa a characteristic lack of political foresight,
and have blamed him for lightly sowing a seed which in the course of
half a century has brought forth embarrassing fruit. As an English
statesman and man of letters he could, however, hardly have given
other advice than he did. And his action after all was perhaps scarcely
so important aa it is often made out to be. Had he held his hand or
taken side with the Orientalists the same results would sooner or later
have been brought about by the influence of the missionary schools
and colleges, which, from the first, regarded English education as a
possible stepping-stone towards the extension of Christianity. How-
ever this may be, it is too late now to think of things as otherwise
than they are. "VVe can no more restrict the study of English literature
than the Popes of the fifteenth century could have set bounds to the
study of classical antiquity. And wherever EagUsh literature finds its
way the teachings of the Congress tend to take root and flourish.
If, then, it ia impossible to arrest the stream of tendency which
ifisnes in the Congress movement, may it not be a more profitable
pursuit to inquire how its force should be conducted into a useful
channel and enabled to do its part fcowarda governing the people of
India ? Any scheme which attempts to compass this end will have to
reckon with certain general considerations arising from the influonce
of the race element. It tnunt be borne in mind that the Indian
social system, among both Mahomedans and Hindus, presents about
tho most perfect example of organised, though as yet unused,
political machinery that it is possible for the human imagination
to conceive. A caste is a ready-made caucus of the most compact
character and adaptive structure, a permanent unit which is always
there, which needs no nursing or looking after, and which, above all,
is not liable to drop in pieces as public opinion changes or political
enthusiasm wanes. It has its council which initiates proposals,
its popular assembly which decides by acclamation on the questions
laid before it, and its executive officers who give effect by fines,
penances, and, in the last resort, by the ancient Asiatic sanction
of boycotting, to the judgments which are pronounced. Instances
are not unknown in which this organisation has been emp :o
further objects of some public importance. In one of
districts of Bengal, during the Census of 1881, a curious
about among the Dravidian tribes that the numbering of
was merely the preliminary to the wholesale depoitation of
«erve as camp-followers in Afghanistan, and of the worn
leaf- pickers in the tea-gardens of Assam. This silly fal
with characteristic but highly indelicate details, crei
panic. Many thousands deserted their villages
a range of forest-clad hills, where they hot
enumerators. The number of the fugitii
I
I
756
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
vitiate the censns statistics for that area, and the day £xed fo
final enumeration was periloasly near. Something had to be «
bat any attempt to compel the tribes to come in would only
increased the panic. The district oflicial used his personal acqi
ance with some of the tribal headmen or elders to induce til
meet him and talk matters over. By explaining to them in t
language the real object of the census, and laying stress a
necessity of knowing, for the purpose of relieving famine, the
population of a district which had within living memory sq
from two severe famines, he succeeded in inducing them to
tJneir influence to get the people back. So eifective was their (
and so readily were their orders obeyed, that within three daj
villages were again occupied, and whatever may have bea
defects of the census in that part of the country, they certain
not lie on the aide of omission. i
The same thing was done, only in a more humorous fashion,
district officer in the Central Provinces. Some of his tribe!
fright and ran away, and he induced their headmen to listen to t
nations. Relying on the fact that wagers of various kinds ;
extensively in Indian folk-lore, he solemnly assured them that the I
of England and the Emperor of Russia, having quarrelled as to'
ruled over the most subjects, had laid a big bet on the point,
went on to explain that the census was being taken in order to
the bet, and he warned bis hearers in a spirited peroration that i
stayed in the jungle, and refused to be counted, the Queen wool
her money, and they would be disgraced for ever, as Tiimak-h4if
traitors to their salt. The story served its purpose, and the '
came in.
Trivial and grotesque as both incidents must appear, they mai
to bring out some points which are worth remembering. Thejl
us how wide is the moral and intellectual gulf which separatt
Dravidian races at one end of the Indian social system from thd
vated Aryans at the other, who have assimilated so many Engliali
and are now striving to introduce corresponding political institl
The Dravidians are everywhere on a far lower level than the it
and between the two extremes we may trace manifold gradatJ
culture and capacity. But property, especially property in lani
the power which masses of men can exert when they move toj
are not so concentrated in the hands of the more advanced ra<
are they distributed according to intellectual attainments. Any i
of representation that professes to be final must take account ol
facts. To estfl.blish a literate oligarchy, and call it represai
government, would be a mere evasion of the real diflBculty i
problem. Any one with a turn for constitution-making can coi
abundant voting apparatus out of the mnnicipal institutions'
i890]
RACE BASIS IN INDIAN POLITICS.
757
already exist in the towns ; but a franchise framed on this basis would
leave the landed interests practically unrepresented.
On the other hand, the adoption of a wider franchise may give
undue leverage to the caste organisation, the peculiarities of which we
have already indicated. If, under certain conditions, foreign officials
can manipulate this agency with such far-reaching effect, it is easy to
imagine what a formidable political engine it might become in the
hands of a competent wire-puller. Many people believe that the
appearance of a shoal of professional politicians of the American type
would be the first result of any extension of the principle of repre-
sentative government. A few specimens of the class have already
shown themselves, and the large centres of population in India are in
some respects favourable to its development. We may no doubt reply
that the professional politician is a necessary evil ; that everywhere,
except io England, representative institutions tend to bring him to the
front, and tlmt in America, where his habits can best be studied, he
has not done so very much harm after all. But readers of Mr.
Bryce'a great book on the American Commonwealth will remember
now he explains that behind the boss and the caucus, behind the mani-
fold appliances for manipulating votes, there exists a great reserve of
solid aud sensible public opinion, which asserts itself every now and then
"'^ith telling effect, and can be relied upon in nny real crisis to save the
true interests of the country from being sacrificed to the vanity or
Spite of either political party. Can we say, at present, that any such
reserve of practical wisdom exists in India ? Can we conBdently hope
t-hat the leaders who will wield the tremendous voting apparatus which
■the caste organisation provides will never lose their heads, and make
*ix unwise use of the power they will have, to lead millions of men to
Vote solid on almost any conceivable question ? These are questions to
^hich experience alone can find the answer. Prndence demands that
fiQch experience should be gradually and tentatively acquired.
Notwithstanding these dangers, the extent of which we have
^Udeavoured not to understate, it seems likely that the problem of
Extending representative institutions in India will have to be faced in
* not very distant future. That such privileges should be claimed is
'Xothing more than the logical consequence of our resolution to govern
India by English riither than Asiatic methods. The nation which has
*©tthe rest of the world the standard example of constitutional govem-
tient cannot consistently decline to apply its own doctrines to its
-^V^iatio subjects as soon as they have shown tbcraBelves fit to make a
ptopcr use of the boon. Nor does it foltew that action need be
*3.«feri-ed until the whole of India has attained the neces-sary educa-
tional level. The provincial system of government would readily lend
*taelf to a partial extension of representative institutions. A similar
<H)uclu3ion is suggested by the financial difficulties in which our
758
THE COSTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Mat
k
domestic policy has involved ns. Instead of mling India by the
simple Oriental system which contents itself with looking after its
revenue, and for the rest leaves people to shift for themselves, we
have from the first set up a high and progressive ideal of civilised
admiaistration. The demand for a variety of improvements, such as
village sanitation, special forms of education, improved medical treats
ment, and the like, grows continually, but brings with it no pro-
portionate increase of financial resources. Money mast be found to
meet these wants, but any farther increase in general taxation is felt
to be undesirable. It follows that a system of local taxation enforced
by local representative bodies ofiers us the best chance of being able
to continue the career of administrative progress on which we have
embarked. Such a system is also, as history teaches, the best, if not
the only, school for the wise exercise of political rights.
Remembering, then, that the population wo have to deal with is
almost wholly agricultural, it would seem that a commencement mnst
be made with the rural unit, the village. By strengthening the
village organisation, and legally recognising the authority of the
paivrhdyat or elective council of village elders, one of the oldest and
most durable of Indian institutions, a solid foundation would be laid
for further development. Before we begin to make all things new,
it is clearly essential to ascertain what can be done with existint
machinery. In a series of tracts addressed to the people of India the
leaders of the Congress have appealed for support to the rural popn-,
lation, and it may be inferred from this that they consider tlie Indian
villager capable of exercising electoral functions. Whether he is or
13 not can only be determined by actual experiment, and there are
many forms in which such an experiment might be tried without
producing any disastrous results or materially clianging the present
system of Goveminent. My own impression is, that, within the range
of subjects of which he has jiersonal knowledge, he is considerably
more intelligent than the English agricultural labourer.
It would be impossible within our present limits to sketch even the
outlines of a scheme of village representation. But it would seem that
the administrative reforms recently carried out in Prussia may furnish
some general ideas which might bear translation into Indian forms.
There a bureaucratic system bearing a surprisingly close resemblance
to that prevalent in India has been leavened by the infusion of an
elective element. The elective village headmpn whose powers had
fallen into disuse have been revived with the best effect, and a system
of communal and provincial councils has been introduced. The
example does not seem impossible to follow. Recognise village councils
by law ; give them small quasi-judicial powers, both civil and criminal,
such as the village headmen in Prussia exercise ; provide for their
election ; create a communal revenue and let the councils administer
iSfo] RACE BASIS IN INDIAN POLITICS. 759
it lor local purposes ; and it is reasonable to expect that thepanckdyaty
now o£Sciall7 rather discredited, will gradually rise in dignity and
inflaenoe. The personal law of a large number of castes is at present
administered solely by their councils, and much interesting custom has
by this means been preserred. Once let the. village council be made
a reality, and the leading men of these caste councils will seek election
to it. It will thus assume the representative character which at present
is wanting, and the village itself will cease to be a mere mob of
individoalB, none of whom can assume any responsibility for the
common interests. Given a number of villages thus organised, and
the task of forming them into larger units for electoral purposes would
be a mere matter of arrangement. Their representatives, the elected
members of the village councils, would, I believe, in course of timo
become as capable of forming a sound judgment on the political ques-
tdoDB submitted to them as the peasants of most European countries.
In advancing slowly and cautiously on these lines we shall at any rate
avoid the fatal error of beginning at the wrong end.
H. H. RiSLEY.
[Mi^-
THE LAND PURCHASE BILL.
«0
icd
ief
to
Dtit
all
THE more Mr. Balfour's Land Purchase scheme is examined by t-
public, the less, I think, will the public like it, I have calfl
it Mr. Balfour's Bill ; but there seems to be some serious doubt as
whether Mr. Balfour is really the author of the scheme. Many in^
that the Bill is mainly ^Mr. Goschen's production ; and, indeed, it sees
more like the device of a cleirer experimentalising financier than ~i
Bill of a practical Irish Chief Secretary. If one were free to ind»-
in mere idle speculation on such a subject, I should be rather incli :3i
to conjecture that the measure came out of an appeal from the d
Secretary to the Chancellor of the Exchequer. '* Look here"
may suppose for the moment such an appeal taking place — '' I hav^
bring in a Bill for the buying out of some of these Irish laudlords,
the trouble is, that the British taxpayers are sure to make a :i
about having their credit pledged for such a purpose. You know
about figures and finance— can't you tinker me up some sort of j^^ Jan
which will show that nobody will run any risk, and that everyttm- '"^^^6
will pay for itself out of its own pocket? " Thus put upon his m^""^**'®
we can imagine Mr, Goschen going to work and devi&ing an elabo-
scheme, by virtue of which everybody is shown to be able to di
without anybody having to pay the piper. For assuredly the
prominent and the most carefully elaborated part of the Bill is
part which concerns itself to show that the Britisli tarpayer rnn^*-
risk of being called upon to pay anything, A plain-minded man
good deal puzzled at first ; but still, being plain-minded, he he
come back always to the veiy plain fact that there are thirty-t>^
millions of money to be got at soiuehow, and he cannot see on w
credit that money ia to be raised imless on the credit of the Bi
taxpayer.
Another difficulty arises about determining the authorship o£
t
THE LAND PURCHASE BILL.
rm
for Mr. Chamberlain, althougb he does not actually claim the
ae as hiB owii, yet describes it aa practically identical with a scheme
1 he had prepared. la this Bill then only Popkias plan, after
Perhaps I may explain this allusion to Popkin's plan, a term
ed in the House of Commons three years ago to a scheme of which
Uhamberlain was the author. The phrase waa taken from a speech
r. Diaraeli^s in one of the debates on Peels Corn Law policy in
Mr. Disraeli told the House of Commons that the first day
Feel had made the exposition of his policy, a gentleman " well
"n and learned in all the political secrets behind the scenes," met
(Disraeli) and asked what he thought of the plan. "I said I did
sxactly know what to say about it ; but, to use the phrase of the
, I supposed it waa a great and comprehensive plan." " Oh," he
sd, " we know all about it ; it is not Aw plan at all, it is Popkin's
" Then, having made this amusing announcement on the authority
escribed, Mr. Disraeli turned to the Speaker and asked : " Is
and, sir, to be convulspd for Popkin's plan ? " Further, Mr.
leli asked whether the Minister will •' appeal to the people on such
jx ? Will he appeal to Enj^land on a fantastic scheme of some
nfc ? " Mr. Disraeli answered his own question with the words
lo not believe it." The Government, we may be sure, have not
•etnoteat idea now of going to the country on the Land Purchase
whether it be Mr. Balfour's, or Mr. Goschen's, or only Popkin's
coming up in a new form.
^hat is the object of the measure ? Let any one try to strip the
of its multitudinous details and get a clear good look at its con-
;tion, and he will soon see what it is meant to do. It is meant to
t some of the least successful and the least popular of Irish
lords to get a higher price for their land than they oould get in
)pen market. There seema to have been some misgiving of this
in the mind of the author of the Bill, for one of the conditions
•hich the Land Department is to make a vesting order is that the
sment is " bond Ji(h and witliout collusion." But what would be
idered collusion ? A landlord has got his affairs into a mess ; he
» to sell his land aa fast as he can ; he does not want to stay ; he
not like the place ; he does not like tlm people ; the people do
jiuch like him. He goes to one of his tenants and shows the man
it will be for the advantage of both of them if they can agree
i a sale and purchase. He lets the tenant see that it will even be
lis advantage to agree to a much larger sura than could be got by
sale in the open market ; for the Treasury will find the monev.
the repayments are spread out in such a fashion that a trif
fair amount could do the tenant no harm and would
much good. Then the landlord clinches th^
ig : *' If you don't consent to this 111 not oo
LVn.
3 D
REVIEfF.
I
CM"
? tf
be Tery lew
DOt be emfeOedte
• Ibi if ke doHDoi ooMBBt Id
•■ the hadkicd's tema, aU tl»
kis kad aoii oC which he ooi»-
b amj cmtB he wmU to hoj^ if he
off froB aD duuioeof bvjring; aad
, will be » capital instraiiic&t in the
Id (ei 4Mft of the TreMox aad the
thej eoald have anj- poeaifale
Now aaeoBuiig, what I hope
of Krglairf KHit be pledged to
Vi-
Xt
if it ia |» be a taaKly in ai^ eeaae, I do not see
Triah hadavds aa a daaa haf« done for the
tibithe ■heaH he wiBag to pat hia name to a bond
aecBring to tlwaa a peeititr peeauiaiy boea or bribe whidi he maj
have to pej tot in the end.
For a^fMtf— and I am onlj apffakiag for aijseif in this article — H
nagr eqr^^ ^"^ inowe»t I knew that the aale was not to be oocnpnl^
■cay OB the part of the kodkzd. there vaa an end of an j iwctmmlaa—
towaxda the meaaaae on mj pare The Bill haa thne objecia aa
forth in ita laiaiBtdi It is a meaBore " to pnmde fiuther
for the par^aoe o£ land in Ireland f ** iot the improvement of
condition of the poorer and more on^ceted diatrietB i* and " fcr
conatitntioo of a Land Depaitment.*' For the cofwtiliition of a
Department ! As if thej had not Departmenta enoagfa already
Ireland ! As if they wanted any more ! As if the people of
had the slightest fiuth and 'oonfidenoe in moat of the Departm^ents
which they are already Ueat! Aa if a new Department of Dublii^^^^^
Geatie oookt, to nse a phrase of Carlyle's, *^ eThilarate any creaUtre
ootaide what I may call the '' Libertiee'' of Dublin Castle !
let the Department pass. Va pomr U nfiai»— the phraae i^
Molitee's, and, if I may be allowed to say eo^ qaoting from Byron^.
*' not ill applied ; '^ for there will be ribbons to give away oat of this.
There might be a tale of almost romantic interest told of the manner is
which whole families have been enabled in Ireland to recompense tbem"
eelvea for the stinginess of Nature or Fate, or an nnappreciatiTe pnblic
of solicitors and clients, or a War Office th^t would not recognise true
merit, by means of a Department of Dublin Castle. How^rer, let as
accept the Department and " argue not with the inejcorsble." Ereiy
change in Ireland under the rule of a Castle Government means aneir
OapartmenL Therefore let us take the Land Department for panted.
«9ol
THE LAND PURCHASE BILL.
763
Hiat is one of lie three avowed objects of tlie Bill ; I feel almost
mcliued to say that is one of the two real objects of the Bill, It is
put lastj but perhaps it ought to be put first. Then we have the
object of providing further facilities for the purchase of land in Ireland,
md then the improvement of the poorer and more congested districts.
May I call attention to the fact that it was not any Govemraent
official who first pointed out the necessity of special treatment for
Mngested districts in Ireland '^ If I am not greatly mistaken,
ihe very phrase itself was first used in that special application by Mr.
Rarnell in the House of Commons, and it was Mr. Parnell who first
iQggested that "migration" and not " emigration " was the proper
oarse of remedy. The Land Purchase Bill covei-s both emigration
nd migration, but its clauses, so far as I can form a judgment, will
BVe absolutely no practical effect either way. The important part of
he Bill is, of course, that which deals with the sale and purchase of
be land. The Land Department being constituted, an agreement for
lie and advances is to be made on certain conditions. These are —
If the landlord and the tenant of a holding in Ireland make an agree-
lent for the sale of the holding to the tenant, and either — the purchase-
loney is agreed on by them, and specified in the agreement — or, the
jreement refers it to the Land Department to fix the price of the
Lterest which the tenant agrees to buy in the holding." Now the
ust provision will be seen, fvova. what I have already said, to be of little
r no value. Suppose the Land Department to be all that the best
iends of the tenant could wish it, yet it is plain that the tenant
Minot go before the Land Department without the consent of bis
kndlord. How could he ? The tenant shrinks from the conditions
f sale and purchase offered by the landlord. He says he would
inch rather take his chance with the Land Department, Thereupon
othing prevents the landlord from sajring, " If that be so, then I
Bcline to consent to any sale and any purchase," and where is the
snant then ? This Bill seems as if it were ingeniously designed to
ut the tenant at the absolute mercy of his landlord. It will create
(ro distinct and different classes of tenantry living side by side under
le Bame apparent conditions to begin with, but under totally different
Dnditions forced on them by Mr. Balfour's measure. Let us take the
&se of two brothers. One holds a farm under a landlord who is
illing to sell. Let na suppose him to be a good landlord, anxions to
0 all he can for his tenants, but compelled by the pressure of the
imes to endeavour to get bought out of his land. The other brother
olds under a landlord whom we shall suppose to be good also and
nsel£sh, but who has been on the whole doing fairly well with his
indf and has his theories and principles about ownership and respon-
Ibility, and is not inclined to part with his property. He will not
sll. Then yon have the two brothers, who are absolutely on a level
764
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Hit
to begin with, before this scheme of Mr. Balfonr's was devised, but
who from that moment become absolutely unlike in conditions, and
of whom one is supposed to be put on the high road to prosperity,
while the other is left in the ditch by the roadside.
It may be argued that a good landlord will always be willing to sell.
Nothing of the kind can seriously be maintained. There are excellent
landlords who have a strong faith in the principle of landlordism, and
who believe they are doing good to the whole community by maintam-
ing it. Then there are landlords who have good intentions, but
whose property is heavily encumbered with mortgages, and such-like
loads, and in whose case the payment of the purchase-money in ita
yearly instalments would be an advantage rather to the creditors
than to the owners. Hardly anything could be more utterly unsatis-
factory tlian this sudden creation of two distinct classes of tenants in
Ireland, whose luck or ill-luck depends not on themselves, bat solely
on the will of their landlords, Tf the Bill were meant to do any
good at all to the counti*y in general, it ought to have been made
one of its principles that a tenant wishing to purchase should have
the power to apply to the Land Court to order a sale if it thought
■ proper, just as a tenant could apply to the Court under the previoaa
legislation to fix a judicial rent. Nearly all the Tory legislation
which professes to carry out anything in the nature of social oi
economic reform is spoiled by this introduction of what is oddly
called the " voluntary principle " — a voluntary principle which, as one
of my countrymen said of reciprocity, is " all on the one side." Tlie
way of Tory legislation is to indicate in a measure that there is
something which a landlord or an employer ought to do, and then to
leave him to do it, or let it alone, just as it pleases him. A reall'
good Land Purchase Bill for Ireland must be a measure of
revolution in the best sense of the words. It must start oa
principle that a great change is to be wrought by the law. The
not the landlord, must rule.
I must say that I believe the British taxpayer would be wi
run any risks, and even to spend much money, for the sake oil
and final settlement of the Irish land question. How many;
passed away since John Stuart Mill made his famous recomiD€
to the English people to have recourse to heroic remedies is >
with that Irish land question ! Twenty years at least have ^
since that time, and the heroic remedies are .still untried,
vinced that if the English public now were offered some schfi
promised a final settlement, they would not shrink from.
risk, the mere responsibility, the mere cost in moot
scheme put forward by Mr. Balfour is not in the nattt^
remedy. It does not promise to settle anything. It r
indicates the departure of a new agitation. It ij
thoroughly by any class of persons in Ireland. It
766
TIfi CONTEMPORARY REVIEfF.
[Kit
cost of maintenance of pamper lunatics in district asyhiM in
Ireland ; the grants in aid of the salaries of schoolmasters and school-
mistreases in Ireland, and of the salaries of medical officers of work-
houses and dispensaries in Ireland ; of the cost of medicines and
medical and surgical appliances in Ireland ; of the salaries of officers
appointed under the Public Health Act ; of the grant in aid of
the maintenance of children ui industrial schools in Ireland ; and
the grant for the expenses of the Commissioners in Ireland under the
account headed " National Schools," I wonder bow the British tax-
payer likes the look of his securities? I wonder how he likes the
idea of ''collaring " the salaries of the poor schoolmasters and school-
mistresses, and of the medical officers in the Irish workhouses, to meet
any deficiency in the payment of the instalments of purchase-money?
I wonder how he likes the idea of the pauper lunatics being turned
adrift in Ireland if the purchase-money be not annually ]>aid ^p?
Does not all this belong to the realm of grim burlesque ? In Web-
ster's pathetic, terrible " Duchess of Malfi," the cruel, vengeful, selfish
brother of the Dachess turns loose the madmen from the asylum on
his sister in order to frigliten her into submission. la the Engliah
ratepayer prepared to play the part of the Duke Ferdinand, and tnm
loose the madmen of the Irish pauper lunatic asylums of Ireland on
hia poor sister Ireland in order to frighten her into submission to
the demands of the Land Purchase Bill ?
Remember, too, that tliis punishment would fall chiefly on the poor
tenants who had not got any benefit out of the measure. According
to Mr. Pamell's estimate, one out of every four tenants at most would
gain by this Bill. If those who got the advantage of the Bill should
fail to meet their legal obligations, then those who had had no benefit
by it would have to do without education and medical attendance in
workhouses, and would have their pauper lunatics returned on their
hands, or else would have to make good the deficiencies of their
neighbours who had got their farms and their purchase-money. Of
course everybody in his senses knows that these guarantees would not
be enforced — could not be enforced. Even in Ireland there must be
some consideration shown by the ruling authorities for the decencies
of civilisation. The Chief Secretary has yet to be invented who coold
come to the House of Commons and say, " The annual instalment of
the Land I'urchase Fund has not been fully repaid this year, and so
we have stopped the salaries of the schoolmasters and mistresses and
the medical officers in Irish workhouses, and -we have evicted all tie
pauper lunatics and sent them drifting along the streets and roa^.'
Of course nothing of the k-ind could be done, bh^ as nolVxwg ol^il«
kind can be done, then we have to fall bacls: ^^u ^e BnVi^\»J-
payer. The British taxpayer has to reflect tti 555. ^<,tts. M V« ^«>^ \s^
^^ TnVh land ^^ ^«^. ^« \s. l***"^
sacrifice he is not settling tJio Irish land
Jishing a system wkich tc\ay benefit one tena^
THE LAND PURCHASE BILL,
767
B8 that mean but the starting of a new agitation on the part of the
:ee tenants who have been thus left out in the cold ? Are they
ing to sit down tamely and submit not only to being shut out from
the benefit of the Act, but also to having to accept part of the
3uniary responsibility of those whom the Act favours ? Will they
t fort.hwith fiet going a new agitation for a far wider scheme of
rchase, ami a far more liberal advance on the part of the Grovem-
>nt ? Would they not be quite right in doing so ? Then where is
3 settlement under this Bill ? What are the English taxpayers
edging their credit for ?
Again, suppose for the sake of argument that the Irish local
surities were really available funds for the purpose and were
Bicient, who guarantees them ? Dublin Castle ? But can Dublin
fitle guarantee anything in the name of the Irish people ? When
B ftuthoritiea in Dublin Castle can succeed in getting a supporter of
eirs elected for the very division of IJiublin in which the Castle
mds, we shall begin to believe in the possibility of the Lord Lieu-
lant and the Chief Secretaiy and the Grand Juries being able to
br a guarantee in the name of the Irish people. As matters stand,
B authors of this Land Purchase scheme propose to give a guarantee
lich if it were theirs to give ^ould bo not alone utterly insufficient
it wholly unacceptable, and they propose to give it in the name of
9 Irish people, for whom they have as much authority to speak aa
e Austrian commandant of a Venetian garrison in the old times had
speak in the name of the pt*ople of Venice. Let us face the facta
sadily. A Coercion Government can otter nothing in the name of
0 Irish people. A Coercion Government can indeed do a good deal
get the offer of an Irish landlord to still his estate accepted by the
ndlord's tenants. A reluctant tenant can be pressed in various ways.
a may be a member of the local branch of the National League —
deed, he is almost certain to be. He may have been present at
me meeting of the branch when some one called for a cheer for
''illiam O'Brien or a groan for Mr. Balfonr. He may be reminded
these crimes, and it may be hinted to him that if he does not cloao
ith his landlord there may be an orison in which all his sins will be
iDiembered. No one who knows anything about the present state
' Ireland will aay that I am talking abtiut iuipossibilities or even
aprobabilitie3. In that way a Coercion Government can undoubtedly
B of direct or, at all events, indirect assistance in bringing about a
(ttlement between landlord and tenant for the sale and purchase of
ad. But between the Irish people and the British taxpayer the
3«rcion Government can otter nothing in the way of guarantee. Mr.
ilfour answering for Ireland is like Gessler answering for Switzer-
id. The British taxpayer who believes in that assurance deserves
have to pay for liis credulity,
^Qt Mr. B.ilfour has deliberately token a coarse which makes his
768
THE CONTEMPORARY REVlEfV.
[Xii
position much worse than he need have made it. He has declared
his conriction that the leaders of the Irish Party in and out of Parlii-
ment are opposing his Bill only because they believe it will fully and
finally settle the Irisli Land question, and because with that settlement
their occupation will be gone and they will no longer be able to liw
by agitation. Mr. Balfour is an accomplished man, and in many ways
a very clever man. But, quite apart from a matter of good taste aud
good feel ng, and a rational recognition of possible sincerity in thoee
who difter from us, ia there not something akin to positive stupidity
in such an argument on such a subject and at such a crisis ? Can it
be that Mr. Balfour really believes what he says ? Is he reallj so
ignorant of human nature- — is he so blind as to what is going on under
hia very eyes ? Did he ever hear or read of a great national agita-
tions-one might almost say a great social revolution — carried on to
success by men who only got it up to make a living by it ? Will he
refer us to any page of history which gives us an authentic account of
such a phenomenon ? Or, to come to a matter of small and practical
detail, will he give us the names of the Irish members — of any Ifi«h
members — who have gained in the vulgar and pecuniary sense by their
connection with the Irish National cause ? I can g^ive him, if he
cares abont it, a fairly long list of the names of men who have lost
by it. But what manner of niler of a country is he who tells the
Irish people that the men whom they have elected to represent them
by the most overwhelming majorities are adopting their cause only to
make money out of it ? If anything were needed to make his Land
Purchase scheme detestable in the mind of the Irish people it would
be just this sort of senseless cynical calumny. Mr. Balfour is too
clever by half. He overdoes his sceptical cleverness. If he has not
imagination enough to conceive the possibility of men acting and
fiuffering for some higher end than the making an ignoble livelihood,
then he ought to have cleverness enough to pretend to a people like
the Irish that he really does believe they have such persons among
them. I hope all British taxpayers will take account of thii i"
estimating the value of the security which the Irish Chief Secretaiy
has to oiler them as a guarantee that they are not to be called upon to
pay for the buying out of a few of the least deserving Irish landlords.
I hope all British tft.\payera will observe that this Chief Secretary, who«
power and influence could not get a candidate rejected by a I
majority than ten or fifteen to one in any Irish constituency outside tn^
University of Dublin and a certain portion of Orange Ulster, nnder"
takes to settle, in the name of the Irish people, what three out of
every four Irish tenants will be willing to sacriBce for a measure which
brings them in no benefit whatever.
JdSTLV M'CABTflT.
COMPENSATION FOR LICENSES.
I.
rWO years ago, when Mr. Ritchie's excellent Bill for County
Gfovemment was nearly wrecked by his unhappy licensing
taoses, Bomebody wrote the following words : " The Government is
(ready a sleeping partner in the Drink Trade, as every Budget showe.
ihis Bill and Mr. Goschen's Budget will create as many sleeping
artntTS as there are counties in England." . . . . " The Drink
Vade, like the shirt of Nessas, so clings to the Bill as to be identified
ith it." The shirt of Nessus was torn off by the public indignation
f the conntrVj and the Bill was saved. But it seems to cling to the
k)vemment. Mr. Goschen has slipped into the manifold financial
etaiifi of the Budget a compensation for publicans tenfold worse than
Ir. Ritchie's licensing clauses. Is the Drink Trade a condition ot
Ife to the party now in government ? Is it not possible to rnaintain
lie constitational and conservative traditions of the Empire without
mying or bribing the goodwill of the Drink Trade ? The worst,
nemy of Lord Salisbury's goveminent could hardly impute a lowtr
ftotive or harbour a more dishonouring auspicion.
And yet here we are one© more, face to face, with the same covert
theme to establish and to endow the Drink Trade, and that for the
rat time with the money of the people of England, in violation of the
kcta of history, the decisions of the law, and the welfare of the people
t large.
"We complain of this all the more intensely, because the condition
ad the future of tho Drink Trade ought to be discussed and decided
a its own merits only, and as a question of prime and vital importance
^ the United Kingdom. Inateail uf this we have now for the second
{tne a covert and indirect introduction of the whole question treated
ot aa a matter of history and law and policy, but as a scheme of
bance. It is upon this ground, and not on the plea that moneys
VOL. Lvn. 3 K
770
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW,
[Jun
raised upon granting of licenses can be better applied, that we
earnestly appeal to the public opinion and public conscience of the
country, including the Oos'ernment itself, to obtain the excision of this
portion of Mr. Goschen's Budget as the same opposition two years
ago cut out the licensing clauses from Mr, Ritchie's Bill.
I, We are compelled therefore once again to restate the reasons
and laws which govern the Drink Trade.
1. Encouraged by brewers, distillers and publicans, and by
all interested in it, both in private life and by Chanoellora of the
Exchequer for the sake of revenue, nevertheless, the Drink Trade
has at all times of our history been subjected to rigorous limita-
tions to repress its evil eSects by the Acts of the Legislature. The
Drink Trade has never hod need of legislative promotion, but
has always needed legislative repression. It stands alone in the
history of free trade.
2. A license to sell intoxicating drink is a legal limitation
and precantion taken against the trade. So far is it from a
personal property negotiable, or giving claim to continaance or
renewal, it is a simple permission to sell intoxicating drink
under two stringent limitations, the one in point of time, that is,
for one year only ; and the other in point of conduct, that is, on
the part of the holder of the license and on the conduct of the
business.
3. A license therefore is a permission to the holder and a pro-
hibition under penalty to all other men to sell intoxicating drink.
The whole licensing system is intended to restrict and to mini-
mise the extent of the trade. It was to put away tippling
houses and to limit the number of places where intoxicating
drink was sold, that the first licenses were granted in the time
of Edward VI. They were granted only to persons commended
by local authority as fit to hold the responsible duty of checking
the vice of intrmperance.
By what torture of reasoning can it be contended that an annual
license is a personal property pr a negotiable value, attaching either to
the holder or to the house ? So much for the liistOry of a license in
itself.
II, Again and again for many years publicans, brewers, and licensed
victuallers have attempted to set up a claim of a vested intereet.
Both Parliament and the judges have made short work of this vested
interest.
1. The Act 35 & 36 Victoria, chap. 27, section 6, defines the
tenure of a license. " It shall be in force for one year from the
date of its being granted." The Act 9 George IV. chap. 1,
section 13, says for one year " and no longer."
l89o]
COMPENSATION.
771
2. Justice Stephen, in the Court of Queen's Bench, November
1882, said : " By the renewal of a license we mean a new
license granted to a man who hod one before."
3. Mr. Patteraon, in his book on the Licensing Acts, aays of
the Act of 137 1, " there is nothing in this or other Acts to make
it compulsory on the justices to renew the license any more tian
in ordinary cases.
4. In the "Justice of the Peace," in 1883, it was laid down:
"The discretion of the licensing justices to grant or refuse or
transfer a victualler's license is absolute, and they are not
obliged to state any reason for their refusal."
5. Lord Chief Justice Cockburn, in the Court of Queen's
Bench, May 18, 1878, said : " According to the Act of 1828 the
justices have the same discretion to refuse a renewal as they
had to refuse granting a new license."
6. Viscount Cross, when Home Secretary, declared that
magistrates had just the same power to refuse renewals as they
had to refuse new licenses.
7. Sir William Harcourt-, when Home Secretary in 1883,
said the law is that every license ia annual and may be refused ;
the magistrates have power to prohibit any sale.
8. Mr. Justice (now Lord) Field, in the Court of Queen's Bench,
November 1882, said : "In every case in every year there ia a
new license granted. You may call it renewal if you like, but
that does not make it an old one. The Legislature does not call
it a renewal. The Legislature is not capable of calling a new
thing an old one. The Legislature recognises no vested right
at all in any holder of a license. It does not treat the interest
as a vested one in any way."
9. Baron Pollock, also in the Court of Queen's Bench,
January 31, 1884, said : " The notion that there is a property of
the landlord in a license cannot be considered as sound law."
10. Mr. Justice (now Lord) Field and Mr. Justice Wills,
April 30, 1888, united in the same judgment. Justice Wills said,
in 1874, ^that a new license is defined as a license granted at a
general annual licensing meeting in respect of premises in
respect of which a similar license has not been granted beforo,
which was a little modified from the definition of the Act of
1872, but only to correct a mistake from the use of -the words
" licensed premUe^H," inasmuch as premises wero never licensed,
the license being in all cases a persojtal one.
11. What wonder, then, that the late Mr. Nash, Barrister-at-
Law, and counsel to the Licensed Victuallers' Association, said :
" Now, I am sorry to say, having looked into this question most
exhaustively, and having compared notes with my brethren well
77i
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
fJDSB
versed in these matters, that there cannot be the grnallest doubt
that in the strict sense no snch thing as a vested interest exists.
.... The mere mention of the term vested interest should b©
avoided, as it infuriates every Court from the Queen's Bench
downwards," *
Nevert-heless, Mr. Goschen assumes that publicans have a vested
interest to be compensated, overturning without a word the decisions
of judges and the definitions of the Legislature.
III. In defiance of all these Acts and authorities, Mr, Goschen's
Budget would create for the first time a vested interest in the holding
of a license, and the effect of creating this vested interest would render
it impossible to deal with publicans without compensation.
1. Nevertheless, our history shows that from the time of
Edward III. to this day Parliament has dpalt with the Drink
Trade, reducing and prohibiting its sale in England, Scotland,
and Ireland, often by extensive and peremptory meaaares, with-
out a particle of compensation.
2. In our colonies, a<3 in Canada, local option and temperance
legislation have no shadow of compensation.
3. In the United States, as in Maine, Vermont, New Hamp-
shire, Iowa, and Kansas, there is no compensation.
4. A claim for compensation was brought in appeal before the
United States Supreme Court, and the appeal was dismissed.
But now it may be said that surely to put a man out of a lawfnl
trade, on which he has lawfully entered, without compensation, is
obviously unjust.
To which I answer :
1. No; if he has entered ujion it with a full knowledge that
his tenure of it is for a year only.
2. No ; if upon the tenure of a year he has made imprudent
outlay. There is no compensation for imprudence. Imprudence
must bear its own penalty.
3. No ; if he has more than compensated himself already
during his year's tenure out of the large profits, which were
obviously the reason and the motive for seeking the license.
The profits of a public-house are notoriously so large that a year's
trade is a disproportioned remuneration both on money spent and on toil
involved. In this sense a license is of tbe nature of a monopoly, and
gives to a publican an exclusive right in the midst of his neighbours
to make for a year a great profit in the sale of intoxicating drink.
He has no right to compensation, because he cannot obtain the profit
and the monopoly of another year.
• " CompeOBation," by Mr. Malina, p. 45.
COMPENSATION,
That we may form some idea of the enormcua profits of the Drink
Trade, we may take the following facts. Mr. Caine, who I am glad
to see is aboat to republish his pamphlet, stated, two years ago :
*' A new house was built at Newcastle-on-Tyne, at a total cost for site,
bailding, and incidental charges, of £800. A license from an old
house was bought and removed to it, and its value rose to £6t300. The
house was shortly afterwards sold for that snm." Under the compen-
sation of Mr. Ritchie's Bill, " it would be impossible to withdraw the
license even on grounds of public convenience without a compensation
of £5500."
'* A house in Liverpool with a license, worth £2000, was bought by
a brewer for £10,500. The compensation would be £8500."
"Another house in Liverpool, purchased a few yetirs ago for £800,
before the grant of a license, was lately sold for £8500, which would
require a compensation of £7700."
" A gin-palace near the docks was built for less than £8000. All
the steamship owners in vain opposed the grant of a license. A leading
brewer has offered £20,000 for it, but the ofier has been refused. The
compensation would be £12,000."
If these clauses had become law, the Drink Trade " would have
been endowed and protected at the cost of from two hundred to two
Hundred and fifty millions of money ; and this compensation would go
not only to publicans, but also to brewers, and even still more to
ground-landlords."
But Mr. Goschen's scheme raises no question of millions of money,
bat of a sum so ludicrously small, that no perceptible diminution
for generations to come in the evils of the Drink Trade could be
obtained by it. But the principle involved in it, in violation of law,
policy, and public morality, would be for the first time established in
the law of England, and our public revenues would be applied to
its encouragement and support.
Henrv Edward Card. MAKxma.
iJomi
11.
THE establialiineiit by law of some scheme for providing safety for
those iuterested in public-hoase licenses appears to have a
remarkable fascination over the present Government. They attempted
it in their Local Government Bill of 1888. Then it evoked a pas-
sionate protest from the country, not merely from those who are styled
" temperance fanatics," but equally from the sober and sensible work-
ing men. It cost the Govemmeut two seats, one at Southampton,
where a Tory majority of G68 was turned into a minority of 885 ; and
one at th© Ayr Burghs, where a Unionist majority of 1175 became a
minority of 63 — a defeat reversed a few weeks ago, when another
election was taken without this complicating issue. The Government
wisely withdrew their proposals, the culminating influence being,
it is said, a private remonstrance signed by all the Conservative
members for the Metropolis.
Mr. liitchie'a proposal for compensation was, that if the County
Councils, acting as licensing authorities in place of the justices,
thought fit to refuse to renew a license for any canse other than olfences
against the law, an arbitrator should be appointed, who would value the
public-house n-iik and mitlwut the license attached, and that the dif-
ference should be paid to those interested from funds derivable partly
from taxation and partly from increased licensing charges on the
remaining publicans. The Government, though defeated in 1888, do
not seem to have been disheartened, and are once more attempting
to introduce by the back door the principle which two years ago was
kicked down the front steps.
Their new proposal appropriates certain revenues from liquor ^>rw
ratd to the County Councils, for the express and only purpose of buy-
ing up public-house licenses with a view to their extinction. It is
i»9o]
COMPENSATION.
775
mixed up in the same Bill with schemes for the superannnation of the
police, and the sufipension of power to grant any more new licenses.
These latter form the sugar-coating which it is hoped may induce
Parliament to swallow the pill of comi-tensation.
Mr. Ritchie is very indignant at being charged with a desire bo
" compensate.'* He vows that the word " compensation " never
appears in the Bill at all, and that in doing what the Government
have don© they do not in any way lay the basis of compensation.
He asserts that they do not desire by their proposals to lay down any
lines upon which compensation is to proceed when Parliament comes
to deal with the whole question of licensing. I am snre Mr. Ritcbie
is sincere in these declarations, but nobody appears to ogi'ee with him.
He has alarmed the whole Temperance party, even the most moderate
section of it, and the fiery cross has gone round the count^J^ Thr>
liquor trade hail the Bill with joy, their leading organ, the Mornimj
Adraiiser, calling on the trade, wholesale and retail, to give unani-
mous support to legislation which " asserts the principle that the
suppression of a license through no misconduct on the part of its
holder shall be effected by payment for its extinction." The Con-
servative press join in the chorus. The St. James s Gazette contends
that " the Government has successfully asserted the principle that the
extinction of a license shall be accompanied by compensation."
It is therefore abundantly clear that the Government have once
more thought it wise to bring on the compensation struggle, and by
getting the House committed to a small and limited proposal, to
establish the principle in an Act nf Parliament in such definite form
that it will be impossible for future Governments to go back upon it.
They evidently attach greater importance to this than to any other Bill
they have before the House. Already the session is committed to a pro-
gramme fully up to, if not beyond, its powers ; and it appears as though
the Government were prepared to set aside even their l)oasted reme-
dial legislation for Ireland to secure the safety of their old and trusty
allies the publicans from the dangers of a possible Radical successor.
If the Bill becomes an Act of Parliament, the first County Council
that exercises the powers contained in it, and negotiates successfully for
the purchase, out of public money, of the interest In a licL-nse granttd
for twelve months only, establishes and roots in a precedent that cannot
b« departed from. The temperance party feel that this is a qnestion
of life and death to their hopes, and will therefore resist by every
legitimate means within their reach tho passing of this measure.
They cannot and will not entertain any proposal which confers any-
thing but a twelve months' interest in a public-house license, holding
that nothing more exists; or can exist, without fresh legislation
conferring it.
1 dismiss as unworthy of consideration what is called " compas-
776
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jvn
donate " compensation. It is ecouted alike by publican and teetotaller. !
The licensee is cither entitled to compensation or he is not. If he is,
■ he is then outitled to the full and complete compensation proposed by
the Govornmeut in its Bill in 1888, to which ^Ir. Ritchie declares h^%
and \m colleagues still adhere, and they are quite justified, if the k^H
is not clear, in attempting to amend tlie law. The temperance part]^^
and I think I may Jidd the great bulk of the Liberal party, demur
entirely to any such view, and refuse to entertain the question of legal
compensation at all.
The liquor trade differs from every other. There is not, and never
has been, free trade in intoxicating drinks. It is a privileged
monopoly, jealously guarded by Acts of Parliament, every one of
whicli hag been passed with the intention of protecting the public
frooi the publican. It is treated in those Acts as a dangerous, crime-
•creating trade ; the person t*ntrusted with the license to sell must \it
« man of spotU bs reputation, and must reappear at the end of his
term of twelve months, the utmost limit of time during which tie
State will trust him with his dangerous responsibility, that the
justices may be satisfied that his reputation remains spotless. The
house in which ho carries on the business must be of a certain character
and proportion ; before he is licensed, the justices are bound to take
into account the requirements of the neighbourhood ; and after he is
iicensed, he is placed under strict police supervision. Nothing can b^
clearer : a license is a permission granted to a most carefully seleci
individual, living in a carefully selected house, to sell a dangeroi
article for twelve months, and no longer ; and the State, by cloBel;
limiting the period, has always reserved to itself the right to withdraw
the permission.
This principle is solidly established — that a publican's license is
held subordinate to the public good and the common weal. The
holder of a license for one year only has no legal claim whatever to a
license for the next year. Mr. Justice Field declared, in the Court of
Queen's Bench, in November 1882, that "in every case in every ye*r
there is a new license granted. The legislature recognises no vested
-right at all in any holder of a license." A publican's license is not.
considered to be '' property " in the sense of property which wonW
pass to the holder's trustee in bankruptcy ; for in a recent case in
which such a trustee took possession of a bankrupt publican's Mceaie,
and opposed applications for its temporary transfer to the landlord of
the house, the learned Chief Judge in Bankruptcy held that the
trustee had no right to the license. (Ex parte Royle, 46 L-Jt
Bankruptcy, p. 85.)
The recent well-known case of Sharp v. Wakefield shows that
reoewab of licenses may be refused at the absolute discretioD of the
^'nstices ; the action of the Westmoreland Justices in this case faanng
i89o]
COMPEXSATIOX.
77;
been confirmed on appeal by the County Quarter Sesaiona, the Court of
Queen's Beach, and the Court of Appeal ; the latter finally deciding
that the justices had an unlimited judicial discretion in the matter,
and might refuse to renew a publican's license on other grounds than
the want of qualification, bad character, or misconduct of the applicant.
All this is proved, upheld and fully admitted by the Bill now
before the House. It is therein expressly stated that new on-licenses
shall only be granted " at the free and unqualified discretion of the
Licensing Authority," and Mr. Ritchie stated that these words were
inserted to make it clear that no right whatever should attach in the
case of new licenses. But I contend that evert/ license now in existence
has been granted on precisely similar terms ; and on the same grounds,
no right whatever should attach to them either. The attempt on the
part of the Government to establish these compensation rights, ia in
itself an ample avowal on their part that they do not now exist in law.
Of course, the contention of the Government can only be, that,
existing in equity and morals, they ought to be made legal. I deny
the equitable or moral claim. No compen-sation ought erer to be
given for the extinction of a privileged monopoly for which nothing
has been paid to the State granting it, simply because the monopoly
has changed hands, and money has passed between successive mono-
polists. A monopoly in its very nature bars all claim for compensa-
tion. It already confers what is eqiiivalent to compensation in the
advantage given by the monopoly. This particular monopoly is
granted for a strictly limited period of time. If the monopolist makes
money during that period, he has received his compensation. If he
has lost money, where is his claim ?
The equitable position of the holder of a license is quite clear. He
has special profits from a license, the possession of which rf^sti^icls
competition, while he knows perfectly well that he ia under risk of
2iaving the monopoly withdrawn.
It is perfectly true that the risk of withdrawal has been alight.
P and that on the strength of it, the monopolist has been able to sell
liis chance of renewal to other monopolists. Caveat emptor ! The
tuyer knew what he was about ; and if any one has been silly t- nough
tio give excessive prices for the speculative chances of renewal, he
^sannot expect the British public to step into his shoes.
How have these artificial values been created, from which the
<^vemment think the present owners ought to be bought out ? I
%ake one or two cases out of many hundreds.
Four or five years ago some one built a gin-palace opposite the
'Entrance-gates of one of the great Bteam-ahip docks in Liverpool.
Ifie spent £8000. When it was finished, ho applied for a license.
^is application was opposed by every shipowner using the dock, and
\ fcy every stevedore and master-porter employing labour in the dock.
778
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEIV.
iirst
Their opposition was fruitless, and the license was granted. The
owner of the gin-palace was worth £8000 as he ate his breakfast ; he
eat down to his tea worth £20,000, having refased that sum from abig
brewer for his house, plus a twelve months' license and the speculative
chance of renewal.
Sir Andrew B. Walker, of Liverpool, has for forty years been
slowly amassing 250 public-housea in and about that city. I donbt if they
have cost him £500,000 all told. He has just sold them to a com-
pany for £2,000,000, and the prospectus declares that the wholesale
and rotiiil profit of his business has been over £200,000 a year for
Home years past. This gentleman has had 250 licensed monopolies,
out of which lie has realised a princely fortune, and which he has sold
to a sanguine public, greedy of high rates of interest, for an enormous
sum. If I had attempted to make money out of drink without these
licenses, I shoidd have been sent to prison.
No doubt it may be hard upon the last specalator in monopolies
that he should suddenly find that the State which granted them has
decided to withdraw them, but he cannot pretend he has gone
unwarned. The buyers of Sir Andrew Walker's 250 monopolies
knew, or ought to have known, that an attempt on the part of
one of the strongest Governments of the century to establish a
vested interest in them had to be withdrawn in the face of popular
indignation, and that the strongest and richest non-party organisation
in the kingdom, the United Kingdom Alliance, has for twenty years
been agitating for the total and immediate suppression of the hquor
traflfic.
It is well that the public should thoroughly realise what these pro-
posals of the Government to recognise a vested interest in State
monopolies really mean. It is admitted on all sides that the value of
the on-Iicenses of the kingdom, on the basis laid down by Mr. Ritchie
in 1888, and reaffirmed this Session, cannot be less than £200,000,000
sterling. AVith this amount the Government proposes to endow a
trade which has already made vast profits out of its monopoly, a
monopoly which l"'arliament or Local Authority would then be unable
to withdraw, until the whole amount of this endowment had been paid
nut of the resources of the coantry. It would turn the shares of Pewr
Walker & Son, and all the other brewery-cum-tied-houses companies
into a security as good as Consols. The infatuation of the Government
is beyond all explanation. It thinks that the electors of this coantiy
will consent to confer this vast endowment on a trade which is the most
fruitful source of crime, misery, ignorance, social and moral degrada-
tion, disease and premature death. If Mr. Ritchie and his colleagues
persevere in their proposals, I fear nothing but disaster will «»'*'''
the Unionist party at the next election.
The GoveiTiraent contends, that by levying additional taxation oat
>89o]
COMPENSATION.
779
of drink and drink sellers, to be ear-marked for compensation purposes,
the cost will not be laid upon the general public, but on the
trade itself, which in future is to live upon its own fat. But I refuse
to accept any such proposition. The revenues of the country are
raised from various sources, taxes on income, property, succession^
probate, stamps, customs, excise. The community have a common
interest in the proceeds, present and prospective. If a portion of this
revenue is set aside for some new purpoee, it either weakens the pro-
spective revenue in case of fresh needs or sudden emergencies, or
some other tax must be levied to make good the deficiency. Revenue
derived from excise is just as much the property of the general tax-
' payer as revenue from tea, tobacco and income. The power to levy
I increased taxation on any of these sources of income forms the reserve
fond of the nation, and the incidence of any one of them does not
affect the common property of the whole. This setting aside of
special revenues for special purposes is bad in principle, and dangerous
in its probable results. The specious argument that those who do not
i drink will beaj no share in the cost of the proposed compensation will
not hold water for a moment.
No one can deny that in emergency, such as a costly or disastrous
war, the first tax that would be strained to its utmost capacity would
be that upon intoxicating liquor, and those engaged in its sale. If
i two-thirds of the persons engaged in the trade were driven out of it
by High license taxes, does anybody suppose that compensation would
be given ? It will be the probable fate of the liqnor trade, in the
early future, if the foolish proposals of the Government are placed
I on the statute book. Compensation will utterly prevent the reduction
I of drinking facilities through the refusal to renew on the part, of
<• CJounty Councils, and public opinion will return a Parliament that
■ will take a short cut out of the difficulty by that ready method of
High license charges which is becoming so popular in many of the
. States of the American Union.
W. S. Caine.
[Svn
VESTED INTERESTS.
A VESTED interest; is the latest form of property which society hu
recogaised and eaforced. It is a claim on the part of indi-
■vidoals to levy a more or lesa^enduring tax on the industry, profits, or
income of others, and this by the force of law, or under the authority
or connivance of Parliament, It was not heard of till comparatively
recent times. The doctrine of vested interests is now being rapidly,
and in my opinion, dangerously extended. It is clear that many
•who allege vested interesta do so on grounds which might be M
solidly maintained on behalf of other persons, and other classes, and
that unless the principles upon which such demands are to be
recognised and admitted aro very rigidly and scrupulously defined,
society runs no small risk of being impoverished by importunate
claimants, or arrested in its entire progresa. For there is, and I fear
there can be, no change in the organisation of society, however ohriooB
and urgent it may bo proved to be, which will not, in appearance at
least, perhaps in reality, imperil some existing advantage. There is
rarely any great invention which does not displace labour, at least for
a time, and constrain those who have been engaged in the old procesa
to submit to loss, perhaps to privation. There is no reform, howefer
necessary, in the conduct of social business, which does not press
hardly on those whose occupation has grown np under the old, or
nnreformed conditions. The invention of the power-loom ruined the
hand-loom weavers. A modification of the verbiage employed and
the labour spent in the exigencies even of a modem title to land.
would diminish, it would seem inevitably, the occupation of solicitors.
The discovery and development of railroads on which locomotive
engines could haul passengers and goods, must have seriously cartailed
the industry of stage coaches, the income derivable from tumpib
VESTED INTERESTS.
781
and the dividends heretofore received from canal shares. All
rement is a loss to those who worked on unimproved lines.
' it is to be alleged that those who are thus displaced, curtailed
lir profits, or unemployed, are to be compensated at the expense
Be who work on the new lines, I cannot see how progress can be
and society escape impoverishment. In the nature of things,
airaants must submit to the contingency, or they must show a
alarly strong case, or they must be imduly favoured by those
make and administer law. I shall attempt here to point out
are the circnmstancea under which an interest is unquestion-
rested, and examine into others on behalf of which a claim ia
tho early days of rarliamentary administration and legislation,
ces, which we should, in our days, rightly consider to be out-
Qsly unjust, were common and familiar, and apparently provoked
iignation. Oar kings constantly repudiated their debts, and, not
[uently, with the sanction of Parliament. This was done on
F of Henry VIII. Loans under the name of benevolences were
3ted from the rich, made illegal by statute, revived, and tamed by
kment into legal liabilities. ITieje were people who defended
^B book of rates, Noy's ship money, and even the plunder of the
}Tb' money in 1672, when it was lodged in the exchequer. On
ther hand, it was a favourite doctrine that the king could not
a perpetual grant out of the crown estate, still less out of the
ion of the country. No rational person coold have believed or
;ted that the grants which Charles II. made to his illegitimate
pen would be a perpetual charge on the British taxpayer. We
JO on paying, if they are not commuted, pensions to the represen-
BB of General Monk, of General Schomberg, of Pulteney, Earl of
, and other such people. We may be sure that when these gifts
made, no one imagined that they were to be perpetuities, or that
X)wer which bestowed them was not competent at any time to
ae them. No one, I am convinced, at the commencement of the
eenth centurj-, conceived that the Bentincks and others would be
the vast donations which were bestowed on them np to the
m of the nineteenth century. There is nothing which modern
recognised more completely as a vested interest than
Onel's commission. It was apparently mnch more the property of
afiBcer in the eighteenth century than it now is ; for it was
antly the case that the colonel had raised the regiment at his own
But in 173-1, two peers were deprived of their regiments for
g against Wal pole's Excise Bill, and six others of their sinecure
ions. The policy of the action was disputed; but its strict
ity was not challenged. On the other hand, resistance was made
filamentary grants for supporting the dignity of a peerage,
782
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jtn
ev«ii in the case of Chatham, and in general all aodi proponli wn
impugned.
The Kevolution of 1688 established the first and the most io&po-
table of vested interests. I mean the right of the pabtic creditar to
the panctual payment of his interest^ and repevmeot d his prindpai
in fnll, if the State were determined on ridding itself of its obligitioni.
The strict midntenance of the pablic faith in the obUgatiaiis vhielithe
State binds itself hj when it borrows, is as just as it is politic. It
may be that the greater part of the pablic debt was raised in order to
achieve illasorj and even mischievons porposes. Wats on behalf of &
sole market, the principal object of Chatham's expeditiaos^ were of tlie
former kind. The war with the American plantalaoDS wsb of tlu<
latter. There were not wanting persons, up to oompm^Toly reoent
times, who have disputed the liability of the nation in respect of diew
loans. But though the doctrine that the pablic policy of ffitpoww'"'
governments should be continnous, is a dangerous, a disaatmis, even
an immoral theory, it would be even more dangerous and disutrons to
dispute the validity of engagements entered into with the public
creditor. The popular defence for the sanctity of these obtigatiou^^
that the nation has inherited the benefits as well as the aCnuggjes O^
bygone public action, has never seemed to me to be worth mvdi.
in the first place, many of those who have inherited the liability, ba^
succeeded to no other part of the inheritance ; and in the next, tfc — ^
progress of the nation is very doubtfully due in any appreciab*"^^^^^
quantity to the wisdom of bygone administrations. The inheritancs^ss^*
too, of Great Britain after 1782, according to what was then thoagl^KIht
wisdom, was enormously curtailed in comparison with what it was £: ''^
] 763. But an inheritance of public faith and honour, tiie anbrok^^^^^
satisfaction of formally contracted obligations, is of infinite value, n-^^^^
merely because it makes the creation of fresh obligations easy, Ir'^*"^*
because it inculcates commercial integrity, the most difiicalt lesson f^^Btfc
states and individuals to learn.
Of the same kind with these public debts are municipal obligatio^-
secured on the income of local taxation. The incidence of this 1
taxation, is indeed, grossly unfair. Occupiers, entirely apart f
any contracts which they have made, the policy of which contracts
exceedingly disputable, and might very properly be made the subj
of legislation, are constantly and increasingly hardened by the obltf
tion of making permanent improvements on the landowner's, or grotL*^;^
landlord's, estate, to which that fortunate personage contributes nothi«: -in?-
Now I am persuaded that nothing tends more powerfully to deve'^^^s^op
the growing hostility tx) landed property than the evasion of tb j^mosf
legitimate liabilities which should be met and liquidated by the owtr "iera
of it. Nothing would be more ruinous than an attempt to recon8tt^=^~ncf
society on theoretical principles. But angry men are ^'ery apt to be
VESTED INTERESTS.
783
0 the advocacy of violent remedies, and in time, I cannot say at
ime, no anger is hotter than tho conviction that fiscal injustice
g perpetrated. But tha liability which is created, even tliough
prighteously imposed, is a vested interest of the true kind, and,
&s the creditor is concerned, must be religiously and scrupulously
ted. In point of fact, the State has delegftted a part of its
\ to the borrowing municipality or other organisation, and the
if the borrowers is as stringent in relation to those local, as it is
lerial, liabilities.
oiay seem that I am proving what needs no proof. But my
in dwelling on these facts is to point out what a true vested
it is, in order that I may show, as I go on, what is a doubtful
lintereat, and what is finally a fictitious or unwarrantable one.
imll be plain, that if such an interest in no way resembles that
"^is confessedly binding, or is deficient in the evidence of any
le or real contract, the claim is always disputable, and may be
y untenable. One would never admit that one was bound by
dmant's view of the case, one must never allow that his real or
d social or political influence is to justify his demand, but one
aave ample proof, that in his relations to the public, and in the
which he assumes under these relatione, there has been an ante-
\ and clear recognition of his contingent demand, and the public's
gent liability to compensation. And this evidence, necf ssaiy in
le of an individual, should be still more strictly demanded when
Ited interest is claimed as an inheritance. A pension granted to
krl of Bath and his heirs, to Marshal Schomberg, &c- &c., not
te other and even more startling illustrations, is totally different
he interest payable on money advanced and loans created. In
ter case, there is undoubted value received ; in the former, there
> value, the 8er\'ice was in some casea doubtful, in some even
litable, and it is intolerable that posterity should be permanently
id with what was in its inception a scandal, an indecency, and
live wrong. The power which gave them or permitted them is
f entitled to demand that they should ceaae. Now this power
tiaraent, or rather the House of Commons. And though it is
►le that hereafler Parliament will not permit such grants, it
pDo well if the Legislature marked its disapprobation of past
y rescinding what a bygone generation had no earthly right on
x>und to impose on posterity. Besides there is good rea.son to
1 that the respect which has been shown hitherto to such inde-
\t grants is made a more or less plausible excuse for advanci
■vhich are in no greater degree defensible.
pensions which have been granted with full knowledj
stime of those who have been engaged in the publii
tly vested interests. They are part of the te'
784
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Ju»
pardoned the expresBion, under which the service was hired. The
bargain may have been improvident, the terms may have been far too
high. I have been accuetomed to say that our judges are bound to
justify the £5000 a year or more which is paid them, and that few
succeed in doing so, and when I am told that they did better when tbey
were in practice^ I am full of compassion for their former clients. It
may be that the other services are overpaid. On that, I can form no
opinion, nor if I could, would it be important to my argument. I
entirely recognise that the public is bound, during the lifetime of every
person whose services it has secured, to the t'Orms of its bargain.
But it is not debarred from revising this bargain in the case of all
new comers. It is under no hereditary obligation, and I can conceive
no proceas under which an hereditary obligation could be made binding,
any more than I can conceive a perpetual and unalterable Act of
Parliament, I am not, it will be observed, assuming that the present
arrangement would be wisely changed. All I assert is that it cannot
be unchangeable. The vested interest is particular or individual, and
ceases with the individual.
Analogous to this case, but not nearly so clear, was the compensation
{^ranted to the clergy under the Irish Church Disestablishment Act.
Here no security, with full knowledge on the part of one of the parties,
had been given or implied, beyond the exceedingly arguable question,
as to whether persons who are necessarily damnified by what we must
assume, w In/poihrsi, to have been an imperative and urgent change,
are entitled to consideration and compensation. I Bhall be able to
point out cases which are incomparably harder than that of the
Irish clergy was, in which no compensation was awarded, and, indeed,
no compensation could have been. And I shall be able to quote a
case in which ample compensation was made, where on no considera-
tion whatever was compensation justified. In the case of the Irish
clergy, the existing beneficiaries were presented with a sum calculated,
perhaps liberally, on the expectation of life, and those who were not
•beneficed^ but might expect to be proraotetl, were also compensated.
Now this could not be challenged, in my opinion. The Irish Church
had committed no offence which would justify any deprivation, atid
its members could not be iield resixinsible for the circumstances wtigji
made a political change imperative. They who held benefices had Ijeen
presented to them for life, and during good behaviour. There «rj^^ ^^
ground on which they could in fairness be dispossessed. The Cq^^ ^r
the curates was more doabtful, and the claim less defensible.
Now let ua take another cose. After the affair of 174o^ ^v.
Parliament of Great Britain determined on abolishing the ^^t-\\^^\]q
jurisdictions in Scotland. The marvel is that these abomination^
allowed to last so long. But it was, perhaps still is, a featuves \^ »Lg
Scottish character, that it has been constantly desirous oi ^^^^^"tx\^ .^
use, apparently because it seemed a part of the nationality. And
leed, the Scotch waged a long ? nd vety unequal struggle to maintain
Now it was clear that no social or political union was possible in
otland, if a swarm of little chieftains were to be recognised as
iglets. But after 1745 Scotland, even Lowland Scotland, was
seedingly sensitive and very irritated. The war in the Highlands had
en finished savagely, and the Honse of Hanover was decidedly
popular north of the Tweed. So the Government of the day bought
i Scotch heritors oat. A protest was indeed lodged against the
U. The names appended to it are not considerable, and that of one
■te Lords is remarkable. It is that of Lanrence Shirley, Lord
fiers. who might have had an instinct against all jurisdiction, for
came to be hung. Now this was a case in which a political error
s committed in order to conciliate opposition, for none of the Scottish
ds who took the money signed the protest. It was a case, in short,
which a reform, an inevitable reform, was most unjustiflably bought,
i it formed the precedent for a far worse transaction more than
if a century later, and was quoted, ineffectually indeed, later still.
The constitution of the Irish House of Commons was the work of
)8e who advised James L, after that pacification of Ireland which
lowed on O'Neill's rebellion, and l^& social changes which Davis
istrained. It would be difficult, -iferhaps impossible, to discover the
3ns which induced the Lancastrian and Tudor Sovereigns or their
listers to confer the privilege of sending members to Parliament
ratton and BlelehiDgly, on the Cornish and the Wiltshire boroughs,
muld be impossible and entirely unprofitable to seek after the
|Ve6 which induced the English (roverument, at the beginning of
jeveuteenth century, to bestow a similar franchise on the beggarly
2ta which sent a majority of the Irish members to the J'arlia-
of Wentworth, of Molyneux, and of Grattan. It is easy,
\er, to discover why, in the eighteenth century, the franchise
valuable. The worst scandals of the English civil list were
virtue by the moat defensible practices of the Irish civil list.
la lucky rogue fled from justice to Ireland, and carried his
pm Englaud, he was made an Irish peer. When a ministerial
was too scandalous to be rewarded by Walpole or Newcastle,
lade an Irish placeman, and the attempts to purify the
[ouse of Commons, inadequate as they were in the days of
re not copied in the discipline of the Irish House. Tlie
making laws for the Irish people was indeed denied, under
LCt, to the Irish Parliament : the power of levying taxes on
people, and distributing the proceeds among the Irish peers,
*ish representatives, so called, was a convenience to the
'"ernment, and was conceded. A seat in the Irish House
Was therefore a possible advantage of a very soUd kind.
3 F
78G
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEfF.
[Jb
The Irish House sat during the lifetime of the Sovereign, and one of
the refoiina which the Irish refonners at last and after many effiirts
procured, was the ILraitation of parliamentary existence to eight years.
I do not think that in all the farces which have been played in
history, under the name of representative institutions, anything was
ever more grotesque and indefensible than the old Irish House of
Commons : that, indeed, which subsisted up to the Union. It waa
actually far worse than that of Scotland.
Now I will assume here that the Union of 1800 was necessary,
inevitable, beneficent. I am concerned with the economical circum-
stances only which accompanied it. Base and corrupt as the majorilv
of that Parliament was, it is plain that the measure with which Pitt's
name is indelibly associated woiild never have been carried if tli«
patrons of seats in the Irish Commons had not been bribed. Elected
Parliaments have, by an obvious and accurate metaphor, been called
the grand juries of nations, the members of which are bound to do
justice between contending interests. However much, in practice,
Parliament has violated or evaded this duty, it always professes to
fulfil it. When it does its worst acts, it always puts forward or
accepts plausible sophisms for its misconduct. But the majority of
the Irish House of Commons, as Flood indignantly alleged, never
professed a higher motive than personal interest. To aftect pabhc
virtue was too transparent a fiction. So these people had to l»
bought, and the British taxpayer is still paying the interest on the
purchase- money. Mr. Goschen has recently and very properly, the
opportunity otferiug, been able to reduce the interest. The stock is
probably in veiy diftl^rent hands from those which originally received
the compensation. It is very difficult to conceive a vested interest
which hiis less defence than that of a seat in Parliament.
The two cases of the compensation for the abolition of herit-abie
juvisdictions in Scotland, and the compensation given to the pt'O'
prietors of nomination boroughs in Ireland, both entirely, and npo^
any principle, indefensible, are, I cannot doubt, the precedents b>^^
defence of the modern doctrine that whatever the State, ignorantly **^
negligently, permits to exist, cannot be extinguished or refortf**^
without cumpensating those who have made profit out of a wrof ^'
When the first Reform Bill of 1832 waa passed, the precedent of Ic?^
was strongly pressed, especially in the House of Lords, and parti^^
larly by Lord ^lansfield, one among the numerous illustrations
how dangerous and mischievous it is to bestow hereditary rank »J3^
power on great lawyers, for no more marked contrast can be foi»J*
than that between the illustrious and wise judge who received t**^
peerage and the successor who inherited it. Fortunately for "tJ>
honour of the Legislature, compensation was refused, and tie 1»*^'
precedent was not created. But nnlackily the mischief had b©®"
of
VESTED INTERESTS.
787
Still, bad as tlie nnreformed Parliament of Great Britain was,
d never in its worst days been guilty of the scandals which were
al, habitualj and recognised in the Irish House of Commons.
we take the principles which have guided Parliament in com-
kting vested interests, I know no stronger case than that which
[ he made out on behalf of the English agricultural labourer
le time when the New Poor Law was enacted. The English
int had, at various periods in his history, been deliberately
ped of certain definite advantages which he possessed. By the
>f 15(J2 he had been constrained to accept the wages which the
|§B in Quarter Sessions thought proper to allow him. How
ely these personages administered the! Act is proved by the fact
employers were more merciful than the law, or, rather, tlmn those
interpreted it. In 1589 came the Allotments Act, nnder which it
highly penal to build a cottage with less than four acres of land
hed to the occupancy, and penalties were also imposed on the
rowding of inhabitants in cottages, severe fines being put on
t who allowed mora than one family to dwell in one of these
ges, or, indeed, any other. TJio Act lasted for nearly two
tries, and was undoubtedly a great boon to the peasant, for the
srs in the eighteenth century complained that it made him too
jMident. Then the various Enclosure Acts of the eighteenth and
MDth centuries, by which I do not mean those which distributed
ion or open fields into several and fenced ownerships, but those
:i enclosed and appropriated the commons, deprived him of
ler advantage. Furthermore, the progressive stringency with
h the Game Laws were enacted and administered, some of them,
those the worst, being of very recent date, cut him off from inci-
d advantages which he freely enjoyed up to comparatively modern
u
DW, when these invasions on his social or traditional rights were
«d, and the privilege of making a bargain for his labour, the
itagoof an inalienable allotment to his cottage, the right of nsing
arish common for his little stock, and that of soaring game on the
land for his subsistence, were successively taken away, and the
let of those who did him these injuries was criticised, the answer
Mly given was that his maintenance was the first charge on the
ftWe are of course aware that the famous jvoor law of Elizabeth
Hiacted in 1601. But there were poor laws in plenty during the
^f her reign, and the object of all of them was to compensate
Bkourer for the restraint which the law put on his power of
nding what wages he thought proper. T am quite aware that the
was of doubtful sincerity, but it was always put forward in
of these changes. I am also aware that those who paid for
>Iementary maintenance ^vcrc constantly those who did not
388
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEJV.
[Jon
use his services ; in other words, that the burden of supporting him
was put on to those who did not obtain the advantage of plnndering
him ; but this was an incident subsequent to the social conditJOM
under which Elizabeth's poor law was enacted, and practically unfore-
seen by thoso who enacted its provisions. But for more than twt'
centuries it was alleged that the maintenance of the peasant was a
first charge on the land and on its profits.
The New Poor Law of 1834 took away all that had been pledged,
I do not say guaranteed, to the poor, without any compensation what-
ever. Now, it cannot bo doubted that the changes to which I hav?
referred were invariably justified by the reservation which I have
(|uoted — that the labour of the peasant should be employed, and fafl-
ing this, that his maintenance should be guaranteed. The defence 0/
the Corn Laws, too, and of their obvious effect on wages, was always
borrowed from the same topic, that if the cost of the peasant's liveli-
hood was heightened, the charges of it were imposed on the land.
But the New Poor Law, perhaps inevitably, declined to find him work,
and coupled his maintenance with harsh and degrading conditions.
Besides, the Com Laws were kept in existence twelve years after Hat
New Poor Law was enacted, and were surrendered to an agitation whidi
was almost national, and to the calamity of the Irish famine, whidi
was as national. I cannot imagine on any plea which has been alle^
on behalf of vested intereata in modem times, any case in which tl)«
defence is better made out than in that of the English peasant. Bat a
moment's reflection will prove that it could not have been satififie<J
without ruinous concessions. It is proved by implication that cod-
cessions which have been made to others whose claim is far less vwlii
have been favours and not equities. It may be that they seemed Ut
be politic, it does not follow that they are just, and it may be doubted
whether it is ever politic to yield to a demand on the public pnrw,
the justice of which may be very effectively controverted. Let u»
look at one or two of these cases.
About five-and-twenty years ago, I'arliament decided on refornung
the old courts which were known collectively as Doctors' Commons.
In these courts a system of law, mainly derived from the civil code,
was administered, and the practitioners in these courts were known as
advocates and proctors, the analogues of barristers and soliciUn
Now, the changes in the administration of law which Parliament had
resolved on effecting, and the new laws which it had determined vn
enacting, were certain to increase the business of those who we» en-
gaged as advocates and proctors, and in no sense whatever, actual or
prospective, was these people's livelihood from their calling liable ii>
curtailment. But Parliament, led by the precedents of unjust »b^
saperfluous compensation to interests which no ingenuity could ded«*
to be vested, agreed to give these people compensation, appartflt!?'
«89o]
VESTED INTERESTS.
789
becaase it hafl improved their position. The examination of their
position led to a singular reaulfc. They put in enormous claims, and
the CommiBsioners, one of whom was my informant, were aghast at the
liabilities which Parliament had sanctioned. But an astute member
of the Board bethought himself of comparing the claims of profits
made under the old system with the income-tax retnrns which these
honest people had made. The discrepancy was enormousj and the un-
paid and undeclared liabilities which were disclosed, still due from them,
went a great way towards clearing off the liabilities with which the
thoughtless and unwarrantable generosity of Parliament had burdened
the exchequer. The income-tax is a very bad tax, and not even the
ingenuity of Mr. Gladstone has been able to discover a decent apology
for it. But on this occasion it did a valuable indirect service, for it
neutralised, to a considerable extent, an act of folly and a conseqaent
fraud. I do not think that the compensation to the advocates and
proctors would ever have been Berioualy proposed if it had not been the
case that still more indefensible compenaations were given in the
Acts for abolisliing heritable jurisdictions in Scotland, and for carry-
ing the Irish Union. I am persuaded that if one were to extend the
practice into cases infinitely more defensible than those which I have
quoted, not only would necessary reforms be arrested, but the tax-
payer would be overwhelmed with tho burdens which Parliament,
having regard to consistency, would impose. But it is only what
Juvenal calls the chicks of the white hen who get these superfluous
favours.
Rightly or wrongly, Parliament resolved, near twenty years ago, on
abolishing purchase in the army, and making entrance into that branch
of the public service depend on competitive examinations. Now a com-
petitive examination is by no means the best way in which you can
teat fitness for any function whatever. Its chief excuse, and experi-
ence proves that it needs a peqjetual excuse, perhaps some limitations,
SB soon as people can get over the craze in its favour, is that it is an
escape from more serious evils, as any one who knows aljout the consti-
tution and practice, for example, of the Oxford colleges, before the
first "University Act of 1854, would have to confess.
During the reign of the early Georges, regiments were constantly
raised on what may be called the joint-stock principle, the officers,
from the colonel to the ensign, subscribing the funds necessary for
enlisting, clothing and drilling the recruits. The system received the
sanction of Parliament, and was a recognised process, and value was
given for the rank, pay and pensions of the ogents in this method of
raising forces. Indeed at the time, so great was the hatred of a standing
knny, that it may be doubted whether the House of Commons would
vre voted supplies for what they insisted was the enslavement of the
aple, and the revival of the enormities perpetrated during Oliver's
70O
THE CONTEMPORARY REVJEiV
[Jm
reign, even if the most powerful Minister had pressed them to yieli
The successors of that party which denounced a standing arm)-, aod
waa unreasonably jealous of it then, are as unreasonably fond of h.
now. But there cannot be a doubt that the original subscribers Lad
a vested interest, on the principles which I have laid down, and
that successive purchasers had u vested interest also. The nation
could not recover its army for itself without compensation. In my
opinion, it should have given that compensation to every officer wbo
had purchased his steps, whether he left the army or remained in
it, the State electing, as part, of the bargain, whether it wouU
retain hia sei'vicea or dispense with them. It did not take this faoneat
and straightforward coui-se, and in consequence considerable pecniuMy
loss was inflicted on some of the most deserving and valuable men it
the public service. The fact is, it was forced, under the traditional
doctrine of the vested interest, into giving undue compensation w
the least valuable and the least. deserving.
The Government, or at least the War Office under Government^
had strictly limited the price at which commiasionfl could be tnuu-
fcrred by sale. The tariff had all the force of law. But many pur-
chasers had given more than the statutable price, especially in tbo»
regiments which are seldom called into active service, and it is not un-
charitable to suppose that there were motives, other than heroifin.
which heightened the price that these inactive warriors gave. It %
again, not unfair to suggest that such persona were not the motf
desirable and trustworthy of officers, and indeed the Crimean war
supplied several painful illustrations of the case which I pnt On
every ground then, especially that the parties had knowingly broken
the law, the compensation should have been limited U) the regulata^^
price, ■ But the sons of Zeruiah, not in this case as vahant u.^v
David's champions, were too strong for the Treasury, and the ^
was paid by a patient people. Few cases more strongly i"^V^~^^-vc^
the diHerenco between a vested interest which should be ^^^^^^;^^/^*^
and a false vested interest than the final settlement of the ^^**^
Purchase Act. The Act did not a few wrongs, and it o<*^jj^^^^
breaches of the law.
Closely analogous to the vested interest, and indeed on _^ vfla^N-Hs
an offshoot of it, is tho modern doctrine of compensation ^^^ '^ »<5>-^«**
polsorj' purchase of land, houses, and property inaepartblc tr"? "a/**^^
— W., te(|uiring the permanent use of land for its existence- ^ ^c>iJ'' -(^
"that the ownership of any laad whatever is in^^^ .ej'^"^
1 sncred spots, round which public and private : ^'^^•^^^
be clustered, must, if need arise, be saoiiticed to pviblic ^ ^Htsjm
low, for example, what would be done if » w^ge '^^-^^
^. Kow, of course, those who are displaced fihoolZo
1. If their property is wanted for the public s ;
792
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[JCVK
the largest share. Our forefathers did not compensate the owneis
of Alsatia, the Mini, the Savoy, and the Westminster dens, and I do
not see why we should give more than the bare value. At last tkd
systero was altered, chiefly owing to the action of Sir Richard (now
IjQvd) Cress — at least he assured me so himself. But the 10 percent,
remains in deference to the new and untenable doctrine that one must
needs compensate what the owners of something are pleased to call
a vested interest, if \hey are clamorous and powerful enough to
extort it.
In the same way the old telegraph companies were purchased at t
price which was far in excess of their possible value. This transaction
ifl now about twenty years old. The system has the advantage of
being under Government, of being carried out with enforced econoniy,
with many privileges, and, therefore, many savings which private
enterprise cannot secure, and notwithstanding, as I read recently in
a statement of one of the Ministers, the service cost half a million
more than it earned in the year. The public had to pay for an unten-
able vested interest. Tlie State should have paid what the under-
takings were worth. They should have enforced honest terms by the
threat and the reality of competition. As it was they treated tie
plant as indestructible, the undertakings as a legal monopoly, and
then paid on this fictitious capital r50 per cent, more than it could
possibly be worth. And it is noteworthy that tlie President
of the Board of Trade, when debating Mr. Watt's motion for the
purchase of the railways, cited this very purchase of the telegraphs as
a reason why thw Government should hesitate exceedingly before it
purchased any property wbatevor. Parliament, in short, has recog-
nised in its doctrine of vested interests such extravagant oompensa-
tions that it is debarred in common prudence from making the nation
the victim of its own practices.
In 1880 the Government had nearly completed a project for pur-
chasing, on behalf of the London ratepayers, the property of the
London Water Companies. The same extravagant and indefensible
estimates had been made about the capital value of the property by
Mr. E. Smith, and ho was supported in his views by members of the
Institute of Surveyors, a body of scientists who have, in my opinion,
inflicted more Injury on the public and their clients than is generally
known or even augpected. Mr. Smith's calculations assumed that the
undertakings were exempt from competition, a contingency to which
all their Acts expressly subject them ; that their plant was indestructi-
ble ; that they had a vested interest in the right to tax the inhabi-
tants under colour of supply, and that the 10 per cent, maiimoni,
which they might divide, was a guaranteed dividend ; as thongh
Parliament in its most insane moments would ever guarantee «ny
commercial undertaking whatever a 10 per cent, dividend backwards
1890]
VESTED INTERESTS.
798
and forwards, out of the public or private purse. Upon these assump-
tions the price of coTnpensation for appropriating these undertakings
was based. Fortunately, the bargain was examined by a Select Com-
mittee on which I served, and the principles of the scheme were
repudiated. It has been my fortune subsequently, when three of the
companies came for increased boiTowing powers, to define and intro-
dnce into the Acta very different rules of action from those which
marked the older project. Now it is difficult to defend principles of
purchase which experience has shown to be ruinous^ and which would
assuredly end in grave public disaster if many such negotiations were
carried out. There is no higher value in an undertaking than that
for which it will sell, and the price at which an undertaking will sell
ia generally indicated with sufficient accuracy by the capitalised value
of its stoc^, before it is inflated, as the Telegraph stocks were, by the
prospect of a Government purchase.
The common practice in relation to what are assumed or asserted
to be vested interests, is the most serious hindrance to fiscal and social
reforms. It was alleged a generation ago that landed property had
been bought, subject to certain charges, levied for the service and the
fabric of the Established Church, and that, therefore, no act of the
Legislature could equitably relieve the owner from such contingencies.
It is obrious that this reasoning would apply t« relief of any property
from any burden, wise or unwise, disastrous or foolish, which had been
laid on it. If it were true it would have been a conclusive criticism
on Sir R. Peel's tariff reforms, the boldest and most far-seeing legis-
lation which any country has adopted. It would be a sufficient
answer to any fiscal change whatever, that property, no matter what,
had been subjected to the charge, and therefore could not and should
not escape it. It would be the doctrine that taxation is ransom with
m witness, the amount of the ransom to be unchangeable and inex-
orable. I am well aware of the difficulty which there is in the way
of shifting taxes and imposing new ones, and Chancellors of the
Exchequer have been disagreeably surprised at the ferocious criticism
to which their projects are subjected.
The remission of a tax, no doubt, confers an advantage on some who
have hitherto been the subjects of it, or the channels of it, for I
believe tlmt it is difficult if not impossible for the first payer of a tax
to shift all the burden of it on to other shoulders, and in some cases
he cannot shift it at all. Even in those cases where he seems to
transfer it wholly to his customer, his business is cramped. If an
Article is taxed to three or four times its original value, or cost of pro-
duction, it must be a very singular commodity if its use is not curtailed,
and the dealer is not forced to acquiesce in narrower and more stinted
transactions than would have characterised his trade, if the impost had
been leas. Over and over again it has been shown that the lessening
794
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jtob
of import duties has proved a great Bptir to business, and has even put
the Exchequer, after a time, into the possession of a higher rerenoe
that it gathered tinder a larger impost. In point of fact, not only is
Swift's dictum true, that in tlw arithmetic of the customs, two and
two do not always make four, hut the paradox of the Greek proverb,
ttX/oi' rtfiitrv travTOQ, half is more than the whole, has been over and
over again verified by experience.
As the remission of every old tax is a benefit, and that frequently
to an amount which is considerably in excess of the sum which is
actually paid, so the imposition of a new tax may frequently involve
a greater loss than tlip actual charge imposed. This is alleged, for
example, in tho case of Mr. Goachon's wheel tax. Had it been
extended to all carriages which use such roads as are kept in repair at
the public charge, and had it not contained that apparently inera-
dicable unfairness of agricultural or <p^ia,<>i agricultural exemptions,
the tax would have been perfectly, ideally fair. It is impossible to
escape Mr. Goschen's contention, though one might obviously criticise
the reality of its application, that those who use the road should pay
for tho road. They should not indeed pay the whole cost, for the
foot passenger uses it. But, of course, the contribution from the
wheels would be only a percentage of the total cost. The oppositicm
to the tax sfems txj me to amount to a claim that people
who use roads for trade purposes have a vested right in having a
perfect road supplied for them at the cost of other people. Let
me take a case. The London vestries have determined to pavp
the principal thoroughfares with wood. It is a very expensive kind
of pavement, and is not very durable. But for purposes of traction,
a wooden pavement is nearly as perfect as a tramway. Now it needs
no great efifort of the imagination to see that a very large share of the
profits annually earned by the London Omnibus Company, and the
cab proprietors, are due to the outlay on roads procured f ron the taxa-
tion of shopkeepers along the lines of highway which are thus paved.
I cannot see why these people should be mulcted in order to assist
the personal profits of these carriage proprietors. They cannot in
equity have a vested interest in other people's taxes, and wide reaching
as the doctrine of vested interests is, X do not think if the case were
fairly stated, and the impost were universal, that it could be success-
fully criticised.
Of course, there are and will be people on whom the tax presses
more severely than it does on others. But I cannot see that any one
luks a right to carry on his business at somebody else's cost. Goods
must be carried, and the cost of carriage is part of the cost of distri-
bution. But the cost of carriage, like any other service, ought to
bear its own necessary charges, and a well-repaired road is part of tbe
cost of carriage. Nor does it at all follow that the public will
1890]
VESTED INTERESTS.
796
to pay for tte enhanced charge, any more than that they always derive
a benefit from the remission of a tax. It is not bo many years since
London cabs paid a tax of Is. a day, or £18 bs. a year. The tax was
greatly reduced, but the fares were not lessened, the vehicles are not
much bettered, and the cost of traction all the while has been greatly
lessened. The saving to the health and strength of horses must be
very great, but it seems that van-owners and carriers are constantly
hned in London for working diseased horses.
The most recent demand for compensation on the plea of vested
interests, one which has been boldly put forward, and is angi'ily resisted,
is that of recognising a jiroperty in a public-house license, of making
it, as has been said, an l state of inheritance. It is not new, for it
has always been held out, in taroran, against those temperance
reformers, who are by no means the advocates of abstinence, but con-
clude that as the profits and wages of the country pay the charges
which are directly traceable to the intemperance of those who become
ultimately criminal or destit ute, they who pay should be intrusted with
the control of those places which admittedly are responsible for those
results. But the public-house interest has great political strength,
owing to its organisation and the peculiar opportunitiea which it
possesses for making its influence felt, to say nothing of the great
wealth possessed by brewers, who generally own the freehold, or, at
least', hold mortgages of those places.
Public-houses in England have always been under police control.
In the manor courts they are under the supervision of two officers
annually checked by the homage. When the local jurisdiction of the
parish was gradually and finally transferred to the justices, the licens-
ing system of our day commenced. It is only the county magistrates
who have the control of licenses, the grant, the refusal to grant, and
the revision of decisions arrived at by town or borough magistrates.
Recent decisions in the law-courts have affirmed that the discretion of
the quarter-sessions is absolute, and that there is, as yet, absolutely
no property Ln the license, quite uTespectively of the conduct of the
licensee.
The license of a public-honse is really a mere form of police,
entitling the police constubles to enter such bouses at their discretion,
to report on the character of those who keep and those who frequent
such houses, to put some check on drunkenness and disorder, and to
prevent if jtossible tboir being made the harbour of criminals. Tho
regulations do somethiug in these directions, but only a little, as all
who are acquainted with the trade testify. The competition of public- 1
houses is very sharp, the outlay for attracting customers is very great,
but the profits, if all I have heard is true, are enormous. Certainly
the price at which they change bauds from brewer to brewer is very
often many times in excess of the capital valae of that at which they
are rated. It is novy proposed that a system of gupervision,
which, feeble attempts are made at limiting the number of such hooaefl,
juad rigid police inflpection ia theoretically enforced, may be held to
have created a property in the owner, and that if the renewal of the
license ia tobe refused, the refusal is to be made a moral plea for compen-
sation ; that, in brief, a man is to hereafter have an estate in his own
power of wrongdoing. The new form, it is true, is permissive, but
the sting of the measure ia the virtual recognition of a new kind of
property in a calling, which the present law declares to be no
property at all. In this case, I cannot but conclude that the
doctrine of ve8ted interests has been carried to a point which it has
never reached before.
The concession has indeed something to countervail it, which I do
not remember t<3 have noticed in the very numerous comments which
I have read on the new departure. If the license is so exceptional
an advantage that it should in equity be compensated by the general
taxpayer on being extinguished, two things it seems must ensue.
No licensing court will grant a new license, because by doing so
they will create a new vested interest against the ratepayers, for whom
they may be considered the trustees. The project, therefore, tends
towards making the new property in police control a more or les§
regulated monopoly, which cannot grow greater and may grow less,
and this on behalf of brewers and distillers, whose gains are already
reputed to be excessive, and as the evidence of cert-ain joint-stock
companies of recent formation indicates, are correctly so reputed. And
in the second place, if this be a valuable property, (and the contention
of those who claim compensation aflBrms, whether it be recognised by
the legislature or not, that it is,) the profits of these houses justify the
exceptional rating of them, to an amount often four or five times as
much as that at which they are customarily rated, I cannot see,
even under the Rating Act of William IV., how they can escape com-
ng to the full under the force of the definition, that the rateable value
of a tenement is the amount at which one can reasonably expect it
would be let. But if this is to be the result of the claim, certainly
in the interest of brewer and publican it had better not have been
made. I have heard of a public-house being sold at eighty yean
purchase of the reputed rent. This would justify a fourfold rating af^
what has been commonly valued at twenty years* purchase for rating
purposes, I cannot see how an appeal could be consistently main*
tsined against »uch a valuation. But it is clear that if the rate
were sustained, the potential compensation would hardly be a blessing
n disguise.
J. E. Tqobold Rooebs.
i89o]
THE LAW IN 1847 AND THE
LAW IN 1889.
THE following paper was written and delivered to the Law
Students at Birmingham early in last year ; but I tlien refuBed
to publish it, as it might be thought to refer to passing events and
living men, at that time the subjects of personal and strong con-
troversy. This reason against publication, never one founded in fact,
has, by lapse of time, ceased to be of any avail ; and aa there are
some who still desire to see the paper in print, it is not worth while
on this score, and in so small a matter, any longer to object. Haste
and incompleteness are much better objections ; but these are beyond
my power to remove or lessen, and I will say only that I am as fully
aware of them as any reader can be, I wish to add that when the
paper was written I had, of course, not seen the important and
admirable paper of Lord Herschell on the duties and responsibilities
of an advocate.
Many years ago, in 1877, my honoured friend William Edward
Forster persuaded me to go to see him at his YorkshLre home,
and to deliver the prizes at a great meeting held at Bradford, which
he then, and to the day of his death, represented in Parliament.
He and I had to make speeches ; and as it was an educational
gathering, we spoke about education. About his speech I will say
nothing, except that it seoraed to me excellent and characteristic ; bnt
mine undoubtedly was weary, stale, flat, and unprofitable. Next day in
a London newspaper there was an article on our speeches. Had the
Chief Justice or Mr. Forster nothing to give us but platitudes on
education ; an old and worn-out subject, on which neither of them
had anything fresh to say ; of which, indeed, their knowledge was the
knowledge of other men, long since assimilated by every one intereeted
in the matter. If, now, they would have told us something about them-
selves, how they prepared themselves for their parta in life, how they
got on in the world, how far and in what respects their career might
be an example or a warning to other men ; then, indeed, we might
have listened, certainly with interest, possibly with advantage. Well,
I remember saying to my friend, supposing we had taken the advice,
we know, by experience, the article which would have followed.
Who are these men who expect to interest U9 in their egotistical
reminiscences ? A second-rate politician, a third-rate lawyer. Have
they really the vanity to suppose that, beyond their own families and
<li'pendents, who must affect an interest they do not feel, any human
beiug cares one fju'thing how they managed to achieve any position in
the world, which did very well without them before their appearance,
and which will be hardly conscious of it when they disappear ? So,
no doubt, would our young gentleman, our daily oracle and monitor,
have said, and not without reason.
Twelve years have passed away, and one's sensibility to attack and
criticism has become, or, at least, ought to have become, twelve years
blunter. But I still think it would be unwaiTantable presumption to
occupy your time with a personal narrative, or to attempt to direct
you into paths which I have trodden more by chance than choice, and
which have as often led me away from, aa towards, that earthly goal
which all human life should aim at, success in some definite and
honourable piu'suit, chosen with prudence and followed with energy.
Yet, without so wasting your time, it nmy be that I may, not altogether
uselessly, employ it by a sort of comparison between what the Profession
was when I entered it, and what it is now, by considering how far the
outward changes in it are changes which affect its real life, whether
•or no they have altered in any manner the principles of conduct,
which, as far as I know history, no great and honourable lawyer has
«ver questioned in theory, or defied in practice.
1 began my legal life in 1847, and at that time the Common Law
rested mainly, though not exclusively, upon special pleading, and truth
was investigntod by rules of evidence so carefully framed to exclude
falsehood, tliat very often truth was quite unable to force ita way
through the bankers erected against its opposite. Plaintiff and
defendant, husband and wife, persons, excepting Quakers, who objected
to an oath, those with an interest, direct or indirect, immediate or con-
tingent, in the issue to be tried, were all absolutely excluded from giving
evidence. Nonsuits were constant, not because there was no cause of
action, but because the law refused the evidence of the only persons who
could prove it. I do not speak of Chancery, which had defects of its own,
because I pretend to no more knowledge of Chancery practice than ta
picked up by a common lawyer who, as he rises in his profession, ia
taken into Courts of Equity to examine a witnefffl or to argue a caeo
i89o] THE LAW IN 1847 A}^D THE LAW IN im
799
upon conflicting facta. Questions as to marriage, and as to wills, so
far as they related to personal property, were under the jurisdiction of
courts called ecclesiastical, with, a procedure and principles happily
of their own, aud presided over by judges not appointed by the
Crown. The Admiralty jurisdiction, at all times of great, in time of
war of enormous, importance, was in practice committed to an ecclesias-
tical judge. Criminals, except in high treason and in misdemeanour,
could be defended by counsel only through the medium of cross-
examination. Speeches could be delivered, with the above exceptions,
only by the prisoners themselves, and the system of writing speeches
for the parties themselves to deliver, a system of which, in questions
of real property, the orations of Isasus, and, in other matters, those of
Lysias, Isocrates, and many even of Demosthenes himself, are examples,
this system never, I know not why, obtained in this country.
Then, too, during large portions of tho year, the Common Law
Courts were, from necessity, altogether closed. The circuits otx-upied,
not quite, but nearly, at the same time, the services of fourteen judges;
and while the circuits went on there was no work for common lawyers
in London except at the Privy Council and in the House of Lords.
The circuits were great schools of professional conduct and professional
ethics ; and the lessons learnt upon them were to receptive minds of
unspeakable value. The friendships formed on circuit were sometimes
the closest and most enduring that men can forai with one another ;
the cheery society, the frank manners, the pride in the body we be-
longed to, the discipline of the mess, the friendly mingling together
on equal terms of older and younger men, the lessons to be learnfc
both from leaders who were good and leaders who were bad by the
constant attendance in court which was the invariable custom, the
large amount of important and profitable business which was trans-
acted ; all these things gave the circuits a prominent and useful
place in the Ufe of a common lawyer, which, I am afraid, they are
ceasing to have, except in a few of the largest and most populous
counties.
Such, in rude outline, was the Bar when I joined it forty-two years
ago. The system had its great virtues, but it had its great and crying
evils ; and they were aggravated by the powerful men who at that
time dominated Westminster Hall, and whose spirit guided its adminis-
tration. The majestic presence of Lord Lyndhurst, a luminons,
masculine, simple, yet most powerful mind, the very incarnation to an
outward observer of courtesy and justice, was departing from the
Bench; Lord Denman, high-bred, scholar-like, with a noble scorn of
the base and the tricky, was just about to follow. The ruling power
in the Courts in 1 847 was Baron Parke, a man of great and wide legal
teaming, an admirable scholar, a kind-hearted and amiable man, and
of remarkable force of mind. These great qualities he devoted to
800
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
IJQMI
heightening all the absurdities, and contracting to the reiy utmost tiic
narrowneBB, of the eystein of special pleading. The client waa un-
thought of. Conceive a judge rejoicing, as 1 have myself heard Baron
Parke rejoice, at nonsuiting a plaintiff in an uudefended cause, saying,
with a sort of triumphant air, tliat " those who drew loose declarations
brought scandal on the law." Tbe right was nothing, the mode of stating
everything. When it was proposed to give power to amend the statd-
ment, " Good Heavens ! " exclaimed the Baron, "think of the state of
the Record ! " — i.e., the sacred parchment, which it was proposed to
defile by erasures and alterations. He bent the whole powers of his
great intellect to defeat the Act of Parliament which had allowed of
equitable defences in a Common Law action. He laid down all but
impossible conditions, and said, with an air of intense satisfaction, in
my hearing, "I think we settled the new Act to-day, we shall hearno
more of Equitable defences " ! And as Baron J'arke piped, the Court
of Exchequer foUowed, and dragged after it, with miJfe or less reluc-
tance, the other Common Law Courts of Westminster Hall. Sir
William Maule and Sir Cressweli Cresswell did their best to resist the
current. Cresswell was a man of strong will, of clear, sagacious, sensible
mind, and a sound lawyer ; Sir William Maule seems to me, on reflec-
tion, and towards the close of a long life, on the whole, the most
extraordinary intellect I ever came across. He could split a hair into
twenty filaments at one time, and at another could come crushing
down, like a huge steam hammer of good sense, through a web of
subtlety which disappeared under his blow. A great scholar, a ven-
great mathematician, who extorted, as I have been told by Cambridge
men, a Senior Wranglersliip from examiners wedded to the synthetic
method, in spite of his persistent and indeed defiant use of the
analytic ; a great linguist, an accomplished lawyer, and overflowing
with humour, generally grotesque and cynical, but sometimes alive
with a rich humanity. He was a somewhat disappointed man ; his life
was said hardly to court inspection ; he was certainly, with all his great
gifts, personally indolent. He was not a great judge, not because be
could not, but because he would not be. He played with his office.
An utter disbeliever in the virtue of women, he was cruel to them io
court ; but, with this lai^e exception, there was nothing mean about
him, nothing unjust ; and anything Ukt^ brutality or fii^ud roused his
indignation, and brought out all the nobler qualities of his strangelj
compounded character. Baron Parke was, in a legal view, his favourite
aversion.* " Well," I have heard him say, "that seems a horror in
morals and a monster in reasoning. Now, give us the judgment of
Baron Parke which lays it down as law." With the advent of Lord
• Baron Martin thus spoke of Baron Parke in his judgment in Lord Dcrbv r. Burj
Improvement Commissioners, 3 L. R Kzch. 133 : — " He waa without doubt tha ibieA^
and best public servant I was personally acquainted with in the whole co\irsQolmj .
We."
iSgo] THE LAW IN 1847 AND THE LAW IN 1889. 801
Campbell to the Chief ^l uaticesbip, a great lawyer, not wedded to the
narrow technicalities, which he thoroughly understood, but did not
aJmirej came to the assistance of good sense and justice. But for
some time he struggled in vain agaiust the idolatry of Baron Parke
to which the whole of the Common Law at that time was devoted.
Even so very great a lawyer and so independent a man as Sir James
Willes dedicated a book to him as the judge " to whom the law was
under greater obligations than to any judge within legal memory."
One of the obligations he was very near conferring on it was its
absolute extinction, " I have aided in building up sixteen volumes
of Meeson & Welsby," said he proudly to Charles Austin, " and
that i.-i a great thing for any man to aay." " I dare say it is," said
Austin ; " but in the Palace of Truth, Baron, do you think it
would have made the slightest difference to mankind, or even to
England, if all the cases in all the volumes of Meeson & Welsby had
been decided the other way ? " He repeated his boast to Sir William
Erie. ** It's a lucky thing," said Sir William, as he told me himself,
" that there was not a seventeenth volume, for if there had been the
Common Law itself would have disappeared altogether, amidst the
jeers and hisses of mankind ; " " and," he added, " Parke didn't seem
to like it."
Peace be with Jiim. He was a great lawyer, a man of high character
and powerful intellect. No smaller man could have produced suoh
results. If he ever were to revisit the glimpses of the moon one
shudders to think of his disquiet. No absque hoc, no d }wn, no colour,
express oj implied, given to trespass, no new assignment, belief in the
great doctrine of a negative pregnant no longer necessary to legal
salvation, atid the very nice question, as Baron Parke is reported to
hare thought, whether you could reply dt injurid to a plea of devia-
tion iti an action on a marine policy not only atill unsolved, but actually
considered not worth solution ! I suspect that to the majority of my
hearers I am talking in an unknown tongue, and it is strange that in
the lifetime of one who has not yet quite fulfdled the appointed span
of human life such a change, such a revolution in a most conservative
profession should be actually consumTtmted. I must not indulge
in any feeble attempt to reproduce We men who then, bound in the
fetters of this system, yet in spite of them, fnlightened ua by their
intellect, instructed us by their learning, charmed and touched us by
their eloquence., Two alone remain of the great men of those times.
Lord Bramwell and Sir Montague Smith, whom I mention, because
they have, though living, entered upon the inheritance of their fame ;
the last, the most sensible, weighty, and sagacious of men ; the 6rst, a
great lawyer, a keen intellect, who has chosen to cloke the kindest
and most generous heart that beats on earth under a garb of caustic
VOL. LTQ. 3 G
■H Wife SV HM|
^obB, exoept, «sl
Imw and ocfotj
if jv^gcs ^'^ i>ct B ^Ttrnr of <
)oF the new gystem, tijoas
Hv aad Omw iA» bov pnade orer or coDitend Qodn it,
Um KtIb^ flad ^ kbdf dead« it is not Tor me to speak. Koandel!
FlllMir, lUbh. C^mi. BUdcboni, Charl^ Bnssell, Horace Threr,
Bony immM, Jeha Kanilake, who I«d
" A life tnw itort for tneod^hip, not for fatoc "—
tIkMe aod ntftD/ aicnv, wbom I c&Dnot even presumci to catalo;^ae, mast
wait tor * tjctterj a filter, a younger man to commemorate as ihej
deserve their manj great and various merits. I do not think, how<
ever, that as English law has grown more jast and reasonable English
lawyers have grown less learned or more dull.
There is one possibly impending change, as to which you have, I
understand, been addressed here by the present Solicitor-General, Sir
Edward Clarke, whose opinion is favourable to it : I mean, the intro-
dnction of the American practice as to our profession : the allowing
the functions of the attorney and the functions of the hamster to be
exercised by the same person. It is true that in the great cities of
America, where there are firms of lawyers, the principleB <rf natmal
selection send some of the firms into court ai»d keep others in cbani-
bers, so that the practice a good deal modifies the principle. Bat
*^«» principle remains, and I beliew the extenska of it to England n
^ off Whether it will be a benrft or w I do not feel
teked Mr. Benjamin, who had had espenence of boA
fCB tl»e whole, be thc«aght the best. He rep&d ^^
I
1 890] THE LAW IN 1847 AND THE LAW IN 1889. 803
the question could not be answered in a word. " If," he said, " you
ask me which is best fitted for producing from time bo time a
dozen or a score of very eminent and highly cultivated men, men
fit to play a great part in public affairs, and to stand up for the
oppressed and persecuted in times of trouble and danger, I should
say at once the English. If you ask me which is best in
ordinary times for the vast majority of clients, I answer at once th»
American." This was very weighty and very impartial evidence,
and, I think, if Mr. Benjamin was right, that what is clearly for
the benefit of the vast majority of clients is certain to be estab-
lished in the end. Without expressing any opinion whatever upon
recent hotly controvert«^d facts, which I cannot do, and which would
be quite improper for me, if I could, I may say so much as this,
that I think they have appreciably hastened the advent of the change.
There is one consideration, the weight of which has lately been
much increased, which in my judgment makes strongly in its favour.
No doubt can e.xist in any reflecting mind that the prejudice, which, it
is useless to deny, exists against the lionour and morality of the
profession, arises mainly from the supposed conflict between the rules
of the profession and the first principles of ethics. It is said, and it is
believed, that statements and conduct, which honour and morals would
condemn, are sanctioned by the principles of our profession. That
men in all time belonging to our profession have done things aa
advocates, which they would disdain as men, I sorrowfully yet freely
admit. But this is to say nothing against the profession itself.
Some clergymen preach things they entirely disbelieve, some soldiers
and sailors violate the laws of war and of honesty, some traders cheat,
some professional witnesses fence with scientific truth, of which they
ought to be the impartial guardians. This only shows that in all
profession", however noble, however sacred, men are to be found whose
conduct is not guided by the moral code, I will not say of the New
Testament, but of Aristotle or Cicero. More is heard of the short-
comings of lawyers, because their acts come home so closely to what
Lord Bacon calls men's business and bosoms, because they practise
in the light of day, and before the face of men. I deny altogether
that their principles are different from those which guide men of
honour in any other calling. We practise in courts of law, we contend
for legal results, to be arrived at according to legal rules. In
criminal courts men a'^e punished not for sins, but for crimes ;
some sins, amongst the worst men can commit, are unpunished and
unpunishable by human tribunals. Crimes even are not punishable
till they are proved, and they can be proved only according to rules
of evidence which are rules of law. Mutatis, viutaiidis, all this is
true of civil issues tried in civil courts. Now, these are the tritest
platitudes, and yet they are habitually forgotten or disregarded in the
discussions which arise about the morality and honoiu- of lawyers. Grant,
what 110 believing reatler of the New Testament can deny, that ad\x»cacy
is a lawful calling, grant that what a man may honourably say and do
for himself aa advocate may say and do for him, not more not less,
and I ask for no further concession, and I desire to be judged by no
tither rule. A man in a court of law may rightly and honourably
contend that by law an estate belongs to him, a debt is due to him,
damages should be paid to him, a crime has not been committed hy
him. By legal means he contends for legal right, by the same means
he repels legal wrong ; and what he may do or may not do for himself aa
advocate may do or may not do for him. A man may not lie for him-
self, neither may his advcwat-e for him ; a man may not deliberately
deceive, or accuse a man of a crime of which he knows him to be
innocent, or devise, or without careful inquiry and reasonable belief
disseminate, a slander, and neither may his advocate.
Now, I think it cannot be denied that the English system greatly
increases the temptation to do these things by di\'iding the respon-
sibility for them. A man makes a deadly attack upon the character
of another, which turns out to be unfounded. He says he followed
his instructions. Granted that he did ; if he took reasonable care to
inquire into the nature of the evidence and the character of the
witnesses, he is no more to be blamed than any man who repeats
something to the discredit of another which he has heard upon
authority, which he knows, or has satisfied himself, to be unimpeach-
able. But if he makes no inquiry, the mere statement in the brief is
absolutely no excuse whatever, and he deserves the scornful con-
demnation of all honourable men. There ought to be, there can be,
no doubt about this. If it were otherwise our profession would not
be the profession of a gentleniuu, find would deserve all the hard
things its enemies ignorantly say of it. Think for a moment. What
a counsel says in court, if at all relevant to the inquiry (some
authorities carry it even further), is absolutely privileged ; so that tie
subject of a slander so made is entirely without redress. If what J
say is not sound, it follows that, according to the rules of our profe^^
sion, an unscrupulous attorney, making no inqoirj*, may iD8tra<>^
counsel to utter an atrocious slander ; the counsel so instructed jj^
without inquiry, utter and enforce it ; and the suhject of it, how^ '
foul the slander, and however absolute his innocence, may sta^^ ^1"
the rest of his life, as Thackeray says of Addison, *' stainless b^^^ *<iY
that, but bleeding from that black wound " — a wound which 55, t\jr
be healed, because he can neither force the man who stabbed V x^^V^v
withdraw the weapon, nor yet to meet the man whom he has ^v^Vm \o
in fair and equal %ht. A man, indeed, not dead to honoin* ^>0'''^^o.
feeling, will withdraw an accusation the moment he discover:^ V "-
made it on evidence which he cannot trust, and withdraw it
>5^
I
i
^
i89o] THE LAW IN 1847 AND THE LAW IN 1889. 805
as h6 made it, tendering such amends as hearty regret can frame for
hanng been misled into it.
This was the common practice when I was young : I do not doubt
it is the common practice now ; but I have read arguments to show
that an advocate may indeed thus act if he thinks fit, but that there is
no rule of his profession binding him to do so. I cannot myself con-
ceive a worae enemy to the profession than he who maintains this ;
I cannot conceive anything more likely to lead, and which wonld
more justly and surely lead, to the imposition of some legal curb on
that free speaking of the advocate, which, when restrained by the
ordinary rules of honour and morality, is almost the most precious
right which a free people can possess. It is obvious that, outside the
court, an advocate (unless he is forced to speak by assaults on his
conduct) had far better be silent as to personal attacks which he has
made in it. Excuses which may be made for thp language of an
4Mlvocate in the discharge of his duty have no force whatever as to
what he may say when he is not performing it. Then he is like any
other man, subject to the same rules, liable to the same condemnation
if he breaks them. It is no part of his duty out of court to deal in
defamation; the public and society justly look on him then just as
they look on any other gentleman, and if he is found to bear false
^tncsa against his neighbour, upon instructions which he has not
verified, and which may possibly have misled him, he must not only
submit to the disapprobation of all honourable men, but to the still
heavier reproach that he has done something to let down the character
<>f a great profession and to justify the slanders uttered against it by
*ta enemies.
I do not, as I have said, so understand the rales of our profession.
^ have lived amongst those who did not bo understand them. Within
^y own experience Cresswell, Thesiger, Crowder, Cockbum, Bovill,
'^arslake. Collier, Holker, Honyman (I will not speak of living men,
^d I speak only of instances I have known ; I doubt not there are
"QUclreds of others), these men have withdrawn from cases sooner
i*W peT'sist in attacks which they found to be groundless made npon
■^tractlcfz^^a which they discovered had deceived them ; in some cases
^ be&^f^ intended to do so. Sir Alexander Cockburn onco said
\Ht a jTM^^*-^ "who behaved otherwise deserved to be brand<^d as a criminal
^ihiraty*^^* and on an occasion which has become historical he qualified
^f^ , jfm,^^^ ^■^o loose generality of a dictum of Lord Brougham, by
^ -_^^^t> an English advocate should maintain his client's caus<»
j^ M2 * not per nefas ; with the sword of the soldier, not the
-^i^ix^ assassin." These ai-e the rules which I believe guide
^ ^^^ -^y oi all honourable men in our profession from thir highest
rv^,^^ *i i these are tJb© principles which no man who respects
^^^%rGT violate in practice ; and by which, if his practice were
r
808
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
rjrsi
questioned, lie woald not for a moment hesitate to have it jadged. These
principles are plain and simple, and ought not to be difficult to follow.
Our profession does not stand outside Christian ethica ; and the rule,
rightly and sensibly interpreted, that we should do to other men
what we should wish in like case other men should do to us, is as
^ood for us as for the rest of mankind. I am very sure that no man
of character will question this, and I am also sure that if ever, in
time past, present, or to come, any such man is supposed to have
acted otherwise, it can and will be only because the facts relating to
his conduct are inaccurately stated, have been imperfectly apprehended,
or are altogether misunderstood. But as we value our honour and love
our profession let there be no paltering with these principles, and no
hesitation in condemning any departure from them.
There is one step fuither still, which I will illustrate, withholding
names, by an instance which I heard myself. In a Divorce Bill,
before the creation of the Divorce Court, and heard, therefore,
in the House of Lords, there was clear evidence that a woman
resembling the incriminated wife had been seen in a compromising
position with a young groom in the stableyard of a nobleman's
castle. The attorney knew that the wife herself was the woman,
and he suggested this to the counsel, but said that there was a
maid, whom I will call Rose, upon whom suspicion might plausibly
be thrown. Suspicion, happily unsuccessfully, was th^o\^^l up>on Bose
by the counsel, who actually told the story himself ; and when some-
what roundly taken to task for it, calmly obser\-ed "that he had
followed his instructions, but that he always felt it was rather hard
upon Rose." I thought then, and think now, that this conduct was
infamous, and that, in his case at least, it was true that a man in a
wig and gown had done that which if ho had done without those
appendages, most honourable men would have said with Henry
Fifth,
" We would not die in that man'a companr " ;
or, with Horace:
" Vetabo sub .... isdcm
Sit trabibus fra^leiuve mcciuu,
Solvat phoselon."
(I would not sleep under the same roof with him, or go to sea with
him in the same boat.)
Now, whatever one may think of the counsel, it is plainly
inconceivable that if he had been attorney as well as advocate,
and had himself heard the confession of his client, he would
have descended to such almost incredible baseness as to put upon
another what he knew from his client she had done herself. ^
me say that this was an exception, and that I liave lived my ^^«
amongst men as incapable of it as Bayard, and wKo would aave
1890] THE LAW IN 1847 AND THE LAW IN 1889. 807
demned it as sternly as St. Paal.- While, therefore, I am not
insensible to the many advantages of the present system, the comfort
of which to the advocate I enjoyed for six-and-twenty years, I cannot
shut my eyes to the many countervailing benefits to be found in the
American practice if and when it is ever introduced into the English
courts.
" Here, then, my words have end." Too long, and yet desultory
and superficial. Forgive their imperfections, accept them as a poor
token of goodwill from an old judge to youthful students, from one at
the end of his career to you who are at the beginning of yours, from
memory to hope, from winter to the spring which will surely and
very soon replace it, from one who has had much more success than he
deserves, and who wishes you to succeed at least as well and to deserve
it better.
Coleridge.
[JCMI
DANTE IN HIS RELATION
TO THE THEOLOGY AND ETHICS OF
THE MIDDLE AGES-
THE opinions of Dante, like those of every great writer who hu
treated of ethical, political, or religious subjects, have '
made the battle-gi-ound of bitter controversy. Apart from the
who fall into the shallow trap of seeking the greatness of the
poet in some secret doctrine which CAn be read by the aid of a
verbal key, there are many who have sought for I^rotestantism, and
some who sought for Socialism, or even Nihilism, in his pages*
And their interpretations, as was to be expected, have called out those
of an opposite school, who have turned him into a champion of
orthodoxy, and have treated his denunciation of the Papal policy as a
separable accident of his poetry. Now in a sense it may be
maintained, that both parties are "right in what they affirm and
wrong in what they deny." Those who see in Dante's words the
germs of religious and political change are not altogether in error,
though they sometimes look for the evidence of their view in the
wrong place. The writers who are most revolutionary in their
ultimate effect are not those who violently break away from the
institutions of the past and set up a new principle against them, but
rather those who so thoroughly enter into the spirit of those institu-
tions that they make them, so to speak, transparent. When the
soul becomes visible, the body is ready to drop away. W<«
often find systems of doctrine surviving the most violent attack from
without, and apparently only deriving new vigour from the contest.
But one thing there is which they cannot survive — viz., bebg
thoroughly understood and appreciated, for the intelligence that has
fully appreciated them has ipso facto grown out of them and beyond
them. It has extracted the principle from its former ^nbodimeol^
and so made it capable of entering into combination with other
principles to produce new forma of life and thought. It is in tliis
* E. Aranz: "Dante H€r4tiqae, Rerolationaire, et Soeialute.'*
1890]
THEOLOGY AND ETHICS OF DANTE.
809
relation that Dant'O etands to mediojval Catholicism, In attempting
to revivify its ide^a, he " betrayed its secret.'' As Plato in his
" Republic " developed the ruling ideas of Greek politics to a point at
which they necessarily break through the fonn of the Greek state and
destroy it, so Dante, in giving a final and conclusive utterance to
niedifeval ideas, at ©nee revealed the vital source of their power, and
showed where they come into contradiction with themselves and point
beyond themselves for their completion. The attempts made to prove
that Dante was a " Reformer before the Reformation/' or a " Revolu-
tionary before the Revolution " are, in the sense in which they were
made, vain and futile : and, in spite of the rough way in which he
denounces the state of things ecclesiastical and political, writers like
Ozanam and Hettinger have no difficulty in showing Dante's complete
orthodoxy, and hia complete acceptance of the Catholic system
of life and thought. Even from the first the Catholic Church
recognised that the attacks of Dante were the wounds of a friend, and
that it would be an absurdity to put in the Index a poem which was
the most eloquent of all expressions of its own essential ideas. The
revolutionary power of Dante's poetry lay in quite a different direction.
It lay just in this, that Dante held up to mediaeval Catholicism its
own idea!, the very principle on which it rested and from which it
drew all its power, that he judged it by that ideal, and that by that
ideal he found it wanting. For, although, as " the most hopeful son
of the Church Militant,"' Dante seemed to himself to be able to
indicate one simple way in wliich the old order of Church and State
could be restored, to all but himself the very expression of the
conditions necessary for this return to the past was the demonstration
of its impossibility.
In this article, it is not proposed tx3 consider Dante as a poet, or at
least to enter into any questions directly connected with the poetic
form in which he has expressed himself, but rather to treat him as a
writer who sought in his own way to read the signs of his times, and
to declare to others the lesson he had thus learnt. In doing so, we ar«
judging Dante according to a standard which he himself has set up.
The poetic form, indeed, is inseparable from Dante's thought, as is
shown by hia comparative failure to utter himself in prose ; but to
Mmself it was, so to speak, an inseparable accident, necessary only as
the vehicle of his message to his time, as the form through which
alone he could express his whole conception of human life, and
"justify the ways of God to man." If ever there lias been a poetry
which was indifferent to its own matter, it was certainly not the "sacred
poem to which heaven and earth had set their hands so that for many
years it had made the poet lean." The '* Divitia Comniedia ' was for
Dante simply the last perfect expression of the same thought, which in all
his other works, both of prose and verse, it had been his effort to
810
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jun
utter. It is not, indeed, a didactic ]>oem in the ordinary sense of the
word. Dante was too perfect an artist not to see that the direct prac-
tical movement of the preacher or the orator is. alien to the conteni-
plative spirit of poetry. But it is didactic in the sense that it is an
eflTort to exhibit the ideal truth of things, the moral law of the world,
which is hidden from us by the confusion of phenomena, and the illu-
sion of our own passions. Hence the first problem suggested by the
" Comraedia " is, how Dant*^*8 poetry becomes the vehicle of a complete
philosophical and theological view of human life without ceasing to be
poetry.
We may answer, in the first place, that the reason why Dante is
able to be philosophical without ceasing to be poetical, is the same
which enables Plato to approach so closely to poetry without ceasiDg
to be a philosopher. By Dante, as by Plato, every part is seen in the
light of the whole, and therefore, becomes a kind of individual whole
in itself. Dante can be faithful to truth without ceasing to be a poet,
because for him, the highest truth is poetical. His unceasing effort
to reach the poetrj'^ of truth and the truth of poetry may be
evidenced in maoy ways. He began his career as a poet by a kind
of Wordsworthian reaction again.st the atfectatio-'s of the Proven^
school, from which lie received his first lessons in the art of verse. In
a well-known passage in the " Purgatorio," Bonagiunta di Laoca, oneof
his poetical predecessors, questions him as to the reason of the
superiority of his lyrics. Daute answers that his secret was simply
strict adherence to the truth of feeling. " I am one, who, when love
inspires me, make careful not{3 of what he says, and in the very
manner in which he speaks within, I set myself to utter it." Bona-
giunta is made to answer : " Now, I see the obstacle which made me
and the Notary and Guittooe fall short of the sweet new style, which
in your verses sounds in my ears. I see cleai'ly that your wings
follow closely after the dictation of love, which was certainly not the
case with ua." In the description of outward things, Dante's minute
accuracy, as of one who wrote always " with his eye on the object,"
is one of his mo.st obvious characteristics. Sometimes he goes bo
far in breaking through the conventional limitations of poetical
language as to give us a shock of surprise, like that which we receire
from the homely detail of Wordsworth ; though in Dante wb never
meet with those pieces of crude undigested prose to wliich Words-
worth sinks in his less inspired moments. More often Dante fail*
into this kind of error in relation to the prose, not of bare fact, but of
thought. In his anxiety to utter the whole truth of his theme, «ad
to make his work a kind of compend o
he sometimes introduces definitions a
are too abstract to be fused into un
instance, in the curious Arietote
i89o]
THEOLOGY AND ETHICS OF DANTE.
811
soul aad the body, which he puta into the mouth of the poet Statins.
Generally, however, the intractableness of his tJieme is overcome
partly by the Platonic cast of Dante's thoughts, to which we have already
referred, and partly by the reahaing force of imagination with which
these thoughts are grasped. The synthetic power of pwetrj-, which
individualises all that is universal, is made the servant of tl^e philoso-
phic synthesis, which overcomes abstraction by grasping ideas in their
relations. The passage in the thirteenth canto of the " Taradiso," where
St. Thomas is made to expound the scale of being, and the parallel
passage in the first canto, are good instances of the way in which
Daate conquera this difficulty. And it is remarkable that he succeeda, r
not by expansion, but by compression of thought; in other words, he
makes the conceptions of philosophy and theology poetiCj not by dilut-
ing them in metaphors, but by a concentrated intensity of expression,
which suggests the connection of each part with the whole, and the
presence of the whole in every part.
What, then, is Dante's theme? To this Dante himself gives au
auawer which might at first sight seem inconsistent with the very
nature of poetry, as a direct sensuous presentment of its object. In
his letter to Can Grande della Scala, to whom he dedicates the
" Paradiso," he declares that the subject of the ''Couimedia,'' taken
literally, is the state of souls after death. But, he goes on, if the
work be taken allegorically, the subject is man, as by the good or ill
use of his freedom he becomes worthy of reward or punishmeaL
Now, many modern critics might be disposed to say that to play in
this way with double meanings is necessarily to lose the immediate
appeal of poetry to our inner perception, and to " sickly o'er the
native hues of" imagination " with a pale cast of thought." Nor
can we escape the force of this objection by saying that the allegory
is an after-thought, which occurred to Dante only when his poem was
completed, and did not affect him during its composition. On the
contrary, during the course of the poem he frequently directs our
attention to the " subtle veil ' under which he half conceals and half
reveals a higher truth : and this deeper meaning is suggested to us not
only by the numerous symbolic figures which are introduced at each
stage of our progress, but by the main lines of the structure of the
** Com media," Even this might be regarded by some as a concession
which was forced upon Dante by the ideas of his time. But, whea
wo look more closely, we see that such a double meaning is no mere
lit«'rary convention, but that it is inwrought into the very essence
of Dante's work. It was, in fact, the necessary condition which he
be. what Cailyle calls him, " the spokesman
■mte was to give poetic expression to
^ges, it was as necessary for him to
for Homer to live in one. What
812
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jnrx
characterised the Homeric age was the fresh sens© of the reality of
life and its interests, and therefore the poet of the " Iliad " and ttc
" Odyssey could iotrodnce the world of the dead only as a shadowy
and spectral existence at the extreme verge of his pictareol the living
world. But to the highest consciousness of the Jliddle Ages it might
I almost be said that the parts were inverted, and that the world of the
living was but a shadowy appearance through which tlie eternal
realities of another world were continually betraying themselves.
The poet who made himself the interpreter of such a time was obliged
to encounter all the difficulties of this strange division of man's being.
u He must draw his picture, as it were, on windows lightenedjby an
' unseen sun. However alien it might seem to the natiir© of poetry, or
at least to the ordinary theory of its nature, he must be prepared to
live in an atmosphere of double meanings, of crosalights and symbolic
references, in which nothing was taken for simply itself; and yet,
\ in spite of this, he had to be '' simple, sensuous, and passionate," in
urder to be a poet at all. It is his strange success in this apparently
impossible task that gives the unique cliaracter to Dante's achieve-
ment. His poem seems as if it were constructed to refute all the
\ ordinary canons of poetic criticism, and to prove that genius is ite
^1 own law. But the key to the difficulty is not very hard to discover. It
I 18 juat through the symbolic nature of his theme that Dante finds his
way back to poetic truth and reality. It is because the other world,
as he fixes hia eyes upon it, turns for him into an enlarged and
idealised counterpart of this world, l>ecause its eternal kingdoms of
•'Holl," "Purgatory,'' and ''Paradise," are for him the symbol of
the powers which underlie and control the confusing struggle of
human life, that Dante is able to gixe to his journey through aD
these supernatural kingdoms the vivid force of natural realisation.
Hence it may fairly be said, that it is just because the " Commedia " is
symbolic that it is true. Accepting the dualism of tlie Middle Age,
Dante can transcend it oidy by the double reflection of each world
upon the other.
The meaning of this last statement will become clearer, if we con-
sider for a moment the nature and origin of that dualism. It arose
out of the opposition of Christianity to the ancient forms of life
which it had to overcome. As in every great revolution by which
a new principle of life has been introduced into human history, it
was to be expected that the negative side of Christiam'ty shooJJ
manifest itself first. Till the enemy was conquered, it was impossible
that he should be recognisid as not altogether an enemy. And the
materialiem and sensualism, which were partly oonseqaences of the
fact that ancient civilisation was in process of decay, made it a»l wn
impossible for the Christian, under the fresh inspiration o? the most
idealistic faith which the world had ever seen, to admit
kindwd
914
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[ivst
treacherous, and that the political system of the empire mast neces-
sarily be destroyed by the development of a principle, which it could
neither assimilate nor overcome. The Church grew within tie
empire, at once using it, and exhausting its energy by the invasive
power of its stronger spiritual life, till in the course of time the
imperial autbority had to choose between extinction and submission.
The intellectual narrowness that hinders men from grasping more
than one aspect of a great principle at one time, and even the limita-
tions of human speech, are continually tending to exaggerate relative
into absolute opposition, and to reduce unity into identity. And, as in
its distinctive maxim, " Die to live," Christianity contained the germ at
once of a deeper antagonism, and of a more comprehensive reconcilia-
tion, between the diiferent elements of man's nature, than any previc
BvuteTn it was inevitable that in its development it should
between the two extreme poles of Maiiichiean Dualism and a Pantbi"-
ism in which all difference of good and evil was lost ; though it conld
not identify itself either with the one or the other without losing its
distinctive character. The necessity of conquering other forms of
belief and of contending with the materialism of ancient civilisation
tended at first to throw emphasis upon the negative rather than the
positive aspect of the maxim. And this tendency was seconded by
the order of thought in the maxim itself, which involved that self>
realisation should be sought through self-.sacrifice. The consequenc:*
was that the early Church threw all its weight in this direction, and
viewed its own life as essentially opjwsed to that of the kingdoms of
this world, which it expected soon to be subverted by the second
coming of Christ. It is, however, noticeable that, in its earliest
form, Christianity is less hopeless of the world, leas dualistic than it
afterwards became : even the Millenarian idea being itself a witness
that the first Christians .saw no incongruity in the idea that tbis world
should be directly tunied into the kingdom of God, or in the hope
that, without passing through the gnto of death, the faithful shonld
have their mortal nature transformed entirely by the power of thr
new life. The explanation of this lies partly in the fact that the Jinit
Christians received the principle of Christianity in its nnevolved com-
pleteness, before the tendency to emphasise one aide of it had gainfil
strength. Still more it lay in the natural confidence of those who
first felt the inspiring power of the new faith, and who had not y^t
learned to estimate the obstacles that stood between the simple
acceptance of the Christian principle in its unexplained generality
and the realisation of it in a complete system of life and thought. In
the first intuitive apprehension of a new idea of life everything seems
at once to Ije attained. Tn its universality men seem to possess a
present infinity, a principle of unlimited good, which can be resisted
by nothing because it includes everything. In this sense Hegel
iSgo]
THEOLOGY AND ETHICS OF DANTE.
813
I
speaks of the infinite value of the unenfolded religious emotion, as it
exists in the breast of the simpleet man who has fe!t its powrr.
But, in another point of view, an idea so apprehended is merely
a germ, which . as yet has shown as little of what it contains or
of the real results to which it will grow, as the acorn shows of
the future oak. In the course of the second century, when the
first fervour of hope and faith was over, it began to be seen tliat
the perfect fruition of the Christian ideal could not be grasped at
once. The immediate ho]ie of a sodden divine change of the world
disappeared, and with it, we might almost say, the hope of a realisa-
tion of Christiimity in this world, Tlie first steps townrd the* building
up of an organised community of Christians brought with tliem a
oonsciousness of the immense hindrances, inward and outward, which
stood in the way of the realisation of a kingdom of heaven upon
earth. And, though the idea that human nature ia capable of a com-
plete puriftcatioiii and regeneration could not be lost without the Iofs
of Christianity itself, the belief began to prevail that such completion
can be attained only in nnother world.
Hence the apparent contradiction that the principle of Christianity
comes to be regarded as unrealisable. Just at the time when the first
steps are taken to realise it. It is when the Church has begun to
establish itself as one of the political powers of the world, that the
expectation of a kingdom of God on earth all hut disappears, and
Christianity becomes decisively an other-world faith — the hope of a
victory to be won, and a fruition to be enjoyed, ouly beyond the grave.
In like manner, it is when the Christian idea has ceased to be a
simple consciousness of relation to Christ, when it has put itself in
relation to the philosophy of the ancient world and begun to develop
into a system of doctrine, that the distinction of faith and knowledge
begins to be emphasised, and divine things to be regarded as alto-
gether beyond the sphere of the understanding of man. In the Xew
Testament, and especially in the Epistles of St. Paul, the minor
note of sadness — which could never be entirely absent from the
expression of the Christian consciousness — ia sometimes all but lost in
the hope of a joy to be revealed in the near future ; and sorrow takes
the aspect of a passing shadow, which is soon to disappear from the new
heavens and the new earth. But with the apwetolic age this confident
spirit passes away, and life begins to be regarded as a pilgrimage in a
foreign land, in which the Christian has continually to contend with
enemies without and within, and no fruition corresponding to his
hopes is to be expected. Existence is thus, as it were, projected into
a future beyond the grave, and even the Church is conceived, not as
the kingdom of God realised on earth, but as an ark of refuge, in which
man is to be carried through the storms of life to his true fatherland.
It was by the aid of this conception, which practically deferred
816
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jrxi
the realisation of its ideal to another world, that the Church was
enabled to retain that ideal, and yet partly to reconcile itself to the
conditions of its existence in a society still only half civilised, and
organised on principles alien to Christianity. For the division which
was thus made between the secular and the sacred, if in one point of
view it tended to exalt the Church at the expense of the State, yet
supplied an excuse to the former for tolerating in the latter a kind of
life that was not in harmony with its own principles. In this way the
revolutionary tendencies of Christianity, the demands of its idealistic
morality, and its purely spiritual criteria of judgment were retained,
and yet made reconcileable with acquiescence in the status quo, and
even with a Conservative alliance with the existing political powers.
The kingdoms of this world were allowed to subsist, nay, their
authority was consecrated, by a church which repudiated all their
principles of life and government ; and the doctrine that this life is
merely a preparation for another enabled Christianity to be used as
an anodyne to reconcile men to sufferings and wrongs which were
regarded as inevitable, rather than as a call to change the institutions
which caused such evils. On the other hand, the Church, at least in its
dedicated orders, in its priests, monks, and nuns, sought to realist-
within itself that higher life which it refrained from demanding
from the world. But even here the same antagonism betrayed itself;
and the three vows of the " religious" life turned Christianity into an
ascetic struggle against Nature. Yet such asceticism could not be
based on the idea (which underlay earlier ascetic systems) that the
iJ natural passions or feelings are in themselves evil. Such a Mani*
cha^an division, discordant as it was felt to be with the doctrine
of a divine humanity, was once for all rejected and refuted by tiif
Krat great speculative genius of the Western Church, St. Angnatine.
Jt remained that asceticism should be conceived as a stage of transi-
tion, and that the object of it should be taken to be, not to root out
uature^^ but only to purify it. Nature must die to itself that it might
live to (Jod, but it could so die without perishing ; it conld rise again
to a new spiritual life without ceasing to be Nature. Nay, if the
mediseval saint could believe that Nature had so " died to Uve," he
could even accept its voice as divine. On this point, however, be
was very difficult to reassure ; he was, indeed, scarcely willing to
admit that the spiritual death of Nature, which is the beginning of a
I higher life, could come before the natural death of the body. Hence
the highest morality, the morality of the cloister, remained for him
negative and ascetic, and, if he ever regarded it as a preparation for »
positive morality in which impulse and duty should be made one, it
was in a future life only that he expected such an ideal to be realised.
The tender feminine voice of medieval piety, its self -repression and sub-
mission to an evil present, its ardent longing for a glory to be revealed,
iSgo]
THEOLOGY AND ETHICS OF DANTE.
817
its self-mortiGcation and reniinciation of the world, and its exultant
consciousness that everything it lost would one day be regained, its
combination of all-levelling love with the resigned acceptance of a
social state in which men were held down and held asunder by the
most fixed class-divisions, were the natural results of this curious
compromise. Christianity had brought together so many apparently
inconsigtent elements of thought and feeling, that in the first instance
it was possible for them to be combined only by distributing them
between two worlds. But, after all, it was one mind that lived in
both : it was one spirit which was thus divorced from itself, and which
was at the same time engaged in a continual effort to overcome the
division.
Dante comes at the end of the Middle Ages, and, as has already
been indicated, it was his work to bring the mt^dioeval spirit to a con-
sciousness of itself and so to carry it beyond itself. He does so, how-
ever, not by the rejection of any of its characteristic modes of thought.
He does not, like some of his immediate successors, recoil from the one-
sided spiritualism of the Middle Ages, and set against it a naturalistic
delight in the beauty of the world of sense. Nor does he rise to that
higher pt^rception of the spiritual in the natural which has inspired
the best modem poetry. He was no Boccaccio or Heine, raising the
standai'd of revolt in the name of nierf nature against all that hindered
her free development. Nor was he a Sbakspere or Goethe who
could spiritualise the natural by force of insight into its deeper
meaning. But, accepting without a shadow of a doubt or hesitation
all the constitutive ideas of mediaeval thought and life, he grasped
them so firmly and gave them such luminous expression that the
spirit in them broke away from the form. The force of imaginative
realisation with which he saw and represented the supematuralism,
the other-worldliness, the combined rationalism and mysticism of the
Middle Age, already carried in it a new idea of life. In this view
we might say that Dante wa.s tlie last of mediaeval and the first of
modem writers. To show that this is the case will be the object
of the remainder of this paper.
We may best realise this aspect of Dante's poem if wo regard it in
three different points of view, and if we consider how he deals with three
contrasts or antagonisms which run through all mediteval thought
and life — though, indeed, they may rather be regarded as different
aspects of one great antagonism : Jirst, with the antagonism between
this and the other world ; sn'ond/i^, with the antagonism between
the Empire and the Church, with which in Dante's mind is closely
connected the opposition l>etween faith and reason, or between
theology and philosophy ; and, finally^ with the antagonism between
the natural and the spiritual, or between the morality of self-denial
and the morality of self-realisation.
VOL LMI. o U
818
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
P
1. It has already been pointed out that tnedicoval religion tended
to regard the world as a sphere in which man is prepared for a
better life, but which has no substantial worth in itself. " Thia is
not our home," " the native land, the patria of the soul, is in
heaven," *• we ai-e pilgrims and sojourners, who seek for a cdty that
hath foundations." In such sayinga we find the distinctive note of
medifflval piety, the source at once of its weakness and its strength, of
its almost fatalistic resignation to suffering, and of its consohng
power. The other world is tlie inheritance of those who have failed in
this ; and the sens© of failure, the sense that man is utterly powerless
in himself, had in this period altogether expelled the joyous aelf-oun-
fidence of ancient virtue. Thia change may be traced to many causes.
The BufFerings of an age of war and oppression, the insecurity of a time
when the tribal }x)nds of barbarous society were being dissolved, and
when the unity of modern nations was not yet established, may furmsh
a part'ial explanation ; but still more is due to the agonies of fear and
remorse, which took the place of the self-confident animalism and rude
freedom of the Teutonic races when brought into the presence of the
new spiritual light of Christianity, and to the ascetic recoil from all
secular interests, which, as we have seen, was the necessary result of
the first conflict of Christian ideas with a world they could not yet
transform. These causes tended to develop a kind of religion which
withdrew man from the int^regts of the present and, as it were, trans-
ferred the centre of gravity of his life beyond the grave. Such a
religion essentially contrasted with the religions of classical antiquity,
which were in the main worships of a divine principle revealed in the
family and the State. And it contrasted equally with the religion of
the Jews, which, if it took men beyond the present, yet did not lift
them out of this world, but only carried them forward to a better
future for their race. It has often been felt as a difficulty by modem
stBdents of the history of religion, that ancient religions dwelt so little
on the concerns of another world ; but it is a difficulty only because
the mediaeval stamp has been so strongly impressed on our mindfi
that, like Kant, we are ready to say that '' without a belief in a
future state no religion can be conceived," But the inspiring power
of religion for most of the peoples of antiquity lay, mainly at
least, in the yiew which it led them to take of this rather than of an<ither
world. Mediaeval Christianity, on the other hand, turned the Jewish
aspiration aft^r a better future on earth into a belief that man's
good can b© realised, and his happiness attained, only in heaven.
And, for what was thus lost in the inspiring power of the conscious-
ness of a divine purpose realising itself in the present life of
man, it tried to make up by the idea of the present life « »
preparatory discipline for another. Now, it is easy to «^
such a belief is susceptible of many shades of meaning
i«9o]
THEOLOGY AND ETHICS OF DANTE.
819
of sinking into the coaraest superstition which barters a joy here
for a joy of no higher character in the life to come. Yet, even ia
that case it inay be said, that the Joys that are not seen, tb«
desires that cannot be gratified here and now, are by that very fact
changed and elevated in charack'r, if for no other reason at least
because a joy nnt possessed is always idealisetl by imagination. And
it may be further said that even mediajval Christianity, if it caught
men at first by sensuous fears and hopes, contained in itself a pro-
vision for their gradual idealisation, as the natare of the Christian
life became better knowTi, It admittt?d of a sort of sliding scale of
interpretation from the mere superstitious fear of the vengeance of
God to the most saintly desire for inward purity. Still, so long as it
laid such exclusive emphasis on the idea of another life — which was
broken off from this life by a chasm that could not be filled up — so
long as its supernatural was not the natural seen in its ideal truth,
bat, so to speak, another natural world somewhat diflercntly constitu-
ted, so long mediasval religion wanted something which, e.ff., even
Greek religion possessed. The division of the religious from the
secular vocation of man was necessarily a source of disharmony in all
his existence. It led naturally and almost inevitably to a separation
between divine service and that service of God which is only another
aspect of the service of man— a separation which turns religion into
superstition, and deprives morality of its ideal character. Now in
Dante's great poem the mediaeval form of representation is strictly
preserved. Human life is viewed as essentially a preparation for
'another world, whose awful reality throughout overshadows it, and
i-educes its interests almost into an object of contempt, except when
they are viewed in relation to that world, " O, wretched man, do ye
not Bee that we are worms produced only to contain the angelic
butterfly, which flies to justice without a covering," is one of many
Bimilar utterances ; and in a remarkable passage in the "Paradiso" Dante
represents himself as looking down upon the earth from the highest
heaven, and makes the minuteness of its apparent size a symbol of the
littleness of earthly things as seen from tlie heavenly point of view.
Yet, after all, the eternal world which he exhibits to us is just this
world seen svh spca-e ceUrnitntis, this world as it is to one who views
it in its moral aspect. And as we see from the lett-er to Can Grande
della Scala ahvady quoted Dante means it to be so understood.
ThuH taken, the "Inferno "a Jj the "Para^so" are simply Evil and Good
in the full development of ti, -^ abstract opposition.and the "Purgatorio"
itt^-mpt w to mate tbt
m omr^fisioa of cba
tb.
scene of moral struggle and puri-
nfetuo
is simply this world, refn^ -« as a
fication. Thus, holb in ^t ^^*^ -g- ^f^^n" and in the " Paradiso,"' Dante's
•^ierlst
^nd the py as
closely
as
Vf
<o
C?t OX
possible
being 1
atUto^e; and in the "Purgatori-
the
liich fin^ ^^* ^°^™ *^
fixed
830
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
tJcSrx
the same sufferings — wHch in the " Inferno" had been the penal return
of the crime upon the criminal — become the purifying pains thcx)agh
which he frees himself from his sin. Or, looking at it in a shghtly
different point of view, the descent of Dante through the oircles of
the " Inferno" is a kind of treatise on tlie process of moral degradation,
and his ascent through the Purgatorial mount, together with his upward
flight through the heavens, a description of the proc€88 of moral
renovation. Thus in the upper circles of the "Inferno" we begin with
the sins of passion, of inordinate indulgence in some finite good, witL
lust, gluttony, avarice, and prodigality, the punishment being in each
case a kind of symbol of the crime, or as has just been said, the
return of the crime upon the criminal. Those who have yielded to
lawless desire are blown about in the dark whirlwind. The avaricious
and the prodigal are doomed to the endless task of rolling hea\7
weights backward and forward, each undoing the other's work.
Lowest among the sins of passion Dante puts the discontent which
wastes its energy in fretting against the limits of earthly satisfaction,
and will not look kindly upon the light of day,* Those who hare
been thus morose and sullen in their lives are plunged in the deep
mire, where they continually keep np a monotonous complaint. " Sad
were we alxjve in the sweet air, which is brightened by the sun, bearingr
in our hearts a lazy smoke that hid its light from our eyes ; now are
we sad in the black mire." In the next circle is punished the sin of
heresy, which is for Dante the acceptance of the evil in place of the
good principle, or, in other wordH, the denial of that higher idea of life
which raises man above the animals. Those who have thus shnt their
minds to il hen del intclletfo are prisoned in fiery tombs. Out of this
root of evil principle, according to Dante's way of thinking, spring
all the sins of malevolence, of hate of God and man, beginm'ng in
violence and ending in deceit and treachery in all its kinds, wbid,
as involving the utmost corruption of man's peculiar gift of reason, are
punished in the lowest circles of the " Inferno."
In the ' ' Pnrgatorio " the principle of good is supposed to iiare
been restored, and therefore suffering has ceased to be penal, and has
changed into the purifying pains by which men free themselFM from
evil. Hence, though there is notliing here exactly corresponding ^
the lower circles of the " Inferno." the lowest terraces of the Paig»*
torial mountain have still to purge away some remaining gtaiiia of th*^
baser forms of sin, stains of pride, envy, and anger, -vjNj^vcV ''^ *
man seek his own good in opposition to the good of \^^^ ^'^^^. ^
In the fourth circle, man's purification from acndia — ■"\^<^^'^^ ,^^
relaxed temper of mind which refuses to be atiitL-x^^. ^^^ '^ a.
by divine love or by the desire of finite go^s^^^^^^^^^'^ • ^^^
rr'i' essay on "The Spiritual »Sen-'<e of the Divit
of Specviativt I'hilogitphy, for October 1887 ,
»890]
THEOLOGY AND ETHICS OF DANTE.
821
way for his purgation, iu the three liighest terraces, from the sins of
passion, the sin of giving to finite good the love that should be reserved
for the infinite. Finally, the heavenly journey of Dant« carries us up
tlirough all the finer shades of spiritual excellence, beginning with the
devotion that is not yet unswerving in purpose, the love that still clings
to the charm of sense, and the practical virtue which is still haunted
with the " last infirmity of noble minds," and ending with the pas-
sionate faithfulness of crusaders like Dante's ancestor, Cacciaguida,
the pure zeal for justice of kings, like Godfrey of Jerusalem, and the
perfect devotion of monastic sainthood, whether seraphic in love with
St. Francis, or cherubic in wisdom with St. Dominic. In all this
Dant-e holds to the mediieval point of view, in so far as he makes this
world altogether secondary and subordinate to the other ; yet he escapes
the media>val dualism by exhibiting the other world aa simply the clear
revelation of ideal forces which are hidden from us amid the confused
phenomena of our earthly exist-ence. In effect, though not in so many
words, the postponement of this world to the other comes simply
to mean the postponement of appearance to reality, of the out-
ward show and semblance of life to the spiritual powers that are
working in and through it. It is, therefore, no mere afterthought
when, ia his letter to Can Grande, Dant« bids us regard the de8crii>-
tioa of the other world as symbolic of the truth about man's life here.
We might even, fiom this point of view, be tempted to regard Dante's
representation of the other world as a mere artistic form under which
the Universal meaning of our present life is conveyed. For, even if Dante
"*tf not mean to say this, his work says it to us. His poetical handling of
•"©ideaof another life tends to remove from it all that is conventional
"^^^ ai*bitrary, and to turn it into the appropriate expression of an ever
©Sent moral reality. And, though some elements of the horror
•^ brutality of the medL'uval conception of retribution are
* i^tained in harsh discords of the " Infemo," and some of
,® CQildisliness, which mingled with the childlike purity of mediceval
'®*y, in tlie dances and songs of the " Paradiso," we may, perhaps,
'™Pftre tliese things to the unfinished parts of the statoes of Michael
"g^io, wHich exhibit the material the artist had to use, and heighten
^ Consciousness of bis power by a glimpse of the difficulty with
"ch he wek^ struggling.
^* In mediaeval thought the opposition between this and the other
"Q was closely connected with the second opposition to which
^'^Dce licta been made, the opposition between the Enipiro and the
"^n, betM^eexi |X>litics and religion, and also, as Danto holds, between
OBophy a.ri«fl theology. In Dante's pros© treatise, the " De lilonarchia,"
vp an el^tujrnte argument in regular scholastic form, in which he
defencl tig own reading of the politico-ecclesiastical ideal of the
° '^fi^* ^^"hich was expressed in the maxim : " One God, one Pope,
822
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[JlT\B
one Emperor." Tlie following quotation gives the snbstaiice o^
Dante's view :
"If man is a mean between the corrupt ible ami the incorruptible, ID
cverv otlier mean, i\& must have ^ionietliing in hira of both extremcft
Further, iis every nsitiire is constituted in view of some ultimate end, man,
who piirtiikes of two mittu'es, must be const itutetl in view of a twofold end-
Two euils, thei'efore, the inellViblo wisdom of Providence has set before his
etlbrta ; to wit, the beatitude of this life, which consists in the exoitise of hi*
proper virtue, iind which is tigm-ed to us by tiie Terresti-ia.1 Fsmidise ; and the
bcRtitude of eternal life, which consists in the fruition of the divine vision,
and which is represented by the Celestial Paradise. To these dilferent
beatitudes, as to difi'erent conclusions, we can attain only through different
means. To the former we attain by the teaching of philosophy, which we
follow in the exercise of the moml and intellectual \-irtuo8. To the Utter
we attnui by means of thosn spiiituul teachings which transcend humau
reason, and which guide us in the exi-nise of the theological virtues, faith, hope,
and charity. These ends and the means to them are exhibited to us, on the
one hand, by human reason expressing itself in it,s fulness in the f»hilosophers,
and, on the other hand, by the Holy Spirit, wiiich, through the prophet*
and sacred writers, through the Eternal Son of God Jesus Christ and hiA
disciples, has revealed to ua a truth whicli is beyond nature. Hut, in spito
of all these evidences, human pission wouhl iuevitiibly disregard both the
earthly and the heavenly end, unless men, like horses, had their brutal lasU
restnune<l with bit and bridle. Hence there was needed, in order to bring
man securely to his ilouble end, a double directing i>ower : to wit, the Holy
PontiiV, to guide him in accordance with Revelation, to eternal life; and the
Emperor, to direct him to temporal felicity, in accordance w^ith the preceptsof
{jhilosophv. And since none or few, and these only with the utmost difficulty,
could attain to this haven, unless the waves of deceitful lust were quelled,
and the human raci* enabled to enjoy the fi-eedom and tranquillity of peace,
this, above all, is the aim to which the Curator of the world, who is called
the Komnn Prince, should direct all his eflbrts : to wit, that in this mortal
sphere life may be freely psissed in peace. .... It is clear, then, that the
authority of the teaipoi-sil monarch descends to him without any medium
from the founttiiti of all authority — that fountain which, one and simple in
its lofty source, ilows out into inany channels in the abundance of the divine
goodness This, however, is not to be taken as meaning that tlie
lloman Emperor is in nothinii subject to the Roman Pont iff ; for that mortal
happiness, of which we have been speaking, itself has a farther end in the
happiness which is immortal. Let then Caesar pay such revei'euce to Peter
as a first-born son owes to his father, that, illumined by his paternal grace,
he may, with greater virtue, irradiate the whole circle of the world, over
which he is placed by Him alone, who is the ruler of all things temporal and
spiritual."
The ideas which Dante thus expresses ia prose govern the whole
movement of the '' Coniniedia." They explain the conti'ast between the
two guides of Dante, Virgil and Beatrice, the former of whom is imme-
diately taken as the representative of philosophy, and of the teachings of
reason, and indirectly also of the Roman imperial power which Dante
regarded as the source of that secular moral discipline by which man is
taaght the cardinal virtues of the secular life ; while the latter spe»b
for a theology based on revelation, and maintains the necessity of that
discipline in the three theological virtues, which it is the f nnction of the
iSgo]
THEOLOGY AND ETHICS OF DANTE.
828
Church to supply. The great evil of his time, according to Dante,
was that these two different functions had been confused, that the
Empire aud the Church had become rivals instead of complements of
each other, and that by this dislocation of the governing power, the
whole life of man hatl been thrown into disorder : "Ye may well see
that it is ill guidance that has made the world stray from good, and
not any corruption of the natm-e of man. Rome, that once gave peace to
the earth, was wont to have two suns. Now that one has quenched the
other, and the sword is joined with the pastoral staff, they must both
wander from the path. For, so united, the one fears not the other."
As is manifest from this passage, the main responsibility for the
perversion of the divine order of life, lay, in Dante's opinion, with the
Church, and esptcially with the Papacy, which, as he held, had abau-
tloned its proper functions, and had grasped at the imperial authority.
For, by this policy, the Papacy alienated its natural ally, and gave
opportunity fur the undisciplined licence of the communes and the
sangoinary ambition of France, to which the Papacy itself ere long
became a victim. And the main cure for this state of things which
Dante requires and prophesies is, that some great emperor or servant
of the empire, some Henry VII, or Can Grande, should appear to drive
back to hell the woWjCupidigia — i.t\, to repress the greedy ambition which
had thrown the world into disorder, and to reatoro the Church to
its original purity, the purity it had before the fatal gift of Con-
stantine had begun tu draw it into the arena of worldly poUtics. Dante,
therefore, seeks for the reversal of the whole course of policy by which
the Church, especially after the time of Gregory the Great, had sought
to establish its secular authority. He would strip the Church of her
wealth in order to make her trust only in spiritual weapons. In the
** Inferno," Dante breaks out into taunts and rejoicings over the just
fate of the simoniacal popes. *'Tell me how much gold our Lord
required of St. Peter, when he put the keys into his charge ? Verily
he demanded of him nought, bat '' Follow me.' " On the other hand,
his intensest s\Tnpathy is reserved for the new orders of mendicant
friars, who sought to bring back the simplicity of the Gospel, and
hia severest denunciations are for those who have corrupted the original
purity of these orders, and of tho Church in general.
This enables us to understand an often-discussed passage in which
Dante puts among those contemptible beings — who " were neither
faithful nor rebellious, but were for themselves," and who are therefore
'• hateful to God and to his enemies " — one who is characterised only
as " the man who, through meanness, made the grand renunciation."
This we are told by all the older commentators of Dante refers to Pop©
Celestine, who resigned the papacy, and was succeeded by Boniface
VIII. The contempt of Dante for this simple monk, who shrank
from a burden which he could not bear, is to be understood only if
824
f^ CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[JWt
"we regard it as an expression of the disappointment of thoee who,
in Celestine, saw a representative of the pure unworldly view of the
functions of the Church lifted to the throne of Christendom, and who
then saw him confess himself unequal to the mission thus committed
to liim, Dante sympathised with the resentment of the so-called
" spiritual Franciscans," — those who sought to maintain, in all its
strictness, the original law of St. Francis as to poverty — when,
after a short interval, they saw worldly policy restored to the papal
throne in the person of Boniface. Jacopone di Todi, the poet of the
" Spiritual Brethren," attacked Boniface with accusations of sacrilege,
heresy and avarice, and in the " Paradiso " St. Peter is made to
pronounce him a usurper. But for Celestine, whose selfish sunth*
ness was not capable of sustaining contact with the world, and whose
pusillanimity lost, as it seemed, the greatest of all opportunities. Dante
reserves his bitterest word of contempt.
Now it is easy enough io see that Dante's ideal of a univnsftl
Church, standing side by side with a universal empire, protected by
the empire, and by its unworldliness saved from all collision there-
with, was impracticable, was indeed incapable of realisation in hi'lK
its aspects. The universality of the empire was, even at the best,
vmyni nominis umlni, and the assertion of its claims invariably
brought it into collision with the privileges of the Church, and the
Church, on the other band, not seldom found itself driven to maintain
those privileges by excommimicating the emperor and calling on hia
subjects to rebel. The emperors could not uphold law and order in
their dominions without interfering with the spiritual courts and cur-
tailing the rights of the clergy, and the popes saw no way of securing
the independence of the Church except by asserting its claim to rule
over the world. Thus the essential contradiction of the attempt tfl
divide human life into two halves, and to determine definitely what
was Caesar's, and what was God's, showed itself in tlie logic of facte.
Yet undoubtedly the idea of such a separation, which should leave
each in possession of all its legitimate prerogatives, and should com-
pletely secure it from coming into collision with the other, was thu^
political ideal of the Middle Age, an ideal which was the noce«ary
outcome of the way in which the Christian Church had for centuries
been existing or endeavouring to exist, as a community in the world
yet not of it. Hence Dante was only following ont tJiat ideal in its
most logical form, when he demanded that the Church should rHiim
to its original purity, and should withdraw from all interference wiih
the interests of the world, and that the empire should a£rain bMome
all-powerful over man's secular life, as it seemed 1
the Church became its rival. We might perhaps s
of Dante's we find a culminating instance of the u
escaping all diflBculties by a " Distingno" — i.e., c
1890]
THEOLOGY AND ETHICS OF DANTE.
825
to make a kind of truce between elements wliich it could not bring
together in a true reconciliation. By absolutely separating the empire
and tlie Church, Dante conceived it to be possible to restore harmony
between them. And, indeed, it is true that such abstract opposites, if
they could exist, would cease to come into collision, because they
would cease to come into contact. Unfortunately, at the same time
in which they thus cease to atlect each other, they lose all meaning,
as abstractions which have no longer any reference to the whole from
which they were abstracted. Thus in Dante's treatise, " De
Monarchta," from which the above quotation is taken, the empire is
represented as an omnl|>otent justice, which, because omnipotent, has
no special interest of its own, and therefore is freed from all tempta-
tion to injustice ; while the Church is conceived as reaching the same
ideal purity by the opposite way — i.e., by detaching itself from all
6nite interests whatever. The real lesson to be learnt from such an
abstract opposition is just the reverse of that to which it apparently
points. It is that the opposing forces can never cease to be rivals,
and are therefore never safe from impure compromises, until they are
brought to a unity as complementary manifestations of one principle
of life, wliich at once reveals itself in their difference, and overcomes
it. The problem is not to divide the world between God and Ctesa)-,
or, as we should now say, between God and Huniaaity, but to give all
to God in giving all to Humanity, Humanity being conceived, not as
a collection of individuals, but as an organism in which the Divine
Spirit reveals himself. Of this solution there is no direct statement
in Dante, nor could any unbiassed interpreter supixise that beneath
the form of adhesion to the mediaeval duality of Church and empire,
he conceals the idea of their essential unity. What gives a colour
of reason to such an idea is merely that the new wine of Dante's
poetry dtf.s buret the old lx)ttlos of medispval philosophy, or, in other
words, that he so states the mcdispval ideal that he makes us see it
to be in hopeless antagonism with reality and with itself, and at the
^^ttme time to carry in it the germ of a new form of social life.
^^ 3. A cleai-er anticipation of this new order of ideas is seen
I in Dante's tre«,tment of the last of the three contrasts to which
I reference has been made. For Dante, as he repeats after St.
" Augustine and St. Thomas the conception of a twofold truth, a truth
of reason which is determined by reason alone, and a truth of faith
which is primarily due to revelation, bo he necessarily accepts the idea
of a twofold morality, a morality of the four cardhal virtues, which
are acquired by habit and teaching on the basis of nature, and a
morality of the three theological virtues, which are entirely the effect
of supernatural inspiration. Hence the continu.tllv Jncreasing danger
and darkness of his descent through the circle 'ifemo, and the
hopeful but slow and 1 * terraces
826
THE CONTEMPORARY RE VIE IF.
[Jem
of the Purgatorial hill, are put in contrast with hia swift upward
flight through the planetary heavens, in which he is conscious of no
effort, but only of the vision of Beatrice and of her growing brightneas.
But the theological barrier between the human and the divine which
Dante thus acknowledges, and which we may even say, he builds into
the structure of his poem, is removed or reduced to a merely relative
difference, when we consider its inner meaning. In the exaltation of
Beatrice two very different ideals of life are united, and two difl'erent
streams of poetrj-, which had ntn separate up to the time of Dante,
are concentrated in a common channel. The chivalrous worship of
woman, which grew up in connection with the institutions of
feudalism, is combined with that adoration of divine love, as embodied
in the Virgin Mother, which gave tenderness to the piety of the saints.
The hymn of ivorship, in which tho passionate devotion of St. Francis
and Jacopone di Todi found utterance, absorbs into itself the love-
ballad of the Troubadour, and the imaginative expression of natural
feeling is purified and elevated by union with the religious aspirations
of the cloister. Thus poetry brings ideas which had been separated
by the widest "apace in nature" to "join like likes, and kiss like
native things." Dante's poetic idealism — with that levelling power
which is characteristic of all idealism , and above all of the idealism of
Christianity — seta aside all the hindrances that had prevented human
and divine love from coalescing. Or, perhaps, we should rather say
that he approximates as ncarhj to this result as the mediaeval dualism
will let liim, retaining the mark of his time only in the fact that the
natm-al passion which he idealises is one which was fed with hardly
any earthly food, but only with a few words and looks, and which was
soon consecrated by death. Thus tho ascetic ideal of purity, which
ehuna like poison the immediate touch of sense, claims its tribute ;
but when this tribute has been paid, Dante has no further scruple in
following the impulse of natural emotion which bids him identify his
earthly love with the highest object of his reverence, with the divine
wisdom itself. Thus in the adoration of Beatrice the Platonic
idealisation of todjc is interwoven with the Christian worship of b
divine Ilumanity ; and a step is mode towai-dsthat renewed recogni-
ti&n of the sacredness of natural feelings and relations, by which
modern is distinguished from mediaeval ethics.
Again, Dant© accepts the media?val idea of the superiority
of the contemplative to the active life. This idea was the
natural result of the ascetic and mystic view of religion which
separates the love of God from the love of man, and regards the
service of the latter as partly withdrawing our eyes from
the direct vision of the former. " To love God sccunJuvi st," s»p
St. Thomas,'' is more meritorious than to love one's neighbour. No*
the contemplative life directly and immediately pertains to the love of
God, while the active life directly points to the love of our neigh-
bour." Such a doctrine, if logically carried out, would involve an
opposition of the universal principle of morality to all the particulars
that ought to come under it ; or, to express the same thing theo-
logically, it would involve a conception of God as a mere Absolute
Being, who is not revealed in his creatures — a conception iri'econcilable
with the Christian idea of the unity of the divine and the human.
The natural inference from such a conception would be that we must
turn away from the finite in order to bring ourselves into relation with
the infinite. But, in Dante, the ideutilication of Beatrice with the
divine wisdom, or, what is the same thing, the representation of tho
divine wisdom as individualised and embodied — and that not merely
in Christ or in the saints, but in the human form that was nearest
to the poet's affection — practically counteracts this tendency, and
involves a reassertion of the positive side of Christianity as against
the over-emphasis which the Middle Age laid on its negative side. It
may, indeed, be said that, for Dante, the contemplative life remains still
the highest. But this is not altogether true, at least in the sense in
which the alwve objection holds good. For there is a sense in which
contemplation may be said to include and go beyond action — the
sense, via., in which religion includes and goes beyond morality.
Religion does nob lift man oni of the practical struggle for good, but
in a sense, it lifts him above it. It turns morality from the effort
after a distant and unattainable ideal into a consciousness of a divine
power within and without us, of which all things are the manifesta-
tion ; and so it enables us to regard all things as working together
for good, even those that seem moat to oppose it. Religion is thus
primarily contemplative, not as looking awuy from the world to God,
nor as excluding tJie active life of relation to the world, but because
it is a rest in the consciousness that the ultimate reality of things,
the world as seen sub specie (tiirmlatis, is at once rational and moral.
And such a consciousness, though it gives the highest inspiration to
moral activity, dot^s so by removing much of the pain of efibrt, and
especially much of the feeling of hopelessness, which is apt to arise
whenever moral effort is long continued against powerful obstacles. So
far, then^ the addition of religion to morality tends to assimilate moral
activity to Dante's swift and effortless ascent into heaven, in which, as
we have seen, he is drawn upward simply by the vision of Beatrice.
*' Not I work, but God worketh in me," is tbe genuine expression of
religious feeling, and the source of its inspiring jyower. Dante puts
tJie same idea in another way, when he tells us that, if freed from
the burden of sinful inclination, man carmot but follow the divine
attraction of his nature, and inevitably rises to Paradise as to his
natural place. " Thou Bhouldest not wonder at thy ascent," says
Beatrice, " any more than that a stream descends from the top of the
828
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jcsi
hill to the bottom. It would rather be a marvel if, freed from all
impediment, thon didst remain below, like living jvrc lyiivg quietly
on tht ground." Thus in Daiit-e'a hands the one-sided exaltation 0/
the contemplative life, which he accepts a3 part of the theological
tradition of hia time, beoomes susceptible of an interpretation which
removes all its one-sidedness. It is open for us to take it as express-
ing the truth that religion bases the " ought to be " of morality upon
a deeper " is," and that the moral ideal is not merely a subjective
hope or aspiration of the individual, but our best key to the natore
of things. In a similar way the absolute distinction — which Danre,
like the scholastic theologians whom he followed, is obliged to make —
between the truths of faith and the tx'uths of reason, finally resolves
itself into this, tliat there are sonit' truths which cannot be attained
except by those " whose intelligence is ripened in the flame of love ";
or, in other words, some truths that must be felt and experienced
before they can be known. Considering all these points, we may
fairly say that, orthodox as Dante is, his poem is the enthanasia of
the tlaaliatic theology and ethics of the Middle Ages. In spite of
the horrors of his " Inferno," which are the poetic reflection of the
superstitious terrors of a half-barbarous age, and in spite of the
monastic austerity and purity of hie Panvdise of light and music,
which is like a glorified edition of the services of the church, Dante
interprets the religion of the cloister in such a way sa to carrv 118
beyond it. His " Divina Commedia" maybe compared to the portal
of a great cathedral, through which we emerge from the dim
religious b'ght of the Middle Ages into the open day of the modern
world, but emerge with the imperishable memory of those harmonies
of form and colour on which we have been gazing, and with tlio
organ notes that lifted our soul to heaven Etill sounding in our ears.
Edward Caibd,
TRUSTS IN THE UNITED STATES.
No future treatise ou political economy will be complete without an
exposition of modem Trusts, which have attained auch alarm-
ing proportions in the United States of America. The growth of these
combinations is one of the most remarkable economic developments of
the time. The great staples of the country are fast falling into
their clutches ; and some of the necessaries of life are already
under their control. Trusts are illegal corporations, born of
rapacity, and maintained by the exercise of tyranny. Their
organisation is secret ; their workings dark, silent, and subtle.
They stretch out their tentacles — Cjnietly and stealthily — until whole
industries are in their grasp. They are contrivances to create a
monopoly by throttling all competitors. They squeeze the people at
both extremes of the commercial scale — grinding down those who
furnish the raw material and supply the labour to the lowest limit,
and exacting the highest possible price from the consumer. Once
established, Trusts soon become strong — -almost impregnable — citadela
of capital. The highest business capacity is employed in organising and
ni(untaining them. They laugh at public opinion, ride rough-shod
over legislative enactments, and baffle the law courts. They bridle
newspapers with subsidies, and send members to Congress. They
have their agents in every Legislature, and Bills are passed in their
interest. They tamper with judges, ihey ally themselves with
political leaders, and hire professors of political economy to defend
them* But the people are at last awakening to the dangers of Trusts,
ftnd see in them not only an interference with trade, but a menace to
political liberty. Trusts stand in the forefront of the Protectionist
breastworks. They ar* c of the tariff qnestion. It is round
em that tho ariff reformers are bint
t
830
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
rjt
before all things on clearing them away. In this article I will
endeavour to sketch the rise of these Trusts, to explain their organisa-
tion, to indicate their extent, to point out their effect, to seek the
cause of their existence, and suggest the remedy.
Wliat is a Trust ? In answering this question, the apologists of
Trusts go away back to the time of Charles the Pirst and Queen
Elizabeth, and bring forth a mass of legfil evidence intended to show
that the Trnst is a very ancient and respectable institution, I am not
concerned with these excursions into ancient history, and do not
intend to disinter the petrified prototypes of the Trust. Old Trust''
and monopolies have no bearing on the case. The modem Trust is
the creation of the present commercial age. It bears no relation to
its ancient namesake, and the word Trnst in the legal sense in no way
describes it. A Trust in the legal sense of the term is an arrangement
whereby one pt'raon holds the title to property for the benefit of
another. The American Trnst is a very different thing.
It is a combination of manufacturers, engaged in the same in-
dustry, to kill competition and establish a monopoly. All monopoliea
are not Trusts ; but all Trusts are monopolies, or attempts to be
monopolies. A Trust unites the varions manufacturers or traders ia
the same article on a new principle. It is an outgrowth of the
''pool" system. A ''pool ''was a temporary arrangement to raiae
prices artificially. The Trnst is a permanent " pool," but organised
on a solid, and not on a loose basis. It is not a corporation made up
of individuals ; but a combination of corporations governed by a
directorate of trustees. The Federal system of the United States ii
particularly favourable to the creation of Trusts. They make a show
of complying with the law, while in reality they trample it under foot^
There are various ways of forming a Trnst ; but the avowed purposn
of Trusts are the same : — to destroy all competition, to diminish
supplies, and to raise prices. The system most generally adopted to
achieve these ends is as follows :— Each of the parties ent<?ring into
the Trust incorporates his own establishment, if it is not an incorporate
company already. The stock of the several corjwrations forming the
Trust is then handed over to certain persons called trasteee. In
payment for the stock the trustees issue to each party '* trust '' certifi-
cates— -similar to shares of stock in corporations — and rdso " trust "
certificates for the goodwill of the business. These certificates generally
represent four times the real value of the property. The trustees —
who have been the prime movers in the concern and the leading
manufacturers of the product " trusted " — retain the major part of
the stock in each corporation. They elect directors — themoelves if
1890]
TRUSTS IN THE UNITED STATES.
831
they like — appoint agents, and systematise the working. The
management is centralised, and the directore placed in supreme
authority. They have absolate power. They regulate production,
and control the market. They can raise prices in one direction, lower
them in another, and " shut down "* establrshmpnts when they think fit.
The fact that a factory is standing idle does not reduce the profits of
the owners or stockholders in this particular branch of the business.
The profits — whether one factory, or ten factories are working— are
distributed equally among all the holders of trust certificates. It is
understood that the directors know their business best, and are
working in the interest of all. Complete confidence is placed in
thrm. As Trusts are outside the pa!e of the law, confidence in the
managing directors and ties of self-interest are what unite them.
There are other ways of forming TnistSj but the same object is attained.
What were formerly conflicting interests are united and placed under
tine control, and the organisation is ingeniously devised bo as to evade
the law.
IL
Some of the existing Trusts were evolved oat of "pools," "comers,"
or "combines," which were only temporary and uncertain arrangements;
but supposing a new Trust is to be formed without having such found-
ation, this is how it is done : — Several of the leading manufacturers
in any industry — sugar, salt, steel, whisky, oil, paper, or anything else
— will take the initiative. Tliey are men who have hitherto held
strongly to the belief that '* competition is the life of trade ; " but are
begitming to lose confidence in it. Competition has grown too fierce,
the struggle for existence too hard. Some have profited, but others
have failed. The mass of the people have, no doubt, benefited from
competition, but that does not interest the maniifacturers ; so the
leaders call a meeting to extinguish this " competition, which
is the life of trade." The majority of the manufacturers meet.
" Now," they say, " let us talk over our affairs in a business-like
spirit. This fierce competition is ruining our trade ; we spend the
greater part of our profits in trying to keep abreast of each other,
we are always having trouble with our workmen, and somebody
else gets ahead. Come, let us put an end to this unprofitable rivalry.
Let us stop cutting each other's throats. Our interests are identical.
Our one object is to make money. Now, if we could work in harmony
we should save an enormous amount in salaries, in buying new
machinery, in finding a market for our goods, in advertising, and in
other directions ; we could adjust prices and wages to suit ourselves.
Above all, we shonld make money." This sound economic doctrine
naturally commends itself to a set of intelligent manufacturers. They
* An Americanum for " shnt up " or close.
832
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jrsn
see that if they were all united they could just pay as little as possible
for their raw material and labour, and they could adjust the selling
price to suit their consciences, which are pretty sure to be elastic.
Being intelligent manufacturers and sharp business men, the logic of
these facta prove irresistible. They resolve to form a Trust
Having formed their Trust, they begin by making a discovery which
heretofore escaped their attention. There has been "over-production"
in their buainess. This must be put a stop to at once. To bring
production down to the proper level, factories are closed, and the
Trusts have been known to destroy gootls rather than put them on the
market. The, workmen who used to kick against their wages are
now thrown out of employment, or have their wages reduced. The
directors then turn to certain rivals who have obstinately held out
against the blandishments of the Trust-makers, and present to them
the pleasing alternative, to join or be crushed. If the competitors still
cling to a belief in the virtue of competition, down go the Trust's
prices, its factories are ail set agoing, and it floods the market with
cheap goods. The Tnist continues this — aided in its designs by rail-
way companies and other corporations in league with it — until the
recalcitrant ones are brought to a sense of their duty. This method of
warfare has never in the long run been known to fail, and the outsiders
end by joining the Trust or by going into bankruptcy. Minor com-
petitors, who do not interfere seriously with the Trust's business, may
be left alone, and in a country so vast as the United States distance
often makes manufacturers in the same line as the Trust quite harmless.
Some Trusts are purely local concerns, such as the Milk Trust in New
York, and the Gas Trust in Chicago. Others are confined to particular
States and are safe from competitors in other States. The cost of
transportation alone prevents competitors 300U miles away from
seriously injuring the interests of a Trust. But there are Trusts which
are not confined to States or territorial regions, but stretch over the
whole continent of North America. Having crushed competitors that
come in its way, and obtained control of the market, a Trust soon
recuperates itself from the effects of temporary lowering its prices.
The reader will now understand what a IVust is, and will have eome
idea how it works.
IIL
Trnsta organised on the lines described are quite modem concerns.
The Standard Oil Trust, which was the pioneer in this lino of business,
and has sei-ved as a model for future Trusts, was organised in 1882.
Tho Cotton Oil Trust and the Sugar Trust followed ; but it was not
until 1887 that there was any alarming progress made in the formatdoi
of Trusts. During that year there was the first " boom" in Tmsts.
Public attention was then directed to them. The press began to ezpov
iSgo]
TRUSTS TN THE UNITED STATES.
833
them. The New Yark Times was the first newspaper to declare war
against Trusts, anrlj ever since, this ably conducted journal has given
the fullest details of their working and the best exposure of their evils.
Other metropolitan journals entered tlie campaign against Trusts, and
in the West the Chicago Tribune led the attack. As the Presidential
election approached, the attack on Trusts became general. All the
Democrats denounced them, and many Republicans opposed them.
Mr. Blaine declan^d that "Trusts were private affairs," but the Re-
publican Convention thought it advisable to include in its platform
a denunciation of Trusts. This was by way of answer to the Demo-
cratic cry that the high protective tariff was responsible for Trusts.
In the winter session of 1887-1888 inquiries were instituted into the
working of Trusts by the Congress of the United States, by the Cana-
dian Parliament, and by the New York Tjegislature. As the evidence
taken by these committees of inquiry was published during the spring
and summer of 188S, the people began to know something more about
Trusts, and hoped that something would be done to destroy them.
There was a lull in the creation of Trusts while the presidential elec-
tion was in progress, but as soon as it was found that the Protectionist
party had triumphed, the Trust fever broke out again. Measures
were introduced into different State Legislatures last year to prohibit
and supprf'sa Trusts, but they still continue to tlourish, and there are
now more Trnsta in the country than ever there were. There are
Trusts in kerosene oil, sugar, cotton-seed oil, steel, rubber, steel beams,
cartridges, lead, iron, nails, straw paper, linseed oil, coal, slates, gas.
cattle, tramways, steel rails, iron nuts, wi-ought-iron pipes, stones,
copper, paving pitch, felt roofing, ploughs, threshing, reaping and
binding machines, glass, oatmeal, white corn meal, starch, pearled
barley, waterworks, lard, castor oil, barbed wire, school slates, school
books, lead-pencils, paper bags, envelopes, meat, milk, matches, canvas-
back duck, ultramarine, borax, sand-paper, screws, cordage, marble,
coflSns, toothpicks, peanuts, lumber, lime, overshoes, hides, railway
springs, carriage bolts, patent leather, thread, white-lead, and whisky..
Some few Trusts have failed through internal disputes and other causes.
but the list is not by any means complete. One Trust breeds another
Trast, and new combinations are being formed every week.
IV,
The greatest of all these combinations is the Standard Oil Trust,
It is the greatest, the most powerful, and the most hated. Through-
out the country, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, the very name
Standard snggests tyranny and smacks of rapacity. But the epithets
applied to it do not hurt it. The attacks made on it are as harmless
fairdshot to a turret phip. It pursues its way unimpeded and over-
TOL. Lvn. 3 I
836
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[3\rsw
favourable light possible. It refused to produce its records, and the
trustees were at first reluctant to give evidence; bnt although na
witnesses were called against it nothing came out calculated to gain
it public favour. It is not known to what extent the Trust controls
the supply of crude oil, but evidence was given before the Congres*
Committee on Trusts, which showed that 5,000,000 bairels of refined
oil were set aside by the Trust for the benefit of an association of pro-
ducers on condition that they curtailed the production by at least 17,500
barrels a day.
The Standard Oil Trust has used every means to maintain
its supremacy, and to crush its competitors. It is affiliated
with other corporations which help to maintain its monopoly —
notably with railway companies and traffic agencies. One of its
favourite plans for squeezing rivals out of the market has been
to get preferential rates for its own oil, while its rivals were
compelled to pay high rates for the transport of their product. At
one time the Trust received rebates from milway companies avemging
half a million dollars a mouth. The independent refiners were
gradually becoming absorbed by the Trust, but the existence of
a few competitors in Ohio and elsewhere, and the fear of com-
petitors from the Baku oil-fields, has helped to keep down the price
of petroleum.
Another powerful combination is the great Sugar Tmst. Sugar
presented an excellent opportunity for the IVuet-raakers. It is pro-
tected by a duty which averages about 80 per cent., and a bounty fa
paid by the Govfmraent on all sugar exported. Sugar is one of the*
necessaries of life, and is used in every household. The sugar refiners
discovered in 1887 that too much sugar was being manufactured, so
they conaolidat^d to reduce the supply and raise the price. The reai
value of the property " trusted" was $15,000,000, but " trust " cerUfi-
cates were issued which " watered " it up to $60,000,000. The Trust
first depressed the price of raw sugar, and then raised the price of cut
loaf and crushed sugar by 1^ cents per lb., and of granulated
sugar by 1 cent per lb. A rise of 1 cent per lb. on the sugar con-
sumed in the United States would mean an increased profit of
$30,000,000. Strong opposition has been made to this Trust,
but it still holds its own. A millionaire sugar refiner is at present
building an immense factory at Philadelphia to crush the Trust, and
has obtained a great amount of gratuitous advertising from the news-''
papers for his enterprise, but so long as the present protective and
boxinty system lasts, the Americans are not likely to get cheap sugar.
English people have nothing to complain of in this matter. Tbey
ought to appreciate the friendly attitude of the United States Govern-
ment, as it helps to pay for their sugar. After allowing for the cost
of transportation from America to England, including charges for
1890]
TRUSTS IN THE UNITED STATES.
837
handling, insurance, tScc, the American refiner can still — with the aid
of the '• drawback " — sell sugar at Ps. less per lOO lbs. in England than
in America, Up to 1875, the United States Government used to
retain 10 per cent, of the " drawback," but it was very properly
thought that this was not quite fair to the refiners and their English
castomers, eo that an Act was passed requiring the retention of Otdy
1 per cent. Some protectionists still thought that this was not generous
enough, and it was proposed in the Senate Bill of last year to give
the i*efiner8 the fuU benefit of the " drawback." All this, of course,
makes excellent business for the Trusty but it hag incurred great
•expense in crushing competitors and maintaining the illegal constitu-
tion in the teeth of the law courts.
One Trust breed.s another Trust. When the sugar refiners obtained
control of the market, the manufacturers of glucose and cheap grape-
sugar — used for the purposes of adulteration — followed their example
and went into a Trust. When the steel combination prc-^ised on the
western plough manufacturers they in turn organised a Trust, and
iqueezed the farmers, who are now contemplating a similar course to
resist the pressure.
A steel rail combination has been in existence since 1877. It is not
formed on Tra&t lines, but serves the same purpose. The " iron
lords " and " steel lords " are bound together by the closest ties of self-
interest in the American Iron and Steel Association. This Associa-
tion keeps the prices as high as the tariff will allow, and does all it
can by the circulation of pamphlets, by employing " lobbyists," and
resorting to other well-known methods, to maintain a feeling in
favour of the continuance of a protective tariff on iron and steel.
There is a very respectable Trust in linseed oil. It was formed in
January 1877, in consequence, as usual, of there being too much
linseed oil in the country ; during that year the price of the oil rose
from 38 cents to 62 cents per gallon, and it is now Gl cents. The
price of linseed oil in England is about 31 cents per gallon. The
Trust is protected by a duty of 64 per cent. The increased price
fiincethe formation of the Trust is clear ^irofit ; add to this, economy
in manufacture, and the reduction in the price paid to tlie farmer for
■seed, and it will be seen how this Trnst must have enriched its members.
It had an opposite effect on the workmen, many of whom lost employ-
ment through the stoppage of mills, and as the higher price of the oil
mu6t have lessened the consumption, workers have suffered in another
way. The Cotton-seed Oil Trust has increased its profits both in buy-
ing and in selling in a similar way. The evidence given in the suit
brought against this monopolist Trust by the State of Louisiana showed
that it had reduced the price paid to thn planters for seed from 7 to 4
dollars per ton. As thr- Trust buys about 700,000 tons a year, this is
a clear gain of over two million dollars at one sweep.
838
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW,
[Jmfi
The principal n)anufactarej*s of American whisky got up "pools'*
now and then between 1878 and 1887 to arrange prices. Tht
" pools " were not quite so successful as the distillers desired, and in
1887 they discovered that the hitch arose because there was too macb
whisky, niis discovery was worthy of temperance reformers, bnt
the object of the distillers was not to help forward the prohibition
movementj or the temperance cause. Nor was their ultimate aim th*
limitation of whisky-drinking. They only wanted to temponml?
limit the supply. They organised the Western Distillers and Cattle
Feeders Trust — a compound sort of Trust. On its formation, seventy
distillers joined it, and the price of whisky wa.s at once raised from
3U to ■[() per cent. Fifty-seven distilleries were closed, and the
remaining thirteen left to make profits for the time being for all the
shareholders. The owners of the distilleries which were lying idle
therefore did not lose anything. The wages of the men still left at
work were cut down from 10 to 20 per cent. But the Trust had
been too gi-asping, and competition began to reappear. New dis^
tilleries were opened, and as these had to be crushed or absorbed,
down went the price of whisky — lower than it had ever been before
— \tntil they succumbed. The Trust now controls more than half
the distilleries in the country. It also fixes the price for "mash"
used Ibr feeding cattle — hence its double-barrelled name. The
duty on alcohol is 171*85 per cent., and the duty on spirits
distilled from grain — such as the Trust makes — rises to 396' 13 per
cent.
The stove-makers met early in 188S and haWng considered that a
great saving in patterns, catalogues, advertising, and in other thing*
might be effected by combination, concluded that " the trust plan is
founded on the fundamental laws of commerce and the dictates of
reason," and they proceeded t^o comply with both. The nail-makere
in the Atlantic States found that there were too many nails being
made, and as the protective duty ranges from 40 per cent, to 80 per
cent., they combined to check production and receive the full benefits
of protection. When the combination in lead rai.sed the cost of lead
to the cartridge and ammnnition manufacturers, they also consoli-
dated. Over-production was going on in railway car springs in
March 1888, and the makers united to regulate the market. As the
duty on iron carriage bolts is 60 per cent., and is practically pn?-
hibitory, this was too good an opportunity for a trusts experiment ti>
be lost. The White Lead Trust is a formidable concern ; but the doty
— which is 3 cents in the pound — is not quite high enough to ward
of! foreign competitors, as over 700, 00" lbs. are imported every year.
English white lead in oil is now selling at \\ cents a jwund in
England, and at 8 cents in America. There are Trusts in light and
heavy rubber-clothing, which have advanced prices between 25 and 5U
per cent. The Trust remedy was applied to the sand-paper and emeiy-
i89o]
TRUSTS IN THE UNITED STATES.
839
cloth business as there was a superabandance of these articles. There
was a great overstock of paving pitch and felt roofing in the country,
so that the makers when they got up their Trust made a bonfire of
30,000 barrels of pitch in Philadelphia. A duty of lOU per cent.
was not sufficient to protect the screw-makers. They paid Mr. Joseph
Chamberlain's firm in Birmingham an annual subsidy not to send
screws to America. Tlu>y have now created a Trust. There is a
particularly audacious Trust in envelopes. It recently sent out
circulars asking customers to boycott the Crovernment-stamped
envelopes. It complained that to buy these envelopes was to en-
courage a Government monopoly. There is a Natural Gas Tmst — an
oftahiwt from tlie Standard Oil Trust. It has just paid its usual
quaiterly dividt-nd of 2^ per cent, with an extra stock dividend of
23 per cf-nt. As its capital is greatly inflatid, tlie real dividend is
much higher. One of the newest Trusts is in school books. All the
great publishing firms, i.-xcept one, aro in it. The promoters say that
" ruinous competition " necessitated the Trust.
The American must deal with 'IVusts all tlirough life. If he is a
native of New York State a Trust will nurture him with milk, which
it buys from the farmers at three cents a quart, and sells to the people
at from seven to ten cents a (|uart. When he goes to school his slate
is furnished by another Trust, which has raised the price of school slates
30 per cent., and, thanks to Protection, sends its best slates to
England and Germany. If the American boy wants a Icad-prncil he
must ai^ply to a Trust, which charges Americans one-and-u-thiid more
for pencils than it asks from foreigners. The American boy's candy is
indiri'ctly affected by the Sugar Trust, and hi.« peanuts are doled oat
to him through the medium of the peanut combination. If the
American has a taste for canvas-back duck, the Baltimore Trust, which
has control of that delicacy, will supply him. "When he has finished the
duck, another Trust is ready with a toothpick for him — for even such
an insignificant industry as toothpick-making has not escaped the
Tmst schemers. The American may continue his progi'ess through
life, using '' trusted " envelopes, wearing " trusted " overshoes, drink-
ing " trusted " whisky, warming himself at '' trn.sted "' stoves, and
patronising other Tru.'^ts which control indispensable commodities.
Should illness overtake liim a Castor-oil Trust will do its best
for him, and as the duty of 20O per cent, on castor oil insures it an
absolute monopoly, it wilt charge very highly for its medicine. Even
death does not free the American from Trusts. Tht-y pursue him to
the grave. There is a coflBn-makers' ring in New York, which has
raised prices to the Trust standard. There is also a Trust in nmrble,
which has increased the price of tombstones. Thus, the American
citizen, who iS surrounded on all sides with accommodating Trusts
througli life, may be buried in a " trusted " coffin, and commemorated
by a " trusted " tombstone.
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[JCWB
This list of Trusts is not by any meaaa complete. New Trasts
are continual ly being organised. Hardly a day passes in which the
newspapers tlo not contain the aanouucemeut of tie creation of
some new combination. The New York Tribune — a leading Protec-
tionist organ, which befriends Trusts — of the day on which T write
contains these headings close to each other — " The Window-glass
makers combine," " A Riibber Trust formed in Trenton," aad
" Physicians form a Trast." The last named is a curiosity, and rvhn
to the physicians of a city who agreed to raise their professional
charges during the recent influenza epidemic. The other two are
of the usual stamp, and will have the usual effect, for we are told
that, "hereafter buyers of window glass must pay higher prices than
at any time within the last five years."
There are many monopolies in the United States which do not
come under the head of Trusts. Nearly the whole mineral wealth of
the country is owned by monopolists. Zinc ia in the bauds of a com-
bination. Thf copper mines are controlled by a few men. The great
railway corporations possess immense mineral tracts. The rich
anthracite coal-lields of Pennsylvania cover 300,000 acres, and two-
thirds of this area is owned by seven railway companies, which work
together in making the price low in districts where they have compe-
tition, and arbitrary where they have a monopoly.* The companies
extracted 31,G4--3,127 tons of coal from their mines in 1887, for which
they obtained 90,2<j1,S0j dols. Owning the mines and possessing the
means of transportation, the companies can defy competitors. The
mines in the State of Missouri and in the Indian territory are con-
trolled by the Missouri Pftcific Railway, which also ^hare^ with other
railway companies in the ownership of the Colorado mines. The
Wyoming fields are distributed among other companies. One
company works the mines in the northern part of Illinois, and another
controls the output in the southern part. The Oregon Railway
manfiges the coal trade on the Pacific slope. In fact the whole coal
business of the United States ia at the mercy of railway corpomtions.
The prices are raised to just a little below where it would be pro-
fitable to import coal from Nova Scotia, England or Australia.
There are other monopolies, such as the Western Union Telegraph
Company, and the Bell Telephone Company, The Western Unioa
has now absorbed moat of its rivals. The unification of the telegraph
service resulted in a great saving, in plant, in offices, in employt-s
and in canvassing for business. The rates are high, but cannot be
made exorbitant, as the telegraph is a convenience rather than s
necessity, and exorbitant charges would reduce the profits. The same
may be said of the telephone.
Trusts have spread over Canada as well as the United States. Tba
* Thi! ftnthmclto onal miner* «rp nt pr«"-aent poverty stricken, and are liv:n„'-ia
public t;Uarity, bt-uiUst; ibecoal owuors fin 1 it oonvcnient'just now to limit the Mij'plt.
lS9o]
TRUSTS TN THE UNITED STATES.
841
committee of the Dominion Parliament which inquired into the
anbject, reported that it had " received sufficient evidence of their
injurioug tendencies and effects to justify legislative action in sup-
pressing the erils arising from this and simitar combinations." The
principal Trust in Canada is one which regulates the supply of sugar,
and which includes both refiners and wholesale dealers. Members
of the Trust receive rebates, and outsiders are charged exorbitant
prices. There is also a well-organised coal ring in the Dominion
which employs detectives to see that its members comply with its
regulations.
As much has been heard recently about the organisation of English
syndicates in America, it may be briefly explained that more than
half the stories which obtain currency concerning the purchase of
breweries, grain-eleTators and flour-mills by English capitalists are
purely fictitious. It is true, however, that during last year a very
large sum of English capital — said to amount to £20,000,000 — has
been invested in America, but the industries capitalised bear no rela-
tion to Trusts, or are not likely to develop into monopolies, London
company promoters have discovered a new field for their operations,
but the " boom " now seems to have subsided. America does not
possess similar facilities for the capitalisation of industrial enterprises
on a stock basis witti proper safeguards, so that, small Investors can
put their money in them. When several flour-mills or breweries are
turned over to a company and floated in London, the usual plan is
for the owners to become the managers and retain a third of the stock.
It seems, however, that an English company is sometimes preferred
to a Trust. The promotrrs of & brick works company recently floated
in L<3n(lon give it out that, " One reason, and the priuclpal one, for
bringing this out as an English company is to prevent the State
legislature from interfering as it does in Trusts fornn^d in the States."
Attempts to form an international Trust have as yet been unsuc-
cessful. The French copper ring tried to "corner" the world's supply
of copper, but collapsed, and the att«Tnpts made in England and
America to do away with competition iin salt have fallen through.
The North American Salt Company and the English Salt Union were
engineered by shreved business men, and at first threatened to be
saccessful, but fortunately they did not succeed as an international
combination.
Having explained the organisation of Trusts, and indicated their
<»xtent in the United States, I will now deal with their legal aspect,
and the attempts made to suppress them. The histuric side of the
case is of importance to lawyers. Although the modern Trust differs
greatly from its ancient prototype, the existence of combinations
which restrict production, or prevent competition, or regulate prices,
842
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEIV.
tJtisx
is considered to be contrary to the common law of England and the
United States. Lord Coke, in the famous '* case of the monopolies,'"
laid down a true rule, and created a ]irecedent, when he said that the
inevitable results of monopoly were three: (1) "That the price of tie
same commodity will be raised; (2) that the commodity is not so
good as before ; (3) that it tends to the impoverishment of di^
artisans, artificers, and others." These results are deemed to
against the interests of trade, and contraiy to public policy, and
several States in America have statutes directed against combinations
and monopolies. It is a conspiracy under the law of New York State
for two cir more persons to combine to do anything '* injurious to
trade and commerce," or to "attempt to destroy competition," and
when such partnership or combiriBtions have come before the courts
the judges refuse to interfere. And when the stockholders or
directors in tho modem Trust appeal to law they are told that their
disputes cannot be settled by the courts, or their agreements enforced
by law. It is clear that Trusts are illegal combinations. The coarts
do not uphold them ; can the courts suppress them ?
That question is now being put to the test. Trusts were too
subtle and too far reaching in their organisation to be dealt with
effectively by the law as it stood, and many bills were introduced into
State Legislatures last year specially directed against Trusts. Soma
of these anti-Trust bills have become law, and others are still pending-
These laws are sweeping enough to embrace all possible Trusts, '* pools "
and combinations calculated to restrict competition and interfere with
the freedom of trade, or which are designed to have such a tendency.
Several suits have been brought against Trusts, but they generally
manage to adroitly innnipulate their afiairs so that they wrigsfle out
of the clutches of the law. They appeal from court to court, migrate
from State to State, or resort to some other means to baffle the
courts.
The first case of importance to test the legality of Trusts was that
instituted by the Attorney-General of the State of New York against
the North River Refining Company, one of the corporations forming
the Sugar Trust. It was brought under the law as it then existed,
on the ground that by entering into an illegal combination it had
forfeited it.s charter from that State. The case first came before the
lower courts, and was decided against the company. When it came
np before the Supremo Court, in January 1889, Judge Barrett again
condemned it, and in giving his decision said that " if Trusts were
allowed to thrive, and to become general, they must inevitably lead to
the oppression of the people, and ultimately to the subversion of their
political rights." Judge Barrett's order annidling the company's
charter was affirmed by the Supreme Court. The judges held tLat
by entering into an unlawful combination, the company had " re-
noanced and abandoned its own duties, and subverted its own frftfl-
i89o]
TRUSTS IN THE UNITED STATES.
848
chiees." Of coarse the Trust has again appealed, and the case is
now before the New York Court of Appeals, but, anticipating another
adverse verdict, it has arranged to migrate.
The counsol of the Sugar Trust succi'eded in getting a charter from
the Connecticut Legislature last year for the " Commonwealth Re-
fining Company," nnd the charter is so i*ido that the whole sugar
industry of the world might be transacted under it. Thi- company is
authorised 'to acquire, purchase, receive in trust, or otherwise hold,
grant, sell, mortgage, lease, and otherwise dispose of all kinds of
property — real, personal and mixed — whetht-r in the 8tiito of Con-
necticut or elsewhere." There is nothing niggardly about this
cliarter, Tlie Trust is perfectly safe. Tt-chnically it will transfer
itself to Connecticut, but the headquarters will renmin in New York,
and everything will go on as before. While the State of Connecticut
i-s rescinding its chartt-r and taking procei'dings against it, the Trust
will have plenty of time to make another move. The net result of
this prosecution seems, therefore, to be that the State and the political
organisation that instigated the suit will have spent a large sum for
nothing, and that the expenses to which the Trust has been put will
be wrung from the people iu higher prices for sugar.
The State of Missouri has passed the severest anti-Trust law. This
law requires that every corporation chartered by the State must make
afiidavit that it is not connected with any Trust, *' pool " or other com-
bination which tends to suppress or restrict competition, or to fix
prices, and the corporation that refuses to make this declaration will
be declared illegal and have its charter cancelled, Tho law applies
to corporations organised in other States and doing business iu Mis-
souri. As 1000 corporations failed to disavow association with com-
binations the Secretary of State revoked their charters, and decided to
proceed against 2(t0 foreign coqwrations wljich did not comply with
the law. Proceedings have now been instituted against the otl'ending
companies, but they are going to hedge themselves in the Federal
courts, on the ground that they lawfully existed before the new law
passed, and that the State is going against the Constitution in trying
to regulate commerce between States. One St«te has very little
chance against a thijusand corporations, and Trusts are generally in a
position to spend more money in defending themselves than the State
treasuries can afford for prosecuting them.
The people of Chicago are fighting a Gas Trust which has planted
itself in that city, and their case is more hopeful than any which has
yet come up. There used to be several gas companies in the city,
but they amalgamated and went through the usual process ofiutlating
their stock. When the monopoly was established the stock of the
gas companies on which the people were supposed to pay dividends
was increased from $15,000,000 to 340,000,000, and the bonds which
tho people are expected to pay, both principal and interest, were swollen
844
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jen
from $10,000,000 to $18,000,000. It is stated that the whole pro-
perty ia not worth more that $10,000,000, and that the Trnat attempted
to make the people pay dividends and interest on four times as niucli
by exorbitant charges for gas. Tho Trust pretended to issue tLt?
stock in place of the stock of the several companies which formerly
existed. The Attorney-General proceeded against the Trust because it
had abused the powers granted to it by the State, and had established
a monopoly. As far as the case has gone the decisions have been
adverse to the Trust. A Louisiana corporation controlled by the Cotton
Oil Trust was sued by that State, but escaped by transferring all iU
property to another corporation, also in the trust, but doing business
in Rhode Island. A San Francisco company joined the Sugar Trust,
and the State of California proceeded against it, but it sought refug*
in a pretended transfer of its business to three trustees as individuals
or as members of a firm. The law courts, it is thus seen, are not able
to copo with Trusts,
VI.
It is easy to bring a strong indictment against Trusts ; bat it will
be a difficult thing to sweep them away. The American people have
a great straggle before them. Trusts cannot be allowed to contione
as they are. They have demoustrRted clearly the advantage of pro
duction on a large scale, and the evils of cut^throat competition.
They have also proved that industries can be organised on a national
basis. But the result of cheaper production has not benefited the
public in any way, but has had just the opposite effect. It has simply
led to the enrichment of a few individuals. Immense fortunes have
been made out of Trusts in a few years, and we hear of one of the Standard
Oil Trust directors who alone possesses twenty millions sterling.
The vast aggregations of capital in the hands of a few illegal corporu-
tions, if allowed to continue, will lead to the subversion of all liberties,
and the country will be governed by a band of plutocrats. How is
the country to escape this fate ? How are Trusts to be abolished ?
One remedy suggested for Trusts is the encouragement of new cc>m-
petitors to storm the monopolist's stronghold. This might for a short
time benefit the people, bat ultimately the new competitor would be
strangled, or would kill the Trust, or the two would amalgamate. It
is evident that little can be expected from anti-Trust laws. Free
Trade would be more useful. But for the protective tariff few of the
Trusts could exist. It looks at present as if duties were expressly
put on to foster Trusts. The new Tariff Bill now being discussed by
Congress seems to have been frnnied in the interest uf certain poirer-
ful Trusts, such as the Sugar, Lead, Linseed Oil, and Diamond Match
Trusts. There is also an Anti-Trust Bill before the Senate,* bo(
♦ Somcoftbe petitions which come from farmers in favonr of this Bill ar*e:
m reuiailuibU sXror.^ \ain^ua^Q. TV\« N&tiooal Farmers' AUi4U>c« «»k (or reliof
n:ss
•89o]
TRUSTS IN THE UNITED STATES.
845
even if passed this measure will be irnable to cope with combiaations
which have not been affected by the adverse decisions of the State
Courts, and which now receive fresh encouragement from the Protec-
tionist party in office. Free Trade, therefore, is the remedy most
generally advocated. Bat Free Trade is more of a palliative than
a remedy. It would not alwlish all Trusts, it would not affect the
Standard Oil Trnst, or the Cotton Seed Oil .Trust. And inter-
national Trusts might exist under Free Trade. The real remedy
for Trusts is not abolition, but Government control. The Standsird
Oil Trust itself thinks this is the only solution. In the history and
defence of the Trust written by its solicitor, we are told that " the
facts show" that the Trust, or ''some similar combinatiou," was
" essential to the building up and maintenance of the American oil
trade," and that its destruction '" would be the destruction of that
trade." Therefore, " let the State aud National Legislature provide
a better mode for carrjTug on this business if they can, but k't them
not despoil the structure until a better is provided to take its place."
Socialism, and the very antithesis of Socialism — the greatest combina-
tion of capital in the world — are thus of the same opinion. Why
should we flee from the Scylla of monopoly to be wrecked again
on the Charybdis of wasteful competition ?
Edward Bellamy, in hia "Looking Backward," which has had
an enormous sale in the United States, and has led to the
formation of many associationa and clubs for the propagation of
" nationalism," thinks that Trusts are a part of the industrial
evolution which is not yet complete. " Was there," he writes, " no
way of commanding the services of the mighty wealth-producing
principle of consolidated capital without bowing down to a plutocracy
like that of Carthage ? As soon as men began to ask themselves
these questions, they found the answer ready for them. The move-
ment toward the conduct of business by larger and larger aggregations
of capital, the tendency toward monopolies, which had been so desper-
ately and vainly resisted, was recognised at last, in its true significance,
as a process which only needed to complete its logical evolution to
open a golden future to hamanity." Mr. Bellamy does not tell ua
how the transfer was effected- Public opinion, he says, had become
fully ripe for it. Public opinion must have undergone a great change,
and human nature must have altered. Before we reach "the golden
future of hamanity," men must become less selfish, and work, not for
their private ends, but for the common weal.
Robert Donald.
the robbery tmd oppresaion of TruatB and monopolies, und a petition from Missouri
fanners, after stating that there is great danger that "we will soon be a nation of mil-
lionaires and paupers." r&ys, "we ask CorRress to pay particular attention to
and his meat lYust, the most damDnble robbers' den on this oontincnt, by which the
pioducers as well as the consumers of the country are robbed of millions cvtry year."
Ittm
BROUGHT BACK FROM ELYSIUM.
Scene. — The Library of a Piccadilly did) for high thinking and lad
dinners; Time, midnighi. Four eminent novdisU of the ioji
regarding each other sdf-conscioudy. They are (!) a Bealid,
(2) a Bomancist, (3) an Msnurian, (4) a Stylist. The eUek
strikes thirteen, and they all start.
Realikt (staring at the door and drawing back from it). — ^I thooglit
I heard — something ?
Stylist. — I — the (pauses to reflect on the best loay of saying U
was only the clock).
(A step is heard on the stair.)
Elsmerian. — Hark ! It must be him and them. (Stylist shttddm).
I knew he would not fail us.
RoMA>'CiST (nervously). — It may only be some member of the club.
Elsmerian. — ^The hall-porter said we would be safe from intrusicn
in the library.
Realist. — I hear nothing now. (His Jiand comes in contact with a
bookcase). How cold and clammy to the touch these books are. A
strange place, gentlemen, for an .eerie interview. (To JSlsmcrian).
You really think they will come ? You have no religious doubts abont
the existence of Elysian Fields ?
Elsmerian. — I do not believe in Elysium, but I believe in him.
Realist. — Still if
(The door is sliaken and tM handle falls off.)
ROMANCIST. — Ah ! Even I have never imagined anyUiing so worf
as this. See, the door opens !
(Enter an American novelist.)
Omnes. — Only you !
tSgo]
BROUGHT BACK FROM ELYSIUM.
847
Ameiucan (looking around him self-consrimisly). — I had always sna-
pected that there was a library, though I have only been a member for
a few months. Why do you look at ine so strangely ?
EuSMEitiAN {ifflcr ivkrapcriiuj wiik (he others). — We are agreed that
since you Iiave found your way here you should be permitted to stay;
on the understanding, of courst^, that we still disapprore of your
methods as profoundly as we despise each other.
American. — But what are you doing here, when yon might be
asleep downstairs ?
Elsmeriax (i7nprcssirdi/), — Have you never wished to hold con-
verse with the mighty dead ?
American. — I don't know them.
EL8MERIAN. — I ntlmit that the adjective was ill-chosen, but listen :
the ghosts of Scott and some other novelists will join us presently.
We are to talk with them abont their work.
Realist. — And ours.
Elsmeriak. — And onrs. They are being brought from the Grove
of Bay-trees in the Elysian Fields.
American. — But they are antiquated, played out ; and, besides, they
will not come.
RoMANCiST. — You don't understand. Stanley has gone for them.
AsiERiCAN, — Stanley !
Elsmeriak. — It was a chance not to be missed, {h^oks at his
tcalrh). They should have been here by this time ; but on these
occasions he is sometimes a little late.
(^Their moutlis open as a voice rings through the cltih crying, "/ cannot
stop to nrgut with yon ; FIl find the wui/ myself.")
Realist. — It is he, but he may be alone. Perhaps they declined
to accompany him ?
Elsmerian (^wilh ronvietion). — He would bring them whether they
wanted to come or not.
{Enter Mr. Stanley with five Ofiaats.)
Mr. Stanley. — Here they are. I hope the row below did not
alarm you. The hall-porter wanted to know if I was a member, so
I shot him. Waken me when you are ready to send them back.
(Sits doicn and sleeps imnitdintdy)
First Ghost. — I am Walter Scott.
Second Ghost. — I am Henry Fielding.
Third Ghost. — My name is Smollett.
Fourth Ghost. — ^line is Dickens.
Fifth Ghost. — They used to call me Thack.
All the Ghosts (looking at the sleeper), — And we are a little out
of breath.
American (to himself). — There is too much plot in this for me.
Elsmerian (to the visitors). — Quite so. Now will you be so good
848
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
as to stand in a row against that bookcase. {Tliey do so.) Perl
you have been wondering why we troubled to send for you ?
Sir Walter. — We
Elsmekian. — You need not answer nae, for it really doesn't matk-r.
Since your days a great change has come over fiction — a kind of
literature at which yon all tried your hands — and it struck us that yoo
might care to know how we modems regard you.
Realist. — And ourselves.
Elsmerian. — And ourselves. We had better begin with ourselves,
as the night is already far advanced. You will be surprised to hear
that fiction has become an art.
Fielding. — I am glad we came, though the gentleman {looking
the sleeper) was perhaps a little peremptory. You are all novelists !
RoMANCiST. — No, I am a Roraancist, this gentleman is a Reali
that one is a Stylist, and
Elsmerian, — We had better explain to you that the word novel
has gone out of fashion in our circles. We have left it behi
us
Sir Walter. — I was always content with story-teller myself.
American. — Story-teller! All the stories have been told.
Sir Walter (u-ist fully) . — How busy you must have been since
day.
RoMANCiST. — We have, indeed, and not merely in writing stories-
to use the latiguage of the nursery. Now that fiction is an art, i
work of its followers consists less in writing mere stories (to n-peal
word that you will understand more readily than we) than in classif
ing ourselves and (when we have time for it) classifying you.
Thackeray. — But the term novelist satisfied us,
Elsmerian. — There is a difference, I hope, between then and i
I cannot avoid speaking plainly, though I allow that you are
seed from which the tree has grown. May I ask what was your fx.
step toward becoming novelists.
Smollett (icith foolish jn-omytihide). — We wrote a novel.
THACKERAy {hvvihly). — I am afraid I began by wanting to write^
good story, and then wrote it to the best of my ability. Is there
other way ?
Stylist. — But how did you laboriously acquire your style ?
Thackeray. — I thought little about style. I suppose, snch i
was, it came naturally.
Stylist. — Pooh ! Then there is no art in it.
Elsmerian.— -And what was your aim ?
Thackeray. — Well, I had reason to believe that I would get
thing for it.
Elsaierian. — Alas ! to you the world was not a sea of dro'
Bouls, nor the novel a stone to fling to them, that they mi]
i89o]
BROUGHT BACK FROM ELYSIUM.
84»
on it to a quiet haven. Yoa had no aims, no methods, no religious
doubts, and you neither analysed your characters nor classified your-
selves.
American. — And you reflected so little about your art that you
wrot« story after story without realising that all the stories had been
told.
Sir Walter.- — But if all the stories are told, how can yoa write
novels ?
American. — The story in a novel is of aa little importance as the
stone in a cherry. I have written three volumes about a lady and a
gentleman who met on a car.
Sir Walter. — Yes, what happened to them ?
Amkhican. — Nothing happened. That is the point of the story.
Stylist. — Style is everything. The true novelist does nothing but
think, think, think about his style, and then write, write, write
about it. I daresay I am one of the most perfect stylists living. Oh,
but the hours, the days, the years of introspection I have spent in
acquiring my style !
Thackeray (sadly). — If I had only thought more of style ! May
I ask how many books you have written ?
Stylist. — Only one — and that I have withdrawn from circulation.
LAh, sir, I am such a stylist that I dare nob write anything. Yet
I meditate a work.
Sir Walter. — A story ?
Styli.-^t. — No, an essay on style. I shall devote four years to it.
Sir Walter. — -And I wrote two novels in four months !
I Stvll-^t. — Yes, that is still remembered against you. Well, you
paid the penalty, for your books are still popular.
Dickens. — But is not popularity nowadays a sign of merit ?
Stylist. — To be popular is to be damned.
Sir Walter. — I can see from what you tell me that I was only
a child. I thought little about how novels should be written.
I only tried to write them, and as for style, I am afraid I merely
used tbe words that came most readily. (Sti/list gruans.) I had
such an interest in my characters (.^ »i«rwan groans), such a love for
them {Realist groanH\ that they were like living beings to me. Action
seemed to come naturally to them, and all I had to do was to run after
them with my pen.
IloMANCLST. — In the dark days you had not a cheap press, nor
scores of magazines and reviews. Ah, we have many opportunities
that were denied to you.
KiELDLNG. — We printed our stories in books.
II0.MANCIST.— I was not thinking of the mere stories. It is not
our stories that we spend much time over, but the essays, and dis-
cussions and interv' -^-."f nnr art. Why, there is not a living
VOL. LVII.
850
CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[JCSB
man in this room, except the sleeper, who haa not written aa many
articles and essays about how novels should be written as would stock
a library.
Smollett. — But we thought that the best way of showing how
they should be written was to write them.
liEALisT {hithujly). — And as a result, you cannot say at this
moment whether you are a Realist, a Romancist, an American Analyst,
a Stylist, or an Elsmerian ! Your labours have been fruitless.
Smollett. — What am I ?
Ro.MANCiST. — I refuse to include you among novelists at all, for
your artistic views (which we have discovered for you) are different
from mine. You are a Realist. Therefore I blot you out.
Sir Walter (anxiondt/). — I suppose I am a Romancist ?
Realist. — Yes, and therefore I cannot acknowledge you. Yonr
work has to go.
AMEiiiCAN. — It has gone. I never read it. Indeed, I can't stand
any of you. In short, I am an American Analyst.
DiCKKNs ((ircamili/). — One of the most remarkable men in that
country,
Amehican. — Yes, sir, I am one of its leading writers of fiction
without a story — along with Silas K, Weekes, Thomas John Hillocks.
William P. Crinkle, and many others whose fame must have reached
the Grove of Bay-trees. We write even more essays about ourselves
than they do in tliis uld country.
EL.SMEHIAN. — Nevertheless, Romanticism, Realism, and Analysis are
mere words, as empty as a drum. Religious doubt is the only
subject for the novelist nowadays ; and if he is such a poor creature
as to have no religious doubts, he should leave fiction alone.
Stylist. — Style is everything. 1 can scarcely sleep at night* for
thinking of my style.
FiELDiNU. — This, of course, is very interesting to us who know so
little, yet, except that it enables you to label yourselves, it does not
seem to tell you much. After all, does it make a man a better
novelist to know that other novelists pursue the wrong methods?
You seem to despise each other cordially, while Smollett and I, for
instance, can enjoy Sir Walter. We are content to judge him by results,
and to consider him a great novelist because he wrote great novels.
Elsmeriax. — You will never be able to reach our standpoint if you
cannot put the mere novels themselves out of the question. The
novelist should bo considt-red quit© apart from his stories.
REALLST.^It is nothing to me that I am a novelist, bat I am prond
of being a Realist. That is the great thing.
Romancist. — Consider, Mr. Smollett, if you had thought and written
about yourself as much as I have done about myself you might never
have produced one of the works by which you are now known. That
x89o]
BROUGHT BACK FROM ELYSIUM.
851
vroald be something to be proud of. You might have written romances,
like mine and Sir Walter's.
Elsmerian. — Or have had roligioua doubts.
Stylist. — Or have become a Stylist, and written nothing at all.
Realist. — And you, Sir Walter, might have become one of us.
TriACKERAY. — Bat why should we not have written simply in the
manner that suited us best ? If the result is good, who cares for the
label ?
RoMAXCiST (cydng Sir Walter severely). — No one has any right to be
a Romancist unconsciously. Romance should be written with an effort
— as I write it. I question, sir, if yon ever defined romance ?
Sir ^V^ALTE[l (wcaldj/). — I had a general idea of it, and I thought
that perhaps my books might ba allowed to speak for me.
Romancist. — -We have got beyond that stage. Romance (that is
to say, fiction) has been defined by one of its followers as *' not nature,
it is not character, it is not imagined history ; it is fallacy, poetic
fallacy ; a lie, if you like, a beautiful lie, a lie that is at once false
and true — false to fact, true to faith."
(The Qhosis look at each other apjtrehensivdy).
Sir Walter. — Woald you mind repeating that? {Romancist
repeats it). And are my novela all that ? To think of theu' being
that, and I never knew ! I give yon my word, sir, that when 1 wrote
*• Ivanhoe," for example, I merely wanted to — to tell a story.
Realist. — Still, in your treatment of the Templar, you boldly cast
off the chains of Romanticism and rise to Realism.
Elsmerian. — To do you justice, the Templar seems to have religious
doubts.
Stylist. — I once wrote a little paper on your probable reasons for
using the word " wand " in circumstances that would perhaps have
justified the use of " reed." 1 have not published it.
Sir Walter. — This would be more gratifying to me if I thought
that I deserved it.
American. — I rememlier n^'iding " Ivanhoti " before I knew any
better ; but even then I thought it poor stuff. There is no analysis
in it worthy of the name. Why did Rowena drop her handkerchief ?
Instead of telling us that, you pranco off afler a band of archers.
Do you really beUevo that intellectual men and women are interested
in touniament.s ?
Sir Walter. — You have grown so old since my day. Besides,
I have admitted that the Waverley novels were written aimply to
entertain the public.
Ei^MERiAN. — No .one, I hope, reads my stories for entertainment.
We have become serious now.
American. — 1 have thought at times that I could have made some*
thing of " Ivanhoe." Yes, sir, if the theme had been left to me I
858 TUB CONTEMPORARY KBVIEW. [^w
would have worked itonfe in a manner quite different fiomyooxs. Ib
my mind's eye I can see myself developing the character of the hen.
I would have made him more like ourselves. The Bebeoca, too^ I
would have reduced in sise. Of course the plot would have had to go
overboard, with Robin Hood and Richard, and we would have had no
fighting. Yes, it might be done. I would call it, let me see, I
would call it, *' Wilfrid : a Study."
Thackeray (timidly). — Have you found out what I am ?
Amkbican. — You are intolerably prosy.
Stylist. — Some people called Philistines maintain tlu^ you are •
Stylist ; but evidenUy yon forgot yooiself too frequently for that.
RoMANCiST. — ^You were a cynic, whidli kills romanticism.
RSAUi^. — And men allow their wives to read you, so you doo)
belong to us.
Amsmcan (/«rfi/y). — ^No, sir, yon need not turn to. me. Ton sol
I have nothing in common.
DiCKSSts. — 1 am a ?
Rkaust. — It is true that von wrote about the poor; but how did
joa treat them ? Are they all women of the street and bnwfing
ntfllans ? Insttead «^ dwelhog for ever on thdr sodden misery, sad
glMling over iheir immoraliir, yon positiTely regard than from s
genial standpoint. I regnt to have to say it, bat tod are a BomaBOit
RintAxasT.— Xv>> wx Mr. Dickens, do not croaa to me. Too wmts
with a pttx|M». sir. RemembH- Dodteboys HalL
KLiiMWMAN. — A aowl withont a porpoee » as a hrfmless skqi.
IXVXEX^ \jti\,ia\ — ^Tben I am an ELsmertan :
KLS^tKKiAN. — A!a»! Tvn had so other pcrpose than to add to
«h« tcuttenal cv^cixycs of th<» ^^<ft. Noc oae c£ yoar Ataeuxs mi
tcv>&bM«2 »::& r«Ii^-ii» docbc& W^^^k ioes Itr. rSekwieL passe to
jk»k idtt&ftHZ' why &« sa^olii sec l» a:r aue^ r Yen cannot ansmt
In thiMtf dKv» c£ tMmais aevfvcotsixzxc. we ±wS ICr. Fkkwkk puf
f%tN- «aaLU3^. Hcv ofta 7ma»s rs» fr:m is pagej a £aatmti
niaki ? Yvxt rsf rsfc ^t^ casern a coaao;.
r!&ACS.sa;A>. — Xv.^ ^<»v is airchr-r-j: scklj 3^-<n FSsrwvk.
K^:<v>i53wJl>. — Awci-xsetv accn.'Trc H-? is x s igfejenc varid Q.
xtt itxvc V s»y tais ivot ^aas b: wiici 3ij iec^ses an:«». Xat is-
oe«c. 33JA 3Ct«^ <&* 'aitfvv 3ima. 'c-k*^ jss x :staie ami a aaa «itk
ik^t^ci. A3»i I wCI j:tvT; vctt a 3i;««L Hr* jik joIt v at «b liiA
:^^ti2«r — .U I sc >A aitiw. ::^.'ncna: ainkau:. Tanraw skst
"Sty scjW.
notJsa^ — ^Y^ivn^ ?*'P^^ ^ ^i**^ ar juc xc SH^iuK. at
SL^HflBLkX— Iw sMift ar «ranc aar swec saE ^mut ai
%aMBiMKl«a£ an Atdasr'
I890]
BROUGHT BACK FROM ELYSIVM.
853
higli art is high morality, and that the better the literature the more
ennobling it must be,
Reallst. — And this man claimed to be one of ub t
DiCKEXd. — I wrote for a wide public {^Stylist sighx), whom I loved
{BeaJiist sighs). I loved my characters, too (American sighs), they
Beemed so real to me (Romfnicist sighs), and so I liked to leave them
happy. I believe I wanted to see the whole world happy {Elsrrurian
sigJis).
Sir Walter. — I also had that ambition.
Thackeray, — Do you even find Mr. Pickwick's humour offensiye
nowadays ?
RoMANCL-^T, — To treat a character with humour is to lift him from
his pedestal to the earth.
Elsmerian. — We have no patience with humour. In these days of
anxious thought humour seems a trivial thing. The world has grown
sadder sinc^ your time, and we novelists of to-day begin where you
left off. Were I to write a continuation of *' The Pickwick Papers,"
I could not treat the subject as Mr. Dickens did j I really could not.
Stylist, — Humour is vulgar.
American. — Humour, sir, has been refined and chastened since
the infancy of fiction, and I am certain that were my humorous
characters to meet yours mine would be made quite uucomfortuble.
Mr. Pickwick could not possibly be received in the drawing-room
of Sara H. Finney, and Sam Weller would be turned out of her
kitchen. I believe I am not overstating the case when I say that one
can positively laugh at your humour.
Dickens. — They used to laugh.
American. — Ah, they never laugh at mine.
Dickens. — But if I am not a Rexilist, nor a Romanciat, nor on
Elsmerian, nor a Sfc
American. — Oh, we have placed you. In Boston we could not live
without placing everybody, and you are ticketed a caricaturist.
Dickens (sighing), — I liked the old wjiy best, of being simply a
novelist.
American. — That was too barbarous for Boston. We have
analysed your methods, and found them puerile. You have no .subtle
insight into character. You could not have written a novel about
a lady's reasons for pas.sing the cruet. Nay, more, we find that yow
never drew either a lady or a gentleman. Your subsidiary char-
acters alone would rule you out of court. To us it is hard work to
put all we have to say about a lady and gentleman who agree not to
become engaged int»3 three volumes. But you never send your hero
twelve miles in a coach without adding another half-dozen characters
to your list. There is no such lack of artistic barrenness iu our scliool.
Smollett (enthusiastically), — What novels you who think to much
856
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jm'
2. That he will act in conformity with the express provisioM
contained therein.
3. That when these are defective, he will look for light and
leading to the general law.
So far, the duties undertaken may not seem onerous. Nor a»
they in a simple case. But trust instruments are occasionftll/
obscure, and are open to two or more inconsistent construct ions,
Alas for the trustee who adopts the wrong one ! He may lire to
riio his mistake, even although it has been professionally backed np.
The language of the trust instrument, however equivocal, has only
one meaning when that meaning has been once judicially ascertnint^
Laymen may err, counsel and solicitor may err, but the Conrt of
interjiretation, with power to enforce its own decrees, is, like
Napoleon with his big battalions, " alvrays in the right." Instead of
acting on his own view, or that of hia legal advisers, the puzzled
trustee should have sought the opinion of the Conrt at the expense
of the trust estate. The annoj^ance and vexation he now feels at
having neglected this precaution, would in that case have been shiAed
from himself on to the beneficiaries. They, in their natural anxiekj
to save costs, will probably insist that there is no obscurity at alL
Let him pay no heed to them. Whichever way he turns, he is in a
dilemma. lie must be prepared either to incur personal risk, or lo
bear with perfect equanimity the thought of being dubbed a faddirf
or an obstructive.
Nor is the trustee any better off' if, for lack of express direction b,
the trust instrument, he has to put himself under the gnidanoe of i
the general law. The general law is a sealed book to most men,
although by a singular liction of jurisprudence all are supposed
to be familiar with it. The law of trusts, in particolar, is pjt©*
tically inaccessible to the layman. It is not to be found in any
written code. It is buried in a vast storehouse of authorities
where the chaff ia largely intermixed with the wheat. The sepMft-
tion between the two is often made for the first time on the tbrefh-
ing-Qoor of the courts by the exertions of contending counsel ia
the presence of Her Majesty's judges. Indeed, the judges seem to h» '
the only persons for whom this fiction of imputed knowledge does ool
hold good ; and in this respect they enjoy advantages denied to
the rest of mankind. They have the best assistance the coantiy
can afford them to prevent their going wrong, and, but that theit
are Courts of Appeal (which do not, by the way, always agree arouryf
themselves), they might, one and all, be thought to be infalhhk.
Private persons aro in a very different plight. They are easily If!
astray, being thrown entirely on their own resources, and whi-n th""
err they must take the consequences. " I have no doubt,^' said Lc
Bedesdale, Lord Chancellor of Ireland and a master of his craft, '
i89o]
THE PERILS OF TRUSTEES.
837
these executors meant to act fairly and honestly, but they were mis-
advised, and the Court must proceed, not on the improper advice
under which an executor may have acted, but upon the acts he has
done. If under the best advice be could procure he acts wrong, it is
his misfortune ; but public policy require^s that he should be the
person to suffer." In these days of Hyde Park demonstrations a
procession might be formed of the victims of this species of judicial
ruling, and of their impoverished families, interspersed with banners
bearing the old tragic motto, ftuBoc iruOu — wisdom by suffering.
Perhaps Mr. Monro might be induced, for this occasion only, to allow
it to pass along the Strand, and to halt in front of the Itoyal Conrts.
I now proceed to examine some incidents taken from actual life in
which trustees, although morally innocent, have l>een held to be legally
liable, Let me first take cases of liability arising from the holding of
shares in joint stock companies. It is common knowledge that any
one who allows himself to be registered as a shareholder in such a
company, is liable to pay all sums of money that may be lawfully
called up on his shares. What is not generally known is that an
pjEPcutor or trustee who is registered as such, becomes liable for these
calls, as between himself and the company, out of his own private
means, and that his liability is not measured by the amount of his
testator's assets, oi* the value of the trust estate. "When the company
is nnlimited, as, for example, many banking companies are, the risk
which an executor or trustee runs is simply incalculable. Some
fearful examples of this were furnished a few years ago by the failure
of the City of Glasgow Bank. This bank was a joint stock partner-
ship, created in 1830, and was registered as an unlimited company in
1862. The bank did a considerabk" business for many years, but
suspended payment in 1878, and went into liquidation shortly after-
wards. The stock of the bank was at this time held by a large
number of persons in .Scotland, and there was nothing beyond the fact
that the bank was registered as an ualimited company to indicate to
the holders that they were under any liability. Among the holders
were many trustees and executors who had been registered as such,
and also in their individual names, pursuant to deeds of transfer duly
executed by them. The liabilities of the bank turrred out to be
enormous, and calls were made in the winding up on the persons so
registered for an amount far beyond the amount of their trust funds.
Tlie Court of Session in Scotland, and the House of Ixirds, held this
to be a lawful proceeding. The fact that the qualification of trustee
or executor was appended to the individual names did not in their
opinion place the trustees in a better position as regards personal
liability than any of the other partners.
The consternation and ruin produced by this judgment it is even
now painful to contemplate. In one case, a yioor sempstress having
858
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jvti
received a legacy of £100, had consulted a beuerolent patron as to
what she should do with it. He suggested an investment in stock of
this Glasgow Bank ; and in oi-der to savt^ her trouble, volunteered thst
the investment should be made in hia own name, and that he shonld
receive the dividends on her behalf and transmit them as they fell
due. When the bank was wound up, this self-constituted trustee,
who occupied a first-class position in Scotland, found himself a mined
man. He had undertaken a trust, and the measure of his liabihty
was not the pocket of the poor sempstress, which was usually eraptv.
bat his own private means, which were ample for himself and his
family, but inadequate to the demands of the bank's creditors. Thi»
instance is only one out of hundreds. So t<?rrible and widespread ww
the havoo that it called forth the following remarkable expression of
feeling from Earl Cairns, who moved the judgment of the House of
Lords : " It is difficult," ho said, " to use words which will adefjuatelr
express the gympatliy 1 feel for all those who have been overwhelmed
in the disaster of the Glasgow bank, and that sympathy is pecaliarhr
due to those who, without possibility of benefit to themselv».'S. and
probably without any trust estate behind sufficient to indemnify them,
have become subject to loss or ruin by entering, for the advantage of
others, into a partnership attended with risks of which they probaWj
were forgetful, or which tbey did not fully realise. The duty of your
lordships is, however, to declare the law, and of the law applicable to
this ca.«e your lordships can, T think, entertain no doubt." It may btJ
added that it is not easy to see how the trusts of the stock of this
particular banking company, or of any other company similarly con-
stituted, could have been accepted without involving the risk of the
distresising cousequencea that actually ensued.
The law might, no doubt, be altered by enacting that wherever the
trust property involves, irrespectively of the terms of the trust. \\w
payment of any call or other like liability, the trustee is to be liable
only to the extent of the trust property. Bnt such a sweeping
provision would in the case of unpaid shares do quite as mnch
injustice as it aims at curing, by adding to the pecuniary burdt-ns nf
the remaining members of the company.
It may he objected that trusts of unpaid shares, and tspccialJy oi
shares in unlimited companies, are not of frequent occurrence. Beil
so. Then let us take such a common case as the trnst of a policy <jf
life assurance. A struggling professional man is minded to many.
He has not yet been able to save enough to enable him to secure fw
hia future wife and children as comfortable a home after his death *»
that which he can well afford them so long as his health continn*
He, therefore, prudently takes out a life policy, and settles it iu the
ordinary way. He asks two friends to be his trustees, and with \hat
consent he assigns to them his interest in the policy upon trust fw hi
t89o]
THE PERILS OF TRUSTEES,
859
wife for life, and afterwards for his childi^en. In order that the policy
may be kept up, he engages with his tnist^es to pay the premiums
as they accrue due. He does pay them for some years. Then hia
business begins to flag, perhaps from no fault of his own. The
premiums which were easily paid at first, now become a serious drag
ou his diminished means. He allows them, at last, to fall into arrcar,
and the policy lapses to the office. After his death, his widow brings
an action against the truste^es for not seeing that the policy was duly
renewed. What answer can the trustees give ? None, except that
they knew nothing of their friend's default, and that they could not
be expected to see to the punctual fulfilment of his yearly engage-
ment to pay. This, however, is no answer in law. They have made
themselves responsible for the man who promised to pay, and they can
only discharge themselves by showing that under no circumstances
could he have paid if he had been pressed to do eo. In other words,
it lies on them to establish the insolvency of the husband, which, of
course, they may not be able to do. If they cannot, they become
equally liable with the original defaulter.
The same thing happens when the trust instrument contains a
contract to pay a sum of money at a future time — a very common
form of provision by a futht-r for his daughter when he does not find
it convenient to hand over lit-r fortune at once. When the time for
payment arrives, it is the duty of the trustees to call in the money»
and if they po.stpone doing so, out of consideration for the circum-
stances of the settlor, they iucur personal risk, even though they act
with the consent of every adult member of the family interested in the
trust fund. Infant beneficiaries are not bound by the consent of
their brothers and sistere, and any one coming forward on their behalf
may bring the trustee to an unpleasant reckoning. It ia truf that, in
relief of these burdens, every well drawn trust instrument contains a
provision that trustees shall not bo bound to enforce any of the covenants
to pay premiums, or other sums of money ; but such a clause would
not exonerate them from tlie consequences of what the law might hold
to be wilful upglecfc, or breach of duty, and only protects them agaiust
accidents, and in the exercise of a reasonable discretion.
In the cases already mentioned, the liability of the trustee arises
from the precariousnesa of the trust property. But, though innocent,
he may also saffer by reason of some act or default of administration.
It is not enough that the trust property is fortlicoming in the form in
which it was originally settled. It must also be found in the condition
in which the law requires it to be. Suppose, for example, that it is
of a terminable nature, such as a leasehold house, or a business, or
that there is some prior life or other interest outstanding which gives
to it a fature or reversionary character yielding no present income.
In all these cases, the trustee may be able to show that the trust
am THE CONTEMPORARY REIIEW. [Jew
pr'>|Hrrfy in unaflVjct/jd except by lapse of time. Yet this very cii>-
fnttiHtJiucA) tnhy hi Mafficicnt to get him into troable.
TriiMt firofxirty of the above deEcription ought to be sold and placed
ofi tviiiu-t f)ormiinerit income-yielding Eecnrity, whether the tmst in-
niruuii:n\, utuh'r which it is derived eo prescribes in terms, cm: not;
for, titilftHH ii bn so dealt with, justice cannot be done as between the
didiircni linncflciiirif^H who are to enjoy it in snccesion. If the bene-
fl(Mury who iiikcH th» firHt life interest is allowed to receive the rents
of l.h<« li<nMi«hol(l hoiiH(>, or to enjoy the profits of the business in tpeeie,
hn iIoi-N HO, 1o It Certain oxtont, at the expense of capital, the owna>
Nhip of whirh wholly bdongH to the persons who come after. Lease-
IiiiIiIn, Ii. Nhould bo nMniMnborod, are a wasting property, and businessea
oiiitnot. ho («x|u*ct(>(I to go on for ever. It is, therefore, the duty of
tho trtiNli'OH ill Hiicli casoH without being so directed, and unless they
iiiY so itiivtii'il to Ihr con f ran/, to realise all snch properties witJiin*
roivMoni^Mo poriiHl, und thoy may be made personally liable at the snit
of lluwo inlon»»tod in rtMuainder if they fail in their duty in this
I")\i>n t(u]t)uvsing this to W done, they have still another dnty
to pi«rfonn. Thov must select an investment within the scope of
tho trust. Kit intorprt^tiHl by the rules of the Court. Suppose they
nrt' AulUoristnl to invost on a freehold mortgage, and nothing is said
«H to \:»hu« ; it is not ovorj- fnvhold mortgage, though stated by com-
|H>t»M\t jHM-sonsi to Iv sutlioiont to cover the sum lent, that ib withio
thv» trustoos' auihv^rity. If the soourity consists of land or buildings,
th<Mv liW'.st K* n ir.Arvin v^t" one-:hird value over and above the
*«h.-»«xv iv.,'u;o. "n-.o^i^ aT^» also limitations imposed by the law
.■»s t^^ tV.e Ki'.\*i V** :>r'v.^-.vr:y :'>-.:rc'haseaKe by a trustee who is
,-»\;?V.»^r,N.v, :o Vrv \\v.v'.. .'iv.»i :V.os? .<i:r? ss binding on him as if they
V,.i,; \vr. /\y:vs;t;v. r.'. :"-.:- tr.-.j: ir.s:r-.:rr.ent. A few years ago. an
."»,\v.-. ■.■.:.•»'■? .*iv.; .-» Tio".-.v"r.'.v>:i-r .s>wy:.;c t"::- Tmsts of the will of a
io^.J«;,^^ XX .'..■";■. ,;— .v:.v, ^V." irvr>:v.'.:r.: :i £?■••-'. c~ rsortca^e, the
-.vo.'v.;^ •:,• K" -.v ,'. :.• :*r: tf-sr.*,:,-?* ■":£:■"■ fcr lirV, »r:d the capial^
iv . X .\\l •■w." ,-- "■,- .i,vr>. .'.-••-T.rj-t tl'* jiilirr". T:lt tr^'its
•.',*.. a". ; •■ w-r .■:" :>;■ i' ••.' :,-«^--:'::'*c ■»"::1*- £:•.'•! fr:~ anotb^
N.- ',v V'f.v ^ : .•' ■ -. .<-. .;,x- t r;;:'rx^ti7* :: i fr«ei-:".i triokfeld
^ - ■ "v^" ■•- »■* ■ ' <i. ■ j; f ;>,"- •■::■■ .'■,:■>>> v- tM 'i* >,-.- :--^ maciineir,
> -v • ... .V V > * ■ s: : \\ ',' :'i 5 . !?«rC.T^ "-»•*» r- - ^ -•■ ■» y.fTiW.
■' ' . ..'»,■ V "'. .•:"S ," '. :".,■>; "vrrf ~,' r.iJ' "tT -]»~ TCT-TXfrTV OH
r. ;x • i -.. -V -v'.x;- ■.". ■ : fc ":■■■- t-stt iT-ir? tLi: thfl*
>■■■ ■■•. • • v ■ -c :-.i ^ ■;.-;:< i»> -:■♦ THKrir^tl ■•ts Veiag
•'■■*■«■ V • '.i ■ ?.j ".T^ n^^-.'w." ■»-,— ■fc.iTjroj tiif
*^' "• ■ - ■■' T" ;•. . — V : -s T r* rs^rrwi .tt tbf "scsM*
iSgo]
THE PERILS OF TRUSTEES.
861
paid the interest on their mortgage for six years and then went into
liquidation. The property was pat up for sale by auction, but was
not gold. The widow and the children then brought their action
against the trustees for making an improper and unauthorised invest-
ment, and succeeded in all the three Courts in which the case was
tried, the trustees having carried it as far as the House of Lords.
*' No one," said the present Lord Chancellor, " has doubted that the
trustees intended to do what was right, and no imputation can certainly
be made against them that they were actuated by any ofher motive
than that of procuring the highest amount of interest that they could
for their cesluis que trust, but the goodness of the motive cannot
JQstify the propriety of the investment." In point of fact, the trustees
had accepted and acted on the valuers' bare assurance that the security
was sufficient, in the absence of detailed information which would
enable them to form, and without forming, an opinion for themselves.
As the law then stood, and probably also as it now stands, a trustee,
though he is not expected to possess professional skill or knowledge,
and is entitled to call in the aid of skilled persons in matters in which
he has no experience, may not wholly surrender his own judgment
to experts even in so special a matter aa the valuation of house or
other property.
Up to this point, we have been considering cases which involve no
serious moral delinquency. The most common cases of all, however,
are those in which one trustee has to suffer for the gross negligence
or criminality of a trustee associated with him. Where there are two
or more trustees, all cannot be equally active, and it is very usual for
one of them to assume the position of acting trustee, the others
signing documents that are put before them by him in implicit
reliance on his statement that they are in order. The law, however,
recognises no such thing as a dummy trustee. All who accept a
trust are liable for the joint act, though only one be the real actor,
unless it be a necessary act of conformity, such as the receipt of a
sum of money, where the signature of all the trasteea is required,
and all cannot conveniently receive. True it is that each trustee is
said to be liable for his own acts and defaults only — but this really
means that A. is not liable for the acts of B., his co-trustee, in which
he took no part, and to which he gave no .sanction. The law-books
abound with cases of vicarious suffering for the sins and follies of
co-trustees. Here a country squire, or clergj'man, has, at the instance
of his colleague, an experienced man of business, been induced to
sign documents of transfer, which have put it in the power of the latter
to speculate with the trust funds for his own purposes, and the mistake
has only been found out after the man at whose instance they acted
has suddenly fled the country. There, a too confiding widow of a
testator has joined in a transfer of stock, standing in the name of
862
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jrxi
herself and co-executors, on the false representation that it was
nquired for payment of her husband's debts, and, the stock having
been misapplied by her co-executors, she has been held liable to
replace it. These examples might be multiplied to any extent. The
modern practice of issuing securities to bearer has su]jplied a large
crop of them, and tin- crop has yielded a plentiful harvest of costs in
the Chancery Division of the High Court of Justice.
Are there any means by which this unsatisfactory state of things can
be improved ? For it seems obvious that something must be done.
Wo must not forget that the office of a trustee is essentially voluntary,
and that in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred it is undertaken without
fee or reward. The hundredth case is that of a solicitor trustee, who
may be entitled to charge for the transaction of the business of the
trust, if the trust instrument so provides in express ternas. It must
also be remembered that a trustee who has once acted cannot retire
merely to suit his own convenience. He must show some good reason
for withdrawing, and if the beneficiaries object, he can only do so with
the sanction of the Court, unless he leaves at least two trustee
behind him. The difficulty of finding a new trustee is often very
great. Some judges object to appoint relatives as trustees ; othera
object to appoint beneficiaries. In a case of domestic difference
between husband and wife it often happens that no one can be fonud
to rush into the breach and accept the oflSce. It is a thankless
business to intermeddle in such circumstances, and it is proverbially
dangerous to attempt to do so.
Two forms of remedy have beeji proposed. One, the formation of
Trust Companies, which shall undertake trusteeship and executorship
aa part of their ordinary business. Of course, they will onJy do »
for gain, as companies are not formed, or conducted, on philanthropic
principles. The gain will usually be measured by a percentage of ti^
income or capital of the funds administered. Projects of this kind
were first started in this country in 1854, when two Bills were intro-
duced into Parliament empowering two companies named in them to
undertake trusts. This system has not yet taken root amongst a&
It is, however, in operation in our Australian colonies. A Company
called " The Victoria Trustees and Executors Agency, Limited," the
name of which explains itself, was formed in Victoria in 1879 ; and s
second company having the same object, and known as " The Union
Trustees Executors and Administrators Company, Limited," was started
in the same colony in 1885. Similar companies exist in the United
States. In 1887, Lord Hobhoiise introduced a Bill into the Hoosp
of Lords entitled, " A Bill to enable Incorporated Companies to ad
as Executors, Administrators, and Trustees, and in other Fiduci«y
Capacities." It empowers any company, if authorised by its Memo-
randum of Association to accept such trusts, to obtain, probates <rf
1890]
THE PERILS OF TRUSTEES,
863
wills and tetters of adminiatration, and also to become a trustee of
any real or personal property, either alone or jointly with any other
trustee, provided it haa a subscribed capital of, at least, £100,000, of
which at least £50,000 shall he paid up or depo3it«d by the Company
in the High Court. This deposit is liable to be increased by direction
of the Board of Trade, on the application of any persons interested in
the trust. No statutoiy limit ia imposed on the charges to be made
by the Company for the work done, but a statement of the scale of
charges is required to be inserted ia the Articles of Association ; and
this scale is, in each case, to be approved by the Board of Trade.
Lord Uobbouse's Bill, which, in his absence, was backed this year
by Lord JJerschell, has passed tlie House of Lords more than once,
but it has not yet been read a second time in the House of Commons.
The serious objection to it is that, iu all these Trust Companies, there
mast inevitably be a direct conflict of duties. The Company ought, in
the interest of its shareholders, to make as much profit as possible,
while, in the interest of those for whom it acts as trustee, it ought
to keep the expenses of administration, which are the sources of
those profits, within the narrowest limits. One of the Australian
Trust Companies is said to be making as much as 40 per cent, by
charging the trust estate 2^ per cent. Again, as the Company will
know nothing about the beneliciaries, it will require everything to be
strictly proved, and applications to the Court for directions will be
mnch more frequent biian in the case of private trustees. The smaller
estates, which are oflen the most troublesome, will thus be in danger
of being swallowed up in costs. The public danger will be still
further increased if Lord Herschell should, by hia friends in the
House of Commons, carry the point he made both in the Lord's
Committee and on the third reading, namely, that the business of
Trust Companies should not be confined by law to trusts, but should
comprise other bu.siness of a remunerative character. The effect of
this extension would be to embark trust funds in speculations over
which the Ijeneficiaries would have no control, and unless the doctrine
of average were introduced, and the trust investments were (as the
phrase goes) '" pooled,"' it might lead to grave disasters.
The other remedy, which has also found favour iu the Colonies, par-
ticularly in New Zealand, is the creation of an oflScer of State, called
the *• Public Trvistee," with a department over which he presides
CftUed " The Public Trust Office." The New Zealand Act, which was
passed in 1872, empowers every private person, corporation, or
Friendly Society, and also (as amended in 1875) every executor or
trustee, to place any property belonging to him, or within his control,
under the care of this public department, by vesting such property
in the Public Trustee, to be held by him upon the trusts specified in
the trust instrument. The Public Trustee, however, is not bound to
861
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jcsi
accept any trast until its acceptance has been sanctioned by a Board
of Advice specially constituted for that purpose by the Act, and also,
in certain cases, further approved of by a judge's order. Anotber
provision is, that no trust instniment is to be accepted by the Poblic
Trustee in which any other peraon is appointed to act with him The
adminiatration, therefore, is, in every case, wholly of an officiil
character. Based on the lines of this Act, Public Trustee Bills were
introduced into our own House of Commons in 1887, and again in
1889, by Mr. Howard Vincent and others. But in each case the order
for the second reading was discharged, it being obvious that a
measure of such importance could only make its way under the direct
auspices of the Government.
The present Administration has not been slow to take up the glove
thus thrown down to it. Last year the Lord Chancellor introduced*
Public Trustee Bill of his own, and piloted it through the House of
Lords. This ye^r he has introduced it again ; it has again p&ased
the Upper House, and is very shortly to be considered in detail by a
Committee of the Hou^e of Commons. Unlike any of it^ predeces-
sors, this Bill allows the Pulilic Trustee, who is, of course, a corpora-
tion with perpetual succession, or, to use the legal phrase, a corpora-
tion sole, to act as trustee jointly with a private trustee, or private
trustees. It thus delivers us from the web of officialism which Mr.
Vincent and bis friends would weave around us. The Trust estate is
to be indemnified out of the Consolidated Fund against any loss
arising out of any fraud or negligence of the Public Trustee, or his
• ofiScers, and his salary and expenses are to be recouped to the Public
Treasury by a percentage levied on the income, or capital, cf thft
Trust property. The bill will, no doubt, meet with the oondemnalion
of Lord Wemyss and the " Liberty and Property Defence I^eague ^as
socialistic legislation ; but it is no more socialistic in the ^M^'' *'
appoint a Public Trustee than to appoint a I'ostmaater-Gi :
Lord Salisbury may fairly refer to it at the next Academy baui^opt la
one more instance of the tutelary care of " our grandmofli^f ti"
State," and yet defend the consistency of his Cabinet by Moving ihii
the instance is not wholly new. Official trustees of charity Uaiis »'"'
funds have been long established, and have been known by iJwt nw*
as far back as the year 1855. They have conferred a double heaSU
for, first, they have made the charity property secure, aad, srcoDiJ'j".
since the official trustee never dies or resigns, they harf^ saved lii»
expense of appointing new trustees from time to time. There seenu
to be no reason why this office should not be extended ffOW *
public, or charitable, to the private trust.
I'hf^ debatable point is this. Can the mav
be conveniently left to the Public Trustef .
a private person associated along with h'
i89o]
THE PERILS OF TRUSTEES.
865
has to manage, or concur in managing, the estate, there is the same
objection on the score of expense as has been already urged against
Trnst Companies. If his co-tmatee is to manage witliout him, and
he himself is to take no part, his presence in the trust is delusive,
and is likely to mislead the beneficiaries. The opinion of the present
writer is, that, upon the balance of convenience and inconvenience, it
would be better not to interfere with the private management of
tnists, but simply to lighten the responsibilities of management by
easing the burden of the law wherever it bears with undue weight
upon innocent shoulders. The management of the trust and the
legal control of the trust property are entirely distinct things, and do
not necessarily unite in the same persons. This fact is acknowledged
by Lord Halsbury's Bill, which provides that if the trust instrument
directs that any specified power shall not be exercised by the Pubhc
Trustee, such direction shall have effect given to it, but that he shall
notwithstanding, at his co-trustees' request, concur with them in all
acts necessary to ensure its exercise on their pai-t, unless, indeed, such
request should amount to an invitation to assist in a breach of trust.
In divers ways much has been done of late years to relieve those
who gratuitously undeilake the thankless task of looking after the
affairs of others. This is dm partly to the action of the Courts and
partly to the Legislature. Th(« Courts have now laid down the sensible
rule that a trustee sufficiently discharges hts duty if, in manoging the
trust affairs, he takes all those precautions which an ordinary prudent
man of business would take in managing similar atiaii-s of his own.
From this it follows thnt wherever a usual course of business exists, a
trustee is justified in pursuing it ulthough it involves the trust pro-
perty in risk by reason of the difihonesty or insolvency of an agent.
L«et me illustrate this l^ an example. Some few years ago, a trustee
"I a ^Tll who was authorised to invest the trust money on stock of
municipal coi-poiations, employed, at the request of the testator's
family, a broker to purchase corporation debenture stock for £15,000.
e broker in due course of business forwarded to the trustee the
usual bought note which purported to be subject to the rules of the
J>onaon Stock Exchange, and obtained from the trustee a cheque for
il»e purcha-se-monej npon the representation that it was payable the
pfxt day. Mfhich was the next account day on the Exchange. The
l^rokcrlurned oat to be a rogue. He appropriated the £1.^,000 to
lita own nae, imd then absconded and was no more heard of Vice-
hMcellor Bacon hold the tnistee liable, on the ground that he
0ght not to havn trusttx? rh** broker with the cheque, on the faith
f ^■^^^»F^f' "ot. - ,„ ^as reversed by the Court of
V^ ■ ni>J bv the House of Lords.
irft
ve changes to which I have above
and too miscellaneous to be here
1^
866 THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW. [Jot«
stated in detail. They will be found embodied in the Trustee Act of
1888, and the Trustee Investment Act of 1889, and have more than
a professional interest. Nothing more seems to be now compassable
beyond an extension of these statutes so as to meet new cases of
hardship where they arise, as they are sore to do. Unfortunately,
the Legislature cannot always intervene in time. But for tiiis there
is no help. Every law, which is afterwards amended, presses hardly
while it remains in force. It is too much to expect that the law
affecting trustees should furnish the solitary exception to the rule.
For the rest, we may be content, as I venture to think — and I
believe that this is also the view of the majority of both branches of
the legal profession — with a much more modest instalment of
ofiBlcialism than is provided by the Lord Chancellor's Bill. It will
suffice for the present to institute a Public Trustee in whom,
as in the case of the lands and funds of charities, the Trust property
may be solely vested, leaving its management, as heretofore, to
private individuals selected for that purpose by the author of the
Trust, or those that fill the chair which time has called upon him to
vacate.
Montague Cbackanthobpk.
tSpo]
MUTE WITNESSES OF THE REVOLUTION.
A WALK THROCGH THE IITSTORTCAL EXHIBITION
OF THE FKENCH REVOLUTION.
THE Society for promotint? Historical R<?searcli into tbe Revolution
ami its Causes, have sought ia their Exhibition to correct,
by a aeriea of visible objects, the written accounts of that event.
Truth, and nothing but the tnith, was their aim. To get at
the whole trutli was impossible. Their belief in the salutary
nature of that great event, or series 'of events, moved them to
receive every kind of evidence which bore upon the Revolution.
The imagery expressing the enthusiasm •which the sweeping move-
ment called out, the caricatures which were meant to sting and
injure those who held the handle of the besom, the touching relics of
the Temple prison, the picture of the Dauphin in the ill condition in
which the cobbler Simon kept him, are all impartially displayed. Louis
XV' I,, the Girondins and Jacobins, the Mountain and Plain, Danton
and Robespierre, Charlotte Corday and Marat, are equally in view.
This exhibition, arranged with chronological seqaence, shows first
the precursors, and then the actors, in the period embraced between
the opening of the Stat/es-General in 1 78*.' and the creation in 180 I
of the Empire, which arose in tawdry showiness and ended in depletion
and national di.saster.
Everything is full of suggestion in the material evidence thus col-
lected and classified. One sees what the Monarchy was before the
)rm burst which brought it down, the rapidity of its fall, and the
mtoneously evolved agencies which forced France into a Republic.
That the Revolution was to be, and could not but be, is the conclusion
forced upon the thoughtfnl visitor who has been prepared by previous
^atndy to seize the points furnished by the mute witnesses of which 1
)ffak. Human design had hut a small part in directing the general
current of events, which imparted to commonplace men and women
868
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[JUSK
who took part in them an astonishing grandeur. Others of the actors,
who had evil passions, became prodigiously terrible. Most were as if
under the influence of possession. Some were possessed by noble,
some by ferocious spirits, and all, consciously or unconsciously, aided
in transforming the oldest and most powerful Monarchy of Europe
into a llepublic. It is shown in the hall devoted to the precursors of
the Revolution that the tempest had its birthplace in North America,
and that Washington, not less than Voltaire and Rousseau, helped to
furnish the momentum.
Montgollier the balloonist, and Galvani, are classed as precursors,
though the scientists had but a small place among those who prepared
the way for the Revolution. Galvani in reanimating dead frogs and
Franklin in flying hia kite had an intuition that much was to come of
what they were doing. But they oould not have known that they
were beginning to give a nervous system to the planet.
Irony was the great intellectual power of the eighteenth centmy.
Its reign begau in England, having its origin as far back as the reign
of Charles II. ; and that reign was extended through Voltaire to Paris
and Berlin, where Frederick sought in it an intellectual pastime.
The wita were masters of the age. Ribaldrj.' and raillery filled
its literature, and held the first place in letters and in the
conversation of the great. Voltaire towered above them &U.
because he had a burning hatred of injustice and of those legal
iniquities which were giants in his time. What wit before him ever
elected to be an exile for the best part of his life rather than ceaae
attacking inhuman laws and customs ? There was no such reforming
purpose in Bolingbroke, Sterne, or Jlelding, whatever there may haw
been by fits and starts in Swift.
It is therefore due to Voltaire to place his bust by Houdon at the
entrance to the hall of the precursors. Rousseau's faces it. The one
came to destroy through intellectual action, the other to set right the
world, which he found out of joint, through the action of the heart
and sensibilities. Rousseau was the father of Socialism, and found
his gospel in the New Testament. It was brought home to him hy a
life of misery too great for words to utter. Louis Blanc was his
descendant in the spiritual order, and Laesalle, Karl Marx and th»
German Socialists borrowed lai-gely of Louis Blanc. Iloussean was the
teacher of the blessings of inwardness. His effigy is indicative of painfol
chronic disease, from the misery of which he could only escape by
retiring to a dreamland within himself. There he found the eloqnenw
which enabled him to give old truths the freshness of a spring bloom.
His eyes, as if drawn in from behind, have the look which we fixvdisa
cholera patient who is past recoverj% There is also a cjueroloas
expression which, if it robs the head of dignity, testities to the
sculptor's veracity.
1890] MUTE WITNESSES OF THE REVOLUTION.
869
On a panel facing the door kept by these two illustrious janitors,
we find proof that tradespeople made use of the events of the Revo-
lution to make business hits. A piece of printed Jouy cotton is
stretched on the panel ; the prints are in red, brown, and grey, on a
white ground, and illustrate the rejoicings at the fall of the Bastille.
That prison fortress is all but demolished, and the rubbish is being
cleared away. No cotton printer of our time would pack such a
variety of designs into a space of a few yards square. Parties of
pleasure visit the ruins, cross a drawbridge, unfurl flags, dance,
embrace, drink coffee, atid read gazettes at little tables. Elegantly
dressed ladies wheel rubbish away in barrows. A fever of demolition
has taken hold of men who tear down walls. Costumes mark the
date 1790. The Marie Antoinette style is not yet out, but it is
going, going, and soon will be gone.
This Jouy cotton was intended as a substitute for tapestry. A
treaty of commerce was concluded between France and England a
few years before the Revolution. The competition of English cottona
and pt)ttcry had already put the French upon their mettle. It was
complained that, while France bought largely these wares of England,
England bought but little S<>vre8, Bourg la Reine, Nevers, or Rouen
porcelain and faience, because they were too dear, A means of
taking the wind out of the Englisli sails was hit upon by French
potters in the Revolution. It was to give the interest of actuality to
vessels in coarse clays, which would be within the reach of persons
of small means. They carried out their idea, and a great number of
pictorial plates, dishes, salad-bowla and barber's dishes frame the
square of Jouy cotton, and help to illustrate episodes of the Revolution.
They belong to liu' famous Champfleury collection.
Voltaii-e and Rousseau occupy the largest space in the Pre-
cursors' Hall. Both great men are in many subject-pictures. Fancy
has nrj part in those of Voltaire, who often gave hospitality to
artists. One of them did for him from life a pictare of the Colas
family, wliich is here. But imagination runs riot in most of the
Bubject^pictures about Rousseau. There are cursory sketches of
Voltaire in pen and ink worth close study. Obviously they were
also done from life, and perhaps he was not aware when the artists'
pencil was busy setting down his traits that he was being sketched.
His visage is worn away, bis mouth sunken from want of teeth, and
Uie body attenuated and bent. A few lines mark the contour of jaw,
strong cheek-ljoncs. nose, forehead, and goggle eyes, which are still
watchful, bright, and eager, and, it may surprise many to hear,
strangely and lieautifully soft. Indeed^ all the harshness lies around
th«f mouth. In another sketch he is writing, and l(X)ks as though
he knew that vitriol ilowed from his pen. A jwrtrait of him
in pftstcla of singnlar charm was done when lie was n young
872
THE CONTEMPORARY RE VIE IV.
[.II
had devoted lady-friende, to judge from the knick-knacks they
gave him. Among these objects we find a portfolio with vellunj
leaves within, and green silk without. A miniature of himself of
rare beauty, too, is painted on one of the leaves. Sauvage pintiL
A garland of flowers serves to frame the head : they are in the trim
style of the day, by Madame Vallayer Coster, the donor. The Pre-
cursors of the Revolution owed much to the sympathy of women.
CagliostTo ranks as a Precursor. He was certainly a dissolmg
ferment in French society just before the Revolution, and strikes ooe
as a powerfully blatant impostor. Cagliostro was the Mirabean of
charlatanism. His portrait is like Mirabeau's.
Lafayette is handed down to us m an engraving by Paon,
"war painter to his Highness the Prince of Cond^," as he may
have wished himself to be shown to posterity, and as the hourgfoisU
of Paris expected to see him when he was " camp marshal to the
king, and commander of the national guard." Lafayette, a finical,
natty person, stands before a neighing war-horse (which is held by a
negro man-servap.t) in an American N'olunteer uniform and the
feathered hat of a French nobleman. His wide brim, is thatchfti
all round with ostrich feathers, the ends of which droop over the
brim. The general points towards an army which marches in the
direction of a bay filled with transport-vessels, but his eyes look in
an opposite direction. The letterpress tells us that —
" L'Amf'riqne etait asseme
Ce h<'Tos vint briser sen fers
Son suoces nu dela des mers
Presageait ceux de la I'atrie."
Near to Lafayette is a picture of the last lit (i.e., lecture w
reading) of justice. (Carlyle, by-the-by, translates lit de jvMi»
" bed of justice," as he translated serviettes — i.e., portfolios of th«
judges and councillors of the Parliament of Paris — " towels.") Loois
is perched up on a throne in a comer, on a lofty, and, to modem
eyes, grotesque scaffolding covered with Jieur-dc-lys cloth. There
is no access, save from behind, to his perch. One of his brothers
sits on a step at the edge of the scaffolding. The position is an
uneasy one, there being no baluster, and the top of the last st«p
being, perhaps, seven feet from the ground. The Duo d'Orleans
protests, with the judges, against the king's order to register what has
been read in his name. They are drawing down thnnderbolts upon
themselves and on the monarchy with light hearts, not knowing what
they do.
And 80 we come to Washington as a young colonel of the United
States Militia, and also as a soldier under Braddock in tlie service \A
King George, whose weakness he learned when serving him a^ntf
the French in Ohio. I deem it a piece of good inck to havr hod mj"
former impressions of Washington corrected by. this portrait. By th^
i89o] MUTE WITNESSES OF THE REVOLUTION. 873
time he was raised to the dignity of Fathf^r of liis Country, his counte-
nance was spoiled by an ill-fitting set of falae teetli (Americau dentistry
not yet existing). We have him among the mute witnesses in a large
oval water-colour miniature, done on rough paper, and in the Frt^nch
style ot the time. Washington, under Bratldock, took a good many
French prisoners. It is possible that there was one among them who
knew how to paint a good portrait. The American patriot in this
miniature is a young man, and ought to be a man of strong impulses and
passions, held well in hand. There is no constrainnd set expression in
the under- part of the face, and there is manly beauty and dignity in the
whole head. You get at once into sympathetic feeling '»\-ith the Colonel,
who must be as courageous a.s he is thoughtful and judicious. The hazel
eyes, accustomed to watch for ambushes of French and Indians in a wild
country, have an eagle glance that scours the horizon. Washington was
an eager as well as a judicious man. He shrank from no responsibility
when once he saw his way to do a daring thing which it was well to
venture upon. The hair is leas carefully brushed than in most of
Washington's portraits, and grows from the scalp, though young men
wore wigs when he was sent to Fort Ohio. There is a slight dust of
powder on it. George, the founder of the United States, followed
the gentlemanly modes of his time at a distance. Possibly he might
have evolved into George the First of the Kingdom of America, if
about the time he sat for this sketchy likeness he had not been jilted.
We may assume that his lady-love was insensible to those qualities
which make him to our eyes the greatest political man of his century
and the idol of the Americans. Mrs. Martha Custis, when he married
her, had gone through a sobering experience of life, and learned
wisdom in that school. Her head was as solid as her husband's, and
she was appreciative of the quiet happiness of her lot as the wife
of a Virginian planter of mental and moral worth, and in the enjoy-
ment of a fair opulence. We do not hear enough of Mrs. Washington.
No vestige of her is to be found among the relics with which I deal.
Franklin, according to Greuze, is also widely different from the prosaic
patriarch of the United States postage-stamps and from most of his
other portraits. In him and Washington there is a characteristic ex-
pression that I do not find in a single great Frenchman of their time.
They were Ixith weighted by a sense of their responsibilities, purposeful,
patient, and self-reliant, and Washington was high hearted. All thia
told in their physiognomies. Madame Roland truly said that th«
tyranny of the Monarchy for eleven centuries left no place for stead-
fastnrfs in the French character. Wit £ind quick apprehension were
the paramount qualities, and wit too often was degraded to ribaldry.
She attributed the crimes of the Revolution to want of moral courage.
The upper classes lacked backbone. Franklin, as he looked to Grenze,
interesting and strong countenance. A thoughtful habit is
874
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEH'.
[Jon
shown in deep-set, brown eyes. His face explains better than his
writings why he was so successful a negotiator, and made his w»y
s«i far in a society which, if corrupt and light-headed, was (juick to
perceive and penetrate,
*' Scenes from the War of Independence," in another square piece ol
Jouy cotton, are placed near a grisaille representing a marble bust of
Washington as Fatiier of his Country. The bust is supported by t
spread eagle, and belonged to Lafayette. The scenes a^<^ fancdfal,
bnt give insight into French consciousness on the subject of America.
It was then pictured as a tropical paradise, inhabited by planters,
elegant ladies, aud joyous negro slaves, all of whom Lafayette and
his troops released from British tyranny.
How far away In the past seems a letter of the Marquis de Dreiuc
Br^zO, the Grand Master of the Ceremonies, who drew down with
flippant levity the first thunderbolt which fell upon the monarchy.
This document relates to the ceremonial to be observed at the Assembly
of Notables, held in the Palace of Versailles in 1787 and in 1788.
Discontent was fast rising in the provinces in those years.. Side br
side with Dreux BrSzS's letter, a seditions placard hangs on the wall
It was stuck on a pillar of the wheat-market at Pamiers, on December
5, 1787, to stir up that burg to revolt against capitalists and high
officials accused of being engaged in forestalling operations in cereals
(Apacti) (h famine). Paris was in a similar mood, and a mob burned tie
guard-house of the Place Dauphine. Ladiea' fans in that year wcw
turned into arms against the Court, and hinted at the revelations <d
Madame de la Motte which had come out in London. There is a ian
decorated with a too-transparent allegory, making the Queen out t«
be the associate of a gang of knaves engaged in the diamond-neddaoF
swindle. Truth absolves Cardinal de Rohan of complicity in robbing
the jewellers Boemer and Bossange. How tongues must have dealt in
»can. vmg. when that fan was flirted ! Pictorial squibs, more or 1«»
ribald, are to bo found in the hall of the Precursors of the Hevolutioa
Some are clever, some far-fetched, some stupid, and all done on coars?
paper. Voltaire and Rousseau are exalted, and the episcopacy, wbow
members are wealthy and corrupt, are lampooned, bnt with constraint,
for fear of consequences. There is a wide difference between the taigid
allusions of the lampoons of 1787 and the straight hits of Manl'
PAini cIh Pciiph of three years later, or the direct hammering
U Ph'e DticJUsnr, whoso editor had studied the vices of the axisti
as a valet. In one of the " precursor " squibs, " La sottise buroain*
est cit^e an tribunal de D^mocrite par Tennemi dn sang et Tami d"
lx)n sen.s."' Another is, " Une -iVllegorie de la liaison reprfeenf^'f "'
grande guerre centre les areopot ites [the clergy] ou les m;
de Tair qui sacrifient le Dieu de la Nature an LHeu de rfieolf. Vul
et Roupseau, grands £vang6listes de la Religion tftemelle, qui.
iSgo] MUTE iriTNBSSES OF THE REVOLUTION, 875
J^SQS lui-meme, consisto dans I'amour de Dieu et des hommee, voyant
rfiglise bati sur la pointe d'une aiguille la poussent de leura plumes et
la font chanc«ler." Later on there is a consultation between a bishop
and a notary ; the bishop, in return for some millions that ho want*
to enjoy, ofters a mortgage on an estate in another world. " C'est une
garantie insufRsante," says the notary; "I must advise my clients not
to lend the money."
Mrs. Partington keeping out the tide with a mop was hardly
more unreasonable than the Lady Ai'tists of Paris, who, in the hope of
covering the public delicit, carried their trinkets and silver spoons to
the Altar of the Country, or, in plain language, to the Bureau of the
National Assembly. Les Dames Artistes are in elegant apparel.
Some of them njount the bureau with their offerings. Deputies on
the floor hasten to set armchairs on which the ladies may sit while
the President harangues them : the galleries are packed with spec-
tators, who applaud. The gifts are childish in their slendernesa,
and perhaps merely an occasion for the givers to win a little pro-
minence. All seem to play a part in an elegant comedy. Tho
Furies had not yet banished Thalia from the scene.
We mount the stairs, and find at the top Mirabean on an " Altar
of the Country," Altars of the country ."sprang up in the public
places between 1789 and 1794, when the Itevolutioiiary tide began
to ebb. ]klirabeau appears a& he was, a blusterer of geniha and an
arrant posturer. He was only ballasted by love of money. His
clumsily-shaped body was the incarnation of the tempest. When he
was popular, his roughly blocked-out head was made to serve for
decorating pottery statuettes, and busts of him were made in S<ivTe8
biscuit, plaster, bronze, marble, Rouen delf and terra-cotta. These
objects are displayed on the Altar of the Country, The cast ^^^there also)
of his seamed face, taken after death, was regarded as a sacred object,
but. on the discovery of his " g^and treason,*' was flung aside as
recalling one whose memory deserved to rot. I know of nothing in
pictorial art so bombastic as " The Death of Aiirabeau," which is too
elaborately engi-aved not to have bt-en intended for rich buurrfmis. I
BBsame it was for them, because the aristocracy did not like bombast.
There is a perfect Olympus of Allegorical figures which are not trusted
to explain themselves. This is what is said for them : —
•* Lo France " (who wears a royal crown and a mantle studded
with fleurs de lyf<) "en pK-urs tomoigue ses regrets, et semble faire dew
eflbrts pour arraclier au tripos I'homme celebre qu'on voit represent/^
sur le lit de mort" (a flag on the top of steps), "mais I'heure fatale est
men ct la Par(|ne olV'it au Destin. Mirabeau in<1i(|uo en mourant
coupableft uuteura des troubles qui agitent le royanme, et la veritt;,
soul<"vant nn coin da voile laissc apercevoir une horde de factienx se
debris du TrOne oo'ils s'efforcent de renverser ; mais '
876
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
tJnn
foudre 6clat« et vient frappef les perfides ennemis des lois et de la
f^licitfi publique." Death is behind weeping France : Fame w-ip^s
sway a tear and prepares to blow her trumpet. Time crowned with
stare points to a tablet which is as if about to fall from Mirabeau's
hands. Thereon is written his declaration, made when he had taken
ft bribe from the Court : — " Je oombatrai les factieux de quelqne
parti qu'ila soient, de quelque cote qu'ils se trouvent." Amoretti
weep as this resonant phrase falls from the orator's month.
Mirabeau's was the first of a series of political funerals carried
on through a period of a hundred years. This kind of apotheosis was
unknown in France before his death. Dav-id, then struggling up, was
the initiator of the grand theatrical funeral for which the streets of
Paris have so often ser%''ed as a stage.
A triumphant Liberty, belonging to the Rheims museum, overshadows
the Altar of the Country. The room next to the lobby is devoted to
the royal, victims offered thereupon — namely, Louis X^^. and his
family. Of these royal personages there is a variety of portraits,
autographs, and other relics. Nearly every one has seen busts
of Marie Antoinette. A particular one at this Exhibition betrays
just a touch of silliness which I have not noticed in anj
other. Yet, what nobility in her mien ! Her husband's bust ' is
idealised ; but one feels as if really in his presence when one
stands before a portrait of him by Grenze, who makes him obese,
homely, kindly, with pale-blue eyes (in the comer of which there
is the ghost of a sly twinkle), and gives him a vast expanse of enn-
burned fleshy face. A bro\vn print, in which he wears a red cap of
liberty and a cockade excites pity — he is so resigned and good-natured.
" Monsieui'," his brother, wearing the Order of the Holy Ghost, is of a
cynical countenance. His sister, Madame Elizabeth, whose stiffly-erect
and slender neck is to pass under the axe of the guillotine, has the
duck-bill retrou3s6 nose of her grandmother, Marie Leczenska. and
generally resembles her, but on a small pattern. She is upright in
carriage, and of an ordinary intellect, but is about the most heroic
characti^r of the Revolution, and certainly the most simple in her sab-
mission to duty, and to the dictates of sisterly affection. The hair of
this princess w dressed high. Madame Royale, a girl of nine, ari' »' -
image of her mother (who treated !ier with severity), is in the i.
group. Later in life, her contour took an expression of mascalioa
harshness, and her voice became a rough and deep bass. A tnv-
house, built in dark-grey cardboard, and having windows of »rir9
net-work, stands nearer, and suggests prison gloom. The King and
Dauphin made it for the amusement of the latter when they ire
virtual prisoners at the Tuilories. The ladies beguiled the tediam
their captivity with needlework. Elizabeth was expert witli bef
needle, and taught her niece, of whose handiwork there is a spedmMj
i89o] MUTE WITNESSES OF THE REVOLUTION. 877
in a bit of feather-stitch embroidery. Yon miniature of the guillotine,
which stands beside a model of the Bastille, cut out of a stone of
that State-prison, is no toy, but a model, by Schmidtj submitted by
Doctor Guillotin, " physician in ordinary to the King," to Louis, who
improved its mechanism by changing the shape of the blade.
Guillotjn himself, as well as his machine, was a good deal pictured
on cheap delf. A miniature of him has come down with the other
fiotsam and jetsam of the Revolution. It gives us the idea of a
correct, jvidicious practitioner with the half-closed eye of one who is
mentally thinking out some problem. He was always improving his
surgical instruments in order to abridge pain by rapidity in operating,
and thought to minimize it at capital executions. The principle of
equality was to be demonstrated by the guillotine, since king, nobles, and
sans culottes were to lose their heads by Dr. Guillotin's process. Hia
small model of his head-lopping machine is near hia miniature, and '* ia
quite equal to cutting off a man's finger " — a ix)liceman says who works
it to oblige visitors. Samson, the public executioner, we Und, took sniiif.
His snuff-box, of plain brass, is on view also. Further on are
grusoiue relics, such, for instance, as a handkerchief steeped in Marie
Antoinette's blood. Instruments of torture, which fell into disuse
for ever at the Revolution, are grouped round the guillotine, which
perhaps was used as much as it was by the llevulutionists because if, was
a novelty. It killed in the twinkling of an eye. Finishing off the
King and Queen gave it prestige, and made it the rage as a gi'atis
spectacle. An old evil is most dangerous in a new form.
Of poor little Louis XVII. there is a heartrending portrait taken
when he was under Simon's care ; a blight has come over him, making
hia features pinched and peaky, and sinking his eyes, which have
grown furtive, in their sockets. The lids are scorbutic. A frill, in
too much need of the laundress, falls over hia black jacket, on which
hia trowsera are buttoned. But a short time ago he was painted
fiitting on a mossy bank beneath a wild-rose thicket in the Trianon
'ark, and Madame de Polignac, bis governess, cutting roses to throw
lem into his uplifted hands. An artless fellow- painting shows the
queen, elegantly dressed, with her children and her Italian greyhound, in
herTrianon farm-yard, watc-hing a maid milk a cow, and surrounded by a
cock, hens, geese, goslings, and milk-pails. In no memoirs have w«> read
that the ill-starred (^ueen was fond of dogs, but in tliese pictorial relics
we Boe many testimonies that she was. A spaniel enters charmingly
into a family group, also in the Trianon Park, and is the only being in
it that is really free from a simpering affectation of simplicity. Her
]\[aje8ty, sitting on a knoll at the foot of a gnarled oak, holds with one
hand her boy on her knee, and passes the other round the neck of the
king, who reclines beside her. An infant — tlje child who was doojned
to perish in the Temple — casta bread-crumbs to a flock of goslings,
878
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
ti
which may liave been purposely separated from the parent goose aod
gander, which are not to be seen ; and an elegant lady, with head on
Bhoulder, looks on in ecstasies. The juvenile princess royal dancee
a measure, with toe far pointed out, for the amusement of the spaniel,
which frisks about her. Rousseau, badly assimilated, underlies the
composition. Artists, to be in fashion, Rousseaa-ized the pictures
ordered of them by august and illustrious patrons. Madame Vigi8«
Le Bruu was one of the few persons in relations with the Conrt who wa*
not bitten by the mania, and preferred la science du chiton to sham
rusticities. An engraving, fine as a vignette, of the fiction-foonded-
upon-fact character, and dedicated by permission to the queen, giw«
her seated on a rock facing the Trianon gat«*. She re«t« her ami
languidly on the stnmp of a tree. A gentleman behind lier — not tb*"
king — h-ans forward in a sontimental attitude. Courtiers are grouped
round ; a few of the ladies sit on the gi'ass ; gentlemen, fanning them,
talk into their ears. The queen is aitnidri either by what is said to
her, or by the performance of the strolling company of Savoyards
and their dogs and monkeys on the gravel sweep at the gate, Tlie
realism of the Htrollers jars with the sentimentality of the Coort.
Beneath th*' varnish of Eousseati-ism one truth is perceptible — ^namely,
that flirtatifin was thi> grand pastime at the Trianon, where the king
only camf' bv epccial invitation.
The l^rincess He Lamballe, «/*• Princess de iSavoy Corignau. and
great-aunt of Victor Emmanuel, in a degree belongs to " the Royal
Family,"' and is the most poetized martyr of the Revolution. Mari»
Theresa objected to her intimate companionship with the queen, because
of her hyper-sensibility, which made her faint when, one day boating
at Choisy with Marie Antoinette, a man fell out of their boat into the
Seine and was drowned. Tbt- German Empress (who be it remem-
bered urged Marie Antoinette to be- friendly to Madame du Barri
when the latter was the Sultana of Louis XV.) thought it disgracr-
ful to faint when a drowning man was to be rescued. P*re3ence of
mind would have been noble, whereas the over-mastery of head br
nerves was contemptible. We must get rid of the idea of the l*rinorsJ
de Lamballo's beauty, fostered by the photographs of her sold is
Paris printshops. A mute witness in the form of a largo oval poitnit,
coloured m chalks, establishes that she was jilain, and had a com-
plexion to match with sandy hair, and was of the Savoy Carignan, or
House of Italy, ty]X>. Though her features are ordinary, she has
a vulgar face. In this portrait there is bitterness beneath her
and a spice of primness in her bearing. A stiffly-garlanded hat is a(*
on the side of her high-dressed, powdered hair. When she found
herself supplanted by the Duchess do Polignac in thf queen's fattwr.
she wept till she thought the source of her tears dried up. Hsr
grievance might have been fresh when those flowers were being won*
i8go] MUTE WITNESSES OF THE REVOLUTION. 879
into tlie wreath for her hat. The wierd she had to dree was one of
hearfc-bittemess, ending in grueaome tragedy. Married to the heir
of the richest no])lemaii in. France, she was a, widow at the age of
eighteen. Her husband, who was not much her senior, died of
debaucherj'. All her affections were then vested in the qneen, of
whom she became, during several years, the confidante and daily
companion. The poor princess, when the royal faiuily were prisoners,
came back from a place of safety abroad, to see how she could serve
them. Her head was for the last time seen by her royal mistress,
held np on a pike before a window in the Temple.
As a set-off against the Temple relics, comprising a model of
that prison-like castle made in dark cardboard by the Dauphin,
there are other objects which at one time set blood boiling in
France. They are the tools made by Latude, and the ladder,
manufactured out of his bedclothes, by means of which he escaped
from the Bastille. A deep window-niche is given up to documents
relating to the taking of that fortress prison, to padlocks of cells
made by clumsy smiths who thought ponderousness a guarantee for
security. Turgot's great-grandson lent the portrait of that eco-
nomist and administrator, who foresaw that a grinding _/Wf would be
as ruinous to the French Monarchy as it was to the Roman Empire.
What is 80 remarkable in Turgot as here portrayed is that he looks
not the business man whom we conceive him, but a man of imagina-
tion. Is it iwssible, without the imagination which enables one to put
oneself in the place of others, to be an earnest and eager reformer ?
Events came and went so fast between the opening of the States-
General and the seizure of the king and queen in their palace, as to
keep on the alert all who wanted to chronicle them with pen or pencil.
They had to hit their birds on the wing. Camille Desmoulins wrote
,• legible and even hand before the Revolution. But in the hot
laste in which he had later to jot down his impres.sions it appears to
have got disjointed, snaggled, and scratchy. We are enabled to see
what manner of countenance he had. Well, he was a hcau laid, sallow,
Inntern-jawed, and wide-mouthed, but with a glorious pair of black
eyes, though one of them slightly squinted. Camille was one of the
three or four who, in 1789. thought of and hoped for a Republic.
His classical books which he used at school are scored with pen and
ink, in passages relating to the grandeur of Republican Rome.
A deputy's order for the sitting of the Assembly on Oct/>ber 5, 1780,
At Versailles, is signed by Dr. Guillotin. We see in other wreckage
thrown up by the sea of oblivion bow the Revolution struck those
who watched its course. At the start, there was much aiming at effect
and stAginess, Tritles connected with point.s of etiquette were
thought of prime importance by the Court, which snubbed and tea-ied
the deputies of the people rather than oppressed tlietn. A pattern
880
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
tJvxx
■mantle, which the Grand Chamberlain insisted on their adopting for
their official costume, is in coarse, black serge, and resembles a pinafore
worn behind instead of before. Qaite a gallery of likenesses in black
and white bring down to us the faces of the men who were emerging
from obscurity into public life. ** The Tennis Court Oath," depicted
at the time, does not impress one with a high idea of the sincerity of
those who took it. They attitudinise too much to be really in earnest.
Did they mean it to divert from the palace the anger of the crowd
that raged in the streets outside ? Probably.
We obtain a glimpse of the social condition of France, as the
Monarchy was toppling, by scanning the sumptuary relics. Gentle-
jueu dressed in richer stuffs and in as bright colours as ladies. The
lay figures clad in the coats and waistcoats of men of rank have to
onr eye a fancy-ball character. One elfect of the Revolution was to
plunge the manhood of the civilised world into black. Muscadins
and Incroyables react«?d against this in a spirit of levity, and Napoleoa,
as Emperor, in the spirit of a snob. His Imperial trappings are now
absurd, and in his own time must have excited the derision of men
like Talleyrand.
Louis XVI., so long as he was thought favourable to consLitutioiud
and fiscal reform, was simply adored by his subjects. Here he ia on
a medallion of biscuit porcelain — " the father of his people, the restorer
of French liberties " (when did they ever exist ? ) ; " the protector of
trades and handicrafts, tlie Whit-esmith King, and the godfather of
the American Republic." He is lauded for having set an example
of respect for labour iu having the Dauphin taught the use of car-
penter's tools and of a turning lathe. The poor boy's little plane asd
bench are among the wreckage collected in this Exhibition. I not*,
as I read the time-stained laudations of Louis XVI., that his wife's
name does not appear in them. But " Madame Veto " is alwiys
coupled with liim from the moment loyalty to the king cools and
the suspicion arises of his playing a double game. The roiling and
ribald spli-it of the eighteenth century is then especially dir^itcd
against the queen. A Carruthera Gould, of 1791, illustrates a popular
song, having for its burden theu' alleged plan to escape abroad. Tin'
king's head is on a cock's body, the queen's on a hen's. Tlie nniu
pair are Monsieur et Madame Coco. She thus advises him ;
.4ir— "Oui, Oni."
" Coco prends ta lunette,
Ne vois tn pas, dis moi,
li'orape qui s'apprt'fe.
Ft qui grande sur toi.
AlHuidoiinons Paris,
Et gragiions du Pays
• Mettons not re mf'nage
A I'abri de Tor-ige
iJans un petit village
Ou dans quelque hameau.
Coco ! Coco I
i«9o3 MUTE ff'^ITNESSES OF THE REVOLUTION. 881
" Sauvons nous pluit'it,
Je voui. serre les cippes ;
Toil g^re lo magot.
Dca char||<:es municipcs
Laissons le tripot.
Qaittons not re Falaif,
£t tous n'i$ (grands laqnaU
Abandonnons oricore,
L'6charpe trioolorc.
Que fii bicn tc dt^oore,
Et ton petit inunteau.
Coco! Cooo!"
Enthusiasm for the States- General is felt chiefly by the bourgeoisie
in Paris. Pictorial artists are quick to take advantage of this feeling.
They work in the spirit wliich inspired the pedantic engraving of
the death of Mirabeau. Two of their coloured engravings depict
two cars four tiers in height. Representatives of the nobility of
Paris and of the He de France are seated on one of the vehicles, and
the deputies of the commons on the other. The nobles, in their gala
dresses, which they wore for the last time in 1780, are drawn by
a team of lions. D'Orleans acts as a coachman. He and his fellow-
aristocrats have feathered hats and gorgeous clothing. Here the lions
are supposed to symbolise the warlike character of the aristocracy,
who were so soon to run away from France, and to be called ** emigres ''
instead of poltroons. Balls and Iambs draw the deputies of the
people, Hope stands on the footboard behind. Fame tlies before
the car, blowing her trumpet. Minerva, looking like a Parisian
grisette at a fancy-ball, is seated at a cloud, smiling at the deputies.
The association of the bulls and lambs has now a funny effect, which
it was far from producing a hundred years ago.
It is pretty certain that if the deputies and the allegory-and-
rhetoric-loving bourgeoisie had not had behind them a volcanic
populace, the Court would have got the better of the National Assembly.
There is much in this collection which speaks of the promptness of
the pleba to act at critical turning-points. Their intervention saved the
Revolution from failure. A rude art sprang up during the events of
which Paris was the theatre between 1789 and 1795. Its object was
to do what is now accomplished by the halfpenny newspaper. Few
plebeians then knew how to read. The favourite pictures of the
events of the day were typical in tJieir character. Each contained a
group of human beings, working with furious ardour at some revo-
lutionary or patriotic task. The figures were outlined, next embossed,
and then coloured. I never saw more speaking picturea. They are
all inspired by the events they seek to represent, very impressionist,
and though rude and cmdo have the spirit of an epic poem.
Every 6gure has a distinct physiognomy. Gaiety is mingled with
the popular furia. In no case is there a seeking after effect ; but
effect is never missed, because there is such a strong desire to picture
VOL. Lvir. 3 M
882
THE CONTEMPORARY IK
things as the artist b&w them. The actors ^
are nearly all Bans culottes (or tronsers-wearei
wearers of shorts), or fishwomen and other low*
etching touched up with colours, which I al
trnthfal representation, gives the famous
Lambeac'a cavalry at the gate of the Tuileri
nothing heroic on either side. German (fc]
nationality) dragoons slash scared and rather ci
have come for a Sunday outing. There are ]
and somewhat vulgar-looking wife, their groi
they have taken to the Promenade, and many
Sunday clothes. The elderly persons have thf
given by good eating and sedentary habits, ll
stricken. But an old lady furiously faces roam
give him a piece of her mind. He does not i
invective. We are shown in other artless eml
took the decree releasing them from their voA
convents ; how Paris wrought for national
and how its plebeian women behaved in thai;
One John Wells followed them, noting thoil
quick and graphic pencil. Who can he have]
he made are so good that one is surprised
lowed up in oblivion. He and his fellow-limiu
favourable impression of the women who went
to fetch the Royal family as hostages back
Compan remarked, they are neatly dressed, bfl
from want. One woixl describes their msm
desperation. We know that they were dnTS
gallows by the cries of their children for br
Wells and many other artists quite ui
worthy of renown, give the triumphant ret
Paris crowd and National Guards which foil
The episodes of the march back are verj'" fni
a sign of respect is shown for the Crown. Ix
looks like a mirthful saturnalia, though the]
and reaping-hooks is enough to make the flea
plements suggest an influx of country folks
snburbs of which were quite in the country.
Beaumarchais should be among the pr«>cai
the actors in events which took place after tl
Paris. He comes down to us, according to I4
boy, and as an adult according to Greuze. *^
is plainly '* the father of the man.*' In an d|
he protests against the slanders of which he is
Talleyrand at the age of twenty, in an abb^s n
faced; fair, refined, intriguing, and saacr.
i89o] MUTE WITNESSES OF THE REVOLUTIOX.
883
Skipping much precious matter, we glance at a It^'tler of Louis
XVI., dated August 10, 1792, and penned in tho logographs' (read
" reporters' ") gallery at the Assembly. This in his last act of
autliority. The letter is addressed to a Captain Durier, whom the
king orders to cease to defend the Tuileries. As to the handwriting,
it is that of a placid, painstakinof schoolboy. Though pictorial
" interviewers," as we find from sketches taken of the Royal prisoners,
followed them into the box, and a decisive step on the road towards
the guillotine was being taken, one may examine this State paper witli
a magnifying glass and find no trace of nervous tremor. Temple
relics come after the letters. A night-shirt which was made for the
king's prisoners has the Government stamp of " Louis Rex." Louis
Capet slept in this garment the night before his execution. Tho
Dauphin, when he went to the Temple, had on a pretty little silken
suit of a quaint cut : the coat is green and white, the waistcoat pink
and white, and the knee-breeches are lavender-grey with steel figured
buttons. His stockings and shoes are elegant, though not particularly
expensive. The stitching of the clothes betrays an inexperienced
seamstress. The Queen and her aister-in-Iaw, it is stated in a letter of
Clery, the King's faithful valet, made this suit, which was not greatly
worn before the young Prince had to change it for a plainer one
given for winter nse by the Commune of Paris. When he was under
Simon the cobbler bonds were issued in the name of Louis XVII. by
" the Catholic Army, payable when monarchy is restored." They
circulated in the west of France, where the assignats of the Republic
did not run. These debentures for the first time are exhumed.
Historians who plead extenuating circumstances for the harsh usage
the ill-starred Dauphin met with should not forget the bonds of the
Catholic Army.
The activity of the guillotine in the Reign of Terror and in the
Thermidor reaction comes home to one in looking over quite a gallery
of black and white portraits of men of the Revolution. The word
tUcapiti is written under the greater numbt-r. Savants are among thi'
few exceptions. Defeated generals have no choice between flight and
decapitation. The will of the beheaded king was taken from the
Temple to the national archives, whence the organisers of the Exhibi-
tion obtained a loan of it. There are tear stains on tho yellow letter
paper on which it ia drawn up, and the handwriting is shaky where
the discrowned testator asks pardon of his wife for any offence he
may have given her, as he forgives her what pain she ever caused
bim. The speech of his counsel Des^ze lies with the will. It was
published by order of the Convention — a plucky act. Belonging to
tliif* set of papers is a decree of the Convention in the names of Liberty,
Equality, and Justice (no fraternity), decreeing the execution of I»uis
Capet. One ia horror-struck in glancing over the surrounding objects.
•* Loaii mounts the scatlold," "Louis is shown to the people," " roo<l
884
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
Uvn
I
for reflection, dedicated to the crowned heads of the world," This **' food "
is the holding up by a coarse masculine hand, which grasps a pigtMl, of
the freshly decapitated head. An awful picture truly ! How describe
it without being a naturalist ? The ex -sanguine face is the colour
of a calfs-head at the butcher's. Infinite sufifering and resignstion
are still expressed, though life has flod. in the region of the eyea.
In all that deals with civic, or republican, or revolutionary senti-
ment there is force. Whatever was done in Paris, so far as we can
ascertain from the relics in this Exhibition, shows that Royalist sit
was feeble. The artists at the service of the Monarchy ran into poor
conceits. Puzzle pictures of an elegiac nature of king, queen, ani
royal children met the taste of thoir partisans. But, contrasting wi
these affectations, is an intercepted letter of Marie Antoinette to the'
Comte de Provence, enclosing him the signet-ring of her hashand
Grief was never expressed in more pathetically lovely and simple
terms.
Robespierre and Marat are enigmatical characters. Their deeds
were horrible ; but the casts of their heads taken after death are of
ineftkble sweetness. In both the cerebral development is poor,
particularly in the coronal region. The skulls, each of which goes
into a point, may have pressed there on the brains. Phrenologi(
developments, or lack of development, taken with facial trail
betoken ill-balanced raind.s. Marat's face, in David's portrait of him
is in al! but complixi<ja that of a lied Indian. Robespierre's sister,
on the other hand, is sweet, serene, pensive, and of a lovely parity
expression.
Charlotte Corday, according to Danloux, one of her portraiti^l
■was a rather guod-looking young woman, more the peasant than
lady. She had a hard, quick, wilful glance. Tallien was anothi
ill-balanced creature. He hod the profile of an Egyptian dog-j
Oamot, the one noble character of the Directory, looks sweet
shrewd. His watch, a plain " turnip," and bunch of seals, have lii
intrinsic value. Two gold medals granted him by the Academy ^1
Dijon belong to the relics, lent Viy his son's widow. His spectacleii
have heavy steel rims, his inkstand ia in plain bronze, and his snuff-
box of the sanif' inrta! iias on the lid a gouache portrait of himself.
Camot's Director's swoid bears on one side a motto which he pro-
posed as the rule of conduct of the Directory: "Unity to restorf
peace."
But his lovL- of peace and his contentment with a slender
income did not suit the men and women who rose to the
in Thermidor. To escape banishment to Cayenne, he had at tlj»
Coup d'Etat of Fructidor to fly to Switzerland, and was oWig«dj
to remain a long time in exile. Ilie principle of corruption whicij
was at work originated greatly in the temptations to plunderl
•or I
i89o] MUTE WITNESSES OF THE REVOLUTION. 885
which were held out to common jjeople by the sweeping oon-
fiscatlons and the guillotinings of rich aristocratB, and especially
by the army of Itsdy being invited to plundfr by Bonaparte.
Mechanics who were dishonest presidents of sections, were as if
fixed in amber by the artists who did tlie embossed pictures for the
vulgar. Those who got rich on plunder began to fear the return of
the Bourbons, and went with a ruali to Napoleon. Pleasure and
financial speculation absorbed the newly enriched class. The streets
were as a fancy-ball. Prints of the period show women chanting, as
amazons, war songs in the streets. " Bals raasqm's at Paphos," are now
subjects on ladies' fans. Civilians wearing corkscrew curls, and haring
a mincing air, plot for monarchy. Theatrical costumes are invented
for old men, who look like Druids. Churches are transformed into
temples of sentiment. Josephine Beauharnais becomes a society queen,
and intrigues with Barras for Ijouis XVIII. She writes good English,
an accomplishmrat that later served her in wheedling English agents,
when Bonaparte wa.s hemmed in at Acre. She was a luxurions
being. Her scent-bottles and pocket-handkerchiefs retained her
first husband's coronet until she became Empress of the French. The
gay world of the Directory flocked to her house in the Eue Chantereine.
Lucien Bonaparte engaged the pictorial journals to puff his brother.
He came out in their cartoons as " Bonaparte the Clemente," "Bona-
parte pointing on a map of Germany at Ilastadt," " Bonaparte, Pacifier
of Europe,"' "Bonaparte contemplating the Pyramids," "Bonaparte
braving the plague at Jaffa." Nobody thought of the other generals.
Bonaparte is made to " question the Sphinx on his destiny." She says,
" Make haste to touch again native soil." Though crushed on the
Nile, he came back as if a victor. The Rfvolutionary Museum ends
in a show of Imperial frippery worthy of Tussaud's, and in savage
coricatures of Napoleon and Josephine by Gilray.
The caricaturist had no conception of the physical grace and refine-
ment of Josephine. He heard of her as a middle-aged woman, the
mother of two nearly grown-up children, and as being twice married,
and assumed her to be a staringly dressed blowzy materfamiljas who,
though good-natured, is puffed up. In Marie Antoinette's dressing-
room she is quite the handmaid who is heir to her mistress. In one
of his caricatures, Gilray saw farther than most men of his day.
Nelson, with a following of Nile crocodiles, Prussia, Russia, and
Napoleon are busy carving at a plum-pudding which represents the
globe. The other Powers scarcely count. John Bull is willing to
let the three Continental Powers have a free hand if he be allowed
right of passage in the Mediterranean, and fjgypt as a road to India
and to undiscovered lands in Africa.
Emily Crawford.
iJzn
A PALESTINIAN UTOPIA,
A RIDE through Palestine, though one may go only over the moBl
beaten tracks, and though it occupy only the sir weeks which
are all that is generally allotted to this part of the journey, can hardly
fail t<j Bet the traveller thinking. Thinking, too, not only about ths
Hebrew, the Roman, tlie Crusading memories of the Fateful Land,
bat ailso about its present — its miserable present — and its dark and
almost desperate future.
There is something in the very mode of travel which makes reflec-
tions of this kind natural and almoet necessary. "When one is being
whirled across Europe in an orpress train, passing an endless series of
exactly similar railway stations, and occasionally bestowitig a languid
glance at the scenery, one's mind is generally more occupied with the
book that one is reading, or at best with the conversation of an intel-
ligent fellow-traveller, than with the phenomena, physical or social,
of the country through which one is passing. But when one speudf
eight or nine hours in the saddle, when reading is out of the
question, and when conversation witJi the comrade in front or behind
is almost equally impossible, one finds oneself shut up to the com-
panionship of the country, and the book which one reads is that the
pages of which are the distant mountain, the waterless wady, the
ruined khan, or the fellah's mud cottage.
Thus pondering, the traveller is compelled to ask himself the qnw*
tioQ, " What must life in Palestine, which I know only as one long and
delightful picnic, be for those who have to live it always?" H&
inquiries will naturally relate to the peasant, whether fellah or pasterti
Bedouin, for indeed he sees no other inhabitant. He is not probatilj
— at least I was not — furnished with lettera of introduction to ttgh«s
and pashas ; and a middle class, if it ever existed, has been Babjectoi
t8903
A PALESTINIAN UTOPIA.
mi
to Buch ext«>n8ive denudation — to ase a geological term — that it has
almost disappeared from the social stratification. In the course of
our little ji^orney I met with one effendi, accompanied by hia servant,
riding from Nablous to Jenxsalem, and I believe he was the only
person above the rank of a peasant whom we saw in the whole country
outside the walls of the cities.
If the traveller forgets for a little while his archaeological interest
in the land with which he is, as I liave said, silently communing, and
asks himself, " What is the chief characteristic of Palestine as com-
pared with tlie European lands which I have hithei-to known, I will not
say with France or Germany, but even with the more backward districts
of Italy ? " I think the answer will be, " Chiefly its great witlwut-
7U8s" Here is a country without rvads. The one or two good roads
practicable for carriages, made by the forced labour of tbt- peasantry,
between Jafla and Jerusalem, or Jerusalem and Hebron, and the fine
road made by French engineers between Damascus and Beyrout, are
entirely exceptional. The " Sultauiyeh," the royal road between the
two capitals of Jerusalem and Damascus, is generally a mere track
across a moor, sometimes only the bed of a torrent, always hopelessly
untraversable by wheeled carriages, and rendering needful the posses-
sion of a very sure-footed horse if the rider is to reach his juurney's
end in safety. Distinction between highway and byeway I can see
none, except that sometimes the byeway, as being more grassy, is
pleasanter for the traveller, and enables him to get over his journey
more quickly. In short, let a person who has not yet \isited Palestine
think of the worst bridle-path he remembers in Cumberland or
Switzerland, and he will form a pretty just conception of the Sul-
taniyeh, the royal high-road of Palestine, at its best.
It is a country ■iniUiout shojts. W the commonest requisite of daily
life in civilized countrifs bivaks, or is lost, one must wait till one gets
to Beyrout or Damascus before one can replace it.
It is a country without irrfular j^osts. The receiving of a letter at
lazareth, or its despatch from Tiberias, is a matter with which
the Government does not concern itself, and which the individual
must accomplish by private assistance as best ho can.
It is a country without navsjiapcrs — a most tolerable deficiency to
a European traveller gorged with too much newspaper reading at
home, but one which umst b<? felt as an inconvenience, at least, by a
permanent dweller in the laud. It would be easy t« lengthen the list
of *' withouts," as, for instance, to say that the country is unthoiU sc/iooU^
^.'Xcept such as foreign missionaries provide ; icithout doriors and
AvspiJals (again with the same excej)tion) ; without Justice, for universal
U'stimony is b<jme to the venality of the Turkish cadi. But I will
only mention one more which impresses a superficial observer like
899
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIE1F.
[Jon
i
myself as vividly as anything — it is a country the cottages of which
are tcithont glazed tinndows.
Formerly, when I looked at a picture of a town or village in
Palestine, I used to wonder what it was which made it so unlike a
modem European village. There might be no ruins visible, no doma
or graceful minaret to break the skyline, and yet one felt that the J
sketch or the photograph brought before one something utterly fl
difierent from a nineteenth-century village, even in picturesque Italy, "
and one half suspected that the artist had idealised his picture. At
the first village that I came to — Ya-sur, on the road from JaSa to
Jerosalem — my question was answered. I saw that among all the
fifty or sixty houses before me there was not one that had the>
common glazed window which adds so much to the comfort and
detracts so much from the picturesqueness of an ordinary English
village. And so it is, as a rule, throughout Palestine. There is
an arched doorway below, sometimes, but not always, provided with a
door, and one or two slits in the wall above to admit a little light and
air, but no true window. Of course in that climate the comfort, of ft
dwelling-house is less important than in ours. During the greater
part of the year, men, women, and children, if not at their work, sit or
squat out of dciors in the daytime, or, at the utmost, seek the shelter
of the house only during the burning noonday hours for the sake of
its shade. The nights are shorter, and fierce driving rainstorms arv»
unknown during a considerable part of the year. Still, after all, th^
structure of the house is one of the host measures of a nation's
civili7.ation, and now that window-panes have been invented we may
safely say that a country in which the majority of the inhabitants
never use tiiem is low down in the scale. A striking confirmation of
this is afforded us by the fact that in the Lebanon, where the peasant'*
standard of comfort is without doubt higher than in Palestine, we s»
once find the usual glazed and framed window reappearing, to tha
delight of the political economist and the despair of the artist.
Another circumstance to which the absence of the window-pMi»
bears evidence is that human beings and cattle are generally living b
the same room. The home is also a cow-byre, and man Binka
naturally to the level of his four-footed fellow-lodger. Of course tho
presence of furniture such as j-ou would find in the humblest lodgings
house in London becomes impossible in this companionship. In
some of the better-built houses a raised divan or a gallery may be set
apart for the carpets or matting which are used as beds ; hot this ii
theexception rather than the rule.* Ollphant, in his '* Haifa,''! giT«
an amusing but pathetic picture of the discomfort I'udured hy tiw
wife of a fellah, who has been brought up in the luxury of a wealthy
i
• See Conder's " Teat Life in PiklosUne," i. 101. ii. 237-8.
t r. IIT.
i89o]
A PALESTINIAN UTOPIA.
889
Damascus homp, and who has now to sleep in the same room with the
sheep and oxen of her husband. More pathetic still are the accounts
which I received from a missionary at Raraallali of the condition of
the fever-stricken sheikh of a neighbouring village. The doctor
attached to the mission was doing his ntmosb for his recovery, but
felt that, lying as he was there on his wretched pallet in that noisome
atmosphere, with all the operations of the house and of the cow-house
going on around him, and with the door continually opening and
letting in a stream of air — sometimes cold air — upon him, his recovery
was all but impossible. I cannot describe the wretchedness of some
of the little mud huts which I saw in the beautiful vale of Esdraelon,
the dwellings of the peasants who till the plain for a wealthy financier
of Beyrout ; but I can only say that I had to look at them again
and again before I could believe that human beings lived in such
styes.
In short, the whole impression left in my mind by what I saw of
the fellaheen in Palestine was that here was an ancient and historic
people — perhaps I should rather say the descendants of three such
peoples, the eons of Canaan, of Aram, and of Ishmael — sinking down
into a state of mere savagery, such as that of the least civilized of the
tribes whom Stanley encountered in his march across Africa.
For this long-continued and still continuing decline of Palestine
we must hold the natives of Palestine partly responsible. Their
weakness may bo to some extent the result of that enervating climate
of theirs, where Baal, the mighty sun-god, still shows himself as of
old a terrible potentate, withering up the greenness of the earth and
the vital forces of men. But, whatever the cause, I think we must
admit the fact that there is a grievous lack of energy and self-
reliance among the Syrian peasants. Accustomed from childhood to
stretch out the hand for bacL-shfesJi, and following in stolid ignorance
the same round of agricultural labours which their forefathers have
trodden for centuries, the very features in their character which make
iem 80 interesting a study to the student of Biblical archaeology,
am to mako it almost a hopeless task to form them into an enter-
prising, progressive, self-governing community. As a little illustra-
tion of the hplplessness of the modern fellah, and his want of power of
adapting himself to new conditions, I may mention that the landlord
of tJie new (and excellent) " Jordan Hotel " at Jericho complained to
me that he could hardly get any one to give a good solid day'.s work
for good wages. Every requisite for his hotel had to bo brought
down from Jenisalem. He thought when he started the hotel he
should at least get fruit and garden-stuff supplied him by the
peasantry, but in practice he had found this quite impossible.
But, while admitting that the bosetting sin of the Syrian peasant
ill indolence, a traveller who has had occasion dailv to admire the
890
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[JnrB
patient, persevering, efficient toil of his camp-followers ^some of tile
best of them, it is trae, natives of Lebanon) may cherish the hope
that iinder good guidance even the " soft Syrian " could do much tor
the redemption of his country. This good gxiidance, however, he liAs
not had for centuries, nor — the prediction may be safely ventured-
"will he ever get from the Ottoman. I am not going to draw a Ic
indictment agaiost the Turk, whom I profoundly pity. A parxam
amoug uations, elevated by what we call chance, and by the folly of
mediaeval Europe, into a position of command for which he was
utterly unfitted, having inherited the bad old traditiona of the
centralized Byzantine despotism without its redeeming culture, and
then for centuries having muddled away his strength of body and
mind in the sensual indidgencea of the Mussulman harem, he is of
course, by the necessity of his nature and position, a hopelessly bad
governor, and never worse than when he is playing at Reform in
order to throw a little dust — dust of which he has an unlimited
supply in the fruitful provinces that have become deserts under his
rule — in the eyes of European ambassadors, I might quote many a
little incident of travel to show how at every point where one comes
in contact witJi the Turkish Government, at the custom-house, at the
post-oflBce, at the police-bureau, one is made to feel its utter corrup-
tion and inefficiency. But there is no need to do this. Everj'lxjdy
■who is not writing to prove a prescribed and foregone conclusion,
Layard as much as Pears, and Conder as much as Bryce, admits — nay.
urges — that Ottoman rule is a curso to the countries over which it
extends. Many doubt whether this or that substitute for it will not
be worse, but I think not one impartial observer doubts that it is in
itself bad.
Notwithstanding these observations, I am not going to ask my
readers to enter with me into the labyrinth of the Eastern Questiou.
I confine my attention to the land whose desolation I have btTsn
endeavouring to describe, and which is, it may be said, the spintusl
fatherland of the Christian and the Jew, part of the rehgious Le-fj-
tage of Europe and America. Can nothing be done, even now. and
without waiting for some far-ofiF miJlennial change, to relieve its misery
and arrest its decline ?
The word " millennial" will at once remind the reader that then* i»
a large school of Biblical students who hope to see the difficulty
solved, and that Eoon, by the retui-n of the Jews to their own land. A*
it is calculated that there are altogether about 6,000,000 Jews in tbf
world, and as the whole extent of Palestine is only one-sixth that of
England, it is obvious that, except under utterly altei-ed oonditious.
the land which now barely supports a population of half a millioa
could not possibly furnish subsistence for the whole existing Jewish
people. But let that pass. Can we hope that by the return, eay, ni
«89o]
A PALESTINIAN UTOPIA.
891
one or two millions of Jews, and their formation into an independent
State, the economic condition of Palestine will be improved, and a
proper use be made of its resources ?
I confess that for long I cherished the hope ('quite independently
of the interpretation which may be put on particular paasages in the
prophetical Scriptures) that this would be the solution, perhaps the
early solution, of so much of the Eastern enigma as relates to Pales-
tine, There is something fascinating to the historical imagination
in the idea of a nation, after nearly two thousand years of exUe,
returning to the land of its fathers : and the enormous wealth of
the great Jewish financiers — wealth which has given them a semi-royal
position in European society — seems as if it might furnish the lever
by which this territorial revolution would be accomplished. And so it
may still be. No one who has studied the romances, written and acted,
of Benjamin Disraeli, will dare to speak lightly of what the race-idea
fructifying in the Jewish mind may yet accomplish. But speaking
merely from my own observation, and finom the testimony of all with
whom I could converse on the subject, I see no probability that the
return of a million or two of Jews to Palestine would in any way
assist the economic development of the country. The Jews whom one
now seea at Jerusalem and Tiberias are probably imfavonrable speci-
mens of the race, chiefly paupers attracted by the bountiful almsgiving
of the Rothschilds and Montefiores, or the children of elderly people
who have come to the Holy Land to die. Whatever be the cause,
they look aa little fitted, physically, to undertake the redemption of
the country and to turn the wilderness into a fruitful field, as the
flame number of tailors from the sweating shops of London. Seeing
some of these weak, anaemic Jews, in yellow gabei-dine, and with
spiral curls hauging down on their shoulders, lounging inside the
Jaffa Gate of Jerusalem, and then seeing a company of sturdy Hua-
sian vioujiks, with fur caps and bushy beards, emerging from it and
tramping stoutly along, regardless of the heat, one could not help
wishing, " Oh that Uu-sc were thoscy to come and win back, by their
own strong arms, and not with the swoi'd, but with the spade, the
wasted inheritance of their fathers ! " I trust I shall not be supposed
to write in any vulgar spirit of Juden-hHzc. I see the great gifts of the
Jewish race; I can almost accept all that Disraeli has said, in the person
of Sidonia, as to their position among the nations of the world, and I
feel that there must be strength of brain where tbere is such immenee
tenacity of life. But tbe question now before us is one, not so much
of brain, as of hicepa. The need is of patient, steady, persevering
workers, to struggle with the climate and tht* soil. And the phrase
which one often hears repeated, and which, after all. tallies with our
own experience of the Hebrew in Western lands, "The Jew will do
□ything rather than take his coat ofl' and work," seems to show that
893
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jcyi
it is not to a ^eat Jewish immigration that we hare to look for the
deliverance of Palestine.
But if there is not to be any great change in the population of the
country, it would fipem that the hoped-for improvement must come
from a change in the political conditions under which that population
lives. To assert this is not to deny what was said a little while back
as to the defects in the national character of the Syrian, for it is one of
the commonplaces of politics that the characters of the ruler and
the ruled react upon one another, and that while some natives lose
freedom bocanso they are not worthy to retain it, others which have
been long treated as slaves do for that very reason develop slavish
vices. And while it might safely be assumed ns an axiom that if
Palestine is to prosper it must be freed from the miserable misgovem-
ment of Turkish pashas, axiom the second in our political Euclid
must bo that at present there is no material out of which to form an
organized self-governed community. How soon under good govern-
ment, and with systematic education, such a community might be
formed, is a matter on which opinions will greatly ditt'er, but he
would be a sanguine man who would predict that in one generation
the Syrian.s of Palestine will be ready for self-government, and it is
probable that fifty years may prove none too long for the process of
preparation.
If then the Turk as practical ruler and administrator of Palestine
has to go, and if the sovf'reign people is not yet ready to take his
place, to whom shall we look to *" occupy and administer " Palestine
during the years, be they few or many, that must intervene? To
England ? to France ? to Russia ? I will say at once that I beUeve
the government of the country by any one of these Powers would in-
calculably increase its material wealth and the happiness of ita
people ; that any one of them would, by the mere habits of civilized
government which it has acquired, be impelled to construct roads,
to excavate harbours, to plant forests, to improve agriculture, to
administer something like justice. And of all these nations I doubt
not that England would do her work the most efficiently and the most
unselfishly. And yet no such solution of the problem is to be thought
of, for the simple reason that it could only be achieved at the coet of
a terrible European war. Least of all is it to be thought of in the
case of our own country, the " weary Titan," which has already on it«
shoulders a load of world-wide responsibilities almost heavier than it
can bear.
The peculiar spiritual ties which bind all the European nations
more or less strongly to the Holy Land, and the joalouaiea of th«
various Christian Churches that are planted there, are also reasons for
deprecating the exclusive assumption by any European Power of die
tutelage of the people of Palestine. It is only neoeaaaiy to pajj
i89o]
A PALESTINIAN UTOPIA.
visit to any of the " Holy Places," to observe the Greeks' jealous clutch
at their inheritaacti in the Holy Sepulchre, or to hear the Franciscan
friars chuckling over the points which they have won at the Grotto of
the Nativity, to feel how little chance there would be of fair play
stweea the rival Churches if either an Orthodox or a Catholic Power
bore sole sway in the land.
But in this very jealousy between the Greek and the Latin Churches
lies perhaps one hope, if a faint one, of a peaceful settlement of the
entangled controversy. By their political antipathies France and
''Kuasiaare being drawn more and more strongly into mutual sympathy,
and all Europe is expecting in the next great war to see them fighting
shoulder to shoulder. Bat by their religious traditions they are bound
to take opposite sides in every question tending to the future of Pales-
tine. Ilussia is, of course, the champion of every Greek church and
monastery throughout the East, but not less is France, Voltairian and
Materialist though she may be at home, so traditionally connected
with the defence of the interests of the Latin Church in those regions,
that she cannot now shake herself loose from the obligation. The
Jesuit fathers at Beyrout teach all their pupils French. Your attendant
in the camp, if he speak no other European language than French, is
almost to a certainty a Catholic. And in that land, where religion is
nationality, the chain thus forged is almost impossible to break.
Franco as a nation caniwt sacrifice the interests of the Latin Church in
Palestine.
We shall probably be safe in asserting that not more certainly do
the lines representing the aspirations of Russia and Austria intersect
one another before they reach Constantinople, than the similar lines
drawn for Kussia and France intersect before Jerusalem. Since this
ia BO, and since it is for the interests of France and Russia at present
to remain friends, and probably to become allies, it is possible thai
both might acquiesce in an arrangement that should put supremacy in
the Holy Land out of the reach of either.
I. One such arran^^'ement, which would I believe, work admirably,
though the very suggestion of it excites a smile, is that tlio Unitfd
States of America should undertake to •* occupy and administer " Pales-
tine. Here is a Power, strong, neutral, tolerant, one which by its
very nature is bound to think constantly of the material prosperity of
the territory over which it rules, yet which also feels, and has testified
in various ways, that interest — call it sentimental or religious, tis you
please — without which no nation would undertake the irksome and diffi-
cult task which we are considering. The expedition fitted out by the
United Stiites Government to exriniioL' the physiography of I he Jordati
valley ; the. fact that some of the chief authorities on the topography of
Palestine, notably Robinson and Thompson, have been Americans ; the
Buccesaful oollego and schools which American missionariefi have
894
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[Jvn
established at Beyrout and Jerusalem — all testify to the interest taken
by the citizens of the Unitt'd States in the land of Canaan. But notwith-
standing the strength of this spiritual tie, so thoroughly has the principle
of religious equality penetrated into every part of their political organ-
ization, that they might be safely trusted to treat the Moslem and
the Christian, the Druse aud the Maronite, the Orthodox Greek and
the Protestant missionary, with perfect impartiality as far as religious
questions were concerned. Then, again, tliey occupy an admirably
central jKisition towards the three chief Powers tiiat may be thought
to have opposing interests at the Eastern end of the Mediterranean.
Sprung from the loins of England, aided by France in their struggle
for nationality, and for at least half a century firm friends with Russia,
America would, as I conceive, be not even tempted to violate the
neutrality to which she would, on our hypothesis, be pledged, in favour
of one or other of these three Powers.
Bat I fear that all these arguments in favour of that which seems
to me the most satisfactory solution of our problem are in vain. The
United States have determined — wisely, no doubt, as a general rule —
to '' keep clear of European complications,*' and probably not even the
unanimous request of Europe, founded upon a confidence in their
honourable neutrality, would induce them to undertake a charge
which might conceivably entangle them in European politics.
II. Another and much less ambitious solution of the problem would
be to apply to Palestine a similar arrangement to that now adopted for
tlio Lebanon. By this arrangement, which was forced on the Porto
aft«r the terrible massacre of the Christians in 1840, the Lebanon is
placed under the government of a Christian unconnected with the
country, appointed for not loss than five years, whose nomination mu.st
be approved by the Five Great European Powers (Italy hod not then
asserted her claim to convert the pentarchy into a hexarchy). The
most superficial observer cannot fail to Ix' struck with the gootl
results of this arrangement. Partly, no doubt, owing to the greater
enei^ of the Lebanon mountaineer, wliether Druse or Marom'te, but
also and more largely because he is freed from extortionate tax-gathenrs,
unjust judges, and the general system of compulsory haekshtesk which
is facetiously called the Turkish Government, the villages of Lebanon
are a joy to the heart of the travc-Uer who is Interested in the welfare
of the people.
Nowhere, perhaps, is the contrast between the " Lt'ljanon " and
•'Syria "more striking thtin at Znkhleh, a village just within the
Lebanon frontier, lying near to the high road from Beyrout to
Damascus. It is cn!hxl a village, but should mther be styled a town,
for it has 20,000 inhabitants, whose neat, prosperous-looking houses
are scattered over the hill-side. Near the top of the hill is a large
and commodious (unfortunately not picturesque) court-bouse, erect/iH
i89o]
A PALESTINIAN UTOPIA.
895
"by tlie inhabitants of Zaklileb at their own expense, and presented to
the Grovemment. They are also constructing, on their own initiative,
a road practicable for carriages, which will connect them directly with
Beyrout. But not only here: in many other parts of the Lebanon one
feels that one i8 in presence of a spirit of energy, Belf-reliance, pro-
gress, quit« unlike what one sees anywhere else between Hennon and
the wilderness of the South. In fact, as I said to myself over aud
over again, '* the Lebanon is the Piedmont of Syria"
Elven the Lebanon arrangement, however, with all its many
advantages, has its weak points. Though the Porte cannot appoint
without the assent of the Great Powers, it may refuse to appoint or
to re-appoint the man whom they deem the most suitable. Only
lately it exercised this right by the recall of Rustem Pasha, who, by
all accounts, is the best governor Lebanon has had, bat who was
sacrificed, it is said, to some Palace intrigue, and whose term of
office was accordingly not renewed.
In Palestine, also, where the Moslems form the majority of the
people, the provision that the governor should always be a Christian
has less appaa-ent justice than in the Lebanon, where so large apart of
the population is Christian, and where even the Dmses are dissenters
from tlie strict creed of Lslam.
ni Even for the maintenance of th© Lebanon scheme a certain amoant
of concerted action between the great European Powers, and of trust
in each other's good faith, is needful. If this could be more strongly
relied on, a yet better scheme, as it seems to mo, might be devised.
Here we take the step out from the disheartening world of suspicion
and distrust, in which our European statesmen move, and into Utopia.
As is the manner with the describers of that delightful countrj-, we
will put OUT speculations on what might be into the shape of a record
of that which has been, and will write the future history of a regene-
rated Palestine as if it were past.
" Weary of strife, and smitten with shame for the calamities which
their mutual jealousies had brought upon the land which gave birth
to their n^ligion, the nations of Europe came to a solomn agreement
that the land of Palestine should be the possession of none, but that
ita improvement should be the common concern of all. Leaving,
thorefore, to the Ottoman Sultan the mere name and fiction of
sovereign power, and allowing to him so much revenue as he had
hitherto by lawful means extracted from the country, they established
an International Commission, to whom the government was to be
thereafter entrusted. To this Commission each one of the Sovereign
Powers of Europe, whetiier great or small (I mean not such pigmy
Stat(?s as Monaco, Andorre, and San Marino), elected one member,
the Commissioners being chosen not so much on account of eminent
services in war or diplomacy as on aooount of their experieace as
THE COSTEMPORARY REVIEW.
iJ^t
t&fltr AttamoMBts as men of aeienoe, or their
IbaArapnta. Tbe CnMimiiwioo thus formeU
deei ifei dne^ wiMte onlj Beoaaauy qomlification was
•af W ft cifcbak of one of the six great Earopeaa StAtee.
Htod m fhtar lAnict^ tko CommisstoDers generally elected
or * 8vi«, who wm foand to hold a more eveo
Whaca WUreoi ^ Gre^ aad Latin Chordies than either a Spaniard
or a Hirllfe vooU hsra done. Hie gofefnor was elected for t«o
yean; baft id oidw to tkfoar tke bias in Caroar of tJie permaneooe
«€ hia dfeo^ Ua re eJecHoa for aabaeqiieiii decades did not retjaire, as
tbe ahctSnn of an eottrelf fineah candidate did, the nnanimous consent
of tkFbvenL
** TW adaniatratirB poarer of the governor was nearly equivalent
to tkat of a TariDaik pasha, bat the judges, who werF« carefally
apfecttd £roa aaoi^st the most learned legists of Europe, and
adniaiateRd jnstioe in a similar manner to the English judj^ in
India (onlj taking the Civil Law instead of the English Common Lav
far tke baaia of their procedure where the Koran was wholly inappli-
cableX wete quite independent of the governor, and irremovable bv
him. Li all financial matters it was necessary for the governor
to obtain the consent of a majority of the council composed of hia
brother CommisaioDers, and without such consent no new taxes couM
be imposed.
"The now State had no army nor navj', its viitual indcpendenop
being guaranteed by all the Powers of Europe. A etrong force of
police was organized in order to repress the incursions of the liedouiiis,
and to keep the peace between the followers of diftorent relijyioni
But the maintenance of internal order, as well as the administration of
justice in small cases, was left then as under the previous government,
chiefly in the hands of the local authorities, especially of the village
sheikhs.
" All the energies of the new government wero directed to ti«
development of the material resources of the country. Th*i premise
made by each Connnissionor on taking office bound him * to seek by
every means in his power the prosperity of the people of Palestine, In
forget hLs own country and his father's house, to use the power whick
had been entrusted to him, neither for his own private advantage, nor
yet to promote the interests real or supposed of the Cborcb txt the
nation to which he belonged.' This promise was better kept thm
ofTicial oaths often are. Placed beyond the temptation to pMty bribei
by a handsome salary, the Commissioners did, as a rale, take a f^vis»
interest in the great work in which they were engaged, and davo4i»
to the advancement of the internal prosp^i-rity of Palestaaa becaflw a
passion, almost a religion, in the hearts of many of the couotX Tb«
different departments of administration were portioned oat anoafit
iSgo]
PALESTINIAN UTOPIA.
897
them according to their relative fitness. Thus, at the tinie when the
writer of this retrospect happened to visit the country, a Frenchman
was makinp; the roads, an Englishman was building the piers at Jaffa
and Haifa, a German professor of forestry was covering the hills with
pine-woods, an Italian was in command of the police, and a Russian
had charge of the postal and telegraphic service.
*' For the carrying into execution of some of these projects for the
improvement of the country it was needful to raise money by loan.
But as all the suqilus of the rapidly increasing revenue of the country
above th6 snra payable to the Porte (which had been exorbitant when
exacted from a poverty-stricken peasantry, but was trifling in com-
parison to the increased produce of the soil) was strictly applied to
the redemption of this deVit, it soon disappeared, and all the remaining
improvements — the roads, the canals for irrigation, the forests, the
harbour works — were easily provided for out of revenue. The one
fundamental principle of the Palestinian finance was that (save for
the before-mentioned fixed tribute to the Sultan) all the money
raised by taxation from the people went back in one shape or another
into the land.
" The rival claims of Christian Churches to the possession of the
Holy Places were settled on the principle of uti possidetis. If the
Latins had established theinst-lves in thi.s grotto, theirs it rfmained.
If the Greeks liad secured themselves from intrusion by walling up
the chancel of that church, their wall was untouched, even though
it spoilt the church architectarally. But as betwi^en Moslfm and
Christian, and as between one Christian Church and another, absolute
freedom to choose his religion was left to oyery man. thi« old pro-
hibition to th«* .Mussulman to change his creed excejH undpr pain of
death being, of course, utterly abrogated. Herein the laws of the
State corresponded almost exactly with those expounded by
3ter Raphael Hythlotlayt^ to Sir Thomas More* in tlu> pleasant
garden of Peter Giles, in the city of Antwerp.
" 'For KjTig Utopns, even at the first beginning, hearing that the
inhabitants of the land were, before his coming thither, at continual
diasention and strife among themselves for their religions, ...
made a decn-e that it should be lawfull for everie man to favoure
and folow what religion he would, and that he mighte do thp best
he conld to bring others to his opinion, so that he did it, peaceablie,
gentelie, quietly without hastie and content iouH rebuking and invehing
against each other. If he could not by faire and genth' specbe
induce them unto his opinion, yet he should ase no kinde of violence,
and rpfraine from diapleasaunte and seditious worries. To him that
woulil vehemently and fer\'etitlie in this cause strive and contende
was decreed banishment or Iwndage. This law did Kynge Utopus
VOL. LVII.
" Utopia," book ii., last section.
3n
1890]
A PALESTINIAN UTOPIA.
the rainoas budgets, the national conscriptions, the grinding taxation
which were thp despair of enlightened stateBmeu and the hope of
social anarchists, came to an end, and, as in Palestine, so also all
over Europe, the rulers consulted the oracle of Science, in order to ascer-
tain not how they might kill in a few moraentB of time the greatest
number of their foes, but how they might support for a lifetime the
greatest number of their friends, by which word they meant their
subjects.
•' Gradually, too, by similar, yet not identical, methods to those
adopted in Palestine, the condition of the various nationalities between
the Adriatic and the Euphrates was improved, not at tho cost of a
European war, and one leaf after another of the thorny Eastern
Question was firmly plucked, and finally disposed of.
" Other causes, doubtlfss, have been at work, but one of the chief
causes of the happier outlook for the world now, as compared with the
closing years of the nineteenth centurj", has certainly been the estab-
lishment of the International Commission for Palestine."
" And I awoke, and behold it was n dream."
Yet it is conceivable that the dream might be a reality, if states-
men and diplomatists woiild admit into thi-ir minds the possibility
that there may be a few germs of practical truth in the Christianity
which they profess, and if the nations of Europe could, in their conduct
towards one another, rise to the level of the ordinary English gentle-
man, instead of borrowing their code of morals from the revolver-
armed bullies of a Califomian gambling-house.
Thomas Hodgkin.
r.S. — Since the foregoing article was written, I have been made
aware of some facts (especially those contained in an interesting paper
on Jewish Settlements in Palestine, contributed to the Spcdalor of
February 8, 1890), which make me doubt whether I have not formed
too low an estimate of Jewish stttlers in Palestine as tillers of the soil.
The main argument of the paper, however, would not be much affected
, by an error on this jwint. It will be generally admitted that a largo
inllux of Polish Jews (and such are the majority of the present
Hebrew immigrants) would not at once solve the problem before us,
■ Slid that they would want much help and guidance before they could
[develop into a progressive, self-governed community.
T. H.
[JCSK
THE BROAD CHURCH; OR, WHATS
COMING?
HERE are two facts :
I. Intelligent men refuse to take Holy Orders.
II. Intelligent men refuse to attend church.
The reasons are obvious and related. They stare one in the face
and they dovetail. Intelligent men won't sit in the pew because
intelligent men won't stand in the pulpit.
" I will not take Holy Orders," says the clever, conscientious, even
religious-minded man, " because the formularies as they stand do not
express my religious convictions. I doubt my power of being able to
bring them into any kind of harmony with those convictions. If I
could, I doubt whether I should be allowed to do so in the Church of
England ; meanwhile, I should have to say what I don't believe, and
therefore I won't go into the Church,"
" I don't sit in the pow," says the intelligent layman, '' because
what I hear in church is obsolete, trivial — often to my mind senseless ;
the pulpit is frequently occupied by a man who would not get sixpence
a day in any other profession, and whom no one would think of lis-
tening to out of church, although, by the way, he often talks more
sense on his own hearthrug than in the pulpit ; the prayers sound,
some of them, antiquated and exaggerated ; the expression of doc-
trines unreal or unintelligible ; the Bible reading is ill- chosen or in-
audible ; therefore, on the whole, I don't go to church." If, now,
some men still go to church, it is in spite of the obsolete doctrine and
the incompetent clergy. The greatest tribute to the necessity of reli-
gion is, that it survives its outworn forms ; the greatest proof of the
essential truth of Christianity is, that in spite of the twaddle talked
every Sunday throughout England in the name of Christ, Christianity
is still alive. Pithily said the old verger, " I've been listening to
i89o]
THE BROAD CHURCH.
001
sermons twice eveiy Sunday for nigh forty year come Michaelmas,
and, thank God, I'm a Christian still." Alas! the faith of all sermon
hearers is not so robust.
Will intellect and eloquence over return to the pulpits of the Church
of England ? Will intelligent men ever to any noticeable extent re-
occupy her pews ?
That will entirely depend upon whether the Liberal or Broad Church
party can reorganise the religious thought of the Church as fearlessly
and successfully as the Low Church reorganised its emotional piety
and the High Church reorganised its dramatic ritual. It is the thought
of the age far more than the feeUng or the taste of tbe age that is alien-
ated from the Church. FeeUng is still tbere, and form is still there —
an occasional orator, like Liddon, or the Bishop of Peterborough, is the
result — but both feeling and form are in danger of paralysis, because
Church feeling is without reason, and Church form is without congrnity
to the age.
The Low Church have done well, but they have had their day ; they
have leavened the laity.
The High Church have done well ; they have made religion fashion-
able, but they have not leavened the laity. Pusey never got hold of
the masses Uke Wesley. The reason of that is that Puseyism was
Italian, Wesleyanism was EngUsh ; but neither was intellectual, and
the reform now needed in the Church is essentially an inteUcctual reform.
In this respect the age is more like the age of Constantine and
Athanasius than the age of Luther and Henry VIII. We want a form
of sound words which will ring true in nineteenth-century ears. The
creeds and articles are now *' like sweet bells jangled out of tune."
Neither Low Church nor High Chiu'ch have any remedy to propose
for this. When the Low Church are asked what's to be done, they quote
texts ; when the High Cburch are asked for a remedy, they say the
Catechism or mutter the Mass. But this won't do for ever. That is
why the Broad Church who can supply a new intellectual basis should
not be slow to come in at this crisis and make their contributiuu to
tlie National Church. Whether under the strain of this reform the
►Anglic-an church as such will go to pieces, as the Jewish church went
to pieces before Christianity, depends upon whether the Church knows
or does not know in this her day the things which belong to her
peace ; but nothing short of a frank and radical re-formulation of
doctrine — at least as radical as the English Reformation — is required ;
and neither High Church (witness the " Lu.x Mundi " apologetics !)
nor the Evangelical Prophets (witness Mr. Spurgeon on the ''Apostacy
of these Latter Days '') seem to be alive to that obvious fact. They
hear tbe shouting of the foe, and they bury their heads deeper in
the sand : but in polemics the ostrich policy never answers.
And now to the point, or rather the four points.
902
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEIV.
[Jcu
I. What are the Broad Church ?
II. What is their method ?
m. Is that method possible ?
IV. I8 that method honest ?
Answer these questions etraightforwatdly, and not after
fashion of " Lnx Mundi," and a New Reformation will have dawned.
Intellect will no longer shun the church pulpit. Thinking men will
no longer shim the church pew.
I. Wliat are the Broad Church ? I will give a descriptive analysis
rather than a definition of Broad Churchism. 1st. The Broad Church
are those who love the High Church, because they perceive that High
Churchism bears witness to the sacramental character of forms and
ceremonies. We need such outward and visible signs of inward aad
spiritual graces.
The Broad Church are those who love the Low Church, because they
perceive that Low Churchism bears witness to spiritual freedom. The
soul must have this too ; it will not be bound by that it uses ; we
need forms and ceremonies ; we need spiritual freedom. The Higb
Church would cast out the Low Church, and the Low Church the High,
and both would cast out the Broad ; but the Broad desires to retain
both, — it is Comprchcnuivc.
( 2) The Broad Church feels the need of bringing the praying and the
preaching of the Anglican Church into harmony with nineteenth-
century thought and feeling. It does not believe that the theology
of Constantino in the fourth century was any more final than the
settlement of Henry VIII. in the sixteenth century. It desires to
bring doctrine to the test of living thought, re-stating its sul
in terms of present knowledge, — it is liadical.
(3) It uses Dogmatic Theology as a Basis of Action, and th»«
Formularies of the National Church as a Mechanism of Ritual. — ti i«
Conservalivc. The three descriptive adjectives of the Broad Church
are these — Comprehensive, Madlcaly Conserrutivc.
II. Ifniai is the Broad. Church Method ? — Reform from within.
There are two ways of reforming a system or a person. Yon can go
outside and attack — that means Revolution, it is the Destroctiw
Method. It tramples upon good and bad together, like the silly
Christian missionary who began the conversion of the Mohammedan
by sitting on the Koran. Tlie other way Ls to mould and mothfy
from within, getting gradually rid of the false or the obsolete ami
developing new life around all such true and living germs as can be
found in every dogma and in every creed. That is Reform — it is thf
Constructive Method ; it is the Way of Life ; it is the Secret «•?
Nature. It is suitable to religion because religion is a living, grow-
ing thing. Religion is not mechanical but organic. It is not like a
building which can be patched and altered and tinkered up at will ;
iSgo]
THE BROAD CHURCH.
903
it must grow ; it must live or die, but whilst it lives it must grow,
and growing change. Learn a parable from the acorn : You plant
it, the husk rots slowly, you don't strip it off', it surrounds and
protects the new living germ to the last, and only sinks into the
mould when its work is done. Every dogmatic expression, every
form of ceremony becomes even as the husk of the acorn in time ;
but you must not strip it off too soon - it is tliere to protect the
living germ of the new oak ; it will drop away of itself, it has its
use ; let it alone.
Over every creed and formulary is written this motto : '^ It was
true — It is true — It is no longer tnte," which being interpreted is,
" Once snch and such a dogma — The Trinity, or the Incarnation, an
Inspired Bible, an Infallible Church — once such dogmas were the best
attainable expressions of certain truths." " If. was true." Now we
can disceni the essential truth that lies at the root of each one of the
old puzzling statements ; that essential something is destined to last
on in a changed form — transformed — '' // is true."
But we can find many better ways of expressing it — the expres-
sional form once so helpful and adequate is now obsolete or seen to be
erroneous, as who should say " the sun rises," a perfectly correct state-
ment of what appears to take place — but — " iv/. it i.<i no lo7if/er
true."
The true reformer is tender with the Past, patient with Dogma,
respectful to Forms. He knows their value. The greatest reform ers
have always tried to retain and use what they found. They have
usually been defeated and driven into opposition, but resistance to
reform from within has compelled revolution or attack from without.
Revolution has brought disaster, and the destruction of much that was
valuable, and which might have been kept, and has got to be painfully
brought back.
The policy of the Broad Church, the policy of reform from within, is
called dishonest, but it was nevertheless the policy of Je^us. He was
the greatest spiritual Reformer whom the world had ever seen : but
He usod the synagogue — it was " His custom " to go there on the
Sabbath. He did not approve of everything there, but He used
what He found. He said : Moses says this, but I tell you something
different, yet I come not to destroy but to fulfil. He foretold the
results of putting the new wine into the old bottles, but He poured
it in himself till they burst. He used the old rites with new mean-
ings. To Nicodemus, his view of baptism seemed quitp non-natural,
and BO strained that that ruler of the Jews could not nnderetand it.
Paul was also for carrj'ing reform from within. He did not believe
in circumcision, but he circumcised Timothy ; nor in meats offered to
idols, but he was willing to abstain ; nor in vows, but he shaved his
head, •' having a vow at Cenchrea " ; and so eager was he not to break
904 THE CONTEMPORARY Rl
with the old established Church of his brethri
whole of the old sacrificial language until
through his epistles became quite intolerably v
logy of the Jewish shambles, and through
weighted down to the present day.
Luther tried hard to reform from within,
worlds not to break with the Pope. He stret*
did not even quite destroy Transubstantiatioi
stantiation; he was even for retaining the <
and half the old ceremonies intact. " Alter
externals of religion," was his constant advi
became desperate. The policy of the Broad
Divine authority, for it is the policy of J(
precedent, for it is the policy of Paul, Luther,
others.
And why are we thus Conservative? B
better than revolution. We ought to learn this
surely the evils of Revolution have been writte
in characters of blood and fire for oar instruct
Christianity became a Revolution when the
tion — and the consequence ? Art, letters, ar
centuries ; slowly something was recovered, 1
rediscovered, but a good deal was lost for evei
that those old books of magic were also burnt (
accumulations of occult science were destroyec
statues and the classic MSS.
The Luther movement became a Revoluti
from Rome, because Rome would not allow a
the consequences ? External decencies of w
numberless aids to religion, helps, manuals, o
ruthlessly swept away, stained-glass smashed, i
the belief in a Divine Presence with the Churi
by blows dealt at the supernatural, which is, fen
religion in all its various forms; and only just no
back Art to the Sanctuaiy, and the sense of su;
and Powers to the world. The High Church si
and modern spiritualism in its many and mix
cloudy but constant, to the Supernatural ; but
midst of all its corruption conserved both Ar
might have done without a Revolution, had it fa
from within, mended its ]\Iorals, restated its D
Supernaturalism up to date : but it would not
rate it did not, and one-half of Roman Catho
The Broad Church see all this. For them histo
in vain.
1890]
THE BROAD CHURCH.
905
The principle of Reform from within is immense and far reaching ;
that is why the Broad Church assume dogmatic Christianity as a basis,
and the formularies of the National Church as a mechanism, and propose
to mould the one and to modify the other,, as dogmas and fonnularies
have been moulded and modified before, until the Church prayers and
the Church preaching get into living touch with nineteenth-century
thought and feeling.
III. . Can it be done t — la it possible ? To the Church of the
Reformation everything is possible. Colani said years ago at
Strasburg ; " Protestantism is not the last note of the Reformed
Church, it is the first note — it shows the direction in which the
Church intends to travel." Articles IX. and XXXFV. (cide Thirty-
Nine Articles) are the two famous Broad Church Articles, since they
iprovide for every conceivable kind of reform from within. Article IX.
proclaims that all churches up to the Reformation had erred — so why
not all churches after it ? — and Article XXXIY. declares that national
churches have power to alter or ordain rites and ceremonies ; and
therefore doctrines, for what are rites but embodied doctrines fat least
according to the Ritualists) ? At all events the Church of the Reforma-
tion dealt with both Doctrine and Ritual once, and is capable of
dealing with both again.
But why beat about the bush, when this possibility of internal
reform is no longer a dream but an accomplished fact, and within the
memory of man, too. In my time the Gunpowder Plot and Charles
the Martyr services have been dropped out of the I'rayer-buok. lu my
grandfather's time, the Restoration of Charles II. was swept away,
A few years ago a revised translation of the Bible was authorised
by the bishops, striking a death-blow at that idolatry of the English
letter at one time in favour with the Bible Christian.
In 18(j.j, what Dean Stanley used to call a rag-and-tatter subscrip-
tion for the clergy was substituted for the old hard-and-fast document.
We, the clergy of the Anglican Church, have now a liberty in doctrine
and ritual unknown to any other Church in Christendom. Is it too
much to expect that a Church that can do so much out of deference
modem opinions, and carry so rapidly such reforms from within,
will some day follow Dr. Heasey's suggestion (Bampton Lectures
on " iSunday '), and give us simple alternative forma for the Sacra-
ments,— may I add, an expurgated Bible, selected Psalms, one Creedal
statement, simpler and briefer, additional qualifying and liberating
rubrics, sanctioning a more elastic conduct of the services, and, lastly,
a total repeal of the Act of Uniformity, an oppressive document un-
known to the early Church, and already, under the Act of 18G5,
become almost a dead letter.
The answer to this thii*d question, Is reform inside the Church of
England possible? amounts simply to this. Such reform is provided
906
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[JCNI
for by two of the Thirty- nine Articles, and it is already an aooom-
pUshed fact in half a dozen crucial cases. Let as go on and prosper.
IV. And lastly, Is the metluxt of the Broad Church honest/ — a
questioJi which presses heavily on good Mr. Spargeon, who thinks us
all " villains'^ ; but then that excellent man admits that he 'ufot's not
undrrsfMiul Broad Chiirdi dkieji," Why, of course not ; what wonid
his sheep say if he did ? To stay in a Church which yon see needs
reform, to use formularies and start with statements of doctrine which
you cannot agree with as they stand, btit desire to amend — is this
honest ? Well, every living party in the Church has been charged
with dishonesty just so long as it was a rc/ormin<i party. The Low
Church were called dishonest because they leaned to Nonconformity
and its irregular ways ; but the Low Church got itself accepted, and
has long since been dubbed orthodox. Indeed, Lord Palmerston.
under J>ord Shafteaburj-'s dictation, would have nothing but liow
Church bishops.
The High Charch was called dishonest because it leaned towards
Home, but that, too. got itself accepted, and now it is better to bo
rather High Church than otherwise (whether Gladstone or Salisbury
be in power) if you want to be a bishop ; and so the Broad Church , who
are the latest reformers, are naturally denounced as dishonest because
they want to remould the doctrine and the ritual of the Church into
accord with nineteenth-century thought and feeling.
When people attack the Broad Church with — " Do you believe the
doctrines of the Church ? Do you approve of the formularies of the
Church ? " it is suflScient answer to say : — The Church of England
doctrine is believed, and the Church liturgy is used and preached in
the High and Low Churches, but it does not sound quite the same in
both, and it certainly does not look at all the same ; why expect more
from the Broad Church ? We believe and preach the doctrines and
we use the forms in our way. they in theirs ; condemn us all, or
acquit U8 all ; we are all guilty, or we are all innocent.
The Low Church had at one time such a contempt for ecclesiastical
form that they could hardly abide the bishops, or bear the trammels of
the liturgy at all. Wesley arrogated to himself episcopal f unctious ;
and the Lady Huntingdon connection fairly stept across the border :
yet Lady Huntingdon's first chaphiiri and tnistee, Dr. Thomas Haweis,
lived and died Rector of Aldwinkle in the Church of England.
The High Church openly detest the word Protestant, and donoance
the Reformation as a curse. Their doctrine of the Real Presence in the
Sacraments is closely akin to the gross materialism of the Mass, but
the High Church have stood their ground as honest men for a' that.
The Broad Church call for Ue-statement. They are for dropping
rliftt is obsolete, but not all at once. They would go on printing the
payer-book with tdtrrnndrr formn and additions. They are for ro
THE BROAD CHURCH.
907
covering and re-setting the essential truth which lies at tho bottom of
every dogma, correlating the new knowledge with current religious
thoug^ht, and re-adapting the Church functions to the needs and the
intellectual, social, and ajsthetic instincts of the age ; and the Broad
Church presume to call themselves honest men for a' that.
You don't call your il.P.'s, Mr. John Morley or Mr. Bryce, dis-
honest, because they admire Republican opinions, and yet take the
oath of allegiance to Her Majesty. People have almost left off calling
3'arnell dishonest because he, like many others, continues to be an
M.P. and a Homo Ruler as well.
Our judges are not thought dishonest because they take the oaths,
and are content to preside over a mass of laws, some obsolete, some
contradictory, some sorely in need of re-statement, and not a few which
call for interpretation in strained and non-natural senses. But what
are the difficulties of the British Constitution, and what is the con-
fused and heterogeneous mass of the ICnglish law — what is the mixed
position of the M.P. or the judge compared to the confusion, the
jumble of things old and new in religion with which the clerg)'-
man of the Church of England has got to deal ? And what should
he do under the circumstances ? Why should his principle bo other
than that which governs judge or M.P. ? Put the question, what
becomes of the country if the House never passes a Reform Bill
(reform from within) ; what becomes of justice if there is never a Law
Amendment Act, never an attempt to reconcile law and equity, and
write law up to date (all reforms from, tcithiv) ; and what becomes of
the rehgion of tho National Church if every attempt to reform, re-
state, and write up to date is burked, is denounced as treachery and
dishonour ?
We declare then that tlie Broad Church clergy, adopting the method
of Jesus, and maintaining historic continuity with St. Paul and Luther,
are justified in stopping where they are; in pleading for," and in
working for, and in lioping for Reform instead of Revolution ; and
they may fairly charge those with ignorance who accuse them of ilis-
honesty.
In fact, the Broad Church clergyman has only to satisfy himself on
three points, and the argument for his defence against all the Robert
Elsmeres, Stopford Brookes, and Voyseys, and even Spurgeons, is
practically close^l : —
(1) He owes fealty to tho terms of subscription.
(2) To the administration,
Qi) To the ensential truths underlying the dogmas of the Church.
1. FeaUi/ to the Ttrms of Subscription.— T\\e Broad Church clergy-
man is of tern asked : Does not your teaching violate the tenns of your
clerical subscription ? Vou undertook to believe and teach certain
doctrines which you now call in question. The answer to this i*
x89o]
THE BROAD CHURCH.
909
how many illegally curtail the church services in all sorts of ways and
don't keep the saints* days ; how often is the long exhortation to
attend the Lord's Supper read ; how seldom is the denunciatory one
ever heard, although in many churches the number of communicants
is notoriously small ?
All parties, therefore, freely and unrebukedly neglect or break the
law of the Church. Fealty to that is no longer possible.
The rule, therefore, must now be — Fealty to the Administrntiim.
Not what is illegal, but what is enforced or authoritatively enjoined in
each particular case — that we are bound to obey — and only that.
In a word, we how to the administration of the Church. If we csui do
this conscieittiously, we, as Broad Church clergy, remain in the
Church ; if we cannot, we must go, But, in all cases, we lay the
onus of turning us out upon the administration; we are not going
oat as long as we are allowed to work for church reform from within.
If we are tolerated, why the High and the Low are no more and no
less, and we claim our common Uberties along with them. And we
propose to stay in the Church and work out our policy till the times
change and we come into power, even as they have stayed in and
successfully worked out theirs, until they camo into power and got
themselves general!}' accepted. And our time is not far off now.
3. But when we como to h\.alfii to Truth, the Broad Church can
triumph easily over both High and Low. The High Church do not
like the Low Church dogma, and the Low Church object to the High
ritual and dogma; but the Jiroad Church declare, with one for-reach-
ing and sweeping acceptance, the value and necessity of holding tight
every dogma that the Church has ever taught. They are, indeed,
for turning it out of dead dogma into living doctrine. They wrestle
with it as Jacob wrestled with the angel. They will know its name
and nature, nor will they lot it depart until it has jdelded up its
secret and blessed them. They are for re-stating— in other words,
rescuing and resetting — the truth which any special dogma once held ;
truth which tho dogma is now in danger of wounding, even as the
angel touched the sinew of the Patriarch's thigh, and it shrank. But
nothing in the way of dogma comes amiss to the Broad Church ; they
are positively hungry for it. Tliey delight in it ; they use it as a
very Siloam pool of suggestion and healing. Dogma is to them the
only secure basis upon which every new and living truth has to be
built up. At worst, dogma is but as an over-faithful, weather-beaten
sentinel, from whose iron and icy grip some time-woru treasure has
to be delivered.
Give a Broad Churchman even the dogma of the Infallibility of the
Pope, and he will be delighted to handle it sympathetically and ten-
derly. He will tell you that this apparently monstrous dogma was aa
neaily true aa any oould be when the most enlightened Christian- Church
910
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
WBfi the Romani Cburcb, and the Pope m Coimcilt aa its representAtire,
sammed np the verdict of the most ealightened Christijui coi^cieDce.
The ideal verdict of the enlightened Christian oouscience in eTreiy
age ia the nearest approach to InfalUbility we shall ever get on this
earth, and the assnmption and widely undisputed assumption of
that glory once belonged to Rome; the dogma iras true. It is Iriu
(in BO far as it setreB to remind as of an almost self-evident tmtb}.
It u no longer Inn;.
And if the Broad Chnrcliman can do so much, and glories in doing
so nmeh for an exploded Homan dogma, gathering np the fragmeute
that nothing be lost, it will be a light thing for him to take up the
dogmas of the Reformed Church, Inspiration of the Bible, Jastificatioti
by faith, Sacramental Grace, Original Sin, the Trinity and the Divinity
of the Ijord Jesna, and show his fealty to the essential truths which
lie embedded in every one of these dogmas.
When it beconaes perfectly clear to otherSj as it is perfectly clear to
m<\ that this can be done, and bonestly done, in the Chnrch of
England, intelligent raen will no longer refase to take Holy Orders,
und intelligent men will no longer refuse to attend Church.
I
I
H. R. Haweis.
i89o]
THE BETTERMENT TAX.
I HAVE read with mucli interest Mr. Bae's article in tiie last
numbt^r of this Review upon what ho calls '' the Betterment
Tax/' as proposed by the London County Council, against which I
had presented some arguments in a letter to the Tinus. I am
struck by the fact that when any definition is given of the principle
of that proposal, this definition is almost always so vaguely worded
that the essence of it, and the effect of it, are kept out of sight ;
whilst very different proposals both in essence and effect are sug-
gested. The whole plaosibility of the definition, and the whole
apparent justice of the principle laid down, depend on this ambiguity.
Without, I feel sure, the smallest intention to deceive, Mr. Rae almost
inveigles us into assent by a form of words which presents hardly
any roughness to the touch or shadow to the eye. It seems a perfect
example of the virtue so much extolled by Matthew Arnold under the
title of " sweet reasonableness." It is, however, also a perfect
.illustration of the old proverb, JJohis latet in gcneralibu^ — that abstract
ipropositions are dangerous things in practical affairs, as much as, or
even more than, in philosophy or in science.
There could not be a better example of this than the form in which
Mr. line puts his case in the last page of hia article. He refers to
the Strand improvement as one which will give a new frontage to
houses now in a back street, and will make them " more worthy of
demand." Ho points out that this benefit is conferred by a definite
piece of labour in tlio clearing away of other houses that stood
before them ; and then he proceeds to state the question in dispute
as follows: — *' The only question is whether the proprietor of a house
oaght not to contribute to the expense of that labour in some
proportion to the special benefit he appropriates from it, or at least in
912 TIIIC CONTEMPORARY REVIEfr.
Koinc liif^lKT ini'asure than his fellow-citizens who do not
ill tliut Ix'iicfit."
NdW, loiulinj? lliis sentence in perfect simplicitv of mint
on tlic walch for any verbal fallacy, I should at once hear
tlio allirniutive answer to the question so put. The owner
lioust' ouf^ht to contribute to the expense of the openi
ou^ht, nunvover, to contribute *' in some proportion '' to i
In-nt'lit, and c»'rtainly in '• some hiirher measure "' than I
citizens who do not participate in that benedr. All die
propositions I should accept without a raummr >?f •lissent.
one of them is fullilled and satistied by the u-saul and rime
pnu'tice of Knglish niunicipalities — tiie practice, namely.
asj^>.«5!5monts on the rental or lottinir value of h'^n.?*^*. -o tj
that value rises, there is a corre.-p-->nii:n|? rise in tii-^ iaccc
fi\>m the assessments thereupon. Thu?. i:"l::rises in a. narrow
U't at or alvut ilO'.' a year each, ar..; ::" ly ■*4:cie manic:';
they obtain ;i, new frontaire. an'.! rise :>; a d:a';ie v-il-ie. so
;it LJ'.'O instrvul of '.lOO. t:;e:: th-" d. i'.'.^ :im<:unc on -ralue
double a:'.vv:::r or" ta\. This is ^---triirnriz:? z^: "lie Clonic::
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THE BETTERMENT TAX.
913
it, for tHe present, and just to appease excessive discontent, this
ia to ba abated to 50 per cent, on the new rent, or to on©-
ly, of the whole. This abatement, however, is a mere con-
of the principle, made partly with a view to avoid or discount
|e valuations j but the householder must distinctly understand
lat has been, all along meant, and intended, by the words
proportion to the Hp(?cial benefit," was that proportion which
in the whole of it — the whole £100 which had been added to
pious value of £100. Mr, llae in another part of his article
J correct phraseology as applicable to this proposal and this
t — phraseology which would have quite undeceived the house-
if it had been used in the course of our supposed negotiation :
Bftl practice there is no disposition to deal harshly with the
IX " — (what ? — not taxing or assessing — but) '* in appropriating
I© of the improvement his estate receives." *
t then be clearly understood that the plausible and apparently
lerality which Mr. Rae represents as " the only question, "f ia a
fcy which completely conceals that question, and suppresses all
expression of the principle asserted and of the intention
bed.
this is my answer to the criticism of Mr. Rae that in my
I the TiiM^ I had erroneously confounded the " betterment "
5 with the principle of appropriating what has been nick-
;' unearned increments." I was not wrong, but right, in this
ition. It would have been a wrong identification if Mr.
I his friends intended simply to apply the principle of taxing
d values as they arise — if, in short, they meant nothing more
ley express when they ivish to conciliate support by stating
iucipio in stioh forms as that which I Iiave quoted. But the
Btion of which Mr. llao coriiplaius was strictly correct when
^lied to his actual proposals, and still more to the assumption
h those proposals are defended. That principle is correctly
d by himself as " appropriating the value of the improvement
b estate receives " — which is totally distinct from the principle
|y taxing increased values in the same prop>ortion in which the
lines were taxed before. The whole idea on which this new
I rests is the idea that the owner of an article, such as a house,
Ight to any increase in its valae of which he himself is not
I cause and author. If he has caused the increase by any
let or outlay of his own, then the idea is that he has " earned "
!if it has arisen from other causes, from acts or from conditions
ly which are wholly independent of anything he has done,
I increased value is dabbed as " unearned/' and, to use Mr.
» p. 6M.
t P. 660.
LVU.
~^u
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
rjtrsni
Rae's expression, may be ** appropriated by the community, either
Trholly. or in such part as convenience may decide."
I'his is the idea which I have represented as one resting on an
intellectaal confusion, and aa one which, in proportion as it is applied,
would dissolve all civilised society. Values are never determined
either wholly, or even in greatest measure, by the owners or makers
of any article. Values are determined in all cases by the market.
And " market " means the aggregate of all the conditions which
constitute demand. And these conditions are, for the most part,
entirely independent of those who have marketable articles to sell or
to let. This law applies to all kinds of property — including, even
before all others, that most original, and most sacred of all property,
which consists in what is popularly called '' labour "—or the muscular
powers of the human body. The wages of labour must ultimately be
determined by the demand for it. And the demand for it is continually
increased by the genius, the enterprise, and the capital of individual
men, whose thoughts and whose intellectual speculations are as much
outside of, and as much independent of, those who are called the
working classes, as any of the causes which raise the value of houses,
or of lands, or of any other article.
^Ir. Rae seems to think that there is some great difference in
principle established in all cases in which increased values have arisen
out of some extexnal cause which is definite and tangible, such as a
specific sum of money liiid out on some special improvement. But if a
principle be unsound when it is applied to a number of causes too
numerous and too complex to be traced, it does not cease to bp unsound
when it is applied to some one cause which happens to be more than
usually definite and visible. The definiteness and visibility of the
cause of increased values, in some particular case, may Ije a temptation
to us to adopt a principle which cannot be applied generally, and
which, therefore, cannot be applied with equality and justice. But to
make this very obvious source of temptation the avowed ground of
exceptional, and therefore unequal and unjust, action, is surely a very
open rebe.lliou against our own mora! and intellectual integrity. The
definiteness of any piece of labour, or of any outlay upon labour, do<» {
not stand in any logical c-onnection with the principles on which we
ought to deal with increments of value which may arise therefrom.
The outlay on a railway line, or on such a special work as the Forth
Bridge, is perfectly definite in amount. It may, and it must, affect
values to an enormous amount — first in the rise of wages, and next in
the selling and letting values of innumerable fields and houses, down
to the produce of every cottager's garden within a certain area. But
this definiteness of cause in particular cases does not differentiate
them in any way as regards the fundamental principles on which we
1890]
THE BETTERMENT TAX.
915
can alone justly deal with all increments of value, whether due to
many causes or to one.
It is not, therefore, the mere defitiiteness of any outlay, nor the
mere visibility of the connection between it and its effects on value,
that can possibly alter the principles on which it is just to deal with
them. What may possibly alter the question in some cases is — not
the definiteness of the outlay, but its nature. It is possible that, in
making some improvement, a public body may execute some work as
an incidental operation, which affects almost exclusively one street, or
even one house. Such, for example, might be the case of opening or
extending a main drain into spots which are apart from general
operations, or the case of extending a pavement under like conditions.
It is even conceivable that such incidental works might affect the
actual structure of a single house, as in building or strengthening a
wall, &c. It might involve no departure from general principles to
charge specially for such special benefits. Mr. Ra© alludes to such
Cftses as affording facilities for the use of wat«r, or of gas. But these
are generally paid for under the existing system by special rates, and
any reference to thorn serves no purpose except to confuse the question
at issue. Such cases do not really touch the principle of appro-
priating increased values arising out of public outlays, on the plea that
these values are due to other causes than auy action of the owners.
In the particular case of the Strand improvement, the violence of
the proposal is rendered more conspicuous by every possible surround-
ing circumstance. It is an improvement loudly demanded by the
convenience of the whole public of London, and, it may almost be said,
of the United Kingdom. The Strand is the main artery of traffic in
a city which is not only the metropolis of London, but the metropolis of
the commercial world. It is through the Strand that every man must
go who wishes to reach the Bank of England, or the Stock Exclumge,
or the Docks, or St. Paul's Cathedral. The proposed widening of
this great artery of imperial traffic is specially connected with a better
access to the Courts of Justice. In this, every subject of the Queen
is, or may be, personally interested. There never was a case in which
any work or outlay was more specially connected with the service of
^'normous multitudes of men, Mr. Rae himself, in quoting Americnn
precedents, admits that it is " wrong to impose a local assessment for
a general benefit."* Even this dictum understates the case, because,
as usual, it hides the violence of the new doctrine under old, soothing,
and familiar words, " Assessment " is a chai'ming veil under which
to hide an impost which is not, in principle, a percentage rate at all,
but an " uppropriaiion " of the whole, with only a temporary abate-
ment in order to abate alarm.
• I'. 659.
b^e
THE COXTEilFORARY REVIEW.
[JrxB
Then, when we look at the map of the area over which this prm-
ciple of "appropriation " is to be applied, we meet with anomalies which
are significant. The pnblic, in its capacitj of trafficken^ is to h«vf
the whole benefit of the improvement, and is to oontribate nothing to
the cost of it in its capacity of property-owner. The State is an
extensive hoaae-owner in the Strand. Bat all its great bnildings
and premises are carefally excladed from the area on which the
incre-ased value is to be "appropriated" by the London County
Gooncil. Somerset House and the Courts of Justice are most judi-
ciously, but hardly judicially, left out of the " betterment area."
Of course the object of tljis was to conciliate opposition. But it is
hard to see its equity, as regards the novel and most embarrassing
burden thrown on comparatively a small number of house-owners
within an area which is purely arbitrary.
The provision that the County Council may appropriate the whole
or some arbitrary part of all increased values in this area is rendered
Htill more oppressive by the power of sale which is asked for in the
Bill. The position of a house-owner may be conceived who is saddled
with aa appropriated rent-charge amounting perhaps to one-half of his
whole value, even when that impost is to be paid to a responsible public
body. But what that position will be when the impost becomes payable
to mortgagees of every kind and class it is hardly possible to imagine.
A great part of Mr. Rae's paper consists of alleged precedents from
the United States. Even as he represents them, concealing much
that is notorious, they are not reassuring. There are, however, a few
facts to be remembered about America which establish some wide
differences between towns there and towns in Great Britain. A very
largo n amber of the towna and cities of America have been built
within the memory of living men. A hundred years ago tJiev were
forest, or swamp, or prairie. There are many considerations of equity
which are eliminated under such conditions. Men who have bought
or settled upon vacant land under customs, and powers, and usages in
respect to the mode of providing for the costs of such settlement,
which were well understood, or were in course of development from
the beginning, can hardly be said to be treated unjustly when these
usages come to be practically applied. This is one of the conditions
of a new country. Every man buys or builds knowing what his enter-
prise is exposed to. Under such circumstances the system adopted
may be wise or foolish. But it can hardly be unjust. It is a very
different thing when doctrines and practices absolutely new are apphed
to an old society in which for hundreds of generations property has
been acquired and iramenso expenditure has been incurred on the
assumed permanence of fundamental principles of taxation which are
wholly different.
It may well be the practice, for example, in beginning the settle-
i89o]
THE BETTERMENT TAX.
917
ment of a new American txjwn, to require each lioaaeliolder to form or
to pave the street in front of hia swn house. This is perfectly
natural, and may be perfectly just. It 13 an archaic practice, suitable
to archaic conditions. The next step, which represents the same
idea, may be to assess rates according to frontage. This also may be
perfectly natural and just so long as mere frontage represents fairly
the relative value of house property in a town. But this can only last
so long as back premises are mere appendices of fronts. In all old
eitiea, and especially in London, back areas of lajid are of enormous,
and of wholly separate value ; and under these conditions, and under
all approaches to them, the assessment of improvements according to
mere frontages would become absurdly unequal, oppressive, and
mijust. This is only one illustration of the differences which show
that any application of American precedents to our own old society
are to be examined with the greatest caution, and with the certainty
that they will work oat wholly different results both in respect to
policy and to justice.
Then, further, it is to be remembered that municipal taxation in
America has been, and I believe still is, the very hotbed of the most
enormous jobbery and corruption. I have heard from high American
authorities, both here and in the States themselves, anecdotes on
this subject which seemed to me hardly credible. But we have only to
look at tlie authentic Report of the Committee of the Legislature of
New York on the municipBl corrnptions of that great city to be
convinced that on this subject it would be diflScult to exaggerate the
evils which the system has naturally developed. The array of
American legal decisions quoted by Mr, Rae are not encouraging.
They are confused and inconsistent, not laying down any clear
or intelligible principle. It is probable, indeed, that much of that
inconsistency might be explained if all the special circumstances of
each case were before us, since we need not go farther than Mr. Rae's
own paper to see that cases of the most diverse kind may be easily con-
founded under the terms of some vague general definition. The dis-
tinction, for example, between an impost which is a " tax," and
another which is not a ** tax," may be a valid distinction in some
cases, sach aa must have been common in America, between struc-
tural outlays in founding a settlement and the ordinary cost of main-
tenance, or of mere improvements executed from time to time to meet
the wants or convenience of a great growing population. But, although
this distinction may be valid in such cases, it is obviously one lending
itself very easily to the most unjust and invidious misapplications.
No handier weapon could be placed in the hands of a corrupt and
jobbing municipal constituency such as that of New York than the
power to say, '' We want some great public work executed for our own
public convenience. The Constitution says that taxation must be equal.
918
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.
[ivsm
But we don't choose to call thU oatlay a tax at all. We call k a
betterment, and under that name we can lay the impost on a imaQ
section of the community, which we can sj^lect on some defini-
tion suitable for our purpose." Accordingly, Mr. Rae himself
mentions a case in which such s]>ecial " betterment imposts
practically amounted to confiscation."" Mr. Rae also refers to the
objection that betterment taxes " might, in hands unguided by ideas of
fairness, be cuuvertftd into gross oppression. "f But it is unfortunately
tlie fact that " ideas of fairness" may be wholly perverted by doctrines
of abstract principle which are themselves deceptive. The practical
unfairnysH may be the outcome of a mere confusion of thought— of a
purely ink'Uectual fallacy. Some forty years ago I attended one of
tihe meetings for the discussion of social questions which were then
being held uuder the inBuence of Frederick Maurice and Charles
Kingsley. At that meeting an artisan, speaking evidently with the
most perfect desire to bo reasonable and to get at the truth, said, "I
never could see why an}' other man is entitled to derive a pro6t out
of my work." It required a long and elaborate argument to convince
him that what he called '^ his work " was work due to the co-operation
with him of a whole host of agencies other than his own, and that,
if no other men were to be allowed to profit by his work, the onfv
result would be that he would get no work to do. This is prwisely
the fallacy which underlies the whole argument of !Mr. Rae on the
subject of betleru^ent. No private owner is to be allowed to derive
any profit out of work done by others ; whereas the fact is that oU
profit, and all value, is due to work done by others, in co-operatinn
only with elements which are the special contribution of the indiviilnal.
Strange to say, there is one paragraph of his paper in which Mr. Bae
liimself points out this general law of all values, and dwells upon it,
in reference to a special case. It is always a matter of great interest
when we can detect ourselves, or observe others, stumbling accidentally,
lis it were, on some great fundamental truth when we are in the
pursuit of some narrow, and possibly erroneous, contention. The
obvious impossibility of applying, with any equality or justice, the
doctrine of appropriating augmented values due to agencies other than
those of individual owners, compels him to deal witli a case which is
constant and familiar. That case is the great enhancement of value
which accrues to land lying round, and near to, a growing town, but
outside its boundaiy of assessments The grote-sque doctrine is now
commonly asseiied that those who raise values in such oases, by
desiring and competing for such land, ai'e the *' creators " of that ,
value, and as such are entitled to appropriate it; so that we have
only to covet any possession in company with others, and then of
right it becomes our own. Not even the absurdity of such oouclo-
• P. 669. t P. 657
i89o]
THE BETTERMENT TAX.
919
sions IB broad enough to scare men who trust their opinions to the
mercy of abstract verbal propositions. Mr. Rae does not wish his case
to be confounded with such doctrines. He points out, most justly,
that such land " manifestly " profits only because, and in the measure
in which, the toMrn, on its part, receives accommodation and advantage
from the land. Exactly so ; and this result of analysis applies equally
to all values, and to all enhancements of value on all articles whatso-
ever and wherever situated. Value is not a " thing " in itself. It
is a relation between many things. And, as Mi". Kae points out Ln this
sentence, the things which are related, and in whose relation all value con-
sists, are essentially those equal and reciprocal advantages between men
who hire or purchase, and men who let or sell, which constitute market
values. The jealous and begrudging doctrine which would deprive a
householder of any profit arising out of work don© by other men is a doc-
trine which would dissolve society. It would have deprived him of
his old and smaller rent quite as logically as it would deprive him of
his new and augmented rent. The old rent, not more than the
new rent, arose out of many elements, of which the housf^-owner was not
the sole author. His house stood in the same relation to the old street,
M regards its old value, in which it will stand to the new street as
regards its increment of value. If he gets an increa.sed value for his
house it can only be because the article which he owns is one which
serves the public better than it did before. The same general law
applies etiually to the acre which supplies the town with its own con-
tribution of garden produce, and to the few square yards which supplies
the town with its own contribution of house accommodation. As
the vast population of London is fed from day to day by the sole
agency of individual enterprise, so also it has been housed by the same
agency. Rents are higher than elsewhere only because those who hire
or buy houses tlu're are furnished with accommodation, which is the
precise equivalent in value. To attempt to distinguish between one case
of enhanced value and other cases of it is both a bungle and an injustice.
The doctrine which, under the guise of a tax, would " appropriate " the
whole incrt*ased value of the house due to operations of public con-
venience is a doctrine which would equally appropriate every other
conceivable enhancement of value upon labour, or upon the results of
labour, of foresight, and of capital. By all means let increased values
be taxed. But don't let them be confiscated, or *' appropriated." All
the formulas of language which are invented to make the fallacy
plausible are formulas which owe their plausibility, and their decep-
tiveneas, to their capacity of leaving a totally different interpretation.
Those who will receive the benefit of a great improvement in the
Strand are, in the first place, the public. The benefit to them will be
enormous. If individuals also benefit incidentally, as must always be
the case in all public improvements, by all means let those individuals
f
820 THB CONTEMPORARY REVIEW. [Juki
be taxed npon tbe higher valae of their property, jast as they wero
taxed before on the lower value. This is taxing " according to benefit
derived." But the total appropriation of new valaes is as much con-
fiscation as the appropriation of former yalnes wonld have been.
Injustice is not consciously intended only because a logical fallacy
is not perceived. None the less, the injustice wonld be violent in
principle, and most oppressive in effect, just as the intellectual con-
fusion is very deeply seated, and reaches very far.
Argyll.
END OF VOL. LVII.
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