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Vols. L-III.] Vol. II., post 8vo, pp. 406, cloth, price los. 6d.
A HISTORY OF MATERIALISM.
By Professor F. A. IjANGE,
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OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF RELIGION
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THE COLOUR SENSE : Its Origin and Development.
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THE PHILOSOPHY OF MUSIC.
BEING THE SUBSTANCE OF
A COURSE OF LECTURES
Delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain,
IN February and March 1877.
By "WTLLIAM POLE, Mus. Doc. Oxon.
Fellow of the Eoyal Societies of London and Edinburgh ; one of the Examiners in Music
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The great and justly celebrated work recenth- published by Professor Helmholtz, of
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CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE HISTORY OF the DEVELOPMENT
OF THE HUMAN RACE.
LECTURES AND DISSERTATIONS
By LAZARUS GBIGBR,
Author of " Origin and Evolution of Human Speech and Eeason."
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ORIENTAL RELIGIONS,
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CONTEIBUTIONS
HISTORY OF THE DEVELOPMENT
OF THE HUMAN RACE.
LECTURES AND DISSERTATIONS
LAZARUS GEIGEE,
AUTHOR OF "ORIGIN AND EVOLUTION OF HUMAN SPEECH AND REASON.
^ran0lateti from ti)e Seconti (Serman (EBnition
BY
DAVID ASHEE, Ph.D.
CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE BERLIN SOCIETY FOR THE STUDY OF
MODERN LANGUAGES AND LITERATURE.
LONDON:
TKUBNEE & CO., LUDGATE HILL.
1880.
[All rights reserved.]
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
It is a source of lively satisfaction to me to have
been chosen as the medium of introducing to the
English public the late lamented author of the follow-
ing Lectures and Essays, one of the most original
thinkers Germany has produced in recent times, and
the "greatest of her philologers," as he has been
styled by a competent judge. His work itself, how-
ever, will best speak for him, and needs no commen-
dation on my part. Let me only add that, though
these Lectures and Essays, now submitted to the Eng-
lish reader, are but " chips " from the author's *' work-
shop," as it were, yet I believe they afford a good
glimpse of his eminent powers and brilliant genius as
an investigator. But a word, I feel, is needed on
behalf of myself as translator, l^o one can be more
fully alive than myself to the difficulties of translation,
and hence it is not with a "liprht heart" that I ever
576219
vi TRANS LA TOR'S PREFA CE.
undertake the task. If I have ventured to do so on
this occasion, it was owing to my belief in the adage :
Amor vincit omnia. Love of the language into which
I had to translate, happened to combine, in this
instance, with love of the subject and adlniration of
the author. From his exceedingly clear, aye, pellucid
style, my difficulties have certainly been considerably
lessened ; still, a conscientious translation is always an
arduous task, and I can only hope, conscious of having
honestly striven to do justice to the original, I may
have succeeded in likewise satisfying the English reader.
THE TKANSLATOR.
Leipsic, June 1880.
PREFACE,
In editing the following Lectures and Dissertations
of my late brother, I have to crave the indulgence of
the public for having ventured, as a non-scientific
man, to undertake such a task. But I deem it my
duty not to withhold from the world any of the
author's investigations, and now put forth, as a first
instalment, the present pages, which the departed was
about himself to revise for the purpose of publication
when death overtook him. The first five Disserta-
tions are a literal reprint of the Lectures as they
were delivered, and partly already published; only
in the second I have added from the MS. a passage
in brackets which had been omitted in delivery so
as not to exceed the measure of time allotted to each
speaker. The last Essay, written in 1869-70, was
intended for a scientific periodical, and was to open
a series of similar dissertations. The unremitting
viii PREFACE.
endeavour which ever distinguished the author to
improve and perfect his labours prevented him from
sending the Essay to its destination, as he was not
spared to give it a final touch.
ALFRED GEIGER.
Frankfort-on-the-Maine, Junt 1871.
CONTENTS
I. LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE IN THE HISTORY
OP THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE HUMAN RACE . I
II. THE EARLIEST HISTORY OP THE HUMAN RACE IN
THE LIGHT OP LANGUAGE, WITH SPECIAL RE-
FERENCE TO THE ORIGIN OF TOOLS . . 32
III. ON COLOUR-SENSE IN PRIMITIVE TIMES AND ITS
DEVELOPMENT 48
IV. ON THE ORIGIN OP WRITING .... 64
V. THE DISCOVERY OF FIRE 90
VL ON THE PRIMITIVE HOME OF THE IN DO-EUROPEANS II 7
I.
Language and its Importance in the History
of the Developinent of the Huma7i Race,
[A Lecture delivered at the Commercial Club of Frankfort-on-the-
Maine, December 7, 1869.]
In the restless activity which science displays in our
times, there appears, with ever-increasing distinctness,
a phenomenon which, more than any other, confers on
it a noble humanity and significance : it is the inter-
penetration of the practical and ideal. The period is
not yet far behind us when practical and scientific
labour stood apart from each other as strangers. On
the one side was seen the great mass of the toiling
people, who did not understand how to respect their
own activity, and were almost ashamed of it ; on the
other, erudition, confined to a class, and often barren
of any result. Occasionally there arose a lonely un-
comprehended thinker, who carefully concealed himself
from his contemporaries, because to be understood
was almost sure to entail excommunication and death.
Ho\v different is it now, when mechanical labour finds
a hif^rher reward in the elevatincj consciousness of
having co-operated in the mighty and arduous work
of rendering mankind happy than in the wages it earns,
2 LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE.
'a]a^Vhe]n,sc?;enc'e' takes refuge in warm, feeling hearts,
to share their cravings and hopes, and perhaps, too, to
raise them to those heights from which she has de-
scended !
The chemistry of our days gives us information ahout
the air we breathe, the provisions we are to select ; it
teaches us how to cultivate the soil and how to pro-
duce thousands of objects of art and industry ; but at
the same time it lays open to us the mysterious nature
of things. In decomposing before our eyes an appar-
ently uniform body into various invisible elements, it
rends the veil of outward appearance and of illusion,
teaches us to doubt the evidence of our senses, and
at the same time to comprehend the perpetual trans-
formation and growth in nature. Mechanics, by means
of which man's machines are built and the giant forces
of heat and electricity rendered subservient to his use,
at the same time put the great question to him, what
light, sound, heat, and electricity are ; and suggest to him
a primitive power which disguises itself, as it were, in
all these phenomena, appearing now as sound, now as
heat, and may be finally transformed even into mecha-
nical force, a pressure, or an impulse. Equally so
the study of language, besides its practical objects
known to us all, has in our days acquired an incom-
parable philosophical importance, seeing that it affords
a key to one aspect of the world and existence which
physical science could never have reached, and gives
us an explanation of what we are and of what once
we were, of our reason and our history.
LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE. 3
The first commonplace object which may induce
us to study languages is, in the first instance, a purely
practical one. We may wish to find our way in the
streets of some foreign city or learn to converse with
foreigners who have come to visit us. But, however
commonplace such a proficiency may be, it already
touches, without our always being aware of the fact,
upon a marvellous domain. We face a being which
thinks as we do, but which seems by nature to be
relegated to another sphere as regards its mode of
expression. The strangeness of this phenomenon is
felt by every one who, for the first time, hears a
foreign child speak its native language or sees him-
self surrounded abroad by people all speaking a foreign
tongue. Language seems to us so natural and human, and
it seems such a matter of course that what we say should
be at once understood — and now, all of a sudden, behold !
there is a barrier between man and man, analogous to,
though infinitely thinner than, that between man and
the brute, who likewise do not understand each other
by nature, and can learn to do so only very imperfectly
by art. The first discovery of a people speaking a
foreign language must have been attended with tre-
mendous surprise ; at least as great as the first sight
of men of a different colour of the skin. In speaking
a foreign tongue, therefore, we surmount in reality a
barrier raised by Nature herself, and as the ocean,
which, in the words of the Eoman poet, was created
to separate the nations, has by navigation been con^
verted into an immense channel of communication,
4 LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE.
the study of living languages tends to create an asso-
ciation of men out of groups of peoples scattered
about by nature. In reading distinguished authors in
a foreign language, we feel a kind of emancipation from
the narrow boundary of nationality; new spheres of
thought, new conceptions are opened up to us with
every newly unlocked literature; the peculiar forms
in which each people clothes its divinations, its love,
its scientific thought, its political hopes, and its inspi-
rations, enrich our minds ; all these become ours, we
become all these. And how much greater will be our
profit if we do not content ourselves with merely
crossing the boundary line which a mountain or a
stream or an accidental circumstance in the migration
and spreading of our ancestors has drawn for our
nation, but find in language a means of penetrating
the darkness of ages, of transposing ourselves into the
past in order to communicate with the minds of
primeval times ! It is no small matter to say to one's
self, " These words which I am reading, the sounds which
I am reviving with my lips, are the same as those with
which Demosthenes once called upon his native city,
ensnared by treason, to try to regain her freedom, —
the same in which Plato couched his own and his
master's lofty teachings." By the Nile on the Theban
plain there is seen a gigantic statue of King Ameno-
phis, enthroned on high — the so-called pillar of Memnon
— sixty feet high. In the days of the Eoman Empire
there was heard in this statue daily at sunrise a
musical sound ; all the world went on a pilgrimage to
LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE, 5
the miraculous statue ; men and women for centuries
left their names and hymns of praise expressive of
their admiration inscribed on the gigantic monument,
and told how they had beheld its stupendous size and
heard its divine song. Homer resembles this Memnon
statue. If all who have for millennia repaired to this
marvellous monument of the earliest ages of Greece
in order to listen to the sounds of the dawning of
European poetry, could have left us their names in-
scribed at his feet, what a catalogue it would be !
But however incalculably great is the influence which
the treasures of ancient literature have exercised and
are still exercising — thereby, at the same time, bearing
an elevating testimony to the immortality of the crea-
tions of the human mind, even beyond the life of the
language in which they are written — yet they present
another aspect which is calculated to stir our hearts,
if not more strongly, at all events more deeply. The
authors of past ages tell us a great deal that is sug-
gestive and instructive, in the same way as they im-
parted it to their compatriots, for whom they designed
it ; but in doing so they, in addition, betray something
else which they could not intend at all. Involuntarily
they afford us, by a casual description, or an uninten-
tional word, that was superfluous for them but is invalu-
able to us, a picture of the life of their time ; and what
results from the careful collection of all these minute
traits is the lesson that human thought and volition,
from the earliest times of which a record has come
down to us, have been subject to a mighty trans-
6 LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE.
formation. Accordingly the writings of ancient times
are no longer mere literary productions for us to enjoy,
and to enjoy so much the better the nearer they come
to our own time and the more congenial they are to our
minds, but they are monuments which we study, and
which, on the contrary, we grasp at the more eagerly the
older and more alien they are to us. The conscious-
ness of the importance of literature in this sense is of
very recent date ; nay, I may say it is not even now
sufficiently developed. It is true the study of antiquity
has been in vogue ever since the revival of learning at
the beginning of the modern era, but its object was not
to gain from the reports of the authors an idea of the
condition of mankind in their days, but inversely to
gain that knowledge of the state of antiquity which
was requisite for the purpose of understanding the
authors. Even down to the last century Homer was
judged by the standard of poets in general. He was
ranked, let us say, by the side of Tasso or Milton, in
the same way as we may mention Shakespeare and
Schiller together. At length F. A. Wolf came forward
with the question whether Homer had had any know-
ledge of the art of writing, and more especially had
practised it himself ; and having negatived it, he argued
that such extensive poems could not possibly be pro-
duced by a single person from memory. He then
endeavoured to show that we have in them the work of
many individual singers, who composed short detached
pieces and recited them to the cithern, as the singers
mentioned in Homer himself were wont to do. No
LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE. 7
doubt he had not yet found the right solution, and the
question as to the origin of the Homeric poems con-
tinues even now to be discussed over and over again ;
but it is indubitable that the matter of these poems
cannot possibly have sprung from one head. The
Trojan war is not a true history dressed up by the poet,
still less is it his own invention ; but in reality it is,
with all its details, a primitive popular belief, much
older than any line of any existing epic. Achilles and
Odysseus are not imaginary poetical characters, but
were demigods of the Greeks in primeval times; and
mythology, with all its oddities, far from being invented
by the poets for the purpose of ornamenting their
poetry, was, on the contrary, the sacred conviction of
that primeval age. The stories of Hera struck by Zeus
in his anger and suspended in the clouds, of Hephsestos,
who wishes to come to the rescue of his mother, and
whom Zeus seizes by the leg and flings down to the
earth, where he alights in Lemnos and is picked up
half dead, formed in the age of Voltaire the subject
of sneering criticism ; they were, in his eyes, insipid
fancies, which a polite poet at the court of Louis XIY.
would certainly not have indulged in. But there is no
doubt tl>at, whoever was the Homer of these and similar
poems, he fervently believed in the truth of precisely
such legends. They were sacred to him and his audi-
ence ; they were already then ancient and not under-
stood; they conceal some deep mysterious meaning;
how and when may they have originated ? Here the
problem of the formation of myths, of the origin of
8 LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE,
faiths, the solution of which has only just begun, is
exhibited to our view.
While an unexpected background became thus visible
behind a book which thousands had read and fancied
they understood, the present century has resuscitated
an even remoter antiquity, and gained for the investi-
gation of primitive times a new subject, the very extent
of which alone cannot but raise astonishment, and of
which our ancestors dreamt as little as of the great
technical inventions of our age.
We now know monuments and writings compared
with which all that formerly was regarded as most
ancient. Homer and the Bible included, appears
almost modern. The French expedition to Egypt
under Napoleon I. had an importance for European
science similar to that which Alexander's to the East
had : it gave rise to the investigation and representa-
tion of ancient Egyptian monuments, and at the same
time to the discovery of that ever-memorable stone
of Kosetta, which in an Egyptian and Greek inscrip-
tion contained the proper nouns that led to the de-
cipherment of the hieroglyphics. Two discoveries,
indeed, concurred in bringing about this great result.
The one, already previously made, was that the
language of the ancient Egyptians was substantially
identical with the Coptic, still preserved in the eccle-
siastical literature of the Egyptian Christians; the
other is ChampoUion's, that the hieroglyphics were a
phonetic, partly even an alphabetical, writing. Those
singular pictures, which had so long been thought
LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE, 9
confused symbolical mysteries of priests, turned out
to be writing once accessible and intelligible to the
whole people. It was not always profound wisdom
which was hidden beneath these hieroglyphics: over
a picture representing oxen might be read the simple
words, " These are oxen." Champollion read and trans-
lated innumerable inscriptions ; he composed a gram-
mar and a dictionary of the hieroglyphics, and
already in the first of his works, masterly both for
their style and matter, he communicated the decipher-
ment of a quantity of names of Eoman, Greek, and
national rulers of Egypt, from which an entire
history of the kingdom up to an incredibly early
period began to dawn. There appeared, composed
of hieroglyphics, the names of Alexandres, PhUippos,
Berenice, Cleopatra, Tiberius, Claudius, Nero, Ves-
pasianus, Titus, Domitianus, Nerva, Trajanus, Had-
rianus, Antoninus, Diocletianus, as well as Xerxes and
Darius, Psammetichus, Shishank, and Eameses; and
gradually there were gathered and identified from pyra-
mids and rock-tombs, from the walls of temples and
palaces, the whole long list of names which Manetho,
a priest of the time of Ptolemseus Philadelphos, has
preserved to us — a list of thirty dynasties, to the six-
teenth of which, at the earliest, belonged the first
Pharaoh, the contemporary of Abraham, mentioned in
the Bible. The 331 names of kings which the Egyptian
priests enumerated to Herodotus from a papyrus, the
346 colossal wood-carvings of Theban high-priests
which they showed him, as they had succeeded each
lo LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE.
other from father to son, all men and sons of men,
without a sinojle orod or demisjod, are no lonf^er fables
for us. All the Pharaohs have risen from their graves,
and in addition to them the numberless gay pictures
of a full and abundant life of the people, all ranks and
all occupations being preserved with wonderful fidelity,
and domestic scenes of touching truth and simplicity,
three and four millennia old ! No inconsiderable relics
of literature, too, have been found, — documents from
daily life, historical records, and poetry, and of the
sacred books, especially the so-called Book of the Dead,
upon which criticism has already laid its hands, trying
to separate a more ancient nucleus from subsequent
commentaries.
Far less important, but interesting as the solution
of a problem which seemed almost impossible to be
solved, is the decipherment of the Persian cunei-
form writing. On a precipitate side of a rock about
1500 feet high, near Bisitun, in ancient Media, there
was found, at an inaccessible height, the coloured
relievo-portrait of a king, who, attended by his guards,
sits in judgment upon his vanquished foes. One of
them is lying prostrate, and the king sets his foot
on his body; nine others are standing chained before
him. This relievo is surrounded by not less than a
thousand lines of cuneiform characters. Similar char-
acters were found on the rocks of Nakhsh in Eustein,
on the ruins of the palaces of Persepolis, and in other
places. But neither the writing nor the language
of the inscriptions was known ; aye, not even an
LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE. ii
approximate guess at their contents could be made.
How could hopes be entertained of their ever being
read ? And yet we have succeeded so completely that at
this day we are able to read the Persian inscriptions
with nearly the same certainty as Latin. The first
successful attempts in this direction were made here
at Frankfort. Professor Grotefend, since 1803 vice-
principal of the grammar-school of this city, with
the sagacity of genius, recognised in some briefer
inscriptions, copies of which were at his command,
the passages where names of kings were to be ex-
pected, and with a rare gift of combination he dis-
covered, by a comparison of the names of the Persian
rulers known to us according to their sounds and
the relationships of the kings bearing these names, those
of Xerxes and Darius. The latter called himself in
an inscription son of Hystaspes; this, too, Grotefend
recognised on finding that, in agreement with history,
the title of king was absent in the case of Hystaspes.
He had at once recognised in the Persian cuneiform
inscriptions an al^abej^ic writing: from the names
deciphered he traced out part of the alphabet and
attempted lo read entire inscriptions. Upwards of
thirty years, however, elapsed ere Professor Lassen
succeeded in discovering an alphabet complete in all
essentials, and, the science of language having mean-
while made rapid strides, and languages which had
great affinity with ancient Persian having become
better known, in actually deciphering and translating
the inscriptions. At present we read on the Bisitun
12 LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE,
monument a whole history of the reign of Darius in
his own words. The man on whom the king, armed
with a bow, puts his foot, is the false Smerdis, or, in
Persian, Barthiya, known to us from Herodotus. The
inscription beneath his portrait runs thus: "This is
Gumata, the magician ; he has cheated ; he said : I am
Barthiya, son of Kurush. I am king."
On the sites where Nineveh and Babylon once stood
there have been quite recently, as is well known, like-
wise brought to light, amongst ruins of palaces and
imposing sculptures, numerous inscriptions, especially
tiles and cylinders, bearing cuneiform writing — the
only gloomy remnants of Assyrian and Babylonian
magnificence and universal empire.
Here, too, the problem was not only to decipher
unknown contents conveyed in an unknown writing, but
first to discover a language, nay, several languages, the
very existence of which had partly been unknown.
Fortunately the Assyrian language is met with on
Persian monuments too; on several of them one and
the same inscription is repeated in the Persian and
Assyrian languages ; and the Persian text having once
been deciphered, it also afforded a clue to the decipher-
ment of the Assyrian.
In order to appreciate the ejBPect which the coming
to light of all these new and yet most ancient marvels
could not fail to produce on the conception of our time,
we need but realise the impression made by a ruin
only a few centuries old, or the excavation of an
ancient coin or utensil, or even a mere rough stone
LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE. 13
that in olden times passed through the hands of
man, and still shows traces of having done so. The
curiosity raised by what we have never before seen, the
desire and craving of lifting the veil from the realms
of the past, and of catching a glimpse, at least, of what
has for ever perished, are blended with a feeling of awe
and devoutness. How peculiarly are we moved at the
sight of the slightest object brought to daylight from
the buried streets of Herculaneum and Pompeii ; how
many reminiscences it evokes ! In the case of an
unknown, strange antiquity, however, that suddenly
begins to revive and stir before our eyes, every one
feels something analogous to what we feel at the sight
of the curious extinct animals of the antediluvian
world — the Ichthyosauri and the Mastodons. We cast
a divinatory glance at unmeasured periods of creation,
and begin darkly to guess at that great mystery — the
mystery of our development.
And yet it was not the treasures discovered beneath
the soil which were destined to contribute most to the
elucidation of tihat mystery.
The finding, nay, one may say, the discovery of two
literatures, which were indeed defunct, but were so in no
other sense than the Latin or Hebrew — that is to say,
which still continue to be studied and reverenced by
living peoples — this discovery, with its consequences,
it was which formed an era in European conception as
to the past of humanity. Both literatures were dis-
covered in East India. Zend literature, the sacred
writings of the ancient Persians, ascribed to Zoroaster,
14 LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE,
had been carried away with them to India by the Par-
sees, who remained faithful to the ancient religion, on
their flying from their native land to save themselves
from the Mahomedans. Sanskrit literature is the holy
national literature of the Brahmanic Hindoos them-
selves. The merit of having discovered and promul-
gated these treasures, of which, until about the middle
of last century, no European scholar had any inkling,
is due, in the first instance, to the English and the
Erench, who were at that time engaged in a mutual
struggle for the possession of India. The knowledge
of the Zend writings we owe before all to Erench, that
of Sanskrit to English science. It is German scholars,
however, who in a pre-eminent degree have thoroughly
investigated both, and who have more especially made
use of them in perfecting linguistic science. As
Columbus, urged on by an irresistible impulse which
made him overcome all doubts and surmount all diffi-
culties, went in quest of the western hemisphere, so
Anquetil du Perron, from 1754, searched for the cele-
brated writings of Zoroaster among the priests of the
Parsees in India, and employed his life in translating
and commenting upon them. Nothing more strikingly
exhibits the contrast of our times to those than the
disappointment which the writings, brought home at
so much sacrifice, then caused in Europe. Of the
wisdom which so great a name led to expect they con-
tained but little. On the other hand, the god Ahura-
mazda occasionally revealed in them things which,
from their childlike naivete, could only call forth smiles ;
LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE. 15
so especially the well-known passages referring to the
dog, the sacred animal of the Persians, in which the
mode of his keep, his punishment when he bites, his
character, his treatment in illness or when not quite in
his senses, and how one has to proceed if he refuses to
take the medicine, are discussed with solemn gravity.
Yet the question as to the character of the people's
imagination, by what motives it must have been
swayed when the Persians nursed the dog with such
solicitous care, or when the Egyptians built vaults at
Memphis to the holy embalmed corpses of Apis, sixty-
four generations thereof lying buried there, is of such
importance to us, that we willingly forego the wise
teachings of those times, seeing that there is no lack
of such in our own days, would we but listen to them.
We are here reminded of an incident communicated by
Professor Max MuUer touching that portion of San-
skrit literature which is the most important to us —
the Yedas. A talented young German, Dr. Eosen, who
died at an early age, being occupied in the rich library
of the East In^lia Company in London with copying
the Veda hymns, which he commenced editing in 1838,
the enlightened Brahmin, Eamahan Eai, being then in
London, could not wonder enough at this undertaking :
the Upanishad, he said, were of greater importance and
much more deserving of publication. These, the young-
est portion of the Vedas, contain a mystic philosophy
in which may be found a kind of monotheism or pan-
theism, which seemed to the Hindoo rationalist, as to
many others, the non plus ultra of all religious wisdom.
i6 LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE,
But in reality the primeval Veda hymns, quite pagan,
naive, and often grotesque though they are, of which
the Hindoo with his modern culture may have been
secretly ashamed, but in which the youth of mankind
breathes with delightful freshness, are to us the true
jewel of Sanskrit literature. They do not, indeed, con-
tain a religious system available for us, but they teach
us how the religion of man was developed.
The knowledge we gained of the Sanskrit language
in itself, however, quite apart from its literary trea-
sures, was perhaps productive of still greater effects.
That language, notwithstanding the wide space that
separates us from it, exhibited a close affinity to our
European languages. There were found in it the words
jpitar father, mdtar mother, hhrdtar brother, svasar sister,
sunu son, duhitar daughter ; names of animals, such as
go cow, hansa goose (German Gans) ; and numerals, such
as dvau 2, trajah 3, shat 6, ashtau 8, and nava 9. This
is quite a different relation from that existing between
our language and French when we borrow from it
such a word as, for instance, Onkel. Sanskrit has not
only its vocabulary in common with German, but even
the inflection : e.g., asti ist, santi sind. In words bor-
rowed from the French, on the contrary — as, for in-
stance, in marschiren (to march) — we retain the German
inflection, and say, for instance, ich marschire (I march),
du marschirst (thou mar chest). In eliminatino- from
a language all foreign words, its vocabulary indeed
diminishes, but nevertheless a complete languao-e still
remains. Cognate languages, on the contrary, have so
LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE. 17
much in common that, were we to eliminate all of
it, only something quite incomplete would be left.
French, for instance, is closely related to Italian, and
we here see quite plainly why both languages would
cease to exist if they were to abstain from all the
words and forms they have in common. The reason
is, French was not by any means a finished lan-
guage which borrowed Italian words, like German
when it admitted the word Onkel, but the resemblance
arises from the fact of French and Italian being both
derived from the Latin, thus once forming a single lan-
guage, viz., this very Latin. Such, too, must be exactly
the case with German and Sanskrit; both must once
have formed one language ; only this one language, of
which German and Sanskrit may be almost called the
daughters, as French and Italian are of Latin, is no
longer extant. We know there has been a people that
spoke Latin, viz., the Eomans. Equally there must
have been a people that spoke the original language
from which Germa^ and Sanskrit have descended, a
people that existed at a time when there were as yet
neither Germans nor Hindoos. Not only German,
however, but Latin, Greek, Eussian, and all the Sla-
vonic languages too, as likewise the Keltic, and in
Asia the Armenian and Persian, with some collateral
branches, are related to Sanskrit. The ancestors of all
those peoples who spoke these languages must, there-
fore, have constituted one people, together with the
ancestors of the Germans and Hindoos, and the science
of language must therefore assume a primitive people
iS LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE.
much older than anything we know of in European
history. Where it had its seat is not yet determined,
still less the time at which we have still to think of its
being united. On the other hand, language ajffords re-
markable indications by means of which we may ascer-
tain something as to that people's stage of culture.
The common prehistoric language referred to can
\ obviously have had words only for such objects as the
^people that spoke it were acquainted with. Thus if, for
instance, shi'p in Sanskrit, as in Greek, is naus, in Latin
navis, a word akin to our Naue and Nacheii, the Indo-
European prehistoric people must have known the ship.
Equally we find a common word for oar, but none for
sail. Vehicles must likewise have been known to
that people ; of arms it knew the sword, but scarcely
the bow. In all probability the custom of painting and
tattooing it had in common with the aborigines of
America and Australia. Our word Zeichen (sign) is not
only connected with zeichnen (to design, draw), but also
with the Greek arly/Jba and to stigmatise, i.e., to tattoo.
The first sign, and the first design, were those which
were tattooed in the skin.
Here we have an example of the employment of
words as keys to the history of human civilisation. A
word which we use now, but which originated at an
earlier time, very often enables us to guess at the for-
mer condition of the thing which it denotes. Suppose,
e.g., we did not know what writing material preceded
our steel pen, the word pen would perhaps suggest to
us that it was taken from a bird. Such inferences,
LANGUAGE AXD ITS IMPORTANCE.
19
indeed, lead far, very far back. If we do not limit
them to a single family of languages, but endeavour to
gather, as far as possible, all that is preserved of such
indications in the languages of the whole earth, results
will be arrived at of the utmost importance to our
knowledge of the earliest ages of mankind. In our
retrospect we finally come down to a condition which,
though superior to that of animals, is yet inferior to that
of any savage people whatever of whom history contains
a record. All human beings possess tools, and have
within the memory of man always possessed them ; aye,
such possession belongs to the distinguishing character-
istics of man as compared to animals. But now there
is to be traced in a great number of the words denoting
activity with tools a more ancient idea, implying an
analogous activity, but such as is carried on with
natural organs. What follows thence ? I believe
nothing but that, as in modern times we have in writing
passed from the bird's feather to the metallic pen, as in
primeval times tattooing changed into drawing and writ-
ing, so at a much earlier period all cutting to pieces
was preceded by tearing. Man was at one time with-
out tools^and in his outward mode of life differed but
little from the animal. And as it is with the outward
man, so the inner man, too, shows a strong contrast.
If we regard his moral condition, we must not, in look-
ing at prehistoric times, ask merely whether man has
since improved, whether the passions have softened
down and crimes diminished. We find, on the con-
trary, and that partly down to historical times, the
A% «/« >t»*v^ i^*
20 LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE.
notions of good and evil differing very essentially from
ours, e.g., cannibalism, not merely practised out of glut-
tony or barbarism, but regarded as a downright good and
religious action. The notions of justice at the period
when the Indian Code of Menu originated rested so
entirely on a fantastic foundation, that, according to
that code, an individual of the lower caste, for striking
a member of the higher one with a stick, was to lose
his hand, and for kicking him, his foot. And in con-
formity with this, the breaking of a dyke is menaced
with the punishment of drowning. This purely out-
ward mode of retaliation, according to which justice is
not sought for in the due proportion between the pun-
ishment and the gravity of the offence committed, but
in a material similarity between the two, is met with
at the lowest stage of legislation among all nations.
The oldest Eoman and German laws contain many such
provisions. Thus we find in German antiquity the
chopping off of the hand as a punishment of perjury,
for no other reason than because the hand is raised in
taking the oath. To the same category belongs the law
of retaliation (lex talionis), which, was already known
by this name to the Eoman law, and formed one of the
most ancient elements in the laws of the twelve tables.
But almost everywhere we find, as nations enter on the
stage of history, the progress already made that, under
the form of compensation and ransom, a new practice
has been substituted for the primeval formulae, and a
changed, more developed conception of law has taken
■ their place. The Biblical " eye for eye, tooth for tooth,"
LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE. 21
was already in ancient times interpreted to mean a cor-
responding fine, and the interpretation probably acted
on throughout the historical period. If capital punish-
ment appears to us at present most justified in the case
of murder, we must not forget that this penalty is, after
all, based only on the same principle of retaliating like
for like, and therefore on a fantastic foundation.
If we examine the words, those oldest prehistoric
testimonies, all moral notions contain something morally
indifferent. G-erecht (just), e.g., is only equivalent to
recM, richtig (right) ; it is connected with ragen, recken
(to stretch), and originally meant stretched out straight.
Now Gerechtigkeis (justice), however, is not by any
means likened merely to what is straight, such as we
speak of straightforwardness of mind ; but, in reality,
it only means the right, straight way. Treu and ivahr
(true) are actually eq'aivalent to trustworthy ; still
earlier they only signified firm, fortified. Bose (bad)
we still use of what is damaged, and say bad (rotten)
apples, bad (sore) fingers.
But why have not the morally good and bad their ,
own names in the language ? Why do we borrow them /
from something else that had its appellation before ? ^
Evidently because language dates from a period when
a moral judgment, a knowledge of good and evil, had ,
not yet dawned in man's mind. /
And as regards the intellectual condition of man, it
must likewise have once been incredibly low. Thus it
is not to be doubted that numeration is a relatively
young art. There are still nations that cannot count
22 LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE.
three. But, what says more than anythiDg, language
diminishes the farther we look back, in such a way that
we cannot forbear concluding it must once have had
no existence at all. Here I am touching upon the diffi-
cult question as to the connection between language
and thought ; and indeed I can to-day do no more than
touch upon it. We can only imagine man to have at
any time been without language under the supposition
that the other advantage which distinguishes him now,
reason, had not as yet manifested itself either. In
the case of certain ideas, the dependence on the words
is more particularly obvious. Thus the numbers, for
instance, cannot possibly be separated from the nume-
rals. Mere sight scarcely shows the difference between
nine and ten. A child that cannot count will not
perceive that of ten cherries one or two have secretly
been taken away. For larger numbers counting is
absolutely requisite ; without it no one will be able to
distinguish a hundred objects or persons from ninety-
nine. The dim feeling of the more or less which
here supplies the place of consciousness would, if we
wholly lacked names for the qualities, resemble the
not less vague feeling that the one differed from the
other, but we should not be able to account for it.
Where language does not suffice, we are to this day
in the same position. We cannot, for instance, clearly
explain to ourselves wherein the difference between
the national features of Frenchmen and Germans con-
sists. Let us imagine a time when as yet there was
no definite designation for hlach, and the contrast
LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE. 23
between the negro and the white man will be found
to have then been doubtless perceived equally vaguely.
If now, again, there was a time when man had no such
words as " lamb," " dog," or " cat," the perception of the
differences between these species of animals must have
been much less distinct than ours. Though a dog
differs considerably enough from a cat, and though we
all alike think of something definite in using the word
" dog," yet it will be extremely difficult to an individual
not scientifically trained to state at once the charac-
teristics by which a dog may be at a glance distin-
guished from a cat. He will, if he tries, soon perceive
that he never thought of the minute differences, but
had always contented himself with the vague impres-
sion which all the characteristics taken together pro-
duce. And it is just here where the origin of the word
played a great part. We must consider what a great
difference in the understanding of a piece of music the
knowledge of the notes makes; how the non-profes-
sional man in a changed melody notices indeed the
change, but only obscurely and without knowing in
what it consists. But notes are to music what lan-
guage is to the objects of human thought.
Now, if the mind of man, according to all this,
exhibits at that dark, immeasurably distant period,
when language had not yet originated, an immense
inferiority to its present condition, we shall in the
next instance be eager to learn wherein his actual
divergence from the animal consisted. And this eager-
ness will be the greater, as in this very divergence
y
24 LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE.
the reason will have to be found why he in the sequel
developed language and reason and the animal did not.
This question, I think, can only be answered out of
lanoruage and its earliest contents themselves. I be-
lieve I have found out that language originally and
essentially expressed only visible activities. And this
circumstance remarkably coincides with the fact that
animals, especially mammalia, have only a very
limited sense for the visible world in itself. On
the whole, it is true, they see the same that we
do, but they take interest in but few things. The
dog, e.g., recognises his food solely by scent, so that
when his olfactory nerve is cut through he is quite
at a loss how to choose his nourishment, and com-
mits the most incredible mistakes. When the traveller
Kohl traversed the steppes of South Eussia, the well-
known phenomenon of the Fata Morgana appeared on
the horizon, and raised within him, as if by enchant-
ment, the illusory hope of finding in the arid, waterless
plains a large refreshing surface of water. His Tartar
coachman explained the phenomenon, adding the horses
could not be deceived, " for," said he, " they smell the
water." The same may be said of the camels of the
Arabian desert : they, too, are not exposed to the dis-
appointments which occasionally await the languishing
caravan through the flattering sense of sight. Certainly
there are individual objects which interest the eyes
of the mammalia, especially of the carnivorous species.
At least I have decidedly noticed a cat being deeply
interested in pigeons flying past at a rather considerable
LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE. 25
distance, though she could see them only through a
closed window. Of course, it was only a very selfish
interest that actuated her.
It is only in the ape that the sense of sight and the
interest in the visible world assumes more importance.
We see mankind at a low stage of civilisation stiU
availing themselves of the faculty of scent, and examin-
ing objects by its means, while we are wholly deficient
in such a faculty. At length sight attains higher x
and higher dominion, and the interest concentrated /
upon it seems therefore to be the real privilege of
man. Jf now it could be proved that the importance
of sight increased and extended in the course of history
such as it is reflected in language, such a fact would be
tantamount to a development of our race from a mere
animal to a human nature.^ And it does seem capable
of proof. Eeason in the species at large undergoes the
same process as that which in individual instances we
witness in ourselves on a smaller scale. When the
Eomans for the first time came into contact with the
Germans, they were so overwhelmingly struck by their
high statures, blue defiant eyes, and light hair, that
Tacitus says they all look alike. We should at first
receive the same impression among a negro population.
A nearer acquaintance enables us to perceive the dif-
ferences which previously escaped, us. Something
analogous happened to the earliest generations of man,
only that it was the whole of creation which they had
first slowly to learn partly to distinguish according to
its individual objects and partly to notice at least with
26 LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE.
interest. And what may it have been which they
soonest noticed in such a way? It was that which
was nearest their hearts — the motions and actions of
their fellow-men. For what ever again captivates and
gratifies man most is man. Even the glory of Nature
herself would fill us with shuddering if we knew our-
selves alone, quite alone. Only exceptionally and
temporarily things that do not live and act as we
do can affect us. I will not attempt to describe the
moment when for the first time the impression of a
human motion found sympathetic expression in an
uttered sound. But permit me to mention an incident
which I have myself witnessed, not without surprise,
and which is analogous to the moment that lies at
such an immeasurable distance beyond all our recol-
lection. A boy who had been almost totally bereft
of hearing by an illness at an age when he was already
able to lisp a child's first words, passed with his mother
through our town on her way to our vicinity, where
she hoped to get her unhappy child cured. The hand-
some, lively boy was then six years old, and had long
since forgotten the little he had ever spoken. He
had lost all power of speech, but he could hear loud,
rumbling noises. A carriage happened to drive past,
unseen by him. Quite like a younger child that can
hear, the boy put his finger to his ear, prepared to
listen, and then waved his hand as if he were cracking
a whip. It was, therefore, not the rolling of the wheels
which he heard, nor the trotting of the horses which
had most vividly impressed him. He chose, out of
LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE. 27
all that belonged to the carriage, only the one human
action which he had witnessed on beholding the
phenomenon of the rolling carriage, and imitated
that action. And he did so in order to communi-
cate his impression; but the whole interest of this
communication consisted for the child only in the
desire of awakening the like sensation within us
that he felt; it was, in fact, only an expression of
his own inward sensation. And such an expression,
without any other purpose but the impulse to ex-
press ourselves, to give utterance to our joyful interest
in what we see, we must assume to have alone origi-
nated the first sound, the germ of all speech.
The evolution of language, which has long since
clothed with its sounds the whole rich intellectual
world from one primitive sound, has perhaps at first
sight something surprising in it ; but there is no other
solution of the riddle involved in it. The various
attempts to find a reason why we name one object by
one sound, another by another, have failed. We can,
indeed, find a reason why we designate the head of
man by the word Koipf. This word is nearly related to
Knfe (coop or vat). Ko^pf, properly speaking, means
skull, and in all probability in the sense of a drinking
vessel, reminding us of those days when the skull of
the enemy was converted into a drinking-cup. We
likewise know " foot " to be derived from a root imply-
ing " to tread." But as we proceed the possibility of
assigning reasons ceases. The root of " foot," just men-
tioned, was primarily 'pad ; but why the sound pad
28 LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE.
happened to be chosen for the meaning of " to tread "
cannot be accounted for. It was thought, down to
the most recent date, that the oldest roots had been
imitations of animal sounds ; others have seen in them
a kind of interjection, such as ah ! eh ! In the one
case the root 'pad would be an imitation of the sounds
produced by steps ; in the other, perhaps an expression
of the surprise that was felt on hearing such steps.
Max Miiller has sneered at both these hypotheses,
bestowing on them the appellation of bow-wow and
pah-pah theories — bow-wow being intended for an
onomatopcetic designation of the dog. He himself is
of opinion that man is a sounding being ; that his soul,
in the earliest times, by means of a now lost faculty,
like a metal, as it were, had responded to the ring of
various objects in nature, and thus produced words.
This view has not escaped a sneer on its part either.
It has in England been called the ding-dong theory.
What alone perfectly corresponds with experience is,
that from one word several others spring differing in
sound and meaning. A word for shell {Schale) may, on
the one hand, come to mean husk, and on the other be
used for tortoise-shell, drinking-cup, nay, for head.
But that in this way all words have proceeded from
one original form has not only its significant analogy
in the history of the evolution of the organisms in the
animal and vegetable kingdoms, but also in the origin
of the nations, such as language itself teaches it. How
different are Germans and Hindoos ! How much does
the German language differ from the Sanskrit ! Only
LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE. 29
science recognises their identity, and shows that what
is now different must once have been identical. And 'o^^ c<
if we compare the difference between French and
Italian with the much greater one between German
and Sanskrit, and consider that only the longer separa-
tion and greater distance of the nations from each
other has called forth these differences, we shall at
least not deem it impossible that all the languages of
the earth have sprung from one single germ, and have
only grown to be so very different by a still longer
period of separation. That variety should proceed
from unity seems to be the great fundamental law of
all evolution, both physical and mental. In language
this law leads us back to a quite insignificant germ, a
first sound which expressed -the excessively little, the
only thing that man then noticed and saw with in-
terest ; and from that germ the whole wealth of lan-
guage — aye, I do not hesitate to pronounce it as my
conviction — all languages were gradually developed in ,^
the course of many, very many millennia.
Thus we have come down to a primitive condition of
man's mind, of which both the prospect and retrospect is
equally great, far-reaching, marvellous, aye, even deeply
affecting. The moment when the faculty of speech
took its rise cannot well have coincided with that of
his coming into being. As a being that neither speaks
nor thinks, at least certainly not in the sense in which
we are conscious of thinking as our own inborn human
possession, man belongs to another sphere, and becomes
subject to the history of the evolution of the animal
'30 LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE.
kingdom. Thanks to the aid of language, the for-
tunes of humanity, from its emerging from the animal
condition up to its complete maturity, lie spread out
more clearly before us. These I have to-day endea-
voured cursorily to pass in review before you. It could
not be my intention to convince by proofs, seeing that
in such a narrow compass they would probably have
been mere semblances of proofs. Enough for me if I
have succeeded in awakening within you a sense of the
mighty past of the human race. Of such unfathomable
depth nature is here too ! Our deeds, our thoughts, all
have an incalculably old pedigree, and to be man is a
high nobility, though one that is newly acquired by
taking a higher flight from generation to generation.
No doubt occasionally, when on the farthest horizon
the infancy of our race is seen to rise, when of the
noble features which confer on man's stature its proud
dignity, one after another threatens to fade from his
picture, a melancholy, an uneasiness may seize us on
looking down from the height on which we stand to so
low a depth, in fact, on our primeval, now so metamor-
phosed, selves. But between the infancy of man and his
manhood lie the well-preserved ideals of his youth, the
virgin blossoms of his thoughts, his works of art, reli-
gion, and morality, the offspring of his beautiful and
glowing inspiration. The veneration for the lofty crea-
tions of antiquity, the admiration of all the great things
that preceded us, and that we now, combined as they
are to such wealth, are permitted to behold, enjoy, and
1 understand — these are our own undiminished posses-
LANGUAGE AND ITS IMPORTANCE. 31
sions, inviolable like an imperishable sanctuary. And
who would venture to assert that we have already-
reached the goal? Who knows whether the mighty
movement which now, seizing all the nations of the
earth, its waves rolling farther and farther, and
rising higher and higher, and uncontrollably trans-
forming our feeling, thinking, and acting, is not that
very everlastingly young impulse of growth and deve-
lopment ? And should there still be on this dark path
on which we are led, without man's own individual
will being able materially to promote or check his pro-
gress, any guiding star, any ray of enlightenment, it
will probably be nought else but that very light of
consciousness which is dawning upon us in our days —
the consciousness of our past. ,
( 32 )
11.
The Earliest History of the Human Race in
the Light of Language, with Special Re-
ference to the Origin of Tools.
[Read before the International Congress for Archaeology and History
at Bonn, September 15, 1868.]
The questions which have been placed at the head of
your transactions comprise subjects of mighty import
to the history of man, and, at the same time, of an
almost unlimited range. If I now venture to express
my views on a part of them, I am aware that the
shortness of the time allotted to me will permit me to
place only a very slight sketch before you, and I have
asked permission to speak less for the purpose of dis-
cussing results than with a view to directing your
attention to an important source and method for
such inquiries, hitherto taken notice of but sparingly.
Archaeology proper, i.e., the searching out and investi-
gating of palpable relics of antiquity, has to contend
with difficulties which, it would seem, menace to set
it limits before it can reach its final goal. I will say
nothing about the more accidental difficulty of deter-
mining with certainty, in each instance, the age of an
HISTORY IN THE LIGHT OF LANGUAGE. 33
object found, and of duly appropriating it. But the
higher the antiquity and the more primitive the con-
dition of man, the more imperfect and the less durable
must be his works, at least beyond a certain boundary :
thus fewer relics will obviously have been preserved of
a wood age than of a stone or metal age. At the same
time, too, man's works are always the less recognisable
the less artistic they are. We might, therefore, just
happen to discover, from times which are the most
important to the origin of things, implements in which
we could not with certainty recognise the human hand
that fashioned them. Besides, it is with these rude
productions of art as with everything that has come
into being ; we see them lie before us, indeed, but they
tell us nothing about their origin or the mental process
that preceded it. If there ever was a time when man
was as yet without any tools and altogether without
any industrial art, his earliest dwellings can at most
manifest this to us by silence. Precisely as regards
that remote period, I believe I may appeal to language
as a living testimony, and I would beg of you to permit
me just to touch upon this linguistic archaeology, the
results of which I hope soon to publish in the second
volume of my work on the Origin of Language and
Eeason.
Man had language before he had tools, and before he
practised industrial arts. This is a proposition which,
obvious and probable in itself, also admits of complete
proof from language. On considering a word denoting an
activity carried on with a tool, we shall invariably find
34 EARLIEST HISTORY
it not to have been its original meaning, "but that it
previously implied a similar activity requiring only
the natural organs of man. Let us, e.g., compare the
ancient word mahlen (to grind), Muhle (mill), Latin,
molOy Greek, fivkr]. The process, well known from
antiquity, of grinding the grains of the bread-fruit
between stones, is no doubt simple enough to be pre-
supposed as practised already in the primitive period
in one form or another. Nevertheless, the word that
we now use for an activity with implements has pro-
ceeded from a still more simple conception. The root
mal or mar, so widely diffused in the Indo-European
family of languages, implies " to grind with the
fingers" as well as "to crush with the teeth." I
would remind you of mordeo, " to bite," and the Sanskrit
root mrid, which implies to pulverise and to rub, e.g.,
one's forehead with one's hand ; of the Greek fioXwca,
to spread over and soil with flour, mud, or the like,
which may be compared to the Sanskrit mala, " soiling,"
Gothic mulda, " soft earth." On the one hand, fieXaf;,
" black," on the other, fiaXa/co^, mollis, " mellow," belong
to this class ; aye, so do even a number of designations
of morass-like fluids and the word Meer (sea). In
German, two different words from cognate roots per-
fectly coincide in sound: the mahlen (grinding) of
the corn and the malen (painting) of pictures. The
fundamental meaning of both is to rub or spread with
the fingers ; and an equally close resemblance may be
found in the designation of these two notions in the
Latin ]pinso and pingo.
IN THE LIGHT OF LANGUAGE. 35
This phenomenon of the activity with implements
deriving its name from one more simple, ancient, and
brute-like, is quite universal ; and I do not know how
otherwise to account for it but that the name is older
than the activity with tools which it denotes at the
present time ; that, in fact, the word was already extant
before men used any other organs but the native and
natural ones. Whence does sculpture derive its name ?
Sculpo is a collateral form of scalpo, and at first im-
plied only scratching with nails. The art of weaving
or matting is of primeval date ; it plays a part in the
earliest religious myths. History records no stage of
culture which was wholly without it. As the Greeks
often describe Athena to be employed in weaving, so
do the Veda hymns make the sun-god, the goddess
Aramati, and, in a mystic sense, the priests, occupy
themselves with that work. Of the sun-god, e.g., they
say, with reference to the alternation of day and night,
" Such is the divinity of Surya, such his greatness, that
amid his work he draws in again the stretched-out
web." The root here used for to stretch out at the
same time supplies the word for the warp of the
texture, while the weft in Sanskrit is denoted by the
root ve, the simpler form of our word weben (to weave),
similar to the English weft and woof. If, now, we
compare with this root the various others closely
related to it, and beginning with the same consonant
{w), e.g., the Latin vieo, many of them afford a hint
enabling us to say on which objects the art of weaving,
or rather matting, may first have been employed. The
36 EARLIEST HISTORY
Latin vimen, for instance, which, properly speaking,
implies a means for matting, is used of branches of
trees and shrubs in their natural state and growth, and
especially so far as they are worked up into all kinds
of wickerwork, or serve as ropes for binding, of their
artificial state. The Weide (willow) derived its name
in the earliest times from the special fitness of its
branches for such purposes, and so did many species
of grass and reeds. That plant the fibres of which
have pre-eminently continued among us to be made
use of in the art of weaving, viz.. Flacks (flax), has its
name from flecliten (plaiting), as Flechse (tendon), i.e.,
" band, sinew," clearly shows.
Simple mattings of fibres of plants and of flexible
twigs are the first objects of art in this department ; but
language leads us still a step farther back. There are
words in which the idea of the entanglement of the
boughs of the bush or of trees with dense foliage is
found so intimately allied with the plaiting of plants
that it becomes probable this natural plaiting may
have served the artistic activity of man as a model.
The sight of closely entwined branches and of reeds
growing in luxuriant entanglement, keeping pace with
the transformation in the culture of man, gradually
led to the first roughly plaited mat as a product
of his art. Aye, the natural plaiting of the tree was,
perhaps, the first object on which his art was practised.
There are still extant transitions which render it ex-
tremely probable that a kind of nest-building in the
branches of trees with dense foliage was natural to
IN THE LIGHT OF LANGUAGE. 37
man in the earliest times, and sufficed him for the
preparation of his dwelling. From Africa, in so many-
respects a land of wonders as regards the history of
man, the traveller Barth gives an account of the Ding-
Ding people, of whom he says they partly dwell in
trees. In much the same low condition are the ex-
tremely barbarous inhabitants of the island of Anna-
tom, who use the branches of certain groups of trees
fit for the purpose as a kind of very primitive hut.
Of the Puris, Prince Maximilian, in his description of
his Brazilian tour, tells us something similar, only that
they, in addition, have the hammock, which is peculiar
to the South Americans, and seems to be a remnant
of their former habit of sleeping between the branches
of trees. The word Hdngematte (iiammock) has come
to us, along with the thing itself, from those parts. It
belongs to the language of Hayti, where Columbus
found it in the form of amaca, and whence, in various
languages of Europe, it was transformed into hamac,
hammock, and (among the Dutch) into hangmack, until
finally, by misconception, it became hangmat, Hange-
or Hdnge-matte (in German).
Another point, viz., the figure of man, seems to me
to be a decided indication that the tree must have been
his original habitation. His erect gait finds its most
natural explanation in his former climbing mode of life,
and from his habit of clasping the tree in his ascent
we can best explain the transformation of the hand
from a motory organ into a grasping one, so tliat we
shall be found to owe to the lowest stage of our culture
38 EA RLIEST HIS TOR V
that seems credible our distmirmsliinfT advantagjes — the
free and commandinsj elevation of our head and the
possession of that organ which Aristotle has called the
tool of tools.
However mighty the transformation of human acti-
vity which the secrets hidden in words betray to us,
yet we have no reason for seeing aught else in it but
the sum of quite gradual processes, such as, in other
instances, we still daily see going on. Since a compara-
tively few years we have denoted by the word ndhen
(to sew), no longer merely a manual work, but also
one of the machine ; by scJiiessen (to shoot) we under-
stand something very different from that which was
understood by it previously to the invention of gun-
powder. How very differently is a ship now constructed
from what it was at the time when it differed in
nothing from a trough, a hollow wooden vessel, such as
the name indicates 1 How little resemblance is there
between our locomotives and the first thing which was
called waggon, and which, I have reason to believe,
was nothing but a simple stump of a tree rolling down-
wards ! The transformation of man's mode of life pro-
ceeds very gradually, and we have the right to assume,
I think, that it has never done otherwise. We must
guard against ascribing to reflection too large a share
in the origin of tools. The first simplest tools were
doubtless of incidental origin, like so many other great
inventions of modern times. They were probably
rather stumbled upon than invented. I have formed
this view more particularly from having observed
IN THE LIGHT OF LANGUAGE. 39
that tools are never named from the process by which
they were made, never genetically, but always from
the work they are intended for. A pair of shears, a
saw, a hoe, are things that shear, saw, or hoe. This
linguistic law must appear the more surprising as the
implements which are not tools are wont to be desig-
nated genetically, or passively, as it were, according to
the material of which they are made or the work that
produced them. Schlauch (hose), e.g., is everywhere
thought of as the skin stripped off an animal. Be-
side the German word Schlauch stands the English
slough; the Greek aaKo^; signifies both hose and skin
of an animal. Here, then, language quite plainly
teaches us how and of what material the implement
called hose was made. With tools such is not the
case, and they may, therefore, as far as language is
concerned, not have at first been made at all ; the first
knife may have been a sharp stone accidentally found,
and, I might say, employed as if in play.
It might next be imagined that if tools have been
named from the work for which they are intended, an
idea of such work must have preceded the name ; e.g., if
a cutting tool is designated as something cutting, the
idea of cutting seems thereby to be presupposed. But
we know that all these words originally denoted ac-
tivities which were carried on without any other than
the natural tools. The word " shears" plainly shows
this. It denotes at present a double knife, a two-armed
cutting tool. I need hardly mention that this meaning
was not the oris^inal one. Indeed the Hindoos and the
40 EARLIEST HISTORY
Greeks have a cognate word signifying shearing (or
shaving) knife, and the Swedish slzdra means sickle.
It may be fairly assumed that shears and shearing
knives were primarily used by the Indo-European
nomads of primitive times in shearing sheep. At the
same time, however, the custom, not of shearing sheep,
but of plucking them with the hand, may be traced
down to comparatively late times. Varro maintains
it to have been the general process previous to the
invention of the shears, but he also speaks of such
as were still practising it in his days ; and even Pliny
says, " Sheep are not shorn everywhere ; in some places
the custom of plucking continues " (viii. 2, 73). The
close connection between the word scheren (to shear)
and scharren (to scrape), and, among others too, the Old
High German name of the mole, scero, the scraping
animal, render it besides more than probable that
again the original meaning of the word was only to
shave, to scratch, to scrape, and show the shears there-
fore to have been conceived as a tool for scraping and
scratching the skin for the purpose of plucking it. In
this way we may suppose the names of the tools and
the work done with them sprung by a slow process
from a quite gradual evolution of human movements,
such as they were already from the first possible to
the body of man left to itself.
Permit me, gentlemen, on this occasion, at least to
point out a most important difference, which is cal-
[ culated to make the expression " evolution " as applied
to the tool a full truth. I mean the difference between
I
IN THE LIGHT OF LANGUAGE. 41
primary and secondary tools. The tool, observed in its \
evolution, marvellously resembles a natural organ ; ex-
actly like this it has its transformations and its differ-
entiations. "We should vrhoUy misconceive the tool if
we always wanted to find the cause of its origin in its
immediate purpose, just as we should misconceive the
webbed foot of the duck were we to think of it as un-
connected with the formation of the feet of birds that
cannot swim. Thus, e.g., Klemm has already drawn
attention to the fact that the^ gimlet originated in the /
fire-drill of primitive times, that remarkable apparatus,
the common use of which in various parts of the earth
quite remote from each other would alone suffice to
let us presume an external connection, an intercom-
munication between the various peoples of the earth to
an almost unbounded extent. The aborigines of North
and South America, from the Aleutes to the Pescherse,
and the Caffres in South Africa, as well as the Austra-
lians, have the custom of drilling a stick of hard wood
into a softer one, and to turn it round in the latter
until the shavings themselves and the dry leaves used
as tinder ignite. It is well known that this process,
which, as contrasted with the use of the flint, repre-
sents the^ wood age;^ is met with in quite a surprising
agreement In the Veda hymns, where the two arani or
friction-sticks play an important part in the sacrifice.
Nor is this a solitary instance in which archaeology and
linguistics teach us to trace back the condition of
highly civilised nations to the lowest stage of culture
still to be met with among one or the other savage
'P
42 EARLIEST HISTORY
tribe, and lets us recognise a universal laio where we at
first should have been disposed to see an isolated pecu-
liarity. There is hidden in the history of language,
nay in what often even later vrriters of antiquity betray
to us, an immense deal which is of importance to the
knowledge of our earliest history, and it will be pains
well bestowed to penetrate into these depths and dig
up their treasures.
An analogy to the origin of the secondary tool by
transformation is presented by the development of the
musical string from the bowstring, such as Wilkinson
has pointed it out. How well the bowstring was cal-
culated to excite the musical sense to such an applica-
tion is shown in a remarkable passage in Homer:
" As when a man skilled on the cithern and in song
lightly fastens the string to a new peg, tightening
on both sides the well-twisted sheep-gut, so without
labour Odysseus stretched his great bow. Then with
his right hand he seized the string and examined it ;
it emitted a beautiful sound, resembling the voice of a
swallow" (Odyss. 21, 406 sqq.). How comparatively re-
cent stringed instruments are may be inferred from the
circumstance alone that, at the time of the discovery of
America by the Europeans, none such were met with
among the indigenous population. If we consider of
what importance the sight of the vibrating string is to
musical consciousness, we must admire the momentous
effects which were produced by a trifling and accidental
observation, by the chance possession of a bow provided
with a vibratinfij sinew.
IN THE LIGHT OF LANGUAGE. 43
In order to recognise how much we are ourselves
still undergoing the process of a like transformation,
and to gain, at the same time, a standard by which to
judge of those [remote] processes, it suffices to point
out the quite modern invention of the umbrella, which
is an imitation of the primitive parasol, only for
a different purpose. The parachute of aeronauts is
likewise such a transformation. Do not such develop-
ments of the productions of man's ideas and volition
present a parallel to what happens in nature when,
under altered conditions and necessities, the arm is, in
the case of birds, converted into a wing ? But it may
here be mentioned that the parasol, in the earliest
times, served religious purposes, and we here arrive at
a new point of the highest moment in the history of
implements, which I can here only touch upon. Eeli-
gion, in its primitive form, gives so mighty an impulse
to the customs, conceptions, and creations of man — it
was, in fact, the source of so much of whose connec-
tion with religion we have not the faintest notion — that
without entering upon its investigation we are unable
ever to learn to understand from an historical point of
view our own doings, and more especially the objects
that surround us, that have been produced by our hand,
and distinguish us in our outward life from the brute.
The use of implements shaped by himself is more
decidedly than aught else an evident distinctive char-
acteristic of man's mode of life. For this reason the
question as to the origin of the tool is a subject of the
greatest moment in our early history, and I therefore
44 EARLIEST HISTORY
thought I might treat the question as to the nature
of the implements of man in primitive times in this
partly rather narrower, partly wider sense. I do not
hesitate to assert that there must have been a time
when man did not possess any implements or tools, but
contented himself to work wholly with his natural
organs; that then followed a period when he was
already able to recognise and use accidentally found
objects resembling those organs, and by their aid to
enlarge, heighten, and arm the power of his natural
tools ; e.g., to employ a hollow shell of a plant as a sul>
stitute for the hollow hand, which was the first vessel.
Not until after the employment of these objects that
accidentally presented themselves had become fami-
liar did man's creative activity in the shape of imita-
tion take its rise.
[Perhaps, gentlemen, you will the more readily
permit me to cast a side glance at one special prepara-
tive activity, seeing that it is likewise connected with
another subject proposed to this meeting for discus-
sion, viz., our nourishment. Among the various modes
of preparing food, boiling is naturally one of the most
.recent. Cook found the aborigines of Tahiti totally
unacquainted with the process of boiling in pots;
meat they roasted either by the fire or in earth-
holes between hot stones. The Homeric heroes, too,
ate their meat roasted on the spit or stewed in the
pan ; boiling it in water seems to have been unknown
to the poet. Thus, too, the German word kocfien^ " to
boil," is a foreign word derived from the Latin coquo.
IN THE LIGHT OF LANGUAGE. 45
The idea is clearly developed from direct preparations
by the fire, such as roasting and baking, even in
words from which these meanings were subsequently
wholly excluded. One more step and we find these
very words, which, from denoting the effect of the
boiling water, have returned to express that of the
fire, used of the sun. Thus the Greek TreVo-a), " to
cook," still implies in Homer to ripen, and this mean- |
ing the Sanskrit ^ak likewise bears. The Eussian
'pdch still signifies the burning, stinging of the sun.
A very remarkable adjective from the same root, in
its notional relations common to the early period of
the Greek and Sanskrit languages, leads us still farther.
It is the Greek ireircov, Sanskrit jpKhi'a. IHttcov, signi-
fies " ripe ; " in Homer and Hesiod, however, it does
not occur in this sense, but in another which cannot
have sprung from the former. They invariably use
it as an address ; in two passages it signifies a reproach
for indolence or cowardice ; in many others, however,
it is equivalent to "0 dear one." In observing the
use of the word paJcva in the Yeda hymns we shall
not be able to find in it a reference to cooking or
ripening either ; it there obviously means only " sweet "
or " eatable." The fact is, it is used not only of grain,
of a tree, of branches, when it may mean to ripen,
but also of milk in the frequently recurring thought
"In the living cows, the black, the red, thou hast
put the milk, ready and white." " Sweet " may be the
meaning of the Greek word too in the insinuating
address, and when, e.g.^ the dazzled Cyclop in the
46 EARLIEST HISTORY
" Odyssey " says to his favourite ram, Kpil irkirovy we
shall have to render it by " sweet or tender ram.'* As
a reproach, however, it would, according to the de-
velopment of the word, mean effeminate or lazy.
Herewith, then, all that refers to the preparation of
food has disappeared from the word kochen (to cook),
for to this the adjective in question bears close
affinity. From something soft and eatable, let us
say, from some fruit met with in this condition, the
idea merges into that of softening by the sun, by fire,
or boiling water. By the way, let me observe here
that language shows no period when man did not eat
meat; on the contrary, it seems to have been his
earliest food. At the same time there is nothing to
show that it was from the first prepared in any way ;
it was, doubtless, for a long time consumed in a raw
state only.]
The vestiges of his earliest conceptions still pre-
served in language proclaim it loudly and distinctly
that man has developed from a state in which he
had solely to rely on the aid of his organs, differed
little in his habits from the brute creation, and with
respect to the enjoyment of existence, nay, to his pre-
servation, depended almost entirely on whatever lucky
chance presented to him. He became more powerful
the more his ability to avail himself of the things
around him increased. And how came it to be in-
creased ? Simply because his faculty of 'perceiving the
things increased, a faculty which is none other than
reason itself. It is the theoretical nature of man
IN THE LIGHT OF LANGUAGE. 47
that has made him so great. The present age has
opened for the tool a new grand development; it
creates in the machine, which is constantly being
perfected and becomes more and more powerful, an
implement emancipated from the hand of man, and
inspiring its own maker with a peculiar admiration.
It is not accidental that in this same age mankind
should endeavour with so much consciousness to
reflect on its past, and a meeting such as yours should
make the beginnings of human culture the subject
of its scientific investigations and debates. The state
of culture of our species and its historical conscious-
ness are quantities that increase simultaneously. We
at once, with wistful and searching glances, take a
retrospective view of the dark past from which we
have started, and with bold hope look forward towards
the no less dark goal whither we are being led. Shall
we ever wholly penetrate the night of the primeval
ages? Shall we ever reach the goal of perfection
that so temptingly lures us onward from afar? We
do not know. But our inner impulse irresistibly urges
us on to pursue our inquiries in either direction and
bids us march on !
( 48 )
III.
On Co lotir- Sense m Primitive Times and
its Develop7nent,
[Read before the Meeting of German Naturalists at Frankfort-on-tlie-
Maine, September 24, 1867.]
The subject to which, for a brief space, I would request
your attention, will, I hope, not be found unworthy
of it. Has human sensation, has perception by the
senses, a history ? Were the organs of man's senses
thousands of years ago in the same condition as
now, or can we perhaps prove that at some remote
period these organs must have been incapable of
some of their present functions ? These questions,
it is true, fall within the province of physiology, or,
if I am permitted to coin the term, oi jpalceo-]physiology ;
but the means of answering them necessarily differ
to some extent from those which in general are at the
command of natural science. By means of geological
"finds" we may gain a conception of the skeleton,
and perhaps the whole external appearance, of an
extinct species of animals; we can from remnants of
skulls draw general conclusions as to an imperfectly
developed human race of early times; but it would
ON COLOUR-SENSE, 49
be difficult to form an idea from the sight of the
head, the remnants of which have been preserved
in the Neander valley as a problem for our days,
as to how it may have thought. Fortunately, the
history of the mind, too, has its primeval relics, its
deposits and petrifactions of another kind, affording
more instructive explanations than one should be
inclined to believe; and, if carefully pursued, they
lead to perhaps unexpected, but, I think, on that
account not less trustworthy results.
The history of colour-sense is of paramount im-
portance to the total development of sensation. In
the earliest mental productions that are preserved
to us of the various peoples of tha earth there lies
stored up an uncommonly rich material for the study
of the impression which colour made in primitive
times ; and I beg, in the first instance, to direct your
attention to a negative result that arises from a search
into that rich material. At an early stage, notwith-
standing a thousand obvious and often urgently press-
ing occasions that presented themselves, the colour hlue,
is not mentioned at all. If we consider the nature
of the books to which this observation applies, . the
idea of chance must here be excluded. Let me first
mention the wonderful, youthfully fresh hymns of the
Eigveda, the discovery of which amidst the mass of
Indian literature seems destined to become as im-
portant to the present century in awakening a sense of
genuine antiquity as the revival of Greek antiquity at
the threshold of modern times was to that period in
D
'-" h;
9'/
50 ON COLOUR-SENSE.
arousing the sense of beauty and artistic taste. These
hymns, consisting of more than 10,000 lines, are
nearly all filled with descriptions of the sky. Scarcely
any other subject is more frequently mentioned; the
variety of hues which the sun and dawn daily display
in it, day and night, clouds and lightnings, the atmos-
phere and the ether, all these are with inexhaustible
abundance exhibited to us again and again in all
their magnificence ; only the fact that the sky is blue
could never have been gathered from these poems by
any one who did not already know it himself. I re-
frain from adducing proofs, which, in order to be ex-
haustive, might easily swell on to the entire contents
of the books, and will only state, with respect to the
astronomical standpoint of those poems, that, according
to all appearance, they know of a lunar year with a
thirteenth intercalary month; in genuine passages,
however, hardly the name of any constellation is men-
tioned, and most certainly not the difference between
planets and fixed stars, which, indeed, belongs to
the relatively late discoveries of the ancient science
of astronomy.
The Yeda hymns represent the earliest stage of the
human mind that has been preserved in any literature,
if one may use this term of hymns transmitted orally.
But as regards the blue colour, the same observation
may be made of the Zendavesta, the books of the Par-
sees, to whom, as is well known, light and fire, both the
terrestrial and heavenly, are most sacred, and of whom
one may expect an attention to the thousand-fold hues
ON COLOUR-SENSE. 51
of the sky similar to that in the Vedas. The Bible, in
which, as is equally well known, the sky or heaven plays
no less a part, seeing that it occurs in the very first
verse, and in upwards of 430 other passages besides,
quite apart from synonymous expressions, such as ether,
&c., yet finds no opportunity either of mentioning the
blue colour. Nay, even in the Homeric Poems the blue
sky is not mentioned, although in the regions where
they originated^ it exercises such a special charm on
every visitor.
You will grant that such a series of agreements
cannot well be deemed mere chance, but that we must
seek an explanation of them in some law.
The words by which we designate the colours are
divided in two easily recognised classes. The most
definite, but at the same time most recent terms, are as
a rule derived from objects which have a definite hue
and admit of easy comparison, e.g., strohgelh (straw-
yellow), veilchenUau (violet-blue), rosa (pink). Such
terms are artificial. At the time when words originated
naturally, people contented themselves with the con-
trast, for instance, between the yellow and the red ; all
particulars appeared as insignificant niceties. In all
spheres in which we are able to separate in language
more recent notions from older ones we observe some-
thing analogous. The notions start from extremities,
and gradually pass on to designations of similar things
of a less extreme character. I can here state this law
only thus broadly. As to the colours, the indifference
with respect to the intermediate ones rises, as we ap-
52 ON COLOUR-SENSE,
proacli primeval ages, to an ever-increasing degree, until
at length only the outermost extremes, black and red,
are left. Aye, the historical progress may be shown to
have taken place in conformity with the scheme of the
colour-spectrum, so that, e.g.^ the sensibility to yellow
was awakened before that to green. On the other hand,
language, as may be easily conceived, does not acknow-
ledge the proposition that black is no colour ; it desig-
nates it at a very early period as the most decided
contrast to red ; nay, more, it joins the weakest tone of
the colour-scale for which it has still a name, viz., blue,
to this dark end.
Of the words that in any language are used for hluCy
a smaller number originally signified green ; the greater
number in the earliest time signified hlach. This ap-
plies to our term llau (blue), which is to be met with in
the Old North in the compound bld-madhr, " black man.
Moor," and is related to the English " black." It equally
applies, to mention a remote example, to the Chinese
hiuan, which at present signifies sky-Uue, but in early
times meant Uack. In ancient books it occurs in the
combination hiuan te, te meaning virtue or merit, and
both words together naturally not blue, but obscure or
unknown merit. A word for blue at present diffused
over a great part of Asia is nil, probably identical with
the name of the Nile, which seems to be derived from
the Persians.^ Nila, too, in ancient writings, signifies
1 The Nile, according to Greek records, is said to have originally
been called "the Black." The name Neilos does not occur as yet in
Homer (the Nile with him is called Aigyptos), and in Hesiod is per-
haps not to be understood as applying to the Egyptian, but to some
mythological river.
ON COLOUR-SENSE. 53
only black, and is nothing but the Hindoo form of the
Latin niger.
What may have been the physiological condition of
a generation that could have called the colour of the
sky only black ? Does the contrast with us consist
in the appellation or in the perception ? In this re-
spect it is interesting to notice the singular gravity with
which different colours bearing one name are considered
alike. Thus a Hindoo philosopher, in investigating the
cause of the blue colour of the sky, quotes a certainly
somewhat strange opinion, according to which the cause
is subjective, and the black colour of the eye is com-
municated to the heavens, just as to the jaundiced eye
everything looks yellow.
No one, I should think, who reflects on the way
in which Homer speaks of blue and violet objects will
fail to be somewhat surprised. According to the ana-
logies already cited, it may be less surprising that the
word Kvavo<iy our Cyan, is with him the deepest black.
The mourning garment of Thetis he calls Kvdveov, and
at the same time "black as no other garment." The
same colour-term is applied to the storm-cloud and
the black cloud of death, and several times, by adding
fxkXa^, it is distinctly explained as black. On the con-
trary, Odysseus' hair is likened to the hyacinth, and the
ancient Greek commentators, to whom the conception
was not yet so foreign as to us, quite correctly refer the
simile to the black colour. Pindar speaks in the same
sense of violet locks, and Homer of iron as of violet hue.
When Mr. Gladstone, while at the head of the adminis-
7 /
54 ON COLOUR-SENSE.
tration of the Ionic Islands, devoted his leisure to
Homeric studies, he did not fail to perceive how sur-
prising such and similar passages were, and he was
thereby tempted to give credit to the ancient legend
according to which Homer is said to have shared the
lot which he himself ascribes to a bard of the prehistoric
world : " The Muse bestowed on him good and evil ;
she bereft him of his sight and gave him sweet songs."
If, however, this pathological explanation should apply
to Homer (his individual existence presupposed), many
other poets of antiquity, the whole human race itself,
must have been in the same condition during a whole
series of millennia. Only the Egyptians form a par-
tial exception here ; but who indeed would quote the
builders of the giant-temple of Karnak as a proof with
respect to primeval times ? On the other hand, it is
noteworthy down to what a late period both the Greeks
and the Komans still confounded blue and violet, espe-
cially with grey and brown. Even long after scientific
observation had separated these colours they seem to
have been mixed up together in popular conception.
And thus it happened that Theocritus, and, in imita-
tion of him, Virgil, by way of excuse for the bronzed
hue of a beautiful face, could still say, "Are not the
violets, too, and the hyacinths black ? " With a similar
intention Virgil says : " The white privets fall ; it is the
black hyacinths which are sought after and loved."
Nay, even Cassiodorus, at the beginning of the sixth
century after Christ, gives an account of the four colours
employed in the Circensian games, which, as is well
ON COLOUR-SENSE. 55
known, sometimes acquired a fatal significance : green
had been dedicated to spring, red to summer, white,
on account of the hoar-frost, to autumn, blue to the
cloudy winter — venetus nubilce Tiiemi, Classical anti-
quity, in fact, possessed no word for pure blue. The
Latin cceruleus is of a slipperiness which has at times
driven philologists to despair ; it runs through a de-
velopment from black passing through grey towards
blue. The Eomanic languages found indeed no fit word
for blue in the original Eoman tongue, and were obliged
partly to borrow it from the Germans. Thus, among
others, the Trench hleu and the older Italian liavo are,
as is well known, borrowed from our hlau, which, in
its turn, as I have stated before, in L*he earliest time
signified black.^
In a certain respect, it is true, a parallel to this sin-
gular fact of a pathological kind seems to present itself.
Goethe mentions two young men, not above twenty years
of age, whose sight in general was keen enough, but in
whom he observed a condition which he calls Akyano-
hlepsy, and he accounts for it by their having no eye for
blue. He is of opinion that the sky appeared to them
rose colour, and everything green in tones from yellow
to russet, somewhat like what it appears to us in autumn.
^ The Koran does not as yet know the blue colour either, however
much it speaks of the heavens. On the other hand, the Arabic philo-
sopher Al-Kindi in the ninth century wrote a treatise " On the Nature
of the Sphere and the constant Azure-like Hue which is observed in the
Direction towards Heaven." Nor is the blue sky mentioned in th^e
Edda hymns. In the Alvis-hymn, igroen (all-green) is enumerated
among the names of the earth, but among the appellations of the sky
enumerated by the side of them none refers to its colour. ^
56 ON COLOUR-SENSE.
" If," he says, " one leaves conversation with them to
chance, and interrogates them only on objects lying
before them, one becomes quite confused and is afraid
of going mad. With a little method, however, one may
come considerably nearer an understanding of the law
of this abnormity." In these words Goethe at once
pretty accurately describes what we feel in attempt-
ing to determine the real value of the ancient terms
for colours. Without venturing actually to draw a
comparison between the two conditions,^ I must never-
theless be allowed to state that the agreement with
regard to green appears to me even more striking than
that respecting blue.
I The colour green is met with in antiquity one stage
farther back than the blue, then to disappear likewise.
Naturally people saw green objects while there was
vegetation on earth; and if the heavens from holy
causes engaged their attention, the earth, on which
they and their cattle fed, could not interest them less.
Yet the ten books of Kigveda hymns, though they
frequently mention the earth, no more bestow on it
the epithet green than on the heavens that of blue.
They speak of trees, herbs, and fodder-grass, of ripe
branches, lovely fruit, food-yielding mountains, of sow-
ing and ploughing, but never of green fields. Still
more surprising is the same phenomenon in the Zenda-
vesta. In that book the interest in the earth and its
fertility is still more prominent ; the condition of the
people resulting from it is founded on agriculture ; the
^ Cf. Dr. Brandis's letter on the subject in Goethe's works, vol. xl.
p. 49.
-^.05^; -A -'-
ON COLOUR-SENSE. 57
tillers of the soil occupy the third rank, by the side of
warriors and priests. In an apostrophe to the personi-
fied holy sacrificial plant Haoma we read, " I praise the
earth, the wide, broad, fertile, patient, that bore thee ;
I praise the soil where thou didst grow in fragrance."
The trees are designated as fruitful, beautiful, shot up,
mighty, and, finally, in one passage, too, as golden-hued,
with reference to the gold of the fruits. As regards the
Greeks, %Xo>/)09, which Hesiod uses of a green bough,
in the Homeric poems almost everywhere quite un-
mistakably signifies yellow: it alternates with w%/oo9,
whence our Ocher (ochre) is derived. Only in a later DW^z^C)'a
hymn to Apollo the same epithet bears the sense of the
green of the mountain and the visible impression of the
vegetable kingdom, which till then we find taken notice
of only from the aspect of its utility, -i.e., in so far as
it is appreciable by the taste. Yet the Greek word
has never wholly acquired the meaning of our green,
but always only that of a beginning of that colour,
including yellow; and so late as in the Aristotelian
"Book of Colours" it is contrasted with the proper
green, which is paraphrased by " grass- coloured " or
" leek- coloured."
Another remarkable instance of the difference in the
conception of a natural phenomenon at different periods
is the rainhow. Aristotle, in his " Meteorology," calls it
tri- coloured, viz., red, yellow, and green. Two cen-
turies before, Xenophanes had said, " What they call
Iris is likewise a cloud, purple, reddish, and yellow in
appearance ; " where he leaves out the green, or, at all
58 ON COLOUR-SENSE.
events, does not clearly define it. In the Edda, too,
the rainbow is explained to be a tri-coloured bridge.
Democritus and the Pythagoreans assumed four fun-
damental colours, hlack, white, red, and yellow, a con-
ception which for a long time obtained in antiquity.^
Nay, ancient writers (Cicero, Pliny, and Quintilian)
state it as a positive fact that the Greek painters,
down to the time of Alexander, employed only those
four colours. This has been deemed incredible, since,
with such appliances, neither the green of the earth
nor the blue of the sky could be represented. But
whatever may be thought of the statement of those
writers, judging from the above-mentioned analogies,
this objection does not warrant us to pronounce it
false. There is nothing at all contradictory in the
assumption that those times did not yet feel the want
of representing the colours of the heavens and the earth.
In one passage of the Zendavesta we have found the
blossoms designated as fragrant ; in the Veda hymns I
have not met with a similar epithet. The sense of
fragrance too — and this remark will perhaps not be
found quite unserviceable as an analogy for the ques-
tions concerning the sense of sight — has not been at all
times innate in man. The custom of offering incense
with the sacrifice is not yet met with in the Rigveda,
though it is found in the more recent Yadshurveda.
Among the biblical books, the sense of the fragrance
1 The Chinese have since olden times assumed five colours, viz.,
green in addition to the above. The same we meet with among Arabic
philosophers.
I
ON COL UR-SENSE. 5 9
of flowers first makes its appearance in the " Song of
Songs." According to the description in Genesis, there
were in Paradise all kinds of trees " that were pleasant
to the sight and good for food." The apocryphal book
of Henoch (of the last century before Christ, or still
somewhat later), extant in Ethiopian, likewise describes
Paradise, but does not omit to extol the delightful fra-
grance of the Tree of Knowledge as well as of other trees
of Paradise. That the sense of fragrance is not innate "
may be proved from language too ; and though it may
not be always advisable to draw an exact parallel be-
tween the development of the child and that of the
human race, yet in this case it is instru,ctive to observe
how indifferent children for a long time continue to —
fragrance, and even to bad odours. The objection that
among the keen senses of savage tribes the sense of
smell plays a prominent part is only an apparent one.
Scent by means of the sense of smell materially differs ^
from the sensibility to pleasant or unpleasant sensa-
tions that lie in the perception of odour itself ; nay, the
two perhaps bear an inverse ratio to each other. As
regards the brute creation the fact is self-evident. The
dog is distinguished for his scent ; but how much soever
this animal is extolled for his good and human-like
qualities, his greatest admirer would hardly be tempted
to gladden his dog with a nosegay.
The sense of euphony or the pleasure of hearing has
a similar history. That sense is not innate in man
either. Man does not sing " as the bird sings that lives
in the branches." There is no natural song any more than
6o ON COLOUR-SENSE.
there is any natural plastic art. Art has its laborious
reflected development, and with it the sense of art is
developed. Here the results of linguistic science meet
most decidedly those of physics and physiology.
In returning to the subject of colour- sense, I should
like to try and unroll before you, in however concise
a completeness, the picture which I have gathered
from a thousand details of the literatures and lin-
guistic history of the human race. But I will only
detain you some minutes longer in order to add a few
words on the range of colours known to the earliest ages.
In the genuine ancient Veda hymns there is not only
no green, but even their yellow is not the pure colour
of our spectrum. In the course of centuries the words
signifying yellow lapse into the signification of green ;
in earlier times they themselves spring from roots by
which gold is wont to be named, ^.e., from yellow-red
and red-brown. When in the pictorial representations
in ancient Egyptian tomb-chambers we see the black-
red-golden sun-fans carried about, we are reminded of
the vast historical background on which is exhibited a
primitive type of many a modern object. There really
seems to have existed a Uack-red-golden age in the his-
tory of the sense of sight. The genuine Eigveda hymns
represent this stage in contrast to the white-yellow-
red-black of the nascent Greek natural philosophy. In
these hymns white is scarcely as yet distinguished
from red.
The circumstance that the colour-terms originate
according to a definite succession, and originate so
ON COLOUR-SENSE, 6i
everywhere, must have a common cause. This cause
cannot consist in the primarily defective distinction
merely, for in the earliest times the colour of the
sky is by no means called black or gold-yellow, which
would be the proximately fittest word for its desig-
nation, but no mention at all is made of it. It
would seem, indeed, that we must assume a gra-
dually and regularly rising sensibility to impressions
of colour, analogous to that which renders glaring
contrasts of colour so unbearable to a cultivated taste,
while the uneducated taste loves them. Perhaps, too,-^
the intensity of the original impressions decreases in
proportion as their extent and multir.Ticity increases.
To men in the earliest antiquity at least the sense of
the colours familiar to them was exceedingly keen and '
lively. The three phenomena upon which in reality the
three colour-notions of that time were based — the night,
the dawn, and the sun — produced an impression on the
people of those times such as we are now scarcely able
to conceive or to feel. The dualism of Hack and red
stands out in very marked features as a first and most
primitive period of all colour-sense behind the one
hitherto described. But even this dualistic epoch is
not without a recognisable beginning either. We can
by the aid of etymology arrive at a still earlier stage,
when the notions of black and red coalesce in the vague
conception of something coloured. ^
The final decision as regards the nature of this whole
development will only be come to by the co-operation
of two scientific disciplines. It will not be possible,
*
*
n
\^
62 ON COLOUR-SENSE.
without availing ourselves of the important progress
and discoveries which have been made in the most
recent times precisely in the way of explaining the
perception of colour; but neither will it be possible
without a regard to the intimate connection of the
i entire development of language and ideas, and to its
bearing on sensation and conception. Here a whole
world of antique relics for our investigation lies hidden,
not in fragments, but in unbroken, well-connected links.
The whole chain of development of each of our ideas
up to its most primitive form is lying buried before
us in words, and is awaiting its excavation by linguistic
science.
I have ventured to appear before you with a view to
indicate the results to which this science is capable of
leading us. Would I had succeeded in making you,
gentlemen, share my own conviction that the time has
' arrived when linguistic and physical science, conscious
of their common aims, must join hands. As the organ-
ism, notwithstanding the twofold manifestation of its
existence, constitutes an indivisible unity, so only undi-
vided science can lead to a knowledge of it — the science
of nature, vast, entire, and indivisible.
F.S. — It is not without some hesitation that I sub-
mit the above lecture to the public at large. It could
only be a coinpressed and scanty extract from extensive
researches made already ten years ago, and ever since,
from time to time, gone into again and completed ; so
that I am all the more fully aware how much there is
still left for competent and reflecting readers to supply
ON COLOUR-SENSE. 63
and to object to in its present form. To avoid the
semblance of a completeness which time and place of
delivery forbade me, I have even foreborne to add the
more particular references to the passages quoted. I
hope, however, soon to be able to publish all the facts
bearing upon the questions here mooted, and must entreat
my readers meanwhile to suspend their judgment on
any doubtful point. As regards the general inferences,
too, a fuller examination of many facts stated will
naturally tend to modify them. Since, however, on the
other hand, they likewise partly depend on the decision
as to the relation between ideas and words, notions and
sensations, I beg in this respect to refer to my inquiries
into Language and Eeason, of which the first volume is
in the press. What encourages me to do so is the
indulgent and appreciative, and to me highly gratifying,
manner in which the above lecture has been listened to
by an assembly which numbers the most unprejudiced
thinkers and investigators of Germany among its mem-
bers. The universality of German physical sdence —
a noble acquisition of perhaps only the last decennia —
vouches for its having a great future, which promises to
embrace all the interests of the human race.
( 64 )
IV.
On the Origin of Writing.
[Read before the General Meeting of the German Oriental Society at
Wiirzburg, October 3, 1868.]
If I undertake to submit for renewed investigation
to a meeting of highly honoured colleagues the ques-
tion as to the origin of writing, it is not my inten-
tion once more here to discuss before you the origin
of alphabetic writing, or of any other fully developed
system. I rather propose to treat here the prehistoric
beginnings of writing, so far as they may be inferred
from the course which their development has taken
since their appearance in history, and from other ana-
logies. Only in this sense I beg you will permit me
to take a brief survey of what has been revealed to
us by historical discoveries about the origin of the
systems of writing at present in use. The alphabets
proper, it is well known, radiate, notwithstanding
all their variety, from but a few centres. We not
only know that our European characters are all pri-
marily of Greek and secondarily of Semitic origin, but
through Professor Mommsen's researches we also know
exactly in what way the Italic alphabets have deve-
ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING. 65
loped. The Gothic alphabet of Ulfilas is not less of
Greek origin than the Cyrillian of the Slavs ; nay, even
the Kunes are undoubtedly a form of development from
the same source, having probably come at an early
date to the Gauls by way of Massilia, and from them
to the Teutons.^ Professor Albrecht Weber has made
a Semitic origin of the Indian Devanagari, too, appear
very probable, whereby a great number of Asiatic sys-
tems of writing are referred to the same source, since not
only the indigenous systems of Hindostan and Farther
India, such as Bengali, Uriya, Telinga, Tamil, as well
as the Burmese and Javanese systems, but also the
Tibetan, are offsprings or sister-system^; of the Devana-
gari. The writings of the Mongols, Tunguses, and
Manchus, as Klaproth has already observed, are formed
out of the Syrian by changing the horizontal into the
upright position of the Chinese columns. If we add
to these the still preserved characters of the funda-
mental Semitic alphabet itself in its Hebrew, Ethio-
pian, Samaritan, Zend or Middle Persian, Syrian, and
Arabic branches, and if we further consider that the
latter branch has been adopted by the Turks, Per-
sians, Malays, and the Hindustani, we cannot but be
astonished at the capability in such a discovery of
being diffused from one point. Permit me only, for the
sake of completeness, to mention the two youngest and
^ Lauth, on the contrary, assumes the German Runes to have come
from the Teutons to the Gauls, and at the same time gives a different
and satisfactory explanation of the passage in Tacitus, which has been
construed to imply the un acquaintance of the Germans with alphabetic
writing, by referring it to a merely epistolary intercourse.
E
66 ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING.
not least noteworthy scions of our alphabet, which are
not borrowed from it, but merely invented in imitation of
it from vague report, viz., the writing of the Cherokees,
invented by Sequoyah about 1823, and that of the
Negroes of the Vei country, dating ten years later, by
Doalu Bukere. The two inventions present interesting
points of agreement. Both the Indian and the African
inventor, by observing the epistolary intercourse of the
Europeans, were set to reflect on the possibility of
writing their mother tongue ; both had an imperfect
knowledge of the English alphabet. Neither of them set
up an alphabetic, but both a syllabic writing. Sequoyah,
indeed, had at first set up, as the Vei writing had, about
200 characters, but subsequently reduced them to 85.
Leaving these psychologically interesting phenomena
of the most recent times out of the question, of all
the modes of writing in use on the whole earth, only
the Chinese and the syllabic writing of the Japanese,
formed out of it, may be with certainty excluded from
the universal descent from the one Semitic alphabet.
But the ever-memorable discoveries of the present
century have made us acquainted, in the Egyptian
hieroglyphs, with a most remarkable antique parallel
to the Chinese; in various species of arrow-headed
writing with very complete alphabets ; in the Assyrian
with an intermediate stage between word- and syllabic-
writing, promising the most important clues; and by
the side of these we have the hieroglyphs of the abori-
gines of America, being an as yet unsolved though not
insolvable problem. Have we thus arrived at a last
ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING. 67
and radical variety ? Do the three systems of picture-
writing of the Egyptians, Chinese, and Americans, the
mixed system of the Assyrians, and, finally, the alpha-
betic writings of the Persians and Semites, offer ns at
least six independent solutions of the gigantic problem
as to the exhibition of our ideas to the eye ? Although
the time for the final decision of this question has not
yet arrived, I cannot forbear stating it as my conviction
that such a sixfold origin of the most marvellous art
which it was at all possible for man to create appears
to me incredible. Nay, from what has in other respects
forced itself upon my mind as probable with regard
to a primeval intercourse between the entire human
race, the diffusion of that art from one common centre
seems by no means impossible. The original home of
the alphabet destined to such wide dissemination was
doubtless Babylon, which, since Professor Bockh, we
have known to be the starting-point of the system of
weights and measures universally adopted in antiquity,
and come down thence to us, and the importance of
which to astronomy and mathematics is perhaps not
even yet sufficiently appreciated. The names of the
letters of the Hebrew alphabet are of Chaldean origin ;
at least the occurrence of the camel as the name of
the third letter precludes our thinking of Palestine
proper. The Phoenicians may indeed have been the
disseminators, but cannot have been the inventors, of
the alphabet. Although the connecting links are not
yet discovered, according to all analogy hardly any one,
considering the close vicinity, will be inclined to be-
68 ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING.
lieve that the ancient Persian alphabetic writing should
have had a second independent origin. But I ask, did
this Persian mode of writing originate independently
of the varieties of the cuneiform writing connected with
it, especially independently of the Assyrian ? Should
not Egypt have been able to influence Assyrian writing
in the earliest time, in the same way as at a later period
Assyrian influence on the hieroglyphs becomes percep-
tible ? The similarity of the principle of Semitic writing
to that of the hieroglyphics, expressing as these do only
the initial consonant of the word represented in the
) picture, was noticed already by Champollion at an early
date.i
On the other hand, the most ancient pictures, which,
<^«A,\/wvv\^ according to Prof. Oppert, belong to a Scythian or Tura-
nian people, and from which the arrow-headed forms
are derived, have in them something that, as regards at
least their general impression, reminds one of the an-
cient Tchuen writing of the Chinese. Considered on the
whole, there is no reason why we should think a trans-
mission, at a very early period, of the rudiments of a
system of writing from one people and part of the earth
to another impossible. Nay, the traces discovered by
1 Already, in his "Lettre a M. Dacier," Champollion expresses
himself clearly on this subject. He says, " J'oserai dire plus : il serait
possible de retrouver, dans cette ancienne ecriture phonetique egyp-
tienne, quelque imparfaite qu'elle soit en elle-meme, sinon I'origine,
du moins le modele sur lequel peuvent avoir ete caiques les alphabets
des peuples de I'Asie occidentale," &c. After dwelling upon the resem-
blance of the two systems, he arrives at the conclusion, and says :
*' C'est dire enfin que I'Europe, qui regut de la vieille Egypte les ele-
ments des sciences et des arts, lui devrait encore 1' inappreciable bien-
fait de I'ecriture alphabetique. "
ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING. 69
Alexander von Humboldt of an intercourse that once ,,
existed between Mexico and Eastern Asia do not even
wholly exclude a migration of picture-writing as far
as those parts. But as all this must still remain
simply an hypothesis, we may meanwhile be quite
satisfied with the inner unity which, so far as any
mode of writing had a natural development, is every-
where conspicuous. It may perhaps 'be regarded as
an acknowledged fact, which only does not always
admit of proof owing to the lack of authorities to refer
to, that every phonetic symbol springs from a pictorial
representation. As every element of language, even
derivative syllables at present all b^'t meaningless,
originally had its signification, so every letter was origi-
nally a picture. This statement, however, must not
be understood to imply that writing once originated in
a species of painting, or that the first representation
of man's ideas were paintings. Even if we leave all
secondary employments of Chinese and Egyptian hiero-
glyphics out of consideration, and assume a period
when writing consisted only of the sensuous copies
of things, such as a man, the sun, a bird, it does not
on that account become — what misconception has to
this day made of the Mexican — the total representation
of an event intended for the eye instead of for the
mind. That writing is a s^^bol for language, has been
already said by Aristotle, and the definition is verified /
by the hieroglyphics up to their very first origin.
Even where the word and the thing coincide, the pic-
ture is only the symbol of the word : it is intended
70 ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING.
to awaken language, to remind ns of a sound, not of a
thing ; to speak through the eye to the ear, not imme-
diately to reason. Writing, in fact, is not an object for
mute contemplation; it wants reading — loud reading.
Kot like figures in a painting, but as words are co-
ordinated to sentences, so must these pictures be com-
bined to the totality of an action. They also represent
the symbolised word to the whole extent of its idea,
and not only from its symbolised side. Or can it be
supposed that the Chinese picture for the sun ever
signified the word shi only in the sense of sun and
not likewise in that of day ? That is quite impossible.
Precisely in the earliest time man with his whole
reason was so completely under the dominion of the
word, that necessarily a picture would signify what
its name was, and be understood as it sounded when
read.
It is well known in what way the hieroglyphics
could dwindle down to phonetic symbols, aye, even
to mere letters. But in their earliest form they in-
variably denoted words, never anythiug more. The
fundamental law of the development of writing is the
gradually growing independence of the sound, while
at first sound and conception are represented as not
divorced from each other. Of course not every word
comes at once to be represented; those have prece-
dence the conception of which, from its corresponding
to something shaped, invites representation. Already
at an early period the word-pictures contained more
than could be conveyed in a drawing which had to
ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING. 71
start from a far more limited object than the concep-
tion of the word in all its bearings. The process of
painting in words conquers a wider territory for the
meanings of a sign : it gives the same sound a wider
scope, seeking for conceptions which seem to coincide
with what it originally denotes.
The first mode, however, of multiplying signs by the
representation of such words as, after the invention of
word-pictures — which are to writing what roots are to
language — had been brought to an end, had not fitted
in with any of those extant, was that of forming col-
lective pictures by juxtaposition. The Chinese simple
pictures g shi, " sun," and^ yue, " mor.n," signify when
placed together, the word ming, " lustre " ( 0y^ ). It can
hardly be supposed that we have here the abstract idea
of lustre as a quality of both heavenly bodies pre-
sented to us; but the first meaning represented was
undoubtedly morning, being the time when the sun is
seen in the heavens simultaneously with the moon, —
the meeting of day and night. Thus the morning-star is
called 'ki-ming ( B^ y^^ Shi-King, ii. 5, 9), properly
speaking, "opening the morning," ming-shi, "to-mor-
row ; " and the employment of the word for the future
likewise proceeds from this meaning. Another repre-
sentation of the idea of morning is the picture of the
word tdn, " morning, day,'' EJ , representing the sun
above the horizon. If below this sign that of the moon
too is placed, so that the latter is represented as below,
the sun as above, the horizon, there arises ^^^ the
72 ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING.
picture of the word ydng, " sunrise, bright sky, bright-
ness." But the sun above the moon, ^^ , signifies the
word I, " change," which e.g., is met with in the name
of the book I-King. The sign evidently represents the
moon as alternating with the sun, that is to say, the
alternation of day and night. The first phonetic signs
seem to have proceeded from an enlarged use of the
pictures for homonymous words, similar in idea but
yet distinguishable.^ The sign ^ for tsing, signifying
the blue and green colours, combined with the sign -j— }-
for thsao, " plant," form the nearly homonymous word
tsing, " flourishing, luxuriant " (Shi, ii. 3, 2), and with the
^ for m%, " rice, food," the ^ ^ for 'tsing, " ripe, full
grown, finished, able." The pictures for " growth" or for
" rice " certainly never denoted the words tsing, 'tsing ;
but it is probable that the sign representing colour was
also once used for them, and only subsequently received
the explanatory supplement defining the idea. The
same holds good of / ^ 'tsing, " pure," of fluids (Shi, ii.
5, 10, 6, 6; iii. i, 5 ; iv. 3, 2), which is combined with
the notional sign 'Y for water. We must not imagine
that a character ever proceeded from an idea without
^ Professor Steinthal, too ("The Development of "Writing," p. 94),
finds the bridge between notional and phonetic writing ' ' where the
identity of the sound of two words coincides with a cognate significa-
tion." The description of the phonetic element of Egyptian and
Chinese writing and its development is perhaps the most beautiful,
and, according to my conviction, most successful, portion of that bril-
liant treatise.
ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING. 73
regard to the sound, since the remoter the period, the
more the former was extant in the latter only for the
conception, and the mind was chained to the word.
Not the designation of the sound, but its independent
designation, detached from the idea, forms the essen-
tial feature of the higher stage of writing. All that
we know of the nature of Mexican writing shows
us that it is subject to the same laws. The same
difference that we observe between the Egyptian pic-
tures and the hieroglyphics accompanying them is
equally to be remarked among the Mexican. Even as
regards the Chinese characters, it took a long time before
Europe came to know to what extent "they are phonetic
WTiting. The French missionaries, who read these
characters with ease, who understood the language in
which they are written, who lived in the country where
they were constantly employed and where the principle
of their composition was perfectly understood, enter-
tained, nevertheless, the most erroneous ideas of their
figurative signification. It was reserved for M. Abel
E(^musat to disseminate more correct notions on this
subject. What trouble it cost to gain the convic-
tion that the Egyptian hieroglyphics have a phonetic
value, how isolated and obscure are the utterances on
this matter of the elder writers down to ChampoUion,
who, in his turn, was aided by the light thrown on
Chinese writing and justly often refers to it, is notorious.
We need certainly, therefore, not wonder at Spanish
writers who represent Mexican picture-writing as
consisting of actual paintings. But it is with this
74 ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING.
exactly as with the two other modes of writing similar
to it. On a closer inspection we find in all of them
the contrast to ours indeed great enough, but not so
absolute as at first sight it appeared. We find the
true and irreconcilable contrast between writing and
painting by no means annulled in them ; the picture
represents the thing while writing represents the word,
and in this sense the hieroglyphics of the Mexicans,
as well as those of the Egyptians and Chinese, are,
no doubt, writing and not pictures. What, therefore,
we may designate as the real invention of writing
would have been the collection of a limited cycle of
pictures of visible objects, each of which reminds
us equally of the word, i.e.^ the name of the object.
Here writing certainly coincides with drawing, but not
in such a way as to necessitate our believing there
had previously existed an independent, non-symboli-
cal employment of painting. Language points to a re-
versed way : the German malen, as derived from Gothic
meljan, primarily signifies "to write;" of jpdcfKo the
same holds good. The Slavonic pisatj, to whose affinity
with the nipistam of the Persian inscriptions Professor
Spiegel has drawn attention, signified already among
the two Indo-European peoples " to write," while the
Greek itolklKo^, and the well-known corresponding
Sanskrit words refer to colour. But, I would ask,
what was the object of these ancient drawings, and
what gave rise to them? It is plain that this ques-
tion is inseparable from that as to the earliest employ-
ment of writing, its subject-matter, and even the material
ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING. 75
on which people wrote. And here, again, language
affords us a momentous hint. It is well known that
a great number of the words signifying " to write " can
be proved to be derived from the signification "to
scratch," Fpdcjico and scriho, the English to write, the
!N"orthern rista runir, to scratch Eunes, our reissen,
Miss, are obvious examples. The same may be said
of the Sanskrit root likh. The earliest writing was
scratched. But on what ? We see it in the remotest
antiquity engraved on rocks and applied to sacred monu-
mental purposes. But there are also numerous testi-
monies to the process of scratching in wood, and this
seems the more likely as regards the jirimitive time at
which the very first beginnings of writing took their
origin. I would remind you of the Chinese wood-tablets
which are mentioned in the Shi-King (ii. 8), where a
warrior laments, saying, " Why should I not think of my
return home ? But I fear the writing on this tablet,"
i.e., the command written on a wooden tablet. Still
simpler and as numerously testified is the process of
writing on the bark of trees, especially on that of the
birch. Pliny (xvi. 1 3) gives an account of the proceed-
ings of spies who carve letters, which are at first invi-
sible, in the fresh bark of trees. In our German Zache
we have a special word for a sign carved in a tree;
it is probably related to the Sanskrit root liJch. In
" Yikramorvasi " we meet with a passage spoken of in
Professor Max Muller's "History of Ancient Sanskrit
Literature," where Urvasi writes a love-letter on a
76 ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING.
birch leaf, i.e., a leaf of birch bark. Even in " Simpli-
cissimus" we still read of a book written on birch
bark. But if we inquire more searchingly into the
motives that may have determined the people in
primitive times to supersede with such consistency
as, at least, etymology renders it probable, so simple
a process as the spreading of colour by carving, and
altogether if we seriously ask ourselves what might
have been their immediate motive for writing or
drawing, we shall perhaps be induced to go a step
farther guided by language. A closer observation of
nearly all the words used for the idea of writing
seems to go a considerable way towards proving
that the writing material which floated, as it were,
before language in bestowing these appellations was
no other than the human body; in other words, that
writing has developed from tattooing. The special
direction which the development of the meaning has
in each case taken is a subject never to be neglected
in tracing the historical root of a word-notion. Thus,
e.g., it would be insufficient to have set up in rypdcpco,
" to write," a general primary meaning of " to grave,"
and we should be even absolutely wrong if we
attempted to find the connecting link between the
two ideas in stone or wood writing. Eor the Greek
word has its definite history; before it acquired its
special meaning to write, it already had a special
signification, which was not that of chiselling and
hewing of stone and wood, but quite distinctly the
ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING. 77
scratching into the skin. Its idea is in the first
instance connected, not indeed with sculpo, ry\v(f)Q},
but with scal^po and fyXdcpco. Homer seven times uses
the word with its derivations of slight wounds caused
by missiles, of hurts in the skin, grazing or flaying, also
of scratching with thorns ; once, too, iiriypdcpco occurs
in the " Iliad " of the sign which is scratched on the lot;
once ypacjxo in the much-discussed passage (vi. 167 sq.)
where Proitos "dreads indeed to kill Bellerophon,
but sends him to Lycia, giving him sad signs, after
having scratched many fatal ones on a folded tablet,
which he commands him to show his father-in-law, so
that he may perish." The reference to the skin,
moreover, is still extant in the later word jpaTrrT]^,
" wrinkled." To the word ypicj^ao-daL, which Professor
Benfey very correctly places by the side of scriho, " to
write," Hesychius ascribes the additional meanings in
the Laconic dialect of " to scrape " and " pluck " {^vetv,
(TKvXkeLv). The Hebrew sefer, "writing," may in the
same way be explained by the Chaldean sappar, " to
shear," mispera, "shears," for which, according to all
analogy, we may assume the scraping of the skin to have
been the fundamental idea. The word Jcatah, common
to the Semitic family, occurs at such an early date as
Semitic writing is mentioned at all (Lev. xix. 28), in
the prohibition "not to print any marks upon" the
skin, and the hetdbet there used seems to be a deriva-
tive expressly intended to convey the sense of tattooing,
which is thereby at the same time indicated as, accord-
78 ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING,
ing to all appearance, a religious practice among the
Semitic peoples.^
The word " tattoo " is borrowed from the Marquesas
dialect of the Oceanic family of languages, its form
there being tatu. In the language of the Sandwich
^ In connection with the above lecture, Professor Fleischer has
added from the Arabic a considerable number of examples of the transi-
tion of the idea from scratching to writing, but expressed his dissent
with regard to the derivation of hataba from the same fundamental
idea, and, comparing it with ^-afiSa^ww, "army," kattaba, ** collecting
such a one, levying " — though it is to be presumed without associating
with it the idea of conscription — assumed for it the signification of
joining, stringing together. I will not attempt to oppose such a
meaning of the root in question, and am ready to acknowledge that
the parallel quoted by Professor Fleischer is well worthy of attention.
Yet, apart from the consideration that the words quoted might be
kept wholly distinct from the root signifying "to write," a root
having two quite diiferent significations being notoriously nothing
uncommon in Semitic languages, two further explanations appear
to me admissible. First, the meaning "host" might equally with
the German word Schar be derived from "separating" as well as from
"joining," and go back to the primary sense of "scratching" assumed
for hataba, which would be connected with qasab, "to split, to
shear," chasab, "to carve," e.g., writing on rocks, and the like. But,
secondly, there are some positive instances in which the idea of
counting proceeds from that of writing, i.e., in the sense of "making
strokes." Thus the Kafir word bala signifies to "write," "count,"
and "reckon," and finally, too, to " relate ; " and yet the words here
formed of the root with the meanings of "sign," " stain," " colour,"
show writing to be the fundamental idea. Dohne in his Zulu Kafir
Dictionary (Cape Town, 1857) expresses himself on this subject on
the whole very correctly thus : ' ' The original idea of writing and
numbering with the Kafir Avas that of representing things by a simple
figure, and coincides with those of other nations. If a description of
a thing was to be given, a certain shape, form, stroke, or line was
made in the sand, or in the ground. These were the signs for both
writing and numbering, every new number being represented by
another stroke or mark. Or, if this practice was not convenient for
counting, one finger of the hand was raised instead of a stroke in the
ground. The sense of writing is, therefore, primary, and that of
counting secondary." Compare with this, too, the above-mentioned
ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING. 79
Islands k is substituted for the missing t; the word
hakau, "to write," belonging to it, does not there-
fore materially differ from tatu. In the language of
the Marquesas itself, too, tatau means "to read, cipher,
draw." Another word, common to both dialects, with
significations "to reckon," **to draw," in the word tatau of the
Marquesas Islands. The analogy of ideas here quoted from quite
distant spheres of language, on the nature of which in general I beg
to refer the reader to the first volume of my work, " Ursprung und
Entwickelung der menschlichen Sprache und Vernunft " ("On the
Origin and Evolution of Human Speech and Eeason," Stuttgart,
J. G. Cotta, 1868) — the above lecture is only an abridged extract
from a chapter of the as yet unpublished second volume — seems to
me important, too, for the history of the Hebrew root safar, of
which Fiirst justly lays down three principal* meanings in the
folloAving order :— i. To incise, write ; 2. to count, appropriately
to make incisions, marks ; and 3. to relate. While, namely,
safar means only "to count," and sipper (in the Piel), "to
count" and "relate" (subsequently also "to speak," e.g., "Adam
spoke Aramean," Synh. 38b.), and the substantive derivation
mispar and some others less in use convey the same meaning, sefer
mostly signifies "book, " often, too, "document, letter, "in some passages
the material on which was "WTitten, besides absolutely " wiiting," to,
ypd/xfiara, e.g., " to teach the wiiting and language of the Chaldeans"
(Dan. i. 4); the prophet Isaiah expresses "to know to read" (xxix,
1 1, 12) by yada sefer. The sense of "register," which the word, Gen. v. i,
may be taken to bear, is intermediate between to count and WTite ; and
the same applies to the remarkable word sofer. This word evidently
denoted the dignitary whom we find represented on Egyptian and
Assyrian monuments with the writing tablet or scroll in the act of
recording, and might therefore be translated by "writer" as well as by
" teller, recorder." In the post-biblical language the word appears in
quite a different meaning, viz., as scholar. Only with reference to
Ezra we meet with this signification also in several biblical passages.
Should it here be only a change made in the spirit of the time in the
case of Ezra's title, which perhaps he had brought with him from
Babylon in quite a different sense ? For the rest, the honourable title
in the passages in question seems only intended to express that Ezra
was able to read well (see especially 'Neh. viii. and Ezra vii 6) ; at
most perhaps that he was well read {litteratus), i.e., in the law ; and I
Vfould here render it rather by " reader " than " scribe" {i.e., writer).
8o ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING.
a slight variation, is tiki — in the Sandwich Islands,
hihi — " to tattoo, paint, write." It also means " carved
image," in which sense it springs from " token " (sign),
like signum. A New Zealand tomb, too, an illustra-
tion of which is given in Hochstetter's " Neuseeland "
The meaning "scholar*" doubtless proceeds from sefer in the sense of
writing, art of reading ; a " scholar " was originally he that could read
and write, for this earliest import of grammar and the grammarian
{ypa/x/j-aTiK-^, ypafifiartKds) was for some time the sum total of all
erudition. When matters changed, sofer not only received the idea of
learned man (scribe, ypafifiareiLis), but even that of elementary teacher,
as conveyed by the Greek word ypa/x/xaTLari^s ; nay, as the once rare
learning had passed on to the children, we meet even with a Talmudic
passage (of the third century) where the Abecedarians are called Soferini
(Kidd. iv. 13). Another Talmudical passage (Kidd, 30) derives this (at
that time obsolete) appellation of the ' ' former " scholars from the sig-
nification "to count," i.e., as of those who had counted the letters of
the law. In the latest Hebrew, sofer means scribe {scriba, notarius),
copyist (of the law, religious documents, &c.). Now, as regards Jcatab,
this root does not occur in Genesis, as, indeed, it is significant that before
the exodus from Egypt writing is not spoken of in the Bible, and even
sefer only in the passage quoted above (Gen. v. i), in the sense of
register. Subsequently Jcatab, as is well known, is the ordinary verbal
root for to write, with which the substantive sefer is very frequently
connected. But there are also some few passages in which the verb
signifies nothing but to count, especially Isa. x. 19, "And the rest
of the trees of his forest shall be few, that a child may count (write)
them," where mispar too, in the first half of the verse, properly speak-
ing, means as much as "what can be counted." Again, "The Lord
shall count (yispor), when he writeth up the people, that this man was
born there " (Ps. Ixxxvii. 6). Such a use of Jcatab no doubt proceeds
from counting by strokes, not from a more complicated notation. If
in the first quoted passage the writing of the number in Hebrew letters
was perhaps to be conveyed, we have to consider that in them 400 is
easier to write than 11, and not much more difficult than i. Accord-
ingly the Arabic Jcattbatun too might go back to such a primitive
counting in writing and simply mean "number," the rather as the
sofer of the ancient Hebrew writings, too, had principally to note
down the army (see particularly Isa, lii. 25, 2 Kings xxv. 19, 2 Chron.
xxvi. II). Indeed counting by strokes is to be traced back to as early
a date as writing in general, and even the employment of the letters
of the alphabet as figures was introduced along with it in Europe.
ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING. 8r
(p. 20i), was pointed out to him by the natives by the
designation of tiki. As regards the original significa-
tion of tiki, we gather it from tikao, " to sting, irritate,"
tikaue, "gnat," tikao and tiko-tiko, "sensual pleasure."
According to Wilhelm von Humboldt's statement in
" Ueber die Verschiedenheit des menschlichen Sprach-
baus" (On the Variety of Structures of Human
Languages," p. 406), Jacquet observes "that among
those tribes the ideas of writing and tattooing are
closely connected."
In Zimmermann's " Dictionary of the Gang Language,"
which is spoken by a tribe on the Gold Coast of West
Africa, the root nma is explained by ''to scratch" —
e.g., the face—" to make strokes or signs, to write." In
the Burmese language koh (according to Schleier-
macher) means "to scratch," as children do, and "to
write." The same transition is found in the Kafir
word loba.
In order to find a similar connection of the two
ideas among the ancient civilised nations probable,
we should remember the testimony we have to the
early and widely diffused practice of marking the
body with signs scratched in. Tattooing itself occurs
among the savage tribes in Europe and Asia, as well
as in the more recently discovered parts of the earth.
Of the Kabyls it is reported that, by way of dis-
tinguishing their tribes, they wear pictures of aninaals
on the forehead, nose, temples, or on one of the cheeks ;
such tattooing is done by puncturing the skin with fine
needles dipped in a caustic fluid. A similar process is
82 ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING.
met with everywhere in Central Africa, as well as in
the Caroline Archipelago. " Tattooing," says Hero-
dotus (v. 6), speaking of the Thracians, " is considered
aristocratic ; non-tattooed people are looked down upon
as ignoble." Xenophon gives a somewhat more minute
description of the same practice among the Mosynoekoi
(An. V. 4, 32). He says, "They showed us pampered
children of aristocratic parents, who had been fed with
boiled chestnuts; they were very delicate and white,
and nearly as stout as they were tall; their backs
and fronts were tattooed, the former in gaudy colours,
the latter all over with marks." Also on the Egyptian
monuments of Biban-el-Moluk tattooed men are found
depicted. Among the Greeks and Eomans, as we learn
from Petronius (Sat. c. 103 sqq}), it was a common
practice to brand criminals and slaves, for which latter
it seems to have been originally introduced; and equally
so among the Persians, of whom Herodotus (vii. 233).
reports they ha,d, at Xerxes' orders, branded with the
royal mark the Theban deserters at Thermopylae. This
practice, which had no other intention but that of dis-
tinguishing by some mark, proceeded from tattooing.
At all events, we are wrong in giving the Greek word
a different sense, especially that of an actual burning
in of the mark. It is, in fact, the GTiCiio used for
tattooing in the passages quoted. The correspond-
ing, punishment of the Chinese has adhered to this
original form. It consists in pricking with a needle
marks in the flesh of the culprit and then making
them durable by a black dye. This process, which
ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING. 83
closely resembles tattooing, is called thsi, S ij, and
Jchinff, p^^f y J||, ^f,. The Manchu word
for it is sahsimhi (according to von der Gabelentzj,
"to brand, to tattoo, and a work with the needle."
Perhaps the idea of acupuncture, which in times im-
memorial the Chinese employed as a remedy, is like-
wise to be traced to the tattooing process, so far as
it might be regarded as holy and salutary. Horses
were notoriously provided among the Greeks with
marks branded in their haunches for the purpose of
distinguishing their breed. For this object characters
were employed, and their being thus employed was
probably as old a practice among the Greeks as alpha-
betic writing itself; at least the letter Jccppa, that
so early ceased to be used in writing, was among
those characters. The Caucasians have to this day
a complete and abundant alphabet of signs which
likewise serve no other purpose but that of distinguish-
ing their horses.
The Biblical expression, " I will not forget thee
(Zion) ; I have graven thee upon the palms of my
hands ; thy walls are continually before me " (Isa. xlix.
15, 16), may, perhaps, remind us of the practice of
tattooing. Equally so the well-known incident
reported by Herodotus (v. 35), that Histiseus, w^ith
a view by stealth to summon Aristagoras to revolt,
shaved a slave, wrote the missive on his head, and,
his hair having grown again, despatched him on his
errand, points to a sphere of ideas which is not un-
84 ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING,
accustomed to regard the human body as writing
material. It only remains to be mentioned as note-
worthy that Herodotus in the passage cited uses the
word earc^e, which proceeds from the idea of tattooing
or puncturing. With respect to form, writing presents
no contrast to tattooing. Some tribes mark their skin
with figures of animals of the most various kinds. Such
marks are in form regular pictures like the earliest
writing. Mostly, however, the marks scratched in the
flesh are linear. Hochstetter says of the sepulchral
monuments of the Maoris, the aborigines of New
Zealand (" Neuseeland," p. 299), " They are figures four
feet high, carved out of wood, round which are hung
garments or cloths, and on which the faithful imitation
of the tattooed lines on the face of the deceased is the
most remarkable feature. By them the Maori knows
to whom the monument is erected. Certain lines de-
note the name, others the family to which the deceased
belonged, and others again the person himself. Close
imitation of tattooing in the face, therefore, is to the
Maori tantamount to the likeness of a portrait, and
he requires no further inscription to know what chief
lies buried underneath." The style of drawing here is
linear, and it is noteworthy that the words used for
" writing " likewise generally have the primary sense
of making strokes. From the Greek <ypd(^ay, e.g., the
idea of " line," " stroke," rypd/ji/jL7j, is developed in as
direct a manner as " writing " and " picture."
A curious relic of genuine tattooing has been pre-
served amidst our very civilisation. Among Euro-
ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING. 85
pean sailors, and partly, too, among soldiers, regular
gaudy tattooing is still practised. The operation
is performed by experts with an instrument quite
similar to that described by Cook, viz., composed of
stuck-up needles. In this way sailors or soldiers have
their arms and chests marked with symbols of their
profession ; sometimes, too, regular writing is used.
This is doubtless an imitation of savage tribes.
In some words used to convey the idea of writing,
there is a certain vacillation between the primary sense
of scratching in and dyeing. This may, perhaps, be
accounted for by the fact that tattooing implied both
together, and, by aid of the blood floving from the
wound, did so from the very first. From man's own
body the characters were probably next transferred to
objects to which they were applied as marks. It is even
reported that some Indian tribes, for the purpose of
preserving their pedigrees, carved, in the order of their
succession, the so-called totem, i.e., symbolic pictures
of their tribes, for which they employed figures of
animals, such as the bear, buffalo, and the like, in
trees, oars, canoes, and weapons. This is already a
kind of waiting for the mere purpose of recording, with-
out reference to the material on which the writing
is carried on. The walls of Egyptian temples and
palaces, owing to the mass of characters with which
they were covered, have been likened to books; the
inscriptions on the mighty rocks at Persepolis and
Bisitun contain entire histories ; why should not, in a
ruder stage, a like use be made of trees and animals ?
86 ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING.
The loosening of the bark, with writing upon it, from
a tree, the stripping of the skin, furnished with marks,
from an animal, would be, at the same time, the
first step towards rendering the writing independent,
— the production of the first book, as it were. Among
the New Zealanders, who have adopted an alphabet of
fourteen letters from the English, the custom at pre-
sent prevails of writing their names or greetings to
their friends with shells on the leaves of flax bushes.
" The Dinka negroes," as Mitterrutzner reports, " often
scratch or carve with a thorn or pointed iron on soft
pumpkin shells the rough outlines of human beings,
crocodiles, tortoises, and other animals. This mode of
graving they call gor. When they happened to see a
missionary write, they would ^2ij jen a gor, he engraves,
scratches in, draws." The most ancient relics of
Chinese writing that are still preserved are inscrip-
tions on consecrated vessels, and in so far as the
inscription was presumably intended as a mark of the
utmost durability, a satisfactory explanation is afforded
why at first it was not written on, but graven in, the
vessels. An analogous conception seems to have been
at all times associated with the idea of " sign : " signum,
e.g., as Professor George Curtius has justly inferred from
sigillum, was primarily an engraved sign. Ebel has ex-
plained it from stignum, and has unnecessarily, I think,
subsequently withdrawn this ingenious explanation ;
for signum would in that case be related not only to
the Gothic taihns, the English token, our Zeichen, but
also to stechen (to sting) and o-tl^(o, the genuine Greek
ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING. 87
designation for tattooing, mentioned above. That zeich-
nen (to design) was derived from Zcichen (sign), and
dessiner from signum, sliows us anew the symbolic pur-
pose at first associated with designing. An object, an
animal, a man was designed, that is, provided with a
sign which made it recognisable, marked it as a pos-
session or consecrated it. There is a consecration by
the impression of a sign still more primitive than that
just described, and the purpose of which is at the same
time transparent enough: I mean the so-called red
hand of the Indians. Schoolcraft has found it depicted
as a holy emblem on bark, on hides of animals, on
wooden tablets, but also on the bodies cf dancers. In
the latter case the picture was produced by the print
of a hand smeared with clay on the chest, the
shoulder, and other parts of the body. What this
hand, so universal among the Indian tribes, may mean,
will scarcely remain doubtful to any one who has seen
the radiant hands of the sun-god on Egyptian repre-
sentations, or read in the Veda hymns of the golden-
handed Savitri. The red, or sometimes white, hand,
with which an object, and even the body of a man, is
painted and consecrated in the most simple manner, is
hardly aught else but the sun.
Long as the way may seem from such a sign, im-
pressed almost like an incidental animal trace, up to
our alphabet of twenty-four letters, in which the faint
remnant of a hand denotes simply the sound i or/, yet
I believe the origin of writing may be explained in
this manner without leaving too wide gaps. To
83 ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING.
scratch in signs with a view to making them per-
manent, to multiply them, to employ them more espe-
cially on monuments, to make use of them as phonetic
signs, to arrange them into a kind of system, as was
done by one or several gifted tribes, these are steps
which betoken indeed an admirable but no longer an
absolutely marvellous progress. Equally the transition
from an Egyptian system of hieroglyphics to real
alphabetic writing is certainly by no means incon-
ceivable. The latest form of Egyptian writing, the so-
called Demotic, though only its last abbreviation in
current hand, produces outwardly the impression of an
alphabetic writing, and was considered as such before
people ventured to seek for a phonetic principle in the
hieroglyphics. It is to that impression, and to the
decipherment under its dominion by De Sacy and
Akerblad in the first instance, that we owe that of the
hieroglyphics too, and the resuscitation of the lan-
guage and primeval history of Egypt in general. As to
the nature and the application of the hieroglyphic sym-
bols, we must consider that the employment of the
hieroglyphs which comes nearest that of alphabetic
writing, viz., that where the initial sound has a value,
happens to be indisputably the practice in foreign
names, and that the Egyptians, if they had wished to
make use of their writing for a Semitic language, would
certainly have done so according to that principle. The
great step to a real alphabetic writing consists in the
latter having only one sign for a sound, whereas hiero-
glyphic writing, even when it proceeds strictly on the
ON THE ORIGIN OF WRITING. 89
alphabetic principle, has always the option left between
various pictures. Without the reduction of phonetic
hieroglyphics to the smallest number possible, the
alphabet would have had many hundreds of letters
instead of twenty-two, and this reduction would there-
fore be what we may allow to pass for the invention of
alphabetic writing. Those acquainted with Egyptian
writing are aware that supports for such a simplifica-
tion exist in hieroglyphic orthography itself, which, by
the way, far from having been a conscious choice, may
perhaps have been the outcome of a development ex-
tending over many centuries.
If, instead of starting from an entk'ely instinctive
origin of writing, wholly unconscious of its final pur-
poses, we were to set human ingenuity the task of
creating this wonderful art, we should encounter the
same impossibility as when we would make language
originate in human reason and reflection. If language
were an invention, the wisdom of man previous to such
invention would have been infinitely superior to what
it is at present. As in language, so in writing too,
with all the intellect displayed in it, though it was
developed in what was already nearly the historical
period, we cannot recognise a production of the in-
tellect itself, but only one of those instinctive crea-
tions of the human mind which, though results of an
irrational evolution, conceal within them the highest
and most admirable symptoms of reason, exactly as do
the marvels of nature that surround us.
( 90 )
V.
The Discovery of Fire,
[A Lecture delivered at the Museum Club at Frankfort-on-tlie-Maine,
March 25, 1870.]
Among the blessings which man from the earliest times
called his own, some are so indispensable to him, aye, so
inseparable from his nature, that it is easier for him
to believe he has possessed them from all time than to
form any conception of how he may have acquired them.
The most universal of these purely human blessings, lan-
guage, still lies within the sphere of the forces of nature.
If its possession by man ever had a beginning, it could
only have come to him by nature, but could not have
been discovered or invented by him. But it is different
with those blessings that he owes to culture. Impos-
sible as, for instance, it is to ascribe alphabetic writing
to a conscious invention, seeing that such an invention
would presuppose a superhuman wisdom by which the
inventor perceived that all our speech is only a thou-
sand-fold combination of twenty-four sounds ; yet writ-
ing cannot have developed without the aid of reflection.
Man is perhaps by nature a speaking being, certainly
not a writins one. In a still higher de.gree this holds
THE DISCO VER V OF FIRE. 9 1
good of material productions, of implements and tools
with which the^ human race has supplied and improved
its existence. [ Each of these implements must, in how-
ever rude a condition, have once become serviceable to
man for the first time ; the idea of its utility must once
have dawned upon some generation or another ; and
however great the difference may be between a steam-
engine of our day and the earliest stone hammer, the
being who for the first time armed his hand with such
a tool, and in this way for the first time perhaps beat
the kernel of a fruit out of its hard shell, must, it would
appear, have felt within him a breath of that inspira-
tion which a discoverer in our own tijy»3 feels when a
new idea flashes upon him. And in this sense, I sup-
pose, we may venture to call the preparation of arti-
ficial fire an invention, a discovery,/ though the same
rule applies to fire as to all the characteristically distinc-
tive acquisitions of man as compared to the brute, viz.,
their being in fact too great, of too momentous conse-
quences to the fortunes of the race, not to make it
appear doubtful whether we may trace them back to a
human origin, to a discovery of the human mind.
Fire belongs to those distinctive possessions of man,
such as tools and implements, language and religion,
without which we cannot conceive of humanity.
All the reports about tribes who were said not to
have any knowledge of it have proved fables, nay,
inconceivable. But surely it is no less inconceivable
for an animal to make fire itself, or even to avail itself
of it. Its effect on the higher brute creation is terror
92 THE DISCOVERY OF FIRE.
the wolf, the lion, the elephant, are kept aloof from the
encampments of man by fire. And if we admire in
genius not only a superior intellectual endowment but
the boldness of attempting to think of what has never
been thought of by any one before, and to undertake
w^hat has never been done before, it was surely an act of
genius when man approached the dreaded glow, when he
bore the flame before him over the earth on the top of
the ignited log of wood — an act of daring without a proto-
type in the animal world, and in its consequences for the
development of human culture truly immeasurable. If
antiquity beheld in that hero of the well-known legend,
in Prometheus, who brought down fire from heaven, the
author of all culture, we who live in the age of indus-
try, we to whom fire is the substitute for millions of
hands and horse power, will probably be inclined to
rate such a boon still more highly. But in the domain
of material progress we are too much accustomed to that
great feat of man to think we need for the beginnings
of the history of our civilisation the aid of gods or
demigods ; we rather seek for a motive which might in
some measure resemble the powerful and intelligent
industry of our times, and (singularly enough in the
case of a thing having such an infinite variety of uses
as fire) we shall be forced to acknowledge that such a
motive, a practical reason for meditating the invention,
or even for endeavouring to get possession of fire
for practical application, can scarcely have existed in
primeval times.
It is easy to think of an accidental impulse, perhaps
THE DISCOVERY OF FIRE. 93
of an object set fire to by a flash of lightning or a
forest-fire, which may for the first time have thrown
the flame of itself, as it were, into the hands of man,
who would then soon have learned to avail him-
self of it. But though little weight may be attached
to the observation, it is notwithstanding to be taken
into consideration that such accidents are least likely
to have happened in those very places where there was
most occasion for really making use of the fire thus
presented to man. Tor it is precisely a warm climate
or a hot temperature which particularly favours such
accidents, and it hardly admits of doubt that the origi-
nal home of the human race is to be luoked for in hot
regions, if not even in the torrid zone itself, in the
vicinity of the equator. But what did he care there
for the flame generated by lightning ? No necessity
rendered it worth his while to preserve it. It could
not be the preparation of his food which made fire a
desirable object to him ; he must have for a long time
subsisted without such preparation, and without the
experience or any suspicion that fire might aid him
in it. Naturalists are not agreed as to whether the
earliest food of man was animal or merely vegetable.
Historically and linguistically considered, I, for my
own part, certainly deem it indubitable that, since man
has been man, he has been carnivorous. It is perhaps
not nature to which we may appeal when we kill
animals for the purpose of our own preservation; it
is perhaps only habit which makes this food appear
indispensable to us at present. In ancient times, and
94 THE DISCOVERY OF FIRE.
still more in India, serious objections were notoriously
raised to it ; and even among us, the more syinpathis-
ingly we try to understand the animal soul, the more
regretfully we feel this habit to be repugnant to our
more tender volition; but we cannot deny that it is
at any rate a very old habit, as is evident from the cir-
cumstance that notions such as flesh, hody, and perhaps
animal too, almost everywhere proceed from that of
food ; that language, therefore, decidedly presupposes
animal food, and that since any such words have existed
at all such food must have been common.
Not only are our own word Fleisch and the English
meat derived from roots signifying "to eat," but also
the French word chair is so derived, though according to
the present usage of the language it happens not to imply
meat as food. The noble Greek word sarx, which forms
the first component in " sarcophagus," originally meant
nothing but a morsel picked off. When we speak of
a sarcastic smile, we have no idea how this epithet can
be connected with the sarx just mentioned, nor could
the Greeks themselves tell. Sarcasm, properly speak-
ing, is not the subtle irony which we designate by it ;
it is a grin, a distortion of the mouth, or a showing one's
teeth, and this forms the transition to the idea of pull-
ing at a piece of meat with the teeth, whence that
designation meat, which has become quite honourable
in Greek by usage, has developed. At Logon in Central
Africa, thd means "food," thic "meat," and tha "ox."
Among other African tribes there exists only one word
for meat and animal, and fish is called " water-flesh."
THE DISCOVERY OF FIRE. 95
And what words allow us to guess agrees with all
that we know of the mode of life of savage tribes in
times past and present. Man in the most barbarous
state subsists everywhere by hunting, and only occa-
sionally by catching fish; from the chase only he
passes on to a nomadic life and the breeding of cattle.
But it would be premature, from the indisputable pre-
ponderance of meat as food in prehistoric time^, to
infer a preparation by fire. To this day some Indian
tribes — e.g., in Florida — consume the booty they bring
home from the chase raw, and of the Huns it is noto-
riously reported that they knew how to soften their
meat without fire. There is no trace to be found in
language of such a preparation having preceded the
enjoyment of meat as food. What in this respect can
be more deceptive than our word Braten (roast) ? Who
should doubt that it really implied something roasted ?
And yet it does not. We have here one of those
curious, puzzling words before us which convey to
us quite a different sense from what they did to
their first inventors. Braten in the older language
signified nothing but "meat" and "flesh." It is not
derived from the verb Iraten (to roast) as now in
use, but from a homonymous root signifying " to eat,"
and which is also found in Wildjpret (game). Brot \^^
(bread) is derived from the same root, and observation
will show that appellations of bread often consist in
such words as in earlier times signified meat. If
we cast a glance at the various employments of fire
in the preparation of food in their historical succes-
96 THE DISCOVERY OF FIRE,
^ sion, we shall find boiling to be the latest mode. In
the South Sea islands a preliminary step towards
it has been met with in the stewing of viands in
pits heated by red-hot stones. The earliest and most
direct preparation was the process of roasting, and
even Homer knew as yet of no other for the repasts
of his heroes. Nor was grain-fruit by any means
always baked, but for a long time consumed only in
. roasted grains, as, e.g., they have been found in pile-
dwellings. Language leads one step farther. The
Cook root from which our word hochen (to boil) is derived
shows in cognate languages not only the idea of roast-
iniT but that of sun-burnincr, as well as that of the
ripening and mellowing of fruits and their becoming
eatable ; and equally so the Mexican icuxitia, " to boil,"
I is derived from icuci, " to ripen." Such traces indicate
a time lying still within the development of language
when fire was not yet used as a medium between the
produ^ions of the forest and the field and man's neces-
sity for,food.
What event may first have opened man's eyes and
pointed out to him a means by which he learned in so
many respects to render himself independent of the un-
friendliness of surrounding Nature ? It is certain that
not only the frost, but even more, perhaps, want of food,
^ would have prevented him from populating the earth
beyond his original home if he had not understood
how to recognise in the most formidable of elements
a beneficent power, and to make it do, in an enlarged
sphere, the work of the sun, which had till then warmed
THE DISCOVERY OF FIRE. 97
and partly, too, nourished him. Though history seems
to leave us in the dark on the cause of so momentous
a change in man's mode of life, yet we have at our
command very extensive and significant observations
on the way in which artificial fire was produced, and
there is every reason to suppose that we still have
even the original, the really earliest, mode of making
fire before us in the process adopted by many rude
tribes. Among the Botocudos in Brazil as among some
Korth American tribes, among the Greenland ers and in
New Zealand, in Kamtshatka as among the Hottentots,
the practice of producing fire by twirling or drilling
two pieces of wood has been uniformly met with.
The simplest, but also the most troublesome and time-
wasting, process is that of placing a stick of wood per-
pendicularly on another lying horizontally, and rapidly
turning it like a twirling-rod between the palms of
the hands until the loosened shavings catch fire and
ignite slips of bast kept in readiness.
If the employment of this apparatus for fire-making
in parts so distant from each other is already calcu-
lated to excite some surprise, what shall we say when
we find it used in earlier times, even in Arabia, China,
India, Greece, Italy, nay, even in Germany ? It is a
merit due to comparative mythology to have proved
the existence of the friction apparatus for producing
fire in the Indo-European primeval times, i.e., at that
indefinably remote period when a third of mankind,
among it the ancestors of nearly the whole present
population of Europe, constituted as yet only one
98 THE DISCOVERY OF FIRE.
horde; and it appears at once that among the Indo-
Europeans fire was already then made, on the whole, in the
same way as it has been in the present century in America
and the South Sea Islands. The process by which the
sacred fire in Hindostan is even now lighted consists
in twirling, which, according to the description of eye-
witnesses, perfectly resembles the churning of butter
still practised there by milling the milk with a stirring-
rod. According to Stevenson's description, one piece
of wood is drilled into another by pulling a string
tied to it with a jerk with the one hand while the
other is slackened, and so alternately until the wood
takes fire. The fire is received on cotton or flax by
the bystanding Brahman. We shall be obliged to own
that this mode of producing fire well suits the char-
acter of a period when man was not only destitute of
any metal but even as yet of stone implements— that
is to say, of a wood age, such as must have preceded
the stone age. A more primitive process can hardly be
presumed. But, neverthelesss, it is not simple, not
obvious enough, to appear independently with such
uniformity at several points of the earth. Though we
do not know the way in which the fire-drill may have
spread from India and Australia to South America, it
can scarcely have been invented at various times in the
same way. There are many puzzling though undeni-
,able vestiges extant of a primeval connection between
Eastern Asia and Mexico. As regards the Australian
Archipelago, the influence of India on it is clearly to
be proved by linguistic elements and legends. I^ay,
THE DISCOVERY OF FIRE, 99
there is a chain of traditions and borrowings that ex-
tends over those islands as far as Madagascar and
Central Africa ; and we meet again among the Kaffres
and negro tribes with fables and tales which can have
reached them by no other way, and which may be a
hint to us not to decide too hastily to what distances
the influence man exercises on man may extend. Once
discovered in one place, fire could not but be diffused
by immigrants from more gifted tribes among those
inferior to them, and(§(3on' carried over the whole earth.
The contagious power of ideas is, in fact, greater in
primitive times, and the isolation of peoples less, than
is frequently believed. Together with the great diver-
gences of contemporaneous stages of culture, there has
been at all times going on among the entire human
race a reciprocal action, which would not allow too
violent contrasts to exist together for too long a space
without their being adjusted. As in modern times
firearms have incessantly spread, so a much more im-
portant transformation of the outward life of prehistoric
times could not possibly escape being gradually carried
from one dwelling-place to another, and sooner or later
the wonderful spectacle of a nocturnal camp-fire would
call forth a universal imitation even in the remotest
corners of the inhabited world, though it should
have had to penetrate from the one hemisphere to
the other by way of the Polar region, where Green-
landers and Eskimos form the connecting link.
But in realising the condition of the human race,
which, no doubt, lies far behind us, and has, therefore.
100 THE DISCOVERY OF FIRE.
something strange to our conceptions — the condition,
I say, in which mankind were when, on the whole,
they lived as yet without fire, and had first to become
acquainted with it as a new invention on the part of a
favoured tribe — it will at least not appear incredible to
us that with the use of fire the mode of producing it,
the primitive fire apparatus of the earliest times, were
simultaneously diffused.
While so many uncivilised tribes of the present time,
by their having preserved the fire-drill in daily use,
afford us a living view of a primitive condition, the
holy use which Brahmans make of it may throw a light
upon the history of that important implement. In
the age when the earliest Yeda hymns took their origin,
the sacred fire was daily lighted in the early morning
by the priests. With the greatest solicitude they
attended to the prescribed measures of two equally
sized pieces of wood, of the spindle which, proceeding
from the one, was fixed on to the other, and the cord
which served for the turning, nay, even the choice
of the wood was not a matter of indifference ; it was
chiefly to be composed of the aQvattha or banana tree,
the so-called Ficns religiosa. Among the Eomans, the
vestal flame, when gone out, was, as Plutarch relates,
rekindled by means of a species of primitive reflec-
tor by the sunlight, but, according to other reports,
by drilling, for which the priests had to make use of
the wood of a fruit-tree. It is most remarkable that
we should meet with quite a corresponding practice
among the Peruvians : there, too, the sacred fire in-
THE DISCOVERY OF FIRE. loi '
trusted to the sun- virgins was, when by* mistake' or*
accidentally extinguished, relighted either by the sun
by means of a golden concave mirror, or by rubbing
together two pieces of wood. Among the Iroquois the f^-Uhon p[»*/
fire in the huts is extinguished every year, and relighted
by the magician with the flint or by the friction of two -
pieces of wood. The Mexicans celebrated every fifty-
two years a great fire-festivity, or a regeneration of the
world, the doom of which they dreaded at the end of
each such period. All fires were then extinguished ; a
grand procession of men, disguised in the garb of the
gods, repaired, accompanied by an immense crowd, to
Mount Huichashta, and here, at midnight, the fire was
reproduced by two pieces of wood being rubbed together
on the chest of the prisoner of war intended for the
sacrifice. Amidst shouts of joy raised by the people,
who were looking on in eager expectation from all the
hills, temples, and roofs round about, the flame blazed
forth from the stake of the victim, and was thence
spread before daybreak over all the altars and hearths of
Anahuac. And if we return from this distant region to
our own immediate neighbourhood, we have even here
numerous, certainly more innocent, traces of a produc-
tion of fire in the same primitive fashion originally
adopted for religious purposes. In various parts of
Germany, as well as in England, Scotland, and Sweden,
the practice continued down to the very latest centuries
of lighting the so-called need-fire, on certain days of
the year, by turning a wooden windlass bored into a
stake, and keeping it in motion by a rope wound round it.
From almost everywhere reports have reached us that
I02 THE DISCOVERY OF FIRE.
.alltiLe-iireg in houses had first to be extinguished and
renewed again by this need-fire, endowed, as it was
supposed to be, with a variety of miraculous virtues.
If one could doubt the omnipotent, irresistible pro-
gress of human thought over unmeasured space, this
truly astounding agreement of German customs with
those of the aborigines of America, this religious renewal
of fire common to them both, would, I opine, alone
suffice to rouse in us the belief in an unceasing inter-
\xi^ communication between all peoples, in a constant uni-
versal intercourse between all parts of the earth.
But, I would ask, what may have induced the ancient
peoples to apply the art of fire-making in such uni-
versal agreement, to an extent embracing nearly the
whole world, to purposes of divine worship ? There is
scarcely one people of antiquity in whose worship fire
was not of quite a paramount importance. Among the
Persians its sacredness is so evident as to have made
their religion be for a long time regarded as absolute
fire-worship. But fire was here, as everywhere else,
only a type, a representation of the heavenly fire, i.e.,
the sun. Comparative mythology has taught us that
the earliest divinities of the Indo-European peoples
"^ ^ were gods of light, and no one doubts that the sun
occupied the highest place among them. We are less
certain, however, as to the conceptions of Nature which
lie hidden beneath the charming veil of primitive
metaphors and legends, or as to the meaning of the
infinitely entangled magic knot of struggles, adventures,
and miracles, and that world of odd shapes of partly
sublime, partly strangely repulsive appearance, that
THE DISCOVERY OF FIRE. 103
world of gods, demons, giants, dwarfs, and monsters of
every description with whicli their mythology abounds.
It is, however, indisputable that the struggle between
light and darkness — the sun combating and vanquishing
the powers of darkness — is the central idea of all those
contrasts with which the inexhaustible imagination of
man sports, ever again creating new shapes, and on
which for centuries all the ingenuity of the human
mind was exclusively employed. Professor Adalbert
Kuhn is of opinion that the sacred fire was even in
later times lighted by drilling only from adherence to
ancient custom. But there is no testinjony extant that
primitive times knew of a profane, over and above the
sacred fire-making apparatus, and from all the facts trans-
mitted to us I have sjained a firm conviction that men,
far from transferring the use of the fire-drill from daily
life into divine worship, invented it, on the contrary,
precisely for the purpose of such worship, and only
subsequently learned to use it in practical life. Aye !
I cannot forbear declaring that fire is a religious dis-
covery : it sprang from the worship of deities in times
when men, on the one hand, did not yet even feel a
practical want of producing it, and were, on the other,
not yet even capable at all of reflecting on a technical
invention such as fire-making by friction.
In the Yeda hymns, that purest expression of the
childlike faith of man, we see the divinities of heaven,
the sun and dawn, unceasingly extolled. Heaven and
earth, conceived as living beings, as was the original
conception of all peoples, are invoked in the early
morning ; often heaven as father, the earth as mother.
I04 THE DISCOVERY OF FIRE.
" Which," we read in one of these primitive hymns,
" which of the two arose sooner, which later, how they
originated, sages, who knoweth it? By their own
strength they bear the universe, like two wheels do
day and night revolve." " Powerfully separating two
wheels," we read in another passage, "with the axle,
as it were, Indra fasteneth heaven and earth." When
>/ Ushas, dawn, arose, she was welcomed with songs by
the host of the pious worshippers who had awaited
her appearance with holy eagerness. " She is ap-
proaching, she shineth forth, heaven's daughter, visible
now. She, the mighty one, thrusteth out darkness by
light, and the glorious one produceth brightness."
In transparent metaphors the goddess of dawn is
celebrated, how she supersedes her black sister, night,
and precedes the sun-god.
" Heaven's daughter, lo ! hath appeared, dawning,
imV\\^ ]y young, in reddish garment; mistress of every earth-
born blessing, Ushas, break forth, beneficent one,
here now this day! She followeth in the wake of
her who preceded: she goeth before the everlasting
ones who are coming; dawning, she calleth forth all
that liveth, and whatever is dead Ushas awakeneth.
When will she be united to those who have shone
already and will yet be shining ? She followeth her
predecessors with eagerness; united to others, lus-
trously she leadeth the way. Gone are they, the mortals
who once beheld the breaking of former dawns ; now
she is here and is seen by us, and others will come
who one day shall behold her. . . . Ever before the
goddess dawned, and thus too the gracious one hath
THE DISCO VER Y OF FIRE, 105
dawned this day ; and thus, too, she will dawn in later
days, not aging, she, the immortal one, cometh to the sac-
rifice. In colours she shine th on the borders of heaven ;
the goddess strippeth off her black cover, awakening,
Ushas with her ^ steeds, driveth on a beautifully
appointed chariot. She carrieth gifts along with her,
rich in blessings, and gaineth brightness in making her
appearance. Ushas gloweth, the last of those that have
passed, and the first of those that shine forth."
With such hymns the dawn was hailed 3000 years
ago on the banks of the Indus. The seers of those
days have long since passed away, ai^d other mortals
have come to behold immortal dawn. Although she
no longer finds her ancient sacrifices amongst us, her
sacred songs are still read by us after such a long
interval, and those magic verses, of whose enchanting
sounds I have only been able to present to you a faint
echo, well deserve that, absorbed in the study of them,
we watch for the dawn of day as did the primeval
Hindoo poets who sang them.
Now, with these descriptions of the morning sky are
blended those of the flames of the sacrificial fire, which
was lighted daily in the early morning while it was still
dark, and on account of its unfailing return is almost
regarded as an independent phenomenon of Nature,
and even celebrated as the god of fire, Agni, himself.
" Agni is awake," we read ; " out of the earth riseth
the sun-god ; Ushas, the high yellow one, hath dawned."
" Up rose the rgd^ heaven-touching smoke ; the men
light Agni."
Other passages run thus : ** By the might and great-
io6 THE DISCOVERY OF FIRE.
ness of the kindled blaze, heaven and earth alike in
lustre shine. Up rise thy flames, the not old ones, Agni,
the new-born, lighted. A red smoke thou ascendest
heavenward, as a messenger thou goest, Agni, to the
gods. Eoused is Agni by men's lighting before Ushas,
approaching like a cow. Like swarms flying up from
the bough, his flames blaze forth towards heaven."
Amidst such hymns fire was made at the primeval
seat of the progenitors of the Hindoo people. Often
Agni is designated as the child of heaven and earth,
but occasionally also as the child of the two pieces of
wood; and, say the songs, scarcely born, the terrible
child consumeth both his parents. This is no contra-
diction. The two pieces of wood are, indeed, heaven
and earth. The revolution of heaven and earth pro-
duces the sun ; by the turning of the sticks of wood,
fire, his representative on earth, is produced. Hence
precisely those gods to whom, in some Hindoo tradi-
tion, a golden fire-making apparatus is attributed,
are the two horse-gods whom Max Muller has shown
to refer to dawn. According to a Homeric hymn, the
god who first used the fire-making apparatus was
Hermes, also a god of dawn, a medium between the
upper and lower world, and, like the Hindoo fire-god,
a messenger of the gods. Hence, too, the Hindoos
do not choose the wood which is practically the fittest,
but that of the Ficus religiosa, and that not only be-
cause this tree bears a reddish fruit, but, as is expressly
said, and as analogies of other holy trees amongst kin-
dred peoples, e.g., the mistletoe, so sacred among the
Gauls, testify, because it takes root upon other trees,
THE DISCOVERY OF FIRE. 107
and its branches hang down in great abundance. It
is manifestly a type of the sun, for he is often com-
pared to a wonderful tree, whose roots are high up in
the air, and which sends down its rays like branches
on to the earth.
Of some remarkable Teutonic customs, preserved
down to modern times from the remotest antiquity,
the signification is almost unmistakable. In many
parts of the ''Mark" (Brandenburg) the need-fire is
lighted in the nave of a wheel by drilling. The same
is reported from the last century of the Isle of Mull
on the west coast of Scotland, and i^ found again in
the Frisian laws. In many other parts of Germany
and France they used to light instead, mostly in the
night of the summer solstice, disks or wheels, then
flung them up high so as to make them describe a
shining curve in the air; or, as was still the practice
at the Moselle a hundred years ago, a burning wheel
was made to roll down from the top of a mountain
into the river. It is surely nothing but the diurnal
course of the sun which was intended to be symbolised
by these ceremonies on some distinguished day of the
year, and equally certain it is that the flame lighted
every morning in prehistoric times by the Hindoos
had the same object. When, full of expectation, the
wise men of that period, at the dawn of the morning,
directing their glances towards the East where the
shining god was to appear to them, prefigured by
twirling two pieces of wood, that most primitive type
of the great progenitors of the two worlds revolving
like a wheel, the revolution of the heavens which was
io8 THE DISCOVERY OF FIRE,
preparing the advent of the beneficent appearance of
the new-born day; when in their naive faith they
imagined they might assist or even further that revo-
lution by this incessantly repeated holy work, and
when in the centre of the small type of the world
which they were turning between their hands the
spark suddenly flashed up, as did up yonder in the
great celestial world the wonderful majestic flame of
the morning sun — what joy and awe must have thrilled
their hearts on seeing that the great god of heaven,
Agni himself, had descended into their sanctuaries,
was sitting as a guest at their sacrifice, and as a priest
himself bore it up in smoke to heaven ! And if
there ever was a time when the fire first burst forth
from the match — the new, strange guest, exciting, per-
haps, fear and dismay — it was a god who was to
be approached and cultivated, and for whose sake
men would venture what, for mere utility's sake, they
would perhaps never have ventured, as men indeed
have at all times suffered incredible things for their
religious convictions' sake. That the fire was trans-
ferred from this holy origin into daily life, as, for
instance, we find, at the Mexican fire-festival, the
sacred fire spread over all the hearths, we shall deem
less surprising when we consider to what extent fire was
sacred still among the classical nations, and that it
was regarded as holy not only on the altars, but on
the domestic hearths. From the standpoint of our
culture we find it hard to derive what is quite common
from mythic, purely fantastic sources. But this may
be proved by innumerable minor and greater instances
THE DISCOVERY OF FIRE. 109
extending over our whole cultural life. Tobacco-smok-
ing sprang from the fire-worship of the Indian tribes ;
the umbrella from the parasol, which was originally a
sacred type of the sun; gold owes its high value to
its sunlike, and therefore sacred colour. In 181 1 the
captive Eussian Captain Golownin was asked in Japan
whether the Eussians had changed their religion, Lax-
mann, who in 1792 had been there as ambassador, hav-
ing worn a pigtail dusted with flour. So ingrained is
the habit with non-Europeans of seeing a connection
even between most insignificant customs and religion.
One more point remains to be touched upon, one
objection to be removed which might be raised to the
accidental discovery of fire by using the fire-making
apparatus. Was not the ignition of the pieces of
wood at the ceremonies we have described foreseen
and intended ? Are we to think that the turning
process was originally purposeless ? I am decidedly
of opinion that that religious toying consisted essen-
tially only in the rotatory motion without regard to
what misjht become of it. This seems to me to result
from the fact that the process of turning in order to
obtain fire was not the only one that served the
same purpose; the preparation of butter by a quite
analogous process was likewise holy, and butter there-
fore a principal element in the morning sacrifice.
Nay, even the mill, which in its simplest shape con-
sisted of two stones and a twirling-rod, and therefore
very much resembled that ancient fire-machine from
which it has perhaps developed, is frequently brought
in connection with sun-myths, and significant legends
1 1 o THE DISCO VER V OF FIRE.
tell of mills which grind gold. But I must more particu-
larly mention here a curious religious implement which,
in the sphere where it occurs, has certainly lost the
connection with its origin, and is not now understood,
but may perhaps receive as well as spread light in
the environment in which we are able to place it.
In the domain of Buddhism and its transformations,
in Tibet among the Kalmuks and Mongols no less
than in Japan, it has been observed with wondering
that prayers are not only spoken but likewise offered
up with equally great merit by a machine. Bound
a cylinder which is set in rotatory motion by a strap
by means of a spring-wheel, slips of paper of great
length, on which prayers are inscribed, unroll, repeat-
ing the same text in a hundred-fold and a thousand-
fold copy, it being the more efficient for the salvation
of the being for whom the prayer is offered up the
more copies wind round the cylinder. And not by
man's hand alone, but by pendulums too, by wind-sails,
nay, quite like wheels through a millrace, the prayer-
wheels are set in motion. There are prayer-mills con-
taining the identical formula which was printed at
Petersburgh for that purpose a hundred millions of
times, and which, therefore, by being turned ten times,
effect as much salvation as if the formula had been
recited a thousand millions of times. It is, no doubt,
not wholly unjustified that attention should have been
directed to the progress which is to be expected even
here from steam power, and to the rapidity with which
an incredible quantity of salvation might be produced
by steam-mills. We receive, indeed, the impression
THE DISCO VER V OF FIRE. 1 1 1
of something eminently heathen when we see people
find merit and a salutary effect in such strictly
mechanical practices, void of all sentiment of devout-
ness. But this mechanism evidently has its rea-
sons notwithstanding. Buddhism is a comparatively
modern and reflected religion, but its symbols are
transformations, and in the last instance invariably
proceed from rites practised in the earliest nature-
worship. Originally it was not the prayers but the
turning of the wheel itself which wrought salvation.
In Japan there are found in the cemeteries posts to
which a simple iron wheel is attact»3d that can be
turned with the hand. The relation of the revolu-
tion of the wheel to salvation is rendered intelligible
by the representation of the metempsychosis under
this image. But even that is only a transformation
of the primitive practices of milling and turning as
symbols of the diurnal revolution of the sun and the
firmament, exactly as is the habit of the Hindoo, by
way of reverence, to circumambulate objects or persons
with their faces turned to the right. At present men
will inquire, if not into the purpose of acts and
ceremonies, at least into their signification. But to
the earliest acts of mankind this method of treating
things is not quite applicable; their customs had no
signification, they were not intended to express any
ideas. They are not symbols but instinct. What in
the twilight of primitive history we perceive of the
mysterious doings of mankind shows us our own image
singularly altered, aye ! of almost ghastly strangeness.
If by cir cum ambulation, by circular processions or
1 1 2 THE DISCO VER V OF FIRE.
races, by turning objects of various kinds, the move-
ment of the heavens is imitated, these are outbursts of
a once powerful instinct, of an imitative impulse which
must once have swayed mankind with irresistible
might at a certain stage of their existence. The
variety of games, dances, representations, and mum-
meries of the ancient peoples in honour of the gods,
the lamentation over the effigy of the dead Adonis,
the processions of the Egyptian priests in the guise
of animal-gods, have some resemblance to children's
games. But we see all this proceed with a solemn
gravity which has in it something ghostly, as it were.
A similar serious game of childlike mankind it was
which gradually taught them the use of fire and the
preparation of food, which at first was only a sacrificial
viand; indeed, a history of sacrifices and religious
ceremonies in general would perhaps comprise, among
many other surprising facts, a history of the art of
cooking too. Belief, legend", mythology are all only
one, perhaps not even the fullest, aspect of religion.
As the mimic instinct appearing everywhere in the
history of religion reminds us of the beginnings of
language, in which I can likewise see only the effects
of an involuntary instinctive mimicry and imitation,
so in the spell which fire has exercised over men
another analogy to the original source of language is
presented to us, in so far as here, too, it is proclaimed
aloud that it is the eye to which we owe our being
raised above brute nature. Not the beneficent effect
of fire, not its usefulness, not even its grateful warmth
THE DISCOVERY OF FIRE. 113
it is which are extolled in the primitive monuments,
but its lustre, its red glow ; and in so far as the names
given by language may be interpreted with certainty,
it is likewise neither the warmth, nor even the
quality of burning, consuming, or causing pain, but
the red colour from which they proceed. The sense
of colour, then, was the earliest interest which at-
tracted men to the fire. In this purely human interest
lies the solution of the riddle why man alone pos-
sesses fire, but, at the same time, we may on closer
investigation divine also something of the immense
importance which the development ^i this sense of
colour had for mankind.
Though man undoubtedly struggled up to his present
height from the poverty and helplessness of the animal,
we still see his early childhood already clothed in the
sheen of the ideal, and it is by no means necessity
that made him inventive, nor his practical sense that
prompted him to ameliorate his material condition, but
precisely in his earliest productions inspiration and
fancy appear most at work, and what was destined to
become of the greatest benefit to him is not his capa-
city of discovering what is useful, but the artistic dis-
position in him which led him to shape and fashion
without any definite object, and the sense of heavenly
beauty, a ray of which fell on his eye.
To all appearance it was not at first the increase of
comfort which endeared fire to man, nor the pleasure in
more savoury food, still less its usefulness in industry,
which indeed had not yet even dawned upon him. But
H
1 1 4 THE DISCO VER V OF FIRE.
ifc was the light in which he rejoiced. With it he had
overcome the uncomfortable dread of the night, during
which he was liable to all kinds of danger, and was
helplessly abandoned to the attacks of the beasts of
the forest issuing forth in quest of prey. We who
illumine the night by flaming torches and radiant chan-
deliers, or electric light as bright as the sun, we can
scarcely realise those horrors which man felt in the
reign of darkness, which was unbroken as yet by any
art, and populated his imagination with ghastly shapes.
We can barely sympathise with that anxiety which
still speaks so vividly in the prayers of the Veda poets,
or with the terrors that for a long time seized the
intimidated hearts of men on the occasion of solar
eclipses, when they feared the sun's light might disap-
pear for ever even in the day, and an everlasting night
break in upon them. And yet how comparatively
modern is the wax-candle, nay, the oil lamp! In
Homer it is still shavings and a bundle of brushwood
which illumined the spacious halls.
Wherever we cast our eye, a chain of development
is shown in the history of every object, the possession
of which at present seems to us quite a matter of
course, and at a misty distance there looms a period
when such development had not yet begun. It is true
it is only an outward possession which we see disap-
pear with fire, with artificial light, from the series of
our earthly blessings, but still we are ever again re-
minded thereby of our remotest past, of the singularly
wonderful fortune that has led our species up to be at the
THE DISCO VER V OF FIRE. 1 1 5
head of the animal world, and of this earth in general. A
few steps backward and we should see a second blessing
disappear from this precious inheritance of humanity,
and then a third ; religion too, and finally language. A
retrospective glance at those remote times, such as our
age affords above all its predecessors, liberates our soul
by making it partake of a past infinity. When Goethe,
absorbed in osteological studies, confessed to have
meditated amidst world-stirring events his discovery
of the physical affinity of man to brutes, Borne's anger
was roused, his ardent spirit yearning impatiently for
deeds. And when the July revolutip^n broke out, and
the faithful Eckermann, finding Goethe greatly excited
on the subject of the great event that had happened
at Paris, was about to begin to speak of the faults of
the overthrown ministers, Goethe replied, " We do not
seem to comprehend each other. I do not speak at all
of those people ; my mind is occupied with quite dif-
ferent things. I am speaking of the dispute that has
openly broken out in the Academy between Cuvier
and Geoffroy de St. Hilaire, of such paramount import-
ance to science. Henceforth mind will rule in France
too in the investigation of nature, and prevail over
matter. Glimpses will be caught of great maxims of
creation, of God's mysterious workshop. Now," con-
tinued Goethe, " Geoffroy de St. Hilaire too is deci-
dedly on our side, and with him all his more distin-
guished disciples and adherents in France. This event
is of incredible value to me, and I justly exult over the
finally arrived universal triumph of a cause to which I
1 16 THE DISCO VER V OF FIRE.
have devoted my life, and which is pre-eminently my
own." The idea the victory of which Goethe at that
time saw with his mind's eye, and which Geoffrey de
St. Hilaire declared to be his own — the idea of the
evolution of the world — will, I doubt not, emancipate
the world as much as any of the greatest historical
achievements did. Nor do I fear being misconstrued
when I own to you, my honoured fellow-towns-men and
women, that the thought has often floated through my
mind that the soil of this city of ours possesses some
claim to this liberating idea of evolution ; that in this
town, which owes so much to natural development, the
voice of admonition sounds doubly loud to continue
to meditate the idea of the development of humanity,
aye ! perhaps to think it out to an end. This idea will
one day teach us what man has to expect and to claim
for himself from humanity and from nature. And as
it opens to us a vista into the future, so with it begins
to open a retrospective view of the past, just as hap-
pened with space from the moment when the sky
ceased to arch over us as a stony cover, and we began
to cast glances into, and indulge in speculations on,
the unbounded universe. History is no longer a
limited horizon ; the same things are not in wearisome
uniformity repeated from century to century, but in
unfathomed depths one form of existence succeeds an-
other. Nature reveals to us her wonders in an infinite
series, and the soul of man is elevated, becoming a
heavenly genius which soars with mighty wing through
eternity.
( 117 )
VI.
On the Primitive Home of the I ndo- Europeans,
The discovery of the primitive stock of tlie Indo-
Europeans, which has been made within the past
sixty years, is a fact of incredible .importance, and
of incalculable influence on the conception of man's
earliest past. The almost marvellous results which
our century has obtained in the decipherment of the
hieroglyphics and cuneiform inscriptions led to a direct
knowledge, gained from the monuments themselves, of
the life of peoples which one could not till then have
hoped ever to see resuscitated from its millennial sleep.
Historical details have been authenticated, dating from
times which fancy had ever regarded as its indisputable
domain and had populated with grotesque shapes. But
the people of the pyramids and hieroglyphics is, not-
withstanding, an historical, well-known, palpable people.
It is certainly astounding that we should have learned
to find some centuries before Moses — that earliest histo-
rian, as the last century was fond of calling him — the
names of Palestinian cities — e.g., of the still existing
Zephath — on Egyptian monuments. We are strangely
moved and feel a thrill of awe running through us, as
ii8 THE PRIMITIVE HOME OF
on entering a mysterious sanctuary, when we see be-
fore our eyes the veil lifted from the deeply-hidden
and dark past. But such more especially are our
emotions when we approach the primitive stock from
which the head and flower of the whole human race
was destined to proceed — the stock from which has
sprung the present civilised Europe with its mighty
colonies, and not less so a large portion of the population
of Asia, as far as the boundaries of China. We have
here, in this people in its primitive condition, a germ
before us with an abundance of developments latent
within it, as it were ; and though history does not con-
tain any record of this people, and it has not left any
monuments itself, so that we are able only to infer its
existence, yet we can by no means doubt its having
existed. How did a people in such a primitive condi-
tion live? How did it think? how speak? These
questions alone have a deep interest; but to them
must be added that all the civilisation of Europe, and,
more or less, the condition of mankind at the present
time, have been connected with the fortunes of that
primitive people and swayed by its intellectual capa-
cities, thus pointing back to the origin of that people
for their own.
On its being first remarked that in the languages
of Hindostan and Persia words and forms of words
occur bearing a striking resemblance to Latin, Greek,
and German words, many endeavoured to account for
this singular phenomenon by a mutual intercourse,
which they supposed to have carried foreign words
THE INDO-EUROPEANS. 119
from one people to another. The Germans have bor-
rowed their marsch (march) from the Trench; halt
(stop), which we must presume to be a more German
notion, was given to the French in exchange for it;
and pascholl is even Eussian. Now it is no doubt
somewhat farther from Benares or Pondicherry to
Frankfort or Augsburg, and no 181 3 probably ever
brought Germans and Hindoos together in a battle
of nations. Nevertheless — but I will let Adelung
speak here, because it is not uninteresting to see how
a man of considerable linguistic knowledge and much
judgment could, in 1806, still think on such questions.
" That even German elements should be found in
Persian has excited wonder, in some even astonish-
ment. The fact is undeniable; and this German so
found in Persian does not consist only in a considerable
number of rg-dical sounds and words, but also in deriva-
tive syllables and even grammatical forms. . . . This
phenomenon may be accounted for in two ways : either
by a subsequent intermixture after the two languages
were already formed, or by a common descent from
a more ancient mother tongue. The situation and
history of Persia seem to favour the former view.
Being situated on the way which nearly all the
savage hordes from Upper Central Asia had to take
to the West, it could not well continue wholly free
from an admixture with other conquering and con-
quered peoples. It is more especially known that
the Goths dw^elt for several centuries by the Black,
and Caspian Seas— i.e., at the gates of Persia; that,
I20 THE PRIMITIVE HOME OF
with their savage bravery, they weighed down on
their neighbours, at the same time constantly trying
to push forward into more favoured countries. History
even mentions an entire Gothic tribe which had in-
vaded Persia and became amalgamated with the ancient
inhabitants into one people. Such may have been the
case with several tribes, especially when the Goths had
to give way to the Huns, though the meagre history of
those times does not record anything of it (Mithridates,
i. 277)." But now it is well known that the greatest dif-
ficulty encountered by such hypotheses was the great
number, and especially the sphere of ideas, of the words
which those Asiatic languages had in common with the
European ones. Who could believe that Persians and
Germans would just happen to have borrowed from
each other such words as padar = Vater (father), madar
= Mutter (mother), hiradar =: Bruder (brother), ast —
ist (is) ? Hence even Adelung already inclined to the
second view — the descent from a common mother-
tongue. " The Parsee, Zend, and Pehlevi," he says, " are
very ancient languages, and near the seat of the first
formation of language, and may therefore descend, like
Sanskrit, if not from the first language itself, at least
from one of her oldest daughters. The Teutons, like
all ancient Western peoples, are descended from Asia,
and although we are now no longer able to determine
the region they inhabited previous to their emigration,
there are no reasons why we should not be allowed ta
place them in Central Asia, bordering directly upon
Persia and Tibet, whose unsettled hordes have both
THE INDO-EUROPEANS, 121
populated Europe and shaken it on more than one
occasion." People then believed in a primitive lan-
guage — the language of the first human beings — and
looked for remnants of it in all languages. Thus the
great agreement between two such "old" languages
as German and Sanskrit was thought to be based on
the preservation of a particularly great number of
remnants of the "first language," or on the descent
from "one of her oldest daughters." Immediately
behind this separation of languages lay the building
of the tower of Babel and Paradise. The conceptions
of the origin of man and of that of the formation of
the individual Indo-Teutonic peoples coalesced in the
imagination.
It was Friedrich Schlegel who, in his brilliant work,
"Ueber die Sprache und Weisheit der Indier" ("On
the Language and Wisdom of the Hindoos," 1808),
put an end to this want of clearness. He determined
pretty accurately the limits comprising the Indo-
European languages, and pronounced the Latin, Greek,
Teutonic, and Persian, on the one hand, and the Arme-
nian, Slavonic, and Keltic languages, on the other, to
be, the former more nearly, the latter more remotely,
related to Sanskrit. Other families of languages, e.g.,
that to which Hebrew belongs, he decidedly excluded
from this affinity. The relation of Sanskrit to the
other cognate dialects he conceived as that of a mother-
tongue to its offsprings. Nay, taking his stand on the
great agreement he also found in the sphere of the
ideas and legends of India and the rest of antiquity,
122 THE PRIMITIVE HOME OF
lie declared the populations of Europe to be actual
" Indian colonies," of which he makes the priests the
special leaders, and held those colonies to have been
more important and efficacious than, though not essen-
tially different from, the later Greek settlements.
Since then we have learned to recognise that such an
analogy to an ordinary emigration, such as occurs in
historic times, is not applicable to that primeval age.
The European languages, Latin and German, for in-
stance, do not bear to Sanskrit the relation of daugh-
ters, such as Spanish, Italian, and French do to Latin.
Sanskrit, on the contrary, is only a co-ordinate sister-
language, e.g., of German and Greek. Sanskrit and
Greek bear the same relation to each other as French
and Italian. The primary language, which should bear
the same relation to the principal Indo-European lan-
guages as does Latin to her daughters, if such ever
existed, is, at any rate, no longer extant. The dialect
which the ancestors of the Teutons, Greeks, and
Hindoos once spoke in common was no more Hindoo
than German or Greek : it was the primitive Indo-
European language. Hence, too, it was not the Hindoo
people which all those ancestors together constituted,
but the primitive Indo-European people. Besides, the
earliest Indian literature still affords traces of the
Hindoos having only by gradually advancing towards
the east and the south reached the Ganges ; they must
have separated from their near relations, the Persians,
at a comparatively late date only, in order to take
possession of India proper. All the less did the primi-
THE INDO-EUROPEANS. ^23
tive Indo-European people inhabit India. But where
then did they dwell ? Which was the first home of the
Indo-Europeans, who were destined to play so promi-
nent and unique a part in history, and are at present
spread over the whole earth, actually ruling it ? That
with the earliest guesses at the kinship of European
and Asiatic peoples the presumption was associated
that the cradle of the Europeans had been Asia, may be
gathered from what I have stated. Previously to my
continuing to trace the history of the opinions on this
question, permit me briefly to express my own present
conviction, that the primitive hom,'^ of the Indo-
Europeans is to be looked for in Germany, perhaps
more especially in its central and western parts.
The first to oppose the hypothesis, which is univer-
sally accepted though it has never been supported by
evidence, of the descent of the Indo-Europeans from
Asia was E. G. Latham. His opinion, as far as I am
aware, is for the first time expressed in his work, " The
Native Eaces of the Eussian Empire" (London, 1854).
In a subsequent work, "Elements of Comparative
Philology" (London, 1862, p. 611), he establishes it in
the following words : —
"Has the Sanskrit reached India from Europe, or
have the Lithuanic, the Slavonic, the Latin, the Greek,
and the German reached Europe from India ? If his-
torical evidence be wanting, the d 'priori presumptions
must be considered.
" I submit that history is silent, and that the pre-
sumptions are in favour of the smaller class having
124 THE PRIMITIVE HOME OF
been deduced from the area of tlie larger rather than
vice, versd. If so, the situs of the Sanskrit is on the
eastern, or south-eastern, frontier of the Lithuanic ;
and its origin is European. . . .
" I do not deny the fact, as it is usually stated, as a
fact. It may be one, in spite of any amount of pre-
sumptions against it. If sufficient evidence be brought
forward in favour of it, I am prepared to take it as it
is given. . . .
" I may be wrong, however, in asserting the absolute
non-existence of evidence ; in other words, in holding
that the presumptions are, really, all we have to go on.
Upon this I am open to correction. I can, however,
truly say that, if there be evidence on the matter, I
have failed, after a careful search, to find it. What I
have found in its stead is a tacit assumption that, as the
East is the probable quarter in which either the human
species, or the greater part of our civilisation, origin-
ated, everything came from it. But surely, in this,
there is a confusion between the primary diffusion of
mankind over the world at large and those secondary
movements by which, according to even the ordinary
hypothesis, the Lithuanic, &c., came from Asia into
Europe. ... In zoology and botany the species is
always deduced from the area of the genus, rather than
the genus from the area of the species ; and this is the
rule which I go upon here. ...
" The fact of a language being not only projected, so
to say, into another region, but entirely lost in its own,
is anything but unique. There is no English in Ger-
THE INDO-EUROPEANS. 125
many. A better example, however, is found in the
Magyar of Hungary, of which no trace is to be found
within some 700 miles of its present area. Yet the
Magyar is not twelve hundred years old in Europe."
We shall see that not only is the evidence in favour
of the still accepted Asiatic hypothesis wanting, but
that the opposite assumption will, by a whole series of
arguments, be rendered highly probable; and, having
ascertained a sharply defined original European home
of the Indo-Europeans, we shall be enabled to establish
the latter hypothesis on a safe basis. ,
These arguments are of various descriptions. I shall
begin with a physiological phenomenon, which, though
certainly not decisive, yet, when considered \k connec-
tion with other aspects of the question, is most note-
worthy. The remarkable fair type, the combination
of light hair and blue eyes, are essentially confined to
Indo-European peoples. In the North, neighbouring
Fin tribes in some measure partake of this pecu-
liarity; with this exception, it is not met with any-
where. In the South it disappears, in some parts more,
in others less,' even among the Indo-Europeans. How
are we to account for this circumstance ? If the hair
and eyes of the Hindoos have become black, and even
the colour of their skin yellowish, this fact can hardly
be accounted for in any other way than by an inter-
mixture with the aborigines of India. Something
similar is at least possible wherever we meet with
dark Indo-Europeans. But since, so far as we are
aware, no non-Indo-European people ever existed froui
126 THE PRIMITIVE HOME OF
which the Northern Indo-Europeans could have con-
tracted the light colour, we are, from the ethnological
point of view, certainly more justified in regarding
the fair type, wherever we meet with it, as the un-
alloyed Indo-European type. This view favours the
assumption that the Indo-Europeans have remained
most unmixed where the blonde type shows itself
purest; and it is well known how much the latter
struck the Eomans on their meeting with the Germans.
We shall, therefore, scarcely assume too much when
we claim the highest probability of indigenousness for
that people which has preserved the original type in
its greatest purity, and has least come into contact
with tribes foreign to its stock.
On an Egyptian monument, dating so far back as
the fourteenth century before Christ, there is to be
seen in a grouping of various races of men consisting of
Egyptians, Negroes, and Semites, also a representa-
tion, of masterly fidelity, of a man having a thoroughly
white skin, blue eyes, and blonde hair. Champollion
already recognised a European in this surprising
picture. That the Egyptians should, at so early a
period, have known of such men is most remarkable.
What people they may have belonged to we shall
perhaps discuss in the sequel; to meet premature
objections, however, let me observe that these men,
wherever may have been their home, and however far
they may have migrated from it, can nevertheless not
prove anything as regards the so much earlier period
that preceded the Indo-European migration. Eor
THE INDO-EUROPEANS. 127
another monument of the eighteenth century B.C., where
an ape is designated by an Indian, or at least Aryan
name, haf (Sanskrit, ha^i), proves that the Indo-
Europeans must at all events have migrated to Asia
previously to that time. The Chinese, too, must very
early have known blonde-haired men, for " the black-
haired people" is an appellation of honour which the
ancient hymns of the Shi-King already bestow on them.
For one of the hymns in this collection, and evidently
not one of the oldest, we have an astronomical date,
viz., the year 'jy'j before the Christian era.
Important data to aid us in deciding on the original
home of the Indo-Europeans lie in the inferences which
may be drawn from the sphere of words and ideas of the
Indo-European tribes. Since Professor Adalbert Kuhn
commenced, from an examination of the vocabulary
common to the cognate tribes, to draw conclusions as
to the stage of culture of the primitive people, our
conceptions of the mode of life of the peoples of that
period have daily assumed a more definite shape. Little
justified as Schlegel was in attributing the culture of an
individual historically known people to a primitive age
as well, yet it would be a great mistake to imagine the
condition of the prehistoric Indo-Europeans to have
been a species of embryonic existence or of semi-human
savageness. The primitive people was doubtless ex-
tremely barbarous, but it possessed a political organisa-
tion, bred cattle, carried on agriculture and even trade,
and had productions of skill and industry exhibiting a
comparatively high stage of culture, and a not incon-
128 THE PRIMITIVE HOME' OF
siderable intercourse with other peoples. In other
words, it was a real nation, more highly civilised than
many existing out of Europe at this day. When we
find the word naus, "ship," quite uniform, both in
Greek and Sanskrit, and as an equivalent in Latin
warns, in German Naue, Naclien (boat), there can be no
doubt that this community of name must have its cause
in the community of the object, and the possession of
the ship must have preceded the separation of the lan-
guages here mentioned. But in the same way Wageti
(waggon). Bad or Welle (wheel), Achse (axle), and Joch
(yoke, harness), are likewise met with as far as India.
The ancient Indo-Europeans, therefore, did not only go
by boat, as the so-called savages likewise do, but they
availed themselves besides of cars and waggons drawn
by animals, a proceeding which indicates by no means
a condition without reflection. Very abundant, ably
treated materials, enabling us to judge of the life of the
Indo-Europeans, are afforded us by Adolphe Pictet in
his work " Les Origines Indo-Europeennes " (Paris,
i. partie 1859, ii. partie 1863), where nature and human
life, such as they are exhibited in the vocabularies of
the Indo-European languages, are described with great
completeness. Certainly too much may be inferred
from the possession of a word. Thus, e.g., from the
uniformity with which the name of the Hund (hound,
dog) occurs in all the Indo-European dialects, the
possession of this domestic animal has been inferred ;
whereas it is more than probable that in the prehistoric
times the dog was still wild, and known to the Indo-.
THE INDO-EUROPEANS. 129
Europeans only in the untamed condition. A still
graver and yet rather general error will easily become
comprehensible on considering the mode in which the
separation of the peoples must have come to pass.
The once -undivided nucleus of so many nations can
certainly not be assumed to have at some time or other
burst asunder in all directions at once, so as in this way
to form the present nations that have sprung from it.
The separation must have taken place at various times
and successively. The actual affinity existing between
the various languages places this proposition beyond all
doubt. Sanskrit and ancient Persian or Zend, e.g., are
so much more closely related than, say, Sanskrit and
Latin, that, as no one doubts, the Persians must neces-
sarily have a special affinity to the Hindoos, which may
be accounted for by the circumstance that the separation
of these two nations is not yet so very old, not so old
by a long way as that of the Eomans and Hindoos.
Between the Lithuanic and the Slavonic there exists a
similar special affinity. It may be easily perceived
how premature it would be to consider a word found
only in Persian and Sanskrit as a primitive possession
of the Indo-Europeans, and of such an error no linguist
will be likely to render himself guilty. But as long as
of some other peoples the succession in which they
have separated from the original stock is not yet accu-
rately ascertained, the danger of similar fallacies is
very great. Thus, for instance, Benfey (in his Preface
to Pick's "Worterbuch der Indogermanischen Grund-
sprache " (" Dictionary of the Original Indo-Germanic
I
I30 THE PRIMITIVE HOME OF
Language"), in describing the high stage of culture
which the ancient Indo-Europeans must have reached,
says, " They had weapons, especially arrows ; they
painted and composed poetry, especially hymns." The
word on which the inference respecting arrows is based
can be none other than the Greek ios, " arrow," which
is nearly related to the Sanskrit isdius. But if arrows
were certainly known to the Greeks and Hindoos at
the time when they were still united, does it follow
hence that they must have been known to the actual
primitive people which, among others, comprised the
ancestors of the Teutons as well ? It is, indeed, for
many reasons very probable that the Greeks, though not
so nearly related to the Indians and Persians as these
are to each other, are yet pre-eminently so, and must
have been longer united with them than the Teutonic
and Gallic, probably even than the Italic tribes.
Now in none of the languages which, accordingly, are
more distantly related to Sanskrit than is the Greek
language, is there a word for " arrow " comparable to the
word ischus to be met with ; on the contrary, each branch
of the Indo-European family uses a special word for
'' arrow" as well as for "bow." The Eomans, e.g., say for
bow and arrow, arcus and sagitta; the Eussians, luh and
stryela ; while for sword, e.g., there is found among the
Hindoos asis, and among the Romans ensis, i.e., a
common appellation. We must, therefore, conversely
conclude that the primitive Indo-European people did
not know the bow. Our word Bogen (bow) signified
in the earliest times the bow of the arm, the elbow
THE INDO-EUROPEANS. 131
(Sanskrit, hdhus ; Greek, pechys). As to the painting
of the Indo-Europeans, we shall soon return to it.
These observations likewise apply to the hymns. How-
ever great the probability that the people in ques-
tion may not have been wholly destitute of hymns, we
have no linguistic evidence of it : for a similar reason,
liymnos, of which Benfey thinks, proves nothing.
As is evident, therefore, it is necessary somewhat to
modify our conception of the primitive Indo-European
people. We must, in fact, not think of one such, but
of several succeeding each other in strata. One of the
latest strata is represented by the time when Indians
and Persians still formed one people, and which may
be called the Aryan period. An older stratum shows
us the time when the Aryan people was united with
the Greeks. Let us call this the Aryo-Hellenic period.
A good deal of what has been thought to belong to the
Indo-Europeans collectively is merely Aryo-Hellenic.
The Aryo-Hellenes were a highly cultivated people in
a quite different sense from the Indo-Europeans. They
had real, doubtless sacerdotal, poetry in well-developed
regular metres. As regards that period, we shall yet
one day succeed in placing it in a clear, weU-nigh his-
torical light.
With the question as to the people, that as to its
original seat likewise assumes a different aspect.
After abandoning the Indian hypothesis, the Aryan
region, the home of the still undivided Hindoos and
Persians, the north-west of India was assumed to be
the cradle of all the Indo-Europeans, Prom here the
132 THE PRIMITIVE HOME OF
kindred peoples, one after another, must have migrated.
Hindoos and Iranians, with their numerous rami-
fications, remained behind last, and finally separated,
the former migrating eastwards, the latter westwards.
Latham presupposes an Indo-European population in
Europe, to which the Indians likewise once belonged.
He endeavours to determine the seats which the Indians
occupied on European soil, and assumes, by way of
hypothesis, Podolia or Volhynia to have been such,
guided in this assumption by a certainly one-sided
conception of a specially close relationship between
Sanskrit and Lithuanic. Benfey very appropriately
adduces for a primeval European home the absence of
a community of names for the specially Asiatic animals,
such as the tiger and the camel, for instance. Pictet, in
his excellent work above quoted, had already employed
the same method, and attempted, from an abundant
stock of like and unlike designations of natural objects,
to conclude to the country to which the objects named
by an identical or similar word refer. Thus, for in-
stance, from the manifest identity of Slavonic, Latin,
and German words for Meer (ocean, sea) among each
other and with the Sanskrit mira (ocean), he, equally
with Benfey, infers that the Indo-Europeans of primi-
tive times must have known some sea. He takes it to
be the Caspian, and places the original home of the
Indo-Europeans in Bactria and the valley of the Oxus.
If we consider that the Aryo- Hellenes may have
become isolated by their own migration, as well as by
the emigration of- their brethren, and bear in mind that
THE INDO-EUROPEANS. 133
for this very reason the abode of the Aryo-Hellenes,
previous to the formation of a separate Greek people,
need not have been the primitive seat of the Indo-
Europeans, we shall have to deal with the materials
from which linguistic inferences are to be drawn
touching the original home of the Indo-Europeans, in
the same way as with the inferences concerning their
stage of culture and mode of life. Peoples and lan-
guages do not originate by fits and starts, nor are the
migrations which have created the chief branches of
the Indo-European world of peoples to be understood
as sudden, fitful, or violent breakings up. In a great
many instances the spreading doubtless goes on gra-
dually, and equally so does the estrangement, and with
it the marked linguistic divergence. Hence the first
starting-point of the whole movement is perhaps more
easily to be discovered than are the intermediate
stages. Now for this first starting-point or the original
home of the Indo-Europeans we have a tolerably good
guide in the tree vegetation, such as it is exhibited in
languages which have been separated so long as Ger-
man and Sanskrit or German and Greek. Here three
trees especially are prominent, which must have re-
ceived their names at one and the same time, and
must therefore have been found together in the region
where they were named, viz., the hirck, the heech, and
the oak.
The hirch, as is well known, is that tree whose name
recurs with the most decided uniformity in India and
the greater part of Europe. It is called in Sanskrit
134 THE PRIMITIVE HOME OF
hh'^rdschas, in Lithuanic hennas, in Eussian hereza.
The Lithuanic z sounds like a French j ; in the Eus-
sian word, which, through Berezina, -i.e., birchwood, has
acquired so terrible a celebrity, z is pronounced like in
Trench as a soft s. We can account for the slightest
phonetic divergence by which this name is distin-
guished from our Birkc (birch). The ancient Indo-
European form must have been hhergds. The short e
is an unaccented, vaguely pronounced vowel, which in
German developed into i, in Sanskrit into u. In a
still earlier time the word doubtless sounded hhargas.
The permutation of the original g into a German k
ensued legitimately according to Grimm's law; the
transitions into dsch in Sanskrit and into soft s in
Eussian are not more striking than is, for instance,
the pronunciation of Ct/7^us (Italian Ciro, " Tchiro"
French Cyrus) for Kurush. That the Ih had to be
transmuted in German, Lithuanic, and Eussian into h
is also quite according to rule.
What did the name of the birch signify for the an-
cient Indo-Europeans ? The conception which may
have guided so early a time in naming trees is in itself
decidedly interesting, and in this instance the nomen-
clature has an additional and quite peculiar interest.
Grimm declines to explain the word birch. He says " the
root is entirely hidden in the dark." Pictet assumes
an affinity to Borke (bark), and this explanation is
no doubt very satisfactory as a matter of fact, for
birch-bark was already at an early age used in many
ways, among others, in India, as Pictet himself men-
THE INDO-EUROPEANS. 135
tions, for writing purposes. Nevertlieless I hold myself
bound to derive the name of the Birke, (birch) from
its colour. The Birhhuhn (grouse or moorhen) is
usually conceived to be a fowl living in birch forests
and feeding on birch buds. But apart from the fact
that this is not the bird's only mode of life, and that
it is even found in the treeless steppes of Southern
Kussia (whereat Kohl, misled by the name of the bird,
was not a little astonished), how are we in that case to
understand Birkfuchs (common fox) ? But tree, bird,
and fox have plainly something in common. The
Birkfuchs is a fox with a white spot {Blume ; cf. my
work just published, " Ursprung der Sprache " [" On
the Origin of Language "], page 243) , as contradistin-
guished from a Brandfuchs {Canis alojpex), which has a
black spot. The grouse has whitish spots, and so has
birch-bark. HaselhuJm (hazel-grouse), too, is gene-
rally derived from the hazel-nut tree. But the Eng-
lish haze means " grey," and doubtless not only hazel
means a grey plant, but even Hase (hare) means nothing
more and nothing less than the " grey one." Hence
perhaps, too, the Haselmaus (dormouse) is called so
from likewise being of ash-grey colour. The latter
analogy also favours the assumption that the syllable
Birk (birch) was not only intended to designate birch-
like hues, but that its primary meaning already was
white or spotted with light marks ; and there is a root
admitting of ready comparison in the Sanskrit hharg,
German hreh or lerh, signifying light and light colour
(bright), and whence, too, Bertha, for instance, ^.e.,
136 THE PRIMITIVE HOME OF
Berchta, the Iriglit one, is derived. Accordingly, Birke
would imply " the white one," and the scientific appel-
lation which the tree to this day bears, Betula alha,
would lie already in its primitive name. The letula is
called by Pliny a Gallic tree. In fact, the Keltic name
of the birch is heith: and thousjh diverg^inor, it mioht
have been derived from the same primary form as
Birke, in which case betula would likewise already
signify alha. In support of this supposed primary
sense of " white," I can adduce the following additional
argument. The Eomans, not wanting the name of the
birch for their native vegetation, made use of it in
another way. In fraxinus, the name of the ash (French
frene), the affinity to birch has long since been recog-
nised. Now the ash happens to have the whitish hue
in common with the birch. Nay, more, the word " ash "
(German Esche) itself likewise means "white." The
corresponding Kussian word is yaseny, "ash," from yascrij
" clear." With this Eussian word not only ash (old High
German asc), but probably too the Latin ormis, wild
ash, manna ash, in which the r may have originated in
s, is connected.
No one can fail to recognise the Buche (beech) in the
'Latm fagus. In German, u has its origin in long a, as
in Mutter (mother), Bruder (brother), &c. B corre-
sponds quite according to rule to the Latin /, and
German ch to the Latin g. Equally unmistakable is
the affinity of the Greek phegos. But — and this is a
much-discussed singularity — the Greek word does not
signify " beech," but a species of oak. The common
THE INDO-EUROPEANS, 137
property which rendered it possible to employ a name
of the beech for that of an oak has been supposed by
some to be the eatableness of the fruit of each — the
acorns of the one, and those of the other, called beech
acorns — and accordingly they explained " beech " by
the Greek ephagon^ " I ate." For my own part, I am of
opinion that we have here an instance analogous to
the transfer of the name of the birch to the ash. It
was the darker bark, as there the light one, which
yielded the point of comparison. I appeal here, as I
did above, to the Buchmaus or Bilchmaus (fat dormouse,
Mus glis), or garden squirrel, to the Buchfinken (chaf-
finch), i.e.y redfinch, and to Buchwaizeii (buckwheat),
though these names admit of other explanations besides
tliis, and would remind the reader of the Greek phaios,
"grey." For the rest, the primary form of Buche
(beech), which must have been hhdga, strikingly re-
sembles that of Birhe (birch), hliarga, and this can
scarcely be accidental when we consider that in Keltic
too the beech is called heath, and the birch heith. In
order to comprehend the considerable divergence of
our modern High German forms, it has to be remem-
bered that rg, as a rule, is converted in that dialect
into rh, e.g., the Greek ergon (originally vergon), Ger-
man Werk (work) ; while in general g becomes cJi, e.g.,
ego, ich (I).^ Now, is it not remarkable that not only
^ The English form, "beech," strictly speaking, corresponds to our
Biiche. A word accurately corresponding to Buche would preserve the k
in the same way as does " book," Buck. As here, so in birch too the
vowel is the cause of the permutation of the h into ch, while, e.g. , the
BorJce is bark.
138 THE PRIMITIVE HOME OF
Esclie (ash), but even Eiclie (oak) should be formed
quite in the same way ? And as the ch in Escke, being
a permutation of ^, seems to be a mere derivative
which is wanting in the Kussian form of the word,
may we not conclude that in Buche, Birhe, and Eiche,
too, hha, hilar, and ai only form the roots ? For this
reason I also surmise that the origin of those names
of the trees belongs to one and the same period, such
being generally the case with words formed according to
quite the same rule. The root ai, too, which, after the
deduction of the formative syllable, would be left of
Eiche, seems to imply a colour, viz., hlack. In Greek
we meet with the name aigilops for a species of oak ;
another name of a tree is hrataigos ; finally, aigeiros
is the black poplar. In Lithuanic the oak is called
azolas, auzolas, or uzolas. I have elsewhere endea-
voured to render it probable that the syllable Ei in
Eisen (iron), too, signifies black, and is connected with
a Sanskrit adjective meaning " coloured."
What may have made the Greeks transfer the name
of the beech to the oak ? This question has led Pro-
fessor Max Mtiller to very ingenious though extremely
hazardous conjectures. He first draws attention to a
similar transfer of the name of our Fohre (fir), com-
paring it with the Latin quercus (oak). Let us hear
the illustrious linguist himself on the subject.
" At first sight," he says, " the English word Jir does
not look very like the Latin quercus, yet it is the same
word. If we trace fir back to Anglo-Saxon, we find
it there under the form of furh. According to Grimm's
THE INDO-EUROPEANS. 139
law, / points to p,li to k ; so that in Latin we should
have to look for a word the consonantal skeleton of
which might be represented as pre. Guttural and
labial tenues change, and as Anglo-Saxon fif points
to quinque, so furh leads to Latin quercus, ' oak.' In
old High German, foraha is Pinus silvestris ; in modern
German, Fohre has the same meaning. But in a pas-
sage quoted from the Lombard laws of Eothar, /ere^a,
evidently the same word, is mentioned as a name of
oak (roborem aut quercum quod est fereha) ; and
Grimm in his 'Dictionary of the German Language'
gives ferch in the sense of oak, blood, life.
" It would be easy enough to account for a change
of meaning from fir, or oak, or beech to tree in general,
or vice versa. We find the Sanskrit dru, ' wood ' (cf.
druma, 'tree,' ddru, 'log'), the Gothic triu, 'tree,'
used in Greek chiefly in the sense of oak, drys. The
Irish darachf Welsh deriv, mean oak, and oak only.
But what has to be explained here is the change of
meaning from fir to oak and from oak to beech, i.e.,
from one particular tree to another particular tree.
While considering these curious changes, I happened
to read Sir Charles Lyell's new work, ' The Antiquity
of Man,' and I was much struck by the following
passage, p. 8, seq. : —
" * The deposits of peat in Denmark, varying in depth
from ten to thirty feet, have been formed in hollows
or depressions in the Northern drift or boulder forma-
tions hereafter to be described. The lowest stratum,
two or three feet thick, consists of swamp peat, com-
I40 THE PRIMITIVE HOME OF
posed cliiefly of moss or sphagnum, above which lies
another growth of peat, not made up exclusively of
aquatic or swamp plants. Around the borders of the
bogs, and at various depths in them, lie trunks of
trees, especially of the Scotch fir (Pinus silvestris), often
three feet in diameter, which must have grown on the
margin of the peat mosses, and have frequently fallen
into them. This tree is not now, nor has ever been in
historical times, a native of the Danish islands, and when
introduced there has not thriven ; yet it was evidently
indigenous in the human period, for Steenstrup has
taken out with his own hands a flint instrument from
below a buried trunk of one of these pines. It appears
clear that the same Scotch fir was afterwards sup-
planted by the sessile variety of the common oak, of
w^hich many prostrate trunks occur in the peat at
higher levels than the pines; and still higher the
pedunculated variety of the same oak (Quercus rohur,
L.) occurs with the alder, birch (Betula verrucosa, Wirh.),
and hazel. The oak has in its turn been almost super-
seded in Denmark by the common beech.' " — Lectures
on the Science of Language, second series, London, Long-
mans, 1864, p. 222 ff.
The conclusion which Max Miiller arrives at in
this way he expresses as follows : — " The fact that
jpihegds in Greek means oak, and oak only, while
fagus in Latin, hoka in Gothic, mean 'beech,' re-
quires surely an explanation; and until a better one
can be given, I venture to suggest that Teutonic and
Italic Aryans witnessed the transition of the oak
THE INDO-EUROPEANS. 141
period into the beecli period, of the bronze age into
the iron age, and that while the Greeks retained
phegds in its original sense, the Teutonic and Italian
colonists transferred the name, as an appellative, to
the new forests that were springing up in their wild
homes" {ibid., p. 235).
Max Muller does not himself overlook the diffi-
culties involved in this calling in aid of the geo-
logical periods for the explanation of the changes
in the meaning of some words. And, indeed, his
conjecture, as we shall presently see, is untenable.
The supersedure of the oak by the beech is noto-
riously neither ah isolated occurrence in Denmark
nor a merely antediluvian one, or even altogether
an accomplished fact. It is a slow, but, it would
seem, irresistible process, observed in the latter cen-
turies, and still going on in Germany and France.
The beech, which thrives in the shade, and, at the
same time, is capable, as Vaupell and Heyer have
shown, of depriving of light, by overshadowing, trees
requiring it, and thus bringing them to decay, dis-
places by virtue of these properties, step by step,
not only the oak, but, to a still greater extent, the
birch and pine from our woods, and finally supersedes
them. When Caesar crossed over to Britain he did not
yet find the beech there. In the Dutch peat-bogs on
the frontiers of East Frisia stupendous wooden bridges
were discovered in 1 8 1 8, which were traced back to the
expeditions of Germanicus in the first Christian cen-
tury. Among the trees which had been used for these
-bridges, pine and birch are found in great -number,
142 THE PRIMITIVE HOME OF
but never beech. Here, tben, we have historical, and
not even so very remote, periods when the beech
had not yet pushed its way into countries where at
present it is quite common. In Normandy, where
now beech forests occur more frequently than in any
other province of France, and where, on the other
hand, the pine forms, at least, no natural forests,
the submarine forests of the coasts exhibit pine, oak,
birch, elm, and hazel, but no beech. Whereas the
latter occurs as a fossil in the Holstein moors.
As may be seen, we have not here to deal with
contrasts of sharply defined geological periods, but
with diffusion, migration, and gradual increase. The
beech spreads from a point of Europe which must
evidently have been situated more to the south than
the coasts of the Baltic and the German Ocean, and
more to the west than the Prussian Baltic provinces,
which to this day are chiefly covered with pine and
birch. Is the change in the meaning of its Indo-
European name connected with this migration? In
other words, did the beech come to the Indo-Europeans
and usurp the name of the oak in the same way as
it usurped the soil of their forests ?
A simple consideration will clear up the matter
for us. " Oak " cannot at first have been the mean-
ing of beech, — " beech " is its genuine and primary
signification. Eor the Eomans agree with the Teutons
in the use of the word, and only the Greeks use it
in the form of ;plieg6s as a name for a species of oak.
The divergence from its original use must therefore
undoubtedly be looked for among the Greeks; a
THE INDO-EUROPEANS. 143
common and uniform divergence on the part of the
Eomans and Teutons would be quite inexplicable.
With this the whole analogy to the palseontological
periods falls to the ground of itself, and the question
as to the connection of the change of name with the
migration of the beech must likewise be negatived.
Not that the beech came to the Indo-Europeans, nay,
not even the Indo-Europeans coming to the beech,
is the cause of the vacillation to be observed in the
words between beech and oak. We have here quite
an identical instance with the above-mentioned trans-
fer of the name of the birch to the ash in the Latin
fraximis. Both, it appears to me, admit of only one
interpretation. The Romans, or rather their near
Italic kindred and ancestors, populated Italy from
the North, and therewith the birch disappeared from
their view; the Greeks, advancing still farther to
the South, now no longer required the old name for
the beech. In the conception of the Italics the birch
was superseded by the ash, which, from its whitish
hue, reminded them of it, and for the Greeks a similar
oak took the place of the beech.
As to the comparison of quercus with Folire, it is
for this very reason less safe, because in Old High
German by the side of foraliaj Fohre, another word,
feraha, likewise occurs with the meaning of oak. The
intermediate form jpercuSy which must be assumed
between quercus and feraha, points to the Greek perJcos,
"blackish." The great part which colour plays in
the nomenclature of trees reminds us of a similar one
144 THE PRIMITIVE HOME OF
in the still older nomenclature of animals, and testifies
to what a high degree man is an animal guided by
the eye, and how everywhere language and reason
grew up for him through his sight. Do we not even
to this day see names of colours used with predilec-
tion in the names of trees by way of more accurate
distinction, such as red beech, black poplar, white
fir, or in Black Forest and the like? The common
and connecting sense of Folire and "oak" would
accordingly be "black tree," not tree in general.
Here, too, let me add that the succession of mean-
ings assumed by Max Muller will probably have to be
reversed. Oak is the original notion common to Eomans
and Germans, Fohre only the Teutonic idea. Provided
the names are connected, only a partial migration
of a tribe from an oak area into one of fir can have
been the cause of the transfer. We meet with a
quite similar instance of such a transfer : the above-
mentioned drys, tree and oak, occurs in Lithuanic in
the form of derwa for " pinewood," " resinous wood."
That the jpine was known to the Indo-Europeans
before their separation appears from its name, which
is to be met with among the Greeks, Lithuanics, and
Eomans, as well as in Germany. In addition, they
knew the willow, ash, alder, and hazel, but hardly
any real fruit-tree ; at most, perhaps, a kind of primi-
tive apple. This, together with the demonstrable
history of the beech, requires us to confine its home
within somewhat narrow boundaries. The oak pre-
ponderated, as the use of the general word " tree " for
THE INDO-EUROPEANS. 145
" oak " among Greeks and Kelts seems to prove. The
birch, too, must have had the power of vividly im-
pressing the imagination to have been able to preserve
its name almost unchanged to this day among people
of such different regions; but the beech could not
be greatly inferior to it, since its name was formed
about the same time and in a similar way. Consider-
ing that about the beginning of the Christian era the
beech had not yet advanced into Holland and Eng-
land, and had in the primitive Indo-European time
probably extended even far less northward, we must,
I presume, proceed southward into the undisputed
ancient area of that tree, which, as regards Germany,
. would take us about as far as the Thuringian Forest.
As regards grain-fruit, it is an established fact that
in primitive times harley was known to the Indo-
Europeans. But their knowledge of wheat isjin the
very highest degree improbable. The Greek zea,
" spelt," it is true, agrees with the Sanskrit and Zend
javas; but this happens to be barley, and the deriva-
tive javasa means herbage for fodder, the Lithuanic
Jawas generally corn. Among the Ossets in the
Caucasus jau is millet. Of the highest importance,
on the contrary, is the acquaintance with rye on
the part of the Indo-Europeans, and the remarkable
divergence in the meaning of this name in their pre-
sent various abodes. By means of Grimm's and
Pictet's comparisons it has been ascertained that the
Sanskrit word vHhi, " rice," is in reality identical with
Eoggen, "rye," Lithuanic ruggys, Kussian rosh, and
146 THE PRIMITIVE HOME OF
that the significations fluctuate between the two kinds
of grain according to the climatic variation. Our
word RdsSy "rice," is, in the first instance, derived
from the French riz ; this from the Greek oryza, which
in its turn must have been borrowed from the Persian
word for the Indian vrihi. Heiss, therefore, is a word
of foreign origin. That, however, not only Slavonians,
Lithuanians, and Germans participated in the meaning
"rye," but that even the ancient Thracians had the
word hriza for it, is a most remarkable circumstance,
to which I shall return in the sequel, and which proves
that the meaning of " rice " was merely Indo-Persian,
and " rye " the real primary signification. An area in
which rye and barley, and not also wheat, thrive, is,
perhaps, to be found only in Northern Europe; but
with reference to a very early time we must, doubt-
less, exclude even a somewhat more southerly zone
from the culture of wheat.
Before I quit this line of argument, by which I am
endeavouring to establish my proposition on botanical
grounds, and pass on to another series of arguments,
I must mention a plant which has escaped both Pictet
and the author of the "Worterbuch der Indogerma-
nischen Grundsprache " ("Dictionary of the Original
Indo-Germanic Language"), and the occurrence of which
among the primitive Indo-Europeans may, for various
reasons, claim a high share of interest on our part. It
is the woad, a genuine European dye- weed, which, in
more recent times, owing to the importation of indigo,
has in a great measure lost its importance. The word
THE INDO-EUROPEANS. 147
is of ancient Indo-European origin ; and though, for
intelligible reasons, it is not to be met with in Sanskrit,
the Greek, Latin, and German forms are sufficient evi-
dence of the fact. In Greek, the name of the plant
is isatis or isate ; in Latin, vitrum. Its real name in
Greek, however, must have been visafAs, and, as hap-
pened in all the words in which the v occurred, it must
have lost this sound. The German Waid is derived
from waisd, as the medieval Latin forms waisda, wesdia,
guaisdium, old French giiesde, now guede, show. Accord-
ingly we shall have to assume that vitrum too comes
from vistrum. The Gauls called the plant glastum or
guastum. Glas signifies in the Keltic languages blue,
green, grey; and the striking agreement of this glas
with our Glas (glass), while the Latin mtrum signifies
both woad and glass, has been already explained very
correctly by Diefenbach in such a way that both objects
may have received their names from their bluish colour.
We must here remember that glass was originally by
no means colourless ; the earliest was probably green.
The leaves of the woad plant (provided these, not per-
haps the sap, were regarded in giving it a name) are
likewise light blue-green, and the syllable vis must in
the first instance have signified to the Indo-Europeans
the green colour, which, however, was not sharply dis-
tinguished either from the blue or from the grey. To
compare with it the Latin viridis, green, does not cause
the least etymological difficulty : idis is a termination
which is generally idus, and as such occurs in many
adjectives descriptive of colours, e.g., jpallidus, pale.
148 THE PRIMITIVE HOME OF
That s between vowels in Latin often changes into r
is a well-known fact; the root of viridis then is vis.
But now, at a somewhat later period, blue objects too
were designated by words from this root, especially
some flowers. It is more than probable that the Greek
name of the violet, ion, is derived from vion, and this
again from vison. The Eomans formed viola out of vion
by appending a diminutive syllable ; and from the Latin
word again our Veilchen (violet) is derived. The Hin-
doos designated another blue flower by the same name,
visha -pushpa, the " visa - flower " (for sh occurs here,
according to a well-known phonetic law in Sanscrit,
instead of s). Visini, too, is the blue lotos. On the
other hand, vishada is green vitriol, which reminds us
that our Vitriol too is equally derived from the above-
mentioned Latin vitrum. But originally visa signified
every turbid fluid ; hence visha in Sanskrit, virus in
Latin, ios in Greek, mean poison, venom, drivel. The
Greek word also implies rust, which the language con-
ceives as dirt. From the notion of " turbid fluid " the
word was transferred to the " dyeing fluid," which at
first needed not necessarily be green or blue : in Sans-
krit vigada even means " white."
The foregoing deductions may perhaps appear too
minute, but connected as they are with the question
as to how far the primitive age already distinguished
blue from green, they could not well be passed over.
But what may have inspired the Indo-Europeans at
that remote period with such a lively interest in the
woad plant to make use of a colour-term, otherwise
THE INDO-EUROPEANS, 149
scarcely familiar to them, for its appellation ? No other
plant besides bearing a name in common with it from
the root vis, the woad must have been the real " blue
flower" of the primitive time, the prototype of the
violet and lotos flower. Now, was it perhaps the
"paintings" of the Indo-Europeans which made the
woad plant important to them, or did they already,
like classical antiquity, dye their woollen stuffs with
it ? An interesting fact which several ancient writers
report to us leaves no doubt on the subject. It con-
cerns the Britons. Caesar, Pliny, and Pomponius Mela
testify to us that it was their own body which the
ancient Britons used to paint with woad. According
to Pliny, " the British women, on certain festive days,
used to paint the whole body with Gallic glastum, imi-
tating the colour of the Ethiopians." Caesar says " all
the Britons painted themselves blue (cseruleum) with
woad {vitro), and they looked all the more terrible for it
in battle." Pomponius says "it is uncertain whether
the Britons painted their bodies with woad for the pur-
pose of ornament or for some other reason." If this
British custom, which was doubtless a religious rite,
presents a wonderful parallel to that of the Indians in
the New World, reliable testimonies are not lacking
that the Britons regularly tattooed themselves. In
the same way as this practice recurs on the whole
earth, they drew figures on their skins by needle-pricks,
which were then painted over with a dye (atramento)
(Isidorus, Hisp. Or. ix. 2., 103, and xx. See Dief en-
bach, Orig. eur. s. v. Britones). Herodian states they did
156 THE PRIMITIVE HOME OF
not clothe themselves on purpose to let the figures on
the skin be seen, and wore scarcely anything but iron
hoops round the neck and body. According to Csesar,
however, they clothed themselves in skins of animals.
Petersen has recently directed attention to reports
about cannibalism in Britain so late as in the fifth
century of the Christian era. On comparing the bar-
barous condition of those earliest Indo-European inhabi-
tants of the British Isles with the comparatively great
culture of their near relatives, the Gauls, it is impos-
sible to account for that condition by a retrogression.
Supposing the Kelts populating Britain had found there
non-Indo-European savage aborigines, yet the influence
of these on a superior people would nevertheless not
have sufficed to depress it to their low level, any more
than it gave up its language. On the other hand, it is
well known that the first cause of all cultural progress
of the Gauls was the establishment of the Greek colony
at Marseilles about 600 before Christ.
It is truly astonishing how from every spot on which
a Greek foot stepped culture spread abroad. The Gauls
owed to Greek influence the start they had of the Teu-
tons throughout ancient times. The Gauls learned
from the Greeks the alphabet, and in their turn taught
it to the Teutons, whose Eunes have thus originated ; and
altogether the civilisation of the Teutons increased in
proportion as they intercommunicated with the Gauls.
Subsequently the Gauls eagerly received Eoman culture,
and the influence, not always rated at its proper value,
which France of old, and nearly at all times, exercised
THE INDO-EUROPEANS. 151
on German literature, science, and mode of life, is due
to her early and unbroken connection with ancient
Southern culture. What, however, was the condition
of the Kelts before their contact with these civilising
influences, that of the Britons evidently represents in
the most unadulterated manner, though even here some
deductions will have to be made, as the intercourse with
the Kelts of the Continent continued brisk, and accord-
ing to Caesar, e.g.^ besides iron, brass served as money,
though the latter metal was not indigenous in the
island, but imported. As to the climate, in Britain it
was not of a nature from which one might expect a
brutalising influence ; on the contrary, it was milder
there than in Gaul, which was in bad repute among
the Eomans for its cold. Evidently the barbarous
inhabitants of Britain present to us the original stage
of Keltic culture, and we shall certainly not be inclined
to presuppose in these savage Kelts a highly civilised
Aryan people, which, on its farther migrations, was
degraded to the level of tattooed savages, but surely
deem it more probable that it is the wholly unmodified,
most embryonic forms of the Indo-European nature
which we find left here in the North. And if the
above-mentioned fair-skinned man represented in the
tomb-chambers of King Sethos is really an Indo-Euro-
pean, and, in that case, of course, by far the earliest
Indo-European individual we know of, his representa-
tion quite agrees with such conceptions, seeing that he
is likewise tattooed. To all appearance the Britons
emigrated at a very early date from Gaul to their
152 THE PRIMITIVE HOME OF
island, and most faithfully preserved the character of
their native stock on the primitive level which it occu-
pied at the time of their emigration. This opinion is
favoured by the religious importance which Britain,
according to Caesar's statement, had for the Gauls of
the Continent, who sent their sons to the Druidical
school there, where they had to learn many thousands
of holy verses ; a circumstance which is scarcely con-
ceivable without an ancient venerable seat of the priest-
hood; nay, which might even permit us to conclude
to re-immigrated British colonies into Gaul, who con-
sidered the intercourse with the British Druids as a
connection with their original home.
The presumption that the primitive Indo-European
stock was of Northern origin is likewise in perfect
agreement with what language reveals to us as to the
climatic conditions. The common vocabulary shows
us snow and ice, winter and spring, but not summer
and autumn. The deep and permanent impression
which the cold of the winter must have made on that
people has not escaped Pictet. For this reason, too,
he chooses among the Southern countries, where he con-
siders himself bound to place that stock, the coldest and
bleakest. But this is evidently inconsistent ; and if we
consider the matter without prejudice, we must not, in
the first instance, think of a cold climate that owes its
nature to its mountains or some local accident, but of
a IN'orthern one. Pictet mentions the three seasons,
spring, summer, and winter, known by the Vedic
Hindoos, and also quotes Tacitus' statement that the
THE INDO-EUROPEANS. 153
Germans had ideas and words {intelledum et vocahula)
for winter, spring, and summer, but that the name of
autumn was as unknown to them as its gifts. By
reason of this remarkable passage alone I presume we
may say : If the home of the primitive Indo-Europeans
was not Germany, it must, at least, as regards the
temperature and impression of the seasons, have fully
resembled the Germany as Tacitus still knew it. The
assumption of a temperate but still frosty climate agrees
also with the poverty of the Indo-European languages
in common names for insects. Thus the spider, for
instance, has no ancient name (unless we would com-
pare together the Eussian pauk and the Cymrian copyn,
Anglo-Saxon coppa, English cob; for aranea is only
borrowed from the Greek arachne), and the bug, too,
spared those patriarchs of Europe. Ants, gadflies, and
gnats were extant among them. The mammalia which
they indubitably knew are the ox, sheep, pig, horse,
stag, and dog; the bear, wolf, mouse, badger (Greek
trochos), and probably the fox too. That they were
not acquainted with the jackal is tolerably certain.
The heaver and the viverra, of which latter word it is
difficult to decide if it originally meant the martin,
ferret, weasel, or squirrel, are also interesting. The
Greeks, among whom it signifies squirrel, have cor-
rupted the name into sJciuros, which seems to imply
" shadow-tail." This is only a specimen of the well-
known word - disfigurement by popular etymology,
which has peculiarly affected this word. In passing on
from Greek to Latin and then to French it assumed
tj
154 THE PRIMITIVE HOME OF
the forms sciurulus, dcureuil, and the French form has
given birth to our Eiclihorn, as well as to a series of
other disfigurements already met with in the old Teu-
tonic dialects. Of our word Katze (cat) it is not certain
either if it was not used for weasel, in the same way as
felis vacillates between the same double meaning. The
earliest form of Katze is most faithfully preserved in
the Ossetic gado, and this is probably identical with
the Greek galee, weasel or cat. Among the species of
birds, which to all appearance were numerous, let me
mention only, by way of selecting those about which
we are most certain, the vulture, the raven, the starling,
the wild goose, and the duck ; the pigeon was most
likely not known. There existed a general word for
worm, and equally so one for serpent. The otter and
the eel were known, but no other name of a fish seems
to be found, nor any common word for shell. There is
no denying that a consideration of this circumstance
must tend considerably to shake the assumption that
the primitive Indo-Europeans were familiar with the
sea. The mere existence of a word for sea cannot
by any means prove such familiarity, as any inland
people of some degree of activity, and not living
wholly excluded from intercourse with the outer
world, must come to hear something of the existence
of the sea. To this must be added that the Indo-
Europeans have not even an expression properly and
exclusively signifying the sea. Meer (sea) not only
means also lake, but, moreover, even moor, morass.
Nor does there exist an ancient Indo-European word for
THE INDO'EUROPEANS. 155
"salt." In the words for " wave" all the branches of lan-
guage differ. The Bund, (sound) of the northern seas
reappears in Sanskrit as smc^Aw (stream), and has there
become the proper name of the Indus, and for us, after
the example of the Persians, even that of India. Even
for the oyster the inhabitants of the coasts of the
German Ocean had to borrow a Greek name. Finally^
the primitive Indo-Europeans in their navigation used
the oar indeed, but no sails; and yet, if they had
lived by the sea, these could hardly have remained
unknown to them. Of metals they knew gold; far
less certain are we as to silver in the earliest time.
Their acquaintance with iron is scarcely to be doubted,
as the agreement between the German, Sanskrit, and
Zend here speaks quite plainly ; but I doubt whether
they knew brass or copper, for the agreement between
the Latin ces and the Gothic ais may easily arise from
the Goths having borrowed the Latin word; and the
Greek clwdkos means, indeed, in Homer copper, and not
till Pindar also iron. But as a cognate word in Eussian
means only iron, and the Greek chalkis is also the
name of a hlacJc bird, I stiU think iron to be the older
notion, which was only subsequently transferred to
another metal. Other metals than gold and iron, and
perhaps silver and brass, were not known to the primi-
tive Indo-Europeans; nor were they acquainted with
precious stones or pearls.
I must here break off, reserving a farther series of
arguments for a later dissertation. If what I have
hitherto brought forward should let the proposition
156 THE INDO'EUROPEANS.
that the primitive Indo-European people had its home
in Germany still appear hypothetical — if, perhaps, we
should not succeed at all in attaining absolute certainty
on so difficult a question — I beg, on the other hand,
the reader may calmly consider what arguments are
really extant in favour of the conception hitherto
current, and that, at the worst, hypothesis would only
be opposed to hypothesis. At first the source of the
mighty stream of peoples that poured down over half
a world was looked for on the remote south-eastern
frontier, and then, urged by weighty arguments, it was
moved back only as far as was indispensably necessary.
But as no point of the earth in this respect has any
right of being preferred to another, a compromise is
in no way better than a totally opposite view. Mean-
while only one of the two opposite hypotheses is sup-
ported by arguments; for as to the migration from the
east, no evidence has ever been adduced in its favour.
He, therefore, that eschews hypotheses must at least be
just, and be satisfied not to know aught on the present
question. But if he is inclined to give the preference
to either hypothesis, I believe he will have to give it
to that which is comparatively best established, even
though the arguments should not yet suffice for a final
decision.
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