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The work of the Bureau of American Ethnology is conducted under act of Con-
gress ‘“‘for continuing ethnologic researches among the American Indians under the
direction of the Smithsonian Institution.”

Two series of publications are issued by the Bureau under authority of Congress,
viz, annual reports and bulletins. The annual reports are authorized by concurrent
resolution from time to time and are published for the use of Congress and the Bureau;
the publication of the series of bulletins was authorized by concurrent resolution first
in 1886 and more definitely in 1888, and these also are issued for the use of Congress
and the Bureau. In addition, the Bureau supervises the publication of a series of
quarto volumes bearing the title, ‘‘ Contributions to North American Ethnology,” begun
in 1877 by the United States Geographical Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region.

These publications are distributed primarily by Congress, and the portions of the
editions printed for the Bureau are used for exchange with libraries and scientific
and educational institutions and with special investigators in anthropology who send
their own publications regularly to the Bureau.

The exchange list of the Bureau is large, and the product of the exchange forms
a valuable ethnologic library independent of the general library of the Smithsonian
Institution. This library is in constant use by the Bureau collaborators, as well as by
other anthropologists resident in or visiting Washington.

The earlier volumes of the annual reports and the seven volumes of the ‘‘Contri-
butions to North American Ethnology” thus far issued are out of print.

Exchanges and other contributions to the Bureau should be addressed,

The DIRECTOR,
Bureau of American Ethnology,
Washington, D. C.,
U.S. A.

DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR
U. 8. GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAIN REGION

J. W. POWELL InN CHARGE

CONTRIBUTIONS

NORTH AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

VO ie MEb Tex

WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1893

WO eT ,
PCR Ot NY Ope

auecUn SAMO ANG

th ms
OV atin jae

DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR
U. 8S. GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAIN REGION
J. W. POWELL In CHARGE

DANOTA GRAMMAR, TENTS, AND ETINOGH APTA

STEPHEN RETURN RIGGS

HDITHD BY JAMES OWHN DORSEY

WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1893

CON DEN TS.

Page.

Letter of transmittal. ......-...-------2 +22 eee e eee ene eee cen cece eee cree cere ress Ix

Preface eciecee sna o= = ale nl aaivlntel== === Be ae Ee es asa eeinaua aie Srelolereto elesteiege(ealettoreinnetstet= xI

PART FIRST.—GRAMMAR.

Chapter I.—Phonology ...--..-------- 20+ seee cece cee cee er terre teen teen es etec teeters cece 3
Mie relly n ab otis ee ater sate a ale acetate a= ot talmtainlnl ol claim aaa lela aa let wpe ol ciclmm nine ence 3
Syllabication.....-...--..----------------++++------ sau eg Sos das8 escdioHeoOpocaeoe seeeEs 5
INQ ganaco dace cbaded= bo Sabclas Goer een te rope secce Saaq Conrado aSoce Sere oe ooo ssto doa 5
Changes of letters. -- = <2 <2 22 2 52 am nae oie ne nn ne nm one aie 6

Substitution and elision .-....-.---...---.----------++ + +22 e202 -- +++ ----- sas eeneateie 6
Contraction ----..-.-- ---- 22-2 222-22 nee ae ee nr eee nes Seen nnn en nme meee ane 10

Chapter II.—Morphology. --..---.-----------------+ + +++ 1225 cree corer scree centre eee 11

Pronouns) «cece sce se cae cee - wine ~ ees oe ne an in seein ene ane cine weenie ninisie = cisi= 2122 11

Personal pronouns .....-------------------- -+---- +2202 creer sree etree ener tees 11
Separate .....-------- 22+ -2+- = 222 eee eee e ene eee nee eee eee 11
Incorporated ...-.....------- +2 ---+ 222 ee eee noes eee ee ieee beens ee eee 12
Compound pronouns......-----------------+ 2-25 205022 ee eee eee eee eee e eee eects 17
Reel ati ven plOU OWNS sea ae ala taal eri alee = reo eeceiaiemeicioeia 17
Interrogative pronouns. -.-- Be ae Psa Seta enctete may = Ese eS ESE Ce awa Sain Sta a gia 17
Demonstrative pronouns..-....-.--.---------------+ + +2222 eee reer eect e ert 7,
Gti ays Ao 3 Aoees obese enesa bbucne agesec gy Haeece: Cesena Osesso sade s—oEoO en aegaur 18
WG heees tj scceutoseeb Gen HOG eaeatosace de (Ab noo aul Soe sacerramnceoDoOCo Sar ranch: Gar OCOD Orr 19
VTA EHIERO YA hls ae Sonn soc oon ea DE Ba soe Seac con aeencos SeSenooSDa ceo oecee Br sA occu ADOSr uc 19
Verbs formed by modal prefixes. .......--.------------ --++ 20-200 errr teers teste 19
@ompoundsverbsyeeee eae ae a= le =a ae ase Se sae mcrae lacie rey aya 21
(Chaat MENG) ageads saab aseecs sobs coe sadeo anaes oceiseos co7 > E0os anaes ey—s0 QU ooh ogg Soe 21
TOUSSIN yo kae ence Gucace len snus coe obese booda-Soce noon aTedoenisoaandnacc ocScigocmoragcs 21
TENE itSt ee nee obo ate bab abised Seccotinsa arene ccacdaccdo aoc cos sates Sane cenooc at: 23
INfulit hs) woke SSR Noe Gan bt ne ose DHb acon Jenene sae eneosbonadet pea one uo orogncooa Sonat 23
Ian Oa peenon Gabe US de Senne at OUSSene soctes se aoEs pode sade acee a aceoccs cong TaSo meee 23
Gt PDE ces oe Sone e Ben Se Sendo ee eo so dn ede ianeee aoe Coed Scraanats ona dedrpr San ooo. 25
IEPAHVGRO OSien oo coon edocna seks sede dapeaaas aoeeas aes ocoe CHpgede ase Seem SOO RECO e Soe 25
(Chany)! Sc6 ee. SSsn50e ssbesEdeadoeses8e Sec ecs Gace na ene esose S00 SoS OE ISeOe 26
(Chin hyMAG) ULE omaceeee 2osoeb aa See scares See e DOR aa ec eS SOOO aes CO ES 28
(Cisiqmeaiya 100 ce ens ees oes one ce sap acedao 6 see Soe ae dae a Serpe Se SCO Dae Or 32
TDAP aA TO Use se cocendesed eso lc Gee bee aHOe arenes comeS sO EDR O> SS OORSC Den OS OE OGG: 35
Conjneations Wand Il 32222. .2 ss sec === a am esas 35
Conjugationsy liad) WU eet crepe ae alata aaa ciclar a ii ain meee 35
Irregular and defective verbs - ---- ee ae aoe ene srereicier lcle achaiatc minratemicrahateiatape ial aioie 35
Paradigm: root KSA, to break off, separate -----.-...------- Sone sesoSe cos eenUpHbe 33
IS an Sls oeeease ned Sed ca sose ona bos Honda ees Gecdos Seba ponn tenaao cancacesooOSn0 Pode OCcS 40
WOLMSlOf NOUNS saa ae aaa elds ae eater 2 eae ala aii cinine oinls ol=)= wale idinini vine wiviel=oviniy mise=n ee 40
DW MNTEAR TET gaaas 5 ae poem ond O SO a Ss HORUS Ee BSS a geno ac Beco Seer Coe e600 GEE ODU DSO IOI 41

VI CONTENTS.

Chapter II.—Morphology—Continued.
Nouns—Continued.
Gender eas 22 eee cee ee nateta sist eaicets aniciae ete ratete
Nim ber a soo. sone ess ee see eee

Proper.and family: names - <2 -5 oe. eee -- = -l-eeeee
AOjeCtives! <2. 5.2 joccsle wees eee ee eee te ese eet are
INU DOP ore are winyocrore lier reese ene eae eat

Comparison (ooo < nme mimes ete ate tae elem tne aia elata ern atetet atta te ae

Numeral adjectives: 22-5 -t2- ss. ssc s-saleecees eee
Cardinals’. se. psec eee ee eee
Oxdinals\ ee eeameee etre te eee eee eee

AGV6LrDS -o..255 Sop oseecee ne cee eee nee ae ee ener aes
Prepositions. -< vise poe = le eeteese ee yee Seatac eee

Separate prepositions. .......-...----.- SAS Areata Sas Sasi se Tae dbeess sestes jes case
Incorporated! prepositions ~/-2.% s-cis=- ec 3 -nioe soe cealaeeee ae oe eelte ects =e eee eee

Interjections {<2 22 seers Gace ec ets eee eaeeeets BOBS SeCAG OSA SS Hesb Sus deGdeD son
Chapter IUI.—Syntax .0 soe 2 oe oe ere eee le See Se eee ene eee ee ee
Pronouns... = <.62.552 52 ve dcd Soils ok cia ee eee ee eee eee Sn ee ae mee eee eee a

Incorporated Pronouns" fe.) —2 oe mene alee a

Separate pronouns! © ...c- Getec ee a= eee ee ee ae eee eee eee ee eee
Agréementofi pronouns os. ao2- eee rece oa Jee eee nese nee eae eee

Omissionyor pronouns -se- see esse eee
Repetition’ of pronouns ---------.---2<2-----<-

Demonstrative, pronouns. . -. cr: hs osc scene J aecls came se see mise crenels ee ee ecleee eee

Relative pronouns) .-.2esscesceee Sem oscae cece eeeene

Articles <5 sa: 22 303 Ree rs pes esac ae ee ee ae rect oa
Doefinitelartitle:s2 2 ses.cccicoce wae ene. ioe ani Sac em eee mee sce cease saa ase ae

Number « oe <s- 235 s5 ce Sate ae ee > Se RS aioe eee ee aoe eens Sovelcoee. ee

Governments=< <<. cae Bbasecicsnl oe oe eee a ee ee
Posseasive form 25 55o52cn soe eee ee eee
MOd6S: «a.0:0;s sc:0- = disease See Cae EeeeEe ee eEaseeaee

Imperative. . .<2.)2 $cc acinerosm eile oie mein eas seo sce ee enlace eee ieee see

Infinitive) .......sSo ae sce eee eee
Subjunctive.....2-cee = ase cee eee eee
Optative, potential, ete ....-.-.........-.....
Tenses . <2 25.222. 02a o = 2 ae eee ee eee
AOrist..... cn.622 =e ence Oe Coe Eee

Aux ary Verbs tcc o.ceces Sa eee eee eee eet
Verbs of repetition: ..2.-. 3.226. See eee eee
Reduplicated verbs ......-- 5.5.2. ces casese-=
Verbs with the suffixes ‘‘s’a” and ‘‘ka” ......

ACHIVG'.222/5.' «bos S25 haere Gales ales see ee ores

CONTENTS.

Chapter I1I.—Syntax—Continued.

Adjectives
Position

IWR sar 2 Sa aedeioer oe een dah ce Ahearn Gae SOee ar P ede Se Pesan Sasa Seems abe

Numeral adjectives

PRG rubTeNl ACH OCW Nes eon cose coSaes soba no oces Bo onnd Seeder aueposes cbeecr ao sees pace

Repetition and omission of adjectives

Adverbs
Position

Reduplication

WBS Gi CEM Gh. - Soeane Gescouaceteredoesoeosedase epacbdsehcssHpeneeou ase
INQ EEND ND cece Gach (socco ose Sone SBSmes 25k cdee ssosce reas Stes eesedaas sean bescecceccse
IPS) OOK EOS Coob ss se sese cored Saad Sean Hen One pSa6 satis Sea senose coed cbenaaee
Ad venpial incorporated sp aeule) OS ar = mem eet ete ae alae ale eal a eer
TEC GEMTON Sis Seco non coe Soobe: Sons esse closes ance naebSoUnaEonear Sse pend qenmos qsecsesocede
(Chr ymite RONG Shas 585 pene Se Seoeeaae ode eoeson cose > eee eeenanne Sood DoS m ea prenmcmacs
Interjections ...-..-..--.---------- == 2-222 eee ee ee ne nee eee ne eee cee eee eee

INOUE Sooesn seca cone cose cee eed Bates SON SAS UNe Chan Bae] pebccr sesercueoSse Meson emocos cece
ThymERiO Mh -sGas Jacacostose cdeedecoCeonCae naa coe eeeeson socessosen ses UlSo Seb SSeS eaesoe

Wotaniée Hoksina Olian kin: Acts of the Blood-clots Boy

ISOS ie dos SS eAt SD mecbe Gaon DES EOSae SpSeeeH eS ees pease SERRE One as eee eee ase sees eee ns ae
Translation/e-.s-- - 2-1 Mis GU So Rona BRS O DAC ene presen co TmaCON aA aoamaE sneer eoees tes aaaanerD
Legend of the Head of Gold......---.---- --------------+-- +--+ 2-2 22-222 e eee eee ee eee
Notes <.-< << adneee Deo oto ees Hscageusactescus Bees omoe Sanne nnees Bees ceepiccosnbesscenes onbe
Ghpnlehn Oi), <a a5 550snc esunlos be coco aeseotas Hoe ae eager See bela Soc Capper noSBeeoe = pope anSeGe

Odoway sigsi¢e: Bad Songs

ISQVES se coc ee bet o ecb nas sasa sec oeeen bob sen oe send Gent enocoe Beco de Sop eee eos bodanaacnuerns
GiNEMS HAMM) aos cacdeenes cone bens asso emacs po nee Bebe cdoeono Ser codecoes pnoadenaco rane case

Tasinta-yukikipi

IUNPE) Be edeo ce eden epedoe taco bea pe neers RSSS Doe bse eaech eres Wer ooecoe rm meoocecmeecesce

Translation

Chee-zhon, the thief

TMS ETON «penne sbom ee dseu Sec cau ae BSH EES ere Fea Ssme605 Suns cUnS CEbe nEoogEEane scoogueaEEe

The Younger Brother: or, The Unvisited Island

NOUS socaanS5eosa 6c ade conse don oeuee Eder pep ontos ben onon Seaoosse doe aun Saco seSasoEddecE
SPRANG) ea 4 ae roas esto saacibene earl oar eosdonns Ds ecmeecen ScpBEeaoc Sop EseaoSEone

Wamnuha Itagosa: or, Bead-Spitter

W@HEY acts coc ces per eos =o oeeoeenesioss BSS oecu4- pobopie.oSS0e Roe EpsneSeEecran SeapeeseeS

Translation

Parable of the Prodigal Son—Luke xv, 11-32......-..--------.-----------------------------

MYST Ol Bea eo ene cceeeco ase sSeoecd UocEoo 5a Searle saad oe REA Ab ae Serene Seno soeoeeesEs sao=

The Fourth Commandment.....--...- as

Chapter I.—The Dakota

Tribes

Sisiton wan
Thanktonw

Assiniboin

PART THIRD.—ETHNOGRAPHY.

Walipetonwan

EN) Seccod cena bocb eats = sop M EEO Be NSS ene a So SC CoCo Coe moda aoe Soo eo oeioroe
Mhanpkctonwianj Nae see an al ae aa ns nice imines geienie al

TBiGOry Wiel) ae se = seal a a = te ole a mnie alma) sw inlaiviwlnlelm'e wlmpniw wm ni= emma aa

a4 4
tw

PS irs ie pice i ee es |

NYS cf ere wWwn vd

an 4+
~

4-1
oo

vari CONTENTS.

Page.
Chapter I.—The Dakota—Continued,

La) Vth Sep e ESOS EOE EODRDARSSOSOUCCOncmantEoot -cqsecedroor Coscossaceeacortscssbececs 164
Metro OF CO urbe ae ere or eta ett ata 164
Method of reckoning time....-....................-..- SsoAeS s seess ce SE aaa sno oe 165
Are the Indians ‘imints bin y 8 eae eee alt ate elena el 166
Chapter II.—Migrations of the Dakota...- --.---. 2. 1-60. cone veer cern eee ears ee eee ee: 168
Argument; from History, so -seesce ewe es ewes mo siaeissnene eee eee ea eee 168

Experiences of Nicolet, Le Jeune, Raymbault, Menard, Allouez, Du Luth, La Salle,
Hennepin, Perrot, Le Sueur, Carver, and Pike ......-:...--.--.-/..s2---ssecee 168.
Tradition of Fort Berthold Indians, recorded by Dr. W. Matthews ......-...-- maneoe 181
Lewis and, Clarke. 22 22s2...c2as oes cease Ses ee ane seers eee ee Eee eee eee 182
Argument from Names of nations, tribes, ete-.:.....-----. --...--.-. 22. ---.2--2-------- 182
Dakota .oocc5o2. oer ULE Pap colentetes ra eta ere sig nee es ee Eee oe rae 183
Spirit Lake ‘villagesis20¢- 22. < 2. Sapiens sts sees nels ee eee ee 183
SAM GOe: cnn /0iste: fa Sic tepet tabs se olcje wl iapd apaje tale chatecn aete chaio la Sp al= apes ete ren N ea ate ee ee 184
SissOtON So 526 He Soe ee le lel see erin istiiern sale isa a oaete re Sire ne meee en ee 184
Wanlstom iene oe te Steak bins meets eets aacttle ee een se One any hee eee 185
Nanktomad S23, cee Sak «bone Socios is ieee y blows 2 SE eA See Ae Re eer eee 185
PIC TVosonbosbosnene tadoeHbdce UseCosc Sern scene aA One Coos Ado Sno eer es seco becese 186
Asgsinibol S225: Siocon semen lt eeies seme eee se net eel ee ei ere eee 188
Winnebago) < 2.525 bacon ete erent 2 eaate ls bates aie cnt anger a sega eel ele ee 189
Onvaho amd Ron eaksepre ene tee teal ie feet ere Oe aoe oP oe eet a ESucbo ase Spans? 190
Lowa and Oto sce Sickest he be ce sie eee ae eS Oa e BER ee eee eee eee 191
Mandan“and: Hidatsanesttitocess t2-asene sass pasa apie Con ena eRe Renae reals 191
Absaroka:.or: @row2s-% oss si. "s20 sees Heats See ee ee ee eee eee e eae a. sea aeaeS 192
Osage, Kanga, Wevepa, valde WM SSOUTI. eters ere eke telat cea eee eee ieee 193
Arikara'or Riekanee eoserca. sere oe ae eee eee ee ee Boat eee PEE Een oCS 193
Shayenné iors Cheyenne-sssss-ce see oe = tease eee ee een eee oe 193
Chapter Tl'—The Dakota Gensrandsbhrairy: aa. seer eer ete er earl eee ere 195
The Gens 23 25 25a fae See ste = wig hte ote lee aes ale, ate a eter nae tee ae 195
The Phratry, «= {4.652 ses sees setae are ess iss aiele = Sete Sea ate ae eee ea ee Eee 195
{MIM bh coh eee Age. - sa pGrndria tune Usb bio. Jon Stee ectar Macana Seb sane auadbodaca cogs 195
Fellowhood ==... .22.)s¢5e wav oe see tnee ae coeae ee oe ee eee eee eee snes os = eee eee 196
Standing Buittalosa ee. cece peer eee ae eae ieee ane ease eee eee eerie oe tea eee 196
Tiyotipi, translated from M. Renville’s Dakota version...........-.--.-.---.--------.0- 200
Chapter IV.—Unuwritten Dakota Wawst - 42522422. -cejene oa se oe wale aceon = See eee eee 203
The Family 222 -20.,2 seen neee Sociales ete alee oe nies Seer eee Ree aE ete Eee eee ees 203
The Household... 2 2. shS5ese-Oeice ce eee te eee OS ee eee = soe 204
Courtship and Marriage. .cs.5 4-5-2 fos Saket Goes so ent ae ee sate eee ae ees nea 266 Sq0706 205
The Baby 225 aiee,- -1-,..5.5:5 2/25 Satta ten eh Sasa aie eye ee eee a 207
Child Life... cs. sisted eee ete eee See ene Bee eee 208
Training of the Boy... : ....a0s2550-% sassees ans sine ese ee Soe eee EEE ees 209
Training of the Girl...05. cscs ees eee ee eee a eee Dee eee ee eee es 210
When Death comes. -~..25222:.-tes3 eescte seen ese =e oe aa ecb heeees eine tet eee 210
The Spitit-world... <.... ..22/s225 32s ga pores ese eee ere eee en eee ee 212
Chapter V.—The Superhuman .................-. ea iste eat aa tee oe aisfe tp ee Meter foe aoe 214
Bhna-Mani. 22.) . 2555 o8escc cede 3c pM Sear cceie ] See te See eee Re aa oe eee Sao 215
Chapter VI.—Armur and Eagle’s feathers.................---.- PSS SADA Osa ae ers ate c 219
Simon Anawang-mani 2322 25.20. 3-2 =f fesse ere ae OS ee ee ee aera eee 219
Chapter VIE.—Dakota Dances! scc2 oa Ne «2515 coe cet Saree ne re eee oe eee ee ee 224
Singing to 222.5. .c62 ceed Cle Ls. mua cine Se oR eee oe 224
Begging dance... 25. <a slboe oe ee SE OEE eric eo ee ee 224
No-flight dance. 2.255... 80% «doe dee ns Woe tne a ee ee en eee 225
Circle dance... 222. 2 2250scccen de BRE Se oe too een eee 225
Scalp dance... 6. s<ses. 2.55, Sane soe sacs, cee ae Te ee 226

LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL.

Smitrusonran Institution, Bureau oF ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, D. C., April 25, 1893.
Sir: I have the honor to transmit to you the copy for “ Contributions
to North American Ethnology, Vol. IX, Dakota Grammar, ‘Texts, and
Ethnography,” by the late Stephen Return Riggs, having edited it according
to your instructions.
I am, with respect, your obedient servant,
JAMES OwEN Dorsey,
Ethnologist.
To Hon. J. W. Powe tt,
Director, Bureau of Ethnology

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Pane EeACC ii:

By the Editor, James OwEn Dorsey.

In consequence of the death of the author in 1883, the copy furnished
by him for the present volume was left in such a shape that some editing
was necessary before it could be sent to the printer.

By order of the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, the editorship
of the manuscript was committed to me. I was requested also to prepare
the table of contents and index, and to see that the arrangement of the
chapters, headings, ete., conformed to the general plan of the publications
issued by this Bureau.

That such disposition of the manuscript was in harmony with the
wishes of the author will appear after a perusal of the following extract
from a letter, dated April 20, 1881, sent by Dr. 8. R. Riggs to Mr. J. C.
Pilling, then chief clerk of the Bureau. After speaking of an article that
he was preparing, to be entitled “ Unwritten Laws,” Dr. Riggs continues
thus: “This letter, I think, will partly cover Ethnology. But I do not
profess to be skilled in Ethnology as a science, and shall be glad of any
suggestions from Maj. Powell and yourself.”

In the manuscript as received from the author were sundry quotations
from my letters to him. But as several years had elapsed since these were
written and as I had been enabled to revise the quoted statements, bringing
the information down to date, it was but proper that such revisions should
appear as footnotes, each followed by my initials.

During the process of editing the manuscript it wa s ascertained that, as
there had been additional iny estigations among the Dakota and other tribes
of the Siouan stock since the death of the author, several questions treated
by him deserved further elucidation. When one considers the many years
in which the venerable author was associated with the work among the
Dakota Indians (1887-1883) it would seem to many persons very pre-

XII DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

sumptuous for one whose life among the Indians began as late as 1871 to
question his conclusions, unless abundant facts could be shown to confirm
the assertions of the critic.

The author's life among the Indians was spent chiefly with a single
division of the Dakota, known as the Santee or Mdewakantonwan. A few
of the Teton words in his dictionary were furnished by one of his sons,
Rey. T. L. Riggs, but most of them were obtained from Rev. W. J. Cleve-
land. The author, moreover, knew very little about the languages of those
cognate tribes that are not Dakota, such as the Ponka, Omaha, Kansa,
Winnebago, ete., while I have lived among many of these tribes and have
devoted considerable time to the comparison of most of the Siouan languages,
having engaged in original investigation from time to time, as late as
February, 1893, when I visited the Biloxi Indians in Louisiana.

In order, therefore, to furnish the readers of this volume with the latest
information, and to give more fully than was possible in those footnotes for
which I am responsible my reasons for hesitating to accept some of the
author's conclusions, as well as evidence confirmatory of some of the author’s
statements this preface has been written.

In my notation of Dakota words, both in this preface and in the foot-
notes, the author’s alphabet has been used, except where additional charac-
ters were needed; and such characters are described in the following section
of this preface. But in recording the corresponding words in the cognate
languages the alphabet used is that of the Bureau of Ethnology.

All footnotes followed by “S. R. R.” were contributed by the author.
Those furnished by his son, Rey. Alfred L. Riggs, are signed “ A. L. R.”
cmp. L. R.” stands for: Rey. TL. Riges, and: “oJ. P. W.2 torgikevso.er.
Williamson. ‘J. O. D.” marks those footnotes for which I am responsible.

LIST OF SOUNDS PECULIAR TO INDIAN WORDS IN THE PREFACE.

The alphabet given by the author on pages 3 and 4 has no characters
representing certain sounds heard in the Teton dialect of the Dakota and
in some of the cognate languages. Besides these, there are other sounds,
unknown in Teton and the other dialects of the Dakota, but common to
the other languages of the Siouan family. These peculiar sounds and some
additional ones which are described are given in the characters adopted by
the Bureau of Ethnology. The authority for the Hidatsa words is Dr.
Washington Matthews, U. 8. Army.’ The Tutelo words were recorded

'U. S. Geol. and Geogr. Sury., Hayden, Miscell. Publ. No. 7, 1877: Ethnog. and Philol. of the
Hidatsa Indians.

PREFACE. XIII

chiefly by Dr. Horatio Hale, though a few were acquired since 1882 by
Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt and myself. The Mandan words are taken from the
vocabularies of Dr. F. V. Hayden, Dr. W. J. Hoffman, and Prince
Maximilian, of Wied.

(qe)

rr’

as a in what or as o in not.

sh, given as § by the author and Matthews.

a medial sound, between sh ($) and zh (2).

as th in thin, the surd of ¢.

a d sound followed by a dh sound which is scarcely audible.
This combination is peculiar to the Biloxi, Hidatsa, and Kwapa
languages. Given as d by Matthews.

dh, or as th in the, the sonant of ¢.

a short e as in get.

a sound heard at the end of certain syllables, but slightly
audible, nearer h than kh. Given by Matthews as an apos-
trophe after the modified vowel.

as in tt.

zh, or as % in azure. Given as % by the author and as z by
Matthews.

a medial k, between @ and k, heard in’ Teton, (hegiha, ete.

an exploded k. Given as k by the author.

a vanishing n, scarcely audible, as the French n in bon, vin,
ete., occurring after certain vowels. Given as » by the
author.

as ng in sing, singer, but not as ng in finger; heard some-
times before a k-mute, at others just before a vowel, as in
\Lolwere (i-ctin-e, i-yith-e, wan-e, ete.). Given as n by the
author.

kh or as ch in German ach. Given as h by the author and
Matthews.

a medial sound, between d and t.

as oo in foot.

as u in but, given by Matthews as ‘‘a” with a dot subscript.

as ch in church. Given as 6 by the author.

a t sound followed by a ¢ (th) sound, as th in thin, but searcely
audible. It is the surd of d¢, and is peculiar to the Bilox ,
Hidatsa, and Kwapal anguages. Givenas t by Matthews.

a medial sound, between dj (j as in judge) and te.

a medial sound, between dz and ts.

XIV DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.
SEPARATE PRONOUNS.

On page 11 it is said that the separate personal pronouns “ appear to
be capable of analysis, thus: To the incorporated forms mi, ni, and i, is
added the substantive verb, e, the y coming ia for emp ny So that miye
is equivalent to [ am, niye to thou art, and iye to he is.” On page 12 the
author informs us that ‘mis, nis, and is would seem to have been formed
from miye, niye, iye; as, miye es contracted into mis; niye eS contracted
into nis, ete.” On the same page we find the emphatic forms of the
pronouns, mis miye, Imyself; nis niye, thou thyself; is iye, he himself, ete.

Now, if the author has made correct analyses, miye =mi+y-+e;
niye=ni+y+e; iye=i+y+e; mis=mi+y-+e+es; nis =ni+y+e-+es;
is =ity+e+es; mis miye =mi+y+e+es mi+y-+e. He tells us, too, that
the forms mis, nis, and is were originally subjective, while miye, niye, and
iye were originally objective.

On examining a myth in the Bushotter (Teton) collection, the following
sentences were extracted, as they show how the Teton Indians use the separ-
able pronouns. When the Giant Anung-ite or Two Faces discovers the pres-
ence of his adversary, Hayela, he exclaims, Niseya kakis¢iya yadiy na él

You too Imake you suffer you wish and to

mayau he: Are you coming to me because you wish me to make you

me youare ?
coming

suffer, too? (Here nis is subjective or nominative.) Hayela replies,
Hiya, niyes pha yin hmtny ela kaksa iyeéiyin kta éa él Gihi: No, I

No, you indeed head the witha whizzing cutting it I'make yours will when to Icome
(and no one sound off go suddenly to you
else)

come to you in order to cut off your head (making) a whizzing sound
(with my sword) as I send it (your head) suddenly (or forcibly) to the
ground. Here niyes, which is objective in this sentence, marks a contrast:
it is you only, not I, who must suffer. After killing the giant, Hayela
takes the rescued infant to the lodge of his parents, who are afraid to let
him enter, as they think that he is the giant. So Hayela says, Ina, he

O mother, that
miye éa wahi ye lo: O mother, this is I who have come, not he (the

as I have indeed
come

giant). Here miye is subjective. When Hayela is taken to the lodge of
the chief who has two daughters, the elder daughter says to the younger,
Ito, miyes le bluha kte: Well, I (not you) will have this one (for my

Well, I (not you) this L have will
husband). But the younger sister laughs as she retorts, He yadéin $ni éa

That you wanted not as

miyes hingna wayin kte ding: As you did not want him (when you
L (not you) ahusband Ihave him will .(female : =
for speaking)

PREFACE. XV

could have had him.) Subsequently, when the elder sister had turmed
Hayela into a dog, ins eya iha na heya, Nis ehay niéakizin kte, eya: She,

she too laughed and said as You yourself you suffer shall said what
follows precedes

too, laughed and said, ‘* You yourself shall suffer (now).”

INSEPARABLE PRONOUNS.

On page 13 the author remarks, ‘‘ These forms md and d may have
been shortened from miye and niye, the n of niye being exchanged for d.”

In addition to the objections given in the foot note on p. 13, the editor
offers the following table: —

N. B.—The Hidatsa and Biloxi modal prefixes da- and du- are not
exact equivalents of the Dakota ya- and yu-, the (hegiha ¢a- and ¢i-; ete.

The following appears on page 15: “ Perhaps the origin of the ‘t’ in
‘tku’ may be found in the ‘ta’ of the 3d person used to denote property.’
How can this apply to deksi-tku, his or her mother’s brother, even if it
could be said of tanksi-tku, his younger sister, and ¢inhin-tku, his or her
son? While a son or a sister might be transferred to another person’s
keeping, a mother’s brother could not be so transferred. Such an uncle had
greater power over his sister’s children than the father had, among the
Omaha and cognate tribes, and presumably among the Dakota. Among
the Omaha even an adoptive uncle was conceded this power, as when
Susette La Fléche (now Mrs. T. H. Tibbles) was invited by her father’s
brother (a Ponka chief) to remove from the Omaha Reservation in Nebraska

XVI DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

to the Ponka Reservation in the Indian Territory, for the purpose of accepting
a position as teacher in the ageney school. The real father, Joseph La
Fléche, consented, but ‘'’wo Crows, an adoptive mother’s brother, and no
real kinsman, objected, and for that reason Susette did not go. It appears,
then, that the ‘t’ in ‘deksi-tku’ does not imply “transferable possession.”

CONTINUATIVES.

On page 45 the author translates two proper names thus: Inyang-mani,
One-who-walks-running, and Anawang-mani, One-who-walks-as-he-gallops-
on. As mani is used here as a continuative, it would be better to render
the two names, One-who-continues-running, and One-who-continues-gal-
loping-on. In all of the Siouan languages which have been studied by
the editor we find these continuatives. They are generally the classifiers,
words denoting attitude, the primary ones bemg those denoting standing,
sitting, or reclining. In the course of time the reclining is differentiated
from the moving; but at first there is no such differentiation.

The author agreed with the ediior in thinking that some of these
Dakota continuative signs, han, wayka, and yanka, were originally used as
classifiers; and a comparison of the Teton texts with those contained in
the present volume shows that these words are still used to convey the ide:
of action that is (1) continuous or incomplete and (2) performed while the
subject is in a certain attitude. Thus hay means to stand, stand upright or
on end, but when used after another verb it means the standing object. The
other verbs used as classifiers and continuatives are wanka (Teton, yinka),
to recline, yanka (Teton, yanya), to sit, hence to be. Yanka occurs as a
classifier on pp. 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, ete. That it conveys the idea of
sitting is shown by the context on p. 89, where the Star born sat (iyotanke)
on the ridge of the lodge and was fanning himself (ihdadu yanka). Wanka,
to recline: on p. 83, the twin flowers abounded (Jay all along) in the star
country. On the next page, the infant Star born was kicking out repeatedly
(naganeata wanka, he lay there kicking). On page 110 we read, Unktomi
way kaken ya wanka, An Unktomi was going (literally, going he reclined).

CARDINAL BIRTH-NAMES.
The Dakota names which belong to children, in the order of their

birth, up to fifth child, are given on page 45. Thus the first child, if a boy,
is called Caske; if a girl, Winona. The second, if a boy, is called Hepan,

PREFACE. XVII

and if a girl, Hapay, and so on. While this class of birth-names is found
among the Ponka, Omaha, Osage, Kansa, Kwapa, the yoiwere tribes, and
the Winnebago, all these tribes observe a different rule, i. e., the first son is
always called Ing¢a", or some equivalent thereto, even though he may not
be the first child, one or more daughters preceding him in the order of
birth; and in like manner the first daughter is always called Wina" or by
some one of its equivalents, although she may have several brothers older
than herself. On the other hand, if there should be ina Dakota household
first a daughter, next a son, the elder or first born would be Winona and
the next Hapan (there being no Caske), while if the first born was a boy
and the next a girl the boy would be Gaske and his sister Hapay (there
being no Winona).

KINSHIP TERMS.!

The following are the principal kinship terms in most of the Siouan
languages, all of which, except those in the Dakota, Hidatsa, Mandan, and
Tutelo, having been recorded by me. Most of the terms may be used by
females as well as males; but when the use of a term is restricted to
persons of one sex a note to that effect will be found in the proper place.
In the Biloxi column, the algebraic sign (--) denotes that the ending
following it may be used or omitted at the will of the speaker.

1 See pp. 45, 203, 204, 207,
{105—von 1x——11

XVIII

English.

Father

Mother

Mother’s brother

Father’s sister

Grandfather

Grandmother

Elder brother (his)
Elder brother (her)

Elder sister (his)

Elder sister (her)
Younger brother
Younger sister (his)
Younger sister (her)

Son

Daughter

Grandchild

| éuywintku

Dakota.

| atkuku (<ate)

hunku:(<hun)

deksitku (<deksi)

tuywicu (< tun win)

| tuykansitku,
| ,
| tun kaysidan, ete.

| (<tuykan)
kuyku (<kuyn)

einen <einye)
timdokn (<timdo)
tankeku (<tayke)
}
| cuyku, éuyweku
sunkaku (<sunka)

tanksitku (<tanksi)
tankaku (<tanka)

Gnhintku(<éinksi)
cuynksitku,

(<éunksi)

takozakpaku

| (<takoza)

DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

: | é
(fegiha. |§ Kwapa. Kansa. Osage.
3 | Jae ‘
|
|
Fes aes BAe ;
idacli edg¢ate iyadje | igaqse
iha" eha", ehie | iht iba"
| iqysexi,
inegi eteye | idjegi “inyseyi
|
iqimi etiii itcimi iqtsimi
| }
|
|
ijiga" etiya" iteigu iytsiyn
iya” | eya iyu iyu, iqyu
Tine ejindye ijiye, ijmye | tinge, ioive
ijinn etitu itcidu itsi"gu,
iqtsizu
iqange etinye itange itanye,
| iqtanye
andes | einvdes ljuwe loi" we
ance ej dge | ijmwe
isanga esfinya istinga, his | lsanya,
{fem. voe., ist ya", her | 1stinya
wisa'dan’ |
ange itange iteeoinya
igange
ijinge ejinye ijinge loinye
ijange _ ejanye ijinge ionnye
|
| Ms } . bin
| itucpa, iteucpa,
A
yucpa etucpa itenepa igqtsuepa

PREFACE.

XIX

ita ywami,
grand-
daughter.

grandson

son’s daughter;
yiunyayin i,
daughter’s son;
yinyayint xi,
daughter’s dangh-
ter,

English.
Brother-in-law (his)
Brother-in-law (her)

Sister-in-law (his)

Sister-in-law (her)

Sister’s son (his)

Brother’s son (her)

Sister’s daughter (his)

(<tunzan)

Brother’s
(her)

Son-in-law

daughter

Danghter-in-law

Husband (her)

Husband (my)
Wife (his)

Wife (my)

Dakota.

tahanku (<tahan)
SiGecu, |
Si¢geku

(<siée)

haykaku (hanka)

|
|
|
|

icepanku (<i¢epan )

tonskaku(<tongka),

toskaku
(toska)
tunzanku

tozayku (<tozan)

takosku (takos)
takosku (<takos)”

hihna-ku (<hihna)

mihihna

tawicu (<tawin)

mitawi)

Cegiba. Kwapa. Kansa.
igaha" etaha" itaha”
ici‘e ecik’e icik’e
ihanga ehanya ihitinga
HOBIE | ecika® iciya"

wigaq¢a"

DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

itaha"
icik’e

ihanya

icika"

iqtsucka

iytsucka®

itsion,

iqtsion"

iqtsuoanye

iqttingse
igtsini

XXII DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

The “hna” in the Dakota term should not be compared with the
Dakota verb, ohnaka, to place in, but with the (hegiha verb, g¢a", to take a
wife (see “o¢an” in eg¢ange, a husband, her husband), which answers to the
Kansa lange, the Osage y¢anye, and the poiwere yrane, all of which are
related to the verb, to take hold of, seize, apparently pointing to a time when
marriage by capture was the rule. (See the Dakota verb yuza.) The
original meaning of ‘‘my husband” therefore may have been my capturer or
seizer. Ohnaka, when applicable to a person, refers to a sitting one, other-
wise it is applicable to what is curvilinear, a part of a whole, a garment,
book, ete. This is not brought out by the author, though attitude is
expressed or implied in nearly all the verbs of placing or putting in the
various Siouan languages. The Tutelo word for her husband, etamanki,
does not mean, “her man.” Manki, a husband, differs materially from the
several words which are said to mean ‘‘man” in Tutelo. ‘To take a
husband,” in Tutelo, is tamanki"se (<manki), and “to. take a wife” is
tamihi’se (from etamihé"", a wife, his wife). “To take a husband” in
Biloxi, is yinyado"ni, very probably from yifyaji and o*ni, probably
meaning ‘to make or have for a husband or child’s father.” “To take a
wife” in Biloxi, is yinyo"ni (yinyi and o"ni, to do, make), literally, ‘to
make a young one.” The Biloxi term for ‘‘ my wife,” nyinyo"niya", may
have been derived from yinyi, (ftle one, child, and o'ni an occasional form
of tni or Wniya’, « mother, the whole meaning, “my little one his or her
mother.” In like manner, ‘‘my husband,” nyinyajiva", may have been
derived from yinyi, child, and ajiya" or adiya®, his or her father, the com-
pound meaning, “my little one his or her father.”

Among the Dakota names for kinship groups (see page 45), there are
several which admit of being arranged in pairs, and such an arrangement
furnishes hints as to the derivation of at least one name in each pair, in
connection with present and probably obsolete forms of marriage laws. In
each pair of names, the second invariably ends in ksi or Si, the exact
meaning of which has not been ascertained, though it may be found to
imply a prohibition. Thus, Ginéu, his elder brother, Ginye, av elder brother
(of a male); but Giy-ksi, a son (who can not marry the widow of the
speaker, though one whom that speaker calls Giyye can marry her.) A
woman’s elder sister is Guy, Gunwe, or Gunwi, her elder sister being Gunku
or Guyweku; but a daughter is éuy-ksi (she can not marry her mother’s
husband, though the mother’s elder sister can do so). A man’s elder sister
is tayke, a Woman’s younger sister, tayka; but a man’s younger sister is

tay-ksi; it is not certain whether there is any restriction as to marriage

PREFACE. XXIII

contained in this last kinship name. A father is ate, anda mother’s brother
is de-ksi (in Teton, le-ksi); we find in the cognate languages (excepting
(Jegiha and Winnebago) some connection between the two names, thus in
Kwapa, the syllable te is common to ed¢ate and eteye; in Kansa, dje
is common to iyadje and idjegi; in Osage, yse is common to igajse and
iyjseyi; in Peiwere, tee is common to a"tce and itceka. At present, my
mother’s brother can not marry my father’s widow (who is apt to be his
own sister). A man’s brother-in-law (including his sister’s husband) is
tahay, and a man’s male cousin is tahay-si (who can not marry that sister).
A woman’s brother-in-law or potential husband is siée, but her male cousin,
who can never become her husband, is iée-si or Siée-Si. A man’s sister-in-
law (including his potential wife), is hayka; but a man’s female cousin
(whom he can not marry) is hayka-si. A woman’s sister-in-law (including
her husband’s sister and her brother’s wife) is iéepay, but a woman’s female .
cousin (who can become neither the husband’s sister nor the brother’s wife)
is iGepay-si. The editor proposes to group together in like manner the
corresponding terms in the cognate languages, such as iji™¢é, his elder
brother, and ijinge, his or her son; ija"¢é, her elder sister, and ijange, his or
her daughter; but that must be deferred to some future time.

CARDINAL NUMERALS.

On pages 48 and 49 the author undertakes to analyze the Dakota
names for the cardinal numerals. He does this without comparing the
Dakota names with those in the cognate languages. A knowledge of the
latter will enable the student to correct some of the statements of the
author, and for that reason these names are now given.

ONE.

Dakota, wanéa, wanzi or wayziday (wanzina, wayzila). Said by the
author to be derived from way, an interjection calling attention perhaps, at
the same time holding up a finger. N.B. This is only a supposition.

(legiha, wi", wi"aqtci (just one).

Kansa, mi", mi?qtci.

Osage, wi", wi"qtsi.

Kwapa, mi?qti.

Loiwere, iya’, iyanke.

Winnebago, hija", hijankida.

Mandan, maqana.

XXIV DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY,

Hidatsa, duetsa (d¢uetsa) luetsa.

Tutelo, no®sa, also nos, nosai, no"sai, ete.

Biloxi, so"sa. I have not yet found in these cognate languages any
interjection resembling the Dakota way i use, from which the respective
forms of the numeral could be derived.

TWO.

Dakota, nonpa, ‘from en aonpa, to bend down on, or place on, as the
second finger is laid over the small one; or perhaps of nape onpa, nape
being used for finger as well as hand. N. B. The second finger laid down
(that next to the little finger of the left hand) is not laid over, but beside
the small one.

(legiha, na"ba, in composition ¢a"ba, as in the proper name yaxe
¢a"ba, Two Crows. See seven, a derivative. To place a horizontal object
on something would be, a‘a"he, which could not have been the source of
na"ba. =

Kansa, nii"ba.

Osage, ¢i°da.

Kwapa, na"pa, to place a horizontal object on something, ak’t"he.

Tolwere, nowe.

Winnebago, no"p, no"pa, no"pi, nu"p. The root in the Winnebago
verb to place a horizontal object is, tip.

Mandan, nu*pa.

Hidatsa, dopa (d¢opa, nopa).

Tutelo, no"p, no"bai, ete.

Biloxi, no"pa, na"pa; to place a horizontal object ou something, i*pi.

THREE.

Dakota, yamni: “from mni (root), frning over or laying up.”
(Negiha, ¢ab¢i": compare roots, b¢i® and b¢i%¢a, beb¢i", twisted; ete.
Kansa, yabli, yabli®: root bli*, trned.

Osage, ¢gad¢i" or na¢id”.

Kwapa, d¢abni.

iwere, tanyi.

Winnebago, tani.

Mandan, namni.

Hidatsa, dami (d¢ami) or nawi.

Tutelo, nan, nani, lat, ete.

PREFACE. XXV

Biloxi, dani: many roots in which na, ne and ne are syllables convey
the ideas of bending, turning, or shaking.

FOUR.

Dakota, topa, “from opa, to follow; (perhaps ti, @ house, and opa,
follow with) as we say, ‘in the same box’ with the rest. The three have
banded together and made a ‘ti’ or ‘tiday,’ as we should say a family, and
the fourth joins them.” N. B—Is not this rather fanciful?

(legiha, duba; to follow is uguhe; to join a party, éd uihe (in full, édi
uihe).

Kansa, duba or yuba; to follow, uyupye.

Osage, yuda; to follow, u¢upce.

Kwapa, yuwa.

Jpiwere, towe; to follow a road or stream, owe; to join or follow a
party, oyuye.

Winnebago, teop teopa-ra, tcopi; to follow, howe.

Mandan, tope.

Hidatsa, topa (tcopa).

Tutelo, tob, top.

Biloxi, topa.

FIVE.

Dakota, zaptay, ‘from za (root), holding (or perhaps whole, as in zani)
and ptayyay or ptaya, together. In this case the thumb is bent down over
the fingers of the hand, and holds them together.”

(Pegiha, Kansa, and Osage, sata”.

Kwapa, sata”.

Lolwere, Gata”.

Winnebago, sate, satea”.

Mandan, kequ”.

Hidatsa, kiiu (=kiqu).

Tutelo, gisa", kise, kisa*.

Biloxi, ksa”, ksani.

To hold is uga" in (egiha, uyinge in Kansa, ugifiye in Osage, uname in
ypiwere, adgaqege and fikeie in Hidatsa, and dusi in Biloxi.

XXVI DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.
SIX.

Dakota, Sakpe “from sake, nail, and kpa or kpe (root), lasting as some
kinds of food which go a good ways, or filled, as a plump grain. This is
the second thumb, and the reference may be to the other hand being com-
pleted. Perhaps from the idea of bending down as in nakpa, the ear.” No
satisfactory analysis of this numeral can be given in the cognate languages,
and that given by the author needs further examination.

(hegiha, cade.

Kansa, cape.

Osage, cape.

Kwapa, cape’.

\Loiwere, caywe.

Winnebago, akewe.

Mandan, kima.

Hidatsa, akama or akawa.

Tutelo, agasp, agas, akes, akaspe.

Biloxi, aktiqpe.

SEVEN.

Dakota, Sakowin, “ from sake, nail, and owin, perhaps from owinga, to
bend down; but possibly from oin, to wear as jewelry, this being the fore-
finger of the second hand; that is the ring finger.” Do the Dakota Indians
wear rings on their index fingers?

(hegiha, de¢a®ba, -de appearing in eadé, six, and ¢a"ba being two; as
if seven were or, the second of the new series, beginning with six. Kansa,
peyu"ba. Osage, pe¢i"da or pe(¢)a"da. Kwapa, pena*da. [iwere,
cahma. Winnebago, cayowe. Mandan, kupa. Hidatsa, Sapua (capua).
Tutelo, sigum, sagom. Biloxi, na"pahudi, from variants of no"pa, two, and
udi, stock, or ahudi, bone, the ‘second stock” or “second bone.”

EIGHT.

Dakota, sahdogay, “from sake, nail, probably, and hdogay, possessive
of yugay, to open (hdugay is the true form, J. 0. D. ); but perhaps it is
o%al) or o&e, cover, wear; the nail covers itself. ’wo fingers now cover
the thumb.” How can the nail “cover itself?” (hegiha, de¢ab¢i®, as if
from -de and ¢ab¢i", three or the third of the new series, beginning with six.
Kansa, kiya-juba, ‘again four,” and peyabli (cape and yabli). Osage,
kiy¢e-quda, “again four.” Kwapa, ped¢abni® (cape and dg¢abni"). Laiwere,

PREFACE. XXVII

krerapri® (incapable of analysis, tanyi being three). Winnebago, haru-
wanke or haguwanke (can not yet be analyzed). Mandan, titiki. Hidatsa,
dopapi (d¢opapi), from dopa (d¢opa), two and pi-, which appears to be the
root of pitika (pitcika), fen, the whole probably signifying ten less two.
Tutelo, palan, palan (pa and three). Biloxi, dan-hudi, the “third stock” or
“third bone.”

NINE.

Dakota, napéinwayka, ‘from nape, hand, ¢istinna, small, and wanka,
lies—hand small lies; that is, the remainder of the hand is very small, or
perhaps, the hand now lies in a small compass. Or, from napéupe (marrow
bones of the hand), or “the finger lies in the napéoka, inside of the hand.”
Query by the editor: May not the name refer to the little finger of the
right hand which alone remains straight?

(Pegiha, Kansa and Kwapa, canka.

Osage, y¢ed¢a™ tse ¢inve or y¢ed¢a” tsé wi" ¢inye, “ten less one.”

Loiwere, canke.

Winnebago, hijankitea"ckuni or hijankiten"qckuni, ‘ one wanting,” i. e.
to make ten.

Mandan, maqpi (from maqana, ove, and piraq, fer), ‘ ten less one.”. (2)

Hidatsa, duetsapi (d¢uetsa and pi-), ‘ten less one.”

Tutelo, sa, sa", ksank, ksa™yk.

Biloxi, tekane.

TEN.

Dakota, wikéemna, “trom wikée or ikGe, common, and mnayan, gath-
ering, or from mna, to rip, that is, let loose. It would mean either that the
common or first gathering of the hands was completed, or, that being com-
pleted, the whole were loosed, and the ten thrown up, as is their custom;
the hands in the common position.”

(legiha, o¢eba or g¢eb¢a" Gn which ge¢e=kée of the Dakota, and
b¢éa"=mna of the Dakota).

Kansa, lebla or lebla”.

Osage, y¢ed¢a”.

Kwapa, ktcebna or ktgeptga®.

Loiwere, krepra".

Winnebago, kerepana.
Mandan, piraq.

XXVIII DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

Hidatsa, pitika (pitcika).
Tutelo, butck, putek.
Biloxi, ohi, ‘‘completed, filled, out, to have gone through the series.”

ELEVEN.

Dakota, ake wanZi, “again one,” or wikéemna sanpa wanzidan. ‘ten
more one.”

(hegiha, ag¢i"-wi", ‘one sitting-on (ten).”

Kansa, ali"-mi"qtci, same meaning.

Osage, ay¢i"-wi"qtsi, same meaning.

Kwapa, mi"qti-ayni", ‘one sitting-on,” or ktceptga"-ta" mi®qti ayni’,
“ten-when one sitting-on.”

eiwere, ayri"-iyanke, “ one sitting-on.”

Winnebago, hijankida-cina, meaning not certain (hijankida, one).

Mandan, aga-maqana (maqana, 07e).

Hidatsa, alipi-duetsa (aqpi-d¢uetsa), ‘ portioned one.”

Tutelo, agi-no"saii.

Biloxi ohi so"saqehe, ‘‘ten one-sitting-on.”

TWELVE,

Dakota, ake nonpa, “again two,” or wikéemna saypa nonpa, “ten
more two.”

(legiha, cadé-naba, “six times two.”

Kansa, ali"-nt"ba, “two sitting-on.”

Osage, ay¢i-¢a"'da, same meaning.

Kwapa, na"pa-ayni", same meaning.

L2iwere, ayri"-nowe, same meaning.
Winnebago, no"pa-cina (no"pa, to).
Mandan, aga-nu"pa (nu"pa, éwo).
Hidatsa, ahpi-dopa (aqpi-d¢opa), “portioned two.”
Tutelo, agi-no"paii; see no"bai, two.

Biloxi, ohi no"paqéhe, ‘“ ten two-sitting-on.”
NINETEEN.

Dakota, wyma napéiywayka, “the other nine.”

(legiha, ag¢i"-canka, ‘nine sitting-on.”

Kansa, ama canka, ‘‘the other nine,” or ali"-canka, ‘nine sitting-on.”
Osage, ay¢i" y¢ded¢a” tse ¢inye, ‘“‘sitting-on ten less (one).”

PREFACE. XXIX

Kwapa, canka-ayni", “nine sitting-on.”
Loiwere, ayri"-canke, same meaning.
Winnebago, hijankitci"qcekuni-cina (see nine)
Mandan, aga-maqpi (see nine).
Hidatsa, alipi-duetsapi (aqpi-d¢uetsapi), ‘portioned ten less one.”
Tutelo, agi-ksankaii (see nine).
Biloxi, ohi tekanaqéhe, ‘‘ten nine-sitting-on.”
’ q 2

ONE HUNDRED.

Dakota, opawinge, “from pawinga, to bend down with the hand, the
prefixed o indicating perfectness or roundness; that is, the process has
been gone over as many times as there are fingers and thumbs.”

(legiha, g¢eba-hi-wi", “one stock of tens.”

Kansa, lebla® hii teiisa (lebla”, ten, hii, stock, teiisa, meaning unknown).

Osage, y¢ed¢a™ hii oi"a, ‘ten stock small,” or “small stock of tens.”

Kwapa, ktcgeptga” hi, “stock of tens.”

Winnebago, okihija".

Mandan, isuk maqana (maqana, ove).

Hidatsa, pitikictia (pitcikiqtcia), ‘ great ten.”

Tutelo, ukeni nosa, or okeni.

Biloxi, tsipa.

ONE THOUSAND.

Dakota, kektopawinge, or koktopawinge ‘‘from opawinge and ake or
kokta, again or also.”

(fegiha, e¢eba-hi-wi" yanga, “‘one great stock of tens,” or yuge wi",
‘Cone box,” so called because annuity money before the late civil war was
paid to the Indians in boxes, each holding a thousand dollars in specie.

Kansa, lebla™ hii jiiga tciisa (lebla”, fem, hii, stock, jinga, small, teiisa,
meaning uncertain) or lebla" hii tanga, ‘large stock of tens.”

Kwapa, ktceptea™ hi tanya, ‘‘a large stock of tens.”

Winnebago, kokija® (koke, box, hija", one), “‘one box.”

Mandan, isuki kakuhi.

Hidatsa, pitikictia akakodi (pitcikiqtcia akakod¢i), exact meaning not
known.

Tutelo, ukeni putskai, ‘“‘ten hundred.”

Biloxi, tsipi*teiya, ‘old man hundred,” from tsipa, hundred, and itciya,
old man.

XXX DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY,
THE TERMS FOR “WHITE MAN” IN SIOUAN LANGUAGES.

On p. 174 Dr. Riges, in speaking of Hennepin’s narrative, says: “The
principal chief at that time of this part of the tribe, is called by Hennepin
‘Washechoonde. If he is correct, their name for Frenchmen was in use,
among the Dakota, before they had intercourse with them, and was probably
a name learned from some Indians farther east.” The author’s supposition
as to the eastern origin of wasiéwy as an appellation for white men might
stand if there were no explanation to be found in the Dakota and cognate
languages. Hennepin himself is a witness to the fact that the Dakota
Indians of his day called spirits wasiéuy (as Dr. Riggs states on p. 175).
And this agrees with what I have found in the Teton myths and stories of
the Bushotter collection, where wasiéwy is given as meaning guardian
spirit. Dr. Riggs himself, in his Dakota-English dictionary, gives wasiéuy
as ‘nearly synonymous with wakay” in the opinion of some persons. He
appends the following Teton meanings: “A familiar spirit; some mysterious
forces or beings which are supposed to communicate with men; mitawasiéuy
he omakiyaka, my familiar spirit told me that.” This phrase he gives as
referring to the Takuskanskay, the Something-that-moves or the Wind
powers. The Mandan use waci and the Hidatsa maci for white man.
Though the Hidatsa word was originally applied only to the French and
Canadians, who are now sometimes designated as masikat’i (maci-kttei, in
the Bureau alphabet), the true whites. The iwere tribes (lowa, Oto,
and Missouri) call a Frenchman mag okenyi, in which compound mag is
equivalent to maci of the Hidatsa, waci of the Mandan, and wasiéuy of the
Dakota. The Ponka and Omaha call a white man waqé@, one who excels
or goes beyond (the rest), and a Frenchman waqé ukeg¢i", a common white
man. The Winnebago name for Frenchman is waqopinina, which may be
compared with the word for mysterious.

NOTES ON THE DAKOTA MYTHS.

On p. 84, lines 8 to 18, there is an account of the wonderful result
produced by tossing the Star-born up through the smoke hole. In the
siloxi myth of the Hummingbird there is an account of a girl, a boy, and
a dog that were eared for by the Ancient of Crows. One day, in the
absence of the fostermother, the girl tossed four grains of corn up through
the smoke hole, and when they came down they became many stalks filled
with ears of excellent corn. The girl next threw the tent itself up into the
air, causing it to come dowr a beautiful lodge. When she threw her little

PREFACE. XXAI

brother into the air he came down a very handsome warrior. The girl then
asked her brother to toss her up, and when he had done this, she came
down a very beautiful woman, the fame of her loveliness soon spreading
throughout the country. The dog and such clothing as the sister and
brother possessed were tossed up in succession, each act producing a
change for the better.

On p. 85, from line 33 to p. &6, line 5, there is an account of the
deliverance of the imprisoned people by the Star-bornu when he cut off the
heart of the monster that had devoured them. In like manner the Rabbit
delivered the people from the Devouring Mountain, as related in the (legiha
myths, ‘“‘ How the Rabbit went to the Sun,” and “How the Rabbit killed
the Devouring Hill,” in “Contributions to North American Ethnology,”
Vol. v1, pp. 31, 34.

Note 2, p. 89. Eya after a proper name should be rendered by the
initial and final quotation marks in the proper places, when ediya follows,
thus: Mato eya e¢iyapi, They called him, “ Grizzly bear.”

When heya precedes and eya follows a phrase or sentence the former
may be rendered, he said as follows, and the latter, he said what precedes.
Heya answers to ge, gai or ga-biama of the (legiha, and eya. to e, ai or
a-biama. In like manner the Dakota verbs of thinking may be rendered
as follows: heéiy (which precedes, answering to ge¢ega" of the Qegiha),
by he thought as follows, and eéiy (which follows, answering to e¢ega™ in
(legiha), by he thought what precedes.

The myth of the Younger Brother (p. 139-143) contains several
incidents which find their counterparts in the Biloxi myth of the Thunder-
being. In the Dakota myth the wife of the elder brother plots against the
younger brother; she scratches her thighs with the claws of the prairie
chicken which the brother-in-law had shot at her request, and tells her
husband on his return that his brother had assaulted her. In the Biloxi
myth it is the aunt, the wife of the Thunder-being’s mother’s brother, who
scratched herself in many places. In the Dakota myth the Two Women
are bad at first, while the mother was good. But in the Biloxi myth the
Old Woman was always bad, while her two daughters, who became
the wives of the Thunder-being, were ever beneficient. In the Dakota
myth the old woman called her husband the Uykteli to her assistance,
prevailing on him to transport her household, including the Younger
Brother, across the stream. In the Biloxi myth the two wives of the
Thunder-being, after the death of their mother, call to a huge alligator, of
the ‘‘salt water species called box alligator” by the Biloxi, and he comes

XXXII DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

to shore in order to serve as the canoe of the party. Doubtless there were
more points of resemblance in the two myths, but parts of the Biloxi one
have been forgotten by the aged narrator.

NOTES ON THE DAKOTA DANCES!

The Begging dance is known among the Ponka as the Wana watcigaxe
(See ‘Omaha Sociology,” in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 355.) The No
flight dance is the Make-no-flight dance or Ma¢a watcigaxe of the Ponka
and Omaha. It is described in ‘Omaha Sociology” Gn 3d Ann. Rept.
Bur. Ethn., p. 352). The Scalp dance is a dance for the women among
the Ponka and Omaha, who call it Wewatci. (See ‘Omaha Sociology,”
in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 330).

The Mystery dance is identical with the Wacicka of the Omaha. A
brief account of that dance was published by the editor in ‘Omaha
Sociology,” in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 842-346.

The Grass dance, sometimes called Omaha dance, is the dance of the
He¢ucka society of the Omaha tribe, answering to the Ilucka of the Kansa,
and the Iny¢t"cka of the Osage. For accounts of the Hefucka see
“Omaha Sociology,” in 8d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 880-332, and ‘“ Hae-
thu-ska society of the Omaha tribe,” by Miss Alice C. Fletcher, in the
Jour. of Amer. Folk-Lore, April-June, 1892, pp. 135-144. For accounts
of the sun-dance, with native illustrations, see ‘A Study of Siouan Cults,”
Chapter V, in the 11th Ann. Rept. of the Bureau of Ethnology.

Bureau oF Ernnowoey,
Washington, D. C., September 15, 1893.

1See pp. 224-232,

DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.
PATE EIRST.

GRAMMAR.

(105—VOL) 1x——_1. 1

Wel) gher Age
Pe Se Sree
oad igh

EI OTA | GE AcVENeA TH,

Cone ASR Hake ole
PHONOLOGY.
THE ALPHABET.
VOWELS.
The vowels are five in number, and have each one uniform sound,
except when followed by the nasal ‘y,” which somewhat modifies them.

a has the sound of English « in father.

e has the sound of Enelish ¢ in they, or of a in face.

i has the sound of 7 in marine, or of e in me.

ra) has the sound of English o in go, note.

u has the sound of in rude, or of 00 in food.
CONSONANTS.

The consonants are twenty-four in number, exclusive of the sound

represented by the apostrophe (’).

b has its common English sound.

é is an aspirate with the sound of English ci, as in chin. In the
Dakota Bible and other printing done in the language, it
has not been found necessary to use the diacritical mark.*

é is an emphatie é. It is formed by pronouncing “é” with a
strong pressure of the organs, followed by a sudden expul-

sion of the breath.

d has the common Enelish sound.

g has the sound of g hard, as in go.

o represents a deep sonant guttural resembling the Arabic ghai
(€). Formerly represented by y simply.t

h has the sound of / in English.

h represents a strong surd guttural resembling the Arabic kha (Z).

Formerly represented by r.{

* For this sound Lepsius recommends the Greek y.
+ This and k, p, t, are called cerebrals by Lepsius.
: This and Z correspond with Lepsius, except in the form of the diaeritical mark.

4 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

k has the same sound as in English.
k is an emphatic letter, bearing the same relation to / that “¢”

does to “6.” In all the printing done in the language, it is
still found most convenient to use the English ¢ to repre-
sent this sound.*

| has the common sound of this letter in English. It is peculiar
to the Titonwan dialect.

m has the same sound as in English.

n has the common sound of 7 in English.

) denotes a nasal sound similar to the French x in bon, or the

Enelish x in drink. As there are only comparatively very
few cases where a full 7 is used at the end of a syllable, no
distinctive mark has been found necessary. Hence in all
our other printing the nasal continues to be represented by
the common 7».

p has the sound of the English p, with a little more volume and
stress of voice.

» is an emphatic, bearing the same relation to p that ‘“é” does
tO Cee

s has the surd sound of English s, as in say.

s is an aspirated s, having the sound of English sh, in in shine.
Formerly represented by «.

t is the same in English, with a little more volume of voice.

t is an emphatic. bearing the same relation to “t” that “¢é” does
oy Ces

Ww has the power of the English w, as in walk.

y has the sound of Enelish y, as in yet.

Z has the sound of the common English 2, as in zebra.

Z is an aspirated 2, having the sound of the French J, or the English

s in pleasure. Formerly represented by /.
The apostrophe is used to mark an hiatus, as in s’a. It seems to be
analogous to the Arabic hamzeh (¢).

Nore.—Some Dakotas, in some instances, introduce a slight ) sound before the
m, and also a d sound before n. For example, the preposition ‘‘om,” with, is by some
persons pronounced obm, and the preposition “en,” in, is Sometimes spoken as if it
should be written edn. In these cases, the members of the Episcopal mission among
the Dakotas write the b and the d, as “ob,” “ed.”

These are called cerebrals by Lepsius. In the alphabet of the Bureau of Ethnology these sounds
are designated by te’ (—¢, of Riggs), k’ (=k), p’ (=p), and t’ (=t), respectively, and are called
explosives.

SYLLABICATION—ACCENTS.

SYLLABICATION.

§ 3. Syllables in the Dakota language terminate in a pure or nasalized
vowel, as ti-pi, house, tan-yay, well. To this rule there are some excep-
tions, viz. :

a. The preposition ‘en,’ iz, and such words as take it for a suffix, as,
petan, on the fire, tukten, where, etc.; together with some adverbs of time,
as, dehan, now, hehan, then, tohan, when, ete.

b. When a syllable is contracted into a single consonant (see § 11),
that consonant is attached to the preceding vowel; as, om, with, from o-pa,
to follow; way-yag, from wan-ya-ka, to see; ka-kis, from ka-ki-za, to suffer ;
bo-Sim-si-pa, to shoot off, instead of bo-Si-pa-si-pa. But, in cases of contrac-
tion in reduplication, when the contracted syllable coalesces readily with
the consonant that follows, it is so attached; as, Si-ksi-éa; sa-psa-pa.

c. There are some other syllables which end in §; as, is, he, nis, thou,
mis, J, nakaes, indeed, ete. ‘These are probably forms of contraction.

ACCENTS.
PLACE OF ACCENT.

§ 4. 1. In the Dakota language all the syllables are enunciated plainly
and fully; but every word that is not a monosyllable has in it one or more
accented syllables, which, as a general thing, are easily distinguished from
such as are not accented. The importance of observing the accent is seen
in the fact that the meaning of a word often depends upon it; as, mdga, a
field, maga, a goose; dkiya, to aid, okiya, to speak to.

2. More than two-thirds, perhaps three-fourths, of all Dakota words of
two or more syllables have their principal accent on the second syllable from
the beginning, as will be seen by a reference to the Dictionary; the greater
part of the remaining words have it on the jirst.

3. (a) In polysyllabic words there is usually a secondary accent, which
falls on the second syllable after the primary one; as, hewdéskantttya, in a
desert place; iGiyépeya, to barter.

(b) But if the word be compounded of two nouns, or a noun and a
verb, each will retain its own accent, whether they fall two degrees apart
or not; as, agtiyapi-idapan, (wheat-beater) a flail; inmu-stnka, (cat-dog) a
domestic cat; akidita-nadzin, to stand guard.

REMOVAL OF ACCENT.

§ 5. 1. Suffixes do not appear to have any effect upon the accent; but
a syllable prefixed or inserted before the accented syllable draws the accent

6 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

back, so that it still retains the same position with respect to the beginning
of the word; as, napé, hand, minape, my hand; baksa, to cut off with a knife,
bawaksa, I cut off; mdaska, flat, Gaymdaska, boards ; maga, a field, mitamaga,
my field.

When the accent is on the first syllable of the word the prefixing syllable does
not always remoye it; as, noge, the ear, mandge, my ear. :

2. The same is true of any number of syllables prefixed; as, kaska,
to bind; wakaska, J bind; wiédwakaska, I bind them.

3. (a) If the verb be accented on the second syllable, and pronouns be
inserted after it, they do not affect the primary accent; as, wastédaka, to
love; wastéwadaka, J love something.

(b) But if the verb be accented on the first syllable, the introduction of
a pronoun removes the accent to the second syllable; as, méni, to walk;
mawanl, J walk.

In some cases, however, the accent is not removed; as, Ohi, to reach to; é6wahi, I
reach.

4. When ‘wa’ is prefixed to a word commencing with a vowel, and an
elision takes place, the accent is thrown on the first syllable; as, iyuskin,
to rejoice in; wiyuskin, to rejoice; amdéza, clear, wamdeza; amdosa, the red-
winged black-bird, wamdosa.

5. When ‘wo’ is prefixed to adjectives and verbs forming of them
abstract nouns, the accent is placed on the first syllable; as, pidé, glad;
wopida, gladness; wadysida, merciful; wowaoysida, mercy; ihaygeya, to de-
stroy; woihaygve, a destroying.

6. So also when the first syllable of a word is dropped or merged into
a pronominal prefix, the accent is removed to the first syllable; as, kikstiya,

to remember: miksuva, remember me.
CHANGES OF LETTERS.
SUBSPTTUTION AND ELISION.

9 6. 1. ‘A’ or ‘ay’ final in verbs, adjectives, and some adverbs, is
changed to ‘e, when followed by auxiliary verbs, or by certain conjunc
tions or adverbs. Thus—

(a) When an uncontracted verb in the singular number ending with
‘a’ or ‘ay’ precedes another verb, as the infinitive mood or participle, the
‘a’ or ‘ay’ becomes ‘e;’ as, ya, to go; ye kiya, to cause to go; niwan, to
swim; niwe kiya, to cause to swim; niwe un, he is swimming; but they also
say niway wauy, Lam swimming.

CHANGES OF LETTERS. tl

(b) ‘A’ or ‘an’ final in verbs, when they take the sign of the future
tense or the negative adverb immediately after, and when followed by
some conjunctions, is changed into ‘e;’ as, yuke kta, there will be some;
mde kte sni, I will not go.

To this there are a number of exceptions. Ba, to blame, and da, to ask or beg, are
not changed. Some of the Mdewakaytonway say ta kta, he will die. Other dialects
use tly kta. Ohnaka, to place any thing in, is not changed; as, “minape kin takuday
ohnaka Ssni wauy,” I have nothing in my hand. puza, to be thirsty, remains the same;
as, ipuza kta; ‘“‘tuwe ipuza kiyhay,” ete., “let him that is athirst come.” Some say
ipuze kta, but it is not common. Yuha, to lift, carry, in distinction from yuha, to
have, possess, is not changed; as, mduha Sni, I cannot lift it.

(c) Verbs and adjectives singular ending in ‘a’ or ‘ay,’ when the con-
nexion of the members of the sentence is close, always change it into ‘e;’
as, ksape ¢a waste, wise and good ; waymdake ¢a vakute, I saw and I shot it.

(d) ‘A’ and ‘ay’ final become ‘e’ before the adverb ‘hinéa,’ the particle
‘do,’ and ‘Sni,’ not; as, SiGe hinéa, very bad; waste kte do, it will be good;
takuna yute Sni, he eats nothing at all. Some adverbs follow this rule; as,
tanye hin, very well; which is sometimes contracted into tanyeh.

But ‘a’ or ‘an’ final is always retained betore tuka, unkan, unkans§, esta, Sta, kes,
and perhaps some others.

(e) In the Titoyway or Teton dialect, when ‘a’ or ‘ay’ final would be
changed into ‘e’ in Isanyati or Santee, it becomes ‘in;’ that is when fol-
lowed by the sign of the future; as, ‘yukiy kta’ instead of ‘ yuke kta,’ ‘yin
kta’ instead of ‘ye kta,’ ‘tin kta’ instead of ‘te kta,’ ‘éantekiyin kta,’ ete.
Also this change takes place before some conjunctions, as, epin na wagli, J
said and I returned.

2. (a) Substantives ending in ‘a’ sometimes change it to ‘e’ when a
possessive pronoun is prefixed; as, Suyka, dog; mitasunke, my dog; nita-
Sunke, thy dog; tasunke, his dog.

(b) So, on the other hand, ‘e’ final is changed to ‘a,’ in forming some
proper names; as, Ptaysinta, the name given to the south end of Lake
Traverse, from ptay and sinte.

§ 7. 1. (@) When ‘k’ and ‘k,’ as in kin and kinhay, ka and kehan, etc.,
are preceded by a verb or adjective whose final ‘a’ or ‘an’ is changed for
the sake of euphony into ‘e,’ the ‘k’ or ‘k’ following becomes ‘
yuhe éinhan, if he has, instead of yuha kinhayn; yuke Gehan, when there was,
instead of yukay kehay.

(b) But if the proper ending of the preceding word is ‘e,’ no such
change takes place; as, waste kinhan, if he is good; Wakaytanka ape ka
wastedaka wo, hope in God and love him.

By 7s
G or ~¢; as

8 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

2. When ‘ya,’ the pronoun of the second person singular and nomina-
tive case, precedes the inseparable prepositions ‘ki,’ fo, and ‘kiéi,’ for, the
‘ki’? and ‘ya’ are changed, or rather combined, into ‘ye;’ as, yeéaga, thou
makest to, instead of yakiéaga; yediéaga, thou makest for one, instead of
yakidiéaga. In like manner the pronoun ‘wa,’ J, when coming in conjunc-
tion with ‘ki,’ forms ‘we;’ as, weéaga, not wakiéaga, from kiéaga. Wowapi
wecéage kta, [will make him a book, i. e. I will write him a letter.

3. (a) When a pronoun or preposition ending in ‘e’ or ‘i’ is prefixed
to a verb whose initial letter is ‘k,’ this letter is changed to ‘é;’ as, kaga, to
make, kiéaga, to make to or for one; kaksa, to cut off, kiéiéaksa, to cut off for
one.

(b) But if a consonant immediately follows the ‘k,’ it is not changed;
as, kte, to kill, nikte, he kills thee. In accordance with the above rule, they
say Giéute, I shoot thee; they do not however say kiéute, but kikute, he
shoots for one.

(c) This change does not take place in adjectives. They say kata, hot,
nikata, thow art hot; kuza, lazy, nikuza, thou art lazy.

§ 8. 1. ‘T’ and ‘k’ when followed by ‘p’ are interchangeable; as
inkpa, intpa, the end of any thing; wakpa, watpa, a river; sinkpe, sintpe,
a muskrat.

2. In the Ihanktoyway dialect, ‘k’ is often used for ‘h’ of the Walipe-
toyway; as, kdi, to arrive at home, tor hdi; éaypakmikma, a cart or wagon,
for Gaypahmihma. In the same circumstances the Titonway use ‘g,’ and
the Mdewakaytonway ‘n;’ as, Gaypagmigma, éaypanminma.

3. Vowel changes required by the Titonwan:

(a) ‘a’ to ‘u,’ sometimes, as Iwanga’ to ‘iyunga;’

(b) ‘e’ to ‘i,’ sometimes, as ‘aetopteya’ to ‘aitopteya;’

(d) ‘i’ to ‘e,’ as ‘eéonpi ye do’ to ‘eéonpe lo;’

(e) ‘i’ to fo,’ sometimes, as ‘ituya’ to ‘otuya;’

(/) ‘i’ to Su,’ as ‘odidita’ to ‘oluluta;’ ‘itahan’ to ‘utuhan,’ ete.;

(gy) ‘o’ to ‘e,’ sometimes, as ‘tiyopa’ to ‘tiyepa;’

(h) ‘a’ or ‘ay’ final, changed to ‘e,’ before the sign of the future, ete.,
becomes ‘in,’ as ‘yeke kta’ to ‘yukin kta,’ ‘te kta’ to ‘tin kta.’

4. Consonant changes required by the 'Titonwan:

(a) ‘b’ to ‘w,’ (1) in the prefixes ‘ba’ and ‘bo,’ always; (2) in some
words, as ‘walibadan’ to ‘walhwala;’

(b) ‘b’ to ‘m,’ as ‘Sbeya’ to ‘Smeya;’

CHANGES OF LETTERS. 9

(d) ‘h’ to ‘g,’ always in the combinations ‘hb,’ ‘hd,’ ‘hm,’ ‘hn,’ which
become ‘gb,’ ‘el,’ ‘eb’ and ‘gn;’

@)i ki ton, as ka? tolna;?

(f) ‘m’ to ‘b,’ as (1) in ‘md’ which becomes ‘bl;’ and (2) in ‘m’ final,
contracted, as ‘om’ to ‘ob,’ ‘tom’ to ‘tob;’

(g) ‘m’ to ‘p,’ as in the precative form ‘miye’ to ‘piye;’

(h) ‘n’ to ‘b,’ as (1) in contract forms of ‘6,’ ‘t,’ and ‘y,’ always; e. g.,
‘éantesin’ to ‘éantesil,’ ‘yun’ to ‘yul,’ and ‘kun’ to ‘kul,’ ete.; (2) in certain
words, as ‘nina’ to ‘lila,’ ‘mina’ (/h.) to ‘mila;’ (3) ‘n’ final in some words,
as ‘en’ to ‘el,’ heéen’ to ‘heéel,’ ‘wankan’ to ‘wankal,’ ‘tankan’ to ‘taykal,’
euce

(i) ‘t’ to ‘6,’ as ‘Gistinna’ to ‘disdila;’

(j) ‘t’ to ‘g,’ as ‘itokto’ to ‘itogto;’

(k) ‘t’ to ‘k,’ as ‘itokam’ to ‘ikokab.’

(1) ‘w’ to ‘y,’ in some words, as ‘owasiy’ to ‘oyasin,’ ‘iwanga’ to
‘iyunga,’ ‘wanka’ to ‘yunka,’ ete.;

(m) ‘y’ to ‘w,’ as ‘eéon ye do’ to ‘eéon we lo;’

(mn) ‘day’ final generally becomes ‘la,’ as ‘hoksidan’ changed to
‘hoksila;’ but sometimes it changes to ‘ni,’ as ‘wanzidaay’ to ‘wanzini,’
‘tuwedayn’ to ‘tuweni,’ ete.;

(0) ‘way,’ as indicated above, in ‘a’ to
‘yun,’ as ‘hewayke’ to ‘heyunke,’ ‘napéinwanka’ to ‘napéinyuyka,’

‘u,’? in some words, becomes

‘iwanga’ to ‘iyunea,’ ete.

§ 9. 1. When two words come together so as to form one, the latter of
which commences and the former ends with a vowel, that of the first word
is sometimes dropped; as, Gantokpani, fo desire or long for, of Gate, the
heart, and okpani, to fail of; wakpiéahda, by the side of a river, from wakpa
and iéahda; wiéota, many persons, from wiéa and ota. Tak eya, what did
he say? is sometimes used for taku eya.

2. In some cases also this elision takes place when the second word
commences with a consonant; as, napkawiy and namkawin, to beckon with
the hand, of nape and kawin.

3. Sometimes when two vowels come together, ‘w’ or ‘y’ is introduced
between them for the sake of euphony; as, owihanke, the end, from o and
ihanke; niyate, thy father, from the pronoun ni, thy, and ate, father.

§ 10. The ‘yu’ of verbs commencing with that syllable is not unfre-
quently dropped when the pronoun of the first person plural is used; as,

10 DAKOTA GRAM MAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

yuha, to have, twhapi, we have; ytza, to hold, tuzapi, we hold. Yiiza also

becomes oze, which may be oytize contracted; as, Makatooze, the Blue
. b b]

Earth River, lit. where the blue earth is taken; oze Siéa, bad to catch.

CONTRACTION.

§ 11. 1. Contractions take place in some nouns when combined with
a following noun, and in some verbs when they occupy the position of the
infinitive or participle. The contraction consists in dropping the vowel of
the final syllable and changing the preceding consonant usually into its
corresponding sonant, or vice versd, which then belongs to the syllable that
precedes it; as yus from yuza, to hold; tom trom topa, four. The follow-
ing changes occur:
z into 8; as, yuza, to hold any thing; yus nazin, to stand holding.
z into §; as kakiza, to suffer; kaki$ waun, I am suffering.
& into h; as, maga, a field, and maga, a goose, are contracted into mah.
k into g; as, wanyaka, to see any thing, is contracted into wanyag.
p into m; as, topa, /ow", is contracted into tom; watopa, to paddle or
row a boat, is contracted into watom.
t into d; as, odota, the reduplicated form of ota, many, much.
t into g; as, bozagzata, the reduplicated form of bozata, to make forked
by punching.
é, t, and y, into n; as, waniéa, none, becomes wanin; yuta, to eat any
thing, becomes yun; kuya, below, becomes kun.
2. The article ‘kin’ is sometimes contracted into ‘g;’ as, oyate kin, the
people, contracted into oyateg.
at Gay te, the heart, is contracted into Gan; as, Ganwaste, glad (Gante and
waste, heart-good).
4. When a syllable ending in a nasal (7) has added to it ‘m’ or ‘n,
the contracted form of the syllable that sueceeded, the nasal sound is lost
in the ‘m’ or ‘n,’ and is consequently dropped; as, Gaynunpa, to smoke a

’

pipe, Gaynum mani, he smokes as he walks; kakinéa, to scrape, kakin iyeya.

Contracted words may generally be known by their termination.
When contraction has not taken place, the rule is that every syllable ends
with either a pure or nasalized vowel. See § 3.

Colieatee sn ARR: ab les
MORPHOLOGY.

PRONOUNS.

§ 12. Dakota pronouns may be classed as personal (simple and com-
pound), interrogative, relative, and demonstrative pronouns, together with the
definite and indefinite pronouns or articles.

PERSONAL PRONOUNS.

§ 13. To personal pronouns belong person, number, and case.

1. There are three persons, the jirst, second, and third.

2. There are three numbers, the singular, dual, and plural. The dual
is only of the first person; it includes the person speaking and the person
spoken to, and has the form of the first person plural, but without the ter-
mination ‘pi

3. Pronouns have three cases, sabjective, objective, and possessive.

§ 14. The simple pronouns may be divided into separate and incorpo-
rated ; i. e. those which form separate words, and those which are prefixed
to or inserted into verbs, adjectives, and nouns. The incorporated pronouns
may properly be called article pronouns or pronominal particles.

Separate.

) 15. 1. (a) The separate pronouns in most common use, and probably
the original ones, are, Sing., miye, J, niye, thou, iye, he. The plural of
these forms is denoted by ‘uykiye’ for the first person, ‘niye’ for the second,
and ‘ive’ for the third, and adding ‘pi’ at the end either of the pronoun
itself or of the last principal word in the phrase. Dual, unkiye, (Land
thow) we two.

These pronouns appear to be capable of analysis, thus: To the incor-
porated forms ‘mi,’ ‘ni’ and ‘i,’ is added the substantive verb ‘e,’ the vis
coming in for euphony. So that ‘mive’ is equivalent to I am, ‘niye’ to thou
art, and ‘ive’ to he is.!

‘A knowledge of the cognate languages of the Siouan or Dakotan stock would have led the
author to modify, if not reject, this statement, as well as several others in this volume, to which at-
tention is called by similar foot-notes. ‘Mi’ and ‘ni’ can be possessive (§ 21) and dative (§ 19, 3), or,
as the author terms it, objective (though the act is to another); but he did not show their use in the
subjective or nominative, nor did he give ‘i’ as a pronoun in the 3d singular. Besides, how could
he reconcile his analysis of mis, nis, and is (§ 15, 1, }) with that of miye, niye, and iye?—J. 0. D.

i) DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

(b) Another set of separate pronouns, which are evidently contracted
forms, are, Sing., mis, J, nis, thou, is, he. The Plural of these forms is desig-
nated by employing ‘uykis’ for the first person, ‘nis’ for the second, and ‘is’
for the third, and adding ‘pi’ at the end of the last principal word in the
phrase. Dual, uykis, (1 and thow) we two. ‘These contracted forms of mis,
nis, and ig would seem to have been formed from miye, niye, tye; as, miye
e§ contracted into mis; niye es contracted into nis, ete.

2. These pronouns are used for the sake of emphasis, that is to say,
they are employed as emphatic repetitions of the subjective or objective
pronoun contained in the verb; as, mis wakaga, (J I-made) I made; miye
mayakaga, (me me-thou-madest) thou madest me. Both sets of pronouns are
used as emphatic repetitions of the subject, but the repetition of the object
is generally confined to the first set. It would seem in fact that the first
set may originally have been objective, and the second subjective forms.

3. Mis miye, J myself; nis niye, thow thyself; i$ tye, he himself; uykis
unkiyepi, we ourselves, ete., are emphatic expressions which frequently
occur, meaning that it concerns the person or persons alone, and not any
one else.

§ 16. 1. The possessive separate pronouns are: Sing., mitawa, my or
mine, nitawa, thy or thine, tawa, his; Dual, wykitawa, (mine and thine) ours ;
Plur., unkitawapi, ow or ours, nitawapi, your or yours, tawapi, their or
theirs: as, wowapi mitawa, my book, he mitawa, that is mine.

2. The separate pronouns of the first set are also used as emphatic
repetitions with these; as, miye mitawa, (me mine) my own; niye nitawa,
thy own; iye tawa, his own; uykiye ujkitawapi, our own.

INCORPORATED OR ARTICLE PRONOUNS.!

§ 17. The incorporated pronouns are used to denote the subject or
object of an action, or the possessor of a thing.

Subjective.

§ 18. 1. The subjective article pronouns, or those which denote the
subject of the action, are: Sing., wa, J, ya, thou; Dual, un, (I and thou) we
two; Plur., uy-pi, we, ya-pi, ye. The Plur. term, ‘pi’ is attached to the end
of the verb.

“Article pronoun” is adopted by the author from Powell’s Introduction to the Study of Indian
Languages, 2d ed., p. 47. But the article pronoun of Powell differs materially from that of Riggs.
The classifier which marks the gender or attitude (standing, sitting, ete.) should not be confounded
with the incorporated pronoun, which performs a different function (§ 17),—J. 0. D.

PRONOUNS. i133

2. (a) These pronouns are most frequently used with active verbs; as,
wakaga, I make; yakaga, thou makest; unkagapi, we make.

(b) They are also used with a few neuter and adjective verbs. The
neuter verbs are such as, ti, fo dwell, wati, I dwell; itoysni, to tell a lie,
iwatoysni, J tell a lie. The adjective verbs with which ‘wa’ and ‘ya’ are
used are very few; as, waonsida, merciful, waoysiwada, I am merciful ;
duzahan, swift, waduzahay, I am swift of foot; ksapa, wise, yaksapa, thou
art wise.

(c) The neuter and adjective verbs which use the article pronouns ‘wa’
and ‘ya’ rather than ‘ma’ and ‘ni,’ have in some sense an active meaning,
as distinguished from suffering or passivity.

3. When the verb commences with a vowel, the ‘uy’ of the dual and
plural, if prefixed, becomes ‘uynk;’ as, itonsni, fo tell a lie, unkitoysni, we two
tell a lie; au, to bring, unkaupi, we bring.

4. When the prepositions ‘ki,’ fo, and ‘kiG,’ for, occur in verbs, instead
of ‘waki’ and ‘yaki,’ we have ‘we’ and ‘ye’ (§ 7. 2.); as, kiéaga, to make to
one, weéaga, I make to; kidiéaga, to make for, yedi¢éaga, thou makest for,
yediéagapi, you make for one. Kiksuya, to remember, also follows this rule;
as, weksuya, J remember.

5. In verbs commencing with ‘yu’ and ‘ya,’ the first and second per-
sons are formed by changing the ‘y’ into ‘md’ and ‘d;’ as, yuwaste, fo
make good, mduwaste, I make good, duwaste, thow makest good, duwastepi,
you make good; yawa, to read, mdawa, I read, dawa, thou readest. In like
manner we have iyotayka, to sit down, imdotaynka, I sit down, idotanka, thou
sittest down.

6. In the Titoyway dialect these article pronouns are ‘bl’ and ‘1;’ as,
bluwaste, luwaste, ete.

7. These forms, ‘md’ and ‘d,’ may have been shortened from miye
and niye, the ‘n’ of niye being exchanged for ‘d.” Hence in Titonway
we have, for the first and second persons of ‘ya,’ fo go, mni kta, ni kta."

8. The third person of verbs and verbal adjectives has no incorporated
pronoun.

Objective.

§ 19. 1. The objective pronouns, or those which properly denote the

object of the action, are, Sing., ma, me, ni, thee; Plur., wy-pi, ws, and ni-pi, you.

'T am inclined to doubt this statement for two reasons: 1. Why should one conjugation be sin-
gled out to the exclusion of others? If md (bd, bl) and d (1) have been shortened from miye and niye,
how about wa and ya (§ 18, 1), we and ye (§ 18,4), ma and ni (§ 19, 1-2, b)? 2. See footnote on §15, 1, a.
This could be shown by a table if there were space. See § 54. J. O. D.

14 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

2. (a) These pronouns are used with active verbs to denote the object
of the action; as, ka@a, he made, makaga, he made me, nigagapi, he made you
or they made you.

(b) They are also used with neuter verbs and adjectives; as, yazan,
to be sick, mayazay, I am sick; waste, good, mawaste, [am good. The Eng-
lish idiom requires that we should here render these pronouns by the sub-
jective case, although it would seem that in the mind of the Dakotas the
verb or adjective is used impersonally and governs the pronoun in the ob-
jective. Or perhaps it would better accord with the genius of the language
to say that, as these adjective and neuter-verb forms must be translated as
passives, the pronouns ‘ma’ and ‘ni’ should not be regarded in all cases as
objective, but, as in these examples and others like them, subjective as well.

~ stantive verb would be used as a copula; as, wiéasta, man, Wimacéasta, J am
a man.
3. In the same cases where ‘we’ and ‘ye’ subjective are used (see
§ 18, 4), the objective pronouns have the forms ‘mi’ and ‘ni,’ instead of
‘maki’ and ‘niéi;’ as, kiéag@a, he makes to one, miéaga, he makes to me,
niéaga, he makes to thee, niéagapi, he makes to you.

4. There is no objective pronoun of the third person singular, but
‘wiéa’ (perhaps originally mai) is used as an objective pronoun of the third
person plural; as, wastedaka, to love any one, wastewiéadaka, he loves them;
wicayazay, they are sick. When followed by a vowel, the ‘a’ final is
dropped; as, eéawiéuykicoypi, we do to them.

§ 20. Instead of ‘wa,’ J, and ‘ni,’ thee, coming together in a word, the
syllable ‘4’ is used to express them both; as, wastedaka, to love, wasteéi-
daka, I love thee. The plural of the object is denoted by adding the term
‘pi;’ as, wastecidakapi, ZT love you The essential difference between ‘é1’
and the ‘wy’ of the dual and plural is that in the former the first person is
in the nominative and the second in the objective case, while in the latter
both persons are in the same case. (See § 24, 1.)

The place of the nominative and objective pronouns in the verb, adjec-
tive, or noun, into which they are incorporated, will be explained when
treating of those parts ot speech,

Possessive.

§ 21. Two forms of possession appear to be recognized in Dakota,
natural and artificial.
(a) The possessive article pronouns of the first class are, Sine., mi or

PRONOUNS. 15

ma, my, ni, thy; Dual, un, (my and thy) our; Plur., wy-pi, our, ni-pi, your.
These express natural possession; that is, possession that can not be alienated.

(b) These pronouns are prefixed to nouns which signify the different
parts of oneself, as also one’s words and actions, but they are not used alone
to express the idea of property in general; as, mitanéay, my body; minagi,
my soul; mitawacéin, my mind ; mitezi, my stomach; misiha, my foot; miéante,
my heart; miista, my eye; miisto, my arm; mioie, my words; miohay, my
actions; untaynéay, our two bodies; untayéanpi, ow bodies; nitanéanpi, your
bodies; unnagipi, owr souls; wjéaytepi, our hearts.

(c) In those parts of the body which exhibit no independent action,
the pronoun of the first person takes the form ‘ma;’ as, mapa, my head ;
manoge, my ears ; mapoge, my nose; Mawe, ney blood, ete.

§ 22. 1. The pronouns of the first and second persons prefixed to nouns
signifying relationship are, Sing., mi, my, ni, thy; Dual, ujki, (my and thy)
our; Plur., ujki-pi, ow’, ni-pi, your: as, midinéa, my child ; nideksi, thy uncle ;
nisuyka, thy younger brother; wyki¢inéapi, our children.

2. (a) Nouns signifying relationship take, as the pronouns of the third
person, the suffix ‘ku,’ with its plural ‘kupi;’ as, suyka, the younger brother
of a man, sunkaku, his younger brother; tayka, the younger sister of a woman,
tankaku, her younger sister ; hihna, husband, hihnaku, her husband ; ate, father,
atkuku, his or her father.

(b) But after the vowel ‘i,’ either pure or nasalized, the suffix is either
‘tku’ or ‘éu;’ as, deksi, wncle, deksitku, his or her uncle; tayksi, the younger
sister of a man, tanksitku, his younger sister; Ginksi, son, Gynhintku, his or
her son; tawin, a wife, tawiéu, his wife; Give, the elder brother of a man,
éinéu, his elder brother.

Perhaps the origin of the ‘t’ in ‘tku’ may be found in the ‘ta’ of the third per-
son used to denote property. See the next section.

§ 23. 1. The prefixed possessive pronouns or pronominal particles of
the second class, which are used to express property in things mainly, pos-
session that may be transferred, are, ‘mita,’ ‘nita,’ and ‘ta,’ singular; ‘uykita,’
dual; and ‘unkita-pi,’ ‘nita-pi,’ and ‘ta-pi,’ plural: as, mitaoyspe, my axe ;
nitasuyke, thy horse; they say also mitahoksiday, my boy. These pronouns
are also used with koda, a particular friend, as, mitakoda, my friend,
nitakoda, thy friend, takodaku, his friend; and with kiéuwa, comrade, as
nitaki¢uwa, thy comrade; also they say, mitawin, my wife, tawiéu, his wife.

2. (a) ‘Mita,’ ‘nita,’ and ‘ta,’ when prefixed to nouns commencing with
‘o’ or ‘i,’ drop the ‘a;’ as, owinza, a bed, mitowiyze, my bed ; ipahiy, a pil-
low, nitipahin, thy pillow ; itazipa, a bow, tinazipe, his bow.

16 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

(b) When these possessive pronouns are prefixed to abstract nouns
which commence with ‘wo,’ both the ‘a’ of the pronoun and ‘w’ of the
noun are dropped; as, wowaste, goodness, mitowaste, my goodness ; woksape,
wisdom, nitoksape, thy wisdom; wowaoysida, mercy, towaonsida, his mercy.

(c) But when the noun commences with ‘a,’ the ‘a’ of the pronoun is
usually retained; as, aki¢ita, @ soldier, mitaakidita, my soldier.

3. ‘Wiéa’ and ‘wici’ are sometimes prefixed to nouns, making what
may be regarded as a possessive of the third person plural; as, wiéahuyku,
their mother; widiatkuku, their father.

4. ‘Ki’ is a possessive pronominal particle infixed in a large number of
verbs; as, bakiksa, bokiksa, nakiksa, in the Paradigm; and, okide, to seek
one’s own, from ode; wastekidaka, to love one’s own, from wastedaka; iyekiya,
to find one’s own—to recognize—trom iyeya, ete. In certain cases the ‘ki’ is
simply ‘k’ agglutinated; as, kpaksa, to break off one’s own, trom paksa;
kpagan, to part with one’s own, from pagan, ete.

5. Other possessive particles, which may be regarded as either pro-
nominal or adverbial, and which are closely agglutinated, are, ‘hd,’ in
Isanyati; ‘kd,’ in Yankton, and ‘gl,’ in Titonway. These are prefixed to
verbs in ‘ya,’ ‘yo,’ and ‘yu.’ See this more fully explained under Verbs.

Tables of Personal Pronouns.

ae — — —— aa
SEPARATE PRONOUNS. |

Subjective. Objective. | Possessive. |
| Sing. 3. iye; is iye tawa
2. niye; nis niye | nitawa
1 miye; mis miye | mitawa |
Dual 1. unkiye; unkis | unkitawa
Pluz. 3. iyepi; iyepi tawapi
2: niyepi; niyepi | nitawapi
1 upkiyepi; unkis unkiyepi | unkitawapi
INCORPORATED PRONOUNS.
Nominative. Objective. Possessive,
te ne |
Sing. 3 -ku, -tku; ta-
2 ya; ye nl; ni ni-; ni-; nita-
1 wa; we ma; mi mi-; ma-; mita- |
Dual 1 un; unki un-3 unki-; unkita-
Plur. 3 wiéa -kupi, -tkupi; ta-pi
2 ya-pi; ye-pi ni-pi; ni-pi ni-pi; ni-pi; nita-pl {
1 un-pi; unki-pi un-pi; unki-pi un-pi; unpki-pi; unkita-pi

PRONOUNS. 17
COMPOUND PRONOUNS.

§ 24. These are ‘éi,’ ‘kidi,’ and ‘ iéi.’

1. The double pronoun ‘4G,’ combines the subjective Z and the ob-
jective you; as, wastecidaka, I love you, from wastedaka. (See § 20.)

2. The form ‘kid,’ when a double pronoun, is reciprocal, and requires
the verb to have the plural ending; as, wasteki¢idapi, they love each other.
But sometimes it is a preposition with and to: miéi hi, he came with me. The
Titoyway say kiGi waki, [ came with him.

3. The reflexive pronouns are used when the agent and patient are the
same person; as, wasteididaka, he loves himself, wasteni¢idaka, thou lovest
thyself, wastemi¢idaka, I love myself.

The forms of these pronouns are as follows :—

Sing. Dual. Plur,
a fiGh i¢i-pi
2. ni¢i niéi-pi
1. midi unkidi unki¢i-pi.

RELATIVE PRONOUNS.

§ 25. 1. The relative pronouns are tuwe, who, and taku, what; tuwe
kasta and tuwe kakes, whosoever or anyone; taku kasta and taku kakes,
whatsoever or any thing. In the Titonway and Ihayktoywan dialects ‘tuwa’
is used for tuwe, both as relative and interrogative.

2. Tuwe and taku are sometimes used independently in the manner of
nouns: as, tuwe u, some one comes; taku yamni waymdaka, I see three things.

3. They are also used with ‘day’ suffixed and ‘sni’ following: as,
tuweday sni, vo one; takuday mduhe sni, J have not anything; tukteday uy
Sni, it is nowhere; wymana eGoypi smi, neither did tt.

INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS.

§ 26. These are tuwe, who? with its plural tuwepi; taku, what? which
is used with the plural signification, both with and without the termination
‘pi;’ tukte, which? tuwe tawa, whose? tona, tonaka, and tonakeéa, how many?

DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS.

§ 27. 1. These are de, this, and he, that, with their plurals dena, these,
and hena, those; also, ka, that, and kana, those or so many. From these are
formed denaka and denakeéa, these many; henaka and henakeéa, those many ;
and kanaka and kanakeéa, so many as those.

7105—VOL Ix

9
~

18 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

2. ‘Daa’ or ‘na’ is sometimes suffixed with a restrictive signification ;
as, dena, these, denana, only these; hena, those, henana, only so many.

3. ‘E’ is used sometimes as a demonstrative and sometimes as an 1m-
personal pronoun. Sometimes it stands alone, but more frequently it is in
combination, as, ‘ee,’ ‘dee,’ ‘hee,’ this is it. Thus it indicates the place of

the copula, and may be treated as the substantive verb. (See § 155.) _
ARTICLES.

§ 28. There are properly speaking only two articles, the definite and
indefinite.

Definite Article.

§ 29. 1. The definite article is kin, the; as, wiéasta kin, the man, maka
kin, the earth.

2. The definite article, when it occurs after the vowel ‘e’ whicn has
taken the place of ‘a’ or ‘ay,’ takes the form ‘éin’ (§ 7. 1.); as, wiéasta Side
Gi, the bad man.

3. Uses of the definite article: (@) Itis generally used where we would
use the in English. (b) It is often followed by the demonstrative ‘he’—kin
he—in which case both together are equivalent to that which. In the place
of ‘kin,’ the Titonway generally use ‘kinhay.’’ (c) It is used with verbs,
converting them into verbal nouns; as, eéoypi kin, the doers. (d) It is
often used with class nouns and abstract nouns; when in English, the would
be omitted; as, woksape kin, the wisdom, i. e., wisdom. See this more at
large under Syntax.

4. The form of kin, indicating past time, is kon, which partakes of the
nature of a demonstrative pronoun, and has been sometimes so considered;
as, wicasta kon, that man, meaning some man spoken of before.

5. When ‘a’ or ‘ay’ of the preceding word is changed into ‘e,’ ‘koy’
becomes ‘Cikoy’ (§ 7. 1.); as, tuwe wanmdake ¢ikon, that person whom I
saw, or the person I saw.

In Titonway, koy becomes Gon, instead of ¢ikoy. W. J. CLEVELAND.
Indefinite Article.

§ 30. The indefinite article is ‘way,’ a or an, a contraction of the nu-
meral wanzZi, one; as, wiGasta wan, a man. The Dakota article ‘wan’ would
seem to be as closely related to the numeral ‘wanzi’ or ‘wanéa,’ as the

While some of the Titonwar may use “‘kinhan” instead of “ yin,” this can not be said of those
on the Cheyenne River and Lower Brule reservations. They use yin in about two hundred and fifty-
five texts of the Bushotter and Bruyier collection of the Bureau of Ethnology.—4s. 0, D.

English article ‘an’ to the numeral one.
frequently than the indefinite article in English.

VERBS.

VERBS—VERBAL ROOTS. 14S)

This article is used a little less

§ 31. The Verb is much the most important part of speech in Dakota;
as it appropriates, by agglutination and synthesis, many of the pronominal,
prepositional, and adverbial or modal particles of the language.

Verbal Roots.

§ 32. The Dakota language contains many verbal roots, which are
used as verbs only with certain causative prefixes, and which form partici-

ples by means of certain additions.
common verbal roots:—

baza, smooth

ga, open out

gal), open out
gapa, open out
gata, spread
guka, spread out
hinta, brush off
hmup, teist

hna, fall off
hnayan, deceive
huhuza, shake
héa, open out, expand
héi, erumble, gap
lidata, scratch
hdeéa, tear, smash
hdoka, make a hole
hepa, exhaust
hica, arouse

hpa, fall down
hipu, crumble off
htaka, catch, grip
hu, peel

huga, jam, smash
kawa, open

kéa, untangle
kinéa, scrape off
kinza, creak

konta, notch

ksa, separate

ksa, bend

ksiza, double up
ktay, bend

mdaza, spread open
mdaza, burst out
mdu, fine, pulverize
muna, rip

muni, spread out
pota, wear out
psaka, break in two
psuy, spill

psuy, dislocate

pta, cut out, pare off
ptanyan, turn over
ptuza, crack, split
sba, ravel

sbu, dangle

sdeéa, split

skiéa, press

skita, draw tight
smniy, scrape off
sna, ring

sni, cold, gone out
sota, clear off, whitish

The following is a list of the more

Saka, press down
Ska, tie

Skica, press

Sna, miss

Spa, break off

Spi, pick off

Spu, fall off

Suza, mash

taka, touch, make fast
tay, well, touch
tepa, wear off

tica, scrape

tipa, contract

titan, pull

tkuga, break off
tpi, crack

tpu, crumble, fall off
wega, fracture
winza, bend down
zamui, open out

Za, stir

Zaza, rub out, efface
Zi, stiff

Zipa, pinch

“uy, root out

zuzu, come to pieces.

Verbs formed by Modal Prefixes.

§ 33. The modal particles ‘ba,’ ‘bo,’ ‘ka,’ ‘na,’ ‘pa,’ ‘ ya,’ and ‘yu’

are prefixed to verbal roots, adjectives, and some neuter verbs, making of

20 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

them active transitive verbs, and usually indicating the mode and instru-
ment of the action.

(a) The sytlable ‘ba’ prefixed shows that the action is done by cutting
or sawing, and that a knife or saw is the instrument. For this the Titonwan
use ‘wa’ for the prefix.

(b) The prefix ‘bo’ signifies that the action is done by shooting with a
gun or arrow, by punching with a stick, or by any instrument thrown end-
wise. It also expresses the action of rain and hail; and is used in reference
to blowing with the mouth, as, bosni, to blow out.’

(c) The prefix ‘ka’ denotes that the action is done by striking, as with
an axe or club, or by shaving. It is also used to denote the effects of wind
and of running water.

(d) The prefix ‘na’ generally signifies that the action is done with the
foot or by pressure. It is also used to express the involuntary action of
things, as the bursting of a gun, the warping of a board and cracking of
timber, and the effects of freezing, boiling, ete.

(e) The prefix ‘pa’ shows that the action is done by pushing or rubbing
with the hand.

(f) The prefix ‘ya’ signifies that the action is performed with the mouth.

(g) The prefix ‘yu’ may be regarded as simply causative or effective.
It has an indefinite signification and is commonly used without any refer-
ence to the manner in which the action is performed.

Usually the signification of the verbal roots is the same with all the prefixes, as
they only have respect to the manner and instrument of the action; as, baksa, to cut
in two with a knife, as a stick; boksa, to shootoff; kaksa, to cutoff with an are; naksa,
to break off with the foot; paksa, to break off with the hand; yaksa, to bite off; yuksa,
to break off. But the verbal root Ska appears to undergo a change of meaning; as,
kaSka, to tie, yuska, to wntie.

§ 34. These prefixes are also used with neuter verbs, giving them an
active signification ; as, nazi, to stand, vunazin, to raise up, cause to stand ;
éeya, to ery, naceya, to make cry by kicking.

§ 35. 1. We also have verbs formed from adjectives by the use of such
of these prefixes as the meaning of the adjectives will admit of; as, waste,
good, yuwaste, to make good ; teéa, new, yuteéa, to make new ; Siéa, bad,
yasiéa, to speak evil of.

2. Verbs are also made by using nouns and adjectives in the predicate,
in which case they are declined as verbs; as, Damakota, I am a Dakota ;
mawaste, [am good.

'For the Titonwan use, see ‘wo’ and ‘yn’ in the Dictionary.

COMPOUND VERBS—CONJUGATION—FORM. 21

3. Sometimes other parts of speech may be used in the same way, i.e.,
prepositions; as, ematanhan, I am from.

COMPOUND VERBS.

§ 36. There are several classes of verbs which are compounded of two
verbs.

1. ‘Kiya’ and ‘ya’ or ‘yay,’ when used with other verbs, impart to
them a causative signification and are usually joined with them in the same
word; as nazin, he stands, nazinkiya, he causes to stand. The first verb is
sometimes contracted (see § 11); as, wanyaka, he sees, wanyagkiya, he
causes to see.

2. In the above instances the first verb has the force of an infinitive or
present participle. But sometimes the first as well as the second has the
force of an independent finite verb; as, hdiwayka, he comes home sleeps
(of hdi and wanka); hinazin, he comes stands (of hi and nazin). These may
be termed double verbs.

§ 37. To verbs in Dakota belong. conjugation, form, person, number,
mode, and tense.

CONJUGATION.

§ 38. Dakota verbs are comprehended in three conjugations, distin-
guished by the form of the pronouns in the first and second persons singu-
lar which denote the agent. Conjugations I and II include all common
and active verbs and III includes all neuter verbs.

(a) In the first conjugation the subjective singular pronouns are ‘wa’
or ‘we’ and ‘ya’ or ‘ye.’

(b) The second conjugation embraces verbs in ‘yu,’ ‘ya,’ and ‘yo,’
which form the first and second persons singular by changing the ‘y’ into
‘md’ and ‘d,’ except in the Titonwan dialect where these are ‘bl’ and ‘1.’

(c) Neuter and adjective verbs form the third conjugation, known by
taking what are more properly the objective pronouns ‘ma’ and ‘ni.’

1, Of neuter verbs proper we have (a) the complete predicate, as, ta, to
die; asni, to get well; (b) with adjectives; as waste with aya or idaga;
waste amayan, J am growing better.

2. Of predicate nouns; as, Wamasi¢éuy, J am a Frenchman.

3. Of predicate adjectives; as, mawaste, Iam good. All adjectives may
be so used.—A. L. Riggs.

FORM.

§ 39. Dakota verbs exhibit certain varieties of form which indicate

corresponding variations of meaning.

22 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

1. Most Dakota verbs may assume a frequentative form, that is, a form
which conveys the idea of frequency of action. It consists in doubling a
syllable, generally the last; as, baksa, to cut off with a knife, baksaksa, to
cut off in several places. This form is conjugated in all respects just as the
verb is before reduplication.

2. The so-called absolute form of active verbs is made by prefixing
‘wa’ and is conjugated in the same manner as the primitive verb, except
that it can not take an objective noun or pronoun. The ‘wa’ appears to be
equivalent to the English something; as manoy, to steal, wamanoy, to steal
something; taspaytayka mawanoy (apple I-stole), I stole an apple, wama-
wanon, I stole something, i. e., I committed a theft.

3. When the agent acts on his own, i. e. something belonging to him-
self, the verb assumes the possessive form. This is made in two ways: First,
by prefixing or inserting the possessive pronoun ‘ki’ (and in some cases ‘k’
alone); as, wastedaka, to love anything; Ginéa wastekidaka, he loves his
child. Secondly, in verbs in ‘yu,’ ‘ya,’ and ‘yo,’ the possessive form is
made by changing ‘y’ into ‘hd;’ as, yuha, to have or possess any thing;
hduha, to have one’s own; Suktayka wahduha, I have my own horse.

It has already been noted that in the Yankton dialect the ‘y’ becomes
‘kd’ and inthe Teton dialect ‘gl;’ thus in the three dialects they stand,
hduha, kduha, gluha. The verb ‘hi,’ to come to, forms the possessive in the
same way: hdi, kdi, gli, to come to one’s own home. Examples of ‘k’ alone
agglutinated forming the possessive are found in kpatay, kpagan, kpaksa,
ete. It should be also remarked that the ‘k’ is interchangable with ‘t,’ so
that among some of the Dakotas we hear tpatan, ete.

4. When the agent acts on himself, the verb is put in the reflexive form.
The reflexive is formed in two ways: First, by incorporating the reflexive
pronouns, ii, nigi, midi, and unkiéi; as, wastei¢idaka, he loves himself. Sec-
ondly, verbs in ‘yu,’ ‘ya,’ and ‘yo,’ that make the possessive by changing
‘y’ into ‘hd,’ prefix to this form ‘1;’ as, yuzaza, to wash any thing; hduzaza,
to wash one’s own, as one’s clothes; ihduzaza, to wash oneself.

5. Another form of verbs is made by prefixing or inserting preposi-
tions meaning fo and for. This may be called the dative form.

(a) When the action is done fo another, the preposition ‘ki’ is prefixed
or inserted; as, ka@a, to make any thing; kiéaga, to make to one; wowapi
kiéaza (writing to-him-he-made), he wrote him a letter. This form is also used
when the action is done on something that belongs to another; as, Suyka
kikte, (dog to-him-he-killed) he killed his dog.

PERSON—NUMBER—MODE: 23

(6) When the thing is done for another, ‘ki¢i’ is used; as, wowapi
kiGiéaga, (writing for-him-he-made) he wrote a letter for him. In the plural,
this sometimes has a reciprocal force; as, wowapi kidiéagapi, they wrote let-
ters to each other.

6. In some verbs ‘ki’ prefixed conveys the idea that the action takes
effect on the middle of the object; as, baksa, to cut in two with a knife, as a
stick; kibaksa, to cut in two in the middle.

7. There is a causative form made by ‘kiya’ and ‘ya.’ (See § 36. 1.)

8. (a) The locative form should also be noted, made by inseparable
prepositions ‘a,’ ‘e,’ ‘i,’ and ‘o’: as, amani, ewayka, inaziy and ohnaka.

(b) Verbs in the “locative form,” made by the inseparable ‘a’ have
several uses, among which are: 1. They sometimes express location on, as
in amani, to walk on. 2. Sometimes they convey the idea of what is tz ad-
dition to, as in akaga, to add to.

PERSON.

§ 40. Dakota verbs have three persons, the first, second, and_ third.
The third person is represented by the verb in its simple form, and the sec-
end and first persons by the addition of the personal pronouns.

NUMBER.

§ 41. Dakota verbs have three numbers, the singular, dual, and plural.
1. The dual number is only of the first person. It includes the person
speaking and the one spoken to, and is in form the same as the first person
plural, but without the termination ‘pi;’ as, wasteundaka, we two love him;
mauyni, we two walk.

2. The plural is formed by suffixing ‘ pi;’ as, wasteundakapi, we love
him; manipi, they walk.

3. There are some verbs of motion which form what may be called a
collective plural, denoting that the action is performed by two or more acting
together or in a body. This is made by prefixing ‘a’ or ‘e;’ as, u, to come,
au, they come; ya, to go, aya, they go; nazi, to stand, enaziy, they stand.
These have also the ordinary plural; as, upi, yapi, nazinpi.

MODE.

§ 42. There are three modes belonging to Dakota verbs: the ddicative,
imperative, and infinitive.

1. The indicative is the common form of the verb; as, Geya,-he cries;
éeyapi, they cry.

24 DAKOTA GRAMMER, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

2. (a) The imperative singular is formed from the third person singular
indicative and the syllables ‘wo’ and ‘ ye;’ as, Geya wo, Geya ye, ery thou.
Instead of ‘ye,’ the Mdewakaytoyway has ‘ we,’ and the Titonwan ‘le.’ The
Yankton and Titoyway men use ‘ yo.’

(b) The imperative plural is formed by the syllables ‘ po,’ ‘ pe,’ ‘m,’ and
‘miye ;’ as, Geya po, Geya pe, Geyam, and Geya miye. It has been sug-
gested that ‘po’ is formed by an amalgamation of ‘pi,’ the common plural
ending, and ‘ wo,’ the sign of the imperative singular. In like manner, ‘ pi’
and ‘ye,’ may be combined to make ‘pe. The combination of ‘ miye’ is
not so apparent.’

By some it is thought that the Titoyway women and children use ‘na’
for the imperative.”

The forms ‘wo,’ ‘yo, and ‘po’ are used only by men; and ‘we,’ ‘ye,’ ‘pe,’ and
‘miye’ by women, though not exclusively. From observing this general rule, we
formerly supposed that sex was indicated by them; but lately we have been led to
regard ‘wo? and ‘po’ as used in commanding, and ‘we,’ ‘ye, ‘pe, and ‘miye,’ in
entreating. Although it would be out of character for women to use the former, men
may and often do use the latter.

When ‘po,’ ‘pe,’ and ‘miye’ is used it takes the place of the plural ending ‘pi;’
as, Geya po, Geya miye, ery ye. But with the negative adverb ‘Sni,’ the ‘pi’ is retained;
as, Geyapi Sni po, do not cry.

Sometimes in giving a command the ‘wo’ and ‘ye,’ signs of the imperative, are
not expressed, The plural endings are less frequently omitted.

3. The infinitive is commonly the same as the ground form of the verb,
or third person singular indicative. When two verbs come together, the
first one is usually to be regarded as the infinitive mood or present parti-

‘Instead of ‘po,’ ‘pe’ and ‘miye,’ the Titoy way make the imperative plural by the plural ending
‘pi’ and ‘ye,’ or ‘yo;’ as, e¢onpi yo. In the Lord’s prayer, for example, we say, ‘‘ Waunhtanipi kin
uykici¢azuzupi ye;” but we do not say in the next clause, ‘‘ Ka taku wawiyutan kin ekta unkayapi
sni piye,” but ‘“unkayapi sni ye.” Possibly the plural termination ‘pi’ and the precative form ‘ye’
may have been corrupted by the Santee into ‘ miye,’ and by the Yankton and others into ‘ biye.’—w. J. c.
Then it would seem plain that ‘po’ is formed from ‘pi’ and ‘yo;’ and we reduce all the imperative
forms, in the last analysis, to ‘e’ and ‘0.’—s. R.R.

**Na’ can hardly be called a sign of the imparative, as used by women and children. (1) It
appears to be an abbreviation of wanna, now: as, maku-na, 7. e., maku wanna, Give me, now! A cor-
responding use of now is found in English. (2) It is, at best, an interjectional adverb. (3) It is not
used uniformly with an imperative form of the verb, being often omitted. (4) It is used in other
connections; (@) as a conjunction—when used by women it may be only such, as, maku na, Give it to
me, and—an incomplete sentence; it is often used between two imperative verbs, as, iku na yuta, take
and eat, Whereas, if it was an imperative sign, it would follow the last verb; (b) it is used to sooth
erying children, as, Na! or, Nana! (c) Na! and Nana! are also used for reproving or scolding. (5)
‘Na’ is used possibly as the terminal ‘la,’ and will drop off in the same way. (6) If ‘na’ were a
proper sign of the imperative, men would use it (or some corresponding form) as well as women.
But. they do not. We find ‘wo’ and ‘we,’ ‘yo’ and ‘ye,’ ‘po’ and ‘pe;’ but nothing like ‘na’ used
by men.—t. L. R.

TENSE—PARTICIPLES. O35)

ciple; and is contracted if capable of contraction (§ 11); as, wanyaka, to
see any thing, wayyag mde kta, (to see it I-go will) I will go to see it; nahoy
wauy, (hearing I-am) I am hearing, or I hear.

What in other languages are called conditional and subjunctive modes may be
formed by using the indicative with the conjunctions unkans, kinhan or ¢inhan, tuka,
esta or Sta, and kes, which come after the verb; as, Geya unkaps, if he had cried; Geye
cinhan, if he cry; ceye kta tuka, he would cry, but he does not: wahi unkans wakaske
kta tuka, if I had come, I would have bound him.

TENSE.

§ 43. Dakota verbs have but two tense forms, the aorist, or indefinite,
and the future.

1. The aorist includes the present and imperfect past. It has com-
monly no particular sign. Whether the action is past or now being done
must be determined by circumstances or by the adverbs used.

2. The sign of the future tense is ‘kta’ placed after the verb. It is
often changed into ‘kte;’ for the reason of which, see § 6. 1. b.

What answers to a perfect past is sometimes formed by using ‘kon’ or ‘ éikoy,’
and sometimes by the article ‘kin’ or ‘¢i1);’ as taku nawalion koy, what I heard.

PARTICIPLES.

§ 44. 1. The addition of ‘hay’ to the third person singular of some
verbs makes an active participle; as, ia, to speak, iahay, speaking; nazin, to
stand, nazinhay, standing; mani, to walk, manihan, walking. The verbs that
admit of this formation do not appear to be numerous.’

2. The third person singular of the verb when preceding another verb
has often the force of an active participle; as, nahoy wauy, I am hearing.
When capable of contraction it is in this case contracted; as, wanyaka, fo
see, wanyag nawazin, I stand seeing.

§ 45. 1. The verb in the plural impersonal form has in many instances
the force of a passive participle; as, makaskapi waun, (me-they-bound I-am)
TI am bound.

2. Passive participles are also formed from the verbal roots (§ 33) by
adding ‘han’ and ‘ wahay ;’ as, ksa, separate, ksahay and ksawahay, broken

‘Judging from analogy, han (see han, to stand, to stand upright on end, in the Dictionary) must
have been used long ago as a classifier of attitude, the standing object. Even now we tind such a use
of tay in Gegiha (Omaha and Ponka), kay in Kansa, tqay and kqan in Osage, taha in yoiwere, and
tceka in Winnebago. The classifier in each of these languages is also used after many primary verbs,
as han is here, to express incomplete or continuous action, See ‘‘The comparative phonology of four
Siouan languages,” in the Smithsonian Report for 1883,—J. O. D.

26 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

in two, as a stick. In some cases only one of these forms is in use; but
generally both occur, without, however, so far as we have perceived, any
difference in the meaning.

A few of the verbal roots are used as adjectives; as, mdu, fine; but they also
take the participle endings; as, mduwahay crumbled fine.

CONJUGATION IL.

§ 46. Those which are embraced in the first conjugation are mostly
active verbs and take the subjective article pronouns ‘ya’ or ‘ye’ and
‘wa’ or ‘we’ in the second and first persons singular.

FIRST VARIETY.

\ 47. The first variety of the first conjugation is distinguished by pre-
Y f ante} d
fixing or inserting ‘ya’ and ‘wa,’ article pronouns of the second and first
persons singular.
A. PRONOUNS PREFIXED.
Kaska, to tie or bind anything.
INDICATIVE MODE.

Aorist tense.

Sing. Dual. Plur,
3. kaSka, he binds or he bound. kaskapi, they bind.
2. yakéska, thow bindest. yakaskapi, ye bind.
1. wakaska, J bind. ujkaska, we too bind. unkaskapi, we bind.

Future tense.
3. kaske kta, he will bind. kaSkapi kta, they will bind.
2. yakaske kta, thou wilt bind. yakaskapi kta, ye will bind.
lL. wakaske kta, [ will bind. uykaskapi kta, we will bind.
unkaske kta, we two will bind.
IMPERATIVE MODE.

Sing. Plur.

2. kaskaé wo, ye, or we, bind thou. kaSka po, pe, or miye, bind ye.

PARTICIPLE.

kaSkahay, bound.

CONJUGATION I. DT
B. PRONOUNS INSERTED.
Manop, /o steal anything.
INDICATIVE MODE,
Aorist tense.
Sing. Dual. Plur.
3. manon, he steals or stole. manonpi, they steal.
2. mayanon, thou stealest. mayanoypi, ye steal.
1. mawanon, J steal. matunon, we two steal. matynonpi, we steal.
Future tense.
3. mandy kta, he will steal. manoypi kta, they will steal.
2. mayanoy kta, thow wilt steal. mayanoypi kta, ye will steal.
1. mawénoy kta, J will steal. mauynoypi kta, we will steal.
maunnoy kta, we two will steal.
IMPERATIVE MODE.
Sing. Plur.
2. mandy wo, ye, or we, steal thou. manoy po, pe, or miye, steal ye.

§ 48. The verb yiita, fo eat anything, may be regarded as coming
under the first variety of this conjugation. ‘The ‘yu’ is dropped when the
pronouns are assumed; as, ylita, he eats, yata, thou eatest, wata, I eat.

SECOND VARIETY.

\ 49. The second variety of the first conjugation is distinguished by the

\ ‘ Ug 5
use of ‘ye’ and ‘we’ instead of ‘yaki’ and ‘ waki’ (§ 18. 4), in the second
and first persons singular.

A. PRONOUNS PREFIXED.
Kiksuya, to remember any thing.
INDICATIVE MODE.

Aorist tense.

Sing. Dual. Plur.
3. kikstiya, he remembers. kikstiyapi, they remember.
2, yéksuya, thow rememberest. yéksuyapi, ye remember.
1. wéksuya, I remember. unkiksuya, we two remember. unkiksuyapi, we remember.
IMPERATIVE MODE,
Sing. Plur.
2. kikstiya wo, ye, or we, remember thou. kiksttya po, pe, or miye, remember ye.

Future tense—It is deemed unnecessary to give any further examples of the
future tense, as those which have gone before fully illustrate the manner of its formation.

28 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

B. PRONOUNS INSERTED.
Ecakiéon, (o do anything to another.
INDICATIVE MODE.

Aorist tense.

Sing. Dual. Plur.
3. eGAkiéoy, he does to one. ecaki¢onpi, they do to.
2, eGayeéon, thou doest to. eéayeconpi, ye do to.
1. eéAweéoy, I do to. eCaunkicon, we two do to. ecéauykiéonpi, we do to.

IMPERATIVE MODE,

Sing. Plur.
2. edakicoy wo, ye, or we, do thou it to oue. eGakiéon po, pe, or miye, do ye it to one.
CONJUGATION Il.

§ 50. Verbs in ‘yu,’ ‘ya,’ and ‘yo,’ which change ‘ y’ into ‘d’ for the
second person, and into ‘md’ for the first person singular, belong to this
conjugation. ‘They are generally active in their signification.

FIRST VARIETY.
A.—VERBS IN ‘YU.’

Yustan, to finish or complete any thing.'
INDICATIVE MODE,

Aorist tense.

Sing. Dual. Pjur.
3. yustay, he finishes or finished. yustanpi, they finish.
2, dustay, thou dost finish. dustanpi, ye finish.
1. mdustan, I finish. tyStay, we two finish. anstanpi, we finish.

IMPERATIVE MODE,

Sing. Plur.
yustiy wo, ete., finish thou. yustan po, etc., finish ye.

First person plural —Verbs in ‘yu’ generally form the first person plural and
dual by dropping the +yu, as in the example; but occasionally a speaker retains it
and prefixes the pronoun, as, ujyustaypi for aystanpi.

‘In the Titonway dialect, yustay has luStan in the second person singular, and blustay in the first.

CONJUGATION II. 29

B. VERBS IN ‘YA.’
Yaksa, to bite any thing in two.

INDICATIVE MODE.

Aorist tense.

Sing. Dual. Plur.
3. yaksa, he bites in two. yaksapi, they bite in two.
2. daksa, thou bitest in two. daksapi, you bite in two.
1. mdaksa, I bite in two. upyaksa, we two bite in two. uyydksapi, we bite in two.
IMPERATIVE MODE.
Sing. Plur.
yaksa wo, ete., bite thou in two. yaksa po, etc., bite ye in two.

Ya, to go, is conjugated in the same way in Isanyati, but in the Ihank-
toyway and Titonwan dialects it gives us a form of variation, in the singu-
lar future, which should be noted, viz: yin kta, ni kta, mni kta; dual,
unyiy kta.

C. VERBS IN ‘YO.’
Iyotanka, to sit down.
INDICATIVE MODE.

Aorist tense.

Sing. Dual. Plur.
3. iyOtanka, he sits down. iyétankapi, they sit down.
2. idotanka, thow sittest down. idotankapi, you sit down.

1. imdétanka, I sit down. unkiyotanka, we two sit down. unkiyotankapi, we sit down.
IMPERATIVE MODE.
Sing. Plur.
iyétanka wo, etc., sit thou down, lyotanka po, ete., sit ye down.
SECOND VARIETY.

§ 51. The second variety of the second conjugation embraces such verbs
as belong to the same class, but are irregular or defective.

IRREGULAR FORMATIONS.

(a) Hiyu, to come or start to come.

INDICATIVE MODE.

Aorist tense.

Sing. Dual. Plur.
3. hiyu, he comes. hiyupi, they come.
2. hidu, thow comest. hidupi, you come.

J, hibt, I come, unhiyu, we two come. unhiyupi, we come.

30 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

IMPERATIVE MODE.

Plur.

hiytt po, ete., come ye.

Sing.
hiytt wo, ete., come thou.

(b) Yukan, to be or there is.

Sing. Dual. Plur.
3. yukan, there is some. yukanpi, they are.
2. dukaypi, you are.
1: upkan, we two are. tyjkanpi, we are.

The yerb ‘yukan’ in the singular is applied to things and not to persons except
as considered collectively.

Dual. Plur.
yakoypi, they are.
dakanonpi, you are.

uyyakoypi, we are.

Sing.

es)

2. dakanon, thou art.
ie ujyakoy, we two are.

These last two verbs, it will be observed, are defective. Kiyukay, formed from
yukay, is used in the sense of to make room for one and is of the first conjugation.

VERBS WITH OBJECTIVE PRONOUNS.

§ 52. 1. The objective pronoun occupies the same place in the verb as
the subjective; as, kaska, he binds, makaska, he binds me; manoy, he steals,
maninoy, he steals thee.

2. When the same verb contains both a subjective and an objective
pronoun, the objective is placed first; as, mayakaska, thou bindest me,
An exception is formed by the pronoun
of the first person plural, which is always placed before the pronoun of the
second person, whether subjective or objective; as wyniéaskapi, we bind you.

mawicayanoy, thou stealest them.

NEUTER AND ADJECTIVE VERBS. 31

Impersonal Forms.

§ 53. Active verbs are frequently used impersonally in the plural
number and take the objective pronouns to indicate the person or persons
acted upon, in which case they may be commonly translated by the Eng-
lish passive ; as, kaskapi, (they-bound-him) he is bound ; niéaskapi, (they-bound-
thee) thou art bound; makaskapi, (they bound me) I am bound ; wiéakaskapi,
(they bound them) they are bound.

Neuter and Adjective Verbs.

§ 54. Neuter and adjective verbs seem likewise to be used impersonally
and are varied by means of the same pronouns; as, ta, dies or he dies or he
is dead, uita, thee-dead or thou art dead, mata, me-dead or I die or am dead,
tapi, they die or are dead; possessive form, kita, dead to, as, ate makita, father
to me dead; waste, good, niwaste, thee-good, thou art good, mawaste, me-qood,
I am good, wywastepi, we are good.

It is suggested by Prof. A. W. Williamson that the so-called objective
pronouns in these cases are used as datives and that they find analogy in our
English forms methinks, meseems.’ A further careful consideration of these
Dakota article pronouns and the manner in which they are used leads to
the conclusion that these were the original forms, as fragments of ‘miye’
and ‘niye.’ In the progress of the language it was found convenient, and
even necessary, for the active transitive verbs to have other forms, as, ‘wa’
and ‘ya,’ to be used solely as subjective pronominal particles.2 Whence
they were obtained is not manifest. But as children, in their first efforts to
speak English, are found disposed invariably to use the objective for the
subjective, as, me want, me cold, me sick, me good, ete., it would be natural
that where the necessity of changing does not exist the original forms should
be retained as subjectives. The form for the first person plural has been
retained both as subjective and objective. Many of this class of verbs are
best translated as passives.

It appears practically convenient to include these verbs and a few
others which are varied in a similar manner in one group, to which we will

to possessive or dative verbs in ‘ki,’ as kita, makita. Compare the use of the Latin sum: Est mihi
liber. But niwaste, mawaste, unwastepi, nita, mata, untapi cannot be said to convey a dative idea.
The cognate languages show that these are pure objectives.—J. O. D.

2? How about md (bd, bl) and d (1), mentioned in § 18, 7?—J, O. D.

32 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.
CONJUGATION III.

§.55. This conjugation is distinguished by the pronouns ‘ni’ in the
second and ‘ma’ in the first person singular. Those verbs included under
the first variety take these pronouns in their full form. The second variety
embraces those in which the pronouns appear in @ fragmentary state and are
irregular in their conjugation.

FIRST VARIETY.

§ 56. To this variety belong neuter and adjective verbs. The proper
adjective verbs always prefix the pronouns; but, while some neuter verbs
prefix, others insert them.

A. PRONOUNS PREFIXED,
Ta, fo die or be dead,
INDICATIVE MODE.

Aorist Tense.

Sing. Dual. Plur.
3. ta, he is dead or he dies. tapi, they are dead.
2. nita, thou art dead or thou diest. nitapi, you are dead.
1. mata, Tam dead or T die. unta, we two are dead. uytapi, we are dead.

IMPERATIVE MODF.
Sing. Plur.
2. ta wo, ete., die thou. ta po, ete., die ye.

Waste, good or to be good.

Sing. Dual. Plur.
3. waste. he is good. wastépi, they are good.
2, niwaste, thou art good. niwastepi, you are good.
1. mawaste, I am good. mywaste, we tico are good. unwastepi, we are good,

B. PRONOUNS INSERTED.

Asni, to get well or be well, recover Jrom sickness.
INDICATIVE MODE.

Aorist Tense.

Sing. Dual. Plur.
3. asni, he is well. asnipi, they are well.
2. anisni, thou art well. anisnipl, you are well.
1. amasni, Tam well. unkasni, we two are well, unkasnipi, we are well.

IMPERATIVE MODE.
Sing. Plur.

asni wo, ete,, be thou well, asni po, ete., be ye weil.

CONJUGATION III. 33
SECOND VARIETY.

§ 57. Verbs in this variety have only ‘n’ and ‘m,’ fragments of the
article pronouns ‘ni’ and ‘ma,’ in the second and first persons singular.
These appear to be mostly active transitive verbs.

PI )
A. PRONOUNS PREFIXED.

1. The fragmentary pronouns ‘n’ and ‘m’ are prefixed to the verb in
its entirety.

Un, to use any thing, as a tool, ete.
INDICATIVE MODE,

Aorist Tense.

Sing. Dual. Plur.
3. ty, he uses. uypi, they use.
2. nuy, thow usest. nuypi, ye use.
1. muy, I use. unk, we two use. unkuypi, we use.

In this and the following examples only the indicative aorist is given, the forma-
tion of the remaining parts having been already sufficiently exhibited.

Uypa and cayniypa, to smoke a pipe, are conjugated like wy, fo use.

The reflerive form of verbs, which in the third person singular commences with
‘ihd’ (see § 39, 4.), is also conjugated like ‘uy ;’ as, ihdaska, to bind oneself ; nihdaska,
thou bindest thyself; mihdaska, I bind myself.

2. The agglutinated ‘n’ and ‘m’ take the place of the initial ‘ y.

(a) Yanka, to be.

Sing. Dual. Plur.
3. yanka, he is. yaykapi, they are.
2. nayka, thou art. naykapi, ye are.
1, mayka, Lam. unyayka, we two are. unyaykapi, we are.

(b) Yanka, to weave, as snowshoes.

Sing. Dual. Plur.
5. yanka, he weaves. yaykapi, they weave.
2. nanka, thou weavest. naykapi, you weave.
1. mnayka, I weave. unyanka, we two weave. uyyankapi, we weave.

Yayka, to weave, differs in conjugation from yanka, to be, only in the first person
singular.

B. PRONOUNS INSERTED.

3, ‘N’ and ‘m’ take the place of ‘w.’
7105—VoOL Ix——3

34 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

(a) Owinza, to make « bed of ov use for a bed.

Sing. Dual. Plu.
3. owinza, he uses for a bed. owlyzapi, they use for a bed.
2. oninZa, thou usest for a bed. oninZapi, you use for a bed.
1. ominza, I use for a bed, unkowinzapi, we use for a bed.

uykowiyza, we two use for a bed.

(b) Iwanga, to inquire of one.

Sing. ~ Dual. : Plur.
3. iwanga, he inquires of. iwaysapi, they inquire of.
ga, q ,; é c 6 ’
2. intynga, thou inquirest of. iniyngapi, you inquire of.

1. imtinga, L inquire of. uykiwan ga, we two inquire of. unkiwangapi, we inquire of.

This second example differs from the first in the change of vowels, ‘u’ taking the
place of ‘a.’
Wanka and iwanka, to lie down, go to bed, are conjugated like iwayga.

In the Titoyway dialect iyuyga is used instead of iwanga, thus:

Sing. Dual. Plur.
3. lyuy ga. iyuygapi.
2. inuyga. inuygapi.
1. imuyga. upkiyuyéa. uykiyuygapi.

I¢iyunga, I inquire of thee ; wykiniyungsapi, we inquire of you; ete.

They also say yuyka and iyuyka, instead of wayka andiwanka. The like change
of ‘wa’ to ‘yu’ is found in other words.

4. ‘N’ and ‘m’ inserted with an ‘a’ preceding.

Econ, to do anything.

Sing. Dual. Plur.
3. eddy, he does. ecéypi, they do.
2. ecanoy, thou doest. ecanonpi, you do.
1, eGamoy, J do. ecéyku, we two do. eéoynkupi and eéonkoypi, we do.

Hééon, kééoy, and tokoy are conjugated like eé6y.
C, PRONOUNS SUFFIXED.

5. The pronouns when suffixed take the forms ‘ni’ and ‘mi

a. Eein, to think.

Sing. Dual. Plur.
3. ecin, he thinks. ecinpi, they think.
2. eGanni, thou thinkest. ecaynipi, you think.
1. eéanmi, I think. unkeécéin, we two think. unkééinpi, we think,

Héay, kécin, wacin, and awaciy are conjugated like eéiy.

DOUBLE CONJUGATIONS. DO

In, to wear, as a Shawl or blanket.

Sing. Dual. Plur.
3. ly, he wears. inpi, they wear.
2. hinni, thow-wearest. hinnipi, you wear.
1. hinmi, J wear. unkin, we two wear. unkinpi, we wear.

This example ditfers from the preceding in receiving a prefixed ‘h.’
DOUBLE VERBS.

§ 58. These are formed of two verbs compounded (\ 37. 2.). They
usually have the pronouns proper to both verbs, though sometimes the
pronouns of the last verb are omitted; as, hdiyotanka (hdi and iyotayka),
to come home and sit down ; wahdimdotanka, I come home and sit down; they
also say wahdiyotanyka.

QON DULG AV ONES AGN) D: Tb:

Hiyotanka, to come and sit down.

Sing. Dual. Plur.
3. hiyotanka, he comes, ete. hiyotankapi, they come, ete.
2, yahidotanka, thou comest, yahidotankapi, you come, ete.
ete. unhiyotankapi, we come, ete.
1. wahimdotanka, I come, wyhiyotayka, we two come,
ete. ete.

Hdiyotanka is conjugated like hiyotanka. Hinaziy, hdinaziy, and kinazin, in both
parts, are of the first conjugation; as, wahinawazin, yahinayaziy, etc.

COIN JNU GACT LO NS! AUN DS Ti

Inyanka, to run (prob. i and yayka).

Sing. Dual. Plur.
3. inyanka, he runs. inyaykapi, they run.
2. yainaynka, thou runnest. yainankapi, you run.
1. waimnanka, J run. uykinyanka, we two run. unjkinyankapi, we run.

Hiwayka, kiwayka, and hdiwanka are conjugated like kaska of the first conjuga-
tion and iwanga of the third.

IRREGULAR AND DEFECTIVE VERBS.

§ 59. 1. Eya, to say, with its compounds héya and kéya, are conju-

gated irregularly, ‘h’ and ‘p’ taking the place of ‘y’ in the second and first
persons singular,

36 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

Bya, to say anything.

Sing. Dual. Plur.
3. éya, he says. éyapl, they say.
2. eha, thou sayest. ehapi, you say.
1. epa, J say or said. unkeya, we tie say. unkeéyapi, we say.

2. The Ihayktoyway and Titoyway forms of ‘ eya,’ in the singular and
dual, when followed by the sign of the future, are worthy of note; as, eyin
kta, ehin kta, epin kta, unkeyin Kta.

3. Epéa, I think, with its compounds hepéa and kepéa, are defective,
being used only in the first person singular.

4. On the use of ‘eya’ and its compounds it is proper to remark that
‘eya’ is placed after the matter expressed, while ‘heya’ immediately pre-
cedes, it being compounded of ‘he’ and ‘eya,’ this he said. On the other
hand, ‘keya’ comes in at the close of the phrase or sentence. It differs .
from ‘ eya’ and ‘ heya’ in this, that, while their subject is in the same person
with that of the verb or verbs in the same sentence, the subject of ‘keya’
is in a different person or the expression preceding is not in the same form,
as regards person, as when originally used; as, mde kta, eya, I will go, he
said; mde kta, keya, he said that I would go; heéamon kta, epa, that I will
do, I said; heéamoy kta, kepa, J said that I would do that. Keéin and
keéankin follow the same rule that governs keya and kepéa.

The annexed paradigm will present, in a single view, many of the
facts and principles which have been already presented in regard to the
synthetic formations of active verbs.

KSA, to break off, separate.

baksa, to cut off
with a knife or saw.

boksa, to shoot off
or punch off.

kaksa, to cut off
with an ax.

with the foot.

paksa, to break off -naksa, to break off
by pushing.

yaksa, to bite off.

in any way.

yuksa, to break off

DAKOTA GRAMMAR,

TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

me,

bamdksa
bamayaksa

bamaksapi
bamayaksapi
}

bomaksa
‘bomiyaksa

jbomaksapi
bomiayaksapi

imakiiksa
maydkaksa

|makéksapi
mayakaksapi

namaksa
namdayaksa

namiaksapi
namdayaksapi

him, ete. thee.
Sing. 3. baksa baniksa
2. bayiiksa
1. bawaksa baciksa
Dual batinksa
| Plur. 3. baksaipi baniksapi
| 2. bayaksapi
1. baiinksapi bainniksapi
Sing. 3. boksa boniksa
2. boyaksa |
1. bowidksa_ boéiksa
Dual botnksa |
Plur. 3. boksapi — boniksapi
2. boydksapi
1. bonnksapi bounniksapi
Sing. 3. kaksa ican
2. yakiiksa
1. wakdksa ¢iédksa
Dual unkdksa |
Plur. 3. kaksapi niéaksapi
2. yakdéksapi
1. unksksapi nyni¢aksapi |
Sing. 3. naksa naniksa
2. naydksa
| 1. nawidksa nacéiksa
Dual natinksa
Plur. 3. naksépi naniksapi
2. nayaksapi
| L. nannksapi nainniksapi

Sing. 3. paksa nipiksa

2. yapaksa

1. wapdksa ¢ipiksa
Dual uypaksa |
Plur. 3. paksapi — nipaksapi

2. yapaksapi

1. unpaksapi uynnipaksapi

Sing. 3. yaksa niyaksa
2. daksa
1. mdaksi = Giydiksa

Dual unyaksa

Plur. 3. yaksapi — niysiksapi
9 ay

1. unydksapi unniyaksapi

. yuksa niyuksa

2. duksa |

1. mduksd . ¢Giytiksa
Dual unytksa |
Plur. 3. yuksaépi ‘niytiksapi

. duksapi
. upyiksapi unniyuksapi
|

mapaksa
mayapaksa

mapaksapi
|maydpaksapi
|

mayaksa
mayddaksa
|

mayaksapi
mayadaksapi

maytksa
mayéduksa
|

maytksapi

jmayaduksapi

them. you.
bawicdksa baniksapi
bawi¢dyaksa |
bawi¢éawaksa |baciksapi
bawi¢éanksa
bawiéiksapi baniksapi
bawi¢éayaksapi
bawiéanksapi |bainniksapi
bowicaksa boniksapi
bowiédyaksa —

bowiéawaksa bociksapi
bowiéinksa |

bowiéaéksapi —boniksapi
bowiédyaksapi
bowiéninksapi |bounniksapi
witikaksa iniédksapi
wi¢ayakaksa
wi¢adwakaksa |¢iéaiksapi
wictnkaksa
wiédikaksapi jniédksapi
wiédyakaksapi
wi¢tnkaksapi unni¢aksapi
nawicaksa naniksapi
nawi¢ayaksa
nawi¢awaksa naciksapi
nawiéinksa
nawiédéksapi naniksapi
nawicayaksapi
nawi¢inksapi nainniksapi
icapaksa nipaksapi
i¢dyapaksa |
iwicawapaksa (cipiksapi
iwiétinpaksa
wicaépaksapi nipaksapi
wicdyapaksapi
wwiéinpaksapi junnipaksapi

|
jwicayaksa niyaksapi
wwicadaksa
lwiéimdaksa | ¢iyaksapi
witinyaksa
witayaksapi
wicddaksapi
wiéinyaksapi uyniyaksapi
|

niyuksapi
|

niyaksapi

jwicayuksa

wicaduksa

wiédmduksa
wiétinyuksa
wiédyuksapi
wicdaduksapi
wiéinyuksapi unniyuksapi

éiyuksapi

niyuksapi

us.

‘batinksapi
batinyaksapi

batnksapi
batnyaksapi

boinksapi
botinyaksapi

bounksapi
botinyaksapi

unk:ksapi
upydkaksapi

‘unkdksapi
jupydkaksapi

naunksapi
natinyaksapi

‘natinksapi

natinyaksapi

unpaksapi
unyapaksapi

unyaksapi
junyddaksapi
|

junyaksapi
unyadaksapi

lunytksapi
unyaduksapi

unyuksapi

unydéduksapi

PARADIGM: ROOT KSA.

Frequentative. Absolute. Reflexive. Possessive.! | Dative."
= e ee | 3 | fos =
Sing. 3. baksdksa wabiksa bai¢iksa bakiksa | bakié¢iksa
2. baydksaksa | wabidyaksa bani¢iksa | baydkiksa | bayééiksa
1. bawdksaksa wabawaksa bami¢iksa | bawakiksa | bawééiksa
Dual batinksaksa | wabdéunksa baunkiciksa batnkiksa bainkiéiksa
Plur. 3. baksdksapi wabaksapi i bakiksapi baki¢iksapi
2. baydksaksapi wabdyaksapi baydkiksapi bayé¢iksapi
1. batnksaksapi wabdunksapi batinkiciksapi batnkiksapi baunki¢iksapi
Sing. 3. boksdksa waboksa boi¢iksa bokiksa boki¢iksa
2. boyaksaksa waboyaksa boni¢iksa boyakiksa boyéciksa
1. bowdksaksa wabéwaksa bomi¢iksa bowikiksa | bowé¢éiksa
Dual _ botinksaksa | wabdéunksa botn ki¢iksa botinkiksa botinki¢iksa
| Plur. 3. boksdéksapi waboksapi boiéiksapi bokiksapi boki¢iksapi
2. boydiksaksapi wabdéyaksapi boniéiksapi boydkiksapi boyé¢iksayi
1. bouinksaksapi wabounksapi bounkiéiksapi botinkiksapi bounkiéiksapi
Sing. 3. kaksdéksa _ wakiksa ihd:iksa hdaks kici¢aksa
2. yakdksaksa waydkaksa nihdaksa yahddksa é¢iéaksa
1. wakdksaksa wawikaksa mihdiksa wahdiksa wééicaksa
Dual unkédksaksa waunkaksa unkihdaksa unhddksa ié
Plur. 3. kaksdksapi wakaksapi | ihdéksapi hdakspi ksapi
2. yakdksaksapi waydkaksapi | nihddksapi yahddksapi yééiéaksapi
1. unkdksaksapi watnkaksapi | uykihdaksapi uphddksapi unkiéiéaksapi
Sing. 3. naksdaksa | waniksa | nakiksa naki¢iksa
2. naydksaksa wandyaksa naydkiksa nayé¢iksa
1. nawiksaksa waniwaksa | nawdkiksa nawé¢iksa
Dual natnksaksa wanduynksa naunkiksa natin ki¢iksa
Plur. 3. naksdksapi wandksapi nakiksapi nakiéiksapi
2. naydksaksapi wandyaksapi nani¢iksapi nay dkiksapi nayé¢iksapi
1 1. natinksaksapi wandunksapi nay kiéiksapi naunkiksapi nauykiéiksapi
|
= ve “= — oe
Sing. 3. paksdksa wapiksa | i¢ipaksa | ki¢ipaksa
2. yapdksaksa wayapaksa | ni¢ipaksa yécipaksa
1. wapiksaksa wawipaksa | miéipaksa wééipaksa
Dual unpéksaksa wannpaksa unkicipaksa unkpdaksa unki¢ipaksa
Plur. 3. paksdksapi wapiksapi | iéipaksapi kpaksapi ki¢ipaksapi
2. yapdiksaksapi waydpaksapi | nicipaksapi yakpaksapi yécipaksapi
1. uypdksaksapi watinpaksapi unki¢ipaksapi uykpaksapi unkiéipaksapi
| | |
| |
Sing. 3. yaksiksa wayidksa | ihdaksa hdaksa ki¢iyaksa
2. daksaksa wadiksa nihdaksa yahdiksa | yééiyaksa
1. mdaksaksa wamdiksa mihdaksa | wahddksa | Wwééiyaksa
Dual unydaksaksa waunyaksa uynkihdaksa | unhdiksa unkiciyaksa
Plur. 3. yaksaksapi waydksapi ihdaksapi | hdaksdpi ki¢iyaksapt
2. daksdksapi waddksapi nihdaksapi yahddaksapi yé¢iyaksapi
1. unydksaksapi watnyaksapi unkihdaksapi uphddaksapi unkiéiyaksapi
Sing. 3. yuksaksa woksa ihdiksa hduksa | kiciyuksa
2. duksiksa waduiksa | nihdtiksa | yahdtiksa | yééiyuksa
| 1. mduksdksa wamdtksa | mihdiksa | wahduiksa wéciyuksa
| Dual tinksaksa watnyuksa uykihduksa | unhdiksa unki¢iyuksa
Plur. 3. yuksdaksapi woksapi | ihdtiksapi hduksapi | kiéiyuksapi
2. duksdksapi wadtksapi nihdtiksapi yahdiksapi | yéciyuksapi
1. tinksaksapi wannyuksapi uykihduksapi unhduksapi | unkiéiyuksapi

1In some of the cognate Sionan languages there are two datives in common use, with an ocea-

sional third dative.
(first dative) and kié¢iéaga (second dative), as in wowapi ki¢aga, to write

Some Dakota verbs have two of these; e. g., from kaga, to make, come kiéaga
a letter fo another, and

wowapi ki¢i¢aga, to write a letter for or instead of another (or by request). In some cases the first

dative is not differentiated from the possessive.

See note on § 54,—J. 0. D.

40 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

NOUNS.

FORMS OF NOUNS.

§ 60. Dakota nouns, like those of other languages, may be divided into -

two classes, primitive and derivative.

§ 61. Primitive nouns are those whose origin can not be deduced from
any other word; as, maka, earth, peta, fire, pa, head, ista, eye, ate, father,
ina, mother.

§ 62. Derivative nouns are those which are formed in various ways
trom other words, chiefly from verbs, adjectives, and other nouns. The
principal classes of derivatives are as follows :

1. Nouns of the instrument are formed from active verbs by prefixing
‘i;’ as, yumdu, fo plough, iyvumdu, « plough; kasdeéa, to split, iGasdece, a
wedge ; kahinta, to rake or sweep, iGahiyte, a rake or broom These again are
frequently compounded with other nouns. (See § 68.)

2. Nouns of the person or agent are formed from active verbs by pre-
fixing ‘wa;’ as, ihaygya, to destroy, waihaneve, « destroyer ; yawaste, to bless,
wayawaste, one who blesses, a blesser.

3. Many abstract nouns are formed from verbs and adjectives by pre-
fixing ‘wo;’ as, ihangya, fo destroy, woihangye, destruction ; wayazay, to be
sick, wowayazay, sickness ; waonsida, merciful, wowaoysida, mercy ; waste,
good, wowaste, goodness.

4, Some nouns are formed from verbs and adjectives by prefixing ‘o;’
as, wayka, fo lie down, owanka, a floor ; apa, to strike, oape, a stroke ; owa,
to mark ov write, oowa, @ mark ox letter of the alphabet; sni, cold, as an
adjective, osni, cold, a noun; maste, hot, omaste, heat.

5. a. ‘Wiéa,’ prefixed to neuter and intransitive verbs and adjectives
sometimes forms of them abstract nouns; as, vazay, to be sick, wiéayazay
and wawiayazay, sickness ; waste, good, wiGawaste, goodness.

b. It sometimes forms nouns of the agent; as, vasiGa, to speak evil of,
curse, WiGayasice, @ curser.

c. Some nouns, by prefixing ‘wiéa’ or its contraction ‘wié,’ have their
signification limited to the human species; as, wi¢aéante, the diwman heart ;
wiéanape, the human hand ; wiéoie, haman words ; wiéohay, human actions.
We also have wiéaatkuku, @ father or one’s father ; wiéahuynku, one’s mother ;
wiéadinéa, one’s children.

In like manner ‘ta’ (not the possessive pronoun, but the generic name of ruminat-
ing animals, and particularly applied to the moose) is prefixed to the names of various
members of the body, and limits the signification to such animals; as, tacayte, a

NOUNS: DIMINUTIVES. 4]

buffalo or deer’s heart; tapa, a deers head; tacezi, a buffalo’s tongue; taha, a deers
skin; taéesdi, the ‘bois de vache’ of the prairie.

When to such nouns is prefixed ‘wa’ (from waliayksi¢a, a bear), their signifi-
cation is limited to the bear species; as, wapa, a bears head; waha, a bear’s skin;
wasuy, @ bears den.

In like manner, ‘ho,’ from hogan, «@ fish, prefixed to a few nouns, limits their sig-
nification to that genus; as, hoape, fish-fins ; hoaske, the bunch on the head of a fish.

6. Abstract nouns are formed from adjectives by prefixing ‘ wiéo,’

which may be regarded as compounded of ‘ wiéa’ and ‘ wo;’ as waste, good,
wicowaste, goodness, waoysida, merciful; wiGowaoysida, mercy.
7. a. Nouns are formed from verbs in the intransitive or absolute
state by sufhixing ‘pi;’ as, wowa, fo paint or write, wowapi, (they wrote some-
thing) something written, a writing or book; wayawa, to count, wayawapi,
Jigures or arithmetic.

b. Any verb may be used with the plural ending as a verbal noun or
gerund, sometimes without, but more commonly with, the definite article ;
as, 1éazo, to take credit, iGazoyn, credit; wayawaste, to bless, wayawastepi,
blessing ; waihayngya, to destroy, waihangvapi, destroying; eéoy, to do, econpi
kin, the doing of a thing.

8. When ‘s’a’ is used after verbs, it denotes frequency of action, and
gives them the force of nouns of the person; as, kage s’a, a maker; eGonpi
s’a, doers; yakonpi sa, dwellers.

Diminutives.

§ 63. ‘Dan’ or ‘na’ is suffixed to nouns, pronouns, adjectives, and verbs,
and has sometimes a diminutive and sometimes a restrictive signification.

1. Suffixed to nouns, ‘day’ is generally diminutive; as, mde, lake,
mdeday, little lake ; wakpa, river, wakpadan, little river or rivulet ; apa, some,
apaday, a small part.

2, Some nouns now appear only with the diminutive ending, although
they may formerly have been used without it: as, hoksiday, boy; Suylipa-
dan, little dog, puppy ; Suyeiday, for.

3. Nouns ending with this diminutive take the plural termination be-
fore the day; as, hoksiday, boy, hoksipiday, boys.

4. Some nouns ending in ‘na,’ when they take the plural form, change
‘na’ into ‘day; as, widinyanna, girl, widinyanpidan, girls ; wanistinna, a
Jew, plur. wanistinpiday. In some cases ‘day’ is used only in the plural
form; as, tonana, @ few, plur. tonananpidan.

The Ihanktoyway and Sisitoyway commonly use ‘na,’ and the Titoyway ‘la,’ in
stead of ‘day,’ for the diminutive ending; as, hoksina and hoksila, for hoksiday.

42 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

§ 64. 1. ‘Dan’ is often joined to adjectives and verbs, as the last prin-
cipal word in the clause, although it properly belongs to the noun; as,
Suktanka way waste-day (horse a good-little), a good little horse, not a herse a
little good ; niéinksi Geye-day (thy-son cries-little), thy little son cries.

2. When used with a transitive verb, ‘day’ may belong either to the
subject or the object of the verb; as, nisuyka Sunka kiktedan (thy-brother
dog his-killed-little), thy little brother killed his dog, or thy brother killed his little
dog.

Gender.

) 65. 1. Gender is sometimes distinguished by different names for the
masculine and feminine; as, wiéasta, man, winohinéa, woman ; tatanka, buf-
Jalo bull, pte, buffalo cow; helhiaka, the male elk, wpay, the female elk.

2. But more commonly the distinction is made by means of adjectives.
‘Wiéa’ and ‘winyay’ denote the male and female of the human species ;
as, hoksiyokopa wiéa, a male child, hoksiyokopa winyay, a female child.
‘Mdoka’ and ‘wiye’ distinguish the sex of animals ; as, tamdoka, a buck ;
tawiyedan, a doe, the ‘day’ being diminutive. These words, however, are
often written separately ; as, pagonta mdoka, a drake ; zitkadaa wiye, a hen
bird. In some instances contraction takes place ; as, Suyg mdoka, a horse ;
Sung wiye, a mare, from suyka.

3. Proper names of females of the human species trequently have
‘win, an abbreviation of ‘winyan,’ female, for their termination; as,
Totidutawin (Woman of her red house); Wakankazuzuwin (Female spirit that
pays debts). Sometimes the diminutive ‘winna’ is used for ‘win;’ as,

Mahpiwinna (Cloud woman).

Number.

§ 66. To nouns belong two numbers, the singular and plural.

1. The plural of animate objects is denoted by the termination ‘pi,’
which is attached either to the noun itself; as, Sunka, a dog, Sujkapi, dogs ;
or, as is more commonly the case, to the adjective or verb which follows it
in the same phrase ; as, Suyka ksapapi, wise dogs ; Suyka eéoypi, dogs did it.

2. (a) Names of inanimate objects seldom take the plural termination,
even when used with a plural meaning; as, Gan, a tree or trees ; maga, a
Jield or fields.

(b) On the other hand, some nouns formed from verbs by adding the
plural termination ‘pi’ (§ 62. 7. a.) are used with a singular as well as a
plural meaning; as, tipi, @ house or houses; wowapi, a book or books.

NOUNS: CASE, POSSESSION. 43

Case.

) 67. Dakota nouns may be said to have two principal cases, the siwb-
jective and objective.’

The subjective and objective cases are usually known by the place
which they occupy in the sentence. When two nouns are used, the one
the subject and the other the object of the action, the subject is placed
first, the object next, and the verb last; as, wiéasta way wowapi way kaga
(man a book a made), a man made a book; Dawid Sopiya wastedaka (David
Sophia loves), David loves Sophia; Dakota Besdeke wiéaktepi (Dakota Fox-
Indian them-they-killed), the Dakotas killed the Fox Indians.

When, from some consideration, it is manifest which must be the nominative, the
arrangement may be different; as, wiGasta Wakantanka kaga (man God made), God
made man.

As this distinction of case is rather syntactical than etymological, see further in
the Syntax.

Possession.

§ 68. The relation of two nouns to each other, as possessor and possessed,
is sometimes indicated by placing them in juxtaposition, the name of the
possessor coming first ; as, wahukeza ihupa, spear-handle ; tipi tivopa, house-
door; wiéasta oie, man’s word.

Sometimes the first noun suffers contraction; as, mali¢incéa, « gosling, for maga
cinéa (goose child); maliiyumdu, a plough, for maga iyumdu ( field-plough); maliicéa-
hinte, a rake, for maga idahiyte (field-rake).

) 69. But the relation is pointed out more definitely by adding to the
last term a possessive pronoun, either separate or incorporated.

1. Sometimes the. pronouns ‘tawa’ and ‘tawapi’ are used after the
second noun; as, tatayka woyute tawa (buffalo food his), buffalo’s food ;
woyute Suktanka tawapi (food horse theirs), horses’ food; wiéastayatapi tipi
tawa (chief house his), the chief’s house.

2. (a) But generally the possessive pronouns are prefixed to the name
of the thing possessed; as, tatanka tawote (buffalo is-food), bufialo’s food ;
Dawid taanpetu (David his-day), the days of David.

Sometimes ‘ti’ is prefixed instead of ‘ta;’ as, wanhiykpe, an arrow; Dawid
tiwanhinkpe, David's arrov.

Nouns commencing with ‘i’ or ‘0’ prefix ‘t’ only; as, ipahiy, a pillow; Hake
tipahin, Hake’s pillow; owinza, a bed; Hake towinze, Hake’s bed.

Abstract nouns which commence with ‘wo’ drop the ‘w’ and prefix ‘t;’ as, wo-
waste, goodness; Wakantanka towaste, God’s goodness. (See § 23, 2. b.)

‘A. L. Riggs thinks a better arrangement would include the genitive case with the subjective and
objective. The rule of position would then be: A noun in the genitive case qualifying another noun is
placed before the noun it qualifies. See § 68. ;

44 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

(b) Nouns expressing relationship form their genitive by means of the
suffix pronouns ‘ku,’ ‘éu,’ ‘tku;’ as, sunka, younger brother, Dawid sunkaku,
David's younger brother; Giayye, the elder brother of a man, Tomas éinéu,
Thomas's elder brother; Gyksi, a daughter, wiéasta Ginnksitku, man’s daughter.

Proper and Family Names.'

§ 70. The proper names of the Dakotas are words, simple and com-
pounded, which are in common use in the language. They are usually
given to children by the father, grandfather, or some other influential rela-
tive. When young men have distinguished themselves in battle, they fre-
quently take to themselves new names, as the names of distinguished an-
eestors of warriors now dead. The son of a chief, when he comes to the
chieftainship, generally takes the name of his father or grandfather; so that
the same names, as in other more powerful dynasties, are handed down
along the royal lines.

aC) Dakota proper names sometimes consist of a single noun; as,
Mahpiya, Cloud; Hoksidan, Boy; Wamdeniéa, Orphan; Wowaéiyan,
Faith.

(b) Sometimes they consist of a single adjective; as, Sakpe, (Six) Lit-
tle-six, the chief at Prairieville.

2. (a) But more frequently they are composed of a noun and adjec-
tive; as Istahba (eyes-sleepy), Sleepy-eyes; Tatanka-hanska (buffalo-long),
Long buffalo; Matohota, Grizzly-bear; Wamdi-duta, Scarlet-cagle; Mato-
tamaheéa, Lean-bear; Mazahota, Grey-iron; Maza-a, Sounding-metal; Wa-
paha-sa, Red-flag-staff, called now Wabashaw.

(b) Sometimes they are formed of two nouns; as, Mahpiya-wiéasta,
Cloud-man ; Pezihuta-wiéasta, Medicine-man; Ite-wakinyay, Thunder-face.

3. Sometimes a possessive pronoun is prefixed; as, Ta-makoée, E%s
country; Ta-peta-tanka, His-great-fire ; Ta-oyate-duta, His-red-people.

(a) Sometimes they consist of verbs in the intransitive form, which
may be rendered by nouns; as, Wakute, Shooter; Wanapeya, One-who-
causes-flight.

(b) Sometimes they are compounded of a noun and verb; as, Aki¢ita-
nazin, Standing-soldier or Sentinel; Tatanka-nazin, Standing-buffalo ; Ma-
lypiva-mani, Walking-cloud ; Wanmdi-okiva, One-who-talks-with-the-eagle ;
Malipiya-hdinape, Cloud-that-appears-again.

A aaeeee ation of personal names of the iomane. Ponka, Ka unsa, Osage, Iowa, Oto, Fant aca
tribes will be found on pp. 393-399, Proc. A. A. A. S., xxxiv, 1885. See also ‘Indian personal names,”
pp. 263-268, Amer, Anthropologist, July, 1890.—J. O. D.

ADJECTIVES. 45

(c) Sometimes they are formed of two verbs; as, lyyang-mani, One-
who-walks-running. In some instance a preposition is prefixed; as, Ana-
wang-mani, One-who-walks-as-he-qallops-on.

§ 71. The names of the women are formed in the same way, but gen-
erally have ‘win’ or ‘winna,’ female, added; as, Aypetu-sapa-win, Black-
day-woman ; Malipi-winna, Cloud-woman.

§ 72. The Dakotas have no family or surnames. But the children of
a family have particular names which belong to them, in the order of their
birth, up to the fifth child. These names are, for boys, Caské, Hepay,
Hepi, Catan, and Haké. For girls, they are, Windéua, Hapay, Hapistinna,
Wanske, and Wihike. Thus the first child, if a boy, is called Caské, if a
girl, Winéna; the second, if a boy, is called Hepay, and if a girl, Hapan,
etc. If there are more than five children in the family, the others have no
names of this kind. Several of these names are not used by the Titonway
aud Ihanktonwan.

§ 73. The names of certain family relations, both male and female, are
presented in the following table :

]
A Man’s. A Woman's.

| | =!
elder brother | éinyé | timd6
elder sister } tanké éuy
younger brother sunka sunka
younger sister tan ksi tanka
male cousin tahdnsi iGési
female cousin hankdsi | icépansi
brother-in-law tahan | SiGé
sister-in-law hank | iéépan |

The other relations, as, father, mother, uncle, aunt, grandfather, grand-
mother, ete., are designated, both by men and women, by the same names.

ADJECTIVES.

§ 74. 1. Most adjectives in Dakota may be considered as primitive ; as,
ska, white, tayka, large, waste, good.

2. A few are formed from verbs by prefixing ‘wa:’ as, oysida, to have
mercy on one, waoysida, merciful; Gantekiya, to love, waéaytkiya, benevolent.

§ 75. Final ‘a’ or ‘an’ of many adjectives is changed into ‘ e’ when fol-
lowed by certain particles, as, hinéa, do, kin or iy, ete.: siéa, bad, sige

hinéa, very bad; wiéasta Sige Gin, the bad man.

46 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

NUMBER.
§ 76. Adjectives have three numbers, the sengular, dual, and plural.
§ 77. The dual is formed from the singular by prefixing or inserting

‘uy,’ the pronoun of the first person plural; as, ksapa, wise ; wiéasta uyksapa,
we two wise men; waonsida, merciful; waoysiuyjda, we two merciful ones.

§ 78. 1. The plural is formed by the addition of ‘pi’ to the singular;
as, waste, good; wiGasta wastepi, good men.

2. Another form of the plural which frequently occurs, especially in
connection with animals and inanimate objects, is made by a reduplication
of one of the syllables.

(a) Sometimes the first syllable reduplicates; as, ksapa, wise, plur.,
ksaksapa; tanka, great, plur. tanktayka.

(b) In some cases the last syllable reduplicates; as, waste, good, plur.,
wasteste.

COMPARISON,

) 79. Adjectives are not inflected to denote degrees of comparison, but
are increased or diminished in signification by means of adverbs.

1. (a) What may be called the comparative degree is formed by saypa,
more; as, waste, good, saypa waste, more good or better. When the name of
the person or thing, with which the comparison is made, immediately pre-

‘

cedes, the preposition ‘1’ is employed to indicate the relation, and is pre-
fixed to sanpa; as, wicasta kin de isaypa waste, this man is better than that.
Sometimes ‘sam iyeya,’ which may be translated more advanced, is used;
as, sam lyeya waste, more advanced good or better.

It is difficult to translate ‘iyeya’ in this connection, but it seems to convey the
idea of passing on from one degree to another.

(b) Often, too, comparison is made by saying that one is good and
another is bad; as, de siéa, he waste, this is bad, that is good, i. e. that is
better than this.

(c) To diminish the signification of adjectives, ‘kitayna’ is often used;
as, tanka, /arge, kitayna tanka, somewhat large, that is, not very large.

2. What may be called the superlative degree is formed by the use of
‘nina,’ ‘ hinéa,’ and ‘iyotay;’ as, nina waste, or waste hinéa, very good ;
iyotay waste, best.

NUMERAL ADJECTIVES—CARDINALS. 47
NUMERAL ADJECTIVES.
Cardinals.

§ 80. The cardinal numerals are as follows :

wancéa, wanzi, or wa1zidan, one. wik¢cemna, ten.

noypa, two. wikéemna nonpa, twenty

yamnl, three. wikéemna yamni, thirty.

topa, four. wikéemna topa, Forty.

zaptay, Sive. opawinge, a hundred.

Sakpe, sin. opawinge nonpa, two hundred.
Sakowiy, seven. kektopawinge,! a thousand.
Sahdogay, eight. | woyawa tanka, the great count,
napcinwayka, nine. or a million.

1. The numbers from eleven to eighteen inclusive, are formed in two
ways:

(a) By ake, again; as, ake wanzidan, eleven ; ake nonpa, twelve; ake
yamni, thirteen, ete. Written in full, these would be wikéemna ake wanzi-
day, ten again one; wikéemna ake noypa, ten again two, ete.

In counting, the Dakotas use their fingers, bending them down as they pass on,
until they reach ten. They then turn down a little finger, to remind them that one
ten is laid away, and commence again. When the second ten is counted, another
finger goes down, and so on.

(b) By saypa, more; as, wikéemna sanpa wanzidan, ten more one,
(10+1) or eleven; wikéemna sanpa topa (10 + 4), fourteen; wikéemna
sanpa Sahdogay (10 + 8), eighteen.

2. Nineteen is formed by unma, the other ; as, uyma napéinwanka, the
other nine.

3. (a) WikGemna nonpa is (10 & 2) twenty, and so with thirty, forty,
ete. The numbers between these are formed in the same way as between
eleven and eighteen; as, wikéemna nonpa saypa wanziday, or, wikéemna
nonpa ake wanziday (10 & 2 + 1), twenty-one; wikéemna nonpa saypa nap-
Gywayka (10K 2+-9), twenty-nine; wikéemna yamni saypa topa, (10 « 3
+ 4), thirty-four; wikéemna zaptan saypa napcinwanka (10 & 5+ 9), fifty-
nine. Over one hundred, numbers are still formed in the same way; as,
opawinge sanpa wikéemna Ssakpe saypa sakowiy (100 + [10 & 6] + 7), one
hundred and sixty-seven ; kektopawinge noynpa saypa opawinge zaptar sanpa
wikéemna yamni sanpa sakpe ({1000 « 2] + [100 & 5] + [10 x 3] + 6),

two thousand five hundred and thirty-six.

' Also koktopawinge.

45 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

(b) The numbers between twenty and thirty, thirty and forty, ete., are
occasionally expressed by placing an ordinal before the cardinal, which de-
notes that it is so many in such a ten; as, iyamni topa, four of the third (ten),
i. c., twenty-four ; itopa yamni, three of the fourth (ten), 1. ¢., thirty-three.

It is an interesting study to analyze these numerals. It has been stated
above, that the Dakota, in common with all Indians, it is believed, are in
the habit of using the hands in counting. It might be supposed then that
the names indicating numbers would be drawn largely from the hand.
The following derivations and explanations, it is believed, will be found in
the main reliable.

1. Wanéa, ete. from way! interjection—calling attention—perhaps, at
the same time, holding up a finger.

2. Noypa, from en aonpa, fo bend down on, or place on, as the second
finger is laid down over the small one; or perhaps of nape oypa, nape
being used for finger as well as hand. The Ponka and Omaha is nayba,
and the Winnabago nuyp.’

3. Yamni, from mui (voot) signifying either turning over or laying up ;
the ‘ya’ perhaps indicating that it is done with the mouth. (See § 34/.)

It is suggested, as a further solution of yamni, that the ‘mni’ may be an old
root, meaning together oy flow together, as we have it in the reduplicate amnimni, ¢. 4,
mini amnimni, to sprinkle water upon. The Ponka and Omaha is dha-bdhiy.”

4. Topa, from opa, fo follow; (perhaps ti, @ house, and opa, follow awith)
as we say, ‘in the same box,’ with the rest. The three have banded
together and made a ‘ti’ or ‘tiday,’ as we would say a family, and the
fourth joins them. ‘The Ponka and Omaha is duba.

5. Zaptay, from za, (root) holding (or perhaps whole, as im zani), and
ptayyay or ptaya, together. In this case the thumb is bent down over the
fingers of the hand, and holds them together.

6. Sakpe, from Sake, nail, and kpa or kpe, (root) lasting as some kinds
of food which go a good ways, or filled, as a plump grain. This is the
second thumb, and the reference may be to the other hand being completed.
Possibly from the idea of bending down as in nakpa, the ear.

7. Sakowin, from Sake, nail, and owin, perhaps from owinga, to bend
down ; but possibly from oin, fo wear, as jewelry, this being the fore jJinger
of the second hand; that is, the ring finger.

Two takes the form ¢a"ba (dhan-ba) in the Omaha name Maxe ¢a"ba, Two Crows and de¢a"ba,
seven (+27). Ywoin Winnebago is expressed variously, even by the same speaker, Thus, we find
nonp, nonpa, noynpi, and nuynp.—J. O. D.

Wa-bei" in the notation of the Bureau of Ethnology.—J. O. D.

DERIVATIONS OF NUMERAL ADJECTIVES. 49

8. Sahdogan, from sake, nail probably, and hdogay, possessive of yugan,
to open ; but perhaps it is ogay or oge, to cover, to wear; the nail covers
itself. ‘Two fingers now cover the thumb.’

9. Napéiywanka, from nape, hand, ¢cistinna, small, and wanka, lies—
hand-small-lies ; that is, the remainder of the hand is very small, or perhaps,
the hand now lies in a small compass.

Eli Abraham explains ‘napciywayka’ as from napéupe. All fingers are napcupe,
in the original sense; that is they are marrow bones of the hand. Now this finger of
the second hand lies down alone. Two fingers have covered the thumb and this has
to take a bed by itself. Rather the finger lies in the napCéoka, inside of the hand.

10. Wikéemna, from wikée or ikée, common, and nmayay, gathering, or
from mna, to rip, that is let loose. It would then mean either that the com-
mon or first gathering of the hands was completed, or that being completed,
the whole are loosed, and the ten thrown up, as is their custom; the hands
in the common position.

100. Opawinge, from pawinga, to bend down with the hand, the pre-
fixed ‘o’ indicating perfectness or roundedness ; that is, the process has
been gone over as many times as there are fingers and thumbs.

1000. Kektopawinge or koktopawinge, from opawinge and ake or
kokta, meaning again or also. This would indicate that the Iwalred had
been counted over as many times as there are hand digits.”

§ 81. Numeral adjectives by reduplicating a syllable express the idea
of two and two or by twos, three and three or by threes, ete.; as, nomnoynpa, by
twos; yamnimni, by threes; toptopa, by fours, ete.

(1) Waynzikzi, the reduplicate of wa1zi, properly means by ones, but is used to
signity a few.

(2) Noypa and topa are often contracted into nom and tom, and are generally
reduplicated in this form; as, nomnom, by tivos; tomtom, by fours.

(5) Yamni, zaptay, Sakowiy, and wikcemna, reduplicate the last syllable; as,
yamnimni, zaptayptay, Sakowinwiy, and wikéemnamna., The same is true of opawinse
and kektopawinge; as, opawingece, by hundreds.

(4) Nap¢inwanka and Sahdogay reduplicate a middle syllable, as napéinwang-
wayka, by nines, Sahdohdogan, by eights.

§ 82. Wanéa, noypa, yamni, ete., are also used for once, twice, thrice,
etc. Nonpa noypa heéen topa, twice two so fowr, that is, tevice two are four.
} ; ; i

'The author gives, in the Dictionary, ofan and o&e, clothes, covering, a sheath; but not as a
verb.— J. O. D.
*Can there be a satisfactory analysis of the Dakota numerals without a full. comparison with
those of the cognate languages of the Siouan family? I think not.—J. O. D.
7105—VOL Ix 4

a0 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

And ‘akihde’ is sometimes used for this purpose: as, noypa akihde nonpa,
two times two.

§ 83. 1. ‘ Dan’ or ‘na,’ suffixed to numeral adjectives, is restrictive; as,
yamni, three, yamnina, only three; zaptan, five. zaptanna, only five.

2. With monosyllabic words ‘na’ is doubled; as, nom, feo, nomnana,
only two; tom, four, tomnana, only four; huyh, a part, hunhnana, only a part.

Ordinals.

§ 84. 1. The ordinal numbers, after tokaheya, first, are formed from
cardinals by prefixing ‘i,’ ‘ii,’ and ‘ widi;’ as, Inonpa, iGinonpa, and widi-
nonpa, second; iyamni, iGiyamni, and wi¢iyamni, third; itopa, iGitopa, and
widitopa, fourth: iwikéemna, tenth, ete.

2. In like manner we have iake wayzi, eleventh; iake nonpa, twelfth ;
iake yamni, thirteenth, ete.; iwikéemna noypa, twentieth; iopawinge, one
hundredth, ete.

§ 85. When several numbers are used together, the last only has the
ordinal form; as, wikéemna nonpa sanpa lyamni, twenty-third; opawinge
sanpa iake nonpa, one hundred and twelfth.

ADVERBS.

§ 86. There are some adverbs, in very common use, whose derivation
from other parts of speech is not now apparent, and which may therefore
be considered as primitives; as, eéa, when; kuya and kun, under, below;
kitayna, @ little, not much; nina and hinéa, very; ohinni, always; sanpa,
more; tankan, without, out of doors; wanna, now, ete?

§ 87. But adverbs in Dakota are, for the most part, derived from de-
monstrative pronouns, adjectives, verbs, and other adverbs ; and in some instances
from other parts of speech.

1. Adverbs are formed from demonstrative pronouns, by adding ‘han’ and
‘han,’ ‘ken’ and ‘ éen,’ ‘ ketu’ and ‘éetu,’ ‘en,’ ‘ki’ and ‘kiya,’ ‘4’ and ‘¢iya.’

(a) By adding ‘han’ and ‘ han;:’ as, de, this, dehan, here, now ; he, that;
hehan, there, ‘then; ka, that, kahan and kahan, then, there, so far. The forms
dehay and hehay are used with a slight difference of signification from
dehan and hehan; the first indicating place and the latter time

(b) By adding ‘ken’ and ‘éen;’ as, kaken, in this manner; eéa, when:
eéaken, whenever, always; deéen, thus; heéen, in that way.

‘A. L. Riggs suggests that e¢a has the force of when only by position, and that eéa and eée, éa
and ¢e are frequentative particles, akin, in radical meaning, and perhaps in origin, to ‘ake,’ again.

*In the cognate languages, time words and space words are not fully differentiated. Thus in
Cegiha, ata" A, how long? how far? when?—J.O.D.

ADVERBS. 51

(d) By adding ‘en,’ in, in a contracted form; as, de, this, den, here ;
he, that; hen, there; ka, that, kan, yonder; tukte, which ? tukten, where ?

(e) By adding ‘ki’ and ‘éi,’ ‘kiya’ and ‘ Giya;’ as, ka, that, kaki and
kakiya, there; de, this, deGi and de¢iya, here.

2. Adverbs are formed from adjectives, by adding ‘ ya;’ as, waste, good,
wasteya, well; Siéa, bad, Siéaya, badly; tanka, great, tankaya, greatly, exten-
sively.

3. (a) Adverbs are formed from verbs, by adding ‘ yan;’ as, iyuskin,
to rejoice, iyuskinyan, rejoicingly, gladly; tayyay, well, may be from the
obsolete verb ‘tan’ (as they still use atay, to regard, take care of ); itonsni,
to tell a le, itonsniyan, falsely.

(b) Some are formed by adding ‘ya’ alone; as, aokaga, to tell a
falsehood about one, aokaliya, falsely.

(c) In a few instances adverbs are formed from verbs by adding ‘ua;’
as, inalini, to be in haste, inalinina, hastily, temporarily.

4. Adverbs are formed from other adverbs.

(a) By adding ‘tu;’ as, dehan, now, dehantu, at this time; hehan, then,
hehantu, at that time ; tohan, when? tohantu, at what time ?

(6) Other forms are made by adding ‘ya’ to the preceding; as, de-
hantuya, thus, here ; hehantuya, there; de¢etuya, so; toketuya, im what-
ever way.

(c) Others still are made by the further addition of ‘ken;’ as, dehan-
tuyaken, toketuyaken. The meaning appears to be substantially the same
after the addition of ‘ken’ as before.

(7) Adverbs are formed from other adverbs by adding ‘ yan;’ as,
dehan, now, here, dehanyan, to this time or place, so far ; tohan, when ? tohay-
yay, as long as, how long? ohiynni, always, ohinniyay, for ever.

(¢) Adverbs are formed from other adverbs by adding ‘tkiya;’ as,
kun, below, kuntkiya, downwards ; waykan, above, wankaytkiya, upwards.

5. Some adverbs are formed from sows.

(a) By prefixing ‘a’ and taking the adverbial termination ‘ ya;’ as,
paha, @ hill, apahaya, hill-like, converly ; waniéa, none, awanin and awaninya,
in a destroying way.

(b) By suffixing ‘ata’ or ‘ yata,’ etc.; as, he, a hill or ridge, heyata,
back at the hill.

Words so formed may be called prepositional nouns, See § 91,

iy DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

6. Adverbs are derived from prepositions.
(a) By adding ‘tu’ or ‘tuya;’ as, mahen, #7 or within, mahentu or
mahetu and mahetuya, deardly.
(b) By adding ‘ wapa;’ as, ako, beyond, akowapa, onward; mahen, in,
mahenwapa, imwardly.
PREPOSITIONS.

§ 88. (a) What are named prepositions in other languages are in
Dakota properly post-positions, as they follow the nouns which they govern.
(See § 186.) (6) Prepositions may be divided into separate and incorporated.

SEPARATE PREPOSITIONS.

§ 89. The separate prepositions in Dakota follow the nouns which they
govern; as, Gay akan nawazin (wood upon I-stand), I stand upon wood; he
maza on kagapi (that iron of is-made), that is made of iron. The following
are the principal separate prepositions, viz:

ahna, with etkiya, towards om, with them

akan, on or upon etu, at on, of or from, with, for
ako, beyond kahda, by, near to opta, through

ehna, amongst kiGi, with him, her, or it sanpa, beyond

ekta, at, to mahen, within tanhay, from

en, in ohna, 7 yata, at.

etanhay, from ohomni, around

Some of these are quite as often used as adverbs as prepositions.

INCORPORATED PREPOSITIONS, OR PREPOSITIONAL PARTICLES.

§ 90. These are suftixed>to nouns, prefixed to or inserted into verbs,
and prefixed to adverbs, ete.

§ 91. The prepositions suffixed to nouns are ‘ta,’ and ‘ata’ or ‘yata,’
at or on; as, tinta, prairie, tiytata, at or on the prairie; maga, a field, magata,
at the field; Gay, wood or woods, Ganyata, at the woods. The preposition en,
in, contracted, is suffixed to a few nouns; as, ti, @ house, tin, in the house.
These formations may also be regarded as adverbs; as, le, @ hill or ridge,
heyata, at the hill or back from.

T. L. Riggs suggests that this class of words should be denominated prepo-
sitional nouns or adverbial nouns.

) 92. The prepositions ‘a,’ ‘e,’ ‘i,’ ‘0,’ instead of being suffixed to the

noun, are prefixed to the verb.

1. (a) The preposition ‘a,’ on or upon, is probably a contraction of

PREPOSITIONS—CONJUNCTIONS. 53

‘akan,’ and is prefixed to a very large number of verbs; as, mani, to walk,
amani, to walk on, Gaynkaga amawani, I walk on a log.

(b) The preposition ‘e,’ fo or at, is probably from ‘ekta,’ and is pre-
fixed to some verbs; as, yulipa, to lay down anything one is carrying,
eyulipa, to lay down at a place.

(c) The preposition ‘1’ prefixed to verbs means with, for, on account of;
as, Gekiya, to pray, iGekiya, to pray for a thing.

(d) The preposition ‘0,’ in, is a contraction of ‘ohna,’ and is found in
a large class of verbs; as, hnaka, to place or lay down, ohnaka, to place a
thing iv something else.

2. The prepositions which are either prefixed to or inserted into verbs,
in the pronouns’ place, are ‘ki’ and ‘ kid

(a) ‘Ki, asa preposition incorporated in verbs, means to or for; as,
kaga, to make, kiéaga, to make to one; huwe ya, to go to bring anything,
kihuwe ya, to go to bring a thing for one.

(b) ‘KiG’ incorporated into verbs, means for; as, kaksa, to chop off, as
astick; ki¢iGaksa, to chop off for one.

§ 93. The preposition ‘i’ is prefixed to a class of adverbs giving them
the force of prepositions. In these cases it expresses relation to or connexion
with the preceding noun; as, tehay, far, itehay, far from any time or place;
heyata, behind, iheyata, back of something. ‘These adverbial prepositions
are such as:

iako, beyond ihukuya, under itehan, far from
iakan, upon ilieyata, behind, back of itokam, before
iaSkaday, near to ikanyeta, down from iwaykam, above
iGahda, by, near to ikiyeday, near to iyohakam, after
ihakam, behind isanpa, beyond iyotaheday, between
ihduksay, round about itakasalpa, over from iyotahepi, between
ihektam, behind itankan, without iyotakoys, opposite to.

CONJUNCTIONS.

§ 94. Conjunctions in Dakota, as in other languages, are used to con-
nect words and sentences; as, waste ka ksapa, good and wise; wiéasta SiGeéa
koya, men and children: “Unkay Wakanytanka, Ozayzay kta, eya: unkay
ozanzay,” And God said, ‘ Let light be:’ and light was.

§ 95. The following is a list of the principal conjunctions, viz: wykay,
ka and éa, and; ko and koya, also, and; uykays, kinhay and ¢inhay, kina-
hay and Ginahay, if; esta and Sta, kes and Ges, kes and ées, although; kaes
and ¢aes, keyas and Geyas, even if; ka is, or; tuka, but. For uykay and
ujkays the Titonway say yuykay and yunkays, for ‘ka’ and ‘Ga’ they use
‘na,’ and for ‘ka i,’ ‘na is.’

De DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.
INTERJECTIONS.

§ 96. It is very difficult to translate, or even to classify, Dakota inter-
jections. Those in common use may be arranged under the following
heads, according to the emotions they express:

Pain: yuy! winswi! ah! oh!

Regret: hehe! hehehe! huyhe! hunhuyhe! oh! alas!

Surprise: hopiday! hopidanniye! hopidaysni! inah! inama! inyuy!
ivanaka!l wonderful! surprising! astonishing! truly! indeed!

Attention : a! e! bes! hiwo! iho! ito! mah! toko! wan! hark! look! see!
behold! halloo!

Self-praise: ihdatay! ihdatanh! boast!’

Affirmation: eéahe! eéas! eéaes! ees! ehaes! elitakaes! evakes! eyakes!
nakas! nakaes! indeed! truly! yes!

Disbelief: eze! hes! hinte! ho! hoeéah! iyesniéa! oho! taze! or tase!
(Yankton) fie! fudge! you don’t say so!

‘Kya,’ when used at the beginning of a phrase or sentence, is an inter-

jection, and seems to mean nothing.

'** Boast” does not appear as an interjection in Webster’s dictionary, nor in that of the Century
Company. As ihdatay means le praises himself, he boasts, a better translation is, O how he boasts!—
Al O81 OS

SYNTAX—PRONOUNS.

(Gls eV NO Se EEG be,

SYNTAX.
PRONOUNS.
PERS¢ NAL PRONOUNS.
Incorporated Pronouns.

§ 97. The incorporated pronouns are either prefixed to or inserted into
verbs, adjectives, and nouns.

1. POSITION IN VERBS.

§ 98. 1. (a) Monosyllabie verbs, such as, ba, fo blame, da, to ask for,
ete., necessarily prefix the pronouns; as mayaba (me-thou-blamest), thou
blamest me.

(b) Those verbs which are formed by adding the prefixes ‘ka’ and
‘pa,’ and also the possessive forms in ‘ kpa’ or ‘tpa,’ ‘hda,’ and ‘hdu,’ have
the pronouns prefixed ; as, kaksa, to cut off with an axe, wakaksa, I cut off ;
pagan, to part with anything, wapagay, JT part with ; kpagay, and tpagan,
to part with one’s own, wakpagay, I part with my own; lduta, to eat one’s
own, wahduta, I eat my own.

(c) Other verbs, whose initial letter is ‘d’ or ‘k,’ have the pronouns
prefixed ; as, daka, fo esteem so, wadaka, I esteem so; kaga, to make, yakaga,
thou makest.

(d) For the forms of the subjective pronouns of the first person singu-
lar and the second person singular and plural of verbs in ‘ ya’ and ‘ yu,’
see §§ 39. (b), 50.

2. (a) All verbs commencing with a vowel which is not a prefix, insert
the pronouns immediately after the vowel; as, opa, to follow, owapa, I jfol-
low ; excepting the first person plural, ‘unk,’ which is prefixed; as, unko-
papi, we follow. But ouypapi is also used.

2 elie,

(b) The prefixing of the prepositions ‘a,’ ‘e,’ ‘i,’ ‘0,’ does not alter
the place of the pronouns; as, kastan, to powr out, wakastay, J powr out;
okastan, to pour out in, owakastan, J pour out in; palita, to bend, pawalita,

I bind; apalita, to bind on, apawalita, L bind on.
55

56 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

(c) Verbs formed from verbal roots and adjectives by prefixing ‘ba,’
‘bo, and ‘na,’ take the pronouns after the prefix; as, baksa, to cut off with
a knife, bawaksa, 1 cut off; boksa, to shoot off, as a limb, boyaksa, thou
shootest off; naksa, to break off with the foot, nawaksa, I break off with the foot.

(@) Other verbs whose initial letter is ‘é, ‘s, ‘m,’ or ‘n,’ have the
pronouns inserted after the first syllable; as, Gapa, fo stab, Gawapa, I stab ;
mani, fo walk, mawani, [ walk, Palita, to bind or tie, also inserts the pro-
nouns after the first syllable.

(¢) Verbs that insert or prefix the prepositions ‘ki’ and ‘kiéi,’ take the
pronouns immediately before the prepositions. (See § 40. 5. a. b.)

(/) Active verbs formed from other verbs, adjectives, or nouns, by
adding the causative ‘kiva’ or ‘ya,’ take the pronouns immediately before
the causative; as, wayyagkiya, fo cause to see, wayyagmakiya, he causes me
to see; samkiya, to blacken, samwakiya, I blacken; Gaytekiya, to love, Gayte-
wakiya, J love any one.

(g) The compound personal and reflexive pronouns (§ 24) occupy the
same place in verbs as do the ordinary incorporated pronouns; as, waste-
daka, to love, wastewadaka, J love anything, wastemi¢idaka, I love myself.

2. POSITION IN ADJECTIVES.

§ 99. 1. (a) The pronouns are prefixed to what may be called adjective
verbs and adjectives; as, yazay, to be sick; tayéay mayazay, (body me-sick)
my body is sick; waste, good, niwaste, (thee-good ) thou art good.

(b) The pronouns ‘ma,’ ‘
numerals; as, mawayziday, J am one; ninoypapi, you are two; wyyamnipi,

ni,’ and ‘un’ are prefixed to the simple

we are three.

2. (a) But if the adjective verb has assumed the absolute form by pre-
fixing ‘ wa,’ or if it commences with a vowel, the pronouns are inserted; as,
wayazaka, to be sick, wamayazayka, Tam sick; asni, to get well, amasni, I
have recovered.

(b) Waonsida and waéaytkiya, and perhaps some others, which we are
accustomed to call adjectives, insert the pronouns; as, waonsiwada, J am
merciful.

3. POSITION IN NOUNS.

) 100. 1. (a) ‘The possessive pronouns are always prefixed to the noun,
(See §§ 21, 22, and 23.)

(b) When a noun and pronoun are joined together, with the substan-

tive verb understood, the incorporated pronoun is prefixed to some nouns

. SYNTAX—PRONOUNS. 57

and inserted in others; as, nisunka, (thee-dog) thou art a dog; winiéasta,
(thee-man) thou art a man; Damakota, (me-Dakota) I am a Dakota.

In some nouns the pronoun may be placed either after the first or second sylla-
ble, according to the taste of the speaker; as, wicaliinéa, an old man, wimaéaliinéa or
wicamalinéa, J am an old man.

(c) When a noun is used with an adjective or adjective verb, and a
pronoun is required, it may be prefixed either to the noun or to the adjec-
tive; as, nape masuta (hand me-hard), or minape suta, (my-hand hard) my
hand is hard.

2. In nouns compounded of a noun and adjective, the place of the pro-
noun is between them; as, Isantayka, (knife-big) an American, Isaymatayka,
Lam an American.

4. Posrrion witn REesprer tro EacH OTHER,

§ 101. 1. When one personal pronoun is the subject and another the
object of the same verb, the first person, whether nominative or objective,
is placed before the second; as, mayaduhapi, (me-you-have) you have me;
uyniyuhapi (we-thee-have or we-you-have) we have thee or we have you.

2. Wiéa, the objective plural of the third person, when used in a verb
with other pronouns, is placed first; as, wiéawakaska (them-I-bound), I
bound them.

NUMBER.

§ 102. Incorporated pronouns, when intended to express plurality,
have the plural termination pi attached to the end of the word, whether
verb, noun, or adjective; as, wayazan, he is sick, wauyazaypi, we are sick;
wakaga, I make any thing, unkagapi, we make; uitasuyke, thy dog, nita-
Sunkepi, thy dogs or your dog or dogs; niwaste, thow art good, niwastepi, you
are good.

Separate Pronouns.

§ 103. The separate personal pronouns stand first in the clauses to
which they belong.

(a) They stand first im propositions composed of a pronoun and noun,
or of a pronuon and adjective; as, miye Isaynmatanka, J am an American;
unkiye ujéuwitapi, we are cold.

(b) In a proposition composed of a pronoun and verb, whether the
pronoun be the subject or object of the verb; as, ujkiye unjyanpi kta, we
will go; miye makaska (me he-bound), he bound me.

The separate pronouns are not needed for the purpose of showing the person and
number of the verb, those being indicated by the incorporated or article pronouns, or

D8 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

inflexion of the verb; but they are frequently used for the sake of emphasis; as,
nisuynka he kupi he; hiya, he miye makupi (thy-brother that was-given? no, that me
me-was-given), was that given to thy brother? no, it was given to me; ye masi wo; hiya,
miye mde kta (to-go me-command ; no, me I-go will), send me; no, I will go myself.

(c) When a separate pronoun is used with a noun, one being the sub-
ject and the other the object of the same verb, the pronoun stands first ; as,
miye mini waciy (me water I-want), I want water; niye toka kin niyuzapi
(you enemy the you-took), the enemies took you. But when the pronoun is the
object, as in this last example, it may stand after the noun; as, téka kin
niye niyuzapi (enemy the you you-took), the enemies took you.

(d) In relative clauses, the separate pronoun is placed last; as, wiéasta

eye

hi koy he miye (man came that me), I am the man who came; bniciyapi kin
hena unkiyepi (you-help the those we), we are they who help you.

(e) The adverb ‘hinéa’ is often used with the separate pronouns to
render them more emphatic; as, miye hinéa (me very), my very selfs niye
nitawa hinéa (thee thine very), truly thine own.

(f/) In answering questions, the sep arate pronouns are sometimes used
alone; as, tuwe heéoy he; miye, who did that? I; tuwe yaka he; niye,
whom dost thou mean? thee; tuwe he kaga he; iye, who made that? he. But
more frequently the verb is repeated in the answer with the pronouns;
as, he tauwe kaga he; he miye wakaga (that who made? that me I-made), who
made that? I made it; tuwe yaka he; niye ¢iéa (whom meanest-thou? thee,
I-thee-mean), whom dost thou mean? I mean thee.

§ 104. When the separate pronouns are used with verbs or adjectives
the plural termination is attached to the last word.

(a) When the pronoun stands first, it is attached to the verb or adjec-
tive; as, ujnkiye eéoykupi, we did it; niye yakagapi, you made it; niye
niwastepi, you are good.

(b) When the pronoun stands last, it is attached also to the pronoun ;
as, tona waoysidapi kin hena niyepi (as-many merciful the those you), you are
they who are merciful.

Agreement of Pronouns.

§ 105. Personal pronouns, and the relative and interrogative tuwe,
who, reter only to animate objects, and agree in person with their ante-
cedents, which are either expressed or understood ; as, he tuwe, who is that?
de miye, this is 1; he Dawid tawa, that is David's ; he miye mitawa, that is
mine; he tuwe tawa, whose is that?

SYNTAX —PRONOUNS. 29
Omission of Pronouns.

§ 106. The third person, being the form of expression which most
commonly occurs, is seldom distinguished by the use of pronouns.

1. (a) There is no incorporated or article pronoun of the third person,
either singular or plural, except ‘ wiéa’ and ‘ta.’ (See §¥ 18. 6, 19. 4, 23. 1.)

(b) The separate pronoun ‘ive’ of the third person, and its plural
‘iyepi,’ are frequently used in the subjective and sometimes in the objective
case,

2. But ordinarily, and always except in the above cases, no pronoun
of the third person is used in Dakota; as, Siyo wan kute ka o (grouse a
shot and killed), he shot a grouse and killed it ; Suktayka kin yuzapi ka kaska
hdepi (horse the caught and tied placed), they caught the horse and tied him.

Repetition of Pronouns.

§ 107. 1. In the case of verbs connected by conjunctions, the incor-
porated subjective pronouns of the first and second persons must be
repeated, as in other languages, in each verb; as, wahi, ka wanmdake, éa
ohiwaya, I came, and I saw, and I conquered.

2. (a) ‘ Wiéa’ and other objective incorporated pronouns follow the
same rule; as, tatanka kin waywiGamdake Ga wiéawakte (buffalo the, them-
I-saw, and them-I-killed), I saw the buffalo and killed them.

(b) So, too, in adjective verbs; as, oynisike ¢a nisilitin (thee-poor and
thee-feeble), thou art poor and feeble.

3. Two or more nouns connected by conjunctions require the posses-
sive pronoun to be used with each; as, nitasuyke ka nitamazakay, thy-dog
and thy-qun.

DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS.

§ 108. Demonstrative pronouns may generally be used in Dakota
wherever they would be required in English.

1. When a demonstrative pronoun forms with a noun, pronoun, adjec-
tive, or verb a proposition of which it is the subject or object, it is placed
first; as, hena tatankapi, those are oxen; de miye, this is I ; dena wasteste,
these are good ; he mayaku (that me-thou-gavest), thow gavest me that.

2. But when used as a qualificative of a noun, or noun and adjective,
it is placed last; as, wiéasta kin hena (man the those), those men ; wicasta
waste kin dena (man good the these), these good men. i;

§ 109. The demonstrative pronouns ‘he’ and ‘hena’ are often used
where personal pronouns would be in English ; as, ate umasi kin he wiéa-

60 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

yadapi sni (father me-sent the that ye-believe not), my father who sent me, him
ye believe not; ate umasi kin he mahdaotaniy (father me-sent the that me-
declareth), my father who sent me he beareth witness of me.

§ 110. Demonstrative pronouns are often used in Dakota when they
would not be required in Enelish; as, isay ki he iwaéu (knife the that I-
took), I took the knife.

RELATIVE PRONOUNS.

) 111. 1. Tuwe, who, and taku, what, are used, both as interrogative
and relative pronouns, and in both cases they stand at the beginning of the
phrase or sentence; as, tuwe yaka he, whom dost thou mean? taku odake
Gn, what thou relatest.

2. (a) In affirmative sentences, ‘tuwe’ and ‘taku’ are often used as
nouns, the former meaning some person, and the latter, some thing; as, tuwe
he manoy, someone has stolen that; taku ivewaya, I have found something.

(b) In negative sentences with ‘ day’ suffixed, tuwe may be rendered
no one, and taku nothing; as, tuweday hi sni, no one came (lit. some-little-per-
son came not); takuday duhe Sni-(some-little-thing thou-hast not), thow hast
nothing. See § 25. 3.

§ 112. It has been shown (§ 25. 1) that compound relative pronouns
are formed by joining ‘kasta’ or ‘kakes’ to ‘tuwe’ and ‘taku;’ as, tuwe
kasta hi kinhay he waku kta (ehoever comes if, that I-give will), if anyone
comes I will give it to him; taku kasta waymdake ¢inhay wakute kta (what-
ever I-see if, I-shoot will), if I see anything I will shoot it, or I will shoot what-
ever I see.

ARTICLES.
Definite Article.

POSITION,

§ 118. 1. When a noun is used without any qualificative, the definite
article immediately follows the noun; as, maka kin (earth the), the earth;
wiéasta kin waste (man the good), the man is good.

2. When a noun is used with an adjective as a qualifying term, the
article follows the adjective; as, Wiéasta waste kin (man good the), the good
WAN.

3. When the noun is followed by a verb, an adverb and verb, or an
adjective, adverb, and verb, the definite article follows at the end of the
phrase, and is gerierally rendered into English by a demonstrative or rela-
tive pronoun and article; as, taku eéamoy kiy (what I-did the), that which I
did; wiéasta Sigaya ohayyaypi kin (men badly do the), the men who do badly ;

SYNTAX—ARTICLES. 61

wiéasta Siéa Siéaya ohanvaypi kin (men bad badly do the), the bad men who do
badly.

§ 114. The signs of the past tense, ‘kon’ and ‘ éikon,’ are used in the
place of the definite article, and are rendered by the article and relative ;
as, wiéasta wanmdake ¢ikoy, the man whom TI saw.

USE.

§ 115. In general, the definite article in Dakota is used where it would
be in English. But it also occurs in many places where in English it is not
admissible.

(a) It is used with nouns that denote a class; as, wiéasta kin bosdan
nazinpi (men the upright stand), men stand upright; Suktayka kin duzahanpi
(horses the swift), horses ure swift ov run fast.

(b) It is often used, as in Greek, French, ete., with abstract nouns; as,
wowaste kin) (goodness the), goodness; woaltani kin awihnuniwiéaya (sin the
destroys-them), sin destroys them.

(7) As in Greek and Italian, it is used with nouns which are qualified
by possessive or demonstrative pronouns; as, ninape kin (thy-hand the), thy
hand; wiéasta kin de (man the this), this man.

(e) It is often used with finite verbs, giving to them the force of gerunds
or yebal nouns; as, kagapi kin, the making; mauynipi kin (we walk the),
our walking; yahi kiy iyomakipi (thou-come the me-pleases), thy coming
pleases me.

§ 116. In Dakota the definite article is sometimes omitted where it
would be required in Enelish.

(a) Nouns governed by prepositions are generally used without the
article ; as, Gonkaske ekta mda (garrison to I-go), I am going to the garrison;
éay mahen wai (wood into I-went), [ went into the woods; tinta akan muynka
(prairie upon I-lie), I le upon the prairie.

(b) Proper names and names of rivers and lakes are commonly used
without the article; as, Tatanka-naziy (buffalo-stands), The-standing-bufialo ;
Wakpa-minisota, the Minnesota river; Mdeiyedan, Lac-qui-parle.

(c) When two nouns come together in the relation of possessor and
possessed (§ 68), the last only takes the article, or rather the entire expres-
sion is rendered definite by a single article placed after it; as, Gaypahmihma
ihupa kin, the thill of the cart; Wasiéw) wiéastavatapi kin, the King of the
French.

62 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.
Indefinite Article.

) 117. The indefinite article is more limited in its use than the definite,
but so far as its use extends it follows the same rules; as, hoksiday way
(boy a), « boy; hoksiday waste way (bey good a), a good boy.

§ 118. Sometimes both articles are used in the same phrase, in which
case the definite is rendered by the relative (see § 113. 3); as, wiéasta way
waste kin he ka@a (man a good the that made), he was a good man who made
that.

VERBS.

Position.

§ 119. 1. Dakota verbs are usually placed after the nouns with which
they are used, whether subject or object; as, hoksiday kin mani (boy the
walks), the boy walks; wowapi way duha (book a thou-hast), thou hast a book.

2. Verbs also are usually placed after the adjectives which quality their
subjects or objects, and after the adverbs which qualify the verbs; as,
Waanatay wiéasta wayapike Gin he tayyay waymdaka (Waanatan man
eloquent the that well I-saw), I saw Waanatan the eloquent man very plainly.

For the relative position of verbs and personal pronouns, see § 98.

Number.

PLURAL.

) 120. A verb, by its form, designates the number of its subject or
object, or both; that is to say, the verb, being the last principal word in
the sentence, usually takes the plural ending ‘pi’ when the subject or object
is plural in signification,

1. (a) When the subject represents animate objects, the’ verb takes the
plural termination; as, manipi, they walk; wiéasta kin hipi (man the came),
the men came.

(b) But when the subject of a verb denotes inanimate objects, the verb
does not take a plural form for its nominitive’s sake; as, Gay topa idaga (tree
four grows), four trees grow.

2. (a) A verb also takes the plural termination when it has a plural
object of the first or second persons; as, Wakayntayka ujkagapi (God us-
made), God made us; Dakota niye Wakantanka éayteniGiyapi (Dakota you
God you-loves), God loves you Dakotas.

(b) When the plural object is of the third person, this plurality is
pointed out by wiéa, them, incorporated in the verb; as, wanwiéayaka, he

SYNTAX—VERB. 63

saw them; Hake wahanksiéa yamni wiéakte (Hake bear three them-killed),
Hake killed three bears.

§ 121. As there is but one termination to signify plurality both of the
subject and object, ambiguity is sometimes the result.

(a) When the subject is of the first, and the object is of the second
person, the plural termination may refer either to the subject or to the sub-
ject and object; as, wasteunnidakapi, we love thee, or we love you.

(b) When the subject is of the third, and the object of the second
person, the plural termination may refer either to the subject or the object,
or to both; as, wastenidakapi, they love thee, he loves you, or they love you.

§ 122. Nouns of multitude commonly require verbs in the plural num-
ber; as, oyate heéoypi, the people did that.

§ 123. The verb ‘yukay’ is often used in its singular form with a
plural meaning; as, wakiyeday ota yukay, there are many pigeons.

§ 124. The verb ‘yeya’ and its derivatives ‘iyeya,’ ‘ hiyeya,’ etc., have
rarely a plural termination though used with a plural subject; as, wiéota
hen hiyeya, many persons are there.

DUAL.

§ 125. 1. The dual is used only as the subject of the verb and to
denote the person speaking and the person spoken to. It has the same
form as the plural pronoun of the first person, excepting that it does not
take the termination ‘pi.’

2. Hence, as this pronoun is, in meaning, a combination of the first
and second persons, it can be used only with an object of the third person,
except when, the agent and patient being the same persons, it assumes the
reflexive form (§ 24); as, wasteundaka, we two (meaning thow and 1) love
him; wastewiéujdaka, we two love them. See § 42. 1.

Government.

§ 126. Active transitive verbs govern the objective case; as, makaska
(me binds), he binds me; wiéasta way waymdaka (mana I-saw), [ saw a man.

§ 127. Active verbs may govern two objectives.

1. A verb may govern two direct objects or so-called accusatives.
When an action ona part of the person is spoken of, the whole person is rep-
resented by an incorporated pronoun, and the part by a noun in apposition
with the pronoun; as, nape mayaduza (hand me-thou-takest), thou takest me
by the hand, or thou takest my hand. Compare the French, ‘me prendre la
main.’

64 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

2. A verb may govern a direct object or accusative and an indirect
object answering to a dative.

(a) When one of the objects is a pronoun, it must be attached to the
verb; as, wowapi kin he mayaku kta (book the that me-thou-give wilt), thou
wilt give me that book.

(1) But when both the objects are nouns, the indirect is usually placed
before the direct object; as, Hepay wowapi yaku kta (Hepan book thou-give
wilt), thow wilt give Hepan a book; Hepi taspantayka wan hiyukiya wo (Hepi
apple a toss), toss Hepi an apple.

§ 128. Transitive verbs with the prepositions ‘a’ or ‘o’ prefixed may
govern two objectives, and even three when two of them refer to the same
person or thing; as, Sina kin aniéalipapi (blanket the on-thee-laid), they cov-
ered thee with a blanket; mini pa amakastay (water head on-me-poured), he
poured water on my head.

§ 129. Intransitive verbs, with the prepositions ‘a’ or ‘o’ prefixed,
govern an objective case; as, mani, to walk, éanku kin omani (road. the in-
walks), he walks in the road; Nay, to stand, maka kin awahay (earth the on
I-stand), I stand on the earth.

Possessive Form.

§ 150. ‘This form of the verb is used whenever possession or property
is indicated, and is very important in the Dakota language. For the ways
in which the possessive form is made, see § 39. 3.

The use of this form of the verb does not necessarily exclude the possessive pro-
noun, but renders it superfluous; as, nape yahduzaza (hand thou-washest-thine-own),

thow dost wash thy hands; ninape yahduzaza is also correct. The occurrence of the
possessive pronoun does not render the possessive form of the verb the less necessary.

MODES.
Imperative.

) 1381. 1. In prohibitions the imperative mode is often indicated by the
adverb ‘ihnuhay’ placed before the verb,-with ‘kin’ or ‘kinhay,’ ‘Gin’? or
‘Ginhay,’ following; as, ihnuhan heéanoy kiy, do not do that; ihnuhay
wiéayadapi kinhay, do not believe it. This is a stronger form than the
common imperative.

2. When two verbs in the imperative mode are connected by conjune-
tions, the first is used without the sign; as, owinZa kin ehdaku ka mani
wo, take up thy bed and walk.

VERBS: INFINITIVE—SUBJUNCTIVE. 65

Infinitive.

§ 132. 1. Verbs in the infinitive mode immediately precede those by
which they are governed; as, éan kakse yahi (iwvod to-cut thou-hast-come),
thou hast come to cut wood; he eéoy Gisipi, I told you to do that.

2. The use of the infinitive mode in Dakota is limited, the finite verb
being often used where the infinitive would be in English; as, mda wac¢in
(I-go I-desire), I desire to go.

3. The infinitive mode can not be used as a noun, as it sometimes is
in English; that is, it can not have anything predicated of it, as in the
phrases, “‘to see the sun is pleasant,” “to walk is fatiguing.” In such cases
verbal nouns or gerunds are used; as, wi wayyakapi kiy he oiyokipi (sun
seeing the that pleasant), the seeing of the sun is pleasant.

Subjunctive.

§ 133. What may be called the subjunctive mode is formed by the aid
of conjunctions which follow the verb. (See § 42.)

1. (a) Kinhay and its derivatives, Ginhay, kinahay, and Ginahay, usually
refer to future time, future events only being considered as uncertain and
contingent; as, yahi kinhay mde kta, if thou come, I will go.

But ‘kinhay’ does not always render the sense subjunctive, it being sometimes

used as an adverb of time, especially when preceded by tohan; as, tohan yahi kinhan
mde kta, when thou comest, I will go.

(b) When anything past is spoken of as uncertain, ‘ he¢iyhay’ is com-
monly used; as, heéanor heéijhay eéen ohdaka wo, 7f thow didst that, con-
fess tt.

2. The conjunctions esta, Sta, keyas, and kes, signifying though, al-
though, are also used to form the subjunctive mood; as, o¢idiyaka esta
wiéayada Sni, although I tell thee, thou dost not believe; li keyas kiéi mde kte
Sni, though he come, I will not go with him; amapa kes en ewaéaymi sui,
though he struck me, I paid no attention to it.

3. Unkans, if, usually relates to past time or to something already
known, and is used to state what would have been the case if the thing
mentioned had been different from what it is. It is usually followed by
tuka, but; as, miyediéazuzu unkans Gi¢u kta tuka (me-thou-hadst-paid if,
F-thee-give would but), if thou hadst paid me, I would have given it to thee;
guktanka mduha uyjkans mde kta tuka (horse I-had if, I-go would but), if I
had a horse T would qo.

7T105—VOL Ix 5)

66 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.
Optative, Potential, ete.

) 134. The adverb tokin, oh that! is used with verbs to express strong
desire; in which case an ‘n’ is suffixed to the verb; as, tokiy mduhen, oh
that I had it!

§ 135. The Dakotas have no way of expressing fully and foreibly the
ideas of necessity and obligation. The place of the English words ought
and must is partially supplied by the word iyeéeéa, fit, proper; as, eéanoy
kta iveéeéa, it is fit that thou shouldst do it.

) 1386. 1. The idea of ability or power is expressed by the help of the
verb okihi, to be able, used atter other verbs, which are either in the form
of the infinitive or gerund; as, e¢o1 owakihi (to do I-able), I am able to do it,
or I can do it; manipi kin owakihi (walking the I-able), I can walk. Or
they are put in a finite form; as, Suktayka mduza owakhi (horse I-catch
I-able), I can catch a horse.

2. Inability is expressed either by ‘okihi’ with the negative ‘sni,’ or
‘okitpani;’ as, mawani kta owakihi sni (/-walk will I-can not), or, mawani
kta owakitpani (J-walk will I-unable), I cannot walk. ‘Véka’ or ‘tékadan,
followed by the negative ‘Sni,’ is often used for the same purpose; as,
tokaday mawani sni (any-way I-walk not), I cannot possibly walk.

8. The word ‘piéa’ is suffixed to verbs to denote possibility or that the
thing can be done; as, eéoypiéa, it can be done; wanyagpiéa, it can be seen.
But it more frequently occurs with the negative ‘sni;’ as, kalipiéa Sni, if
cannot be made.

TENSES.

§ 187. Notwithstanding the Dakota verb has but two distinct forms of
tense, there is no difficulty in expressing, by the help of adverbs, ete., all
the varieties of time found in other languages.

Aorist.

) 138. 1. The aorist is used to denote present time, and generally
needs no mark to show that the present is referred to, that being usually
determined by attendant cireumstances or by the context; as, tiyata yanka,
nakaha wanmdaka, he is at the house, I have just seen him.

2. When necessary the adverb dehan, vow, or hinahin, yet, is used to
indicate present time; as, dehan tiyata yayka, he is now at the house; hinahiy
den uy, he is here yet.

3. The aorist is used in general propositions, which apply equally to

present, past, and future; as, siGeéa waskuyeéa wastedapi, children love fruit.

VERBS: TENSES. 67

§ 139. 1. The predominant use of the aorist is to denote past time, it
being always used in the narration of past events; as, eGamon, [have done
it; he mdustay, I have finished that.

2. (a) By the help of the adverb wanna, now, the aorist expresses per-
Ject or finished time; as, wanna yustaypi, they have now finished it; wanna
o¢idiyaka, I have now told thee.

(b) In a-narrative of past events, ‘wanna,’ together with the aorist,
makes what is called the pluperfect tense; as, wayna yustaypi hehan wai,
they had finished it when I arrived.

3. The aorist used with tuka, but, expresses what is sometimes called
the imperfect tense; as, hen wauy tuka (there I was, but am not now), I was
there. ;

§ 140. Before naéeéa, perhaps, the aorist tense is sometimes used for
the future; as, heGoy masipi kinhay, e¢éamon naéeéa, if they tell me to do that,
T shall probably do it.

Future.

§ 141. 1. The sign of the future tense is usually ‘kta.’ It may be
used with verbs, adjectives, nouns, or pronouns; as, mani kta, he will walk ;
he waste kta, that will be good; he tinta kta, that will be prairie; he miye
kta, that will be I.

2. The future tense is often used in yarrating past events respecting
something that was future at the time mentioned; as, wayna upi kta hehan
wai, they were about to come when IT arrived there. :

3. The future tense is used to denote that a thing would have taken
place if something had not prevented. In this case it is commonly followed
by ‘tuka,’ whether the reason is stated or not; as, wau kta tuka, J would
have come; upi kta tuka wiéawakisica, they would have come, but I forbade
them.

4. The future tense with the adverb ‘hiyéa,’ is used to indicate a desire,
purpose, or determination to do a thing; as, mde kte hinéa (J-go will very), |
I want to go; eéoy kte hinéa eéoy (do will very did), he did it because he
wished to do it, or he did it intentionally.

5. The future tense is often used where the infinitive mode would be
in English; as, wau kta owakitpani (J-come shall, I-unable), I an unable to
come; teyapi kta akitapi, they sought to kill him.

6. The future tense is sometimes used for the aorist, as in German,
when there is uncertainty about the thing spoken of; as, tinwiéakte kin
hee kta (murderer the that-be will), that is the murderer, the idea being, that
he will be found to be the murderer.

68 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

7. When two verbs in the future tense are connected by a conjunc-
tion, the first may be either with or without the sign; as, nihinni¢iyapi kta
ka yaéeyapi kta, or mhiyni¢iyapi ka yaéeyapi kta, you will be troubled and
weep.

§ 142. ‘Nuy’ or ‘nov’ is sometimes used instead of ‘kta,’ as the sign of
the future tense, in interrogative sentences, and also when something future
is spoken of as uncertain; as, mda nuy he, shall I go? token eéoynpi nuy
tanin Sni, they knew not what they should do.

§ 143. Before the verbs ‘eéin’ and ‘epéa,’ ‘ke’ sometimes marks the
future tense of the first person; as, mda ke epéa, I will go, thought I.

§ 144. In interrogative sentences ‘hin’ is sometimes used for ‘kta he,’
denoting the future tense; as, wau hin, shall I come?

AUXILIARY VERBS.

§ 145. There are several verbs which are used with others as auxil-
iaries; such as, ‘iyeya,’ ‘kiya,’ and ‘ya’ or ‘yan.’

§ 146. 1. ‘tyeya, when used with other verbs, expresses the additional
ideas of completion and suddenness ; as, yustay ive va, he made a finish of it;
kaksa iyeya, he cut it aff suddenly. In this way ‘iyeya’ is often used to
give force and animation to the style.

2. Verbs used with ‘iyeya,’ if capable of contraction, are contracted;
as, kaptuza, to split, kaptus iyveya, he split it open.

3. ‘Lyeya’ is often used with prepositions and adverbs, sometimes with
and sometimes without their taking the verbal prefixes; as, pamahen iyeya,
to push into; yuhukun iyeya, to put down; olhna iyeya and mahen iyeya, to
put into anything.

§ 147. ‘Kiya’ is used with verbs as a causative suffix; as, e¢éonkiya, to
cause to do; kalikiva, to cause to make; nazinkiya, to cause to stand. The
pronouns are inserted before the causative.

§ 148. ‘Ya’ or ‘yay’ is a suffix which occurs so frequently, and whose
use is sometimes so different from that of any English verb, that it demands
a special notice.

1. (a) It is used as a causative suffix; as, eGonya, to cause to do; maniya,
to cause to walk. In this case it always has a noun or pronoun for its object
expressed or understood; as, mani mayayapi, you cause me to walk.

(b) ‘Ya’ used with adjectives makes of them active verbs; as, Saya, to
dye or paint red ; samya, to blacken.

2. (a) It is used with words denoting relationship, where in English
we should employ a possessive pronoun, and seems to have the force of to

VERBS OF REPETITION. 69

have, or have for; as, he atewaya (that father-I-have), that is my father ;
Ateunyanpi malipiya ekta nanke ¢in (father-we-have heaven in thou-art the),
our Father who art in heaven.

(b) ‘Ya’ with nouns shows what use a thing is put to; as, de isanwaya,
this I have for a knife; he tiyopayaya, that thou usest for a door.

3. When the pronouns ‘ma,’ ‘ni,’ and ‘uy’ are used without the pro-
noun ‘ya’ following, ‘ya’ becomes ‘yan;’ as, atemayan, he has me for father ;
ateunyanpi, owr father. But when ‘ya,’ thow or you, follows, the vowel is
not nasalized; as, atemayaya, thou hast me for father; ateunyayapi, you call
us father.

VERBS OF REPETITION.
Reduplicated Verbs.

§ 149. 1. The reduplication of a syllable in Dakota verbs is very com-
mon. In intransitive verbs it simply indicates a repetition of the action; as,
ipsiéa, to jump, ipsipsi¢a, to hop or jump repeatedly; iha, to laugh, ihalia, to
laugh often. In transitive verbs it either indicates that the action is repeated
on the same object, or that it is performed upon several objects; as, yalitaka,
to bite, yalitalitaka, to bite often; baksa, to cut a stick in two; baksaksa, to cut
a stick in two often, or to cut several sticks in two. Verbs of one syllable are
rarely reduplicated.

2. There are some verbs whose meaning almost necessarily implies a
repetition of the action and which therefore are generally used in their re-
duplicated form; as, yuhuhuza, to shake; panini, to jog;. kapsinpsinta, to
whip; yusinsin, to tickle; nasuysun, to struggle, ete.

3. Verbs signifying to be are repeated to denote continuance; as, den
manka manke, I continue to stay here; hen dukay dukanpi, you reside there.

§ 150. The use of a reduplicated form of a verb in its proper place is
very important. It isas much a violation of the rules of the Dakota lan-
guage to use a simple for the reduplicated form as to use the singular for
the plural number.

Verbs with the Suffives ‘s’a’ and ‘ka,’

§ 151. ‘S’a’ is suffixed to verbs to denote frequency of action or habit;
as, yahi s’a, thou comest often; iyatoysni s’a, thow dost tell lies habitually, i. e.,
thou art a liar; wamanoy s’a, one who steals often, i. e., a thief.

§ 152. ‘Ka’ has sometimes the same signification with ‘s’a;’ as, waoka,
a good hunter. But sometimes it does not produce any perceptible ditfer-
ence in the meaning of the verb; as, wasteda and wastedaka, to love any-

thing.

70 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY,

§ 153. When the verb, to which ‘ka’ or ‘s’a’ is suffixed, takes the plu-
ral form, the suffix usually follows the plural termination; as, waopika,
marksmen; eGoypi sia, doers. But in the verb ‘da,’ to esteem, ‘ka’ may
either precede or follow the plural termination; as, wastedakapi and waste-
dapika.

SUBSTANTIVE VERBS,

§ 154. The verbs ‘uy,’ ‘oujyay,’ ‘yanka,’ ‘yukan,’ and ‘hiveya,’ all
signify fo be, but when used, they are accompanied by other verbs, adverbs,
participles, or prepositions, descriptive of the place or manner of being; as,
mani wauy, J am walking; ti mahen manka, £ am in the house; hédiya
yakonpi, they are there; en mauy, it is in me.

§ 155. The verb ‘e’ or ‘ee’ occurs without a word descriptive of the
mode or place of existence; but it is confined to the third person, and is
used rather to declare the identity than the existence of a thing. This verb
combines with the pronouns, as, ‘hee,’ ‘dee,’ ete. ‘Yukan’ is used to de-
clare that there is, and waniéa, that there is none; as, Wakantayka yukan,
there is a God; Wakaytayka waniéa, there is no God.

§ 156. The bringing of two words together in the Dakota language
answers all the purposes of such a copula as our substantive verb; as,
Wakantayka waste (God good), God is good; wi kin kata (sun the hot), the
sun is hot; de miye (this 1), this is IT; hena inyan (those stones), those are
stones; Danikota (Dakota-thou), thou art a Dakota.

) 157. From these examples it appears that there is no real necessity
for such a connecting link between words; and accordingly we do not find
any single verb in the Dakota language which simply predicates being.
The Dakotas can not say abstractly, J am, thou art, he is; but they can ex-
press all the modes and places of existence. And the verb of existence is
understood in pronouns, nouns, and adjectives.’

PARTICIPLES.
Active.

) 158. 1. Active participles follow the nouns and precede the verbs
with which they are used; as, mazakay hduha yahi (gun having thou-come),
thou hast come having thy gun.

'A. L. Riggs makes the following classification of substantive verbs:
1. Of being or existence, as un, yukan, yanka, ete.
2. Of condition; with participles and adverbs of manner; as, ni un, living is; taynyan yayka,
(well is), is comfortable :
3. Of place ; with prepositions and adverbs of place; as, akan un, is on ; timahen yanka, within is.
1. Of identily ; e or ee, with the forms hee, dee. See § 155.
5. Of classification; heéa, is such, as, hoksidan waste heéa, he is a good boy; he sunktokeéa
heéa, that is a wolf.

PARTICIPLES—NOUNS. al

2. The objective pronouns are used with and governed by active par-
ticiples, in the same way-as by verbs; as, mayuha yukaypi (me-having
they remain), they still retain me; niyuha vapi kta (thee-having they-go will),
they will take thee along.

3. Active participles are used to denote prolonged or continued action;
as, kiksuya uy, he is remembering; Wakanytayka éekiya uy, he is in the habit
of praying to God; iahay ié¢unhan, whilst he was speaking.

4. A few participles are used with the verbs from which they are de-
rived; as, manihay mani (walking walks), that is, he walks and does not ride;
nazinhay nazin (standing he stands), he gets up and stands.

5. Two verbs together may be used as participles without a conjunc-
tion; as, Geya patus inazin (weeping stooping stands), he stands stooping and
weeping.

Passive.

§ 159. 1. A verb used as a passive participle follows the noun to which
it relates; as, talinéa kin opi, the deer is shot.
2. Passive participles are used to make what may be called the passive
form of the verb; as, ktepi, killed, niktepi kta, thow wilt be killed.
3. They are sometimes used independently as nouns; as, ktepi kin,
the slain.
NOUNS.

POSITION,

§ 160. The place of the noun, whether subject or object, is before the
verb; as, wamnaheza iéaga, corn grows; mini wacin (water I-want), L want
water.

Occasionally the subject comes after the verb; as, eya Wakanytanka, said God.

§ 161. When two nouns are used together, one the subject and the
other the object of the same verb, the subject is usually placed first (§ 67);
as, tatanka pezi yutapi (oxen grass eat), oxen eat grass; Dakota Padani kin
wiéaktepi (Dakota Pawnee the them-killed), the Dakotas killed the Pawnees.

§ 162. 1. Of two nouns in composition or combination the noun sus-
taining the relation of possessor always precedes the name of the thing
possessed. See § 68.

2. There are cases where two nouns are brought together in which the

latter may be regarded as in apposition: as, aguyapi wiéoni, bread of life, or
more properly, the bread that is life.—a. L. RIGGS.

G2, DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.
NUMBER,

§ 163. The principle on which the plural termination is employed is
that of placing it as near the end of the sentence as possible. The order
ina Dakota sentence is, first the noun, next the adjective, and lastly the
verb. Hence, if a noun or pronoun is used alone or has no word following
it in the phrase, it may take the plural ending; if an adjective follows, it is
attached to the adjective; and if a verb is used, it is attached to the verb.

1. When nouns are used to convey a plural idea, without qualificatives
or predicates, they have the plural termination; as, ninapepi, thy hands ;
hena Dakotapi, those are Dakotas.

2. When a noun which represents an animate object is to be made
plural, and is followed by a qualificative or predicate, the sign of the plural
is joined, not to the noun, but to the qualificative or predicate; as, wiéasta
wastepi, good men; koska kiy hipi, the young men have arrived ; wiéasta waste
kin hipi, the good men have arrived.

§ 164. The plural of nouns representing animate objects in the objec-
tive case, whether they are governed by active verbs or prepositions, is
designated by ‘ wiéa’ following, which is prefixed to or inserted in the goy-
erning word; as, tahinéa wié aktepi (deer them-they-kill), they kill deer ; . Dox
kota ewiéatayhay (Dakota them-from), he is from the Dakotas.

ADJECTIVES
POSITION.

§ 165. When the adjective is used simply as a qualifying term, it is
placed immediately after its noun; as, wiéasta waste, good man; Gay Siéa,
bad wood.

The adjective ikée, common, is placed before the noun which it qualifies, but its
derivative ikéeka comes after; as, ikée haypa and haypikéeke, common moccasins ;
ikGe wicasta, a common man, an Indian. The numeral adjectives, when used with éay,
« day, ave placed before; as, noypa Gay, two days, ete.

) 166. When the adjective forms the predicate of a proposition, it is
placed after the article, and after the demonstrative pronoun, if either or
both are used; as, wiéasta kin waste, the man is good; wiéasta kin he waste,
that man is good; taku eéanoy kin he siéa, that which thou didst is bad.

NUMBER.

) 167. Adjectives, whether qualificative or predicative, indicate the
number of the nouns or pronouns to which they belong; as, fyyay sapa

ADJECTIVES. 73

way, a black stone; inyay sapsapa, black stones; tatanka kin was’aka, the ox
is strong; tatanka kin was’akapi, the oxen are strong.

2. Adjectives do not take the plural form when that can be pointed out
by the verb of which the noun is either the subject or object (see §§ 163,
164); as, wiéasta waste he kagapi (man good that they-made), good men made
that; Wakantanka wiéasta waste nom wiéakaga (Great-Spirit men good two
them-made), God made two good men.

3. As the numeral adjectives after wanzi denote plurality by virtue of
their meaning, they may be used either with or without the plural termina-
tion; as, wiGasta yamni, or wiéasta yamnipi, three men.

NUMERAL ADJECTIVES.

§ 168. 1. Numeral adjectives used distributively take the reduplicated
form; as, yamni, three, yamnimni, three and three, yamuimni iéupi, they each
took three, or they took three of each.

2. Numeral adjectives are used alone to express the number of times -
an event occurs; as, yamni yahi, thow camest three times. When a succes-
sion of acts is spoken of, the word ‘akihde’ is often used; as, topa akihde
yakutepi, you shot four times successively.

§ 169. To supply the want of words like place and ways in English,
the adverbial termination ‘kiya’ is added to the numeral; as, nonpakiya
yakonpi, they are in two different places; he topakiya oyakapi, that is told in
four different ways. -

§ 170. The Dakotas use the term hanke, one-half; but when a thing is
divided into more than two aliquot parts they have no names for them;
that is, they have no expressions corresponding to one-third, one-fourth, one-
Jifth, etc. By those who have made some progress in arithmetic, this want
is supplied by the use of ‘onspa’ and the ordinal numbers; as, onspa tyamni
(piece third) one-third ; oyspa itopa (piece fourth), one-fourth.

The language more recently adopted is kiyuspapi, divided. So that one-fourth
is topa kiyuspapi wayzi.—aA. L. R.

PRONOMINAL ADJECTIVES.

§ 171. Owasin and iyulipa, al/, sakim and napin, both, apa and hunh,
some or a part, tonana and wanistiyna, few, a small quantity, wyma, the other,
one of two, ota, many, much, and some others, are sometimes used as adjec-
tives qualifying nouns, and sometimes stand in the place of nouns.

§ 172. 1. As the adjective ‘ota,’ many, much, conveys a plural idea, its

reduplicated form ‘ onota’ or ‘odota,’ is not used when speaking of inani-

74 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

mate objects, except when different quantities or parcels are referred to; as,
ota awahdi, J have brought home many or much; odota awahdi, I have brought
home much of different kinds.

2. When ‘ota’ relates to animate objects, it may have the plural ter-
mination, but is generally used without it. When it relates to the human
species, and no noun precedes, it has ‘ wiéa’ prefixed; as, wicota hipi, many
persons came, or a multitude of persons came.

3. When ‘ota’ relates to a number of different companies of persons,
it has what may be called a double plural form, made by prefixing ‘ wiéa’
and by reduplication; as, wiéokéota ahi, companies of persons have arrived.

REPETITION AND OMISSION OF ADJECTIVES.

§ 173. 1. When the same thing is predicated of two or more nouns con-
nected by conjunctions, the adjective is commonly repeated with each
noun; as, Suktanka kin waste ka Gaypahmihma kin waste, the horse is good,
and the wagon is good.

2. But sometimes a single adjective is made to apply to all nouns by
using a pronominal adjective or demonstrative pronoun; as, Suktayka kin
ka Gaypahmihma kiy napin waste, the horse and the wagon are both good;
wiéasta ka winohinéa kin hena wasteste, man and woman, they are beauti-
Jul; Hepay ka Hepi ka Hake, hena iyulipa hayskapi, Hepan, and Hepi, and
Hake, they are all tall.

3. When two nouns are connected by the conjunction ‘ko’ or ‘koya,’
also, the adjective is only used once; as, Suktanka éaypahmihma ko Siéa
(horse wagon also bad), the horse and the wagon also are bad.

ADVERBS.

§ 174. Adverbs are used to qualify verbs, participles, adjectives, and
other adverbs; and some of them may, in particular cases, be used with
nouns and pronouns; as, iwasteday mani, he walks slowly; Siéaya hduha un,
heis keeping it badly; nina waste, very good; kitayna tanyan, tolerably well;
he Gay Sni (that wood not), that is not wood; tonitayhay he (whence-thou),
whence art thou?

POSITION.

) 175. 1. Adverbs are commonly placed before the words which they
qualify; as, tayyay wauy, J am well; Siéaya ohayyaypi, they do badly; nina
waste, very good.

2. (a) The adverbs ‘hinéa’ and ‘ni’ follow the words which they

ADVERBS—REDUPLICATION. 1

qualify ; as, waste hinéa, very good; eéoyn kte hinéa, he wishes very much to
do it; eGoypi Sni, they did not do it.

(b) The adverbs of time, ‘kinhay,’ ‘éa’ or ‘eéa,’ ‘kehany,’ and ‘éoh,’ are
placed after the words to which they relate; as, yahi kinhay, when thou
comest; wanyaka eéa, when he sees it.

3. (a) Interrogative adverbs commonly stand at the beginning of the
clause or sentence; as, toke¢a wowapi dawa Sni he, why dost thou not
read?

(b) But ‘to,’ a contracted form of ‘tokeéa’ and ‘he,’ the common sign
of interrogation, stand at the end; as, duhe Sni to, why dost thou not have it?
yahi he, hast thou arrived?

§ 176. Interrogative adverbs and others often prefix or insert personal
pronouns; as, nitonakapi he, ow many are there of you? tonitaynhay he,
whence art thou? hematayhay, Tam from that place.

REDUPLICATION.

§ 177. 1. Most adverbs may make a plural form by doubling a sylla-
ble, in which case they may refer either to the subject or the object of the
verb, and are used with verbs both in the singular and plural number; as,
tanyan econ, he does it well; taytayyay econ, he has done several things well ;
tantanyan econpi, they have done well.

2. If the verb relates to the united action of individuals, the adverb is
not reduplicated; but if the individuals are viewed as acting independently,
the reduplicated form must be used; as, Suktayka kin tketkeya kinpi, the
horses carry each a heavy load.

3. The reduplicated form of the adverb is used when reference is had
to different times, places, distances, ete.; as, wiGasta kin tehayn ni, the man
lived long; wiéasta kin tehanhay nipi eée, men live long; eéaday wahi, I
came soon; eéaéaday wahi, I come frequently; he hayskaya baksa wo, cut
that long; hena hayskaskaya baksa wo, cut those long; askaday euntipi, we
encamped at a short distance; askaskaday euntipi, we encamped at short dis-
tances.

USE OF CERTAIN ADVERBS.

§ 178. 1. In general propositions, ‘eéa’ or ‘éa,’ when, is used with ‘eée’
or ‘ée’ at the end of the clause or sentence; as, waniyetu Ga wapa Ge, when
it is winter it snows.

2. The particles ‘eée’ and ‘eéee,’ used at the end of clauses or sen-
tences, signify frequency or habit, as; eGamoy eéee, I am accustomed to do.

76 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

3. The particle ‘Ge,’ in most cases, indicates the close of a direct quo-
tation of the words of oneself or of another; as, deGen eéanoy kinhay yani
kta Ge, Wakaytanka eya Ge, if thou dost thus, thou shalt live, God said.

4. The free adverbial particle ‘do’ is used for emphasis, at the end
of a clause or sentence, as, wahi kte do, [will come. It is used generally
by young men, and not considered necessary by good speakers.’ ‘Ye’ is
sometimes used in the same way by women and others.

5. Among the free adverbial particles may be mentioned ‘wo,’ ‘we,
‘yo’ and ‘ye’ with ‘po,’ ‘pi’ and ‘miye,’ the signs of the imperative; and
‘kta’ and ‘kte’ signs of the future. These all follow the verb. See §§ 42
and 43.

§ 179. In reply to questions which have the negative form, assent to
the negative proposition contained in the question is expressed by hay, yes,
and dissent by hiya, no; as, yahi kte sni he; hay, wahi kte sni, thow wilt
not come, wilt thou? yes, I will not come; yahi kte Sni he; hiya, wahi kta,
thou wilt not come, wilt thou? no, I will come. If the question be put affirma-
tively, the answer is the same as in English.

166 “)

§ 180. ‘“Pohan’ and ‘kinjhay’ are often used together with the same
verb, in which case ‘tohan’ precedes the verb and ‘kinhay’ follows it; as,
tohan yahi kinhay mde kta, when thou comest I will go.

§ 181. When ‘itokam’ is used in reference to time, it is often preceded
by the adverb of negation; as, yahi Sni itokam (thou-comest not before), be-
fore thou comest.

NEGATIVE.

§ 182. 1. Negation is expressed by placing after the verb, adjective,
noun, or pronoun, the adverb ‘sni;’ as, mde gni (J-go not), I did not go; he
tay) Sni (that wood not), that is not wood.

2. An emphatic negation is sometimes indicated by ‘kaéa,’ which, how-
ever, is seldom used except in contradicting what has been previously said;
as, yao kaéa, thou didst not hit it.

3. A negative used interregatively often implies permission; as, iyaéu
Sni to (dost thou not take it?), may signify, thou mayest take it.

§ 183. 1. In Dakota two negatives make an aflirmative; as, waniéa,
there is none; waniée sni (there-is-none not), i. e., there is some.

‘*Do’ in Isanyati and Ihanktoyway, and ‘lo’ in Titonwan, seem to be equivalent to the mascu-
line oral period hi of the Omaha and Ponka, au of the Kansa, Osage, and Kwapa, ke of the Iowa, ke-i
of the Oto, sh of the Mandan, ts of the Hidatsa, and k of the Crow. Ha is seldom used by the Ponka,
but is common among the Omaha,—J. O. D,

PREPOSITIONS, ad,

When two negative verbs are connected by a conjunction, the first
may be without the sign of negation; as, kakipe éa iyotay tanka sni (he-
surpassed and more great not) he neither surpassed nor was the greatest.

INTERROGATIVE.

§ 184. 1. ‘He’ is the common interrogative particle, and is placed at

the ae of the sentence; as, wiéayada he, dost thou believe ?

2. When the person spoken to is at a distance, ‘hwo,’ compounded of
‘he’ and ‘wo,’ is used; as, toki da hwo, whither art thou going? This last is
not used by females.

3. Sometimes ‘ka’ is employed instead of ‘he,’ as the sign of interroga-
tion; as, he taku hogan ka, what kind of fish is that?

4. Sometimes, however, the interrogation is distinguished only by the
tone of voice. Unlike the English, the voice falls at the close of all inter-
rogative sentences.

ADVERBIAL INCORPORATED PARTICLES.

§ 185. As has been stated (§ 34), by means of adverbial particles, large
classes of active verbs are formed from verbal roots and adjectives. There
are ‘ba,’ ‘bo,’ ‘ka,’ ‘na,’ ‘pa,’ ‘ya,’ and ‘yu,’ with the possessive forms ‘hd,’
‘kd,’ and ‘el,’ which are prefixed or agelutinated. See the Verb Paradigm.

PREPOSITIONS.

§ 186. Prepositions are placed after the nowns which they govern, and
so are properly post-positions.

(a) Some are written as separate words (§ 89); as, maka kin akan, on
the earth; tipi iéahda, by the house; éoynkaske ekta, at the garrison. In this
ease plurality of the noun is expressed by ‘wica’ incorporated into the
preposition; as, tatanka kin widikiyeday (ox the them-near-to), near to the
oxen; Dakota ewiéatanhan, from the Dakotas.

(b) Other prepositions are suffixed to nouns (§ 91); as, tijtata, on the
prairie; magata at the field; Gayyata, at the woods.

2. (a) Pronouns governed by a preposition are sometimes prefixed to
it, in which case those prepositions which have ‘i’ for their initial letter
cause an elision of the last vowel of the pronoun; as ikiyeday, near to;
mikiyeday, near to me; itehay, far from; nitehay, far from thee. If the pro-

73 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

noun is plural, the plural termination is attached to the preposition; as,
unketanhaypi, from us.

(b) Sometimes the pronoun is inserted in the preposition, if the latter
consists of more than two syllables; as, enitayhay, from thee.

§ 187. Of the two prepositions ‘kiéi’ and ‘om,’ both meaning with, the.

former governs singular and the latter plural nouns; as, he kiéi mde kta, [
will go with him; hena om mde kta, I will go with them.

) 188. 1. The names of the natural divisions of time, when they refer
to the past, terminate in ‘hay,’ and when to the future, in ‘tu;’ as, wehay,
last spring; wetu, next spring.

The termination ‘tu’ or ‘etu,? in waniyetu, mdoketu, ptayyetu, wetu, hayyetu,
aypetu, litayetu, ete., may have been orignally a preposition, signifying, as it still
does in other cases, af or in; and the termination ‘hay,’ in wanihay, wehay, mdoke-
hay, ptinhan, ete., is probably the adverbial ending.

2. The preposition ‘i’ prefixed to the natural divisions of time signifies
the next after; as, iwétu, the spring following; imdoketu, the neat summer ;
ihanhayna, the next morning.

CONJUNCTIONS.

§ 189. 1. Conjunctions commonly stand between the words or sentences
which they connect; as, malipiya ka maka, heaven and earth; wayéiyaka
tuka iveéidiye sni, J saw thee but I did not recognize thee; eGoy yasi esta
ecoy kte sni (do thou-told although, do will not), although thou told him to do it,
he will not.

2. But the conjunctions ‘ko’ or ‘koya’ and ‘ahna’ are placed after the
words they connect; as, Ganka wanhi ko mduha (jfire-steel flint also I have),
I-have flint and steel; malipiya maka ahna kaga, he made heaven and earth.

§ 190. *Uykay’ and ‘ka’ both signify and, but they are used somewhat
differently, ‘ka’ denoting a closer connection than ‘uykay.’

1. When two or more verbs having the same nominative are connected
by a copulative conjunction, ‘ka’ is commonly used; as, ekta wai ke
waynmdaka, J went and sav. jut if a new nominative is introduced,
‘unkay’ will be required; as, ekta wai unkay waymayakapi, IZ went there
and they saw me.

2. When after a period the sentence begins with a conjunction, -‘ka’ is
not used unless the sentence is closely connected with the preceding one.

CONJU NCTIONS—INTERJECTIONS. 719

3. ‘Unkan’ never connects single nouns or adjectives, ‘ka’ and ‘ko’
being used for that purpose; as, waste ka ksapa, good and wise; Gay mini
ko, wood and water.

For the use of the conjunctions kinhan, uykays, and tuka, see § 133.

§ 191. The words ‘eéin’ and ‘nakaes,’ although more properly adverbs,
often supply the place of conjunctions; as, he waku, eGiy makida, 7 gave
that to him because he asked me for it; he tewalinda, nakaes heéeday mduha,
T refused that because it was the only one I had.

§ 192. The idea conveyed by the conjunction than can not be expressed
in Dakota directly. Such a phrase as, ‘It is better for me to die than to
live,” may indeed be rendered by an awkward periphrasis in several ways;
as, mate Gin he waste ka wani kin he siéa, for me to die is good, and to live is
bad; wani kin he waste esta mate Gin he iyotay waste, although it is good for
me to live, it is more good for me to die; or, mate kte ¢in he waste ka wani
kte Gin he siéa, that I should die is good, and that I should live is bad.

§ 193. The conjunction or is represented by ‘ka is;’ but the sentences
in which it is introduced have not the same brevity as in English; as, 7 do
not know whether he is there or not, hen wy is ka ig hen uy sni, ujyma tukte
iveéetu sdonwaye Sni (there is or there is not, which of the two I know not’;
Ts that a horse or an ox? he suktayka ka is tatanka uyma tukte heéetu he
(that horse or ox, which of the two)?

INTERJECTIONS.

§ 194. Some interjections have no connexion with other words, while
others are used only as a part of a sentence. When connected with other
words, interjections usually stand at the beginning of the phrase. Consid-
erable knowledge of their use is necessary to enable one to understand the
language well, as the interjections not only serve to indicate the feelings of
the speaker, but often materially modify the meaning of a sentence; as,
hehehe, didita oy mate kta, oh! I shall die of heat; ‘‘Wiéoni kin iho hee;
wi¢oni kin he wiéasta iyozayzay kin iho hee” (Life the lo! that is; life the
that man light the lo! that is), John 4, 4.

yea ap oY 5m

DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.
PART SECOND.

TEX Ts.

1105—vow 1x——6

a exe ay me

WIGANHPI HINHPAYA; OR, THE FALLEN STAR.

WRITTEN IN DAKOTA BY MICHEL RENVILLE.

Oyate way kaken tipi; uykay winohinéa nom taykan waykapi; wykay

People one so lived; and women two out-doors lay; and
wiéayhpi kin iyvega wanyakapi. Unkay inyuy uymar heya: Iéepansi, ito
stars the eionine saw. And behold the-one this said: Cousin lo
wiéayhpi wan iyege héa e yayke ¢iy he hilmawaya ¢es, eva. Unkan
star one shines very afore-~ is the that husband I-have oh- she And
said that! said.
upma kin is; Mis ito ka wiéayhpi way kitayna iyeliya yayke ¢iy he
other the she; I lo that star one little ‘shining “is the that
hihnawaye ées, eya. Unkay ihnuhayna napin ekta awiéakipi, keyapi.
husband I have oh she And suddenly both thither they were taken they say.

that! said.

Makoée way waste hinéa hoksiéekpa ozuzuya namdaye waste wanka
Couitry one good very twin-flowers full” blooming beautiful were
. T
e ekta uppi. Unkan widayhpi way nina iyege cikoy he wiéasta taynka;
that in they-were. And star one much Shining the that man large,
ka uyma koy he koska, keyapi. Heéen kinukanyay hihna wiéayapi.

and other the that young-man, they say. So one-and-the-other husband them-had.
{aforesaid }

Unkay uyma wayna ihdusaka. Makoée kiy tipsinna ota hu wasteste.
And one now with-child. Country the Pomme blanche many stalks beautiful.
Heéen winyay kon wanzi bopte kta kes hiknaku kin tehinda: Ustay wo,

So woman the one dig would although husband-has the forbid: Stop
tuwedai deéi heéoy sni ée, eya eée. Unkan ihd: tka aye ¢a etipi Unkan
no-one here that does not he-said always. And moving went and ¢ amped. And
winyay ihdusake wakeya itiGage Ga timahen piye ier ae timahen hiyu, ujkay
woman with child tent” pitched and inside fixup would house-inside came, and
tipsiyna wan hu tayka waste e aitiéaga; unkay, Ito de waka ke, eéin;

Pomme blanche one stalk large beautiful that over it tent and Lo this I dig will, she
pitched; thought;

etanhay tuwe waymayake éa, e¢in, ka hoype i¢u ka bopte Ga tyupta iu;
for who me-see Will ? she thought, and digger took and dug-it and “pulled-it-out;

iéunhay makoée yuohdog iyeya ka ohna hiyu, ka maka kin ekta tezi kamdas

in the country opened — out and from came, and earth the to belly burst
meantime
835

84 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

hinhpaya keyapi. Hecéen winohinéa kon e ta, tuka hoksiyokopa e te Sni

she-fell” they say. So woman the that died, but child that died not
pave {aforesaid |
nagangata wayka. Wiéahinéa way en hi; hoksiyopa kin iéu ka itpihnake
‘kicking lay. Old-man one there came; child the took and placed in bosom
éa tiyataki, ka heya: Wakanka, t taku way waymdaka unkay Gante masiée
and came home, and this Said: Old woman, something one T saw and heart me-bad
do, eya. Unykay tawiéu kin, He taku he, eya. Unkay winoliinéa way tezi
he said. And his wife the, That © what ? she said. And woman one belly
kamdas ta wayka; unkan hoksiyopa way nagangata wanke, ahna wiéana
bursted — died lay ; and child one kicking lay also boy
tuka Ge, eya. Wiéahinéa, tokeéa ayaku Sni he, eya. Unkay, Dee do, eya
but he said. Old man, why you bring not 2? she said. And, Thisisit . he Said
home

éa itpi tayhay iéu. Unkay tawiéu kiy heya: Wiéahinéa, ito de iéaluyye

and bosom from took. And his wife the this said: Old man, now this we-raise
ées, eya. Unkan wiéahinéa kon heya: Wakanka, ti ahmihbeunye kta ¢e,
oh-that! she-said. And old man the this bie Old woman, house around-we-roll will 3

{aforesaid }

eye, ¢a tiéeska kin ohna kohoya iyeya. Uykay ahmihmay-hiyaye éa

he said, and tent-top the through he tossed it up. And whirling around he went and
mm ee Cw
hinhpaya. Unkay sdohayhay tin hiyu. Tuka ake i¢u ka tiée ohna kahoye
fell down. And creeping house-in ‘he But again he and smoke through he tossed
came. took hole

iveya. Unkay hehan mani tin hiyu. Tuka ake iéu ka eéeniyeya. Unkay

“it up. And then walking house in came. But againhetookand — so threw it. And
hehan hoksina way ¢aysakana keya yuha tin hiyu ka, Tuykaysina, dena
then boy one green sticks even “having house in came and Grandfather, these
wayhinkpe miéaga ye, eya. Tuka ake idu ka eéen iyeya, wykay hehan
arrows make-me, ~ he said. But again he took and so threw, and then
toki iyaya tayiy Sni; uykay koska wan Gansaka keya yuha tin hiyu; ka,
where he went mamifest not; and young man one green sticks even “having house in came; and,
Dena, tuykaysina, migaga wo, eya. Heé fen W ayhinkpe ota ki¢aga. Heéen
These, grandfather mi ee me, he said: So arrows many made {or him. So
pte ota wiéao Ga wakeya wan tayka i¢i¢agapi, ka éatku kin en waykan
buffalomany them-shot when tent” one large made for and. back-part the in high

themselves,

ohehdekiyapi, nina waseéapi.

bed-they-ple aced, very rich-were.
Uykay wicéahinéa kin heye: Wakanka, tanyay unyakon e imduskin
And old man the this said: Old woman well Wwe-are that I-glad-am
e, ito eyaywapaha kte do, eye, éa hanhayna hin tiée ipkpata iyotanka éa
lo! “T proclaim will , he said, and morning very house top-at he sat and
comb
heya: Miye tazu watoy, tasiyaka sin mdadopa, eya. Uykay he Tasiva-
this said: r laid-up I have, big-gut fat I chew, he'said. And this meadow
kapopo hee keyapi: Zitkana way tasiyakapopo e¢iyapi kin hee; maku zi
lark that-is they say: bird one meadow lark named the that is; breast yel-
ow
ka Gokaya sape ¢iy he aypao zi kin he tataynka he sdusduta e inapin
and middle black the that morning yellow the — that buffalo horn smooth that collar-has
keyapi.
they say.
Hehan koska koy heye: Tuynkansina, ito omawanini kta Ge, eya,
Then young man the this'‘said: Grandfather, lo! I walking will , he said.

{aforesaid}

DAKOTA MYTHS. 85

Unkay wiéahinéa kin heya: Ho, takoza, koska eéa oyate eéen wawanyag
And old-man the this said: Yes, grandchild, young man when people so tosee
omani Ge, eya keyapi.
walks always, he said, they say.
Unkay heéen koska kon iyaye éa oyate wan tipi en i; unkay inyuy

And so young man the “went and people one living there came; and behold
{aforesaid ]

éanhdeska kutepi en i. Unkay koskana wan en wawanyaka, keyapi.

hoop shooting there came. And young man one thither looking-on, they said.
Heéen en inazin, ka, Ito kiéuwa kiéi wawanmdake kta, eya. Heéen ki¢i
So there he stood, and, Lo! myfriend with T-look-on will he said. So with
naziy. Unkan heye: Kiéuwa, yati ekta unhde kta, eya. Heéen kiéi hda
he-stood. And this said : Friend, yourhome to we gohome will, he said. So with went-
(dual) home
ka kiéi ki. Unkay he kupsitku iéahya heéa, heéen kuykisitku kiéi ti en
sw with arrived. And that grandmother his raised such, so grandmother his with lived there
i, keyapi.

ae they say.

Unkay, Unei, kiduwa kiGi wahdi ée, taku yute kta ikihni ye, eya.

And, Grand- my friend with Icome-home , what eat will that [ples ase], he
mother provide said.
Unkay kunkisitku kin heya: Takoza, token wahay kta he, eya. Unkay
And grandmother his the this'said: Grandehild how Ido will 2 she etal And
koska unma koy heya: Toketu hwo unéina, eya. Unykan, Oyate kin de
youngman other the — this s: es How is it ? grandmother, he Baia And, People the this

{aforesaid |

wanna ipuza wicate kta Ge, eya; tuwe mini huwe-i kes hdi sni eéee, eya.
now thirsty they die will , shésaid; who water goes-for althoughcome not always, She
home said.

Uykay, Kiéuwa éega iéu wo, mini huwe wyye kta ée, eya. Unkay, Takoza

And Friend kettle take thom water for we go will >. he “said. And My grand-
child

kitay iGahwaye Gikoy! eya. Taku Sni-Sni ikoyapa, eye, ¢a heéen kidi ye éa
hardly Iraised inthepast!shesaid. What not-not you fear, he said, and so with went and
mde kahda inazinpi. Unykay mini kin kahda wakiskokpa mini ozugzuday

lake by they stood. And water the by troughs water each full
hiyeya. Unykay tuwe mini huwe Ii éa taku e yakte eée keyapi koy
Stoou. And who water toget comeswhen what that youkill always they say the
{comes for] {afore

said]
toki idada hwo, de mini huwe wahi do, eya.

where have you ? this water toget Icome - he said.
gone {1 come for]

Uykay ihnuhayna toki iyayapi tanin sni; heéen inyuy ti hanska way

And suddenly whither they went manifest not; so behold! Louse long one

kakiyotayna iyeya, ohna koska ka wikoska ozuna hiyeya: wanna apa tapi

in this direction lay, in young and maidens full were: now some dead
men

ka apa te idakisya hiyeya, en opeya ipi. Unykay, Dena token dukanpi he,
and some to suffering were, in together they And, These how are-you-here ?
die came.

eya. Unykay, Taku yaka he; dena mini huwe unphipi hes, taku wan

he said. And, What youmean ? these water tobring wecame although, renee one
thing
naw) péapi ecee ée, eyapl, keyapi.
us-swallowed always , they said, they say.
Unkay koska koy pa kin en taku iye papa yanka. Unkay, De taku he,
And youngmen the head the in some- “strik ing was And, This what ?

{aforesaid | thing {sitting}.

RG DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

eya. Unkay, Hanta, he Gayte ee Ge, eyapi. Unkan he heéen isan ehdaku

he said. And Gettaway that heart is , they said. And he 80 knife his-took
ka bagpuspu yanka. Unkay ihnuhanna taku nina ham hinhda; uykay he
and cut-to-pieces Was [sitting]. And suddenly what very made a noise; and that
taymahen tayka e hena nawiéapée, tuka Gayte kin baspupi nakaes ohna ta
body inside large that those them-swallowed, but heart the eut-up indeed in dead
kin ekta hi ta, keyapi. Heéen Guwi kin palidoke ¢a koska wikoska ko
the at come dead, they say. Hence side the punched and young men maidens also

om hdiéu.

with came out.

them
Unkay oyate kin nina pidawiéaya e heéen wikoska nom kupi. Tuka,
And people the much glad-them-he-made that hence maidens two gave him. But,
Ohinni om: inivay wauy e heéen kicuwa iye wiéayuze kta Ge, eya, ka
Always journeying Tam that so my friend ‘the them take will . he said, and
koskana koy napin ku. Uykay heéen hoéokam wakeya way iti¢agapi ka
young man the both gave. And so in-the-court tent © one pitched-for, and

{aforesaid }

hoksina koy kuyksitku kiéi akiyuha en awiéakipi. Wikoska noypa kor hena
boy the grandmother his with bearing there them brought. Young women two the those
{aforesaid | {aforesaid]

om en ahitipi.

with in they moved.

Heéen koska kon ake itoopteya iyaya keyapi. Unkay wanna ake

Then young man the again onward went they say. And now again
koskana way manin naziyn Ganhdeska kutepi. Unkay wawanyaka hay
young man a outside stood hoop shooting. And looking-on standing
eni ka heya: Ito, kiéuwa kiéi wawaymdake kta eye, 6a kiGi nazin. Unkay

in he and this-said: Lo, friend with I-look-on will he said, and with stood. And
came

heye: Kiéuwa, unhde kta ée, eve éa kidi ki. Ka, Unéina, kiéuwa kiéi wahdi
this-he- Friend, we-go home will he-said, and with came. And, Grandmother, my friend with I come
said (dual) home. home,

ée, takuy ikihni nayka wo, eya Tuka kuyksitkuna kin, Token wahay kte
something hunting up be thou he‘said. But grandmother his the, How I-do will
heha he, eya. Unkay, toketu he, eya. Unkay, Oyate kin de wanna

this yousay ? she said. And, How is it ! he said. And, People the this now
éay oy wiéatakunisni Ge, eva; tuwe Gay kin i kes tohinni hdi sni, eya.
wood for they perish she-said; — who wood to-carry goes if at any time come homenot, she
said.

Unkay, Kiéuwa, hingka iéu wo, éay kin unye kta ée, eya. Unkay

And, Friend, strap take, wood to-carry we-go will . he said. And
wakaykana kin, Takus kitayna i¢Gahwaye Gkoyn, eya. Tuka, Wakanka is
old woman the, Grandchild hardly raised” in the past, she said. But, Old woman that

de takusnisni ikoyapiéa: heye éa koskana kon kiéi iyaye éa heye: Can

this trifles you atraid-of: this’said and young man the with went and this said: Wood
aforesaid

kin mda Ge, tuwe yacéinpi kinhay upo. Evyaya ujkay, Koska wan tokiya-

to-carry I-go, who you wish come ye. They went and, young man a somewhere
tayhay hi ka heya ée eyapi, he ihakamya eyaye. Wanna éay kin en ipi,
from come and this said the y said, and after they went. Now wood the in they

came,

uyjkay ¢ay kin ikaytoy hiyeya e heéen oyate kon hetayhay ahdiyakupi

and wood the tied-up lay, that 80 people the that from started home with
k = ’ ry s va
tuka, iye en nazin ka, Tuwe Gay kin den hi éa, taku yakte keyapi kon
but he there stood and, Who wood the here comes when, what you-kill they say the

aforesaid

DAKOTA MYTHS. 87

toki idada hwo, eya. Unkay ihnuhayna toki iyaya tanin Ssni. Heéen
where youhavegone ? he ‘anid! And suddenly where he had gone ‘manifest not. So
inyuy, wakeya way ohna decéen koska wikoska ko, apa wotapi ka apa ni
behold tent ~ a in thus youngmen maidens also, some eating and some alive
hiyeya e apeya yanka. Unkay, Dena token dukaypi he, eya. Unkay,
Were waiting “ were. And, These how are you ? he pill And,
Taku yaka he; dena éay kin unhipi kes taku deéen unkahdipi eéee; nis

What youmean ? these wood to carry we came although some- thus us brought home always; you
thing

eya nitakunisni Ge, eyapi. Unkay hevata etonway unkay inyuy, ohidok:
also you-are-destroyed they said. And behind looked and behold hole

wan) deéen hiyeya. Unkay, De taku he, eya. Unkan, UStan, he taku kin

so Was. And, This what ? ~=he said. And, Stop, that what the
hee ée,eyapi. Tuka wanhinkpe ikikéu ka okatkatanyay. Unkay wakeya kin

that is, they said. But arrow his-took and transfixed it. And tent” the
ihnuhayna kazamni iyaya. Unykay he hinyankaga e noge awiéayuhmuza
suddenly opened “went. And that owl's that ear them shut up
keyapi. Heéen kte nakaes noge kin namdaya iyaya. Heéen, Koska
they say. Thus killed indeed eae the opened out went. So, Young men

wikoska kin owasin taykan ku po, eye, éa om hdiéu, keyapi.

maidens the all out come ye, hesaid, and with started out, they Say.
them

Unkay ake witansna uy nom kupi. Tuka ake, Kicuwa iye napin
And again maidens were two gavehim. But again, My-friend he both
wicayuze kta Ge,eya. Heéen hoksina kon kuyjksitkuna ki¢i ka winyay kin
them take will he said. So boy F the : grandmother his with and women the
aloresalr

napin om hoéokam wakeya way) ohna ewiéahnakapi.
both together inthe middle tent in they placed them.

Heéen ake itoopta ivaya. Ake oyate way tipi way en i, ujkay ake

So again forward he ane Again people a dwelling a in caret and again

éanhdeska kutepi, unkay koskana wawanyaka hay e en inazin. Ia, Ito,
hoop shooting, and young man locking on standing there stood. And, Lo,
kiéuwa kiéi wawanmdake kta, eye éa kiGi inazin. Unkayn heye: Kiéuwa,
my friend with Llook-on will, he said and with he stood. And this‘said: | My friend,
unhde kta Ge, eya, unkay kidi ki. Unkan ake he kunkisitku iéahya heé:

we-go- will he- ead and with he- And again that grandmother his raised such.
home went-home.

Unykay, Unéina, kiéuwa ki¢i wahdi ée, takuy ikihni naka wo, eya. Uykan,
And, Grandmother, my friend with Icome home, something hunt thou for him, he said. And,
Taku tukten iwa¢u kta e heha he, eya. Unkay, Unéina toka e heha he,
What whence _—__I-take will that you say ? she said. And, Grandmother why thatyousay ?

eya. Unkay, Waziya wan de oyate kin teliiya wi¢akuwa ¢ée, pte opi
he said. And, Waziya a this people the hardly them treats , buffalo kill

kes owasiy i¢u, ka wanna akihay widéate kta, eya. Unykay, Undina ekta ye

although all he- farce and now starving they die will, she said. And, Grandmother there go

¢a, Mitakoza i¢imani hi tuka takuna yute Sni e umasi Ge, eya wo, eya.

and, My grandchild travelling has but nothing eats not so mesent say thou, he said.
come,

Heéen wakayka iyaye éa itehanyay inazin, ka, Waziya, mitakoza i¢imani
So old woman “went and afar off stood, and, Waziya, my grandchild travelling

hi, tuka takuna yute Sni e umasi ye, eya. Tuka, Wakayka siéa ekta

has but nothing “eats not so me-sent ~ she said. But, Old woman bad to

come

kihda wo, de taku yaka he, eya. Heéen wakaynka ¢eya hdi, ka takuya ke

go-home, this what youmean ? he said. So old woman crying came and friends meant,
home

Ss DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

, Waziya makate kta, keya Ge, eya Unkan, Kiéuwa, ikay i¢u wo, ekta
and, Waziya kill for me ula he pee she said, And, My friend strap take, thither
ujve kta ée, eya. Unkay, Takus kitay iéahwaye dikoy! Unéina de

we go will . he said. And, My-grand- hardly I have raised in the past Grand this
(dual) child mother
wikopapake, eye Ga heéen iyayapi; ka Waziya ti on ipi ka waéoniéa
much afraid, he Said. and so they went; and Waziya house to they and dried meat
came,

taykan hiyeya e heéen takodaku kiy tona okihi kiy kiye ¢a ahdiyakukiye

without hung ~ that so trie a his the manyas able to carry caused and sent him home with it

éaiye e Waziya ti kin en i, ka, Waziya he tokae ujéina den uwasi unkay

and he him. W aziya house the in Sie At Wariya this why grand- here I sent and

self mother

heha eya. Tuka Waziya ite tokeéa yanke. Unkay éaga itazipa wan

this you he said. But Waziya face different * was. And ice bow

said,

otkeya yanke. Unkay, Waziya, de token yahnakeéa he, eya. Unkan,

hanging up * was. And, Waziya, this how “ you place away ? he said. And,

Ustay wo, he tuwe yutay Ga isto ayuwega Ge, eya. Unkay, Ito, isto
Stop thou — that who ‘touches when arm * on-it- peaks , _ he'said. And, Lo! arm

amduwega ke eye Ga Gaga itazipe koy snayeh yumden iyeya, ka, heéen
I-break-on-it, will he Suid, and ie bow the snapping broke went, eal 80

hdiéu.

he came home.

Ka hanhayna wykay wanna ake oyate kin wanase aye Ga wanna pte

And morning then now again people the buffalo hunting went and now buffalo
kiy ota opi. Unkay wanna ake owonase kin iyaza tona opi kin owasiy
the many shot. And now again surround the through many killed the all
pahi eéee ka ikpihnaka au. Unkay koska way he hi kon pte way éepa
gathered-up and placed in blanket brought. And young man a that came the cow a fat
apata. Unkay Waziya pte kiy ikpihnag u koy en hinazin, ka heya: De
dressed. And Waziya cows the putting in belt came the there coming stood, and this said: This
tuwe pata he, eya. Unkan, Miye wapata do, eya. Uykay Waziya heye
who dressed ? he said. And, I-dressed , Loe And Wi aziya this Said:
Koska koy he ke éa, W eanlipi hinhpaya, de tokiyatanhay wanidage éa e
Youngman the that meant and, Star Fallen, this from whence have you grown ? that
deéeliny walaynigida he, eya. Unykan is, Waziya, nis de tokiyatanhay
so that thus you boast yourselt ? he said. And he, Waziya, you this from whence
waniéage Ga e waliaynigida he, eya. Unykay Waziya heya: Wiéanhpi
you-grow-up ’ that you boast yourself 2 he'said. And Waziya this said: Star
hiphpaya, tuwe napamapazo eéa ta eéee do, eya. Unkan, Ito, napawapazo

Fallen who finger me points to when dies always . he said. And Well, finger I point
ke e¢a mate Ga, eye Ga napapazo, tuka tokeéa Ssni. Unkay hehan is heya:
will when L[-die, ? he Said and hand showed, but different not. And then he this said:
Waziya, tuwe napamapazo eéa nape kin naiheyaya iyeya eéee do, eya.

Waziya, who finger me points to when hand the pare aed becomes always . he said.
Uykay, Ito, napawapazo ke, ito eéa naiheyaya iyemayi¢a, eye, éa eon,

And, We an I point tinger will, lo there pare lyzed” “ make me he said, and did it,
tuka nape kon ispa kiy hehayyay naiheyaya iveya. Uykay ake uyma

but hand the lower arm the so far paraly zed was. And again other
eCiyatayhay eéoy tuka ake ispa kin hehayyay nailieyaya iyeya. Heéen
from did-it, but again lower arm the so-far destroyed was. So
Wiéayhpi hinhpaya isay ehdaku ka Waziya Sina abapote; heéen pte
Star — Fallen “ knite his-took and Waziva blanket cut up; hence buffalo

ikpihnag wy kin owasin kadada. Heéen oyate kin hewiéakiye; Detanhan

in-blanket was the all fell out So that people the — this-them-said to: Henceforth

DAKOTA MYTHS. SY

patapi ka ahda po, eye. Heéen oyate kin wapatapi ka tado ihanpi ka tiyata

dress and carry ye home, he said. So people the dressed ind meat prepared and houses to
ahdi. Ka hanhanna unkay heyapi: Waziya Sina abapotapi koy wanna
brought And next morning and this Was said: Waziya blanket cut-up-was the now
home. aforésaid
tawicu kin kagege yustay e hdatata kta Ge, eyapi. Wazivata itohe inazin
wife-his the sewing “up finished that He shake will, they said. North-to facing standing
is own

katata e heéen waziyata tanhay tate uye Ga wa kin wakeya kiy hinskokeéa
heshook that so north from wind came andsnow the tents” the so far around

hinhpaye éa oyate kin owasin wa mahen eyaye, Ga wiéanihinéive éa hey ap:

fell ~ and people the all snow under “went, and they were troubled and this said:

Toketuya keéas ni unyakonpi kon; koska way token hay ka wanna
In some way even living ‘Wwe were in the past; young man a how does and now
uyjtakunipi sni, eyapi.
we perish, they said.
Unkay, Unéina, iéadu waynzi omakide wo, eya. Unkay heéen wa mahen
And, Grandmother, wing one hunt thou for me he said. And so snow under

éankuyapi: Mitakoza heya Ge, iédadu wanzi da Ge, eya e heéen iho toketu

road made: My grand child this Says 5 wing one heasks , She that so behold how is it
said,

keve Ga Ge, eyapi; ka wanzi kupi. Unkay tice kin iwaykam wa kin i lyaye

he says that? . they said; and one they gave. And tent top the above snow the went

nakaes, wa pahdogye ¢a tiéeska kin akan iyotayke éa itokah itoheya iyotay

indeed, snow punched and tent-top the on he-sat and south towards most

iéadu kon, heoy ihdadu yayka, unkay itokaga tanhay tatahiyuye éa odidita

blowed the, therefore fanning was, and south from wind- brought and heat
himself

tayka, ka wa kiy mini ipiga akastanpi kin heéen iyaya, ka skay lyaye Ga

great, and snow the water boiling thrown-on the so Went, and melted “went, and

maka kin owanéa po idu, ka heéen Waziya tawi¢éu ¢inéa ko om didita tapi.

earth the all over fog took, and so W aziya wife his children also together heat of died.

Tuka Waziya Ginéa hakaktana nige Sdana he tosu huta opalidi kin ohna

But Waziya child youngest belly bare that tent pole bottom hole the in
ohewayke ¢in he¢i onapena ka he nina oy etayhay dehay Waziya yuke iy

frost the there took refuge and that little wherefore now Waziys L “is the
one lived

heéeéa, keyapi. Heéen ohuykakay kin de, Wiéanhpi Hinhpava ediyapi.

that sort, they say. So myth the this, Star Fallen is called.

NOTES.

”

1. The use of the definite article “kin” or “¢éi” with the demonstratives “he”
and “de” with their plurals is noticeable. ‘Kin he” and “kiy de” have been ren
dered “the that” and ‘the this.” Sometimes they are equivalent to only “that” and
“this,” as, widaSta kin de, this man; at other times they are equivalent to “that
which” or “‘ what;” as, Wiéanlipi yayke Cin he, that star which is.

2. Attention is called to the almost uniform repeating of the verb ‘‘say” in dia-
logues; that is, both before and after the thing said. Before the words said, the form
is “heya,” which is compounded of “he” and “eya,” that said. It might be “ heéen
eya,” thus said. Then at the close of the words spoken comes in “eya” again, which
to us seems superfluous. But it serves to close up and finish off the expression, and
is helpful to a good understanding of the matter.

3. It is commonly affirmed, and admitted in good part, that Indian languages
have no substantive verbs; that is, there is no one which corresponds exactly with the

90 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

verb “to be.” But in the Dakota language there are several ways of expressing it.
One that appears frequently in these myths is in, dee, hee, ee, Gee, and eéee; the last
“e” is the verb of existence; “ this is it,” or, more properly, ‘this is,” “that is,”! “it
is.” In ee and eéee the idea is that of continuance. Heya edéee, he was saying that;
that is, he repeated it; he kept on saying it. So also the verb “uy,” when it can be
used, corresponds to our verb ‘to be.” But the use of “uy” is limited. Then we
have “yanke” and “ wayke,” which have reference to place as well as being. But still
it remains true that in many cases the Dakotas do not need a substantive verb; I am
good they can express by the pronoun and adjective alone, ‘‘ma-waste.”

4. The study of these Dakota myths has greatly strengthened my former impres-
sions of the necessity of the supernatural. In this myth the deliverer of the people is
“star-born.” In the Badger and Bear myth the deliverer is created by mysterious
power. But everywhere and always the supernatural is recognized. The bad forces,
whether the nameless, shapeless thing that swallowed them all up that went for water,
or the mythic owl’s ear that covered them all in when they went for wood, or the more
powerful and tangible force, the north-god, all these and others must be met and con-
quered by the supernatural. So the incarnation of selfishness and meanness, imper-
sonated in Gray Bear, must be overcome and killed by the mysterious born.

TRANSLATION.

A people had this camp; and there were two women lying out of doors and looking
up to the shining stars. One of them said to the other, ‘1 wish that very large and
bright shining star was my husband.” The other said, “I wish that star that shines
less brightly were my husband.” Whereupon they say both were immediately taken
up. They found themselves in a beautiful country, which was full of beautiful twin
flowers. They found that the star which shone most brightly was a large man, while
the other was only a young man. So they each had a husband; and one became with
child. In that country the teepsinna,? with large, beautiful stalks, were abundant.
The wife of the large star wanted to dig them, but her husband forbade it, saying
“No one does so here.”

Then the encampment moved; and the woman with child, when she had pitched
her tent and came inside to lay the mats, ete., saw there a beautiful teepsinna, and she
said to herself, “I will dig this—no one will see it.” So she took her digging stick
and dug the teepsinna. When she pulled it out immediately the country opened out
and she came through, and falling down to the earth, they say, her belly burst open.
And so the woman died; but the child did not die, but lay there stretched out.

An old man came that way, and seeing the child alive took it up, put it in his
blanket, and went home. When he arrived he said, ‘‘Old woman, I saw something
to-day that made my heart feel badly.” ‘ What was it?” said his wife. And he
replied, “A woman lay dead with her belly bursted, and a little boy child lay there
kicking.” ‘* Why did you not bring it home, old man?” she said. He answered,
‘Here it is,” and took it out of his blanket. His wife said, “Old man, let us raise

”

! As the author has said in another part of this volume, ‘‘e” predicates identity rather than ex-
istence. And this is the case in the cognate languages: e in (egiha, are in yaiwere, and hére or ére
in Winnebago, should be rendered ‘‘the aforesaid,” ‘‘the foregoing.” ete.—J. 0. D.

* Tipsinna, the Psoralea esculenta (Pursh), the Pomme blanche of the French Canadians.—J, 0, D.

DAKOTA MYTHS. 91

this child.” ‘* We will swing it around the tent,” the old man said, and whirled it
up through the smoke hole. It went whirling around and fell down, and then came
creeping into the tent. But again he took it and threw it up through the top of the
tent. Then it got up and came into the tent walking. Again the old man whirled
him out, and then he came in a boy with some green sticks, and said, ‘* Grandfather,
I wish you would make me arrows.” But agaiu the old man whirled him out, and
where he went was not manifest. This time he came into the tent a young man, and
having green sticks. ‘‘ Grandfather, make me arrows of these,” he said. So the old
man made him arrows, and he killed a great many buffalo, and they made a large
tepee and built up a high sleeping place in the back part, and they were very rich
in dried meat.

Then the old man said, ‘Old woman, I am glad we are well off; I will proclaim it
abroad.” And so when the morning came he went up to the top of the house and sat,
and said, ‘I, [have abundance laid up. The fat of the big guts | chew.” And they say
that was the origin of the meadow lark, a bird which is called taSiyakapopo.! It has
a yellow breast and black in the middle, which is the yellow of the morning, and they
say the black stripe is made by a smooth buffalo horn worn for a necklace.

Then the young man said, “ Grandfather, I want to go traveling.” ‘ Yes,” the
old man replied, ‘‘ when one is young is the time to go and visit other people.” The
young man went, and came to where people lived, and lo! they were engaged in shoot-
ing arrows through a hoop. And there was a young man who was simply looking on,
and so he stood beside him and looked on. By and by he said, “* My friend, let us go
to your house.” So he went home with him and came to his house. ‘This young man
also had been raised by his grandmother, and lived with her, they say. Then he said,
‘Grandmother, I have brought my friend home with me; get him something to eat.”
But the grandmother said, ‘‘Grandchild, what shall I do?” The other young man then
said, ‘“‘ How is it, grandmother?” She replied, ‘The people are about to die of thirst.
All who go for water come not back again.” The star-born said, ‘‘ My friend, take a
kettle; we will go for water.” The old woman interposed, ‘“ With difficulty I have
raised my grandchild.” But he said, ‘‘ You are afraid of trifles,” and so went with
the Star-born. By and by they reached the side of the lake, and by the water of
the lake stood troughs full of water. And he called out, ‘‘ You who they say have
killed every one who came for water, whither have you gone? I have come for water.”

Then immediately whither they went was not manifest. Behold there was a long
house which was extended, and it was full of young men and young women. Some of
them were dead and some were in the agonies of death. ‘‘ How did you come here?”
he said. They replied, “What do you mean? We came for water and something
swallowed us up.”

Then on the head of the young man something kept striking. ‘* What is this?”
he said. ‘Get away,” they replied, ‘that is the heart.” So he drew out his knife
and cut it to pieces. Suddenly something made a great noise. In the great body
these were swallowed up, but when the heart was cut to pieces and died death came
to the body. So he punched a hole in the side and came out, bringing the young men
and the young women. So the people were very thankful and gave him two maidens.

'Tasiyaka is the name of the large intestine, the colon; sometimes applied to the pylorus. Dr.
Riggs gives another form of the name of the bird in the dictionary, tasiyakapopopa.—J. O. D.

92 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

But he said, “I am journeying; my friend here will marry them,” and so he gave them
both to him. Then in the middle of the camp they put up a tent, and the young man
with his grandmother and the two young women were brought to it.

Then the young man—the Star-born—proceeded on his journey, they say. And
again he found a young man standing without where they were shooting through a
hoop. And so, saying he would look on with his friend, he went and stood by him.
Then he said, “My friend, let us go home,” and so he went with him to his tepee.
“Grandmother, | have brought my friend home with me,” he said, ‘hunt up some-
thing for him to eat.” But the grandmother replied, ‘‘ How shall I do as you say?”
“Tow is it?” he said. ‘This people are perishing for wood; when any one goes for
wood he never comes home again,” was the reply.

Then he said, “ My friend, take the packing strap; we will go for wood.” But the
old woman protested, “This one my grandchild I have raised with difficulty.” But,
“Old woman, what you are afraid of are trifles,” he said, and went with the young
man. “Tam going to bring wood,” he said; “if any of you wish to go, come along.”

“The young man who came from somewhere says this,” they said, and so fol-
lowed after him.

They had now reached the wood, and they found it tied up in bundles, which he
had the people carry home, but he himself stood and said, “* You who have killed every
one who came to this wood, whatever you are, whither have you gone?” Then sud-
denly where he went was not manifest. And Jo! a tent, and init were young men and
young women; some were eating and some were alive waiting. He said to them,
‘How came you here?” And they answered, ‘What do you mean? We came for
wood and something brought us home. Now, you also are lost.”

He looked behind him, and lo! there was a hole; and, ‘* What is this?” he said.
“Stop,” they said, “that is the thing itself.” He drew out an arrow and transfixed it.
Then suddenly it opened out, and it was the ear of an owl that had thus shut them up.
When it was killed it opened out. Then he said, * Young men and young women, come
out,” and with them he came home.

Then again they gave him two maidens; but he said again, ‘‘My friend will
marry them.” And so the young man with his grandmother and the two women were
placed in a tent in the middle of the camp.

And now again he proceeded on his journey. And he came to the dwelling place
of a people, and again he found them ‘*‘shooting the hoop.” And there stood a young
man looking on, to whom he joined himself as special friend.- While they stood
together he said, “Friend, let us go to your home,” and so he went with him to his
tent. Then the young man said, ‘*‘Grandmother, I have brought my friend home with
me; get him something to eat.” For this young man also had been raised by his
grandmother. She says, ‘Where shall I get it from, that you say that?” “Grand-
mother, how is it that you say so?” interposed the stranger. To which she replied,
“Waziya! treats this people very badly; when they go out and kill buffalo he takes it
all, and now they are starving to death.”

‘The weather spirit, a mythical giant, who caused cold weather, blizzards, etc.
See Amer. Anthropologist for April, 1889, p. 155. Waziya resembles a giant slain by the Rab-
bit, according to Omaha mythology. (See Contr. N. A. Ethn., vi, pt 1, 22, 25.)—vs. 0. D.

» <4, 6

DAKOTA MYTHS. 93

Then he said, ‘Grandmother, go to him and say, ‘My grandchild has come on a
journey and has nothing to eat, and so he has sent me to you.” So the old woman
went and standing afar off, called, ‘* Waziya, my grandchild has come on a journey and
has nothing to eat, and so has sent me here.” But he replied, “Bad old woman, get
youhome; what do you mean to come here?” The old woman came home erying, and
saying that Waziya threatened to kill some of her relations. Then the Star-born said,
“My friend, take your strap, we will go there.” The old woman interposed with, ‘I
have with difficulty raised my grandchild.” The grandchild replied to this by saying,
“Grandmother is very much afraid,” and so they two went together. When they
came to the house of Waziya they found a great deal of dried meat outside. He put
as much on his friend as he could carry, and seut him home with it, and then he him-
self entered the tepee of Waziya, and said to him, ‘* Waziya, why did you answer my
grandmother as you did when I sent her?” But Waziya only looked angry.

Hanging there was a bow of ice. ‘ Waziya, why do you keep this?” he said.
To which he replied, ** Hands off; whoever touches that gets a broken arm.” So he
thought, ‘I will see if my arm is broken,” and taking the ice bow he made it snap
into pieces, and then started home.

The next morning all the people went on the chase and killed many buffaloes.
But, as he had done before, the Waziya went all over the field of slaughter and
gathered up the meat and put itin his blanket. The *Star-born” that had come to
them was cutting up a fat cow. Waziya, on his round of filling his blanket with meat,
came and stood and said, ‘* Who cuts up this?” “1 am dressing that,” he answered.
Waziya said, addressing himself to the young man, Fallen Star, ‘‘ From whence have
you sprung that you act so haughtily?” ‘And whence have you sprung from Waziya
that you act so proudly?” he retorted. Then Waziya said, ‘Fallen Star, whoever
points his finger at me dies.” So he said to himself, +1 will point my finger at him
and see if I die.” He did so, but it was no whit different.

Then he on his part said, ‘* Waziya, whoever points his finger at me, his hand
becomes paralyzed.” So Waziya thought, “I will poimt my finger and see if IT am
paralyzed.” This he did and his forearm was rendered entirely useless. He did so
with the other hand, and it too was destroyed even to the elbow. Then Fallen Star
drew out his knife and cut up Waziya’s blanket, and all the buffalo meat he had
gathered there fell out. Fallen Star called to the people, ‘‘ Henceforth kill and carry
home.” So the people dressed this meat and carried it to their tents.

The next morning it was reported that the blanket of Waziya, which had been
cut to pieces, was sewed up by his wife, and he was about to shake it. He stood with
his face toward the north and shook his blanket, and the wind blew from the north,
and the snow fell all around about the camp so that the people were all snowed in
and very much troubled, and they said: ‘‘ We did live in some fashion before, but a
young man has acted so that now we are undone.” But he said, ‘* Grandmother, find
mea fan.” So, a road being made under the snow, she went and said to the people,
** My grandchild says he wants a fan.” ‘ Whatever he may mean by saying this?”
they said, and gave him one.

The snow reached up to the top of the lodges, and so he punched a hole up
through and sat on the ridge of the lodge, and while the wind was blowing to the

Q4 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

south he sat and fanned himself and made the wind come from the south, and the
heat became great, and the snow went as if boiling water had been poured on it, and
it melted away, and all over the ground there was a mist, and Waziya with his wife
and children all died of the heat. But the little, youngest child of Waziya, with the
smooth belly, took refuge in the hole made by a tent-pole, where there was frost, and
so lived. And so they say heis all that there is of Waziya now. So also this myth is
called the Fallen Star.

WOTANIGE HOKSINA OHAN KIN.

BLOOD-CLOT Boy DOINGS THE.

WRITTEN IN Dakota BY DAVID GREY CLOUD.

Inyuy kaked: Hoka wan wased ti keyapi. Hoka Ginéa ota hinéa.

Behold thus: Badger a - rich lived they-say. Badger children many very.
Hoka y ranhinkpe wanziday yuha, tuka hanska hinéa yuha. Hoka hoéoka way
Badger arrow one had, but long very ~ had. Badger surround a
kahmin e yuha. Unkay he ohanhayna otoiyohi pte optaye ozuday eéee.
river-bend that’ had. And that morning each buffalo herd full always.
Tohan heéeéa eéa owasin hamwiéaye, ¢a owasin Gankuye wanziday ahda
When so then all drove-he them, and all path one pent

ome

eéa wicihektapatanhay inazin, ka tukte ehakeday uy e¢a, wanhinkpe w ay

then them-behind-from he-stood, and which the-last was when, arrow

hanska yuhe Gikoy, he on owasiy i¢iyaza wiéao eéee. Hoka heéon sane
1)

long had that, that by all one-after- them-shot always. Badger this-doing “was,
another
éa wanna waseéa hinéa.
and now rich very.
Unkay ihnuhanna Mato way en hi, ka Mato kiy heya: Huyhunhe!
And suddenly Gray-Bear a in came, and Gray-Bear the this said: Wonderful!
sung, niye ke deGen wased yati nanka he, eya. Miye kes miéinéa om
brother, you even thus rich you-live are-you 2 he'said. I even my-children with
akihay mate kte do, sung, eya. Heéen, sung, tyonidipi kinhay den ahi wati
starve I-die will 5 brother, he:said. So brothice, Dleasesyon if here move I-live
kte do, eva. Unkay Hoka, Ho, eya; iyokosays idimagagayaken sakim
will ; he said. And Badger, Yes, said; moreover amusing- eon: thus both
uyti kte do, eya. Wanna Mato kiy hde kta, unkay Hoka woheyuy way
we-live will . he'said. Now Gray-Bear the go-home would, then Badger bundle one
ikikéu ka Mato ku, ka kin akiyahda.
took and Gray-Bear gave, and carrying he-took-home.
Thanhayna hehan Hoka ti kin en Mato ahiti. Hoka ti kin en Mato
The-next-morning then Badger house the in Gray-Bear moved. Badger house the in Gray-

jear

hi kin heéehnana Hoka tankan iyeyapi; ka Mato iye ohna iyotayka,

came the immediately- Badger out-doors was-turn d; and Gray-Bear himself in “ sat-down,

ka Hoka woyute tawa koya owasin kipi; heéen Hoka tankan eti, ka nina

and Badger provisions his also all were-taken; so Badger out-doors dwelt, and very
muc

akihay. Mato en hiyotanke 4iy ihanhayna unkay Mato hanhayna hin

starved. Gray-Bear in came-sat-down the next-morning then Gray-Bear morning very
kikta, ka taykan hinazin ka heya: Hoka nuksi siéamnana kin taykan hinanpa
waked-up,and outside came-stood and this said: Badger ears stinking the outside come

96 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

wo, nitahoéoka kin pte oZuday do, eya. Unkay Hoka wanhinkpe ehdaku;

imper. your-surround the buffalo full-is 5 henetl And Badger arrow his-took ;

sing.

ka Hoka heéoy eéee kin ake iyeGen eéoyn, ka owasin i¢iyaza wiéao. Tuka

and Badger that-doing alwe iys the again so he-did, and all oné-after- them-hit. But

another

owasiy Mato iéu, ka wayzina kaes Hoka kiéupi sni. Hanhayna otoiyohi
all Gray-Bear took, and one even Badger was-given not. Morning each

heéoy, tuka tohiyni Hoka wanZiday ahdi gni eéee: ka e6en wayna Hoka

that-he-did, but never Badger one brought not always: and so now Badger

home

Ginéa om akihay te kte hinéa. Tuka Mato Ginéaday wanzi hakaktaday héa,

children with starve die will very. But Gray-Bear children one youngest very,

unjkay hee hayhayna otoiyohi tasiGogay wanzi yuha skata eéee, ka. tohan
and that-one morning 4 every butfalo- tee one had played Ria and when

wanna hde kta eéa Hoka ti kin en tiyokahmihma iyewiéakiya eéee, ka
now go-home will then Badger house the in rolling- houseward! caused-them to-go Ses and

heoy ni yukanpi.

by-that living they-were.

Hanhayna way ake Mato taykan hinapa ka heya: Hoka nuksi

Morning one azain Gray-Bear outside came and this pani: Badger ears
siGamnana kiy, w Sania ahivu wo, nitahoéoka kin pte ozuday do, ey
stinking the _ arrow bring out, your-surround the buffalo full-is 7 ee: a id
Mato heya tka Hoka ye sni. Unkay Mato heya: Ed@y yau sni kinhay
Gray- this-said but Badger “go not. And Gray-Bear this: ee Now you-come not
Bear
inacibdaska kte do, eya.
I-smash-you w ill s he'said.
Uykay Hoka tawiéu heya: Wiéahinéa, eyakes tokiki ewaéin we, wayna
Then Badger wife-his this‘said: Old-man, at-any-rate somehow think of it (female now
sp.)
eéen miéinéa om akiliay mate kte, eva. Unkay Hoka heya: Ho, ekta mde ¢:
80 my-children | will starve I-die will, she-said. And Badger this-said: Tess there I-go and
owasiy wiéawao, ka ein tukte ivotay Gepe ¢cinhay he w ahdohdi kte do;
all them-I-kill, and then which most fat if that Lbring-home will 5
ka nakuy en makte esta kte do, Hok: a eya, Ga Mato kiéi ya. Unkayn Hoka
and also thus me-he-kill even will ; Badger me and Gray- Bear with went. And Badger
heéoyn eéee ake owasil iGiyaza wiéao. Unkay Mato heya: Pte tom éepapi
that-did always again all oné-after them-killed. And Gray- Bear te salal Buffalo four fat ones

another

kin hena nig pate Ga ahdi wo, eya. Uykay Hoka, Ho, eya; ka wanzi

the those you cut-up and — bring-home, he-said. And Badger, Yes, Said; and one
iyotan Gepe hea, uwykay heéeeday pata, ka wanna yustay, uykay Mato heya
more fat very, and that-only he-dressed, and now.” finished, then Gray-Bear this-said:
Tokeéa ake wayzi yapate Sni, eya. Tuk Hoka wiéada gni. Deéeedan
Why again one You-eut-up not he'said. But Badger would not. This-alone
kes hoksiyopa wiéawakahde kta, eya. Hehanyan hinali Mato wapata
even children them-to-I-take-home will, he-said. So-long as-yet Gray-Bear cutting-up
hdustay sni. Tuka wanna Hoka tado kin ikan kiton ka kin kta, ujkan
finished his own not. : But now Badger meat the string tied and carry would, then
Mato heya: Hoka nuksi sicamnana kin, tokay iyaya wo, we namayakihdi
Gray Bear this-said Badger ears stinking the, away £0, aale blood ~~ you- -for-me-tread-in
s sp.)

! Tiyokahmihima is not in the dictionary ; but it is probably donived from ti, , tent, and okahmi-
hma, which latter is from kahmihma, to roll along, make roll by striking.—J. 0. D.

DAKOTA MYTHS. 97

kte do, eva. Tuka Hoka ig heya: Holo, mis hayntuke de wahdohdi kte

will, a bee Bat Badger he this‘said : No, no; I indeed this T-earry-home will
do, eya. Mato ake eya, tka Hoka wiéada sni. Unkay Mato hiyu, ka
: he‘said. Gray-Bear again said-it, but Badger would not. Then Gray-Bear came, and
Hoka we kin ehna paha elipeyapi.
Badger blood the in pushed was-thrown.
Unkay wotanicGe way aputag iipaya, uykay we kin he onSpa napohmus
Then blood-clot one kissing he-felldown, = and blood the that a-piece in-shut-hand
iéu, ka yuha Geya hda, ka pezi onge yusda ka we kin opemni ahde éa
he aR and ‘having crying went- ine and grass some — pulled and blood the wrapped-in carried- and
home
éatku kin en akihnaka; ka hehan inyay ka initosu ka pezihota ko huwe i
back-of- the in placed-at-home; and then stones and sweat poles and Artemisia also to-get went
tent ‘

ka ini kaga. Ka initipi éatku kin en pezihota kin hena owinze ¢éa akan

and sweating made. And sweat lodge back-part the in Artemisia the them made-bed-of and upon

we kin he ehnaka, ka hehan initi kin he akantayhay kin he tayyeh nataka.
blood the that placed, and then areal. the that the-outside the that very-well fastened.

odge

Hehan mini iéu ka timahen ehde, ka inyay kadye éa wanna kate éehan
Then water he-took and within-house placed, and stones heated and now hot when

initi kin mahen ewiéahnaka, hehan tivopa kin eéen nataka Hehan isto
ree the within them-he-placed then ‘door the so he-fastened. Then arm
oage

eGeedai) timahen iyeye éa mini kiy oy inyay kin akastay yanka.

alone house-within he-thrust and water the with stones the pouring-on was.
Uykay ihnuhayna tuwe mahen Gomnihdazi niva Hoka nahoy. Ake
And suddenly some-one within sighing breathe Badger heard. Again
eéoy, mini oy yay kin akastay yvayka. Uykay tuwe timahen heya niva:
he-did, water with stones the pouring-on “ was. And some-one within-house this-said breathing :
De tuwe akSa pidamayaye Ga wanna makiyulidoka wo, eya. Heéen tiyopa
This who again glad-you-me- -make and now open for'me (male Sp.), he‘said. So “door
yulidoka, ujkay koska war wiéasta waste héa hinaypa: heéen Hoka
” he-opened, and young-man a man beautiful very came out: so Badger
Wotani¢e Hoksiday eya caze vata, ka he Hoka éinksiya.
Blood-clot-Boy saying name called, and that Badger son-had.
Unkay hehan Wotaniée Hoksiday heya: Ito, ate, heya wo, Ito, miéinksi
And then Blood-clot Boy this-said: Now father this-say; Now my-son
heyake waste hée Ges, eya wo, eya. Unkay eya, uykayn eéetu. Unkan
clothes good very oh-that, Say thou, he'said. And he said, and it-was-so. And
ake heya: Ito, miéinksi ptayha wayzu way wayhinkpe oZzudanh yuhe ées,
again this- say: Now mny-son otter-skin quiver a arrows full-very have oli: that
eya wo, eya. Uykay eya, ujnkay ake eéetu. Unkay hehan Wotaniée
‘say thou, he said. And he-said, and again it-was-so. And then Blood-clot
Hoksiday pa hin kin wayzi hduzwy iu, ka tiyopa kiy en ehde ka wanhinkpe
Boy head hair the one pulling took, and door the in placed and arrow
oy kute, ujkay kasden iheya. Hehan Wotaniée Hoksidan heya: Ate togéa
with shot, and sic hit-it. Tken Blood-clot Boy this said: Father why
wo mayakupi sni he. Unkay Hoka heya: Hehehe, ins, taku yaka hwo:
food me-you-give not And Badger this said Alas! son what you-mean 2
wanna akihay uytapi kte do, wamaseéa héa, upkay Mato den hi ka owasin
now starving we-die will , L-was-rich very, and Gray-bear here came and all

maki ka tankay hiyu maye ¢a owasin iéu, ka wanna akihay uytapi kte do,
took- and outdoors come made-me and all took, and now starving we-die will
from-me
eya.
he said.

7105—vVOL IX——7

QR DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

Unykay Wotaniée Hoksiday heya: Hena, ate, sdonwaye éa heey
And Blood-clot Boy this said: These, father, I-know, 7 . and therefore
imacaga Ge,eya. Ate, tokeyh eGoy ¢isi kinhay eGen eéoy wo, eya. Unkay

T-have-grown he'said Father, just-as to-do L-you- if so do ; he-said. And
command (male BD: )

Hoka, Ho, eya. Hanhayna Mato taykan hinazin ka ni¢ipay esta yau kte
jadger, Yes, said In-the-morning Gray-Bear without stands and you-call although yon- -come shall
sni; tuka inoypa eye ¢inhay hehan yahinaype kta ka ki¢i de kta, tuka
not; but second-time he-s: ays if then . you-come out will and with you-go will, but
miye he itokam wayna ekta inawalibe kta, eya. Wanna hayhayna hin
I-myself this before already at _ Thide will, he: “said. Now morning very
Mato tajkan hinape éa heya: Hoka nuksi siéamnana kin wayhinkpe kiy
Gray-Bear outside came and this Said; Badger ears stinking the arrow the

ahiyu wo, nitahoéoka kin pte ozuday do, ey Tuka ye sni, ka inoypa

bring out, your-surround the buffalo full-is , he J aid. But he- go not, and second-time

eye Gi hehan wayhijkpe ehlaku ka kidi ya ka ake owasin hamwiéaya, ka
he-said the then arrow his- ‘took and with went, and again all them-scared, and
éanku wayziday ahda, hehan Hoka wanhinkpe oy owasin i¢iyaza wiéao, ka
path one they went, then Badger arrow with all in-aline them- sate and
wayzi Gepa he Hoka pata
one fat that Badger dressed. ys
Unkay Mato heya: Kohanna pata wo, eya. Wanna Hoka pata yustan
And Gray Bear this'said: Soon cut up, he cnil Now Badger cut-up “finished
kehay kin hdiéu kta; uykay Mato heya: Hoka nuksi Siéamnana hin tokan

then earry come would; and Gray Bear this vara Badger ears stinking the away
home

hiy aya wo, we nami vyakihidi kte do, eya. ka iyowinye sni kin kta Skan.

“6 thou blood you-tr: ample -in-for-me will ; he'said. But : stopping not carry would worked.
U ae Mato hiyu ka iyalipaya ka we kin ehna elipeya. Tuka ake nazi
Then Gray Bear came and ” fell- “upon and blood the in threw eal But < again rising
hiyaye ¢a iéu kta tka. Ake we kin ehna ehpeya. Hehan Hoka éGeya
went. and take would but. Again blood the in he-threw- fo Then Badger cried

Skay.
working.
Uyjkay hehan Wotaniée Hoksiday nazin hiyaye, éa en ya, ka key

And then Blood Clot Boy rising started, and there Went, and this said:
Tokeéa ate heéen yakuwa hwo, eya. Unykay Mato heya: He ig, Ging,
Why my-father so “ you treat u he'said. And Gray Bear this le This that son
hepe do; Sung, kohanna nig niéinéa tado wicakahda wo, epe do, eya.
this I said; Brother, soon you yourchildren meat take home to them. I-said ; he said,
Tuka Wotaniée Hoksiday heya: Hiya, ate kahoya iveyaye ¢in he
But Blood Clot Boy this said: No, my father throw ing you shoved the that

waymdaka ce, eya; ka wanhinlipe ehdaku, unkay Mato nakipa, tuka kute

I saw , he said; and arrow he-took, and Gray Bear tled, but he-shot
ujkay sasted: au) kin he okatanyay ka kte.
and little fing the that tre ansfixed and killed.
Hehan gies deya: Ging, Mato Ginéa wan hakaktaday kiy tezi <dasdaday
Then Badger this said: Son, Gray Bear child a youngest the belly smooth
he kte sni wo, he tasicogay nalimana uykahipi eéee, ka heoy deh: ayyay ni
that kill not, that leg-bone secretly us brought always, and _ by that to this time alive
uyyakonpi Ge, eya.
“ we-are, he said
af Oy a
Unkay hehan Wotaniée Hoksiday tiyatakiva hda ka Mato tawiéu

And then Blood Clot Boy “homeward went and Gray Bear wife bis
home

DAKOTA MYTHS. 99

kipay ka heya: Mato okpe u wo, eya. Unkay Mato tawiéu wikani éu
called to and this ‘said: Gray Bear to hele come thou, he'said. And Gray Bear wife his strap took
carry the meat

ka u ka heya: Optaye tonakeéa he, eya. Unkay Wotaniée Hoksidan

and came and _ this said: Herd how many ? she said. And Blood Clot Boy

heya: Optaye wazi do, ey Unkay, Hena henakeéa eéa takukiye sni
this said: Herd one 5 he said. And, Those so many when something count not
ecee kon, eya. Wana kiyeday u uykay ake heya: Optaye tonakeéa he,
always inthe she eat Now “near came — and again this said: Herd how many

past
eya. Unkay Wotaniée Hoksiday heya: Optaye wanzi Ge epe do, eye éa
she said. And Blood Clot Boy this said: Herd one, I said : he said and
wayhinkpe ehdaku. Unkan, Tayni heéeée kte cikoy eye éa naziéa, tuka
arrow his took. And, Of old so would be, I she'said and fled, but

thought
Sasteday kin en okatayyay ka kte. Hehan Mato ti kin en timahen

little tinger the in drove it and killed Then Gray house the in within
Bear
iyaya, uykay owasiy pamahdiday hiyeya. Wotaniée Hoksidayn heya:
“went, and all heads-down were. Blood Clot Boy this said:
Wanzi tukte de ate woyakupi eée he, eya iwiGawanga; uykay owasiy ho
One which this my father food always ? he said, them asking; and all voice
you gave
wayziday heyapi; ess miye, eyapi. Tuka wanziday eye Sni. Unkay
one this said; they said. But one said not. And
hehan heya: Miye, TAY, eyapi, ujykay etayhay wiéani kteéa, eya; uykay
then this said: i they say, and for that they live — shall? he said; and
Wotaniée Hoksiday iiezipo ehdaku ka owasiy wiéakata ka heéeeday okapta.
Blood Clot 30y bow his took . and all them killed and that alone spared him.
Heéen he Hoka ti kin en aki ka he mini aku ka nakuy calhod yuge
So that Badger house the in he a that water bring and also ashes take up
brought,
kiyapi.

they made him.

Hehan ake Hoka nina waseéa héa. Unkan hehayn Wotaniée Hoksiday

Then again Badger very rich much. And then Blood-Clot Boy
igomni ka heya: Ate, i¢imani mde kte do, tukte oyate wanzi ikiyedan tipi
tired and thissaid: Father, traveling Igo will , which pe ople one near-by live

staying

sdonyaye ciphay ekta mde kte do, eya.

you know there Igo will , he said.
Unkay foes heya: Dediya oyate way wicota tipi Ge, eya; heéen, ins,
And Badger this said: Here pe ople a many dwell, he said; so son
ekta de kta; tuka wiéalhéa wan nitkokim u kta, uykay he nihnaye waciy
there you go will; but old-man a you meeting come will, and he you deceive desire
kte do; tuka ihnuhay taku eye ¢inhay eéanoy kte sni do, eya. Unkay
will ; but take care what he'says if you do will not ; he said. And
Wotaniée Hoksiday, Ho, eya.
Blood-Clot Soy, Yes, he said.
Wotaniée Hoksiday wanna iyaya, ujkay inyun! wiéahiéa wal) sagye-
Blood-Clot ; 305 now liad & cone, and ‘lo! old man “staff
kitoy u wayka, ka heya: Takoza, tokiya da he, eya. He is, Hee ‘eoGen
holding coming was, and this said: Grandchild, where you ? he said. This he, In this w ay
20
omawaninake, eya. He iéuyhay siyo keya iwaykam hiyahaypi. Uykay
Iam walking truly (?) he said. Tisis inthe meantime grouse many above alighted. And

wicahéa heya: Takoza wanzi makio wo, wanna akihiay mate kte do, eya.

old man this said: Grandchild one for me shoot, now starving I die will . he said.

100 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

Tuka, Hiya deciya mde Ga inawalini do, eya, ka iyoopta iyeya. Wanna

Sut, No, thitherward I-¢ go and I hasten . he anit and onward “went. Now

htayetu uykay ake nakuy wiéaliéa way sagyekitoy itkokim u ka wana
evening and again also old-man a sta staff having tomeet came and now

ehay i kta uykay iyotanka, heéen en inaziy. Unkay widéaliéa heya:
there go would, and “sat down, 80 there came-stood. And old man this said:

Takoza, eya ito inayalini esta owapagi kte do, eya. Unkay Wotani¢e
Grandchild, even if you hasten although I fill pipe will A he’ said. And Blood-Clot

Hoksiday heéin, Ito esta kiGi Gaynoymuynpe ¢a hehan imdamde kta, eciy, ka,
Loy thisthought, Lo if with Ismoke and then I go on will, he thought, and,
Ho, eya. Heéen kidi éaynoypa vayke éa eéen akpaza. Hanyetu kin he
Yes, said. So with he smoking was and so night on. Night the that
ihuyniyay kiéi vanka, ka Wotaniée Hoksiday istinbe sni un, tuka wanna
all through with ~ was, and Blood-Clot Boy sleep not was, but now
wicaliéa kin eGen istiyma wayka. He iéunhay wayna aypa kamdes aya,
old man the even asleep lay. That whilst now morning brightened went,
uykay heéen, ito esta mis wayna mistinma ke, waynas etayhay anpa kta
and 80, lo! even I now I sleep will, now from daylight will,
eéin, ka iwanka.
he and lay down.
thought,

Unkay tohinni ehaykoy Unktomi hee tka sdonye Sni. Wotaniée
And aforetime indeed Uyktomi this was but he knew not. Blood Clot
Hoksiday istinbeh iyaye ¢in hehan wiéahéa kiy hee nazin hiyaye éa
Loy asleep fast “went the then old man the who was standing went and
heya: Tuwe is tokenken teni¢iyena, eyaya uazin hiyaye ¢a akamdas
this said: Who this howsoever killing you, Aone often sta anding went and astride

inazin, ka éankaku kin. paweh iyeya, ka huha kiy owasin yuzigzin iyey:

stood, and backbone the broke turned, and limbs the all “ stretched lie sande

ka nakpe kiy napin yuziéa, ka heéen suyka wan sige héa kaga. Unkay
aml ears the both he stretched: and this dog a bad very made. And
wokoyake wasteste kin hena iéu ka iye wy ka tawokoyake wizi eéee uy
clothes beautiful the those he took and ‘the wore, and his-clothes old only wore
clouts those

kin hena en elipeya, ka hetayhay iyoopta ki¢i va. Heéen Wotanide

the those there he-left, and thence forward with went. So Blood Clot
Hoksiday hee Suyka kagapi. Unktomi hee hnaye éa heéen eéakiéon.
soy that was dog made Unktomi it was deceived and so did to him.
Hetanhay Unktomi iyoopta ya ka Sujka kin he ki¢i ya kiéoéo aya,
Thence Unktomi forward went and dog the that with went calling to lea

him often him

Wotaniée Hoksiday, wohwo, wohwo, eya aya. Wotaniée Hoksidan oyate

Blood Clot Boy, ““wohwo, wohwo" saying led him. Blood Clot Boy people
way ekta ye Gikoy hee wayna Unktomi ehay i, uykay suynka kin he isteéa

a to went the that-is low Unktomi to come, and dog the that ashamed
ka manin ihdoniéa, ka Uyktomi isnana oyate kin ehna tyaya. Unkan
and outside kept himself, and Unktomi he alone people the among “went. And
oyate kin heyapi keyapi: Wotaniée Hoksiday hee u do, eyapi, ka nina
people the this said the y say Blood Clot Boy that was comes, they said, and much

wiciyuskiy héa, keyapi.

they rejoiced very they say.

DAKOTA MYTHS. 101

NOTES.

1. The use of Ges, which is “kes” frequently, is to be noted as indicating wish or
strong desire. ‘Father, say this, ‘Oh that my son might have good clothes”” This
is used at the end of the phrase or sentence, and is accompanied by the verbs think or
say, in some form. Like to these is “tokin,” used at the beginning of the wish.!

2. The life-giving qualities of the sweating process are strongly brought out in
this myth. There may be two objects or thoughts in the mind of the Dakota when he
makes a “sweat lodge.” It is sometimes resorted to for curing disease. That good
quality Dr. Williamson always commended. No doubt it often afforded relief to a
congested condition of the system. But it was resorted to more frequently fer the
purpose of getting into communication with the spirit world. This is the object here.
From the blood of the buffalo, ‘which is the life thereof,” is, by this process, created
aman. Is this evolution? The sweat lodge was usually made, as described here, by
taking willow boughs, bending them over, making their tops meet and interlacing or
tying them together, and thus making a booth, which was large enough for one to sit
naked inside and pour water on the heated stones. The whole was covered over
tightly with blankets or robes. This is the initipi (eneteepee). The sweater sang as
well as sweated. But in this case the object was to have the ‘‘mysterious power” do
its work alone.

3. This myth endsabruptly. It would hardly be true to the thought of an Indian
to leave the god-born in the shape of a dog, and that an ugly dog. There must be
a sequel to it.”

TRANSLATION.

Once upon a time there was a Badger who was rich and had many children.
He had one arrow, but it was a very long one. And in the bend of a river he had a
butfalo surround, which was full of buffalo every morning. When it was so and all
started out on one path, he stood behind them and shot his long arrow into the hind-
ermost, and it went from one to another through the whole herd. So the Badger
became very rich in dried meat.

Then suddenly there came a Gray Bear to his tent. And the Gray Bear said,

'The Titonway use tokin only in soliloquies. When it is used it must be followed by ni or nin
at the end of the clause expressing the wish; as, tokin he bluha nin, Oh that I had it!—s. 0. p.

2 There is more of this myth in the Cegiha versions. The hero, there called ‘‘The Rabbit’s Son,”
was caused to adhere to a tree, which he had climbed at the request of the deceiver, Ictinike. This
latter character corresponds to Unktomi of the Santee Dakota, whom the Teton call Ikto and Iktomi.
It seems better to leave these mythical names untranslated. While the Omaha and Ponka now apply
the name Ictinike to the monkey, ape, etc., it is plain that this is a recent use of the term. Ictinike
was one of the creators, according to the Omaha myths. After causing the Rabbit’s son to adhere to
the tree, he donned the magic clothing of the latter, went to a village near by, and married the elder
daughter of the chief. The younger daughter, becoming jealous of her sister, fled to the forest, where
she found the Rabbit’s son, whom she released. At this point the Omaha version differs from the
Ponka. The girl married the Rabbit’s son and took him to her home. After several exhibitions of the
skill of the young man, a dance was proclaimed. Thither went Ictinike, who was compelled to jump
upward every time that the Rabbit’s son hit the drum. The fourth time that he beat it his adver-
sary jumped so high that when he struck the ground he was killed.

See Contr. to N, A. Ethnol., vol. v1, pt. 1, pp. 438-57, and pt. 11, pp. 586-609.—J. 0. D.

102 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPAY.

“Wonderful! my brother, that you should live here in such abundance, while I and
my children are starving. If it please you I will come here and live with you.” The
Badger said, * Yes;” and added, ‘So we will amuse ourselves.” And when the Gray
Bear was starting home, he took a bundle of buffalo meat and gave to the Gray Bear
to carry home.

The next morning Gray Bear came with his household, and as soon as he moved
in Mr. Badger was turned out and Gray Bear took possession of all his meat. The
Badger lived out doors and starved. The next morning after he took possession,
Gray Bear awoke very early in the morning and standing outside said, “You Badger
with the stinking ears, come out, your surround is full of buffalo.” So the Badger
took his long arrow and as he was accustomed to do shot it through the whole line of
buffalo. But the Gray Bear took them all and did not let the Badger have one.
This he did morning by morning, but never did the Badger bring home one; and so
he and his children were about to die of hunger. But the youngest of Gray Bear’s
children every morning played with a buffalo leg, and when he was tired playing he
tossed them over to the Badgev’s tent. Thus they maintained an existence.

One morning again Gray Bear came out and called, “You Badger with the
stinking ears, bring out your long arrow, your surround is full of buffalo.” But the
Badger did not go; when the Gray Bear said, “TI will crush you if you don’t come.”

And the Badger’s wife said, Old man, in some way consider, for I and my
children are starving to death.” To this the Badger replied, ‘¢ Yes, I will go and kill
them all, and I will dress and bring home the fattest one, even if he kills me.” So
he went with the Gray Bear and did as he was accustomed to do, killing them all.
Then the Gray Bear said, +‘ You skin and carry home some of the fattest.” To this
the Badger said * Yes,” and went to work to dress one of the fattest. When he was
finishing that Gray Bear said, * Why don’t you dress another?” But the Badger
would not, and said, ‘* This alone will be sufficient for my children.”

As yet Gray Bear had not finished cutting up his meat, but when the Badger
had tied up his meat and was about to pack it home, Gray Bear said, ‘“ You stinking-
eared Badger, get away, you will trample in this blood.” But the Badger replied,
“No, Lam going to carry this home.” Gray Bear ordered him away again, but the
Badger would not go. Then Gray Bear came and pushed Badger down in the blood.
Thus, as he fell down in the clotted blood he kissed it, and taking a piece up in his
hand he went home crying. By the way le pulled some grass and wrapped it around
the blood and laid it away in the back part of his tent. Then he went and brought
stones and sticks fora sweat-house, and Artemisia or wild sage, and made a steaming.
In the back part of the sweat-house he made a bed of the Artemisia and upon it placed
the blood, and then he covered the lodge well on the outside. Then he took a dish of
water and placed it within, and when the stones were well heated he rolled them in
also and fastened the door, Then he thrust his arm alone inside and poured water
on the stones.

Suddenly the Badger heard some one inside sighing. He continued to pour
water on the stones. And then some one breathing within said, “Again you have
made me glad, and now open for me.” So he opened the door and a very beautiful
young nan came out. Badger at once named him Blood-Clot Boy, and had him for
his son.

DAKOTA MYTHS. 103

Then Blood-Clot Boy said, ‘ Now, father, say this: ‘Oh that my son might have
good clothes.’” So he said it, and it was so. Then he said again, “Say this: ‘Oh
that my son might have an otter-skin quiver filled with arrows.” ‘This he said also,
and it was so. Then Blood-Clot Boy pulled a hair out of Lis head and placed it on
the door, and, shooting it with an arrow, split it. And then he said, “‘ Father, why
dowt you give me something to eat?” But the Badger answered, ‘Alas! my son,
what do you mean? We are all starving to death. I was very rich in food, but Gray
Bear came and took it all from me and drove me out, and now we are starving and
will die.”

Then Blood-Clot Boy said, ‘‘ Father, I know these things, and therefore I grew.
Now, father, do just as I tell you to do.” To this the Badger said * Yes.” Then
Blood-Clot Boy continued: ‘In the morning when Gray Bear comes out and calls you,
you will not go; but the second time he calls then go with him, for I shall then have
hidden myself.” So very early in the morning Gray Bear stood without and called:
“Stinking-eared Badger, take your arrow and come, your surround is full.” He did
not go; but when he called the second time he took his arrow and went with him.
And when they had scared the buffalo, and all had started home on one line, Badger
shot his arrow through them all, and dressed the fattest one.

Then Gray Bear said, “Dress it quickly.” And when the Badger had finished
dressing and was about to start home with it, Gray Bear said, “‘ Badger with the
stinking ears, get away, you will trample in my blood.” To this Badger paid no
attention but continued to prepare to carry. Then Gray Bear came and fell upon
him and threw him down in the blood. He arose and went to take up his pack, but
again he threw him down in the blood. Then the Badger burst into tears.

But chen Blood-Clot Boy appeared, and said, “* Why do you treat my father so?”
To which Gray Bear replied, ‘My son, this I said, ‘My brother, take home meat to
your children without delay.” But Blood-Clot Boy said, ‘No, I saw you throw my
father down.” Saying that he pulled out an arrow, and as Gray Bear fled, he hit
him in the little finger and killed him.

Then Badger said, “Do not kill Gray Bear’s youngest child, the smooth-bellied
boy, for he it was who brought us leg bones and so kept us alive until this time.”
Blood-Clot Boy then went towards home and called to Gray Bear’s wife, “Come out
and help Gray Bear.” So she took her packing strap and said as she approached
him, ‘‘How many herds were there?” Blood-Clot Boy said, ‘One herd.” “ When
there are only that many he has never counted it anything,” she said. And as she
came near she asked again, ‘‘How many herds are there?” Blood Clot Boy again
replied, “I have told you there was one,” and he took out an arrow. She said, ‘I
apprehended this before,” and fled; but he shot her in the little finger and killed her.
Then he went into Gray Bear’s lodge and all bowed their heads. Blood-Clot Boy said,
“Which one of you brought food to my father?” And ali but one with one voice
said, “It was I, it was I.” Then he said, “You who said ‘I, I,’ shall you live?” And
Blood-Clot Boy took his bow and killed all but the one who said nothing. And him
he brought into Badger’s lodge where he brought water and took up the ashes.

Then the Badger became very rich again. Blood-Clot Boy was discontented and
said, “Father I want to take a journey; I want to go tu the people that you know
live near by.” And the Badger answered, ‘My son, there is a people living just
here, to them you will go. But an old man will come to meet you with the intent of

104 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

deceiving you. You must not do anything he tells you to do.” To this Blood-Clot
Boy assented.

Blood-Clot Boy was now gone, and behold an old man with a staff came to meet
him and said, ‘Whither do you go, my grandchild?” But he replied, “I am just
walking.” In the meantime a flock of grouse came and alighted. “My grandchild,
shoot one for me, for | am starving,” the old man said. But he answered, ‘‘No, I
am going in haste in this direction,” and so he passed on.

It was now evening, and again an old man with a staff was coming to meet
him, who sat down just before their meeting, and so he came aud stood. The old
man said, ‘*Grandchild, although you are in haste, I will fill my pipe.” Then Blood-
Clot Boy thought, ‘I will smoke with him and then go on;” so he said, ‘* Yes.” While
they smoked together the darkness came on, and Blood-Clot Boy passed the night
without sleeping. In the meantime the old man had fallen asleep; and the day was
breaking. Then the young man thought, “I will sleep a little for it will soon be
morning,” and so he lay down.

This old man was the mythic being Uyktomi, but the young man knew it not.
While Blood-Clot Boy was sleeping very soundly, the old man that was got up and
said, ““What if in some way you are killed?” Saying which he arose and stood
astride of him and bent his back and pulled out his limbs and stretched his ears, and
so made him into a very ugly looking dog. The good clothes of the young man he
took and put on himself, and his own old clothes he threw away, and so went on with
him.

In this way Blood-Clot Boy was made into a dog. It was Unktomi who deceived
him and did this to him. Then Uyktomi took the dog with him ealling to him, “O
Blood-Clot Boy; wo-hwo! wo-hwo!” as he went along. And now when Unktomi had
come to the people whither Blood-Clot Boy had been going, the dog was ashamed and
kept himself outside of the camp, and Uyktomi alone went among the people. Then
the people said, ‘The famous Blood-Clot Boy is coming,” and so they rejoiced greatly.

LEGEND OF THE HEAD OF GOLD.

WRITTEN IN DAKOTA BY WALKING ELK.

Wiéasa wan ¢inéa topapi, tka owasiy koskapi; tka walipaniéapi, ka

Man a children were four, but all were young but were poor, and
men;

onsika on ta nuy se uypi. Unkay wiéahiéa kin heya: Tho wo, wakayka,

poor for dead would be were. Then old-man the this-said: Come, old-woman,
midinéa hakakta kin de iyotayn onsiwakida, tka oysika oy tin kte
my-child youngest the this “ most I-have-merey-on, but poor because-of die will
Gin walitewada Sni. E ito, Wakantayka wykode ka iyeunye Ginhay, ito waku,
the I dislike. Bebold, Great Spirit we-two-seek, and we-two-find if, lo, I-give
ka ito, tayyay idalimidi¢iyiy kte do, eya.
and, lo, well he-rain-for-me will ; he-said.
Unkay wakaynka kin heya: Tho, wiéaliéa, tayyay eha e ito heéonkor
eo ’ « 2
And old-woman the this said: Come, old-man, well you-say, that lo, that-we-do

kta, eya.
will, she-said.

Heéen iho wannaka wiyolpeyatakiya Wakantayka ode yapi, ka

So behold now “ to-the-westward * Spirit-Great to-seek they-went, and
paha way tanka héa e eniyahaypi; uykay iho wiéasa way hiyahay e heéen
hill a large very that on they-stood; and behold man a coming-stood that as
en ipi. Unkay wiéasa kon heya: De taku oyadepi he, eva. Unkay
mto they came. And man that this:said: This what you seek H he said. And
wicahéa ig heya: Hehehe! koda, miéinéa kin de oynsiwakida e Wakantayka
old-man he this said: Alas! friend, my child the this I-have-merey-on that Spirit-Great
waku kta e owade ye do, eya. Unkan, Ho, koda, de Wakaytayka miye do.

Igive will that Iseek ~ 5 he-said. And, Yes, friend, this Spirit Great me

Koda maku wo, kiéi wakde kta ée, eya.

Friend givethoutome with I-go-home will , he- ‘said.

Heéen iho, ku éaykey waynaka ki¢i kda, wykay tipi way malipiya

So bakota, gave when Low with went- and house a heaven
home,
ekta se hay e en kidi ki, ka heya: Tipi kin owasiy toke¢inyayn wanyag
to almost stood that in with came- and this'‘said: House the all as much as you please observing

home,

uy wo. Hehan sujkawakay kin de tanyay wiéakuwa yo, ka tipi wan de

be thou. Then horses the this well them-care-thou ‘for, and house a this
éikana e den he ¢in de wanyake sni yo, eye ¢a tiyopa tyulidoke kin) owasin
little that here stands the this look-at not, he said and door + keys the all

105

106 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

ku, ka hehan heya: Ho, en etonwan yo; ito, omani mde kta ée, eye éa

rave. and then this-said: Yes, to look thou; lo, walking I-go will A he-said and
lim,

lyaya.
“went.
Uykay htayetu, wykay wiéasa ota om kdi, ka tipi kin ozuna ahiyotanka;

Now night, then men many with he came and house the full they- sat-down;
home,

upkay wannaka tehay yaykapi on wiéasa kin wanzi heya: Koda, hoksina

and now long-time ~ were, there ee men the one this'said: Friend, boy
kin waste e heceknana kte do, eye éa kinanpa. Unkay wiéasta kin owasin
the good that that-enough will A he said and went-out. And men the all
is eya kinaypapi.
they likewise went out.

Unkay ake wiéasa kin heya: Iho wo, ake omani mde kta ce; owanzina

Then again man the eiinonidle Come, again traveling I-go will; staying-at-home
en etoy wal) yo, eye Ga ake i lyaya
look thou after it, he‘said and again he one
E heéen iho en etonway, unkay Sujykawakay kiy unmay heya: Koda,
Thus behold he looked after it, and horses the one this‘said: Friend,
tipi way Gikana e wayyake Sni nisi koy ito en ye éa timahen Gay owinza
house a little — that look-at not thee-com- that lo in go and within wood bed

manded

éokaya taku way zi en hay ce, he en paha kin oputkayn yo, ka koyahay yo,

in-the-middle some- a yellowin stands , that in head the dip thou; and be-thou-in- haste,
thing
nauypyy kta ée. De wiecasa ota awiéakdi kinhay hena niyatapi kte e mis
we-together will be. This man many them-bring- if they you-eat will that me
home
hen mayutapi kta tka tawateywaye Sni, e nauypin kta Ge, ey
there me-eat will, but I willing ~ not, we both together will be, he said.
Heéen hoksina koy tipi way Gikana kon en i; unkay éay owinza kin
So boy that house a little that in Stats and wood bed the
Gokaya taku way zi e mibeya hay e en paha kin oputkay, unkay paha kiy
in-the- something a yellow in-a-circle stood in head the he dipped, and head the
middle
zi, ka tipi kin ataya ozaynzay ka iyoyanpa. Heéen iho heyata kdiéu ka
yellow, and house — the all-over shone and was-light. So behold back he-returned and
Supkawakay way wokiyake Gikoy he akanyotayke ¢a nakipapi. Keye
horse a told‘him the-that that he-Sat-upon and they-fled. Ren ok
nina lyayapi.
fast they went.
Uykay tehay ipi ujykay iho hektatayhay Wakantanka keidiye Gikoy
When far they-went then behold from-behind Spirit-Great called-himself the-that
sSujkawakay uyma koy he akan yanke éa kuwa awiéau, ka heya: Walitesni
horse other the that upon “was and following tothem came, and this’said: Worthless
Sica, inaziy po, yanipi kte sni ye do; mako¢ée way niskoyena wayke Gi
bad, stop ye, “ ye-live shall not country a so-lirge lies the
tukte en dapi kta hwo, eyaya en wiéau, éankey nihinéiyapi. Unkay ake
where to you-go will ? Saying to themcame, whilst they-tre: ambled. Then again
heya: Walitesni Siéa, inaziy po, yanipi kte Sni ye do, ake eya. Canken
this said Worthless bad, stop ye, “ ye-live shall not ~ . again he said. Meanwhile
nipi kte Sni seeéeéa.
they live would not it-seemed

Uykay suykawakay kiy heya: Witka way duha koy he hektakiya
Then horse the this‘said: Egg a thou-hast the that backwards

DAKOTA MYTHS. 107

kaliona iyeya yo, eya; e heen iho iyeéen eéon. Unkay maka kiy
throwing “send thou it, he-said; that so behold in-like-manner he-did. Then earth the
hdakinyay miniwanéa way iéaga; éankey kuwa au kon eyna hinazin ka
the-breadth of ocean a grew; meanwhile following came the there stopped and
heya: Hehehe, suykawakay, oysimada ka akasam ehpemayay yo; ediy
this‘said: Alas, O horse, pity-me and across throw-thou-me; indeed
heéanoy kinhay teGihinda kte do, eya. Heéen sunkawakay kin heya:
that-thou-doest if, T-you-value-much will 4 he said. Thus horse the this‘said
= ; : ; Pete: Rach e
Hehehe, tawatenwaye sni ye do, eya. Tka nina kitay e heéen iho mini kiy
Alas, I willing not ~ Le: nial But much he-urgec so-that behold water the

iwankam hiyuidiya, tka heéen mini kin Gokaya hi kin hehan hinhpaye éa

above he threw himself, but thus water the midst came the then he-telldown and

heéen mahen iyaya ka minitapi. Heéen hetayhay hoksina koy zaniyay
so within “welt and were-drowned. Thus from-thence boy the safely
iyoopta lyayapi.
beyond went.
Unkay oyate way wiéoti e en ipi ka hen uypi. Unkay hektatayhay
Then people a dwellings in came and _ there they were. Then from behind

natay ahi ka wicakizapi, tka hoksina koy paha kin kaobey iyeye éa paha

to attack they- and them fought, but boy the head-hair the around turned and — head-
came hair
kiy mazaskazi ayuwintapi, ¢aykey ziyena sujkawakay akan iyotanke,

the gold was-rubbed-over, meanwhile goldenly horse on he-sat,

ka watakpe ahi koy kalipa iyewiéaya ka tonana owiéakapte ka awiéayustay.

and to-attack they- those fall-off he-made-théem and few ‘them-spared and them-left.
came

Unkay ake takpe ahi tka ake wiéakasota. Hoksina Gankey hetanhay
And again to-attackthey-camebut again he-destroyed-them. Boy therefore from-that
yate kin teliindapi.

oh the much-thought-of.

Tho mitakuyepi, taku oy hoksina hena heéoy he. Toki ni kta Gin, ka
Well my-friends, what for boy these this-did 2 Somewhere live would wished, and

Wakaytanka ikpi iyonape kta Gin ka ode naéeéa. Iho iyeya uykay
Spirit-Great bosom in-take-refuge should wished, and sought-him, perhaps. Well he found and

Wakaysiéa temye widakiye kta Gin. I heéen toki napa naéeéa, he ake ni
Spirit-Bad toeat up them-cause would desired. And so somewhere hetled perhaps, that again live

kta Gin ka napa naéeéa. Tka ake takpe ipi e heéen ake wiéakize, ka

might fee ne fled perhaps. But again toattack they that 80 again them-he-fought, and
desire came

m :
. Tuwena
all them-killed — perhaps. This he his purpose tor this-did not perhaps. No one
Zona Panay 2 pe 8097) sos mM). s =
en ayepiéa Sni, seeGeéa, ka tuwena iyaonpepiéa sni. Tka is paha kin
can be laid to not, as itseems, and no one * can-be-blamed not. But they head the
his charge (or-hill)

mazaskazi ayuwinjtapi kin he Gypi, ka heéoypi naceéa.

gold “covered over the that they desired, and this did perhaps.

Tatayka Lyotayke he iyeéeéa wadake.

Bull _ Sitting this is-like L-think.

owasiy wiéakte nageéa. He ive tawiyukéay on heéoy sni naéeé:

NOTES.

The writer of this is a Yankton Dakota, and this appears in a very marked way
throughout the story. Notice the “yo,” sign of the imperative, used in various
instances instead of ‘*wo;” and also the form “ yiy,” as in “ iéalimidi¢iyiy kta,” for
“iéalimidi¢iye kta.” And also “kd” for “hd,” as in “kda,” to go home; “ kdiéu,” to

108 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

start home, ete. Another thing noticable is the abundant use of free adverbial partt-
cles, as, “e” at the beginning of sentences and “ ye do” at the end, which can not be
translated, and are only used for emphasis or for rounding off the speech.!

In the dialogue between the old man and old woman in the beginning of the
fable there are a number of examples of the use of the Dakota dual, as, “ wykode,”
‘“iyeunye,” and * heéoykoy.”

TRANSLATION.

A man had four children. And they were all young men, but they were poor
and seemed as if they would die of thriftlessness. And the old man said, “Behold,
old woman, my youngest child IL have greatest pity for, and I dislike to have him die
of poverty. See here; let us seek the Great Spirit, and if we find him, lo, I will give
him to him to train up well for me.” ;

The old woman replied, ‘Yes. old man, you say well; we will do so,” she said.
And so immediately they went to the westward, seeking the Great Spirit, and they
came on to a very high hill; and as they came to it, behold, another man came there
also.

And this man said, “For what are you seeking?” And the old man said,
“Alas, my friend, my child whom I pity I want to give to the Great Spirit, and so L
am seeking him.” And he said, ‘‘ Yes, friend, [ am the Great Spirit. My friend,
give him to me, I will go home with him.” (That is, “I will take him to my home.”)

And so when he (the father) had given him, he (the Great Spirit) took him home
with him to a house that seemed to stand up to the clouds. Then he said, ‘“‘ Examine
all this house as much as you like; and take good care of these horses; but do not
look into the little house that stands here.” Having said this, he gave him all the
keys, and he added, “Yes, have a watch of this. Lo, lam going on a journey.” He
said this, and went away.

It was evening, and he had come home with a great many men, who sat down,
filling the house. When they had been there a good while, one of the men said: “The
boy is good; that is enough.” And saying this he went out. In like manner all the
men went home.

Then again, the man said: ‘Behold, I go again on a journey. Do you stay and
keep watch.” So again he departed.

While he was watching, it happened that one of the horses said, ‘Friend, go
into the small house into which you are commanded not to look, and within, in the
middle of the floor, stands something yellow, dip your head into that, and make
haste—we two are together. When he brings home a great many men, they will eat
you, as they will eat me, but I am anwilling—we two shall share the same,” he said.

So the boy went into the little house, and in the middle of the floor stood a round
yellow thing, into which he dipped his head, and his head became golden, and the
house was full of shining and light.

Then he came out and jumped on the horse that had talked with him and they
fled.

'“ Ye do” of the Isanyati (‘ ye lo” of the Titoywan), as an emphatic ending, seems equivalent
to the Osage ‘“ e¢au,” Kansa “eyau,” and Gegiha “a¢a.” The last means “indeed;” but ‘e¢au” and
‘“‘eyau” contain the oral period au” (= Dakota do, lo) as well as ‘‘indeed.”—J. 0. D.

DAKOTA MYTHS. O09

Now when they had gone a long way—they went very fast—behold, there came,
following them, the one who called himself the Great Spirit. And he said, “ You bad
rascals, stop; you shall not live; whither will you go in such a small country as
this?” Saying this he came toward them, when they were much frightened. And
again he said, “ You are bad rascals, stop; you shall not live.” And indeed it
seemed as if they should not live.

Then the horse said, “Take the egg you have and throw it rearward.” And he
did so, whereupon the whole breadth of the country became a sea, so that he who
followed them came to a standstill, and said, ‘‘ Alas, my horse, have mercy on me
and take me to the other side; if you do I will value you very much.” And the horse
replied, “Ah, I am not willing to do that.” But he continued to urge him; where-
upon he threw himself above the water, and so that, when he came to the middle, he
went down and both were drowned. By this means the boy passed safely on.

So it was they came to the dwellings of a people and remained there. But from
behind they came to attack, and fought with them; but the boy turned his head
around, and his head was covered with gold, the horse also that he sat upon was
golden, and those who came against them, he caused to be thrown off, and only a few
remained when he left them. Again, when they returned to the attack he destroyed
them all. And so the boy was much thought of by the people.

Now, my friends, why did the boy do these things? He wanted to live some-
where, and he desired to take refuge in the bosom! of the Great Spirit, perhaps, and
so he sought him. When he had found him, then the Bad Spirit sought to make him
(the Great Spirit) eat them up. So he fled—again he desired to live, perhaps, and
fled. But they followed him, so that he again fought with them and killed them all,
it seems. It appears that he did not do this of lis own purpose. It seems as if no
one was chargeable with it, and no one was to be Dlamed for it. But they wanted
the head (hill) of gold, perhaps, and so they did it. I think that this is like Sitting
Bull.

'Tkpi generally means belly, abdomen. Sometimes it may mean the thorae also; but that is more
properly called ‘“‘maku.” So says the author in his Dakota Dictionary, p 195.—s. 0. D.

ODOWAN SIGSIGE.!

SONGS BAD.

WRITTEN IN Dakota BY Davip GREY CLOUD.

Hituykaykanpi wal) heéen oyakapi. Unktomi wan kaken ya wanka;°

Myths thus is-told. Unktomi one so going was;
mde way kahda ya ne ujkay mde kiy Gaynan magaksiéa, ka maga,
lake one by-the- going was, and lake the out-in ducks, and geese,

side-of

ka magatayka koya ota hiyeya. Unktomi wanwiéayaka ¢a_ idiéawin

and swans also many were, Unktomi them-saw and backward
pustagstag isipyan kihde; Ga pezi yusda, ka owasin yuskiskite éa kin, ka
crawling out-of sight went-home; and grass “plucked, and all “ bound-up and carried ard

on his back

eke mde kin kahda ya.

regain lake the by-the- went.
side-of

Uykay magaksiéa ka maga ka magatayka kin hena heyapi: Unktomi,

And ‘ducks and gee. am and swans the they this said: Unktomi,
hena taku e yakiy hwo, eyapi. Uykay Unktomi heya: Hena is odowan

these what that boys arry ? they said. And Unktomi Aeon These they Songs
sigsiéedanka e he wakin do, eya. Unkay magaksi¢a heyapi: Kéa Uyktomi,

‘Dad little ones that I-carry on, said. And ducks this said: Now Unktomi,

my back

wykidoway | miye, eyapi. Tka Unktomi heya: Hoho! tka eéa odoway kin
us-for-sing the y said. But Unktomi this:said: Indeed! but now songs the
SiesiGe se eya: Tuka magaksiva kin nina kitanpi hinéa. Unkan, Iho po,
bad-ones like, he said. But ducks the much insisted-on very. And, Come-on (ye)
eéa pedi wokeya wanzi kaga po, eya. Unkay wanzi tayka kagapi ka
now grass booth one make ye, said. And one large they-made and

V ustaypi.

the y finished.

Unkay Uyktomi heya: Wanna, magaksiéa, ka maga, ka magatanka

And Unktomi this‘said: Now, ducks, and geese, and swans
owasil) pe zi wokeya kin timahen iy yaya po, Gididowaypi kta Ge, eya.
all grass lodg e the within £0 ye I-for-you (pl.) sing will ‘ said.
Uykay magaksiéa ka maga, ka magatanka owasiy timahen iyayapi, ka
And due ks, and geese and swans all within the y went, and

' Por the corresponding Omaha and Ponka myth, see Contr. N. A. Eth., vi, pt. 2, pp. 66-69.—J. 0. D.
-Ya wanka, he was going; literally, going he-reclined. Waka, originally a classifier of attitude
(the reclining object), is used here as hanka (hanka) is in Winnebago.—4J, 0. D.
110

DAKOTA MYTHS. Teta

pezi wokeya kin ozuday iyotankapi. Unkay Unktomi pezi wokeya tiyopa

grass lodge the full they sat- down. And Unktomi grass lodge door
kin ohna iyotanka, ka heya: Ciéidow anpl kinhan, iéunhay tuweday tonwe
the in he sat- down, and this: aad I-for-you (pl.) sing if, whilst no-one look
kte sni, odoway kin he heéen kapi ée, eya: ka wanna hey: ahiyaya:
shall not, song the that thus means Py said: and now this‘said sang:
“Tstohmus waci po; Tuwe yatonwe ¢in, Ista nisapi kta; Ista nisapi kta.”

“Eye-shut EERE Who you look the, Eyes you-red shall; Eyes you-red — shall.”
Heya ahiyaye Gin he iéunhayn, magaksiéa, ka maga, ka magatayka owasiy
This- he- sung the that whilst eciet and geese, and ‘swans all
saying

istohmus wacipi, keyapi.
eyes-shut they danced, they-say.
Upkan Unktomi nazin hiyaye éa heya ahiyaya: ‘“ Miye keskes
And Unktomi 4to-stand went and this- Saying sang: if even-even

owakipa; Miye keskes owakipa,” heya opeya waci kin he ié¢ renee owasly

TI follow-in-my- t even-even I follow-in- this- with danced the that whilst all
own; my-own,” saying

hotoy wacipi kin, hehan Unktomi widiyotaheday wadi uy; ka magaksiéa,

gabbling dane’ the, then Unktomi them- among dancing was; and ducks,

ka maga, ka magatayka tona Geméepa owanyag wastepi kin hena tahu

and ae and swans as-many fat ones to-look-at they good the those necks

yuksa awiéaya. Unkay magatayka way tahu yukse kta tka okihi ni, ka
iwisted-off took-them. And ‘swan one neck ‘twist-off would but able not, and
yuhotoyton. Unkay magaksi¢éa wan, Skiska e¢iyapi, kin heéa way istogin-
“made- squall-often. And duek one, Ski-ska by name, the such one eye-half
kiya toywe kta, uykay Unktomi hee magatayka way tahu yukse kta, tka
open look woul and Unktomi himself swan a neck ‘break-off ould but
okihi ni he wayyaka: uyjkay Skiska kin heya: Tonway po, tonwayn po,
able not that saw: and Ski-ska the this-said: Look ye! look ye!

wayna Uyktomi ujkasotapi kta Ge, toywan po, eya.

now Unktomi us-use-up will 9 look ye! said.

Unkay heéehnana owasiy toynwanypi, ka taykan akiyahde kta; wykay

And without delay all they looked, and out-doors g0- home Ww ould; and

Uyktomi tiyopa kin ohna elipei¢iye ¢éa tiyopa kin aniée waéin; ka heéon,

Unktomi door the in threw-itself and door the forbid intended; and _ this-did,

tka hupahu ka siha koya oy apapi, ka eéen katapi, ka siha kin on tezi kin

but wings and feet also with they-smote, ind thus knocked-dead, and feet the with stomach the

en amanipi, ka tezi owasi) kinaksaksapi, ka en ta wanka; kitayh ni,

on they-walked, and stomach all they-cut-up-with- and there dead he lay; by-a-little lived,
their-feet,

ujkay inaziy ka ohomni etoywan, tuka wanna tokiya akiyahda. Unkay

and he-arose and around looked, but now somewhere gone-home. And
Skiska wan tokaheya tonwe Gin heon ista sa keyapi.
Ski-ska one first * looked the therefore eyes red, they-say.
Hehan Unyktomi magaksiéa, ka maga, ka magatanka tona tahu
Then Unktomi ‘ducks, and geese and swans, many-as necks
wiéayukse Gikoy hena wiéapahi ka kiy ka iyoopta ya wayka; ka wakpa
them-twisted-off had been those them-gathered and carried and ” thence going was; and river
Ww ay iyolipaya ka kahda ya, wakpa oha way tehay kin ityokopeya yeya;
came-to, and by-the-side went, river reach a long very in-sight Stretched ;
eas hen e wohay. Magaksiéa, maga ka magatayka, tona tahu wiéayukse
and there he-boiled. Ducks, geese and swans, many-as necks them-twisted-off

cin hena ohay ehde: ka hehan istinma iwanka; wakpa kin ohnayay paptus

the those to-boil placed: and then to-sleep lay-down; river the upon squatting

11iZ DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

iwayka, ka heya: Mioynze eény tuwe u kinhay mayuhiéa wo, eya ka

he-lay, and this-said My onze, now who comes if wake thou me up, said, and
istinma wanka.
asleep lay.
Unkay Doksinéa hee wakpohna watom u wanka, uykay inyuy,
And Mink it-was river-on paddling coming was, and behold,
Uyktomi hee wohay hde, ka en iyapeya paptus istinma wanka wanyaka.
Unktomi it-was boiling had-placed,and in “close-by squatted asleep lying he-Saw.
Heéen etkiya ya, unkay Unktomi hee onsyuhmuze kta, tka ikiyowin'
So thither went, and Unktomi it-was closeup hisonze would, but he-mouth-
motion

ivekiya, unkay kiéuyni, tka iéan u, dus ye éa en i, ka Unktomi

made suddenly, and he-stopped, but just com- swiftly went and there ar- and Unktomi
then ing, rived,
istinma wayka, tka wohe ¢ikoy he iéu ka owasiy temye éa huhu kiy owasin
sleeping lay, but boiled had that took and all devoured and bones the all
idiéawiy Gega kiy en okada, ka tokiya iyaya. Wanna isinyay iyaya,
back-again kettle the in he-put, and somewhere “went. Now out-of sight liad-gone,
ujkay hehan Uyktomi onze waawayyag kiye ¢ikoy he oyaka, ka kitata
and then Unktomi onze to-wateh caused had that “told, and shook
oysyuhmuza. Unykay Unktomi heya: Iva, mionze ig kakeéaday ye,
thé onze closed. And Unktomi this‘said : Well, my-Onze he (acted) indeed @)

in that manner

eva hinhdaiyotayg hiyaya, ka ohomni etonwan, tka tuweday wanyake sni

saying suddenly sitting up went, and around looked, but no one saw not
uykay heya: Okiyni eéas wayna wowahe ¢iy micispan, oy mayulhiée,
and this-said Perhaps indeed now my-boiling the —_for-me-cooked. on oc- me-waked,

count of

eye Ga kun ehde, ka Gaywiyuze oy patata, tuka huhu eéee ozuday. Unkan

said and down set, and holding- wood with stirred, but bones alone full. And
akes heya: Ehaes owasiy onahba do, eye éa tukiha on kaze, tka huhu
azain this-said: Indeed all fallen-off 4 said and spoon with dipped-out, but bone
eéeday ohna uy. Unkay heya: Mionze, tokeéa tuwe u kinhay omakiyaka
only in were. And this-said: My-onze, why who comes if me-tell-‘thou
5 79 . On spies ; A .
wo, epe seée Gikon; ihomiéa kakiséiye kta, eye ¢a Gay ota pahi ka
I-said I-thought inthe past surely I you-punish will, said and wood much gathered and
aoy, ka wanna peta nina ide, ujkay iwankam onze hdugay inazin, ka
put-on, and now fire much burn, aud over-it onze opened his own stood, and
onze kin gagahay, tka heéen nazin, ka wanna te-hnaskinyayn, unkay hehan
onze the squirmed, but sO he-stood, and now death-struggle, and then
vuktayyay inyayke, éa eéen kasamyeday ihpaye éa en ta wanka, keyapi.
” to-turn-over he ran, and so a-blackened-mass it-fell-down and there dead lay, they-say.
Heéen hituykaykanpi kin de Odoway SigsiGedanka eéiyapi.
So myth the this Songs Bad-little-ones is-Called.
Homaksiday macistinna kiy heehay de nina nawahon s’a,_ tuke
Me-boy me-little the then this much I-heard habitually, but
wayna ehayntanhay waniyetu wikéemna nom aktoy nawalioy sni.
now from years ten two more-than I-hear not.

' Riggs gives in his Dakota Dietionary iyokiwin, to gesture to one with the mouth. Tf ikiyowin
be an alternative form, it is a case of metathesis,—J,. 0, D.

DAKOTA MYTHS. Lata}

NOTES.

These Dakota myths, with interlinear translations, are all written out by
Dakota men, and hence are pure specimens of the language. This one of the
Bad Songs is by Rev. David Grey Cloud, one of our native pastors, and, as he is a
Santee, the peculiarities are of that dialect, in which our books are generally written.

The rhythmic quality of the language comes out very fairly in Uyktomi’s songs:

Istohmus waci po;
Tuwe yatonwe Cin,
Ista nisapi kta;
Ista nisapi kta.
And in this, reduplication and repetition are finely illustrated:
Miye keskes, owakipa:
Miye keskes, owakipa.

TRANSLATION.

There is a myth which is told in this way: Unktomi was going along; his way
lay along by the side of a lake. Out on the lake were a great many ducks, geese,
and swans swimming. When Uyktomi saw them he went backward out of sight,
and plucking some grass bound it wp in a bundle, which he placed on his back and
so went again along by the side of the lake.

Then the ducks and the geese and the swans said, ** Uyktomi, what is that you
are carrying?” And Uyktomi said, ‘‘ These are bad songs which I am carrying.”
Then the ducks said, “Now, Unktomi, sing for us.” But Unktomi replied, “ But
indeed the songs are very bad.” Nevertheless the ducks insisted upon it. Then
Uyktomi said, “ Make a large grass lodge.” So they went to work and made a large
inclosure.

Then Unktomi said, ‘‘ Now, let all of you ducks, geese, and swans gather inside
the lodge, and I will sing for you.” Whereupon the ducks, the geese, and the swans
gathered inside and filled the grass lodge. Then Unktomi took his place at the door
of the grass lodge and said, “ If I sing for you, no one must look, for that is the mean-
So saying, he commenced to sing:

”

ing of the song.
“Dance with your eyes shut;
If you open your eyes
Your eyes shall be red!
Your eyes shall be red!”

While he said and sung this the ducks, geese, and swans danced with their
eyes shut. Then Unktomi rose up and said as he sang:
“T even, even I,
Follow in my own;
I even, even I,
Follow in my own.”

So they all gabbled as they danced, and Uyktomi, dancing among them, com-
menced twisting off the necks of the fattest and the best looking of the ducks, geese,
7105—VOL. IX 8

114 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

and swans. But when he tried to twist off the neck of a large swan, and could not,
he made him squall. Then a small duck, which is called Skiska, partly opening its
eyes, saw Uyktomi attempt to break off the neck of the swan, and immediately made
an outery:
‘* Look ye, look ye,
Uyktomi will destroy us all,
Look ye, look ye.”

Whereupon they all immediately opened their eyes and started to go out; but
Uyktomi threw himself in the doorway and attempted to stop them. But with feet
and wings they smote him and knocked him over, walking over his stomach and cut-
ting it all up, leaving him lying there for dead. But coming to life he got up and
looked around. All were gone. But they say that the Wood duck, which first looked,
had his eyes made red.

Then Uyktomi gathered up the ducks and geese and swans whose necks he had
twisted off, and carried them on his back. He came to ariver, and traveled along by
the side of it till he came to a long straight place or “reach,” where he stopped to boil
his kettle. When he had put all the ducks, geese, and swans, whose necks he had
twisted off, into the kettle and set it on the fire to boil, then he lay down to sleep.
And as he lay there curled up on the bank of the river, he said, Now, my onze, if any
one comes you wake me up. So he slept. Meanwhile a mink came paddling on the
river, and coming to Unktomi’s boiling place saw him lying close by fast asleep.
Thither he went, and although the onze of Unktomi should have given the alarm by
closing up, it made a mouth at the mink, at which he stopped only for a moment (till
he felt all was safe). Then he pressed on swiftly, and, while Unktomi slept, took out
all his boiling and ate it up, putting back the bones into the kettle. Now, when the
mink was gone out of sight, the onze of Unktomi which he had set to watch told of
it. Uyktomi commended the faithfulness of his guard, and sitting up looked around,
but saw no one. ‘Perhaps my boiling is cooked for me. and that is the reason he has
waked me,” he said, and set down his kettle, and taking a stick he found it full of
bones only. Then he said, “Indeed the meat has all fallen off,” and so he took a
spoon and dipped it out, but there was nothing but bones. Then said he, ‘* Why, my
onze, | thought that I told you to inform me if any one came. I will surely punish
you.” So saying he gathered much wood and put on the fire, and when the fire burned
fiercely he turned his onze to it, and there stood holding it open, although it squirmed
even in the death struggle, and then turned it over, so that finally, they say, it fell
flown a blackened mass and lay there dead.

This is the myth of Uyktomi and the Bad Songs.!

' This is a very free rendering of the original. See p. 112, 1. 20: ‘So this myth is called, ‘The
Bad Little Songs.’” Lines 21, 22 should have been translated: ‘‘ When I was a little boy I used to hear

this (myth) very often; but it has been more than twenty years since I have heard it.”—J. 0. D.

TASINTA-Y UKIKIPI.

WRITTEN IN Dakora BY M. RENVILLE.

Inyuy kakeh: Koska eée topapi, ka wanzi Hakekena e¢iyapi; hena

Behold thus: Young-men alone were four, and one Hakaykayna was-called; these

tipi keyapi. Heéen tohan wotihni yapi kta eéa wanzi hakakta kin he ti

dwelt they say. So when to-hunt they- -go would when one youngest the that house

awanhdagkivapi ka heéiyapi eéee: Misun, tokiya ye Sni, owayzi yanka wo,

to-watch-they Seats ad-him and this-said-to _ alw ays: My-brother nowhere ‘go not, in-one- place * be thou

yapi, ka heéen wotihni ivayapi e¢e. Heéen tayyan ti awanhdaka eéee
fis said, and so hunting they-went alw ays. Thus well house his-own-watched —alw: ays.
Heéen ti hayska way nina hayska otipi, tuka wakiy kin ti-wihduksay
Thus house long a much long in they dwelt, but packs the house around
idivahdaskin hiyeya keyapi. Ika nakuy taykata kin is woéanahde kiy
piled-on-each were they say. And also without the it scatiolds the

hiyeya keyapi; taku woteéa oéaze kiy aypetu eéa ahdi yuke nakaes nina

were they say; what animals kinds the day when brought- were indeed, very
home

waseéapi keyapi.
rich-they-were they say.

Unkay ake wotihni ivayapi ka Hakekena ti awanhdaka tuka iéomni

Then again hunting they: “went anal Hakaykayna house his-own-watched but weary
kehay way sag bakse i; tuka siha taku iéapa, ka nina yazay kehan hdiéu,
when arrow green tocut went; but foot something stuck in, and very ~ sore when started-
home,
ka hdi kehay hdasdoka: uykay inyuy hoksiyopa way) winyay e kasdog
and come home when pulled-out-his : and be mala baby girl that. pulling- out
iéu keyapi. Unkay Hakekena nina iéante sia yanka. Sina wan i vapemni
he took they say. And tlakaykayna very heart bad * was. Blanket a ‘he-wrapped

around

ka heyata ehnaka. Heéen inina yaynka. Tokin iéage Ges, edin; heéen

and behind placed. Thus quiet “was. Oh that grow may, he-thought; so
éante Siéa yanka, ecen nyéu kin owasiy wotihni hdipi. Heéen hdipi eéa
heart bad was, until his brothers the all hunting came home. So they-come- when

home

nina wiyuskiy eée, tuka eéeée sni, heoyn Gijéu kin taku iéan siéa iyukéaypi,

very he re joiced always, but like-that not, therefore brothers- the something heart bad “the ey-judged,
his

ka hediyapi: Misuy, tokeéa taku iéante nisiéa ; tuwe taku eéaniéoy heéinhan

and thissaidto: My-brother. why what heart you-bad ; who what has-done-to-you if
ujkokiyaka po, eyapi. Unkay, Hiya, tuwena taku eéamiéoyn ni, tuka
us-tell, they- said. And, No, no one something has-done-me not, but
taku waymdaka, uykay ivomakisiée Ga nina mayke. Unkay, He taku he,
something I-have-seen and T-am-sad and silent I-am. And, That what }
yapi.

they said.

115

116 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

Unkan, Ciny e, owasin idadapi kehay iéomamni eGen wan sag yukse

And, Brothers, all you were gone when I-was-weary so-that arrows ereen eut
wai, tuka siha Gamape, ka nina mayazay kehay wahdiéu; ka wahdi kehay
I went, but foot me-pierced, and very me-sore when I-started-home; and Iecame-home when
wahdasdoka, uykay hoksiyopa way wakasdoka, uykay winyan naée;
T-pulled-off-my-own, and child a I-pulled-out, and girl may-be;
ujkay, Tokin i¢age Ges, epéa; unkay heoy iyomakisiéa Ge, eya. Unkay

and, Oh that grow may, I thought; and therefore * T-sad-am . he’ said. And

Ginéu kin, Misuy, tukte e he, eyapi kehay iéu ka wiéakipazo.
brothers-his the, My brother, whichis it ? they said when, he-took and showed-it-to-them.
Unkan i¢iyaza kici¢éu yekiyapi ka, E, toki iéage Ges, eyapi. Unkan
Then one-to-other gaveeach they caused and, Well, oh that it grow may, they said. And
ake Hakekena heya heyapi: Hopo, Ginye, ti ahmihbe uyyanpi kta ée,
again Hakaykayna this Said, they say: Come ye. brothers, house whirl around we cause will ,
eya, keyapi. Heéen i¢upi ka tiéeska kin ohna kahoya iyeyapi. Unkay
he said, they say. Then they took and house-top the through whirling they sent it. Aud
ohmihmay hiyaye éa ihpaya. Unkay hoksiyopa w an sdohaynhay éeya tin

whirling it went and_ fell down. And baby creeping crying house-
in

hiyu keyapi. Tuka ake iéupi ka eéen iyeyapi; unkay hehan wiéiyyanna

itcame, they say. 3ut again they took and so “thréw it; and then girl

way mani tin hiyu. Tukaake i¢upi ka eéGeniyeyapi. Unkay wiéinyanna
a walking house in came. But againthey tookand = so ‘threw her. Then girl

éay ade yuha tin hiyu ka aonpa. Tuka ake i¢upi ka eéen iyeyapi—

wood-to-burn ‘having house in she came and laid-on. But again they took and so threw—

itopa iyeyapi; wykayn hehan wikoska way éay kin hdi, ka hinska hduske

the fourth time they and then young woman a wood carrying came, and strap unbound

threw; home her own

éa tin hiyu ka hiyotayka.
and house incame and Sat down.
Unkan, Tho, taku unyanpi kta hwo, eyapi. Unkay wanzi heya:
Then, Come, what we-have-her — shall ? they said. And one this-said:
Misunka ive he iveya e hduze kta ée, eva. Tuka Hakekena heya: Hiyz
My-brother he this found he take-her shall , he said. But Hakaykayna this said: ee
heéetu kte Sni Ge, eya. Unkan eéa taku unyanpi kta hwo, eyapi, ka
that-so shall not : he said. And then what we-have-for shall ? they said, and
wowaheéon wanziksi kapi; tuka Hakekena wiéada sni. Eéa misun, taku
relationships several meant; but Hakaykayna willing not. Then my brother, what
wjyanpi kta yacin he, eyapi. Unkay, De unkiyohakam iéaga, heon
we have her will you want ? they said. Then, This ‘us-after grew, therefore
tanksiujyanpi kta ée, eya. Unkay, He heéetu ée, eyapi, ka éatku kin en
younger sister we have will , he'said. And, That is fitting , they said, and back part the in
ohehdepi kiéagapi ka ohna ehnakapi. Heéen wipata wayupika, nakaes
bed for-her-made and, on placed her. And-so embroidering skillful, indeed
wayzu ka hanpa ka isay ozuha wicin ko ipata wiéakiéage nakaes
quivers and moccasins and knife sheaths, straps also embroidered them for she made indeed
nina iyuskinpi, ka wotihni yapi kta éa hehan, E, misuy, tanksi tayyan
much rejoiced and hunting they so would when then, See, my brother, sister well
awanyaka wo, eyapi ka iyayapi eéee, keyapi.
look thou after her, they said and they went always, they say.
Unkay ake heyapi ka iyayapi: tuka iéomni kehay, Tanksi, ito awan-
Then again this they said and tbey went: but he-tired when, Sister, to keep
yaka wo, way saka wanzi bakse mde kta Ge, eya; ka heéen iyaya; ka

thou watch, arrow greeu one to cut I go will : he said; and so he-w vent; and

DAKOTA MYTHS. Waly

eéana hdi tuka tanksitku en yanke gni. Hdi tuka inalinina toki iyaya

soon came back but sister-his in was not. He-came- but hurriedly somewhere gone
home
hei: ka hdi ape yanka. Tuka tehay hdi sni kehay ode i ka kipay un,
he thought: and tocome wait- was. But longtime come not when to wentand calling was,
home ing home hunt

taku iyeye sni; heéen hdi ka akipe yayka. Tuka hdi ni eéen ¢inéu kin

but found not; 30 came and waiting for was. But come not even brothers his. the
home home

hdipi, ka, Misuyn, tanksi toki iyaya he, eyapi kehay eéen owidéakiyaka.

came home and, My brother, sister whither gone e they said when even so them he told.
Uykay, Hehehe taynksi toki iyaye kta hwo, eyapi, ka ape yukanpi; tuka
Then, Alas, alas! sister whither ~ go. will ? they said, and waiting e were; but
eéen okpaza e hecen Hakekena Geya; heéen Ginéu kon owasiy om Geya.
so dark was so-that Hakaykayna cried; so brothers his the all with he-cried.
Tuka tokapa kin heya: Misuy, ayastan po, tokesta anpa kta Ge, eya: mak:
But eldest the this said: My brothers, Stop ye crying presently light willbe , he said: earth
wita Gistiyena Ge, he taku kae uyyuéeyapi heéiphay wanunyakapi kta ée,
island small , that what ever us make ery we-see will

eya, keyapi.
hesaid, they say.
Heéen wanna anpa kehan tate ouye topa kin hena otoiyohi eéen ipi,

Thus now morning when winds source four the those each thus went-to,

ka nakuy maka kin owanéaya unpi tuka; heGen iyekiyapi sni nakaes nina
and also earth the all-over were but; so-that finding their own not indeed very
sate Siéapi ka bai¢ismismi éeya y akonpi; eéen okide ayustanpi. Unkay

heart bad, and cutting themselves crying were; until to hunt ‘they ceased. Then
their own |

kaketu: Hakekena anpetu ea manin éeya okawinga uy eée, ake manin
thus it was: Hakaykayna day when abroad erying going around was always, again abroad
éeya uy eéen istinma; unkay inyuy ogunga unkayn toki tuwe Geya nahon,
erying was until he slept; and behold ia ced and somewhere someone crying — he heard,
tuka tayyay nahioy Sni kehay paha way tehanwankaytuya kin akan imazin,
but well heard not when hill a very-high the upon he stood,
ujnkay inyuy winohinéa way toki éeya wiwakonza niyay nahoy: Timdo,

and behold woman a somewhere erying wailing out breathed he heard: Brothers,

Tasintayukikipi ewiéakiyapi kon, timdo, wasasmayapi koy, maka tom

Tasintay! pakeek coke’ them called that were, ee, you-thought-much-of-me the, seasons four

iyotay iyewakiye, eyaniyan, nalion. Unkan, E toke tanksi hee se, eye,

hard “ T find it, she cried out, he heard. And, Well indeed sister this-is it he aaah a
seems,

heéen éeya ku, ka eéen hdi nakaes ake Ginéu kon om Geyaya. Unkay,

so cry ing return, and so hecame indeed again brothers his the with cried Aiea And,
back

Cinye, ayastanpi ka wohay po, wahaynpi unyatkanpi kta ée, eya. Heéen
Brothers z stop ye and cook ye broth we drink will , he said. So
wohaypi ka wotapi, uykay hehan Hakekena, heya: Cinye, tuwe Tasinta
they cooked and ate, and then Hakaykayna this said: Brothers, who Tasinta
yukikipi ewiéakiyapi he eye. Unkay tokapa kin he heya: Oyate hiyeye
yookeekeepee them-called ? he said. Then eldest the that this'said: People call *
Gy unkisnana wiéa eGe unkiéagapi e heuykiciyapi do, ey: Unkan,
the we alone men only we-grew therefore this-to-us-they-say 7 he cna And,
Tokeéa heha he, eyapi. Unykay, Winohinea way Geya wiwakonze ¢éa
Why = this yousay ? they said. And, Woman a crying wailed and
heya niyay nawahon ée, eva. Unkay, Hehehe tanksi hee seée do, eyapi,

saying aloud I heard , he’said. Then, Alas, alas! sister that-is itseems , they said,
that

118 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

ka peta enen inazinpi. Tuka Hakekena, 6 inye, ayastay po, tokesta tanksi
and fire in in they stood. But Hakaykayna, Brothers, cease ye crying presently sister
hee e nahanhiy ni heéinhay wanna wayuynhdakapi kta naéeéa ée, eya.
that-is until-now lives if now We-see-ours wili perhaps , he Said.
Heéey wayna aypa kehay yapi ka etayhay nahoy koy en om inazin. Ho,
So now morning when they went and whence he-heard the in with he stood. Yes,
detaynhay nawahoyn ¢e, eya. Unkay ake eya niyan: Timdo, Tasinta
from here I-heard it ; he said. And again said it aloud: Brothers, Tasinta
yukikipi ewiéakiyapi koy, Timdo wasasmayayapi kon, maka tom iyotay-
yookeekeepee who were called, Brothers you-who-cared-for-me seasons four very hard
iyewakiye, eya niyay nahoynpi. Unkay, K, tayksi hee seée do, eyapi ka
~ T find it, ‘she cried ont they heard. Then, Well sister thatis itseems , they said and

éeyapi. Tuka, Ayastan po, tokesta aypetu haykeya tayksi wayunhdakapi

they cried. But, Stop ye erying, presently day half sister we-see-ours

kta Ge, Hakekena eye éa, Mive tokaheya wanwahdake kta Ge, eye éa
. ’ b]

shall Hakaykayna said, anal Ite first I see her my own will - he'said, and

wiyuskinskiyna idiéage Ga en i, ka tayksitku koy huha topa kin owasin
* chickadeedee made himself and in went, and sister his the limbs four the all
okatay waynka en i; uykay ite kin hanahohoya wanka e wanhdaka e

fastened lay to [or he and face the broken out ~ [she lay] thus he saw her, then
there] came; was his own

hecen en iyahay tuka timdoku waynzi hee ke¢iy sni nakaes heye:

so (there) ke alighted but her brothers one that was she not indeed this ‘said:
in thought that
Wivuskigskinna, timdo wanywiéawahdaka upkans éekpa [lit: navel] iéipate
* Chickadeedee, my brothers I could see them, my own breast l-you-

embroider

kta tuka, eva. Unykay wiyuskinskin kon, Tanksi, de miye do, eya.

would but, she said. And chickadeedee the. Sister, this is I : he said.
Upkay, Timdo, unkivahde kta, eva. Tuka, Tokesta tanksi; wanna
’ ’ ) ’

And, Brother, we-go-home will she said. But, Presently sister; now
iyeunniyaypi Ge, eya, keyapi. Tanksi, tay yay wohdaka wo, eya. Unkan,
we- -you-have-found he said, they say. Sister, well tell-your-story, he-said. Then,
Timdo de ptaypi e amahdipi Ge, eya keyapi. Maka ki mahen tanhay
Brother the otters they brought-me-home, she said, they say. Earth the within from
ka ayapi ka eéen mayka in etoupta yalidogyapi ka ohna yumahen-imaéupi
dig the ‘y came and even I was the towards they § one ed a hole, and through dragged-me inside
ging
ka maka kin een paohduta iyeyapi nakaes, heon iyemayayapi Sni ée eye
and earth the like hole stopped they made indeed, therefore “ me- you- find not she Said

éa Gyéu en wiéahdi, keyapi. Tayksi hee Ge, eye éa om en ya. Unkan
and brothershis to them he came - they say. Sister that is, he'said and with to went. And
home,

tihayska kakiyotayna iyeya hay e en itankan tayksitkupi kon huha topa

house long in that direction extending stood that there outside sister-theirs the limbs four
al raya ts ‘ 1] Inks rae PS rs ¢ aics
kin owas) okatay oypapi e en ipi. Unkay heya: Timdo, wanna maka
the all fastened placed that there came. Then she this said: Brothers, now seasons
tom den iyotay iyekiya mayka, tuka ni waymayahdakapi kin he taku
four here experiencing diflic ulty I-am, but alive you (pl.) see me, your own the that paral

thing

wanzi oy heéece Gin he o¢i¢iyakapi kta Ge, eya keyapi. Ptay kin de o¢aze

one for that-so the that I-you-tell will ; she-said the sy say. Otters the this kinds
zaptaypi Ge; wanZi Sa, wanzi to, wanzi zi, ka wayzi ska ka wanzi sapa he
are five one red, one blue, one yellow, and one white and one black this

oy timdo dehay ni mayka ée. Tohan hogay ohaypi huhu kin kadapi

by brothers now alive Lam When fish they boiled bones the threw out when

DAKOTA MYTHS. 119

wahanpi kate Gin huhu ko akada akastan-iyemayanpi eée; heéen kate Gin
broth hot the bones also emptied on they-poured out on me alw See so-that hot the
oy maspay, ka huhu kin if omakasdate Gin on ite kin malidi kin demaéeéa
by I-was-burnt, and bones the that me stuck in the by face the me-sore, the this me such:
ée: tuka tohay ptay sapa kin u ka hogan hu kin kada kta éa éoniéa ka
but when otter black the came and fish bones the throw out would ther meat and
hanpi ko onge iyohnagmakiya eée kon on ni wanmayadakapi; heoy ptay
broth also some put in my mouth always that for alive you seeme, yourown therefore otter
wan sape Cin he ni wacin Ge, eya, keyapi. Tohan litayetu éa hehan wanna
a black tke that alive I want , she said, they say. When night when then now

wihni aku eée eéa Sa kin he ku Ga wakanhdi ga e tiyobogaea eée, ka to

hunting come always then red the that comes then lightning reditis house shines: always, and blue
home through

kiy he ku eéa wakanhdi kin to e tiyobogaga eée; ka zi kin ku éa

the that comes when lightning the blue that houSe intscieonen always and yellow the comes when

wakaynhdi zi e tiyobogaga eée, ka ska kin ku Ga wakanhdi ska e tiyo-
lightning yellow that house Rinentn always, and white the comes when lightning white that house
bogaga eée, eya
ance always, she- said:
Unkay wanna timdoku kin Ganhipi i¢i¢agapi tihanska kin tiyopa
And now brothers hers the war clubs made for themselves house long the door
anokatanhay inazinpi: uykay wanna wakanhdi sa kin e tiyobogaga, wykay
both sides stood: and now lightning red the that house illumed, and

ptay sa kon hee pa tin uye éa, Wati takumna, eya, tuka kata elipeyapi ka

otter red the thatis head house pushe d aay My house smells, he ennui but they beat him to death and
in

tiyoyusdohay iéupi. Tuka ake wakanhdi to e tiyobogaga, ka to kin, Wati

house into they dragged him. But again lightning blue that house lighted: and blue the, My house

takumna, eya hinhda pa tin uya, tuka kata elipeyapi ka tiyoyusdohay
smells, saying suddenly head house inthrust, but they beat him to‘death and “dre agged him in-

iéupi. Tukaake wakanhdi zi e tiyobogaga, ujkay ptay zi e, Wati takumna,

to the But = again lightning yellow that house iamiec and otter yellow that, My smells
house. house

ya pa tin uya, tuka kata ehpeyapi ka tiyoyusdohay iéupi. Ake wakanhdi

sa ly ing head house in ‘thrust, but they beat him to death and dragged him into the house. Again lightning

way ska e tiyobogaga, unkay ptay way ska pa tin uya, tuka kata ehpeyapi

one white that house anne ae in, then otter one white head house avast but they beat him to death
is in

ka tiyoyusdohay iéupi. Hehay ptay sape ¢in hee ku, unkay, Timdo he

and house in dragging took him. Then otter black the thatis came, and, Brothers that
eGoy eya e heéen niyake yuzapi. Hehan tayksitkupi kon okatay he cikon
did it shesaid that so that alive they took it. Then sister theirs the fastened that was
ikay kin owasin bapsakapi ka ite kin hdi koy owasin kiyuzaza ka hdokupi.
thongs the all they cut and face the sores’ the all for washed and brought home,
Ka ptay kiy nakuy. Heéen hdipi hehan iyotay tanksitkupi kip tanyay
And otter the also. So came home then most sister theirs the well
awayhdakapi; ka nakuy ptay kin niyake tayyay yuhapi. Tuka ohijni
watched over theirs; and also otter the alive well they kept. But always
iyokisiéa ka ididoway éa heya eée keyapi: Hepan cinye, Hepay ¢inye,
sad and sang-himself when this ‘said always, they say: Haypay brothers, Haypan brothers.
oiyakapte tokeéa unkoynpi kte epe Giy anamayagoptanpi sni ka miye hin
“ladle another we use should I said the me you listened to not and me hair
sia omakaptapi ye, Hepay é iny e, Hepay cy e, eya i¢ ‘idoway ecee.
bad me they have spared, Hayparn brothers, Haypay brothers, saying he sung to himself always.

Unkay he¢iyapi, keyapi: Tanyay eéauyyeéonpi e oy tayyay ujniyuhapi
And this they said to, they say: Weil to us you did therefore well we-you- -have-

120 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

unjGinpi, tuka ohinni iyonidisiée kta e heen niye taku tyoniéipi kinhay eéen

we wish, but always you sad will be that 80 you what please you if so
eéanoy kta ée, eciyapi ; iS tokeéiy yauy kta yacéin kinhay eéen ya)
you do shall . they saidto whether as you “you be will You want 80 you-be
him; please
kta Ge, eGiyapi. Unkan, Ho, tokeéin wauy wacin ée, eya keyapi. Unkay,
shall [usu- they said to And, Yes, anywhere I be I want , he said, they say. Then,
ally ?) him.
Ho, hunktiya wo, Wiyolhipeyata Wakanheza Ptay eni¢iyapi kta ée, eGiyapi
Yes, go thou forth, “westward ehild otter you éalled shall faane they said

ally?) to him
ka hiyuyapi. Unkay heoy dehay ptay sapa e¢eeday yuke éin heon heéetu
and sent him forth. And therefore now otter — black alone “are the therefore so it is
keyapi.
they say.

NOTES.

1. The name of the myth: Tasinta means Deer’s tail, and from that is applied to
the tail of any ruminating animal. Tasint-oStay is the name of the upper joint of the
tail where it joins the backbone, and is regarded as a peculiarly nice little piece to
roast. As for yukikipi, it is said to belong to the old language, and they do not
know what it means. One old woman suggests that yukiki means to twist or rub
off. It would then mean deer’s-tail-twisted-off. That appears to correspond with the
reason given by the eldest of the brothers. In reply to Hakaykayna’s question, Who
were calied Tasiyta yukikipi? he replied, “ Of all people we only are males, and hence
are so called.”

2. At first one would think that the four young men constituted the household,
and that the youngest of those four was called Hakaykayna. But that is not so.
Hakaykayna was only a boy and is not counted in the four. He was the fifth, as the
name Hakay would necessarily require.

3. It is opportune to note the use of “misuy,” my younger brother, used by the
brothers in their collective capacity, both in a direct address to, and also in speaking
of, Hakaykayna. Also he uses “ éinye,” older brother, in speaking of and to one or
all of them together. In like manner they use “ tanksi,” younger sister (of a man), in
speaking of or to the girl, and she uses ‘‘timdo,” older brother (of a woman), in her
addresses to one or all of them. It is like our use of “ brother” and “sister” without
the pronoun “my.” But the Dakotas always say “ misuy ” or “ misuyka,” and a woman
always says ‘‘miéuy” and “mitayka,” my older sister and my younger sister. The
peculiarities of the lauguage in the uses of brother and sister, whether older or
younger, and whether of a man or woman, are well illustrated in this myth; but in
the translation I have not thought it needful to add the older and the younger.

4, Everything is possible in a myth, as illustrated by Hakaykayna’s suddenly
changing himself into a chickadeedee. Animals always have the gift of speech in
myths.

5. The wail of the captive girl in her affliction is very affecting: “ Brothers who
are called Tasinta yukikipi—brothers who once cared for me tenderly.” The word
‘““wasasya” here used is a very peculiar one, expressing great care and love. The
same is true of the song or wail of the black caged otter—“‘ Hepay Ginye! Hepay
¢iyye!—Brothers Haypay! Brothers Haypay! You did not listen to me; now I, the

DAKOTA MYTHS. 121
bad-furred one, alone am saved!”
name for the otter.—s. R. R.

In the Omaha myth of “The Brothers, Sister, and the Red Bird” (Contr. N. A.
Eth., v1, Pt. 1, pp. 219-226), the youngest brother finds a sister in the manner described
in the Dakota myth. In the myth of “ Ietinike, the Brothers, and Sister” (Contr. N.
A. Eth., v1, Pt. 1, pp. 79-85), the youngest brother finds the sister who had been
carried underground by an elk.—J. 0. D.

Hepay, which means the second son, is the sacred

TRANSLATION.

Behold, thus it was: There were four young men and one who was called Hakay-
kayna. These lived together. And so it was that when they went hunting they made
the youngest one the keeper of the house, aud said to him, ‘My youngest brother,
don’t go anywhere, stay at home.” Saying this they went to hunt, and he watched
the house. Now the house they lived in was a very long one, but all around the inside
the packs were piled up on each other, and also there were scaffolds on the outside,
for every day they brought home all kinds of wild animals, and so they had a great
abundance of meat.

And so, on a time, they went out to hunt and Hakaykayna watched the house,
but when he was lonesome he went out to cut arrow sticks, and when something
pierced his foot that it was very sore he started home. When he reached the house
he opened the sore place, and, lo! he took out a girl baby.

And on account of this Hakaykayna, sad of heart, wrapped a blanket around it
and laid it back and so was silent. “Oh that it might grow up!” he thought, and so
was sad of heart until all his brothers came home from the hunt. He had always
been glad when they came home, but it was not sonow. They judged something had
made him sad, and so they said to him, ‘‘ My brother, what makes you sad of heart?
If anyone has done anything to you, tellus.” But he said, ** No one has done anything
to me, but I have seen what makes me heart-sore and silent.” And they said, ‘What
isit?” And he said, “Brothers, when you went away I was lonesome and went out
to cut arrow sticks, and something stabbed my foot and it was very sore, so that I
came home. When I reached home and took it out, it was a baby that I pulled out;
and it was a girl baby, perhaps. ‘Oh, that it might grow up!’ I thought, and on that
account [ am heart-sore.”

And his brothers said, ‘Where is it?” So he took it up and showed it to them,
and they passed it from one to another, and said, “Oh, that it might grow up!” Then
Hakaykayna said, ‘‘My brothers, come, let us whirl it around the house.” So they
took it up and threw it out of the roof hole and it whirled around and fell down. But
now it was a creeping baby and came in crying. Again they took it up and whirled
it as before, and then she came in walking, a little girl. But again they took her up
and threw her, and she came in a girl bringing sticks of wood, which she placed on the
fire. But again they took her up ard threw her as before. This was the fourth time
they whirled her, and then she came with a back-load of wood. She untied the strap
and came in the house and sat down.

Then they asked, “What relation shall she be to us?” And one said, ‘My
youngest brother found her, let him take her for his wife.” But Hakaykayna said,
“No, that shall not be so.” And they said, ‘“* What then shall be her relation to us?”

122 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

and mentioned several terms of relationship. But Hakaykayna did not consent.
“What then,” they said, “shall we have her for? What do you want?” And he
said, “This one came after us, let us have her for younger sister.” They all said,
“That is the proper thing.” So they made her a bed and placed her in the back part
of the house.

Now she was very skillful in needle and quill work. She embroidered quivers,
moceasins, knife sheaths, and carrying-straps for them, so that they greatly rejoiced.

When they were to go out hunting they said, ‘‘ Now, my brother, watch over sis-
ter well.” But when he grew tired, he said, ‘‘ Now sister, do you watch, I will go and
cut a green arrow stick.” He went and soon came back, but his sister was not there.
He thought she had gone for a little while, and so waited for her to come home. But
when she came not for a long while, he went to hunt her. Not finding her, he came
in and waited until his brothers came home and said to him, ‘‘ My brother, where is

sister?” When he told them about it, they said, “Alas, alas! where has our sister
gone?” And they waited and it became dark, and Hakaykayna cried and the broth-

ers all cried with him.

Then the oldest one said, ‘“* My brothers, stop crying, soon it will be morning;
this island earth is small; we will then see what has made us ery.” So now when the
morning came they started out to each of the four winds, and they went all over the
earth. And when they found her not, they were very sad and cut off their hair as
they wept.

When they had ceased to hunt for her Hakaykayna every day went abroad and
walked around crying. One day, after erying around, he fell asleep, and lo! on
waking up, he heard someone crying somewhere. But not hearing it distinctly he
went to a high hill and stood on it. Then, lo! somewhere he heard a woman wail out
in her erying, *‘ Brothers, who are called Tasintayookeekeepee; brothers, who once
cared for me tenderly, for four seasons I have had a hard time.” This he heard and
said, ‘Well! that seems to be sister somewhere;” and so he started home crying.
When he arrived his brothers cried too; but he said, ““My brothers, cease and boil the
kettle; we will drink some soup.” So they cooked and ate. Then Hakaykayna said,
“My brothers, who are they who are called Tasintayookeekeepee?” The eldest one
answered, “Of all people we only are all males, and hence are so called. But why do
you ask that?” And he said, “ T heard a woman wail out that as she cried.” ‘Alas,
alas! that is probably our sister,” they said, and they stood in the fire. But Hakay-
kayna said, ‘“‘ Brothers, cease; if indeed this is our sister she is alive and we shall per-
haps see her again,” and he cried.

Now when the morning came they went and stood with him where he had heard
the voice. He said, ‘Yes, this is where I heard it.” Then they heard her again say-
ing, **My brothers who are called Tasintayookeekeepee, brothers who cared for me
tenderly, for four seasons I have had a hard time.” They heard this ery and said,
“Yes, this is our sister,” and they all cried. But Hakaykayna said, “Stop, we shall
indeed see our sister in a part of a day, and I will see her first.” So saying he
changed himself into a chickadeedee and went in and saw his sister lying with her
limbs fastened and her face covered with sores. He alighted by her, but she did not
think it was one of her brothers; and so she said, ‘“‘Chickadeedee, if I could only see
my brothers I would embroider your breast around.” And the chickadeedee said,

DAKOTA MYTHS. 119233
“My sister, itis I.” She said, “ Brother, let us go home.” But he said, “ Presently,
my sister. We have now found you. Tell all about it,” And she said, “ Brother,
the otters brought ne home. They dug from within the earth, and made a hole up
to where I was and dragged me in. Then they closed up the hole in the earth so that
you could not find me.” :

When she had said this, he said, ‘Yes, I will go for my brothers.” When he
came home to his brothers, he said, “It is our sister.” And they went with him.
And they came to a house that was stretched out very long, outside of which their
sister was placed with her four limbs fastened. Then she said, “My brothers, I have
been now four seasons in this suffering state, but I am still alive, as you see me. That
is owing to one thing, of which I will tell you. There are five kinds of otters here;
one is red, one is blue, one is yellow, one is white, and one is black. It is because of
the last one that Iam alive, brothers. When they boiled fish and threw out the
bones they emptied the bones and the hot soup upon me, so that Iam burned by the
heat, and the bones pierced me so that my face is all sore. That is the reason of my
being so. But when the black otter came to empty out the bones he would put into
my mouth some of the meat and of the soup also. On account of that you see me
alive. Therefore my desire is that the black otter may live.”

“When the evening comes then they return from their hunts. When the red
one comes he makes red lightning shimmer through the house; when the blue one
comes he lights up the house with blue lightning ; when the yellow one comes he
makes yellow lightning shoot through the house; when the white one comes he make
white lightning shine through the house.”

Now, when her brothers had made themselves war clubs they took their stations
at each side of the door of the long house. Now it came to pass when the red light-
ning gleamed through the house and the red otter put his head in at the door and
said, ‘‘My house smells of something,” then they killed him and drew him inside the
house. Then, again, the blue lightning gleamed through the house, and as he said,
“My house smells of something,” he put in-his head, but they killed him and drew
him into the house. The yellow lightning gleamed through the house, and the yellow
otter, saying, ‘‘ My house smells of something,” pushed in his head, but they killed
him and pulled him into the house. By and by a white lightning gleamed through
the house and a white otter pushed in his head, but they killed him also and drew
him into the house. Then the black otter came home, and the sister said, ‘*That is
the one that did it.” So they took him alive. Then they cut all the cords that bound
their sister and washed the sores on her face, after which they took her and the otter
to their home. Now, when they had come home they watched over their sister better,
and they took good care of the otter that they saved alive. But he was always sad of
heart, and as he sung to himself, he said, ‘Brothers Haypan! Brothers Haypan! I
said we ought to use a different ladle; you did not listen to me, and I, the bad-furred
one, alone am saved. Brothers Haypan! Brothers Haypan!”

And they said this to him, ‘‘ You did well to us, and therefore we want to treat
you well, but if you are going to be always sad of heart, you shall do what pleases
you; if you want to go where you please, so you shall do.” And he said, “Yes, I
want to be free to go where I please.” And they said to him, “Go, you shall be
called the Western Child Otter.” And they let him go.

Therefore they say it is that now there are only black otters.

CHEE-ZHON, THE THIEF.

WRITTEN IN DAKOTA BY JAMES GARVIE.

Inyuy kaken wiwaziéa way ¢iyhintku kiéi ti, keyapi. Wanna

Lo! thus widow one son-hers with dwelt, they Say. Now
hoksiday kitayna tayka hehan huyku kiy heya iw anga: Ging, wanna
boy little large then mother-his the this'said PE My-son now
wicohiay duhe kta iyehaytu,-heéen tukte wiéohay iyoniéipi kta i iyeéeca he,
work you-have should it-is-time, 80 which work please-you will is-like 2
eya. Hehan hoksiday kin is, Wamanonpi s’a, eya. Hehan huyku kin
she-said. Then boy the iis Thieves, he‘said. Then mother-his the
heya: Gi ins, wicohay kin he iyotay tehike wada kon, eya. 'Tuka ake
this'said: Son, work the that most difficult Testeem that, she said. But again
nakuy yuhe kta keya; ka heya: Howo eéa ina, wanagi tipi ekta ye ka
also “have would he-said; and this’said: Come now mother, ghosts house to “go and

tukte wicoliay mduhe kta heéinhay iwiéawanga wo, eya.
which work Ihave shall if of them inquire thou, he said.
Hehan huyku kiy iyaya. Vuka Cizay duzahay nakaeg ohomni i inyang
Then mother-his the went thither. But Chee-zhon swift indeed around running
iyaye Ga iye tokaheya ekta i, ka wanagi kin hewiéakiya: Eéin ina den hi
“went and she first there ar- and enosts: the this-to-them-said: To-day mother here comes
rived,
ka wiéohay tukte mduhe kta iniwaygapi kinhay, wamanonpi s’a eya po;
and work which I-have shall inquires of you if, stealing regularly say-ye;
eye Ga hdiéu ka hdi. Hehan itehay hehan huyku kin éeya hdi. Hehan
he-said and started and came Then long-after then mother-his the erying came Then
home home. home.
Cizay heya: Ina, taku wiéohay makupi he, eya. Hlehan huyku kin is
Chee-zhon this said: Mother, what work me-they-give ? he said. Then mother-his the she
heya: Cijs, wiéoliay kin he nina tehike wada koy, eya. Tuka heya:
this said: Son, work the that very hard Bae that, she said. But this-he-said:
Howo, ina, inna yanka wo, tokesta wanna eéaday wiunziée kta ée, eya.
Well, mother, silent “be thon, presently - now soon we-rich will , he said.
Ka hehan tokiya iyaya. Unkay eciyatanhay sugtanka? wanzi ahdi. Ake
And then somewhere lie went. And from-thence horse one he-brought- Again
home.

‘Though stories resembling this are found in many countries of the Old World, it has been
thought best to retain the story of Cheezhon to show how the Dakota adopt stories of foreign origin.
A version of Jack the Giant-killer has been adopted by the Omaha—zs. 0. pb.

2 Suktaynka or Sunktanka is the usual Santee form of this word.—, 0. D.

124

DAKOTA MYTHS. . 125

tokiya iyaya eéa e¢iyatay pte, kais talinéa ska, kais taku wanunyanpi

somewhere “went then from-thence cow, or deer white, or some cattle
heéekéen awiéahdi eéee.
thus them-brought- always.
home

Thnuhannah huyku otoywe ediyatay hdi, ujkay heya: Cing, hanyetu

Suddenly mother-his village from came home, and this ‘said: Son, night

kin de wiéastayatapi tawi¢u mazanapcupe tawa kiy iyaéu sni kinhan

the this chief wife-his finger-ring hers the you take not if

hanhaynna wiyotayhan kinhay pa niyuksapi kta, keyapi, tka eye, ka Geya.

tomorrow noon if head they break off ow ah they-say, but she said, and cried.
for you

Tuka iyoki sni ka heya: Ina, inina yanka wo, he takusni ée. Ka wanna
But permitted not and this‘said: Mother quiet ~ be [sit thou}, that nothing-is . And now
htayetu tuka iye wokoyake tawa keya wiéasta iyeéen opugitoy eéa hehay
evening but he clothes his even man like stuffed when then
éaniyamanipi wayzi kaga; ka hehan wanna hayyetu tuka wiéasta kage Gin

ladder one ante ; and then now night but man made the

he éayiyamanipi tyahna iéu ka ekta i. Hehan éaniyamanipi eéen ehde &

that ladder * with took and there went. Then “ladder so placed when

wakantkiya ye éa owanye ohena timahen etonway; ujkay wiéastayatapi

upward i went and window through house-within looked ; and chief

kin mazakay pteéeday napanunkatanhay yuha istiyma wanka. Tuka

the gun short hands-both-with had sleeping lay. But

owanye pakokog pawankan-iyeya eéa pezi wicasta kage ¢in he owanye
window rattling shoved-up when grass man wets the that window

ohna yuza. Hehan wiéastayatapi ogunga ka kute. Tuka pezi wiéasta
in * held. Then chief waked and shot. But grass man

kage Gikoy kin he o, nakaes kun yulipa elipeya; ka hehan tin iyaya.

matic had the that hit, indeed down threw it threw it and then _house-in he went.
down away ;

Tuka i¢unhay wiéastayatapi kte keéin heoy kun iyaya. Tuka iéujhay

But whilst chief killed he thought therefore down he-went. But in-the-mean-
time

Cizay wicastayatapi tawiéu kin heéiya: Mazanapéupe kin he hiyu
Chee-zhon chiet wife-his the this-said-to : Finger-ring the that to-come

makiya wo, Cizay hee ni, tuka wakte Ge, eva. Unkay ku; tuka iéu eéa

to-me-cause, Chee-zhon that was not, but L-killed - he said. And = she-gave; but took when
kun hdiéu.
down he-came.

Hehan wiéastayatapi tin hdiéu ka tawiéu heéiya : Mazanapéupe kin

Then chief house-in came and wife-his this-said-to: Finger-ring the

hiyu makiya wo, Cizay hee gni tuka wakte ée, eya. ‘Tuka is heya: Naka

to-come to-me-cause, Chee-zhon that was not but L-killed , he said. But she this-said: But-just

x “V5 , a ie 1 =
wanna heha ées ¢iéu sece Gikoy, eya. E, he Cizay ee tka yaku do, eya.
now that-you- since I-gave- itseems inthe she said. Well, that Chee-zhon was but you-gave- , _ he said.

said to-you past, it-to-him.
Tuka iéunhay wayna Cizay ki, ka huyku kin hedéiya: Tho! deée-
But in-the-meantime now Chee-zhon reached- and mother-his the this-said-to: Lo! this-
home

hnana tuka he taku oy Geya yauy he eya, ka hehan mazanapéupe kin ku.
is-all but that some- for crying you were ? he-said, and then finger-ring the gave-
thing : her.
Hehan wanna ake kitanna tehay hehan hunku otonwe ekta i, uykay

Then now again little long then mother-his town to went and

nakuy ake Geya hdi. Unkay Cizay heya: Ina, de taku yaka he; de

also again crying came home, And Cheezhon this said: Mother this what youmean ? this

126 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

winiziée Sni kin heehay kaes yaceye Sni; de winiziéa unkay eéay Geya

your ich not the then even youre r ¥ not, this you- -rich and now cor y ing

yauy he, eya. Hehan huyku kiy heya: Cing, hantuke wié faStayatapi kin

you- are ? he-said. Then mother-his the this said: Son, now -indeed chief the

ive hinéa wihuwe hi kta keya tuka, eya. Hehan Givay heya: Ina, is he
he very to-take-yon come will he-said but, she said. Then Cheezhon this Said; Mother,this that
taku Sni do, eya: ka heéehnana éotayka Gistinna way kaga yanka éa yustay.
something not , hesaid: and that alone whistle small one making Ww as (sat?) when he- finished.
Hehan heya: Ina, tasupa wayzi we okastay ka onholida imahentayhay uy
Then this’said: Mother, gut one blood pour-in and clothes underneath from wear
wo; heéen tohan hi kinhay isay kin de oy Gapa iheéiye kta, tokesta tasupa
thou; so when he-come if knite the this with stabbing L-strike- -you will, indeed gut
kin he cawape kta, heéen he we kinhay ¢ikte keéin kta Ge: esta hehan
the that I-stab will, so that bleed if I-you-kill he-think will : but then
tohan éotayka kin de mdazozo kinhay nazin vahidade kta ée, eya. Hehan
when whistle the this I-blow often if you risé to your feet will . he'said. Then

wayna wiyotanhay hehan wiéastayatapi kin tin hiyu, tuka huyku éapa

now noon then chief the house i in © ame, but mother-his stab

iheya wayyaka. Hehan widastayatapi kin heya: Hoeéa Cizay, winitkotkoka
he-thrust saw. Then chief the thissaid: Astonishing Cheezhon, you-fool

eéee Sta ake nakahake seeéeéa, eva.
always although again this-time it seems, he’ said.

Unkay Cizay is heya: De taku yaka he; de mis ina’ niwakive kta

And Cheezhon he this’said: This what youmean ? this I mother I-bring-tolife will

heéamoy, eya; ka Gotaynkaday kin ehdaku eéa ayazozo, uykay huyku kiy

this-I-do, he said; and whistle (-small) the took-up his when wWhistled-on, and mother-his the

naziy hivaya. Hehan wiéastayatapi kin heya: Cizay, he mazaska tona

she rose to lier feet. ‘Then £ hiet the this‘said: Cheezhon, that money how many

iyvahdawa he, eva. Hehan Cizay ig heva: Hehe de ota iyopewaye heéen

youcount your?! he’ said Then Cheezhon he this bet Alas? this mueh I-pay- -for so

own

wiyopewaya wacéiy sni Ge eya. Kéin mis tohan tuwe ta esta niye masipi
Ss) egal 9 I-want not , hesaid. For I when any-one dead althongh mike command
live me

kinhay de oy niwaye kta nakaes heon tewahinda ée, eva. Tuka tona
J had)

if this with Imakelive will indeed, therefore I-prize-it , he'said. But many-as
hinéa ihdawa esta iyena ku kta keya. Heéen mazaska opawiyge zaptay
very he-counts although so many he-give would, he Said. So money hundred five
his own
kta, keya. Unkay, Ho, eye, ka iyena ku ka akiyahda.
will, he said. And, Yes, he said, and so many gave, and took it home.
Hehan ovate owasiy wiéakiéo eéa taku wanzi eéoy kta, keva. Heéen
Then people all them-he-ealled when something one he-do would, he said. So
wiéasta itayéay ota en hipi. Hehan wanna eéoy kta keye Gy wayna
men chief many there came. Then now do would he-Said the now
ivehaytu, hehan tawiéu en hinaziy si eéa he Cape ka kte esta ake kinive
‘it-was-time, then wife-his then ‘to-stand com-when that stab and kill although again make live
manded
kta keya, eéa Gape ka kte. Hehan ¢otankaday kin ayazozo yanka, tuka
would, he Said, then he-stabbed and _ killed Then (small?) whistle the hé-blew-on-it, (sat) was, but
heéen ta wanka wayke. Hehan nina éayze hinéa.
so dead lying (lay) was. Then much heart-hurt very.
Hehan Cizay huyku ediyatanhay hdi, ka, Cins, hayhayna wanna,
Then Cheezhon mother-his from-there came-home, and, Son, in-the-morning then

wozuha ohna minin ehpeniyaypi kta, keyapi tuka, eya. Tuka Cizan, Ha!
| ) ] J

bag in in-water they-you “throw will, the. y say ut, she said. But Cheezon, Ha!

DAKOTA MYTHS. 127

ha! ina, is he taku sni do eva. Hehan wanna hanhayna wiyotanhay ujykay
ha! mother, this that ining not . hesaid. Then now morning “noon and
thing

wi¢astayatapi kin hi eéa akiyahda. Hehan wanna ki¢i ki, hehan akiéita
chief the come when took-him home. Then now with went then soldiers
home,

wozuha wanyzi mahen ohnag wiéasi, ka minin elipeya wiéasi: ka wanna
bag one within place them com- and water-in throw-him themcom- and now
manded, manded :

CiZay woéuha en ohnaka ka ay api ka ikiveday aipi, hehan wiéastayatapi
Cheezhon bag in placed and ‘took and near-to carried him, then chief

kiy, Ito wiéakiGo ka akiyahda. Hehan tuwe tahinéa ska iyasasa
the, Hold, them call and take him home. Then some one deer white shouting «to
nahoy. Hehan Cizay heya hinhda: W iéastayatapi éuywintku kigi wypi
he heard. Then Cheezhon _ said this suddenly : Chief daughter-his with being
wadéiy Sni! Wiéastayatapi éujwintku kiGi uypi wacin sni! eya yanka.
T-want not! Chief daughter-his with being I-want not! he- saying “(sat) was.
Hehan tahinéa ska awanyake Gin en hi ka heya: De taku yaka he.

Then deer white watched-over the there came and this said: This what you mean ?

Unkay heya: He de wiéastayatapi Guywintku way kici wauy kta keyapi,

And this-he said: That this chief daughter-his one with [be shall they say,

ka wiéawada sni tuka ekta amayanpi ée, eya. Unkan heéehnana wiéasta
and T-willing not but there —me-they-take . he'said. And immediately man
kiy heya: Howo, miye e mde kta ée, eva. Hehan, Koyahanna wo eéa, ey:
the eae: Well, 1 that I-go will , hesaid. Then, “ Hurry tho: - now, hesaid.
Hehan wiéasta kin wozuha kohayna yuska iyeya, ka Cizay naziy
Then men the bag quickly “untied tore ‘it,| and Cheezhon standing

hiyaya; ka wiéasta kin isto ohna palita elipeya, eéa taliinéa ska wanuyyanpi

went; and man the him-now in tied they puthim, then deer white tame animals

owasiy Ganmahen kaham ewiéayaya, ka heGiya un yayka.
all wood into driving them took. and there was wy continued.
Hehan wanna kitayna tehay hehan tahinéa wanuyyaypi optaye kin
Then now little long then deer tame animals tlock the
owasi) wi¢astayatapi ti kin en awidahdi, ka heya: Ho, éannanwapa
all chief house the to them-brought-home, and this Said: Yes, far-out-in-the-water
elipemayayapi uykays he¢iya sugtajka totopi ka tatayka kin is he kiy
you-me-had-throwa if there horse blne-ones and oxen the they horns the
mazaskazizipi tuka Ge, eya. Hehan widéastayatapi kin heya: Ci izaay, heéeya
golden-ones but he'said. Then chief the this said: Cheezhon, so
wi¢ayaka he, eya. Hehan Cizay; Ho, heéeva wiéawaka ée, eva. Hehan

are you true 2 he said. Then Cheezhon, Yes, 80 - I-am-true he said. Then

aki¢ita tuwe token okihi minin elipei¢ivapi wayka. Hehan eéen wiéastaya-

soldiers whoever so was-able into-water threw themselves — (1: Ly) were. Then so chiet

tapi is eya minin ehpei¢iya ka minin ta, keyapi. Heéen Cizay ive ni

he also inthe water threw himself and in water die d, they-say. So Cheezhon hiniself lived
ry
Naceca.
probably.

-TRANSLATION.

There was once a widow who had a son. When the boy was well grown his
mother inquired what trade or business would suit him. The boy replied that he
would like to be a robber. The mother said she very much disliked that business.
But the boy repeated that he would have that, and then proposed to his mother to go

‘Tyeya does not mean ‘to tear,” but conveys the idea of forcible or sudden action.—J. 0, D,

128 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

and ask the spirits. While she was going on this errand he went around and reached
the house of spirits first, and he instructed them how to answer his mother.

The mother came home crying. When the boy asked her what employment had
been assigned to him, she had to reply, ‘The work that I think difficult.” But the
boy said, ** Never mind, mother, soon we will be rich.” Then he went away and
brought home a horse; and again he brought home cows, sheep, and all kinds of
domestice animals.

One day his mother came home from the village crying, and told her son of a
plan to take off his head the next day at noon if he did not get possession of the chief's
wife’s finger ring. He told her to be quiet, and said, “That is nothing.” Then in
the evening he took his own clothes and stuffed them. He made a ladder, and taking
the stuffed man and the ladder he went to the chief’s house. The ladder he placed
upright and looked in at a window. The chief was lying asleep with a pistol in his
hands. As the young man shoved up the window he held in it the grass man. The
chief was waked by the noise and fired his pistol. Cheezhon, which was the young
man’s name, let fall the grass man, and while the chief went to seek the man he
supposed he had killed, Cheezhon made his way to the chamber, and said to the
chief’s wife, ‘* Hand me the finger ring; that was not Cheezhon, but I have killed
him.” Whereupon she gave it, and he took it home. Afterwards the chief came in
and said to his wife, ‘‘ Hand me the finger ring; that was not Cheezhon, but I have
killed him.” To which she replied, It was but just now you said that, and i gave
up the ring.” To which he said, “ Really, that was Cheezhon, and you gave it to him
after all!”

In the meantime Cheezhon reached his home, and saying to his mother, * See,
this is what you eried for,” he handed her the ring.

Sometime after this his mother came home from the village again erying, when
Cheezhon said, ‘* Mother, what do you mean? When we were not rich you did not
cry, but now we are rich you are always crying.” On which the mother said, ‘* My
son, the chief said that he himself would come and take you.” But Cheezhon made
light of this also, and said, ‘* Mother, that is nothing.” In the meantime he went on
making a small whistle, which he finished. Then he told his mother to fill a large
entrail with blood and put it under her clothes. ‘ When he comes,” said he, ‘I will
stab you with this knife, but I will only run it into the entrail, but as there will be
blood he will think I have killed you; and when I blow on this whistle you will stand
up again.”

On the morrow at noon the chief came and saw Cheezhon stab his mother. He
was much astonished, and said, ‘ Cheezhon, you were always a fool, but this beats all
the rest.” But Cheezhon replied, “* What do you mean by saying that? I have done
this that I may bring my mother to life again.” So he took up his whistle and blew
upon it, and his mother stood up. The chief then offered him any sum he might name
for the whistle. But Cheezhon said, ‘I have paid a great sum for the whistle, and I
do not want to sell it. When anyone asks me to bring back to life one who is dead, I
can do it by means of this, so I value it very highly.” But the chief repeated that he
would give him any sum, and Cheezhon named five hundred dollars.

This was given and the whistle taken home. Then the chief called all the people
together, and said he would do a thing. Then all the principal men came, and the

DAKOTA MYTHS. 129

chief proposed to stab his wife, kill her, and then restore her to life. When he had
stabbed her and killed her he blew his whistle over her to bring her to life, but she
lay there dead.

He was thereupon much enraged. Then Cheezhon’s mother came home and told
him that in the morning they planned to put him in a bag and cast him in the water.
But he laughed and said, ‘* Mother, that is nothing.”

It came to pass the next day at noon the chief came and took Cheezhon home
with him, and commanded his soldiers to put him into a bag and east him into the
water. And when they had placed him in the bag and carried him along and were
now near to the place, the chief said, ‘Call them and take him home.”

Just then Cheezhon heard some one calling sheep, whereupon he cried out,
“T do not want to live with the chief’s daughter! I do not want to live with the
chief’s daughter!” So the shepherd came and said, ‘“* What do you mean?” Said
Cheezhon, ‘‘ They say I must live with a daughter of the chief, and I am not willing;
nevertheless, they are taking me there.” The shepherd replied, “I will go.” So they
tore open the bag, released Cheezhon, and bound the other man whom they put in
the bag.

In the meantime the flock of sheep was scattered, and Cheezhon, having his lib-
erty, drove them to the woods and there kept them.

After some time he brought the whole flock back to the chief’s house and said,
“Tf you had thrown me far out into the water there would have been blue horses and
oxen with horns of gold.” Then the chief said, ‘Are you indeed telling the truth?”
And Cheezhon said, “I am indeed telling the truth.” Then the soldiers, as fast as
they were able, cast themselves into the water (to find the blue horses and the oxen
with horns of gold). And the chief also, they say, threw himself into the water and
was drowned. Thus Cheezhon saved himself,

7105—VOL 1x——9

THE YOUNGER BROTHER; OR, THE UNVISITED ISLAND.

WRITTEN IN Dakota BY M. RENVILLE.

Oyate way kaken tipi. Unkay en wiéastayatapi wan Ginéa yamni,

People one so lived. And then chief one children three,
hena hoksinéaytkiyapi. Nom wiéapi ka wanzi winyay. Unkay tokapa kin
these boys belove' od. Two males and one female. Then eldest the
he tawiéutoy, heéen sunkaku kin hduha. Unkay hankaku kin ena siéeéu
that wife-his-took, so that younger- the he-had Then sister-in-law-his the then brother-in
brother-his his own. law-hers

kin nagiyeya: Unwanke kte, eya kes, Hoho, ¢inyewaye Gin misnana
the Reonhled We-two-lie together will, she-said AUCH No indee a. older-brother-mine the me-alone
temahinda, tokey iwakihaha kta he, eya eéee, keyapi.

thinks-much-of-me, how I-make-him- shall ? hesaid always, they say.
ashamed

Unkay kaketu: Winyay kon éay kin i tin hdiéu ka heya; Siée, ito
And thus-it-was: Woman the wood carry went house came home and this said; Berne. lo
in in-law,

Siyo keya kay yukaypi Ge, wanzi makio ye, eya. Tuka, Ho, miye
grouse m any yonder are one shoot for- me, she said. But, Not-so,

nahahin wiéasta waoka hemaga sni, tuwe tokeéa kute yasi Sni, eva. Tuka

as-yet man good-shooter such-me not, someone else shoot you-com- not, he-said. But
mand

éinéu kin, Wanzi kio wo, eye, e heéen wanhinkpe ikikéu ka iyaye éa wanzi
brother- the, One for-her-kill, said, that so that arrows he took and “went and one
his

kio, ka, Hee Ge, iGu wo, eye, éa idwyom iya Unkay winyay kon ku ka
for-her- and, That is it, take it, Bevantat a to another- we ye Then woman the isre- and
killed, place turning

éeya hdi, ka hihnaku he¢éiya: Nisuyka wa¢intanka éa ohinni nagiy emayay

crying has and husband-her this saidto Your younger persistent ase always trcubles mé
come home, him : brother

ée, epa éa, Getuymayahda koy, dena eéamaoy ¢ée, eye éa Siyo siha kin oy
I say when, you-me-dishelieve the, these he-has-done-to-me, she said and grouse claws the with
éayna kin owanéaya hduldaldate éa kipazo. Unkay heéen wiéada, ka
thighs the all over * she-serate ee and showed-him. And so he-believed-her, and
heya: Unktomi kiéo ya po,! eya. Heéen Unktomi hi. Unkan, Unktomi,
this said: Unktomi to-call-him’ go ye, he said. So Unktomi came. Then, Unktomi,
misuyka wita-ipi-Sni ekta eelipeya wo, heéen tanksi duze kta ée, eya.

my-younger- island they-go-to-not at there-takée-and- rhsee so sister-mine youhave shall , he said.
brother

‘This use of the plural for the singular (ya wo, go thow) occurs now and then in myths.—s. 0. D.
130

DAKOTA MYTHS. ile

Heéen wayna koska koy hdi, uykay heéen Unktomi heye: Sung,

So now young man the came home, and thus Unktomi this ‘said: Brother,
ito wintka pahi uynye Sni, eya. Tuka, Hiya, miye-na-hin, tuwe kasta
come eggs to gather we-two-go not, he said. But, No, L-am-alone, some one else
kiGi de sni, eya. Unkay Ginéu kin, Kidi ya wo, eya. Unkay heéen
with you-go not, he said. And brother-his the, With him ~ go thon, he said. Then thus
kiGi iyaya. Wata way en opapi ka wita kin ekta ipi, ka wintka pahipi:
with- —_ he-went. Boat one in they- and island the to they and eggs gathered :
him followea came,
ka wanna wata kin oZuyapi, upkay koska kin heya; Wanna unhde
and now boat the they filled, then young-man the this said; Now we-go-home
kte, eya e heéen wanna wata kiy en okipapi. Unykan Unktomi heya:
will, he'said that so now boat the in they went. Then Unktomi this said:
Sung, kana ees wasteste Ge, ehake iéu ye, eya. Tuka, Hi, wanna de ota kin,
BROtiGn those there are-very-good, the last take, he'said. But, Why, now this much the,
eya. Tuka Unktomi kitay, ujkan iyaye éa iéu, tuka Unktomi wata kin
he said. But Unktomi persisted, and he-went and got fier but Unktomi boat the
paéaynay iyeye ¢a hdiéu. Unkayn, Hi, Unktomi, wata he au ye, eya.

’ ) ? ones .
. head-out turned and sEeeed Then, Fie, Unktomi, boat that bring please, he said.
ome
Tuka, Tuwe, tokenken tenidiya he, eya. Hi, au ye, eya. Tuka widéada
But, Who, in-some-ways you kill ? he said. Fie, bring please, he said. But he was
yourself willing
éni. Unkay, Unktomi, wata kin he au wo, uyki kinhay tanksi duze kte do,
not. Then, Unktomi, boat the that bring, We renee, if sister-mine on shall
home have

eya. Unkay, De is he iyape makiyapi oy heéamoy se, eya. Tuka

he said. And, That isit that wait-for-they-cause-me for this-I-do as if, he said. But
keya yanka; unkay taku Siéa hdute si, ujkay eéoy. Hehay Unktomi
this- he-was; then what bad his-own- com- and he did it. Then Unktomi
saying [or, he sat] to-eat manded,
iha. Unykay, Walite-sni siéa mavahnaye do, eye éa ake ostehda. Unkan,
laughed. Then, Good-not bad you-have-deceived , he said and again he cursed him. Then,
Hunpktiya wo, Capong tanka wandake kte do, eya. Tuka ake ostehda.
Go thou away Bonen you-see will 4 he said. But again he cursed him.
Unkay, Hunktiya wo, Mato wandake kte do, eya. Ake eya, uykai
’ 2 i ’
Then, Go eee away Gray-bear you-see will , he said. Again hesaidit, when,
Hunktiya wo, [spa-tahinspa waynwicadake kte do, eya. Tuka ake eya:
Go thou away Arm-awls them-you-see will , he said. But again hesaidit:
Unkan, Hunktiya wo, Tasunke-ota wandake kte do, eya. Tuka ake
Then, Go thou a His-dogs-many you see will ; he Said. But again
eya. Unkay, Hunktiya wo, Winyay-nonpapika wanwidadake kte do, eva,
he said it. Then, Go thou away Women-two them you see will ; he'said,
ka heéen kihda.
and so went home.
Unkay koska kin is heéen iyaye, unkay waykan taku imuyyay u
Then young man the he so we nt, and from above something whizzing com-
ng
nahoy kehay éaponpa’ way minin ihpaye éa olitateya ehipeigiya. Unkay
he heard when mosquito one in water fell, and underneath it he-threw-himself. And
inyuy taku way pehangina se hinazin ka heya: Taku den oskayskay e
behold something one crane-brown like coming stood and this Said: © What hen moving often that
en hibu kon toki iyaye se eye éa, Kozay den uy kinhay kaken eéamoy
tof[orI come the [in some- has gone asif hesaid Aane Indeed here was if so [in that Ido
there | the past] where manner}

1Gaponka is the usual form. Capong is meotacnon of this.—J. 0, D,

152 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

kta tuka, eye, Ga Gaponpa kon pasu oy apa. Tuka pasu oyatake, heéen

would but, hesaid, and mosquito the bill with struck. But bill he stuck in, so-that
{aforesaid

iye itkom kte, ka pasu bakse ¢a yuha iyaya. Ake taku nalion; uykan
he in-turn killed him, and bill cut-off — and “having went on. Again something he heard; and

mato way hoyeya u. Tuka ake w akanateca idiéage Ga mini en wanka.

gray-bear one sendi ie his-voicecame. But again mysterious dead made-himself and water in lay.
y . te ,
Unkay, Taku den oskayskayn wy e wau kon, eyaya. Mato koy hinazin éa
Then, What here moving often was when . was coming, het reped ate: sd. Gray bear the cameand when

{ze nforesaial stood

heya; Kae kakes wate kta, eya; ka hogan teéa kon iyolnag iveya: : tuka

this said; Yonder whatever I-eat will. he'said; and fish dead the “ into-his- seuiihe took: but

mdaska nakaes iyoha uyma en itokto ekta iy aye Ga eGen otosa napéa.

flat indeed jaws each in time-about to It-went and thus whole swallowed.

Tuka tezi ekta isay iéu ka éayte kin baspuspu, ka kte, ka Gawi kin balidoke
But belly in knife he-took and heart the cut-10-pieces, and killed. and side the eut-hole-in
éa etayhay hdiéu ka nape napin bakse éa yuha iyaye. Uykay éanku ohna

and from came forth and fore-feet both cut-off and ‘havi ing “went. And road in

éaynha wokeya way Sota izita hay e ya kehan, Ispa-tahinspa eye ¢ikoy deepi

bark lodge’ one smoke burning stood to went when, Arm-awls he said that {in these-are
the past]

ée edin, ka sina yupsuyka adoksohay ka tiyonasdog iyaye ¢a éatku
hethought, and blanket ~ rolled-up under-arm and “tent-went-into * and back-part

iyotanke éa heya; Ito unéina tipi en wahi kta, eya. Tuka wakayka nom

sat-down and thissaid; Lo, grandmother house in I-come will, he naid: But old-woman two

tianopg yukaypi, ka tiyopata takitih iyotang heyayapi. Unkay ake nazin

house-each-side were, and ‘door-at fussing sitting they kept saying. Then again rose-tu

hiyaye éa, Uyéina, tipi wahi tuka iyokipipi sni e wahde kta, eya, Ga nasa-

his-feet ana Grandmother house I-came, — but they-pleased not when I-go home will, he fail when blanket-

yupsuyka yus kihde konze éa tiyopa en elipeya. Unkay ispa on napin

bundle holding go-home pretended and door in he-threwit. And arm with both
éapa-iheyapi, tuka sina eéena Gapapi nakaes sanpa éakicipapi ka heyapi;
they stabbed-through, but blanket only they stabbed indeed beyond stabbed-each-other and this said;
Iéepaysi, mayakte ye, evapi. Tuka, Taku deniéeéa makte waéannipi he,

Cousin, me you have killed, they said. But, What like you[youare me-kill you thought ?
such as this]

eye, Ga napin wié tfakate Ga lv Ol ypta- 1 ya.
. hesaid, and both them killed and * went- ana
Uykay tuwe tokata, Mitasuyjke wo-wo, eya u niyay.’ Sung kiéoéo u

And some-one ahead, My-dogs come come, saying was calling. Dog ealling was
“coming often com-
ing

kehay poge ihduwewe ka waynhinkpe kin owasin wekiye éa éayku kin ohna
when nose made bleed often and arrows the all made-bloody and road the in
yumden-elipeya ka ituykam iwanka. Uykay mnaza ka inmutayka henaos
seattered them and on-his-baek lay down. Then lion and great-lynx these-two
tokaheya en hipi ka we kin sdipapi. Tuka, Ustay, iyoopta-iyaya po,
first there eame and blood the — they licked. But, Bor! . go-ye-on-beyond,
wakanheza tuwe oysihay ee, eya. Unkan iyoopta iyayapi. Unkay en u

child who poor is, he said. And on. ‘the y went. And to was
coming

ka, IX, mitakoza, wita-ipi-sni ekta eelipeyapi keyapi-koy he niye he, eya,

and, ‘See, my-grande nila, island-go-tonot was-left they- have-told-about that you ? he oN
tere Huyktiya wo, aiteeantee nom hekta upi ée, henaos kate éa
they say. Go thou along, my-dogs two behind they are those two kill and

coming

‘Dr. Riggs gives niyay in the dictionary as audibly, with a loud voice, and eya niyay as to say
audibly, ov with a loud voice.—a, 0. D.

DAKOTA MYTHS. 133

wiéayuta wo, eya. He Tasunke-ota ee: taku maka agkanskay uy kin

them eat thou, he said. This His-many-dogs is: what earth on-moving is the
iyulipa tasuykeya keyapi.
* all he-has-it-for- a-dog they say.
Heéen naziy kaiyaya. Unkay wiéa nom wohdag upi, tuka napin
So he-arose and ~ went. And raccoons two talking = were but both
coming g.
wicakate Ga kin iyaya. Uykay éayku ohna éayha wokeya way hay e en
them-killed and c arrying Went on. And road in bark lodge one stood that to
ya, ka taykan wiéa koy napin ehnake éa tin iy aya. Unkay wakayka nom
Shae and outside raccoons the both he laid and house- he went. And old-women two
went, in
tianog yukaypi, kehay éatku kin en iyotanka. Unykay heyapi: Takoza,
house “were, when back part the in he-sat-down. And this-they-said: Grand-gon,

each side

Wita-ipi-sni ekta eelipeyapi koy he niye he, eyapi. Hena eke wakayka

island-go-to-not at they left the that you ? they said. Those ones old-woman
raste heéapi. Unk: a heya: Taku ta noy keg wota ée; wokihan y
waste heéapi. U YKal UY.ina leva: aku ta noy kes wota Ge, wok lal) ye,
good — such-were. And one this said: What die as although eats . boil thou for “him,
eya. Unkay heéen wokihaypi, ka wo kupi, ka heyapi: Takoza, taku
she said. And so they boiled forhim, and food gave, and thus said: Grandchild, what
tehika ota ehna yau tuka iyotay kin he tokata hay ée, ey rapi, kehay,
hard much through you have but most the that ahead stands ; they said, when,

been coming

Unéina, wiéa nom den taykan ahiwahnaka ée, iéu po, eya. Heéen

Grandmother, raccoons two here outside I brought-laid “ take ye them, he said. So
iéupi ka ake owiéahaypi; ujkay uyma heya: Kyakes, mitakoZa tak e¢iya Te;
they took and again them boiled; and the other this said: ‘Indeed my-grandchild some- say to him

thing (female sp.)

eya. Unkay heya: Takoza, Winyay-noypapika de tipi en yai kta, tuka
she said. Then this-she-said: Grandehild, Woman-two this house there “You will, but
reach

tayyay ni¢uwapi kta; tuka hayyetu kin he hehan niktepi kta ée; tuka
well they youtreat will; but night the that then you kill will ; but

tokesta en ujyakoypi kta ée, eye ¢a hi kin wayzi yupsuy ku keyapi.
presently then “ we-be will , she said ee tooth the one pulling out gave, they say.
Unykay wyma is wapalita way ku keyapi. Unyma hi yupsuy ku kin he
And the other she bundle one gave they say. The one tooth pulledout gave the that
maniéa ee. Uma wapalita way ku kin he hoka ee; nonksi kin he apalite
gopher was. The other bundle a gave the that badger was; ear the that tied up
ta ku, keyapi. Tohay uyma kiéi inanke Ginhay sina way aniéalipe éa toka
and ey e, they say. When the one with you lie if blanket a with you-cover and no way

raniya sni kinhay hi kiy de on Sina kin pahdog- -lyeye ¢a oniya nuyke

you breathe not if tooth the this with blanket the pierce-through and breathing youlie

kta ée; ka wapalita kin de duske kta ée, eya keyapi. Ka wo niéupi kinhay
will 4 and bundle the this you-untie will , she said they say. And food they give you if
makata eyatonwe éa, Unéina, toki idada hwo, ehe kta ée, eyapi. Tokesta

earth-to “you look and, Grandmother. where haye you : yousay will : they said. Presently
gone

hen ujyakonpi kta ée, eyapi.
there we-be will 5 they said.
Heéen wayna ekta iyaya. Unykay wakeya way taynka e hay. Unkay
So now thither he went. And tent” one large there stood. And
itaykan Gayha wokeya way he en ye éa wakeya kiy en tin iyaye éa
outside bark lodge one the to went and tent the in house-in he went and

éatku kin en iyotayke, tuka tuwena en yayke sni. Unkay litayetu hehan

back-part the in sat down, but no-one in was not And evening then

134 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

toki wikogka iha niyaypi. Unkay éayha wokeya way tankan he éikon hen
some girls laughed aloud. And bark lodge one outside it the the
where stood [aforesaid]

wakanka wayyaka hee heya: Wihomni ista tayka inina kum, eya. Heéen
old-woman he-saw she-it-wasthis-said: Courtezan eyes large silently come, she said. So that
uyma tin hdiéu kta, tuka en yaynka wanyaka, wykay, Wati takumna, eye ¢:

theone house- start’ would, but in he-was slie-saw, and, My-house — smells of she-saidand
in home something

iGiéawiy iyava. Ake uyma eye éa iyaya. Uykay wanna napin tin hdipi
back “went. Again the other said and “went. . And now both came home
hehan wyma wanna wokihay; uykay wiéasta kamdapi okihe éa ku, waksi¢e

then the-one now boiled-for-him ; and man eut-up boiled for and gave, dish
him

way ohna ahikihde kehay, pamahdena iyotayke éa, Unéina, toki idada hwo,
one in placed-tor-him, when head-bowed * he-sat and, Grandmother where have you 2
gone

eve éa makata etoyway, ujkay inpyuy maka mahentayhay iskaya iéam
héesaid and earthward he looked, and behold earth within-from white-mouth pushing
hivotayka e, heéen owas en okihnake Ga waksiéa kin kiéu. Unkay, Mitan,

“‘satdown there, so all in placed for him and dish the gave back. Then, My younger
sister

naka wiéadote wakay uyke ye, eye. Unkay uyma kin is ake wo ku: ake
now man-food mysterious we-two-have, she said. Then other the she again food gave: again
if eva wiéasta-Goniéa eée ku; tuka iéu ka ake; Unéina, toki idada hwo,
she also man-flesh alone gave; but he-took and again; Grandmother where have yougone ?
eya. Unykay maka mahentayhay iskaya hiyotayka. Heéen owas en
he-said. And earth within-from white mouth coming sat down. So-that all in
okihnake éa waksiéa kin kiéu. Unkay, Miéuy, naka wiéadote wakay
placed for him and dish the returned. Then, Myeldersister, now man-food holy
ujke ye, eva.
we-have, shé said.
Heéen wayna okpaza, wyma tokaheya ki¢i iwaynke; ujkay sina way
So now dark, the one first with him she-lay-down; and blanket one
akahpa, tuka nina tke hinéa e oy toka niya Sni, kehay maniéa hi kon he oy

she-threw but much heavy very, so that inno breathe not, when gopher tovth the that with
over, way {aforesaid ]

palidog-iyeye Ga poge ohna niya wayka. Unkay tak eéiy ka yutan:
pushed a-hole-through and nose through breathing lay. And Bone: thought and “touched:
: thing
wiyyay kin he heéoy. Tuka hehan wapalite éikoy he yuske, uykay wiyyay
woman the that did it. But then bundle the that “he loosed, and woman
{uforesaid)

koy Sina kin kazamni-iyeye éa, Mitay naka wiéa okoye, eye Ga iyaye. He

the blanket the threw off * and, My-side now man hole-made, She and “went. That
[aforesaid] said
gina kin kasota Sina, keyapi. Hehan uyma kiy is ake iG iwanke, unkay
blanket the clearsky blanket, they say. Then other the she again with him she lay down, and
taku way akahpa, tuka nina tke e akalipe éa wanna ake toka niya sni kehay
what one covered, but very heavy that covered and now again inno way breathe not when
maniéa hi koy he oy palidog-iheye éa oniya wayka. Uykay ake yutan,
gopher tooth the — that with pushed-a-hole-in and through lay. And again lie touched,
{aforesaid} breathing
tuka tokeéa éni, he ta keéin ka heéoy; tuka ake wapalite kon hee yuske.
but different not, that he she and she did it; but again bundle the that “unloosed
died thought (aforesaid) he.

Uykay, Mitay naka wiéa okoye, eya hinhda sina kazamni-iyeya. He
And, My side now man hole-made, she-said suddenly blanket she threw off. ~ That

DAKOTA MYTHS. 135

malipiya sapa sina keyapi. Heéen napin wiéayuwaste keyapi; ka napin
cloud black blanket they say. So that both them-he-made-good they say; and both
wicayuze.
them he took. i
Unkay hewiéakiye; Taku yatapi kin de ehipeya po, eya. Unkan,
Then this-to-them-he:said; | What “ you-eat the this throw yeaway, he said. And,
Tak api kta he, eyapi. EG s wiéasta yute kta | Sia Ge
aku uytapl Kta he, eyapl. Gy tuwe wiéasta yute kta he, he siéa Ge;
What we-eat shall ? they said. Indeed who men “ eat would ? that bad
eya. ‘Tokesta taku yutapi tokeéa waste ota ée, eya. Unkay wiéadapi, ka
he said. Presently what “is-eaten different good = much he said. And they-believed, and
heéen wiéasta yutapi koy ayustanpi. Hehan wanna napin Ginéa tonpl;
so men “they ate eae they stopped. Then now both children had;
the past

ujkay sakim wiéa wi¢ayuhapi. Uykay ihnuhayna tiyata ewadin ka

and both male them-had. And suddenly at-his-home he-thought and

iyokisiée Ga inina yayka. Unkay heyapi; Tokeéa inina yauy he, eGiyapi.

“ was sad and silent was {sitting]. And this they said: Why silent ‘youare ? they said to
* him.

Uykay, Lyomaksiéa ée, eya. Unkay, He etayhay tehaytu he, tokesta ekta
And, “Tam sad , he said. And, That from far is ? presently to
uphdapi hta ée, eyapi, ka honkupina kin heéiyapi; Ina, éeguka aéeti, de
we-go-home — will 5 they said, and their mother the this said to: Mother, soft-stone burn, this
iyokisiéa e ekta unkayapi kta ée, eyapi. Heéen wakaykana kin éeouka
“ is-sad there to we-take-him will 5 they said, Thus old woman the soft-stone
aceti ka yustay. Unxay hehan, Ate kipan, eyapi. Unykay mini kahda
burnt and “finished. And then, Father call, they said. And water by the sideof
inazin, ka, Wicalinéa, kuwa, mi¢uyksi hutata yapi kta ye, eya. Unykay

she stood, and, Old man, come, my daughters to-main-land go will indeed she said. And
(2)

ihnuhayna taku way mini kin etayhay okapote éa u ka hihuyni; uykan
suddenly what one water the from floated and was and came to land; and
coming

hihnakupi kin wozuha way en okihnakapi. Taku kon he wakaykana kin
husband-theirs the bag one in they placed. ae the te old woman the
aforesaic

hihnaku ka wikoska kin heyaos ¢inéa he Unktehi keyapi. Heéen wanna
husband-hers and young woman the those-two children that Unktelii they say. Thus now
Unktehi kon u ka hihuyni; unkay éeguka aéetipi koy hena ista kin napin
Unktehi the was and arrived; and soft-stones burned the those eyes the both
{aforesaid] coming {aforesaid |

ozuna okadapi, ka he kin ota hena walipaya kin ekiksupi, ka hihnakupi
full they-sprinkled, and horns the many those baggage the they-piled-on, and husband-theirs
wahpaya idihnuni ekihnakapi. Unkay heya: Cuns, taku nimna se, eya.

baggage among they placed. And this hé said: Danghter, something alive itseems, he said.
smells

Tuka; Wiéaliinea siéa, taku omnapi kta he, eyapi. Unkan, O, eya keyapi.
But; Old-man bad, what be-smelled Bs will ? they said. And, O, he'said they say.
Heéen wanna iyayapi. Uykay, Cuns, mitakoZza ¢ayna etaynhay yuke-
So now they-went. And, Daughter, my grandchildren — sticks from [rather, * have-

some]

wi¢ayakiyapi, ka uwastena mda éa he kin makakokokapi kta ée, eya; ka

them-you-cause, and slowly I-go whenhorns the me-they-drum-on will ° he said; and
, . . . Ta . LAG pe os
nakun, Cus, nina wakitapi, eya. He Wakinyay aku kte Gin he ka. Eéin
also, Daughter, much look out for, he said. That Thunder come will the that he For
meant.

kiGi tokaki¢iya uypi. Wanna mini kin opta huta kin ekta hdapi, uykay

with foes to each other they-are. Now water the across show the to they gohome, and

136 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

inyuy heya; Cups, taku ahanzimayay ée, eya. He wana malipiya

behold this he said; Daughter, something shades-me . he'said. That now clouds

ahdinaypa, ujkay sdoyye éa heya. Tuka, Taku ahayziniye kta he, de

had-come-over, and he-knew and this’said. But, What shade-you should ? this

kasota ye, eyapi. He hnayanpi, wanna malipiya ahdinaypa tuka heyapi.

sky-clear indeed they said. This they-deceived, already clouds had come over but they-said-that.
(2?)

Heéen wayna huta kin dehayna, tuka Wakinyan kin is kiyena aku. Tuka
So now shore the near-by, but Thunder the he hear comes. But
huta kin en kihuynipi kehay hihnakupi e tokaheya heyata ehpeyapi: hehan
shore the there they-reached when husband theirs that tirst * ashore they carried ; then
walipay a kin owasin iéupi, ka hehan, Hunktiya, ate, Wakinyay kiyena aku

baggage the all they took, and then, Go along, aes Thunder near comes

ée, eyapi. Unkay, Hehe! éuys, tayni heéeée kta éikoy, eye ¢a kihda; tuka

they said. And, Alas! daughter, long ago so be would thefin he ‘said and started home; but
the past]

een Wakinyay kin kutepi ka mini kin owanéaya we hinhda, on wiéasta

80 = Thunder the shoot-him and water the allover’ blood became, therefore man
kin, Ho! tunkaysi koy, eya. Tuka heyapi: Hetayhay te kte sni, heéoypi
the, Alas! my-father-in-law the [in he‘said. But thistheysaid: From-that die will not, this-they-do

the past]

kes te Ssni eéee, eyapi, keyapi.

though dies not, always, they said, they say.
Heéen wanna ‘hetay ye ¢ikon en wahdi, tuka oyate kin toki eyaya
Thus now whence hé-went the [in there all-come- but people the when liad-gone

the past] home,

taniy Sni kehay heye; Den wakeya tikiéaga po, ito, ekta mde kta Ge, eye
manifest not when this said; Here tent put-ye-up lo, there I-go will , heSaid
éa ekta ye éa miniyowe kin en ya; ujkay inyuy winohinéa pa nisko u
and to went and spring the to went; and behold woman head so-large was

coming

wayyake. Unkay tanksitku kon hee keya, pa nisko, ite kin if owas lidi
he saw. And sister-his the itisshe he Said, head solarge, face the it all sores
{aforesaid |

ka u wanka. E, heéen tanksi kon, eva; unkay, Timdo kon, eve, ¢

and was was [she Indeed so my sister that he said; and, My brother — that shé said, and
coming lay} {aforesaid] {aforesaid}

poskiy kiyahipaya kehay, Tanksi, toketu hwo, eya. Unkay, Timdo,

he-embraced-her when, My sister, how-is-it ? he’said. And, My brother,

Uyktomi ovate kin owasin wiéakasote éa misnana omakapte; tuka nakuy
Unktomi pe ople the all them destroyed and me alone me-has-left; but also

tehiya mayuha ée, eya keyapi: deéen mini huwe wahi ka waki éa wanna
hardly me-he-has , she said they say: thus water tobring I-come and T-reach- when then

home

ake, Tuwe oniéiya naée, eye éa Gahota kata ite kin amakada eéee, on ite

again, Who has courted perhaps, he-says and ashes hot face the sprinklesonme always there- face
you fore
kin owasiy malidi ée, eya. Unkay, Huyktiva Wo, mini kin ahde, éa ake
the all ine-sore , she said. And, Go-thou-along water the take home, and again
eye Gyhay, Oyate way owasin wicayakasote, fae e ni w) ka omakiye kta
hé-say if, People one all them-you-destroyed, who alive is and court-me would
he, eve Ga mini kiy apapsoy ka hiyu wo, den ahdi wati Ge, eya. Unkay
Say and water the throw on him and come thou, here I-have-come- F heeald! And

home-to-dwell

heéen mini kin ahde éa tin kihda. Unykay wanna ake Unktomi ite eéeée

so water the took home and honse in she went. And now again Unktomi face like
ais Sis y 2, i ane mn ; oie P, , 3 iq pleeg Z
sni vanke Ga waryna ake, Tuwe onidiya naée es, eva. Tuka, Na ve oyate
not was and now again, Some one has courted perhaps he said. But, See ! people

[sitting] you

DAKOTA MYTHS. ast

wal) owasil) wicayakasote Gikoy, tuwe ni w) Ga omakiye kta he, eya; ka
one all then! you have the [inthe who alive is when court-me will ? she said; and
destroyed past}

mini kiy apapson-iyeya. Unkan iha, ka, Winyan, tahay hdi he, eya. Nis
water the threw-on- him-suddenly. And he andi Woman, Brother- hehas ? said. You
laughed, m-law come home

wita ipi Sni ekta eelipeniyanpi kes yahdi ka, eye ¢a heéen hiyu keyapi, ka
island go-to not at you-were-taken if you come ? she-said and so came they say, and
home towards

timdoku ti kin en hdi¢u. Unykay heye; Tanksi koyakihay po, eye, ¢éa

brother-her house the there she started And he Said: Sister be- -ye-in-haste-for, he said, and
home.

heéen mini kanyapi ka oy yuzazapi ka ki¢éakéapi, ka heyake waste unkiyapi

so water they-heated and with washed-her and combed-her, and clothes beautiful put-on-her

ka éatku kin en ekihnakapi. Hehan ¢inéa hoksina kin napin, Hunktiye

and back-part the in they placed her Then children boys the both, Go ye a-
their own.

po, Unktomi kiéo ya po, ewiéakiya. Unkay yapi ka; Unktomi, uynidopi

long, Unktomi tocall ~ go ye, to them he said. And they went and; Unktomi, we-you-inyite
do, eyapi. Unkay, EK, mitonskapina taku wastepi ye, eye ¢éa wiGiyahna u
they said. And, Well, my little nephews what good !he‘saidand them“behind was
coming
ka tin hiyu. Unkay tawiéu kon tayyehin ihduze ¢a éatku en yanka wanyae
and tent came And wife-his the well- very dressed and back-part in was to see her
into {aforesaid] herself {sitting]
hiyu. Tuka, Tiyopa kin hen hiyotanka wo, eya. Uykay, Han, tahay,
he came But, Door the there ” sit thou down, he Said. And, Yes brother-
towards. in-law,
token ehe 4 eéen eéamon kta, eya. Ka en ivotanke éehay, Uyktomi
how thou. the so T-do will, he said. And there he-sat-down when, Unktomi

sayest
(taku SiGa way ¢azeyata ka) he hduta wo, eya. Unkay eéen eéoy keyapi.
(what bad one he named and) that eat-thon-thy- he’'said. And so he-did they say.
own,

Is eya heéoy si nakaes tokiéGon. Hehan Makan yay/-ka wo, ka iihduta

He also that-do com- indeed he avenged. Then Tamarack- ~ weave thou it, aud your-own-
manded roots size
ray’-ka wo, ka tahu kin en yuotins iéupi kta heéen yay’-ka wo, eya.
weave-thow-it, and neck the in ~ tightly drawn will so weave-thou-it, he said.
Unkay owasin eéen yustay. Unkay, Ohna iyotayka wo, eya. Unkay
And all so he-finished. And, In-it ~ sit-thou-down, he'said. And
ohna iyotayka, tuka yuotins-iéu ka peta iwaykam otkeya. Nihin¢éiya, tuka,
in-it ‘he sat down, but he-pressed it-in and fire above he- hung. Afirizhted-Was, but,
Cay ota aon po, eye, Ga Unktomi Sota teye, éa Gante kin iéu ka pusye éa
Wood much pile-on ye, he said, and Unktomi smoke killed, ana heart the he-took and driéd and
kapay ka pezihuta iéahiye éa Giynéana kin napin wiéaku, ka, Otiwota kiy
pounded- and medicine mixed and children the both them-gave, and, Village ruins the
fine
owanéa okada po, eya. Unkan eéonpi.
all over scatter ye it, he said. And they did it.
Hanhayna kehay, Ho po, pezihuta oyakadapi koy wanyaka po, eya.
Morning when, Come ye, medicine you scattered that look-ye-after, he Said.

{aforesaid |

Ekta ipi ka lew api: Ate, taku wamduday se owancaya Skayskaypi do,

Thither they and this said: Father, what worms like all over they are moving about
went

eyapi. Ake ihanhanna kehay ye-wiéa-si. Unkay, Ate taku kin wanna
they said. Again morning next when “ them he sent. And, Father, what the now
tankinkinyaypi do, eya hdipi. Ake hayhayna kehay ekta yewiéasi.

they are very large 2 saying they returned. Again morning when to he-sent-them,

138 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

Unkay hdipi, ka, Ate, hena wiéastapi-na do: nazin wo nipaksa, eyapi,

And they returned,and, Father, those they are little men s stand thouup thou art-crooked, they said,
ka pasto-ilipayapina eéee do, eyapi. Ltopa Gay hehan oyate kiy ekiéetu, ka
and brushing theytelldown always . they said. Fourth day then people the perfected, and

along {little ones]

aypao tuka Gegapapi ka panpanpi ka eyanpahapi, ka owodutatoy, ka koska

daylight but kettle beating and yelling and crying the news, and great noise, and young
man

koy ti kiy ihduksay ho¢éokatoy ahitipi, ka Itanéay kiéagapi, keyapi.

the house the around in acircle they-put-their- and Chief they made him, they Bay.

{afore- tents,

said}

Unktomi éante kin on oyate kin ekiéetu, keyapi. Henana.

Unktomi heart the by people the were- they say. That is all.
resurrected,

NOTES. :

1, On furnishing this myth Mr. Renyille remarked, “It is another Joseph.” By
which he did not mean that the Dakota legend had received anything from the Bible
story; but that the impure desires of a wicked woman had worked out similar results.
In the whole structure of it there is evidence that this is a genuine Dakota myth.

2. It will be noticed that the language of the Dakotas has simple words to ex-
press younger brother, (suka), elder-brother, (Ginye), a man’s sister-in-law, (hayka),
a womans brother-in-law, (SiGe), @ maws brother-in-law, (tahay), a maws father-in-lar,
(tuykay), ete. These all are found in the myth, and others like them exist in the
language. However they may have been formed in the first place, these words are
now beyond analysis. Now it is claimed that the existence in a language of such rad-
ical words expressing relationships is evidence of descent from a higher civilization.
Whence came the Dakotas?

3. In all Dakota myths Unktomi is represented as the incarnation of evil. Here
it overreaches itself and is properly punished. But the annihilation of it is only local
and temporary.

4, This myth gives the best characterization of this great water god, Unktelii,
which answers to the Neptune and Poseidon of the Greeks and Romans. Also it
portrays vividly the eternal enmity that exists between him and their Jupiter
Tonans—the Wakinyan.

5. The word éeguka, translated so/ft-stone, is of somewhat uncertain signification.
What was if the old woman burned and sprinkled in the eyes of Uiktelii to enable
him to swim so long in the light? The analysis would seem to be the skin of a-kettle.
The word éega is now applied to all iron kettles as well as wooden buckets. But the
original Gega was undoubtedly earthen. Then the uka, the skin, would mean the
glazing. This, too, would point back to a higher civilization.

6. The element of the supernatural is prominent in all the Dakota myths. Here
in answer to his prayer the earth opens and the gopher comes to his assistance, while
the aid of the badger is no less needed for his deliverance and victory. And not only
is deliverance secured by supernatural help, but the race is elevated by a mixture
with the gods.

7. It is significant that, after this miraculous passage across the water, they find
the mainland uninhabited. The spirit of Evil has destroyed the race. But, as
Deucalion and Pyrrha repeopled the world by casting ‘the bones of the earth” behind

DAKOTA MYTHS. 139

them, so here the Younger Brother repeoples his fatherland by burning up the Evil
One and sowing the ashes.
8. The use of Sni in the following phrases is peculiar:

Tuwe tokeGéa kute yasi Sni, Why do you not tell some one else to shoot?
Who different toshoot you not
at command

Tuwe kasta kiéi de Sni, Why do you not go with someone else?
Who soever with him you go not
In these two, Suni has the force of why not?
Sung, ito wintka pahi unye Sni, Younger brother, come, we have not (yet) gathered

Younger come egg to gather we two not
brother go

eggs. But this last implies a request, Come, let us gather eggs.—J. 0. D.
P. 134, line 1. He, from han, to stand on end, as an inanimate object. See p. 7,
§6, C— I Om Ds

TRANSLATION.

Once there was a people, the chief among whom had three beloved children, two
boys and one girl. The eldest son married a wife and the younger brother lived with
him. But the sister-in-law troubled her brother-in-law, ‘‘ Let us lie together,” often
saying to him. But he always answered, ‘‘ How can I make my older brother
ashamed, seeing he sets such store by me?”

One day, when the woman had brought home some wood, she said, ‘* Brother-
in-law, yonder are many prairie chickens; shoot one for me.” To which he replied,
“No: Lam not a hunter; send some one else to shoot them.” But his brother said,
“Shoot them for her.” So he took his arrows and shot one for her, and said, ‘* There
it is, take it,” and so went away. After awhile the woman came home crying, and
said to her husband, ** Your younger brother persists in troubling me. But when I
tell you of it you do not believe me. See, this is what he has done to me,” and she
showed him where she had seratched her thighs all over with the prairie chicken’s
claws.

Then he believed her, and said,.**Go call Uyktomi.”. And Uyktomi came.
Then he said, ‘‘ Uyktomi, you take my younger brother to the Unvisited Island and
leave him there, and you shall have my sister for your wife.”

The young man came home and Unyktomi said to him, “ My younger brother,
come, we will go and hunt eggs.” But he said, No, I can not. Go with some one
else.” But the elder brother said, “* Go with him,” and he went with him.

They entered a canoe and went to the island and gathered eggs. And when
they had filled the canoe the young inan said, “ Let us go home.” And so they got
into the boat. But Unktomi said, ‘‘ Brother, yonder are some nice ones, get them
also.” The young man replied, “* No, we have now a great plenty.” But Unktomi
was persistent, so the young man went and got the eggs. In the meantime Unktomi
had turned the head of the canoe outward and was starting home. ‘ Halloo, Uyktomi,
bring the canoe here,” he said. But Uyktomi answered back, ‘‘ What are you killing
yourself about?” ‘ Halloo, bring it here,” he repeated, but he would not. Then he
said, “‘ Unktomi, bring the canoe here; when we reach home you shall have my sister
for your wife.” He replied, “That is what I am doing this for.” The young man
continued to plead. Unktomi bade him eat his own dung, which he would willingly
do if the canoe would come for him. Uyktomi laughed at him. Then the young man

140 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

said, * You mean, bad fellow, you have deceived me,” and so he reviled him. Unktomi
answered, “ Go away, you will see the Great Mosquito.” Again he reviled him. ‘ Go,”
said Uyktomi, ‘you will see the Gray Bear.” He repeated it, and Unktomi said, ‘‘ Go
away, you will see the Arm-awls.” Again he cursed him, and the answer was, “ Go,
you will see His-many-dogs.” Then for the last time he reviled Unktomi, who said,
“Go, you will see the Two Women,” and then he came home.

Then the young man also departed, and when he heard something above come
whizzing along, the Great Mosquito fell into the water, and he threw himself under it.
But, lo! something like a brown crane came and stood and said, ‘That thing that was
moving about here as I was coming has gone somewhere. Indeed, if it were here I
would do so to it,” and he struck the mosquito with his bill. But as the bill stuck in,
he (that is, the young man) in turn killed the erane, cut his bill off, and carried it
along. Again the young man heard something, and the Gray Bear came crying out
against him. But the young man changed himself into a dead fish and lay on the
water. Then said the Gray Bear, ‘‘ What was here moving about when I was coming
has gone.” The Gray Bear came, and saying, “ I will eat whatever is yonder,” he took
the fish in his mouth. But, as it was flat, he turned it from one side of his jaws to
the other, and finally swallowed it whole.

But in the belly of the bear the young man resumed his shape, took his knife,
and cut the bear’s heart to pieces, and so killed him. Then he cut a hole in the side
and came out, and having cut off the two fore paws he took them along.

As he went along in the path there stood a bark lodge, from which smoke issued.
He immediately thought, ‘* These are what he called the Arm-awls,” and so he wrapped
his blanket up into a bundle, and placing it under his arm he went into the lodge and
sat down in the back part, saying, ‘‘ Lo! my grandmother, I would come into the
house.” Now, there were two old women sitting, one on either side, and making a
disturbance about something at the door. Then, rising to his feet, he said, ‘“Grand-
mother, I have come into the house, but you are not pleased; I will go out again.”
And as he said this he made pretense of going out, but threw his bundle at the door.
Aud they with their elbows both pierced it, but, as if was only a blanket, they thrust
through further than they had intended and stabbed each other. ‘ My cousin, you
have killed ine,” they both said. But he said, * Did such as you think you would kill
me?” and at once he killed them both and went on.

Then he heard some one ahead saying aloud as he came, ‘Come, come, my
dogs.” And while he came on calling his dogs, the young man made his nose bleed
and besmeared all his arrows with blood and spread them out in the path and lay
down on his back. Then there came a lion and a great lynx and licked them. But
the owner of the beasts said, ‘‘ Let him alone, and go along, this is a poor child.” So
they passed on. Then the man came and said this: “Ah! my grandchild, you are
the one that they say was left on the unvisited island. Go on, there are two of my
dogs coming behind, those you may kill and eat.” This was the one called His-many-
dogs, because they say he has all things that move upon the earth for his dogs.

Then the young man rose and went on. And two raccoons came along, talking
to each other. He killed them and carried them with him. Then he came to a bark-
lodge which was standing in the path, and, laying down both the raccoons outside,
he went in. There were two old women, one on either side of the house, and he sat
down in the back part of the tent. Then they said: “Grandchild, are you the one

DAKOTA MYTHS. 141

who was cast away on the unvisited island?” These were good old women. Then
one said: ‘ Even if one is almost dead he eats; cook something for him.” Then they
boiled for him and gave him food and said: *‘Grandchild, you have come through
many difficulties, but the hardest is yet to come.” And he said, ‘Grandmother, I
brought two raccoons and laid them outside, take them.” So they took them and
boiled them. Then one said to the other, ‘Give some counsel to my grandchild.”
Whereupon she said: “Grandchild, you will go to the house of The Two Women.
They will treat you well, but at night they will seek to kill you. But we shall be there
with you.” Saying this, she pulled out a tooth and gave to him. And they say the
other one gave him a bundle. The one who pulled the tooth and gave him was the
Gopher; and the other who gave him the bundle was the Badger; he tied up his ear
and gave him. Then one of the old women told him what todo. ‘“*When you lie with
one of the Two Women and she covers you with a blanket so that you can not breathe,
pierce a hole in the blanket with this tooth, and you shall breathe freely; then untie
the bundle. When they give you food, you will look to the earth and say: ‘ Grand-
mother, whither have you gone, and at once we will be there with you.’”

Then he traveled till he reached a very large tent. And outside of it there was
a bark lodge. He entered into the tent and sat down in the back part. But no one
was there. But when the evening was coming on he heard young women laughing
loudly. In the bark lodge he had seen an old woman, who now said; ‘*Come quietly,
you big-eyed courtezans.” So when one of them would have entered she saw him
there, and saying, “My house smells of something,” she turned back. Again the
other came and said the same thing and went again. But now, when both had come
home, one of them went to cooking for him, And she gave him the half of a man cut
up. This she put in a dish and placed before him. He bowed his head and looking
to the earth said: “‘Grandmother, where have you gone?” Lo! from the earth there
came a white mouth pushing up and sat down. So he emptied it all in and handed
the dish back. And the young woman said, ‘‘My younger sister, now we two have
mysterious man food.” Then the other young woman also gave him her man-flesh,
which he took, saying, ‘Grandmother, whither hast thou gone?” And from within
the earth a white mouth came and sat down. So again he poured all the food in the
mouth and handed the dish back. And the young woman said, ‘ My older sister,
now we two have mysterious man-food.”

When it was now dark one of the young women lay down with him, and covered
him with a blanket; but it was very heavy, so that he could not breathe. Then he
pierced a hole through it with the gopher’s tooth and with his nose through it he lay
breathing. The woman thought something was wrong and touched him. But just
then he untied the bundle, and the woman threw off the blanket and started off ex-
claiming, “A man has made a hole in my side.” That blanket was the clear sky
planket.

Then the other young woman in turn lay down with him, and put over him a
covering that was so very heavy that he could not breathe. Again he punched a hole
in it with the gopher’s tooth, and lay breathing. Again there was the touch. She
thought he was dead. But he untied the bundle; when she suddenly exclaimed: “A
man has made a hole in my side,” and threw off the blanket. This was the black
cloud blanket. In this way, as the story is told, he made them both good and married
them both.

142 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

Then he said to them, ‘You must change your food.” — But, * What shall we
eat?” they said. To which he replied; ‘No one should eat men; it is bad food: there
are plenty of other things good to eat.” And they believed him, and so left off eating
men.

Now, in process of time they each had children, and both were boys. Then sud-
denly the husband thought of his old home and was sad and silent. The wives said
to him, *‘ Why are you silent?” He said, * Because Iam sad.” “ It is not far away.
we will go home with you,” they said; and then they said to their mother, ‘‘ Mother,
burn soft stones. He is sad and we will take him home.” So the old woman burned
soft stone. Then the wives said, “Call father.” So the mother-in-law stood by the
side of the water and said; ‘*Old man, come, my daughters will go to the main land.”
Then immediately something floated up from the water and came to the shore. The
wives put their husband in a bag. What appeared was the husband of the old
woman, and the young women were his children. They say it was Unktelii. So when
the Uyktelii had come to the shore, they filled both his eyes with the burnt stones,
and on his many horns they piled the baggage, and their husband they placed among
the baggage. He said, “My daughter, I smeil some live thing.” But they said,
“Bad old man, what is there to be smelled?” To which he replied **Oh.” Thus they
set off. Moreover he said, ‘* Let my grandchildren take little sticks and when I move
slowly let them drum on my horns.” He also said, ‘My daughters, keep a sharp
lookout.” This he said lest the Thunder should come. For the Thunder and the
Unktelii are enemies.

Now, as they went over the water towards the mainland, he said, “My daugh-
ters, something overshadows me.” He said this because it had clouded up and he
knew it. But they said, ‘‘ What is there to shade you; it is all clear sky.” In saying
this they deceived him, for already the clouds had come over. And now when they
approached the shore the Thunder came nearer. But when they came to land they
put ashore their husband first and then took off all the baggage; and then they said,
“Go away, father; the Thunder is near.” ‘Alas! my daughters, I thought so,” he
said, and started home. But just then the Thunder shot him, and the water all over
turned to blood. The young man said, ‘ Alas! my poor father-in-law!” But they
said, ‘ He will not die of that. Although that is done, he never dies.”

They had now returned to the place whence he went out, but where the people
had gone was not manifest. So he said, ‘“*Put up the tent here, while 1 go over yon-
der.” He went towards the spring of water, when lo! he saw a woman with a head
so large coming. “That is my sister,” he said. She was coming—her head was the
proper size, but her face was all broken out in sores. ‘* Yes, that was my sister,” he
said; and as she said, “My brother that was,” he embraced her, and said, ‘ My sis-
ter, how is it?” ‘My brother,” she said, **Uyktomi has destroyed all our people.
Me alone he has saved, but has treated me very badly. When I come thus for water
and go back, he says, ‘Now somebody has been courting you,’ and he sprinkles hot
ashes on my face, and so my face is all over sores.” Then he said to her, “Go, take
home water, and if he says that again, say to him, ‘You have destroy«d all the peo-
ple; who is there alive to say anything to me?’ Then throw the water on him, and
come hither; I have pitched my tent here.”

So she took the water home and went in; wherefore again Uyktomi’s face was
flushed, and he said, ** Now some one has been courting you indeed.” But she replied,

DAKOTA MYTHS. 143

“See, you have destroyed all the people; who is there alive to say anything to me?”
And she dashed the water on him. He only laughed and said, ‘‘ Woman, has my
brother-in-law come home?” She replied, “If you had been left on the unvisited
island would you ever have returned?” Then she left him and came to the tent of
her brother, who commanded his wives to hasten with the preparations for his sister.
So they heated water, washed her, combed her hair, put beautiful clothes on her, and
placed her in the back part of the tent. Then the man said to his two boys, ‘*Go,
call Unktomi.” They went and said, ‘*Uyktomi, we call you.” He said, “Oh, how
beautiful my nephews are,” and followed them to the tent of his wife’s brother. He
was going in to see her who had been his wife, now dressed so beautifully and seated
in the back part of the tent; but the young man said, ‘ Sit there in the door.” To
which Unktomi made answer, “Yes, my brother-in-law, I will do what you say.”
When he was seated, the young man said, ‘* Unktomi, eat your own dung.” And
they say he did so. This was done to be avenged, because Unktomi had onee told
him to do the same. Then the young man said, ‘* Weave tamarack roots; weave the
basket just your own size and make it come close around your neck.” And Unktomi
did so. “Sit down in it.” And Unktomi sat down in it. So the young man pressed
Unktomi in and hung it over the fire. Uyktomi squirmed, but the young man said,
“Pile on wood.” So he killed Unktomi with the smoke, took out his heart and dried
it, pounded it up fine and made medicine of it. Then he gave it to his two boys, and
said, “ Go, scatter it on the ruins of the village.” And they did so.

When the next morning came, he said to them, ‘*Go see the medicine you scat-
tered.” They returned and said, “Father, all over there are things like worms
erawling.” The next morning he sent them again. They returned and said, ‘Father,
the things are now very large.” On the third morning he sent them again. They
brought back word, “ Father, they are little men. ‘Stand up! You are crooked,’
they said to each other; and so they stumbled along,” they said. On the fourth day
the people were perfected, and at daybreak, with drum-beating, yelling, making
proclamations, and great noise, they came and pitched their tents around the tent of
the young man, whom they made their chief. Thus they say that by means of
Uyktomi’s heart the people were brought to life again. That is all.

WAMNUHA-ITAGOSA.

BEAD SPITTER.

WRITTEN IN Dakota BY M. RENVILLE.

Hoksinéantkiyapi way hee tohan tagosa eéa wamnuhia oéaze kin owasin

Boy-beloved one thatis when ner ‘spits then beads kinds the all
itagosa eée; heéen taoyate kin hena wokoyake yapi eée. Heon oyate
he Brrinout alwaysor so-that his- people the those clothes made-them always. Therefore people

regularly

ihduksay tanhay wikoska owasiy hihnaye au eée. Unkan wikoska way

round about from young-women all to-marry- they were always And young-woman one

him coming in or regu-

large num- larly.

bers.
is hihnaye ya, uykay inyuy hekta tuwe iha niyanpi. Heéen inazin ;
she marry- -him went, and behold benind who laughed they aloud. So-that she stopped;
unkay wikoska nom en upi ka heyapi; Inama! Gayktewin den nazi Ge,
and maidens two thither they and this-say ; Wonderful! Heart-killerfemale here stands
were

c oming,

eyapi: ka, Iho ye, Canktewiy, Wamnuha- itagosa_ hihnaye ujyaypi ¢ée,

they said and, Come on, Heart-killer female, Beads-who-spits- Sat to-marry we are going
uyyaypi kte, eyapi. Heéen om iyaye. Wikoska kin denaoza Winyan-
we-go will, they said. So with them She went. Maiden the those-two Women
Nonpapika ewiéakiyapi. Oyate en iéagapi Sni, ituya i¢agapi; hena taku
Two they were called. People among they grew nae wildly they-grew; these some-
thing
wakay heéapi, heéen éazepi.
mysterions such they hence their name.
: were,
Heéen hena om ya, ka om iwanka, wanna htayetu heon. Heéen
So those with she went,and with she lay-down, now evening therefore. Thus

them

wayna istiymapi kta, uykay Winyay Nonpapika kin heyapi: Ihonye,

now they-sleep would, and Women-Two the this said: Come-on,

Canktewiy, hanhayna unkikt api kinhay taypa waksiéa way ohomni pahiyn
Heart-killer female, morning we awake birch-bark dish one around quills
oy akisonpi e psin tona e pa kin hae aypa kinhay he Wamnulia-itagosa
with braided that rice which that head the stands daylight if that Bead-spits-out

(%) ever (?)

lihnaye kta, eyapi. ‘Tuka hanhayna unkayn Canktewin e pa kin en
hil kt | Puka hal yk Jankt pa kin

husband have shall, they said. But morning then 2 art-killer female that head the in
eéen hay, keyapi. Heéen yapi, ka mde way yapi en tanka, huta tanin
80 stood, they say. : So they-went, and lake one they went in large, shore appear
snie en ipi. Caynay wata wan tanka yanka, hen Wamnulia-itagoga
not that in they Out-on boat one large was (sitting), there Beads-spits-out
arrives

144

DAKOTA MYTHS. 145

tonweye Gin hetu; heéen paypi, ka, Wamnulia-itagoga hihnaye uyhipi ye,

dwells the there; so they called, and, Beads-spits- ae to-marry we have come,
eyapi. Heéen watopa way u. Hi unkay heyapi: Wamnulia-itazoga
they said. Then rower one was Arrived and this they say: Beads-spits-out
coming.
hihnaye unhipi ée, eyapi. Unkay, Tha, tuwe hediyapi sta sdonwaye Sni,
to-m: wry wehavecome , they said. Then, No, who thus called although I know him not,
eye éa iozuna wamnulia iyohnake ¢a tagosa iyeya: Unkay wamnulia keya
hesaid, and mouth full beads he-placed and ‘spit them out: Then beads abundantly

in his mouth

kada iyeya: Unkay ihalia pahipi; ka heéey Winyay Nonpapi kin napin

scattered were: And langhing they picked and so Woman-Two the both
them up:

rata kin opapi, ka wanzi kin kisiéapi, Ganktewiy ; Ako i iyaya, eyapi, ka

tt the went-in, and one the they sent her Heart-killer female; Away £0, they said, and
away,
kiGi kihdapi. Tuka he Wamnulia-itagoga ee sni. Heéen uwyma kon eéen
with they went home. 3ut this Beads-spits-out — that not. So other the thus
him (aforesaid)
ceya yanks 2 te ykay, Wyu, wata w al) hinanpa, upkay nina wi vatpa, Maza
erying was (sitting). And, lo, boat one came-in-sight, and very brilli: ant, metal
wata nakaes. Heéen u ka en hi: eke Wamnuha-itagosa hee; iye kin
boat indeed. Thus it was and there arrived; this Beads-spits-out — that was; ‘he the
coming
taku wiyatpa eée koyake nakaes nina okitanin. Heéen, Taku on, wikoska,
some- bright alone wears indeed, very appears. Then, What for, maiden,
thing
den yaéeya he, eya. Unkay is, Wamnulha-itagosa hihnaye hi keya; ka
here ~ youcry 2 he’said. And she, Beads-spits-out to-marry came, she Sarde and
en Winyay Nonpa token eéakiéonpi he okiyake. Uykay, Ho wo, unhde
these Woman Two how they did toher that she told him. Then, Come on, we-two-

go-home

kta ée eve éa kiGi ki.

will . hesaid, and with hearrived
her at his
home.
Ito uymapi kiy he omdake kta. THeéen Winyay Nonpapi kin widasta
Now others the that I tell will. Thus Women Two the man
koy kiG kipi. Unkay kuykisitku ti en ipi. Unkay inywy tuwe heya;
the with they reached Then grandmother-his house in they And o some one this said;
{aforesaid | home. came. -
Sivyaka, Wamnulia-itagosa niéo ée, eya. Unkan, Ho, token takeye se,
‘Teal, Bead Spitter — you-calls” , he-said. ‘Then, Soho! somehow — what-he- it
says seems,
eya: Heéen upi sni po, he taku wakanyay eéonpi eée e tuwena winyay
he said. Hence come ye not, this something mysteriously they-do always that ~— no-one woman
wanyake Sni eéee ée, eya ¢a iyaya. Tuka winyay koy heyapi: Taku
sees not always, he said, and went. But women the this said: What

[aforesaid]

wakay kes wanyag unjy akon eéee, ekta ujye kte, eyapi; ka en yapi.

mysterious even se elng we-two-are always, toit wetwo-go will, they said; and there “went.
Unkay nina oko e heéen wakeya ohdoka way ohna etonwaypi, ujkay
Then much noise that so tent” hole one in they looked, and
hihnakupi koy hee nite kin he awadipi: ujkay tawiéw kin eyokasinpi e
husband-theirs the that-is back the that they danced on: and wives-his the looking in that

{aforesaid}

wanwiéayake; unkan nazin hiyaye ¢a, Mis Siyaka nite awad¢ipi owapa, eye

them-he-saw ; and he rose to his feet and, I ‘teal’s back dancing on I follow he said,
ta psipsica, keyapi. He magaksiéa way Siyaka eyapi eéee, hee keyapi.
te jumpe 4 often, they say. This duck one teal called always, that-is-it they say.

7105—VOL Ix 10

146 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGKAPHY.

Heoy dehayyay magaksiéa kin he nite kin éepe Sni: unkay he oyate awaéipi

Therefore to-this-time hae the this back the fat not: and this people they danced
; on him

ka heéeéa, eyapi eée.

and so-it-is, tliey say regularly.
Hehan winyay kon hdiéupi, ka sina nom, uyma tulimaga mahen
Then women the they-started and blanket — two, the one bees within

{aforesaid} home,

ehnakapi, ka wyma tazuska mahen ehnakapi, ka iyayapi; ka uyma winyay,

they placed, and _ the other ants within they-placed, — and went on: and the other woman,
Cayktewin eciyapi koy he hoksinéaytkiy: api kin kidi waykan yayka; tuka
Heart-killer she was the that boy-beloved the with above Was [sitting]; but
female called [aforesaid}
yus tankan hiyuyapi, ka iy e itay-anog iyotankapi. Unkay Siyaka hde éa
taking outside they thrust her, and they — on-each- side ‘they sat down. Then Teal wants and
ome
ki ka Sina uymay yugay, tuka tuiimaga kon yazipe. Ake uyma yugay,
he and blanket the one 4 opened, but bees the they-stung- Again the other 7 opened,
reached [aforesaid] him.
home
tuka tazuska kin yazipe. Unkay, E¢in taku waka ota Ge, eye Ga Sina
but ants the ~ they bit Then, Indeed what mysterious many, he’said, and Dblank-
{aforesaid] him. ets
yazamni, tuka tazuska tulimaga ko ti ozuna; heéen owasin wiéakahapapi.
* opened out, but ants bees also house full; so that all they were driven out.
Heéen ye Ga Wamnuhia-itagosa Sivaka tawiéu kip napin om yayka en i;
So ‘he and Bead Spitter — Teal Wives-his the both with “was there he
went {sitting] arrived;
ka, Cinye, hakakta kin he miéu ye, eya. Tuka eéaéa tak eye sni. Ake
and, Older brother, — last the that return her to me, said. y But no-way something said not Again
eya keg e¢acéa tak eye Sni. Unkay heéen Siyaka kin hde éa dowayy niyay
hhe although not- some- said — not., And so ‘Teal the went- and he sang aloud
said at-eall thing home
keyapi: Wamnulha-itagosa, wi hakakta miéu wo; mde akasaypa kes Gaysuska
the sy-Say : 3ead Spitter, woman-last returnhertome; lake across even box-elder
ko okatantay ihewaya ée, eya doway niyay. Heon dehan woyazay way
also pounding-in-often I drive , hesaid he sang alond. Therefore now sickness one
tukten tonwiéaye Ga nina wicayazay eée kiy he Siyaka wicao, eyapi kin
when pus-forms and very they sick always the that Teal then arts thev-say the
hetayhay he iéupi.
hence this they-bake.
Hehan hanyyetu kehay Iganganheéa isay way iéu ka en ya: unkay
Then night when Sharp-grass knife one took and there Went: And
Hoksinéantkiyapi kin winyay kin napin om istinma wanka: tuka pa kiy
Boy-beloved the women the both with sleeping he lay: but head the
tahu kin en baksa iyeye éa hehan ti mahen wakeya kin mahen yuha inazin.
neck the in he-cut-off * and there house-in tent” the within “having he stood
there.
Hehan oyate ki sdoyyapi. Hoksinéantkiyapi koy pa Gona wayka e heéen
Then people the knew-it. 30y-beloved the head without lay that so

{aforesaid}

owodutatoy. Heéen Siyaka ti kin ekta yapi; uwykay konkisitku kon
tumult-was Thus Teal house the to they went; and grandmother-his the
[aforesaid]
owanéaya toki ye éa ti akan ekihde ka en yapi. Tuka hok’a gina way
all-over some- She and hous¢ upon placed, and there they went. But heron brown one
where went
kinyay iyaye, heéen wahupakoza way hok’agiGana e¢iyapi koy he siyaka

flying “went so that fowl one little brown heron is called the that ‘teal
(snipe) {aforesaid |

DAKOTA MYTHS. 147

kuykisitku ee. Heéen éedi kalimiy way en iyahe. Heéen oyate kin en

grandmother his is. Then reed corner one in she alighted. So people the thus
aye Ga éedi wita kin eéehna inapaypi ka inakukapi. Heéen éedi hute kin
wens and reed island the entirely tramped down and stamped out. Hence reed roots the
owasiy Saga eéa kin hena Siy aka kuykisitku we kin hena ee, keyapi.

all red here when the those ‘Teal grandmother-his blood the those are, they say. =

and there

Hehan Siyaka is Hoksinéaytkiyapi pa kin yuha wiéastayatapi kin

Then “Teal he 30y-beloved head the “he aving chief the
timahen wokeya kin mahen yuha inazij. Uyjkay Hoksinéantkiyapi hoyku
house-in tent the within “hay ving he stood there. And 30y-beloved F mother
éeye Ga, Walite Sni, siéa, mi¢inéa kin wowilhahaye ¢a nite awadi wiéakiye
his cried and: Worthless, bad, my-child the debauched and back on-dance them-he-made
Gilkoy walipanimaye, eya éeya éa, Toki he miye nakaes hecAmoy, eva eéee.
that-one poor-me-made, said erying eh, Well, that 1 indeed that-I did, he‘said always.
Uykay Unktomi kiéopi, ka honku kin heya éeya éa; Toki ig heya niyay
‘Then U yp cone theyealled, and mother-his the this-Said erying when; Well, he thissaid aloud
ece, he miye naes heéamoyn, eya eée; Eéa iyukéay wo, eyapi. Unkan,

always, that T verily this I did, head always; Indeed “consider thou, they said. And
Unktomi witkotkoka ehapi ée, tokeéa idukéanpi sni he. De wakeya kiy
Unktomi a fool you say , why you consider not 3 This tent © the
mahen nazi, heya. Uykay wakeya kin yuzuzupi, uykay Siy: aka Hoksin-
within standing, he said. Then tent the they tore down, and Teal Boy-
éantkiyapi pa yuhe, Ga wyma is isay kon yuhe éa wankan inazin. Unkay,
beloved head “he-had, and other he knife the “ had and above he-stood there. Then,

{aforesaid |

Kun ku wo, yani kta ée eyapi. Tuka waykan iyaye, éa hanyetu wi kin

Down come thou, youlive shall . they said. But upward he-went, and night sun the
éokaya inazin. Heéen tohan hayyetu wi mima éa taku way taniy kin he
in-the middle he-stood there. Thus when night sun round andsomething one appears the that
Sivaka ee, nape saym Wamnuha-itagosa pa kin yuhe éa uyma is Loayeayheca
Teal is, hand one Bead- SW head the “holds, and other it Sharp-grass

isay kon yuhe Ga nazin, keyapi.

knife the “holds and hestands, the Ly say.
{aforesaid]

NOTES.

1. The form, Boy-beloved, is said to be used only of the first-born or eldest son
of a chief, and so would stand for Prince. It is ‘hoksiday,’ boy, and ‘éantekiya,’ to
love. This is put in the plural and passive form, aud so means Beloved-Son.

2. This myth shows that plurality of wives is a custom of ancient date among
the Dakota, and that the taking of sisters was a common form of it. Further, the
myth shows a very low state of social morality. To the question, what laws or im-
memorial usages among the Dakota, restrain them in their matrimonial alliances, M.
Renville answers, ‘*There are no laws—that is, laws with penalties—to prevent a man
from taking his sister to wife, or even his mother, but we simply say such a man is
like a dog—he is a dog.” That they often have largely transgressed the line of pre-
scribed consanguinity, in taking wives, is evidenced by the name Kiyuksa being worn
by a number of the sub-gentes in the Dakota nation. ThiS dividing or breaking of
custom is uniformly referred to their matrimonial alliances.

3. It is interesting to note in these myths the origin, or at least the explana-
tion, of certain singular forms of speech in the language, which if is impossible to
account for otherwise. For example, in this myth, we have ‘Siyaka-o,’ Teal-shot,

148 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

which means « boil, the core of which is the mythical arrow of box-elder which the
Teal drives in, even from beyond the lake.

4. Rather a beautiful mythical idea is that the roots of the tall reeds are made
red by the blood of the snipe, which is the grandmother of the teal. Another, which
is quite as good as our “man in the moon,” is the translation of the Teal, with the
gory head of Boy-beloved, together with Sharp-grass and his executioner’s knife, to
the broad land of the Night Sun.

TRANSLATION.

There was a Boy-beloved whose spittle was all kinds of beautiful beads. So

abundant were they that his people arrayed themselves therewith. As the fame of

this spread abroad, the young women of surrounding tribes were all anxious to have

him fora husband. And as a certain maiden was going to make kim her husband, if

possible, she heard behind her some one laughing. She stopped, when lo! two women
came up and said, “Why, here stands Heart-Killer.”. And they added, ‘Come
along, Heart-Killer, we are going to make the Bead-Spitter our husband; let us go
together.” So she went with them.

These two young women were calied—* The Two-Women.” They did not grew
from the people, but grew wildly and were supernatural beings, hence their name,
“The Two-W omen.”

So Heart-Killer went with them and lay down with them, as it was now night.
But before they went to sleep the two women said, ‘ Look here, Heart-Killer, when
the morning comes, at whosesoever head stands the birech-bark dish with quill work
around it and filled with rice, she is the one who shall have Bead-Spitter for a
husband.” So when the morning came it was standing at the head of Heart-Killer,
they say.

Then they went on and came to a large lake, whose farther shores could not be
seen. Ont on the water was a large canoe. And as this was where Bead-Spitter’s
village was they called and said, “* We have come to get Bead-Spitter for our husband.”
Some one came rowing. When he arrived, they said, ‘* We have come to make Bead-
Spitter our husband.” To which he replied, “T do not know any one by that name;”
but at the same time he filled his mouth with beads, and then spat them out. The
beads were scattered all around, and, laughing, they gathered them up. Then the two
women went into the canoe, but the other they drove back, and said, “Go away,
Heart-Killer.” So they went home with the man, but he was not Bead-Spitter.
Heart-Killer stood there crying, when, lo! another canoe came in sight. It was a
very bright and beautiful one, for it was all metal. It came on and arrived. This
was the Bead-Spitter, and, as he wore very bright clothing, the appearance was very
splendid.

* Young woman, what are you erying for here?” he said. So she told him she
had come to get Bead-Spitter for a husband and what the two women had done to
her. Then he said, ‘Come on, we two will go home.” So she went home with him.

Let us return to the others.

The two women went home with the man whom they had met. His name was
Teal-Duck, and he lived with his grandmother. By and by some one said, ‘“ Teal-
Duck, Bead-Spitter calls you to a feast.” The Teal said, “ Indeed, somebody has
said something;” and then to the women he said, Do not come; they are making
mystery; no woman looks at if.” So he went. But the women said, “ We, too, are

DAKOTA MYTHS. 149

accustomed to see the supernatural; we will go,” and so they went. When they
reached the place there was much noise, and they came and looked in by a hole of
the tent, and lo! the inmates were dancing on the back of Teal-Duck. He saw his
Wives peeping in, and jumping up, said, ‘I, also, will join the dance on the Teal’s
back,” and so he jumped about. They say this was the duck that is called the “Teal,”
and hence, to this day, that duck has no fat on its back, because the people danced
on it, they say.

Then the two women started back, and, taking two blankets, they put bees in
the one and ants in the other and went on. The other woman, who was called Heart-
Killer, was with the Boy-Beloved. Her they took and thrust out, and then placed
themselves on either side of him.

Then Teal-Duck came home, and when he had lifted one blanket the bees came
out and stung him; when he lifted the other the ants came out and bit him. Then
he said, ‘‘ Indeed, here is much that is strange,” and so he opened out the blankets
and the ants and bees swarmed out and drove everybody from the house. So he went
and found the two wives of Teal-Duck with Bead-Spitter, to whom he said, ‘My
elder brother, give me back the younger one.” There was no reply. Again he
made the demaud, but no answer came, And so Teal-Duck went home singing this
song, they say:

“ You Spitter of-Pearls, give me back my younger wife;
For over the lake I always drive box-elder pegs.”

And from this has come down to us this form of speech, viz: When sores come
out on people and pus is formed, they say, ‘‘ Teal-Duck has shot them.”

Now, when night came on, Sharp-Grass took his knife, and finding the Boy-
Beloved sleeping with the two women, he cut off his head, and, holding it in his hand,
took his station inside of the tent. When the people knew that the Boy-Beloved
lay headless there was a great tumult, So they went to the house of the Teal, but
his grandmother had placed him on the top of his tent. They went in, but only a
little brown heron came flying out. Hence the fowl that is called Little: Brown-Heron
(snipe) is the grandmother of the Teal-Duck. It flew away and alighted in the corner
of a reed marsh. Then the people went and trod down and trampled up thoroughly
the recd island. Hence, when all the roots of the reeds are red, they say this is the
blood of the Teal’s grandmother.

Then Teal-Duck, having the head of the Boy-Beloved, went and stood within
the tent of the chief. And the mother of Boy-Beloved cried, and said, You bad,
worthless fellow who debauched my child and had people dance upon your own back,
you have impoverished me.” While she cried, some one said, ‘* Indeed, and was it I
who did this thing?” Then they called Uyktomi, and when his mother said, crying,
“ Who is it who says this aloud, ‘ Indeed, and was it I who did it?’?” Then Uyktomi
said, “* Now, consider this: You say Uyktomi is a fool; why, don’t you understand
this? It is he who stands within the tent who says this.”

Then they tore down the tent and beheld Teal-Duck holding the head of Boy-
Beloved and the other having the knife, and they stood up high. ‘Come down,”
they said, “you shall live;” but up they went and stood in the moon. And so
now, when the moon is full, what appears in it is Teal-Duck holding the head of One-
who-spits-out-pearls, and the other is Sharp-Grass holding the knife in his hands.

This is the Myth.

PARABLE OF THE PRODIGAL SON—Lwvkge XV, 11-32.'

Wiéasta w ay Ghijtku noypa: ujykayn hakakata kin he atkuku kin

Man son-his two: and youngest the that father-his the
hediya: Ate, woyuha mitawa kte éin he miéu-wo, eya. Unkay woyuha
said-to-him: Father, goods mine willbe the that me-mine-give, he-said. And goods

kiy yuakipam wiéaku. Unkay iyohakam anpetu tonana, Ginhintku hakakta
aay

the dividing them-he gave. And after few, son-his youngest

koy he owasiy witaya tpahi, ka itehayyay makoée way ekta iGimani ya;

that- that all together gathered and a-far-oft country a to traveling went;
was his-own,
ka hen sihay ohiaay aypi kin oy, taku yuhe éiy owas) hdutakunigni. Unkay
and there bad doings the by, what he-had the all he-destroyed-his-own. And
owasin wayna hdusote éehay, makoée kin he en wiéaakihay hinéa; unkay
all now he-had-spent when, country the that in famine very; and
his own
hinnakaha wiéakiza. Unkay makoée kiy hen uypi kin wayzi ti kin ekta
consequently —he-was-in want. And country the there dwelt the one house the to
i, ka ki¢i yaynka; unkay he maga kin ekta kukuse wo wiéaku kte yesi-
went,and with ~ was; and that-one field the to swine food them-give should sent.
Unkay kukuse taku yutapi kin hees oy wipiiéiye wacin; tuka tuweday
And swine what eat the even-that with fill-himself desired; but some-one
dot oku sni. Uykay wanna i¢iksuye Gehay heya: Ate wiéasta opewiéaton
food gave- not. And now remembered- when this-said: My- man them-bought
him himself father
kiy heéa tona wiéayuha, ka hena aguyapi iyakiGuya yuhapi, tuka miye ke
the such how-many — them-has, and those bread more-than-enough they have, but myself
wotektehdapi kin oy atakunisni amayay Ge. Ito nawazin, ka ate ekta
hunger the by I am becoming feeble. Lo! T stand and = my- to
means-of (-arise), father
wahde éa, hewakiye kta; Ate, malipiya kin ekta ka niye nakuy nitokam
I-go-home and, to-him-I-say‘this will: F athe heaven the against and thee also thee-before
wawahtani; ka detayhan Ginéamayaye kta iyemaéeée Sni; wiéasta
l-have-sinned; and from-this time, child-me-thou-haye shouldst I am worthy not; man
opewiéayatoy kin hees wanzi iyeceéa makaga wo, epe kta ée, eya. Unkay
hem-thouw-hast bought the even one like me -mi ike, I-say will f he-said. And
nazin hiyaye, éa atkuku ekta ki. Tuka nahahin itehayn ku, atkuku
he rose to his feet, and father-his to went-home. Sut while-still far-off coming- father-his
home,

Wi whd: ake ¢ ca, onsikida ka, ny ange ye ¢ Cay poskin hduze é Ca, iikpute ka. Uykay

saw-him and had-c ompas and running went, fad by-the-neck clasped and — kissed-him And
his own sion on his own, his own, his own.
Gnhintku kin heéiya: Ate, mahpiya kin ekta ka niye nitokam wawalitani,
son-his the this-said Father, heaven the to and thee thee-before T-have-sinned,
to-him:
ka detanhay Ginéamayaye kte Gin he iyemaéeée Sni, eya.
and from-this-time child-me-thou-have shouldst the that “I am worthy not, he-said.

'The accompanying interlinear translations from the Bible appeared in the edition of 1852, just
after the Grammar,
150

DAKOTA MYTHS. 15

Tuka atkuku kin taokiye kin hewidakiya: Sina iyotayn waste kin he
But father-his the his-servant the this-to-them-said: Blanket — most good the that
au-po, ka inkiya-po; ka mazanapéupe way nape kiy en iyekiya-po; ka
bring ye, and put-on-him-ye; and finger: ring a hand the on put-ye; and
siha haypa ohekiya-po; ka ptezi¢aday Gemyapi kin he den au-po, ka kte-po;
feet moccasins — put-on- “him ye; and cow-calf fatted the that here bring-ye, and kill-ye;
wauytapi ka uykiyuskinpi kta ée. Miéijksi kin de ta, uykay kini; taninsni
we-eat and we-rejoice will : My-son the this dead, and lives-again; lost
ka iyeyapi, eya. Unkay hiynakaha wiyuskinpi.
and is-found, he-said. And immediately they-rejoiced.

Unkay éinhintku tokapa koy, he magata wy: unkay tikiyaday ku &

And son-his eldest that-was, that field- at was: and house-near-to was when
coming
home

dowanpi ka wacipi nahoy. Unkay ookiye wanzi kipayn, ka hena token
singing and dancing he-heard. And servant one he-called-to, and these-things how
kapi heéinhan, he iwayga. Unkay hediya: Nisuyka hdi; uykay ni uy ka

meant if, that he-inquired. And he-said-this- Thy-younger- _ has- and alive is and
to-him: brother come-home;

zaniyay hdi kin; heoy-etanhay niyate ptezigaday éemyapi koy he kikte ée,

weil has- the; therefore thy- “father cow-calf fatted that-wasthat killed
come-home for him

eya. Unkan heéen sihda, ka tin kihde waéiy Sni; hehan atkuku kin
he-said. And so he-was-angry, and ene: HEB: desired not; then fathewhis the
Louse iome

taykan hiyu ka éekiya. Unkay hehan wayupte éa atkuku kin hediya:
out came and besoug elit- hinge And then he-answered and father-his the this-said-to -

Tho, waniyetu ota wanna waociciye, Ga iyae Gin tohinni kawape sni; heéeéa

Lo! winter many now I-have-helped- ‘thee, and thiy- word the ever I-passed- not; thus
beyond

esta, kodawiéawaye ¢in om wimduskin kta e tohinni tacéijéaday we WzZi

although, friend-them-I- have the with Lrejoice might that at-any-time deer-child one

mayaku sni Ge: Tuka niéinksi witkowinpi kiy om woyuha nitawa kin

me-thou- not 5 But thy-son harlots the with property thy the
gavest

temni¢iye Gin de hdi éa, wayéake pteziéaday Gemyapi kin he yediéata ée,
eaten-up-for-thee the this come- aha at-once cow-calf fatted the that ‘thou-for-him-
home hast-killed

eya. Unkay heéiya; Cins, ohinniyay miéi yauy; ka taku mduhe ¢in he
he- ‘said. And this-he-said- Son, always me-with thou-art; and what I-have the that
to-him:

iyuhpa nitawa. Nisuyka kin de ta ujkay kini; taninsni, uykay iyeyapi
“all thine. Thy-younger- the this was- and hance: was-lost, and “is-found
brother dead to-life;

kiy heoy etanhay ito, éayte ujwastepi ka unkiy uskinpi kte Gi he heéetu
the therefore lo! heart we-good and we-rejoice should the that — is-right
Ge, eya Ge.

he-said

THE LORD’S PRAYER.

Itanéan tawoéekiye kin.

Lord his-prayer the.

Ateunyappi mahpiya ekta nayke ¢iy; Niéaze xm wakandapi kte;

Father-we-have heaven in thou-art the; Thy-name_ the holy-regarded sha al;

Nitokiéoyze kin u kte. Mahpiya ekta token nitawadiy eéoypi kin, maka akan

Thy-kingdom the come shall. Heaven in how thy-will is-done the, earth upon

152 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPITY.

heéen eéonpi nuywe. Aypetu kin de taku-yutapi uyku-po:’ ka waunlitanipi

so done SEN -it-be. Day the this food us-give: and our-trespasses

kiy uykidiéazuzu-po, wykis iyeéen tona eciysniyay uykokiéihayyaypi hena

the erase-for-us, we like-as as-may-as wrongly have-done-to-us those

iyeéen wicuykiGiéazuzupi kin. Wowawiyutayye kin he en iyaye wyyaypi

‘even-as them-we-forgive the, Temptation the that into to-go us-Cause

Sni-po, ka taku sida etayhay euyhdaku-po. Wokiéoyze kiy, wowas’ake kin,

not, and what bad from us-deliver. Kingdom the, strength the,

wowitay kiy, henakiya owihayke wanin nitawa nuywe. Amen.
glory the, all-these eud none thine may-be. Amen.

THE FOURTH COMMANDMENT.

Woahope itopa.

Commandment fourth.

Aypetu-okilipapi kin he kiksuye ¢a wakay da-wo. Anpetu sakpe

Day-of-rest the that remember and holy regard thou. Day six
htayani ka nitohtani kin owasin eéanoy kta. Tuka aypetu isakowiy kin he
thou-labor and thy-work the all thou-do © shalt. Sut day seventh the that
au petu- okilipapi, Yehowa Taku-Wakay nitawa kiy he tawa, he en wiéohtani

day-of-rest, Jehovah God thy the that his, that in work
takuday eéanon kte sni, niye ka nidinksi, ni¢uyksi, wiéasta nitaokiye, win yay
some-little thou-do shalt not, thou and thy-son, thy-daughter, man thy -servant, woman
nitaokiye, nitawoteéa, ka tuwe tokeéa nitatiyopa kin en wy kin henakiya.
thy-serv: ant, thy-cattle, and whoever else thy door the in is the so-mnié uy.
Aypetu sakpe en Yehowa malipiya, maka, miniwanéa ka taku ohnak:
Day six in Jehovah heaven, earth, water-all and what is-in
ko owasty kaga; unkay aypetu isakowin kiy he en okilipa, heéen Yehowa
also all made; and day seventh the that in rested, 850 Jehovah
aypetu-okilipapi kin he hdawaste ka hduwakan.
day-of-rest the that blessed and hallowed
his own his own.

‘Some of the Dakota object to the use of the imperative in wo and po, in addressing God, pre-
ferring the ending ye, please.—J. 0. D.

DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.
ATOR “DEED:

PACE OG eee Ey

PEN @ Gay Nel

(Opel eI Dele lee

THE DAKOTA.

The introduction to the Dakota Grammar and Dictionary, published
by the Smithsonian Institution im 1852, commences with this paragraph:

The nation of Sioux Indians, or Dakotas, as they call themselves, is supposed
to number about 25,000. They are scattered over an immense territory, extending
from the Mississippi River on the east to the Black Hills on the west, and from the
mouth of the Big Sioux River on the south to Devils Lake on the north. Early
in the winter of 1837 they ceded to the United States all their land lying on the
eastern side of the Mississippi; and this tract at present forms the settled portion
of Minnesota. During the summer of 1851 the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, with
Governor Ramsey, of Minnesota, negotiated with the Dakotas of the Mississippi and
Minnesota, or St. Peters Valley, for all their land lying east of a line running from
Otter-Tail Lake through Lake Traverse (Lac Travers) to the junction of the Big Sioux
River with the Missouri; the Indians retaining for their own settlements a reservation
on the upper Minnesota 20 miles wide and about 140 long. This purchase includes all
the wooded lands belonging to the Dakotas, and extends, especially on the south side
of the Minnesota River, some distance into the almost boundless prairie of the West.
Beyond this, the Indians follow the buffaloes, which, although evidently diminishing
in numbers, still range in vast herds over the prairies. This animal furnishes the
Indian with food and clothing, and a house, and, during the summer, with the ‘ bois
de vache” for fuel. In the winter these sons of the prairie are obliged to pitch their
tents at or in the little clusters of wood, which here and there skirt the margins of
the streams and lakes.

The interval of thirty years has made such changes in this people as
to require an almost entirely new statement. First, as regards numbers:
The above statement was made mainly by estimation, and not on actual
count. Only a small portion of the Dakota were at that time receiving
annuities. In this case the estimate was largely under the truth. Since
that time, when the western Dakota were at war with our Government,

they were variously estimated as numbering from 40,000 upward. But as
155

156 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND BTHNOGRAPIHY.

they are now gathered at the various agencies, viz, Cheyenne River, Crow
Creek, Devils Lake, Lower Brule, Pine Ridge, Rosebud, Sisseton, Stand-
ing Rock, and Yankton, in Dakota Territory, with Poplar River in Mon-
tana, and Santee in Nebraska, they are reported at a little less than 30,000.
This does not include the more than 100 families of homesteaders at Flan-
dreau and Brown Earth. Nor does it include Sitting Bull’s party, the
ereater part of which has recently returned to the United States. In addi-
tion to these, are, Dakota-speaking people beyond the line, the Stoneys,
and Assiniboin, besides at least 1,000 of the refugees from our war of
1862, who have become permanent residents in the Queen’s dominions.
We now conclude that 40,000 will be a low estimate of those who speak
the Dakota language.

Secondly, as regards habitat: This will be made plain by a brief state-
ment of the migrations and history of the different tribes which constitute
the Dakota nation.

TRIBES.

Their name, the Dakota say, means /eagued or allied; and they some-
times speak of themselves as the ‘Oéeti Sakowiy,” Seven council fires.
These are the seven principal bands which compose the tribe or nation, viz:

1. The Mdewakantoyway, Village of the Spirit Lake. heir name is
derived from a former residence at Mdewakay (Spirit or Sacred Lake), Mille
Laes, which are in Minnesota, at the head of Rum River. This was the
old home of the nation, when Hennepin and Du Luth visited them two
hundred years ago. As these so-called Spirit Lake villagers occupied the
gateway of the nation, they were for a long time better known than the
other portions of the tribe, and came to regard themselves as living in the
center of the world. Thirty years ago this record was made of them:

They are divided into seven principal villages, three of which are still on the
western bank of the Mississippi, and the others on or near the Minnesota, within 25
or 30 miles of Fort Snelling. This portion of the Dakota people have received an-
nuities since the year 1838, and their number, as now enrolled, is about 2,000. They
plant corn and other vegetables, and some of them have made a little progress in
civilization.

In that same year of 1851 they sold their land to the Government
and were removed to a reservation on the upper Minnesota, and were the
principal actors in the emeute of 1862, which resulted in their capture and
dispersion. Those who fled to the Dominion of Canada with Little Crow
have, for the most part, remained there, while those who lived through the

DAKOTA TRIBES. 15%

ordeal of captivity are now a civilized people at the Santee Agency, in
Nebraska, and at the Flandreau Homestead Settlement on the Big Sioux.

The origin of the name Mdewakanytonwan) is accounted for by Mr. M.
Renville as follows: In the east country there was a large lake, and in the
lake there was a Taku-Wakan, which was feared. But there they made
their village. And when the planting time came this local god always
made his appearance. But this gens dreamed of it and worshiped it, and
no more feared it. Hence they got the name of ‘ Sacred-Lake Villagers.”
This was an original gens of the Dakota people, which was afterwards
divided into seven gentes, viz: (1) Ki-yu-ksa, Breakers of custom or lav,
said to refer to marrying into their own gens. (2) He-mni-éay (Hay-
minnee-chan), Hill-water-wood, the name of Barn Bluff at Red Wing. (3)
Ka-po-za (Kaposia), Light ones, those who traveled uninecumbered with
baggage. (4) Ma-ga-yu-te sni, They who do not eat geese. (5) He-ya-ta-
toy-we, The Back Villagers. This was the Lake Calhoun band. (6) Oyate-
Si¢a, Bad people. (7) Tiy-ta-toy-we, Prairie Villagers.’

The Wahpekute, Leaf-shooters. It is not now known from what
circumstances the Walipekute received their name. Thirty years ago
they were a roving band of about 500 or 600, who laid claim to the
country of Cannon River, the head waters of the Blue Earth, and west-
ward. They were guilty of the massacre of Spirit Lake, in Iowa, in 1857,
and were so demoralized thereby that they became rovers, and have lost
their place in the Dakota family. After the sale of their land, in 1851,
they beeame comected with the Spirit- Lake band, and, disregarding their
eentes, some of them are now at Santee Agency and some at Sisseton
NESTS but the greater part have fled to the Missouri River and to Canada.

The Wahpetonway, Village in the Leaves, probably obtained their
name aoe the fact that formerly they lived only in the woods. The old
home of this band was about the Little Ra pids, whic h is some 45 miles by
water from the mouth of the Minnesota River. Thirty years ago it was
written :

About 300 still reside there, but the larger part of the band have removed to
Lac-qui-parle and Big Stone Lake. In all they number about 1,000 or 1,200 souls.
They all plant corn, more or less, and at Lac-qui- parle, one of the mission stations
oceupied by the American Board of C ommissioners for Foreign Missions, they have

made some progress in learning to read and write their own language, and have
substituted, to some extent, the use of the plow for the hoe.

' Hake-waste, a chief of the Mdewakantoywan, who was in Washington, D. C., in 1880, gave
the fifth and seventh gentes as “ Heyata otonwe” and * Tinta otonwe;” but since then Rey. A. L. Riggs
has given the forms ‘‘ Heyataton war ” and ‘ Tintatoywan.’—J. 0. D.

158 DAKOTA GRAMMAR. TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

These Dwellers in the Leaves were more or less mixed up in the out-
break of 1862. Some of them fled to Manitoba, where they now have a
native church near Fort Ellin. Some of them were of the captivity, and
varried letters and religion into the prison, while some were prominent in
bringing about a counter revolution and in delivering the white captives.
They are now mixed with Sisseton on the Sisseton and Devil’s Lake Reser-
vations and in the Brown Earth Homestead Settlement.

Mr. M. Renville accounts for the origin of the name Leaf Villagers in this wise:

“Pirst, tradition says the clan were in the habit of making booths with tree
branches with the leaves attached. Secondly, when camping in a country of prairie
and woods they were in the habit of making their camp in the wood. Hence their
name. They were divided into three subgentes, viz: 1. Wali-pa-toy-wan.' 2. Ta-ka-
psin-tona. 3. Oteliatonna. They lived originally at Knife Lake, where there was a
beautiful prairie. A part of the clan became famous ball players, and hence the name
of Takapsintona. Another part were afraid of enemies, and so, when on journeys,
they sought a thicket in which to make their camp. Hence they were called Otelii-
atonwe, Dwellers in Thickets.”

4. The Si-si-ton-way. Formerly we were told that si-siy meant
swampy land; and so we translated the name Swamp Villagers. But the
evidence is in favor of another meaning and origin. M. Renville gives the
following: At Traverse des Sioux, at the Blue Earth, and on the Big Cot-
tonwood, they made their villages. They took many fish from the river
and lakes. ‘These they cut up and dried, throwing the scales and entrails
in heaps, which appeared partly white and shining, and partly black and
dirty. This appearance they called siy-siy. And hence when the young
men of other villages would go to see them they said, Let us go to the
Sisiatoy wan—those who live on the sinsiy. Hence the people were called
Sisseton.

They were divided thus into subgentes: The white people brought
whiskey, The Sissetons got drunk and killed each other. By this means
they were scattered. Some went up to Lake Traverse, and some went to
the T'wo Woods west of Lac-qui-parle.

These last were called (1) Ti-zaptayna, Five Lodges. These were
Thunder Face’s people. Some were called (2) Okopeya. These were his

gens remained at Traverse des Sioux

brother's followers. A part of the
‘The following is a full list of the gentes of the Walipetonwan, as obtained from their mis-
sionary, Rev. Edward Ashley, in 1884: (1) Inyan éeyaka atonwan, Village at the Rapids ; (2) Takapsin
tonwanna, Those who Dwell at the Shinny-ground ; (3) Wiyaka otina, Dwellers on the Sand; (4) Otehi
atonwan, Village On-the-Thicket (sic); (5) Wita otina, Dwellers In-the-Island; (6) Wakpa atonwan,
Village On-the-River; (7) Gay-kaga otina, Dwellers In-Log (huts?). When they camped with the
Sisitoy wan, a different order of these gentes was observed, as will be explained hereafter,—v. 0. D.

DAKOTA TRIBES. 159

and at Little Rock. These were called (3) Can-Sda-Gi-ka-na, Little place
bare of wood.’ ‘These were Sleepy Eyes’ and Red Iron’s people. Another
portion was called (4) Amdo-wa-pus-kiya. They lived at Lake Traverse
and were great buffalo hunters. They often moved camp when their meat
was not dried, and so spread it out on the horses’ backs and on the thills,
and hence were called Dryers on the Shoulder. These were Standing Buf-
falo’s people. (5) Basdeée sni. (6) Kapoza. (7) Ohdihe.

Previous to 1862 they numbered about 3,000. But, being in-
volved in the uprising of that year, they fled to the Missouri River and
to Canada. Some have returned, and are at the Sisseton and Devil’s Lake
agencies.”

These Mississippi and Minnesota Dakotas are called, by those on the
Missouri, Isayties or Santies, from ‘isanati’ or ‘isayyati;’ which name seems
to have been given them from the fact that they once lived at Isaytamde,
Knife Lake, one of those included under the denomination of Mille Laes.’

1Mr. Ashley says that these were Sleepy Eyes’ division of the Kalmi atonwan.—J. 0. D.

?The following are the gentes snd subgentes of the Sisitonwan, as given by their mission-
ary, Rey. Edw. Ashley, in 1884. Beginning at the north and to the tight of the opening of the
tribal circle the tents were pitched in the following order: 1. (a) Wita waziyata otina, Dwellers at
the Northern Island. (b) Obdihe. 2. (a) Basdeée sni, Those who do not split (the backbone of the
buffalo). (b) Itokal-tina, Dwellers at the South. 3. (a) Kalimi atonwan, Village at the Bend. Part of
these were called Gansda oikana. (b) Mani-ti, Those who pitched their tents away from the main camp.
(ce) Keze, Barbed, as a fishhook; a name of ridicule. The Keze tents were on the right of the south
end of the tribal circle. On the left of them came: 4. Cankute, Shooters at trees, another name given
in derision. 5. (a) Ti-zaptan, live Lodges. (b) Okopeya, In danger. 6. Kapoza, Those who travel with
light burdens. 7. Amdowapuskiyapi, Those who place the meat on their shoulders in order to dry it. These
were divided into three subgentes, Maka ideya, Wanmdiupi duta, and Wanmdi nahoton. When only
a part of the tribe was together the following camping order was obseryed: The Wita waziyata otina
pitched their tents from the right side of the opening at the north and as far as the east; next, the
Itokah-tina extended from the east to the south; the KapoZa oceupied the area from the south to the
west, and the Amdo-wapus-kiyapi filled the space between them and the Wita waziyata otina.

When the Sisitonwan and Walpetonway camped together it was in the following order, begin-
ning at the right side of the opening at the north: 1. Wita waziyata otina (including Ohdihe). 2.
Basdece sni (inelnding Itokah tina). 3. Inyan Geyakaatonwan. 4. Takapsin toywanna. 5. Wiyaka
otina. 6. Otehiatoywayn. 7. Witaotina. 8. Wakpaatonwan. 9. Cankaga otina (on the right of the
south part of the circle). 10. Keze (on the left of the south part of the circle). 11. Kalimi atonwan.
12. Cankute. 13. Okopeya. 14. Tizaptay. 15. KapoZa. 16. Amdo wapuskiyapi (on the left side of
the opening at the north).—J. 0. p.

* According to the context, we are led to make this last sentence of the author refer to four
divisions of the Dakota: Mdewakantonway, Walipekute, Walpetonwan, and Sisitonway. But this
is commented on in ‘The Word Carrier” for January, 1888, in a criticism of Kirk’s Illustrated History
of Minnesota:

“One such” error “‘ we find on page 33, where the Mdewakantonwans are said to be one of the
four bands of the Santees. Instead of this, the Mdewakantonwans are the Santees. It is true that
white men on the Missouri River and westward, with utter disregard of the facts, call all the Minne-
sota Sioux ‘Santees’; but a Minnesota writer should keep to the truth, if he knows it.”

This led the undersigned to ask the editor of ‘‘The Word Carrier,” Rey. A. L. Riggs, the following
questions (in April, 1888): (1) Why do you say that the Mdewakantoyn way are the (only) Santees? (2)
How do you interpret the statement made in the first edition of ‘The Dakota Language,’ p. viii (‘ These

160 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

5. The Thaynktoyway' or Yankton, Village at the End, were counted,
thirty years ago, at about 240 lodges, or 2,400 persons. They are now
reported at nearly that number by actual count. The outbreak did not
disturb them and they continue to occupy their old home at the present
Yankton Agency on the Missouri River, where they are making progress
in civilization. This is the headquarters of Rev. J. P. Williamson’s Presby-
terian mission, and also of Bishop Hare’s mission of the Episcopal Church.

6. The Thanktonwayna, one of the End Village bands, were estimated
at 400 lodges, or 4,000 souls. The Dakota tents on the Minnesota do not
average more than about 6 inmates; but on the prairie, where, though the
material for the manufacture of tents is abundant, tent-poles are scarce,
they make their dwellings larger, and average, it is thought, about 10 per-
sons to a lodge. The Ihanktoywanna are divided into the Huykpatina;?
the Pabakse, Cut Heads; the Wazikute or Canona, Pine Shooters ;> and the
Kiyuksa, Dividers or Breakers of Law. Formerly they were the owners of

Mississippi and Minnesota Dakotas are called by those on the Missouri, Isanties,’ to which your
father added in 1882, ‘or Santees’)? Who were these Mississippi and Minnesota Dakotas at the date
mentioned (1852) if not the Mdewakantonwan, Walipekute, Walipetonwan, and Sisitonwan? (3) Has
there not been a change in the use of ‘Santee’ since 1852? (4) Are not all the Dakotas on the Santee
reservation known as Santees, or were they not thus known from the time of their settlement on that
reservation till they became citizens of the United States?”

To this Mr. Riges replied as follows:

“The point I made with Prof. Kirk was this: That while there is a use of the name Santee in
the Missonri River country to signify the Dakota Indians of the Minnesota and Mississippi, and those
removed from there, yet the original meaning was more specific and limited. And that it was inex-
eusable in a Minnesota historian to have ignored the original and local signification of the term.
This did not conflict in the least with the statement made by my father in the Dakota Dietionary

The Mdewakan and Isantamde are one and the same, i. e., one of the Mille Laes, from whence,
as you know, came the names Mdewakantonwan and Isanyati. These Mdewakantonwan are the
Santees of Santee Agency, Nebraska, who were removed from Minnesota.”

Such testimony ought to be decisive; yet we find the father making the following statement (in
1882) in his ‘Argument of Migrations (derived) from Names” whieh will be found in the present
volume: “Santee. For a century or more past there have been ineluded in this name the Leaf Shooters
(Walhpekute) and also the Leaf Village (Walipetonwan).”—1. 0. D.

'The following names of the Yankton gentes were furnished by Hehaka mani, a Yankton, in
1878: 1. Gan-kute, Shooters at Trees. 2. Cagn, Lights, or, Lungs. 3. Wakmuha oin, Pumpkin-rind Par-
ring. 4. Tha isdaye, Mouth Greasers. 5. Waéeunpa, Roasters. 6. Ikmun, Wild Cat (people). 7. Oyate
si¢a, Bad Nation, &. Wasicuyn Ginéa, White Men’s Sons, or, Half-Breeds (a modern addition). In
August, 1891, Rev. Joseph W. Cook, a missionary to the Yankton, obtained from several men the fol-
lowing order of their gentes in the camping eircle:—On the right: 1. Tha isdaye. 2. Wakmuha oin.
3. Ikmun. On the left: 4. Waceunpa. 5. Can kute. 6. Oyate siéa, 7. Cagu. The first and seventh
gentes always camped in the van.—J. 0. D.

*See note under the next division—Hunkpapa.

‘It is said that the young men of a clan were poor shooters, and were led to practice by shoot-
ing at a mark, and that was a pine tree. Henee both these names—Can-ona, Hitting the Wood, snd
Wazi-kute, Shooting the Pine. From this clan of Pine Shooters the Assiniboin, or “Hohe” of the
Dakota, are said to have sprung.

———

DAKOTA TRIBES. 161

the James River country. Now they are distributed in the villages along
the Missouri, principally at Standing Rock.’

The Titonway. In its present form this might mean House-dwellers.
But it is understood to be a contracted form of Tinta-toyway, meaning
Dwellers on the Prairie, or prairie villages. They constitute one-half or
more of the whole Dakota nation. For many years they have followed the
buffalo west of the Missouri River, and now they are mainly confined to
the great Sioux Reserve in southwestern Dakota. Not a dozen years have
aval since they began to take steps towards education and civilization.
Hitherto the Episcopalians have lon the most missionary work among
them. Within two years past they have taken some interest in eens
their children to Hampton and Carlisle to be educated. With the Shaiena
Shahiyela, or Cheyennes, they have maintained friendly relations and
intermarried. They are divided into seven principal tribes, viz: The
Siéaneu, or Brules, Burnt Thighs; the Itazipéo, or Sans Arcs, No Bows, or
Without Bows, as the word is understood to be contracted from Itazipa
éoday; the Sihasapa, Black-feet; the Minikayye wozupi, or Minnekonjoos,
Who Plant by the Water; the Oohenoynpa, Two Boilings or Two Kettles; the
Oglala, or Ogalala, and the Huykpapa. Each of these names has doubtless
a history, which will be herewith given as far as we are able to trace it.
Let us begin with the last:

Huykpapa: For a good many years we have been anxiously seeking
to find out the meaning and origin of ‘ Huykpapa,” and its near neighbor
“Tunkpatina”—they both being names of large families or clans among
the Titoypway. But our investigations have hitherto been unsatisfactory.
Sometimes it has seemed to us that they must be formed from “ Huyka,”
which is an honorable name for the older male relatives, and for ancestors
generally: as in “Huykake” ancestors, and “Huykawayzi” brothers, and
“Hunkayapi” elders. The analysis would be reduced to its limit in
“Huy” mother. “ Huykpa” would be Huyka-pa meaning Family-Head;
and Huykpapa would be a reduplication, while Huykpatina would mean
Dwellers of Family Head.

'TIn 1880, ‘Nasuna ti: wnka, Big Head, and Mato noypa, Two Grizz ly Bears, said that their people
were divided into two parts, each haying seven gentes. (1) Upper Ihanktonwanna includes the fol-
lowing: 1. Gan-ona, Those who Hit the Tree, or, Wazi-kute, Shooters at the Pine. 2. Takini. 3. Siksi-
Gena, Small bad ones of different kinds. 4. Bakihoy, Those who Gashed-Themselves. 5. Kiyuksa, Breakers

of the Law or Custom. 6. Pa-baksa, Cut Heads (divided into sub-gentes). 7. Name not remembered.
(11) Hunkpatina, or Lower Ihanktonwanna, includes the following: 1. Pute temini (sic), Sweating
Upper-Lips. 2. Sun ikéeka, Common Dogs (?). 3. Taliuha yuta, Eaters of the Serapings of Skins.
4, Sanona, Those Who Hit Something White or Gray (in the distance). These are called the Sanonee
(One Siders?) by the author. 5. Tha sa, Red Lips. 6. Ite gu, Burnt Faces. 7. Pte yute sni, Lat no
Buffale. The Ihayktonwanna are generally called Yanktonai.—s. 0. D.

7105—VOL Ix 11

162 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

Then again we have endeavored to derive the words in question, from
He-inkpa or He-oinkpa, which would give two meanings, Horn-end or That-
end. In this case we have supposed the names might have originated from
their dwelling on the upper or smaller part of the Missouri River. But as
I said, neither of these have been quite satisfactory. Some other attempted
ayaa ine by Indians have been still less so.

But the other d: ay, Paul Mazakutemani, who 1s largely acquainted with
the habits and customs of the prairie Indians as well as the more eastern
bands, gave what seems to be a very natural account of the origin of both
the words. From time immemorial it has been the custom of the prairie
Dakota to travel under strict camp regulations. The tribes of the children
of Israel in the wilderness did not set forward with more formality, and
camp with more precision. The “Tiyotipi” or Soldier's Lodge took the
place of the Ark of the covenent. Under this leadership each band and
each family took its appointed place in the encampment. In two lines they
followed the lead of young men on horseback until the circle was completed.
At the farther end of the cirele a space was left in which was pitched the
Tiyotipi. More commonly on the prairie this soldiers’ tent was in the
center of the area. The ends of this gateway, which would be well repre-
sented by the horns of a buffalo cow turning inwards, were called
“Huynkpa,” evidently from He-oiykpa. The nes camping on either side
of this gateway were called Huykpa-tina: whence the name came to be at-
tached to a clan of the Ihanktonwanna. The added “pa” in Huynkpapa is
probably only a reduplication.' This is decidedly the best and most satis-
factory explanation of this difficult question in philology, that has come to
my knowle dee.

Oglala finds its corresponding term in Santee, in Ohdada, which means
to scatter one’s own in; and is understood to have originated in boys throw-
ing sand in each others’ eyes.

The following important information is furnished by Rev. J. Owen
Dorsey:

In 1879 I received a letter from the Rev. John Robinson, missionary to the
Oglala at Red Cloud Agency, giving the origin of the names Huykpapa, Oglala, ete.,
as told him by the Indians at that place:

“ Tuykpapa, those who camp at the head end of the (Dakota) circle; Hunkpati,
those who camp at the tail end of that circle. This latter probably includes both

‘If there were a reduplication in this word, would not the form be ‘“ Huy-kpa-kpa,” instead of
Hun-kpa-pa? The final ‘‘pa” may be compared with the adverbial ending ‘‘ wapa” in akowapa, etc.,
the locative ending ‘‘ta,” and with the Biloxi endings ‘‘ wa” and ‘‘waya",” denoting direction.—4J. 0, D.

DAKOTA TRIBES. 163

Thanktoynway (Yankton), or ‘End Village People,’ and Thayktoyn wana (Yanktonnais),
or ‘ People of the Smaller End Village.’

“ Oglala originated in a quarrel between two women. One threw some flour (7?)
in the face of the other, thus giving rise to the name, which means ‘She scattered
her own.’ The adherents of the injured woman separated from the rest, and
since then their people have been called the Oglala.”

The Oglala are called ‘ U-b¢a/-¢a’ by the Ponka and Omaha tribes.

DIVISIONS OF THE TITONWAN.

A. Siéangu—Burnt Thighs, or Brules: List of Tatanka wakan (1880): (1) Iyakoza, Lump or
Wart on a horse’s leg; (2) Goka towela, Blue spot in the middle; (3) Siyo tanka, Large Grouse; (4)
Homna, Smelling of Fish; (5) Siyo subula, Small (?) Grouse; (6) Kangi yuha, Keeps the Raven; (7)
Pispiza wiéasa, Prairie Dog People (?); (8) Walega un wohan, Boils with the Pawnch Skin; (9)
Waéeunpa, Roasters; (10) Sawala, Shawnees (descended from former Shawnee captives); (11)
Thanktonway, Yanktons (descended from Yanktons—refugees?); (12) Nahpahpa, Take down leggings
(after returning from war); (13) Apewan tanka, Large Mane.

List of Rev. W. J. Cleveland (1884): (1) Si¢angu, Burnt Thighs proper; (2) Kakega, Making a
grating noise; (3a) Hinhay suywapa, Towards the Owl Feather; (b) Suykaha napin, Wears dog-skin
around the neck; (4) Hihakanhanhan win, Woman the skir of whose teeth dangles; (5) Hunku waniéa,
Motherless; (6) Miniskuya ki¢un, Wears Salt; (7a) Kiyuksa, Breakers of the Law or Custom (‘* Breaks
or Cuts in two his own”) ; (b) Tiglabu, Drums-on-His-own Lodge; (8) Wacéeonpa, Roasters; (9) Waglule,
Inbreeders; (10) Isanyati, Santees (descended from the Mdewakantonwan?); (11) Wagmeza yuha,
Has Corn; (12a) Walega ory wohan, Boils with the Paunch Skin; (b) Walina, Snorters; (18) Oglala
i¢iéaga, Makes himself an Oglala; (14) Tiyoéesli, Dungs in the Lodge; (14) Wazaza, meaning not given
(Osage? or Wash?) ; (15) Ieska éinéa, Interpreters’ Sons, Half-breeds ; (17) Ohe nonpa, Two Boilings, or,
Two Kettles (descended from the Oohe noypa?); (18) Okaga wiéasa, Southern People.

B. Itazip¢o—Sans Ares, or, Without Bows: (1) Mini Sala, Red Water; or, Itazipéo-héa, Real
Itazipéo; (2) Sina luta oin, Red cloth ear-pendant; (3) Woluta yuta, Lat dried venison or buffalo meat
from the hind quarter ; (4) Maz pegnaka, Piece of metal in tke hair; (5) Tatanka ¢esli, Buffalo Dung ;
(6) SikSiéela, Bad ones of different sorts; (7) Tiyopa o¢annunpa, Smokes at the Door (Rey. H. Swift, fide
Waanatan, or, Charger).

C. Siha-sapa—Black Feet: (1) Ti-zaptan, Five Lodges; (2) Siha sapa liéa, Real Black Feet; (3)
Hohe, Assiniboin, or, Rebels; (4) Kangi Suy pegnaka, Raven Feather In-the-hair; (5) Wazaze, ‘ Wash,”
or, Osage (?); (6) Wamnuga oin, Shell ear-pendant (of the shape of a conch, but very small); (7) Un-
known or extinct (Rey. H. Swift, fide Charger, who denied that the last gens was called Glagla heéa).

D. Minikoozu (Minneconjou)—Those who Plant by the Water: (1) Unkée yuta, Dung Eaters ;
(2) Glagla heéa, Untidy, Slovenly, Shiftless; (3) Sunka yute Sni, Hat no Dog; (4) Nige tanka, Big Belly
(fide Charger); (5) Wakpokinyay, Flies along the creek; (6) Inyan-ha oin, Shell ear-ring, i. ., the
muscle-shell one; (7) Siksi¢ela, Bad ones of different sorts; (8) Wagleza vin, Water-snake ear-ring ; (9)
Way nawega, i.e., wanhinkpe nawega Broken Arrows (about extinct, fide Charger). All but Nos. 4
and 9 were obtained in 1880. All nine were given in 1884 by Rev. H. Swift.

E. Oohe nonpa, Two Kettles, or, Two Boilings: (1) Oohe nonpa; (2) Mawalhota, Skin smeared with
whitish earth. (Rev. H. Swift, fide Charger.)

F. Oglala: List of 1879-80: (1) Payabya (see 2 of next list); (2) Tapisleca, Spleen; (3) Kiyuksa,
Breakers of the Law, or, Custom; (4) Wazaza, see Si¢éangu list; (5) Ite si¢a, Bad Faces, or, Oglala héa,
Real Oglala; (6) Oiyulipe, see next list; (7) Waglule, [n-breeders (commonly called Loafers). List of
Rey. W. J. Cleveland (1884): (1) Ite Siéa, Bad Faces; (2) Payabyeya, Pushed aside; (3) Oyuhpe, Thrown
down, or, Unloaded; (4) Tapisleéa, Spleen; (5) Pesla, Bald-headed; (6) Geli huha ton, Pot with legs; (7)
Wableniéa, Orphans (Rev. Mr. Swift makes this a society or order, not a gens); (8) Pesla ptecela,
Short Bald-head; (9) TaSnaheéa, Gophers; (10) Iwayusota, Used up by begging for, or, Used up with the
mouth; (11) Wakay, Mysterious; (12a) Iglaka teliila, Refused to remove the camp; (b) Ite sica, Bad
Faces; (13) Ite Siéa etanhan, Part of the Bad Faces; (14) Zuzeéa kiyaksa, Bites the Snake in two; (15)
Waéeonpa, Roasters; (16) Waéape, Stubbers; (17) Tiyoéesli, Dungs in the lodge; (18) Wagluhe, In-
breeders (Cleveland renders, ‘‘Followers,” or, ‘‘ Loafers”); (19) Wagluhe; (20) Oglala; (21) Teska
Sinéa, Interpreters’ Sons, or, Half-breeds.

164 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

Mr. Cleveland also gives as names for all the Oglala, Oiyulipe and Kiyaksa.

G. Hunkpapa—List of 1880: (1) Ganka ohan, Broken backs (%); (2) Ge oliba, Sleepy membrum
virile; (3) Tinazipe siéa, Bad Bows; (4) Talo napin, Fresh meat necklaces; (5) Kiglaska; (6) Geknake
okisela, Half a breechcloth; (7) SiksiGela, Bad ones of different sorts; (8) Wakay, Mysterious; (9) Hunska
éaytozuha, ‘*Tobacco-pouch leggins,” probably so called from using leggins as tobacco pouches.

J, O. D.

(8) The Assiniboin: The majority of this tribe live north of the forty-
ninth parallel, but some of them are mixed in with the Dakota proper at
Poplar River and elsewhere. That they branched off from the Yanktonai
some two centuries ago, is one of the traditions of the Dakota. They
speak the language as purely as other portions of the parent stock. The
name Assiniboin is said to be a combination of French and Ojibwa. The
name given to the Dakota by their former enemies is ‘ Bway.” Hence the
Assiniboin are Stone Dakota. The Dakota name for them is “ Hohe,” the
origin and meaning of which we have hitherto failed to find out.

PRIORITY.

Questions of priority and precedence among these bands are sometimes
discussed. The Mdewakanytoyway think that the mouth of the Minnesota
River is precisely over the center of the earth, and that they occupy the
gate that opens into the western world. ‘These considerations serve to give
them importance in their own estimation. | On the other hand, the Sisitoy way
and Thanktoyway allege, that as they live on the great water-shed of this
part of the continent, from which the streams run northward and eastward
and southward and westward, they must be about the center of the earth;
and they urge this fact as entitling them to the precedence. — It is singular
that the Titonway, who are much the largest band of the Dakota, do not
appear to claim the chief place for themselves, but yield to the pretensions
of the Thayktoyway, whom they call by the name of Wiéiyela, which, in
its meaning, may be regarded as about equivalent to “they are the people.”

METHOD OF COUNTING.

Counting is usually done by means of their fingers. If you ask some
Dakota how many there are of anything, instead of directing their answer
to your organs of hearing, they present it to your sight, by holding up so
many fingers. When they have gone over the fingers and thumbs of both
hands, one is temporarily turned down for one ten. Eleven is ten more one,
or more commonly again one; twelve is again two, and so on; nineteen is the

‘According to Dr. J. Trumbull, the name Assiniboin is derived from two Ojibwa werds,
“asinni,” stone, and ‘bway,” enemy. Some of the Sihasapa Dakota are called Hohe.—s. 0. pb.

METHOD OF RECKONING TIME. 165

other nine. At the end of the next ten another finger is turned down, and
so on. Twenty is two tens, thirty is three tens, etc., as will be seen by refer-
ring to the section on Numeral Adjectives in the Grammar. Opawinge, one
hundred, is probably derived from pawinga, to go round in circles or to make
gyrations, as the fingers have been all gone over again for their respective
tens. The Dakota word for a thousand, kektopawinge, may be formed of
‘ake’ and ‘opawinge,’ hundreds again, haying now completed the circle of
their fingers in hundreds, and bemg about to commence again. They have
no separate word to denote any higher number than a thousand. There is
a word to designate one-half of anything, but none to denote any smaller
aliquot part.

METHOD OF RECKONING TIME.

The Dakota have names for the natural divisions of time. Their
years they ordinarily count by winters. A man is so many winters old, or
so many winters have passed since such an event. When one is going on
a journey, he does not usually say that he will be back in so many days, as
we do, but in so many nights or sleeps. In the same way they compute
distance by the number of nights passed in making the journey. They
have no division of time into weeks. Their months are literally moons. The
popular belief is that when the moon is full, a great number of very small
mice commence nibbling on one side of it, which they continue to do until
they have eaten it all up. Soon after this another moon begins to grow,
which goes on increasing until it has reached its full size only to share the
fate of its predecessor ; so that with them the new moon is really new, and
not the old one reappearing. To the moons they have given names, which
refer to some prominent physical fact that occurs about that time im the
year. For the names of the moons most commonly used by the Dakotas
living in the Valley of the Minnesota, with their significations and the
pont: to en they most nearly correspond, the reader is referred to the
word ‘wi,” Part I of the Dictionary.

ine moons are usually counted to the winter, and five to the summer,
leaving only one each to the spring and autumn; but this distinction is not
closely -adhered to. The Dakotas often have v ery warm debates, especially
towards the close of the winter , about what moon it is. The raccoons do
not always make their appearance at the same time every winter; and the
causes which produce sore eyes are not developed precisely at the same
time in each successive spring. All these variations make room for strong

166 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRATIY.

arguments in a Dakota tent for or against Widéata-wi or Istawiéayazan- wi.
But the main reason for their frequent difference of opinion in regard to
this matter, viz., that twelve lunations do not bring them to the point from
which they commenced counting, never appears to have suggested itself.
In order to make their moons correspond with the seasons, they are obliged
to pass over one every few years.

SACRED LANGUAGE.

The Dakota conjurer, the war prophet, and the dreamer, experience
the same need that is felt by more elaborate performers among other
nations of a language which is unintelligible to the common people, tor the
purpose of impressing upon them the idea of their superiority. Their
dreams, according to their own account, are revelations made from the
spirit-world, and their prophetic visions are what they saw and knew in a
former state of existence. It is, then, only natural that their dreams and
visions should be clothed in words, many of which the multitude do not un-
derstand. This sacred language is not very extensive, since the use of a
few unintelligible words suffices to make a whole speech incomprehensible.
It may be said to consist, first, in employing words as the names of thing
which seem to have been introduced from other Indian languages; as, nide,
water; paza, wood, ete. In the second place, it consists in employing de-
scriptive expressions, instead of the ordinary names of things; as in calling
aman @ biped, and the wolf a quadruped. And thirdly, words which are
common in the language are used far out of their ordinary signification;
as, hepan, the second child, if a boy, is used to designate the otter. When the
Dakota braves ask a white man for an ox or cow, they generally call it a
dog; and when a sachem begs a horse from a white chief, he does it under
the designation of moccasins. This is the source of many of the figures of
speech in Indian oratory; but they are sometimes too obscure to be beauti-
ful.

ARE THE INDIANS DIMINISHING?

One view of the question, and that hitherto the most common one,
considers that North America had a dense population before the coming of
the white race, and that since the Indians have been brought in contact
with the advance guard of civilization they have been diminishing, many
tribes having disappeared. But another view is gaining ground among
students of the Indian. It is now maintained that, in spite of wars, dis-

eases, exposures, and migrations, there are nearly as many Indians to-day

—

ARE THE INDIANS DIMINISHING? 167

in the United States as there were in the same territory in 1520, when the
Spaniards met the Indians of Florida.

While it must be conceded, as a matter of history, that some tribes and
bands which once inhabited the country occupied by the people of these
United States have greatly diminished, and a few have disappeared alto-
gether, other tribes have been on the increase. War and “spirit water,”
and the diseases introduced among them by the white people, have wrought
out their legitimate effects. A different course of treatment would un-
doubtedly have greatly modified or entirely changed the character of these
results.

But there is one way in which a diminution of some tribes is taking
place, viz, by ceasing to be Indians and becoming members of civilized
society. In Minnesota all persons of mixed blood, 7. ¢., of white and Indian
descent, are recognized as citizens. The same is true in other States; and
the privilege is extended to those who are not mixed bloods. Also, under
present homestead laws, Indians are becoming citizens by going off their
reserves. Let a well-arranged severalty bill be enacted into a law, and
Indians be guaranteed civil rights as other men, and they will soon cease
to be Indians.

The Indian tribes of our continent may become extinct as such; but if
this extinction is brought about by introducing them to civilization and
christianity and merging them into our own great nation, which is receiving
accretions from all others, who will deplore the result? Rather let us labor
for it, realizing that if by our efforts they cease to be Indians and become
fellow-citizens it will be our glory and joy.

CPAP Wiehe ak:
MIGRATIONS OF THE DAKOTA.

Of the aboriginal tribes inhabiting this country, George Bancroft, in
his History of the United States, has assigned the first place, in point of
numbers, to the Algonquin family, and the second place to the Dakota.

Those who haye made a study of the ethnology and the languages of
the races have almost uniformly come to the conclusion that the Indians
of this continent are connected with the Mongolian races of Asia. The line
across from Asia to America by Bering Straits is regarded as perfectly
practicable for canoes. And in 10 degrees farther south, by the Aleutian
Islands, the distances are not so great but that small boats might easily pass
from one to the other, and so safely reach the mainland.

Lewis H. Morgan, of the State of New York, who has given much time
and study to solving the question, ‘ Whence came the Indians?” has adopted
this theory, and makes them gather on the Columbia River, from whence
they have crossed the Rocky Mountains and spread over these eastern lands.
But it can be safely affirmed that, up to this time, ethnology and the eom-
parative study of languages have not quite satisfactorily settled the ques-
tion of their origin.

In discussing the question of the migrations of the Dakota or Sioux,
there are two lines open to us, each entirely independent, and yet both
telling the same story: First, the history, as written in books; second,
the history, as found in names.

ARGUMENT FROM HISTORY.

The book history runs back nearly two and a half centuries. The
first knowledge of the Dakota nation obtained by the civilized world came
through the French traders and missionaries, and was carried along the
line of the Great Lakes through New France.

Karly in the seventeenth century, a young man of more than ordinary
ability, by name Jean Nicolet, came from France to Canada. He had oreat

aptness in acquiring Indian languages, and soon became Algonquin and
168

MIGRATIONS—ARGUMENT FROM HISTORY 169

Huron interpreter for the colony of New France. In the year 1639 he
visited the lake of the Winnebagos, or Green Bay, in the present state of
Wisconsin, and concluded a friendly alliance with the Indians on Fox
River. In the next year, Paul le Jeune, writing of the tribes who dwelt
on Lake Michigan, says, “Still farther on dwell the Ouinipegon, who are
very numerous.” And, “In the neighborhood of this nation are the
Naduessi and the Assiniponais.” This appears to be the first mention made
by voyagers of the Dakota and Assiniboin. Le Jeune’s information was
obtained from Nicolet, who claimed to have visited them in their own coun-
tries.

In 1641, at the Sault Ste. Marie, Jogues and Raymbault, of the
“Society of Jesus,” met Pottowattomies flying from the Dakota, and were
told that the latter lived “about eighteen days’ journey to the westward,
nine across the lake, and nine up a river which leads inland.”

Two adventurous Frenchmen, in 1654, went to seek their fortunes in
the region west of Lake Michigan, and returning to Quebec two years
afterwards, related their adventures among “the numerous villages of the
Sioux.” And in 1659, it is related that the two traders, as they traveled
six days journey southwest from La Pointe in Lake Superior, came upon a
Huron village on the shores of the Mississippi. These Hurons had fled
from a fierce onslaught of the Iroquois, and for the time had taken refuge
among the Dakota. In the vicinity of the Huron they saw the Dakota
Villages, “in five of which were counted all of 5,000 men.”

From the beginning of the intercourse of white men with Indians on
this continent the fur trade has been the chief stimulus to adventure and
the great means by which the location and condition of the aboriginal pop-
ulations were made known to the civilized world. Two other subsidiary
motives operated to bring white men into connection with the great Dakota
nation, viz, the desire to discover the great river on which they were said
to dwell. and the zeal of the church of Rome to convert the savages.

In the summer of 1660 René Menard, the aged, burning with an
apostolic desire to make converts from among the pagans, bore the standard
of the cross to the shores of Lake Superior. At La Pointe, which was
already a trading port, he wintered. But in the following spring he started
on foot with a guide to visit “four populous nations” to the westward.
By some means he beeame separated from his guide while passing through
the marshes of northwestern Wisconsin and was lost. Many years after-
wards a report was current in Canada that “his robe and prayer-book
were found in a Dakota lodge,” and were regarded as “wakan” or sacred.

170 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

The successor of Menard in the toils of missionary life was Father
Claude Allouéz. He established the mission of the Holy Spirit at La Pointe
and the Apostles’ Islands in the year 1665, and four years later he com-
menced a mission among the Winnebago and others on Green Bay.

On reaching La Pointe, Allouéz found the Huron and Ojibwa villages
in a state of great excitement. The Huron, who had fled to the Dakota
of the Mississippi for protection from the tomahawk of the Iroquois some
years before, had behaved ungraciously toward their protectors by taunting
them with having no guns; whereupon the Dakota rose against them, massa-
cred many of them in a swamp, and drove them all back to the shores
of Lake Superior. The Ojibwa had formerly lived to the east of Lake
Michigan, but had been driven westward by the victorious Iroquois. Now
the Dakota, the Iroquois of the West, as they have been called, had shut
them up to the lake shore. The young men were burning to be avenged
on the Dakota. Here was gathered a grand council of the neighboring
nations—the Huron, the Ojibwa, the Pottowattomi, the Sac and Fox, the
Menomoni, and the Illinois. Allouéz commanded peace, in the name of
the King of the French, and offered them commerce and alliance against
the Five Nations.

In 1667 Father Allouéz met a delegation of Dakota and Assiniboin
at the western end of Lake Superior, near where is now the town of Duluth.
They had come, they said, from the end of the earth. He calls them ‘the
wild and impassioned Sioux.” ‘Above all others,” he says, “they are sav-
age and warlike; and they speak a language entirely unknown to us, and
the savages about here do not understand them.”

But Allouéz resolved to abandon his work at La Pointe, “weary of
their obstinate unbelief,” and was succeeded by the renowned Jacques
Marquette. This enterprising and estimable man entered at once upon the
work of perpetuating peace among the various tribes, and, in the autumn
of 1669, sent presents and a message to the Dakota, that he wished them to
keep a way open for him to the Great River and to the Assiniboin beyond.

Sut not from the mission of the Holy Spirit was he to take his journey to
the “Father of Waters.” In the following winter it became apparent that
the Huron were not safe on the southern shores of Lake Superior, and
accordingly they abandoned their village, and at the same time Marquette
retired to the Sault Ste. Marie, from which point, in the spring of 1672, he
proceeded, with Louis Joliet, to find the Great River, the “ Messipi.”’ They

‘Probably in the language of the Illinois Indians, ‘‘ messi,” great, and ‘sepi,” river.

MIGRATIONS—ARGUMENT FROM HISTORY. 171

proceeded by way of Green Bay. They entered the mouth of Fox River,
followed up its windings, and were guided by Indians across to the head of
the Wisconsin, which they descended to the mouth, and down the great
river to the mouth of the Arkansas. They had wintered at Green Bay, and
so it was the 17th of June, 1673, when their canoe first rode on the waters of
the Mississippi. On their return they ascended the Illinois River, stopped
to recruit at the famous Illinois village, and, crossing over to Lake Michi-
gan, reached Green Bay in the latter end of September.’

The Jesuit relations of this period have much to say about the habits
of the Dakota; that about 60 leagues from the upper end of Lake
Superior, toward sunset, “there are a certain people, called Nadouessi,
dreaded by their neighbors.” They only use the bow and arrow, but use
them with great skill and dexterity, filling the air in a moment. ‘They
turn their heads in flight and discharge their arrows so rapidly that they
are no less to be feared in their retreat than in their attack. They dwell
around the great river Messipi. heir cabins are not covered with bark,
but with skins, well dried, and stitched together so well that the cold does
not enter. They know not how to cultivate the earth by seeding it, con-
tenting themselves with a species of marsh rye (wild rice), which we call
wild oats.”

We now come to more definite information in regard to country occu-
pied by the Dakota two hundred years ago. Du Luth and Hennepin
approached the Dakota by different routes, and finally met each other at
the great villages on Mille Lacs and Knife Lake, at the head of Run River.

Daniel Greysolon Du Luth, who built the first trading port on Lake
Superior, ‘“‘on the first of September, 1678, left Quebec” to explore the
country of the Dakota and the Assiniboin. On July 2, 1679, he caused
the King’s arms to be planted ‘in the great village of the Nadouessioux,
called Kathio, where no Frenchman had ever been, and also at Songaski-
cons and Houetbetons, 120 leagues from the former.”*

In September of that year Du Luth held a council with Assiniboin and
other nations, who came to the head of Lake Superior. And in the summer
of 1680 he made another trip down to the Mississippi, where he met with
Hennepin.

1Green Bay was called the Bay of the Puants, or Winnebago. In this neighborhood there were,
at that time, the Winnebago, the Pottowattomi, the Menomoni, the Sac and Fox, the Miami, the Mas-
contin, the Kickapoo, and others. The Miami and Mascontin lived together and had their village on
the Neenah or Fox River. The Miami afterwards remove to the St. Joseph River, near Lake Michi-
“an. The Mascontin, or ‘ Fire Nation,” is now extinct.
2It is stated, on what appears to be good authority, that Du Luth this summer visited Mille
Lac, which he called Lake Buade. :

Lite DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

When Du Luth was fitting out his expedition by Lake Superior to the
Dakota Nation and others, Robert La Salle was preparing to go to the great
river of the West by the south end of Lake Michigan.’ Louis Hennepin, a
Franciscan priest of the Recollect order, npeompaniedl him.

La Salle stopped to build a ship on Lake Erie, which he called the
Grifin. This so detained his expedition that it was late in the fall of 1679
when they reached Green Bay. There the Griffin was left for the winter,
and La Salle and Hennepin, with others, proceeded in canoes to the south
end of the lake (Michigan), and thence by portage into the Illinois River.
In the beginning of the year 1680, La Salle, after enduring incredible
hardships, built a fort a little below where is now the town of Peoria, which
he called “ Créve Coeur,” thus making his heart troubles historical.

In the month of February, La Salle selected Hennepin and two voy-
ageurs named Michol Accau and the Pieard du Gay, whose real name was
Antoine Auguel, to undertake the discovery of the Upper Mississippi. “On
the last day of the month they embarked in a canoe laden with merchan-
dise, and the venerable Ribourde took leave of Hennepin with the charge,
“Viriliter age et confortetur cor tuum.” On March 12 Hennepin and his
companions turned their canoe up the stream of the Great River, and on
April 11 they met a war party of 120 Dakota in thirty-three bark canoes.
This meeting took place near the mouth of the Wisconsin, where Marquette
had first seen the Mississippi, nearly seven years before. The Frenchmen
had found wild turkeys abundant on their voyage, and were at this moment
on the shore cooking their dinner. The Dakota approached with hostile
demonstrations, and some of the old warriors repeated the name ‘‘ Miamiha,”
giving the white men to understand that they were on the warpath against
fhe Miami and Illinois. But Hennepin expl ned to them, by signs and
marks on the sand, that these Indians were now across the Mississippi,
beyond their reach.

The white men were the prisoners of the war party. What should be
done with them? Not without much debate, did they decide to abandon
the warpath and return home. Then, by signs, they gave the white men
to understand that it was determined to kill them. This was the policy
and the counsel of the old) war chief, ‘Again-fills-the-pipe” by name,
(Akepagiday), because he was mourning the loss of a son killed by the
Miami. Hennepin and his companions endeavored to obtain the merey of
their captors by giving them a large amount of presents. They spent an
anxious night. But the next morning, better counsels prevailed, and ;

!'The great village which he calls “ Kathio” must have been in that region,

MIGRATIONS—ARGUMENT FROM HISTORY. ite

younger chief, whose name was “Four Souls” (Nagi-topa), filled his pipe
with willow bark and smoked with them. And then made them under-
stand that, as the war against the Miami was abandoned, and they would
now go back to their villages, the white men should accompany them.

This voyage up the Mississippi was not without continued apprehen-
sion of danger to the Frenchmen. When Heimnepin opened his breviary
in the morning, and began to mutter his prayers, his savage captors gath-
ered about him in superstitious terror, and gave him to understand that his
book was a “bad spirit” (Wakay Siéa), and that he must not converse
with it.

His comrades besought him to dispense with his devotions, or at least
to pray apart, as they were all in danger of being tomahawked. He tried
to say his prayers in the woods, but the Indians followed him everywhere,
and said ‘‘Wakay Gi,” Is it not mysterious? He could not dispense with
saying his office. But finally he chanted the Litany of the Virgin in their
hearing, which charmed the evil spirit from them.

But the old chief, Again-fills-the-pipe, was still apparently bent on
killing a white man to revenge the blood of his son. Every day or two
he broke forth in a fresh fit of crying, which was accompanied with hostile
demonstrations towards the captives. This was met by additional presents
and the intercedine of their first friend, Four Souls, in their behalf. It
looks very much like a species of blackmailing—a device practiced by
them—by which the goods of the white men should come into their posses-
sion without stealing. They were also required to bring goods to cover
some bones, which old Akepasiday had with him, and over which they
cried and smoked frequently. At Lake Pepin they cried all night, and
from that circumstance, Hennepin called it the “Lake of Tears.”

Thus they made their way up the Father of Waters where no white
man had ever traveled before. Nineteen days after their capture they
landed a short distance below where the city of St. Paul stands. Then the
savages hid their own canoes in the bushes and broke the Frenchmen’s
canoe into pieces. From this point they had a land travel of five days, of
suffering and starvation to the white men, when they reached the Dakota
villages at Mille Lacs, which was then the home of the Mdewakantons.
Hennepin estimated the distance they traveled by land at sixty leagues.
But it was probably not over one hundred miles. The y passed through

the marshes at the head of Rum River, and were then taken by canoes “a

short league” to an island in the lake, where were the lodges.

174 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

This lake the Dakota called ‘‘Mdewakay,” mysterious lake, from which
same the name of this branch of the Dakota family, Mde-wakay-tonway.
They also called it ‘Isay-ta-mde,” Anife Lake, because there they found
their stone knives and arrowheads. From this came the name ‘Santee,”
which covers a much larger part of the tribe. (See footnote *, pp. 159, 160.)

Thus, in Pere Louis Hennepin’s narrative, we have the first exact.
locality of the eastern bands of the Dakota people, two hundred years
ago. The principal chief, at that time, of this part of the tribe, is called by
Hennepin ‘‘Washechoonde.” If he is correct, their name for Frenchmen
was in use, among the Dakota, before they had intercourse with them, and
was probably a name learned from some Indians farther east.

The three white men, with their effects, were divided up among the
various villages. And, strange to say, Hennepin was taken home by the old
savage who had so much wished to kill him on the journey. He had now be-
come his friend, even his father; his five wives became Hennepin’s mothers.
They treated him kindly—covered him with a robe made of dressed beaver
skins, ornamented with porcupine quills, rubbed him down after his jour-
ney, and set before him a bark dish full of fish. As the Franciscan fell
sick, his savage father made a sweating-cabin for him, and after the process
of sweating naked by means of heated stones, he was rubbed down by four
Indians. Thus he was reinvigorated.

As no mention is made by either Hennepin or the historian of Du Luth
of any planting at these villages, we may be quite sure that they did not
plant, but lived by hunting and fishing mainly, which was supplemented
by gathering roots and berries and wild rice.

During the stay of the white men there came four Indians from the far
west—Hennepin says, ‘500 leagues”—who reported the Assiniboin villages
as only six or seven days’ journey to the northwest. This would place this
branch of the Dakota people, at that time, within the present limits of
Minnesota, somewhere east of the Red River.

In the month of July the whole encampment of Dakota, numbering
250 men, with women and children, started on a buffalo hunt. The French-
men were to go with them. But Hennepin, anxious to make his escape,
represented that a party of traders, “spirits” or “ wakan men,” were to
be sent by La Salle to the mouth of the Wisconsin, and he wished to meet
them there. The Indians gave them leave to go, but Accau, who disliked
Hennepin, preferred to stay among the savages.

They all camped together on the banks of the Mississippi, at the mouth
of Rum River, from which point Hennepin and Du Gay descended the great

MIGRATIONS—ARGUMENT FROM HISTORY. 175

river in a small birch-bark canoe. At the falls, which Hennepin named
St. Anthony, for his patron saint, they made a portage and saw half a dozen
Dakotas, who had preceded them, offering buffalo-robes in sacrifice to
Unktehi, the great water god.

As they paddled leisurely down the stream by the beautiful bluffs in
this month of July, now and then shooting a wild turkey or a deer, they
were suddenly overtaken by Hennepin’s Dakota father, the old savage
Akepagiday, with 10 warriors in a canoe. The white men were somewhat
alarmed, for he told them he was going down to the mouth of the Wisconsin
to meet the traders, who were to be there according to the words of the
Franciscan. They passed on rapidly, found no one at the place named,
and, in a few days, they met them on their return, when the savage father
only gave his son Hennepin a good scolding for lying.

They were then near the mouth of the Chippewa River, a short dis-
tance up which a large party of those with whom they had started were
chasing buffalo. This information was given to the white men by the
Indians as they passed up. Hennepin and Du Gay had but little ammuni-
tion, and for this reason they determined to turn aside and join the buffalo
hunt. In this party they found their former comrade. A grand hunt was
made along the borders of the Mississippi. The Dakota hunters chased the
buffalo on foot and killed them with their flint-headed arrows. At this
time they had neither guns nor horses. When they first saw the white
men shoot and kill with a gun they called it “ maza-wakay,” mysterious
iron. And, in after years, when the horse came to their knowledge they
called it “shuyka wakay,” mysterious dog.

While they were thus killing the buffalo and drying the meat in the
sun there came two Dakota women into camp with the news that a Dakota
war party, on its way to Lake Superior, had met five “ spirits ”—washe-
chooy.' These proved to be Daniel Greysolon Du Luth with four well-armed
Frenchmen. In June they had started from Lake Superior, had probably
ascended the Burnt Wood River, and from that made a portage to the St.
Croix, where they met this war party and learned that three white men
were on the Mississippi. As this was Du Luth’s preempted trading country,
he was anxious to know who the interlopers were, and at once started for
the hunting camp. We can imagine this to have been a joyful meeting of
Frenchmen.

The hunt was now over. The Indians, laden with dried meat and
ace ecompanied by the eight Ww hite men, returned to thei ir resting plac we at it Knite

1 W: asicun.

176 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

‘Lake. And when the autumn came the white men were permitted to leave,
with the promise that in the following year they would return with goods
to trade for the abundant peltries. They descended the Mississippi in bark
canoes. At the Falls of St. Anthony two of the men took each a buffalo-
robe that had been sacrificed to the god of the waters. Du Luth greatly
disapproved of the act as both impolitic and wrong, but Hennepin justified
it, saying they were offerings to a false god. As the white men were about
to start up the Wisconsin River they were overtaken by a party of Dakota,
again on the war-path against the Hlinois. The white men, remembering
the stolen robes, were alarmed, but the Dakota passed on and did them no
harm.'

These Nadouessioux, or Sioux, of the east of the Mississippi, whose
acquaintance we have now formed somewhat, appear at this time to have
been divided into Matanton, Watpaaton, and Chankasketon. ‘These are
band names. But the headquarters of all was the Mde-wakay or Isan-ta-
mde. From this point they issued forth on their hunting expeditions and
their war parties. The latter penetrated into Iowa and central Illinois to
Lake Superior and Lake Michigan. Sometimes we find them at peace with
the Ojibwa and at war with the Fox. Then, again, we find the Fox and
Toway joining the Dakota war parties against the Ojibwa. The war which
separated the Assiniboin from the Dakota had not ceased at this period,
and the impression is that the separation had taken place not many years
before they became known to history.

Nicholas Perrot was sent by the governor of Canada, in 1683, to take
charge of the trading interests among the loway and Dakota. And in 1689
the first recorded public document was signed in which the land of the
Dakota was claimed for the French king. In this document Father Marest,
of the Society of Jesus, is spoken of as missionary among the Nadouessioux,
and Mons. Le Sueur, to whom we are indebted for the next ten years of
history, was present.

Le Sueur was first sent to La Pointe to maintain peace between the
Ojibwa and Dakota. And in the year 1695 he erected a trading post on
an island of the Mississippi, above Lake Pepin and below the mouth of St.
Croix. In the summer of the same year he took to Montreal delegations
from several western tribes, including one Dakota, “'Teeoskatay’” by name.
This man died in Montreal, and one hundred and fifty years afterward the

‘Le Clereq, the historian of the Siear Du Luth, corroborates the story of Hennepin in regard to

their meeting at Knife Lake.
2 Tioskate.

MIGRATIONS—ARGUMENT FROM HISTORY. 177

writer of this sketch heard him spoken of by those who claimed to be his
descendants, then on the Minnesota River.

Becoming impressed with the idea that there were valuable mines in
the land of the Dakota, Le Sueur obtained a royal license to work them.
He was hindered in various ways, and not until the summer of 1700 do we
find him ascending the Mississippi. On the 30th of July he met a war party
of Dakota in seven canoes, who were on the warpath against the Illinois.
Le Sueur bought them off with presents and turned them back home. Ad-
vancing up as far as the Galena River he called it the River Mino. On the
19th of September he entered the mouth of the Minnesota, or as he proba-
bly named it then, and long afterwards it continued to be called, the “St.
Pierre.” And by the 1st of October he had reached the Blue Earth River,
where he built a trading post and expected to make his fortune out of the
blue earth of its shores.

While Le Sueur was building his stockade on the Blue Earth he was
visited by Dakota from the east of the Mississippi, who desired him to
locate at the mouth of the St. Peter or Minnesota, since the country of the
Blue Earth, they said, belonged to the western Dakota and to the Iowa and
Oto. However, a short time after this Le Sueur was informed that the
Towa and Oto had gone over to the Missouri River to join the Omaha. At
this time it is recorded that the Lowa and Oto planted corn, but the Dakota
did not. Le Sueur offered to furnish corn to the latter for planting.

At the beginning of the eighteenth century we have the Dakota
nation, so far as known, described by bands. Some of the names it is now
impossible to read with certainty. Some have disappeared or given place
to others, while some of them are old landmarks by which we can read the
history of their migrations. Living at that time to the east of the Missis-
sippi, whose headquarters were about Knife Lake, were the Spirit Lake
Village (Mdewakantonway), Great Lake Village (Matanton—perhaps origi-
nally Mdetayk-toyway), Wild Rice Gatherers (Psin-omani-toy wan), River
Village (Watpatonway), Boat Village (Watomanitoyway), Fortified Villaze
(Cankaskatonway). The Western Dakota are thus given, viz: Pole Village
(Canhuasinton?), Red Wild Rice Village (Psinéatoywan), Small Band Vil-
lage (Wagalespeton?), Great Wild Rice Village (Psinhutaykin-toy wan),
Grand Lodge Village (Titanka-kaga-toy?), Leaf Village (Walipetonwan),
Dung Village (Unkéekce-ota-tonway), Teton Leaf Village (Walpeton-
Teton), and Red Stone Quarry Village (Hinhaneton). This last must be
the Red Pipe Stone, and the Dakota who guarded it were doubtless the

7105—VOL Ix——12

178 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

Yankton.’ It is possible that the “Red Stone” may have signified the
Des Moines River, which was so ealled.

These bands were all at that time within the present State of Minne-
sota, and mainly having their homes north of the forty-fifth parallel, except
the last, who are said to have been living at the Red Stone Quarry. This
‘an be no other than the Red Pipe Stone in the neighborhood of the Big
Sioux. Le Sueur says the Assiniboin lived on the head waters of the Mis-
sissipp1.

For the next fifty years the Dakota appear to have kept within their
old limits, sometimes at war with the Ojibwa, and then again in league with
them against the Fox and Sauk. Already the quarrel between the English
colonies and the French had commenced. The Fox took the side of the
Knelish, but were defeated at the port of Detroit and elsewhere, and obliged
to flee for protection to their enemies, the Dakota. For a while it appears
that the Fox hunted north of the Minnesota River.

The maps made in France about 1750 locate the Dakota, as we have
already seen, partly on the east and partly on the west side of the Missis-
sippt. They occupied Leech Lake, Sandy Lake, and probably Red Lake
at that time and for some years afterwards. At the source of the Minnesota
River there is put down a large lake called “Lake of the Teetons.”
Whether this was intended for Big Stone Lake, or for what we now call
Devil’s Lake, in Dakota, may admit of a doubt. Besides this, these maps
locate a portion of the Teton’ (Titoyway) and the Yankton (Ihayktoy way)
on the east side of the Missouri, down in Iowa, whence came the names of
the streams, Big and Little Sioux.

In the ‘French and Indian war,” the Dakota nation took no part.” But
very soon atter the English came into possession of Canada and the French
ports in the northwest, a company of Dakota braves visited Green Bay to
solicit the trade of the Englishmen. They told the officer in charge that if
the Ojibwa or other Indians attempted to shut up the way to them (the
Dakota), to send them word, and they would come and cut them off, “as
all Indians were their dogs.”

Previous to this time, the “Sioux of the East” had given the number

'Tinhanetoynway approximates Thayktonway. Nasalizing the ‘‘n’s” will make this change.—
J. O. D.

* Perhaps the present Ihanktoy wan gens of the Sigangu (Titonwan)—see list of Tata ka-wakan—
includes those whose ancestors intermarried with the Yankton proper, when part of the ‘Titoy wan
were neighbors of the Yankton.—J. 0. b.

’The only thing T find which looks like participation at all, is a record of arrivals at Montreal
in 1746, July 31. “Four Sioux came to ask for a commandant.”

MIGRATIONS—ARGUMENTS FROM HISTORY. 179

of the “Sioux of the West” as “more than ‘a thousand tepees.” It is added,
“They do not use canoes, nor cultivate the earth, nor gather wild rice.
They remain generally in the prairies, which are between the Upper Missis-
sippi and the Missouri Rivers, and live entirely by the chase.”

Jonathan Carver, a native of New England, was the first English
traveler who visited the country of the Dakota and added to our knowledge
of their history. He left Boston in June of 1766, and by the way of Green
Bay and the Wisconsin River he reached the Mississippi at the town whose
name he writes ‘La Prairie les Chiens,” consisting, as he says, of fifty
houses ‘This was then, and for many years after, the great fur mart of the
Upper Mississippi. The villages of the Sauk and Fox he passed on the
Wisconsin River. The Dakota he first met near the mouth of the St. Croix.
For years past they had been breaking away from their old home on Knife
Lake and making their villages along down the river. Hence the name of
“River Bands,” a term that then comprised the ‘Spirit Lake,” the “Leaf
Villagers,” and the “Sisseton.” The Nadouessies of the plains, he says, were
divided into eight bands, not including the Assiniboin.

Carver ascended the St. Pierre River for some distance and wintered
with a camp of Indians. In the spring he descended, with several hundred
Dakota, to the mouth of the river. When they came to deposit their dead,
in what seems to have been a ve eel place of interment, in the cave, since

called “‘Carver’s Cave,” Jonathan claims to have obtained from them a deed
of the land. This purchase, however, has never been acknowledged by the
Sioux.

Carver found, in 1766, the Dakota at war with the Ojibwa, ana was
told that they had been fighting forty years. Before the year 1800 the
Ojibwa had driven the Dakota from what hold they had on the Sandy Lake
and Leech Lake country. As the Indian goods commenced to come to them
up the Mississippi, they were naturally drawn down to make more perma-
nent villages on its banks. Then two forces united diverted the Dakota
migration to the south and the west.

The Government of the United States, in the year 1805, sent into the
Dakota and Ojibwa countries Lieut. Zebulon M. Pike, for the purposes
of regulating the trade and making alliances with the Indians. He met
the Dakota first at Red Wing, a short distance above Lake Pepin, and then
at Kaposia, a short distance below where is now St. Paul. The respective
chiefs were Red Wing and Little Crow. He also visited a Dakota village
a short distance up the Minnesota River, and held a grand council with the
Dakota assembled on the point where Fort Snelling was afterwards built.

180 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

On his downward trip in the following spring, he met Wabashaw’s band,
the Kiyuksa, below Lake Pepin. As he ascended the Mississippi as far as
Leech Lake, and found the country above the Falls of St. Authony, in the
main, occupied by Ojibwa, the ference is that the Dakota had, in the pre-
vious years, been driven by their enemies from that part of the country.
One reason for this was, that the Ojibwa were furnished with firearms be-
fore the Dakota A second reason was found in the drawing of the fur
trade. And a third was the gradual disappearance of the buffalo in the
wooded country of the Mississippi. At this date the Sisseton and Yankton
were on the head waters of the Minnesota. Delegations of these bands met
Lieut. Pike in the spring, and proceeded to a grand council at Prairie du
Chien.

Old men still living relate how the Wahpeton, or Leaf Village, when
they retired from the bullets of the Ojibwa on the east of the Mississippi,
pitched their tents towards the northwest corner of what is now the State of
Iowa, and when they returned they established their planting village at
what has been ealled Little Rapids, on the lower part of the Minnesota
River. In about 1810, a portion of them removed up to an island in Big
Stone Lake, and afterwards a larger part settled at Lac qui Parle

Until after the middle of this century, the habitats of the Dakota were,
for the Mday-wakan-ton (Mde-wakay: toyway), the Mississippi River from
Winona to the Falls of St. Anthony, and up the Minnesota as far as Shakopee.
The Leaf Shooters (Walipekute) were on the Cannon River, where Fari-
bault now is; and the Wahpeton (Leaf Village) were, as stated, at the Little
Rapids, and Lac qui Parle and the lower end of Big Stone Lake. The
Sisseton occupied the Blue Earth country and the southern bend of the
Minnesota, while the great body of them were at the villages on Lake
Traverse. The Yankton, Yanktonai, Cut-heads, and Titonway were on
the great prairies to the westward.

When Lieut. Pike made his tour up the Mississippi, in the years 1805
and 1806, he found much of the trade, in the Dakota and Ojibwa countries,
in the hands of men who were in sympathy with Great Britain. The trad-
ers, many of them, were Englishmen, and the goods were British goods.
It is not strange then that, in the war of 1812, the Dakota, together with
other Indians of the Northwest, were enlisted in the war against the United
States. This was brought about mainly by Robert Dickson, a Scotchman,
who was at this time at the head of the fur trade in this part of the coun-
try. Under his leadership the Dakota, the Ojibwa, the Winnebago, the
Menomonie, the Sauk and Fox, and others, were brought into action,

MIGRATIONS—ARGUMENTS FROM IISTORY. 181

against the soldiers of the States, at Mackinaw, at Rock Island, and at Prai-
rie du Chien. Of the Dakota villages, Little Crow and Wabashaw are
especially mentioned. Joseph Renville, afterwards of Lae qui Parle, and
other traders, were the lieutenants of Col. Dickson. History tells us of but
two Dakota men who kept themselves squarely on the American side
during the war. One of these was the special friend (Koda) of Lieut. Pike,
his name being Ta-ma-he, meaning the pike fish. Probably he took that
name as the friend of Pike. He went to St. Louis at the commencement
of the war, and was taken into the employ of Gen. Clarke. He lived until
after the middle of this century, always wore a stovepipe hat. had but one
eye, and claimed to be the only ‘‘American” of his tribe.

It does not appear that the war of 1812 changed the location of Da-
kota. They still occupied the Mississippi above the parallel of 434°, and
the Minnesota, and westward. In 1837~38, the “Lower Sioux,” as they
were called, ceded to the Government their title to the land east of the
great river. In 1851, all the Mississippi and Minnesota Dakota sold to
the Government all their claim to the country as far west as Lake Traverse,
except a reservation on the Upper Minnesota. A year or two afterwards
they removed to this reservation, and were there until the outbreak of
August, 1862, which resulted in the eastern Dakota, or those coming under
the general name of Santees, being all removed outside of the lines of Min-
nesota. A part of those Indians fled to Manitoba, and a part across the
Missouri, supposed to be now with (Tataynka Lyotayke) Sitting Bull—a
part were transported to Crow Creek on the Missouri, who afterwards were
permitted to remove into the northeast angle of Nebraska. This is now the
Santee Agency, from whence a colony of sixty families of homesteaders
have settled on the Big Sioux. Still another portion were retained by the
military as scouts, which have been the nuclei of the settlements on the
Sisseton and Fort Totten reservations.

About what time the Dakota in their migrations westward crossed
over the Missouri River, to remain and hunt on the western side, is a ques-
tion not easily settled. There are various traditions of other neighbor tribes,
which indicate pretty certainly that the Sioux were not there much over
one hundred years ago.

Dr. Washington Matthews, of the U. 8. Army, relates that the Ber-
thold' Indians say, ‘‘ Long ago the Sioux were all to the east, and none to

the West and South, as they now are.” In those times the western plains

must have been very sparsely peopled with hostile tribes in comparison

' These may be the Hidatsa, Mandan, and Arikara tribes. —J. 0. D.

182 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

with the present, for the old men now living, and children of men of the
past generation, say that they traveled to the southwest, in search of scalps,
to a country where the prairie ceased, and were gone from their village
twenty-one moons. Others went to the north to a country where the sum-
mer was but three moons long.

The French maps of this western country, made about one hundred
and twenty-five years ago, are, in many things, very inaccurate, but may
be received as indicating the general locality of Indians at that time. In
one of the maps the Ponka, Pawnee, and some of the Oto, together with
the Panimaha,' are placed on the Platte and its branches. Other villages
of the Maha (Omaha) are placed, apparently, above the mouth of the James
or Dakota River, on the eastern side of the Missouri. The Iowa, the Oto,
and the Yankton and Teton Dakota are placed down in what is now the
State of Lowa.

When Lewis and Clarke ascended the Missouri, in the autumn of 1803,
they met the Yankton Dakota about the mouth of the James or Dakota
River, where Yankton now stands. Their village was some distance above,
perhaps about the site of Bon Homme. They met the Teton Dakota at the
mouth of the Teton or Little Missouri (Wakpa siéa), where old Fort Pierre
stood. These were of the Oglala band. Tradition says that the Oglala
were the first to cross the Missouri, and that this was the place of crossing.
At first they went over to hunt. The buffalo were found to be more
abundant. They returned again. But after several times going and
returning they remained, and others followed. At the commencement of
this century some Teton were still on the east side of the river, but their
home seems to have been then, as now, on the west side.

As this is the only notice of their meeting Teton on their ascent, we
infer that the main body of them were not on the Missouri, but far in the
interior.”

ARGUMENT FROM NAMES OF NATIONS, TRIBES, ETC.

In all primitive states of society the most reliable history of individuals
and nations is found written in names. Sometimes the removals of a

! Skidi or Pawnee Loup.

2In the winter count of American Horse (4th An. Rep. Bur. Eth., p. 130), Standing-Bull, a
Dakota, discovered the Black Hills in the winter of 1775-76. The Dakota have of late years claimed
the Black Hills, probably by right of discovery in 1775-76; but the Crow were the former possessors,
and were found in that region by the Ponka before the time of Marquette (i. ¢., prior to the date of

his autograph map, 1673),—J. 0. B,

MIGRATIONS—ARGUMENT FROM NAMES, 183

which they have left behind them. The Dakota people, on the other hand,
‘arry With them, to some extent, the history of their removals in the names
of the several bands.

DAKOTA.

The Sioux people call themselves Dakota.t They say “Dakota” means
“league” or “alliance”—they being allied bands. And this meaning is con-
firmed by other uses of the word in the language. The name Sioux, on the
other hand, was given to them by their enemies. In the preceding account
the word “ Nadouessi,” or ‘“‘ Nadouessioux,” is of frequent occurrence. The
Huron, and perhaps other western Indians, called the Iroquois Nadowe or
Nottaway, which is said to mean enemy. Because they were ever on the
war-path, as were the Six Nations, the Dakota were styled the Lroquois of
the West, and, for distinction’s sake, were called Nadouessioux, enemies.
The last part of the word stuck, and has become a part of their history.
The Ojibwa, it appears, called the Dakota by the name of Bway, which
comes out in the name Assiniboin, Stone Dakota; and a small band, or
family, of the Assiniboin are called Stoneys, living in the Dominion of
Canada.

Spirit Lake Villages——We have seen that Du Luth and Hennepin first
visited the villages of the Dakota on the islands and shores of Mille Laes,
which was their Mde-wakay, and hence the name Mde-wakay-toywan.
This name has come down through more than two centuries, and still
attaches to a portion of the people, and is abiding evidence of their having
lived on the head of Rum River.

Not long after their first discovery by white men, if not at the time, a
portion of this same band of Dakota were called Matanton, which name
appears to be a contraction of Mde-tayka-toyway, meaning Village of the
Great Lake. This was only a designation given to a portion of Mille Laes.

Before the end of that century these people began to make their villages
alone down Rum River, and perhaps also on the Mississippi, and so ob-
tained the name of Wakpa-atoywan, Village on the River. But, after one
hundred and fifty years, this, with the name preceding, passed out of use.

As previous to this time the Ojibwa had contented themselves with
the shores of Lake Superior, but were now getting an advantage over the
Dakota in the first possession of firearms, we find the Dakota, who pitched
their tents westward and northward, toward Leech Lake and Sandy Lake,
earning the name of ‘ Chonkasketons” (Gankaske-ton wan), Fortified Vil-

In the Teton dialect this is Lakota.

184 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

* From the name we read that they were in a wooded country and

made wooden protections from the assaults of their enemies.

Some of the families appear to have made the gathering of the wild
rice in the lakes a specialty, and so for a century or more we find them
known as the Villages of Wild Rice Gatherers.

When the Frenchmen, in 1680, joined the buffalo hunt of the Dakota,
they remarked that they killed them with stone-headed arrows and cut up
the meat with stone knives. The sharp flint stone used for this purpose
they found on the banks of the Thousand Lakes, and hence the name of
“waka,” or mysterious. And from this fact also they called the lake, or
a part of it, by the name of ‘ [say-ta-mde,” Lake of Knives, or Knife Lake.

lages.

From living there the whole of those eastern Sioux were called ‘‘Isayn-ya-ti”—
DoD
Knife Dwellers—whiech has been modified to

SANTEE.

For a century or more past there has been included in this name The
Leat-shooters (Walipekute), and also Leaf Village (Walipetoyway).’ Both
these last-named bands continued to dwell, for the most part, in the wooded
country, as their names indicate. In the list of Dakota bands furnished by
Le Sueur, about the beginning of the eighteenth century, the Wahpatons,
or Leaf Villages, are classed with what was then called ‘The Sioux of the
West.” And a somewhat singular combination occurs in the name ‘“ Wa-
hpeton-Teton,” indicating that some of the Leaf Village band had become
“ Dwellers on the Prairie.”

Other names of divisions at that period, such as ‘Great Wild Rice Vil-
lage,” “Grand Lodge Village,” ‘“‘Dung Village,” ete., have gone into disuse.
Nor is it possible, at this time, to discover to what families they belonged.

Two hundred years ago, the Dakota nation was said to consist of seven
Council Fires. Of these we have already spoken of three, viz: Spirit Lake
(Mdewakaytonway), Leaf Shooters (Wahpekute), and Leaf Village (Walipe-
toy) wal) ).

SISSETON,

Coming next to these is the Sisseton band. The meaning of the name
is not quite clear; but Mr. Joseph Renville, of Lac-qui-parle, in his day re-
garded as the best authority in Dakota, understood it to mean “Swamp

‘Another version of this name is “ Brave-hearts,” as if from Cante, heart, and kaska, to bind.
* See testimony of Rey. A. L. Riggs in foot-note 2 on pp. 159, 160.

MIGRATIONS—ARGUMENT FROM NAMES. 185

Village.” This well accords with the early history, which places them in
the marshy parts of the country. From the head waters of the Mississippi
they journeyed southward to the country of Swan Lake and the Blue Earth,
and above, on the Minnesota River. Here they were found early in the
eighteenth century, and here a portion of them still remained until after
1850. But the great body of them had removed up to the Lake Traverse
region before the war of 1812. The great Sisseton chief of those times was
Red Thunder (Wakinyay duta), still spoken of by his descendants. Since
1862 the Sisseton live on the Sisseton and Wahpeton Reservation, and at
Devil’s Lake, both of which are in Dakota.

YANKTON.

The Ihanktonwan, now shortened to Yankton, were the ‘Villages of
b] to}
the Border.” The “End,” or “Border,” appears to have been that of the
wooded country. Connected with them, and to be treated in the same cate-
rt) ?
gory, are the
YANKTONAI.

They were both Borderers. The name of the latter (Ihanktonwanna)
is, in the Dakota, simply a diminutive of the former; but for more than a
century—possibly more than two centuries—the distinction has been recog-
nized. The Assiniboin branched off from the Yanktonai. Other divisions
of them, reaching down to the present time, are the Sanonee* (or One
Siders?), the Cut Heads (Pabakse); Kiyuksa or Dividers; Breakers of the
law; the Pine Shooters (Wazikute), and the Huykpa-tina, or Hoonkpatee.
This last name is explained in other parts of this volume. The same word
is found in the name of one of the Teton divisions, now become somewhat
notorious as the robber band of ‘Sitting Bull,” viz: The Huykpapa, or, as
it is incorrectly written, Unkpapa. Both of these bands have for many
years roamed over the Upper Missouri country—one on the east and the
other on the west side. The name of “Pine Shooters,” by which one
division of the Yanktonai is still called, they brought from the pine country
of Minnesota,’ and must have retained through at least two centuries.

As the Yankton, who now live on the Missouri River, at the Yankton
Agency, claim to have been placed by the Taku Wakan as guardians of

' For another explanation of this term, see ‘‘Sisitonway” in the preceding chapter, p. 158.

2The Sanona. See p. 161, footnote.—s. 0. D.

’The Omaha say that when their ancestors found the Great Pipe Stone Quarry, the Yankton
dwelt east of them in the forest region of Minnesota, so they called them Ja”aqa nikaci"ga, or People
of the forest. See 3d Rep. Bur. Eth., p. 212.—J. 0. D.

186 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

the great Red Pipe Stone Quarry, there is scarcely a doubt but that they
were the “Village of the Red Stone Quarry” mentioned in Le Sueur’s
enumeration. Fifty years after that, we find them placed on the French
maps about the mouth of the Little Sioux River. In those times they
hunted buffalo in the northwestern part of Iowa and down the Missouri to
its mouth and up to their present location or above, and eastward over the
James River and the Big Sioux to the Red Pipe Stone, where was the gath-
ering of the nations."

TETON.

These have been known for two hundred years—and how much longer
we know not—as “Dwellers on the Prairie.” The full name was Tiyta-
toyway, Prairie dwelling, contracted now into Titoyway, and commonly
written Teton.

As we have already seen, the French, in their maps, made a great lake
at the head of the Minnesota River, which they called ‘“ Lake of the
Tetons.” The name gives us nothing more than Inhabitants of the
Prairie. There is abundant evidence that, as far back as our knowledge of
the Dakota Nation extends, the Teton have formed more than half the
tribe, and causes have been in operation which have increased their number,
while in some cases the more eastern bands have been diminished. The
buffalo hunt has always tended to increase the Teton somewhat by immi-
eration; and by furnishing a supply of wild meat their children have grown
up, while many of those who came to use flour and pork have died off. The
late wars of the Minnesota Dakota with the whites have operated in the
same way.

As the result of the massacre of Spirit Lake, on the border of Lowa, in
the spring of 1857, a large portion of the small band of Leat Shooters,
under the leadership of Iykpaduta’s family, have disappeared from the east
of the Missouri and become absorbed by the Teton. The same thing is
true of hundreds of those engaged in the massacre of 1862. While a large
number fled north into the Dominion of Canada, others, in 1863, crossed

! Near the mouth of the Missouri, where in one of its bends it approaches the Mississippi, is a
place called Portage des Sioux, Here, evidently, the Dakota, a century ago, carried their canoes
across from one river to the other, when on their hunting and war expeditious. This fact quite agrees
with what we are told of their war parties descending the Mississippi two centuries ago, to attack
the Illinois and Miamis.

The Yanktonai passed over to the Upper Minnesota, and from thence, and from the Red River
of the North, they have journeyed westward to the Missouri, led on by the buffalo, from which they
have obtained their living for more than a century and a half. Thus they have occupied the country

as it was vacated by the more numerous of the ‘* Seven Council Fires,”

MIGRATIONS—ARGUMENT FROM NAMES. 187

the Missouri and joined the various northern divisions of the ‘Dwellers on
the Prairie.”

It is curious to find the number seven occurring so frequently in their
tribal and family divisions.’ Of the whole tribe there were seven bands
or “council fires;” of the Spirit Lake band there were seven villages, and
of this great body of the Dakota Nation there are still seven divisions or
subgentes.

First—The Brules: This is the French translation of Siéangu— Burnt
Thighs.” They occupy, at present, the mouth of Makaizite River’ and up
to Fort Thompson. The origin of this name is uncertain. They are
divided into Uplanders and Lowlanders.

Second—TVhe Two Kettles, or Oohe noypa, literally, ‘Two Boilings :”
One story is, that the name originated in a time of great scarcity of pro-
visions, when the whole band had only enough of meat to put in two
kettles. The present headquarters of this band, as well as of the two that
follow, is at the Cheyenne Agency and at Standing Rock, on the Missouri.

Third—Vhe Minnekanjoo: The full name is Mini-kanye-wozupi
(Water-near to-plant), ‘ Planters by the Water.” We ask, “What water?”
They do not remember. It looks very much as though the name had a
history—possibly in Minnesota—more than a century ago.

Fourth —The Sans Ares: This is the French translation of their own
name, Itazipéo; which written in full is, Itazipa-éoday, ‘Bows without” or
“No Bows.” It is easy to imagine a few families of Dakota appearing, at
some time of need, without that necessary implement of the chase and war,
and so, having fastened upon them a name, which they would not have
chosen for themselves.

Fifth—The Velala, or Ogalala, meaning Scatterers: This name em-
bodies the peculiar characteristics of the Teton dialect of the language,
viz: The frequent use of the hard “eo” and the ‘1.”

Sirth—The Black Feet, or Siha sapa: This band of the Western
‘Dakota must not be confounded with the Black Feet* of the mountains,
which are connected with the Piegans and Bloods. The Oglala and Black
Feet Dakota mainly constitute the camps of Spotted Tail and Red Cloud.
But the bands are all a good deal mixed up by marriage and otherwise.

Seventh—The Huykpapa: This band has for many years roamed over

'T have found many examples of the use of mystic numbers among cognate tribes, e. g., seven
(4+3), four, ten (74-3), twelve (4X3), and, in Oregon, five. I hope to publish an article on this sub-
ject. See ‘A Study of Siouan Cults,” in 11th An. Rep. of the Director, Bur, Ethn.—J. 0. D.

?From maka, earth, and izita, to smoke, i. e., the White Earth River of South Dakota.—vJ. 0. D.

> Sik/-sik-a.

188 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

the country of the Upper Missouri. The war of 1876 made it somewhat
notorious under its war chief “Sitting Bull,” or “Sitting Buffalo,” as Tatayka
iyotaynke ought to be translated.

This article, on the Migrations of the Dakota, will not be complete,
without a brief notice of the affiliated tribes. The Dakota family, as shown
by similarity of language, is quite extensive.

ASSINIBOIN.

I. Evidently the first to claim our attention, outside of the Dakota
themselves, is the Assiniboin tribe. Indeed they are a part of the great
Dakota Nation. Their language differs less from the Dakota in general,
than the dialects of the Dakota do from each other. In our historical nar-
rative of the Dakota, we found the knowledge of the Assiniboin coming to
white people at the same time, and along with that of the Dakota proper.
More than two centuries ago Assiniboin and Dakota met the French traders
at the head of Lake Superior. The Assiniboin are said to have broken off
from the Pine Shooters (Wazikute), a branch of the [hayktoywayna.

At that time the split, by which they ranged themselves as a separate
people, appears to have been a recent thing. The name ‘ Bway,” applied
by the Ojibwa to the whole Dakota people, fastened itself on that branch.
They are Stone Dakota. And at the present time, we have information of
a small family of the Assiniboin people living on the Saskatchewan, which
goes by the name of Stonies. The name given to the Assiniboin by the
Dakota is Hohe,' the origin and meaning of which are in the darkness.

At the time we first learn anything of the Assiniboin, they appear to
have been occupying the country of the Red River of the North, probably
both on the eastern and western side. ‘Vheir migrations have been north-
ward and westward. About the middle of the seventeenth century a
French pilot, by name Grosellier, roamed into the country of the Assini-
boin, near Lake Winnipeg, and was taken by them to Hudson Bay. In
1803 Lewis and Clarke met Assiniboin at their winter camp near where
Fort Stevenson now is. But their movement westward seems to have been
mainly farther north up the Assiniboin and Saskatchewan rivers. At pres-
ent they are found in the neighborhood of Fort Peck, on the Upper Mis-
souri, but the most of them are within the Dominion of Canada.

' Pronounced ho'-hay. There is also a Hohe gens among the Sihasapa Titonway. Hohe is said

to mean ‘ Rebels.”—vJ. 0. pb.

MIGRATIONS—ARGUMENT FROM NAMES. 189
WINNEBAGO.

Two centuries and a third ago the French traders and missionaries
from Montreal and Quebec came in contact with the Puants, living on the
“Bay of the Puants,” now Green Bay, in Wisconsin. ‘These Indians were
called Winnepekoak, or “People of the fetid water,” by their Algonkian
neighbors; but their name for themselves is Hotcangara, “People of the
Original Speech,” modified to Hotayke by the Dakota, and Hujanga by
the Omaha and Ponka, though these modified names signify “Big Voices”
in their respective languages.

The Winnebago language is closely allied to the Dakota.! One can
not but think that less than a thousand years ago they were a part of the
same people.

They may have separated at an early period from these cognate tribes,
and even reached “salt water,” whence their Aleonkian name. Examples
of such separation are found in the Biloxi of Mississippi and the Yesa™ or
Tutelo, formerly of Virginia and North Carolina, now in Canada.

But, confining ourselves to history, two centuries ago the Winnebago
were on Lake Michigan. During the eighteenth century they had drifted
slowly across the State of Wisconsin. In 1806 Lieut. Pike met the Puants?
with the Fox at Prairie du Chien. In the war of 1812 the Winnebago, with
the tribes of the Northwest generally, ranged themselves on the side of the
British. While a small portion of the tribe remained in the interior of Wis-
consin, the majority were removed across the Mississippi into Lowa and
located on Turkey River about the year 1840. Thence they were taken
up to Long Prairie, in Minnesota. Not being at all satisfied with that
country, they were again removed to what was to be a home in Blue Earth
County, back of Mankato. They were supposed to have had some sympathy
with the Dakota in their outbreak of 1862, and accordingly they were
removed with the captured Dakota, in the spring following, to the Missouri
River. Their location at Crow Creek was highly distasteful to them, and,
accordingly, they made canoes and floated themselves down to the Omaha
Reservation, in Nebraska, on a portion of which the Government arranged
to have them remain.

It should be mentioned that the Winnebago were largely engaged in
7 at the

the French and Indian War. Forty-eight were present in 175

'See “Comparative Phonology of Four Sionan Languages,” in Smithson. Rept., 1883.—s. 0. p.
2The name Puants means Stinkers. There is no doubt but that the French traders at first
understood the name Winnebago to mean stinking water. But it is believed they were in error, and

that its proper meaning is salt water.

190 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND BTHNOGRAPITY.

battle of Ticonderoga, together with large numbers of the Ojibwa and other
Western bands.

OMAHA AND PONKA.

These tribes have a common dialect and are closely related to the
Osage, Kansa, and Kwapa. The first are the Maha of the old French
maps. ‘The five tribes form the (hegiha (or Dhegiha) group of the Siouan
family. According to their traditions, their ancestors dwelt east of the
Mississippi River, on the Ohio and Wabash. When they reached the
mouth of the Ohio, part went down the Mississippi, becoming the Kwapa
(Uyaqpa, Ugaqpa), or “* Down-stream People,” who afterwards met De Soto.
The others ascended the Mississippi; hence the name ‘“ Up-stream People,”
or U-ma"-ha® (Umanhay), now Omaha, applied at first to those who subse-
quently became four tribes (Omaha, Ponka, Osage, and Kansa). Another
separation occured near the mouth of the Osage River, where the Omaha and
Ponka crossed the Missouri, and went north, being joimed on the way by a
kindred tribe, the Lowa. These three wandered through Iowa and Minne-
sota till they found the Great Pipestone Quarry, where they made a set-
tlement. At that time the Yankton (perhaps including the Yanktonnai)
dwelt in a wooded region near the source of the Mississippi, being called
“People of the Forest” by the Omaha and Ponka.'

The three tribes were finally driven off by the Dakota, wandering
westward and southwestward till they reached the Missouri River, which
they followed as far as the mouth of White Earth River. There the Ponka
left their allies, ascending the White Karth River till they drew near the
Black Hills, which they found in the possession of the Crows. Retracing
their course, they joined the lowa and Omaha, and all three went down
along the southwest side of the Missouri River till the Niobrara was reached.
There was made the final separation. ‘Che Ponka remained at the mouth
of the Niobrara; the Omaha settled on Bow Creek, Nebraska; the Iowa
went beyond them till they reached Ionia Creek (probably Jowa Creek at
first), where they made a village on the east bank of the stream, not far
from the site of the present town of Ponka. The subsequent migrations of
these tribes have been given in the paper mentioned in the preceding foot-
note ("), as well as in the Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology
(p. 213). The three tribes occupied different habitats as far back as Mar-
quette’s time, and they are thus located in his autograph map of 1673.

'The migrations of the Kansa, Kwapa, Osage, ete., have been treated by the editor in a recent
paper, “‘ Migrations of Siouan Tribes,” which appeared in the American Naturalist for Mareh, 1886

(Vol, 22, pp. 211-222). See “ Omaha Sociolovy,” in the Third Ann. Rept. of the Director Bur. Eth.,
pp. 211-213.—J. 0. D.

MIGRATIONS—ARGUMENT FROM NAMES. 191

When, in 1803, Lewis and Clarke made their voyage up the Missouri
and across the Rocky Mountains, they found the Ponka (Poneara) near their
present location. They say, “The Maha (Omaha) were associated with
them for mutual protection.” But the Omaha were there only on a visit.
It is quite certain that they had not lived together for many years pre-
vious to this. The Omaha were in northeastern Nebraska, south of Sioux
City, Lowa.

IOWA AND OTO.

The two tribes Iowa and Oto are associated here because they are
mentioned together by Le Sueur, in 1700, as having, previous to that time,
had the occupaney and the hunters’ right to the country of the Blue Earth
and of southern Minnesota.’ They appear to have retired before the
ageressive Sioux down the Des Moines into central Lowa, the Oto going on to
the Missouri and down into Kansas. While in possession of the country of
the Blue Earth, we have notices of their having hunted on the St. Croix, in
northern Wisconsin. It is also stated, which appears to be a matter of
tradition only, that at a, much later date, not far from the commencement
of the present century, the Iowa, in war, cut off entirely a small tribe, which
dwelt south of the St. Croix, called the Unktoka, which means, Our Enemies.

Ten Iowa warriors were present at the battle of Ticonderoga.

There are, near the Minnesota River, old fortifications, or earthworks,
which were probably made by these tribes to protect themselves against
the incursions of the more powerful Dakota. One such is found a few miles
above the mouth of the Yellow Medicine River. But possibly this was an
old Cheyenne fortification, which would seem to be the reading of Dakota
tradition.

MANDAN AND HIDATSA.

These two small tribes live together at Fort Berthold in connection
with the Ree. They are both small tribes. The Mandan at present num-
ber less than 400. Years ago they numbered. many more, but wars and
smallpox have almost annihilated them. From rather a remarkable fact,
that many of this people have sandy hair, it has been affirmed that they
are of Welsh origin—supposed to be a lost Welsh colony. George Catlin,

'This must have been long before 1673, the date of Marquette’s autograph map. The Oto did
not accompany the Iowa, Ponka, and Omaha. They were first met by the Omaha and Ponka, aeccord-
ing to Joseph La Fleche, on the Platte River in comparatively recent times.—4J. 0. D.

192 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

the celebrated Indian portrait painter, takes this view of their parentage,
and affirms that their language bears more than a likeness to the Welsh.'

The Mandan tradition of their origin is, that ages ago they lived
underground by a great lake. The root of a grapevine pushed itself down
through the crust of the earth. One by one they took hold of it and
climbed up by its help, coming out into the light of day. By and by a
very fat woman took hold of it and the vine broke, leaving the remainder
of the Mandans by the lake underground. Could this legend have any
connection with a passage over the ocean?

Ever since they have been known to the whites they have lived on
the Upper Missouri. In the winter of 180304, Lewis and Clarke wintered
near their villages, only a short distance below where they now are.

The Hidatsa are better known by the names Minnetaree and Gros
Ventres.”. There is no apparent reason why the latter name should have
been given them by the French. Minnetaree means ‘‘over the water,” and
was given to them when they crossed the Missouri, coming as they did from
the northeast and crossing to the southwest. They number about 500.
These Hidatsa have often been confounded with the ‘“Minnetaree of the
Plains,” or “Gros Ventres,” who belong to another linguistic family.

Both the Hidatsa and Mandan belong to the Siouan or Dakotan family.
Whether it is from the common likeness to the tongue of their enemies, or
for some other reason, it is a remarkable fact that many persons of each
tribe can speak Dakota.

ABSAROKA OR CROW.

This tribe and the Hidatsa speak dialects of the same language. It is
said that the Amahami, now extinet, were a branch of the Absaroka.

When the Ponka reached the Black Hills country, several hundred
years ago, they found it in the possession of the Absaroka, whose habitat
included the region now known as the western part of Dakota (south of the
Missouri River) and the eastern part of Montana.

'T have made a careful examination of the Mandan vocabularies of Kipp, Hayden, Wied, and
others. The following conclusions have been reached: (1) The Mandan is closely related to the
Winnebago, Lowa, Oto, and Missouri dialects. (2) The fancied resemblance to the Latin, based on
what was thought to be ‘‘sub” in three compound nouns, has no foundation. Suk, suke, kshuk, or
kshuke means small.—J. 0. D.

* Big Paunch (Gros Ventre) must have referred to a buffalo paunch over which a quarrel arose
resulting in the separation of the Hidatsa and Crow. See Kihatsa in Matthews’s Ethnog. and Philol.
of the Hidatsa Indians,—J, 0, D.

MIGRATIONS—ARGUMENT FROM NAMES. 193
OSAGE, KANSA, KWAPA, AND, MISSOURI.

All these tribes belong to the Siouan stock. The Missouri, who call
themselves Nyu-t’a-tci, speak a dialect allied to those of the Iowa and Oto,
while the dialects of the others are related to that of the Omaha and Ponka.

The Osage connect themselves by tradition with the beavers. The first
father of the Osage was hunting on the prairie all alone. He came to a
beaver dam, where he saw the chief of all the beavers, who gave him one of
his daughters to wife. From this alliance sprang the Osage.’

ARIKARA OR RICKAREE.

This tribe, commonly called Ree and sometimes Pawnee, has been
heretofore counted as belonging to the Dakota family. But the Ree
language, as spoken at Berthold, appears to have no resemblance to the
Dakota, and indeed to be radically different in its construction. So that,
without doubt we must deny them a place in the Dakota linguistic family.
But the Ree, the northern branch of the tribe now at Fort Berthold, num-
bering more than 1,000 souls, have been for many years intermingling with
the Dakota, and probably separated from their southern kindred, the
Pawnee proper, on account of an intrusion of the Dakota.” In 1803 Lewis
and Clarke found the Ree on the Missouri River, near the mouth of Grand
River.

SHAYENNE OR CHEYENNEE.

This name is variously written. The tribe comes into the same cate-
gory as the last named—Ree and Pawnee. We can not admit them into
the Dakota linguistic family. The name they bear is of Dakota origin, by
whom they are called ‘“Sha-e-a-na.”* Sha-e-a,*in Dakota, means “to talk
red,” that is, unintelligibly, as ‘‘ Ska-e-a”” means ‘“‘to talk white”
bly—that is, to interpret. The Shayenne language then, we under-
stand, is not like the Dakota. But, though sometimes enemies of the
Dakota, they have more generally been confederates. Two hundred years

intelligi-

!'This is probably the tradition of part of the Osage, the Beaver people, not that of the whole
tribe. See ‘Osage Traditions” in the Sixth Ann. Rept. of the Director Bur. Eth., pp, 373-397.—J. 0. D.

2 According to Omaha tradition, the Ree and Skidi (or Pawnee Loups) were allies of the Winne-
hago and the ancestors of the Omaha, Ponka, Osage, Kansa, Kwapa, Iowa, ete., when all these people
dwelt east of the Mississippi. It is doubtful whether the Ree were ever neighbors of the Grand, Re-
publican, and Tappage Pawnee, since the latter have been west of the Missouri. The latter conquered
the Skidi, with whom they do not intermarry, according to Joseph I.a Fléche, formerly a head chief
ofthe Omaha. The Skidi met the three southern Pawnee divisions at a comparatively late date, ac-
cording to Pawnee tradition. Lf all five were ever together, it must have been at an early period, and
probably east of the Mississippi River.—J. 0. D.

*Sa-i-ye-na. ‘Sa-ia. ° Ska-ia,
7105—VvoL 1x——13

194 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

ago, or thereabouts, the Shayenne village was near the Yellow Medicine
River in Minnesota, where are yet visible old earthworks. | From thence,
according to Dakota tradition, they retired before the advancing Dakota,

and made their village between Big Stone Lake and Lake Traverse. Their

next remove appears to have been to the south bend of the Cheyenne, a
branch of the Red River of the North. The fortification there is still very
plain. While there: they seem to have had both the Ojibwa and Dakota
for their enemies. Bloody battles were fought and finally the Shayenne
retired to the Missouri. This is supposed to have been about one hundred
years ago or more, After that time the Dakota became friendly to them.
The Shayenne stopped on the east side of the Missouri and left their name
to the Little Cheyenne. Soon after they crossed over and took possession
of the country of the Big Cheyenne. There they were, hunting out to the
Black Hills, in 1803, when Lewis and Clarke ascended the Missouri. — -

CREA ele sha age ele
GENS AND PHRATRY OF THE DAKOTA.

THE GENS.

In the Dakota Nation the man is the head of the family; the woman
was not considered worthy of honor. No Dakota woman ever aspired to
be a chief. he chieftainship descended from the father to his sons, the
eldest son taking the precedence. But in the making up of the gens the
woman was an equal factor with the man. Thus a child counts his father’s
brothers all fathers, and his father’s sisters all aunts; while his mother’s
sisters are all mothers, and his mother’s brothers are only uncles. Hence,
a man’s brother’s children are counted as his own children, and his sister’s
children are nephews and nieces. On the other hand, a woman’s sister’s
children are counted by her as children, while her brother’s children are

' These same distinctions are carried down through

nephews and nieces.
the generations. In this circle intermarriages are not allowed by Dakota
custom. This is the gens, but there is lacking the totem to bind them to-
gether. The real foundation tor the totemic system exists among the Da-
kota as well as the Iroquois, in the names of men often being taken from
mythical animals, but the system was never carried to perfection. Some-
times indeed a village was called through generations after the chief of the
clan, as Black Dog’s, Little Crow’s, ete.

THE PHRATRY.

Among the eastern Dakota the Phratry was never a permanent organi-
zation, but resorted to on special occasions and for various purposes, such
as war or buffalo hunting.

THE TIYOTIPI.

The exponent of the Phratry was the “'Tiyotipi” or Soldiers’ Lodge.
Its meaning is the ‘‘ Lodge of Lodges.” There were placed the bundles of
black and red sticks of the soldiers. There the soldiers gathered to talk
and smoke and feast. There the laws of the encampment were enacted,

1See Kinship System of the Omaha in 3d Ann. Rept. of the Director, Bur. Eth., pp. 252-258.—.. 0 .p.
195

196 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY,

and from thence they were published by the camp crier. It is said that
in the camps of the Prairie Dakota, the real buffalo hunters, the Soldiers’
Lodge was pitched in the center of the circular encampment. This area
was called ho-éo-ka; and the gateway of the camp, which was always left
at the front end, was called ho-a-na-pa. The encampment was then in the
form of a horseshoe, or, more properly, in the form of the horns of a buf-
falo cow, which turn inward toward each other. The ends of the horns
were called “ Hiy-kpa,” from “he,” a@ horn, and “inkpa,” small end. Hence
those camping at these ends of the horns would be called “ Huykpa-tina.”
And hence the name of two of the gentes, which have developed into larger
clans of the Dakota Nation, viz., the Huykpatina and the Huykpapa.
While, within the historical period, no political organization has been

known to exist over the whole Dakota Nation, the traditional alliance of

the ‘Seven Council Fires” is perpetuated in the common name Dakota.
FELLOWHOOD.

One of the customs of the olden time, which was potent both for good
and for evil, and which is going into desuetude, was that of fellowhood.
Searcely a Dakota young man could be found who had not some special
iriend or Koda. This was an arrangement of giving themselves to each
other, of the David and Jonathan kind. They exchanged bows, or guns,
or blankets—sometimes the entire equipment. In rare cases they exchanged
wives. What one asked of the other he gave him; nothing could be de-
nied. This arrangement was often a real affection, sometimes fading out
as the years pass by, but often lasting to old age.

In order to exhibit properly and as fully as may be Dakota national
aud individual life, I will here introduce a pen picture of a very prominent
man of the last generation.

STANDING BUFFALO.

In connection with Standing Buffalo, the last great chieftain of the
Sisseton Dakota, will be found a description of the ‘Tiyotipi,” already
referred to.

Ta-tay-ka-na-zin, or Standing Buffalo, was the son of The Orphan, and
hereditary chief of quite a large clan of Sisseton Dakota. Their planting
place, before the outbreak in 1862, was in that rich and beautiful valley
which lies between the head of Lake Traverse, whose waters communicate
with the Red River of the North and Big Stone Lake, through which the

GENS AND PHRATRY OF THE DAKOTA. LOG

Minnesota River runs to the Mississippi. Through this isthmus, between
the two lakes, now known as Brown’s Valley, the Minnesota, as it comes
down in small streams out of the Coteau, winds its way.

As soon as Standing Buffalo had come to man’s estate, or when he was
probably about twenty-five years old, the father abdicated his chieftainship
in favor of his son. Henceforth he wore his father’s medals, carried his
father’s papers, and was the recognized chief of his father’s people. As
already stated, the Dakota custom is that the rank and title of chief descend
from father to son unless some other near relative is ambitious and influential
enough to obtain the place. The same is claimed also in regard to the rank
of soldier or brave, but this position is more dependent on personal bravery.

At the time of the outbreak Standing Buffalo was a man in middle life.
He was tall and well-featured—rather a splendid looking Dakota. Pre-
vious to 1852 he and his people received no annuities, but raised a good deal
of corn. Still they depended chiefly, both for food and clothing, on the
buffalo, and much of the year they spent in the chase.

Although congregating in vast herds on the great prairies and moving
in certain directions with a great deal of apparent force, the buffalo are
nevertheless easily driven away. And hence the Indians find it necessary
to protect the hunt by regulations which must be enforced. In this neces-
sity probably originated the Ti-yo-ti-pi, or so-called Soldiers’ Lodge, which
is both the hall of legislation and the great feasting place.

Some patriotic woman vacates her good skin tent and goes into a
poorer one that she may furnish the braves with a fitting place for their as-
semblies. This tipi is then pitched in some central place, or in the gate-
way of the circle, and the women take delight in furnishing it with wood
and water and the best of the meat that is brought into camp, for every
good deed done for this Soldiers’ Lodge is proclaimed abroad by the crier
or eyaynpaha.

A good fire is blazing inside and we may just lift up the skin door and
crawl in. Towards the rear of the tent, but near enough the fire for con-
venient use, is a large pipe placed by the symbols of power. There are
two bundles of shaved sticks about 6 inches long. The sticks in one bun-
dle are painted black and in the other red. The black bundle represents
the real men of the camp—those who have made their mark on the war-
path. The red bundle represents the boys and such men as wear no eagle
feathers. Around this fire they gather together to smoke. Here they dis-
cuss all questions pertaining to the buffalo hunt and the removal of camp;

198 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND EPHNOGRAPHY.

in short, all public interests. From these headquarters they send out from
time to time runners, who bring back information of the whereabouts of the
bison herds. From this lodge goes out the camp crier, who makes procla-
mation of the time and place of the buffalo surround. And from this same
central place of power go forth the young men who are commissioned to
cut up the tent and the blankets, or break the gun and kill the horse of one
who has transgressed the laws of the Ti-yo-ti-pi. And when the hunt of
the day is past, and the buffalo meat brought in, the breast or some nice
piece is roasted or boiled here, and the young men gather to eat and smoke
and sing and tell over the exploits of the day. It will not then surprise
any one to know that this Soldiers’ Lodge became the central force in the
outbreak of 1862.

In the summer before the outbreak took place, there was quite a trou-
ble at the Yellow Medicine. The payment was promised to these annuity
Indians when the strawberries were ripe, that is the last of June or the first
of July of each year. This season the Sisseton came down earlier perhaps
than usual, and the annuity money and goods were delayed much beyond
time. About 4,000 Indians were gathered at the Yellow Medicine, where
they waited about six weeks. The small amount of provisions on hand
Agent Galbraith wished to keep until the time of making the payment.
The corn and potatoes planted by Indians living in the neighborhood had
not yet matured. Consequently this multitude of men, women, and chil-
dren were for more than a month on the borders of starvation. Some flour
was obtained from traders, and the agent gave them small quantities; they
eathered some berries in the woods and occasionally obtained a few duc ks.

sut by all these means they scarcely kept starvation off. They said the
children cried for some thing to eat.

Standing Buffalo was the principal chief of these northern Indians.
They were encamped in a large circle on the prairie immediately west of
the agency. It was now along in the first days of August. Hunger pressed
upon them. They knew there was flour in the warehouse which had been
purchased tor them. It would not be wrong for them to take it in their
present necessitous circumstances. Thus they reasoned; and although a
detachment of soldiers from Fort Ridgeley had their camp near the ware-
house, the Indians planned to break in and help themselves.

So it was, on a certain day, the men came down to the agency five or
six hundred strong and surrounded the soldiers’ camp. The white people
thought they had come to dance; but while they stood around in great

GENS AND PHRATRY OF THE DAKOTA. 199

numbers, a selected few broke in the door of the warehouse with axes and
carried out a large quantity of flour and pork. ‘To this the attention of
Agent Galbraith was immediately called, who made an ineffectual effort to
have it carried back. The howitzer was turned towards the Indians and
there was a prospect of a collision, but the numbers were so disproportion-
ate that it was judged best to avoid it. Scarcely had they reached their
own camp when those four hundred tents were struck, and all removed off
to a distance of 2 or 3 miles. That was supposed to mean war.

The next morning the writer visited the agency, having heard some-
thing of the trouble. When I met the agent he said, ‘Mr. Riggs, if there
is anything between the lids of the Bible that will help us out of this diffi-
culty, I wish you would use it.” I said I would try, and immediately drove
up to Standing Buffalo’s camp. [represented to him the necessity of having
this difficulty settled. However perfect they might regard their right to the
provisions they had taken, the Government would not be willing to treat
them kindly until the affair was arranged. The breaking in of the ware-
house was regarded as a great offense.

He promised to gather the chief men immediately and talk the thing
over and come. down to the agency as soon as possible.

It was afternoon when about fifty of the principal men gathered on the
agent’s porch. They said they were sorry the thing had taken place, but
they could not restrain the young men, so great was the pressure of hunger
in the camp. They wished, moreover, the agent to repair the broken door
at their expense. Some of the young men who broke it down were present,
but they did not want to have them punished. It was rather a lame justi-
fication, but Agent Galbraith considered it best to accept of it and to give
them some more provisions, on condition that they would return immedi-
ately to their planting places at Big Stone Lake and Lake Traverse. This
he desired them to do because the time when the payment could be made
was unknown to him and their own corn patches would soon need watching.
Standing Buffalo and his brother chiefs accepted the conditions, and in a
couple of days the northern camp had disappeared.

Four or five weeks after this, these warriors came down again to the
Yellow Medicine and the Red Wood; but it was not to meet the agent or
any white people, but to see Little Crow and the hostile Indians and ascer-
tain whereunto the rebellion would grow. It is reported that, on this ocea-
sion, Standing Buffalo told Little Crow that, having commenced hostilities
with the whites, he must fight it out without help from him; and that, failing

200 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

to make himself master of the situation, he should not flee through the
country of the Sisseton.

But although as a whole these northern Dakota refused to go into the
rebellion with the Santee, it is very certain that quite a number of their
young men joined in the raids made upon the white settlements; and more-
over, the attack upon Fort Abercrombie, at which several hundred Dakota
warriors were said to have been present, must have been made almost
entirely by these same Sisseton.

In the autumn which followed they all fled to the Upper Missouri
country or into the Queen’s dominions. It was reported soon after that
Standing Buffalo had gone on the warpath and was killed.

THE TIYOTIPI.

(Translated from M. Renyille’s Dakota version.]

When Indians would hunt the buffalo, they do it in this way: When-
ever they hear that there are buffalo, they look out a young man and ask
him for his tent. If he consents, then no woman or child is allowed in the
tent; men alone go into it. And so the man whose the tent is is called
Tiyoti, and is the master in it.

Then also they do in this way: They shave out small round sticks all
of the same length, and paint them red, and they are given out to the men.
These are to constitute the Tiyotipi. This done, they choose four men
whom they make the chiefs, who make all the arrangements. Also one
who is called Kyanpaha (crier), who makes proclamation of everything
that is determined on. In addition to these, they select two young men
who are called Touchers. These attend to all the provisions that are
brought to the Tiyotipi.

Then, of all the painted sticks that were given around, not one is brought
inempty. When one is to be brought to the Tiyotipi, food is brought
with it. And when these are all brought in, they are tied in a bundle. In
the back part of the tent, by the fire, the ground is carefully cleaned off,
and a pipe anda pipe rammer and incense leaves are all brought and placed
together.

These are all completed in this way and then about two young men
are selected, and the pipe is filled and passed to them, which is done by the
Myaypaha. When this ceremony is finished they are sent out into that part
of the country in which they heard the buffalo were. Hence they are

GENS AND PHRATRY OF THE DAKOTA. 201

called Wakéanya and also Wayeya, that is One-who-finds-out, and also
One Sent.

Whither they were sent they go, and when they know the buffalo are
there, they return to camp. When they come near they run, and by this
it is known that they are bringing tidings. Thus they come directly to the
Tiyotipi, which is already filled with those who want to hear. Then in the
back part of the tent, which has been made sacred, where the pipe and the
tobacco are, there the Eyanpaha fills the pipe and puts it to their mouths.
Then privately they tell the news to the Eyanpaha, who says, ‘Hayen,
hayen,” and spreads his hands out to the earth. All in the tent do the same,
and then the news is told openly. The Eyanpaha then goes out and makes
proclamation to the whole camp. But this he does in a somewhat different
style: “When a boy comes home to me from another place, and brings me
word of so many large pieces of buffalo meat, let every ghost in all your
families hear it; so far on the other side the earth is not visible, they say.”
While he cries this through the camp, all who are able whistle, which they
do for joy.

When the Eyanpaha has returned to the Tiyotipi, then the four
masters of the assembly consider and determine when they will go on the
hunt. This being determined, the Eyanpaha again makes proclamation to
all the people. This is what he says: ‘Bind on your saddle, for a piece
of a day I will kill valuable children.” Then all get themselves ready
and they start out together.

Only the four chief men give the commands. When they come near
to the buffalo, the party is divided and the approach is made from both
sides. This is done whether there be one herd or two. They go on both
sides. It is determined to conduct the chase in a proper manner. But if
in doing this one side gets in a hurry and drives off the game, then their
blankets and even their tents are cut to pieces. This they call “soldier
killing.”

When they come home from the buffalo chase, all who can bring fresh
meat to the Tiyotipi. Then the Touchers cook it. Whenit is cooked they
cut off some pieces and put in the mouths of the four chief men, and then
they all eat as they please. In the meantime the Eyanpaha stands outside
and praises those who brought the meat.

The summing up of the whole is this: The back part of the Tiyotipi,
near the fire, is cleared off carefully; and there are placed two grass fenders,
about a foot long each, on which the pipe is laid. The pipe is never laid

202 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

back after the common custom. Also they shave around stick, sharpening
one end and cutting the other off square. This is driven in the ground, and
on it, when the pipe is smoked out, they knock out the ashes. They
always do this. Then of all the round-shaved_ sticks, some of which
were painted black and some painted red, four are especially marked.
They are the four chiefs of the Tiyotipi that were made. And_ these
men are not selected at random for this place; but men who have
killed many enemies and are the most able, are chosen. The things
desired are, that the chase may be conducted in the best way, that
the people may have a plenty of food, and that everything may be done
properly—so they determined, and so they do. The ashes of the pipe are
not emptied out carelessly, so that when they command each other, and
give each other the pipe, it may be done only in truth. That is the reason
for doing it.

Also in the deer hunt they have a Tiyotipi, but in that they do not
send out persons to reconnoiter. Nevertheless, in that also, if anyone goes
to hunt on his own motion, they ‘soldier kill” him, that is, cut up his Hinnlect
and coat.

These are the customs of the Otiyoti.

Thus far the translation—to which may be added some words
explanation.

The special making of the sticks is done on the line of personal
history. Whatever is indicated by the kind of eagle feathers a man is
entitled to wear in his head, and by the notches in them, this is all hiero-
elyphed on his stick in the Tiyotipi. Then these bundles of sticks are used
for gambling. The question is, “Odd or even?” The forfeits are paid
meat for the Tiyotipi.

The announcements of the crier show the rhythmical character of the
language, This especially appears in the order for the hunt:

A kin) ilyakaSka:
Siceéa tehike,
Aypetu hankeya,
Kéawaliay kta ée.
The saddle bind:
Children dear,
For half a day,

I will kill.

Cele ee eD Eick, sll Ve

UNWRITTEN DAKOTA LAWS.
THE FAMILY.

In the commencement and growth of the Dakota people and language
we may properly assume that the words ‘“a-te,” father, and “i-na” and
“huy,” mother (“nihuy,” thy mother, “huyku,” his mother), were among the
very first. They are short, and not capable of further analysis. ‘‘Wiéa,”
male, and “win” or “winna” and “winyay,” female, would be the first
words to designate the man and woman. From these would grow naturally
the present names, wi-¢a-sta,' or the Yankton and Teton form, ‘ wi-Ga-sa”
(male-red), man, and winohinéa’ (female-very), woman. There would be
father-in-law before grandfather ; and hence we find the former designated
by “tun-kay,”* the shorter one, and the latter by ‘“twy-kay-si-na.” “Tun-
kay” is also the name of the stone god, which may indicate some kind of
worship of ancestors. The shortest word also is found in mother-in-lav,
“kun” (‘‘nikuy,” thy mother-in-law, “kuyku,” his mother-in-law). A woman
speaking of or to her mother-in-law and grandmother calls them both
“uyéi,” making the latter sometimes diminutive “uyéina.”

Some words for child should be at least as old, if not older than, father
and mother. Accordingly we find the monosyllables ‘‘éis,” son, and
“Guys,” daughter, used by the parents when speaking to the children, while
““Ginéa” is the common form.

In the line of “win” being the oldest form word for woman, we have
the Dakota man calling his wife ““mitawin,” my woman. The word as wite
is not used without the affixed and suffixed pronominal particles (mi-ta-wiy,

nitawiy, tawicéu), which would indicate property in the woman. On the

‘While wiéa Sa may mean ‘‘ male red,” how shall we render wiéa sta? Wiéa—nika (Vegiha), ¢
male of the human species; and wiéa Sa or wiéa sta =nikaci"ga (('egiha). a person; an Indian.—J. 0 D.
-Shortened to winohéa,

*Tunkansidan, in Santee; tunkaysina, in Yankton; tuykansila, in Teton.

203

204 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

other hand, the woman calls her husband ‘mihihna,” my husband. The
latter part of the word we can not analyze satisfactorily.’

Thus we come into the family as constituted, the man calling his
woman “mi-ta-wiy,” and she calling her man ‘“mi-hihna,” and each alle
the child “ins” or “éuys,” as the case may be. The taking of each
other makes each related to the family of the other. But somehow shame
has come into the tipi, and the man is not allowed to address or to look
towards his wife’s mother, especially, and- the woman is shut off from
familiar intercourse with her husband’s father and others, and etiquette pro-
hibits them from speaking the names of their relatives by marriage. This
custom is called “wisten kiyapi,” from ‘“isteéa,” to be ashamed. How it
grew is not apparent. But none of their customs is more tenacious of life
than this. And no family law is more binding.

THE HOUSEHOLD.

The “tipi” is the house or living place. There is no word for home
nearer than this. The Dakota woman owns the ‘‘tipi;” she dresses the
skins of which the ‘‘wakeya” or shelter is made; she pitches and takes down
the tipi, and carries it on her back oftentimes in the march. It should
belong to her. But when it is pitched and the ground covered with dry
grass, her man takes the place of honor, which is the back part opposite the
door. The wife's plac e is on the left side as one enters, the right side as
one sits in the back part. ‘The children come in between the mother and
father. The place of the grandmother or mother-in-law or aunt is the
corner by the door opposite the woman of the house. If a man has more
wives than one, they have separate tipis or arrange to occupy the
different sides of one. When a daughter marries, if she remains in her
mother’s tipi, the place for herself and husband is on the side opposite
the mother, and back near the “éatku,” the place of honor. The same
place is allotted to her in her husband’s mother’s tent. The back part of
the tent, the most honorable place, and the one usually occupied by the
father, is given to a stranger pen

‘Mr. Doe ay is Sin nadounee dly, in regarding ‘‘hna” as the root, or at least one root, of
“mi-hi-hna, my husband, ‘“hi-hna-ku,” her husband. And the meaning of it is rather that of placing
than of deceiving, relating it to ‘‘ohnaka” to place in, as if in the woman’s family, rather than with
“hnayayn,” to deceive. But what account shall we make of the ‘‘hi,” or ‘ hin,” as many Dakotas per-
sist in writing it? Does that mean hair, and so send the word back to an indelicate origin? Quite
likely.—s. R. R.

Compare the Dakota tawinton, tawinya, and tawiton, ‘‘to have as his wife,” used only of
coition. See footnote ('), p. 207.—s. 0. D.

UNWRITTEN DAKOTA LAWS. 205

The young man who goes to live with his wife’s relatives is called
“ wiéawolia,” which literally means man-cached, as if the man, by so doing,
buried himself. Mothers, who have daughters to be married, are often de-
sirous of having the sons-in-law come and live, for a while at least, with
them, since, if the young man is a good hunter, this arrangement secures to
them plenty of game. But on the other hand, the young man’s parents are
quite as likely to require his services and that of his wife in addition. So
that, in this regard, there is no prevailing law. As soon as the young
couple are able to procure a tent, and if the man is a good hunter and but-
falo are plenty, that may be very soon, they set up for themseives. This
usually takes place soon after their first child is born, if not before.

COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE.

Before proceeding farther with the laws of the family, it is proper to
describe how it becomes a family. Girls are sometimes taken very young,
before they are of marriageable age, which generally happens with a man
who has a wife already. The marriageable age is from fourteen years old
and upward. The intercourse of young men with maidens is not always
open and honorable, but the public sentiment of a Dakota community,
while it does not prevent much that is illicit, makes it more or less dishon-
able, especially for the girl. A boy begins to feel the drawing of the other
sex and, like the ancient Roman boys, he exercises his ingenuity in making
a “éotanke,” or rude pipe, from the bone of a swan’s wing, or from some
species of wood, and with that he begins to call to his lady love, on the
night air. Having gained her attention by his flute, he may sing this:

Stealthily, secretly, see me,
Stealthily, secretly, see me,
Stealthily, secretly, see me;
Lo! thee I tenderly regard;
Stealthily, secretly, see me.

Or he may commend his good qualities as a hunter by singing this
song:
Cling fast to me, and you ‘Il ever have plenty;
Cling fast to me, and you ll ever have plenty,
Cling fast to me.
When the family are abed and asleep, he often visits her in her mother’s
tent, or he finds her out in the grove in the daytime gathering fuel. She
has the load of sticks made up, and when she kneels down to take it on her

206 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

back possibly he takes her hand and helps her up, and then walks home by
her side. Such was the custom in the olden time. Thus a mutual under-
standing is reached. He wants her and she wants him. He has seen her
ability to supply the tipi with fuel as well as do other necessary things,
and she has often seen him bringing to his mother’s tent a back load of
ducks, or, it may be, venison Capt. R. H. Pratt, of Carlisle school, tells a
capital story of a Kiowa young man who, under a variety of circumstances,
never “cared for girl.” ‘But when Laura say she love me, then I begin
to care for girl.”

The young man then informs his father and mother, and they approy-
ing, together with other family friends, make up the bundle-of-purchase.
It may be a horse. If so, it is led by one of his friends and tied by the
tent of the girl’s parents.» Or guns and blankets are contributed, which are
carried by an aunt or other female relative, and the load is laid down at the
tent door. It is ‘‘wo-hpa-pi,” /aying down, and the young man thus lays
down or tenders his otter for the girl. If this ts not satisfactory, either from
the small amount or the character of the young man, the offerings are carried
back, and the young folks have a chance to elope, unless they are restrained
by higher considerations.

Sometimes it happens that a young man wants a girl, and her friends
are also quite willing, while she alone is unwilling. The purchase bundle
is desired by her friends, and hence compulsion is resorted to. The girl
yields and goes to be his slave, or she holds out stoutly, sometimes taking
her own life as the alternative. Several cases of this kind have come to the
personal knowledge of the writer. The legends of Winona and Black Day
Woman are standing testimonies. The comely dark-eyed Winona wanted
to wed the successful hunter, but the brilliant warrior was forced upon her,
and therefore she leaped from the crag on Lake Pepin, which immortalizes
her name. For a like reason, Black-Day Woman pushed her canoe out
into the current, above the Falls of Saint Anthony, and sang her death song
as it passed over. These are doubtless historical events, except that the
years are not known.

When the offer is accepted the girl is taken by some relative to the
tent of the buyer. In the olden time it is said the custom was that she
rode on the back of some female friend. Thus they become man and wife,
with the idea of property strongly impressed upon the mind of the man.
He has purchased her, as he would do a horse, and has he not a right to

command her, and even to beat her? The customs of his people allow it.

UNWRITTEN DAKOTA LAWS. 207

If she pleases him not, he may throw her away (elipeya), for is she not his
property? Nevertheless this was the honorable way for a girl to be taken.
On many accounts it was better than to be stolen or taken unlawfully.
And this custom of wife-purchase maintains its hold upon the Dakota people
until they have made much progress in civilization.

The difference in the pronouns used in my wife and my husband seems
to mark the difference of the property idea. Two kinds of possession are
indicated by the affixed possessive pronouns, one easily alienated, as in
“mita-sujke,” my horse; and the other not transferable, as in ‘‘mi-nape,”
my hand. The man uses the first form, where possession sits lightly, as
“mitawiy ;’ ' But it must not
be inferred from this that a Dakota woman does not often run away from

while the woman uses the other, ‘mihihna.”

her husband. In that case, unless he endeavors to win her back, the laws
of his nation allow him to cut off her nose, or otherwise mutilate her for
infidelity.

; THE BABY.

The young father is away on purpose. He has gone to his own
father’s people, or perhaps on a hunt with his comrades. The mother is
left with the older women, her own mother and other female relatives.
Many of the middle-aged women become skillful mid-wives; and the Dakota
women, who are healthy, have less labor at such times than women in
more civilized communities. The baby is born, and, like the infant Saviour
of the world, is wrapped in swaddling bands. ‘“ Hoksi” appears to be
the root form of “ho-ksi-na,” boy;° and henee to the “hoksi” is added
‘“Gyokopa,” the board to which the child is bound, and we have the long
descriptive name for “baby,” “hoksiyokopa,” and sometimes ‘“‘hoksiyopa”
and “hoksiéopa.” This board is shaved out nicely, and often ornamented
in various ways, with beads and quills, having a stay board around the

! This is another instance of the necessity of observing great caution in, the analysis of Indian
words. Mitawin hardly falls in the category to which mitasunke belongs. It is better, for several
reasons, not to lay too much stres; upon the derivation of mitawin from mita, my, and win, woman.
(1) We should consider all the persons of each kinship term in any one language. (2) We should
compare the Dakota terms with the corresponding ones in cognate languages. (3) We do not find
any kinship terms which make their possessives in initial ta, but in final ku, éu, or tku (see what the
author himself shows in § 69, b, p. 44). In Dakota we find, tahay, @ (not his) brother-in-law; tahan-
ku, his ditto; tahansi, a man’s male cousin (or, my ditto); tahansi-tku, his male cousin; tawi-énu, his
wife; tawiy, a wife. Tawin answers to the ypoiwere stem tami, in i-tami, his wife, where i-is the
possessive fragment prononn, his or her. Other poiwere kinship terms in which ta- occurs are as
follows: i-takwa, his or her grandson; i-takwa-mi, his or her granddaughter; i-taha", his brother-in-
law, in all of which i-, not ta-, is the sign of the possessive.—J. 0. D.

2 Hoksiday in Santee; hoksina in Yankton; hoksilain Teton. The initial ‘ho’ answers to ‘to,’
etc., of the cognate languages.—J. 0. D.

208 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

foot, and a strap board or handle standing out over the head of the child,
which serves both for protection and to tie the mother’s strap to. In this
nicely arranged cradle, which is often hung up in the daytime, the baby
has his home for the most part, being taken out at night, and at other
times when needing care. So it grows, crying sometimes as other babies
do, but needing and receiving much less care than a civilized child. In
the meantime the mother has, perhaps on the first day, or if not on that day
very soon after, gone to the stream or lake and washed away her unclean-
ness. If it is winter she cuts a hole in the ice to do it. When they begin
to take on civilized habits, the Dakota women find they can not continue to
follow the customs of their grandmothers.

What will they call the baby? If it be a little girl, and is the first
born, then it inherits the beautiful name of Winona. When the second
child comes, if that is a girl, it is called ‘‘Ha’-pay;” the third, ‘‘Ha’-pi-
stinna;” the fourth, ‘‘Wanske;” and the fifth, ‘‘Wi-hake.” Some of these
names are said not to be used by the Sioux on the Missouri. On the other
hand, if the first born is a boy, his inherited name is “Gaske,” and the
second child, if a boy, will be called ‘‘He-pay;” and the third, ‘‘ He-pi;”
and the fourth, Ga-tay;” and the fifth, ““Ha-ke.” Some children have no
other names given them, and wear these alone when they are grown up.
But if all families were content with this limited circle, much confusion
would exist, especially as they have no family name. Hence the necessity
of giving other names. This is done often by the father, and sometimes by
some relative of consideration. Frequently a feast is made by the father
to mark the occasion, and the child’s ears are bored that. it may wear
ornaments.

Girls’ names generally terminate in “win” or “winna,” but not always.
L recall a family of girls who were named ‘ Anpao,” Morning, “ Ahiyanke-
win,” Woman Come-to-stay, “ Malipi-wiyna,” Cloud Woman, “ Hayyetu-ku-win,”
Coming Night Woman, etc. But the boys, either in their childhood or when
they are grown, receive the imposing and honorable names of ancestors,
as, Gray Bear, Standing Buffalo, Standing Soldier, The Orphan, Burning
Earth, ete. Oftentimes new names are given when young men. signalize

themselves in war or otherwise. Then there is feasting, music, and dancing.
CHILD LIFE.

The children have now come into the family. How will they grow
up? What shall they be taught? Who shall be their teachers? What the

UNWRITTEN DAKOTA LAWS. 209

father and mother do they will do. What the father and mother know they
will know. What the father and mother are they will be. One ean hardly
say there is much government in a Dakota family. Children are scolded.
often, they are pushed, or shoved, or shaken sometimes, and they are
wlipped rarely. They are petted and indulged a good deal, but not more
than children in civilized lands. But somehow or other, with exceptions,
they manage to grow up affectionate and kind, the pride of father and
mother. The love of the parents has wrought this. Not untrequently the
grandfather and grandmother are the principal teachers.

TRAINING OF THE BOY.

The old man sits in the tipi and shaves out a bow and arrow for the
little boy. In the mean time he tells him stories of history and war. The
boy’s father, it may be, has been killed by the enemy. The grandfather
tells the story over and over again. It burns itself into the boy’s heart.
It becomes the animus of his life. He shoots his first bird and brings it
into the tent. He is praised for that. ‘When you become a man you
must kill an enemy,” the old man says. ‘Yes; I will killan enemy,” is the
boy’s reply. He dreams overit. He witnesses the “Scalp Dance” and the
‘No Flight Dance” in his village. His heart is growing strong. When he
is fifteen or sixteen he joins the first war party and comes back with an
eagle feather in his head, if so be he is not killed and scalped by the enemy.
All this is education. Then there are foot racings, and horse racings, and
ball playing, and duck hunting, and deer hunting, or it may be the whole
village goes on a buffalo chase.

These are the schools in which the Dakota boy is educated. In the
long winter evenings, while the fire burns brightly in the center of the lodge
and the men are gathered in to smoke, he hears the folk lore and legends
of his people from the lips of the older men. He learns to sing the love
songs and the war songs of the generations gone by. There is no new
path for him to tread, but he follows in the old ways. He becomes a
Dakota of the Dakota. His armor is consecrated by sacrifices and offerings
and vows. He sacrifices and prays to the stone god, and learns to hold up
the pipe to the so-called Great Spirit. He is killed and made alive again,
and thus is initiated into the mysteries and promises of the Mystery Dance.
He becomes*a successful hunter and warrior, and what he does not know

is not worth knowing for a Dakota. His education is finished. — If he has
7105—voL I1x——l4

210 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

not already done it, he can now demand the hand of one of the beautiful
maidens of the village.

TRAINING OF THE GIRL.

Under the special care and tuition of the mother and grandmother and
other female relatives the little girl grows up into the performance of the
duties of tent life. She plays with her “made child,” or doll, just as children
in other lands do. Very soon she learns to take care of the baby; to watch
over it in the lodge, or carry it on her back, while the mother is away for
wood or dressing buffalo robes. Little girl as she is, she is sent to the
brook or lake for water. She has her little workbag with awl and sinew,
and learns to make small moccasins as her mother makes large ones. _Some-
times she goes with her mother to the wood and brings home her little bun-
dle of sticks. When the camp moves she has her small pack as her mother
carries the larger one, and this pack is sure to grow larger as her years in-
crease. When the corn is planting, the little girl has her part to perform.
If she can not use the hoe yet, she can at least gather off the old cornstalks.
Then the garden is to be watched while the god-given maize is growing,
And when the harvesting comes, the little girl is glad for the corn roasting.
So she grows. She learns to work with beads and porcupine quills and to
embroider with ribbons. She becomes skilled in the use of vermilion and
other paints. A stripe of red adorns her hair and red and yellow spots are
over her eyebrows and on her cheeks. Her instincts teach her the arts of
personal adornment. She puts cheap rings on her fingers and tin dangles
in her ears and strands of beads around her neck. Quite likely a young
man comes around and adds to her charms as he sings:

Wear this, I say;
Wear this, I say;
Wear this, I say;
This little finger ring,
Wear this, I say.

Thus our Dakota girl becomes skilled in the art of attracting the young
men, While she is ambitious in the line of carrying bundles as well as in
cooking venison. .In all these ways she is educated to be a woman among
Dakota women. It is a hard lot and a hard life, but she knows no other.

WHEN DEATH COMES.

In the wild life of the Dakota the birth rate exceeded the death rate.
So that, without doubt, notwithstanding famines sometimes and pestilences

———

UNWRITTEN DAKOTA LAWS. ql

and wars, the Dakota nation has increased for the last two hundred years.
This has been proved true within the last few decades at villages where
actual count has been made. But in their entering upon the habits and
environments of civilization, it is usually found that a wave of death goes
over the people. They do not know how to live in the changed conditions,
and the death rate is fearfully increased. ‘‘We die, we all die, we are con-
sumed with dying,” is the sad refrain of many a Dakota family.

Living much in the outdoors and within airy tipis, and subsisting
on wild meats and such roots and fruits as they could gather, the children
usually lived. But, nevertheless, even then death came. The baby in the
mother’s arms or strapped to her back sickened; or the little boy or girl
occasionally succumbed under the hardships and privations; or the mother
was taken with insidious consumption. The young father, it may be, ran
too long and hard after that deer; he never ran again, but sickened and
died. Then the old and the blind and the lame passed away, because they
had reached the limits of life. So death comes to Indian tipis as to
white men’s hovels and palaces. But it is no more welcome in the one
case than in the other. The Dakota mother loves her infant as well as the
white woman her baby. When the spirit takes its flight a wild howl goes
up from the tent. The baby form is then wrapped in the best buffalo calf-
skin or the nicest red blanket and laid away on a scaffold or on the branch
of some tree. hither the mother goes with disheveled hair and the oldest
and wails out
her anguish, in the twilight, often abiding out far into the cold night. The

clothes of sorrow—tor she has given away the better ones

nice kettle of hominy is prepared and carried to the place where the spirit
is supposed to hover still. When it has remained sufficiently long for the
wanaei to inhale the ambrosia, the little children of the village are invited
to eat up the remainder.

But let us take another case. A young man is lying sick in yonder
tent. He has been the best hunter in the village. Many a time he has
come in carrying one, two, or more deer on his back, and has been met and
relieved of his burden by his wife or mother. The old men have praised
him as swifter than the antelope, while they have feasted on his venison.
But now some spirit of wolf or bear has come into him and caused this
sickness. The doctors of the village or conjurers are tried, one after
another. The blankets, the gun, and the horse have all been given to
secure the best skill; but it is all in vain; the hunter dies. The last act
of the conjurer is to sing a song to conduct the spirit over the wanagi

212 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

taéanku, the spirits road, as the milky way is called. The friends are in-
consolable. They give away their good clothes, and go into mourning
with ragged clothes and bare feet, and ashes on their heads. Both within
the lodge and without there is a great wailing. Miéinksi, mi¢inksi, my
son, my son, is the lamentation in Dakota land, as it was in the land of
Israel.

The departed is wrapped in the most beautifully painted buffalo robe
or the newest red or blue blanket. Dakota custom does not keep the dead
long in the tipi. Young men are called and feasted, whose duty it is to
carry it away and place it on a scaffold, or, as in more recent times, to bury
it. The custom of burial, however, soon after death was not the Dakota
custom. It would interfere with their idea that the spirit had not yet
bidden a final farewell to the body. ‘Therefore the laying up on a scaffold
which was erected on some mound, where it would have a good view of
the surrounding country. After a while the bones could be gathered up
and buried in the mound and an additional quantity of earth carried up to
cover it. This is partly the explanation of burial mounds made since the
period of the mound-builders.

Thus the lodge is made desolate. It must be taken down and pitched
in anew place. The young wife cries and cuts her flesh. The mother and
other female relatives wail out their heart sadness on the night air. The
father, the old man, leans more heavily on his staff as he goes on to the
time of his departure. The brothers or cousins are seen wending their
way, in the afternoon, to the place of the dead, to lay down a brace of
ducks and to offer a prayer. A near relative makes up a war party. The
feathers and other ornament, together with the clothing of the young man,
are taken by this company on the warpath and divided among themselves
in the country of their enemies. This is honoring the dead. If they suc-
ceed in bringing home scalps their sorrow is turned into joy. For will not
this make glad the spirit of the departed? So, then, this will be gladness to
the dead and glory to the living. The young men and maidens dance
around the war trophies until the leaves come out in the spring or until
they fall off in the autumn.!

THE SPIRIT-WORLD.

If sorrow brings mankind into a common kinship, a white man may
understand something of an Indian’s feelings as he stands by the side of his

'For Teton burial customs, etc., see ‘‘Teton Folk-lore,” translated by the editor and published
in the Amer. Anthropologist for April, 1889, pp. 144-148.—s. o. p.

UNWRITTEN DAKOTA LAWS. Dalle)
dead and looks over into the land of spirits. Whathas gone? And. whither
has it gone? The belief of the Dakotas in the existence of spirit is deeply
inwrought into their language. The “nagi,” or shadow, in the concrete
form, meaning primarily the shade or shadow made by any material thing in
the sunlight, is used to indicate the human soul or spirit, as well as the
spirit of all living beings. It is, moreover, put into the abstract form as
“wanagi,” and also into the human absolute, “wiéa-nagi,” human spirit.
They speak also of the ‘“‘wanagi tipi,” house of spirits, and say of one who
has died, “wanagiyata iyaya,” gone to the spirit land. And the road over
which it passes is called ‘“wanagi taGanku,” spirit’s path. The war prophet
also, in his incantations, sings:

I have cast in here a soul;
I have cast in here a soul;
I have cast in here a buffalo soul;
I have cast in here a soul.

In the sacred language of conjuring man is designated by the ‘mythic
buffalo.”

Thus we have abundant evidence, in the language and customs of the
people, of the common belief of the nation in the existence of spirits. But
having said that, there is little more that can be said. The vista is dark,
No light shines upon the path. But looking out into this dark avenue, the
sad heart of the Dakota sings a song for the dead. Take this mourning
song of Black-Boy for his grandson as a specimen. The object appears to
be that of introducing the freed spirit of the child to his comrades in the
world of spirits.

“The unearthliness of the scene,” says Mr. Pond, ‘‘can not be de-
scribed, as, in the twilight of the morning, while the mother of the deceased
boy, whose name was Makadutawin, Red-Harth- Woman, was wailing in a
manner which would excite the sympathies of the hardest heart, Hoksiday-
sapa, Black-boy, standing on the brow of a hill, addressed himself to the
ghostly inhabitants of the spirit-world, in ghostly notes, as follows:

“Friend, pause and look this way;
Friend, pause and look this way;
Friend, pause and look this way;

Say ye,
A grandson of Black-boy is coming.”

CH ARE Mie ve

THE SUPERHUMAN.

The existence of spirits and the necessity for the superhuman are facts
fully recognized by the Dakotas. The unknown and unknowable form a
broad belt in which humbuggery can be practiced by the Dakotas as well
as other nations. The powers are evil. The lightning strikes suddenly
and kills. The thunder god is angry and merciless. The north god
sweeps down upon them with terrible snow storms, and buries their
encampments, killing their ponies, and making buffalo hunting impossible.
Or in the spring floods, the Unktehi, or god of the waters, is malignant and
kills now and then a man or a child. And all through the year the demon
spirits of the wolf and the bear and the lynx and the owl and the snake are
doing their mischievous work, scattering disease and death everywhere.
Who shall cope with these evil-minded powers? How shall deliverance
come to the people? Will not fasting and praying and self-inflicted sutfer-
ing bring the needed power? To the Dakota thought this is surely among
the possibilities. Hence, naturally, grows up. the wakay man, or the so-
called ‘medicine man.” His applied power and skill are denominated
renewing or fixing over—* waplyapi;” and the man is called a renewer. He
works rather by magic than by medicine. His singing, and rattling the
gourd shell, and sucking the place where the pain is, are all for the purpose
of driving out the evil spirits. It is a battle of spirits. The greater a man’s
spirit power is the more successful he is as a doctor. And the secret of
spirit power is the alliance with other spirits. Hence the efficacy of fasting
and praying. Praying is “crying to.” Hence also the augmented power
obtained in the Sun Dance. The singing, the back cuttings, the thongs,
the buffalo head, the dancing unto entire exhaustion, all these bring one
into the realm of the spirits. Also the experiences in passing through the
death and the resurrection of the Mystery Dance must bring added super-
human power. Still more, the vision seeking, the fasting, the prayer to the
night winds, the standing on a mound where men have been buried, or

getting down into a hole nearer the bones, this will surely bring communi-
214

THE SUPERHUMAN. 215

cations from the spirit world. ‘Thus, armed by all these experiences and
aids, the man becomes a wiéasta wakay indeed, a man of mystery, a healer
of diseases, a war-prophet and a leader on the war-path.

The conjuring, the powwowing, that is, the magic of the healing art,

may always have called to its aid, in some small degree, a knowledge and
use of barks and roots and herbs. But as the magic declined the use of
roots and medicines increased, so that the doctor comes to be designated
Pezihuta wiéasta, the Grass Root Man. As the knowledge of letters and
Christianity have come in, their faith in vision seeking and necromancy
has been undermined and the power, they say, has departed.
The Dakota beliefs in regard to diseases, and the common way of
treating them, as well as the progress of thought, and change of practice,
consequent upon the introduction of Christianity, will be well illustrated in
the following sketch of a full blood Dakota man, who was a member of the
Presbyterian General Assembly of 1880, and who before that body made
a speech on Indian rights in the capitol of Wisconsin.

EHNA-MANI.

The “One who walks through,” as his name means, is now a man of
fifty winters or more and the pastor of the Pilgrim Church at the Santee
Agency, in Knox County, Nebraska. He was born at Red Wing on
on the Mississippi, which place the Dakotas called He-mini-éay—hill-
water-wood—thus finely describing the hill, standing so close to the water,
with its river side covered with trees.

At his baptism Ehna-mani was called Artemas. Tall and athletic, en-
ergetic and swift of foot, as a young man, he appears to have made his
mark on the war path, in the deer hunt, on the ball ground, and in the
dancing circles. Even now he can sing more Dakota songs of love, war
songs, and songs of the sacred mysteries, than any other man I have seen.
During last summer I journeyed with Artemas and others, on horseback,
many hundred miles up the Missouri River, and across to Fort Wadsworth
and Minnesota, and often beguiled the tedious prairie rides with listening
to these songs, hearing his explanation of the enigmatical words, and. then
stopping my pony to note them down.

Because of the light that came through the increasing intercourse of
the Dakotas with white people, the father of Artemas was afraid he might
be induced to forsake the religion of his ancestors, and so made him
promise that, while he had his children educated in the civilization and

216 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

Christianity brought to them by the missionaries, he himself would be true
to his ancestral faith. © Under all ordinary providences, Artemas thinks he
should have so lived and died.

But when the trouble came in 1862, he found himself at the ferry,
without gun or war-club, when Captain Marsh’s men were fired upon and
nearly half of them killed, and because he too was wounded there, he was
imprisoned. ‘This change of circumstances produced a change of life.
With the younger men he learned to read and write, became a Christian,
and was elected elder or leader of the Red Wing class, while in prison at
Davenport, lowa. This place he filled with great credit to himself and
profit to others.

It was during the last winter of their imprisonment that the question
of conjuring came before them in its moral and religious aspects. Will
Christianity grapple successfully with the customs of the fathers? Will it
modify or abolish this system of Dakota conjuring ?

Among all the nations of men disease and death are common. Heathens
die as fast as Christians, perhaps faster. And when sickness comes into a
family it would be inhuman not to make some efforts to alleviate and cure.
This feeling belongs to our humanity. It is greatly influenced and shaped,
but not created, by the Christian religion.

Among the Dakotas, and probably all Indian tribes, the method of

treating the sick is that known to us as powwowing or conjuring. Disease,
they say, comes from the spirit world. The gods are offended by acts of
omission or commission, and the result is that some spirit of animal, bird,
or reptile is sent, by way of punishment, and the man is taken sick. The
process of recovering must accord with the theory of disease. It will not
be met by roots and herbs, but by incantations. Hence the Indian doctor
must be a wakay man; that is, he must be inhabited by spiritual power
which will enable him to deliver others from the power of spirits. The
process includes chants and prayers and the rattling of the sacred gourd
shell.

From the commencement of the Dakota mission we had never taken
any fancy to powwowing. It seemed to us that such terrible screeching,
groaning, singing, rattling, and sucking would make a well man sick rather
than a sick man well. This was education. An Indian did not think so.
But, soberly, we thought it was not a civilized and Christian way of ap-

proaching a sick person.

at, —mg

THE SUPERHUMAN. PVT

We had also an opinion about it as wrong and wicked thus to come
in contact with the evil spirits over the suffering body of one sick. Hence
Dr. Williamson always refused to practice medicine in a case where the
conjurer was also employed. And it had been generally understood thar
we regarded the Dakota method of treating the sick as inconsistent with a
profession of Christianity. Still the question could not be considered as
settled.

In October of 1865 it came up for discussion and settlement in the
prison on this wise: During the previous summer, when no missionary was
with them, a number of men had yielded to various temptations. Some
had drunk beer, and perhaps something stronger, to an extent that they
could hardly be sober. Some had been persuaded and hired by white men
to dance an Indian dance, and others had either powwowed or been the
subjects of the powwow.

In the adjustment of these cases, one man admitted that he had prac-
ticed as a Dakota conjurer, and claimed that it was right. His fathers
practiced in this way, and were often successful in healing the sick. He
grew up in this system of doctoring, and had also practiced it with success.
He was not skilled in any other mode of treating disease. The white
people had their medicine men. No one was willing to see a friend die
without making some efforts to prolong his life. It was merciful, it was
right. Jesus Christ when on earth healed the sick and cast out devils.

Besides, they—the prisoners—were in peculiar circumstances. More
than one hundred had died since their first imprisonment. And the white
doctor, who was appointed to treat their sick, cared not whether they died or
lived. Indeed, they thought he would rather have them die. When a good
many of them were sick and dying with smallpox, he had been heard to
say that his Dakota patients were doing very well! Thus they were
under the necessity of endeavoring to heal their own sick, by the only
method in which they were skillful. This was the argument.

The missionary would not decide the case, but referred it to the
elders—-EKhnamani and his brethren. After two weeks they signified that
they were prepared to give their decision. When they were come to xether
for this purpose, they were told that the Gospel of Christ molded the cus-
toms and habits of every people by whom it was received. There might
be some wrong things in a national custom which could be eliminated, and
the custom substantially retained. Or the custom might be so radically
absurd and wrong, that it could not be redeemed. In that case, Christian-

218 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

ity required its abandonment. It was for them, with their knowledge of
the teachings of the Bible, and the requirements of Christ’s religion, to
decide on the character of this custom of their fathers.

There were twelve elders. Very deliberately each one arose and stated
his opinion. ‘Two thought the circumstances were such that they could
not altogether give up this, their ancestral method of curing disease. They
were shut up to it. But Artemas and nine others agreed in saying that
the practice of conjuring was wrong, and inconsistent with a profession of
the Christian religion. They said the notion entertained by the Dakotas,
that disease was caused by spirits, they believed to be erroneous; that
sickness and death, they now understand, come not out of the ground, but
by the appointment of the Great Spirit; and that the system of conjuring
brings men into contact with the evil spirits and tends to lead them away
from Christ.

This decision was regarded as a finality in the prison on that point,
and is accepted throughout the mission churches.

When the prisoners were released, Artemas met his wife and family
with great gladness of heart; and as soon thereafter as possible he was
married according to the Christian form. For he said that, when a heathen
he thought she was his wife, but the Bible had taught him that he had not
truly taken her.

A few months after this he was licensed to preach the gospel, and in
the next year was ordained as one of the pastors of the Pilgrim church.
In the autumn of 1868, he attended a large gathering of ministers at Min-
neapolis, and was cordially received by all classes of Christians. The
Congregational and Methodist Sunday Schools were entertained with the
story of his turning from the warpath to the “strait and narrow way;” and
from seeking after a chaplet of eagle’s feathers as the reward of prowess
on the battlefield, to his reaching forth for the prize of the high calling in
Christ—even the crown of Life.

poe, See

CoP AS hata, Wel:
ARMOR AND EAGLE’S FEATHERS.

For more than two hundred years we know that the Dakota have been
noted as the most warlike nation of the northwest. Hennep‘n and his
comrades were captured by a flotilla of canoes coming down to make war
on the Hlini and Miami of Illinois. And the reputation of good fighters
has come down to recent times, as we know from the Custer massacre.
The making and keeping them a nation of warriors has, in my judgment,
been accomplished mainly by three customs, viz: The scalp dance, the
wearing of eagle’s feathers, and consecrated armor. In their natural order
the last comes first.

In the ancient times the exhortation to a young man was, ‘‘Guard well
your sacred armor;” and that consisted of the spear, an arrow, and a bundle
of paint, with some swan’s down painted red, to which were sometimes
added some roots for the healing of wounds. These were wrapped together
in strips of red or blue cloth, and could be seen in pleasant days carefully
set up outside of the lodge. These were given by an older man, who was
believed to have power over spirits, and who had, in the act of consecra-
tion, made to inhere in them the spirit of some animal or bird, as the wolf,
the beaver, the loon, or the eagle. Henceforth these, or rather the one
which became each one’s tutelar divinity and his armor god, were sacred
and not to be killed or eaten until certain conditions were fulfilled. Cer-
tain customs of this kind are finely illustrated in the following personal
narrative of

SIMON ANAWANG-MANI.

Simon was all that a Dakota brave could be. In his early years he
must have been daring even to recklessness. There was in him a strong
will, which sometimes showed itself in the form of stubbornness. His eye,
even in a later day, showed that there had been evil, hatred, and malicious-
ness there He was a thorough Indian, and for the first dozen years of his

manhood, or from his eighteenth to his thirtieth year, no one of his com-
219

220 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

rades had followed the warpath more, or reaped more glory on it, than he
had. None had a right to wear so many eagle’s feathers; no other one was
so much honored.

Dakota war-honors are distributed in this manner: A party of young
men have gone on the warpath against the Ojibwa. They find a man
and kill him. Five braves may share this honor and be entitled therefor
to wear each a feather of the royal eagle. The one who shoots the enemy
is one of the five, but is not the chief. He who runs up and first plunges
his battle-ax or scalping knife into the foe is counted the first. Then
others may come up and_ strike him and be partakers of the glory. Each
wears for that act an eagle’s feather. If it is only a woman that is killed
and sealped, the mark of honor is only a common eagle’s feather.

There is another distinction worth noting. The only real punishment

existing among the Dakota, having the sanction of law or immemorial
usage comes under the name of ‘“‘soldier-killing.” This is carrying out the
decrees of the braves or warriors. The shape it takes is the destruction of
property, cutting up blankets or tents, breaking guns, or killing horses.
sut the same immemorial custom places an estoppage on this power. A
man who has killed more enemies than anyone else in the camp can not be
“‘soldier-killed” by anyone else. Or if he has killed an enemy in more
difficult circumstances than the others, as, for instance, if he has climbed a
tree to kill one, and no other man has performed a like feat, no one has a
right to execute on him any decree of the ‘Soldiers’ lodge.” In this way
he is placed above the execution of law.

To this eminence Simon had risen. By the customs of the nation no
one in that part of the country had a right to publicly cut up his blanket
or tent, or break his gun, or kill his horse. This was surely an honorable
distinction

Another custom prevails among the Dakota which may be mentioned
in connection with Simon. The reception of the wo-ta-we, or armor, by the
young man places him under certain pledges which he must, if possible,
redeem in after life. It taboos or conseerates certain parts of an animal, as
the heart, the liver, the breast, the wing, etc. Whatever part or parts are
tabooed to him he may not eat until by killing an enemy he has removed
the taboo. Simon had removed all taboos, and in this respect was a free
man. His armor was purified and made sacred by the blood of his enemies.
His manhood was established beyond ali dispute. All things were lawful

for him.

ARMOR AND EAGLE’S FEATHERS. 221

This Dakota name, Anawang-mani, means “One who walks! gallop-
ing upon.” It may have had its significance. It may have been given
after his war exploits, and had reference to the fury with which he rushed
upon the foe. This isa common thing. Young men distinguish themselves
on the warpath, and come home with the scalps of their enemies. Their
boy-names are thrown away and new names given to them. And so the
giving and receiving of a new name was not among them a new or strange
thing. It was a mark of distinction. Hence the desire that all had, when
making a profession of the Christian religion, to have new names—Christian
names—given them. They were to be new people. There was a fitness
in it, for Christ had said, “1 will write upon him my new name.”

At his baptism the “One who walks galloping upon” was called Simon,
and by that name he is extensively known among white people and Indians.
He learned to read and write in the first years of the mission at Lac-qui-
parle, though he never became as good a scholar as many others, and he
became a convert to Christianity about the beginning of the year 1840.
The energy and independence which had characterized him on the hunt
and the warpath he carried with him into his new relations. By dressing
like a white man and going to work, he showed his faith by his works.
This was all contrary to the customs of his people, and very soon brought
on him a storm of opposition. He built for himself a cabin, and fenced
field and planted it. For this his wite’s friends opposed and persecuted him.

It is true, as already stated, no man in the village had more Dakota
honors than he had. No one had taken more Ojibwa scalps, and no one
could cover his head with so many eagle feathers; and hence no one could
“soldier-kill” him. But now he had cut off his hair and abjured his Dakota
honors, and no one was found so poor as to do him reverence. As he
passed through the village, going to his work, he was laughed at, and the
children often said, ‘‘There goes the man who has made himself a woman.”
The men who before had honored him as a Dakota brave now avoided
him and called him no more to their feasts. But those forms of opposition
he met bravely and was made stronger thereby.

It happened that, about the beginning of the year 1844, Simon went
down with his family to the then new mission station at Traverse des
Sioux. While there he cut rails for the mission and taught as an assistant
in the Dakota school. The Dakota men at this place, although even more
openly opposed to the new religion than were those at Lac-qui-parle, never-

! That is, continues.—J, O. D,

222, DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

theless pursued a very different course with Simon. They honored him
and invited him to their dog feasts. They praised him; told him he was a
good fellow; that he had taken many Ojibwa scalps, and so they wanted
him to drink spirit water with them. How much Simon resisted the impor-
tunities is not known. He fell. -He was ashamed. He put off his white
man’s clothes and for some time was an Indian again.

For several years his history in regard to fire water was one of sin-
ning and repenting. Again and again he was drawn away. His appetite
for spirit water would return, and the desire to obtain horses by trading in
it led him farther astray So we mourned sadly over his fall. He repented
and promised reformation only to fall again; and each time he appeared to
go down deeper than before. For years he seemed to work iniquity with
ereediness. Yet during all this time we had hope in his case. We often
urged him to come back to the path of life; and something seemed to say,
“Simon will yet return.” Sometimes we obtained from him a promise, and
sometimes he came to church, but was so much ashamed that he could not
be persuaded to enter, but would sit down on the doorstep.

Thus he came up gradually, getting more and more strength and
courage. And so in 1854 he returned to the dress and customs of the white
men and to his profession of love to Jesus Christ. Since that time he has
witnessed a good confession before many witnesses as a ruling elder and
class leader, and recently as a licensed local preacher.

When the outbreak of 1862 occurred Simon and his family were living
in a brick house near the Hazelwood mission station. Subsequently Little
Crow and the whole camp of hostile Indians removed up to that part of the
country, and they forced the Christian Indians to leave their houses, which
were all afterwards burned. While the hostile and loyal parties were
camped there near together on Rush Brook, Mrs. Newman, one of the cap-
tives, and her three children, came to seek food and protection in Simon’s
tipi. She had been badly treated by her captors, and now cast off to go
whither she could. She afterwards told me that she felt safe when she
found herself and children in a family where they prayed and sang praise
to the Great Spirit.

Little Crow ordered the camp to be removed from the vicinity of

Hazelwood up to the mouth of the Chippewa. At this time, when all had
started, Simon fell behind, and leaving his own family to take care of them-
selves, he and one of his sons placed Mrs. Newman and her children in a

—

ARMOR AND EAGLE’S FEATHERS. 223

little wagon and brought them safely down to Gen. Sibley’s camp at Fort
Ridgley.

The bringing in of these and some others not only caused great glad-
ness in our camp, but gave us hope that God would enable us to rescue
the remaining captives. Indeed, this was to us the first certain knowledge
of that counter revolution, which was brought about by the daring and
energy of the Christian Indians. It was the lifting up of the dark cloud of
almost despair that had for weeks been setting down upon us.

CoH ASPoT, Biglvta Vel ae
DAKOTA DANCES.

The function of the dance among the Dakota may be stated as four-
fold: First, amusement; secondly, gain; thirdly, superhuman help; and,
fourthly, worship. ‘Two or more of these objects may be combined in one
dance, but usually one idea is predominant. In a purely heathen Dakota
camp there is always a great deal of drumming, some by day and more by
night. This is a kind of practice and preparation for more important occa-
sions as well as a nightly amusement for the young men. All dances have
musical accompaniments.

SINGING TO.

There is one especially, which is called “ Adoway” and ‘““Wadowayn,”
that is, Singing to or over. This is a begging dance. Sometimes it is
called *Zitkaday pa adowan,” Singing over the heads of birds. A man
gathers some beautiful woodpeckers’ heads and sings over them to another
person. ‘They are a gift to that person, and, of course, the honorable deeds
of that person are mentioned and his praises sung. In return a horse or
something quite valuable is expected. It has been related to me that
articles of clothing or other skins or curiously wrought pipes were, in years
gone by, taken by the Dakota of Minnesota to the Missouri, and this cere-
mony of singing over was practiced upon the heads of a man’s children,
who, in return for the honor, gave several horses.

BEGGING DANCE.

sut the common begging dance, which was often seen among the
eastern Dakota forty years ago, included a variety of fashionable dances,
all of which were made for the purpose of begging. Sometimes it was
called the buffalo dance, when the dancers made themselves look hideous
by wearing the horns and long hair of that animal. Doubtless women
alone could dance a begging dance, but all that I ever saw were of men
alone. Dressed in their best clothes and painted in the most approved
styles, with all their eagle’s feathers properly arranged in their heads, the

224

DAKOTA DANCES. 225

men collect and dance in aring. ‘Their bodies lean forward, and their knees
are bent accordingly, and thus with a motion up and down, keeping time
to the drum and the deer-hoof rattle, they dance and sing their almost
monotonous song, concluding with a shout and the clapping of the mouth
with the hand. Then some warrior steps out into the middle, and, with
abundance of gesture, recites some war exploit. This is received with a
shout, and the dance begins again. Presently, at one of these intervals,
an old man, sitting outside, makes a speech in praise of the man or the
people who are expected to make the presents. If the dance is made to a
trader, he loses no time in sending out tobacco, or powder and lead, or pro-
visions, or, it may be, all together. If one Indian village is dancing to
another village, the women hasten to bring their presents of food and cloth-
ing from the different lodges. Another dance of thanks is made, the pres-
ents are distributed, and the party breaks up or goes elsewhere. Consider-
ing that begging dances must be very demoralizing, white men have often

been greatly to blame for encouraging them.
NO-FLIGHT DANCE.

In the organization of an army and its preparation for effective service
a large amount of-drill is found necessary. Something very like this, in
its objects, is resorted to by the Dakota war captain in preparing the young
men and boys for the warpath. It is called the “No flight dance.” This
gathers in the young men who have not yet made their mark on the battle
field, and drills them by the concerted motions of the dance, while, by the
recital of brave deeds, their hearts are fired and made firm for the day of
battle. The instructions given are lessons in Indian warfare.

All this is preparatory to the war prophet’s organizing a party for the
warpath. But before starting he must propitiate the spirits of evil and
obtain the help of the gods. This was sought for in a variety of ways, one
of which was by the ‘*Yumni Wadéipi,” or Circle dance.

CIRCLE DANCE.

A preparation for this, and for god-seeking in general, was through
the purification of the vapor bath or initipi. This finished, the wakan man
had a tent set for him, joined to which a cirele was made of about forty
feet in diameter, by setting sticks in the ground and wreathing them with
willows. Four gateways were left. In the center stood a pole twenty

'Nape Sni kagapi, literally, They pretend not to flee,
7105—VoL I1x——15

226 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

feet high, with bark images suspended at the top. Near the foot of this
the ground was scooped out and a small willow booth made over it. At
the entrance to this was a fire of coals, a stone painted red, and a pipe.
When everything was thus prepared, and the night previous had been spent
in drumming and fasting and praying, the old man came out of the tent,
naked except a wisp of grass around his loins. He carried his drum and
rattles. Before the painted stone he stood and trembling prayed, ‘‘Grand-
father have mercy on me!” This done, he entered the little booth and
commenced to sing and drum. The dancers then entered the circle and
danced around, a dozen or more at once, and all fixed up in paint and
feathers. ‘Three or four women followed. ‘The men sang and the women
answered in a kind of chorus. This continued for ten minutes perhaps,
and they retired for a rest. The dance was resumed again and again, each
time with an increased frenzy. When the last act was finished several men
who had guns shot the wolf image at the top of the pole, when the old
man gave forth his oracle, and the dance was done.

SCALP DANCE.

When the spirits had been propitiated and the vision had appeared,
the leader made up his party and started for the country of the enemy,
We will suppose they have been successful, and have obtained one or more
scalps. They come home in triumph. This is wakte-hdipi, having killed,
they come home. But having killed enemies, they paint themselves black
and let their hair hang down. Before reaching their village they sit down
on some knoll and sing a war dirge to the souls they have disembodied,
when they are met by some of their own people and stripped of their
clothes, which is called w: ayuzapi or taking-all. And their blankets may
be taken from them on each occasion of painting the scalps red, which
ceremony is commonly performed four times.

Then the scalp dance commences. It is a dance of self-glorification,
as its name, ‘“‘Twaki¢ipi,” seems to mean. A hoop 2 feet in diameter, more
or less, with a handle several feet long, is prepared, on which the sealp is
stretched. The young men gather together and arrange themselves in a
semicircle; those who participated in taking the scalp are painted black,
and the others are daubed with red or yellow paint, according to their
faney; and all dance to the beat of the drum. On the other side of the
circle stand the wome n, arranged in line, one of whom earries the scalp of
the enemy. The men sing their war chants and praise the bravery and

DAKOTA DANCES. BOAT

success of those who have returned from the warpath, and the women, at
intervals, sing an answering chorus. As with other nations a new song is
often made for the occasion; but the old ones are not forgotten. This may
serve as a sample:

Something I’ve killed, and I lift up my voice;

Something I’ve killed, and I litt up my voice;

The northern buffalo Pve killed, and I lift up my voice;

Something Ive killed, and I lift up my voice.

The “northern buttalo” means a black bear; and the “black bear”
means a man. The “lifting up the voice” is in mourning for the slain
enemy. Night after night is the dance kept up by the young men and
women, until the leaves fall, if commenced in the summer; or, if the scalp
was brought home in the winter, until the leaves grow again. On each
oceasion of painting the scalp a whole day is spent dancing around. it.
And these days are high days—days of making gifts, feasting, and general
rejoicing.

The influence of the scalp dance on the morality of the people is quite
apparent. In so loose a state of society as that of the Dakotas, such fre-
quent and long-continued night meetings tend greatly to licentiousness.
But the great wrong of the scalp dance consists in its being a crime against
our common humanity. “If thine enemy hunger feed him, and if he
thirst give him drink.” What a contrast is the spirit of those divine words
with the spirit of the “Twakiéipi.” The eagle’s feather and the scalp dance
tended greatly to keep up the intertribal wars among the Indians.

Since the ‘circle dance” and the “scalp dance” have become things
of the past among our partly civilized Dakotas, what is called the ‘grass
dance” has been revived. It is said to have derived its name from the
custom, in ancient times, of dancing. naked, or with only a wisp of grass
about the loins. Only the men appeared in this nude state. It is a night
dance, and regarded as extremely licentious, although now they are repre-
sented as dancing in their Indian dress or even clothed as white men.

MYSTERY DANCE.!

This is a secret organization, which is entered through mysterious
death and mysterious resurrection. As it appears to have been confined
mainly to the eastern portion of the Dakota Nation, it is supposed to have
been derived from some other Indians at no very remote date. The

‘Waka wacipi. [See Mandan feast, p. 273, and Wacicka dance, pp. 342-6, 3d. Ann. Rept. of the
Director Bur, Eth—J. 0. b.]

228 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

Dakota themselves, however, claim that it was communicated to them by
the great Unktehi or god of the waters. It is a form of religion which has
doubtless largely supplanted older forms of worship. The badge of the
order is the “waka” sack, or sack of mystery. The great water god
ordained that this should be the skin of the otter, raccoon, weasel, squirrel,
loon, or a species of fish and of snakes. It should contain four kinds of
inedicine and represent fowls, quadrupeds, herbs, and trees. ‘Thus grass
roots, the bark of tree roots, swan’s down, and buffalo hair are the symbols
which are carefully preserved in the medicine sack. This combination is
supposed to produce

A charm of powerful trouble,

Like a hellbroth, boil and bubble.

Certain good rules, in the main, are laid down, which must govern the
conduct of members of this organizaticn: They must revere the ‘wakan”
sack; they must honor all who belong to the dance; they must make
many ‘sacred feasts;” they must not steal nor listen to slander, and the
women must not have more than one husband. The rewards promised to
those who faithfully performed the duties were honor from their fellow
members, frequent invitations to feasts, abundance of fowl and venison,
with supernatural aid to consume it, long life here with a crown of silver
hair, and a dish and spoon in the future life.

After the proper instruction in the mysteries, the neophyte practiced
watchings and fastings and was purified for four successive days by the
vapor bath. Then came the great day of initiation. The ceremonies were
public. A great deal of cooked provisions was prepared. At the sacred
dance which I witnessed four decades ago, there were a half dozen large
kettles of meat. The arrangements for the dance consisted of a large tent
at one end, whose open front was extended by other tents stretched along
the sides, making an oblong with the outer end open. Along the sides of
this inclosure sat the members, perhaps a hundred in number, each one
having his or her “sack of mystery.” At a given signal from the ofticiat-
ing old men, all arose and danced inward until they became a solid mass,
when the process was reversed and all returned to their seats. Near the
close of the performance those who were to be initiated were shot by the
“sacks of mystery,” and falling down they were covered with blankets.
Then the mysterious bean or shell which they claimed had produced death
was extracted by the same mysterious power of the sack of mystery, and

DAKOTA DANCES. 229

the persons were restored to a new life. But this new life came only after
the throes and the bitterness of death. Then he has a ‘‘sack” given him,
and is thenceforth a member of the order of the sacred mysteries.

A necessary adjunct of the Wakan-wadcipi is the ‘‘ Wakay-wohanpi,”
or Sacred Feast. This is made very frequently when there is a plenty of
food in the village. Of course, as a general thing, only those are invited
who belong to the order. Forty years ago I was honored with an invitation
to one of their feasts, in a wild Teton village at Fort Pierre on the Missouri.
It is in part a worship. The pipe is femed and held up to the gods with
a prayer for merey. Then they smoke around, after which the food is
dished out. The guests bring their own wooden bowl and horn spoon.
Each one must eat up all that is given him or pay a forfeit. This is a
blanket or gun or such article as the person can give. I have known a
community, in time of plenty, run wild over the idea of stuffing each other
and getting all the forfeits possible. Their god is their belly.

Quite likely there are other forms of the dance in other parts of the
Dakota country, or dances which have other names than those spoken of
here; but these are sufficient. There remains, however, to be mentioned
the greatest exemplification of self-sacrifice and worship in the sun-dance.

SUN-DANCE.

The following graphic account of the sun-dance held in June, 1880,
by the Teton under Red Cloud, is an abstract of what was published in the
Daily Journal of Sioux City, lowa. It is avery trustworthy and more than
usually vivid description of a ceremony which is becoming rarer under the
influence of Christianity.

This sun-dance began at 5 a. m., June 24, 1880. The lodges, 700
in number, were arranged in a circle of about six miles in circumference
on a level plain near White Clay Creek, Nebraska. The dance began
with a grand charge within the circle. It is estimated that about 4,000
men and women took part in the charge. Nearly all were on horse-
back, and they charged back and forth over the ground, yelling for an
hour, for the alleged purpose of frightening away the ghosts and bad
spirits from the grounds. A hard rain set in at 6 o’clock, and nothing more
was doue until 1 o’clock, when the sky cleared and the people went up on
a branch of White Clay Creek to cut the sacred pole. Around the tree to
be felled a ring was formed, and no living object was allowed to enter
therein except the persons who took part in felling the tree. The master

2350 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

of ceremonies was a colored man, captured when a child, and at the time of
this dance attached to the band of Little Wound. — It was his duty to keep
intruders out of the cirele. After much ceremony, dancing, and giving
away of horses, six men walked slowly up to the tree and each gave it a
hack, after which it was felled by the wite of Spider. When it went down
a charge was made on it, and the tree, branches and all, was taken up and
carried by men and women to the sun-dance grounds, a distance of two
miles. On reaching the grounds, they made another charge to drive away
any ghosts that might be lingering there. Then Tasuyke kokipapi,' the
younger (commonly called Young-Man-Afraid-of-his-Horses), announced
that there was nothing more to be seen till 10 o’clock on the following day,
Friday, June 25.

The evening of the 24th and the forenoon of the 25th were spent in
raising the pole and erecting a tabernacle. The latter was formed in a
circle of about 500 yards in circumference, 12 feet high, and was con-
structed by putting posts in the ground and covering them with green
boughs. The pole was placed in the center and decorated with red,
white, and blue flags, said to be gifts to the Great Spirit. There were
within the inclosure about 1,000 men sitting around, and 800 dancers,
besides 25 men riding their horses around the ring. The 3800 dancers
marched around the pole, dancing, singing, and shooting up at the pole.
Each man had from one to three belts of cartridges strung around his
body. He had little clothing besides his breecheloth, and his bare body
and limbs were painted in various colors. This performance lasted for
two hours, then all firing ceased, and twenty children entered the ring
to have their ears pierced. The parents of each child gave away two
horses to the poor. When a horse was turned loose, the first man who
caught hold of it owned it. Persons competing for the horses were placed
outside the gate of the inclosure in two parallel rows 30 feet apart, one row
on each side of the road. When a horse was turned out there was a
scramble to see who could reach it first.

The child to be honored was laid by its mother on a pile of new
calico. Then six old men sprinkled water on its head, repeating the fol-
lowing words: ‘‘O Wakaytayka, hear me! this man has been a good and
brave man, and the mother is a good woman. For their sake let this child
live long, have good luck and many children.” Then, with a long, slender,
sharp-pointed knife, two holes were made through each ear, wherein were

' Literally, They (the foe) fear eyen his horse.—J. 0. D.

DAKOTA DANCES. ; 2311

placed rings of German silver. When all the children had had their ears
pierced, ten men placed by the pole the skull of some large animal, crying
over it and making sundry passes. Then all the young unmarried maidens
who had obeyed their parents and had been chaste during the year went
up and touched the tree, raised their right hands to the sun, bowed to the
skull, and then retired from the inclosure. The young women had been
told that if any of them had been unchaste the t vuching of the tree would
insure fatal consequences to them, as the large animal represented by the
skull would carry them off to the spirit land.

At 8 o’clock the sun-dancers proper, seventeen in number, entered the
ring. ‘These men had been fasting, no food or water having been given
them for three days and nights previous to their entering the inclosure.
Men who take part in this dance say what they are going to do before they
are placed on record—i. e., they intend going one, two, or more days with-
out food and water, and whether they intend being cut and tied up to the
pole. After making such a declaration they lose all control of their own
wills. They are obliged to fast, and are placed on buffalo robes in a sweat-
house until they become as gaunt as grayhouads. In this condition were
the seventeen brought into the ring by guards, and each one had a whistle
placed in his mouth and a banner with a long staff placed in his hand.
Then ten large bass drums, beaten by sixty men, struck up a hideous noise,
the seventeen men danced, whistled, gazed steadily at the sun, and kept
time with the drums. This scene was kept up with little or no change until
the morning of the third day.

The white visitors reached the grounds at 10 a. m. Saturday, the 26th.
The same noise was there, and the seventeen were still dancing and whist-
ling. The clubs used as drumsticks had horses’ tails fastened to them
instead of the scalps which would have been used in earlier days. At 11
a.m. seven of the seventeen were laid down on blankets, and after much
ceremony and giving away of horses and ealico, each man was cut and tied
up to the pole. This operation was performed by raising the skin of the
right breast and then that of the left, cutting a hole about an inch long
through the skin at each place. A round wooden skewer was inserted
through each hole, fastened by sinews, the sinews tied to a rope, and the
rope to the pole. One fellow had pins inserted in each arm, tied with
sinews, and fastened to a horse which was standing beside him. The first
and second dancers seemed to be veterans, as they went forward to the
pole, made a short prayer, and then ran backward, breaking loose and fall-

232 DAKOTA GRAMMAR, TEXTS, AND ETHNOGRAPHY.

ing flat on their backs. The third man, seeing the others break loose, took
courage, braced up, and made a desperate struggle. He succeeded not
only in breaking from the pole, but also from the horse. This feat pleased
the Indians, who shouted lustily. Little Big Man, who was mounted, was
so delighted that he shot an arrow straight up into the air, whooping with
all his might. The arrow came down on the back of a large fat woman,
who was standing outside the inclosure. The old woman jumped up and
ran howling across the prairie. An Indian on the outside happened to be
on horseback, so he ran up to her and held her while the others extracted
the arrow. Little Big Man was obliged to part with three horses to satisfy

the woman.

The four remaining dancers were young and inexperienced, so they
could not break their bonds. Consequently they gave away three horses
each and were cut loose. One of them fainted, and on being resuscitated
he became unruly, making a break from the ring, tumbling over several
women, and when finally seized he was standing among’ several infants
that had been stowed away under blankers in the corner of the lodge. He
was brought back, a whistle made of an eagle’s feather was put into his
mouth, and he was set to dancing. Then an old man with a looking-glass
in his hand and a buffalo skull on his head performed mystery rites over
him, to drive out the evil spirit which they thought had entered into the
young man. Meantime two breathless infants were taken out into the air
and resuscitated. Another old man said that he was ready to give to any
worthy woman the mysterious anointing. A large number went up and
received this ancient rite. This was administered by cutting a hole in the
right arm and introducing medicine under the skin. Women entitled to
this privilege were those who had at any period of their lives held a horse
or borne arms in battle. At 6 p.m. the sun disappeared under the clouds,
and the old man with the buffalo skull on his head uttered a few words
and dismissed the audience. Then the dance ended, and an hour later the
lodges were taken down and most of the Indians started homeward.

Page.
ABSAROKA and Hidatsa, Kindred dialects of ..-..--- 192
—, Ownership of Black hills by.--....--.-------..-+- 192
ACCENT MOC uiariiies: Ofgem seni s= sea e misses 5
ACCOUCHEMENT of Dakota women.....-.--...------- 207
Action, Variable, in Dakota verbs..-...-.----------- 22
ADDIE CUS meses aes arate sila ata eens a 45,46, 56, 72
—, Abstract nouns formed from .-.-...--..------------ 41
= AC VeErpsitOrmediftOMl ee = else selena = 51
—, Change of, to verbs ....--.-......--..-------- 20
—, Numeral .-.... 47,73
Sagat iit ee oe ase eon er cece eae pa eee 73
—, Syntax of 72
—VELDALUTOOLSIUSOGINSf-eeamy- ts aac = aie oe nn elas aint 25
PAD VERBS saan ene soso nee aoe nat aera ws cineca stereo 50, 74
—— DELIV A tLONIS Oley aerate Slee ease ie aiaetaeel = = oma 50, 51, 52
ONT Ea ey sete sae is as eiortciete ala motel nineties 49
» SITES Oiled) Go kdobnicn ti setoncda edb omens -odupse 74,77
ean Nouns of person or.....-..------------- 43 40
ALGONQUIAN name for the Wamrnee yea pocse See 189
—, Place assigned to, by Bancroft..-.-....-----.-- 168
ALLOUEZ, CLAUDE, Reference to work of-....-. 170
PAP HABE DS Oba amet ee tale alee = etme ime = = xii, 3,4
AMDO WAPUSKIYA gens 159
AMERICAN Horsg, Reference to winter count of . --- 182
ANIMALS, Nouns referring to 40
ANIMATE OBJECTS, Plural for 42
AORIST, Syntax of 66
srt LOTS Oper meee le eal eel 25
ARIKARA found on Missouri river...--..------.---- 193
ARM-AWLS killed by younger brother .....-.....--- 139
ARMOR, Sacredness of.--..--...-..--...------ 219
—, Taboosiconnected) with. ----.----2)---1-.--2--2ccs 220
ACRE NGS oO VOU GS reece ee eee = arse 18, 60, 61, 89 |
—, Indefinite. --.-- 18, 62 |
ASHLEY, EDWARD, ouiee of Walipeton wan gertes by- 158 |
ASPIRATED sounds (¢, 8, Z)----.------- 4 3,4
ASSINIBOLN an offshoot of the Yanktonai 164
—and Dakota, Reference to...-....-. eee eee oe 170
——s DOTIVALLON Of AMC! 5 sete e)e in lalaleln oe == le = (mela jn= ea 160, 164
I GSCLIP LOM OS aw eciesee na soem n ce eclosion sea 169, 178, 188
= SPEER LOT Val Oyama nie see me wm lee ieee 160, 164, 171, 174
AUNT, Place of, inithe'tipi.-........5.-2.-----....2. 204 |
AUTUMN reckoned as one moon........-------------- 165
AU XITTARYSVELDS (SY DGAK Olle setcccn nw -1<- aar enelnre ie 68
Ian WMT) oem cot coaasanjaseee des BOE AROUES IEE Co eS 207
BADGE of the Mystery dance -...........-.-.-------- 228
BanGERr, References to.......-..---------------- 101, 102, 141
TAG) RID eS a CeCe eas or coeene aBsusce SEneesESas 109

Page.
BakIHOy gens, Reference to --...-..---------------- 161
Bancrort, GEORGE, Classification of irene b 168
BASDECE SN1, Description of - 159
BEAVER! Referencelto. —---.- 1 -2e- === sei ee 193
BEGGING DANCE, Description of ....------------.---- 224
BELIEFS, Primitive-..-.--..-..- 90, 101, 108, 113, 120, 121, 122, 138

139, 148, 149, 164, 165, 193, 211, 214, 216, 219, 220, 228
BERTHOLD Indians, Tradition of, respecting the Da-

OLAS eee ee eae Seine ee ecaata > aeininine sees 181
BiG SIOUX RIVER, Origin of name of ..-.-.-.-------- 178
Bia STONE LAKE, Indians on island in .-.--.-...---- 180
BILOXD kinship terms\.2------.2-=------- --~ 2-1) = NIX, XXi
—reGLOLencOiLO mere ees ace eee a eee 189
BIRTH-NAMES, Remarks on ...-.---.-.--.------------- xvi, 45
BLACK BUNDLE, Symbolism of ......--------.-------- 197
Brack Day Woman, Legend of. : 206
BDA CK RE EIEN OG bOStO lst atemy etal ane am elel arate 187
BLACK HILIS, Reference to------------s-5--------==-- 182
BLACKIOTIER, Lament of ->---2.--------2-2+-=--s--==< 123
yw ACC MS LEC OR aeen enna aahon=sbewaotesbrndeet 226
BLizzArD, Belief respecting .........-.-.------------ 93
BLoop-cLor Boy, Myth of .....--.--.--------- 95, 101, 103, 104
BLUEEARTH region, Reference to ..-.--.------------- 177, 189
BLUEEARTH RIVER, Trading post on ..-....-.---..--- 177
Boat VILLAGE, A Dakota ‘‘band”’ ........---------- 177
Boiss; Belieficoncerning-~-=-=----.----- 22-2. 2-2 147, 148
Bow CREEK, Omaha settlement on... -- 2 190
Bow, Belief concerning a..---- ---- 93
Boy-BELOVED, Meaning of term - 147
Boys, Naming and training of ............------.---- 208, 209
IBREVIARY, Dakota fear Ofves. = aa t(cee nieces anne 173
BrRoTHERS, Myths concerning -.....---.--------- 123, 139, 143
Bruces, Description of .....--.---. Bene Rea ae eae 187
IBUNDLE|Ofipurchase: «<=. - 2 oe ewes ene 206
DES EEA ag GUUS UO TON aera lee 211, 212
IB AWA Le SAT OVO fees rete rler sale = miaisieelore= seein oe 183
GXGUr gens! 222022 2-- 5222-6 160
CALENDAR, Primitive 165

NC AMP WSa20) CONCERNING 2 - = aei-~e-'i= seein =e 162, 196
| GAN-KAGA OTINA gens ... 158
CAN-KASKE TONWAY, Derivation of name.........--- 183, 184
GAN) KUDENE entes tases je cte cece oe tee ee eo eee ae 159, 160
GANVONAY Gens eteea Gs sons ce nee ccemaene sa sects 160, 161
Cay-SDA CIKANA, Remarks concerning. ....--..----- 158, 159
CARDINAT IM er als ase io emo ee eee see eee = 47
CARVER, JONATHAN, Travels of.......-.-..--...---- 179
CASH PONItLV Oso occleon eee nasiaae maa eels ne- == 15, 43, 44
—— OL PYOMOUUS sh oe cha ae ln ee ote wwii wlcicetetaj ela saeco 11,16

234 INDEX

Page | Page.
CAUSATIVE action implied by modal pretix. 20. Desire, Expression of strong ............----------- 101
GROUEA; Moanin got) .-c.--esess-eetsessesoos 138 | DIALoavE, Repetition of verb in 89
CEREBRALS, Delinition of 4 Dickson, RoBertT, Enlistment of Indians by . 180
CRs nDetinition ots .2ca esac nns- we seeeeeee aaa 101 | DIMINUTIVES .........--.----+-s 222s - eee e eee 41
CHANGES of letters.........--....--- Ses eaneee etiees 6,10 | Disease, Beliefs concerning. . : 215, 216
— — the moon, Belief concerniz.........--...-.-.. 165 | Division of time among the Dara APEC eo enor 165
CHANKASKETON, Definition of.........--..--.-- 176) | SDIVORGE, Erimittee) oo cca nee nee eee ie 207
CHEE-ZHON, Legend of .......----..----------------- 124,129 | Dorsey, J. OWEN, Criticism on kinship terms by... 207
CHEYENNE, Account of the..-................-.--... 193 | —, List of kinship terms by........-..-....-----.-. XVii, XXi
—, Friendship of Titonwan toward.....-...... .... 161 | —, Notes by, on hokéidap, etc .............-.--.------ 207
CHICKADEE, Belief concerning ..--.----.-----..---- 120/122) —— — — Dakota danceedaa..-s03 ssebeee eee ay xxxii
CHIEFTAINSHIP, Descent of .......-----------.--- -: 19 | —— —~— — myths ..... . XXX, Xxxii
Gritpilife: Dakotac.2-.-.ccsssencs a eee eee eee 208, 230 | — — — — mihihna. . 204, 207
CHILDREN, Names of - 45 | —, Quotations from. Ce SSeS SRS Since 162
CHONKASKETONS, Identification of 183 | —, Remarks by, on cardinal esi crames = xvi
CurisTIAN Indians, Character and position of YAP | Se namerals.. . Xxiii, xxix
Circ_e dance, Description of 225. | — — — — continuatives...... 2-2. --- ecnre-ewen-= xvi
CrrmensHr, Indian ......---..--.:.-----.- 167 | — — — — kinship terms...........0.....2.-.--2-- XXii, xxiii
CoLp, Effect of, implied by modal prefix .-.......... 20')) — — — — pronouns... 5 252 see esecaee eae seose= me div, xv, 31
COLLECTIVE plural of verbs of motion............... 23 | — ——.— the Gros Ventre .............-...--.---.-- 192
Woners, Symbolism of eee ares miata age sinianetss alas 226 | ———— — MENGES oo oes5 sonnciisersatocimaansceoss 192
CONJUGATION, Dakota) ....--..-..-----cees----- 21, 26, 28,32 | DouBLE verbs, Dakota...........-....---------secees 35
CONIJUNCTIONS 2222-0558 (coogatiee ea tae eens Gaels 035/16, |) DGAT nom ber sOakOtaa= esc < sess see eae 11, 16, 23, 46
ConJURING, Beliefs concerning. ......-.-.------- 216,217,218 | Du Luur, DANIEL GREYSELON, References to work of. 171,175
CONSONANTS......-..- 34,8.9 | Dune VILLAGE (Unkéekcée Gota tonway) Indians..... 177

CoNTINUATIVES, Remarks on .....--..--...---------- xvi

CONTRACTION] == ses os eee= ===

Councizs, Indian .. pie Ca ere oo Ears Piercing of, during sun dance...........-..--- 230
CountinG, Method of..... --... Eartu, Belief concerning repeopling of - 139, 143
COURTS HIE ang Marriages EASTERN S1oux, Designation of. - eo at
Crow EES Reference to.....-. soc eacgepesns Wi ehes 181 | Fac, Mention of, in Mepend fon nae oe ae eee cess eee 109
Crow Indians, Remarks concerning ---..--..------. 182 EXHNA-MANI, Account Of: 2--.¢=--=-deaetee= ace ee=eeer 215
CuT-HEAD Indians, FROM Mn a ONeeeee een ela spar 180, 185 EListon, Substitution and ........-.----0.esesees-e- 6
Corrina, Action by. .....-2.-22.-1.c2-oeeeeneeenenne eae wae eee ane aie 34
(era kinship terms. ............--------.------- Xvili, XX | pycaMPMENT, Form of the......2--..--+-++0eeeceeeee 196
ENGLISH, Indian trade by the...-..-....-....-------- 180
Evi, Beliefs concerning.............------.-..------ 138
Dakora, Remarks on eastern .......--...-.-.-.----- U7 ASL |) eo XPLOSLVE SOUNUS ee ecteace ciate estes ete na mete ae 4
—, Bancroft cited on the 168 | EyaypAHA the crier ~ 200

— beliefs.... 90.101, 108, 113, 120, 121, 122, 138, 139, 148, 149, 164

165, 193, 211, 214, 216, 219, 220, 228

AC sa cele Angas a nc Sscoaaase “TatreccaScicns 165
— custom of wife purchase. ae 207 | Fats or Saint ANTHONY in Indian history...-..--. 180
c @angest <<: eoeer sae eee eg eee ae XXXii, 224 MAMIEY he iprimitinG src sae oe meee ama ate elem 195, 203
= Ethicalisonseofthe.os:-.c22 <seacuuc ed eee 205 | FASTING and prayer, Efficacy of...........-..-..-... 214
— fear of breviaryiec.2. w2-5o-5 esses ete e sad Sen nce 173 | FATHER, Place of, in tent .... --...-.-..------------- 204
—, General account of the......-.---+---ee-2ecceeeee 155 | FATHER-IN-LAW, Usage concerning . -- 203, 204
Sp PaTae: <6 oe a eee 3 | FELLOWHOOD, Custom of ...-.............-.--------- 196
— Ab itatatn See Ae. 2d ee eee 156, 169, 180, 181 FinceErs, Use of, in counting ................------- 164
—, History of the .....-... 168, 171, 176, 178, 179, 180,183,190 | FLmt, Occurrence of. -.-.-------------+++---++ 2-200 184
—, Industries of (he... -c.<.. <>esedsa-scececeeeccen a. 184 | Koop for the dead. .. 211
— ‘Kinship terms.:.-2-.'as2-025 sesre sa ccncaccenawes xviii, xx | Foor, Action by the ... 20
—‘lepends ma sees ae Be ee ee ee 105, 124,206 | Forrzirs, Payment of....-.--- os 202
—; Moanin rofnam6.c.cccc: tose coe ee eee 183 | FornicaTion, condemnation of...........--..-...--- 205
— migrations ...........-. 168 | FORTIFIED VILLAGE ‘‘band"'’.............--.-....-.- 177
— mourning customs 9j9 | Fox Indians, Remarks concerning. ..... eee 176, 178
— — myths... 83,90, 95, 101, LLO, 113, 1b. 7 31 130, 139, 144,148 | FRENCH records aud maps, Reference to ........ 168, 178, 182
— names for natural time divisions..... 165 | FRENCHMEN, Dakota name for...............--.--.-+ 174, 175
== populadionmes-c. sees wo eeeeceseseeee 155,169 | FREQUENCY of action, Denotation of.........---.--. 41

—, Sociology of the...............--. 158, 177, 179, 183, 195, 263

—, Use of stone implements by the.................. 184
= REY CUA LOUIS onc so eeinclom sie esi eee rae oiaiee el onrars 220 | GAMBLING among the Dakota ....... ecient eee 202
DS (0) rn oe RAC os ac oooancaio oer Sos site 224 | GARVIE, JAMES, Reference to w rine of eae eee 124
Days, Counting of, by the Dakota ......-........... 165) | MGENDER co am acc onclnas cane p decal Sah eelae amin scree 42
DEATH and burialicustoms -: ---:-<.<:-<-.-20.s2-s=<< 211,212 | GENITIVE case, Dakota .....--......--. Seilsats aie tela 15, 43, 44
SO RBINIDE ACUIClOS: «no cee cmorcesis eelesene 18: |. GENS), Remarks onthe col «an .e0cise vente oainc sm ereree 195
IDEMONSTRATIVES, U80 Off 20. ccc. ccescecs ccc wncesee 89 | GENTEs of the Dakota ....................-. 157, 161, 163, 164

INDEX. 235
Page. Page.
GIRLS, Myth concerning ...........-....----.+-0---+ 122 | INFINITIVE MOG6 .....0.02.-.0---cccceseeeen--------- 24, 65
—, Names of ----.. INITIATION DESCription Oly. --==-)- 22-200 = se nee 228
—, Usage concerning IyKPA-DUTA people, Union of, with the Teton .-.... 186
GRAND LODGE VILLAGE Indians. - 177 | InrERcOURSE, Illicit, condemned ...-.-......- 205
GRAND PAWNEE, Reference to---- 193 | INTERJECTIONS, Dakota ............-..... a eo
GRANDMOTHER, Place of, in tipi 204 | INTERMARRIAGE, Prohibition of = 195
Gmassidance, Reference to... ...-.--.....-..-------«- 227 | INTERTRIBAL wars fostered by scalp dance -.-.-.--- 227
Gray Bear, Myth concerning -.....--.....-.....--. 02,139 | INvoLUNTARY action of inanimate objects.........-- 20
GREAT Mosquito, Mention of, in myth .......----.- 139 | Iyyvay GEYAKA ATONWAY gens.......-.....---------- 158
GREAT Pipestone quarry, Discovery of ..-.-.....--.. 199 | IONIA CREEK, Reference to........-..--..-------.--- 190
GREAT Spirit, Beliefs concerning. ..-..--.---.----.- 108 | Iowa, Remarks concerning......--.--.--------- 176, 180, 182
GREAT WILD RICE VILLAGE Indians......-.-----.-.- 177 | Tow4, Reference to the. .....--....------ 176, 177, 152, 190, 191
GREENIBAY. Prives OMe eenen saeco ease seh seccle =a. 169,171 | Iroquots, Reference to the........--.--.-.----------- 170, 183
Grey CLoup, Dayip, Reference to writings of ..... SEG OMLLON MRR RGU AC VOL OS feast ialat ete alejm eal sialea=e aia aa na 35
Gros VENTRE, Remarks on the name...... ...-..-.- 192 | IsayTA MDE, Origin of name -.-.....--...---------.--. 184
GRUNTS Da Ober are [0 ole wleinloreisln eeclene amie sien ow 3 | Isayyvarrgens/and tribe .--...--.--.-.------- ---... 163, 184
TVA COMING meaner ete ee ee 161, 163
|} LEWC REG) tec eenas ce be SsSoSere Senne oscmenoncees 161
HAKAYKAYNA, Reference to......-.-...--.-----+.--- 120,123 | ITOKAH TINA division 159
HEAD OF GOLD, Legend of .-.-...-..-.....--..--..-- 105
HEART KILLER, Reference to .-.....-...-.--..-----e- 148
Heat, Effect of, implied by modal prefix.-.-...----.- 20 | Jesvir RELATIONS on the Dakota .........-..--..... 171
ELEMINT GARY PENS ne ene ese ssa ceied se Je cereilen scone 157 JoaueEs, Father, cited on the Dakota........ scwboAce 169
HENNEPIN, Louis, Adoption of, by Indiaus. - =Aep 174°, Joule, Lovis, Journey of 170
—and Du Lhut, Meeting of.........-........--.--.
—, Contact of, with Dakota Indians. -.
HeyaTA TONWE gens TRAHIMELATON WAY, CivISiON! << cee ee snes anor cies eae 159
Hipatsa kinship termis...---.---------- IANS An ReferenCOmOmcc. ae. one cine oe ee eeishe ores 193
—, Confounding of, with other Minitari ..-......... 192 | _- kinship terms. _ xviii, xx
History, Argument from...........-----.---...---.. 168 Kaposia village, Reference TOR tr eee ek 2 eee 179
HOHE gems -.-----------+---- ++ +++ 2+ -222eeeseeeee eee LOS" AP OPA BONG Macnee Reotene ns. Meee aaa oehe Jae 157, 159
HOKSIDAN, Note on. --------- --------- 2-2 e ee eens 207 | KaTHIO Sihece, Renee rae aee ae me oe er “471
Home, Dakota word for.....-- 20S accent division se wee arse eee eee 159
HOMESTEAD laws, Observance of, by Indians........ 167 Kickapoo, Reference to 171
Honor, Place of, ea Bsa or tipi.----+------.----.---- 204 | KisHip names, Siouan.........--- xvii, xxii, 45, 138, 203, 207
BLERELELIE cane. Oi pescobscaodcscdie ssenseross ee — system of the Omaha, Reference to -...-........-- 195
elie Sa rea CECE EERIE SU BU CUSAOE a Kiowavloversistonyiotithel-ss-c9---6 5-5 (sees seas: 206
by PRN SEE Soi a oS aera 213 | xryaKsa, Meaning of .........2.2.--000seceeeeeeee 164
HOUSE One eng a a 204 | acryUKsA gentes--...--.-+-2:---+-+=- 157, 160, 161, 163, 180, 185
HUMAN species, Nouns referring to 40'| iNiFE LAKE, Origin of name..............-.-- _ 174, 184
Huyxpa, Meaning of.......---- 162 | Kwapa, Reference to ..........---------- - 190, 193
Huykpapa, Remarks on “161, “162, 163, NGS LESS Si ehipitOnmasseeet aseeee sess eee ee ace cae sock XViii, xx
HUNKPATI, Meaningof .. 162
PUNK PATINA Givision es s26 = sae a = = saeco noise oles 160, 161
HUNTING customs -------. ~~ <<< 5 2.2 ee e-em ee cee ZL ofthe: bitomwan dialect=-cccssee- neces ase sees 9
Huron, Remarks on thie..----....-...--..--.--...-.- 169,170 | Laxora, Teton equivalentof Dakota. ............. =. 183
HUSBAND, Rights 0f------------ ~~ n= oe--ennne- =e 204,206 | Lanp, Cession of, by Indians -................-...-.- 181
IDANGUAGH) Sacred asec soe soceeececes. eos 166
| La PornTE mission, Reference to 170
TESPASIS HAVE ONS sere tate ae ere ilae a= slalom tone 160 | LA SALLE, RoBERT, Reference to. 172
THANKTONWAY tribe:<--- 2 2.5---2400+222--2s- 5552 160, 163, 164 | Laws, Unwritten Dakota -.......-...-..---........- 195, 203
IANS AY SOUS So rec ein Ona Rs Sawa es enn elon ae emnte Ne 161 | LEAF ViLLAGE division.----------.--.--------.-..--. 177,179
PERMRON) PON. a see ws emeeee en eeeceatiocie iene teres 160 | LEECH LAKE region, Account of .......-..-.--..---.- 178, 179
ENINOIS WROLeTONCO Oe ao ahs eels os oe ctaae oe 172, 176,177 | LEGEND of Black Day woman.............-..--.-..-- 206
TULINGIS RIVER, ASCENT Of--<... 2c a. - oe oma cen D7 —s Une ead Of LOI ae ame wae = <a e-a 105
IMMORALITY condemned by the Dakota -............ PANS) || Bhp ccecoe Soon Saroe anaes Jase s secarsceos 206
AMPERA WOVE MONG clos se rors discos tiny seine ecards 24.64 | ILE JEUNE, PAUL, Reference. to. .-.-:-----222.-u-2-- 169
IMPERSONAL forms of verbs ...... SAREE ee aaece 310) JCEISURUR: -heferences|t0! 2.5 2-2-2 --m eee aa 176, 177, 178
INANIMATE objects, Plural termination of names of - 22 ER DTERS Oban fester esc sane hese == === nase ase 6,10
INDEFINITE article. .-.-.... 22.5 i2-.---2-- <= peer 18,62 | Lewis, MERRIWETHER, Explorations of ....-..-- 182, 191, 192
INDIAN population, Opinions as to.-.-.-- Se eens 166 | Laur, DANIEL GREYSELON, SIEUR DU, Reference to
Sane UN A Soeenescpseconaqeeher eee 180 PROS coder cece =5 sas SediassecOngaEre casas sense os 171, 175
InpiAns, Conclusion respecting tlie. 168 | LirTLe Crow, Career of.......--- ssaceedidecisosce 179, 181, 222
— enlisted against the United States.........- 180,181 | LitrLE Rapips, Reference to- --------- 180
INDICATIVE mode.... 23 | LITTLE SIOUX RIVER, Origin of name OE: 178
InFAnTSs, Customs respecting .-.....-..-..---.--+.-- 12 PMORDIS pray Cleanse cee nse eseste aecsa5se 151

236 INDEX.
Page. Page
Lover, Procedure of a Dakota. ...-.-...-.---------- 205 | Names, Personal and family... .--- xvi, xvii, xxii, 44, 45, 138,
Lower Sioux, Cession of land by........----------- 181 203, 207, 208
LowLanpers, Division of ...... RING rd es atl 187 °| —, Prohibition/of use Ofs ~~ cae oes - see eee eee eae 204
NASAES (DakOthcc ce cmon sane seen Soh 4
. NICOLET, JEAN, References to...........-...--.---s- 168, 169
MAGA YUTE SNI gens -. 157 | Nicur winds, Prayer to the................--..-.-+- 214
Masic, Indian 21,214,215 | Nioprara river, Reference to ..........---2-+-----+ 190
MAna (Omaha), Location of, on early maps. ....----- 182 | No-FLiGHT dance, Account of -......+.-.---0-<+e--+- 995
May, Customs and beliefs affecting. .....---.--- 195, 204, 205 | orrs by-J. Owen Dorsey ........+--20e-esee00e Xxx, xxxii
—, Mythic acconnt IDE Bene cone ale os a aeee cina ei taeten 108 Norraway, Meaming of ..........-.2-ss-s+-0ee00--0s 183
Manpan kinship terms ...-.......----++----+-++--:- xix. | Nouns, Dakota.-.--..-<----- 15, 40, 41, 43, 44, 51,52, 56, 71, 72
—, Remarks concerning the. -..-.----..-.------ Spo 191; Re —, atlverbs formed from - <<. p eee eae ares eee 51, 52
Mant Tt, Indians .....--------+-=++---20erss sete ree: 159 | __ and adjectives declined as verbs ......-...------- 20
Manrrosa, Flight of the Santee to --.-- SS Reco we —, Incorporated pronouns in ........2.2++++e+saees- 56
Maeesr, Fatuer, R poforecee to work Oe ernie ilsisewin J oL18 lof mentions pe hese ae rae ene eeta eee 15, 44
MARQUETTE, JACQUES, Reference to work ie sesso 170, 171 Nummer, belonging to adjectives ...............-+ 46,47, 49
MARRIAGE customs Fo Mes oe 8 es 147, 195, 204, 205, 208 — —— incorporated pronouns... : 57
Mascovurtiy, —, Reference to. . iA | ae pronouns. 11,57
Maranon division STi ee Hoe sc a 16,23
MATTHEWS, WASHINGTON, Tradition of Berthold Syntechs - 02,72
Indians by --- apeece Teh epnae SOS ORC 181 NvMERALS, Analysis of . xxiii, 48, 50
MDE-WAKAN, Reference to - Soret 158, Us | onao-maenentribe yee cen soe eeeea hea eee 193
MDEWAKANTONWAN tribe. es 156; 157, 173, 179, 180
SE GOES: el ca cae eee a ee eee ere eee 164 |
MEADOW LARK, Myth concerning...-..--.---------+ 917
MEpIcINe, Magic connected with practice of. .....-- 214,215 | OBJECTIVE pronouns, Remarks on ..........-......- 30, 81
MENARD, Reni, Reference to......-----0----+-+----- 169 | OcGETI SAKowMy, Reference to........--...---.--.--- 156
MeEnomonl, Reference to .........--------- 202-000 171,180 | ‘‘Opp-or-EVEN?”’ Playing of, by gamblers ........- 202
MOTAMT Reference C0) -eeeh eee ecieae ais eee lamer 171,172 | Opoway SIGSICE or Bad Songs.........-....-------- 110
MIcHIGAN, LAKE, Reference to.-.......-..---------- 176 OGLALA tribe and gens. . 161, 163, 182
Miarations of Siouan tribes...-......-...------ 168,182,190 | —, Meaning of ...-..-.- - 162, 163, 187
Minrmna, Analysis of.........-------22--+--2seeeee- 204,207 | OnpIHE division - " 159
Minky wAy, Dakota name for .......... -.---.----- 2i2 | OHE NONPA gens - = 163
MILLELACS, Reference to...--..-----------+---+- 156,173,174 | OIYUHPE gens....---.-------- - 163, 164
MINIKANJOO, Origin of name.......-.....+---+------ 187 | Osrpwa naine for the Dakota. .-.-...........-....... 183
MINIKANYE WOZUPI tribe....... - 161, 163,187 | —, Observations on the ..-......... - 170, 176, 179, 180
MINIKOOZU gentes ---.-..---22---2en eee eee ewer ee IGE) |) Co) doy Cr bine SO Nea dsaaescencke ot bane SSAC Sb recs 158, 159
Mink, Reference to -- 114 | Otp MAN, Reference to, in myth.............. 5 9L
MINNEKANJOO tribe .......----.------- 187 | Oana Indians, Observations concerning the-177, 189, 180,191
Miynesora Dakota, Cession of land by 181 | ‘‘OmaHa Sociology,” Reference to.-................. 190
SSN piteyarayrceb Ute he 8 See eo eee V671 |) == traditions. see a erae se eae are wie ere Sie es 193
MINNETAREE, Meaning of term..-...---.--------.--- 192 | OoHE NoNPA tribe and PONS) eee ee 161, 163
Mississippi Dakota, Cession of land by...-.-.----.- LSU) OPPAMOVE Sym GA ON! 2 mre nlare sm wim nm -imelninin es eetararctetse eiaia 66
MISSISSIPPI RIVER, Descent of, by Marquette and ORDINATS CU akOtae- on noes eee neat eee eee eae 50
J olliotiesecer sacice > socen coon see eee ae ean 2 171 | OsaGE, Traditions concerning --......-.............. 193
Missouri Indians, Reference to....--....--------- 5s 103) | S=—sikcinship tou mis sees eee seis oe a ae elect xviii, xx
tribe, Mereranceito).s.s-a4 cscs see seeee amen e ee 181,189 | OnEnt ATONWAY feMS. -.-.--.----- 2-5. oe ences eee 158
MIssourRI RIVER, Ascent of, by Indians -...-.------ 190 | Oro, Observations concerning. -........-...-.... 177, 182, 191
Mopat particles. ...--.....-------++s00-+++e 222 --- ee 19 | Orrer, Myth concerning... .--..------.------..--.- 122, 123
MOopaAL preixes - 10) 20))| =INotes ONesass => a= == eel 123
WLODE coc no voc coc ce se celea an se cteens oopeclanicjos safela oO 3, 24,25,64 OurTBREAK, Result of Indian - 181
MonGo.ian, Connection of Indian with 168 | Own, Belief concerning .----- 92
Moon, Place of, in calendar 165 | OyaTE SICA gentes ...- . 157, 160
—, Myths concerning the ... 149,165 | OYUHPE gens..-.--.---..------2222---- 52 ene es ee -- +e 163
Moroan, Lewis H., Theory of, respecting Indians - 168 |
MORPHOLOGY. oo ce as nate cs <a tatelone =o an nial een 11 |
MorTHER-IN LAW, Customs affecting. ~>--'208, 204 || DPA-BAKSA PONG. =. =~ - 2-655 - oo ec ennowee even eannpen oes 160, 161
MOURNING customs and songs....--.--... rs - 212) 213 PAINT: WBOIOL «cases ee seein ass Saja eee on ster 226
MOGIH, Action Wath 222... <-> 2 ---- ean ew 20 | PARABLE of the prodigal son.........-.-.....-.----- 150
Mystery dance, Account of thc Be -; 214, 227,228 | Parapiem of active verbs .......--.--c~---.<------ 38
Myrus of the Dakota...............-.- B3;00,.95, 101, 110; 013:" |} Paenrore“Rs ..+-<2c--- 0-8 ¢eeucwsssnossen se eneaeeeens 25, 70, 71
115, 121, 130, 139, 144,148 | PawneEE, Reference to .........----.---+---+- es eee 182, 193
Prope, Mythic origin of ... ...-----.-.--+---+2+-++ 139, 143
Perrot, NicHouas, Reference to-..-....---.---.----- 176
Napovesst, Appellation for the Dakota..........--. 179, 183 | PERSON of pronouns ..........-.---+-+000e--2-0eeeee ll
Napovessioux, Derivation and use of ..........-.-- 171,183 |) —— ‘verbs .--225sc20c0.cenervesnasennnse poeeae eee: 23
INADOWE, Sleaning Of 220 cc ctraes cao s ence ea~sesawe== 183 | — or agent, Nouns of .....--..-..---222+++--+ 0 eee ee 40

INDEX.

PERSONAL pronouns, Tables of
PHONOLOGY

PHEATRY, Characteriof the .-.-.-..2--2.-.--=.----- 195
PIKE, ZEBULON M., References to ....---.-.--------- 179, 180
PINE-SHGOTERS GiVIGION. --.~=-5-- <-> -)-2- se ae=inee - 185
TERUG SIT Ui Soe ees Ocoe aap ceaeea 11, 16, 23, 42, 130
PATRON O bevy WOR ae seats at iat iai le 147
POLE VILCAGE GiVISIOR= << s0=2 tea e se ee = 177
POLITICAL organization among the Dakota-...--.... 196
POLYGAMY ED aK Obese eae a oe a ee eee 147, 204
PoLysYLLaBic words, Accentuation of. -...---.---- a
PonkKA, Observations concerning - 182, 190, 191
— name for the Oglala .--...----------- 162
POPULATION of the Dakota. --.-- 2 155
POSSESSION among the Dakota ....-.-.--..----- V 15, 43, 207
POTENTIAL, Symbtax Of - =~. 2. ee ne eee nin 66
PorTrowaTTOMIE, References to. ....-.------------- - 169,171
SROWGE SS VO 1S Ofte ate tal tse ates a et al 197
PRAIRIE DU CHIEN, Council at.....-..-----.----.---- 180
Pratt, R. H., Story by, of a Kiowa lover.......-..-- 206
SPRAY RGR MG MODUS oa oleate me im wm ole = eile = 151
—tothe night winds ..--.--.-------.-----.---.----- 214
PPREPOSITIONS, DaKOta.o-----2n2 <2 ee nen wiser e~ oe =< =~ 52,77
ROU EAN GV OLOS tele sama ae tenance atalate i ie 21
PREssURE, Action by---...-- 20
PrRioRITY among the Dakota See Sead eam seem stoties = 6
PRocLAMATION of the Eyanpaha
PRODIGAL Son, Parable of the-...---.-----.-----
PRONOUNS. ---- Xiv, xv, 6, 11, 12, 13, 14. 16, 17, 30, 50, 53, 58, 59, 60
Say Oy eh eS ee ee ie corer 12, 16, 55, 56. 57
—, Inserted ...--- Boe oes eas Rae coir 27, 28, 32, 33
= NM Ders Ol --— === = naste spt Sseeessee 11, 16, 57
=, NSN eb be Soe os Jessen se ese = 11
SSS TEN ib iT een de Some eo ceee ee maSseUs 15, 16.
me SC DATA GO a alan ain ase ien ev ins nmin wisinle ening cieicie ni
—, Suffixed.......-
PRONUNCIATION, Peouliarities of 7
IPTRUWOTESNIPONS 5-0-2: 2-11 == - 161
Puants, Application of name . --. 189
PUNCHING) ACHIOM DY =< - n-nonane 20
PUNISHMENT of runaway wife .--..-.-.--.--...----- 207
IRDRCHASE Ube! bund) el lace ecient a nete Seiya ste os mois 206
[PUSHING CAC OUND Yaseen eee ne aki nes eae 20
RAYMBAUCLT, Father, cited on the Dakota-.........- 169
Rep BunDLeE, Mythic significance of.---............ 197
RED CLovp, People of 187
Rep Iron, People of .-.------..- . 159
RED LAKE region, Reference to. - : Sais 178
RED painting of scalps—- -- <<. == - 2. neon nse 226
RED STONE QUARRY VILLAGE Indians.....----.-.--. 177
RED LHUNDER, Reference to: - ~~. -- 2.2. nena 185
Rep WILD RIcE VILLAGE Indians..-.--- .....--..-- 177
REDWING, Reference to. ....--..--....-.-.-.--+.----- 179
Tic OG) 0). | aaa ot ecase see oGabeEsneens s- See see 46, 69
RELATIONS, Names of family....-.....--.-...-.----- 45, 138
RENVILLE, JOSEPH, Reference to .....-....-...------ 181
RENVILLE, MICHEL, Reference to writings of .-.-.83, 115, 130,
144, 158
REPUBLICAN PAWNEE, Reference to...-.-..----.----- 193
hRiaes, A. L., Classification of substantive ve rh : 70
— cited on the name Santee - - 159, 160
ht —— PON CANO = cen eee = a Heer =e ene 43
Ria6s, S. R., Kemarks on substantive verbs by - 89
— — — the supernatural in wyths by-..--....------. 90

237

Paga
Riaas, T. L., Suggestion of, concerning prepositions . 52
River bands of the Dakota, Reference to 179
RIVER VILLAGE band)... 2----------9--- ---22- 177
ROBINSON, JOHN, cited on the names Oglala, ete-.-.. 162, 163
ROOTS |VeLDale seats te ater cece ccescee seca s eh nae 19
RUBBING, AC HOMIDY) saislen = soa nietalse\- sete salen === 20
VULES OM CONON Gu e-mesea anemic eal tea la ate 201, 204, 228
RUNAWAY WIPE, Punishment of......--.-...------ . 207
Sac and Fox tribe, Notes on... . 171, 180
SA ony Haine ce eeeogepocau anean Doo sOsGeeoe eo 219
= ORSUTACCOUD GOLin = cece aries sen = eae eee 229
— language, Description of......-...--.---.-.------- 166
WAGRIRICE s ExOLINE GL VG ecto aerate inde ate atelier 175
SALLE, ROBERT, PERE DE LA, Explorations of-.------ 172
SANDY LAKE region, Reference to .-...--..---------- 179
SNORE ae ish casos bene: Sade aaecctenoncescecenne 161
SUOMI ae see Soe Sede oasosedciaser semoce Boos owe 185
Sans Angcs, Origin of name...-..:-...---.--.------- 187
SANTEE, Observations concerning the. -..--- 159, 160, 181, 184

— dialect, Texts in the .83, 95, 110, 115, 124, 130, 144, 150, 151, 152

Sau Kiandihox NOLS Oller seamen amieetiesa\cee eee se 171, 180
| SAULT STE. MARIE, Reference to- 170
SANWATAUgenS1 2. c55-2242-assreen see seein cde eeeeee ls 163
SAWING! CA CLIODUD Yerta orate ole eat te et lel 20
“Say,” Repetition of word in dialogue. -....-.....-. 89
| Scaup dance, Influence of, on morality.-.-.--..------ PS) OF)
Scouts, Selection of-...-...--...--...-- caanacess 25 200, 201
SEVEN, a mystic number-....------.--. INS Tole 156, 184, 137
“ SHADOW” or nasi, Various meanings of. ------....- 213
Sarp Grass, Reference to. --....-------------------
SS ECAVIING 9 ACH OMN DV ee etal alm tlm ial

SHEPHERD, Belief concerning
SHooTING, Action by --------
SicayGu tribe and gens -.

SIHA-SAPA tribe and gentes 163
SIKSIGENA PONS oceumise neo mace eae en 161
Suron ANAWANG-MANI, Account of oe 219
‘SSINGING TO;” Definition of. ....--.--------.-------- 224
| SIOUAN tribes, Migrations of ....-....---.----------- 190
Sroux, Observations on name.... ..----.-.---------- 183, 184
SISITONWAN, gens’-.-.----------2- 4.--=-~ “158, 159, 164, 179, 180
StsseToN, Remarks concerning..---- Hees oecaocs 180, 184, 185
SISTER. 2 ose ono Sapte m wae ieee oie ne rina sss aean'n eee 122
SittinG BULL, Referen nee to 188
Stvaka-0, Reference to... - 147,.148
Sxkip1, Tradition respecting - 193
| SLEEPS, Days counted by- ----.----- 165
SLeepy Eyes’ people, Reference to- 159
SMALL BAND VILLAGE Indians -.--.-- 177
Sn, Peculiar use of 139
Snip, Mythical origin of ......-.-.---------+------- 149
SocroLoGy of the Dakota --.--.-.--. 158, 177, 179, 183, 195, 203
‘*SOLDIER-KILLING,”’ Exemption from -....---------- 220
SONGASKICONS, Reference to. --..--.----..----------- 171
Sounps peculiar to Indian words. ....--..--.-------- xii, 3,4
SPiRUD A Ke DANG g ae ee mine oeteel= wala inte 179
—willagers..---------.------ 156, 177, 183
Sprtrits, Dakota belief in the existence of --....----- 212, 213
SpoTTED TAIL, Reference to....-..-----..----------- 187
SPRING reckoned as one moon ..----.---------------- 165
STANDING BUFFALO, Account of..---.-.------------- 182, 196
Star BoRN, Myth of..-.... Spb cSsocatssoboues: 91, 92, 93, 94, 121
STAR LAND, Mythical] world of..-...--.-.------------ 90
STONE implements used by the Dakota.....-..-...-- 184

238 INDEX.

Page.
sSroneys, a band of Assiniboin ......-..----..-+----- 183
STRANGER, Place of, in the tipi ....--.-.------------- 204
STRIKING, Action by ....-...<.-----20--00+ s+ eennns 20 |
SUBJUNCTIVE, Syntax of......-..--.-----+--++-2----- 65
SUBSTANTIVE VERBS, Dakota. .-.....-.----------+----- 70,89
SUBSTITUTION and elision .......-..---------++--+++-+ 6
SUMMER reckoned as five moons. ..---..-----------+> 165
Sun DANCE, Observations on........--.--------> 214, 220, 230
SUN IKCEKA fens........----- 20-002 222s eee eee eee ee 161
SUPERHUMAN, Beliets cone neaineth abo destcns 214
Superior, LAKE, Reference to . 171,176
SUPERNATURALISM in Dakota myths --.. 90, 138
SWEAT LODGE, Description of .-.--..- 101
SVLGABIGADION wn <2 cee eles oles oe aaelem ill lewis == 5
SU MBONICICOLORSE ]-5 a eenee rece a= orien 197, 200, 202
SPA AM ean inp Obi. .-s-oce ve oe ona ein aim SaaSoSS 207
Tapoos, Removal of 220
TAHUHA YUTA gens 161
TAKAPSINTONA, Origin of mame .-.---.-------------- 158
TAKAPSIN TONWADNNA ZeMNS .......-----------------== 158
TAKINI fenS.........-- +. -- 22-2 ee eee eee eee eee ee 161 —
TAMAHE, Reference to............--...---- SEE CED 181 |
TAPPA GE PAWNEE ene saeetecistels enc oe isietnietalat= ital totems 193
TASINTA-YUKIKIPI, Explanation of ...-...--..--.---- 120, 121
TEAL duck, Belief concerning z 149
TENSE, Dakota 25, 66, 67
TENT given to be used for the tiyotipi..--....---.--- 197

TETON, Account of the. 182, 186, 212

— dialect, Remarks concerning...-----.- 7
Teton LEAF VILLAGE Intians..-..------- ss 177
TEXTS in the Santee dialect .-...--.---.....--...- 83, 95, 110,
115, 124, 130, 144, 150, 151, 152
———~ Vankton) diglectoa=-. oe. = ween err elle me = 105
‘THUNDER-BEING, Belief concerning. ..---------.----- 142 |
TICONDEROGA, Reference to battle of..-..-....-..--. 189, 191
Time, Method of reckoning 165
TINTA TON WE gens 157
Tip1, Observations concerning the ..-.........------ 204

TiITONWAY References to the .- . 161, 164, 180, 182, 187

— dialect, Observations on...--..---.- fe erioascee 8,9
Tiyot!, Meaningof...-...-....--.--- : 55 ae 200
TryoTipl, Observations on...............---- 162, 195, 196, 200
TZAPTAN: ROLerence tO. <-<i-anjaee: Severe eee eee =< 158, 159
ROUCHERS, SGl6ChiON Ofna. - ene eos ean ale ewnie el 200
TRADITIONS of the Omaha and Ponka.......... -.---- 190
‘TRAVERSE LAKE, Reference to .....--...----«..----« 158
PUTELO kindshipterms@e--......2ocecs aes see has as XiX, XXi
Two Kert.es, Origin of the name ...--.......--...- 187
PRO NT OMEN ioe aoc ee eel eens 141, 142, 148, 149
LOIWERE kinship terms--.-----:- =... ---- 8.622 xix, XXi |
LOD a) aes te es agaeenao oS np onde Scocnsssse4 138, 142
TUNER TORA GMO. on cciciiee ta niecesie ns eee seal i= eee 191
UNKWOMI occ rse sa - sees 104. 111, 113, 114, 138, 139, 142, 143
UPLANDERS ficieion NOE Wee ete ctne oo nectar 187
Upper IHMANKTONWANNA ge mates edacamhenonssnoshace 161
VERBALROOTS, Dalcotas 2-- So foces cae ve cmeteiaaee's « 19. 25
WMERBS DAKOUG aac stanies = sea eacine te scee a aciaee 6, 19, 21, 22, 23,
27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 33. 35, 51, 62, 63, 69
wm, AGJOCH V6. << nics stew ema c serene sco cansincsseesecce 31

Page.
Verbs, Adverbe formed from .....-..--.----.-+--+- ol
—, Auxiliary... . 68
—, Causative ‘ - 21, 28, 68
= I BLECLIKO san = wcia a5 eines lone te er -- 80,35
—, Formation of .....-....-....-- 19, 20, 21, 26, 27, 28. 32, 33, 34
——t (ONT Ol ences tesetetewatas amet se sees ee tee 21, 22, 23, 31
—|GOvernmentionerswcesses srr eees sees nae eae 63
ay OBL GIOM Olivier isiniels emia tee ee Se sos 55, 62
—, Syntax of. 62, 64, 69
VILLAGE OF WILD RICE GATHERERS, Origin of name. 184
VIDGAGE ON: DHE RIVER, = — — 2) one cess 183
VIOLATORS of hunting laws, Treatment of... -..... 202
Vocatives of kinship terms. -- 5 120
VOWELS and vowel changes.......-- SRE SERA Oc 3,8
WABASHAW band, Reference to ....-.-...-----+-+--- 180
WrACEONPA: POntOB. <a 0 cm mews sin comm mae eileinie see onic eis
WAHPEKUTE tribe -
WaAHPETON, Remarks on the 180
WAHPETON-TETON, Explanation of - 184
WAHPETONWAN tribe......-..-....- -. 157. 158. 179, 180, 184
WAKAN men, Beliefs concerning . 214, 216
— Sack, Mythical origin of .....-..----.--..--.----- 228
WWAKCAN YAU Mennin SOL saps. sac ets rlenit= = ance 201
WAEKLYYAN, Meaning of... <2. o- -- eeemeniwenine= 138
WaAKMUBA OIN gens.-.-.-.---...----.-<------ PSssg00 160
WAKA ATON WAN POUS sae aise rctek «learns reise eae ele 158, 183
WALKING ELK, Writings of .......-..---.--.----. 5 105
WAMNUGA-ITAGOSA, Description of .--...-----.----- 143
Wig h es ans doccneamnas: aoco asasecdcsho duces 176, 177
— honors, Distribution of. 220
— prophet, Song of the ... 213
Wasicuy, Meaning of. 74,175
SWHASTGON CDN GA) D0 (sean anecnicle ae tenet ere 160
Waren, Effects of-running, shown by prefix. .....-- 20
WATPAATON, Dakota division. -.....--..-....-.. ate 176
WEAVEY ASM amin 210 bros aetee etn erer i ae ia ers 201
MOANA Eo apecemeamireoSodhes otcsn eco geas acs 163
WAZI-KUTE, Origin of name ....--..--.---.-.--..-... 160
ANA Ab dea BoC) Gee Rn a shea sboe paqsenc So soSne,5eo 92,93
WEEKs not reckoned by the Dakota .............-.. 165
WESTERN DAKOTA divisions .....- Ree ee ie sie eye see 177
WHITE EARTH RIVER, Ascent of 190
WHITE MAN, Siouan terms for ..-....--.-- -.--.. Bo XXX
WICANHPI HINHPAYA, Myth of - 83
Wi16aSa, Analysis of -....- 203
WICAWOHA, Meaningof.... 205
Wipow, Reference to. inlegend.........---.-.-.--.- 127, 128
WEE SE OBTULONI OD UN Gyan setetaeie ies alae seeiate 204, 206, 207
Wiip RicE GATHERERS’ aud! -.-.--- 2... <n cc- 1i7
WILLIAMSON, A. W., Suggestion of, respecting pro-

MO TENEB io 5 sec ete e, 50 oe tee po Pile whateva le eos akelonn’e meee 31
Wunp, Effect of, shown by prefix .-----..-.---....-- 20
Outi) Sagece oad sod See-—~Soac SPA Aso 214
WINNEBAGO, Observations on the ....-.....- 169, 170 180, 189
— Kinship COLMS: 25s --<ae== omega sens => a5 eee XIN, XX1
WINNEPEKOAK, Algonquian name for the Winne-

DagGo 0.22. cccne enn ence eee eee neces maces nernanas 189
Winona, Legend of. -... metic zs 206
Winter, Reckoning of, in calendar ..........-...--- 165
WINTER Count of American horse, Reference to the

peculiar....-...--- 2. eeeen ene eee eee een e eee eee 182
WISCONSIN RIVER, Descent of, by Marqueite and

TOHWOtica 22 ccs press case ae die sad mae tele cmtete oan aeteielets 171

WISTENKIYAPI, Dakota custom of ........----------- 204

Win COIS CissQqrebieges oper nacseeeocdeeagercecd
SUVA AW ODENUAN EY OMS lace el mtete em te cmt ole eho intel e mis Il
WodHpart, Explanation of.....-.--...--...--1-.-----
Woman, Social position of --
—. Easy accouchement of -
—, Myth concerning -
=A NAMB Of occa nie asl = see ses cscs =
-, Temptation of husband's brother by.
Woop duck, Myth concerning. -.-..---..-.----.-----

INDEX. 239
Page. Page.
158 | YANKTON, Explanation of name..........----..----- 185
5S |e — dialect. ext nsth @rejci ae siscticisiscisjsupeme so neice 105
206 | —, Migrations of the..--...-.-.--...---- 178, 180, 182, 185, 186

» 204 | YANKTONAI, Migrations of the............--..--.--- 180, 186
PAN | SON INTO) BS ase ssa5cud sono dabespu names on saseeoaes 185
90 | YEARS, Counting of, by the Dakota- 165
45 | YELLOW MEDICINE RIVER, Reference ti 194
139 | Yesa* or Tutelo, Meaning of..-.....--... : 129
114 YOUNGER BROTHER, Mythic adventures of .-..-.---- 139. 1.8

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