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This book may be regarded as a companion volume to the 
edition of the Tenth Book of Quintilian's Insiituiio which was 
published in the autumn of 1891. The one has led to the other : 
indeed it was while preparing the Quintilian that it occurred to 
me to take the Dialogue also in hand. The motive was the 
same in both cases — a wish to do something to remove from the 
scholarship of this country the reproach of neglecting two of the 
most interesting specimens of Latin Hterature, or of relying 
for a knowledge of them almost entirely on foreign sources. 

The reader to whom the Dialogus de Oratoribus is a new work 
will find much in its character, contents, and history to account 
for the extent of space which I have claimed from my indul- 
gent publishers for its adequate treatment. Scholars knaw 
that it is brimful of problems, though an exhaustive discussion 
of these problems, such as I have endeavoured to give in the 
Introduction, has hitherto been conspicuously absent from the 
achievements of Latinists at home. For students, again, the 
treatise is of the utmost value, as supplying a field for the 
exercise of many of the qualities — such as sense of style, literary 
judgment and critical ability — without which a knowledge of Latin 
will often prove only a barren possession. In this connection, 
I may quote the words in which Classen says there will be 
general agreement : * dass der Dialog in scinem massigen Umfang 
ungemein reichen Stoff zu den anziehendsten Discussionen der 
Verschiedensten Art darbietet ; und dieseEigenschaft eben ist es, 
die ihn nach meiner Ansicht ganz besonders zur gemeinsamen 
Lectiire mit reifern Schiilern, die wir zu selbststandigem Nach- 
denken und umsichtigem Urtheil anzuleiten wunschen, geeignet 


A flavour of antiquarian interest also attaches to the treatise 
in virtue of the story of its discovery in the middle of the 
fifteenth century. I have attempted to do justice to this in part 
of the chapter on the Manuscripts. In my researches into the 
history of the codex in the British Museum (Harl. 2639) I have 
been greatly indebted to the help, always most ungrudgingly 
given, of Mr. Geo. F. Warner, Assistant Keeper of MSS. 

For the critical apparatus, my chief obligation is to the 
collation of the MSS. given by Michaelis in his edition of 1868, 
admirably supplemented as it has been in recent years by 
Dr. F. Scheuer. In recording the various manuscript readings, 
I have generally proceeded on the principle of admitting what 
are obvious errors only when they are instructive as bearing on 
the vexed question of the inter-relationship of the codices. 
Everything has been included that seemed necessary for the 
critical study of the text. The corrupt and defective condition 
in which it has come down to us may be advanced as some 
justification for the acceptance of emendations proposed by 
different critics, as well as for the insertion of several of my own 
conjectures, some of which have already appeared in the columns 
of the Classical Review. The result is that the text will befound 
tq differ considerably from that of Halm. 

For what is not new in the explanatory notes I have relied 
mainly on the excellent editions of Andresen, Peter, and Wolff. 
The suggestive commentary with which Dr. C. John has enriched 
his translation should also be mentioned« I have had occasion 
to refer more than once to the second part of it, published as 
recently as last year, and containing much valuable matter. It 
is more difficult to describe the nature of my obligations to the 
large body of pamphlet literature that has accumulated round 
the Dialogue : reference may be made, however, to the Hsts of 
tractates given on pp. Ixxxix-xci. Many of them are of Httle 
substantial worth, but it may be of interest to give a complete 
catalogue of everything that I have had actually at hand in pre- 
paring this book. A few articles and pamphlets which I have never 
seen have been omitted, but I doubt if they will be missed. 

W. P. 

Dundee,/«(k, 1893. 


Introduction — 


I. The Qdestion of Authorship and Date .... ii 


IV. Style and Language xliii 

V. Manuscripts Ixii 

VI. Bibliography Ixxxix 

Text and Notes I 

Index of Names 117 

Index of Words and Phrases 119 





Thk Dialogue on Oratory has long been one of the puzzles of literary 
antiquity. In no other work, of similar character and scope, is the student 
confronted by so manyproblems,the more tantalizing because some of them, 
at least, seem incapable of any final settlement The circumstances of the 
re-appearance of the treatise in the middle of the fifteenth century, the long 
war that has been waged over the question whether it is a genuine work 
of Tacitus, its relation, in point of style and date of composition, to the 
other writings of the historian, its aim and purpose, its original form and 
extent, the distribution of parts between the various interlocutors, and the 
history of the constitution of the text — all these are matters which 
demand to be dealt with ; and their adequate presentation requires an 
amount of space, as well as of research and investigation, that might 
seem at first sight out of all proportion to the unpretending character of 
the little work in which they originate. This may help to account for the 
rather remarkable phenomenon that, notwithstanding the attractiveness 
both of its contents and its style, the Dialogue has not hitherto been 
edited in this country. So far as English scholarship is concerned, it is 
in fact an almost entirely neglected work. This is all the more to be 
wondered at as, with the exception of the Letters of Pliny, no contempo- 
rary work supplies so vivid a picture of the literary and intellectual 
tendencies of cultured society at Rome in the first century of the Empire. 
The treatise forms, as it were, a connecting link between the better-known 
prose literature of the classical period and that which is represented by 
the less familiar writings of Seneca, the two Plinys, and Quintilian. It is 
the best introduction, especially for younger readers, to the historical 
works of Tacitus himself, which require for their fuH understanding 
a riper judgment and a greater faculty of literary appreciation than is 
needed for the prose authors by whom they are preceded i^ the ordinary 




course of study. For this reason — especially in view of the comparative 
poverty of Latin literatiu-e in such works — the Dialogm might have been 
expected to win a place for itself in the curriculum of our higher schools 
and Universities. Its substance is as valuable as its form is interesting 
and attractive. It introduces us to a distinguished circle of public men 
at Rome, who are represented as taking advantage of a more or less 
accidental gathering to discuss questions of great interest and importance 
for us as well as for themselves. Meeting together in the calm repose 
which had resulted from the political settlement recently efFected by the 
founder of the Flavian dynasty, they bring under review past and present 
circumstances in their bearing upon the profession in which they have all 
more or less a common interest, the profession of oratory,— exchanging 
opinions as to the merit and fame of the great orators of republican times, 
as well as the divergent tendencies of the spirit of their own day, comparing 
the main features of previous and contemporary methods of education, 
and endeavouring to estimate the influence of political conditions on 
the growth and prosperity of the art with which they are all connected. 
All this gives the Dialogue a value of its own, independently of othei 
features of interest It is moreover written in a natural, easy, and straight- 
forward style, ofFering many points of contrast to that which we are 
accustomed to associate with the literature of the epoch of which it is so 
charming a survival. 


The Question of Authorship and Date. 

Had there been any traditicm in the Middle Ages that the historian 
Tacitus was the author of such a treatise as the Dialogue^ there would 
have been less ground for the scepticism which has so persistently pre- 
vailed in regard to it, almost since the date of its re-discovery. But there 
seems to have been none. The Humanists of the Renaissance searched 
for many ancient writings which, though lurking concealed in neglected 
corners, they knew must somewhere exist; and in their search they 
stumbled upon others of which even the memory had passed away. One 
of these was the Dialogue, which had come down to them through the 
unbroken quiet of the centuries without any literary notice to put them on 
its track, a monks' treasure in regard to which one might almost imagine 
there had been a conspiracy of silence. 

It might have been expected that a work which had escaped the notice 
d* previous ages, and which, in the one and only manuscript to which we 


owe its survival, had evidently proclaimed itself to be the workof Tacitus, 
would have been either accepted without cavil and criticism or boldly 
denounced as a forgery and a fraud. Hahent sua fata lihellu At first, 
indeed, the Dialogue was unhesitatingly included, along with the other 
writings of the historian, so far as then known, in the editio princeps, pub- 
lished by Vendelin de Spira at Venice in 1470. This was within some 
twelve or thirteen years of its re-appearance. But when the discovery, in 
1508, of the first six books of the Annals had given fresh evidence not 
only of the historical bent of the genius of Tacitus, but also of the peculiar 
individuality of his style, doubts began to be entertained. It seemed 
difficult to believe that the easy and flowing language of the Dialogue 
could rightly be attributed to the writer who had employed what was 
almost a new method of literary expression in the terse, pointed, and 
pregnant phraseology of the Annals. And as the codex from which his 
minor works had been recovered contained also treatises by other authors, 
including Suetonius's fragment De Grammaticis et Rhetorihus^ it was 
supposed that the ascription of the Dialogue to Tacitus, in the title, 
might be the mistake of a scribe, who had inadvertently confounded with 
the writer of the Agricola and the Germania the author of a work on 
altogether different lines, which it had been found convenient, at some 
time or other, to include in a single codex along with these. The earliest 
literary expression of these scruples is to be found in the edition of 
Beatus Rhenanus (Bilde of Rheinau in Elsass) which appeared at Bale in 
151 9 and again in 1533. Rhenanus inclined to believe that the Dialogue 
was a comparatively late work, which had been skilfiilly invested with the 
appearance of antiquity by the introduction of personages and events 
belonging to the age of Tacitus. But he gave only an uncertain sound. 
His half-hearted deliverance — Hunc dialogum vix crediderim esse Taciti 
— had nothing like the effect on contemporary opinion that was afterwards 
produced by the more pronounced scepticism of the great Dutch scholar 
J. Lipsius. In the preface to his famous edition of the year 1574, 
Lipsius declared against the Tacitean authorship with all the confidence 
of an inspired literary oracle {tam certum . . . quam si respondisset 
Apollo). His main ground was that which has been founded on ever 
since, the obvious difference of style : stilus valde ahnuit, nonfallax in 
hoc genere argumentum, qui in nostro constrictus ubique, teres, acutus et 
severus magis quam lepidus, hic omnia contra, To the argument that 
style may vary with a writer's advance in years and with the subject of 
which he treats, Lipsius replied that such change is possible only within 
certain limits, never to the extent of a complete transformation {num- 
quam ita ut prorsus aheat a sese). He did not hesitate, however, to class 




the Dialogue with the best works of its kind, as a genuine monument of 
classical antiquity. At first he thought that he had discovered in it Quin- 
tilian's lost treatise, De causts corruptae eloquentiae^ \ and accordingly 
the title under which the work appeared in his original Antwerp edition 
was ' Fah, Quintiliam\ ut videtur^ Dialogus an sui saeculi oratores et quare 
concedant: Cornelio Tacito falso inscriptus! £ut as Quintilian was bom 
about 35 A. D., he could hardly have described himself as being still 
iuvenis admodum {Dial, 1. 12) in 74-75 a.d., the year in which the conver- 
sation out of which the Dialogue resulted is generally understood to have 
taken place. This consideration was in itself enough to shake, even in 
his own mind, the view to which Lipsius had given a perhaps too hasty 
expression; and so in subsequent issues of his work Taato vulgo 
inscriptus takes the place of Tacito falso inscriptus^ while in his third 
(Leyden) edition of 1585, he states his doubts about Quintilian, though still 
convinced of the difficulties in the way of the traditional view. Lipsius's 
final attitude was, in fact, that which is adopted by more than one critic 
of the present day — a judicial Non liquet. 

£ut though he expressly disclaimed any wish to impose his own 
opinions on his contemporaries or successors (nihil aliis praeeo quod 
sequantur), the authority of his great name sufficed to induce a general 
suspension of judgement during the two centuries which succeeded his 
epoch. Some scholars adhered to the Tacitean tradition, others advocated 
Quintilian ^ : some took a new departure, ascribing the Diaiogue to the 
younger Pliny, or to Suetonius, or to the poet-pleader who is its central 
figure, Curiatius Matemus. £ut Pliny could only have been thirteen 
years of age when he is supposed to have been present at the conversa- 
tion reported in the treatise: Suetonius is chronologically still more 
impossible: while the theory about Matemus is altogether inconsistent 
with the ' setting ' of the Dialogue, which purports to be written by one 
who, so far from taking a leading part in the conversation narrated, had 
been merely a listener to the views of others ', The safest position was 

^ Quint. Inst. Or. vi. Pr. § 3 [Librum] 
quem de causis corruptae eloquentiae 
emisi; viii. 6, 76 eundem locum plenius in 
eo libro quo causas corruptae eloquentiae 
reddebamus tractavimus. Lipsius over- 
looked not only the chronological diffi- 
culties involved in the ascription of the 
Dialogue to Quintilian, but also (a) the 
fact that the subject matter of his lost 
work was dififerent from that of the Dia- 
logue — the decadence of style rather than 
the inferiority of contemporary eloquence : 
{b) the fact that Quintilian never speaks 

of it as a dialogue : and {c) the absence 
from thc Dialogue of any reference to 
the subject (hyberbole) under discussion 
in the passage above qnoted (Quint. viii. 
6, 76). 

* In recent years the Quintilian theory 
has again been revived by Dr. Robtftt 

' An acconnt of the fluctuations of 
opinion, as well as of the cnrious argu- 
ments used in support of the different 
views, will be found in £ckstein*s Pro- 
legomena, pp. 41-62. 


certainly that of those who did not attempt to fasten the treatise on any 
known author, but contented themselves with referriilg to it as an anony- 
mous work qui olim Taciti esse putdbatur, This was the attitude adopted 
by the great critic of Homer, Fr. A. Wolf, who qualified, however, his 
high commendation both of the substance and the form of the * aureolus 
libellus' by questioning whether it was altogether worthy of so great 
a genius as Tacitus. 

The reaction in favour of the historian began at the commencement of 
the present century. Spalding's careful study of the text of Quintilian 
led him to declare emphatically against the theory which attributed the 
authorship of the Dialogue to the great rhetorician * ; and the way was 
thus cleared for a retum to Tacitus. It was under Spalding's auspices 
also ^ that the first intimation was made of the discovery of a parallelism 
which seemed at once to decide the question in the historian's favour, and 
which has therefore played a large part in all subsequent discussions. 
A. G. Lange had noted and communicated to Spalding the remarkable 
correspondence between certain words which occur in a letter addressed 
to Tacitus by his friend Pliny and a well-known passage in the Dialogue^ 
Referring to the writing of poetry, Pliny says to Tacitus (Epp, ix. lo) 
poemata . . . tu inter nemora et lucos commodissime perfici putas^ — 
words which at once remind the student of the Dialogue of what Aper 
is made to say at the end of ch. 9, adice quod poetis . . , in nemora 
et lucos, id est in solitudinem secedendum est : and of Maternus's reply, 
12. I sq. Nemora vero et luci^ et secretum ipsum quod Aper increpabat, 
tantam mihi afferunt voluptatem ut inter praecipuos carminum fructus 
numerem, quod nec in strepitu, &c, It must be admitted, however, that 
unless Pliny intended to make a pointed reference to the author's 
identification of his own views with those of Maternus, as his mouthpiece, 
there is less than might appear at first sight to found upon in the 
parallelism just quoted : the combination nemora et luci is of frequent 
occurrence elsewhere, and Pliny may be merely replying to Tacitus in 
words which Tacitus himself had used in a letter previously addressed to 
his friend and correspondent. Of at least equal importance is the more 
general argument put forward by Lange in the dissertation in which he 
subsequently expanded his views '. He laid stress on the known fact that 
Tacitus had both a theoretical and a practical acquaintance with the art 
of oratory, and that his historical works contain many examples of his 
ability in this department. He also called attention to the remarkable 

* See his edition of Quintilian, vol. ii. ' * Dialogus de Oratoribus Tacito vin- 
pp, 424-427 ; vol. i. Praef. p. xxxix. dicatus,* incorporated in Dronke*s edition 

* See Weinkauff, p. xvi. (1828), pp. xvi-xxviii. 


similarity between the criticisms pronounced oh individual orators in the 
Diahgue and those which occur from time to time in the historical books. 
Further, the whole tone of the Dtalogue^ and the features which reveal 
the mental attitude of its author, were declared by Lange to be in entire 
harmony and correspondence with what we know of Tacitus from his 
other works — the familiar habit of psychological reflection, the tendency 
to dwell regretfully on the comparison of the present with the past, the 
grave eamestness with which the writer discourses on the education of 
youth, the pervading intensity of moral purpose, and the love of freedom 
that finds expression in what seem to be compromising and even dangerous 
utterances. In short, the epoch of the Dtaloguey its contents, and the 
writer's method of treating his subject all tell in favour of the belief in the 
authorship of Tacitus. As to the style, a public man in the Rome of 
Tacitus's day, who would have frequent occasion to speak in the presence 
of others, must have had at command an easy, simple, flowing, and pleasing 
method of expression, such as that which we find in the Dialogue — 
where, moreover, there is, as might have been expected, an artistic 
adaptation of the external form to the characters and sentiments of the 
different interlocutors. The difference in style is to be accounted for by 
the difference of subject. The writer could not have used, for such 
a work, the compressed, epigrammatic, and sometimes even enigmatical 
language of the Annals. 

Lange's views were combated by, among others, H. Gutmann in 
a dissertation which Orelli incorporated in his edition of the Didlogue 
(Turin, 1830)*. The writer bases his acceptance of the conclusions of 
F. A. Wolf partly on chronological grounds, and partly on the intemal 
evidence of the substance and style of the Dialogue, Tacitus is known 
to have been praetor in a. d. 88, and this ofiice was not usually (at least 
in republican times) conferred on any one who had not attained the age 
of forty. Gutmann finds it difiicult to believe that the historian could 
have properly described himself as having been iuvenis admodum in the 
year a.d. 74-76- ^J^ point of style, the treatise appears to him to 
illustrate many of the features of an age of decline ; and while recognizing 
the interest and value of much of its contents, especially Messalla's 
utterances about the upbringing of the young, he so far forgets the 
dramatic character of the conversation which it reports as to charge 
against the writer, rather than the speaker, such obvious sophistries as 
those in which Aper indulges in chs. 16 and 17. While giving promi- 

^ See p. loi sq. Gtitmann*s dissertation also appears as a preface to his German 
translation of the Dialogue: and edition^ Stuttgart, i88a. 


nence to Gutmann's argument, Orelli himself declared his preference for 
the tradition of the Tacitean authorship. To him the Dialogue was 
a work of the historian's youth, written while he was still under the 
influence of the associations of the schools of rhetoric, and before he had 
passed from the stage of enthusiastic adherence to Cicero, as the perfect 
model of Latin eloquence, to the development of the highly individual 
style which characterizes the HistorteSj and still more the Annals. 
The absurdity involved in applying the same standard of criticism to 
a dramatic dialogue and a narrative of events he protests against in the 
foUowing words : Aliam arationem exigit narratio rerum, aliam discep^ 
tatio quaestionis alicuius. Boni scriptoris est utrumque genus intellectu 
distinguere^ alierutro uti, excellentis vero parem esse in utriusque orationis 
/acultate. Atqui ego Tacitum excellentem dicendi artificem existimOy tam vi 
naturae quam arte doctrinaque, Quid mirum igitur si in dissimillimo 
genere dicendi sibi ipsi dissimillimus fuit ? 

If the current of opinion since Orelli's day had set in the same 
direction, the history of the controversy might now be considered closed. 
£ut though scholars like Doederlein and Niebuhr sided with the vindicators 
of Tacitus, nothing better than an open verdict was arrived at by Eckstein, 
when he undertook to review all the conditions of the problem as well as 
the opinions which had previously been pronounced on either side^. 
While fuUy appreciating the force of the various arguments which had 
been adduced in favour of Tacitus, and without attempting to disprove 
the tradition of his authorship on any such grounds as inferiority of 
subject matter or discrepancy of dates, Eckstein concluded that the 
disparity of style was so great {ph difficultatem in dicendi genere a Taciti 
plane abhorrente positam) that more light must be waited for before any 
final deliverance could be arrived at*. For a time negative criticism was 
again in the ascendant. Eckstein was foUowed by H. C. A. Eichst^dt % 
whose views may be found summarized in Orelli's second edition 
(1848), vol. ii, p. 523. He believed that the treatise was composed 
during the reign of Domitian (though it may not have seen the 
light till the time of Nerva or Trajan) by one who was well read in 
contemporary literature, as well as in the works of Cicero. In general, 
the style is held to resemble that of Quintilian, though it is admitted that 
Spalding had effectually disposed of the theory that Quintilian was the 

* Fr. Aug. Ecksteinii Prolegomena proferantur in medto relinquendam esse 

in Taciti, qui vnlgo fertnr, Dialo- censuimus, p. 84. 

gum de Oratoribus: Halis Saxonum, ' Quaest. philolog. specimen sextum: 

1835. ^^ Dialogo qui inscribitur de Oratoribus : 

' Quare totam rem, dum meliora Jenae, 1839. 


aulhor. Who the author was, must remain one of the unsolved problems 
of literature : quisnam ex illa aeiaie conscripserii Dialogum^ vix poterii 
ad liquidum perduci. 

The year 1841 produced no fewer than three editions of the Dialogue, 
those of Hess, Tross, and Pabst. The two editors first named do not grapple 
with the question of authorship, though their work was of value in other 
respects; but Pabst came forward as an uncompromising champion of 
the Tacitean tradition, dwelling not only on correspondences between the 
Dialogue and the historical books in regard to the use of words and 
figures, &c., but also on the tone of regret for bye-gone times, and the 
lament over the decay of morals which readers of Tacitus at once 
recognize as so characteristic of his mental attitude. Seven years later, 
the appearance of a pamphlet by A. Dupr^ ^ brought Gutmann again into 
the field, without eliciting, however, anything of weight on the negative 
side except a renewal of the contention that it would have been 
impossible for an author who had written and published the Dialogue 
before or during the early part of Domitian's reign to have lived safely 
through the horrors of his administration. Bemhardy, the historian of 
Roman literature, sided with the opposition, arguing that the points of 
resemblance between the Dialogue and the other writings of Tacitus were 
unimportant when compared with the points of difFerence,and that the latter 
proved more than the former*. At this stage of the controversy (1857) 
Fr. WeinkaufF produced the firstfruits of those exhaustive labours which 
entitle him to the credit of having furnished scholars with much of the 
material necessary for its settlement'. The divergencies from the laler style 
of Tacitus he explained by reference to the character of the historian's 
early studies, and to the careful imitation of Cicero which both he and his 
friend Pliny the Younger seem to have prescribed for themselves ; and 
founding not only on the general tone of the treatise but also on 
a laborious and detailed examination of its language and style, he 
concluded that the Dialogue was a genuine work of Tacitus, composed 
probably in the early part of Domitian's reign. A similar view as to the 
date of the composition (though he afterwards departed from it) was also 
taken by Nipperdey in his edition of the Annals : looking, however, to 
the introduction to the Agricola^ from which it might appear that 
Tacitus published nothing during Domitian's reign, he preferred to 
believe that the Dialogue was written and given to the world under 

^ Dialogum de Oratoribus nec Quin- ' See his Rom. Litt. p. 862 sqq. 

tiliano nec cnivis alii, sed Tacito ad- ' See his De Tacito Dialogi, qui de 

judicandum esse censuit ac demonstrare Oratoribus inscribitur, Auctore: £ditio 

tentavit A. Dupr^, Licentiatus : Saint- Nova atque Aucta, Coloniae Agrippinae 

Calais, Imp. de Peltier-Voisin, 1848. (Roemke), 1881. 


Titus, in the year 8i a.d. His subsequent change of view was motived 
by the consideration that no one writing in the year 8i, at so short an 
interval after the conversation narrated in the Dialogue had taken place, 
would have been likely to describe himself as having been then iuvenis 
admodum : * so spricht Niemand von sich, der erst sieben oder acht 
Jahre alter geworden ist.' Accordingly Nipperdey declared for the year 
97 A. D., or thereby, as the date of composition. Accepting the argument 
that the Dialogue could not have been written before the death of 
Domitian, Professor Sauppe^ drew from it the conclusion that 
Tacitus could not possibly have been the author of a treatise of which 
the style is so altogether different from that of the works which he is 
known to have written towards the close of the first century a. d. 

These views were combated by Steiner in one of the weightiest 
contributions ever made to the settlement of the controversy '. Steiner 
felt no diflficulty in believing that Tacitus writing in, say his twenty-fifth 
year (three years after his marriage with the daughter of Agricola, to 
whom he tells us' he had become betrothed, as iuvenis, in the year 
77 A.D.), would have referred to himself as iuvenis admodum in describing 
the circumstances of a literary debate to which he had listened when 
probably only about eighteen years of age. At such a time of life an 
interval of seven years, especially when so crowded with important 
events, counts for much more than an equal interval in the life of an older 
man. Steiner also dwells on the antecedent probability that a young 
author who had devoted himself in his earlier years to the study of 
eloquence would have taken the opportunity of embodying in a rhetorical 
treatise like the Dialogue that lively sense of the contrast between past 
and present, between the real and the ideal, which seems to have 
been ever before the mind of the historian. After reviewing the other 
conditions of the problem, and pointing out the impossibility, in the 
light of the marked stylistic difference, of the view that the Dialogue was 
written about the same time as the Germania and the Agricola, Steiner 
concludes as follows*: *Da also sowohl die Lebensumstande der im 
Dialogus auftretenden Personen, als auch die Lebensumstande und 
Studien des Tacitus selbst ganz wohl zu der Abfassung des Dialogus unter 
Titus im J. 8i n. Ch. passen, und da, wenn der Dialogus in so fruher 
Jugend geschrieben ist, auch der von den spatern historischen Werken 
abweichende Stil, zumal bei der Verschiedenheit des StofFes und der 
dialogischen Form, sehr natiirlich und erklarlich ist ; da endlich die ganze 

* Philologus, xix. 3, p. 2f 6 sqq, ' Agric. ix. 

* Ueber den Dialogus: J. W. Steiner, * p. 27. 
Krenznach, 1863. 


geistige Richtung und Weltanschauung des Tacitus mit dem Inhalte und 
der Tendenz des Dialogus recht gut tibereinstimmt : so mtissen wir den 
Handschriften, den lUtesten Ausgaben und sonstigen Zeugnissen zufolge 
den Tacitus, und nur den Tacitus, als Verfasser des Dialogus anerkennen/ 
Attention was now (1868) called by Professor Edward W6lfflin to the 
fact that the peculiar and highly individual style with which the name of 
Tadiitus is identified was the result of development and growth ^. WSlfflin 
protested against the habit of regarding the historian's style and diction 
as a constant whole, instead of as a progressive feature which he developed 
through various stages imtil its highest expression was reached in his 
latest work, the Annals. Applying this principle of a stylistic ' genesis' 
to the Dtalogue^ WSlfflin sought to demonstrate that there are connecting 
links which, in spite of an interval of some twenty years, enable the critic 
to establish identity of authorship with the earliest historical writings of 
Tacitus. His argument derived support from the appearance, in the same 
year, of the first edition of Draeger's well-known work Ueber die Syntax 
und den Siil des Tacitus, It might have been expected now that the 
controversy would have been regarded as, on the whole, settled in favour 
of the vindicators of Tacitus ; but in publishing the edition of the Dialogue 
which is perhaps the most widely used at the present time, Dr. Georg 
Andresen took the opportunity of ranging himself alongside of the 
opponents of the traditional view. Andresen agrees with those critics who 
consider it impossible that the Dialogue can have been written before the 
reign of Domitian. If it had been an early work of Tacitus, composed 
under Titus, he would surely have referred to the conversation out of which 
it resulted as having taken place paucos abhtnc annos rather than when 
he was a very young man {iuvenis admodum), Andresen doubts, more- 
over, whether so young an author as Tacitus was in the reign of Titus 
would have been intellectually ripe for the treatment of such topics as 
those dealt with in the Dialogue: also whether Fabius Justus, the 
intimate friend of the younger Pliny, and probably no older than he, 
would have been likely in the year 74-75 a.d. (when Pliny, at least, is 
known to have been only thirteen years of age) to attack, along with the 
youthfiil Tacitus, the deep-lying problem of the causes of the decline of 
eloquence. Further, he considers it barely credible that the allusions to 
Eprius Marcellus and Vibius Crispus (chs. 8 and 13) would have been 
risked while they were still alive : and though the former died in 79, the 
latter is known to have flourished at the court of Domitian and to have 
died, at an advanced old age, shortly before the year 93. Andresen 

* Philologus, vol. XXV. p. 95 sqq. 


concludes, therefore, that the Dialogue was written, at the soonest, 
immediately after the close of Domitian*s reign, that is to say at a time 
when we find, in the Gertnania and the Agrtcola, the historical style of 
Tacitus already developed in its main features. We are thus, according 
to him, on the homs of a dilemma, and must either attribute the author- 
ship of the treatise to some cultured contemporary, or else adopt the 
theory (for which no adequate support can be adduced either from 
psychology or from the history of literature) that it is possible for the 
same writer to employ at one and the same time the most diverse styles. 
Such are the grounds on which, even in his third edition (1891), Andresen 
falls back on the Non liquet of Lipsius : * somit erscheint die Frage der 
Autorschaft unserer Schrift noch heute ungelSst/ 

The fuUest recent statement, in convenient form, of the gist of the whole 
controversy is to be found in the work of Jansen, de Tacito Dialogt 
Auctorey Groningen, 1878. Jansen first undertakes to consider whether, 
in order to prove the authorship of Tacitus, it is necessary to hold that 
the Dialogue was the work of the historian's youth. This done, he 
proceeds to show that the treatise must have actually appeared while he 
was still a young man, and that there is nothing chronologically impossible 
in such a' supposition, Next he reviews the intemal evidence in favour 
of the Tacitean tradition, devoting his concluding chapter to an 
examination of the style of the treatise. To him it appears to be not so 
unlike that of the historian as that the difference cannot be explained by 
the interval of time and other considerations, while it is marked by many 
features peculiarly Tacitean. 

The mere narrative of such a controversy as this, with all the various 
fluctuations of opinion even up to quite recent years, might very well 
induce in the mind of any reader unfamiliar with the text of the Dialogue 
a condition of suspended judgment. The question has been thoroughly 
discussed since the days of Lipsius, and it is doubtful if any fresh light 
will ever be thrown on it. It must be settled in accordance with the 
evidence now before us, after a careful and repeated study of the text 
itself. But in all such literary problems, as notably the authorship and 
composition of the Homeric poems, the verdict arrived at by individuals 
generally varies with the mental habit and pre-suppositions, not to say 
prejudices, of each. It is commonly, in fact, a subjective verdict. FinaKty 
is rarely attained, and is perhaps hardly attainable. Yet, in this matter 
of the authorship of the Dialogue^ there seem to be data enough, in spite 
of difficulties which need not be ignored, for a pretty confident acceptance 
of ihe traditional view. It is of course unfair to call on those who dis- 



credit and reject it to point to any other author to whom the treatise may 
be attributed with even a fair show of probability: the still unsolved 
problem of the identity of the writer referred to, as a historian, by Quin- 
tilian in the Tenth Book of his Imtiiutio (i § 104) is a sufficient reminder 
of the gaps that exist in our knowledge of this as of many other periods 
of literary history. But those who accept the testimony of the manuscripts 
are at least entitled to ask whether the evidence which has accumulated 
in favour of the authorship of Tacitus does not outweigh the counter- 
arguments which must force those who adopt them into assuming the 
existence of some unknown writer, who otherwise makes no appearance 
in the literature of his own day. 

Let us first examine the data on which it is possible to fix the year in 
which the conversation narrated in the Dialogue purports to have taken 
place. Unfortunately, the passages of the text from which these data are 
derived are not free from a suspicion of doubt, but they fumish at least 
approximate results. That a definite date was present in the mind of the 
writer is evident from 17. 15, where he makes Aper sum up his chrono- 
logical computation in the words centum et viginti anni ab interitu 
Ciceronis in hunc diem colliguntur'^. If the speaker is to be taken 
as meaning that exactly 120 years have elapsed since Cicero's murder, 
the date of the dialogue would seem to be fixed for December 7, a.d. 78. 
But a closer consideration of the constituent periods of which Aper's sum 
total of 120 years is made up, as well as a comparison of the phrase 
immediately preceding (sextam iam felicis huius principatus stationem 
quo Vespasianus rem publicam /ovet) will lead to a difFerent conclusion* 
Whatever difficulties may be involved in the interpretation of the words 
just quoted (see notes ad loc.) they seem undoubtedly to point to the sixth 
year of Vespasian's reigh. As the annals of Vespasian's principate were 
made to date fi-om July i, 69, the day on which the solemn oath of 
allegiance was taken to him at Alexandria ', his sixth year would run 

' If the phrase in hunc diem occurred 
only here, it woiild not be necessary to 
interpret it strictly : cp. the use of hodie. 
Bnt it is nsed again by Matemus on the 
conclusion of Aper's disconrse (24 ad 
iin.), in a clause which seems a rather 
remarkable echo of what Aper had said, — 
cufn praesertim centum et viginti annos 
ab interitu Cicermis in hunc diem effici 
ratio temporum collegerit, Unless these 
words are the addition of some later 
writer (the phraseology is noted as rather 
peculiar) due weight mnst be given to the 
repetitioQ of the phrase in hunc diem 

in immediate jnxtaposition with ab in- 
teritu Ciceronis. 'When Messalla, a little 
lower down (26. 4), states the interval of 
time in a more general way (ante 
centum annos), he is not taking the 
death of Cicero as the starting-point of 
a definite calculation, as Aper had done. 
^ee what follows. 

^ Initium ferendi ad Vespcuianum im^ 
perii Alexandriae coeptum, festinante 
Tiberio Alexandro, qui kaiendis luliis 
sacramento eius legiones adegit, Isque 
primus princifatus dies in posterum cele* 
brcUus, Hist. li. 79. 


from July i, 74, to July i, 75. According to this calculation, the con- 
versation recorded in the Dialogue must have taken place in that year : if 
on the very anniversary of Cicero's death {in hunc diem)^ on December 7, 
A.D. 74. But this gives, strictly speaking, only 116 years as the interval 
which has elapsed since the death of Cicero, not 120 years as stated in 
the text. Again, in enumerating the reigns of which the sum total is 
composed, the manuscripts give 59 for Augustus, 23 for Tiberius, 4 for 
Caligula, 28 for Claudius and Nero, i for Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, and 
6 for Vespasian : a total of 1 2 1 years. This last discrepancy need not 
be considered of much weight, especiaily in view of the approximate 
character of some of the constituent factors, as, for example, prope 
quadriennium Gai: it is sufficiently accurate for the speaker's purpose. 
A more serious difficulty consists in the ascription of 59 years to 
Augustus, when as a matter of fact he ought to be credited with only 
56 (a.u.c. 711-767). Some have proposed to leave this standing, as 
an error of the writer or the speaker (cp. 34 ad fin., where we have nono 
decimo for uno et vicesimo) ; but it is hardly likely that a figure doubtless 
so well-known would have been incorrectly given. Lipsius therefore 
changed novem to sex, and all editors follow his lead. But this gives only 
118 years as the total, a consideration which has led to the obvious sug- 
gestion that centum et duodeviginti should be substituted in the text for 
centum et viginti, It is usually considered more probable, however, 
(especially in view of the repetition of the figure at the end of ch. 24), 
that centum et viginti is given as a round number, summing up in a 
general way the duration of the constituent principates as stated in what 
goes before. In any case, it is impossible to make centum et viginti 
square exactly with sexta statio in the sense of the sixth year of 
Vespasian's reign. 

The numbers have in all probability been tampered with by some 
reader who was anxious to correct the speaker's arithmetic : this is almost 
certainly the origin of the unhistorical novem et quinquaginta for the 
duration of the reign of Augustus. If we suppose that Aper dated Ves- 
pasian's reign from the time of his arrival in Rome, in the middle of the 
year 70, instead of from July i, 69, we must foUow most editors in 
fixing on a.d. 75 as the year in which the dialogue was held. This 
would give, on the inclusive method of reckoning, 118 years as the exact in- 
terval (43 + 75) : a figure with which the detailed enumeration corresponds, 
if we adopt Lipsius's emendation Statue sex et quinquaginta annos. 
On this explanation also centum et viginti must be either a round number 
or a mistake for centum et duodeviginti, Something might be said in 
favour of the year a.d. 76, if we were to make three emendations on the 


reading of the MSS. : (i) sex et quinquagintay with Lipsius ; (2) sep- 
ttmam . • • stationem^ with Uhichs ; and (3) centum et undeviginti (cxix 
for cxx). On the whole, however, I prefer to hold fast to sextam 
stationem: and taking it as the one fixed and certain factor in the 
calculation, accept the year a.d. 74-75 as the date wanted, altering the 
other figures to correspond. This involves the acceptance of Lipsius's 
sex et quinquaginta, If we suppose, further^ that in hunc diem is to 
be pressed, as indicating that the company had met on or about the 
anniversary of Cicero's death, i.e. in December 74^ we shall be tempted 
to make an additional change from centum et viginti to centum et 
sedecim (cxx-cxvi). Everything will in this way come out square, and 
in accordance with the known facts of history. The constituent factors 
are enumerated separately and approximately, and then Aper does the 
rapid calculation, which gives exactly 116 years (a.u. c. 711-827) as 
the correct interval between December 43 b.c. and December, a.d. 74. 

In favour of the end of the year a.d. 74 as the date of the meeting 
made famous in the Dialogue, a certain amount of additional evidence is 
derived from various allusions in the body of the treatise itself. Thus at 
17. 22 reference is made to the last largess which had been given to the 
people (proximo quidem congiario ipsi vidisiis plerosque seneSy &c.) as 
something within recent memory : it is known to have been given by 
Titus in 73. Again in 37. i Mucianus is spoken of as alive and at 
work over a coUection of speeches belonging to the republican period. 
Now from a passage in Pliny {N, H. xxxii. 6, 62), in which he is referred 
to in the past tense, it has been argued, with great probability that in 
A.D. 77 — the year in which Pliny presented his Natural History to Titus 
— Mucianus was no longer alive (see Teuffel-Schwabe, §§ 313-4). This 
would seem at least to narrow the range of choice to one of the years 
preceding that date — as an upper limit. For the lower limit, mention 
may be made of the use of nuper^ at 5. 30, referring to an appearance 
made by Eprius Marcellus before the senate, probably in the year a.d. 70^ 
Another reference to the same individual, along with Vibius Crispus, 
points more definitely to the year 74 itself : nunc principes in Ccusaris 
amicitia agunt /eruntque cuncta (8. 18). Eprius had been away in 
Asia from 71 to 73, doing duty as proconsul: he was consul suffectus 

* Does the omission of Decembres in ' For this nse of nuper * de remotiore 

all MSS. at 17. 7 in any way support this tempore,' see Gerber and Greef, p. 988. 

supposition ? Aper is making Tiro his Vespasian's liberality to Saleins Bassus — 

authority : but if the date of the meeting Latidammus nnper tii miram et eximiam 

was one of the days between the Nones Vespasiam liberalitaiem, 9. 24 — was 

and the Ides, he might have said foi probably of more recent date, nearer 

brevity septimum idus (Jios idusl)^* the the time of the Dialogne than the year 

seventh of tliis month.' A. D. 70. 



on his retum in 74, and was therefore in that year at the height of 
his fame\ 

Taking the end of a.d. 74, therefore, as on the whole the most prob- 
able date for the historical groundwork of the Dialogue^ we have next to 
inquire how it suits the facts of Tacitus's life, especially in regard to the 
use of the phrase iuvenis admodum, 1. 13« The usage of imperial times 
shows that this expression might embrace a period extending from, say, 
the eighteenth to the twenty-fourth year *. At the date of the historian's 

^ The known facts in the life of Eprius 
Marcellus are of importance for the qnes- 
tion nnder discnssion. His fiill name and 
the various magistracies which he held 
are detailed in an inscription from the 
proyince of Cypms, fonnd at Capna, and 
preserved at Naples (Henzen 5425) : 
T. ClodiOj M.f.y /W(atina sc. tribu), 
Eprio MarcellOf cos. II, auguri, curioni 
maximo, sodali Augustalit /r(aetori) 
d^egrino), procos,Asiae III {teitium, i. e. 
Jiree years) provincia Cypros, In A. D. 48 
he was appointed, for a single day, to a 
vacancy in the praetorship, occasioned by 
the deposition of Silanus, Ann. xii. 4. In 
57 he appears to have been legatus pro- 
prcutore of Lyda, when he was accnsed 
of malversation, ib. xiii. 53 : but escaping 
a verdict of guilty, he aiterwards became 
consul suffectus, — probably in the year 
A.D 61. In 66 he undertook, on Nero*s 
instmctions, the impeachment of Thrasea 
Paetus, and was rewarded with an hono- 
rarium oi £^2,^00. This brought him into 
contact with Helvidins Priscus, Thrasea's 
son-in-law, who was banished at the same 
time as Thrasea was put to death ; and 
Helvidius made more than one attempt, 
after his retum from exile in 68, to take 
vengeance on the enemy of his house. 
From Hist. iv. 6, 6 it would appear that 
his zeal in the conduct of a direct im- 
peachment had somewhat abated before 
the death of Galba {mox dubia voluntate 
GcUbae multis senaiorum deprecantibtu 
omisit Priscus, 1. c.) ; but we read in the 
sequel of two separate attacks made by 
him on Marcellus, one in connexion with 
the proposal to send an embassay to Ves- 
pasian, the new emperor (end of A. D. 69 — 
Hist. iv. 7-10) the other, of a more direct 
character, in the course of the year fol- 
lowing (Eprium urgebat, ardentibus pa- 
trum animiSf Hist. iv. 43). It is probable 
that tliis was the occasion referred to in 
ch. 5. 30 {Quid aliud infestis patribus 
naper Eprius MarceUus quam eioquen- 
tiam suam opposuitf), when Marcellus 

triumphed by his eloquence in spite of 
the hostility of the senate. The phrase 
ardentibus patrum animis, quoted above 
from the Histories, has a certain resem- 
blance to infestis patribus: and the 
incident was a memorable one, cum 
glisceret certamen, hinc multi bonigue, 
inde pauci et validi pertinacibus odiis 
tenderent, consumptus per discordiam 
dies, Hist iv. 43 ad fin. In any case, 
the triumph of Marcellus recorded in the 
Dialogue (5. 30) must have occurred about 
the same time : it cannot have been later, 
for from A.D. 71 to A.D. 73 he was away 
acting as proconsul of Asia, and Helvidius 
seems speedily to have fallen out of 
favour. On his retum, Maroellus became 
a second time consul suffectus, in A. D. 74 : 
see Henzen 5418: o. d. XII. k, lunias 
Q, Petilio Ceriale Caesio Kirfo II, T. Clodio 
Eprio Marcello II cos, He was now (at 
the time of the Dialogue) at the height of 
his power: cp. especially 8. 18 (quoted 
above). But he afterwards conspired 
against Vespasian, and was driven to com- 
mit snicide in A. D. 79 (Dio, Ixvi. 16, 3). 
' Domitian, for example, at the age of 
eighteen is styled iuvenis admodum by 
Tacitus hiniself, Agr. vii. 9: and Hel- 
vidius Priscus is described in the same 
way (Hist. iv. 5, 6) at the same age. In 
Cicero, too, a similar phrase {adulescens 
admodum) is applied to L. Crassus in 
his twenty-first year (de Off. ii. 13, 17). 
In the same way Velleius (ii. 41, 3) 
speaks of Caesar as admodum iuvenis 
in his twenty-fourth year. On the other 
hand, the use of the terms iuvenisy 
adulescms, and even adutescentutus, by 
themselvesy varied considerably : thus 
Sallnst calls Caesar adulescentutus at the 
age of thirty-six (Cat. xlix. 2) : M. Bmtus 
is styled adulescens by Nepos even at the 
age of forty-two (Att. viii. a) : Pompey 
again, at the age of twenty-four, is de- 
scribed v^peradulescens and adulescentulus 
by Cicero, pro Leg. Man. § 61. See 
Eckstein, p. 37 ; Weinkauff, p. xliii. 


birth his biographers have been able to arrive approximately by a process 
of inference. He tells us in the Htsiortes (i. i) that his oflScial career 
began under Vespasian, and that he received promotion from both Titus 
and Domitian. This must mean that he was quaestor in the first- 
mentioned reign, and either tribune or aedile under Titus: while we 
know that he held the praetorship in a.d. 88. Titus reigned from June 
79 to September 8i ; and, as it is improbable that more than one year 
intervened between his tenure of the two lower offices, we may infer that 
Tacitus was quaestor in either 78 or 79. A necessary qualification for 
this office was that a candidate should have attained his twenty-fifth year, 
so that we may take it that the year of his birth must be fixed at a.d. 53 
or 54. This would make him about twenty at the date at which he was 
present as a listener when the conversation reported in the Dialogue took 
place : a time of life which agrees admirably with the phrase iuvenis 
admodum. If, with others, we adopt the year 56 as the date of his 
birth, he may have been two years younger : and either supposition suits 
the description which he gives of himself as a foUower of two of the most 
famous of contemporary pleaders, Aper and Secundus (2. 6). 

The next point to be settled, on the theory that Tacitus wrote the 
Dialogue^ is the date at which it was composed and published. Here the 
views of the critics diverge, as we have already seen, very considerably. 
Many of them havd given undue weight to the passage in the Agricola in 
which Tacitus refers to Domitian's reign as a period during which ' the 
young have passed to old age, with closed lipSy and the old almost to the 
very goal and term of life ^l From the phrase per sileniium it has been 
inferred that Tacitus cannot have written anything of any kind in the 
reign of Domitian, and the conclusion drawn has been that the Dialogue 
must have been composed either in the reign of Titus or else after 
Domitian's death, about the same time as the other minor works. But in 
the passage under consideration, Tacitus is speaking as a historian who 
(though he may have been industriously collecting material in the evil 
days which had now come to a close) is hailing a happier era as per- 
mitting him at length to break the silence into which he had been 
coerced. It is quite conceivable that, whether published or not at the 
time of composition, such a work as the Dialogue might have been written 
in the earlier and brighter years of Domitian's reign. Too much has no 
doubt been made of the necessity of postulating a considerable interval 
between the time at which the conversation took place and the time at 
which the treatise was composed, in order to account for the use of the 

^ Agr. iii. \\ tot annis, quibus iuvenes ad senectutem , senes prope cuiipsos exactae 
aetatis terminos per silentium venimus. 


phrase iteomis admodum, But it must be admitted that if a writer of 
the age of, say, twenty-five were recounting a conversation to which he 
had listened when about twenty, he would have been at least as likely to use 
some such expression as paucos ahhinc annos. Moreover, in introducing 
two of the * dramatis personae/ Aper and Secundus, the author of the 
Dialogue refers to ihem as ' celeberrima tum ingenia fori nostri ' — an ex- 
pression which would certainly seem to point to a longer interval than 
is compatible with any theory of composition under Titus. We do not 
know the date of the death either of Aper or of Secundus : and they may be 
supposed, if not to have died shortly after 74, at least to have retired from 
active work." But if their death or retirement had been so recent as it must 
have been if the Dialogue was written about the year 79, we should have 
expected some reference to the fact : as it is, they are spoken of in 
the past tense (cp. defuit^ contemnehaty nesciehat 2 ad fin.) in a way that 
seems to indicate that the writer is contemplating their career from 
a rather more distant standpoint in time. 

But while we may lengthen the interval which separated the date of com- 
position from the historical occurrence on which the Dialogue is said to 
be based, and so combat the arguments which have been founded on the 
use of the phrase iuvenis admodum, we need not accept the view of those 
who confidently declare that if the work was not written before the acces- 
sion of Domitian it cannot have been written till after his decease. No 
adequate explanation of the difference of style can be suggested on any 
theory which places the date of the Dialogue beside that of the Agricola 
and the Germania : rather we must establish such an interval as will accoimt 
for the development of the peculiar Tacitean diction which has begun 
to show itself, in its main features, in these later treatises. And it must 
not be forgotten that the writer professes to be recording what took place 
by the help of ' memory and recoUection ' alone, memoria et recordatione 
1. 14 — a phrase which, by the way, seems hardly compatible with even 
reliance on notes taken at the time. It would have been impossible for 
him to have achieved this feat after an interval of more than twenty 
years, especially as he professes to narrate the discussion exactly as it 
took place — isdem . . . numeris^ isdemque rationihus . . . servato ordine 
disputationis (1. 19). 

If the statement which Tacitus makes in the introduction to the 
Agricola is, as we have seen, inadequate to prove that the Dialogue could 
not possibly have been written under Domitian, is there any other argument 
that would disprove a supposition which will otherwise account for many 
of the conditions of the problem under investigation ? Here we must 
distinguish between the early principate of Domitian and the reign of 



horror through which Tacitus and other tnie Romans lived in indignant 
silence. Like Nero, Domitian had his ' quinquennium ' ; and it lasted 
even longer than Nero's, though he was throughout his whole reign 
gloomy and sombre, if .not always actively cruel. 'His conduct,' says 
Suetonius, ' was at first a mixture of good and evil, but little by Kttle 
his virtues became vices : need rendered him avaricious, fear made him 
cruel,* — inopia rapax^ metu saevus {Dotn, § 3). If he would have been 
likely to visit with punishment a writer who, in the early years of his 
own reign, indulged in some of the outspoken sentiments which we find in 
the Dialogue, he would have been just as Hkely to act in the same way 
towards one who had written and published during the shorlf reign of his 
immediate predecessor. It must have been quite as safe to tell the story 
of the meeting in Matemus's house, and of how the poet-pleader de- 
clared his intention of going on with his 'republican' tragedies, at 
a time before the temper of the new ruler had showed itself, as it would 
have been in the year immediately before Domitian came to the throne. 
For with the inclination to connect the contracted sphere of eloquence 
with the loss of political freedom, there co-existed in the mind of 
Matemus, as will be shown afterwards, a gener^ appreciation of the 
compensating advantages which the empire had brought in its train, and 
a due regard, in particular, for the benefits conferred on Rome by so 
wise and upright a mler as Vespasian (41. 17). The ground of his 
confident attitude is, in fact, disclosed in his concluding speech. More- 
over, we know that Domitian was a patron of literature. Suetonius tells 
us that he instituted the Quinquatria Minervae, with contests in poetry 
and rhetoric. He used to preside at the quinquennial festival of Jupiter 
Capitolinus, at which both poets and prose writers recited their produc- 
tions, the most successful being decorated with golden crowns. Quin- 
tilian enjoyed under Domitian the same imperial patronage and favour 
that had been extended to him in the previous reigns of Vespasian and 
Titus. It is diflScult to believe, therefore, that the new emperor's accession 
to the throne was the signal for a youthful literary aspirant hke Tacitus at 
once to close his lips in silence. Whether it was published immediately, 
or shown at first only to a few intimate friends, we seem to be almost 
forced, by the conditions of the problem, to infer that the Dialogue was 
written about the year 84-85. Such a theory gains, in the first place, 
a sufficient interval between the date of composition and the historic 
frame-work, while, on the other hand, it allows a sufficient length of time 
for the development of the style of Tacitus as we afterwards know it. If 
the Dialogue was published at once, it is just possible that the long silence 
which Tacitus maintained during the reign of Domitian may have been 


partly due to some expression of disapproval that had been conveyed to 
him. The tone of Matemus's reference to some of the court favourites 
(13. lo) may very well have been a ground of oflfence. Eprius Mar- 
cellus was, indeed, dead and gone, and cannot have held a high place in 
the emperor's memories of the past : Domitian may not have loved his 
father, but it is impossible that he can have had any liking for conspirators ^ 
Vibius Crispus, on the other hand, continued to flourish at the imperial 
court till his death at an advanced old age, in the year a.d. 93. But even 
under Titus such persons as Crispus, who worked their way to power by 
the methods of the delaior, had begun to be in less request (Suet. Zi/. 8). 
It is just as likely that any displeasure which the emperor may have 
expressed was occasioned by the general complexion of the work as by 
any particular utterance. And after all such displeasure cannot have 
been very deeply felt. The writer had not been guilty of any disparaging 
allusions to Domitian himself or to the circumstances of his reign, and 
his political theories must have been shared by many in the Rome of 
that day. Without some reference to them, and some discussion of their 
merits, the schools of rhetoric, in which he had been trained, would have 
failed for want of material. 

While admitting that there is nothing improbable in the theory that 
the author may have received some indication of imperial displeasure *, 
I cannot agree with Wolflf in identifying Tacitus with the unknown writer 
referred to by Quintilian in his enumeration of the historians of Rome (x. i, 
104). Such a work as the Dialogus de Oratorihus cannot have given Tacitus 
any claim to a place in that catalogue, and we do not know what progress 
he had made with the preliminary task of coUecting material for his his- 
torical writings by the time when Quintilian published the Institutio (about 
95 A.D.), in which the first chapter of the Tenth Bookis incorporated prob- 
ably as an abstract of the substance of much previous teaching. We shall 
find that it is highly probable that it was the influence of Quintilian which 
directed Tacitus, along with Fabius Justus and others, to the investigation 
of such problems as that set forth in the Dialogue^ for the treatment of 
which their youthful intellects might otherwise have been immature. But 
Quintilian was worldly enough to know when to assume a courtly tone ', 
and he would hardly have pronounced the eulogy referred to, if its 
unknown subject had incurred tlie emperor's marked displeasure. 

* See p. XV, note, longius provectam non abnuerim/ and 

' There is a personal touch about the again * rara iemporum felicitate ubi sen- 

phrases used in the Introduction to the tire quae velis et quae sentias dicere 

Histories, which seems to give this theory licet.* 

an additional appearance of probability : ^ See Intiod. to Book X, p. xi. 

* dignitatem nostram . . . a Domitiano 

C 2 


With the theory that the Dialogue was written by Tacitus when about 

thirty years of age, an^ that the conversation at which he professes to have 

been present tbok place some ten years previously, the internal evidence 

offered by the treatise harmonizes very well. We shall find that the 

style is as Ciceronian as was possible for a writer living towards the end 

of the first century : a natural phenomenon in the case of one who had 

begun his career as an orator ^, and who was embodying in this treatsie 

the fruits of his early rhetorical and literary studies. The later style of 

Tacitus is very different, but it would have been out of place in such 

a work as this, even if we could suppose that he had already developed it 

at the time when the Dialogue appears to have been written. Then he 

no doubt shared in that reaction against Seneca of which Quintilian 

made himself the chief exponent, — some of the features of the philo- 

sopher's style and mode of thought being exemplified in the person of 

Aper, for criticism by others with whom Tacitus had more literary and 

personal sympathy : afterwards the bitter experience of public affairs at 

Rome and the iron pressure of a cruel despotism led him to adopt, 

in dealing with altogether different subject matter, the concentrated 

vigour of the terse, pithy, and pointed style for which his name now 

stands as a synonym. Those who question his authorship of the 

Dialogue, on the ground of difference of style, base their case on reasons 

which would lead them also, as Mr. Simcox says, to ' doubt the genuine- 

ness of Mr. Carlyle's early essays in the Edinhurgh Review if he had not 

collected them himself.' While Cicero is undoubtedly Tacitus's model 

in the Dialogue, the treatise contains clear traces of the writer s own 

individuality, besides unmistakeable coincidences, as regards words and 

phrases, with the usage of the historical books \ There is a considerable 

correspondence also between the criticisms pronounced on Roman 

orators and others in the Dialogue, and what Tacitus says about the 

same individuals elsewhere : this will be brought out in the notes (e. g. 

on 5. 32)'. The eulogy of republican eloquence and of the orators of 

old, in ch. 36, may be compared with the speech put into the mouth 

of C. Silius when advocating the enforcement of the lex Cincia {Ann. 

xi. 6) : and one of his sentences (pulcherrimam alioquin et bonarum 

ariium principem sordidis ministeriis foedari) reminds the reader of 

another famous passage in the Dialogue (32. 18) ui quae olim omnium 

* See Pliny, Epp. ii. i, 6 ; 11, 17 ; iv. Pomponius Secundus, 18. 9 and Ann. xii. 

13, 10. 28, V. 8; for Vipstanus Messalla, 15. 4 

^ See next page : also xlvii sq. and Hist. iv. 42 ; for Eprius MarceUus, 

' Compare the references to Cassius 6. 30 and Hist. iv. 6^ Ann. xvi. 22 ad fin. 

Severus, 26. 16 with Ann. i. 72, 13; for and ibid. 29. 

Caesar cp. 21. 20 and Ann. xiii. 3 ; for 


ariium domina pukherrimo comitatu peciora impUhai nunc . . . guasi 
una ex sordidissimis artificiis discatur. The habit of ethical reflection 
and shrewd psychological observation which manifests itself repeatedly in 
the historical books is already at work in the Diahgue: 8. 27 divitiae et 
opeSy qucLS /acilius invenies qui vituperet quam qui /astidiat ; 13. 4 
adHgati omni adulationey nec imperantibus unquam satis servi videntur 
nec nohis satis liheri ; 18. 15 vitio autem malignitatis humanae vetera 
semper in laude, praesentia in /astidio esse ; 23. 16 prope ahest ah 
infirmitate in quo sola sanitas laudatur ; 37 ad fin. in ore hominum . . . 
quorum ea natura est ut secura vellicent ; 40. 5 cum . . . ad incessendos 
principes viros^ ut est natura invidiae, populi quoque ut histriones aurihus 
uterentur. Such an expression as ut est natura invidiae, though it 
may of course be paralleled from other writers, has a sort of family 
likeness to quae natura pavoris est, Hist. iii. 84, 20 ; cupidine ingenii 
humani lihentius ohscura credendiy ih. i. 22, 16; ut /erme acerrima 
proximorum odia sunty ih. iv. 70, 12, and many other phrases familiar to 
students of Tacitus. The closing deliverance of Matemus, ch. 41 ad fin. 
nunCf quoniam nemo eodem tempore adsequi potest magnam /amam et 
magnam quietem, hono saeculi sui quisque citra ohtrectationem alierius 
utatur reminds the reader of the famous utterance in the Agricola 
(42, 18) sciant quibus moris esi inlicita mirari^ posse eiiam suh malis 
principibus magnos viros esse^ obsequiumque ac modesiiam^ si indusiria 
ac vigor adsinty eo laudis escendere quo plerique per abrupta, sed in 
nullum rei publicae usum, amhitiosa morte inclaruerunt. The sentiment 
of acquiescence in the necessity for the rule of a single man, which finds 
expression in this closing speech, is another element in the identification : 
the whole political tone* is quite consistent with that which we know 
was adopted by Tacitus. Again, that feeling of regret for the past which 
seems to have entered into the very composition of the historian's genius 
is exemplified in the poet-pleader^s first speech (11-13), with its beautiful 
picture of a golden age (cp. Ann. iii. 26). But it is in the sphere of 
moral sentiment that the resemblance is most pronounced. Messalla's 
lament over the ohlivio moris antiqui (28. 6) is fitly put into his mouth 
by the writer who made even his Germania an opportunity for introduc- 
ing weighty reflections on the moral decadence of Rome. Here Messalla 
speaks for Tacitus, — the Tacitus whom we know from his other works. 
When the speaker bewails the general effacement of the *good old 
ways,* the shamelessness of the present day (29. 7), the decay of careful 
moral training at home (29. 2), he is uttering the sentiments of the writer 

^ See p. zxxix. 


who in the Agricola congratulates his hero on the loving care of a pure 
and pradent mother (4, 7), and who in the Germania points the contrast 
between savage virtue and civilized corraption in the well-known words 
ntmo illic vitia ridet^ nec corrumpere et corrumpi saeculum vocatur . . . 
plusque ihi boni mores valeni quam alibi bonae leges (19 ad fin.). 



We may now endeavour to obtain an idea of the contents of the 
Dialogue, though the attempt to analyze its substance must necessarily 
anticipate some of the problems which will require to be dealt with 

The treatise may be taken as consisting of three main parts, to the 
first of which is prefixed an introduction (chs. 1-4) setting forth the 
circumstances in which the conversation narrated is said to have taken 
place, while the third is finished ofF with a concluding chapter (42) 
describing the breaking up of the company. 

The first part of the dialogue proper extends from ch. 5 to ch. 13, 
and contains two speeches, one by Aper, the other by Maternus. 

The second part begins with the entrance of a new member of the 
company, Messalla (ch. 14), and again contains two speeches, one by 
Aper, the other by Messalla. It ends with an interraption by Matemus 
in ch. 27. 

The third (chs. 28-41) is the most important section, as dealing 
with the real subject of the treatise. It contains the great lacuna, the 
existence of which (and the hypothesis of another) has given rise to 
a great difiiculty in regard to the distribution of the speakers' parts. 
Messalla is the main disputant from ch. 28 up to the point at which 
his discourse is lost, at the end of ch. 35. At ch. 36 another speaker 
begins, though the first part of what he says is also lost. There is 
nothing in the external form of the text to show that he is not Maternus 
(as would naturally be supposed from the words Finierai Matemus^ 
ch. 42), or that the speech from ch. 36 to ch. 41 is not a continuous 
whole. But a nearer consideration of the general scheme of the 


treatise will reveal the difficulties which attach to this, and, indeed, to 
any other theory. 

It is important to note that, though it is not directly treated till the 
beginning of the third part, the real subject of the Dtalogue is clearly 
and distinctly stated in the very opening sentence. It is the decadence 
and dethronement of eloquence. The causes of this phenomenon 
had formed the theme of frequent discussion between the writer and 
his friend, Justus Fabius : saepe ex me requiris, luste Fabi, cur^ cum priora 
saecula iot emineniium oratorum ingeniis gloriaque floruerint^ nostra potis- 
simum aetas deserta et laude eloquentiae orbata vix nomen ipsum oratoris 
retineat. The writer is conscious of the greatness of the subject, and of 
his own inability to do justice to it ; but he professes to be in a position 
to deal with it by simply rehearsing, exactly as it occurred, a conversation 
to which he had been privileged to listen when a very young man. He 
was then a student at the bar, and had attached himself, as was the 
manner of such students, to two of the most famous pleaders of the day, 
Marcus Aper and Julius Secundus. In company with them, he went to 
call on the poet-pleader, Curiatius Maternus, whose recitation of his 
tragedy Cato on the previous day, and his avowed preference of poetry 
over oratory, form the subject of some introductory dialogue. Referring 
to the oflfence that was alleged to have been taken at some of the senti- 
ments expressed in the Cato^ Secundus asks Maternus if he intends to 
revise and alter his drama in any way ; to which Matemus replies, in 
the most outspoken manner, that it will be published exactly as it was 
read, and that he has on hand another tragedy, the ThyesteSy which 
will foUow his Cato and supply any omissions. On this Aper makes 
a somewhat angry protest against what he considers the wrong-headed- 
ness of Matemus in dissipating his energies on such productions, when 
he might have his hands fuU of forensic work. Matemus replies 
that their frequent diflferences in regard to this matter rather take the 
edge oflf Aper's attack, but oflfers to leave it in the hands of Secundus, 
who will either forbid him to write poetry, or else, as he himself would 
prefer, use his influence to constrain him to leave the narrow groove of 
professional work at the bar and give himself wholly over to the com- 
panionship of the Muses. He appeals to Secundus as one on whose 
sympathies he can depend (3. 9) ; and Secundus confesses to a certain bias 
by the reference which he makes to his intimate friendship with the poet 
Saleius Bassus. Aper, however, retorts that it is quite diflferent with those 
who are poets and nothing else, and proceeds to impeach Maternus for 
his neglect of the art of oratory. 

Aper's speech consists of a eulogy of oratoria eloquentia in respect of its 


serviceableness (uiilitas\ the pleasure which it confers {volupias), and the 
prestige (digniias : /ama, laus) which it wins for the orator (chs. 5-8), 
with a corresponding depreciation of poetry as being ahogether barren 
and unprofitable in all these respects (chs. 9, 10). Aper is the realist, 
the practical man of the Dialogue^ whose formula in estimating the 
worth of poetry is the familiar Cui bono? (9. 5). In the hour of need, 
it is to the pleader, he says, that even poets must have recourse. 
Saleius Bassus has to beg people to be good enough to come and hear 
him give a reading of what he has written with so much expenditure of 
time and trouble; and even this costs him money. Eprius Marcellus, 
on the other hand, and Vibius Crispus hold a glorious place. Their 
friendship is a real boon to the emperor, as bringing him something 
which it passes the power even of an emperor to give : while Bassus has 
to be thankful if princely favour should enrich him, as it lately did, with 
a gift of money that only serves to bring his dependence on his patron 
into greater rehef. Yet Aper is not without an appreciation of poetry, 
in its proper place. His quarrel is not with poetry, but with Maternus's 
preference for poetry : iecum mihi^ Maierne, res esi quod^ cum naiura ie 
in ipsam arcem eloqueniiae ferai^ errare mavis ei summa adepiurus in 
kvioribus subsisiis . . . nunc ie ab audiioriis ei iheairis in forum ei ad 
causas ei ad vera proelia voco (ch. 10). In concluding his impeachment, 
Aper points out that poets of Maternus's temperament do not even enjoy 
the advantage of quiet security and freedom from oflfence ; more will be 
forgiven to the pleader who is outspoken on behalf of a Uving friend 
and client than to a poet who goes out of his way to extol the virtues 
of a dead Cato. 

The short reply of Maternus (chs. 11-13) forms one of the most 
interesting portions of the book. The personal contrast between him 
and Aper is crystallized in two phrases which occur at the opening of 
the eleventh chapter: Aper had spoken acrius, ui solebai, ei intenio 
arcy Maternus is remissus ei subridens, To this picture both characters 
remain true throughout the piece. In glowing language, * fitter for a poet 
than for an orator,' Matemus eulogizes the poet's life as the ideal to 
which he intends henceforward to devote himself. Conscious of his 
own blamelessness, he has no fear that he will ever be called upon to 
exert his oratorical powers except in the defence of others {pro alierius 
discrimine), It is the charm of the poet's life that has captivated him : 
'mid the quiet of grove and glade will he live, in the hallowed haunts of 
song, far from the * madding crowd ' of clients and suitors and morning- 
callers. And the poet is as famous, he contends, as the orator : Homer 
does not bow before Demosthenes, and Cicero meets with more detraction 


nowadays than Vergil. In contemporary life, a Secundus Pomponius 
may hold his own with a Domitius Aper. As for Crispus and Marcellus, 
he envies them not: freedmen are often as powerful as they, and they 
have to pay the penalty of their position : nec tmperanitbus unquam satis 
servi viderUur nec nobis saiis liberi, 

Matemus concludes in a sort of ecstasy of inspiration {concitaius et 
velut instinctus), and at this point (ch. 14) the company is re-inforced 
by the entrance of Vipstanus Messalla. He apologizes for his intrusion; 
but, on being reassured by Secundus, expresses his gratification at finding 
his friends interested in such discussions as that on which they had just 
been engaged. Secundus he congratulates on his literary sympathies, and 
Aper, more ironically, on his adherence to the topics of the schools, and 
his exaltation of the methods and exercises of the new rhetoric over the 
wider culture of the orators of old. This brings us to the real subject 
of the treatise, the decadence of oratory, which Messalla says he often 
tries to explain to himself, and cannot believe that Aper means seriously 
to deny. The two speeches of which the next part consists (16-27), 
those of Aper and Messalla, tum on the comparative merits of Ciceronian 
and contemporary eloquence. 

Aper begins with a protest (16, 17) against the use of the term 

antiqui. He refuses to admit that the orators of the late republic and 

the early empire (Cicero, Caesar, Caelius, Calvus, Bratus, Asinius, 

Messalla) are ancients at alL Both navi and antiqui may be said 

to fall within the limits of a single life : in Britain he had himself seen an 

old man who had fought against Caesar, and so might conceivably have 

heard Cicero. The classical period, in fact, is not yet over. There is 

no essential difiference between ' new ' and * old^,' except in the minds 

of those who habitually disparage the present as compared with the past : 

vitio malignitatis humanae vetera semper in laude, praesentia in fastidio, 

Eloquence, like everything else, passes through stages of development ; 

it is not tied down to one fashion of feature : mutantur cum temporibus 

formae quoque etgenera dicendi. Contemporary tendencies may be justified 

by an improved standard of taste and a developed culture. 

It was not from lack of ability or ignorance that Cassius Severas, with 

whom the decline is said to have begun, adopted his peculiar style : he set 

himself deliberately (iudicio et intellectii) to efifect a change that was called 

for by an age which had now grown weary of the old dukiess and want 

of polish (tristem et impexam antiqmtatem), The long and wearisome 

^ Cp. Hor. Epist. ii. i, 36 sqq. : Perfectos Teteresqne referri debet an 

Scriptor abhinc annos centnm qni de- Viles atque novos. Excludat iurgia 

cidit, inter finis. 



compositions of former days, with their intricate arrangement and 
technical divisions — the * book-speeches ' made to order according to 
the precepts of Hermagoras and ApoUodorus — must give place to the 
animation and refinement {laeittiam et pulchriiudinem orationis) that have 
now become indispensable : novis et exquisitis eloquentiae itinerihus opus 
est per quae orator fastidium aurium effugiat. Finishing with a short 
review of the antiqui (21-23), Aper contends that the Ciceronian 
age is really overrated : Calvus, Caelius, Caesar, Brutus, Asinius Pollio, 
Messalls^ Corvinus, and Cicero himself, are weighed in the balance and 
found wanting. In one case the diction is slovenly {sordes verborum), 
and the rhythm defective {hians compositio) : in others there is a want of 
the 'buoyancy and polish' that mark present-day eloquence (Jaetitiam 
nitoremque nostrorum temporum). When those who confine their ad- 
miration to the past praise its speakers for their 'sound, pure style,' 
they only confess that these speakers were wanting in vigour : parum est 
aegrum non esse,/brtem et laetum et alacrem volo : prope ahest ah infirmitaie 
in quo sola sanitas laudatur. 

When Aper has finished, Matemus (while complimenting him on his 
spirited and ingenious defence of his own age) calls on Messalla to fulfil 
his promise to set forth the causes of a decline which he himself regards 
as an established fact. Messalla's speech (25-27) consists of a vigorous 
vindication of the antiqui from Aper's accusations, and an attack on 
the * curling-tongs and jingle-jingle ' {calamistros et tinniius) of such 
later speakers as Maecenas and Gallio, with a general impeachment of 
his own times as degenerate and effeminate. He is prepared to cite 
examples from the past, and match them against any which Aper may 
put forward ; but Maternus again interrupts, and recalls the speaker to 
the original theme. It is the explanation of the phenomenon, he says, 
that they wish to have from him, not a mere statement of fact. Messalla 
then proceeds (ch. 28) to unfold the causes of the decline of eloquence 
from two points of view, taking first the methods of early nurture and 
theoretical training which obtained in former days, and contrasting them 
with the laxity and indifference of his own time (28-32), and then, after 
a few remarks from Matemus, comparing also the practical exercises 
of the antiqui with those of the novi (33-35). 

It is in this part of the treatise that the author of the Dialogue first 
begins to discuss directly the answer to the question announced in the 
opening sentence. That Messalla is meant to appear as a * laudator 
temporis acti ' is obvious from the fact that he leads off by at once attri- 
buting the decline, not only of eloquence, but of the other arts as well to 
desidia iuventutis et neglegentia parenium et inscitia praecipientium et ohlivio 


moris anttquu In former days, he says, children were brought up by their / 
own mothers, who exercised a watchful care that was afterwards fruitful 
in results : suus cuique filius . . . non in cella emptae nuiricis, sed in gremio 
ac sinu matris educahatur^ cuius praecipua laus erattueri domum et inservire 
liheris. But now they are handed over to Greek nurses and pedagogues^ 
whose worthless characters are speedily reflected in the minds of their 
charges. Moral supervision on the part of parents is a thing of the 
past : indeed their influence is rather the other way. Next Messalla 
complains that a narrow training in rhetoric has been substituted for 
that wide philosophical culture which was the strength of the speakers of 
bye-gone days. Seeing that the orator is one who must be able to 
speak fitly and persuasively on any and every topic, he ought to receive 
the broadest possible education, including law and history, philosophy 
and science. The neglect of what made Cicero great is, in Messalla's 
judgment, the first and foremost reason of the decay of eloquence : ergo 
hanc primam et praecipuam causam arhitror cur in tantum ah eloqueniia 
antiquorum oratorum recesserimus. There are others, but these he will 
leave his friends to explain. Matemus, however (ch. 33), suggests that the 
contrast he has laid down between the ignorant apathy of his own day 
and the enthusiastic and fruitful application of the ancients {differentiam 
nostrae desidiae et inscitiae adversus acerrima et /ecundissima eorum studia) 
ought to be foUowed up by a comparison of the practical exercises (exerci- 
tationes) formerly engaged in by aspirants to oratorical fame with those to 
which they are confined and hmited now. What should be the character 
of the training which is meant to serve as a practical preparation for the 
exercise of the barrister's profession ? This leads Messalla to paint a 
vivid picture (34) of the Roman youth of former days, who after the most 
careful home-training, and instruction in all the branches of a liberal 
education {imbutus iam domestica disciplina, refertus honestis studiis) was 
introduced by his father or some other relative to one of the most 
eminent orators and statesmen of the day, under whose immediate 
auspices he speedily acquired familiarity with the actual practice of his 
profession. He leamed his craft under a master's eye, studying it, not in 
any cloistered retreat, but in the open Hght of day, and face to face with 
critical situations {in media luce atque inter ipsa discrimina). It was on 
the battle-field, in fact, that he received lessons in the art of war [pugnare 
in proelio discehat), What a contrast between the great opportunities 
thus afforded of drinking at the well of eloquence pure and undefiled, 
gauging the popular taste, and gaining experience of real issues, — and 
the narrowing influences of the school of rhetoric, with its unedi- 
•fying companionship, its artificial methods, its stock subjects for empty 



declamation ^ I No sufficient preparation can be provided there for the 
concrete issues of actual experience. . . . 

Here Messalla's speech breaks off abruptly. . The rest of it is lost in 
a lacuna which the indications of the manuscripts enable us to infer' 
must have originally contained about one-ninlh part of the whole trea- 
tise. The next speaker begins in the middle of a sentence, as Messalla 
had left off. His identity will be discussed below, as well as the various 
theories put forward by editors and critics as to the distribution of 
parts in this last section of the Dialogue ' : meanwhile the speech 
may be treated as forming (after the lost introduction) a continuous whole 
(chs. 36-41). 

Its main purpose is to emphasize the fact that the conditions of the 
political constitution of the old free-state were more favourable for the 
growth and development of eloquence : though it does not conclude with- 
out a reference to the compensating advantages which are secured by 
a more stable form of govemment. In the first place, eloquence was 
a much larger factor then than it is now : like fire, it needs fuel to feed it, 
and in those troublous times (}lla perturhaiione ac licentia) there was fuel 
in abundance. This was the speaker's opportunity : a career,was open 
to him so long as power rested with the fickle populace, whose judgment 
he could sway by his eloquence. We see now how distracting it all was 
to the country ; but what else could have provided the orator with the 
field he needs? Where else was he to look for such rich rewards? 
Eloquence was, in fact, a necessary and indispensable passport to 
public life. No one could get on without it. And the sphere of 
oratory was far greater and more important then than now. Bribery at 
elections, the pillaging of provinces, the butchery of fellow-citizens — such 

' VThe detailed contrast made in this the teacher in the anangement of material, 

'< passage (86 ad fin.) should be speciaUy "* the student of rhetoric had to put himself 

noted. In regard to the place of instruc- in the position, for example, of Aga- 

tion, the forum has been supplanted by memnon, debating whether he ought to 

the schools of rhetoric. Instead of the slay Iphigenia. The controzfersiae were 

exempla veterum the leamer has no more dimcult, and involved a greater 

model now save the performances of amountofconcretelegalargument. Their 

his feUow-students. And for the daily subject matter was either altogether ficti- 

practice of the great law-courts are now tious (cp. quam incredibiliter compo- 

substituted the barren and unreal escer- sitc^, 85. lO), or was made to depend 

citaiiones of the technical school. These somehow or other on a historical occur- 

are referred to under their two main renceoraquestion ofpresent-dayinteresL 

heads, swisoriae and cotttroversiae. The Thus criminal cases were often taken, 

former consbted of arguments for or the students appearing both for the pro- 

against coming to some resolution, and secution and uie defence. See notes cui 

were directed mainly to the cultivation loc,y and cp. Quint. x. i, *j\ ; also Bur- 

of the imaginative faculty. Persons and ~^ sian's edition of Annaeus Seneca. 

situations were chosen from legend or ' See pp. Ixxxi-lxxxii. 

histoiy, and, with some assistance from ' See pp. xzxviii sq. 


incidents as these, however regrettable in themselves, were far more ^ 
inspiring than the routine practice of police-courts and petty-sessions. 
Political and social disturbance is the best stimulant for oratory. Every 
one knows that peace is to be preferred to war ; but it is war that brings 
out the soldier. So it is with eloquence (chs. 37, 38). 

Again, the forms of judicial procedure and the practice of the law- 
courts were more conducive to good speaking in former days. Then 
a pleader could take as much time as he liked, and there was a very 
wide freedom of adjoumment. And the centumviral courts, — ^the great 
sphere of forensic oratory now, — ^were formerly of little account : they 
were eclipsed by the brilliant surroundings of other tribunals (splendore 
aliorum tudtciorum obruebantur). Morever, the habit of speaking in 
the paenula, and in chambers or ofdces, is not favourable to oratorical 
animation. The stimulus of an audience is wanting, and the incitement 
of applause: things are not now as they were in the days when the 
forum was crowded with an interested assemblage, when deputations 
came up from the country-towns to show their interest in a case, — cum 
in plerisque iudiciis crederet populus Romanus sua interesse quid iudicaretur, 
And in former times the frequent public meetings, and the notoriety to 
be gained by the impeachment of distinguished individuals, supplied 
a great stimulus. Again must the truth be stated: eloquence thrives 
on disorder. Non de otiosa et quieta re loquimur et quae probitak et 
modestia gaudeat^ sed est magna illa et notabilis eloquentia alumna licentiae^ 
quam stulti libertatem vocabant, comes seditionum, effrenati populi incitamen- 
tum, sine obsequio, sine veritate, contumax, temeraria, adrogans, quae in 
bene constitutis civitatibus non oritur, At Athens, where power lay in 
the hands of the multitude, orators were numerous ; at Rome, in earlier 
days, there was greater oratorical vigour, but the country had a heavy 
price to pay in the attempted revolution of the Gracchi and in the 
death of Cicero (chs. 39, 40). 

From this point of view, the surviving traces of the old forum are only 
a proof of a society that falls short of ideal perfection. In the ideal 
state, free from all taint of wrong-doing, the orator will be as super- 
fluous as the physician among those that are not sick. Minor oratorum 
hanor obscuriorque gloria est inter bonos mores et in obsequium regentis 
paratos, The transference of power from the popular assembly to the 
emperor {sapientissimus et unus), with all the consequent changes, has con- 
tracted the sphere of eloquence. Circumstances alter cases. If you, my 
friends (the speaker concludes), had lived under the republic, and if the old 
orators had changed places with you, you could not have failed to 
achieve the highest oratorical renown, while they would not have been 


4 found wanting in the moderation and self-restraint that are called for 
under existing conditions. It is here that we must look for the recon- 
ciliation of opposing views. Great oratoripal fame is inconsistent now 
with the settled calm which pervades the state : let us be thankful for 
the latter without disparaging the conditions under which the former 
was attainable : nunc quoniam nemo eodem tempore adsequi potesi magnam 
famam et magnam quietem^ hono saecuU sui quisque citra ohtrectationem 
alterius utatur (ch. 41). 

Messalla would have liked to state some points in reply (he was 
a more thorough-going champion of the old order), and to enlarge on 
others. Maternus promises him an opportunity. For the present, he 
bids Aper farewell, threatening that he will tell the poets about him, 
while Messalla will stir up the lovers of the past. Aper retorts that he 
will carry his complaint about them to the rhetoricians of the schools. 

"" And so they part, in great good-humour. 


The Interlocutors and their Parts. 

The unity of the Dialogue has been the subject of much discussion. 
No two editors are altogether agreed about its scheme or plan, and even 
its main motive has been called in question. We cannot pretend to 
determine now the extent to which the treatise embodies a conversation 
which may have actually occurred — how far it has a historical foundation, 
and how far it is the product of the writer's imagination. There can be 
no doubt, however, that it rests on a certain basis of fact. The dramatis 
personae are all historical personages ; and even though they may all have 
been dead at the time when Tacitus wrote, he would not have been likely 
to invent all the circumstances of the meeting at which they are repre- 
sented as having interchanged views with one another. But we cannot 
meet the charges that have been made against the construction of the 
treatise, against its unity of plan and purpose, by taking refuge in the 
argument that it is simply a narrative, as accurate as the writer's recollec- 
tion could make it, of a conversation which actually took place, and which 
he reports exactly as it occurred. In that case, no greater unity could 


be looked for than might belong to any conversation among friends who 
make a more or less casual meeting the opportunity of indulging in a 
somewhat formal debate on a given subject. In spite, however, of the 
disclaimer of original treatment which is made in the introductory chapter 
(isdem numeris isdemque rationihus)^ no one will be found to contend that 
the writer is merely reporting, so far as he could recall them to memory, 
the ipsissima verba of the several speakers. The main lines were noj 
doubt laid down for him: he adheres to the order of debate [servaio 
ordine dispuiationis\ and the sentiments expressed by the various indi- 
viduals are evidently in accord with the views which they may have put 
forward on the occasion referred to, or at least with those which they 
were known to have entertained. But the writer is more than a mere 
reporter : he is a constructive artist who, with one main purpose in view, 
must have set himself to weld together in a harmonious whole the various 
materials on which he had elected to work. 

Such defects, or rather difficulties, of plan and construction as have 
been charged against the treatise, are obviously attributable to the incom- 
plete and mutilated condition in which it has come down to us. As to 
its main motive and purpose, there can be no reasonable doubt. It is an 
attempt to discover and set forth the reasons why eloquence no longer 
flourishes at Rome as it did in the days of Cicero. Some have thought 
that the proper subject of the Dialogue is the comparative worth of poetry 
and eloquence, and the question w^hich of the two branches a man of genius 
and Culture ought, in existing political circumstances, to devote himself 
to. But this is the subject merely of the introductory part of the piece 
(chs. 1-14), which serves not only as the * setting' of the whole, but also 
as a preparation for the note which is sounded in the closing chapters. 
The causes of the decline of eloquence are not, indeed, directly dealt 
with till the twenty-eighth chapter : but the part immediately preceding 
(chs. 15-27), in which Aper and Messalla debate the comparative 
merits of * ancient ' and * modern ' eloquence, is necessary to the com- 
position of the whole and quite in place as leading up to the main subject 
of the treatise. In spite of the aberrations of some editors, nothing can 
be plainer than the fact that it is the reason of the decay of oratory that 
is the chief topic of discussion ^. That was a phenomenon which must 

* See not only the opening sentence of 
the first ohapter, Saepe ex me requiris, &c. 
(with which cp. eandam hanc qttaestio- 
nem, 1. lo), but also 15. lo Ac velim 
impetratum ab aliquo vestrum ut causas 
huim infinitae differentiae scrutetur 
ac reddat ; 24. ii exprome nobis non 
Uudationem antiquorum . . . sed cansas 

cur in tantum ad eloquentia eorum reces- 
serimus ; 27. a neque enim hoc colligi 
desideramus, disertiores esse antiquos . . . 
sed cansas exquirimus; 32. 22 ergo hanc 
primam et praecipuam causam arbitror 
cur in tantum ab eloquentia antiquorum 
orcUorum recesserimus. 


have forced itself on the notice of all interested observers, as of great 
moment not only in itself, but also in relation to the causes which had 
brought it about. In the new condition of things introduced by the 
establishment of the empire, eloquence had little room left it for exercise 
and development. Its sphere had become narrowed and confined. The 
forum was no longer the political centre of gravity. Debarred from 
questions of importance, such as had afforded free scope for the oratory 
of former days, the art of rhetoric now bid her diminished head in the 
inferior law-courts, and in the unreal atmosphere of the schools of 
declamation. Empty superficiality and mechanical routine usurped the 
place of the power that had formerly swayed the hearts of men : ut quae 
olim omnium artium domina pulcherrimo comitaiu pectora implebat, nunc 
circumcisa et amputata^ sine apparatu, sine honore^ paene dixerim sine 
ingenuitatey quasi una ex sordidissimis artificiis discatur (32. 19). No 
discussion of the causes of this decline could fail to take note of the 
change in the public taste, of the altered conditions of education at 
Rome, of the new political circumstances : and these are some of the 
topics treated in the Dialogue, 

As to the construction and plan of the work, the main difiiculty hinges 
on the great lacuna which occurs at the close of the thirty-fifth chapter, 
and the distribution of parts in what follows. This must afFect our 
estimate of the part played in the debate (i) by Secundus, and (2) by 
Maternus. There is less doubt about Messalla, and none at all about 
Aper. Aper's attitude may be plainly enough inferred from the account 
already given of the contents of the treatise. He is a realist and a utili- 
tarian \ who has made his way by hard work at the bar, and who knows 
both the value of the position he has achieved and the best methods of 
securing it \ He speaks with the strong professional feeling of a man 

* Nam st ad utilitatem Tntae omnia derived no support from any extraneoxis 
consilia factaque nostra derigenda sunt^ accomplishments.' The passage is not 
6. 18 : cp. Quint. x. 7, 17. free from difficulty, and some have asked 

* Attention has been called to the re- whether Aper would not have more natu- 
semblance between Aper in the Dialogue rally desired to enhance his reputation 
and Antonius in the De Oratore of for natural ability rather than for * hard 
Cicero, especially in respect of their atti- work.' But there was no need for that : 
tude towards culture : cp. probabiliorem even his detractors acknowledged his 
hoc populo orationem fore censebat suam natural endowments (2. 1 1 : cp. de Or. ii. 
si omnino didicisse numquam putaretur §i,Or. §143, of Antonius). Theythought 
(de Or. ii. § 4) with Aper omni erudi- that he possessed great natural ability, 
tione imbutus contemnebat potius literas but was deficient in training and cultnre. 
qtuim nesciebcUy tamquam maiorem in- Tacitus, his pupil, says he was not: on 
dustriae et laboris gloriam haMturus si the contrary, he was omni eruditione 
ingenium eius nullis alienarum artium imbutus. But at the same time he re- 
adminiculis inniti videretur (Dial. 2. presented, as a speaker, the tendencies of 
14). Aper *believed Ihat he would the new rhetoric (14. 21). While pro- 
enhanee the fame of his painstaking ap- fessing a sympathetic feeling for literature 
plicafion if people thought that his genius (10. 13), fie knew that, in practioe, the 


who is conscious of what he owes to his art. He had come up to RomeJ 
from a Gaulish province as a novus homo, and had risen by the force of 
his eloquence to high office. The approval of his audience, the gratitude 
of clients, the favour of the great, are to him the things chiefly worth 
striving for : why a man who could command all these should elect to be 
a poet rather than an orator passes his comprehension. As a stylist, he 
is the representative of the tendencies of which Quintilian expresses 
his disapproval. There is a certain striving after eflfect, which seems to 
indicate an exaltation of form over substance ; and in the ' nominis contro- 
versia' with which he introduces his disparagement of the *antiqui' (16, 17) 
we recognize the sophistic habit of debate, by which he might have stolen 
a march upon a more unwary audience. Aper is all for piquancy and 
point : colores senienitarum, lumina orationis, niior et cultus descriptiomm^ 
— these were evidently as much to him as they were to Seneca himself. 
Even Cicero he appraises by this standard, and finds him just tolerable. 
It was in his more mature years that Cicero, according to Aper, began 
to discover what true style really was : locos quoque laetiores atlemptavit 
et quasdam senieniias invenit, uiique in iis orationibus quas senior iam 
et iuxta finem vitae composuit^ id est^ postquam usuque et experimentis 
didicerat quod optimum dicendi genus essei^ 22. 7. His earlier speeches 
are liot free from the faults of a former age : he is slow and tedious, 
wahting in passion, and destitute of what Aper and his friends valued 
most, showy passages, epigrams, and ^ quotable bits ' : pauci sensus apte 
et cum quodam lumine terminaniur: nihil excerpere, nihil re/erre possis, et 
velut in rudi artificio firmus sane paries et duraiurus sed non satis expolitus 
et splendens, 1. c. His own position he defines in a well-known sentence which 
occurs in the same context : ego autem oratorem^ sicut locupleiem ac lautum 
pairem familiae, non eo iantum volo iecto iegi quod imbrem ac venium arceai^ 
sed eiiam quod visum et oculos delectet^ non ea solum instrui supellectile quae 
necessariis usibus sufficiaiy sed esse in apparaiu eius ei aurum et gemmc^, ut 
sumere in manus et aspicere saepius libeat, It is somewhat surprising that 
so eminent a representative of contemporary tendencies as Aper evidently 
was should nowhere be even alluded to by Quintilian. We may infer 
that, if he was still alive when Tacitus wrote, he had at least withdrawn 
from practice at the bar (cp. tum . . . coniemnebai . . . nesciebaiy ch. 2), 
and that he died without leaving behind him anything fit to enter into the 

prevailing taste no longer required an what was prized by the adherents of the 

orator to give proof of possessing that new school, and it was with the idea of 

wide culture that was the boast of the gaining increased prestige in regard to it 

Ciceronian era (32. 10 : cp. 19 sqq.). that he affected to look down on leaming 

His main interest was in the formal and and culture (e. g. philosophy 31. 25) as 

tedmical aspect of his art That was ' extraneous accomplishments.' 


great rhetorician's review of literature. The probability is that» like 
Secundus, he did not live to attain to the maturity of his powers. 

Aper's chief opponent is Vipstanus Messalla, who is known to us from 
the Histories as an energetic supporter of Vespasian against Vitellius^ 
Messalla is as enthusiastic for the past as Aper is for the present. He 
has no sympathy with the emptiness and unreality of the education which 
was provided in his day, and his instincts as a true-born Roman (the 
only one, by the way, of all the disputants) lead him to dwell fondly on 
the great orators of the past and the causes to which they owed theur 
greatness. To him they realize, far more than any contemporary speaker, 
the ideal of what an orator ought to b^. He saw that the modern 
speciahzation of the studium^ and its absorption in the technicalities and 
trivialities of the schools of rhetoric rendered impossible the acquisition 
of that broad culture and those wide interests which had been the glory 
of Cicero and his contemporaries. It is this that leads him to declaim 
against the views which Aper represents with an intensity of conviction 
and a vigour of language for which he feels impelled half playfully to 
apologize (32 ad fin.). He refers contemptuously to the 'so-called 
rhetoricians ' {expeiuniur quos rheioras vocani^ 30. 5) whose premature 
activity displaced from the education of the Roman youth broader and 
more valuable studies, such as history and philosophy, and robbed it of 
the sound foundation on which it had formerly rested. His speech is 
unfortunately lost just as he is beginning to emphasize the existing 
divorce of the schools from practical life by picturing the discomfiture of 
the aspirant to oratorical renown when he is first transferred from the 
technicalities of the lecture-room to the realities of the forum. Though 
a ' laudator temporis acti ' Messalla was himself no recluse, but a man of 
action. He had taken an active part in the campaign against Vitellius, 
and Tacitus was indebted to him for an account of some of its incidents 
{Hist. iii. 25, 28). His own reputation for eloquence stood high, and 
Aper, in the Dialogue^ makes a complimentary reference to the occasion 
when he had gained great fame at Rome by pleading the cause of his 
less worthy brother, Aquilius Regulus, before the Senate (ch. 15). This 
was in a.d. 70 {Hisi, iv. 42). Messalla must of course have been alive four 
or five years later, when the dialogue is said to have taken place ; but as 
iie is ^ot mentioned in PIiny's Leiiers (where allusions to Regulus are 
frequent) it has been inferred that he too died young. In fact, it may 

^ Legimi tribunus Vipstanus Messalla ! this characterization, such as might have 

praeerat, claris maioribusy egregius ipse, been expected from one who had so 

et qui solus ad id bellum artes bonas direct a knowledge of Messalla as the 

attulissetf Hist. iii. 9. There is a note 1 author of the Dialogue. 
of personal interest and association in 


have been the more or less recent death of all the interlocutors that 
induced Tacitus to bring them together on his canvas. 

Julius Secundus was a friend and contemporary of Quintilian, who 
refers to him more than once in complimentary terms^. From x. i, 121 
we gather that he died prematurely {intercepius\ possibly about the 
year 80 a.d." One characteristic of his style seems to have been 
a certain want of spontaneity: this is indicated in the allusion made 
in ch. 1 to the criticism passed on him by his detractors {quamvis maligne 
plerique opinarmiur nec Secundo promptum esse sermonem ei, &c.), as 
well as in Quintilian's phrase, infiniiae curae^ quoted below. In the 
Dialogue^ as we have it now, he does not play the part that might have 
been expected of him from the prominent way in which he is introduced, 
along with Aper, in the second chapter. His prudent reserve and retiring 
disposition are shown in his question to Matemus about a * safer ' edition 
(securiorem) of that poet's ' Cato/ and in the way in which he deprecates 
the proposal that he should act as arbiter between Matemus and Aper 
(ch. 4). Some critics have held that he altogether declines this proposal, 
and ask where he makes his award, as there is not even a mention of 
him in the closing chapfer. But it should not be forgotten that it is 
only as regards the difference between Maternus and Aper (as to the 
comparative worth of poetry and eloquence) that his arbitration is pro- 
posed; and, though the entrance of Messalla in ch. 14 gives a new turn 
to the debate, Secundus first summarizes the rival speeches, of which the 
introductory part consists, in an impartial deliverance, in which he shows 
due appreciation of the sermo of Aper on the one hand, and the oratio 
of Maternus on the other (14. 6). It is more diflScult to decide whether 
a speech of Secundus may not have been lost in the great lacuna which 
follows ch. 35. On the whole, it appears probable that whether or 
not Secundus contributed a set speech, expressing his individual attitude, 
he at least played a larger part in the debate than would appear from 
the text as we have it now. Too much weight need not be attached to 
what Matemus says (16. 8), when he undertakes, on behalf of Sebundus 
as well as for himself, to supply what Messalla may omit in his presenta- 
tion of the question under discUssion. But, a prioriy it seems improbable 
that Secundus would have been so prominently introduced along with 
Aper in the opening chapter, if his admiring pupil had only intended to 
use him for a few appropriate utterances to mark the development of 

* X. 3, 1 2 aequalem nteum atque a me, oratoris apud posteros foret, et sqq. 

ut notum est^familiariter amatum^mirae ^ The date suggested in my note on 

facundiae mrum, infinitae tamen curae ; Quintilian x. i, lao (A. D. 88) is rightly 

ib. I § 120 lulio Secundo, si longior con- held by Prof. A. S. Wilkins to be several 

tigisset aetas, darissimum profecto nomen years too late. 





the piece. In regard to this point, the interpretation of ch. L ii {cum 
singuli diversas quidem sed probahiles causas adferrent^ dum formam sui 
quisque et animi et ingenii redderent) is of the greatest importance. To 
exclude Secundus from the reference here, would be to practically limit 
it to Messalla and Maternus : on the strictest interpretation of diversas 
causas o^rr^—- occurring as this phrase does after eandem hanc quaes- 
ticnem (cp. 1. \) pertractantes — Aper does not seem to come in, because 
it is not his province to suggest any causae for a decline which he does 
not admit^. Again, if the lacuna really extends over about one-ninth 
of the whole treatise ', it is difficult to imagine what it can have con- 
tained except on the theoiy that Secundus also spoke'. Messalla cannot 
have gone on much longer. His subject ha^ been prescribed for him 
by Matemus in ch. 33. 8 quibus exercitationibus iuvenes iam et forum 
ingressuri confirmare et aiere ingenia sua soliti sint; and unless he 
elaborated the criticism of contemporary methods with which his speech 
breaks off| that subject may be said to have been overtaken before the 
lacuna occurs. On the other handi it is argued that it is more con- 
sistent with what we know of the retiring and unwarlike^ disposition 
of Secundus to conceive him as confiining himself to assisting the progress 
of the acdon by appropriate interpellations : also that no reference is 
made to him in the closing chapter, where Maternus, Messalla, and Aper 
bring the discussion to a close. The theory that we actually have part 
of a speech by Secundus in what fbUows after the lacuna, will be better 
dealt with in connexion with Matemus. 

The fourth and last of the interlocutors in the Dialogue, Curiatius 
Matemus, is the most interesting of all. The author obviously intended 
to put him forward as the leading personage of the piece. It is in his 
house that the discussion takes place. He is introduced as a well-known 
celebrity, who doqs not stand in need of even the brief characterization 

^ The passage is a well-known cruxy 
and the text is comipt. There is of 
course mnch to be said fbr John's view 
that so important a disputant as Aper 
cannot possibly be omitted from the 
risumi given in the words qu(u a frae- 
stantissimis viris et excogitata subtihteret 
dicta graviter cucepi, especially in view 
of the appropriateness, in its application 
to him, of the phrase dum formam sui 
quisque et animi et ingenii redderent, 
John thinks that diversas causas (in 
cum singuli diversas quidem sed proba^ 
biles causcu adferrent) is meant to cover 
Aper's view of the case, the original idea 
of the 'dedine* of eloqnence being ex- 
tended so as to include his position, which 

admits, not a decline, but a change 
(18. 8 : 19 sqq.). On this interpretation 
Neque enim defuit^ &c. (line i8) is added 
to explain the phrase diversas causas in 
line 15. But as the writer's sympathies 
are evidently against Aper, in spite of 
his appreciation of his great abilities, it 
is doubtful if he wonld have called his 
presentation of the question a probabUis 
causa^ and the explanation given in the 
notes is perhaps the safer of the two. 

' See pp. Ixxxi-lxxxii. 

' Some commentators suggest that his 
subject may have been the deterioration 
of style (ehcutio), 

* Ut esset multo magis pugnax, Quint. 

X. I. 130» 


which is given in the same chapter to his two visitors, Aper and J^ 
Secundus. His tragedies are made the occasion of the discussion which 
forms the first part of the treatise ; and it is certain — ^no matter what 
theory of the arrangement of parts may be adopted — that it was he who 
contributed the closing speech (42 Fmierat Makmus), It is he also 
who guides and controls the development of the discussion, speaking in 
ch. 16 for Secundus as well as for himself, bringing out the real points 
at issue in ch. 24, recalling Messalla to it in ch. 27, and prevailing 
on him to continue his speech in ch. 33. As one who has been both 
a poet and a pleader, he is well qualified to decide between the rival 
attractions of the two professions. Already under Nero (11. 9) he had 
distinguished himself by writing a tragedy, which seems not to have 
been without some practical result ; and another tragedy — the * Cato '— 
was now the topic of general conversation at Rome. £ut his resolution 
has been taken. He intends to forsake the profession of advocate (^c 
iam me ddungere a /orensi labore constituiy 11. 12) and to devote himself 
wholly to the pursuit of poetry. Nothing that Aper can urge will shake 
him from his purpose. How long he lived to give eflfect to it is a matter 
of uncertainty. A passage from Dio Cassius ' has been quoted by many 
critics as proving that he lived till 91 a.d., when he was put to death by 
Domitian for undue freedom of speech. But Matemus was a common 
name in imperial times, and the reference may be to another person 
altogether. If he had been the Matemus of the Dialogue^ it is unlikely 
that he would have been designated a 'sophist,' and as practising 
declamadon, so long after he had resigned the profession of advocate 

in favour of poetry. The argument, however, has served to increase 

the difficulty as to Maternus's personality, and to complicate the question 
of the Tacitean authorship of the treatise. It has been contended ' that 
Tacitus would not have ventured, in the reign of Domitian and during 
the lifetime of Maternus, to attribute to the latter sentiments which seem, 
at times, ahnost to antidpate the fate that is said to have afterwards 
overtaken him. It is just as probable, however, that the Maternus of 
the Dialogue had died (like the otherinterlocutors) in the interval between 
A.D. 74-75 and the date at which the treatise was composed. A reference 
to this (and not to the fate of the other Matemus, the o-o^iOT^^) may 
perhaps be detected in the end of ch. 13, where the speaker dwells on 
the thought of death with an inspired prevision which the writer may have 
wished to indicate had been only too well founded. And many difficulties 
as to the general tendency of Matemus's utterances, and consequently 

^ Mir^pww 82 ffwt>i<rHjv, iri kqtcL rvp6anwv tM ri dffitur, dniKTUv^, Dio Cass. bLvii. 1 2. 
* See p. xviii. 


as to thc whole purpose of the Dialogue, are removed, or at least lessened^ 
by the theory that Tacitus followed Cicero'8 example in not introducing 
living personages. However this may be, Matemus is undoubtedly the 
protagonist of the piece. It is through him that Tacitus gives expression 
to his own thoughts. The future historian saw that his work, too, 
would be done, not in the bustle and racket of the forum, but in quiet 
retirement. His regret for the old free-state was tempered, like that of 
Matemus, by a practical acquiescence in the necessity for the empire. 
It is his voice we seem to hear when the poet-pleader expresses his 
preference for Vergirs life of repose (malo securum et quietum Vergtlii 
secessum^ 13. 4), and when, at the end of the debate, he points out that 
every age has its own advantages (nunc quoniam nemo eodem tempore 
adsequi potest magnam/amam et magnam quietem^ bono scuculi sui quisque 
citra obtrectationem alterius utatur^ ch. 41 ad fin.). It is, in fact, by the 
closing speech that the so-called * repubKcanism* of Matemus is reconciled 
and harmonized with existing political conditions. 

Other theories of this closing speech have been put forward by editors, 
and remain to be considered. In this edition it is attributed to Matemus, 
not only on the evidence of the manuscripts, but on other grounds as 
well. It is in it that we find the fullest expression of that spiritual 
sympathy between speaker and writer which was evidently Tacitus's 
motive in making Matemus the main personage of the piece. He is, 
as has been said, the protagonist, with whom the discussion begins and 
ifiith whom it ends. It has not been noted by any commentator that 
the trae expkination of the placid manner in which, in the introduction, 
Materous meets the hasty criticisms which are being advanced against 
his ' Cato,' is to be found in his consciousness of his own position. In 
the first place, these criticisms are nothing but the outcome of popular 
gossip; fahulae maligmrum as they are styled even by the cautious 
Secundus^ (3. 4). Aper does not seem to attach much weight to his 
friend's alleged indiscretion ; to him it is simply an 'outburst of his 
noble soul' {effervescit vis pulcherrimae naturae tuae)y all the more dis- 
interested because it was connected with the name of one so far removed 
from present-day controversies (prtvatas et nostri saeculi controverstas) 
as Cato. Aper would not shrink from a similar indiscretion himself in 
defence of a friend : si quando necesse sitpro periclitank amico potentiorum 
aures offendere^ et prohata sitfides et libertas excusata^ 10 ad fin. As for 
Matemus himself, he has no fears on his own account, no apprehension 
that any action will be taken against him. His innocence has hitherto 

^ Cp. 2. 2 cum offendisse potentium animos diceretur. 


proved his best safeguard, and he has no misgivings for the future: 

siaium hucusque ac securiiatem melius innocentia iueor quam eloqumiia^ 

nec vereor ne mihi unquam verha in senatu nisi pro alterius discrimine 

facienda sini^ ch. 1 1 ad fin. His closing speech shows that he was not 

one of those impracticable philosophers against whom even the patient 

Vespasian had to act with vigour ^. Like Tacitus, he had his regrets for 

the past, but he did not rebel against the present He recognizes, with 

Messalla, the superiority of the eloquence of the * antiqui ' (27. 3), but he 

tempers Messa]la's rather one-sided exaltation of the oratory of repub- 

lican times by dwelling on the regrettable conditions on which it had 

thriven. His whole attitude is one of reconciliation. He can venture 

to be severe on persons of such doubtful antecedents as Crispus and 

Marcellus (13. 1 1), and he claims for himself the same freedom of speech 

as he would allow to others (27. 12): but he is sensible also of the 

advantages which settled order and good govemment have secured for 

the state (38 ad fin.), even though the introduction of the new 

r^gime had not at once involved the downfall of those who, like Crispus 

and Marcellus, had made themselves indispensable to former and more 

unworthy rulers. His frequent references to the contracted sphere in 

which oratory was now confined are made as an additional justification 

of his personal attitude. He is forsaking a profession which had become 

irksome to him* (remoium . . . necessiiate cotidie aliquid conira animum 

/aciendi, 13. 17), and which can no longer be what it was once: minor 

oraiorum honor ohscuriorque gloria inier honos mores et in ohsequium 

r^entis paraios, 41. 11. There is no irony in all this, as some critics 

have supposed. The attitude of Matemus towards imperialism must ' 

have been common in the cultured society of the day. It was that of 

Tacitus himself '. The chief person of the Dialogue gives utterance to 

^ Their banishment from Rome in the 
year 74 a. D., abont the time when the 
Dialogne is rei>resented as having taken 
place, suggests the possibility that any 
danger anticipated for Maternns may 
have been due to a sort of nervous 
apprehension of the extent to which the 
emperor might carry his measures of 
retaliation. But Matemns did not sym- 
pathize with the 'intransigeant' party, 
any more than Tacitus himself. 

' It is not necessary to discover in this 
fact a proof that Tacitus*s object in 
writing the Dialogue was to justify his 
own retirement from the profession of the 
bar. We do not know, as a matter of 
fact, that he retired at the time of the 
composition of the treatise, i. e. when 

he was about thirty years of age. It is 
not improbable, however, that in this 
presentation of Matemus the anthor gave 
expression to what were really his own 
thoughts and aspirations on this snbject, 
though he may not have carried them 
into effect at once. He was no donbt 
conscious, in spite of his great success as 
a pleader, that forensic oratory conld 
never be again what it had been, and he 
must therefore have been in thorongh 
sympathy with Matemus'8 statement of 
the reasons which had induced him to 
take the resolution referred to. 

' It would have been strange if any 
except the most impracticable persons 
had failed to reoognize the advantages 
conferred on Rome by the recent political 



the thoughts that were in the mind of its author^ and it is in the recon- 
ciliation, in him, of opposing tendencies, that the unity of the piece is 
to be sought for. There is thus an essential relationship between the 
first part of the treatise (chs. 1-13), which is often described as merely 
introductory, and the last^. In the former, Maternus justifies his pre- 
ference for poetry by the contention that forensic oratoiy, even in its 
most perfect type, is nothing but an inferior development, due to the 
loss of primitive innocence, of the form in which eloquence dwelt with 
men in the golden age, viz. poetry : haec eloqumitae primordia^ haec 
pmetralia ; hoc primum habitu cultuque commoda mortalibus in iUa casta 
et nullis contacta vitiis pectora influxit; sic oracula loquehantury 12. 6, 
In the latter his retirement from the profession of an advocate is 
explained by reference to the narrower limits within which eloquence 
now moves, as compared with the days of old. In both his speeches, 
Maternus sighs for quiet retirement : compare such expressions as 
inquieta et anxia oratorum vita^ with its certamina and pericula, and the 
insanum et luhricum forum^ in the first, with the repeated statement in 
the second, non de otiosa et quieta re loquimur et quae prohiiate et modestta 

settlement. Men's memories must have 
been ftill of the horrors of Nero*s reign, 
and of the longus et unus annus that 
had seen three emperors come and go: 
on the other hand they could see for 
^hemselves what had been accomplished 
by the hard-working and conscientions 
* citizen-emperor/ Vespasian. Tacitus no 
doubt looked back with r^^ret on the 
days of the old free-state : the republican 
form of govemment was, in his view, the 
most favourable to freedom (Ann. vi. 42). 
But he knew that conditions had alto- 
gether changed, and that the monarchy 
had now become necessary for peace and 
for the maintenance of the huge fabric of 
the empire (cp. Hist. i. i, 5 ; ii. 38; i. 16). 
The summary of the historian's political 
convictions given by TeufTel-Schwabe 
(§ 333, 8) may be reproduced here, as ap- 
plicable to Matemus as well as to Tacitus : 
'Accordingly — the republic having be- 
come impossible and the monarchy neces- 
saiy — the individual must be resigned 
and take things and people as they are 
(e. g. bonos impercUores voto expetere, 
qualescunqtie toleraref Hist. iv. 8: cp. 
74), and attempt to st^er his course 
through these difficult circumstances so 
as neither to sacrifice his honour out* 
wardly nor expose himsclf to serious 

dangers, by finding a road midway inter 
abruptam coniumaciam et deforme obse- 
quium (Ann. iv. 20). Men who had 
succeeded in this, moiderate liberals who 
reckoned with the established order, and 
who bridled their aspirations towards 
freedom {modum et temperamenium ad- 
hibere, Dial. 41, Ann. iv. 20; non con- 
tumacia neque inani iactatione libertatis 
famam fatumque prffoocabant^ Agr. xlii ; 
utilia honestis miscebant^ Agr. viii), are 
therefore fully appreciated by Tacitus: 
e.g. M*. Lepidus (Ann. iv. 20, vi. 27), 
L. Piso (Aim. -^d. 10), C. Cassius (Ann. 
xii. 12, xiv, 43), Agricola (Agr. viii, xlii). 
But such men as Helvidius, Priscus (Hist. 
iv. 6), and Paetus Thrasea (Ann. xiv. 1 2), 
are not after his heart.' 

^ Some commentators even suppose 
that Matemus, in this last speech, is re- 
ferring to some of the points which Aper 
had tried to make in their introductory 
discussion. Thus 86. 20 ^hi clientelis 
etiam exteramm nationum redundahant'* 
may be a rejoinder to what Aper had 
stated 3 ad fin. *■ cum te tot coloniarum 
et municipioram clientelae in forum 
vocent* : cp. also Matemus's dispara- 
gement of the centumviral courts, 
38. 10, with Aper^s reference to them in 


It is the seeming inconsistency between Matemus as the champion 
of a sort of republican freedom in the first part of the Dialogue^ and 
Matemus as the eulogist of the imperial govemment, that has given 
rise to the various suggestions for a different distribution of parts in 
the closing chapters of the treatise. Many think that Messalla, not 
MatemuSy is the speaker who resumes in ch. 36, and still more argue 
for Secundus. Neither view is possible without the assumption of 
additional lacunae for which there is no manuscript evidence. Steiner 
and Weinkauff hav» thought that chs. 36-41 ought to be assigned 
to Secundus, and that the speech referred to in the words Finierat 
Maternus (ch. 42) must have been lost after the end of 41 ^. Others, 
following Hemnann, have invented a lacuna at 40. 6, before the words 
Non de otiosa ei quieta re loquimur, attributing what foUows to Matemus, 
while what goes before is assigned either to Messalla or to Secundus, 

As to Messalla, it is very improbable that, except at the close, he 
speaks again in the Diaiogue after the great lacuna. In it the end of 
his speech must have been lost, as well as the beginning of the speech 
of the next interlocutor. The theory that in ch. 36 he is still con- 
tinuing his description of the conditions under which the orators of 
former days were trained seems to be incompatible with what we know 
of him as an uncompromising champion of republican institutions. The 
speech contains too many regrets to have been made by Messalla. That 
he did not altogether agree with it is indicated in ch. 42. i, where 
he says that there are some points in it which he would have liked to 
contradict And again, the supposition that Messalla is still speaking in 
ch. 36 is not consistent with any division of the treatise into proportional 

There is more plausibility in the arguments adduced in favour of 
Secundus. £ut the theory that there is a lacuna ^Sitx/aces admovebant 
in 40. 6, and that all that is left of Matemus's closing speech begins with 
the words Non de oHosa et quieia re loquimur must at once be rejected. 
In the first pkce there is no manuscript evidence in favour of it, and 
when lacunae occur in MSS. it is very seldom that they begin at the end 
of one sentence and stop at the commencement of another (cp. chs. 
35, 36). Again, though the arrangement seems open to criticism, and 
the speaker repeats himself more than once, there is an obvious sequence 
of thought in the passage referred to, instead of any break or discon- 
tinuity ; it is sufficient to quote alongside of Non de oiiosa ei quieta re 
loquimur the similar utterance at 37. 28 sedy ut subinde admoneo^ 

' The appearance of a few dots at the end of ch. 41 in the Famesianus (C) is no 
argiiment in fayonr of this assumption. 


quaestianis memtnerimus sciamusque nos de ea re loqui quae/acilius turbidis 
et inquietis temporiJms exsistii, Andresen thinks that in several passages 
in 40, 41 Maternus is taking up and replying to the utterances of the 
previous speaker; but it is much preferable to regard him as empha- 
sizing his points by repetition ^. And nothing is gained with regard to 
the alleged inconsistency of his sentiments by making Matemus only 
begin to speak at 40. ? : such an utterance as est magna illa et notabilis 
eloquentia alumna licenHae^ quam stulti libertatem vocahant^ comes seditionum^ 
&c, stands as much in need of the explanation which has been given 
above as anything that occurs in the previous chapters, which are 
assigned, on the theory under discussion, to Secundus or Messalla. 

The main argument in favour of assigning to Secundus the whole 
speech from chs. 36 to 41 is that it seems appropriate in the mouth of 
one who was intended to act as a sort of mediator between Messalla 
and Maternus. It is thought too that the reference to such a detail 
as the wearing of the paenuia (39. 3) is more natural in his mouth 
than in that of Matemus : cp. diligentis stili anxietatem (1. 10), which 
has been taken as an indication of Secundus's consciousness of this 
characteristic of his own style. The historical tone of ch. 36, and the 
reference in 37. 7 to the literary labours of Mucianus have been 
thought to reveal the studious barrister, who has already made a name 
for himself by writing biography (16 ad fin.). 

But, if this speech is given to Secundus, it is difficult to imagine that 
another can have fallen out after ch. 41, before the words Finierat 
Maternus in ch. 42. The discussion is fitly brought to an end in the 
text as we have it : another speaker could not have wound it up better 
than with the closing words of ch. 41 bono saeculi sui quisque citra 
obtrectationem alterius utatur. There is also the other obvious considera- 
tion that if Secundus is provided for in 36-40, and Matemus in a sup- 
posed lacuna after 41, it becomes increasingly difficult to conjecture 
what can have filled the great lacuna at the end of 35. On the 
explanation given above of his personal attitude, there is no real difficulty 
in adhering to the consistent tradition of the manuscripts and taking 
Materaus as the speaker of chs. 36-41 in one continuous whole. We 
seem to recognize his lofty style even in the first sentence: Magna 
eloquentia^ sicut flamma^ materia alitur et motibus excitatur et urendo 

^ In addition to the use of the beginning Quae mala sicut non accidere 

phrase ut subinde admoneo in the pas- melius est in 88. 18. Cp. also Non 

sage just quoted, we may compare the quia tanta fuerit &c. in 37. 27 with 

sentence beginning Quae singula etsi Sed nec tanti rei publicae ... 40 

distrahebant ... in 86. 14 with that ad fin. 


clarescit (36. 2)^ In chs. 36 and 37 his main point is clearly and 
distinctly staled. Just as afterwards in chs. 40 and 41 the supe- 
riority of republican eloquence is fuUy recognized (40. 8 magna illa ei 
notahilis eloquentia . . . tulit sine dubio valentiorem eloquentiam\ 41. 22 
summa illa laus et ghria in eloquentia : cp. 37. 3), so in these opening 
chapters (as also in ch. 38) the speaker sets forth clearly the disad- 
vantages that were bound up with a state of things favourable to the 
production of great orators : illa perturbatione ac licentia . , . mixtis 
omnibus et moderatore uno carentibus . . . turbidis et inquietis iemporibus, 
Nothing of this need be taken as censure ; the speaker knows the differ- 
cnce between peace and war (37. 32), and can appreciate the former 
without faiiing to recognize that the latter is the best training-schooi of 
soldiers. But, unlike Messalla, Matemus does not believe that a retum 
of such political conditions is either practicable or desirable. It may 
be impossible now to realize again the magna et notabilis eloquentia that 
was the glory of the republic, and for which she paid so high a price 
(36. 14; 40. 25). Things have altogether changed. Orators are of less 
consequence now than they used to be, and eloquence has to content 
herself with a contracted sphere (cp. omissis forensium causarum angus- 
tiis^ 4. 8). £ut Matemus can at least console himself by utilizing the 
advantages of his own peaceful times, and devoting himself to the 
pursuits of a leamed leisure (cp. 4 ad fin. sanctiorem illam et augus- 
tiorem eloqtienttam colam). High oratorical renown and settled repose are 
incompatible with each other : therefore while recognizing the superiority 
of the eloquence which was nurtured on the disorder of former times, let 
every one be thankful for peace and quietness — and make the best use 
he can of his talents and opportunities. 

Style and Language. 

The importance of a consideration of the language and style of the 
Dialoguey as bearing on the problem of its authorship, has been indicated 
in the introductory section. Its obvious want of resemblance to the 
style of the Annais was the first ground on which Lipsius and his 

^ Attention has also been called to qnestion and other indications of a style 
his frequent nse of the fignre Anaphora pitched in a lofty key, as was that of 
(see p. lix), as well as the rhetorical Matemus. 


followers were led to question the genuineness of the treatise. Close 
examination has, however, fumished many evidences on the other side. 
Critics are still indeed found who, like Novak, make the undoubted 
resemblance which can be traced between the language of the Dialogue 
and that of the Insiitutto Oratoria an argument for the theory that 
Quintilian must have been the author, not Tacitus. But exdusive atten- 
tion to this resemblance, even though it extends in several passages to 
thought and substance as well as to forms of expression, is very apt to 
mislead, especially when it is overdone. A safer method is to compare 
Tacitus, not with Quintilian, but with himself. The theory of a con- 
tinuous development of his style through his various writings has been 
worked out by Wolfflin {Philologus^ xxv, pp. 92-134) and other scholars ^ ; 
and numerous arguments in proof of the authorship of Tacitus may now 
be drawn from the very source which formerly supplied antagonistic 
critics with their most trusted weapons. 

In the first place it must be repeated that, on the theory that the 
Dialogue was the work of the historian's youth, it seems to have been 
a natural and appropriate outcome of the studies in which that youth is 
known to have been trained. The early bent of a student in those days 
was generally towards rhetoric and the art of public speaking. This was 
the broadest avenue to public life at Rome, and Tacitus may have 
followed it from motives of general conformity as well as from private 
and personal choice, £ut his genius must have felt a strong affinity for 
the art which, in the perfection which it had attained to under the 
republic, stands now for us as one of the symbols of his country's great- 
ness. We know that he gained high distinction as an orator in the 
earlier part of his career. The younger Pliny, who was only some six or 
seven years his junior, has left it on record that his friend and corre« 
spondent had abready established a great reputation {cum iam tu fama 
gioriague floreres, vii. 20, 4), when he himself was just entering public life. 
And even after Tacitus had retired from the profession of an advocate, his 
funeral eulogy of Verginius Rufus (a.d. 97) gave proof of his great gift 
of eloquence * ; while his official prosecution, conjointly with Pliny, of 
Marius Priscus, proconsul of Africa (in 100 a.d.) evidently produced 
on his coUeague that impression of elevation and dignity which no reader 
can fail to carry away from the study of the historian's works '. 

* See WeinkaufF, pp. xo-clxx. Tacitus eioquentissime et^ quod eximium 

' Plin. £pp. ii. i,' 6 Laudatus est a orationi eius inest, a^iivSk. It should be 

consult Comelio Tacito: nam hic supre- noted also that the speeches which Tacitus 

mus feiicitati eius cumuius accessity lau- inserts in his historical works bear the 

dator eioquentissimus, impress of his early rhetorical stndies : 

' Ibid. ii. I, 17 Respondit Comeiius examples are Agr. xxx (to whidi add the 



Such defects as attached to the curriculum through which the youth of 
Rome was made to pass in the days of Tacitus {DiaL chs. 30-33) were 
remedied and corrected, in his case, by the appredative study^. of the 
great models of former times, especially Cicero. Of this study the Dtalogue 
bears obvious traces, and nothing will strike the reader so much, 
especially at first, as the studied resemblance which its style bears to that 
of the great orator. It was while Tacitus was fiill of a generous entfau- 
siasm for Cicero and his contemporaries that he is represented as having 
listened to the conversation which the treatise embodies and expands ; 
and at the date at which it is supposed to have been written his style was 
still under the influence of his early studies and pursuits ^. It was, in 
fact, still in what may be called its first stage. In all probability, Tacitus 
had modelled his earliest efforts at the bar, as nearly as was possible 
after such an interval, on the oratory of Cicero and his great contem- 
poraries. It was this, no doubt, that drew Pliny to him, and led him to 
select his friend as an example to be followed *• Their early association 
must have been partly, at least, based on a kindred sentiment of reverence 
for the past. Now it is a known fact that Pliny was one of Quintilian's 
pupils {Epp, ii. 14, 9 ; vi. 6, 3), and it is interesting to speculate on the 
probability that Tacitus too had come under the influence of the great 
rhetorician. Quintilian had returned to Rome, from Spain, in the train 
of Galba, and probably lost little time ' in commencing the educational 
career with which his name has ever since been so closely associated. 
Tacitus may even have been one of his earliest pupils. Chronology 
seems to favour the supposition, and the numerous points of contact 
which exist between the two writers add to its probability. It may have 
been from Quintilian himself that Tacitus imbibed that antipathy to 
mechanical methods and the tinsel omaments of unreal disputation which 
reveal^ itself in Messalla's speeches, as well as that belief in the superiority 
of Cicero which he evidently shares with the same speaker. Quintilian's 
mission at Rome, then and afterwards, was to recall the literature of the 
day from the studied aflectation and empty elegance that were then held 

closing apostrophe) ; Hist i. 15, 29, 37, 
83 ; ii. 70 ; iy. 58, 64, 73 ; Annals i. 42, 
58 ; ii. 38, 71 ; iii. 12 ; iv. 34, 37, 40; 
vi, 8 ; xi. 24 ; xiv. 43, 53, 55 ; xv. 20. 
See Walter, de Tadti stndiis rhetoricis, 
p. 20 sqq. 

^ One minor mdication of this fact is 
the frequent recurrence of the formula 
At hercule (Ita^ue hercule) which is found 
no fewer than twelve times in the Dia- 
logne, the MSS. of the Y £unily generally 

preferring hcrctSt to hercle. See on 21. 8. 

' Equidem aduiescentuluSf cum iam tu 
fama gloriaque Jloreres, te sequi, tibi 
longo sed proximus intervcdlo et esse et 
haberi concupiscebam, Et erant multa 
clarissima ingenia; sed tu mihi (ita 
similitudo naturae ferebat) maxime imi* 
tabilis, maxime imitandus videbaris, Piin. 
£pp. vii. 20, 2. 

' See Introduction to Quintilian, Book 
X, p. viii, note 3. 


in repute to the puritj, simplicity and naturalness of republican models. 
He makes this plain in the course of his estimate and criticism of Seneca 
(x. I, 125 sqq.), especially in these well-known words: corruptum et 
omntbus vitiis/racHim dicendi genus revocare ad severiora iudicia contendo. 
Cicero he held forth to his pupils as the great model for imitation : kunc 
igitur spectemusy hoc propositum nobis sit exemplum, ille se profecisse sciat 
cui Cicero valde placebit (ib. § 112). It is not extravagant, therefore, to 
assume that Tacitus may have had the benefit of Quintilian's teaching. 
But whether or no he was, or had been, actually a student in his school 
at the time when the dialogue is understood to have taken place 
(74-75 A.D.), it is impossible to believe that in the interval which elapsed 
between that date and the composition of the treatise Tacitus in no way 
came under the influence of one who was gradually making himself 
a power at Rome. In the year 75, the historian is imderstood to have 
been only about twenty years of age, and had probably just arrived at the 
stage of looking forward to actual practice in the centumviral courts : we 
know that it was at this age that his younger contemporary Pliny began 
his professional work {Epp. v. 8, 8). For the rest, he had attached himself 
as an enthusiastic pupil and companion to two of the most famous 
counsel of the day, Marcus Aper and Julius Secundus : and his zealous 
attendance on these masters (see ch. 2) is described quite in the spirit of 
one who knew the value of the recommendation which Quintilian lays 
down for the aspiring advocate, oratorem sibi aliquem, quod apud maiores 
fieri solebcUy deligat quem sequatur, quem imitetur (x. 5, 19). Even if his 
preparatory training had been completed by this time, without any assist- 
ance from Quintilian, there is stiU the probability that one who was 
evidently so well marked out for a successful career as Tacitus must 
have been brought in various ways into contact with the author of the 
Institutio. Apart from all opportunities of personal intercourse within 
the circle of a congenial literary society, Tadtus may have had recourse 
to the great teacher for professional help. Quintilian's pupils were not 
all boys. The study and practice of declamation were continued at 
Rome into later Hfe. There is an ample interval in the nine or ten years 
foUowing A.D. 75 foriome relationship to have been established, either 
personal or pr^essional or both, between two of the most interesting 
figures in the history of their time. 

But however this may be, there can be no question of Tacitus's early 
appreciation of Cicero, or of the eflfect of this appreciation on the style of 
the Dialogue, One needs only to read a few chapters to recognize the 
fact that it differs as much from the artificial, overdone, and affectedly 
incisive style which was popular at the time as from that which Tacitus 



himself subsequently developed in the Annah, In the historian's latest 
work every word is charged with almost more than its proper share of 
meaning, and the reader s mind is kept always on the strain. In the 
Dtalogue everything is the opposite. There the style is easy, full, 
fluent, and continuous. There is a regular, well-baianced, periodic 
structure, which involves at times a certain copiousness even border- 
ing on redundancy^ Only in the use of a few peculiar words and 
phrases, in a greater laxity of grammatical constructions, in the infusion 
of a certain poetical colouring, and in the free use of figures is the 
influence of the Silver Age at ali prominent. The style of the Dtalogiu^ 
in short, is pretty much what might have been expected a priori in 
a work composed while its author was still comparatively a young man, 
given his individual sympathies, his oratorical training, his admiration for 
the eloquence of the past, and the character of his subject. In Ihe 
Agricola we have the first stage in the transition to the stylistic ideal 
which Tacitus afterwards realized in the Annals, There is no suspicion 
of redundancy : the narrative is compact and the periods characterized by 
a greater brevity than those of the Dialogue, The Germania falls still 
further away from rhetorical rotundity : there is an obvious tendency to 
dispense with all words that are not indispensable to the thought, and 
greater disjointedness in the periodic structure, such as it is, owing to 
a certain disregard of connecting links. But though the Agricola and 
the Germania were written some thirteen or fourteen years after the 
Dialoguey when Tacitus was over forty years of age, they present several 
features of contact with their predecessor ^. Not to mention ordinary 
instances of synonyms* (the employment of which in the Dialogue is 
motived by a love of rhetorical fulness) and hendiadys, there is some- 
thing characteristic about the way in which these figures are accumulated 
in opposite groups. Take, for example, the foUowing from the Dialogue : 
2. II ingenio poiius et vi naiurae quam insUiutione et litteris) 24. 4 non 
solum ingenio ac spiritUj sed etiam eruditione et arte ; 33. 9 neque enim solum 

^ What could be more Ciceronian than 
such a passage as the following (5. 13) ? 
sed ipsum sohim apud hos arguam quod 
natus adeloquentiam virilem et oratoriam, 
quaparere simul et tueri amicitiaSf ad' 
sciscere necessitudines, complecti provincias 
possity omittit studium quo non aliud in 
civitaie nostra vel ad utilitatem fructuo- 
sius vel ad voluptatem iucundius vel ad 
dignitatem amplius vel ad urbis famam 
pulchrius vel cut totius imperii atque 
omnium gentium notitiam inlustrius 
excogitari potest, Nam si ad utilitatem 

vitae omnia consiliafactaque nostra deri- 
genda sunt, quid est tutius quam eam 
exercere artem qua semper armatus prae- 
sidium amicis, opem alu lis^ salutem peri- 
clitantibuSj invidis vero et inimicis metum 
et terrorem ultro feras, ipse securus et 
velut quadam perpetua potentia ac potes- 
tate munitus ? 

* These have been worked out, perhaps 
in excessive detail, by Weinkauff ; only the 
more striking instances of resemblance 
are given here ; cp. Jansen, pp. 7^79- 

* See p. U. 



arte et scimHa^ sed longo magts /acultate et usu ; 37. lo non virthus modo et 
armiSy sed ingenio quoque et oratione; 19. 23 vi et poiestate^ non ture aut 
legihus; 28. 19 non studia modo curasque^ sed remissiones etiam lususque. 
Compare with these passages, Agr, iil 4 non spem modo ac votum . . . sed 
ipsius votifiduciam ac rohur; iv. 17 scilicet suhlime et erectum ingenium 
pulchritudinem ac speciem magnae excelsaeque gloriae vehementius quam 
caute appetebat; xxxi. 4 bona /ortunaeque in tributum, ager atque annus in 
/rumentum ; xxxiii. 1 2 non/ama nec rumore sed castris et armis tenemus ; 
Germ, xxv. f non disciplina et severitate sed impetu et ira ; xxvii. 6 lamenta 
et lacrimas cito^ dolorem et tristitiam tarde ponunt; xli. 6 cum ceteris genti- 
bus arma modo castraque ostendamus, hts domos villasque pate/ecimus. In 
all three treatises again there are frequent instances of the construction 
known as oratio bimemhris, and trimembris, — the development of an idea 
in a phrase consisting of two or more parts. Of this the following may 
be taken as examples : — 

DiaL 20. 8 Vulgus quoque adsis- 
tentium et adfluens et vagus auditor. 

Dial. 29. 10 histrionalis favor et 
glcuiiatorum equorumque studia, 

DiaL 16. 26 ad naturam saeculo' 
rumac respectum immensi huiusctevi, 

Dial, 12. 8 in illa casta et nullis 
contacta vitiis pectora. 

Dial. 40. 10 sine obsequio, sine 
veritate, contumax^ temerariay ad" 

Dial. 13. 17 a sollicitudirdbus et 
curis et necessitate cotidie aliquid 
contra animum faciendi. 

Dial, 6. II homines veteres et senes 
et totius orbis gratia subnixos. 

Dial. 28. 26 sincera et integra et 
nullis pravitatibus detorta unius- 
cuiusque natura. 

Agr, xxix. 13 omnis iuventus et 
quibus cruda ac viridis senectus. 

Agr, xlv. I obsessam curiam et 
clausum armis senatum. 

Agr. xvi. 26 innocens Bolanus et 
nullis delictis invisus, 

Germ. x, 13 candidi et nullo mor- 
tali opere contacti. 

Germ, xxviii.5 promiscuas adhuc et 
nulla regnorum potentia divisas. 

Germ, xxxv. 8 sine cupiditate, sine 
impotentia, quieti secretique. 

Agr, xiii. I dilectum ac tributa et 
iniuncta imperii munera« 

Agr, xli. 13 vigorem et constantiam 
et expertum bellis animum. 

Germ. iv. 2 propriam et sinceram 
et tantum sui similem gentem. 

Many olher parallelisms are cited in the notes, as they occur, and 
certainly claun a place in the argument for identity of authorship. 
Reference may also be made to certain significant phrases, some of which 
seem, as it were, to anticipate the author's later power of novel and 


striking combinations : e.g. arcana semotae dictionis^ 2. 9; sollicitudo 
lenocinatur voluptati, 6. 24; lucrosae huius et sanguinantis eloquentiae, 
12. 9; nomen inserere famaey 10. 12; gaudii pondus et constantia^ 6. 22; 
me deiungere a/orensilaborey 1 1. 1 2 ; hanc ilUfamam circumdederunty 37. 26 ; 
utilitates alunt, 9. 3; philosopkiam odoratus, 19. 15; nec insanum ultra et 
lubricum forum famamque pallentem trepidus experiar, 13. 20. Cp. also 
negotium sibi importare, 3. 20; angustiae rerum eos circumsteierunt^ 8. 12 ; 
minimum locum obtinere, 8. 25; sin periculum increpuit, 5. 26; ingredi 
famam auspicatus sum, 11. 8. Again in such a refiection as that with which 
Materous points the contrast between the forensic oratory of republican 
times and that of his own day, we seem to recognize a tone more 
eminentlycharacteristic of Tacitus than of any contemporary writer : cum in 
plerisque iudiciis crederet populus Romanus sua interesse quid iudicaretur, 
39. 18. 

The iufluence exerted on the style of the Dialogue by the various 
writers of whom Tacitus was at the time an enthusiastic student, might be 
shown at length, and has, in fact, been proved by editors in almost excessive 
detail. Reference has akeady been made to Cicero, with whose works, 
especially the rhetorical treatises, he was obviously well-acquainted. £ven 
in his choice of the literary form of his treatise, Tacitus was no doubt 
influenced by Cicero's successful imitations of the Platonic dialogues; 
and the commentary on the text will give proof of various reminiscences 
which he utilized for the ' setting ' of the piece, as well as for the manage- 
ment of its development. For example, the Dialogue professes to be only a 
narrative of a conversation in which certain distinguished persons had once 
taken part, thus reproducing the frame-work of the De Oratore ^ Tacitus 
himself was present only as a listener, like Cicero in the De Amicitia and 
De Natura Deorum, The device of marking the transition from the first 
to the second part of the dialogue by the introduction of a fresh speaker 
(ch. 14) seems to be borrowed from the De Oratore ii. § 14 : cp. De Rep, 
i. § 17 ^ The promise in the last chapter of a continuation of the debate 
at some fnture time is a feature which Cicero had originally taken from 
Plato (see De Orat. i. ad fin. ; De Nat, Deor. iii. § 94). Other resemblances 
are noticed in connexion with postero die, 2. i and Pro duobus promitto, 
1 6. 8. References are made to Cicero's letters ( 1 8. 2 2 sqq.) and speeches *, 
his lost dialogue Hortensius (16. 28) and also to his poems (21. 29). Aper 

^ Ciceio (De Or. i. § 4) narrates qutu vestrum dirimit mster intervetUus ? 

znri omnium praestantissimi clarissimi- Minime vero, inquit Africanus, 
que censuerint : Tacitus quae apraestant- ^ The Verrine orations, 20. 3 ; Pro 

issimis znris et excogitata subtiliteret dicta TuUio and Pro Caecina, 20. 4 ; Pro Archia, 

graviterzxxit^ri\.,(j^,OTirep€tendus^\.\i, 87. 25; Pro Milone, ibid., as also the 

' Quid vos agitis ? Num sermonem Catilinarian orations and the Philippics. 


is even allowed (23 ad init.) to raise a laugh over the hackneyed esse 
videaiur as well as over some of Cicero's inferior witticisms {rotam 
Fortunae^ ius Verrinum, ibid.), Messalla, on the other hand, quotes him 
as a high authority on the necessitj of a wide philosophical culture for 
the orator (32. 28), 

The search for specific resemblances in the Dialogue to the language 
and phraseology of Cicero is liable to be overdone^. Little is to be 
gained by recording fortuitous coincidences of expression between two 
authors, e^^cept in cases where the phrases used by both are marked by 
something more or less characteristic and striking. In this view, such 
expressions as the following may be noted as being not improbably (see the 
notes) conscious reminiscences of Cicero rather than the * current coin ' 
of the language of Tacitus's own day: diem eximere^ 19. 10; coniro- 
versias iueri^ 10. 37; redolent antiquitatem^ 21. 18; animorum venas 
ienere^ 31. 19. Other resemblances wiU be found duly noted in the 
commentary, but it may be convenient to give a risumi of them also 
here (cp. Goelzer, p. xxxv, note). Take the first book of the De Oraiore 
and cp. § 20 etenim ex rerum cogniiione efflorescai et redundet oportei 
oraiio with DiaL 30. 23 ; § 53 nisi qui naturas bominum vimque omnem 
kumanitatis . . , penitus perspexerii with 31. 10; § 72 ariihus quae suni 
lihero homine dignae . . . quihus ipsiSy si in dicendo non utimur, iamen 
apparet atque exsiat uirum simus earum rerum rudes an didicerimus with 

32. 4 ; § 32 arma quihus vel iecius ipse esse possis vel provocare improbos 
vel te ulcisci lacessiius with 5. 28; § 31 quid enim est iam admirabile 
quam ex infinita multiiudine existere unum . . . with 6. 15; § 116 profiieri 
se esse omnihus silentihus unum . . . with the same passage ,* § 97 uti ei 
qui audireni sic afficerentur animis ut eos affici vellei orator with 6. 1 7 ; 
and finally the definition of ordtor quoted from De Or. i. 15, 64 in the 
notes on 30. 26. Cp. also with 37. 14 His accedehat^ &c., De Or, i. § 15 
Excitahat eos magnitudo varietas multitudoque in omni genere causarum. 
Reminiscences of the Brutus will be found at 30. 13 and 16 ; 8. 15 ; 

33. 13. But it is in the general fuhiess of the style of the Dialogue 
that the influence of Cicero's writings on its author may best be traced. 
Such sjmonyms as the following (sometimes with a slightly different 
shade of meaning) have a distinctly Ciceronian ring about them, and 
have in fact been exactly paralleled by Weinkauff and others : animi 
et ingeniiy clamore plausuque^ diviiiae et opes^fama ei laus^ vis et /aculias^ 
memoria et recordatioy modestia ac pudore, operae curaeque, 

^ As is true, in fact, of the first part as containing equally striking instances 
of Kleiber*s tractate (pp. 1-33), though of difference. 
the next portion (pp. 33-70) is valuable 


As the Synonyms and other forms of double expression in the Dialogue 
have engaged a great deal of attention, as forming an important part 
of the intemal evidence advanced by many against the authorship of 
Tacitus, a more or less complete list may be given here, with the addition 
of the more striking of the parallelisms from Cicero, Seneca, and Quin^ 
tilian which have been collected by the industry of such writers as Wein- 
kauflf, Gericke, Gruenwald, Kleiber, and Novak. 

1. 13. memoria et recardaHone : cp. Cic. LaeL § 103 recordatio et memoria ; 
De Prov, Cons, § 43 ultimi temporis recordatione et proximi memoria. 

2. 16. industriae et laboris, Cic. Brut, § 237, Ad Fam, xiii. 10, 3. 

4. 2. frequens et assidua contentio, Quint. xi. 2, 28 continua et crebra 

4. 3. agitare et insequi, Cic. Pro Mur, § 21. 

5. 23. metUm et terrorem, Agr, xxxii. 8 ; Cic. Verr, iv. 19, 41. 

5. 24. potentia ctc potestate ; see note ad loc. 

6.3. libero et ingenuo \ so Quint. Decl, loi, 8; 351, 22 (ed. Ritter). 

6. 5. plenam etfrequentem domum, 
6. 1 1 . homines veteres et senes, 

6. 22. novam et recentem curam : cp. 8. 3 novis et recentibus .... exempiis. 
So Hist, iv. 65, 15 nova et recentia iura ; Cic. Pro Flacc, § 6 lege hac recenti 
ac nova ; Liv. 35, 10 nova ac recentia omnia. 

7. 8. tueri et defendere : see note ad loc. 

7. II. fama et laus, Quint. Decl, 37, 14 laude et fama. 

7. 17. advenae et peregrini, 

8. 7. numen et caelestis vis, 

8. II. sordidius et abiectius ', so ^z;;;. xiii. 46, 16 abiectum et sordidumi 
cp. Quint. ii. 12,7 ; Sen. Ep, yji 4- 

8. 12. paupertas et angustiae rerum, 

9. I. carmina et versus : see note. 

9. 15. excudit et elucubravit : see note. 

9. 21. certam et solidam , . . frugem, Quint. Decl, 1 16, 2 firmam soli- 

9. 29. elaborare et efficere, Cic. Ad Fam, ix. 16, 2. 

9. 31. nemora et lucos, Germ, ix. 8 ; x. 12 ; xlv. 22 : cp. Quint. x. 3, 22 
nemora silvasque. 

10. 14. sacras et venerabiles, Sen. Ep, 14, ii and 55, 4 ; Quint. Decl, 345, 
14 sacram et venerabilem : cp. 270, 25. 

10. 22. robur ac vires, Hist. ii. 11,9 virium ac roboris (where vires refers 
however to numerical strength) : cp. Quint. v. 12, 18 robur ac lacertos. 

10. 31. fortuitae et subiiae dictionis : see note. 

11. 7. efficere et eniti, Cic Amic, § 59 : cp. Div, in Caec, § 26. 

11. II. notitiae ac nominis^ and again at 36. 19. 
12.5. loca pura atque innocentia, 

12. 12. poetis et vatibus, 

e 2 


13. 17. sollidtudinibus et curis, Cic. De Fin, v. § 57: cp. Quint. DecL 
50, 9 ; Inst, Or. xi. i, 44. 

14. 16. eruditionis ac litterarum : so Moctrina et litterae': e.g. Quint. 
xi. I, 89. 

15. 1. vetera et antiqua^ and again 16. 32 ; 17 ad fin. So Plaut. Pers. 
I. 2, I veterem et antiquum quaestum; Plin. Pan, 11, '4 veteres et antiquos 
aemularis ; Cic. Pkil, v. § 47 maiores nostri, veteres illi, admodum antiqui ; 
Quint. Decl, 235, 14 vetus et antiqua. 

1 7 ad fin. coniungere et copuUtre, Quint. DecL 57, 26 coniunxistis copulastis- 
que : cp. Cic De Or. i. § 222 iungi copularique ; Or, § 154 ; Plin. Ep, viii. 20, 6. 

18. I. fama gloriague, 

18. 7. fortius et audentius. 

18. 9. plenior et uberior : see note. 

18. 19. inflatus et tumens, 

19. 9. imperitus et rudis. Sen. Ep. 72, 9 and elsewhere ; Quint. DecL 
386, 1 1 rudem et imperitam. 

19. 22. vi et potestate, Hist. ii. 39, 2 vis ac potestas; iii. 11, 15 ; Quint. 
DecL 301, II vi et potestate; Inst. Or. xi. 3, 2: cp. Germ. xlii. 8 vis et 

20. 6. nitore et cultu : see note. Add Quint. xi. i, 48. 

20. 10. tristem et impexam. Quint. DecL 67, 28 impexi squaiidique. 

21. 32. durus et siccus. Quint. iv. 2, 46 durum aridumque. 

22. 18. visum etocuios. 

22. 25. uno et eodem. Quint. xii. 10, 51 unum atque idem. 

23. 25. malignitas et invidia : cp. non malignitate nec invidia, 25. 28 ; 
Seneca, De Ira iii. 5, 8, and Ep, 106, 6. 

25. 26. invidere et livere. 

25. 28. simpiiciter et ingenue. Quint. xii. 11, 8 candide .... atque 

26. 2. optimo et perfectissimo genere : cp. 34. 18 optimus et electissimus. 
26. 18. modestia ac pudore : cp. Ann. iii. 26, 6. 

26. 28. inpublicum et in commune. 
26. 33. fracta et deminuta. 

28. 16. probatis spectatisque. Cic. De Or. i § 124. 

28. 19. studia curasque. Quint. x. 7, 29 cura et studio. 

29. 9. propria et peculiaria : cp. Suet Aug.^ ; Plin. PanT^. 

30. 22. rerum motus causasque. 
30. 24. exundcU et exuberat. 

30. 25. oratoris vis etfacultas : see note. 

30. 26. angustis et brevibus terminis : see note. 

32. 6. eminet et excellit. 

32. 14. foeda ac pudenda vitia. 

32. 20. circumcisa et amputata : see note. 

32. 22. primam et praecipuam : see note. 

32. 28. causae magnae et graves. 

83. 9. confirmare et alere. Quint i. i» 36 firmatur atque alitur. 



33. 13. initia ei seminax see note. 

33. 15. instiiui erudirique, 

36. 5. composita et guieta, Sen. Ep, 100, 8 quietum compositumque. 

36' 26. conspicuum et eminentem locum, 

36. 34. mutum et elinfruem : see note. 

37. 12. multum operae curaeque, 
37. 22. claram et inlustrem, 

37. 30. turbidis et inquietis temporibus : cp. securus et quietus, 13. 4. 

37. 35. altior et excelsior, 

39. 8. liberi et soluti : see note. 

39. 27. excitare et incendere, 

40. 8, magna et notabilis eloquentia, 

41. 22. laus etgloria. Quint. ii. 16, 19; viii. 3, 12. 
41. 23. modus et temperamentum, 

That Tacitus did not lay aside all at once the 'rotundity ' of expression 
which these examples illustrate might be shown by citations from his 
later works. Cp. for ezample Agr, iv. 16 incensum acflagrantem antmum ; 
ibid. 17 scilicet sublime et erectum ingenium pulchritudinem ac speciem 
magnae excelsaeque gloriae vehemeniius quam caute adpetebat\ Agr, vi. 14 
quiete et otio (as also xlii. 5) ; Germ, xxiv. 7 extremo ac novissimo iactu, 
and many other instances which help to show the continuity of his 
stylistic development, in spite of the wide gulf that separates his latest 
from his earliest literary effort. 

Some of the parallelisms from Quintilian quoted in the foregoing list, 
and others which will be found in the notes, will remind the reader 
of the points of contact which exist between the aulhor of the Dialogue 
and the great contemporary professor of rhetoric. It is, of course, 
extremely crude to say, with some critics — even while accepting the 
view that the composition of the work must be assigned to the reign 
of Titus or the early years of Domitian — that Quintilian's Instiiutio must 
have served, especially in regard to phraseology and terminology, as the 
model for whole passages of the Dialogue, The Institutio was not 
published till the earlier part of the last decade of the century, and it 
is impossible therefore that it can have been in Tacitus's hands ten 
or eleven years previously. £ut the materials of which it consists had 
been put together in the course of Quintilian's long career as a teacher 
of rhetoric : and if Tacitus had not actually studied under him, he had 
no doubt methods of acquainting himself with the substance and general 
character of the teaching which was being imparted to the youth of 
Rome. The similarity of the subject matter of the Dialogue to that 
of portions of the Institutio is enough in itself to suggest inevitable 
resemblances. The proper methods of elementary instruction (cp. Inst, 


i. I and DiaL 30 sq.), the disadvantages of the existing school-training 
(i. 2 and DtaL 35), its moral effects (i. 2, 4 and DiaL 35. 5), the place 
of rhetoric in education (ii. i and DtaL 35), the criticism of literature 
(cp. Aper's and Messalla's speeches with the corresponding parts of 
Quint. X. i) — all these are subjects in regard to which the two writers 
seem to have had much in common. The fact that their verdicts 0x1 
others do not always coincide ought, however, to be noticed as an additional 
disproof of the theory, lately revived by Novak, that it was Quintilian 
who wrote the Dialogue : for example there is a slight difference in their 
estimate of the prooemia of Messalla Corvinus (see on 20. 2) : Vibius 
Crispus is spoken of with more appreciation by Quintilian than by 
Tacitus (see on 8. 2), and Saleius Bassus is credited with a higher 
degree of poetical perfection by the latter than by the former (see 
on 5. 6). Cp. too what is said of Lucan, 20. 19. 

It would hardly hive been possible for one writing within twenty years 
of the death of Seneoa to avoid showing any signs of the influence of 
that versatile writer. In the opposition between the tendencies which 
he represented and the simpler and more natural diction recommended 
by Quintilian, Tacitus no doubt sided with the latter : but he could not 
escape altogether from the effects which the study of the philosopher's 
writings produced on the minds of his readers, and against which, 
especially in the case of young students, Quintilian so strongly protests 
(x. I, 125 sq.). When Tacitus was a young man, Seneca was the most 
popular of Roman authors : tum autem solus hic fere in manibus adules^ 
centium fuit (1. c.)* It is mainly in divergences from ordinary phrp,seo- 
logy that resemblances have been noted, and these will be found in the 
commentary: they have been collected, again in excessive detail, by 
Weinkauff (pp. cliii sqq.) and Kleiber (pp. 74 sqq.). Reference need 
only be made here to the frequent recurrence of the opposition between 
sensus and sententiae (see on 20. 16 ; 32. 17), the use of incipit (16. 32), 
imdui (19. 21), infiniius (for magnuSy 14. 12 and 15. 11), ohlectare otium 
(10. 12 : cp. otium suum oblectat, Sen. DicU. i. 5, 4), in eodem valetudinario, 
21. 4, &c., &c« 

Taking now a general review of the language of the Dialogue^ we may 
state its main peculiarities, under various heads, as under : — 

The following words are, in the first place, to be noted as occurring 
in the Dialogue for the first time (Draeger § 249): histriondtis 29. 10; 
proeliator 37. 32 ; planiias 23. 24; scurrilitas 22. 24; uniformis 32. 2; 
depacare 38 ad fin. 

Here is a list of words which, though not peculiar to Tacitus, show 


in their use and application the influence of the Silver Age. For 
explanation and illustration reference may be made to the notes. 
Admirator 19. i and 21. 24 ; antiquarius 21. 18 ; auditorium 9. 18; aures 
(of * taste ') see on 19. 7 and 34. 16 ; heatus 9. 1 9 ; conversatio 9. 30 ; cura 
(of a book) 3. 13; enervis 18. 25 ; excessus 22. 11 ; extemporalis 6. 24 ; 
exundare 30. 24; /abulosus 12, 19; /acultates {=opes) 8. 1^] /avorabilis 
{=gratiosus) 7. 3; inserere 2. 12; insumere 30. 4; lenocinari 6. 24; 
malignus 3. 4 (found in Plautus, Vergil, and Horace: not in Cicero); 
mereri 9. 26 (for consequiy as often in Quintilian) ; negotium 9. 1 1 ; 
notitia 5. 19; odorari 19. 15; officium (of an oflfice or post) 6. 7; oiiosus 
18. 24; plerique 2. 10; plerumque 6. 9; pro/ectus 20. 12; r«^<?r 37. i ; 
scurrilitas 22 ad fin. (cp. Quint. xi. i, 30); secessus 13. 4 (in Cicero 
recessus); statim (of logical consequence) 18. 15; studere (used abso- 
lutely) 21. 30; studiosus 21. 9; substantia 8. 15. 

In regard to the use of Nouns, perhaps the most remarkable feature 
is the extension of the liking for abstract plurals to such cases as 
advocationes 4. 4; comitatus et egressus 6. 14; utilitates 9. 3 (cp. Ann, i. 
10, 14); curae2%. 21; r^w«iw« ibid. ; educationes 28. 24; pravitates 
28. 26. Among peculiar verbal nouns in -tor we have, in addition 
to proeliator and admirator cited above, de/ensor 24. 7, not to men- 
tion auditor 32. 25. Examples of the use of abstract for concrete are 
amicitia 8. 18; ingenia 2. 5: cp. inventio 23. 22. On the other hand 
striking instances of the use of a noun and a participle to represent an 
abstract idea may be found at 29. 11 and 37. 25. 

The employment of Acljectives as nouns (very common in the Silver 
Age : see Introd. to Quint. X, p. xlvi sqq.), is exemplified in secretum 
12. I (cp. Quint. x. 3, 30 ille tantus amator secreti Demosthenes) and 
studiosus 21. 9 (cp. Quint. x. i, \^/acile est studiosis iudicare] Plin. Ep. 
viii. 13). So too participles: dicentium Q, 18; orantibus 6. 20; prae-^ 
cipientium 28. 7 ; medentis 41. 10; regentis 41. 13 : cp. servientiumy Agr. 
xl. 13; peccantium ib. iv. 10; laudantes ib. xli. 4. The use oli placita 
{fhilosophorum placiia 19. 18) is common in the histOrical works of 
Tacitus, in Seneca, and in the post-Augustan writers generally: e.g» 
Plin. N. H. 14, 22, 28, § 143. The omission of a substantive may also 
be noted in such phrases as in levioribus 10. 20, and haec vetera 37. 6; 
also with omnibus 19. 19; 36. 8. In the comparison of participles, both 
present and perfect, when used as adjectives, Tacitus follows the 
example already set by Cicero and Livy. In the Dialogue we have 
audentior 14. 10 (cp. audentioribus spatiiSy Hist. ii. 2, 8); eminentior 26. 
7; coniunctior 6. 5; distinctior 18. 10; absolutissimus 5. 6: c^» abiectius 
8. .11. So afterwards, in the Annais, obaeratior vi. 17, 4; improvisior ii. 


47, i; insigniiior iii. 70, 10; meiueniicr xiii. 25, 15, and many other 
instances. Among more or less peculiar uses of adjectives may be 
noit^ /ecundus 33. 5 {fecundissima eorum studia : cp. Quintilian's phrase 
studiorum fructus x. 3, 2; xii. 6, 3; 11, 4); beatus 9. 19; altus 14. 3 
{altior sermOy i.e. gravior sermo : cp. Quint.iii. 8, 42 altior quaestio) : also 
the personal construction with manifestus 16. 11. The peculiar use of the 
future participle may also be mentioned here : see on mansurum 9. 22. 

As to FronouxLB, the use of hic with reference to contemporary 
circumstances is characteristic both of Tacitus and Quintilian: see on 
28. 9; 32. 13, and cp. 37. 6; Germ. iii. 3, xx. i. Instances of et ipse 
occur 30. I and 37. 15. 

In regard to Verbs, it is well known that Tacitus shows a growing 
tendency to prefer simple forms to their corresponding coropounds. 
Here are a few examples. Adsuescere occurs Dial. 20. 9 ; 34. 6 ; Agr. 
xvi. 19 ; xxi. 3 ; Germ. iv, 8 : suescere^ Ann, ii. 44, 2 ; 52. 4 ; xiv. 27, 8. 
Adiuvare^ Dial, 16. 7; Agr, xxi. 4 : iuvare^ Hist, v. 23, 5; Ann. ii. 78^ 
9. Innotescere^ Dial. 10. 5 ; Hist. iv. 50, 2, whereas notescere is the form 
used in the Annals, Demonstrare occurs four times in the Dialogue, 
e.g. 7. 17 : in the Agricola and Germania the simple form is found as 
frequently. The author's preference, in the Dialogue^ for compound 
forms is made an argument for the retention of depacaverat 38 ad fin., 
where see note. Cp. the frequent use in the Annals of paratus for 
apparatus {DiaL 22. 21). On the other hand we have in the Dialogue 
flexisse 19. 4; finire (for definire) 38. 6; cludere 30. 26; pensare 40 ad 
fin.; vanescere 10. 25; ferre (for efferre) 19. 17; fateri 17. 17; 32. 9: 
cp.also 25. 9: while a few cases are doubtful, as sequitur—insequitur 10. 3, 
and perhaps hortatur — exhortatur 14. 9. 

It is hardly necessary to illustrate the development of the usage by 
which compound verbs take a simple accusative instead of a prepositional 
construction : cp. however antecedere 26. 15; praecurrere 25. 5, and see 
Draeger § 40. 

The frequent use of the perfect subjunctive, in modest assertions, is 
also to be noted, e.g. timuerim 13. 2 ; cesserit 13. 10; dixerim 32. 22 ; 
vocaverim 18. 4; non negaverim 26. 14; Draeger § 28. So even ut sic 
dixerim 34. 8; 40. 19. 

Among other peculiarities may be mentioned a certain preference for 
the plural verb even in cases where it is used with two antithetical 
nominatives, e.g. 42. 6 Ego te poetis^ Messalla autem antiquariis crimina- 
bimur. In other writers, the verb naturally foUows the number of the 
second nominative. Cp. Hist. ii. 30, 14 Caecina ut foedum ac macu- 
iosumy ille ut tumidum ac vanum inridebanti so censuere, Ann. i. 8, 14; 


decoravere iii. 62, 3; iravecii sunt xii. 41, 9; vasiareniur xiv. 31, 5; 
regebani xv. 7, 5. The omission of esse and its parts is nodceable at 12. 
21 ; 18. 12 : cp. 37. 19. The infinitive follows conienius 18. 13; dubt- 
iare 18. 17; obnoxium 10. 27; opiare 9. 2 (as Quint. x. i, 127; 7, 3); 
daiur 7, 8 (cp. Quint. x. 7, 22 ; xi. 3, 125, 127). Coiitgere is construed 
with the acc. c. inf. 24 ad fin. The use of tnctpii is made the subject 
of a note at 16 ad fin. 

The use of the gerundive (or gerund) after habeo is exemplified in the 
note on specianda haberemus 8. 1 1. The frequent occurrence of the ablative 
of the gerund is commented on in the note on 3. 22 in connexion wilh 
the proposed emendation adgregando : cp. lacessendo 27. 6. As an 
altemative to adgregando^ the genitive adgregandi might also be con- 
sidered : cp. Vell. ii. 128, i neque novus hic mos senaius popuiique 
Romani esi puiandi quod opHmum . sii esse nobiiissimum : here puiandi is 
epexegetjc=^/ir mos puiandi . . . nm novus esi, Those who read ad" 
gregans may compare the double constructions, with both participle and 
gerundial ablative, in Ann, xiii. 47, 3 socors ingenium eius in conirarium 
trahens caUidumque ei simuiaiorem interpretando ; xv. 38, 10 deinde in 
ediia adsurgens ei rursus inferiora populando. 

As to Frepositions, reference may be made to the notes on a</ 5. 16 ; 
adversus 33. 5 ; arca 3. 16 (cp. Quint. i. i, 35 quoniam circa res adhuc 
ienues moramur); 22. 11; 28. 12; ciira 27. 9; 41. 25 (other instances 
of this use occur Agr, i. 1 1 ; xxxv. 6 ; Germ, xvi. 8, but not in the 
Hisiories or Annais); iuxia 22. 8; per quae 29. 8; pro 13 ad fin. 
(where compare with consuiere pro, rogare prOy Quint. Deci. 117. 15 
praeparare debebimus animum iudicis pro ipsa persona sponsoris; id. 60. 24 
pro uiroque pariier rogabimus); propter 21. 20. Adverbial or adjectival 
phrases (often local in meaning) are compounded with /«, e.g. in medio 
18. 2; in proximo 16. 27 (cp. Quint. vii. i, 44; i. 3, 4); in confesso 
25. 7; 27. 3; in pubiicum, in commune 26. 28. 

Among Adverbs and Conjunctions, and adverbial phrases, the foUow- 
ing may be noticed : — 

Adice quod 9. 29. This phrase, which is common in Seneca, is 
noted by Novak as of frequent occurrence in Quintilian*s Declama- 
tions; 100, 24; 150, 3 ; 264, 4; 274, i. Ceierum 12. 11 ; 26. 20. 
Diu = mulHs verbis 25. 2. So Quint. i. 10, 29 haec diuiius foreni 
dicenda; vi. 4, 14 quo saepius diuiiusque dicaiur i cp. Diai. 11. 3. Dum- 
modo 25. 7 ; Germ, vi. 19. In the Hisiories and AnnaiSy dum is used by 
itself. Et is used in joining synon^rms in negative sentences : e. g. 22. 
15 non saiis expoliius ei spiendens; Ann. i. 4, i nihil usquam prisci ei 
iniegri moris, On the other hand aui is probably right at 19. 23 non 


iure aut legihus^ though Quint. DecL 212, 19 iure legibusque, and 79. 27 
legihus ac iure may be cited in support of ac or eL Ideoque (for itaque) 
31. 32 (cp. atque ideo 3. 12) : this form is very frequent also in Quintilian : 
see on X. i, 21. Igitur stands second in the sentence at 8. 28 ; 10. 35 ; 
23. 20: cp. Agr. xvi. 12; Germ, xlv. 22; Hist. iv. 15, 15; Ann. i. 
47, 5. Elsewhere in Tacitus, unlike Cicero, it is always first. Qutn 
immo 6. 7 ; 34. 24 ; 36. 24 ; 39. 9 (for the more Ciceronian quin etiam ; 
29. 6): so too in Quintilian vii. 10, 8, and elsewhere: in the Annals, 
Tacitus generally has quin et, Licet for etsiy as occasionally in Cicero : 
9. 5 ; 13. 2. Modo . . . nunc for modo .... modo 3. 16. Mbx {=deinde 
* thereafter ') 10. 35 ; 17. 11. Cp. Ann, vi. 51, 2 quamquam mater tn 
Liviam et mox luliamfamiliam adoptione transierit, Neque=ne quidem 
8. 27 quae neque ipsa tamen negleguntur, as often elsewhere in Tacitus 
(Gerber and Greef, p. 933 a). So too at 21. 36 some who read nec 
explain it 2LS=ne quidem, i. e. Corvinus is no more responsible than some 
of the early orators already referred to. For nec with the subjunctive, in 
the negative expression of a wish or command, see on 13. 19. Nedum 
25. 10; nedum ut 10. 5. Nempe enim 35. 12, introducing an assertion 
with reference to a previous statement. So twice in Quintilian, ii. 13, 9 
nam recti quidem corporis vel minima gratia est. Nempe enim adversa 
sitfacies et demissa hrachia et iuncti pedes et a summis ad ima rigens opus : 
viii. Pr. § 6. Cp. Plin. Pan, § 62. For nempe by itself see 9. 10 ; 17. 6 ; 
21. 14. Nisi ut 33. 19: for ut non, Hist, iv. 73 ad fin. Parum est 
with the infinitive, 23. 15 parum est aegrum non esse: cp. 36. 27; this 
use occurs in Livy, and frequently in Quintilian's Declamations, 120, 14 
parum estfaenerari civihus; 122, 2^parum erat sepetiri fyrannum ; 152, 
^o parum est dicere ; 196, 25 tamquam parum esset exigere poenas ; 241, 
\oparum sit tihi perdere; 351, 2 parum est dicere quasi ingenua (Novak). 
Ptane 27. 4 ; 26. 31 ; 35. 14. Porro 5. 7 ; 23. 14. Quamquam fre- 
quently with the subjunctive: 15. 9 ; 21. 29; 26. 16; 34. 13. So Agr, 
iii. 3 ; xiii. 5 ; Germ, xxviii. 18 ; xix. 14. In quantum is used instead of 
quantum at 2. 13 and 41. 19. It cannot, however, be right at 21 ad fin., 
where quam is nearer the MSS. : the meaning ' how little/ and the use of 
the expression in an indirect question, would both be irregular. Quatenus 
(for quoniam) 5. 11 ; 19. i. Quominus (for quiti) : see on 3. 15, and cp* 
34. II : it is adopted in the text also at 21. 13 nec voluntatem ei quo 
minus suhlimius et cultius diceret, though the MS. quo is defended by 
Novak, who compares Quint. DecL 42, 3 iegum latorinon defuisse eloquendi 
faculiaiem ut , , , plane aperieque diceret, Quoque (for etiam or vet) 6. 19 ; 
7.16; 10.21; 11.9; 19.17; 21.12; 39.22: cp. 4.7; 17. 23:for 
hodiequoque see on 34. 34. Statim 18. 15. Tamquam 2. 2 ; 2. 15 ; 18. 25 ; 


25. 3. Utique 18. 21 ; 23. 6 ; 22. 7. Uirumne . . . . o» (for uirum • . » . an) 

35. 7 and 37. 16 : so twice in Quintilian iii. 3, 13 uirumne hae paries esseni 
rheioriceSf an , , ,: xii i, 40. Velui seems to be preferred, in figures and 
withcomparisons, to ^aji(13. 8 ; 32. 21; 33. 14) and /(2/^^2^^(37.33): 
see6. 23; 14.1; 17.29; 19- 1; 22.22; 26.23; 30. 13 ; 32. 18; 33.2; 
38. 7; 39. 4; 39. 14. The same holds good also of Quintilian: see 
Introd. to Book X, p. lii. 

In regard to copulative conjunctions, Tacitus's love of variety may be 
recognized in such a combination as imagines ac iiiuli tX, siaiuae 8. 25, 
which recurs frequently in the Hisiories, and still more frequently in the 
Annals. A doubtful instance of ^/ . . . . aique is commented on at 14. 12. 
The collocation nec . . , , ei (o0rc . . . rc) is found at 2. 10 ; 4. 3 ; 33. 1 1. 
The copious use of the copula at 17. 4; 37. 11 ; 39. 20 may also be 
noted: cp. Agr, zxxvii. 13 ; Germ, xl. 3. 

Comparative sentences (quo . , , eo, quanio . . . ianio) are expressed in 
fuU, 8. 11; 36. 16; 37. 33 (cp. Agr, vi. 5; xxxi. 15; xlii. 16; Germ, 
XX. 15), whereas in the later writings the correlative is frequently omitted 
(e. g. Hisi, i. 14, 14; iii. 18, 12 ; Ann,\, 2, 9). Similarly in adversative 
sentences {^on solum, modo, ianium .... sed eiiam) the eiiam is often 
omitted in the Annals, As a variety we have, in the Dialogut, non modo 
. . . . sed quoque 2. 6 ; 37. 10 : cp. Hisi, i. 57, 11. The frequent use of 
quomodo . . . sic in co-ordinating sentences is specially noticeable : see 
26. 10; 36. 3; 39. 6; 41. 9. For aeque , , , , quam see on 10. 2. 
Quidem is constantly used in antithetical sentences : followed by iamen 
3. 8 ; 9. 14 and 26 : by sed 1. 15; 8. 8 : and by auiem 8. 21 ; 18. 23 ; 

25. 14. Cp. sine dubio , . . sed 40. 22 and the note there. 

At 11. I and 24. i we have the formula Quae cum dixissei, In his 
later writings Tacitus uses, along with * verba sentiendi,' ubi in place of 
cum ; Agr, xxvi. i Quod ubi cogniium ; Hisi, ii. 28, 5 Quod ubi audiium ; 
while in the Annals we find Quod posiquam i. 6, 14. 

Hercule occurs (with great variations in the MSS. between hercule 
and hercle) 1. 10 ; 6. 26 ; 8. 26 ; 14. 19 ; 19. 19; 21. 8; 21. 22 ; 26. 2 ; 

26. 6; 30. 19; 34. 25; 39. 23. 

In regard to the use of figures, reference may be made to the frequent 
cases of Anaphora that are to be found in the Dialogue, At 40. 21 
nullus is made to introduce five consecutive clauses, and hinc four at 

36. 10 : cp. suusZ^i. 14 ; hi — hos 36. 21 ; haec — hoc 12. 6; ianio (thrice) 
36. 17 ; sic 18. 8 ; quis 20. 1 ; cum (thrice) 36. 27 ; donec 40. 19 ; quid 
41. 13 ; mn and ille 30. 19-22 ; omnia (thrice) 38. 8, and again 40. 17. 
So in Agr, xviii. 23 qui is repeated three times; cp. Germ, xl. 14 iuric 
tanium noia, iunc tanium amaia; Hisi, i, 10, 9 apud subiecios, apud 


proxtmoSy apud collegas ; Ann. iv. 34, 25 tpse divus lulius^ ipse divus 
Auguslus, The passages referred to at 20. i and 41. 13 illustrate also 
the use of the rhetorical question, which is specially noticeable in the 
speeches of Aper and Matemus ; for the former see 6. 30 ; 6. 10 ; 7. 
II sqq. ; 9. losqq.; for the latter, 13. 11 sqq.; 41. 3 and 13. So 
Messalla, 29. 11. 

Of 2tougma, two mild instances have been noted by editors, mutuatus 
esi 24. 5, and detexisse 25. 27 : cp. loco 26. 10. Readers of the Annals 
are familiar with the frequent instances of the use of this figure which 
the effort after brevity has given rise to in that work: e. g. ii. 20, 5 
quod arduum si6i, cetera legatis permisit ; iii. 12,6 nam si legatus officii 
terminos, ohsequium erga imperatorem exuit. In the earlier works, less 
pronounced examples (similar to those referred to in the Dialogui) may 
be quoted from Agr, iii. 4 nec spem modo ac votum securitas puhlica^ sed 
ipsius voti fiduciam ac rohur adsumpserit ; Germ» vii ad fin. cihosque et 
hortamina pugnantihus gestant ] Hist. v. 22, 8 utque adfallendum silentio 
(sc. utehantur or agehant) ita coepta caede^ quo plus terroris addereni cuncta 
clamorihus miscebant. 

Of Hendiadys (which differs from the ordinary use of s^oion^nns in 
that one of the two co-ordinated words defines the other like an adjective, 
or a genitive case) genuine instances are severitate ac disciplina 28. 11; 
cursus ei spatia 39. 7 ; possibly also ingeniis gloriaque 1. 2, though it is 
fuUy as probable that these words should be rendered * the genius and 
the fame.' Other examples generally referred to this category are 
perhaps better treated as synonyms; e. g. virihus ei armis 37. 10; 
clamore plausuque 39. 14. 

The following are instances of Fleonasm : maturare . . ./estino, 3. 1 2 ; 
si ad respecium referas^ 16. 25 ; cum praesertim centum et viginti annos . . . 
effici ratio temporum coUegerii, 24. 14; si illud ante praedixero, 18. 17; si 
prius . . ,pauca praedixero^ 28. 11 ; qui prae Caione Appium Caecum 
magis mirarentur, 18. 17. Chiasmus is exemplified in 10 ad fin. et 
prohata sit fides et liherias excusaia ; 19. 18 praecepta rheiorum, philo^ 
sophorum placita; 34. zdforiauditor, seciaior iudiciorum\ 40. 16 Rhodii 
quidam, plurimi Athenienses oraiores, Instances of Anastrophe are 
frequent: quo laeior magis 4. 5; vidit namque 19. 6; ipsos quin immo 
6.7; 34.25; 33. 9(cp. -4;i«. XV. 21, 10); and often with adverbs,y^3«/(?J<z 
nimis 12. 19 ; concedamus sane 21, 19 ; firmus sane 22. 14 ; nascenii adhuc 
25' 33; ieneri statim et rudes 29. 4; soius staiim et unus 34. 30; iau- 
davimus nuper 9. 24 ; rogare ultro et amhire 9. 16 ; vocare ultro 36. 22. 
With these last examples cp. Agr, xix. 16 emere ulirofrumenta cogehantur ; 
Ilist, ii. 91, 9 grata sane et popularia; i. 33, 2 invalida adhuc coniurcUio ; 



iii. j,g puisarum nuper Ugtonum\ iii. 45, 9 ctmcussa siattm flagiho domus\ 
Ann, xiii. 3, 17 puerilibus statim annis; xiv. 43 ad fin. pronuniiemus uliro. 

It is very noticeable also, in view of the occurrence of the same feature 
in both Cicero and Quintilian, that the Dialogue contains many similes 
and comparisons taken from the practice of war or the methods of 
gladiatorial combats *. Aper's first speech is fuU of them : see ch. 6. 
20 sqq. quid est tutius quahi eam exercere artem qua semper armatus prae- 
sidium amicis . . ./eras, ipse , . . munitus ? Cuius vis et utilitas aliorum 
praesidio et tutela intellegitur : sin proprium periculum increpuit .. . . elo- 
quentia praesidium simul ac telum quo propugnare pariter et incessere 
. . , possis. Quid aliud infestis patribus nuper Eprius MarceUus quam 
eloquentiam suam opposuit ? qua accinctus et minax . . . eiusmodi cer- 
taminum rudem Helvidii sapieniiam elusit. Cp. 12. 1 1 in locum teli repertus, 
The young aspirant is to learn the art of oratorical warfare on the field of 
battle itself : «/ . . . pugnare in proelio disceret (34. 8), where he will meet 
with foemen worthy of his steel {adversarii ferro non rudibus dimicantes, 
ib.). Just as the soldier must be furnished with every needfiil weapon, 
so must the orator possess a knowledge of every branch of culture : 
quem \oratorem\ non posse aliter exsistere nec exstitisse unquam confirmo 
nisi eum qui tamquam in aciem omnibus armis instructus sic in forum 
omnibus artibus armatus exierit, 32. 9. The orator's sphere is in fact 
a battle-field ^ : sic nunc te ab auditoriis et theatris inforum et ad causas 
ei ad vera proelia voco^ 10. 2. And the more frequent the combats in 
^hich he engages, the higher will be his reputation for eloquence : quo 
saepius steterit tanquam in acie quoque plures et intulerit ictus et ex- 
ceperit quoque maiores adversarios acrioresque pugnas sibi ipsa desump- 
serit, tanto altior et excelsior et illis nobilitata discriminibus in ore hominum 
agit, 37 ad fin. Lastly, Cas§ius Severus is criticized in language 
borrowed from a similar figure : ipsis etiam quibus utitur armis incompositus 
et studio fentndi plerumque deiectus non pugnat sed rixatur, 26. 18. For 
such worl^ as the orator has to do, it is essential that he should cultivate 
a good physical habit : hence the frequent recurrence of figures derived 

* Cp. Introd. to Quintilian X, pp. Ivi, 
Ivii, and Wollner*s tractate, cited there. 

* To the same source of military meta- 
phor John refers the MS. reading at 25. 
8 JVe illi quidem parti sermonis eius 
repugno si cominus y^^/i^r, &c., *wenn 
er zur Sache kommend erklart,' &c., 
comparing among other passages 26. 22 
quorum neminem Aper nominare et velut 
in aciem educere sustinuit. Vahlen had 
ahready defended si by a reference to 

Cic. Tusc. i. 46, III illa suspicio . . . si 
qpinamur, and ib. iii. 31, 76 illam opi- 
nionem .... siputet : in the same way 
cum is used 14. 8, and 15. 3. But such 
passages as Ann. xv. 4, 10 {Parthus nulla 
cominus audacia ; cp. vi. 35, 3) do not 
tell in favour of so extraoi^inary a con- 
struction as comitms fateri would be, if 
it were genuine. See tcxt and note ad 
loc. for an attempted emendation. 



from the human body in connexion with such words as ossa^ sanguis, &c. : 
see on 21. 4 and 32. 



It is a well-known fact that, with the exception of CatuUus, no classical 
author has come down to the modem world by so slender a thread of 
transmission as Tacitus. The first six books of the Annals rest upon an 
absolutely unique manuscript, the famous First Medicean, which was not 
recovered for a generation after the appearance of the first printed edition 
of his works, being commonly believed to have come to Rome from the 
monastery of Corvey in Westphalia, about the year 1508 ^ For eighty 
years previously, the codex now known as the Second Medicean, con- 
taining the last books of the Annah and the Histories, had been in the 
hands of scholars. Poggio had received it, at Rome, from his friend and 
agent, Niccolo Niccoli, in the year 1427, but does not seem to have kept 
it long, as he was anxious to obtain in its place another codex which he 
had once seen, and which he thought a copyist would have less difiiculty in 
transcribing. His mysterious allusions to its provenance, and the general 
secretiveness which marks his correspondence with Niccoli on this 
subject, suggest an explanation of the phenomenon that it was long 
before its contents became generally known*. It had probably been 
procured under circumstances rather compromising to its new owner. 

Intermediate between the re-appearance of these two codices comes 
the discovery of the minor works of Tacitus, including the Dialogue, 
shortly before the year 1460. Some have thought that the codex con- 
taining these must also have been in Poggio's possession, though he had 
kept it a close secret till his death in 1459, in the same way as he had 
agreed to treat the manuscript received from Niccolo Niccoli. But the 

^ Ulrichs thinks that the precise date 
must have been 1507, as Soderini*s letter 
to Adriani, referring to the arrival of the 
codex as ' quite recent * {proxime) is dated 
Jan. I, 1508 : see £os, vol. i. p. 243. 
The Medicean codex of Pliny's letters 
seems to have originaUy formed part of 
this manuscript: seeKeil*s edition (1870) 
Praef. p. vii. On the death of Pope 
Leo X, it was transferred to Plorence, 
where it is still preserved (Laur. 68, i). 

^ Comelium Tacitum, cum ventrit. 

observabo penes tne occulte, Scio enim 
omnem illam cantilenam et unde exierit 
et per quem et quis eum sibi vendicet ; 
sed nil dubites : non exibit a mene verbo 
quidemi Poggii Epist. p. 2ia. It is 
mainly on the obscure history of this ' find,' 
and on the late emergence of the First 
Medicean tiiat Ross (1888), and Hochart 
(1890) have based their incredible theory 
that the Annals were forged in the 
fifteenth century. See Madan's ' Books in 
Manuscript*, pp. 130-132, 


probability is that we owe the minor works, not to Poggio, but to a Pope 
who was also an eamest scholar, and practically the founder of the 
Vatican Library at Rome. In the year 1451, Nicholas V had sent the 
monk Enoch of Ascoli, formerly one of his most intimate associates, 
into France, Germany, and Denmark, to search for manuscripts and to 
take copies. There is still extant a letter in which he recommends his 
emissary to the good oflSces of Ludwig of Erlichshausen. After referring 
to his intention of making a coUection of Greek and Latin MSS., worthy 
of the Supreme Pontiflf and the Apostolic See, Pope Nicholas specifies 
the motive of £noch's mission in the following passage : sed cum mulH 
libri ex aniiquis deficiant, qui culpa superiorum iemporum sunt deperditi^ ad 
inquirendum et transcribendum si reperiantur eiusmodi libros miiiimus 
dilectum filium Enoch Esculanum virum . doctum grecis et latinis iiiteriSy 
/amiliarem nostrum, qui diversa loca et monasteria inquiraty si quis ex ipsis 
deperditis apud vos libris reperiretur, Idcirco nostri contemplatione velis 
omnes tui territorii libros sibi ostenderCy antiquos presertim et prisce scrip- 
ture, et simul permittere ut in tuo terriiorio scribi possit expensis nostris, 
Nolumus enim ut aliquis liber surripiatur, sed tantummodo ut fiat copia 
transcribendi super quibus ipse Enoch tecum loquetur latius ex parte 
nostra ^. 

At first, Enoch does not seem to have fulfilled the high expectations 
that had been formed of the prospects of his mission. Poggio, in 
particular, appears to have had a poor idea of his qualiflications. Enoch 
had been a pupil of Filelfo, with whom Poggio had interchanged such 
courtesies as were common among tbe scholars of that day ; and he was 
undertaking a task in which Poggio himself had already been more than 
once disappointed, notably in an eflfort to procure a complete copy of 
Liyy which he had been told was to be found in a Cistercian monastery 
near Ltibeck. In a letter addressed to Fr. Coppino, Poggio says that, in 
two years, Enoch had found nothing that even an uneducated persoi^ 
would find it worth his while to read*. Porphyrio's commentary on 
Horace and Apicius seem to have been the chief results of Enoch's early 
eflforts. But the air was full of the rumour of new discoveries. The 
times were favourable, and such a mission as Enoch's was not likely to 
prove a failure in the end. We know from Poggio*s letters to Niccolo 
Niccoli ' (1425-28) that he had himself formerly been on the track of some 

^ See Voigt, Die Wiederbelebung des etiam indocti hominis lectione. 

classischen Alterthums, ii. p. 202. ' See Massinaim's Germaniay P*^7^ sqq.; 

' Novissime a summo pontifice missus Reifferscheid's Suetoni Reliquiae, p. 410; 

est ad eos libros \Livi\ perscrutandos Ulrich in £os, i. pp. 229 sqq. ; and 

Henoch AsculanuSy qui adeo diiigensfuit Michaelis's critical edition of the Dia- 

tit nihil iam biennio invenerit dignum logue, Praef. pp. xix-zxii. 


of the hitherto undiscovered writings of Tacitus. A certain monk, who 
was charged with important business at the Papal Court, had once 
intimated to him that he knew where several volumes were to be found, 
one of which contained what Poggio designates as jaliqua opera Cornelii 
Taciti nohis ignota — probably the codex in which the minor works 
afterwards came to light. The monk, who had doubtless a proper 
appreciation of Poggio's influence at court, as weli as of his weakness for 
old manuscripts, undertook to fumish him with a list of books belonging 
to the library of an ancient German monastery, inventarium cuiusdam 
vetustisstmi monasterii tn Germania, ubi est ingens librorum copia, In 
1427 the monk, now described as 'of Hersfeld' (Hersfeldensis) brings 
the promised inventory, with which Poggio is greatly disappointed. Part 
of it, however, he forwards to Niccolo : Mitto autem ad te nunc partem 
inventarii sui^ in quo describitur volumen illud Cornelii Taciti et aliorum 
quibus caremus : quae cum sint res quaedam parvulae, non satis magni sunt 
aestimandae. Decidi ex magna spe quam conceperam ex verbis suis, The 
monk promised to bring him the Tacitus codex, and Poggio waited 
impatiently for it. But it did not arrive. In the end of 1428 he writes 
to Niccoli, Cornelius Tacitus silet inter Germanos neque quicquam exinde 
novi percepi de eius operibus, The Hersfeld brother came again to Rome, 
but without the wished-for codex, whereupon Poggio gave him a warm 
receplion. He undertook to bring it on his next joumey; but as Poggio 
makes no further allusion to the matter in his correspondence, we are 
led to conclude that the monk's tergiversation compelled him to abandon 
the hope he had entertained so long. 

It is of course impossible now to identify the codex to which this 
incident relates, but we may infer with some probability that it was the 
one afterwards brought to h*ght by Enoch of Ascoli. Only one copy of 
the Dialogue^ along with the Germania and the fragment of Suetonius 
de Grammaticis et RhetoribuSy is known to have survived down to the 
days of Poggio. It became the parent of the various MSS. of those 
treatises which we now possess, and which can all be proved to derive 
from it and it only \ It was the discovery of this codex, in a German 
monastery, that rewarded Enoch's later journeyings, after his first patron 
Nicholas V had passed away. The authority for this statement is a note 
which, when he published his edition of the Germania and the Dialogue in 
1841, L. Tross reported from the Leyden codex (B). This note was 
appended by Jovianus Pontanus (1426-1503) to the original of which the 
Le) den MS. is a copy, and is to the eifect that Enoch's codex came to 

* See pp. Ixxxi-lxxxii. 



light ' shordy after the death of Bartolemeo Facio/ who is known to have 
died in 1457: pauUo entm post etus moriem in lucem rediere^ cum mulios annos 
desideroHa docHs hominihus essent, Temporibus enim Nicolai quinH fxmtificis 
maximi Enoc Asctdanus in GaUiam et inde in Germaniam profectus con- 
quirendorum librorum graHa hos quamquam mendosos et imperfectos ad nos 
retuiit. . . . lov. Pontanus Vmber excripsii. On the back of the first folio 
of the Leyden codex the foUowing note also occurs, though possibly in 
another hand : Hos iihelios lovianus Ponianus excripsii nuper adinvenios 
ei in lucem reiaios ab Enoc Asculano quamquam saHs mendosos : mccclx. 
Mariio Mense. 

These notices may be taken as fixing the date of £noch's discovery, 
approximately, at 1458^. But though the date may be regarded as 
settled, other important points in the accounts we have remain still to be 
discussed. Where was the monastery in which Enoch found the codex 
in question ? What was the relation of this codex to the other known 
codices containing the historical books of Tacitus ? Did Enoch bring the 
original with him to Rome, or only a copy ? 

Three monasteries have been named as containing the library in which 
Enoch had his one great stroke of good fortune — those of Corvey in 
Westphalia, Fulda in Hesse-Cassel, and Hersfeld in the same neighbour- 
hood. In regard to the first-mentioned, no argument can be founded 
on the letter addressed by Poggio to Niccoli, in which he names this 
nionastery : nam de monasierio Corbeio quod esi in Germania non esi quod 
speres: diciiur mulios esse in eo libros: non credo rumoribus siuliorum. 
This was in 1420, several years before Poggio commenced his negotia- 
tions with the Hersfeld monk. On the other hand, Corvey is almost 
certainly known to have been the home of the codex now known as the First 
Medicean, before it was abstracted and conveyed to Rome in the early 
years of the sixteenth century. But it was from Hersfeld that the monk 
came, and the volumes which he held out the prospect of to the expectant 
Poggio were not improbably in the library which he knew best — that of 
his own monastery. The reason why he failed to implement his promise 
may have been either that Poggio did not offer enough^ or that he 
found his business prospering at Rome without Poggio's help. On the 

^ It onght, however, to be stated that 
Voigt (see op. cit. i. 258, note) thinks 
that the only inference we are justified in 
drawing from what Pontanus says is that 
the minor works of Tacitns emerged 
somewhere and somehow between 1457- 
60. The reference to Enoch he considers 
diie to a tendency on the part of copyists 
to connect all reappeanmces with that 


monk's recent search for manoscripts. 
Enoch is believed to have retnmed to 
Rome ia March 1455, ^^ Voigt doubts 
whether, considering his want of success 
in his first missioUi he would have been 
likely to be selected for another. 

* RogceoU me multa : dixi me nilfctc- 
turum niH librum /Mberemus, Pogg. 
Epist. p. a68. 


other hand it may be that he had promised more than he could perform^ 
as might very conceivably be the case if the codices which he mentioned 
to Poggio were the property of another monastery. It is on this theory 
that Fulda becomes possible. Fulda is only about thirty miles from 
Hersfeld, and is believed to have possessed in earlier days an ancient 
copy of the works of Tacitus. Indeed the only certain reference to the 
historian's writings before the fifteenth century is made by Ruodolphus, 
a monk of Fulda, of whom we are able to infer that he must have used, 
about the year 863 a. d., a codex containing both the Germania and the 
Annals, and therefore probably complete. 

The point has been made the subject of numerous conjectures. 
Reifferscheid's latest view* was that Ruodolphus may have borrowed 
the codex from Corvey, after the fashion of that time. Others, more 
probably, regard Fulda itself as the home of the complete archetype 
which Ruodolphus used, and which must of course have been more 
ancient than any codex now extant. However this may be, we may 
be pretty certain that it was not this archetype, nor any part of it, that 
Enoch found. In fact it is improbable that Enoch's codex was older 
than the thirteenth century. This is an inference which may be fairly 
based on the state in which the text of the minor works has come down 
to us. The manuscript to which we owe their survival must have 
abounded in those abbreviations ^ and compendia which are absent from 
manuscripts of more remote date, but which by that time had been 
developed into a regular system. We are in this way enabled to explain 
the difference between the text of the early books of the Annals, which 
has been recovered from the First Medicean, and that of the Germama 
and the Dialogue, The latter, as also the Suetonius fragment, have 
suffered considerably from the ignoranc^ of their first copyists, and 
especially from their inability to interpret some of the compendia referred 
to above. In order to gather up the various threads of the tradition of 
Tacitus, Ulrichs constnicted th6 hypothesis that the codex used by 
Ruodolphus at Fulda (eighth or ninth century) was copied in the latter 
part of the eleventh century for or in the monastery of Corvey, and that 
the first part of this apographon was lent to Hersfeld in the thirteenth 
century, where after being copied it was lost. It is to the copy made at 
Hersfeld that we are in all probability indebted for Enoch's discovery. 
Through his agency, the minor works of Tacitus found their way, just about 
the timeof Poggio's death, to Italy — probably first to Florence, and after- 
wards (before 1470), enlarged by the addition of the Agricola, to Rome'. 

^ Snetoni Reliquiae, p. xy. ^ Cp. Roth, Suetonius, p. Ixvi. 

• Cp. Eos, ii. pp. 232 sqq. 


It has already been indicated as probable that what Enoch brought to 
Italy was no mere copy — though his instructions from Pope Nicholas had 
originally been to take copies only— but the Hersfeld codex itself. Roth 
has stated the arguments in favour of this theory from the point of view 
of the Suetonius fragment (see his Stieionius, pp. Ixv sq.). Reifferscheid, 
on the other hand (p. 411), argues that, while it may even have been the 
ancient archetype of Fulda that Enoch found, our codices are not derived 
from it, but from a copy made by Enoch himself or by a contemporary. 
The double readings so scrupulously recorded in some manuscripts he 
thinks are a sign of the difficulty with which the ancient manuscript 
was deciphered. They sometimes, indeed, diverge so widely as to 
suggest the possibility of the supposition that another codex may have 
been discovered, which was afterwards used to compare and correct the 
copies made from the one Enoch found ; but any such theory is vetoed 
by the occurrence of the lacuna at the end of ch. 35 of the Dialogue ^ 
which is found in every extant manuscript, and must therefore have 
existed in the one and only original from which all are derived. Against 
Reifferscheid's theory it may be urged that the compendia which would 
have been used by a fifteenth-century copyist, such as Enoch or a con- 
temporary, in transcribing an ancient MS. like the Fulda archetype, 
would not have been so liable to be misunderstood as those in the 
(supposed) thirteenth-century copy made at Hersfeld. And a note which 
I have to report from Harleianus 2639 (H), a manuscript which will be 
described below, seems to point in the direction of the belief that Enoch 
brought more than a mere copy with him to Italy. At the end of the 
Suetonius fragment the copyist of H has written in the margin these 
words : Hic aniiquissimum exemplar finii ei hoc iniegrum videiur, Unless 
it is to be taken as a mere statement of what he had been given to 
understand was the case, this note, occurring in a manuscript which was 
undoubtedly written within a few years of Enoch's discovery *, must be 
regarded as evidence that the copyist of H had access to the original codex 
and was not merely transcribing from an almost contemporary copy. 

AU the existing manuscripts of the Dialogue derive, as has been already 
stated, from the codex which Enoch found. They are divided into two 
families, at the head of each of which is supposed to stand a lost copy 
of Enoch's codex, called respectively X and Y by Michaelis, N and M by 
Baehrens. All the available evidence goes to show that the copy X was 
made by a careful but unlearned scribe, and must therefore have been 

* See p. bucxu » See p. Ixxvi. 




a more or less exact transcript of his original : the copyist of Y, on the 
other hand, brought greater scholarship to bear on his task, and allowed 
himself more freedom in executing it. The X family is represented 
now by the Vatkanus 1862 (A) and the Letdensis (B). The Y family 
includes the Farnesianus (C), Vaticanus 1^1% (J)), Vaficanus 44^8 (A), 
the Oiiobanianus (E), the Vindobonmsis dccxi (V,), the Harleicmus (H), 
and the Vindobonensis cccli (V) *. 

The editio princeps of the works of Tacitus, which did not include the 
as yet undiscovered first six books of the AnncUs^ is understood to have 
been printed from a codex which must have derived ultimately from the 
manuscript now known as the Second Medicean {Laur. 68, 2), generally 
believed to have been written at Monte Casino in the latter half of the 
eleventh century. It was published by Vendelin de Spira at Venice in 
1470. Several MSS. of the last books of the Annals and the Histories 
must then have been available, some of them copied, no doubt, as soon 
as the Second Medicean had passed, at the time of Niccolo's death (1437), 
from private keeping into ihe library of the Convent of St. Mark, after* 
wards incorporated with the Laurentian Library at Florence. But none of 
them contained the minor works^. For these Spira must have been 
indebted to some copy of Enoch's find, by which the Germania and the 
Dialoguty at least, were re-united to the parent stem from which they had 
so long been dissevered. Such codices as the Farnesianus (C) and the 
Vindobonensis (V) must have resulted from the wish to combine Enoch*s 
discovery with the already known works. It was from a codex of this 
class (said to have been at the time in the Library of St. Mark at Venice) 
that Spira printed : as far as concems the Dialogue, it must have embodied 
many of the readings and emendations of which thcearliest trace is 
probably to be found in the hitherto neglected Harleianus (H). Then 
came the edition of Puteolanus (Milan, 1475), i^ which many of the 
mistakes of the editio princeps were corrected. Puteolanus is generally 
understopd not to have had the assistance of any manuscript (Michaelis, 

^ The heading is variously given in 
these MSS. as lollows : — Comeli Taciti 
incipit DuUogus de Oratorihus A : Cor^ 
nelii Taciti Dialogus de Oratoribus 
incipit B : Comelii Taciti Dialogus de 
Oratoribus foeliciter incipit C : 'C* Cor- 
nelii Taciti dialogus de oratoribus D: 
Cornelii Taciti Dialogus incipit de 
Oratoribus et Poetis E [et poetis e) : In- 
cipit Dialogus de Oratoribus Vj : C, 
Comelii TcLciti equitis Romani Dialogus 
de Orcttoribus claris feliciter incipit H : 
{de oratoribus suis et antiquis comparatis 
V). On the iirst folio H gives the list of 

contents as foUows : Suetonii Tranquilli 
de grammaticis et rhetoribus libri duo: 
C. Comelii Taciti Dialogus de oratoribus 

' £ven the nnknown codex which 
Poggio alludes to in a letter to Niccolo 
(Epist. p. 213) as one which he had once 
read and which he was anxions again to 
borrow cannot have contained anything 
which is not in the Second Medicean : 
otherwise he would not have spoken of 
atiqua opera Comelii Taciti nobis ignota 
(p. Ixiv;. 


Pref. p. i) ; but, though this may be true of the rest of his book, it is 
probable that he was acquainted with the text of the Dicdogue as given 
in the Harldanus^ and several instances of true readings hitherto ascribed 
to Puteolanus which are anticipated in the British Museum codex will 
be recorded in the conmientary. Similar emendations and interpolations 
are to be found also in the editions of Beroaldus (1514) and Beatus 
Rhenanus (15 19 and 1533). By employing the Farnestanus (C), 
Lipsius put the text of Tacitus on a new basis in his great edition 
of 1574, the popularity of which may be estimated from the fact that no 
fewer than ten re-issues of the work, revised by Lipsius himself, appeared 
at Antwerp and Leyden between 1574 and 1607. The last of these 
embodied the improvements made on the text by Pichena : and about 
the same time the labours of Muretus, Pithou, and Acidalius combined 
to purge the Dialogue in particular of many of the blemishes which even 
then remained upon it. The edition of Gronovius (Amsterdam, 1672 and 
1685) does not indicate any independent advance. For the Dialogue^ 
Brotier went back to the MSS., and used the four Vatican codices (1862, 
16 18, 2964, and 4498) without, however, recognizing the supreme 
importance of Vat, 1862 (A). The codex Farnesianus (C) still held the 
first place, not only in Brotier's eycs, but in those of Heumann (GSttingen, 
1719), Schulze (Leipzig, 1788), Dronke (Coblenz, 1828), Orelli (Zilrich, 
1830), and Bekker (1831). Next, Egger coUated the codex Parisiensis 
1113» which, however, will be shown below to be a mere copy of the 
Harleianus (H). In his edition of 1841, Hess gives the readings of the 
Vindobonensis (V) as reported by Schubart. In the same year came Tross's 
coUation of the very important codex Leidensis (B), which had formerly 
belonged to Perizonius. Of this codex, Ritter made a fresh collation for 
his complete edition of Tacitus (1848), and it was thereafter allowed to rank 
above the Farnesianus (C). But almost at the same time the Vaticanus 
1862 (A) begins to emerge. Nipperdey was the first to demonstrate its 
superiority (Hall. Liit, Zeit, 1840), and in his edition of the Germania 
(1847), Massmann suspected that it must stand on at least a footing 
of equality with B. The same line was taken by Reifferscheid in his 
Quaestiones Suetonianae (see especially pp. 409 sqq.), and lastly, by 
Michaelis, in his critical edition of the Dialogue (1868). Michaelis 
hadexamined A for himself in the year 1858, and had come to the 
conclusion that it was 'integrior' than B. To A and B he adheres 
closely, as against the Y family of MSS. Baehrens, on the other hand, 
constructed his critical edition (1881) on the theory that the Y family 
contained a truer tradition than that of which AB are the representa- 
tives: and this theory, taken along with his own tendencies towards 


arbitrary and irresponsible emendation, enabled him to produce a text 
which presents many points of contrast to that of Michaelis. Binde, in 
a dissertation to which reference will be made again (1884), supported 
the view of Michaelis, with variations. The latest contribution to the 
criticism of the Dialogue has been made by F. Scheuer (1891), who, in 
a pamphlet to which all future editors will continue to be indebted, 
endeavours to establish the superiority of the Y family, though on other 
grounds than those on which Baehrens had relied. 

Before proceeding to a more detailed consideration of the subject of 
the distinguishing characteristics of the two families, it will be advisable 
to fumish here a more speciiic account of the various codices to which 
reference has already been made. 

Of Vaticanus 1862 (A), nothing need be said in addition to what has 
already been stated, except that the order of its contents is (i) the 
Germania^ (2) the fragment of Suetonius, and (3) the Dialogtu, It 
was doubtless a faithful copy of the manuscript from which it was 

The Leidensis (B), on the other hand, in which the Dialogue comes 
first and is foUowed by the Germania and the Suetonius, presents several 
points of interest and peculiarity. It was long supposed to be the 
actual copy made from £noch's codex by Jovianus Pontanus, the intimate 
associate of Alfonso the Magnanimous, who played a large part in the 
literary society of the Naples of his day *. It is now admitted, however, 
that B is not the original apographon of Pontanus, but a copy of it. It 
diifers considerably from A, though it is impossible now to say how far 
the difference is attributable to the changes introduced by Pontanus him- 
self, and how far to the copyist of B. Pontanus is known to have been an 
elegant and accurate scholar, and he no doubt incorporated many emen- 
dations in the text as he transcribed it. Moreover, the scribe sometimes 
makes corrections in his own hand, some of which are right, while others 
are wrong '. Lastly, the whole was subsequently revised by another hand, 
cited as b, the author of which is generally supposed to have had other 

^ See Symonds, Renaissance in Italy, foUowing : 18. 27 mea for mei ; 22. 5 

pp. 362 sqq. ex verbis for et verbis (so HSp. Put.) ; 

^ Examples are given in the critical 22. 6 locosque (with H) for locos quoque ; 

notes: thefollowingmay howeverbecited 84. 8 multumque for multum\ 36. 24 

here as among the right corrections : cogerent for regerent ; 5. 23 quadam 

8. 12 quoque for quosque; 10. 28 ejffer- velut for velut quadam ; 22. 17 tantum 

vescit for effervescet\ 10. 30 offendis for eo for eo tantum; 29. 15 ullas quidem 

offendes ; 80. 7 qua usos for quo ausos for quidem ullas, 
(^ACEVjj. Wrongly corrected are the 


codices beside him, and even printed editions, such as those of Puteolanus 
and Rheuanus. The general agreement between the variants introduced 
by b and the text of the HarUianus would seem to point, however, to 
a di£ferent explanation : see p. Ixxix. 

The common derivation of these two codices (A and B) is obvious 
from the fact that the end of the twenty-fifth chapter of the Germania is 
displaced in both. Their original (X) was probably written by a scribe 
who was not so skilful in resolving compendia as the writer of Y : they 
each contain corruptions which must be attributed to the writer of X, 
seeing that in the corresponding places the members of the Y family give 
the text correctly. An excellent example of this, as well as of the 
tendency to emendation on the part of B, occurs in the Suetonius frag- 
ment, 127. 30, 3 (Reiflferscheid), where we hz.\Q ypsm A, ipseum B, 
conspectu ECDH, for ^speii: cp. ib. 126. 30, 15 personalem AB, pro- 
consulem E, pcons. H, procos, D, porcos C. From the tradition of A and 
B, it is a much easier task to restore the text of X than it is to infer from 
the other existing codices what must have stood in Y. The copyist of 
A foUowed his original with the most scrupulous care, and made very 
few changes: hence A must be regarded as superior to B in literal 
accuracy of reproduction. In doubtful cases, the adhesion of the repre- 
sentatives of Y to the tradition of either A or B may be taken as conclusive 
of what must have originally stood in X. 

For the Y family, Michaelis cited, in his critical edition (1868), the 
readings of the Farnesianus (C), Vaticanus 151 8 (D), Vaticanus 4498 (A), 
and Ottobonianus (E) : to these must be added the Harleianus (H), the 
Vindobonensis cccu (V), and the Vindobonensis dccxi Q^^. 

The Farnesianus (C) is one of the MSS. which must derive indirectly, 
except for the minor works, from the Second Medicean. It contains 
Annals xi-xvi : Hist, i-v, the Dialogue, the Germania^ and the fragment 
of Suetonius. For its relation to other existing MSS. of the historical 
books, see Furneaux's Annals, vol. ii. pp. 2, 3, where it is classed with 
the second group of codices, from one of which Spira is believed to have 
printed his editio princeps, The addition of the minor works proves that 
it is not earlier than the latter part of the fifteenth century. 

The two Vatican MSS. 15 18 (D) and 4498 (A) have this in common, 
that they contain some minor writings, in addition to Tacitus and 
Suetonius. Their contents are as foUows : in D we have, after Porphyrio's 
commentary on Horace, and a life of Persius, with the commentary 
of Comutus, (a) the Suetonius fragment, (^) the Dialogue, and (r) the 
Germania, The Suetonius comes first in A, foUowed by Pseudo-PUnii 


de viris illustrihus^ and (fl) the Agricola^ (3) the Dialogue, and (f ) the 
Germania^ &c. 

The Ottoboniatms (E) is a late codex (fifteenth or sixteenth century) 
with very miscellaneous contents. After Messalae Corvini de progenie sua 
liheUus comes {d) the Suetonius fragment, and (3) the Dialogue^ followed 
by many tractates, too various to mention. The importance of this 
codex was first recognized by Michaelis, but it was taken for a copy of 
the Farnesianus (C) corrected from A. This theory was disproved by 
Steuding^, who erred, however, in attributing CE and A to a common 

Next to E may be placed the Vindohonmsis dccxi (V,), whose kinship 
with the Ottobonianus has been clearly demonstrated by Scheuer, and 
whose contents are equally miscellaneous. At the close of the series 
comes {a) the Germania^ foUowed by (3) the Dialogue, and (f) the 
Suetonius. This codex bears date a.d. 1466. It has been designated Vg 
to distinguish it from another Vienna manuscript, viz. — 

Vindobonensis cccli (V). This codex bears the arms of Matthias 
Corvinus, King of Hungary, for whom it was probably written. It after- 
wards belonged to Joannes Sambucus (1563). It contains the last six 
books of the Annals, the Histories, and (a) the Germania, {b) the 
Dialogue, where the addition to the tide, in a later hand, of the name 
of Quintilian helped to forward the theory that the Dialogue was really 
the composition of the great teacher of rhetoric. For the historical 
books, it is in close agreement with the codex firom which Spira must 
have printed his editio princeps \ see Wissowa, Lectiones Tacitinae, Speci- 
men Tertium, 1832. So far as the Dialogue is concemed, it was 
probably copied, carelessly enough, from a codex closely related to the 
Harleianus (H), the account of which may be postponed to p. Ixxv *. 

The divergence between the two families will be made evident by a 
consideration of the foUowing places : — 


22. 4 orcUores aetatis eiusdem eiusdem aetatis oraiores 

22. 7 iam senior seniar iam 

* Beitrage zur Textkritik im Dialog But at 19 ad fin. V has et festinare se 

des Tacitus, 1878. testantur, while these words do not occur 

^ While H and V belong obviously to in H, as also et audiantur 35. 11. On 

the same class of MSS., any theory that the other hand there are no blank pages 

either was copied from the other is nega- left in V, as in H, at the end of ch. 35 : 

tived by the occurrence of striking and and such a variant as occurs at 19. 5 

characteristic differences, some of which {iuSo H for iudicio, video V) is enough 

will be recorded below. They agree in to show that H was not copied from V : 

omitting the words \ex his suasoriae ... cp. 86. i otnisisse H, omisso V; 31. 16 

controversiae"] at 85. 13-15, and also \ergo inciteiur H, conciteturY \ 16. 36, 32 dfe 

non} at the commencement of ch. 87. coegerunt H, dicere cogerentur V. 



ariis ingenuae 


quidem autetn 

31. 20 

omnem orationem 

24. 12 










ingenuae artis 



in tantum 
rem militarem 

haec ipsa 
haec quoque 

The agreement pf the Y class in readings which difFer from those of 
AB is suflficient to establish the fact, which could also be proved from the 
Germania and the Suetonius, that the MSS. cited above as composing it 
derive from a different original than that which is reproduced in A and B. 
The question which of the two families is worthy of greater credit will be 
discussed at the conclusion of this chapter. Meanwhile their derivation 
and mutual relationship may be considered. 

ReiflFerscheid ^ was the first to disprove the generally accepted theory 
that A and B were direct copies of Enoch's codex, while at the head of 
the Y family stood a third copy, now lost, but closely related to A and B. 
He showed that A and B contain certain corruptions and wrong 
readings which do not appear in the Y family, and which, from, their 
peculiar character, must have had their origin in a codex the writer of 
which had been deficient in ability to resolve the compendia in the 
original fi*om which it was copied. There is general agreement now that 
A is a direct copy of the lost codex (X) which was transcribed either 
immediately from the manuscript found by Enoch, or from the copy 
which Enoch made. Another copy was the codex written by Pontanus, 
which is reproduced for us in B. The derivation and relationship of the 
members of the Y family have been the occasion of a greater divergence 
of opinion, and some of the material necessary for a decision has only 
lately been supplied by Scheuer in the valuable paper to which reference 
has already been made '. By a searching comparison of their various 
readings Scheuer has demonstrated the incorrectness of the views enter- 
tained by his predecessors, Michaelis and Baehrens, in regard to the 
manuscripts of the Y family. Michaelis believed that the truest repre- 
sentative and nearest lineal descendant of the lost codex Y was to be 
found in D, however carelessly copied this manuscript must be admitted 
to have been. Alongside of D he placed another direct copy of Y, now 
lost, which he supposed was the original of C and A, while E was believed 
to have been copied from C, though corrected from the Vatican A. 

^ Snetoni Reliqaiae, p. 414. Codicam oexa et fide, Breslau (1891) 

3 De Tacitei de Oratoribus Dialogi (Breslauer Philologische Abhandlongen). 



The family-tree constructed by Michaelis may be exhibited thus :- 
[The archetjpe of Fulda, eighth or ninth century] 

[The (Hersfeld ?) codex, found by Enoch of Ascoli, 
of about the thirteenth century] 

[Enoch's copy of this codex] 



[The codex of Pontanus] A 






Baehrens, on the other hand, took A and E for direct descendants 
of Y, while from a third copy of Y, now lost, he supposed C and D to 
have spning, — ^the former before, the latter after their original had been 
corrected from some member of the X family. His method of repre- 
senting the genealogy of the Y family is as foUows : — 






Scheuer has shown that both Michaelis and Baehrens were wrong. 
He first proves, against Michaelis, that E cannot be derived from C, and 
that it is impossible to believe that ECA are the offspring of the same 
parent MS., as in the table of Michaelis. His tree he gives as under : — 









It was an examination of the neglected Vindobonensis dccxi (Vj) that 
led Scheuer to his conclusions. He found that it is nearly akin to E, 
and almost in exact agreement with it where £ shows the readings of X 
instead of those of its own class Y. Both therefore derive from a common 
source, which must have been a truer representative of Y than that to 
which CAD are to be traced. The supposition that either codex was 
copied from the other is excluded by a list of variants in which each 
shows individual peculiarities of its own. Instead of £ having been 
corrected from A or B, the opposite is the case. £ is sometimes in 
agreement with AB, or with B alone, where Vj does not foUow it, and 
we may iherefore infer that their original (y*) had been corrected after V, 
was copied from it. In this emended state it was probably used by 
Pontanus, or by both Pontanus and the copyist of B. Scheuer next 
proves the common origin of CAD, which had akeady been partly 
established by Binde ' . Their source he designates y", and infers that its 
disagreement with ABEV, must be attributed to caprice or carelessness 
on the part of the copyist, while the text of the lost archetype Y'may be 
restored by the agreement of y* with A and B. The fact that D often 
forsakes its own class to agree with A and B, where its kindred EV, and 
CA are in disagreement, Scheuer explains by supposing for D (or rather 
for its original, as Baehrens had suggested) what Michaelis had asserted 
for £, namely, correction out of the X family. In proof of this the 
foUowing places are quoted where D has been * contaminated ' from X 
and Y: 30. 2 vocaniis D, vocaiis X, vocan/Y; 41. 3 guis enim quidem 
quod nemo D, quidem quod nemo A, quis enim Y ; 37. ig esi habendus D, 
habendus esi X, habendus Y. 

Some of Scheuer's conclusions rest no doubt on a superstructure of 
hypothesis, but his general theory marks an advance on the work of pre- 
vious critics. It seems to me, however, that fiiture speculation as to the 
inter-relationship of the various codices will have to take account of the 
hitherto neglected Harleianus^ which is certainly of great importance for 
the history of the constitution of the text. I now proceed to report the 
result of my examination of this interesting manuscript. Its official 
description is as foUows : Brit. Mus. Harley 2639, vellum ; 8 x 5f inches ; 
ff. 43, fifteenth century. Contains * Suetonii tranquilli de grammaticis et 
rhetoribus libri duo,' flF. 2-14 v. : * C. Cornelii Taciti Dialogus de Oratori- 
bus Claris,' ff. iS-42 v. On the first folio the name of its last owner is 
written 'Ambrosii Bonvici, 1687.' This was Ambrose Bonwicke (1652- 
1722), scholar of St. John's CoUege, Oxford, in 1669, Librarian in 1670, 

^ De Taciti Dialogo Qoaestiones Criticae: Glogoviae, 1884. See p. 7. 



and Head Master of Merchant Taylors from 1686 till he was dismissed 
in 1691 for not having taken the oath of allegiance^ The MS. was 
bought along with six others, for the sum of £7 71., from W. Bowyer, 
the printer, who acted as Bonwicke's executor after his death on Oct. 20, 
1722« The date of the transaction is recorded as Sept. 11, 1725 '. 

The Harletanus (H) is mentioned by Roth in his edition of Suetonius 
(p. Ixi), and Michaelis derived his account of it from him. Baehrens also 
refers to it in his cridcal commentary, but only to deny it any authority. 
He ranks it after the Paristensis *i*j*iz and the Vindobonensts (V,), and 
describes all three as * of very recent date and vilely interpolated ' — libri 
quidam recmHssimi foedissimeque inierpolaH (p. 45). I shall be able to 
show, however, that the Harleianus takes us back to within a few years of 
Enoch's discovery, and that the ParisiensiSyVfhicYi was used by Pithou and 
included by Michaelis among the MSS. on which he founded his cridcal 
edition (1868), was directly copied from it at a date considerably later. 
The Parisiensis need not be referred to again in any discussion of the 
text of the Dialogue, It has not, and ought never to have been allowed, 
any independent value whatever. Perhaps the clearest proof that it is 
a mere copy of H may be found in the fact that at 40. 9 it omits the 
words \lihertatem vocabant comes seditionum effrenai%\. These words form 
a single line in H, and were inadvertently passed over by the copyist. 
The late date of the Parisiensis is indicated by what Pithou says in his 
Paris edition (1580): in huius autem dialogi editione, praeter exemplar in 
Italia ante aliquot annos descriptum, maximo nobis adiumento fuit Lipsii 
nostri industria, &c. In his commentary on 15. 2 he reports a marginal 
note Eadem verba sunt Petroni: * in exemplari Italico ad h. 1. adscriptum 
fuit Eadem verba sunt Petroni et sane quaedam initio Satyrici Petroniani 
quae huius disputationis aliquot locis valde consentanea sunt.' This 
enabled Egger' to identify the Parisiensis as the codex used by Pithou, 
and thus to solve a quesdon to which he alludes as ' lis a viris doctis 
agitata': he found traces of the words eadem verba suni Petronii in the 

^ His life of his son ' Ambrose Bon- 
wicke, sometime Scholar of St John's 
CoUege, Cambridge/ was edited by J. 
E. B. Mayor, Cambridge, 1870. The 
Dialogue is mentioned among the books 
which his son read in the course of his 
first year at the University (1710). 

* See Humphrey Wanley*s diary, 
Landsdowne MS. 773, {. 58 v : and cp. 
Nichols*s Lit. Anec, i. 92, 93 : * Sept. 11, 
1735, being in company with Mr. Moses 
WilUams, he told me that he had that 
day seen, in the hands of young Mr. 
Bowyer, a small parcel of MSS. which 

were to be sold. Hereupon I went to 
Mr. Bowyer this day and bought them 
for my lord in his absence : they wiU all 
be marked with the date of this day. 
These books formerly belonged to the 
rev. and leamed Mr. Ambrose Bonwicke, 

' In Zimmermami's Zeitschrift fUr die 
Alterthumswissenschaft iiL p. 337, 1836. 
A comparison of the Harleianus with the 
coUation of the Parisiensis given there 
enables me to affirm that the two codices 
are throughout in almost exact agree- 
ment; snch minor deviations from H as 



^argin of the Paristmsis at the place indicated by Pithou. But the 
author of the note was not the copyist of that hite manuscript, but the 
scholar who wrote the Harletanus, where it will be found in the rabric, 
f. 23 V. The same is trae of the marginal direction at ch. 9 Si/^Mvo-oy 
Ta ijBri, and of the words Nemus et lucus Poetarum which are written in at 
the end of the same chapter ^. 

Though it is impossible to say how the MS. now in the British 
Museum came into the hands of Ambrose Bonwicke, we are fortunately 
able to determine the name of its first owner, and consequently its 
approximate date. On the first folio of the Suetonius fragment appears 
a coat of arms which Mr. Warner succeeded in identifying as those of 
John Tiptoft, the literary Earl of Worcester (d. 1470). Tiptoft acted as 
ambassador to the Pope and Council of Mantua in 1459, and returned 
to England towards the end of 1460, after using the opportunity alQforded 
by his residence in Italy to get together a valuable library*. In Florence 
he was taken in hand by the bookseller Vespasiano', and attended 
incognito a lecture by the renowned Argyropulos. This would be about 
the time when Enoch's discovery had brought the Dialogue and the 
Suetonius fragment, as well as the Germania, to Florence, and when 
scholars were busy in emending a text that was admittedly corrapt. 
What more natural than that the English coUector should have wished 
to secure a copy in which, however, the first two treatises were alone 
included, owing to the similarity of their subject matter ? The upper limit 
for the date of Tiptoft*s acquisition of the copy in question is fixed by the 
time of his sojourn in Italy : the lower limit is determined by the date of 
his execution, October 18, i47o> after which his arms would not have 
been added to the codex^. Another factor in the calculation is the 

appear in P seem to be due to the 
copyist having had an early printed 
edition before him, as well as H. At 
80. I patria in P is a copyist's error for 
prta Urima") H : so 86 ad fin. differ- 
erUiaer for dfe {dicere) H. 

* It may be noted here that none of 
these occur in the Vindobonensis (V). 

" Bale in his account of Tiptoft (p. 620) 
gives a list of his works, and adds a quo- 
tation from a funeral oration of Ludovic 
Carbone of Ferrara, in which among 
other things he says literarum avidissimus 
omneSy ut ita dixerimy Italiae bibliothecas 
spoliavit ut pulcherrimis bibliorum manu" 
mentis Angliam exomet, 

^ For Vespasiano^s account of Tiptoflt 
aee his ' Duca di Worcestri * in Spicilegium 
Romannm, yoI. L (^^39) P* 5^4* 

* We know that Tiptoft intended to 
leave the manuscript under consideration, 
along with others, to the Bodleian library 
at Oxford (see Macray's *Annals of the 
Bodleian/ p. 11 and p. 400). But his 
intention was not fulfilled, and historians 
of the period mention it as matter for 
regret that we have no information as to 
wbat became of his Uterary treasures : 
see Voigt, Wiederbelebung des classischen 
Alterthums, ii. p. 260. In tbese circum- 
stances the identification of Tiptoft's coat 
of arms becomes of some importance, and 
I append the description of it kindly 
supplied to me by Mr. Wamer : argent^ 
a saltire engrailed^»/ifj (Tiptoft) quarter- 
uig gt^les^ a lion rampant or (Charlton of 


appearance on the last follo, in a di£ferent hand, of two couplets on the 
death of a dog, as follow : — 

Parva zehor tihi parva domus es corpore parvus 
£t brevis est tumulus et hreve carmen hahe. 

Mapheus Vegetus. 

Furum moeror heri spes quondam gone(?) catelle 
Hic nunc spes furum moeror herique iaces. 

L. A. 1462. 

MafFeo Vegio we know as * the single instance of a poet-philologer who 
assumed the cowl' (Symonds, Renaissance^ p. 517; Voigt, ii. p. 375). 
Greater interest attaches to the identification of the initials attached to 
the second couplet It seems probable that they are those of the well- 
known Leon Battista Alberti, one of the most remarkable figures in the 
age of the Renaissance, and a man of the most varied accomplishments. 
Alberti is known to have had a favourite dog, and on its death he 
celebrated its praises in a piece of Latin entitled 'Leonis Baptistae 
Alberti canis\' The occurrence of the couplet is of course no proof 
that the volume belonged to Alberti : the initials may merely refer to him 
as the author of the couplet, and the date may give the year in which he 
composed it. At the same time^ as both epitaphs are in a different 
hand from that of the copyist, it is probable that they were added in 
1462 to a manuscript that had been written a few years previously. The 
writer may have intended them as a memorial of Tiptoft's relationship 
with Alberti, and of the interest he had taken in the dog which was thus 
commemorated. The modesty of the initials L. A., alongside of Vegio's 
fuU name, might suggest an autograph : Alberti, after meeting Tiptoft in 
Rome or elsewhere, may have sent the codex after him to England, with 
the couplets attached*. He is known to have been in correspondence 
with Enoch of Ascoli in 1451 (see Pozzetti, Z. B, Albertt laudaiuSy 1789, 
p. 15), and he probably kept himself informed of the results of the 
monk's search for manuscripts. On the other hand, supposing that 
Tiptoft had ordered the codex before leaving Italy in 1460, the interval 
of two years seems unnecessarily long. 

Reference has been made already to another interesting feature in the 

^ Unfortunately he nowhere mentions have not been executed by the same artlst 

the name of the dog, and it is hard to see as supplied the illuminated border for the 

what gone stands for in the couplet quoted folio in which they appear. They seem 

above, unless it be some pet appellation. to have been added axterwards, possibly 

' This supposition derives some pro- when the book was sent to him from 

bability from the fact that Tiptoft*s arms Italy. 


Harleianm — the occurrence at the end of the Suetonius of a remarkable 
note, in the hand of the copyist, Hic antiquisstmum exemplar finit et hoc 
integrum videtur, Taken along with indications which go to show that 
the original of H must have been a MS. abounding in contractions, this 
must be held to render it probable that it was no mere copy that Enoch 
brought back with him to Italy, but his original ' find ' — the Hersfeld 
codex — probably of the thirteenth century. If this inference is correct, 
a lineal descent may be established for H from the archetype of Fulda. 

Perhaps the most striking internal characteristic of H is its frequent 
agreement with the hand in the Leidensis known as b (see p. Ixx). If b 
is as late as is generally supposed, the probability is that its readings were 
derived from H, or from some similar copy executed about the same 
time. For proof of this agreement, reference might be made to the 
critical notes, but it may be instructive to exhibit here some of the 
resemblances referred to, as well as some of the diflferences between 
the two traditions. 

The following examples in which H and b agree are probably in 
many cases the result of an independent attempt on the part of the 
copyist of H to resolve the compendia in his original. The oldest editions 
(Spirensis and Puteolanus) generally present the same readings : — 

5. 12 solicite for societate ; 5. 15 nationes for necessitudines ; 5. 25 praesidio 
for profugio ; 5. 26 irrefat for increpuit ; 6. 18 quacunque for quemcum-- 
que \ 7. 10 in codicillis for codicillis ; 8. 7 ipsa eloquentia om. H, del. b ; 
12. i^ne autillud clamore for nec ullis aut gloria maiar ; 25. 8 si quo minus 
for in qua nimirum (?) ; 31. 31 civitatem for comitem (?) ; 33. 24 circa ora- 
ioriam (or -um) for esse oratorum, 

Other resemblances between H and b are : — 

5. II arbitrium; 5. 12 sed et ipsum \ 6. 18 induxerit\ 10. 33 rightly hinc 
(so Put.) ; 10. 34 wrongly hinc (for haec) ; 21. 3 Canuti\ 21. 28 quia\ 23. 7 
isti om. H, del. bC ; 29. 4 et virides om. H Put., del. b ; invenies 29. 12. 

On the other hand, H and b diflfer in the foUowing places : — 

7. 17 vetat H (Sp.), notat b, vocat Put. ; 8. i hunc Eprium b Put, here 
proprium H ; 8. 11 haberemus H, habemus b ; 8. 12 angustia ereptum H, an- 
gustiae parentum b ; 10. 5 nedum b, metrum H (Sp. Put.) ; 15. 6 mcUignius 
b, malignus his H (Sp.) ; 21. 15 parte sectum H, parte seu b ; 21. 35 rubor 
H, robur b ; 21. 38 quam b, inquam H ; 25. 13 «V: b, sicut H ; 25. 16 si iure b, 
sic vire H ; 3J. 35 pleraeque b, plerique H ; 32. 29 a vobis b, vobis H ; 
33. 22 illudhy id H (and D) ; 36. 20 parabat h^probabat H. 

The copyist of H left blanks in his text (some of which have been 


reproduced in the early edd.) wherever he was uncertain as to the reading. 

Instances are : — 

7. 14 quihus q et indoles est H, quibus morum et indoles est 

V Sp. Put. ; 8. 17 where the words sunt civitatis are omitted in HSp. 
Put. (and where sunt seemsi hy the way, not to be indispensable to the 
context) ; 21. 17 et H, Yor regule AB, which is deleted by b ; 

23. 2 sensu is left blank in H, sus Sp., secundus V, serus Put. (cp. 23. 21 
summum HSp. for sensuum) ; 28. 3 nd HSp. Put. for nominis con- 

troversiam ; cp. 13. 3 where the insertion of controversiae by H ^SXat pericula 
sua et suggests either that the true reading may be ' certamina et pericula sUa 
et controversiae ad consulatus evexerint ' or else that.the reading of H is due 
to the misinterpretation of a compendium, such as cen^ evexer^. Similarly 
in the Suetonius 102. 3, 12 Iia»hi. ayttnrffia which is variously rendered in 
other codd., is lefl a mere blank in H, introduced by a tentative/. 

The remarkable agreement of H with the early printed editions may 
be made the subject of a separate paragraph, as showing the infiuence 
which the coppst exerted on the early constitution of the text H has 
been shown to be of earUer date than 1470, the year in which the edttio 
princeps appeared; if it was conveyed to England some eight or nine 
years previously, it may have been used, before being sent oflf, to com- 
plete, as regards the Diahgue^ some manuscript of the family to wbich 
the Vindohonensis (V) belongs, and from which Spira is believed to have 
printed his text. The foUowing are instances of mistakes in H, generally 
shared by V, and perpetuated in the early editions ; omissions are indi- 
cated by square brackets. It will be noticed that many of the readings 
are due to misinterpretation of compendia : — 

1.3 \eloquerUiae\\ Z.y si quae pravam interpretandi maieriam (written 
in above the line in H as an altemative for si quae prava interpretamim 
materiam) ; 3. 11 tractatione for recitatione\ 3. 16 curarum for causarum ; 
4. 4 [od/cis] ; 4. 8 musarum for causarum ; 5. 25 prope for prospere ; 6. i 
censeo for transeo (emend. Put.) ; 6. 5 [suam] ; 6. 7 offidis — administrandis ; 
6. 21 affert ; 8. \opropriam ior proxima ; 8. 21 vir for veri\ 8. 25 imagines 
attali\ 9. 6 crebro est for cui bono est ; 9. 10 [eius] ; 9. 11 [ipse] ; 9. 28 [suum 
genium propitiae] ; 11. 7 ut niti for aliquid et eniti\ 14. 4 intueri for /«- 
terveni (emend. Put); 16. 9 [eas]\ 16. 21 perficitis ior profertis\ 17. 22 
auctoribus for actionibus ; 18. 5 [nullaparte] ; 18. 8 [quoque] \ 18. 27 videri 
for videntur\ 19. 6 iudicio (per compend. Yi)yVideo VSp. ; 19. 7 [cum\ as D ; 
ib. auctorum for aurium\ 19. 15 pkilosophiam atque for philosopkiam vide^ 
retur et\ 19. 24 consistunt \ 20. 24 et infornicibus tegulisque (emend. Put.) ; 
21. 15 sive in universa parte sectum ; 21. 20 cognitionis ; 21. 26 lentidius ; 
22. 13 ^r tempore for excerpere \ 23. 15 confixit for contingit \ 23. 21 summum 
iorsensuum \ 24. 5 maturatus \ 24. 6 ita mutasse non debes\ 24. 11 [igitur] \ 
ib. exprimo for exprome ; 25. 11 [primae] \ 25. 15 [et Caelius] \ 25. 22 volu- 
minis for voluntatis ; 26. 7 ipsorum ior temporum (cp. 32. 12 where HSp. 


and Put. have horum ipsorum for horum temporuni) ; 28. 17 cuiusdam for 
eiusdem ; 29. 5 quando for quin ; 29. 8 [a/ienique] ; 30. 9 [^wj?V/«^z<?] ; 31. 8 
dicimus for disserimus ; 31. 21 omnibus for communibus ; 32. 19 dicunt by 
mistake of a compendium for domina^ as also D ; 32. 27 [re/ert] ; 32. 30 
[mihi]; 82. 33 plctcuisse for plausisse\ 33. 13 [^»^^2^^] ; 34- ^^-T interesse 
[sive in tudiciis . . . iurgiis interesset], This lengthy omission occurs in 
HVSp. and Put., which agree also in a similar omission at 35. 13-15 con- 
troversiae [exhis suasoriae .... controversiae] ; S6.6imbui for tribui; 36. 7 
fleraquefor plura ; 36. 1 1 migrantium for magistratuum ; 36. 13 f^<r/«V7«^j] ; 
ib. senectutis for senatus ; 36. 22 A/ et praeturae et consulatui vacare ; 36. 32 
coegerunt for cogerentur ; 37. i [^^(^ f?^»] ; 38. l fortunam for formam ; 
38. 6favebatur ; 39. 7 «V <i//2^j for «V ^j/ aliquis ; 40. l datum ius quoque \ 
40 \nulla in senatu .... moderatio]. 

On the other hand, the foUowing diflferences may be noted, caused by 
significant omissions in H : — 

9. 3 suis Sp., om. H ; 19 ad fin. et festinare se testanturVS^, Put, om. 
H ; 20. 15 invicem Sp. Put., om. H ; 20. 18 decor Sp. Put., om. H ; 21. 23 
sua VSp., om. H ; 21. 29 temporibus Sp., om. H ; 24. 2 nostri Sp., om. H ; 
25. 5 fuisse VSp., om. H ; 30. 19 in libris Ciceronis Sp., om. H ; 31. 9 
invicem VSp., om. H; 31. 2/^ proficiet Sp., om. H ; 35. 11 ^/ audiantur 
VSp., om. H. 

The foUowing are interesting examples of those transpositions (repro- 
duced in early editions) which frequently occur in manuscripts, especially 
where the coUocation is a familiar one (cp. note on velut quadamy 
5. 23):— 

10. 2 sui laboris\ 13. 7 versibus Vergilii \ 18. 4 antiquos merito\ 25. 29 
invideret Cicerom\ 28. 16 aliqua maior\ 34. 4 principem locum in civitate \ 
35. 9 imperitus aeque\ 40. 16 Athenienses plurimi, 

For the rest, it is noticeable that H, while in general agreement with 
the Y family, shares with D a leaning to AB, especially the former. In 
the places cited by Scheuer on pp. 29, 30, where ABD diflfer from 
EVjCA, H is generally in agreement with ABD. On the whole, the 
study of its peculiarities confirms the impression that neither of the two 
families is to be blindly followed, and that the restoration of the true 
text must be secured by an eclectic method. The divergences already 
tabulated may suggest to some a theory that there may have been more 
than one archetype, and that Enoch's codex is not the only one from 
which the text has been derived. But the strongest possible proof of the 
common origin of all existing MSS. is furnished by the occurrence in all 
of them of the lacuna noted in the text at the end of ch. 35. Some have 
thought that the porrion of the treatise here omitted is of no very considerable 
extent, and may even have consisted of only a few lines ; but all the 



evidence, both external and internal, is against such a theory. The 
probable character of the sequel of Messalla's speech, and of what must 
have preceded ch. 36 in the archetype has already been discussed *, As 
regards the extemal evidence, there is a pretty general agreement among 
the MSS. that the lacuna under consideration extended to six folios 
of the archetype, which had evidently been lost before the first copy was 
taken from Enoch's find ". The proportion of the lost part to the whole 
has been variously calculated. Urlichs {EoSy ii. p. 232) thought it must 
have been one-tenth ; Brotier, who undertook to supply what was wanting 
in a ' Supplementum,' took it at one-sixth ; Habbe ' has calculated it at 
one-seventh, arguing that the ' sex pagelle ' of the MSS. must refer to the 
folios of the original ' archetypum Fuldense,' from which what is known 
now as the First Medicean is believed to have been copied. A constituent 
part of this last-named MS., though separated from it now, is the Medicean 
codex of Pliny's Letters, and Habbe believes that a comparison of a mar- 
ginal note in the Vatican codex of Pliny (3864), which states the extent 
of the lacuna in the sixteenth letter of the first book as ' duae chartae,' 
will give the result as above calculated for the Dialf^ue, In the Har^ 
leianus^ the copyist has carefully calculated the extent of the lacuna in the 
codex which lay before him, and has left blank a space corresponding to 
about one-ninth of the whole, no doubt in the hope that the missing part 
would one day tum up, when it could be incorporated with the rest. 

In discussing the question whether the manuscripts of the X family, or 
those which derive from Y, are the more to be depended on for a scientific 
reconstitution of the text, careful note must be taken of their distin- 
guishing characteristics. There can be no doubt that the copyist of Y 
had a better knowledge of Latin than the copyist of X, and was also more 
skilled in the solution of the various compendia which must have abounded 
in the archetype. Moreover, he was not content to follow his original 
to the very letter, especially where he thought he could improve on it : 
hence the MSS. which derive from Y show traces of a process of emenda- 
tion which had begun, in all probability, with the writer of Y himself. 

^ See p. xxxvi : cp. on 86. i. muHum deficitx £ hic deest multum: in 

• The most specific intimation of the exemplaridiciturdeessesexpaginas\V^hu 

extent of the lacuna is made in the margin est defectus unius folii cum dimidio, ^ 

of B : deerant in exemplari sex pagelle BCAD a few lines are left blank. For H 

vetustate consumptae, A has in the see above. 

margin Hic desunt sex pagelle ; C (pos- * See hia ' De Dialogi . . . lodi daobus 

sibly in a later hand) Multum deficit in lacunosis,* 18S8, p. 7. 
exemplaribus quae reperiunturx A hic 


The result is that the reading which must have stood in the original is 
to be found in the MSS. of the Y family more frequently than in AB. 
But it is important to note that this does not necessarily imply that Y 
was a truer representative than X of the archetype on which they both 
depended, the codex found by Enoch of Ascoli, or of the copy which he 
may have taken from that codex. On the contrary, the conscientious 
accuracy with which the more unlearned copyist of X, as represented 
especially by A, followed the lines of his original is a guarantee of the 
fact that, where the two families disagree, the divergence is often due to 
improvement and emendation on the part of the members of the Y family. 
The following lists have been drawn out with the view of making clear 
the nature of the discrepancies : in any final judgment it is the character 
and probable origin of a particular reading, quite as much as the 
comparative accuracy of the two traditions, that ought to be carefuUy 
examined. Where A and B give a distinctive and characteristic reading, 
there is a reasonable certainty that they are reproducing what was before 
them ; on the other hand, similar readings in the Y family are often due 
to the emendation of some individual scribe. 

Leaving out of account, in the meantime, such comparatively unim- 
portant variations as the pronouns (e.g. tlla . . . istay tts . . . his^ &c.), as 
well as all cases where the discrepancy seems to have arisen from the 
misunderstanding or the neglect of compendia, and the not inconsiderable 
number of instances which must be classed as doubtful, we may select 
the following as affording striking tests of the two different traditions. 

In the following places, the right reading is dertainly preserved by AB, 
sometimes re-inforced by D or H, or by both : — 

12, lo et malis moribus ABDH et ex malis moribus EVgC A 
21. 17 regule A, regul^ BD ( for illae EVjCA 

reliquae^ see ad loc.) 
25. I praescriptam a te ABD et prescriptam E, perscriptam et C, pra^- 

scriptam et VjD, a te praescriptam H 
41. 12 obscuriorque ABDH obscurior EVjCA 

Probability is strongly in favour of the X family also in the following 
instances, though many of them depend on compendia which might 
easily have been misunderstood or neglected : — 

9. 5 deincepsXB deinde EY^C^DH 

h, 2 moderati hWE» modesti CDAV^^ 

Here it was probably the omission of the syllable er in the original that 
gave rise to the reading of the Y class : cp. 17. 17 fateretur (below) ; also 




24. 15, where coUigitur has evidently resulted (in CaD) from a misunder- 
standing oicollegit (collegerit ABEV,, colligerit H) 

6. 7 non AB 

17. 17 fateretur PC&DyfcUetur H 
19. 10 laudadat ABDK 
25.4 constat ABDH 
27. 13 perstringat AB 
31. 6 ^^ ^/m est ABH ^ 
31. 19 postulabit ABDH : q>. on 

explicabit 16. 2 
38. 9 omnia depacaverat A {depa- 

raverat B) 

laudi dabatur EV^CA 
constaret ECA, constare Vj 
perstringit EVjC AH, perstrigit D 
^^i^^ ^j/ ^»2M EVjC AD 
postulaverit EVgCA 

omnia cdia pacaverat (cdia omnia 

The foUowing, on the other hand, are the strongest instances of 
a greater accuracy of reproduction on the part of the Y family : — 



















sequitur EVgCADH (and corr. A) 
profertis ECAD ; and so Vj (corr. 

from profercis : jrficitis H, per-- 

ficitis Sp.) 
aufem EVjCADH (and corr. B) 
et cum EVjCA 

adrem militarem EVjCaDH 
haec ipsa^ENjCtsJ^n 
in viiiis EV^CADH 
haec quoque EVjCADH 
Quis enim EVgCA 

insequitur AB 
profer\{\tis A, prpferatis B 

quidem autem AB 

cum ABY> 

ad militarem AB 

^«^^ AB 

vitiis B ( A ?) « 

haec A^ 

Quidem quod nemo AH (in A 
Quis enim is given above 
the line as a variant) : quid 
enim quod nemo B : quis 
ent quide quod nemo D 

In the foUowing places, also, the tnie reading is preserved by the 
Y family, Ihough probably by successfiil emendation (as possibly some 
of the instances just cited, e.g. 28. 26, where the addition of rem to 
miliiarem would readily be made) : — 

6. 18 induerit EVjCaD {induxerit Hb) 
12. 14 ullis EVjCAD 
26. 7 actores EVjCADH 
26. 15 posse EVgCADH 

indueret AB 

ullus AB 

auctores A, a\u\tores B 

post se Aypos^se B 

* Gerber and Greef remark (p. 346) 
that enim always occnpies the second 
place in Tacitns, except Dial. 30. 23 Ita 
est enim (where its position assists the 
emphasis of the statement) and Ann. xiy. 

55, 8 in iis enim (the only coUocation 

^ Michaelis and Scheuer differ in their 
account of A. 


26. 23 velut EVaCAH (and corr. B) vult AB 

26. 24 incusato EVaCA in Curato A, incurato BD, 

in curato H 
29. 12 invenies EVaCADH invenires AB 

35. 16 perfidem EVjCAD /tff/&iiV ABH 

Probability is strongly in favour also of : — 

24. 12 in tantum EV^CAH as against tantum AB 

37. 19 hdbendus EV^CA ,, habendus est ABH (^j/ habendus D) 

41.9 /tfw^ EVaCADH „ indeX^ 

Here are two cases of transposition, in regard to which the superiority 
of the Y reading is argued in the notes : — 


22. 4 eiusdem aetatis oratores oratores eiusdem aetatis 

22. 7 senior iam ^ iam senior 

Cp. also 30. 20 ingenuae artis artis ingenuae 

It is probably the superior knowledge of the copyist that is de- 
monstrated in : — 

23. I ius verrinum EV^CADH as against ius vetrinum AB 

5. 6 SaleiumY^^ADlly Seleium E „ Salerum A, GaleriU B 

9. 9 Saleium EV3CAH, Saltium D „ Caeleium A, Coeleium B 

When we come to examine the places where the correct reading seems 
to have depended on the copyist's ability to interpret compendia and 
terminal abbreviations, we find a very considerable advantage on the 
side of the Y family. It should be remembered, however, that this is 
in itself no proof of the superiority of Y over X. The following is a list 
of the readings which are rightly given by the descendants of Y : — 

2. 14 omni EV^CA cu ABDH 

5. 15 necessitudines EV^CAD necessitates AB {naiiones H, edd. vett.) 

6. 25 perfugio EVjCAD f^rojugio AB (praesidio H, edd. vett.) 

6. 18 quemcunque C, quencun" quandocunque AB {qucu:unque H, and 

que E, quemconque D, b in marg.) 
quicuq V3 

7. 15 nomina EVaCADH no AB 
9. 10 Hus EVaCAD (om. H) est AB 

9. 21 praecepta EV^AD percepta ABCH 

^ Gndeman supports the reading of the to combine with et^ aCy ut, ncn, nisi, si, 

Y class here by pointing ont that ' omit- ^, and the like * the postpositive use of 

ting such stereotype coUocations as iam iam is the general role in the Dialogne. 

verOf iam pridem, iam dudum, and Such instances, however, as32. 30; 7. 17; 

observing that iam has a decided tendency 8. 1 7 ; 82. 30 ; 89. 6, are not to the point. 



12.8 inillaYN^ZtX^^ 
16. 32 vesterYNjZt^ vf H 

18. 28 vetnam £V,CaDH 

Cp. with the last 20. 5 tUcentem 
£V,CADH and corr. B 

19. 29 expectandum £VsCAH, 

expectando D 

20. 13 non solum £V,CADH 
22. 28 quia £V,CADHb 

24. 13 recesserimusYN fiYiwBA 
corr. C 

28. 14 educaMurYNtCtiDHh 

28.15 erat EV^CtiH 
31.15 «/£VjCA 

31. 25 permavendos EVgCA 

32. 14 non EV^CaDH 

37. 15 causarum ^V^CADb 

{cai H) 
88. 12 aUorum EV^CADH 

et illa AB 

videtur ABD (but in B este in iitura) 

venias A, venicfi B 

dicentes AB 

expectantem AB 

if^^ Wf^i» AB 

^ftf AB 

recessimus AB (cp. on moderati 

p. Ixxxiii) 
educabitur AB 
«n/ ABD 
promovedos AB, promovendos H, ^<w«- 

movedos D 
if^^ AB 
curarum AB 

aliquorum AB 

The following may be doubtful, though I have had little hesitation 
in adopting the reading of the Y class : — 

21. 36 ^f^/a non £V,CAD ^»ia ;i^^ AB 

22. 30 ut sumere EVgC AD et sumere AB 


28.1 £/£CADH(/Vj) 
32. 22 ^^tf EVjCADH 

39.2 rideatur EV^CADH 

On the other hand the X 
in the following instances : — 

6. 21 profert AB 
8. 24 possit ABCH 
33.7 quid ABD 


Probably also : — 
6. 7 non offidi AB 
19. 23 aut legibus AB 
31. 12 nec . . . /f^^ AB 
34. 35 hodie quoque AB 
36. I vel abiectum AB 

^^^ AB 
ridear AB 

family has properly interpreted compendia 

perfert EVjCA, proferre D, ^j^&ff H 

possint EVgDA 


neque officii EVjCADH 

et legibus EVjCADH 

neque . . . neque CEVg, nec . . • neque H 

hodieque EVjCAD, hodii H 

nihil abiectum EVjCADH 

The probability, as regards the last passage, is that nihil is an 
emendation of the Y family : after writing nihil correctly in the words 
immediately preceding (^ihil humile vel cUfiectum) AB would not be 
likely to make a mistake in substituting vel for the second nihil. 




35. ai must be classed as doubtful {prosequantnr X, persequantur Y) 
though I have adopted what seems to have been the reading of X. 

In what may be considered minor matters of orthography, the 
advantage is sometimes on the one side, sometimes on the other, e. g. :^ 

6. 1 iocunditas EVaCA, iucunditas H 
10. i6 elegorum ECADH, elegarum Vj 
26. 23 deminuta HVsCAD, diminuta A£ 
30. 2 auctorihus EVjCaDH 
15. 16 concentus ABE (for concentu) 
17. 9 statue ABE 
19. 2 alte AB 
82. 22 ut quae ABDH 
39. 5 tabularia ABDH 

39. 9 ipsam ABDH 

iocunditatis A, iucunditcUis B 

elegiorum AB 

cUmunuta B 

autoribus AB 

concentus VjCADH 

statuae V^CAD, statu^ H 

^i//atf VjCaD, alt^ H 

cr/^i^ EVjCA 

tabulariae VgC, tabulari^ E, 

fabulari§ A 
j^ja EVjCAD 

Doubtful are 10. 21 where EV,Ca give ar/^j and ABDH artis\ and 
22. 18 where supelkctile has fully as good MS. authority (ABEV^H) as the 
more correct form supellectili CaD. 

In the following doubtful places the true reading is established by the 
agreement of ABEV, as against CaD : H supports the former in the two 
first instances, the latter in the third : — 

15. 17 aut Asinio 
22. 23 Jugitet ABEVjA 
37. 17 expilatis 
38. 8 ingressuri 

aut ab Asinio 
Jugiet CD 
de expilatis 
ingressi DHV, ingraessi CA 

The following is doubtful : 

17. 28 vocetis ABEVjH vocitetis CAD 

The probability here is that the reading vocetis is due to the neglect of 
a mark of abbreviation : the position is reversed at 22. 23 "Vfhtrt /ugitet 
(ABEVjA) is right as 2i^mBi /ugiet (CD). Cp. 26. 4 where the X family 
seems right with constat (ABDH) as against constaret (ECa). On the 
other hand it might of course be argued that the superiority of the vocetis 
tradition points to the unnecessary insertion of a supposed omitted 
syllable 1/ in CDa. The latter are often wrong where ABEV, are right 
(Scheuer, pp. 23, 24); though the following must be placed to their 
credit : — 

83. 10 arte et scientia CAD 
87. II Metellos et CaDH (so b) 

The foregoing lists do not include some striking variations as regards 

arte et inscientia ABEVjH 
Metellos sed et ABE V^ 


the use of pronouns {ilU • • . iste^ hic . . • is) which distinguish the two 
families of MSS. Scheuer (after Binde) has reckoned that both agree 
thirty-one times in showing ille, and ten times in iste\ there remain 
twenty places where X gives ij/^and Y i7&*. Michaelis generally adhered, 
in his critical edition, to AB and isie^ but was forced to accept ille at 
30. 21 (where the pronoun is thrice repeated, per anaphoram), while at 
6. 7 he takes ipsos from £, with all editors. Binde, who gives an 
exhaustive treatment of the subject in the second chapter of his disserta- 
tion, thought that in the Y class iste had been deleted ' ubi nudum, ubi 
ante suum nomen, ubi post primum adiectivum, si substantivo apponuntiu: 
duo adiectiva, positum erat ' ; but Scheuer rightly doubts how a copyist 
could have arrived at such a ' law,' and quotes against it the instances at 

23. 7 ; 41. 2o; 26. 6 (where there is a general agreement for iste in the 

It seems certain that AB cannot be invariably right, while on the other 
hand the Y class cannot be foUowed in all cases. All editors agree in 
altering isti (the reading of all the codd.) to illt at 41. 20; on the other 
hand there is no dubiety about librum istum 3. 6 ; tragoediae istae 3. 15 ; 
comitatus istos 11. 13. As in other textual diflSculties, an eclectic method 
must be pursued in deciding between X and Y where they disagree ; for 
instance, I accept ista from AB at 19. 4, and, with equal probability, 
istos at 10. 23, but reject it at 12. 16. Other passages for comparison 
are 13. 3; 13. 19; 21. 28; 24. 12; and 26. 5 where ihe Y class 
gives illos and the X class istos\ 12. 20 ; 13. i ; 16. 5 ; 18. 7 ; 23. 2 ; 
and 33. 22 where Y^illud^ and X=istud; 9. 20; 12. 8; 13. 19; 
14. 17 ; 20. 4 ; 30. 24; and 31. 15 where Y=illa and X=ista; 4. 9 
and 23. 13 where Y=iliam and X=istam; 19. 9 where Y=ille and X= 

A similar diflSculty arises (as frequently in other MSS) about the use 
of iis and his. Examples are : his most codd., iis B ; 30. 16 iis AB, his 
EVjCaH, hiis D (as again at 11. 6) ; 34. 34 iis ABCaH, his EVj, Is D 
(cp. 31. 4) ; 42. 5 iis ABC, MEVjDH; 14. 18 iis ABCaD, his EV,H; 

24. 8 iis ABCaD, his EV^H : cp. 26. 9 iisdem ABCaDH, hisdem EY^; 
36. 13 his ABEV3D, iis Ca ; 37. 9 his ABEVjDH, iis Ca. The prefer- 
ence of C for iis may be noted in the last two places : cp. 5. 2 iis CaD, 


his ABEVjH ; 8. 21 iis CaD, his AEVg [his] B, om. H. and edd vet 

^ There can be little doubt that this bility of misinterpretation is evident from 

mnst be dne to the similarity of com- . the occurrence (Dial. 14. 17) of iam in 

pendia. It is remarkable, as Binde has C AD for iV/a EVgH, isfaAB '»13): while 
pointed ont, that AB never give iste at all a 

in the Suetonius fragment, and only once at 19. 4 D actnally shows i for iila Y, 

in the Germania (x. 17) : but the proba> isia X. 


The following variations may also be recorded here: 10. 33 hinc Hb, 
A/rABCDEVj; 10.34^0^^ EV^Ca,^/^ AB,^«r Hb; 27. 2 ;k?f EV,CaD, 
hec AB, hic D ; 31. i hoc EV^CaD, hec A, h§c BDH. 

Often, too, in regard to ac and ^/there is a cleavage among the MSSI; 
see for examples 12. 18; 16. 19; 20. 15; 23. 20; 39. 17. 

Variations in the spelling of hercule (Jiercle) are noted on 21. 8 : cp. 
39. 23. 



It remains to append what may be taken as a pretty complete 
bibliography of the literature of the Dialogue. 


Apart from the early editions of Lipsius, Pithoens and others (see p. Ixix), and the 
more lecent editions of the complete works of Tacitus (Ruperti, 1832; Walther, 
1833; RiTTER. 1836 and 1848; Orelli, 1848 and later), the Dialogue has been 
separately edited over a score of times, as follows : — 

Heumann, Gottingen, 1719; Schulze, Leipzig, 1788; Jason de Nores (after 
Brotier), London, 1789; Seebode, Gottingen, 1813 and Hanover, 1815 ; Dronke, 
Coblentz, 1828; Osann, Giessen, 1829; Barker (text reprinted from Schulze), 
London, 1829; Orelli, Turin, 1830; Boetticher, Berlin, 1832; Tross, Hanmi, 
Pabst, Leipzig, and Hess, Leipzig, 1841 ; Orelli, Turin, 1846 ; Michaelis, 
Leipzig, 1868; Peter, Jena, 1877; Baehrens, Leipzig, 1881 ; Orelli-Andresen, 
Berlin, 1884 ; Goelzer, Paris, 1887 ; Valmaggi, Turin, 1890 ; Wolff, Gotha, 1890 ; 
Andresen (3rd ed.), Leipzig, 1891. 

Recent critical editions are those of Nipperdey, Berlin, 1876 ; Halm, Teubner, 
Leipzig (4th ed.), 1889; J. MtJLLER, Freytag, Leipzig, 1887; Novak, Prague, 


Roth, Stuttgart, 1854; Teuffel, Stuttgart, 1858; Church and Brodribb, 
London, 1877 ; Gutmann (a reprint), Stuttgart, 1882 ; Krauss, Stuttgart, 1882 ; 
C. JOHN (with critical and exegetical notes), Urach, 1866 ; and (2nd part) Schwab.- 
Hall, 1892 ; WOLFFy Frankfurt a, M., 1891. 


Klossmann : Prolegomena in Dialogum de Oratoribus, Breslau, 1833. 

Eckstein: Prolegomena in Taciti qui vulgo fertur dicdogum de oratoribus, Halle, 

EichstXdt : De Dialogo qui inscribitur de oratoribus, Jena, 1839. 

SiLLiG : Disputatio ad Tadtum de oratoribus. Dresden, 1841. 


Dupr£ : Dialogum de Oratoribus nec Quintiliano nec cuizns alii sed Tacito adiudi^ 
candum esse censuit cu demonstrare ientavit, Saint Calais, 1848. 

Dryander: Coniecturae in Dialogum de oratoribus. Halle, 1851. 

WlDAL: In Taciti Dialogum de Oratoribus Disputaiio. Paris, 1851. 

SCHOPEN : Diorthotica in Comelii Taciti Dialogum. Bonn, 1858. 

Steiner: Ueber den Dialogus, Krenznach, 1863. 

Classen : Einige Bemerkungen iiber dm Dialogus de Oratoribus (Eos, vol. i. 

pp. I sqq.), 1864. 
WOlfflin : wt Philologus, xxv. pp- 92-134, 1868. Cp. xxvi. pp. 92-166; xxvii. 

Andresen : Emendationes Taciti qui fertur dialogi de oratoribus (Acta soc. philol. 

Lips. tom. L fasc. i). Leipzig, 1871. 

Meiser : Kritische Studien zum Dialogus und zur Germania des Tacitus, Eichstatt, 

Maehly : Observationes de Drusi atque Maecencttis Epicediis deque Taciteo Dialogo 
criticae. Basle, 1873. 

Walter : De Taciti Studiis rhetoricis, Halle, 1873. 

Wackermann : Dialogus qui de Oratoribus inscribitur quo iure Tacito abiudicetur, 
Rostocky 1874. 

Obermeyer: Analecta Criiica ad Taciti qui dicitur Dialogum de Oratoribus, 
Berlin, 1875. 

NiPPERDEY: see his Opuscula, pp. 274-342, 1877. 

Vahlen : Ad Taciii Dialogum de Oratoribus. Berlm, [878 and 1881. 

Jansen : De Tacito Dialogi auciore. Groningen, 1878. 

WSlfflin : Jahresbericht iiber Tacitus (Bursian's Jahresbericht, xviii. pp. ai5-«6o), 

Steuding : Beiirage zur Textkritik im Dialogus des Tacitus, Wnrzen, 1878. 

Knaut : Observationes criticae in Taciti quifertur dicdogum de oratoribus, Magde- 
burg, 1879. 

Weinkauff: De Tacito Dialogi qui de oraioribus inscribitur auctore, and ed. 
Cologne, 1881. 

Vogel : De diabgi qui Taciti nominefertur sermone iudicium. Leipzig, 1881. 

Resl : Utrum Dicdogus qui inscribitur de Oratoribus Tacito adscribi possit nune 
quaeritur, Czemowitz, 1881. 

Gericks: De ahundanti dicendi genere Tacitino. Berlin, 1882, 

Kleiber : Quid Tacitus in DiaJogo prioribus scriptoribus debeat. Halle, 1883. 

Gruenwald: Qtuu ratio intercedere videatur inter Quintiliani Institutionem 
Oratoriam et Taciti Dialogum. Berlin, 1883. 

Binde : De Taciti Dialogo Quaestiones Criticae. Glogan, 1884. 

Helmreich : Jahresbericht iiber Taciius (Bursian's Jahresbeiicht, xxxix. pp. 91-170), 
1884: cp. Iv, 1888, pp. 1-56. 

WiESLER : Texikritische und exegetische Erorterungen zu dem Dialogus de Oratoribus 
des Tacitus. Leoben, 1886. 

GlLBERT : Die Einheitlichkeit des Tcuiteischen Dialogus (Fleckeisen's Jahrbiicher f. 
dass. Philologie, vol. cxxxiii. pp. 203-212), 1886. 

John : Zum Dialogus des Tacitus, Urach, 1886. 



ScHWENKENBECHER : Quo anno Dtalogus de Oraiorihus habitus sii quaeritur. 
Spottau, 1886. 

WuTK : Dialogum a Tacito Traiani temporibus scriptum esse demonstravit, Spandau, 

Reuter : De Quintiliani Libro quifuit de causis corruptae eloquentiae (pp. 56-63). 
Breslan, 1887. 

PniLlPi» : Diaiogi Tacitini qui fertur de orcUoribus qucu genuina fuerit forma, 
Vienna, 1887. 

Habbe : De Dicdogi de Oratoribus qui Taciti esse existimatur locis duobus lacunosis. 

Celle, 1888. 
JOHN : see Neue Jahrb. f. Philologie und Paedagokik, vol. cxzxvii. pp. 572-6, 1888. 

Leveghi: Disposizione e critica del Dialogus de Oratoribus. Trento, 1890. 

NovAK: M&ie-li Tacitus pokldddn byti za p&vodce dialogu de orcUoribus? also 
MoMno-liy aby byl kdo jinf skladateUm dialogu de oratoribus nez Quintilian ? 

CZYCZKIEWICZ : De Tacitei sermonis proprietatibus prcucipue quae ad poetarum 
dicendi genus pertineant. Brody, 1890 and (2nd part) 1891. 

GUDEMAN^: CriticcU Notes on the Dicdogue of Tacitus, American Joumal of 

Philology, vol. xii. pp. 327-347» and 444-457. 
Buchholz: Verbesserungsvorschldge zum Dialogus de Oratoribus. Hof, 1891. 
ScHEUER : De Tacitei de Oratoribus Dialogi codicum nexu etfde. Breslau, 1891. 
Heller : Beitrage zur Kritik und Erkldrung der Taciteischen Werke (Philol. li. 

PP- 316-350). 1893. 
Helmreich: Jahresbericht iiber Tacitus, 1890-91 (Bursian*s Jahresb. Ixxii. pp. 124- 

141), 1892. 

^ Dr. Gndeman promises an American edition of the Dialogue, the appearance of 
which will be expected with interest. 


A 1- Vaticanns 1863. 

B — LeidetLsis (Jb^^ind kand), 

£ = Ottobonianus. 

V, 1« Vindobonensis DCCXI« 

C -> Faraesianns. 

A a Vaticanns 4498. 

D =B Vaticanns 1518. 

II «> Harleianns 2639. 

V =3 Vindobonensis cccli. 

Sp. <s editio prinoeps (1470). 

Put. ai Puteolanns (1475). 

G. G.=Gerber and Greefs Lexicon Taciiium (Fasc. i-ix). 

D^ - 'Dxz.tSN^sSyntaxundStyldes i^%. 





1, Saepe ex me requiris, luste Fabi, cur, cum priora saecula 
tot eminentium oratorum ingeniis gloriaque floruerint, nostra 
potissimum aetas deserta et laude eloquentiae orbata vix nomen 
ipsum oratoris retineat ; neque enim ita appellamus nisi anti- 
quos, horum autem temporum diserti causidici et advocati et 5 
patroni et quidvis potius quam oratores vocantur. Cui percon- 
tationi tuae respondere et tam magnae quaestionis pondus ex- 

OI18. 1, 2, Introductory — The visit to 

1. 1. Inste Fabi. Fabins Jnsttis waa 
a friend of Pliny the Younger, who ad- 
dresses to him at least one of his letters, 
i. 1 1 : possibly also vii. 2. There is aiso 
a reference to him in Ep. i. 5, 8. Nothing 
more is known of him, though he may be 
identical with the L. Fabius Justus who 
was consul in 102 a.d. For the inversion 
of nomen and cognomen (the praenomen 
being omitted), cp. 13. 9 * Secundus Pom- 
ponius/ and * Afro Domitio.' The usage 
is characteristic of the Silver Age, and is 
especially common in Quintilian (e. g. x. 
1, §§ 86, 87, 103) ; but it seems to have 
been first introduced by Varro (L. Lat. 5, 
83 * Scaevola Qnintus' : De Re Rust. i. 2, t 
* Libo Marcius ) , and is found in Cicero (de 
Or. ii. § 253) — frequently in his Letters. 
Cp. Draeger § 221. 

2. eminentium : cp. 86. 26, 25. 7 : 
Ann. i. 80, 8. 

3. deserta. 'barren,* nsed absolutely. 
The figure is the same as that contained 

4. oratoris. Cp. 15. 5 cum . . . neminem 
hoc tempore oratorem esse contenderes, 
whcre see note. So, of the perfect orator, 
Cic. de Or. i § 64 is orator erit mea senten- 
tia hoc tam gravi dignus nomine qui, &c. 

5. diserti. The word is often used of 

* clever speakers,' as an antithesis to 
eloquens and orator, So Cicero quotes 
(Or. § 18) a saying of Antonius, disertos 
ait se vidisse multos, eloquentem omnino 
neminem : cp. de Or. i. § 94 : Quint. xii. 
I, 23 (malum virum summe disertum . . . 
donabimus oratoris illo sacro nomine), 
and i. 10, 8 (' fuit aliquis sine his disertus ' : 

* at ego oratorem volo *). 

oaiisidici et advocati et patroni. 
These terms indicate the restriction of 
oratory to the sphere of judicial proce- 
dure, especially in the centumviral courts, 
which in former days * splendore alionim 
iudiciorum obruebantur * (88. ii). Com- 
pared with the true orator, the oausi- 
dious, or 'pleader,* was nothing but a 
Mitium advocatus* (Quint. xii. i, 25). 
Hence the tone of contempt with which 
tbe word is used, as of a pettifogging 
attomey, in such passages as Cic. de Or. 
i. § 202 : Juv. vi. 439 ' nec causidicus nec 
praeco loquetur * : with which cp. Petro- 
nius xlvi. ad fin., and Burmann^s note. 
Advooatus frequently .has the sense of 

* counsel * in Quintilian, Pliny the Younger, 
and Suetonius : so also Ann. xi. 5, 5. For 
the older meaning of the word see on 84. 1 2. 

6. quidvis : e.g. actores^ 26. 7. 

7. pondus ezoipere. More nsual 





:. w. 

cipere (erit enint aut de ingeniis nostris male existimandum, si 
idem adsequi non possumus, aut de iudiciis, si nolumus), vix 

10 hercule auderem, si mihi mea sententia proferenda acjion disertis- 
simorum, ut nostris temporibus, hominum sermo repetendus 
esset, quos eandem hanc quaestionem pertractantes iuvenis 
admodum audivi. Ita non ingenio, sed memoria et recordatione 
opus est, ut quae a praestantissimis viris et excogitata subtiliter et 

15 dicta graviter accepi, cum singuli diversas quidem sed probabiles 

1. 8. erii enim is my conj. : ut all codd. and edd. existimandum codd. : exist. 
sit Lipsius and edd. 10. mea mihi Schnlting : but cp. mihi satis snperqne, 4. 8. 

15. diversas quidem sed probabiles V, (^as quidem Baehrens), diversas vel easdem 
sedprob. most codd., diversas sed ecudemprob, Roth, Andresen, John, Wolff, \veleasdem 
sed prob.'] Halm, diversas rei eiusdem sed prob, J. H. Miiller, nm easdem sed 
prohabiUs HeUer. 

would have been onus suscipere (Cic^ de 
Or. i. § 116: Qnint. x. 2, 19) : excipere 
contains, however, the idea of taking the 
* burden * over from Fabius. 

8. erit enim . . . existimandiim. This 
parenthesis (cp. 11. 3) is adopted in pre- 
ference to the traditional reading, which 
involves an awkward continuation of the 
idea contained in tam magnae quaestionis 
pondus. Erit (possibly est^ may easily 
have run into the preceding excip^^, 
whereupon the well-known contraction for 
enim wonld be mistaken for a u (ut). 

0. iudiciis/ ' taste* Cp. * auribus et 
iudiciis,' 20. 20. 

10. ao non, ' instead of ' : Hist. i. 40, 
8 : Ann. vi. 2,2. 

11. ut nostris temporibus. This 
restriction shows that^ in the writer*s. 
opinion, the unfavourable estimate of 
contemporary eloquence implied in tbe 

?uestion addressed to him by Fablus 
ustus was not without foundation. Cp. 
optimi et in quantum opus est diser- 
tissimi viri, 41. 19. 

repetendus. Cp. the frame-work of 
Cicero's de Oratore, i. § 23 repetam . . . 
ea quae quondam accepi in nostrorum 
hominum eloquentissimorum et omni dig- 
nitate principum disputatione esse versata. 

12. iuvenis admodum. See Introd. 
p. XV. From a comparison of other places 
in Tacitus where this phrase is used (esp. 
Agric.vii. 9: cp. Hist. ii.78, 9; iv. 5,42),it 
seems that it may be taken as meaning about 
twenty years of age. So Quint. viii. 3, 31. 

13. memoria retains, recordatio re- 
calls: Cic. Brut. § 9 : Tusc. v. § 88. See 
Prof. Wilkins^s note on * recordatione et 
memoria,* Cic. de Or. i. § 228.. 

15. aooepi This verb is much more 
frequently used of knowledge acquired by 
tradition, or at seoaiuLJiand, than (like 
excipere) of what is heard firom the very 
lips of a speaker. For the former cp. 
accipere in 12. 18, 28. 23, 80. 8, 40. 
13: for the latter excipere, 2. 9, 15. 3, 
29. 14: Agr. xlv. 19: Hist. iii. 85, 5. 
But the comparison of such passages 
as these is not a sufficient justification 
of Gudeman's proposal (Amer. Joum. of 
Phil. vol. xii. p. 327) to alter the reading 
of the MSS. to e praest. viris . . . exoepi. 
Against his belief in an invariable dis- 
tinction between the two compounds, it is 
snfficient to quote Ann. i. 67, 2 dicta cum 
silentio accipere: Hist. iii. 65, i haud- 
quaquamerecto animoeasvoces accipiebat. 
In Cicero, too, we find *id, quod ipse 
(sc. Pericles) ab Anaxagora, cuius auditor 
fuerat, acceperat,' de Rep. i § 25 : and 
even *ut Romae ex istius amicis orce- 
peram,' in Verr. ii. 4, 136. 

singuli seems to refer only to those 
interlocutors in the dialogue wbo admitted 
the decline implied in Sie question with 
which the treatise opens, though they had 
different explanations to give of it : see 
especially the speeches of Messalla (25- 
36), and Matemus (86-42). Others think 
that Aper also is included: but though 
Aper knows the difference between *an* 
cient' and ' modern ' oratory, he emphati- 
cally denies the existence of any decline. 
Aper is referred to (appropriately enough 
after ' disputationis ') in the sentence be- 
ginning * Neque enim defuit qui * : the 
whole context shows that, up to that 
point, the writer is thinking only of those 
interlocutors in the dialogue (probably 




causas adferrent, dum formam sui quisque et animi et ingenii 
redderent, isdem nunc numeris isdemque rationibus persequar, 
servato ordine disputationis. Neque enim defuit qui diversam 
quoque partem susciperet, ac multum vexata et inrisa vetustate 
nostrorum temporum eloquentiam antiquorum ingeniis antfiferret. 20 
2. Nam postero die.quam Curiatius Maternus Catonem reci- 

17. redderent AB, redderet CaDH, reddent E, reddeHt Vj. persequar H and 

Put. : prosequar cett. codd. 

including Secundus) who took the same 
ground as Fabins did in his question. 

15. diversas quidem sed probabiles. 
On this reading, veleasdem is rejected as 
a gloss added by^some 1one who wished 
to indicate that the arguments advanced 
by the different speakers are identical. 
This is true only so far as they agree 
in admitting the fact of the decline im- 
plied in the question of Fabius }ustus. 
See Introd. p. xxxi. For ' probabiles causas 
adferre ' cp. Ann. vi. 14, 9. 

cum . . , dum. For the dependence 
of the latter on the former, though in 
a rather different construction, cp. Ann. 
xii. 68, 3 cum . . . obtegeretur, dum . . . 
componuntnr. The subj. redderent is 
motived by the mood of the foregoing 
subordinate clause. 

16. animi . . . ingeuii, 'heart' and 
♦mind,' *feeling' and * understanding * : 
cp. 21. ad fin., Cic. de Or. iii. § 5. Tr. 
^reflecting in each case the constitution 
of.' YoT formam cp. Agr. xlvi. 10. 

17. redderent. The variant redderet 
mignt be supported from Germ. xvi. 5 ; 
but for instances of Tacitus's preference 
for the plural in similar cases cp. on 
adferant, 86. 8. So *quisque compone- 
rent' Ann. vi. t6, ad fin. ', ' * '* 

numeris, here siinply of the successive 
divisions in which the subject must foe 
dealt with. Cp. Cic de N. D. ii. § 37 
inundum , . . perfectum expletumque om- 
nibns suis numeris et partibus : Quint. x. 
I, 70, S«e note on 32. 8, per omnes elo- 
quentiae nnmeros isse. Tr. *in_thejaixie- 
stnges andwith thesame deinonstrations.' . 
There~is a kind oi ahalogy in Eur. 
£lectra, *]*J2 ttcif^ Tpdirt^ t\ koX rivi ^fi^ 
<p6yov ; In the text, however, the rationes 
are the gronnds, or principles, on which 
the arrangement of the parts is based. 
Servato ordine disputationis is added 
only to emphasize the statement that 
nothing has been altered in the 'vices 

18. enim is snggestedby disputationis. 


diversam . . . partem. Of Aper, 
Matemus afterwards says: 'et ipse satis 
manifestus est iam dudum in contrarium 
acdngi nec aequo animo perferre hanc 
nostram pro antiquorum laude concordiam ' 
16. II. — For Aper's eulogy of the 
'modem' school of eloquence, see chs. 

20. antiquorum ingeniis. Antiquts, 
by itself, would have been quite a 
usual metonymy : cp. Cic. de Or. ii. § 4 
nostrorum hominum prudentiam Graeds 
(i.e. Graecorum prudentiae) anteferre. 
There is a real antithesis (not, as here, one 
motived merely by the wish for symmetry) 
in Agr. xxi. 7 ingenia Britannorum studiis 
Gallorum anteferre. 

2. 1. postero die, &c. Cp. the circum* 
stances of the renewal of the discussion 
in the de Oratore ii. §12 Postero igitur 
die quam ilU erant acta . . . repente eo 
Q. Catulus senex cum C. lulio fratre venit. 

Guriatii).8 Matenius is known to us 
only through this treatise. He has now 
abandoned the profession of rhetoric, and 
is devoting himself to the composition 
of tragedies, four of which are named, 
MedeUf ThyesteSy Dpmitius, Cato. From 
the allusion in the text (cp. 11. 19% many 
have been led to infer that he is identicsl 
with the 'HL&r^pvos aotpKTT-^s who was put 
to death by Domitian in 91 for too great 
freedom of speech (Dion Cass. Ixvii. 12). 
See however Introd. p. xxxvii. 

Gatonem. The praise of Cato of Utica 
was tratditional at Rome from the day of 
his death. Cicero wrote a *Cato' (ad Att. 
xiii. 46, 2 : Tac- Ann, iv. 34, 20 : Gell. xiii. 
19), to which Caesar replied in an * Anti- 
cato ' (Plut. Caes. liv. 733 : Gell. iv. 16), 
consisting of two books (Suet. lul. Ivi,: 
Juv. vi. 338) in the form of speeches 
(* rescripta oratione velut apud iudices re- 
spondit,' Ann. 1. c). Cp. Hor. Od. i, 1 2, 35 
(* Catonis nobile letum 'j : Lucan, Phars. 
i. 128 'victrix causadeis placuit, sed victa 
Catoni,'andii. 380 sqq.: Seneca, £pp. 24, 
10: 25,6: 79, 14: 97,8: 104, 29 8qq, 

.'f ' 

B 9 



taverat, cum oiTendisse potentium animos diceretur tamquam in 
eo tragoediae argumento, sui oblitus tantum Catonem cogitasset, 
eaque de re per urbem frequens sermo haberetur, venerunt ad 
5 eum Marcus Aper et lulius Secundus, celeberrima tum ingenia 
fori nostri, quos ego non modo in iudiciis utrosque studiose 
audiebam, sed domi quoque et in publico adsectabar mira studio- 

2. 2. tamquam non in Sauppe. 3. sui codd. : obsequii Buchholz, saeculi sui 

Baehrens. 6. in iudiciis non utrosque modo codd. : [utrosque] Ritter, Halm, 

non in iudiciis modo utrosque Nipperdey, utrosque non in iudiciis modo Schopeoy tn 
iudiciis non modo ut pUrosque J. H. Miiller. 

Cogitare is of course fieqneiitly nsed with 
an acc, but the parallels cited by editors 
are hardly so strong : cp. howeverSeneca, 
de Ben. iv. 31 dum veterem illum Scaumm 
cogitas : Plin. £p. iv. 2, 2 Incredibile : sed 
Regulum cogita. 

5. Marcus Aper, like many other rhe- 
toricians of this period, was of Gaulish 
origin (cp. 10. 6 ne quid de Gallis nostris 
loquar). From ch. 17 we leam that he 
had served in Britain, possibly, like 
Tacitus's father-in-law Agricola, under 
Suetonius Paulinus. By the date at which 
this Dialogue is supposed to have taken 
place (74-5) he had alreadymade hisway 
to the praetorship. See Introd. p. xxxii. 

lulius Secundus was also a Gaul, but 
a man of a different stamp from Aper. 
He was much admired by Quintilian, who 
praises him for 'eleeantia* xii. 10. 11 : a 
fuller criticism will be found ib. x. i, lao 
and 3 § 1 2, where see my notes. From the 
former of these two passages it seems that 
he was dead when Quintilian wrote his 
Tenth Book. He is probably identical 
with the rhetorician mentioned by Plu- 
tarch as Otho's chief secretary : Sc/rotVSos 
b ^TOjpf ktti rS)v inuTToKSfv ytvdfieyos tou 
'^OOwvos (Otho 9). See Introd. p. xxxv. 

celeberrima . . . ingenia. Cp. Quint. 
X. I. 122 sunt enim summa hodie, quibus 
inlustratur forum, ingenia (Aper, Mar- 
cellus, Matemus, Aquilius Regulus, Pliny, 
and Tacitus himself). ^ 

6. quos ego non modo . . . audie- 
bam. I base ihe reading given in the text 
not only on the consistent usage of 
Tacitus in non modo clauses (G. and G. p. 
854 b), but also on the fact that it expiains 
the corruptions of the MSS. In Tacitus, 
non modo always stands in close relalion 
to the word or words which form the 
antithesis, — here in iudictis, which cannot 
be a gloss. Nipperdey was therefore 
nearly right m suggesting, ' quos ego non 
in iudiciis modo utrosque * ; but it is more 

2. potentimn, i. e. Vespasian, and the 
circle of favourites referred to in ch. 8. 
His treatment of Helvidius Priscus shows 
that even the mild founder of the Flavian 
line could resent the exhibition of repub- 
lican sentiments. For the expression, cp. 
Quint ii. 20, 8 cum periculosa potentium 

tamquam c. subj. is often used by 
Tacitus (like quasi and rfelut) to introduce 
an opinion or statement advanced by 
others (Draeger § 179: Wolfflin, Philol. 
xxiv. II 5-1 23) : 10. 27 tamquam minns 
obnoxium sit. Cp. Ann. i. 12 ad fin. 
' invisus . . . tamquam plus quam civilia 
agitaret : ii. 84, 3 : ' tamquam misere- 
rentur ' Agr. xxxviii. 7. 

in eo tragoediae argumento = in eius 
tragoediae argumento. For the inversion 
cp. Cic. in Verr. ii. 4 § 100 permotus illa 
atrocitate negotii. 

3. 8ui oblitus, 'without thinking of 
himself/ i. e. of the risk he was mnning. 
There is no imputation that Matemus 
forgot or belied his character for out- 
spokenness and plain dealing. This is 
evident enough, — in spite of his general 
mildness, and his acquiescence (40.) in the 
limitations imposed on contemporary elo- 
quence — from his reference to his early 
success with Vatinius (11. 10), his appre- 
ciation of the 'antiqua libertas' (27. 12), 
his caustic remarks about Crispus and 
Marcellus (18. 10), and his calm an- 
nouncement of his Thyestes (3. 11) : see 
Introduction p. xxxviii. In any case such 
an imputation would have been a strange 
one to make against a dramatic poet. The 
fact is that sui oblitusy while antithetical 
in form, is really subordinate to tantum 
Catonem cogitasset. There is thus no 
need for theotherwise ingenious conjecture 
obsequiiy which might however be defended 
on palaeographical grounds. 

Catonem . . . cogitasset » Catonis 
mentem induisset et expressisset, G. and G. 


rum cupiditate et quodam ardore iuvenili, ut fabulas quoque 
eorum et disputationes et arcana semotae dictionis penitus ex- 
ciperem, quamvis maligne plerique" dpinarentur nec Secundo 'o 
promgtum esse sermonem et Aprum ingenio potius et vi naturae 
quam institutione et litteris famam eloquentiae consecutum. 
Nam et Secundo purus et pressus et, in quantum satis erat, 

9. ditiofiis E, eruditionis Vj. tuciperem EVj. 

satisfactory to suppose that, in the arche- 
type, the words tn iudiciis uirosque were 
accidentally otnitted by the scribe, and 
were written in above the line (quos ego 
in iudiciis utrosque 
non modo stndiose andiebam), and 
that snbseqnently in iudiciis was taken in 
after ego and utrosque between non and 
modo, Utrosque need not be snspected : 
it serves, coming alter in iudiciis^ to in- 
dicate the separate activity of the two 
pleaders ( ' the one as mnch as the other ') : 
they wonld not nsuaUy appear together. 
It is common enough of a pair of indi- 
viduals, e.g. Ann. xvi. 11, 11 illa utrosque 
(patrem et aviam) intuens. For non modo 
. . . sedquoqtUj whichis classical, but rare, 
Draeger (§ 128) compares Hist. i. 57 : 
Liv. ix. 3, xxxvi. 35 : Curtius : Gellius. 

7. adsectabar. So Quintilian (in Plin. 
£pp. ii. 14, 10) Adsectabar Domitium 

8. fabulas. Their ordinary conversa- 
tion, or casual talk (cp. 23. 11, 39. 4) 
as opposed to set discnssions (disputa- 
tiones) on such questions as that which 
forms the subject of the Dialogus. These 
discussions they would no doubt hold 
with others, as well as between themselves 
when they met 

9. arcana semotae diotionlB. The 
commentators generally refer this expres- 
sion to the rehearsals (domesticae exercita- 
tiones, Sen. Contr. i. praef 1 2) with which 
the rhetorician would favour his 'cercle 
intime' before any public appearance, in 
oider to have the benefit of advice and 
ciiticism. But Church and Brodribb are 
nearer the mark in rendering * their private 
and esoteric discourse : ' semotae sc. ab 
anribus alienomm hominum, or a ratione 
fori et iudiciorum. There is a touch of 
the enthusiastic pupil in ' arcana,' the 
snbstantival use of which is common 
enough in Tacitus : so ' litterarum se- 
creta,' Germ. xix. 3. For dictioj cp. 10. 
31 fortnitae et snbitae dictionis impetu. 

penitus seems more appropriate in 
soch phrases as 'penitos inbxum/ Ann. 

ii. 76, 10: XV. 5, 8. Cp. however 80. 16 
omnes philosophiae partes penitus hau- 
sisse: Ann. ii. 12, 12 penitus noscendas 
mentes. In Agr. xlv. 19 we have the fuller 
expression ' Excepissemus certe mandata 
vocesque, quas penitus animo figeremus.* 

10. quamvis, with &.sul4— xtLiacty as ff^^.l 
often also in Suetonius and later writers : 

cp. Ann. i. 68 : ii. 38 : xi. 20 : Hist. ii. 
69» 79» 85: iv. II (D'. § 201). 

plerique, 'many/ *very many/ as 
often in Tacitus, and also in Quintilian 
(cp. Introd. to Book x. p. xlvi). So 10. 
26 and 26. 10 : also (adjecttvally) 17. 23 
plerosque senes, 31. 35. But in 26. 7 
(plerique . . . actores) Uie meaning may 
be 'most.' Many instances in Tacitus 
are doubtful : G. and G. jp. 11 25. Cp. on 
plerumque 6. 8. 

nec . . . et, 4. 3; 83. 11. 

11. promptus. Cp. Juv. iii. 74 sermo 
promptus et Isaeo torrentior : along with 
projluens (as below) Ann, xiii. 3, 12 Au- 
gusto prompta ac profluens . . . eloquentia 

ingenio . . . institutione. Cp. the 
antithesisimpliedin 'ingenium acstudium* 
14. 8 : also 19. 5 and 16. 3. 

1 3. Nam explains mcUigm above, and 
also the preceding eulogy of Aper and 

purus . . . pressus. Plin. Ep. vii. 9, 
8 'pressus sermO purusque.' The same 
qualities are indicated in Quint. x. i. 94 
* tersior ac pums magis ' (Horatius) : cp. 
I. 9. 2 sermone puro et nihil se supra 
modum extollente. For pressus (premo) 
cp. Cic. de Or. ii. § 96 where 'oratio 
pressior' is opposed to 'luxuries quae- 
dam quae stilo depascenda est,' and below 
18. 19 inflatns et tumens nec satis pressus 
sed supra modum exsultans : see on Quint. 
X. I, 44. 

in quantum for the more nsual 
qtiantum^ as again at 41. 19: Ann. xiv. 
47, 2 : xiii. 54, 5. So Ov. Met. xi. 71 : Quint. 
ii. 10, 4 (in quantnm maxime potest), xi. 3, 
118, ix. 4, 16, viii. 6, 24 : Velleius, Seneca, 
Pliny the Younger, and later writers. 


. K 

profluens sermo non defuit, et Aper omni eruditione imbutus 
15 contemnebat potius litteras quam nesciebat^ tamquam maiorem 
industriae et laboris. gloriam habiturus si ingenium eius nullis 
alienarum artium admioiculis inniti videretur. 

3. Igitur ut intravimus cubiculum Matemi, sedentem ipsumque 
quem pridie recitaverat librum inter manus habentem depre- 

Tum Secundus ^Nihilne te' inquit, 'Materne, fabulae mali- 

5 gnorum terrent quojninus offensas Catonis tui ames ? An ideo 

librum istum adprehendisti ut diligentius retractares et, sublatis 

si qua pravae interpretationi materiam dederunt^ emitteres 

Catonem non quidem meliorem, sed tamen securiorem ? ' 

Tum ille * /nteAeges tu quidem quid Maternus sibi debuerit, 

14. omni EVjCA, fii ABDH (cp. 18. 14), communi Rhenanus. 17. inniti 

ABCAD, adniii corr. A and B,EVj, initi H. 

3. I. ipsumque quem reviewer of Walther*s ed. in Leipz. Lit. Zeit. 1833, p. 1898 : 
ipsum quem codQ. Others ipsum et quemi perhaps et ipsum quem. 2. inter 

Cajas : intra codd. 9. Intelleges tu quidem quid is my conj. : leges tu quid 

ABDEVa, leges tu qtndem H edd. vett., leges quid C, * leges ' inquit * quid Halm, 
leges^ inquity si libuerit Nipperdey, ieges tu quae audisti et agnosces quid McUemus 
sibi debuerit Baehrens. 

14. profluens. As generally with 
purus (Cic. Bnit. § 274 ita pura [sc. 
oratio] ut nihil liquidius), the metaphor 
is from a running stream : cp. Cic de Or. 
ii- § 159 genus sermonis non liquidum, 
non iusum ac profluens : ib. § 64 fusum 
atque tractum et cum lenitate quadam 
aequabiliter profluens : Tac. Ann. iv. 61, 6 
Haterii canorum illud «t prefluens (as also 
in Cic. de Or. iii. § 28, of Carbo). 

imbutus. So 31. 33 grammatica, 
musica, geometria imbuebantur : cp. note 
on 19. 21. The ablative at 84. 2 may be 
slightly different. 

15. oontemnebat. Cp.whatCicerosays 
of Crassus and Antonius and Greek leaming 
(de Or. ii. § 4) * non tam existimari vellet 
non didicisse quam illa despicere,' sqq. 

tamquam, with fut. part. (like a;s), as 
Ann. xii. 49, 5 tamquam recuperaturus, 
and vi. 36, 4. Aper *thought that his 
reputation for zealous professional appli- 
cation would be greater if,' &c. 

16. industriae etlaboris.* Cic. Brut. 
§ 237: ad Fam. xiii. 10, 3. For such 
synonyms, see Introd. p. li. 

17. alienarum artium * extraneous ac- 
complishments,' everything outside his 
profession, e.g. philosophy, 81. 25 sqq. 
:See Introd. p. xxxii, note. 

Ohfl. 3-4. Aper^s criticism of McUemus, 

3. I. intravimus. The inclusion 

of Tacitus himself among the visitors 

of Matemus is to be explained from 

* adsectabar,' &c. in the preceding chapter. 

2. inter manus = in manibus: cp. 
Ann. iii. 16, i visum inter manus Pisonis 
libellum: Flin. Epp. ii. 5, 2 nihil enim 
adhuc inter manus habui. So Verg. 
Aen. xi. 311 Ante oculos interque manns 
sunt omnia vestras. 

5. quo minus after terreo^ as Hist. i. 40, 
12. So zitti deierreoy Hist. ii. 41, 10 ; iv. 
71, 21 : also in Cicero, Livy, and Curtius. 

offensas Catonis tui. * Your exasper- 
ating Cato.' He was to take a waming 
from the fate of Cremutius Cordus^ Ann. 
iv. 34: cp. Quint. x. i, 104. 

ames. Ovid, Trist. iv. i, 30 £t carmen, 
demens, carmine laesus amo. 

7. pravaeinterpretationi materiam, 

* a handle for misconstmction.' 

8. non^uidem meliorem. Themore 
usual order would be non meliorem quidem^ 
or non illum quidem meliorem : cp. 
pulchri quidem, 9. 13. 

seouriorem, *le8s open to attack/ 
*safer/ *less risky*: Hist. i. i, 18 uberi- 
orem securioremque materiam. 

9. Intelleges. < You, Secundus (cp. on 

t 4 



et adgnosces quae audisti. Quod si qua omisit Cato, sequenti 
recitatione Thyestes dicet ; hanc enim tragoediam disposui 
iam et intra me ipse formavi. Atque ideo maturare Hbri huius 
editionem festino, ut dimissa priore cura novae cogitationi toto 
pectore incumbam.' 

* Adeo te tragoediae istae non satiant/ inquit Aper * quo minus 
omissis orationum et causarum studiis ^omne tempus modo circa 
Medeam, ecce nunc circa Thyestem consumas^ cum te tot ami- 
corum causae, tot coloniarum et municipiorum clientelae in forum 
vocent ; quibus^ix suffeceris etiam si non novum tibi ipse 

19. suffeceris most codd. : sufficeres H and Put. 


6. i), will appreciate my attitade. I 
have made no changes. More than that : 
"Thyestes'* will supplement "Cato." — It 
is impossible to explain the indirect clause 
grammaticalIy,withoutresorting to the easy 
change from leges to intelleges (cp. Qnint. 
X. 3, 20) : leges can hardly be construed 
zs = legendo cognosces (as Halm, John). 
The pf. debuerit is quite appropriate: 
* what I considered my bounden duty.' 

11. hano enim, 'that is the name 
of the tragedy which I have shaped in 
putline and planned in my head.' Matemus 
is here giving his friends a piece of news : 
cp. ecce nunc^ below. 

12. intra me ipse. Ann. xiv. 53, 17 ut 
plemmque intra me ipse volvam : Quint. 
xi. 3, 2 quae intra nosmet ipsos com- 

maturare . . . festino. If tnaturare 
is used here as='accelerate,' *hurry on* 
the publication of (asoften in Tacitus with 
'caedem' and other accusatives), there is 
a slight pleonasm. But others take it as = 
perficere^ cui finem perducere, This does 
not go so well, however, with editio (though 
editio is coming to have a concrete sense 
in Quint. v. 11, 40: xii. 10, 55). 

13. oura, of a book, Ann. iii. 24, 11 
si eSfectis in quae tetendi plures ad curas 
vitam produxero, iv. 11, 17 quorum in 
manus cura nostra venerit : cp. Ovid, ex 
Ponto, iv. 16, 39. Of a speech, 6. 23 below. 

toto pectore incumbam. Ovid, ex 
Ponto, iii. i, 39 pectore te toto cunctisque 
incumbere nervis. For the dat after 
incumbere, see Quint. xi. 3, i. 

15. quo minus. The constr. is 'non 
satiant (sc. neque impediunt) quo minus,* 
or * satietate non deterrent quo minus/&c. : 
lit. ' you have not, then, had so much of 
tragedy as to prevent you from,' &c. For 
other cases of an ellipse with pio minus 

( j ' 1 1 < • .• ' 



and quin, cp. Ann. iv. 51, 18, reliquis 
quo minus . . . subigerentur . . . hiems 
subvenit (sc. et impediebat) : ib. vi. 38, 2 
non enim Tiberium . . . tempus preces 
scUias mitigabant quin . . . puniret : xiii. 
14, 9 : Agr. xxvii. 8 nihil ex arrogantia re- 
mittere quo minus iuventutem armarent : 
ib. XX. 6 nihil interim a|nid hostes quietum 
pati, quo minus subitis excursibus popu- 
laretur. The analogy of the last two 
passages especially shows that the text 
ought to be rendered: 'Then you have 
not had enough of those tragedies of 
yours. Tuming your back upon . . . you 
spend your whole time,' &c. Somewhat 
similar is Soph. Phil. 339 dpKtiy . . . &aT€ 
fxff. — Adeo stands by itself at the begin- 
ningof the sentence,which is sometimes ex- 
hibited as interrogative in form (' Is it so 
true, then, that, &c.) : cp. Ann. xi. 16, 17 : 
Hist. iv. 58, 8. 

16. modo . . . nunc = modo . . . modo, 
as Hist. ii. 51, 2 ; iii. 85, i. Xjcce comes in 
naturally before nunc, as Aper has just 
heard of the * Thyestes * for the first time. 
But otherwise there is no indication of the 
sequence of the plays, though some have 
thought that the context would have led 
us to expect 'Catonem* in place of 
'Medeam.' Aper keeps the *Cato' to 
the end, in order that he may set it (along- 
side with the 'Domitius') over against the 
' Graeculorum fabulae,* i. e. dramas like 
the * Medea* and the * Thyestes' which only 
gave a new presentment of subjects that 
had been treated scores of times before. 

oiroa, as at 22. 11; 28. 12: Ann. 
xvi. 8. 1 1 circa summa scelera distentum : 
Germ. xxviii. 14 : Hist. i. 13, 5. So fre- 
quently in Seneca and Quintilian: see 
note on Quint. x. i, 52. Cp. the use of 
irep^, dful>l with the accnsative in Greek. 

19. suffeoeris, potential : you could 

q\^ fit» ♦ 




20 negotium impoi^tasses, Domitium et Catonem, id est nostras 
quoque historias et Romana nomina Graeculorum fabulis ad- 

4. Et Matemus: *Perturbarer hac tua severitate nisi fre- 

quens et assidua nobis contentio iam prope in consuetudinem 

vertisset. Nam nec tu agitare et insequi poetas intermittis, et 

ego, cui desidiam advocationum obicis, quotidianum hoc patro- 

5 cinium defendendae adversus te poeticae exerceo. Quo laetor 

ao. Domiiium codd., tU Domitium Niebuhr. 2 r. graecorum B. adgregando is 

myconj. (cp. 4. 5, where H has defindes for defetuiendae, also 43. 2 where all codd. 
give emendare for emendatae) : aggregares ABCaDH, aggregarem £, adgregarem Vs, 
aggregare Pithoeus, aggregans OrelU. Possibly adgregandi : see Introd. p. Ivii. 

hardly meet the demand, even if you had 
kept to the traditional type of tragedy, — 
instead of encumbering yourself, &c. 

19. novtun negotium. Thisdoesnot 
necessarlly imply that Matemus had only 
lately taken up such subjects : like the 
'Medea' (ch. 9), the 'Domitius* was pro- 
bably one of his earlier dramas. His 
historical dramas are ' new ' in the sense 
of being unlike the conventional models 
drawn from Greek mythology, — unlike 
even the ' praetextatae of earlier poets. 
(See Schoell, Commentationes Woelffli- 
nianae, pp. 395-6). They were Koival rpa^ 
79;8iai, subjects treated for the first time, 
new * history-plays ' bases on scenes con- 
nected with the i all of the Republic. 

20. importasses « imposuisses, in- 
iunxisses. The word occurs in Tadtus 
only here : in Cicero and Livy it is com- 
mon enongh in such phrases as ' incom- 
modum, periculum, detrimentum (sibi, 
aliis) importare.* So also Pliny N. H. 
xxvL 9. Tr. * if you had not burdened 
yourself with a fresh task, by ' &c. 

Domitium. Probably L. Domitius 
Ahenobarbus, consul B. c. 54, and a con- 
sistent opponent of Julius Caesar. He 
was pardoned after the capture of Corj- 
finium, but rejoined the Pompeians, and 
fell at Pharsalus. Lucan selects him for 
eulogy in compliment to his descendant 
Nero: Phars. vii. 599-616.— I am not 
convinced by the arguments with which 
Schoell supports his proposal (Comm. 
Woelff., p. 396 sq.) to understand the 
allusion to be to Cn. Domitius Aheno- 
barbus (the ' Enobarbus * of Shakespeare*s 
* Antony and Cleopatra *), though his 
career had greater elements of romance 
in it than that of his father. 

id eat : so ch. ix. ad fin. : 22. 8 : 
Germ. xl. 6. 

21. ad^^gando. The fieqaent in- 
stanoes of the misinterpretation of com- 
pendia (especially terminations) in tbe 
Dialogue, as well as Tacitus's fondness 
for this construction, have led me to 
insert adgregando in the text, in place of 
Niebuhr*s «/ . . . adgregares, Cp. conce- 
dendo 11. 5 : componendo 14. 20 : docendo 
83. 14 : adiciendo Ann. v. 6, ad fin. : 
other exx. in D'. § 203. Cp. Introd. p. Ivii. 

4. I. freiiuens et assidua. For other 
instances of this Ciceronian amplitude, 
see Introd. p. li. 

2. in consaetadinem Tertisset. 
Cicero frequently uses venire in consuetu- 
dinem : e. g. pro Caec. § 6 quod quoniam 
iam in consuetndinem venit. For the intran- 
sitive use of vertere (frequent in Tacitus) 
cp. Hist. iv. 27, 6 quod tum in morem ver- 
terat : Germ. xxxi. 2 in consensimi vertit : 
Sall. lug. 85. 9 bene facere iam ex consue- 
tudine in naturam vertit. 

3. agitare et inseqoi. Cic. pro Mur. 
§ 21 agitat rem militarem, insectatur 
totam hanc legationem. 

4. desidiam advocationam, *.neglec t 
of my p rofessional duties.* Such agenitive 
occurs nowhefe else with desidia, though 
common enoagh with incuria, negle- 
gentia, &c. 

5. defendendae . . . poeticae. The 
gerundive is an epexegetic genitive, show- 
ing in what the patrocinium consists, as 
solitum effugium prorumpendi, Ann ii.47, 
3, cultus . . . venerandi, ib. iii. 63, 1 2 : cp. iv. 
2, 1 o : if it had not been for the insertion of 
* def. adversus te' the words * hoc patroci- 
nium poeticae * might have stood by them- 
selves. See Roby, Pref. Ixvii, where 
' oratores pacis* and ' oratores pads peten- 
dae ' are shown to be equivalent : cp. also 
Cic. in Verr. ii. 4. 1 13 propter eam causam 
sceleris istius. The use of the legal 



■ - 1\ 

' «- <.. 

4- ^* ' * -^ 

magis bblatum nobis, iudicem qui me vel in futurum vetet versus 
facere, vel, quod iam pridem opto, sua quoque auctoritate com-*" " 
pellat ut omissis forensium causarum angustiis, in quibus mihi 
satis superque sudatum est, sanctiorem illam et augustiorem 
-: eloquentiam colam/ lo 

5. * Ego vero ' inquit Secundus, * antequam me iudicem Aper 
recuset, faciam quod probi et moderati iudices solent, ut in iis 
cognitionibus se excusent in quibus manifestum est alteram apud 
eos partem gratia praevalere. Quis enim nescit neminem mihi 
coniunctiorem esse et usu amicitiae et assiduitate^ontubernii 5^ 
quam Saleium Bassum, cum optimum virum tum absolutissimum 
poetam ? Porro si poetica accusatur, non alium video reum c 

4. 8. satis miki H Sp. : but cp. mihi mea 1. lo. 9. illam CAEVg, isiam 

ABH. For this frequent confusion, see Introd. p. Ixxxvii. 

6. 2. moderati ASE, modesti CDAVaH. : see Introd. p. Ixxxiii. iis CAT), kts 

ABEVjH : see Introd. p. Ixxxviii. 3. cogitationibus BC. se add. Pithoeus. 

6. SaJeium V^C ADHb in marg., Seleium £, Salerum A, Galerium B (corr. Salertum.) 


tenn patrocinium (after advocationum) 
heightens the pleasantry of the speaker : 
cp. patrocinium aeqnitatis, Cic. de Qr. i. 
( 243 : controversiaram patrocinia sus- 
cipere, Or. § 120. 

9. sanctiorem . . . angustiorem. For 
the coUocation cp. sanctam illam et 
angustam, Cic. N. D, i. $ 119: ii. §§ 62, 
79 : iii. § 53 : ex hoc igitur Platonis quasi 
quodam sancto angustoque fonte, Tusc. 

V. § 37- 

10. eloquentiam, here of poetry as 

distinct from 'oratoria eloquentia.' For 
a wider use of the word see ch. 10. 13 *om- 
nem eloquentiam omnesque eius partes': 
cp. Quint. x. 2, 22 Habet onmis eloquenlia 
aliquid commune, ' all utterance.' 

Ghs. 5-10. Speech of Aper, in praise 
of Oratory cls far superior to Poetry. 
Introduced by afew remarks from Julius 

5. I. ajitequam, &c. Matemus had 
known the sympathies of the arbitrator to 
whom he appealed (sua quoque auctori- 
tate compellat above); and Secundus 
now, half playfuUy, anticipates that Aper 
will decline his intervention. 

2. moderati, ' dispassionate,' 'con- 
scientious.* Cp. Agr. v. 2 Suetonio dili- 
genti ac moderato dud. So ' nnllus magis- 
tratuum modus,* 40. 22 : *moduset tem- 
peramentum/ 41. 23. 

3. se exousent. The insertion of se 

may be justified on palaeographical 
grounds, and by a comparison of Ann. 
iii. 35, 5 intentius excusante se Lepido. But 
Tacitus also uses excusare absolutely, as 
Agr. xlii. 9, audiit preces excusantis : 
cp. Cic. Verr. i. § 31 se ducturos . . . excu- 
sando facile ad ludos Victoriae : Ligar. § 
2 1 statuerat excusare. 

5. assidmtate contuberxUi, 'un- 
broken personatlnte^fCDurse.* Cp. 13. i 
illud fefix contuben>ium. The word is 
properly applied to the life of soldiers 
Itabema, a tent) : Agr. v. 3 electus quem 
contubemio aestimaret : Cic. pro Pianc. 
§27 contuberoii necessitudo. 

6. Saleium Bassum. Quint. x. i, 90 
Vehemens et poeticum ingenium Salei 
Bassi fnit, nec ipsum senectute maturuit. 
In ch. 9 we are told that he received a 
donation of 500 sestertia from Vespa- 
sian. Cp. Juv. vii. 80 Serrano tenuique 

7. Porro continuing the argument, 
* Well then.' For this use in Tacitus (cp. 
23. 14) see G. and G. p. 1136 a, and cp. 
especially Ann. iii. 58, 5. Porro never 
stands at the head of a sentence in Cicero. 
Cp. however Caes. B. C. ii. 30 porro erant 
qui censerent : Sall. Cat. 4^, 2. 

reum looupletiorem. Cp. Liv. ix. 
9, 18 rei satis locupletes, an expression 
which there = rei qui satis creduntur fidem 
sponsioidis praestare. Locuples in this 



\^ ii. •.'J^ 

' Securus sit ' inquit Aper ' et Saleius Bassus et quisquis alius 

lo studium poeticae et carminum gloriam fovet, cum causas agere 

^^'* non possit. Ego enim, quatenus arbitrum li£is huius inveniri ^ ' 

contigity non patiar Maternum societate plurium defendi, sed 

ipsum solum apud hos arguam quod natus ad eloquentiam vir- 

ilem et oratoriam, qua par^re simul et tueri amicitias, adsciscere f^^'' 

15 necessitudines, caniplecti provincias possit, omittit studium quo 

II. ego Pithoens, et ego codd. (cp. 8. 21). inveniri contigtt is my conj. : inveniri 
codd. {invenire D). Among other conjj. are inveni Pithoeus, invenimus Vahien, 
iuvat tnveniri Ribbeck, inveniri non puto Andresen, non inveni Gudeman, quia 
{quando Mnretus) te nunc . . . iwveni Ruperti. 12. plurium Pithoens, 

plurimum codd. 13. hos is substitnted for MS. eos {ipsos D) : vos Lipsius, eum 

Spengel : nos John : apudte coarguam Weissenbom, apud se coarg, Andresen, Baehrens. 
15. mcessitudines £VsCAD, necessitates AB, nationes HVb edd. vett. omittit 

Rhenanns, amitti codd. 

sense is defined by Gains Dig. L. xvi. 234, 
I locnples est qni satis idonea habet pro 
magnitndine rei quam petitor restituendam 
esse petit : ib. xii. i, 42 reum locupletem 
offerre. It is more commonly found, in 
the sense of * credible,' with such words 
as ' auctor,' ' testis.' The meaning is, 
' If you wish to impeach poetry in the 
person of her most distinguished repre- 
sentative, I do not think you could pot 
forward as defendant a person of greater 
importance than Saleius Bassns.' 

9. quisqoia aliua. More nsuaUy si 
quis aJiuSy as at 15. 15 : cp. quidquid 
aliud 19. 13. 

10. fovet. Tacitu8's fondness for the 
use of this word is probably one of the 
results of his familiarity with Vergil. 

11. quatenus, foi: quoniam or auando- 
quidem, as again at 19. i : so in riautus, 
Horace (Sat. i. i, 64), and Ovid i^Met. 
viii. 784, xiv. 40). Cp. Ann. iii. 16, 15 qua- 
tenus veritati et innocentiae meae nus- 
quam locus est, deos immorlales testor, 
&c. : Plin. Ep. i. 7, 5 : iii. 7, 14 quatenus 
nobis denegatur diu vivere, relinquamus 
aliquid quo nos vixisse testemur : Juv. xii. 
102 : Sueton. Claud. 26.— Though the 
text may be doubtful the meaning is ob- 
vious enough, in spite of the aberrations 
of the conunentators. Aper says that 
Secundns's intimacy with Bassus does not 
matter : Bassns is merely a poet. With 
Matemus it is different, and ne must not 
shelter himself behind the backs of poets 
who have not his oratorical gifts. The 
seqnence is clear: Securus sit .,. Bassus: 
ego enim . . . non patiar Matemum socie- 
tate plurium defendi, Tohold that Aper 

does accept the plea of Secundus is to 
ignore this sequence. Contigit is adopted 
on two grounds: (i) because it fits best 
with Ihe context, and (2) because it may 
easily have slipped ont in its contracted 
form (Chassant, Dict. des Abbr^v. p. iio). 
Those who take the opposite view 
argue that Secundus does not actnally 
exercise the function of judge in the sequel. 
But the arbitration only extends to the 
preliminary question, on which Secundus 
would perhaps have said more (see 14. 6) 
had it not been for the entrance of Mes- 
salla. And the very use of defendi shows) 
that the idea of an impeachment is to 
be carried out, though the half humorous 
setting of the introduction is not adhered 
to. Aper makes no objection to Secundus, 
but the latter does not formally act. 

12. societatepluTium defendi. Cp. 
Sall. Cat. xlviii. 7. 

13. hos implies (like vos^ a compli- 
mentary recognition of the presence of the 
young Tacitus. But as the only other 
auditor is Secimdus himself, it is just pos- 
sible that the reference is general, and that 
eos is a mistake for os ( ^omnes) : * ipsum 
solum apud onmes' would give a good 
sense. — In 83. 1 1 hi is used of Aper and 

virilem et oratoriam, the 'sturdy 
eloquence of the public speaker' : cp. Cic 
de Or. i. § 231 sic iliam orationem diser- 
tam sibi et oratoriam videri, fortem et 
virilem non videri. 

15. complecti provinoias, sc. ut 
patronus : i. e. to extend one's connexions 
to whole provinces by nndertaking the 
advocacy of their interests. 



non aliud in civitate nostra vel ad utilitatem fructuosius vel ad 
voluptatem iucundius vel ad dignitatem amplius vel ad urbis 
famam pulchrius velad totius imperii atque omnium gentiuni 
notitiam inlustrius excogitari potest. Nam si ad utilitatem vitae 
omnia consilia factaque nostra derigenda sunt, quid est tutius 
quam eam exercere artem qua semper armatus praesidium 
amicis, opem alienis, salutem periclitantibus, invidis vero et 
inimicis metum et terrorem ultro feras, ipse securus et velut 
quadam perpetua potentia ac potestate munitus ? Cuius vis et 

16. vel ad volupicUem iucundius adcL Nipperdey: (cp. 6. i) hanestius Schulting: 
dulcius Ritter, Halm, Muller (cp. 6. 1 and 3). 2\,jercLS Lipsius,/dra/ codd. 


16. utiUtatem . . . voluptatem . . . 
dignitatem. The first head is dealt with 
in the present chapter,the second in chap- 
ters 6 and 7 (as far as gratia venit in line 
10) ; while the rest ot 7 and S treat of 
digniias (fama, laus). — Cp. Quint.xii. 11, 
29 : also Cicero*s panegyric on the study 
of law, de Or. i. §§ 185-200. 

ad. The use of this preposition, with 
adjectives (* in regard to,' * on theside of '), 
is especially common in Tacitus (see 
Gerber and Greef, p. 26). So also in 
Cicero : e.g. Cat. i. 5, 12 ad severitatem 
lenius, de Ox. ii. § 200 nihil mihi ad 
existimationem turpius, nihil ad dolorem 
acerbius accidere posse : cp. ib. i. § 113. — 
The addition of ad voluptcUem iucundius 
is made on the same principle of emenda- 
tion as de utilitate, in laudationibus 
31. 8. It is possible, however, that Aper 
did not really sketch out his speech so 

17. urbis famam, 'reputation at 
Rome.' The other geuitives (imperii . . . 
gentium) must be taken in the same way, 
of the sphere over which the reputa- 
tion extends. Cp. fori . . . iudiciorum, 
34. 26. For notitia in this (passive) 
sense cp. 11. 1 1 si quid in nobis notitiae 
ac nominis est : 86. 19 plus notitiae ac 
nominis apud plebem parabat : 13. 5 
neque . . . gratia caruit neque apud popu- 
lum Romanum notitia. So already in 
Ovid: cp. Nepos, Dion. ix. 4: Sen. £p. 
xix. 3 iam notitia te invasit. 

19. ad utilitatem . . . derigenda. Cp. 
Ann. iv. 40, 5 quibus praecipua rerum ad 
fiEimam derigenda. For the form derigo, 
see Munro on Lucr. vi. 823: * this was 
probably thc only genuine ancient form.' 
Cp. Quint. X. 2, 1, withthe note. 

^o. tutius may be rendered 'more 
advisable,' but the true reading is not 
improbably quid utiliuSf as Acidalins 

21. praesidium amicis, &c. Cp. 
Cic de Or. i. § 184 praesidium clientibus 
atque opem amicis et prope cunctis ci- 
vibus lucem ingenli et consilii sui por- 
rigentem atque tendentem. 

22. alienis is quite in place as an 
antithesis to amicis^ and there is therefore 
lU) need for Wolffs * clientibus.' Uelm- 
reich compares Ann. vi. 7, 16. 

periclitantibus, frequent in Tacitus 
of those endangered by actions*at-law : 
cp. 39. 18 : 10. 38 : 41. [9 : Hist. iv. 42, 
15, and often in the Annals. 

23. ultro in the usual sense of 'assum- 
ing the offensive.' Tr. ' in tum ' : cp. 
Hist. iv. 23, 20uItroque ipsi oppugnatores 
ignibus petebantur. 

feras.^ The change from the MS. 
ferat seems to be justified by the context, 
and especially by the occurrence oipossis 
at the end of the next sentence. — With 
ferat it would, however, be possible to 
supply an indefinite subject : cp. Cic. de 
Or. i. § 30 neque vero mihi quicquam, 
inqnit, praestabilius videtur quam posse 
. . . voluntates impellere quo velit, unde 
autem velit deducere. 

velut quadam. So 30. 13, 88. 3^ 
39. 15. Quadam velut (B) is a merely ac- 
cidental variation, like * ullas quidem ' for 
* quidem ullas ' at 29. 15 : cp. 17. 5. — The 
figure may be taken from the continuons 
authority of the princeps as contrasted 
with the periodical appointment of magi* 

34. potentia ao potestate. Two 
words derived from the same root, and 



n utilitas rebus prospere fluentibus aliorum perfugio et tutela 
intelli^itur : sin proprium periculum increpuit, non hercule 
lorica et gladius in acie firmius munimentum quam reo et 
periclitanti eloquentia, praesidium simul ac telum, quo pro- 
pugnare pariter et incessere sive in iudicio sive in senatu sive 

aoapud principem possis* Quid aliud infestis patribus nuper 
Eprius Marcellus quam eloquentiam suam opposuit? qua ac- 
cinctus et minax disertam quidem sed inexercitatam et eius 
modi certaminum rudem Helvidii sapientiam olu^t. Plura de 
utilitate non dico, cui parti minime contra dicturum Maternum 

35 meum arbitror. 

6. Ad voluptatem oratoriae eloquentiae transeo, cuius iu- 

H' pfrfugio EVaCAD, profugio AB, praesidio H Vb edd. vett. a6. irrepat HVb 

{inrupU Weinkaaff, Baehrens). 27. lorica et Seebode, hricae codd. 29. sive Muretus 

and^edd. : vel codd. (See Nipperdey, Opuscola, pp. 276-284.) 31. qua Ursinus : 
qui codd. 


more or less synonjmous, are often found 
together: cp. 11. 11 and 86. 19 notitiae 
ac nominis : 82. 1 7 sensus . . . sententias. 
So moderationem modestiamque Cic. 
PhiL ii. 5, 10 : modestia . . . modus, Sall. 
Cat. xxxviii. 4. 

25. rebus prospere fluentibus. For 
this favourite metaphor cp. Ann. xv. 5, 9 
nec praesentia prospere floebant : Hist. iii. 
48, 1 1 cunctis super vota fluentibus, which 
latter phrase occnrs in Sallust, H. Fr. i. 70 
rebus supra (perhaps super) vota fluenti- 
bns. So Cic. de OfT. i. § 90 in rebus 
prosperis et ad voluntatem nostram fluenti» 
bus : Caes. 6. G. i. 31 : Quint. Declam. 
3, 12, ad omne votum fluente fortuna. 

26. inorepuit. Noise and danger are 
associated ideas : cp. Cic. in Pisonem 
§ 99 quicquid increpuerit pertimescentem 
. . . videre te volui : in Cat. i, § 18 : pro 
Mur. § 22 simul atque increpuit suspitio 
tumultus: Livy iv. 43, 10 unde si quid 
increpet terroris: xliv. 41, 7. 

28. propugnare . . . incessere. Cp. 
Cic. de Or. i. % 32 Quid autem tam ne- 
cessarium quam tenere semper arma 
quibus vel tectus ipse esse possis vel pro- 
vocare improbos vel te ulscisci lacessitus. 

29. in senatu . . . apud principem. 
The reference here is limited (by reo et 
periclitanti above) Xojudicial proceedings 
before the senate, which was a High Court 
for such matters as ' maiestas ' under the 
Empire, and before the Emperor, who 
had the right to try oflences of all kinds 
in a private court of his own. 

30. nuper : prdbably in the year 70 A.D. 
See Introd. p. xiv. 

31. Epriua MarceUus, a notorious 
delcUor under Nero, in whose reign he 
had conducted, along with Cossutianus 
Capito, the prosecution of Thrasea 
(a. d. ^ — Ann. xvi. 22). This gained 
for him the enmity of Thrasea's son-in- 
law, Helvidius Priscus. His full name 
was T. Clodius Eprius Marcellus. He was 
praetor peregrinus on the last day of the 
year 48 A. D., after the deposition of Sil- 
anus (Ann. xii. 4) ; twice consul suffectus, 
probably in A. D. 61 and again in 74 ; and 
three years proconsul of Asia (a. d. 70-73), 
(See Introd. p. xv, note). In 79 he com- 
mitted suicide, having been implicated in 
the conspiracy against Vespasian wkich 
was discovered in that year. 

qua acoincttis. Accinctus is often 
used absolutely in Tacitus (e. g. Hist. ii. 
88, 8 ; 89, 2 : Ann. iii. 34, 10) : but qua is to 
be preferred to the MS. qui as indicating 
the weapon which Marcellus used to such 
good purpose. 

32. minax, 'defiant.' Cp. Ann. xvi. 
29, I quum . . . ut erat torvus ac minax, 
voce vultu oculis ardesceret : Hist. iv. 43 
minacibus oculis. So 'acri eloquentia,' 
Ann. xvi. 22, 30. 

33. eli2^re, * to parry,' another figure 
from the glaHiatorial arena : cp. Hist. i. 26, 
1 1 : Ann. iii. 34, 32. For Helvidius Pris- 
cus, see Hist. iv. 5 seq. He had been 
banished by Nero, but retumed to Rome 
after bis death. 





cunditas non uno aliquo momento, sed omnibus prope diebus 
ac prope omnibus horis contingit. Quid enim dulcius libero 
et ingenuo animo et ad voluptates honestas nato quam videre 
plenam semper et frequentem domum suam concursu splen- 5 
didissimorum hominum, idque scire non pecuniae, non ori)itati, 1>^*V 
non ofQcii^alicuius administrationi, sed sibi ipsi dari ? ipsos quin 
immo^rbos et locupletes et potentes venire plerugique ad 
iuvenem et pauperem, ut aut sua aut amicorum discrimina 
commepdent. UUane tanta ingentiuni opum ac magnae 10 
potentiae voluptas quam spectare homines veteres et senes 
et totius orbis gratia subnixos in summa rerum omnium 
abundantik confitentes id quod optimum sit se non habere? 
lam vero qui togatorum comitatus et egressus ! Quae in publico 

e. 2. \prope\ Andresen. 7. non officii AB, neqtu officii EVgCADH. rJSjtff 

E, istos ABD, illos CAH edd. vett. 11. \veteres\ Acidalius, divites Heinsius, \et 

senes^ Novak, senatores Haupt. 12. orbis codd., urbis Pithoeus, Halm. 

6. 1. oratoriae eloquentiae. Rhetoric 
is here only a department of ' eloquence * 
or * utterance ; ' cp. eloq. virilem et orato- 
riam, 5. 13 above. 

2. non uno aliquo momento. This is 
afterwards made to fumbh a point of con- 
trast with poetry, which yields only a fleet- 
ing satis&ction (gaudium volncre 9. 24). 

3. ao prope. Ac is here intensive, 
* nay, almost every hour.' 

6. orbitati. Legacy-hunting was quite 
a trade at Rome under the Empire : Plin. 
xiv. I postquam coepere orbitas in auc- 
toritate summa et potentia esse, captatio 
in quaestu fertilissimo. In Juvenal the 
references are frequent: cp. iii. 129, 221 ; 
iv. 19; V. 137 sq,; vi. 548; xii. 99 sq. 
It is significafrt that orbus is now almost 
synonymous with locuples : so orbos et 
locupUtes immediately below, with which 
cp. Piiny*s reason for refusing a request, 
' non esse satis honestum dare et locupleti 
et orbo* Ep. v. i, § 3. 

7. offloil for an *office' or 'appoint- 
ment ' is of course post-Angustan : cp. 
Agr. xiv. 9 : xxv. i : Ann. iii. 12, 7. Tr. 
' to the fact that one is invested with some 
high oflfice.' 

sibi ipsi. The subject must be sup- 
plied from the context : cp. si nuUus ex 
se metus aut spes Ann ii. 38, 17. 

qoin immo. For the anastrophe cp. 
34. 24 : 39. 9 ; also Germ. xiv. 17. In 36. 
24 quin immo stands^ the beginning of 

the sentence : cp. quin etiamy 29. 6. For 
the infin. (which is motived by what pre- 
cedes) cp. on *coire populum,* 1. 17 below. 
8. plerumque, *often,' or even *very 
often': as at 15. 12, 26. 19, and 31. 9. 
So Germ. xiii. 18; xlv. 21 : Ann. iv. 57, 6; 
3"i» 55» 5 J 3civ. 53, 17 : for other exx. see 
G. and G. p. 1125 b. On the other hand 
at 29. 2 the meaning seems rather to be 
'generally,* *most frequently.' Cp. on 
plerique 2. 10. 

10. tanta . . . quam (for quanict) : cp. 
Liv. xxvi. I, 3. 

11. homines veteres et senes : ' men 
fiill of years and experience.' There may 
be in veteres^ however, an antithesis to 
the well-known novi homines. 

1 2. orbis is common enough in Tacitus 
(though not in Cicero) for orbis ierrarum : 
e. g. Hist. iii. 49, i hac totius orbis mu- 
tattone fortuna imperii transit. — Aper's 
language does not err on the side of 

gratia subnixos. Cp. Ann. xiii. 6 ad 
fin. * pecuniosum et gratia subnixum.* 

in summa rerum omnium abun- 
dantia. Cicero has *in omnium rerum 
abundantia/ de Amic. § 52 : Brut. § 320. 

14. togatorum, i. e. clients, who wear 
tbe national dress in escorting their 
patron: so *turbae togatae,' Juv. i. 96: 
* opera togata,* Mart. iii. 46, i . The undress 
populace, on the other hand, is referred to 
below as * tunicatus bic populus,' 7* 16. 



15 species 1 Quae in iudiciis veneratio ! Quod illud gaudium con- 
surgendi adsistendique inter tacentes et in unum conversos ! 
Coire populum ct circumfundi- Ncoram et accipere adfectum, 
quemcumque orator induerit ! Vulgata dicentium gaudia et 
imperitorum quoque oculis exposita percenseo: iila secretiora 

20 et tantum ipsis orantibus nota maiora sunt. Sive accuratam 
meditatamque profert orationem, est quoddam sicut ipsius 
dictionis, ita gaudii pondus et constantia ; sive novam et re- 
centem curam non sine aliqua trepidatione animi attulerit, ipsa 

15. quod illud EVj, quod id ABCAD, quod H Put. and edd. vett. 17. cord codd., 
coronam Acidalius, Halm, Miiller. 18. qucmdocumque A^. induerit 'E.V^^^^t 

indueret AB, induxerit H {x above the line) b, voluerit Andresen. Vulgaria Halm. 
2 1 . profert AB, perfert E VjCA, proferre D, affert H V edd. vett. 23. animi Pichena, 
animus codd. 

From Martial we leam that the wearing of 
the toga at this officium was considered a 
great grievance: it was not only heavy 
and nncomfortable, but expensive as well, 
X. 96 : xii. 18, 5. Cp. id. ix. 100, 1-2 
Denaris tribus invitas et mane togatum 
Observare iubes atria, Basse, tua : Jnv. iii. 
127, with Mayor's note. Friedlander*, 

p. 384- 

14. oomitatus et egressiu. This con- 
junction, which is of the nature of a hen- 
diadys ( = comitatus in egressibus) recurs 
at 11. 13. Tr. * what a foUowing when one 
goes abroad.' Cp. Ann. xi. 12, 12 multo 
comitatu ventitare domum, egressibus ad- 
haerescere. For the plural of abstract 
nouns denoting motion, see D'. § 2. 

15. Quod illud gaudium. There is 
a similar eulogy on oratory in Cic. de 
Or. I. § 31 Quid enim est aut tam ad- 
mirabile quam ex infinita multitudine 
hominum existere unum, &c. For the 
brachyology, cp. Ann. xi. 7, i quem illum 
tanta superbia esse. 

17. ooire— oircumfundi. These in- 
finitives of exclamation (Roby, § 1358) are 
due to the omission of a verbum sentiendi. 
So in cases where a scene is being pictured 
to the imagination: Cic. in Verr. ii. 5, 
§ 100 O spectaclilum miseruml . , . in 
portu S^rracusano de classe populi 
Komani triumphum agere piratam ... 1 
pro Cluent. § 192 mulierem quandam . . . 
proficisci! For coram (of *thronging 
round * the speaker) cp. Hist. iv. 65 coram 
adire (*face to face') adloquique Ve- 
ledam : see on 86. 31 coram et praesentes. 

18. induerit. There is a doubt as to 
whether this means 'assumes' (sc. sibi 

ipsi) or 'inspires' (sc. in his hearers). 
In support of the latter intepretation 
{ = indiderit, iniecerit) the only passage 
that can be cited is the doubtful one at 
Hist. iv. 57, 12 Galbam et infracta tributa 
hostiles spiritus induisse, where indidisse 
has been proposed, just as here inbu^ 
eritt induxerit. The former is common 
enough: cp. Ann. xi. 7, 10 facile . . . mag- 
num animum induisse, 'it was easy (for 
them) to play a magnanimous part.* For 
the orator's power of moving the feelings 
of others, cp. Cic. de Or. i. § 87 uti ei 
qni audirent sic adficerentur aninds ut eos 
adfici vellet orator: Brut. § 185. 

dicentium. For the substantival use 
of the participle, cp. 28. 6. So orantibus, 
immediately below. 

19. quoque. In Tacitus and Quin» 
tilian (Introd. to Book X. p. liv) quoque 
is often used with adjectives where vel or 
etiam would have been more regular: 
cp. 4. 7 : 7. 16 : 89. 22. Cp. also 
17. 23. 

21. meditatam. A list of deponent 
participles used with a passive force is 
given in Madvig, § 153 : Zumpt, § 632. 
For the expression, cp. Cic. de Or. i. § 257 
adcuratae ac meditatae conmientationes. 

22. gaudii pondus et constantia. 
His satisfaction is 'fnller and more 
abiding' than he could derive from a 
more superficial perfonnance. 

23. cura: see on 3. 13. 

attulerit. As with profert, above, 
supply an indefinite subject, ' quis * : the 
difference in tense and mood might be 
brought out by 'In cases where,' &c., 
and ^ If he happens to,' &Ct 






sollicitudo coramendat eventum et lenocinatur voluptati. Sed 
extemporalis audaciae atque ipsius temeritatis vel praecipua 25 
iucunditas est ; nam in ingenio quoque, sicut in agro, quam- 
quam grata quae diu serantur atque elaborentur, gratiora tamen 
quae sua sponte nascuntur. 

7. Equidem, ut de me ipso fatear, non eum diem laetiorem 
egi quo mihi latujclavus oblatus est, vel quo homo novus et in 
civitate minime favorabili natus quaesturam aut tribunatum aut 
praeturam accepi, quam eos quibus mihi, pro mediocritate huius 

26. in add. b, om. cett. codd. 27. grata quae after Nissen {quamquam et illa 

quae diu serantur atque elaborentur grata sint^ gratioraS^ and Novak {grata sunt 
quae seruntur atque elaborantur) : alia ABEVatl, om. CD. Gudeman wonld read 
* quamquam quae diu serantur atque elaborentur grata^ Andresen ' quamquam utiliora 
{pi solidiord) quae seruntur atque elaborantur^ and (more recently) Novak * quam- 
quam iuvant quae* &c. 

7. I. ipse BH. 4. quapi ago eos Vahlen. 


24. qommendat eventum, 'makes 
the result all the more telling,' 'gives 
success a grace.' Commendare is here 
used with something like the force of 
omare, to * set ofF,' ' set in a fair light.' 
Cp. decor commendat, 21. 35. 

lenocinatar voluptati, ' enhances the 
feeling of satisfaction.' Cp. the use of 
this verb in Germ. xliii. 19 insitae feritati 
arte ac tempore lenocinantur ('aggravate,* 
« add to '). 

eztemporalis audaciae. Tr. ' A bold , 
even a venturesome improvisation pos- 
sesses a special charm.' Cp. Quint x. 6, 6 
Alioqui velextemporalem temeritatem (the 
' rashness of improvisation ') malo quam 
male cohaerentem cogitationem : ib. 7, § i. 

26. ingenio ; . . agro. So Cic. de Or. 
ii. § 131 subacto mihi ingenio opus est ut 
agro non semel arato, sed novato et 
iterato, quo meliores fetus possit et 
grandiores edere : Or. § 48. 

quamquam grata quae. The con- 
tractions for grtUa and quae are not 
nnlike, and may have created the con- 
fusion out of which alia resulted. I dififer 
from Novak in dispensing with mnt and 
in retaiiiing the snbjunctive, which may 
have been motived by Tacitus's fondness 
for the use oiquamquam with subj.: here 
supply sint, — John and others defend the 
MS. alia (oXAa, rcl aXkd) as opp. to quae 
sua sponte nascuntur. But an appropriate 
neuter plural would be more in place: 
this might be found in ' contraria,' which, 
besides fumishing the antithesis to ' quae 
sna sponte nascuntnr,' and corresponding 
with 'accuratam/ 'meditatam/ 'curam 

above, might also be defended on palaeo- 
graphical grounds. The meaning would 
then be, *Whereconditions are unfavour- 
able, or adverse, much cultivation is requi- 
site : but there is a greater charm about 
a natural growth.' Cp. 40. 23 sicut indo- 
mitus ager habet quasdam herbas laetiores. 

27. diu. Cp. Lucan Phars. viii. 672 
frangit diu, ' takes a long time in break- 
ing' : ib. vii. 504. So 25. 2. 

7. I. ipso. The ablative (which gives 
a better antithesis to what has gone 
before) may be supported by Cic. de Off. 
ii. § 67 ni vererer ne de me ipso aliqnid 
viderer queri: not however by de Sen. 
§ 30, where ipse could not have stood. 
For ipse, on the other hand, cp. ib. § 82 ut 
de me ipse aliquid more senum glorier. 

2. latus olavus, the toga with the 
broad purple border running down the 
front. It distinguished the senators from 
the equites, who wore the angustus clavus. 
Cp. Plin. £p. ii. 9, 2 latum clavum a 
Caesare . . . impetravi. 

3. favorabiU, * popular.* Hist.ii.97, 1 2. 
Aper means that the community to which 
he belonged in Gaul was not in favour at 
Rome (probably owing to some political 
disturbance), and could not give him, 
therefore, any Metter of recommendation.' 
The word is fotind first in Velleius, and 
is frequent in Quintilian (e.g. x. 5, 21). 

4. quam eos, sc. ago. So Germ. xli. 2 
quomodo paulo ante Khenum (sc. secutus 
sum) sic . . . sequar : Hist. iv. 42, 27 quo- 
modo senes nostri Marcellum, Crispum, 
iuvenes Regulum imitentur. 

pro mediocritate, &c. For such ex- 



5 quantulaecumque in dicendo facultatis, aut reum prospere de* 
fendere, aut apud centumviros causam aliquam feliciter orare, aut 
apud principem ipsos illos libertos et procuratores principum tueri 
et defendere datur. Tum mihi supra tribunatus et praeturas 
et consulatus ascendere videor, tum habere quod, si non in 
' ^oanimo oritur, nec codiciUis datur nec cum gratia venit. Quid? 
fama et laus cuius artis cum oratorum gloria comparanda est ? 

5. aui reum codd. : aut apudpatres reum Michaelis, and all edd. 7. ipsum — 

frincipis Spengel. 9. habere Pithoens, abire codd. 10. in animo Freins- 

neim, Miiller, in aiio codd.j in aliquo (cp. 38. 12) Ritter and Halm, naturale Baehrens : 
quod non natalibus paritur Andresen, quod nec (or mti) metallo emitur Buchholz, 
quodsinonin caclo oritur Heller. 10. \cum\ Acidalius, civium Baehrens. 

pressions of modesty, cp. Cic. pro Arch. 
§ 13 facultas quantacumque in me est. 

5. reum . . . defendere. This refers 
to criminal processes, which might be in- 
stituted either in the ordinary iudicia^ for 
the general body of the citizens, or in 
the senate for members of the senatorial 
order, as also for offences against the 
emperor or the state, malversation in the 
provinces, &c. The similar enumeration 
^sive in iudicio sive in senatu sive apud 
principem/ 5. 29 would seem to justify 
the insertion, with most edd., of 'apud 
patres ' : but it is possible to carry 
parallelism too far. 

6. apud centumviros. This court 
was specially charged with the decision 
of questions by law involved in such 
matters as inheritance, wardship, &c. 
From ch. 88. 1 1 (causae centumviralesquae 
nunc primum obtinent locum), it is clear 
that its functions were of great importance. 
Originally it consisted of 105 memb^rs, 
three beingchosen out of each of the thirty- 
five tribes: at a later time it was sub- 
divided, and the membership rose to 1 80. 
See Wilkins* note on Cic. de Or. i § 173. 

7. apud principexn. The emperor's 
cabinetcouncil (consilium) took special 
Gognisance of all actions raised against 
officials of the govemment. 

ipsos illos libertos et proouratores 
principum. It was from the ranks of 
the imperial freedmen that the *pro- 
curatores ' were for the most part chosen. 
The word denotes all the emperors 
agents who had charge of financial 
matters either at Rome or in the im- 
perial provinces. For the great power 
wielded by these freedmen, cp. 13. 16 
tantum posse liberti solent : it is pointed 
to in the ipsos illos, See also Fried- 
lander, p. 82 sqq. 

8. tuerl et defendere. So 'tueri 
atque defendere/ Cic. de Or. i. § 172 : 
ad Fam. xiii. 64» i : Tac. Germ. xiv. 4 
illum defendere, tueri. Defendere implies 
defence from actual attack : tueri protec- 
tion from a possible danger. 

dator. As in Vergil and Ovid, dare 
is ofren fonnd in Tacitus, Quintilian, and 
Pliny with an infinitive. Cp. Ann. iii. 
67, 10 : iv. 6, 5, &c. D'. § 145. 

10. in animo. This passage has been 
much discussed, and variously emended. 
In aliquo could not stand: we should 
rather have expected in ipso. In alvo 
(Pithoeus) seems to me to be quite 
untenable. I had thought of 'si non 
innatum oritur/ which Steiner also sug- 
gested: or *si non nativum' (cp. the 
antithesis between nativum and ascitum 
Nep. Att. iv. i). On the whole, the 
reading in the text is the safest : the con- 
tractions for aliOj which is foimd in all 
MSS., and animo are so similar that con- 
frision may easilyhave arisen. [Buchholz 
supports his conjecture (see above) by 
assuming that a reference to money (cp. 
6. 8) is indispensable, and by the paral- 
lelism that results : for metaliOf he com- 
pares Hor. Ep. i. 10, 39. Heller (Philo- 
logus, 1892, p. 346) desiderates nisi for si 
non on the ordinary readings. Si non 
in caelo oritur he puts forward as a hit 
at the poets, who considered inspiration 
their special prerogative (cp. the use of 
vates, 9- 9) : Aper means * I won*t go 
the length of saying that it is the gift of 
heaven, but it is a gift which neither 
prince nor people can bestow.'] 

codioillis, *• by sign-manual.' Cp. 8. 
24 quod non a principe acceperint nec 
accipi possit. 

nec onxn gratia venit»nec comes 
gratiae est, i.e it does not follow in tbe 




Quinam mlustriores sunt in urbe non solum japud negotiososj 
et rebus intentos, sed etiam apud iuvenes vacuos et adulescentes, 
quibus modo et recta indoles est et bona sp^s sui? Quorum 
nomina prius parentes liberis suis ingerunt ? Quos saepius 15 
vulgus quoque imperitum et tunicatus hic populus transeuntes 
nomine vocat et digito demonstrat? Advenae quoque et per- 
egrini iam in municipiis et coloniis suis auditos, cum primum 
urbem attigerunt, requirunt ac velut adgnoscere concupiscunt. 

8. Ausim contendere Marcellum hunc Eprium, de quo modo 
locutus sum, et Crispum Vibium (libentius enim novis et recenti- 

12. quinam illustriores Orelli: qui non illustres, codd., qui tam illustres Botti* 
clier, quidnam illustrius est Steiner. Perhaps Qui magis illustres ? sunt Schopen, et 
codd. 13. iuvenes vacuos : iuvenes ACt>¥N ^^^, vacuos B and most edd. 14. et 
recta B {et written in above the line by the same hand), recta et AVgCAD, rectct 
£ Halm. indoles est ABCADH, indoles EV,, aee Introd. p. bcxx. Gudeman 
suggests ' modo recta est indoles et bona spes sui.' Possibly ' quibus modo ratio sit 
et indoles : ' cp. the use of ' indoles/ Cic. Verr. iii. \ 160. 15. nomina EVaCADH, 
nS AB. 19. velut most codd., uult HV Sp., vultus Pat. Acidalius : cp. 26. 23. 

\t^ CK -t.^ «r 

train of favour or popularity. For venit 
cp. Ann. xiy. 53, 14 studia . . . quibus clari- 
tudo yenit, ' which have won reputation.* 

12. Quinam occurs nowhere else in 
the Dialogus. Novak reads qui^ thinkiog 
that non in the reading of the MSS. {qui 
non) may have been inserted by a copyist 
who did not see that there was a question. 

13. iuvenes vaouos et aduleaoentes. 
The adjective belongs to both nouns. — 
The usual reading 'iuvenes et adules» 
centes ' gives no antithesis to ' negotiosos 
et rebus intentos.' VacuoSy which is 
found only in B, was probably written 
above the line in the archetype(Gudeman). 

15. ingerunt, * dininto their ears.' 
Cp. Ann. ii. 79, 13 magnitudinem impera- 
toris identidem ingerens : Hist. iv. 78, i a 
tribunis praefectisque eadem ingerebantur. 
So of a compliment, Ann. i. 72, 3 nomen 
patris patriae . . . a populo saepius in- 
gestum : more usually of reproaches, &c., 
as ib. iv. 42, 4. 

16. vulgus imperitum occurs also 
Ann. ii. 77, 1 1. Cp. ch. 19. 9 below,populus 
ut imperitus et rudis. Cicero very fre- 
queutly has ' multitudo imperita ' : and in 
pro Mur. § 38 vulgus imperitorum. So 
Quint. vi. 4, 6 imperitls ac saepe puUatae 
turbae relinquunt. 

tunioatus hic popnlus. The reference 
is to the poorer classes, who only wore 
the toga on state occasions : tr. ' the 
people in their working clothes.' So 

Hor. Ep. i. 7, 65 vilia vendentem tuni- 
cato scruta popello. Augustus forbade 
citizens to appear in the forum or circus 
without the toga (Suet. Aug. 40). In the 
country it was seldom wom : juv. iii. 171 
pars magna Italiae est . . . in qua nemo 
togam sumit nisi mortuus: cp> Cic. in 
RuU. ii. § 94 lam vero qui metus erat 
tunicatorum illorum ! : Mart. x. 47, 5 
toga rara : 51, 6 tunicata quies: xii. 18, 
17 (from Spain) Ignota est toga. Cp. 
note on togatorum 6. 14. 

17. digito demonstrat. So Cic de 
Rep. vi. 26 : de Or. ii. 266 : cp. monstror 
digito praetereuntium Hor. Od. iv. 3, 22 
and Pers. i. 28. Of the finger of scorn, 
ZojCTvXobuicrtiVf Demosth. 790 : cp. hojc- 
rv\od€iicT6s, Aesch. Agam. 1332. 

18. auditos. For this (poetical) use = 
'heard of/ cp. Hist. ii. o, 8 auditique 
saepius . . . Caesares quam inspecti : ib, 
i. 86, 8 : Germ. xli. ad fin. : Ov. Met. vi. 
170. Wolff compares also Plin. Ep. viL 
19, 7 feminae quae leguntur. 

19. velut adgnoscere. They recog- 
nise them by their descriptions, not from 
having seen them previously ; hencc ve/ut, 
Cp. S. 10, and 17. ad fin. : Quint. vi. 2, 13 
mores dicertis ex oratione pelluceant et 
quodammodo adgnoscantur. 

8. 2. Vibius Crispus (forthe inversion 
in the text, see on 1. 1) was a native of 
Vercellae, who had already held high 
office under Nero, and who continued to 



bus quam remotis et oblitteratis exemplis utor) non minus notos 
esse in extremis partibus terrarum quam Capuae aut Vercellis, 

5 ubi nati dicuntur. Nec hoc illis alterius bis^ alterius ter milies 
sestertium praestat, quamquam ad has ipsas opes possunt videri 
eloquentiae beneficio venisse, sed ipsa eloquentia ; cuius numen 
et caelestis vis multa quidem omnibus saeculis^xempla edidit, 
ad quam usque fortunam homines ingenii viribus pervenerint, 

10 sed haec, ut supra dixi, proxima et quae non auditu cognoscenda, 
sed oculis spectanda haberemus. Nam quo sordidius et abiectius 
nati sunt quoque notabilior paupertas et angustiae rerum 
nascentes eos circumsteterunt, eo clariora et ad demonstrandam 
oratoriae eloquentiae utilitatem inlustriora exempla sunt, quod 

8. 3.^ notos add. Ursintis, illustrts Ribbeck : qy. claros ? 5. ctlterius bis add. 

Pich^a. 7. sed add. Lipsius. 9. ad quam ABCAD, ad quantam H Sp. 

Put. Acidalius, ad quantum EV^: cp. 21. 38. ii. habeamus Dronke, Baehrens. 

1 2. angustiae rerum Lipsius, angustia ereptum codd. 14. nobilitatem Acidalius, 

dignitatem Spengel : qy. dimnitatem ? 

flourish even in the the age of Domitian 
(Suet. Dom. 3). He was a noted delator : 
pecunia potentia ingenio inter claros 
magis quam inter bonos, Hist. ii. 10, 3. 
Juvenal Sat. v. 81 says of him ' Cuius 
erant mores qualis facundia, mite In- 
genium/ giving a rather more favourable 
estimate of him than Tacitus ; so Quin- 
tilian v. 13. 6. and x. i, 119. His wealth 
was proverbial : * divitior Crispo/ Mart. iv. 

54. 7- 

3. remotis et oblitteratis : ' distant 

and half-forgotten.* This gives the anti- 

thesis to novis et recentibus (cp. 6. 22) 

' new and fresh in the memory.* 

non minus notos. The insertion of 
notos in the text seems to be absolutely 
necessary for the sense. Gudeman sug- 
gests non minores^ comparing 21. 33 
' minorem esse fama sua ' ; but the com- 
parative seems inappropriate here, and 
none of the other passages qnoted in sup- 
port of the emendation are to the point. 

5. bis miUes (centena milia) sester- 
tium. The one was worth 200 and the 
other 300 millions of sesterces: some- 
thing under two and three millions of our 
money. Two hundred million sesterces 
may be taken as = £1,750,000. 

8. oaelestis. So even in Cicero, ' cae- 
lestes divinasque legiones * Phil. v. § 28 : 
cp. Quint X. I, 86 naturae caelesti atque 

1 1 . spectanda haberemus « spectanda 

nobis essent. This use of the gerundive 
(or gemnd) aflter habere is frequent in 
Tacitus: cp. 19. 24 exspectandum habent: 
81. 18 dicendum habnerit : 86. 30 re- 
spondendum haberent: 37. 17 dicendum 
habeas : Hist. i. 15, 19 : iv. 77, 16 : Ann. iv. 
40, 7 : xiv. 44, 2. See Draeger, § 27 ^ 
and Wolfflin, Archiv^ ii. p. 67 sqq. The 
subjunctive is used because eloquentia is 
thought of as personified : it is partof its 
mysterious and godlike scheme that we 
should have living examples of eloquence, 
to which it is impossible to shut onr eyes. 

sordidius et abieotius. For the col- 
location cp. sordida et abiecta, Quint ii. 
12. 7. The comparative cibiectior is said 
to occur first in Val. Max. iii. 5, 4 abiec- 
tiorem et obsceniorem vitam exegit. — For 
naseenteSy below, Buchholz snggests pu- 
bescentes {adolescentes ?) in order to avoid 
what he considers an unnecessary repe- 
tition: but the first clause refen to tbe 
rank of the parents, the second to their 

13. circumstetemnt. Theuseofthis 
verb is more striking here, with angustiae 
rerum, than in such instances as Hist. i. 
17,9 circumsteterat interim Palatinm pub- 
lica exspectatio: iv. 79, 13 circumsteterat 
Civilem et alius metus: Verg. Aen. ii. 
559 at me tnm primum salvus circum- 
stetit horror : iv. 561 (pericula). Cp. 
also Cic. Phil. x. § 20 Cum vero dies et 
noctes omnia nos undique fata circumstent. 



^ u »'^ 

sine commendatione natalium, sine substantia facultatum, neuter 
moribus egregius, alter habitu quoque corporis contemptus, per 
multos iam annos potentissimi sunt civitatis ac donec libuit 
principes fori : nunc principes in Caesaris amicitia agunt ferunt- 
que cuncta atque ab ipso principe cum quadam reverentia 
diliguntur, quia Vespasianus, venerabilis senex et patientissimus 
veri, bene intellegit ceteros quidem amicos suos iis<jiiti quae ab 
ipso acceperint quaeque ipsi accumulare et in alios congerere 
promptum sit, Marcellum autem et Crispum attulisjge ad amic- 
itiam suam quod non a principe acceperint nec^accipi possit. 
Minimum inter tot ac tanta locum obtinent imagines ac tituli et 
statuae, quae neque ipsa tamen negleguntur, tam hercule quam 
divitiae et opes, quas facilius invenies qui vituperet quam qui 
fastidiat. His igitur et honoribus et ornamentis et facultatibus 

18. «««^ [principes] Helmreich. . 21. wVHVSp. (jff/«V«^w«/««j wr Acidalius). 
ceteros Put., et ceteros codd. 22. ipsi Lipsius, ipsis codd. 23. sit Halm, 

est codd. 24. possit. ABCK, possint EV2DA. 25. inter Aaec tot Vahlen. 



>. A 

1 5. 8iiie commendatione natalium. 
Cp. Cic. Brut. § 96 homo per se cognitns 
sine uUa commendatione maiorum, and 
similarljr Cat. i. § 28 nuUa commenda- 
tione maiorum : pro Planc. § 67. Each 
was ' auctor nobilitatis suae,' like Cicero 
himself, Tusc. iv. § 2. 

snbstantia means here ' foundation/ 
or, rather, * support.' So Paulinus of Nola, 
£p. V. 5 (ed. Migne) substantia facnltatum 
non egentior. The word seems to belong 
to the language of law. It is common 
enough, with a somewhat similar mean- 
ing, in Quintilian : e. g. verba ipsa . . . 
sine rerum substantia, ii. 21, i. — Facul^ 
tates occurs again in the sense of opes at 
the end of this chapter. 

16. oontemptus. This was probably 
Marcellus, but we cannot be certain. 

18. in Caesaris amicitia. So Ann. 
iii. 30, 16 in amicitia principis : and xiii. 
45, 17 /lagrantissimus in amicitia Neronis. 

agunt ferantque, a frequent coUoca- 
tion, especmlly in Livy : cp. arftiv xal 
<p4p(tv, Tr. • they carry all before them.' 
In Hist. i. 2, 19, Tacitus has the modifi- 
tion * cum . . . agerent verterent cuncta.' 

20. venerabilis. Vespasian would be 
about sixty-five in the year in which the 
dialogue is supposed to have taken place. 

patientissimus veri, * who never shuts 
his eyes to the truth.' This is explained 
below, quod non a principe acceperint. 

&c. : Vespasian has more need of them 
than they have of him. 

22. accumulare. The compound verb 
occurs only here in Tacitus, though 
cumulare is common enough. So also 
accumulator in Ann. iii. 30. 5 (opum 
accumulator) is a aira^ \ty6ixwov, 

23. ad amicitiam suam, 'to their 
friendship with him.* Cp. Caes. Bell. 
Gall. i 43 quod vero ad amicitiam populi 
Romani attulissent, id iis eripi quis pati 
posset ? 

24. quod is dir3 koivov acc. after CKce- 
perint and nom. to accipi possit. So 
Germ. xviii. ad fin. * quae nurus accipiant 
rursusque ad nepotes referantur.' 

25. minimum . . . locum. Andresen 
notes this expression as not Ciceronian. 

imagines. The reference is not 
to pride of ancestry — Marcellus and 
Crispus were both *novi homines' — but 
to the custom- (Plin. N. H. xxxv. 2, 6) 
of decorating the atrium with bronze 
medallions of the emperor and of famous 
men (such as pleaders might receive as 
gifts from their clients) : the eulogistic 
inscriptions placed underneath are desig- 
nated by tituli. Cp. Hor. Sat. i. 6, 17 
qui stupet in titulis et imaginibus. 

26. tam hercule quam, * just as little 
as.' Translate * And yet even these are 
not disregarded, any more than,* &c. Cp. 
21. 22. 

C 7, 



r f 

refertas domos eorum videmus qui se ab ineunte adulescentia 
30 causis forensibus et oratorio studio dederunt. 

9. Nam carmina et versus, quibus totam vitam Maternus 
insumere optat (inde enim omnis fluxit oratio), neque digni- 
tatem ullam auctoribus suis conciliant neque utilitates alun^; . 
voluptatem autem brevem, laudem inanem et infructuosam 
5 consequuntur. Licet haec ipsa et quae deinceps dicturus sum 
aures tuae, Mateme, respuant, cui bono est si apud te Aga- 
memnon aut lason diserte loquitur? Quis ideo domum defensus 
et tibi obligatus redit? Quis Saleium nostrum, egregium poetam 
vel, si hoc honoriiicentius est, praeclarissimum vatem, deducit 

39^ ixetate aduUscentia C. 
9. 5. deinceps AB, deinde EVaCADH. 
Caeleium A, Coeleium B. 

8. Saleium EVaCAH, Saltium D, 

37. sb ineunte adulesoentia. There 
can be no doubt that this is the true 
reading. Gndeman thinks that the read- 
ing of C (ab ineunte aetate adulescentia) 
shows that adulescentia had been origin- 
ally written in above as an explanation 
of ^ ab inennte aetate/ which onght ac- 
cordingly to be restored as the genuine 
text. But it is much easier to suppose that 
the copyist of C wrote aetate by a mis- 
take wnich he did not trouble to correct. 

9. I. Nam, ' as for poetry, on the other 
hand.' There is really an ellipse, which 
gives this nse of nam the effect of an 
adversative conjunction. — Aper now pro- 
ceeds (in this and the next chapter) to 
show how comparatively thankless is the 
profession of poetry. 

carniina et versus : so coupled in 
Ann. xvi. 19» 7 (levia carmina et faciles 
versus), where the editors distinguish 
them by taking the former to mean songs 
or lyrical pieces, and the latter hexa- 
meter, iambic, or other poems. 

3. insumere optat. The inBnitive 
with optat is rare in Cicero.: cp. however 
Verg. Aen. vi. 501 : Livy ix. 14, 15. 

fluxit. For this very common figure 
cp. Cic. Brut. § 201 a Cotta et Sulpicio 
haec omnis fluxit oratio. 

dignitatem. For the sequence digni- 
tas. utilitaSy voluptas, laus cp. 5. 16 uti- 
litaSy voluptcu, dignitas,/ama. 

3. neque utilitates alunt, 'nor do 
they forwaid their interests.' Alere is 
frequently used in this figurative sense : 
e.g. Ann. iii. 41 ad fin. aluit dubitatione 

bellum. Cp. Hist. ii. 30, 16 eandem utili- 
tatem fovere. 

4. infruotuosam, a word of the silver 
age : elsewhere in Tacitus of military 
service. Hist. i. 51, 5 : Ann. i. 17, 13. 

6. aurea . . . respuant. The same 
remarkable metaphor is found even in 
Cicero : pro Planc. §44 respuerent aures : 
in Pis. § 45 : Orat. Part. 5. § 15. So 
also Quint. xi. i, 61 quid aures hominum 
magis respuunt ? Cp. diroirrvciv. 

oui bono est : not * what good is it,* 
but 'who gains by it.' The formula was 
made famous by L. Cassius Longinus 
(Trib. Pleb. 137 B. c. when he carried the 
lex Cassia tabellarid), who when quaesitor 
iudicii in a cause of murder, used always 
to urge the iudices to inquire who had 
a motive for the crime, who * would gain 
by ' the death. 

apud te, in your tragedies Thyestes 
and Medea : ch. 8. 

8. Saleium : see on ^ 6. 

9. vatem, * bard.* Cp. Verg. Ecl. ix. 
32 et me fecere poetam Pierides — me 
quoque dicunt vatem pastores. Vates is a 
word with more solemn associations than 
poeta : Quint. xii. 10, 24 instinctis divino 
spiritu vatibus : x. i, 48 dearum quas 
praesidere vatibus creditum est. Poeta 
is sometimes used slightingly of verse- 
makers : Cic. in Pis. § 29 ut assentatorem, 
ut poetam : Tusc. i. § 2 quod in provin- 
ciam poetas duxisset. 

deducit: of escort to the forum, 
salutat, of the morning visit, prose- 
quitur, of attendance on a journey. 



V. - 


^ut salutat aut prosequitur? Nempe si amicus eius, si pro- lo 
pinquus, si denique ipse in aliquod negotium inciderit, ad hunc 
Secundum recurret aut ad te, Mateme, non quia poeta es, neque 
ut pro eo versus facias ; hi enim Basso domi nascuntur, pulchri 
quidem et iucundi, quorum tamen hic e^citus est, ut cum toto 
anno, per omnes dies, magna noctium parte unum librum ^xcudit 
et elucubravit, rogare ultro et anibire cogatur ut sint qui dig- 
nentur audire, et ne id quidem gratis ; nam et domum mutuatur 
et auditoriunvrexstruit et subsellia conducit et libellos dispergit. 
Et ut beatissimus rfecitationem eius eventus prosequatur, omnis 
ista laus intra unum aut alterum diem, velut in herba vel flore ao 


10. est KB (foTeius): om. H. 12. decurrei GTonoyixis, Noyak. 

20. ista AB : illa CDHV^ 

H" C-/. 


10. Nempe: 'whysurely.' 

11. negotium : some troublesome 
bosiness, involving an action at law : cp. 
note on negotia, 88. 9. 

12. recuxret. The verb occurs in this 
sense also in' Qaintilian : Pr. § 17 ne- 
cesse est ad eos aliquando auctores re- 
currere, qui . . . : i. 6, 13. Decurrere is 
however more classical. 

13. domi nascuntur, a proverbial 
expression, used of what one possesses in 
abundance, and does not need to borrow 
from elsewhere. So Plaut. Cist. ii. i, 2 
hanc ego de me coniecturam domi facio, 
ne quaeram foris. Cp. Cic. Acad. ii. § 80 
domi nobis ista nascuntur (where Dr. 
Keid refers to Plaut. Mil. Glor. 194 domi 
habet : cp. Cas. ii. 3, 8 coniecturam domi 
facio magis quam ex auditis : Amph. ii. 
2, 5 id nunc experior domo atque ipsa de 
me scio) : domi est, Att. x. 14 : domo 
petes, Fam. vii. 25 : Att. i. 19, 3 : x. 
14, 2 : ad Fam. ix. 3, 2 : Sen. £p. 
xxiii. 3. 

14. quorum tamen : though they re- 
»ult in nothing, except that, &c. 

1 5. ezoudit et elucubravit : ' has 
hammered out, over the midnight oil.' 
Cp. Cic. ad Att. xv. 27, 2 Excudam ali- 
quid 'HfMurXecScrov, quod lateat in the- 
sauris tuis : and for similar figures Plin. 
i. 3, 4 efi&nge aliquid et excude: 'Hor. 
A. P. 441 : also Juv. vii.^^communi feriat 
cannen triviale moneta. For elucubravit 
cp. Cic. Brut. % 312 multae (orationes) 
quas non minus diligenter elaboratas et 
tanqnam elucubratas afferebamus. 

16. rogare ultro. Insteadofderiving 
material advantage from his poems, and 

being courted on their account, the poet 
has actuallytogo about and request people 
to be good enough to give him a hearing. 

17. domum mutuatur. So Juv. vii. 40 
commodat aedes: Plin. £p. viii. 2, § 2 
domum suam recitantibus praebet. Cp. 
Sen. £p. xcv. : Plin. Ep. i, 13: Suet. 
Claud. xli. : and Mayor on Juv. iii. 9. 

18. libeUos, ' programmes : ' cp. Cic. 
Phil. ii. § 07 ' gladiatorum libellos,' like 
our playbilfs. So prob. Mart. xiv. 142 Si 
recitaturus dedero tibi forte libeUum Hoc 
focale tuas adserat auriculas. In Ep. iii. 
18 Plinyopposes 'libeUi' to 'codicilli' 
(non per codicillos, non per libellos . . . 
admoniti), the latter being ' letters of in- 
vitation,* to which * dispergit ' here would 
be hardly so applicable. 

19. beatissimus. Cicero does not 
apply becLtus to things : cp, however 
Quint. X. I, 61 and 109 ; ib. 3, 22. 

20. unum aut alterum : See on 21. 6. 
herba . . . flore . . . firugem, leaf, 

flower, and fruit The glory of it aU fades 
away (cp. Quint. i. 3, 3) like a plant thathas 
been plucked before it is ripe : lit. * pre- 
maturely gathered, as it were, in the blade 
or the bloom.' A certain obscurity in the 
phraseolo?y results firom an attempt to 
combine the figure with the fsict which 
the figure illustrates : thus after ' in- 
tra unum aut alterum diem,' we should 
have expected some such word as ela- 
bitur: while 'praeoepta* is hardly ap- 
plicable to < omnis ista laus.' For the 
expression, cp. Hist. v. 7, 5 sive herba 
tenus aut flore seu solidam in speciem 
adolevere : and iox praecepta, Hist. iii. 15, 
10 festinato praelio victoriam praecepisset. 



praecepta, ad nullam certam et solidam pervenit frugem, nec 
autlimicitiam inde refert aut clientelam aut mansurum in animo 
cuiusquam beneficium, sed clamorem vagu^ et voces inanes 
et gaudium volucre. Laudavimus nuper ut miram et eximiam 

25 Vespasiani liberalitatem, quod quingenta sestertia Basso donasset 
Pulchrum id quidem, indulgentiam principis ingenio mereri : 
quanto tamen pulchrius, si ita res^iamiliaris exigat, se ipsum ^ 
colere, suum genium propitiare, suam experiri liberalitatem I 
Adjce^uod poetis, si modo di^um aliquid elaborare et efficere 

30 velint, relinquenda conversatio amicorum et iucunditas urbis, 
deserenda cetera officia utque ipsi dicunt, in nemora et lucos, 
id est in solitudinem secedendum est. 
-^ 10. Ne opinio quidem et fama, cui soli serviunt et quod unum 

a I. prcuctptaYN^LD^percepta KBCli,praecerpta Schele, Halm, iW^f«//aPeerlkamp. 
a8. genium Lipsius, ingenium codd. ItberalitcUem A£, and so Lipsius, libertcUem cett 
codd. 31. utqtu AH, (m/ qtuu C), quae D, et ut B. 32. [tdest in so/itudinem] 
Lange. secedendum Schele, recedendum codd. 

23. mansurum C lasting,' 'durable'), 
frequent in Tacitus with the force of an 
adjective : Hist. i. 78, 5 ; ii. 49, 21 : Ann. 
iv. 38, 7. Cp. Verg. Aen. 3, 86. So du- 
raturuSy 22. 15; 34. 22. 

23. vsgum, that soqq passes away : 
synonymous with voluore, ' fleeting.' 

2^ nuper. See Introd.^ p. xiv, note. 

20. mereri^consequi : cp. 81. 23. 

27. 8i...ezigat. This clause influences 
the preceding part of the sentence (' pul- 
chrum id quidem/ &c.) as well as that in 
which it actually stands ; but there is no 
need to transpose it, as is done by some 
editors. ' If we have to find some source 
of profit, let ns find it in onrselves rather 
than in princes.' 

80 ipaum colere. Heller rightly 
points out that ipsum is not in appo- 
sition with se : the accusative results 
from the form of the sentence. The an- 
tithesis is between ' orator se ipse ' colit ' 
and ' Bassum Vespasianus coluit ' (sc. 
quingenta sestertia donando) : the orator 
pays attention to himself, stands on his 
own legs, instead of relying on the favour 
of princes. 

28. 8uum genium propitiare, 'gain 
the good graces of one's own genius/ and 
so secure a retum for whatever talent one 
may possess: ' sein Talent fruchtbringend 
machen ' (Heller). 

8uam . . . liberalitatexH^ * to fall back 
on one's own bounty.' The contrast is 

between the humiliation implied in being 
a recipient of imperial favours, and the 
noble independence of the ' self-made ' 
orator. — AU MSS. give libertatem, which 
might perhaps be allowed to stand. 

29. Adice Quod. This formula (for 
accedit quod) does not occur in Cicero or 
Caesar, but often in Quint.'s Declama- 
tions : cuide quod is also common enough 
(see Quint. x. Introd. p. liii). Cp. Liv. 
xxiii. 5, 9 adicite ad haec quod, &c. 

elaborare et effioere. So Cic. ad 
Fam. ix. 16; 2 quidquid elaborari ant 
effici potuerit. 

30. converaatio in the sense of ' inter> 
course' (usus, consuetndo) is post-clas- 
sical : cp. Ann. xii. 49, 3 : Germ. xl. 15 : 
Quint. vi. 3. 17 (conversatio doctoram): 
and in Seneca, passim. 

31. utque ipsi dicunt. For the poet's 
love of retirement, see Hor. Car. i. i, 30, 
32, I : iv. 3, 10 sq. : Ep. ii. 2, 77 : A. P. 
298 : Ovid Trist. i. i, 41 C^hnina seces- 
sum scribentis et otia quaerunt : cp. v. 12, 
3 : Juv. vii. 58. Writing to Tacitus, and 
probably with this passage in his mind, 
Pliny says, ' poemata quiescunt, quae ta 
inter nemora et lucos commodissime 
perfici putas* £p. ix. lo, §'2. Cp. on the 
other hiEind Quint x. 3, 22. 

10. I . opinio, ' reputation ' — existima> 
tio : Sen. de Ben. vi. 43, 3 opinionem qui- 
dem et famam eo loco habeamus tamquani 
non ducere sed sequi debeat. Thls absolute 




esse pretium omnis laboris sui fatentur, aeque poetas quam 
oratores sequitur, quoniam mediocres poetas nemo novit, bonos 
pauci. Quando enim rarissimarum recitationum fama in totam 
^^ urbem penetrat, nedum ut per tot provincias innotescat ? Quotus 5 ^ 
quisque)| cum ex Hispania vel Asia, ne quid de Gallis nostris 
loquar, in urbem venit, Saleium Bassum requirit ? Atque adeo 
si quis requirit, ut semel vidit, transit et contentus est, ut si 
picturam aliquam vel statuam vidisset. Neque hunc meum 
sermonem sic accipi volo tamquam eos quibus natura sua 10 
oratorium ingenium denegavit deterream a carminibus, si modo 
in hac studiorum parte o^l^are^tium et[ nomen inserere possunt 
famae. Ego vero omnem eloquentiam omnesque eius partes 
sacras et venerabiles puto, nec solum cothumum vestrum aut 

10. 2. omnis A, omrus CDH, om. B. tuque Put., atqtu codd. 3. sequitur 

EVsCADH» and corr. A, insequitur AB. 4. rarissimarum codd., clarissimarum 
Steiner, rarissima harum Andresen. 5. nedum b, medium ABC {metrum H Sp. 

Pnt.). 8. ut senul Addalius, et semel codd. 10. sua del. Andresen, Novak. 

use is fonnd freqaently, in Qnintilian : see 
note on x. 5, 18. In Cicero opinio is 
generally nsed with a genitiye, as ' malig- 
nitatis opinionem * in ch. 15. 6 below : cp. 
however pro SuUa, § 10 : pro Leg. Manil. 


2. aeque • . . quam occurs some- 

times also in Plautus and Livy for the 
more classicai aeque . . , tu. So Hist. ii. 
10, 13 ; iv. 54, 8 ; V. 3, 11 : Ann. ii. 52, 17; 
iv. 49, 9 ; xiv. 38, 7. In all these instances 
the construction is negative : D'^. § 176. 

3. sequitur. So Quint. iv. i, 14 po- 
tentes sequitur invidia. 

4. rarissimarum, 'so few and far 
between,'— of the productions of indi- 
viduals, without implying that readihgs in 
general were scarce; cp. 9. 14 cum toto 
anno . . . unum librum excudit. Im- 
])ortant works were produced only at 
intervals, though there are many evi- 
dences of a greater activity in the pro- 
duction of slighter pieces, especially in 
the domain of lyric poetry. Others take 
rarissimarum as » ' remarkable,' com- 
paiing Agr. iv. 7 mater rarae castitatis : 
ib. vii. 16 rarissima moderatio: and Sen. 
Controv. iv. 28 ad fin., homo rarissimi 
etiamsi non emendatissimi ingenii. 

5. nedum ut. A rare construction, 
found, however, in Livy iii. 14, 6 ne voce 
quidem incommodi, nedum ut ulla vis 
fieret : cp. Quint. xii. i, 39. " For nedum 
after affirmative clauses, see on 25. 10. 

quotus quisque, 'how seldom does 
any one,' &c. The formula literally 
means * each unit of what whole number,* 
i. e. one in how many, and so 'how small 
a proportion,' * how few.' 

7. Atque adeo. * Yes, and if any one 
does ask after him.' Cp. 14. 6 where it 
simmo potius. 

8. ut semel vidit. This reminds us 
of Livy's admirer : nunquamne legisti 
Gaditanum quendam Titi Livi nomine 
gloriaque commotum ad visendum eum 
ab ultimo terrarum orbe venisse statimque 
ut viderat abisse ? Plui. £pp. ii. 3, 8. 

10. sic accipi tamquam : Quint. ii. 3, 

12. oblectare otium. The phrase 
occurs again, Ann. xii. 49, 4. 

nomen inserere . . . famae : * gain a 
niche in the temple of fame.' A similar 
expression is found Hist. ii. 61, 2 inserere 
sese fortunae: cp. Ann. vi. 2, 7 dum 
ignobilitatem suam magnis nominibus 

13. eloquentiam : here practically 
synonymous with * literature.' Literally 
* utterance.' 

14. cothumum vestrum. Cp. ' the 
buskin'd stage ' (Milton). So Hor. A. P. 
80 contrasts the soccus (Kprfirii) or * slipper ' 
of comedy with the grandes cothumi of 

veatrum, while addressed to Matemus, 
is made to inAude the other tragic poets. 



15 heroicl carminis sonum, sed lyricorum quoque lucunditatem et 
elegorum lasci^las et iamborum amaritudinem et epigrammatum 
lusus et quamcumque aliam speciem eloquentia habeat ante- 
ponendam ceteris al/w?rum artium studiis credo. Sed tecum 
mihi, Mateme, res est, quod, cum natura te tua in ipsam arcem 

30 eloquentiae ferat, errare mavis et summa^^acTepturus^in levioribus 
subsistis. Ut si in Graecia natus esses, ubi ludictas quoque artes 
exercere honestum est, ac tibi Nicostrati robur ac vires di dedis- 

> sent, non paterer immanes istos et ad pugnam natos lacertos 
levitate iaculi aut iactu disci vanescere, sic nunc te ab auditoriis 

16. ehgiorum A6. et add. Addalins. 17. habeat codd., hahet Heumann, Halm, 
MUUer. 18. altiorum Andresen, aliarum codd. and John. Qy.alienarum ? cp. 2. 17. 
19. te add. Halm. arcem EVaH, artem ABCAD. ao. adepturus Acidalius, 

adeptusQi^^, (cp. ingressuri 33. 8). 23. istos ABD, illos EV^CH. 24. {iactu\ 

15. sonum, * lofty tones.* Cp. Cic. 
de Or. ii. § 54 addidit historiae maiorem 
sonum vocis : Quint. i. 8, 5 interim et 
sublimitate heroi carminis animus ad- 
surgat : id. x. i, 68 gravitas et cothumus 
et sonus Sophocli. 

iuounditatem, 'charm.' So Quin- 
tilian, of the lyric poet Simonides, ' iucun- 
ditate quadam commendari potest,' x. i, 
64, and of Horace 'plenus est iucundi- 
tatis et gratiae,* ib. § 96. Tr. * the 
charming lyric, the wanton elegy, the 
biting satire, the playful epigram, and 
every other kind of literature.' 

16. elegorum. This is the common 
form, e. g. miserabiles . . . elegos. Hor. 
Od. i. 33, 2 : A. P. 77 ; exiguos, Tib. iL 
4, 13 : Propert. v. i, 135 ; Juv. i. 4. 
Ovid has elegeia, flebilis indignos elegeia 
solve capillos, Am. iii. 9, 3 : cp. cultis 
aut elegia comis, Mart. v. 30, 4. See 
Quint. X. I, § 93. 

lascivias, ' playfiilness.' The word 
indicates exuberance of any kind, as 
against severe restraint : Hor. A. P. 106 
ludentem lasciva (verba decent) severum 
seria dicta, i. e. ' sportive ' as opposed to 
' serious' : £p. ii. 2, 216 lasciva decentius 
aetas, * that may more becomingly make 
merry.' So Quintilian says, Ovidius utro- 
que (TibuUo et Propertio) lascivior sicut 
durior Gallus, x. i, 93, where see note. 
Lascivia recurs twice in the Dialogue, 
chs. 26. 7 and 29. 7. 

amaritudinem, ' acrimony.* The figu- 
rative use of this word occurs in Quintilian 
(x. I, 117), Pliny the Younger, Seneca, 
and Valerius Maximus. Quint. x. i, 96 

lambus . . . cuins acerhitas in Cattdlo, 
Bibaculo, Horatio . . . reperietnr. 

17. habeat. Though this use of the 
subj. is not strictly classical, the reading 
of the MSS. should be preserved. 

18. altiorum artium. So, with special 
reference to philosophy, Hist. iv. 5, 5 in- 
genium inlustre altioribus studiis iuvenis 
admodum dedit : Quint viii. 3, 2 : ii. i, 3. 
Cp. Plin. Ep. V. 16, 8 ut qui se ab ineunte 
aetate altioribus studiis artibusque dederit. 

19. natura . . . ferat : Cic. de Orat. iii. 
§ 35 ^uo sua quemque natura maxime 
ferre videatur : Brut. § 204. 

arcem eloquentiae. Quint xii. 11, 28 
Cicerone arcem tenente eloquentiae. 

20. in levioribus subsistis. Cp. 
Quint i. Pr. § 20 altius tamen ibunt qui 
ad summa nitentur quam qui . . . protinus 
circa ima substiterint : Sen. Controv. x. pr. 
§ 16 ad snmma evasurus iuvenis nisi 
modicis contentus esset. 

21. ludicras .. . artes: 'the accom- 
plishments of the arena.' Seneca supplies 
a de(inition : ludicrae sunt quae ad volup- 
tatem oculorum atque aurium tendunt, 
£p. 88, 22. Cp. Quint iii. 6, 18. 

22. Nicostratus was an omament of 
the prize-ring in the earlier part of the 
first century. Quintilian had seen him 
when a young man (ii. 8, 14), and Pau- 
sanias (v. 21, 11) gives his name as a 
victor in the Olympic Games. 

23. ad pugnam, i. e. ad pugilatum. 

24. iaculi ... iaotu. Tacitus in 
the Dialogue does not avoid the juxta- 
position of the same or similar words : 
2. 6 studiose . . . studiorum : 7* 2 latus 




ct theatris in forum et ad causas et ad vera proelia voco, cum 25 
praesertim ne ad illud quidem confugere possis, quod plerisque 
patrocinatur, tamquam minus obnoxium^^it offendere poetarum 
quam oratorum studium.' Efferv6scit enim vis pulcherrimae 
naturae tuae, nec pro amico aliquo, sed, quod periculosius est, ^ 
pro Catone offendis. Nec excusatur offensa necessitudi^e officii 30 
aut fide' advocationis aut fortuitae) et subitae dictionis impetu : f 
meditatus videris et elegisse personam notabilem et cum 
auctoritate dicturam. Sentio quid responderi possit: hinc in- 
gentes existere ad^nsus, haec in ipsis, auditoriis praecipue 
laudari et mox omnium sermonibus ferrL. ToUe igitur quietis 35 

26. cmsurgere DA. 27. offendere codd., offensae Addalins, Halm. 32. et 

John, aut codd., om. Pnt., ultro Schopen, atque Baehrens, etiam Halm, Novak. 
Qy. vel ? med. videris eUgisse personam et notabilem et^ &c. Heller. 33. hinc 

Hb Put., hic most codd. 34. existere Muretusi ex his codd. Heller supposes that ' con- 
cursus ' has dropped out, and would read ' hinc ingentes concursus, ex his assensns.' 
haec EVjCA, hoc D, hic AB, hinc Hb. 

. . . obiatus : 7. 5 defendere . . . defendere : 
7. 7 principem . . . principum : 8. 24 ac- 
ceperint . . . acceperint : 22. 17 tecto tegi : 
82. 1 2 armis . . . armatus : 33. 2 videris 
. . . videaris : 34. 5 interesse . . . interesset. 

24. vanesoere : poetical, and in Quin* 
tilian. Cp. Hist. v. 7, 6 : Ann. ii. 40, 6. 

25. theatrlB. The hall of a theatre 
was sometimes utilized for purposes of 
public reading. 

forum . . . vera proelia. This figure 
is of frequent occurrence in the language 
of rhetoricians : e. g. Quint. x. i, §§ 29-30 
nos vero (of orators as opposed to poets) 
armatos stare in acie et summis de rebus 
decemere et ad victoriam niti : see 
Introd., p. Ixi.— Instead of rejecting ad 
causas (with some critics) we ought to 
compare 34. 26 fori . . . iudiciorum : ib. 
15 et causis et iudiciis (where see note) : 
Quint. x. I, 36 fori . . . periculorum. 

26. pleriaque. Seeon2. 10. Thiscon- 
struction (after patrocinari) is found in 

27. obnoziom ofbndere. With the 
adj. offensae would have been more usual : 
but tor similar constructions in Tacitus, 
cp. ch. 16. II manifestus . . . acdngi, 
where see note. 

28. efifervescit, a favourite figure with 
Cicero : e. g. quare si cui nimium effer- 
bnisse videtur huius vis, pro Cael. § 77. 

30. necessitudine offlcii, 'the obli- 
gations of friendship.' It seems best to 
take necessitudo here as ^necessitas : cp. 
Ann. iii. 40, 8 peccandi necessitudo : xii. 

30, 2 necessitudinem pugnae : the form 
of the word being probably motived by the 
juxtaposition of officium, Others under- 
stand the word of the friendly relations 
(= familiaritas) that find expression in 
service rendered (officium) : so Andresen, 
G. and G. 

31. fide advocationifl, 'the responsi- 
bility of an advocate.' 

fortuitae, &c., ' the hurry of a random 
and extempore utterance.' Cp. Cic. de 
Or. i. § 150 subitam et fortuitam ora- 
tionem : Tac Germ. xi. 4 nisi quid fortui- 
tum et subitum incidit. 

32. meditatus, sc. esse (John) : it is 
beUeved thatyou thought out and carefully 
selected, &c. For the omission of esse 
cp. 19. 1 5 odoratus videretur : also Hist. 
iii. 75, 16 crimen adgnovisse et a partibus 
Vitellii amolitus videbatur : ib. iii. 6, 5 
ferebatur . . . criminatus : iv. 39, 13 fere- 
batur hortatus. 

35. mox, < thereafter,' fumishes an anti- 
thesis to * in ipsis auditoriis.' Cp. 17. 11. 

ferri, of what is in general circulation, 
'current topics.' So Liv. iv. 5, 6 : rumori- 
bus ferre, Ann. xv. 46, 3 : vulgo ferri : 
Suet. lul. 20. Cp. Quint. x. i, 23 ad fin. : 
ib. § 129: 7 §30. 

Tolle igitur, &c ' No more, than, 
of the plea that you wish for peace and 
quietness' (and so prefer poetry to elo- 
quence), < since you deliberately choose an 
adversary who is too powerful for you.' 
Andresen and others have wrongly 
assumed a lacuna a&er /erri, The sen- 



et securitatis excusationem, cum tibi sumas adversariuiQ^super- 
ioreiD. Nobis satis sit privatas et nostri saeculi controversias 
tueri, in quibus [expressis] si quando necesse sit pro periclitante 
amico potentiorum aures oifendere, et probata sit iides et libertas 
40 excusata/ 

!!• Quae cum dixisset Aper acrius, ut solebat, et intento ore, 
remissus et subridens Matemus ' Parantem ' inquit ' me non minus 
diu accusare oratores quam Aper laudaverat (fore enim arbitrabar 
ut a laudatione eorum digressus detrectaret poetas atque car- 
5 minum studium prostemeret) arte quadam mitigavit, concedendo 
iis qui causas agere non possent ut versus facerent. Ego autem 
sicut in causis agendis efficere aliquid et eniti fortasse possum^ 
ita recitatione tragoediarum et ingredi famam auspicatus sum 


i~f /\,< ;- 

38. exfressU ABDH, expressit C, exponendisWagentTy exercendis Inge. Qy. ex^ 
pendendis? expromendisl (24. 11.) 39. sit expressit pro E, sit et expressit pro Vj. 

11. 2, parantem in^it meYialihtr, parantem me inquit Bekker, Kalmf parant enim 
quid me EV^CA, parant quid enim me ABDH {parat H perant D). 3. laudat 

HSp., lattdavit Acidalius. ** 

teDce beginning Tolk igitur fnmishes a 
prompt refutation of all that can be said 
in defence of snch (repnblican) poetry: 
it is a greater disturber of repose, by the 
enmity it excites, than anything connected 
with the profession of the bar, which 
Maternus had abandoned iii order to 
secure repose. For adversarium superi- 
orem, cp. 2. 2 cum offendisse potentium 
animos diceretur, with note. 

37. oontroversias tueri : Cic. de Or. 
i. § 169 ut amicorum controversias causas- 
que tueatur. 

39. fides . . . libertas. For the chias- 
mus, see D'. § 335. 

Ohs. 11-13. Matemus replies to Aper, 
Thepraise of Poetry, 

11. I. intento ore, of the expression 
of Aper*8 countenance, ' with the utmost 
gravity ': not as C. and B. ,* with vehemence 
of utterance.' The antithesis is remissus et 
subridens : cp. Ann. xiii. 3, 3 intentus ipse 
et ceteri . . . nemo risui temperare. There 
is something of the same antithesis {in^ 
tentus = * in thorongh eamest ') in Ann. i. 
52, 8. So below, 14. 3 ex ipsa intentione 
singnlorum, where Vergil's ' intentique ora 
tenebant ' ( Aen. ii. i ) illustrates the mean- 

3. diu. Cp. 25. 2 diu contradicendum : 
Ann. vi. 27, 15 neque nobilitas diutius de- 
monstranda est See on 6. 27, above. 

Isudaverat. The plpf. is here quite 
appropriate. It is anterior to mitigavit 
(* put me in a better temper ') and even 
to parantem, Aper eulogises rhetoric : 
then Matemus (thinking that he wiU pro- 
ceed to attack poetry) gets ready to 
answer him : but Aper soothes his mffled 

5. arte quadam, ' cleverly,* *■ by a sort 
of stratagem.' Cp. Cic. de Or. i § 74 
id enim ipsum . . . artificio quodam es 

7. siout . . . ita =■ yAv . . . hk, The 
formula (though not so common as if/ . . . 
itcC) is fi-equent in Livy : e. g. xxi. 35, 10 
pleraque Alpium ab Italia sicut breviora 
ita arrectiora sunt : cp. ib. 39, 7. 

effloere et eniti. So Cic. Amic. § 59 
eniti et efficere : and cp. 9. 29, above, 
elaborare et efficere. 

8. ingredi famam auspicatua sum, 
' I took the first step on the path of fame.' 
The infin. after auspicari is very un- 
common : cp. Sen. £p. 83, 3 calendis 
lanuariis . . . auspicabar in Virginem 
desilire, I opened Ae year (* for luck') 
with, &c. : Plin. xxxi. 41 primus (aquam 
Marciam) in urbem ducere auspicatus est 
Ancus Martius : Suet. Nero xxii. ad aram 
lovis cantare. The more usual constrac* 
tion (with an acc.) survives in Burke*8 
peroration on Conciliation with America, 



(cum quidem std) Nerone improbam et studiorum quoque sacra 
profanantem Vatinii potentiam fregi), et hodie si quid in nobis 10 
notitiae ac nominis est, magis arbitror carminum quam ora- 
tionum gloria partum/ Ac iam me deiungere a forensi labore 
constitui, nec coniitatus istos et egressus aut frequentiam salu- 
tantium concupisco^ non magis quam aera et imagines, quae 
etiam me nolente in domum meam inruperunt. Nam statum 15 
hucusque ac securitatem melius innocentia tueor quam eloquentia, 

9. suh Nerone Novak, in neroniAB, in Nerone DC, in nerme H : imperante Nerone 
Luc. Miiller, in Neroniis Osann, enormem et Wolff (Agr. x. 13). 10. Vatinii 

Gronovius, vaticinii codd. et add. Lipsius. 11. nominis Hb, numinis cett. 

codd. 13. diiungere Wolfflin, Baehrens, and Novak (who compares Quint. ii. 15, 

2 ; iii. 4, 10). 13. salutantium Schele, salutationum codd. 15. inruperunt 

ACDAHVa, irrumpunt B£. 16. hucusque ac Lipsius, cuiusque ad codd. 

*■ we ought to auspicate all our public 
proceedings on America with the old 
waming of the Church, Sursum corda ! ' 
Such pleonasms as ingredi . . . auspicatus 
sum are not uncommon with phrases 
indicating commencement : Ann. xiii. 10, 
5 ut principium anni inciperet mense De- 
cembri : Germ. xxx. i initium sedis in- 
choant : Hist. i. 39, 11 initio caedis orto. 
Cp. Suet. Cal. liv. ut initinm in scenam 
prodeundi licentia noctis auspicaretur. 

9. 8ub Nerone. This is the easiest 
reading, and is more common in Tacitus 
than imperante Nerone, For the confu- 
sion between in and st^, Novak compares 
Liv. xxvi. 43, 4 sub Carthaginiensibus. 

studiorum saora . . . profanantem : 
' that desecrated the sanctuary of litera- 
ture.' Cp. Quint. x. i, 93 nos sacra lit- 
terarum colentes : Ov. Am. iii. 9, 19 
Scilic^t omne sacrum mora importuna 
pro£euiat. Nothing is known in regard 
to the allusion here made. —Heller pro- 
poses to invert the clauses, inserting cum 
quidem . . .fregi after fortasse possum^ 
on the ground that such a victory was 
much more probably the result of an 
action at law : but cum quidem fregi 
goes much better with the perfect auspi- 
catus sum than with the general statement 
advanced in efficere cUiquid . . ,possum, 

10. Vatinii. «-Though the name is 
doubtful, this is probably the Vatinius of 
Ann. XV. 34 (inter foedissima eius aulae 
ostenta) : the ' Beneventanus sutor' of 
Juv. V. 46 (where see Mayor*s note). 

in nobis. The MS. reading may be 
supported by Ann. xiv. 43, 6 quidquid 
hoc in nobis auctoritatis est. 

11. notitiae ao nomiiiiB. Thephrase 

recurs at 86. 19. For notitia, see on 5. 
17. Cp. 18. 6. 

13. deiungere me, to 'unhamess my- 
self from,' or to * throw off the yoke of ' 
my labours at the bar : a very rare word. 

13. oomitatna . . . et egresaus : cp. 
6. 14, and ' deducit aut salutat aut prose- 
quitur' at 9. 9. Istos refers to Aper'8 
previous euldgy. 

Irequentiun salutantium, < crowded 
levees : ' cp. fremitus salutantium 18. 3 1 ; 
Ann. iv. 41, loadempta salutantum turba. 
So Verg. Georg. ii. 463 Si non ingentem 
foribus domus alta superbis Manesalu- 
tantum totis vomit aedibus undam, &c. : 
Jerome. Ep. 43 (quoted by Baiter on 
Hor. Sat. i. 6, loi) pudet dicere frequen- 
tiam salutandi qua aut ipsi quotidie ad 
alios pergimus aut ad nos venientes ce- 
teros exspectamus : Quint. xii.i i, 18 vanus 
salutandi labor. Frequent references occur 
in Juvenal and Martial to the burdensome 
duty of attending such levees. 

14. imss^nes. Cp. on 8. 35. 

15. statum . . . tueor. So Cic. ad 
Fam. ix. 16, 6 ego me non putem tueri 
meum statum sic posse ut, &c. In this 
connexion, stcUus is used with reference 
to its literal meaning, viz. the positicn 
taken up by a combatant to meet an 
attack: Cic. Or. § 139 magno semper 
usi impetu saepe adversarios de statu 
omni deiecimus. Cp. on deiectus 26. 19. 

16. huouaque, 'till now.' This is 
said to be the first instance of the use of 
the word in this temporal signification. 
It generally mcans * to this extent : ' cp. 
however, illuc usque fidum, Ann. xv. 54, 
13, * up to that point * (temporal) opp. to 
* tunc primum.* 



nec vereor ne mihi umquam verba in senatu nisi pro alterius 
discrimine facienda sint. 

12. Nemora vero et luci et(^ecretum ipsum, quod Aper in- 
crepabat, tantam mihi adferunt voluptatem ut inter praecipuos 
carminum fructus numerem quod non in strepitu nec sedente 
ante ostium litigatore nec inter sordes ac lacrimas reorum 

5 componuntur, sed secedit animus in loca pura atque innocentia 
fruiturque sedibus sacris. Haec eloquentiae primordia, haec 
penetralia; hoc primum habitu cultuque commoda^ortalibus » 
in illa casta et nulHs contacta vitiis pectora influxit ; sic oracula 
loquebantur. Nam lucrosae huius et sanguinantis eloquentiaer; 

10 usus recens et malis moribus natiiSu atque, ut tu dicebas, Aper, 
in locum teli reperfus. Ceteruni telix illud et, ut more nostro 

1 7. nisi om. C. 

12. I. increpafB, 5. sedit A^EV^ 7. commoda codd., commendafa 

Muretus and most edd. 8. in EVaCADH, et AB. i/ia EVaDCHb, isia AB. 

9. scmguinantis codd., saginantis ed. Juntina 1527, sanguine madantis Schulting, 
sanguini inhiantis Bezzenberger. 10. et malis ABDH, et ex malis EV^CA. 

12. I. Nemora vero, &c. See end 
of ch. 9. Secretum ipsum^ 'retirement 
in itself : ' for the substantival u^e of the 
adj., see Introd. p. Iv. 

3. strepitu. Aper, on the other hand, 
had spoken of ' iucunditas urbis,* 9 ad fin. 
Schopen*s proposal to read Mn strepitu 
urbis* may be rejected as unnecessary: 
cp. Hor. Ep. ii. 2, 79 inter strepitus noc- 
tumos atque diumos. For the worry 
occasioned by the continual noise of 
Rome (strepitum Romae, Hor. Car. iii. 
29, 12) see Juvenars Third Satire, ad fin. 

sedente ante ostium Utigatore. 
Similar references are of common occur- 
rence in Horace : Ep. i. 5, 31 atria ser- 
vantem postico falle clientem : ii. i, 104 
mane domo vigilare, clienti promere iura : 
Sat. i. I, 10 sub galli cantum consultor 
ubi ostia pulsat. Clients had no respect 
for hours, and came both late and early. 

4. sordes ac laorimas. So Cic. Orat. 
post redit. ad populum § 7 cotidianae 
lacrimae sordesque lugubres : ad Fam. 
xiv. 2, 2 iacere in lacrimis et sordibus. 
Other Ciceronian combinations are * fletus 
sordesque/ * in sordibus, lamentis, luctu- 
que iacere/ ^spectaculum sordium atque 
luctus et tanti squaloris.' 

6. Haeo primordia, &c. Tr. ' Here 
was the cradle, here the very shrine 
of eloquence; such was the mien and 

style with which,* &c. Eloq^nce is per- 
sonified, as again at 37. 33. For habitu 
cultuque cp. Ann. i. 10, 31 : ii. 59, 8. 

7. commoda, *■ ingratiating herself 
with.* The change to commendataf ac- 
cepted by most editors, seems to have 
been motived by the wish to connect this 
phrase more closely than the writer 
intended with the preceding ablatives. 

8. et niillis, for * nec ullis,' as 28. 24 : 
Agr. xvi. 26 : Germ. x. 13. 

sic (i. e. in the language of poetry) is 
commonly adopted for the MS. hic (' in 
this solitude ? *). 

9. lucrosae huius, &c. * This gain- 
getting eloquence of ours, reeking with 
human blood, is a modem invention, the 
growthof a depraved condition of society,' 
cp. Quint. i. 12, 16, and xii. 7, 3. San' 
guinantis contains a reference to the 
capital convictions obtained by such men 
as Eprius Marcellus and Vibius Crispus 
referred to by Aper above. 

10.. malis moribus. Helmreich de- 
fends this reading by reference to Ann. 
iv. 17, 5 and vi. 16, 6. 

ut tu dicebas : ch. 5 ad fin. 

II. in locum teli : cp. ingenii loco, 
26. 10. 

Ceterum, * on the other hand,' shows 
that in the preceding sentence nam is 
not adversative, as at 9. i. 



.■>».\V4 V 

C ► ». « ' ■'■1 

■ ^:- 

loquar, aureum saeculum, et oratorum et criminum inops, poetis 
et vatibus abundabat, qui bene facta canerent, non qui male 
admissa defenderent. Nec uUis aut gloria maior mortalibus aut 
augustior honor, primum apud deos, quorum proferre responsa 15 
ac interesse epulis ferebantur, deinde apud illos dis genitos 
sacrosque reges, inter quos neminem causidicum, sed Orphea 
ac Linum ac, si introspicere altius velis, ipsum Apollinem ac- 
cepimus. Vel si haec fabulosa nimis et composita videntur, 
illud certe mihi concedes, Aper, non minorem honorem Homero ^^ 
quam Demostheni apud posteros, nec angustioribus terminis f' 

14. ullU EV^C AD, ullus A6. maior mortalibus auty after Michaelis and Gndeman, 
more (morB) . . . aut ABV^, more aut C, in ore aut D {ne aut illud elamore . . . aut 
Hb) maior aut Lipsius, Halm, maior erat aut Ritter. 1 7. causidicum Henmann, 

causidicorum codd. (which may be right : cp. 21. i). 18. cu Linum ac ABEH, 

et Linum ac V2CDA. yelis ABCAH, velis vel D, vel EV,. 19. vicleantur D, 

and so at first B. 20.. concedis codd. (emend. Acidalius: cp. S3. 22). honorem 
codd., honorem haberi Maehly. 


\i. criminum. Some translate 
'cbarges/ comparing Ann. xi. 12, 4 
stnieret crimina et accusatores : iii. 54, 4. 
But 'male admissa/ below shows that 
the word here = delictorum, peccatorum 
(as frequently in Juvenal, e.g. i. 75), and 
that the thought resembles 41. 7 Quodsi 
inveniretur aliqua civitas in qua nemo 
peccaret, supervacuus esset inter inno- 
centes orator sicut inter sanos medicus. 

poetis et vatibus. See on 9. 9. 

13. male admissa. Admissum is 
even used substantively (for delictum), 
Hist. iv. 44. 7 ne . . ; cunctis sub Nerone 
admissis data impunitas videretur : Ann. 
xi. 4, 14 de admissis Poppaeae : cp. Cic. 
Part. Or. 35, 120, &c. 

14. gloria . . .honor. Cp. 41. 11 sic 
minor oratorum honor obscuriorque gloria 

mortalibus is adopted in the text on 
the theory of the existence of a lacuna of 
some kind. Vahlen however denies this, 
contending that, by a displacement of 
the letters, gloria maior became gloria 
iamor or gloriamor, ^ithout the noun 
ulli must be used as a substantive, on the 
analogy of nulli : the only other Tacitean 
instance of this occurs Ann. xi. 27, i ullis 
mortalium : cp. Cic. Tusc. i. 39, 94. 

15. proferre responsa. In this capa- 
city the poets were said to be {nro^raji 
ruv $(&u, 

16. interesse epnlis. Cp. Hor. Car. 
iv. 8, 29 Sic lovis interest Optatis epulis 

impiger Hercules. We do not know of 
any specific instance of a poet being raised 
to this dignity ; but other cases of heroes 
will occar to all^the Dioscuri, Romulus, 
Bacchus, Tantalus {conviva deorum Hor. 
Car. i. 28, 7), and Ixion. So generally 
Paus. viii. 2, 2 Ol fhp 8^ t<Jt€ avBpwroi 
^ivoi Koi ofiorpdvf^oi Beots ^crav {nr6 SikoaO' 
avvris Ka\ evfftfiiias : Catull. Ixiv. 387. 

illos . . . reges. For the emphasis, 
cp. Ann. XV. 52, 7 in illa invisa et spoliis 
dvium exstructa domo. 

17. inter quos .. . accepimus. There 
is no traditional instance, says Matemus, 
of a pleader having been admitted to 
intimate fellowship with those whom 
Homer calls SioytveTs or ZioTp^<pUs (illos 
dis genitos) ^aoiX^is. — It is not necessary 
to supply fuisse with * accepimus : * for 
the use of accipere with an object cp. 40. 
1 2 quem enim oratorem . . . accepimus ? 

18. introspioere altius, ' look further 
back ' at the heroic past : cp. altius re- 
petere. For another (apparently) absolute 
use of introspicere, see Ann. vi. 21, 12 
quantum introspiceret, magis ac magis 

19. oomposita, * fabricated.* Cp. Agr. 
xl. 1 1 fictum ac compositum. So Liv. iii. 
10, 10 fabula composita : cp. Ann. xi. 27, 
I haud sum ignarus fabulosum visum iri 
. . . sed nihil compositum miraculi causa 
. . . tradam. Fabulosa occurs in Horace, 
Seneca, Pliny, and often in Quintilian. 
For the anastrophc; see Introd., p. Iz. 



famam Euripidis aut Sophoclis quam Lysiae aut Hyperidis 
includi. Plures hodie reperies qui Ciceronis gloriam quam qui 
Vergilii detrectent, nec uUus Asinii aut Messallae liber tam 

25 inlustris est quam Medea Ovidii aut Varii Thyestes. 

13. Ac ne fortunam quidem vatum et illud felix contubemium 
comparare timuerim cum inquieta et anxia oratorum vita. Liry f 
illos certamina et pericula sua ad consulatus evexerint, malo 
securum et quietum Vergilii secessum, in quo tamen neque apud 

5 divum Augustum gratia caruit neque apud populum Romanum 

13. 3. <id Lipsius, tt codd. consulatus C, conventus D, cent ' A, coetus B. 


^ ,• V 

rj ^^' 

aa. Eiiripidis aut Sophoolis. In a 
comparison with Lysias and Hyperides, 
Kuripides naturaUy comes first : magis 
accedit oratorio generi, Quint. z. 1, 68, 
where see note. 

23. Cioeronis. For Cicero's detrac- 
tors, see on chap. 18. That Vergil, too, 
was not without his critics, is clear from 
the Life of Donatus, ch. 43 : cp. Suet. 
Calig. .^4. 

24. liber here of course (as at 88. 14, 
where see note) of a speech, written down 
and published. Asinius Pollio (75 B. c- 
4 A.D.) and M. Valerius Messalla Cor- 
vinus (64 B.C.-8 A.D.) are criticised to- 
gether as orators by Quintilian x. i , 113, 
where see notes. Other references to 
them occur in chs. 17i 18, and 21. 

25. Medea . . . Thyestes. The con- 
junction of these two tragedies by Quin- 
tilian is also noteworthy: iam Vari 
Thyestes cuilibet Graecarum comparari 
potest. Ovidi Medea videtur mihi osten- 
dere qnantum ille vir praestare potuerit 
si ingenio suo imperare quam indulgere 
maluisset, x. i, 98. Ij. Varius Bufiis 
had gained a high reputation as an epic 
poet, before he took to tragedy : cp Hor. 
Car. i. 6 Scriberis Vario . . . Maeonii 
carminis alite : £p. ii. \y 246 : A. P. 55. 
He is known also as the friend of Vergil 
and Horace (Sat. i. 5, 40: 6, 55), and 
helped to edit the Aeqeid after VergiFs 

18. I. illud felix contubemium. 
Cp. assiduitate contubemii, 5. 5, with 
note : Sen. Dial. vi. 10, 4 iam disicietur 
iste comitatus, iam contubemia ista sub- 
lato clamore solventur. The allusion is 
to the retired life of the poet (cp. securum 
et quietum . . . secessum, below), with 
its exclusive but delightful companion- 

ships, 'far from the madding crowd^s 
ignoble strife/ in contrast to the bnsy 
bustling life of the advocate, as described 
e. g. at 6. 3. It^is not necessary how- 
to take the words as a refiitation of what 
Aper had said at theend of ch. 9 : Mater- 
nus knows and values the pleasures of 
solitude, 17 below. 

3. certamina et pericula is taken 
by aU the commentators as a hendiadys 
for certamina periculosa. Is is not pos- 
sible, however, that while pericula has 
here its usual meaning of *■ actions at law,' 
certamina raay refer to less formal com- 
bats, such as those in the senate ? Cp. 5. 
32 eius modi certaminum rudem: also, 
et causis et iudiciis 34. 15. Pericula 
are contrasted with * privatae causae ' in 
Quint. vi. ,1, 36. 

ad consulatus evezerint. For the 
expression, cp. Hist. ii. 75, 8 e gregario ad 
summa mili^ae provectum : Vell. Pat. ii. 
90, I quem i^sque in tertium consulatum 
. . . amicitia principis evexerat. Eveho 
in this sense isNpoetical : Hor. Car. i. t, 
5 ; Verg. Aen. vi. 130. Gudeman, who 
wouid read vel ad, rightly argues that an 
'enumeration of some of the positions 
which an orator might hope to attain 
through bis eloquence decidedly weakens 
the force of the passage,' and therefore 
rejects * ad opes et ' (Ritter), * ad sacerdotia, 
vel praeturas et * ( v ahlen). On the other 
hand vel (written 11) may account for the 
confusion in the MSS. See lotrod. p. Ixxx. 

4. securum et quietum. So quietis 
et securitatis, 10. 35. 

Vergilii secessum. In the last years 
of his life Vergil had a country-house at 
what is now called Posilippo, to the 
west of Naples. For secessum, cp. Quint. 
X. 3, 28 * silentium et secessum.' 



notitia. Testes Augusti epistulae, testis ipse populus, qui auditis 
in theatro Vergilii versibus surrexit universus et forte praesentem 
spectantemque Vergilium veneratus est sic quasi Augustum. Ne 
nostris quidem temporibus Secundus Pomponius Afro Domitio 
vel dignitate vitae vel perpetuitate famae cesserit Nam Crispus 10 
iste et Marcellus, ad quorum exempla me vocas, quid habent 

8. lytrgilium] Ernesti. 

6. Augusti epistulae. Samples have 
come down to us in Donatns's Life o£ 
Vergil, ch. 31, and Macrob. i. 24, 11 : 
cp. Claudian, Epp. 3, 23. See A. 
Weichert's Imp. Caesaris Angosti scrip- 
torum leliqniae, i. p. 159. 

7. versibus. The reference to the 
poet*s accidental presence at the perform* 
ance makes it probable that some lines 
from one of his well-known works had 
chanced to be quoted in the course of a 
dramatic representation. Otherwise we 
know from Donatns (Life, ch. 26) and 
from Servius (on EcL vL 11) that Vergirs 
Eclognes, particularly the Sixth, were 
often rendered on the stage, probably as 
interludes : if this is what is meant here, 

forU may refer to the fact that the poet 
was not usually resident in Rome. 

8. spectantem defines praesentem 
more nearly : Vergil was present as a 
spectator. For the repetition of the 
name, which is omitted by some editors, 
cp. Hist. ii. loi, 5 neab aliis apud Vitel- 
lium anteirentur, pervertisse ipsum Vitel- 
lium videntur: Ann. xii. 64, 10 perdita 
prius Domitia Lepida, muliebribus causis, 
quia Lepida, &c. 

8io qaasi, <jnst as if he had been 
Augustus himself:' cp. Cic. ad Fam. ix. 
16, 2 ut quasi aurum igni. sic benevolentia 
. . . possit. This act of homage was re- 
garded by the emperor as his own pecu- 
liar right : cp. what Suetonius tells' us 
abont Augustus*s displeasure when it was 
rendered to his adopted sons: Eisdem 
praetextatis adhuc assurectum ab universis 
in theatro et a stantibus plausum gravis- 
sime questus est, Aug. ch. Ivi; Plin. 
Panegyr. liv. 2. 

9. Fomponius Seoundus (for the in- 
version in the text see on ch. 1) was consul 
sufiectus in a. p. 44, and defeated theChatti 
as legatus in Upper Germany in 50. For 
this success he obtained from Claudius 
the ' omamenta triumphalia/ but Tacitus 
teUs us that this was not his greatest title 
to fame : modica pars famae eius apud 

posteros, in quis carminum gloria praecet- 
lit, Ann. xii. 28 ad fin. Quintilian says of 
him (x. I, 98) : eorura (tragicorum) quos 
viderim longe princeps Pomponius Secun- 
dus, quem senes quidem parum tragicum 
putabant, eruditione ac nitore praestare 
confitebantur. The fact that he was a 
man of afiairs as weU as a poet is often 
aUuded to : cp. Plin. vii. § 80 in Pomponio 
consulari poeta : xiii. § 83 apud P. S., 
vatem civemque clarissimum. His friend, 
Pliny the Elder, wrote his life in two 
books : see Plin. Ep. iii. 5. 

Afro Domitio. The same inversion 
occurs in Quint. x. i, 86. In § 1 18 Quin- 
tilian ranks him, along with lulius Afri- 
canus, far above all contemporary orators : 
eorum quos viderim Domitius Afer et 
lulius Africanus longe praestantissimi. 
Afer was a native of Nismes, and first 
acquired repute by the prosecution of 
Agrippina's cousin Claudia Pnlchra : Ti- 
berius declared that he was a *■ bom orator ' 
(suo iure disertum, Ann. iv. 52, 18). He 
was Quintilian*s teacher and model: v. 

7, 7 : Plin. Ep. ii. 14. 

10. dignitate -/Itae. Tacitus tells us 
in the Annals (1. c.) th^t he was nnscru- 
pulous, *■ modicus dignationis et quoquo 
facinore properus clarescere.* He placed 
his rhetorical ability at the disposal of the 
govemment : mox capessendis accusa- 
tionibus aut reos tutando prosperiore 
eloquentiae quam moram fama fuit, ibid. 

perpetuitate famae. Quintilian tells 
us that Afer would have best consulted 
his reputation if he had retired earlier 
from the practice of his profession (xii. 
II} 3) : cp. Tac. I. c. aetas extrema mul- 
tum etiam eloquentiae dempsit dum fessa 
mente retinet silentii impatientiam. 

cesserit. For a similar use of the 
perfect subjunctive, cp. Quint. x. i, loi 
at non historia cesserit Graecis. 

Crispus iste et MarceUus: see on 

8. i and 5. 31. 

11. vocas. Cp. Ann. iv. 43, 10 quodsi 
vatura, annalium ad testimonia vocentur. 



in hac sua fortuna concupiscendum ? Quod timent, an quod 
timentur? Quod, cum cotidie aliquid rogentur, ii quibus grae- 
st^t indignantur? Quod adligati omni adulatione nec imper« 
15 antibus umquam satis servi videntur nec nobis satts liberi ? Quae 
haec summa eorum potentia est? tantum posse liberti solent. 
Me vero dulces, ut Vergilius ait^ Musae, remotum a solHcitu- 
dinibus et curis et necessitate cotidie aliquid contra animum 
faciendi, in illa sacra illosque fontes ferant ; nec insanum ultra 

la. in htu sua ixiost codd., in hac praesenti (pnti) sua HVSp. 13. aliquid tAdi,., 
aliqui codd. v^/iV Andresen, Miiller. quibus praestant codd., quihus nonpr. Lipsius 
(Halm suggests j7iiii^ ptaesto non sunt, or opem nullam praestant)» 14. omni 

Walther, di AB£, cum CDVgH, communi Scbneider, humili Schulting, Miiller, canina 
Halm. 19. sacra codd., secreta Wolff, sacra nemora Maehly, Helmreich. illosqut 
{istosque) codd., illosque ad Ritter and most edd. {iliasque frondes Haupt). 

13. ii qoibiiB praestaxit, sc. id, qnod 
rogati sunt, or ' aliquid/ as with rogentur. 
Cp. 87. 15 ; 8. 6. Not a day passes but 
they are asked for something or other : 
yet successful snitors chafe nnder the 
obligations which they incnr to such 
persons as these: their favours briug 
them in retum nothing but bad blood. 
Cp. Ann. iv. 18 ad fin. — Buchholz^s 
e^planation of this passage is unneces- 
sarily ingenious. Taking rogentur of 
'inviting* and reading (for MS. cUiqut) 
not cUiqiHd^ but in aliquidy or ab aliquo, 
or aliquo^ he understands the allusion to 
be to the vexation of those who, having 
felt bound to invite such people as Crispus 
and Marcellus, found their invitation ac- 
cepted : praestant or praesto sunt, or se 

14. adligati omni adiilationei ' held 
fast in the fetters of abject servility.' 
^<//a!]^t = obstricti, devincti, 'enmeshed 
by ' : cp. furto, metu, scelere adligari. So 
Sen. Dial. ix. 5, 4 utique movebimus nec 
adligati metu torpebimus. Omni (for 
MSS. cum) is undoubtedly the true read- 
ing: cp. omni eruditione, 2. 14, where 
C£V have omni and ABHD cum. So 
too at 26. 28, C gives in omne, for in 
commune, an example of the confusion 
caused by the use of contractions in the 

16. libertii sc. principis. 

17. utVepgiliua ait: Georg. ii. 475 
Me vero primum dulces ante omnia Musae 
• . . accipiant. 

soUicitudinibus et curis. For the 
combination, cp. Cic. de Fin, v. 


18. oontra animum, ' against my in* 
clination/ said of something that * goes 
against the grain * : Sen. Dial. ii. 19, a. 

19. in iUa saora UlosQLue fontes. 
For sacra in the local sense of * shrines ' or 
' sacred' precincts, * holyplaces' (* Cnltstat- 
ten,' John), cp. Hist. iii. 33, 16 cum omnia 
sacra profanaque in ignes considerant, 
solum Mefitis templum stetit ante moenia, 
loco seu numine defensum: Ann. i. 51. 4 
profana simul et sacra . . . solo aequantnr. 
Gndeman points out that the shrines of the 
Muses and a neighbouring spring are in^ 
variably associated, comparing Paus. ix. 
29, 3 : Plut. de Pyth. Orac. 1 7 : Livy i. 2 1 : 
Juv. iii. 13 nunc sacri fontis nemns et 
delubra locantur, with Mayor^s note ad 
loc. With both sacra and/bntest in pro- 
bably = ' towards * : cp. ad and Is in Greek. 
In view, however, of the fact that the 
sanctuaries of the Muses were always 
located on the top of the mountains, 
Gudeman prefers to take in in the sense 
of ' up towards * : cp. 10. 1 9 in arcem ferat : 
19. 16 in caelum laudibus ferebantnr. 
There is thus no need to insert ad before 

fontes, as most editors do : still less for 
Haupt's illasque frondes, a suggestion 
made on the ground that infontes must 
inevitably mean immersion 1 For fontes 
cp. the well-known passages Lucr. i. 227 
luvat integros accedere fontes : Hor. Car. 
i. 26, 6 O quae fontibus integris Gaudes : 
ibid. iii. 4, 25 Vestris amicum fontibus et 

19. neo insanum, &c. 'Letmewith- 
draw from the distractions and the un- 
certainty of the bar, and no longer expose 
myself with beating heart to the rapturoos 

i *-> 



et lubricum forum famamquej)allentem trepidus experiar. Non ao 
me fremitus salutantium nec anhelansjibertus excitet, nec in- '^' ^ 
certus futuri testame-ntum pro pjgnore scri^am. nec plus habeam ... 
quam quod possim cui velim relinquere ; 

Quandoque enim fatalis et meus dies 

Veniet: ^ 25 

20. paJlentem Hb., pallantem AC, ('das umgehende Volksgerede/ John\ palantem 
BDE, faJlentem Schurzfleisch. 24. quandoque enim codd. (see note), quandocumqtie 
(om. enim) Pnt., quandoque olim Steiner. 25. veniet Hb,- veniat ADCVg, venerit 
Einesti, [quandoque . . . veniet] Ritter. 

excitement of renown.* For nec with sub- 
jonctive of wish or command, cp. 22. 24 
nec . . . determinet : 82; i nec quisquam 
respondeat: Hist. ii. 76, 10 nec speciem 
adulantis expaveris: G. and G. p. 921. 

nec ultra. This use is common enough 
in Tacitus, Hist. i. 16, 9 ; ii. 54, 11; 
62, I : cp. Ann. i. 17, 19 ne ultra sub 
vexillis tenerentur : v. 9, 5 neque facturam 
nltra : Hist. iii. 62, 3, ne quam ultra spem 
foverent. So livy ii. 19, 2 nec ultra bellum 
Latinum . . . dilatum. 

iTiBamiTn of the ' mad racket ' of the 
fomm : cp. Verg. Georg. ii. 502 nec ferrea 
iura Insanumque forum aut populi tabu- 
laria vidit: Propert. iv. i, 134 : and * in- 
sanissima contio ' (of a * rowdy * meeting), 
Cic. pro Mil. § 45. For insanum in an 
active sense (of what drives to madness) 
cp. Luc. Phars. vii. 413 : Ov. Fast. iv. 364. 

20. famam paUentem, lit. ' fame that 
blandies the cheek. ' There is no reference 
to fear; the phrase denotes the sickl/ 
pallor of anxious, excited desire, when the 
blood leaves the cheeks in the breathless 
excitement {trepidus) of a heart-stirring 
triumph. Cp. the well-known passage of 
Vergil (Georg. iii. 105), cum spes arrectae 
iuvenum exsultantiaque haurit Corda 
pavor pulsans. So (intransitively) of love 
of money, Hor. Sat ii. 3, 78 ambitione 
mala aut argenti pallet amore : Pers. iv. 
47 viso si paUes, improbe, nummo : cp. 
Lucan iv. 96 lucri paUida tabes : and of 
length of life, Juv. x. 189 hoc recto vultu, 
solum hoc et paUidus optas. Pallens is 
common enough as an epithet of morbus^ 
cura, &c. : Verg. Aen. vi. 275 paUentes 
morbi : cp. pallida mors, Hor. Car. i. 4, 13. 

experiar, lit. ' make trial of * : cp. Hist. 
ii. 47, 4 Experti in vicem sumus ego ac 
fortuna. Matemus is ready to forego the 
' raptures of renown.* ^ 

Non me, &c. The pronoun is em- 
phatic : sc. whatever others may do. 

2 1 . firemitiu salutantiiun. See onll. 1 3. 

anhelans Ubertus, an imperial mes- 
senger with a pressing commission. Cp. 
Agr. xl. 6 libertum ex secretioribus minis- 
teriis missum ad Agricolam : Hist. i. 58, 
2 ministeria principatus per Ubertos agi 

incertus futuri : lit. ' not sure about 
the future/ a genitive of respect, expressing 
the thing in point of which a term is 
appUed to a person (Roby, § 1320). So 
* incerta ultionis,' Ann. ii. 75, 6 ; and often 
(Uke * anxins ') in poetry. 

22. pro pignore, i e. for security's sake, 
referring possibly to the personal safety of 
the testator during life (as Gilbert) but 
more probably to the stability of his testa- 
mentary settlement after death. The best 
guarantee which a testator could take, 
uuder bad emperors, for the vaUdity of 
.his dispositions, was to include in these a 
handsome legacy to the princeps himself. 
So of RubeUiusPlautus, underNero, Ann. 
xvi. 11,3 nec Hefuere qui monerent magna 
ex parte heredem Caesarem nuncupare 
atque ita nepotibus de reUquo consulere : 
cp. xiv. 31, I : Agric. xliii. 4 (a bono patre 
non scribi heredem nisi malum princi- 
pem). Nero even passed a decree * ut 
ingratomm in principem testamenta ad 
fiscum pertinerent' (Suet. Ner. 32 ; cp. 
Cal. 38) : and Pliny speaks of Domitian 
as ' unus omnium, nunc quia scriptus, nunc 
quia non scriptus heres' (Panegyr. xlv.). 
For pignus Wolff compares Justin. xxyi. 
I, 8 senex et orbus, ut qui nec aetatis nec 
pignoris respectu timeret. 

24. Quandoque . . veniet. The striking 
expression * fataHs et meus dies,' * the day 
of doom for me,' seems to be an additional 
justification for Heller*s proposal (.Philol. 
1S92, p. 348) to take these words as a 
verse-quotation, possibly from one of 
Matemus's own tragedies. For quandoque 
in the sense of aliquando cp. Ann. i. 4 
ad fin. : iv. 28, 3 : vi. 20, 3. — AprioriyrQ 
might have expected quandoque to '^ quoH' 



f ' "Vi 


statuarque tumulo non maestus et atrox, sed hilaris et coronatus, 
et pro memoria mei nec consulat quisquam nec roget/^ 

14. Vixdum finierat Matemus, concitatus et velut instinctus, " 
cum Vipstanus Messalla cubiculum eius ingressus est, suspicatus- 
que ex ipsa intentione singulorum altiorem inter eos esse 
sermonem, * Num parum temgestivus ' inquit ' interveni secretum ^ 
5 consilium et causae alicuius meditationem tractantibus ? ' 

14. a. cum EVj, tum ABCADH. Vipstanus C. A. Rupertus, Vibanius 
ADAEVj, Libanius B, Vthanius C, Urbanius HSp. \eius\ Eraesti, Halm. 5. et 
codd., aut Halxn. 

:*'.* -^X 

docunque, as in old formulas, e.g. Gai. 
Dig. 7. 5, 7 (ut quandoque is mortuus sit, 
&c.) : Suet. Caes. 81 : cp. Ann. i. 6, 6 : 
iv. 38, 3. If, on this interpretation, the 
quandoque clause is tacked on to relin- 
quere^ the enim (n) must disappear : veniet 
may stand (cp. trahet, Hor. Ca-r. iv. 2, 34). 
If on the other hand it is connected with 
what foUows, we must read statuar for 
statuarque, and quandoque autem for 
quandoque enim, Another altemative is 
to suppress both enim and the que in 
statuarque, and to take quandoque as = 
et quando, * and when * : in support of this 
Gudeman quotes Livius Andronicus ap. 
Gell. iii. 16, 11 Quando dies adveniet 
quem praefata Morta est. 

24. fatalis et meus dies. Thesewords 
convey no presentiment of a violent 
end, and it seems wrong to strain them, 
with the commentators, by discovering a 
reference to the half-uttered forebodings 
of Aper (ch. 10. ad fin.). That they indi- 
cate a natural death is probable from Plin. 
£p. i. 12, I est luctuosissimum genus 
mortis, quod non ex natura nec fatalis 
videtur : cp. Velleius ii. 4 (where fatalis 
mors is opposed to * mors conflata insidiis') 
and Suet. Caes. 89 percussorum Caesaris 
nemo sua morte defunctus est. In Orelli's 
Inscr. Lat. (2023) we fiftd also ' Hic tuus 
fatalis dies,' In the same way fatum is 
frequently used of a natural death : Ann. 
i. 3, 12 : ii. 42, 17 : 71, 3. For the col- 
location, cp. *longus et unus,' 17. 13. 

26. statuar, lit. * let my statue be set 
up ' : cp. Ov. Her. ii. 67 inter et Aegidas 
media statuaris in urbe: Hist. iii. 74, 7 
templum seque in sinu deae sacravit : Cic. 
pro Arch. § 22 itaque etiam in sepulchro 
Scipionum putatur is (Ennius) esse con- 
stitutus in marmore. Tumulo is the abl. 
of rest in a place : D'. § 57. 

27. consulat, sc. 'senatnm': roget, 
8c. ''principem ' : ' let no one take any 

steps to perpetuate my memory, either by 
a motion in the senate or by a petition to 
the emperor.' Matemus deprecates any 
action that would require special sanction, 
such as the erection of a statue in some 
public- place (Ann. ii. 83) or a public 
funeral (Ann. iv. 15: vi. 11, 27). As a 
poet, he feels * secure of immortality.* 

Chs. 14, 15. Entrance of Messedla, 
leading up to the discussion of the proper 
subject o/the DicUogue. 

14. 1 . vixdum . . . cum: quite a Cicero- 
nian construction, e. g. ad Att. ix. 2, 4. Cp. 
42. I. For the epic rhythm of * Vixdum 
finierat Matemns,' Heller compares Ov. 
Met. ii. 47 * Vix bene desierat * (Phaethon). 

coneitatus%t velut instinctus, 'in a 
sort of ecstasy of inspiration.' Cp. Quint 
X. I, 90 Lucanus ardens et concitatns : 
xii. 10, 24 instinctis divino spiritu vatibus : 
and, of Plato, non hominis ingenio sed 
quodam Delphici . . . oraculo dei in- 
stinctus X. I, 81. 

2. Vipstanus Messalla was tribune 
of the seventh legion in the war between 
Vitellius and Vespasian (69), and wrote 
a history of the campaign which is cited 
by Tacitus (Hist. iii. 25, 28) for such 
events as the second battle of Bedriacum 
and the sack of CremOna, in which Mes- 
salla had taken an active part. In Hist. 
iii. 9 Tacitus speaks of him in terms of 
high commendation : claris maioribus, 
egregius ipse, et qui solns ad id bellum 
artes bonas attulisset. For the fame 
which he acquired by his defence of his 
brother Aquilius Regulus, see on fratris 
tuiy ch. 15. 4. Cp. Introd. p. xxxiv. 

3. intentione. See on intento ore 
ch. 11. I. 

4. parum tempestivus interveni So 
Catulus, in the de Oratore of Cicero (ii. 
§ 14) nos quidem nisi forte molesti inter- 
venimus, venisse delectat. 

secretum oonsilium, ' private delibera- 



*Minime, minime' inquit Secundus, *atque adeo vellem ma- 
* turius intervenisses ; delectasset enim te et Apri nostri accur- 
atissimus sermo, cum Maternum ut omne ingenium ac studium 
suum ad causas agendas converteret exhortatus est, et Materni 
pro carminibus suis laeta, utque poetas defendi decebat, audentior lo 
et poetarum quam oratorum similior oratio.' 

* Me vero ' inquit * et sermo iste infinita voluptate adfecisset, 
atque id ipsum delectat, quod vos, viri optimi et temporum 
nostrorum oratores, non forensibus tantum negotiis et decla- 
matorio studio ingenia vestra exercetis, sed eius modi etiam 15 
disputationer adfsumitis^^^ae et ingenium alunt et eruditionis 
ac litterarum iucundissimum oblectamentum, ciun vobis qui ista 
disputatis, adferunt, tum etiam iis ad quorum aures pervenerint. 

9. exhortatus Hb Put., et hortatus oeXi. codd. Qy. hortatusl lo. docebat EVjH. 

ardentior Bsaehrens. 1 2. vero B, vere cett. codd. \et\ Halm. iste Halm : ipse 

codd. et sermo iste et oratio Andresen. 13. et optimi temporum nostrorum oratores 
Muretus: Halm formerly suggested summi oratores: primi oratores Novak. Qy. 
eloquentissimi oratores ? 16. eruditiones most codd., eruditionem Rhemaiius, 


tion.' The et which follows gives a more 
specificdefinition: * as, for example.' For 
meditationem {luXirriv) cp. Quint. iv. 2, 
29 cum sit declamatio forensium actionum 

8. sermo . . . oratio. Cp. Quint. xii. 
10. 43 Nam mihi aliam quandam videtnr 
habere naturam sermo vulgaris, aliam 
viri eloquentis oratio. By the first is 
denoted little more than ' conversation * — 
a discourse in the language of ordinary 
life (Cic. Or. §§ 67, 184) : oratio implies 
a higher level of effort, and a more 
finished style. So Cicero says of the 
philosophic style 'sermo potius quam 
oratio dicitur' Or. § 64. Thus sermo is 
often opposed to contentio ('sustained 
effort in speaking *) : e.g. de Off. i. § 132: 
iL § 48 : de Or. iii, §§ 177, 203 : and is 
defined in ad Herenn. iii. § 23 as ' oratio 
remissa et finitima cotidianae locutioni.' 

ingenium ao studium. So Cic. de 
Or. i. § 131 ingenium studiumque: Plin. 
£p. ix. 14: Quint. i. 2, 16. 

10. audentior supplies an antithesis to 
accurcUissimus above. Hist. ii. 2, 8. 

12. et . . . atque. There is no other 
certain instance of the use of these cor- 
relatives: D'. § 123, 4. 

sermo iste. Most editors, foUowing 
^Andresen, add et oratio, on the mistaken 

supposition that, if sermo is used here in 
the restricted signification given to it 
above, the courteous Messalla would not 
have forgotten the oratio of Matemus. 
But apart from the difficulty thus arising 
out of the singular verb adfecisset, sermo 
is obviously employed in a general sense, 

* conversation,' * discourse, * dialogue,' 

* debate ' : cp. altiorem . . . sermonem, at 
the beginning of the chapter. 

1 3. et, * and at the same time * : cp. 
Ann. xvi. 12, 2 Uberto et accusatori, where 
both words refer to the same person: 
ii. 88, I scriptores senatoresque. For this 
emphatic use of oratores (as opposed to 
causidicif patroni, or advocati) see on 
ch. 1. 4 : cp. on 15. 4, oratoremesse con- 
tenderes. — If a word is to be added, elo" 
quentissimi seems as suitable as any : the 
compendium for it may have dropped out, 
like eloquentiae in many codices, at i, 3, 
and ipsa eloquentia at 8, 7. 

16. ingenium alunt : cp. 33. 9. This 
expression occurs also in Cic. Brut. § 126: 
cp. Quint. i. 8, 8 ; ii. 5, 18 ; viii. pr. § 2 ; 
xii. 6, 6. 

18. perveneiint. The tense is to be 
explained by inserting adferent (out of 
adferunt) after tum etiam iis. It is the 
wider circle referred to also at 32. 31 (not 
the present hearers) that is here meant. 

P % 



Itaque hercule non minus probari video in te, Secunde, quod luli 
20 Africani vitam componendd spem hominibus fecisti plurium eius 
modi librorum, quam in Apro, quod nondum ab scholasticis 
controversiis recessit et otium suum mavult novorum rhetorum 
more quam veterum oratorum consumere.' 

15. Tum Aper : ' Non desinis, Messalla, vetera tantum et 

antiqua mirari, nostrorum autem temporum studia inridere atque 

contemnere. Nam hunc tuum sermonem saepe excepi, cum 

oblitus et tuae et fratris tui eloquentiae neminem hoc tempore 

5 oratorem esse contenderes parem antiquis, eo, credo, au dacius 

20. Africani Nipperdey, Asiaiici codd. plurium ABEVjH : plurimum CAD. 
21. quam damnari Halm, i[uam improbari Andresen. ab AB, a DCH. 

15. I. Non BEH, A^i#m AVaCAD, Numquam Baehrens. 5. parem add. Lipsius, 
with the alternative of atque id for antiquis : si canfenttur antiquis MUller : \antiquis\ 
Acidalius, Baehrens, John, Gudeman (who would read eoque : perhaps rather tdque 
eo as Ann. iv. 11, 4 ; 39, 16 ; xiii. 45, 11). 

19. Itaque heroule. So 30. 19 ; 89. 23. 

23. Africani. lulius AfricanuB shared 
along with Domitius Afer (see on 18. 9) 
the reputation of being the foremost 
orator of his time: Quint. x. i, 118 and 
xii. 10, II. He was a native of Gaul— 
a son of the Africanus whom Tacitns 
mentions (Ann. vi. 7) as 'e Santonis Gal- 
lica civitate * (Saintonge, to the North of 
the lower Garonne) : a grandson of his, 
also an orator, is referred to by Pliny, 
vii. 6, II. 

hominibiu, ' the literary world.* 

21. quam in Apro. There is a real 
difficulty here. If Aper is included in 
the compliment paid above to the 'viri 
optimi,* &c., on the gronnd of their wide 
literary sympathies, it seems inconsistent 
now to say (even in irony) that he wins 
approval by sticking to ' scholasticae con- 
troversiae': cp. declamatorium studium, 
above. On this ground the emendations 
< quam damnari ' or ' quam improbari ' 
have been proposed. But Messalla is 
only saying that Secundus gains fully as 
much praise for his literary interests as 
Aper does from his circle of admirers for 
his devotion to professional rhetoric. The 
implied reflexion on the tendencies of the 
new rhetoric brings out Aper's retort. 

aoholastioae contToversiae. Quint. 
iv. 2, 92 and 97 : 81. 3 below, and 85. 

22. novorum . . . veterum. As con- 
trasted with the narrow views which Aper 
is made here to represent (cp. 2. ad fin. 

contemnebat potius litteras quam nesde- 
bat) the orators of former days were dis- 
tinguished for broad culture and wide 
literary sympathies. For their poetical 
tastes see Cic. Acad. pr. ii. 16, 51 (Serv. 
Sulpicius Galba) : Plin. Ep. v. 3, 5 (Q. 
Scaevola, Hortensius, M. lunius Brutus, 
C. licinius Calvus). Many of them 
studied history and law. 

16. I. Ifon desinis is wrongly taken 
as an interrogation (* Won*t you give up ?') 
with the enclitic omitted, D'. % 31. But 
nam in the next sentence is against 

vetera et antiqua. The same coUo- 
cation recurs 16. 32 and 17. ad fin. 

4. firatris tui. This was Aquilins 
Regulus, his brother probably on the 
mother's side. He was one of the most 
notorious of the delatores, and is fre- 
quently denounced by Pliny (onmium 
bipedum nequissimus, £p. i. 5) both in 
that capacity and as a legacy hunter. 
His eloquence is however not denied: 
id. £p. iv. 7i 4 : vi. 2. Martial always 
mentions him with respect, e. g. i. 12: 
vi. 64. 

5. oratorem, as opposed to 'homm 
temporum diserti, causidici et advocati et 
patroni et quidvis potius quam oratores 
vocantur,' ch. 1 : cp. 14. 14, 26. 15, 80. 
27, 32. 9. 

eo audacius quod, 'with all the 
greater confidence inasmuch as yoa had 
no cause to fear,* &c 



quod malignitatis opinionem non vefebaris, cum eam gloriam 
quam tibi alii concedunt ipse tibi denegares/ 

*Neque illius* inquit 'sermonis mei paenitentiam ago, neque ~ 
aut Secundum aut Matemum aut te ipsum, Aper, quamquam 
interdum in contrarium disputeS; aliter sentire credo. Ac velim lo 
impetratum ab aliquo ve^trum ut causas huius infinitae differen- 
fv tiae scrutetur ac reddat, quas mecum ipse plerumque conquiro. 
Et quod quibusdjim solacio est, mijii auget quaestionem, quia ^ ^ 
video etiam Graiis accidisse ut longius absit ab Aeschine et 
Demosthene Sacerdos iste Nicetes, ct si quis alius Ephesum 15 
vel Mytilenas concentu scholasticorum et clamoribus quatit, I 

6. maligniiatis Khenanns, malignis iis AB, maligni in iis C {his EVj), maligne in 
hiis D, maligni in A, malignus his HSp., maligni iudicis Acidalins, mal. hominis 
Buchholz. 7. ipsi most codd. lo. in om. B. i a. conquiro ABDCEVaH, 

inquiro corr. AB and C, Halm, Miiller, anquiro Ribbeck. 14. Graiis Put, gratis 

codd., Graecis Dronke, Peter, Novak. ab add. Wesenberg (also in margin of Frankfort 
ed. 1542). 15. zV/^codd., ille Halm. Nicetes Lipsius, enitet codd. 16. Mitylenas 
AH. concentu Orelli, concentus ABE, contentus DCV3HA, contentionibus Nissen, 


6. maUgnitatis opinionem, ' any im- 
putation of petty jealousy * or spite. This 
genitive is common with opinio : Cic. de 
Off. ii. § 34 opinio probitatis (' character 
for' high principle): ad Att. vii. 2, 5 
opinio integritatis : Liv. xlv. 38, 6 : Caes. 
B. G. vii. 59, 5. Cp. on 10. i. 
8. sermonis mei=' what I said.' 
paenitentiam ago. This expression 
is peculiar to the Silver Age : cp. Petron. 
132 nec minus ego . . . paenitentiam agere 
sermonis mei coepi: Quint. ix. 3, 12 non 
paeniturum pro non acturo paenitentiam : 
Val. Max. iii. 4, 2 : Curt. viii. 6, 23. 

10. disputes. The subj. after qnam« 
quam occnrs again 21. 29, 26. 16, 84. 13. 

11. impetratum. Thisparticiple,after 
veiUy common enough in Cicero, is found 
only here in Tacitus. 

12. plerumque = saepe. See on 6. 8. 
oonquiro: Cic Tim. 14, 51 primas 

causas conquirere. In the sense of < rake 
together,* Ann. xiv. 44, i argumenta con- 
quirere : Cic. de Or. iii. § 29. 

13. quod quibtisdam solacio est, 
i. e. the consciousness of ' being in the 
same boat.' Messalla means that the 
vast interval (* infinita differentia ', above) 
that sepamtes the rhetoric of the present 
day from the golden age of Roman ora- 
tory finds a parallel in Greece : it is even 
more noticeable there, he says, if yon 

consider Demosthenes and the rhetoricians 
of Asia Minor on the one hand, and on 
the other Cicero and the foremost orators 
of our own time. To his mind this only 
makes the phenomenon all the . more 
remarkable and its explanation more 
difficnlt (auget quaestionem). 

14. ut longius absit. Two points 
are really made here, and are, after the 
manner of Tacitus, compressed into one 
period. He might have written ut longe 
absity and then have added atque etiam 
longius qucmiy &c. : with etiam Graiis 
preceding, this would even have been 
more logical. 

1 5 . Saoerdos Ificetes, a contemporary 
rhetorician who had come from Sm^rma 
to Rome, where Pliny the Younger was 
his pupil: v. Ep. vi. 6, 3. See also 
Seneca, Suas. iii. 6 (Nicetes suo impetu 
valde Graecis placuerat) : Controv. ix. 
25, 23, ed. Bursian. From Philostr. Vit, 
Soph. i. 19, I (ed. Kays.) we leam that 
his contemporaries thought him di0vpa/A- 
fiojSrfs /cal \m6^tcxw. 

16. oonoentu . . . clamoribus : of an 
audience shouting applause, as it were, 
in chorus. Cp. Fronto, Epist. ad M. 
Caes. i. 8 Quantos in oratione mea cla- 
mores concitavit qnantoque concentu 
laudantium sit exceptum : Plin. Panegyr. 
ii. 6: xlvi. 2* So Qnint. x. i, 17 ille 



quam Afer aut Africanus aut vos ipsi a Cicerone aut Asini6 

16. ' Magnam * inquit Secundus * et dignam tractatu quaesti- 

onem movisti. Sed quis eam iustius explicabit quam tu, ad 

cuius summam eruditionem et praestantissimum ingenium cura 

quoque et meditatio accessit ? ' 
5 Et Messalla 'Aperiam' inquit * cogitationes meas, si illud a 

vobis ante impetravero, ut vos quoque sermonem hunc nostrum 


* Pro duobus ' inquit Matemus * promitto ; nam et ego et 

Secundus exsequemur eas partes quas intellexerimus te non tam 
lo omisisse quam nobis reliquisse. Aprum enim solere dissentire 

et tu paulo ante dixisti et ipse satis manifestus est iam dudum 

17. nosZ, aut Asinio ABEVaH, aut ab Asinio CAD. 

16. 2. movisti Lipsius, movistis codd. explicabit KBCAT>y explicavit E and (corr. 
to -abit) V^, explicaverit HVSp. edd. vett. 5. cognitiones EV,. si BH, and 

(above the line) E : om. AVjCAD. 

laudantium clamor, wbere see note. Scho- 
lastici is here used of a professional 
audiencei in a wide sense. 

17. Afer aut Afiicanus. For the 
former see on 13. 9 : for the latter, 14. 20. 
Their eminent renown involves a high 
compliment to those who are bracketed 
along with them in vos ipsi, Two of the 
interlocutors, Aper and Secundus, have 
already been referred to as *■ celeberrima 
tum ingenia fori nostri/ ch. 2. 5. 

Cha. 16-23. Aper^s speech in praise 
of the eloqtunce of the day as contrasled 
with thcU of fomier times, After an 
attempted definition (16-17) he refers to 
the changea conditions (18) and shows 
how a different type oforatory is required 
by the circumstances of the present day 
(19, 20), finishing with a criticism of 
republican eloquence^ especially Cicero 

16. 3. cura et meditatio. MessaUa 
had already given the matter 'careful 
consideration * : cp. qnas (causas) mecum 
ipse plerumque conquiro, in the preceding 

5. si iUud . . . impetravero. For the 
construction cp. 18. 8 si illud ante prae- 
dixero : 28. 1 2. The passage seems to 
contain a reminiscence of de Or. i. § 27 
* Ego vero * inquit Crassus ' neque An- 
tonium verbnm facere patiar et ipse ob- 

mutescam, nisi prius a vobis impetraro * — 
* Quidnam ? ' inquit Catulus. * Ut hic 
sitis hodie.' In both passages, and fre- 
quently elsewhere in Cicero (e. g. de Or. 
u> % 13)» inquit is several times repeated 
in the course of a few lines to give a 
familiar and conversational tone. 

8. Pro duobus. Cp. Cic. de Or. ii. 
§ 362 Nos vero, inquit Catulus, etenim 
pro me hoc et pro meo fratre respondeo, 

9. partes, ' portions,' not ' functions ' 
(as 24. II, 28. 3), exsequi being used here 
of exposition,as .^nn. xii. 58, 6 : cp. 3.65, 
4. 4, 11. 21. 

10. omisisse . . . reUquisse. Cp. 
Cic. de Or. ii. § 126 si quid ab Antonio 
aut praetermissum aut relictum sit 
(* accidentaUy ' — * intentionally '), non 
explices; neque te Antoni, si quid non 
dixeris, existimabimus non potuisse potius 
quam a Crasso dici maluisse. 

11. manifestus est. The personal 
construction of this adj. with the infin. 
corresponds to the Greek S^A^s (^ovcp^) 
kan with a participle: cp. Ann. ii. 57, 
13 dissentire manifestus. Draeger cites 
(§ 152) instances of the same use 
from Statins (Theb. x. 759) and the 
Digests. So with suspectus, Hist i. 46, 5 
suspectus consilia eius fovisse. Cp. iv. 
34 ad fin. 



in contrarium accingi nec aequo animo perferre hanc nostram 
pro antiquorum laude concordiam.' 

* Non enim * inquit Aper ' inauditum et indefensum saeculum 
nostrum patiar hac vestra conspir-atione damnari. Sed hoci^ 
primum interrogabo, quos vocetis antiquos, quam oratorum 
aetatem significatione ista determinetis. Ego enim cum audio \ 
antiquos quosdam veteres et olim natos intellego, ac mihi 
versantur ante oculos Ulixes ac Nestor, quorum aetas mille 
fere et trecentis annis saeculum nostrum antecedit ; vos autem ao 
Demosthenem et Hyperidem profertis, quos satis constat Philippi 
et Alexandri temporibus floruisse, ita tamen ut utrique ^per- 
stites essent. Ex quo apparet non multo plures quam trecentos 
annos interesse inter nostram et Demosthenis aetatem : quod 
spatium temporis si ad infirmitatem corporum nostrorum referas, 25 
fortasse longum videatur, si ad naturam saeculorum ac respectum ^ 

ig. ac AB, et EVgCADH. 21. proferatis B, profer\t\tis A. 22. ut huic 

(sc. Alexandro) ulrique Vahlen. 23. trecenios codd., quadringentos Lipsius aod 

most edd. a6. videtur C. naiuram codd., nutnerum Baehrens : qy. rcUionem ? 

sacculorum codd., siderum Usener. respectum codd., respectu Spengel. 

1 2. accinsi, middle. Cp. Hist. iii. 21, 6 
in proelium accingi : so 35, 10 in auxilium : 
66, 20 in audaciam, and freqnently else- 

14. inauditum et indefenaum. The 
same collocation occurs Ann. ii. 77, 9 : 
Hist. i. 6, 2 : and, inversely, Hist. ii. 10, 4. 
Fumeaux notes that inauditus is not 
found, in this sense, before Tacitus, wiiile 
indefensus is used by Livy. 

17. audio. See on auditos, 7. ad Bn. 

18. antiquos . . . veteres. As no 
sufficient difference can be indicated by 
the use of these words (which are found 
together as synonyms 15. i and again at 
the end of this chapter), Tacitus adds 
to the latter the words et olim natos, In 
Quintilian veteres and antiqui are both 
frequently used in contradistinction to 
noviy i. e. the writers of the post-Au- 
gustan period. Cicero is included in the 
former class, along with his predecessors : 
ix. 3, 1 omnes veteres et Cicero praecipue. 

19. mille fere et trecentis annis. £ra- 
tosthenes and :others placed the Trojani 
War in 1193-1184, wMch will give 1268 
or 1269 years between the commencement 
of the war and the date of the Dialogue 
(74-75 A. D.). 

23. treoentos should be allowed to 

stand, even though it is incorrect. Aper 
is doing his best to make out his case. 
It is easy to show that as Demosthenes 
diedin 322 B. c, at least 397 years must 
have intervened between his ' aetas ' and 
the date of the Dialogue. But it suits 
Aper's argument to make the two periods 
approximate as nearly as possible : hence 
he emphasizes the fact that Demosthenes 
survived Alexander, though he does not 
mention that it was by only one year. 
By starting his calculation from the date 
of the death of Demosthenes, and by 
using nostra aetcu loosely, for what we 
know as the post-Augustan age, he is 
able to finish with the words non multo 
plures quam trecentos annos interesse. 
With quadringentoSf which is substituted 
by most editors for trecentosj there would 
be little point in ' non multo plures quam.* 

25. si . . . referas, i. e. if we take as 
a standard of measurement our feeble 
frames, and the brief span of our lives, 
instead of the endless ages. NcUura =^he 
real or actual constitution of the saecula. 
Cp. lamblichus, Protrept. 8. 47 ri 5' iarl 
fjuucpdy 4 '''^ vo\vxp6viov rSfv &v$pojirivoty ; 
dXAel 5id ri^v ijfitripav aaBivftcoft olfmif leal 
fiiov fipaxvrrjra leai, rovro if^aivtrai voKv, 

2^. respeotum, with referaSf involves 



inmensi huius aevi, perquam breve et in proximo est Nam si, 
ut Cicero in Hortensio scribit, is est magnus et verus annus, quo 
eadem positio caeli siderumque quae cum maxiifie est rursum 
30 existet, isque annus horum quos nos vocamus annorum duo- 
decim milia nongentos quinquaginta quattuor complectitur, incipit 
Demosthenes vester, quem vos veterem et antiqiium fingitis, non 
solum eodem anno quo nos, sed etiam eodem mense extitisse. 

17. Sed transeo ad Latinos oratores, in quibus non Meneniuai, 
ut puto, Agrippam, qui potest videri antiquus^ nostrorum 
temporum disertis anteponere soletis, sed Ciceronem et Caesarem 

c tos ias 

31. nangentos Nic. Loensis: yiii' 6, too. A, dccc C, dccc DH, octingentoslBN ^ 
33. vester BCEVsA (bnt B este in litura), videiur AD, vr H, [vester'] Halm. 
33. etiam Michaelis (cp. 7. 14 ; 20. 14 ; 21. 33 ; 24. 5) : /ama codd. (Jerie B corr., H 
Put. ferme Bekker). modo C (for mense). 

17. I. Menenium B£ (in marg.), me nimium cett. codd. 3. soUtis codd., voletis 
Kleiber, Wolff. 

a slight pleonasm. It is as if the writer 
had said si ad immensutn hoc aevum 
respexeris: cp. 24. ad fin., effici ratio 
tempornm collegerit : Hist. i. 32, 12 re- 
gressus facultatem in aliena potestate 
esse : Ann. iii. 3. 8 magnitudinem mali 
perferre visu non toleravit. 

27. perquam breve: so 'perquam 
breviter,' Cic. de Or. ii. § 201. Perquam 
occurs Ann. xii. 49, 3 ; xvi. 20, 3. 

in prozimo est. The grammatical 
subject is spatium temporisy but the 
real subject is the period with which 
it opens, viz. the age of Demosthenes. 
For in proximo, see note on in medio, 
18. 2. 

28. Hortensio. This lost treatise 
derived its name from being dedicated to 
Cicero's great rival : Cic. de Fin. i. i , 2 
quo a nobis philosophia defensa et col- 
laudata est, cum esset accusata et vitu- 
perata ab Hortensio. A similar reference 
is made by Servius, ad Aen. i. 269 Tria 
sunt genera annorum: aut enim lunaris 
annus est xxx dierum aut solstitialis xii 
mensum aut secundum TuUium magnus, 
qui tenet xTiDCCCCLiiil annos, ut in 
Hortensio : horum annorum quos in fastis 
habemus, magnus xIlDCCCCLlll amplec- 
titur. The duration of the /^reat Year 
was variously estimated; in any case it 
would only be completed when all the 
heavenly bodies came back to the same 
places in which they were at the begin- 
ning of the world : cp. the last Chorus in 
Shelley*s 'Hellas— *The worWs great 

age begins anew,' &c. See Cic. de Rep. 
vi. 22. 

29. oom mazime = hoc ipso tempore, 
' at this particnlar moment ' : vvv 7C 
IM&Kiara. So 37. 7 cum maxime a Muciano 
contrahuntur : cp. Hist. i. 29, 14 : 84, 16 : 
iii. 4, 11: iv. 55, 18; 58, 13; 65, 6; 
Ann. iii. 59, 11 : iv. 27, 9 ('at that very 
moment*). The phrase occurs also in 
Cicero (de Off. ii. § 23 : in Verr. iv. 38, 
§ 82 : Harusp. Resp. § 32) and Livy 
(xl. 32, i). A fuller form is nunc cum 
maxime: pro Cluent. § 12 : Liv. xxix. 
1 7, 7. It is noteworthy that cum mcucinu 
is not found in Quintilian, though he has 
nunc maxime: ix. 4, 66 quod nunc 
maxime vitium est, cp. xi. 3, 57. 

31. incipit (dpx^T€u)f of a necessary 
conclnsion, Qike sequitur) * it begins to 
appear that, &c. So often in i^neca : 
e. g. Dial. iii. 10, 3 deinde desinit quic- 
*quam posse ratio, si nihil potest sine ad- 
fectu, et incipit par illi similisque esse : 
viii. 8, 3 quodsi non invenitur illa res- 
publica, quam nos iingimus, incipit omni- 
bns esse otium necessarium: £p. 95, 3; 
46. Cp. Quint. Decl. 26, 5 quare f^ ap- 
paruerit te malam causam habere incipis 
rem iniquissimam postulare : ibid. 213, 8. 

17. I. Menenins Agrippa, consul b. c. 
503, the author of the famous apologue of 
fiie Belly and the Members, Livy ii. 32. 

2. potest videri antiquus, * may well 
be considered ancient,' — ^vetus et olim 
natus, 16. 18. , 

3. Caesarem : see on 21. 19. 




et Caelium et Calvum et Brutum et Asinium et Messallam : quos 
quid antiquis temporibus potius adscribatis quam nostris, non 5 
video. Nam ut de Cicerone ipso loquar, Hirtio i\empe et Pansa 
consulibus, ut Tiro libertus eius scripsit, septimum idus Decem- 
bres occisus est, quo anno divus Augustus in locum Pansae et 
Hirtii se et Q. Pedium consules suffecit. Statue sex et quinqua- 

4. Coelium B, Calium E, alium cett. codd. 5. temporibus potius most codd. and 
lA^Xxxi, potius temporibus l^i SjoAx^aKti, 6. i]^j^ AB£V3,_i^j«DCAH. 7. scripsit 
codd.y scribit Andresen, Halm. septimum EVj , z»j^'*»»A, vii BCADH, septimo 
Halm. Decembrts add. LipsiuB. 9. sex (vi) IJpsius, mvem most codd., viii H, 

septem Steiner. 



4. M. Oaelios BufaB (82-4^ B.C.)» 
a man of loose morals and luxurious life, 
whom Cicero defended when accused of 
sedition and attempted poisoning, B. c. 56. 
Cp. 21. 14. 

C. Iiioinius OalTUS, a contemporary 
of Caelius, was the most prominent of 
the stricter Atticists, and is censnred by 
Cicero in the Brutns (§§ 284-291) for the 
narrowness of his views. A poet himself, 
he was the friend of Catnllus, and, like 
Catnllns, an opponent of Caesar. Cp. 
25. 18 : 84. ad iin. 

M. Iimiiis Bratus (b. c. 85-42) was 
more distingnished as a philosopher than 
as an orator (see 21. 22), thongh Cicero 
speaks of his eloquence in the langnage of 
extravagant enlogy, Bmt. § 22 and else- 
where. On his philosophical works, see 
Cic. Acad. i. 3, 12 (with Dr. Reid'snote). 
He wrote, among other treatises, a dis- 
course *de Virlute,* from which Seneca 
qnotes, Cons. ad Helv. ix. 4 sqq. 

Asinitu Follio : Valerius MessaUa : 
see on 12. ad fin. 

5. quid is common enough, especially 
in poetry, instead of cur in indirect ques- 

6. de Oicerone ipso, the most illus- 
trions of them all, so that the point proved 
abont him will hold good for the rest. 

nempe is used to affirm what no one 
can doubt, or what all must know: tr. 
* of course,* or * as yon are aware.' So 
21. 14: 85. 12. 

7. For M. TtaUos Tipo, Cicero's 
freedman and biographer, see Teuffel- 
Schwabe, Rom. Lit. § 191. 

septimum idus Decembr., i. e. De- 
cember 7, b. c. 43. 

9. ee et Q. PediTim . . . snffooit. This 
was on August 19, B. c. 43, and on the 
same day nfty-six years later Augustus 
died. Cp. Ann. L 9 : Snet. Aug. 100. 

Pedius was a nephew of Julius Caesar, 
and had served under him in the Gallic 

sex et qoinquaginta annos. There 
is some doubt abont the number. Taking 
' the date of Cicero's death as the starting- 
point (cp. mox^ and ab interitu Ciceronis 
below), 56 (42 + 14) ought to be right : 
hence the emendation of Lipsins. Cp. 
Suet. Aug. 8 primnm cura Antonio M.- 
que Lepido demde tantum cum Antonio 
per duodecim fere annos, novissime per 
quattuor et quadraginta solus rem p. 
tenuit. But then the sum does not work 
out properly, and we must either suppose 
that cenlum et viginti anni, below (cp. 
24. 13), is a round number (which may 
seem strange when everything else is givoi 
in such detail) or else make an additional 
correction there. The Harleian MS, 
gives viii for sex, which would exactly 
sqnare the sum, but by no method of 
reckoning can Angustus be said to have 
reigned nfty-eight years. We might make 
it nfty-seven, by counting from January 
43 B. c, when he received the imperinm 
and the rank of propraetor (Cic. Phil. v. 
16, 45) ; and indeed it was usnal to reckon 
anniversaries from the iirst ' dies imperii,* 
which in the case of Octavian was January 
1 7, when he actually received the fasces, 
though Cicero's proposal was made on 
January i. Accordingly it has been pro- 
posed to read septem : but this seems to 
be vetoed by mox (*thereafter'), which 
shows clearly that the starting-point of 
the calculation is the central statement of 
the previonc sentence, the date of Cicero's 
death, or, as practically equivalent, Octa- 
vian's election {se , . . suffecit), Possibly 
before beginning the sum with the fifty- 
six years creditS to Angustns, the writer 
added one for the preceding year (cp. 
mox) : this would give a total of 119, 



lo ginta annos, quibus mox divus Augustus rem publicam rexit ; 
adice Tiberii tres et viginti, et prope quadriennium Gai, ac bis 
quatemos denos Claudii et Neronis annos, alque illum Galbae 
et Othonis et Vitelli longum et unum annum, ac sextam iam 
felicis huius principatus stationem quo Vespasianus rem pub- 

15 licam fovet : centum et viginti anni ab interitu Ciceronis , iii 

12. illum EVa edd., istum A6, ipsum DCA (unum Hb). 13. sextam codd^ 

septimam Urlichs, sexetmcm Meiser, sex (viiii Sauppe, vii Michaelis) tam Spengel : 
sextum (sc. annum) iam felicis huius [principatusj stationis qua, Baehrens, John. 
14. quo Weissenbom, qua codd. Andresen. 15. viginti CDH^ : decem AB£A 

and corr. H. Qy. centum et sedecim ? See Introd. p. xiv. 

and it is then teropting to suppose that for 
viginti (xx) we ought to read undeviginti 
(xix). See, however, Introd. pp. xii sqq. 

II. tres et viginti. Tiberius reigned 
from Aug. 19, A.D. 14, till his death on 
March 16, A.D. 37. 

prope quadxieniiium, i. e. from 
March 16, 37 to Jan. 24, 41. 

la. daudii etlferonis. Theformer 
reigned from Jan. 25, 41 to October 13, 
54 ; the latter from the date last-named 
to June 8 or 9, 68. 

13. longum et unum aimum: (cp. 
solus et unus, 34. 30) a memorable 
characterization of the eventful year 
in which the legions assumed the con- 
stitutional functions of the senate and 
people of Rome, *evulgato imperii 
arcano, posse principem alibi quam 
Romae fieri* (Hist. i. 4, 9). Cp. the 
introduction to the Histories : esp. ch. ii. 
* Opus aggredior opimum casibus : ch.xi. 
ad fin., ' annum sibi ultimum rei publicae 
prope supremum.' If we count from 
Nero*s death to the downfall of Vitellius 
(Dec. 20, 69) the period extends really 
over eighteen months : but it was as early 
as in £be beginning of July 69 that the 
standard of Vespasian was raised in Egypt 
and Falestine, 

sextam . . . stationem. In late Latin 
"Itatio came to be used for an office or posi- 
tion under the govemment, and especially 
the principate itself : Suet. Claud. 38, 
Velleius, ii. 124, Plin. Panegyr. 7 and 86 : 
Antoninus Pius ad Front. vi. (ed. Naber), 
p. 168, hunc diem quo me suscipere 
hanc stationem (principatus) placuit : 
so * statio imperatoria/ Lampridius, Life 
of Commodus. Cp. Ov. Trist. ii. 219, 
' scilicet imperii, princeps, statione relicta.' 
Even by Cicero it was employed to indi- 
cate, on the analogy of its military asso- 
ciations, a post from which a watch must 

be maintained, — de Sen. § 73 de praesidio 
et statione vitae decedere : cp. Lucan L 
44 (of Nero) cum statione peracta Astra 
petes serus (* when thy watch is over *) : 
Vell. Pat. ii. 131 protegite hunc statum^ 
hanc pacem, hunc principem, eique functo 
longissima statione mortali destinate suc- 
cessores quam serenissimos. But there is 
a distinct peculiarity here about the use 
of stationem with sextam. Perhaps theie 
is a reference^to the fact that the tribunitia 
potestas had to be renewed to the emperor 
every year, and that on the first day of 
every new year the magistrates and 
senators took the oath of allegianoe (i^ 
acta iurabant). This would give the 
idea of the princeps being confirmed in 
his ' post * from year to year, and taking 
over with it, each year, the obligation of 
watching over the safety of the realm. 
£ach year thus formed a statio in the 
emperor's reign. Vespasian began to rule 
on Jan. i, 70, so that he is now in the 
' sixth stage ' of his principate. — Some 
propose to take sextam as * sixthly,' ac- 
cording to the order of enumeration — (i) 
Augustus ; (2) Tiberius ; (3) Caligula ; 
(4) Claudius and Nero ; (5) Galba, Otho, 
and Vitellius ; (6) Vespasian. This would 
require a difierent explanation of statio, 
and it is, moreover, inadmissible, not 
only' grammatically, but also as not 
giving the definite data required for ' in 
hunc diem colliguntur.' — With adice, 
above, there is a slight zeugma : sex 
stcUiones would have l^en more-regular, 
or else we may supply respice, considera^ 
out oicuiice. 

15. centum et viginti: 'only 120.' 
As a matter of fact, apart from the above 
enumeration, 116 years (42 + 74) is the 
interval which separates the death of 
Cicero from the sixth year of Vespasian^s 
reign. See Introd. p. xiv. 





hunc diem colliguntur, unius hominis aetas. Nam ipse ego in '^ 
Britannia vidi senem qui se fateretur ei pugnae interfuisse qua 
Caesarem inferentem arma Britanni arcere litoribus et^fjellere r* 
adgressi sunt. Ita si eum qui'armatus C. Caesarifrestitit vel 
captivitas vel voluntas vel fatum aliquod in urbem pertraxisset, 20 
aeque idem et Caesarem ipsum et Ciceronem audire potuit et 
nostris quoque actionibus interesse. Proximo quidem congiario '^ 
ipsi vidistis plerosque senes qui se a divo quoque Augusto semel 
atque iterum accepisse congiarium narrabant Ex quo colligi 
potest et Corvinum ab illis et Asinium audiri potuisse (nam 25 
Corvinus in medium usque Augusti principatum, Asinius paene ad 

iT.fateretur ABDH, fatebatur EVjCA. ei EVj, Muretus: et ABCADH. 
18. Britanni Emesti, Halm : Britaniae codd., Britannis Bipont., MiiUer. 21. ae* 
que idem Nissen : et quidem codd. : del. Novak. 26. Corvinus . . . Asinius codd., 
Halm, Miiller : Asinius . . . Corvinus Borghesi, and, on that reading, (for medium 
codd.) extremum Nipperdey, Novak. 

16. coUigimttir. So,of theresultofa 
calculation, Germ. xxxvii. 9 ducenti ferme 
et decem anni coUiguntur. A somewhat 
similar use occurs ch. 24. below, ad fln. 
Tr. * The result arrived at is/ &c. 

17. fateretur. The subjunctive is 
motived not so much by the form of re- 
ported speech (cp. qni se . . . narrabant, 
below) as by the idea contained in the 
relative, * so old that ' : cp. canerent, 
defenderent 12. 13. Y oi fateri in the 
sense of declarare (with acc. and inf.) cp. 
Ann. i. 13, 20 iateretur suscipi a se im- 
perium : ii. 13. 6: so Quintilian (who 
also uses profiteri) i. 6, 23 ; 10. 37 : vii. 


21. potuit. This use of the perfect 
indicative in such clauses indicates the 
possibility (or duty, obligation, &c.) more 
nnconditionally than the plupf. subj. would 
do: e. g. Liv. xxii. 12 deleri totus exer- 
citus potuit si fugientes persecuti victores 
essent. Roby, § 1566. 

22. actionibus, ' pleadings,* as at 
82. 13. 

oongiario. The last largess to the 
people was given in the name of Titus, 
A. D. 73. These * congiaria * were origin- 
ally gifts of oil, wine, &c. (Liv. xxv. 2, 8 : 
Plin. N. H. xiv. 14, 17) : for other in- 
stances of money donations, cp. Ann. iii. 
29, II : xii. 41, 7 : xiii. 31, 7. See also 
the Monnmentum Ancyranum, iii. 7-21 : 
Marquardt, Staatsver. ii. 104. The dona- 
tivum was diiferent, being specially used 
.of a largess to the soldiers. 

23. plerosque, ' a number of/ 'many.' 
See on 2. 10. 

quoque. For the order, cp. Ann. xiv. 
20, 4 Gnaeum quoque Pompeium : * divo * 
is treated as 'a proper name. Quoque is 
often used for etiam, 39. 22 : cp. ipsorum 
quoque oratorum 19. 17, below: Quint. 
X. 2, 14 in magnis quoque auctoribus : 
ii. II, I exemplo magni quoque nominis 
professorum. Cp. 6. 19. 

24. ooUigi: cp. 33. 19 per quae col- 
ligitur: 27. 2. 

25. nam, &c. This parenthesis has 
greatly exercised the critics, who have 
propc^ed varions methods of correcting 
Aper^s mistake. It is undoubted that 
Corvinus died in A. D. 8, and that Pollio 
died in A. D. 5 : both of them might there- 
fore have been said to have lived ' almost 
to the close of ' the reign of Aagustus. 
In order to justify the Tanguage of the 
text, Corvinus would need to have died 
about B.c. 14 1 Little is gained by trans- 
posing the names (Borghesi) in order 
to bring out the fact that it was PoUio 
who died first : ' in medium usque A. 
principatum' is really as incorrect for 
him as it is for Corvinus, though et . . .et 
in the previous clause seems to show that 
the speaker at first meant to place PoIIio 
first in point of time (^cp. 17. 3). We must 
regard the statements in the text as another 
illustration of Aper*s liability to error. 

Gudeman proposes to reject the paren- 
thesis altogether as an interpolation, based 
probably on 88. 19 ab ipso tamen Pol- 




extremum duravit) : ne dividatis saeculum, et antiquos ac veteres 
vocitetis oratores quos eorundem hominum aures adgnoscere ac 
velut coniungere et copulare potuerunt. 

18« Haec ideo praedixi ut, si qua ex horum oratorum fama 
gloriaque laus temporibus adquiritur, eam docerem in medio 
sitam^et propiorem nobis quam Servio Galbae aut C. Carboni 

37. veteres codd. : recentes Eckstein, Baehrens, Muller, Novak. 28. vocUetis 

CAD, vocetis ABEVgH. See Introd. p. Izxxyii. 

18. 2. eam Halm : eandem codd. 3. Most edd. (following Schulting and 

Ritter) give aut C Laelio aut C. Carhoni^ on the groond of a comparison of 25. 31 ; 
but the addition of aut C, Laelio seen^s mmecessary. 

lione mediis divi Augnsti temporibns 
habitae (sc. orationes). But on the whole 
it seems improbable that any one who 
took the trouble to insert snch an inter- 
polation would have failed to make it 

in mediTim oaqae. Nowhere else 
does Tacitus use in . , , usque in a tem- 
poval sense ; and Gudeman nses this as an 
argument forthe elimination of the paren- 
thesis: he also challenges the change 
from in to ad. Quintilian has ' in illum 
nsque diem/ 'usque ad ultimum/ and 
many similar expressions. 

27. daravit = vitam perduxit: cp. 
Ann. iii. 16, 8 narratum ab lis qui nostram 
ad iuventutem duraverunt, . and possibly 
also Agr xliv. 15 durare in hancbeatissimi 
saeculi lucem. The word cannot possibly 
have any other meaning : cp. Quint l 
§ 2 1 inde durat ad nos usque, and fre- 
quently. — In order to saveAper s accuracy, 
it has been proposed to take duravit as 
—floruit, and to understand it as indi- 
cating the period during which Corvinus 
and Asinius continued in fuU actiyity at 
Rome. But though Pollio may have done 
little in public after about 17 B. c, we 
know from Suetonius (Aug. 58) that it 
was Messalla who, in the year B.c. 2, 
proposed in the senate that the title 
PcUer Patriae should be conferred on 
Augustus. This fact has been made an 
argument for reversing the names, stiU 
taking duravit as ^Jloruit^ so that it 
would be Corvinus, not Asinins, who 
' paene ad extremum duravit.' So John 
and Wolff : but duravit can hardly stand 
the interpretation thus given. 

ne dividatis, 'so that you must not 
make two ages out of one.' The expres- 
sion really iniplies an ellipse, sc. naec 
dico ne: cp. Qnint. x. i, 45 facile est 
antem stndiosis qui sint his simiUimi 

indicare, ne quisquam queratur, &c., ' so 
that no one need complain.' Gudeman con- 
tends that the removal of the parenthesis 
makes the ellipse more natural and easy. 

28. quos. For the omission of the 
demonstrative, cp. 5. 15 studinm quo. 

29. oonimigere et oopulare, i.e. with 
the present day. The meaning is thus 
given by Orelli : ' quos una hominum 
aetas, qui memoria sua totum vitae 
spatium amplectuntur, agnoscere ac velut 
coniungere potuit cum eis quos ad ultimam 
iam senectutem provecta uostris tempori- 
bus vidit.* 

18. I. fama gloriaque. These syno- 
nyms are frequently found together : e. g. 
Sall. lug. iv. 6 famam atque gloriam. 

2. temporibtia adquiritur: lit. 'ac- 
crues to the times»' or is ref]ected on them. 
Cp. Hist. ii. 76, 8 cni sununum decns ad- 

in medio sitam (positam), ' commoQ 
property,* i. e. common to both epochs. — 
The great extension of the use of such- 
adverbial phrases (cp. in proximo 16. 27) 
in post-Augustan times points to the 
influence of Greek analogy (Iv iroivf;, &c): 
cp. in obscurOj in ambiguOf inpromiscuo, 
in aequo, in communi, 

3. Servius Sulpioiua Galba, consul 
B.c. 14J5 was one of the contemporaries 
of Laelius and Scipio the Younger. He 
was prosecuted in B.c. 149 for atrocious 
cruelty and treachery to the Lusitanians, 
but secured an acquittal, though the 
charge was supported by Cato the Censor 
(Cic. de Or. i. § 227, Brut. § 89). As an 
orator Cicero ranks him very high : e. g. 
Bmt. $ 89 Sed inter hos . . . sine contro- 
versia Ser. Galba eloquentia praestitit : de 
Or. i. $ 40 divinum hominem in dicendo. 

C. Fapirius Carbo, consul B. c. 120. 
He had originally belonged to the party 
of Ti. Gracchus, but deserted it for the 





quosque alios merito antiquos vocaverimus; sunt enim horridi 
et impoliti et rudes et informes et quos utinam nuUa parte 5 
imitatus esset Calvus vester aut Caelius aut ipse Cicero. Agere 
enim fortius iam et audentius volo, si illud ante praedixero, 
mutari cuAi temporibus formas quoque et genera dicendi. Sic 
Catoni seni comparatus C. Gracchus plenior et uberior, sic 

5. in ulla C. 

cause of the Optimates. In the year after 
his consulship he was driven to commit 
snicide, having been prosecuted on some 
charge not distinctly specified, in con- 
nexion with which Crassus made his first 
public appearance (see 84. ad fin.). In 
the Brutus, §§ 103-5, Cicero praises his 
eloquence and industry : industrium etiam 
et diligentem et in exercitationibus com- 
mentationibusque multum operae solitum 
esse ponere : cp. ibid. et Carbonis et 
Gracchi habemus orationes nondum satis 
splendidas verbis, sed acutas prudentiae- 
que plenissimas : § 159 C. Carbonem 
eloquentissimum hominem. 

4. horridi. Horridus is the opposite 
of nitidusy which is specially used of 
what is made to look bright by the trouble 
taken over it : cp. Cic. Orat. § 36 ; de Or. 
iii. § 51 ; Brut. § 238 non valde nitens, 
non plane horrida oratio. Cp. also horride 
inculteque, Orat. § a8. 

5. impoliti et rudes. So Cic. Or. 
§ 20 impoliti et consulto rudium similes 
et imperitorum. And of Cato*s speeches, 
Brut. § 294 significant enim quandam 
formam ingenii, sed admodum impolitam 
et plane rudem. Cp. Quint. x. i, 66 (of 
Aeschylus) rudis in plerisque et incom- 

nuUa parte, ' in nothing' : cp. Quint. 
i. 10, 4 perfecti illius ex nulla parte ces- 
santis. Cp. 21. 19 ex ea parte qua. In 
hac parte is also common in Quintilian : 
see on X. i , 64, and cp. Cic. Sex. Rosc. 
§ 135 : nuUa ex parte, Cluent. §§ 96, 98. 

6. ixnitatus esset. Gudeman proposes 
to alter this to miratus esset, asking * who 
ever heard that Caelius or Calvus or 
Cicero imitated ulla parte the uncouth, 
rugged, and unpolished style of any of 
their early predecessors ? * But see Quin- 
tilian x. i, 40 Faucos enim vel potius vix 
nllnm ex his qui vetustatem pertulerunt 
existimo posse reperiri, quin iudicium ad- 
hibentibus adlaturus sit .ulilitatis aliquid, 
cum se Cicero ab illis quoque vetustissi- 
mis auctoribus, ingeniosis quidem, sed 

arte carentibus, plurimum fateatur ad- 
nitum : Cic. Or. § 1 69 quae quidem (sc. an- 
tiquitas) apud me ipsum valet plurimum : 
and specially the eulogy of Cato in the 
Brutus, §§ 65-69. So too Seneca apud 
Gell. xii. 2 (Fragmenta iii) Apud ipsum 
quoque Ciceronem inveuies etiam in prosa 
oratione quaedam ex quibus intelligas 
illum non perdidisse operam quod Kn- 
nium legit. There is therefore nothing 
* preposterous * about the statement that 
Cicero himself was found among the 
imitators of these early orators : cp. 22. 
10 nam priores orationes eius non carent 
vitiis antiquitatis. 

7. fortius iam et audentius. Aper 
is warming to the work of proving the 
case for contemporary eloquence : cp. 
manifestus est iam dudum in contrarium 
accingi, &c., ch. 16. 11. He begins wilh 
the general statement that oratory changes 
with the times. But so far from implying 
decadence and deterioration, such change 
really involves progress and continuous 

si iUud . . . praedizero, as at 28. 11, 
where there is also a similar pleonasm 
(prius praedixero). See on 16. 6. 

9. Catoni seni, the Censor (234-149 
B. c). Cicero says of him in the Brutus 
(§61) nec vero habeo quemquam anti- 
quiorem, cuius quidem scripta proferenda 
putem : cp. for the character of his elo- 
quence, ib. § 69. 

plenior et uberior. This character- 
ization of Gracchns is taken from the 
Brutns, § 125 : noli enim putare quem- 
quam, Brute, pleniorem aut uberiorem ad 
dicendum fuisse. There is the same coUo- 
cation (plenius et uberius) Ann. xii. 60. 4. 
Uber (d5/x$s) is the opposite of exilis, de 
Or. i. § 84, and ieiunus, de Opt. Gen. 
Or. iii. § 4. For the eloquence of Gains 
Gracchus, see the Brutus, l.c.*, especially 
Eloquentia quidem nescio an habnisset 
parem nerainem (diutius si vixisset): de 
Or. iii. § 214: Holden on Plut. Tib. 
Gracch. ch. ii. 



f> , 

.) r 

r • : 

Atticus videretur. Legistis utjjc^i^e et Calvi et Bniti ad Ciceronem 
missas epistulas, ex quibus facile est deprehendere Calvum 
quidem Ciceroni visum exsang^em et attritum, Brutum autem 
otiosum atque diiunctum ; rursusque Ciceronem a Calvo quidem 
25 male audisse tamquam solutum^et enervem, a Bruto autem, ut 

^ ' 21, Afiicus IjTsinvLs: anti^uus codd. videtur CAT>. 2^, et aftritum codd., 

ac tritum H Sp. Put, et aridum Schnlting, Halm and edd, : qy. atque attritum ? 

35. autemmost 

• (•■- f V 


1 1 

24. diiunctum {disiunctum) codd. : discinctum Kntgersins. 
codd. : quidem autem A and at first B. 

is opposed to compositus (see on Qnint. 
X. 3, 16), and indicates a style in which 
excessive care is bestowed on the matter 
of arrangement, resnlting in a sort of ' hop, 
skip, and jump * movement : cp. saltare 
in Qnint. ix. 4, 143. So Cic. de Or. iii. 
§ 36 (Theopompum) exultantem verbomm 
audacia reprimebat (Isocrates> : Or. § 26. 
The figure is generally nnderstood to be 
taken from the bounding movement of a 
fiery horse. 

parum Atticus. So ' Asianum * in 
the passage quoted from Quintilian, above : 
cp. Cic. Brut. % 284. The rigid Atticists 
who attacked Cicero made the ' plainness * 
of Lysias their model : but they seem to 
have ignored, as Mr. Sandys has pointed 
out (Introd. to Orator, p. Ixii), the * dif- 
ference between thetwolanguages, between 
the power and breadth and compass of 
Greek as compared with the more limited 
resources of Latin.' 

31. utique, *of course.* Cp. 80. 10 
Notus est vobis utique Ciceronis liber, &c. 

32. epistulas. These letters are no 
longer extant. 

33. ezsanguem. So Quint. x. i. 115 
inveni qui Ciceroni crederent eum nimia 
contra se calunmia verum sanguinem 
perdidisse : where the reference is to a 
passage in the Brutus (§ 383) in which 
Cicero says that Calvus was ' too minnte 
and nice in his self-criticism, losing the 
very life-blood of style for fear of tainting 
its purity.' Cp. Cic. ad Fam. xv. 31 § 4 
multae erant et reconditae litterae, vis 
non erat, 

et attritum, *■ attenuated.* This read- 
ing, which is nearest that of the MSS., 
seems to be quite appropriate alongside 
of exsanguis'. the word expresses the 
* overdone ' style characteristic of Calvus. 
For the figure involved cp. Plin. Ep. v. 
10 § 3 perfectum opus absolutumque est, 
nec iam splendescit lima sed atteritur: 
Quint X. 4, 4 ut opus poliat lima, non 
exterat : Plin. £p. ix. 35, 3 nimia cura 

im emendat. So in the 
Jhe Brutus, quoted above, 
"^ ^o speak of the ^l^e of 
Calvns am^* fine-drawn,' oratio nimia 
religione attenuata. — On the other hand, 
the generally accepted conjecture et 
aridum is supported by e/g. Quint. xii. 
10. 14 aridi et exsncci et exsangues (cp. 
ad Herenn. iv. 11, 16), and by the 
frequent instances of the combination of 
aridus with such words as ieiunus^ exile^ 
siccusy tenuis, &c. 

Brutum. See on 17. 4. 

34. otiosum, ' spiritless,' ' wanting in 
point,* 'tedious,* *wearisome.* So 22. 11 : 
cp. 21. 36 where Bmtus is stigmatized as 
* dull and tedious,* — lentitudo and tepor 
being the words used. In Quintilian 
otiosus is of frequent occurrence: x. i, 
76 (of Demosthenes) nibil otiosum, 
' every thing is to the point ' : otiosae 
sententiae (i. i> 35) are copy-book head- 
ings that have no point. Sen. £p. loo^ 
1 1 exibunt multa nec ferient et interdnm 
otiosa praeterlabetur oratio. 

diiunctum, Misjointed,* i.e. wanting 
in well-rounded periods. Gerber ana 
Greef explain the word as = in minutas 
sententias divisum et periodorum ambita 
carentem. Cp. Sitifvyfiivov, Aquila 
Rom. 36, 37. — Adiunctio and Disiunctio 
(Cic. de Or. iii. % 307) are figures known 
in rhetoric: see ad Herenn. iv. 37 dis- 
iunctio est cum eorum de quibus dicimus 
aut utrumque aut unumquodque certo con- 
cUiditur verbo, sic : ' populns Romanus 
Numantiam delevit, Carthaginem sustulit^ 
Corinthum disiecit^ Fregellas evertit, 
Similarly disiunctio is defined by Quin- 
tilian (ix. 3. 45) as 'nominum idem sig- 
nificantium separatio ' : cp. owojpvfua : 
see his exx. ad loc. 

rursQBque : so Germ. xviii. ad fin. 

35. tamquam « ^k with participle. 
Cp. on 2. 3 : tamquam plane leviores» 
85. 14. 

solutUB, the opposite of adstrictus, 




ipsius verbis utar, tamquam fractum atque elumbem. Si 
me interroges, omnes mihi videntur verum dixisse ; sed mox ad 
singulos vehiam, nunc mihi cum universis negotium est. 

19, Nam quatenus antiquorum admiratores hunc velut ter- 
minum antiquifalis constituere solent, qui usque ad Cassium** 
Equidem Cassiumy quem reum faciunt, quem primum adfirmant 
flexisse ab ista vetere atque directa dicendi via, non infirmitate 

37. interroges ABEAH, interrog^Cp, 28. veniam EVaCADH, venins K^venia^ B. 
19. 3. Equidem Cassiutmi^t9KKfg^n the text : the codd. and edd. give (with or 

withoi|^indication of lacHH||^^HBar{ACD£HV2, [^ut] usque B) ad Cassium 

quem reum faciut^^KmG^r Vahlen suggested ad Cassium [Severum elo- 

guentiam aequali et uno tenore processisse statuunt, Cassium] quem r.f, For quem 
reum, Put. gives Severum : hence most edd. Cassium Severum quem primum, &c. 
4. ista AB, illa. CHEV^. directa dicendi most codd., dicendi directa B, dicendi via 
directa H Sp. and edd. vett. 

'loose/ 'flabby.' So with m^llis Cic. 
Brut. § 225 : ^i^ fluens Quint. i. a, 8 : 
with delicatus id. xi. 3, 146. Of the 
absence of moral restraint, Ann. xvi. 18, 
6: xi. 31, 8 (solutior luxu) : i. 50 ad fin. 
(ne pax quidem nisi languida et soluta 
inter temulentos) : Lucan Phars. vii. 

eneTvem for the more classical ener' 
vatamf as in Cic. Tusc. iv. 17, 38 : so 
Quint. ix. 4, 142 effeminatam et ener- 
vem compositionem. Cp. Quintilian (as 
quoted above) * paene viro moUiorem.' 

26. fractum : not as ' in compositione 
fractum' Quint. xii. 10, la (quoted 
above), but in the sense of ' moUem/ 
' effeminatum.' A similar expression 
occurs in regard to music Quint i. 10, 
31 effeminata et impudicis modis fracta: 
cp. Ann. xiv. 20, ao fractos sonos=irara- 
icfK\aa/i4vTj fUXrjf of effeminate or falsetto 

elumbem, ' lame,* a &tra( flprjfi, Cp. 
Cic. Or. § 231, where we have delumbare 
for to ' weaken * : Sandys refers to Per- 
sius i. 104, and cites delumbis as an epitbet 
oidictio from Sidonius, Ep. viii. 16. For 
e privative cp. elinguis 86. 34, egelidusy 

19. I. Nam quatenua, &c. The 
lacuna which the text assumes was pro- 
bably caused by the recurrence in the 
archetype of the name Cassium, which 
may have caught the eye of the copyist. 
Vahlen's method of supplying what is 
wanting is however open to the objection 
that it makes a very unwieldy sentence. 
The missing words may very possibly 
have antidpated 'illud dicendi genus' 

below; and.the qui in qui usque ad 
Cassium probably refers to admiratores 
rather than to terminus. On these pre- 
suppositions, the passage might be re- 
constructed somehow as follows: Nam 
quatenus . . . solent, qui usque ad Cas- 
sium [Severum volunt eloquentiam aequali 
et uno tenore processisse, libet quaerere 
quibus ille de causis novum dicendi genus 
inchoare ausus sit. Equidem Cassium] 
quem reum faciunt, quem primum, &c. 
Another suggestion is to take hunc as^ 
masc. and to delete qui usque ad. In 
any case, the sentence connects closely 
with 'agere enim fortius et audentius 
volo ' and * nunc mihi cum universis ne- 
gotium est * in the preceding chapter : 
nam introducing a criticism on Cassius 
that is intended to lay down the line 
of divergence between the ancients and 
the modems. 

terminum . . . constituere. Cp. Cic. 
de Amic. § 56 constituendi sunt quasi 

a. Cassium Severum. He was bom 
about 50 B. c, and acquired an evil 
notoriety under Augustus for his scur- 
rilous lampoons, in punishment for which 
he was banished, first to Crete and after- 
wards to Seriphos, where he died in the 
twenty-fifth year of his exile (A.D. 34): 
Ann. iv. 21, 12 : i. 72,13. Cp. Quint. x. i, 
116 multa, si cum iudicio legatur, dabit 
imitatione digna Cassius Severus, &c., 
with the notes ad loc. 

4. flexisse. The intransitive use of 
this verb (as in Vergil and Livy: cp. 
deflecterey Cic. in Verr. v. § 176) is quite 
Tacitean. With a similar meaning Cicero 








>> o 

ingenii nec inscitia litterarum transtulisse se ad illud dicendi genus 
contendo, sed iudicio et intellectu. Vidit namque, ut paulo ante 
dicebam, cum condicione temporum et diversitate aurium formam 
quoque ac speciem orationis esse mutandam. Facile perferebat 
prior ille populus, ut imperitus et rudis, impeditissimarum 
orationum spatia, atque id ipsum laudabat si dicendo quis diem 
eximeret. lam vero longa principioyum praeparatio et/narrationis 

5. illud co^di. {id HSp.), fl/«W Andresen and edd. Qy. illud suum ? 9. impedi' 
tissimarum Muretus, imperitissimarum codd. 10. /aiA/o^/ ABDH, laudi da- 

batur EVsCA. ii. narratimum Spengel^ 

says of Demetrios Phalereus ' hic primus 
inflexit orationem (Brut. § 38) : cp. Quint. 
X. 1, 80 is primum inclinasse eloquentiam 

4. directa. ^^r/a would have been less 
uncommon, and is therefore more im- 
probable. The reference is*to a straight- 
forward style, direct and natural, and 
free from all circumlocution or mere- 
tricious omament. So in Quintilian ' sermo 
rectus' (ii. 5, 11) and 'simplex rectum- 
que loquendi genus* (ix. 3, 3) are used as 
indicating a style which aims at clear and 
effective expression, apart from all em- 
bellishment and trickery: cp. ix. 2, 78 
nam rectum genus adprobari nisi maximis 
viribus non potest: haec deverticula et 
anfractus suffugia sunt iniirmitatis, et sqq. 
For directa via cp. Cic. pro Cael. § 41 
unum directum iter ad laudem : it finds 
an antithesis in *■ novis et exquisitis elo- 
quentiae itineribus/ 21 below. Gudeman 
is therefore quite wrong in thinking that 
directa 'admits of no rational explanation/ 
and in rejecting cUque directa as an inter- 

non infirmitate, &c., ' not from any 
defective ability or want of literary train- 

6. iudicio, of sound judgment, as 
again, at 84. 9. 

intellectu, * insight,' * discemment.* 
Cp. Ann. xiii. 16, 11 quibus altior intel- 
lectus: and with a genitive vi. 36, 13 
quis neque boni intellectus neque mali 
cura: cp. 31. 12 below. 

namque, in the second place, as in 
Livy, Curtius, Pliny the Elder, and fre- 
quently in Quintilian : cp. Verg. Aen. v. 
733 : X. 614. So Ann. i. 5, 14 acribus nam- 
que custodiis. 

paulo ante, ' mutari cum temporibus,* 

7. aurium, of the popular *ear* or 

' taste ' : cp. Ann. xiii. 3, 8 ingenium . . • 
temporis eius auribus accommodatum. 
£t diversitate aurium is not really co- 
ordinate with condiciane temporum : it is 
rather the result of changed circum- 
stances. Translate, ' the spirit of the age 
and the consequent change in popular 
taste.' Cp. diversissimamm aurium, 
84. 16. 

9. impeditissimarum. This use of 
the word is best explained by Quint viii. 
6, 42 (Meister) Nam fit longa et impedita 
(sc. oratio) ubi congestioribus eam iungas 
similem agmini totidem lixas habenti 
quot milites, cui et numerus est duplex 
nec duplum virium. A^ applied to 
speeches, it means * overweighted,* i.e. 
with superfluous detail. 

10. spatia, emphatic for what is * spun 
out,* = magna spatia. Cp. Ann. ii. 5, 10 
spatiis itinerura. 

11. ezimeretsconsumeret. Cp. on 
88. 3 nemo intra paudssimas horas pero- 
rare cogebatur. A speaker who wi^hed 
to * kill ' a proposal, whether in the senate 
or in the popular assembly, had only to 
prolong his oration till sunset, when the 
meeting stood adjoumed. Cp. Cic. ad 
Quint. Fr. ii. i, 3 Clodius rogatus di- 
cendo diem eximere coepit : TuII. § 6 : 
Livy i. 50, 8: Plin. Ep. v. ai, 2. — For 
the subjunctive of cases frequently recur- 
ring (as often in Tacitus, and even Livy, 
after cum^ quotieSy seUy &c.), see Draeger, 
§§ 159* 165: Madvig, § 359: Roby, 
§1716. So videretur and insereret 
below. g 

longa principiorum praeparatio» 
* long preparatory introductions.' Quint. 
iv. 2, 55 hoc faciunt et illae praepara- 
tiones, cum reus dicitur robustus, arma- 
tus, sollicitus, contra infirmos, inermes, 
securos : ix. 2, 17 : iv. i, 62 nec minus 
evitanda est immodica eius (principii) 


alte repetita series et multarum divisionum ostentatio et mille 
argumentorurh gradus, et quiquid aliud aridissimis Hermagorae 
Au.£tU'\i.^^ Apollodori libris praecipitur, in honore erat; quod si quis 
odoratus philosophiam videretur et ex ea locum aliquem orationi 
suae insereret, in caelum laudibus ferebatur. Nec mirum ; erant 
enim haec nova et incognita, et ipsorum quoque oratorum 
paucissimi praecepta rhetorum aut philosophorum placita cogno- 
verant. At hercule pervulgatis iam omnibus, cum vix in cortina 

15. odoraius BH, and EV^ (corrected) : adoratus ACaD. philosophiam videtur 
{videretur B) et most codd., philosophiam atque HSp. Pat. i6. ferebantur AE. 

erant B : erat cett. codd. 19. iam codd., his iam Baehiens. in corona Ursinus. 


<■ C .■» •' <r ' 


longitndo, ne in capnt excrevisse videatnr 
et quo praeparare debet fatiget. 

narratioxiis alte repetita series, lit. 
'the thread of the narrative carried far 
back ' : far-fetched statements of the case. 
Narratio was the second of the five parts 
of an oration : exordinm, narratio, pro- 
batio, refutatio, peroratio. 

12. ostentatio: the *parade* or'dis- 
play' of nnmerous heads. Quint. vii. i, i 
divisio remm plurium in singulas, partitio 
singulam in partes discretio : cp. id. 
iv. 5 where partitio is the generic term 

mille argumentorum gradus, ' the 
countless stages of the proof.' Cp. 20. 6 
cursu argumentomm. 

13. Hermagorae. The reference here 
is probably to the greatest of the rheto- 
ricians who bore this name, mentioned 
byCicero in de Invent. i. 6, 8, ibid. 9, 12, 
Brutus, §§ 263, 271, and frequently by 
Quintilian. Some time in the second 
century B.C., he drew up an elaborate 
system of rhetoric, which was afterwards 
very generally foUowed. *It concemed 
itself almost exclusively wilh inventio, 
with the discovery of arguments as op- 
posed to style, and it dissected with in- 
genious subtlety the different kinds of 
issues raised, more particularly in the 
forensic branch of oratory* (Sandys, 
Introd. to Orator, p. xxxvii). It is often 
represented as having been too subtle and 
scholastic to be of service for the practical 
training of the statesman or the advocate. 
Cp. with aridissimis here, Quint. iii. 11, 
21-22. — There was a younger Herma- 
goras (Quint. iii. i, 18, cp. § 16) who 
also wrote a treatise ri'xyo.i /irjTopucad in 
six books. Though his followers were 
called, after the name of his master, 
Theodoreif in opposition to the Apollo^ 

dorei^ or school of ApoIIodoras, it is 
more probable that Tacitus is referring 
here to the elder Hermagoras, whose 
influence was so great on Cicero and the 
former generation of orators. 

14. ApoUodori. This was ApoIIo- 
dorus of Pergamum, the friend and teacher 
of Octavianus, who took him with him 
(Suet. Aug. 89) in a joumey he made 
from Rome to ApoIIonia in B. c. 45. See 
again Quint. iii. i, 17* 

15. odoratos. The dictt. give only 
one otber example of this use, from Lac- 
tantius (vii. i , 11 ) veritatem leviter odorari. 
Odorari—\T^2LT^i * to get a smattering of,* 
' dip into.' Wolff compares Cic. ad Att. 
iv. 16, II res fluit ad interregnum, et 
est nonnullus odor dictaturae, 'there is 
something like a dictatorship in the air.' 

locum, * common-place * : a topic or 
reflection not peculiar to the case in hand, 
bnt of a more general character : cp. 20. 
16, 22. 6. * Any subject or topic of a 
general character that is capable of being 
variously applied and constantly intro- 
duced on any appropriate occasion is 
a locus communis ; any common current 
maxim or altemative proposition .... 
Again, invidia^ avaritia, testes inimiciy 
potentes amici (Quint. v. 12, §§ 15, 16) 
may fumish loci communes ; or they may 
be constructed cU virtute, de officioy de 
aequo et bono, de dignitate, utilitate, 
honorCf ignominia, and on other moral 
topics* (Cope's Introd. to Arist. Rhet. 
p. 130). Cp. Cic. de Invent. ii. § 48 : 
de Or. iii. § 106 : Or. § 126. 

19. cortina. * Videtur d^/s basilicaram 
in quibus iudicia centumviralia habeban- 
tur significari,* Halm. The word, which 
is used for a * vault,' or * dome,' certainly 
indicates here some round space available 
for the accommodation of the public. 

£ % 




A. ' ft^A. 

30 quisquam adsistat quin elementis studiorum,\etsi non instructus, 
at certe imbutus sit^ novis et exqui^itfs eloquentiae itineribus 
opus est, per quae orator fastidium aurium effugiat, utique apud 
cos iudices qui vi et potestate, non iure aut legibus cognoscunt, 
nec accipiunt tempora sed constituunt, nec exspectandum habent 

35 oratorem dum illi libeat de ipso negotio dicere, sed saepe ultro 
admonent atque alio transgredientem revocant et festinare se 

. 20. Quis nunc feret oratorem de infirmitate valetudinis suae 
praefantem, qualia sunt fere principia Corvini ? Quis quinque in 

20. quin Maretus, ^fcodd. etsi codd., si Acidalins. 23« aut AB, et EVsCADH : 
(see Introd. p. Ivii). 24. exspectandum EVaCAH, expectando D, expectantem AB. 


20. etsi non . . . at oerte, as Ann. xii. 
39, 1 5. More commonly si nm , . ,at 
certey Germ. xxxiii. 8 : Hist. iv. 58, 36 : 
Quint. Pr. § 2 : xii. 11, 31. 

21. imbutus : as we speak of a ' tinc- 
ture ' of leaming. The opposition to in- 
stitutus (* fuUy equipped *) reminds us of 
the etymological meaning of imbuere, ' to 
make to drink for the nrst time,' hence 
* stain,' * tinge.' See Wilkins on de Orat. 
ii. § 162 aliquo iam imbutus usu : Cic. 
Phil. y. 7, 20 cum semel gladium san- 
guine imbuisset : Tusc. i. 14 an tu dia- 
lecticis ne imbntus quidem es ? Cp. Sen. 
Dial. xii. 17, 4 Utinam . . . voluisset te 
praeceptis sapientiae erudiri potius quam 
imbui : Quint. i. 2, 16 litteris saltem levi- 
ter imbutus. Cp. on 2. 14 above. 

novis et ezqLuisitis. Cp. vetere atque 
directa dicendi via, above. Exquisitus 
properly means ' sought out with care ' : 
so sometimes * far-fetched.' Here it cor- 
responds to the Fr. *recherch^' *dis- 
tingue ' : cp. Cic. Brut. § 283 accuratius 
quoddam dicendi et exquisitius genus : 
ib. § 321 exqnisitius et minime vulgare 
orationis genus. Cp. too the antithesis 
between semio rectus and deflexat exqui' 
sitioraf Quint. ii. 5, 11. 

22. per quae. Quint x. i, 37 in iis 
per quae nomen est adsecutus. 

fastidium aurium. There is a simi- 
lar * mixed metaphor * in Cic. de Or. iii. 
§ 192 aurium satietate : cp. 9. 6 above, 
aures respuant 

utique, * particularly,' * especially,* 
rather tban ' at least' 

23. vi et potestate, of the absolute 
power of a judge sitting (possibly as the 
emperor*s representative) in a court from 

which there is no appeal. Compare on 
the other hand 88. 7 Pompeins . . . im- 
posuit frenos eloquentiae, ita tamen ut 
omnia in foro, omnia legibus, omnia apud 
praetores gererentur. 

oognosount. For this use, cp. 41. 18 
clementia cognoscentis : Hist. iv. 42, 7 : 
Ann. xiii. 32, 9 : and frequently in Quin- 

24. exspectandum habent. See on 
8. II. 

25. ultro admonent. Cp. 39. 10 
quia saepe interrogat iudex quando 

26. festinat. Quint iv. 5, 10 festinat 
enim iudex ad id quod potentissimum est, 
et velut obligatum promisso patronum, si 
est patientior, tacitus appellat; si vel 
occupatus vel in aliqua potestate vel 
etiam sic moribus compo|situs, cmn con* 
vicio efflagitat 

20. 2. Corvini. Quintilian takes a 
different view, iv. i, 8 : quaedam in his 
quoque conmiendatio tacita, si nos in- 
firmos, imparatos, impares agentimn con- 
tra ingeniis dixerimns, qualia simt plera- 
que Messallae prooemia. £st enim na- 
turalis favor pro laborantibus, &c — Before 
fere ( = plerumque) Gudeman unneces- 
sarily proposes to insert omnia : cp. 31. 7 
in iudiciis fere de aequitate . . . disserimus : 

quinque in Verrem libros : i. e. the 
five parts of the Actio Secunda. Though 
they were never really delivered, Verres 
having anticipated sentence by flight, 
they were no doubt* prepared for pub- 
lication on the same scale as Cicero would 
have allowed himself in pleading before 
the court. 




Verrem libros exspectabit ? Quis^e exceptione et formulg) per- 
petietur illa immensa volumina quae pro M. TuUio aut Aulo 
Caecina legimus ? Praecurrit hoc tempore ludex dicentem, et 5 
nisi aut cursu argumentorum aut colore sententiarum aut nitore 
et cultu descriptionum Invitatus et corruptus est, avers^r. 

^ V C <-|^J' 

20. 3. de E, and B rabove the line) : ora. AVaCADH. 4. aut AVaCDH, et B. 
5. dicentem EV^CaDH and corr. B, dkentts AB. 7. vitiatus Gademan. aversatur 
dicentem codd. : [dicentem] Schele, Halm, and edd. 

5. ezspectabit, &c., 'sit patiently 
through.' l^he idea is that of being * kept 
waiting/ and unable to get away till the 
speaker is done : Hor. Sat. i. 5, 9 cenantes 
. . . exspectans comites, Cic. de Or. i, 
§ 166 quos multas horas exspectavit . . . 
et ridens et stomachans P. Scaevola. 

ezoeptione et formula, * equitable 
pleas and forms of procedure.' Under 
the 'formulary system,' the practor {in 
iure) first heard parties, and tben prepared 
z. formula which was sent down to the 
iudex who had to tiy the case (m 
iudicio). This formmla determined the 
nature of the qnestion which had to be 
decided, and consisted of three paits : (i) 
the demonstratio^ or statement of the 
facts, (a) the intentio, or plaintifTs claim, 
with the qnestion for the decision of the 
iudex in the light of aU the circumstances, 
and (3) the condemnatio or adiudicatio, 
giving the iudex or arhiter power to 
acquit and condemn, or to adjudicate. 
It was to the second of these that the 
Exceptio^ or equitable plea on the part of 
the defendant, was usually tacked on, and 
it was the duty. of the defendant's counsel 
to see that all such pleas were properly 
entered before the praetor in iure, as 
otherwise the iudex in iudicio would be 
unable to recognise them. A counter* 
claimagainst the pursuer in an action for 
debt-recovery is perhaps the most obvious 
form of exceptio, 

4. pro M. TuUio. Cicero defended 
him in two speeches (b.c. 72 or 71), the 
second of which exists in a fragmentary 
condition. The action seems to have 
concemed a piece of landed property, of 
which the adversary of Tullius had taken 
forcible possession. 

Aulo Caeoina. This speech, which 
was delivered b. c. 69 or 68, tumed on 
questions which Aper says it would be 
difiicult to make interesting now. Cp. 
Cic. Or. § 102 Tota mihi causa pro 
Caedna de verbis interdicti fnit : res invo- 

lutas definiendo explicavimus, ius civile 
laudavimus, verba ambigua distinximus. 
See Sandys* notes ad loc, from which it 
wiU appear that Cicero had good ground 
for asking for the indulgence of those who 
listened to his pleading : pro Caec. ch. x. 
* si forte videbor altius initium rei demon- 
strandae petiisse quam me ratio iuris . . • 
coegerit, quaeso ut ignoscatis,* &c. 

6. onrsu argumentorum, the ' rapid 
march of the proof.' Cp. Quint. ix. 4, 1 38 
in prooemiis plerumque submissi . . . in 
argumentis dtati atque ipso etiam motu 
celeres sumns: Cic. Or. $ 2ia cursum 
contentiones magis requirunt. 

colore sententiarum, 'piquancy of 
utterance' : cp. 'arguta et brevi sententia,' 
below. Cohr « * tone,' * complexion,' 
with reference to an artificial and rheto- 
rical style of composition. Similarly it 
is used, in the concrete, of a happy 
though^ or sudden inspiiation, 'extem- 
poralis color,' Quint. x. 6, 5. 

nitore et oultu, as 23. 21 : Tr. 'gloss 
and polish.' Cp. Quint. x. i, 124 Scripsit 
. . . non sine cultu ac nitore : xi. i, 48 
iUud iam diximus quanto plus nitoris et 
cultus demonstrativae materiae . . . quam 
suasoriae iudicialesque permittant. Nitor 
and its cognates, when used of oratic, are 
constantly opposed to such words as 
horridus, squcdidusy sordidus. For cultus 
Cicero used omatus : the word recurs at 
Une 17, below : 26. 6 : Ann. xiii. 3, 7. 

7. descriptionum. Cp. Cic. Top. § 83 
Descriptio, quam x^^fi^^^^P^- Craed vo- 
cant . . . qualis sit avarus, qualis assen- 
tator, ceteraque eiusdem generis, in quibus 
natura et vita describitur. The word is not 
confined to descriptions of places. 

invitatua et corruptua, 'captivated 
and demoralized.' So Cic. Sen. § 57 invitat 
atque adlectat senectus. For invitare in 
the sense of to ' win over,' cp. Hist. ii. 82 
ad fin., praeceptumque ut praetorianos 
Vitellio infensos redperandae militiae 
praemio invitarent. LiteraUy, invitare ig 

V . iP 



I' . 


Vulgus quoque adsistentium et adfluens et vagus auditor adsuevit 

iam exigere laetitiam et pulchritudinem orationis; nec magis 

10 perfert m iudiciis tristem et impexam antiquitatem quam si quis ca cr 

in scaena Roscii §iut Turpionis Ambivii exprimere gestus velit. 

lam vero iuvenes ti in ipsa studiorum incude positl, qui profectus 

j sui causa oratores sectantur, non solum audire, sed etiam referre 

domum aliquid inlustre et dignum memoria volunt ; traduntque 

'5 in yicem ac saepe in colonias ac provincias suas scribunt, sive 

c.'[ sensus aliquis arguta et brevi sententia effulsit, sive Iqcus ex- 

II. scena HE, scenam ABCD. Q, Roscii Botticher. Ambivii Lipsins, aut Amoizni ^ 
codd. 13. nmsolum EVaCADH, nec solum AB. 15. ac provincias ADHVj, 

et prov, BC. suc^ codd., suis? 16. sensus Muretus, in suis codd. 

\ VI 

to * put life into/ (cp. evitare), to cbeer, 
enliven, entertain: Nonins, p. 321 'iu' 
vitare est delectare.' 

7. aversatur , he * loses interest.' Thongh 
elsewhere in Tacitus this verb is found 
with an accusative, it is not neeessary here 
to connect it directly with dicentem : cp. 
Cic. pro Cluent. § 177 aversari advocati 
et iam vix ferre posse. 

8. adfluens et vagua auditor, ' the 
chance listeners who flock in and out.' 

9. laetitiana: so ^aetitiam nitoremque,' 
21. 37. Laetus is frequently used to 
denote a rich or omate style : e. g. idem 
laetus ac pressus, Quint. x. i, 46, where 
see note. The opposite is maestitiaf Cic. 
Or. $ 63. 

10. impezam, ' uncouth,* as often in- 
comptus, horridus (tristi, horrida ora- 
tione, Cic. Or. § 20). Cp. Quint. x. 2, 17 
qui horride atque incomposite quidlibet 
illud frigidum et inane extulerunt, anti- 
quis se pares credunt : Cic. Brut § 68 
antiquior (Catonis) sermo et quaedam 
horridiora verba : ib. § 83 multo vetustior 
et horridior (Laelius) quam Scipio. The 
only other instance of impexus in Tacitus 
is Ann. xvi. 10, 14 impexa luctu continuo. 

11. Boscii. Apers reference to this 
great actor, the favourite of Sulla and the 
friend of Cicero, is an indication of the 
change which the national taste had 
undergone in things dramatic as well as 
oratorical. Cp. the eulogy which Cicero 
pronounces on Rosdus de Or. i § 130 
videtisne quam nihil ab eo nisi perfecte, 
nihil nisi cum summa venustate fiat, nisi 
ita ut deceat, et uti onmes moveat atque 
delectet ? 

Ii. Ambiviufl Turpio was a contem- 
porary of Cato the Censor, and the most 

famous actor of his time. He appeared 
in many of the plays of Terence. The 
same exchange in the position of nomen 
and cognomen, with the praenofntn 
omitted, occurs in Cic. de Sen. § 48 
Turpione Ambivio. 

exprimere, 'reproduce,* — reddere, imi- 
tari: so 21. 32, 26. 9, 23. 24, and often 
in Cicero and Quintilian, e. g. x. i, 69 : 
2, 18, 26. The figure was taken from the 
plastic art : Hor. A. P. 32-3. 

12. iuvenes et . . . positi. Et is here 
epexegetic (38. 8) : ' the young, those who 
are still onthe threshold of knowledge,' — 
who are still ' in the rough,' as it were, 
and have to be hanmiered into shape. 
For the figure, cp. Ovid, Trist. i. 7, 29 
ablatum mediis opus est incudibus illud 
Defuit et scriptis ultima lima meis : Cic. 
de Or. ii. § 102 his . . . adsiduis uno opere 
eandem incudem diem noctemqae tun- 
dentibus. So Apollinaris Sidonius, Ep. 
iv. I pbilosophica incude formatus. 

profectus, not in Cicero, but often in 
Quintilian and Seneca. 

13. referre dommn. Quint. ii. 2, 8 
Ipse (sc. praeceptor) aliquid, immo multa 
cotidie dicatquaesecumauditores referant. 

15. in vicem, frequent in Tacitus for 
inter se. 

colonias, here generally of conntry* 
towns : cp. Ann. iii. 2, 5. 

16. sensus . . . sententia : cp. 28. 2 : 
82. 17. For the difference between the 
two, cp. Sen. £p. 100, § 5 sensus hones- 
tos et magnificos habes, non coactos in 
sententiam, sed latius dictos : Quint. viii. 
5, 2 consuetudo iam tenuit ut mente 
concepta sensus vocaremus (28. 21) lu- 
mina autem praecipueque in clausnlis 
posita sententias (22. 7 : 82. 17). In 




Ka ^.^ 

quisito et poetico cultu enituit. Exigitur enim lam ab oratore 
etiam poeticus decor, non Accii aut Patuvii veterno inquinatus, ^' 
sed ex Horatii et Vergilii et Lucani sacrario prolatus. Horum 
igitur auribus et iudiciis obtemperans nostrorum oratorum aetas 20 f c 
pulchrior et ornatior extitit. Neque ideo minus eflficaces sunt 
orationes nostrae quia ad aures iudicantium cum voluptate per- 
veniunt. Quid enim si infirmiora horum temporum templa 
credas, quia noh rudi caemento et informibus tegulis extruuntur, 

sed marmore nitent et auro radiantur ? 

21. Equidem fatebor vobis simpliciter me in quibusdam anti- 

17. exigitur Lipsius, exigetur CA, exercitur AVj, corrected in both to exercetur 
BD£H. • 23. si codd., an Oberlin, nisi Osann. 35. radiant Lat. Latinins. 

21. I. faiebar most 0.0^.^ fateor AHSp. Cp. Equidem fatebor yobis Liv. v. 54, 3. 

'( ^» 

the nse of Sensus (of thought) the idea 
of substance or form is always upper- 
most : for the former cp. 23. 21 (where 
grcppttas sensuum is contrasted with nitcr 
et cultus verdorum), and probably fau- 
cissimos sensus 82. 17: for the latter 
(in addition to the present passage) 

21. 17 (inconditi sensus redolent anti- 
quitatem) 22. la (pauci sensus apte et 
cum quodam lumine terminantur) : 22. 
22 (nulli sensus . . . in morem annalium 
componantur) : 23. 2 tertio quoque sensu. 
So too Sen. £p. 114, § i : Quint. ix. 3, 
§§74» 7^* Sometimes Sententia » 
sensus: e.g. 21. 11 verbis omata et sen- 
tentiis : 23. 24 ea sententiarum planitas : 
26. 8 lascivia verborum et levitate sen- 
tentiarum. More usually it denotes, as 
here, a terse, pointed, pregnant utterance : 

22. 7 quasdam sententias invenit: 23. 2 
pro sententia : 32. 1 7 angustas sententias. 

argiita, 'pointed,* *striking,' * apt,' 
only here in Tacitus. Cic. de Or. ii. 
§ 250, § 268 : Brut. § 325 sententiosum 
et argutum (genus dictionis). Cp. * coac- 
tos in sententiam ' in the passage quoted 
from Seneca above : Quint. x. i, 50 
breves vibrantesque sententiae. 

locuB. See on 22. 6 locos quoque 
laetiores attentavit. 

18. Accii aut Facuyii. This is the 
order in which these two poets are named 
in Quint, x. i, 97, though Attius (170 
B.c. — about 90) was really fifteen years 
younger than Pacuvius (220-132). In 
the next chapter, line 30, Pacuvius comes 
first. Quintilian (1. c.) says of them * nitor 
et summa in excolendis operibus manus 
magis videri potest temporibus quam 
ipsis defuisse/ Martial \xi. 90) jeers 

at them for delighting in archaisms, — 
Attonitusque legis terrai frugiferai Attius 
et quidquid Pacuvinsque vomunt. 

vetemo. For a similar figure cp. 
22. 22 verbum velut rubigine infectum. 
Tr. * not disfigured by the old rust of an 
Acdus or a Pacuvius.* 

19. Iiucani. Quintilian would not 
have classed Lucan along with Horace 
and Vergil. See x. i. 90 Lucanus ardens 
et concitatus et sententiis clarissimus, et 
ut dicam quod sentio, magis oratoribus 
quam poetis imitandus. Similarly Serv. 
ad Aen. i. 382 Lucanus ideo in numero 
poetarum esse non meruit quia videtur 
historiani composuisse non poema: Pe- 
tron. Satyr. 118 : Mart. xiv. 194. 

Horum, of the class of hearers pre- 
viously indicated, especially the iuvenes, 

23. Quid enim . . . si credasp This 
formula reminds one of the frequent use 
of nisi forte to introduce an ironical 
argument In both cases the reader is 
challenged, as it were, to differ from the 
opinion just advanced, on pain of having 
to admit something which is improbable 
or absurd. Tr. ' Why, one might as well 
believe,* &c. 

25. radianturj.middleafiilgent. Cp. 
Ovid, £p. ex Ponto iii. 4, 103 Scuta sed 
et galeae genmiis radientur et auro. 

21. I. Equidem, &c. For the ex- 
pression, cp. Cic. Brut. § 293 £quidem 
in quibusdam risum vix tenebam. Most 
edd. take quibusdam as neuter, but nec 
unum below shows that it is masc For 
the partitive genitive after quidam^ cp. 
Hist. ii. 49, 17 : 98, 5 : iv. 70, 24: Ann. 
xii. 17, 14. So ' plurimi disertorum/ 40, 3, 



, quprtim vix risum, in quibusdam autem vix somnum tenere. 
Nec'unum de populb Canuti aut Atti * * de Fumio et Toranio 
quique alii omnes in eodem valetudinario haec ossa et hanc 

5 maciem praebent : ipse mihi Calvus, cum unum et viginti, ut 
puto, libros reliquerit, vix in una et altera oratiuncula satis 
facit. Nec dissentire ceteros ab hoc meo iudicio video ; quotus 
enim quisque Calvi in Asitium aut in Drusum legit ? At hercule 

3. After Atti Halm snpposes a lacana ; read perhaps ' Nec nnuin de popnlo, Cannti 
(Hb Pnt., Sanuti B, Ganuti AC) aut Atti ineptias referentem nomino, non disputo de 
Fumio/ &c. Most edd. (after Gronovius and Nipperdey) read ' Nec unum de populo 
nominabo Canutium aut Arrium vel Fumios et Toranios.' Toranio BH, 

Coranio ADC. 4. quique alii omnes is my conj., quique alios A6 (i. e. ali os), 

alios CAD, que alios EVg. hanc maciem codd., haec macies Gronovius and edd. 

5. praebent Ritter, probant codd., produnt Acidalius, praeferunt Wolff. 8. Asitium 
ABCADH, Asicium E, asiciU Vj. hercuU CDEV,: hercle AB. 

3. iinizin de populo, ' one of the rank 
and file.' Cp. Cic. Brut. % 320 non 
quivis unus ex populo sed existimator 
doctus : de Fin. ii. 20, 66 nnum de multis : 
de Off. i. § 109. 

Canuti : probably P. Canutius, 
whom Cicero mentions in Brntus (§ 205) 
'aequalis meus, homo extra nostrum 
ordinem meo iudido disertissimus.' Cp. 
pro Cluent % 50 accusabat P. Canutius, 
homo in primis ingeniosus et in dicendo 
exercitatus : ibid. § 29 homo eloquentis< 
simus. Aper took a different view. 

Atti. This (or rather Ati) is the 
reading of most MSS. In the Puteolanus 
(1475) we find Ari, and most editors 
understand the reference to be to Q. 
Arrius (praetor in B. c. 73) whom Cicero 
mentions less favourably in the Brutus 
§ 242-3. 

Ftimio. There was a friend of Cicero, 
called C. Fumius : ad Fam. xxiv. 25-6. 

Toranio. There were two Toranii, 
father and son. The fonner was Octa- 
vius's tutor : Suet. Aug. xxvii. : Val. 
Max. ix. II, 5. 

4. in eodem valetudinario, sc. 6vr^s» 
Cp. Sen. £p. xxvii. i tamquam in eodem 
valetudinario iaceam, de communi tecum 
malo conloquor, [et] remedia com- 

haec ossa et hano maciem prae- 
bent : ' show nothing but the familiar 
skin £md bones.' For haec in the sense of 
*nobis nota' cp. haec vetera 37. 6. 
Figures derived from the human body 
constantly recur in reference to rhetoric : 
Cic. Brut. § 64 quos valetndo modo bona 
sit, tenuitas ipsa delectat : § 68 utinam 
imitarentur, nec ossa solum sed etiam 

sanguinem. Cp. below, Oratio autem 
sicut corpus hominis, &c., and see on 
Quint. X. I, §§ 33, 60, 77. — The MS. 
probant ('show what they are*: 89. 7: 
Luc. Phars. viii. 121) induced Halm 
(following Gronovius) to read quosque 
atfos . . . haec macies, 

5. Oalvua, a leader among the stricter 
Atticists. See on 17. 4. 

6. vix in una et eJtera, i. e. hardly 
in more than one. In the same way 
unus et (atque) alter is used Ann. xiii. 
46, 10 si ultra unam alteramque noctem 
attineretur (i. e. beyond a second) : Hist. 
V. 6, 12 unum atque alterum lacum . . • 
perfluit (i. e. two lakes). Baehrens, how- 
ever, lays down the law that, ^here a 
copulative particle is used, the phrase 
has tbe force of npnnulli or complures^ 
while with a disjunctive particle it = 
pauci : he would therefore read una aut 
aitera, especially on the ground of vix 
(cp. Germ. vi. 9 vix uni alterive: Plin. 
£p. V. 20, 15 eloquentia vix uni aut 
alteri contingit). For the meaning ' one 
or two,' *a few,* cp. chs. 9. 20: 29. 2: 
and 89. 13 (unus aut alter) : exactly 
parallel are Hist. i. 83, 24: Ann. iii. 
47» 51 iv. 17 ad fin. (unus alterve) : 
Agr. XV. 17: xl. 19: Ann. iii. 34, 17 
(unus aut alter). In Hist. ii. 75, 5 Habn 
now reads unus alterve for the traditional 
unus alterque, 

8. in Asitium. Calvns impeached 
Asitius (Asicius) for the murder of an 
Egyptian envoy, and he was defended by 
Cicero : pro Cael. § 23. 

in Drusum. Cicero was his advocate 

V ,0. 

also: ad Att iv. 15, 
Quint. Fr. i. 16, 3. 

8 : xvi. 5, 8 : ad 



in omnium Studiosorum manibus versantur accusationes quae in 
Vatinium inscribuntur, ac praecipue secunda ex his oratio ; est lo 
enim verbis omata et sententiis auribus iudicum accommodata, 
ut scias ipsum quoque Calvum intellexisse quid melius esset, nec 
voluntatem ei quo .minus^ s\xh\\mm& et cultius diceret, sed in- 
genium ac vires defuisse. Quid ? ex Caelianis orationibus nempe 
eae placent, sive universae sive partes earum, in quibus nitorem 15 
et altitudinem horum temporum adgnoscimus. Sprdes autem cc^- 
reliquae verborum et hians compositio et inconditi sensus , /^ 

n A 


9. omnium Acidalius, hominum codd. lo. inscrihuntur Lipsius, conscrib. 

AbDK, scridunfytr C : cp. 15. 12. 13. guo minus Halm, quin Pnt., quo codd. 

and Novak: see Introd. p. Iviii. 14. nonne Henmann. 15. universae sive 

partes earum Pithoens, unvoersa parte serum codd. 17. reliquae Sorof (see below) : 
regule A, regulae BD, illae EV2CA, et (foUowed by a sort of lacuna) HSp. : et maculae 
Meiser, et rugae (or rugulaet) Bnchholz, hercule Ribbeck, Andresen^ reiculae Maehly. 

At heroule, a formnla (used to em- 
phasise a contrast) which seems to point 
to the influence which Tacitus's rhetor- 
ical studies had in monlding his style. 
Cp. Ann. i. 3, 21 : 17, 15 : 26, 8: iii. 
54, 18 : xii. 43, 10. In the Dialogue 
hercule (sometimes hercie) occurs twelve 

9. fltudiosorum, used absolutely, as 
frequently in Quintilian : see on x. i, 45. 
Cp. studeret 30 below, 82. 8 : 84. 10. 

in Vatinium. Vatinius was tribune 
in B. c. A9, when he allied himself with 
Caesar,^d next year consul along with 
Bibulus. He was subsequently accused 
at least three times : first, by Calvus, in 
B. c. 58 (see 84. ad fin.) ; secondly, in 56 ; 
and thirdly in 54. The tiiird was the 
most famous trial of the three : Vatinius 
was defended by Cicero. 

II. verbis omata et sententiis . . . 
accoznmodata. Sententiae is here nsed 
primarily of the expression of thought; 
cp. Cic de Or. i. 213 qui et verbis ad 
audiendum iucundis et sententiis ad pro- 
bandnm accommodatis uti possit : Quint 
^ii. 3, 43 auctoritatem in verbis sententias 
vel graves vel aptas opinionibus hominum 
ac moribns. For auribus . . . accommo- 
data cp. Cic. de Or. ii. § 159 haec enim 
nostra oratio multitudinis est anribus ac- 
commodanda. — Halm seems wrong in 
printing a comma after sententiis : An- 
dresen even reads et verbis. 

13. quo minus. See on 8. 5. 

subUmius et oultiua, ^with greater 
elevation and more polish.' 

14. Caelianis. Cp. 17. 4: 25. 15. 
nempe. See on 17. 6. Heumann, 

foUowed by Novak, wonld read nonne : 
cp. Liv. xxxiv. 5, 9 nonne (codd. nempe) 
. . . matronae. This may be right. 

15. nitorem. Cp. 20. 6. It corre- 
sponds to cultius above, as altitudinem 
does to sublimius, 

16. altitudinem. Cp. Cic. Brut. %^^ 
(of Theopompus, compared with Philistus 
and Thucydides) officit elatione atque 
altitudine orationis suae. See also 81. 27 

Sordes . . . reliquae verborum, ' For 
the rest, his common-place phraseology/ 
&c. : cp. aliud vulgus, Ann. iii. 42, 5. 
For reliquae, the usually received reading 
is illaej which must be an emendation : 
the regulae of ABD cannot have resulted 
from illae. Various contractions for 
regulae are familiar (Chassant, p. 82 
sqq.) : one intended to represent reliquae 
may easily have been mistaken. The 
case for the insertion of et with a subst. 
(see crit notes) mnst rest on the reading 
of H, and on the freqnent use of pairs 
of words in this particular connection : 
e.g. nitoretcultus (20. 7 : 28. 20), laetitia 
et pulchritudo (20. 9), tristis et impexus 
(20. 10), maesti et inculti (28. 12). For 
*■ sordes verborum/ cp. ' verba abiecta ' 
in Cicero. Sordidus is often opposed to 
nitidus : so here sordes to nitor, above. 
Cp. Sen. £p. 114, 13 quidam contra, 
dum nihil nisi tritnm et nsitatnm volunt, 
in sordes incidunt. 

17. hians compositio, 'his faulty 



redolent antiquitatem ; nec quemquam adeo antiquarium puto ut 
Caelium ex ea parte laudet qua antiquus est. Concedamus sane 
ao C. Caesari ut propter magnitudinemxdigitationum et occiipationes 
rerum minus in eloqi>entia eiTecerit quam divinum eius ingenium 
postulabat, tam hercule quam Brutum philosophiae suae relin- 
quamus (nam in orationibus minorem esseyiama sua etiam 
admiratores eius fatentur) : nisi forte quisquam aut Caesaris pro 

i8. redolent KBEV^j reddent, CA, redenfD, 21. minus om. C. 24. nisi 

forte codd., nuntforte Classen, necfere Gronoyins, Baehrens, nec enim Novak. 

r - 

construction.' Compositio {aMftrts — ^the 
combination of words) is defined in ad 
Herenn. iv. 12, 18 as *verbonim con- 
structio quae facit omnes partes orationis 
aequabiliter perpolitas ' : cp. Quint. ix. 4, 
116 quem in poemate locum habet versi- 
ficatio eam in oratione compositio. Verda 
and compositio are constantly conjoined 
in this way: e.g. Quint. x. i, § 118: 
a, § 13: 3» § 9; 22. 5 below. For 
hians (unconnected, * dislocated ') cp. Cic. 
Or. § 32 cum mutila et hiantia quaedam 
locuti sunt : Quint. viii. 6, 62 fit enim . . . 
dissoluta et hians oratio, si ad necessitatem 
ordinis sui verba redigantur, et ut quod- 
que oritur, ita proximis, etiam si vinciri 
non potest, adligetur. — There is of course 
a narrower sense of hiatuSj for which see 
Cic. de Or. iii. §§ 17 1-2 : Or. $ 20, 149- 
50, where Dr. Sandys explains : * Proper 
pains must be bestowed on the relations 
between tbe last syllable of one word and 
the first syllable of the next, so as to pre- 
vent the concurrence of harshly sounaing 
consonants as weU as the juxtaposition of 
open words, " ut neve asper eorum con- 
cursus neve hiulcus sit " (de Or. iii. 171).' 

17. inconditi sensus. This is the op- 
posite of 20. 16 sive sensus aliquis arguta 
et brevi sententia effulsit : tr. ' shapeless 
periods/ — sensus being here used of the 
extemal form in which the thought is 
conveyed. Cp. Cic. Or. § 150 quamvis 
enim suaves gravesque sententiae, tamen 
si inconditis verbis efferuntur, offendunt 
aures : de Or. iii. § 173 princeps Isocrates 
instituisse fertur utinconditam antiquorum 
dicendi consuetudinem . . . numeris astrin- 
geret. So Agr. iii. 1 7 vel incondita et rudi 

18. redolent (' savour of ') aotiqiiita- 
tem. So Cic. Brut. § 82 exiliores orationes 
sunt et redolentes magis antiquitatem. 

antiquarimn, 'fond of ancient au- 
thors.' This word, which is not found 

in any earlier writer, recurs in 87. 6 and 
42. 7 : and cp. Suet. Aug. 81, and luv. vi. 
451 , where ' tenet antiquaria versus ' is ex- 
plained by the Scholiast as » ut antiquarius 
versus dicit. 

19. ez ea parte : cp. nulla parte, 18. 5. 

20. O. Caesari. Cp. Ann. xiii. 3, 11 
dictator Caesar summis oratoribus aemu- 
lus. So Quint. x. i, 114 C. vero Caesar 
si foro tantum vacasset, non alius ex 
nostris contra Ciceronem nominaretur. 
Tanta in eo vis est, id acumen, ea conci- 
tatio, ut illum eodem animo dixisse quo 
bellavit appareat; exomat tamen haec 
omnia mira sermonis, cnius proprie 
studiosns fuit, elegantia. Cic. Brat. § 252 
ita iudico . . . illum onmium fere oratomm 
Latine loqui elegantissime : § 261 non 
video cui debeat cedere. 

propter. It is noteworthy, as differen- 
tiating the usage of Tacitus from that of 
Quintilian, that while the latter constantly 
uses propter in a causal sense, Tacitns 
always prefers ob^ except here and in 
Hist. i. 65, 3. 

magnitudinem oogitationum. The 
same phrase is used in reference to 
Caesars * vast designs * by Velleius, ii. 
41, I. 

oooupationes remm: his 'absorption 
in affairs.' For the gen. cp. Caes. Bell. 
Gall. iv. 16 occupationibus rei publicae 
prohiberetur : ib. 22: Cic. de Or. i, 
§ 21 in hac tanta occupatione urbis ac 

21. divinum eius ingenium. So 
Velleius, 1. c, 'animo super humanam et 
naturam et fidem evectus.* 

22. Brutum. See on 17. 4. Cp. 
Quint. X. I, 123 Egregius vero multbque 
quam in orationibus praestantior Bmtus 
suffecit ponderi rerum : scias eum sentire 
quae dicit. 

24. nisi forte: the other altemative 
would involve the supposition that, &c 



ll' V" Cc 


Decio Samnite aut Bruti pro Deiotaro rege ceterosque eiusdem 
lentitudinis ac teporis libros legit, nisi qui et carmina eorundem 
miratur. Fecerunt enim et carmina et in bibliothecas rettulerunt, 
non melius quam Cicero, sed felicius, quia illos fecisse;pauciores 
sciunt. Asinius quoque, quamquam propioribus temporibus natus 
sit, videtur mihi inter Menenios et Appios studuisse. Pacuvium 
certe et Accium non solum tragoediis sed etiam orationibus suis 
expressit : adeo durus et siccus est. Oratio autem, sicut corpus 
hominis, ea demum pulchra est in qua non eminent venae nec ossa 
numerantur, sed temperatus ac bonus sanguis implet membra et 

36. teporis Lipsius, temporis (per compendia) codd. 27. bibliotheccu ADC, 

bybliotecas B (also at 87. 6). 28. quia EVaCADHb : qui AB. illos most codd. : 

istos AB. 31. in tragoediis Ritter, Halm. 


\ I 

ua !' 


After nisiforte quisquam (=nemo enim), 
nisi qui foUows in the next clause by a 
negligence for which cp. Ann. iii. 57, 2 
{nisi ut , , , nisi quod). A similar, but 
more natural, construction occurs 37. 22 
nec quisquam . . . potest nisi qui . . . 

pro Becio Samnite. The speech is 
not known, and the difference in the name 
(Decius Samnites) shows that it cannot 
have been delivered, as some editors sup- 
pose,on behalf of the individual mentioned 
in Cffe. pro Cluent. § 161 (Cn. Decidius 

25. pro Deiotaro. See Cic. ad Att. 
xiv. I, 2 : Brut. § 21. The oration was 
delivered by Brutus in Caesar's presence, 
at Nicaea, in B. c. 46. It failed of its 
object, for Deiotarus lost both his title 
and most of his tetrarchy : BeU. Alex. 68. 

eiuadem lentitudinis, &c., ' corre- 
spondingly tedious and flat productions.* 
For lentitudinis cp. lentus est in principiis 
22. II : Cic. Brut. § 178. tepor, of style, 
occurs only here. 

27. bibliothecas. The reference must 
be to private libraries, where the poems 
in question would find a place owing to 
the reputation of their authors : the first 
public library was founded by Asinius 
Pollio, B.c. 38. — Nothing is known of 
any poetical compositions by Brutus. 
Certain carmina are mentioned in con- 
nection with Caesar^s name (Plin. N. H. 
xix. 8, 144), but we are told by Suetonius 
(Jul.^lvi.) that Augustus forbade their 
circulation in a letter to his chief librarian, 
Pompeius Macer. Cicero's poetical efforts 
are better known : Quint. xi. i, 24 In 
carminibus utinam pepercisset, quae non 
desienmt carpere maligni : ' cedant arma 

togae, concedat laurea linguae,* et * o for- 
tunatam natam me consule Romam ! ' 

29. Asinius. See 12. ad fin. For 
Pollio's poetry, cp. Verg. Ecl. viii. ip 
Sola Sophodeo tua carmina digna co- 
thumo : iii. 86 Pollio et ipse facit nova 
carmina : Hor. Sat. i. 10, 42. 

30. Menenios . . . Appios. The re- 
ference is to Menenius Agrippa (17. 2) 
and to Appius Claudius Caecus (18. 18). 

studuisse, absolute, as at 82. 8, and 
34. 10: and frequentlyin Quintilian. Cp. 
studiosorum, above. 

32. expressit : see on 20. 11. For 
the judgment here expressed cp. Quint. x. 
I, 113 anitoreet iucunditate Ciceronis ita 
longe abest ut videri possit saeculo prior. 

durus et siccus, 'hard and dry.' 
Durus is the sort of epithet (cp. CLsper) 
that might be applied to a man who has 
no 'sense of style.* Siccus == aridus, 
ieiunus, exilis, * wizened * : cp. Cic. Brut 
§ 285 ieiunitatem et siccitatem et in- 
opiam. In Brut. § 202 siccus is used in 
a good sense (* solid,' *wiry'«= aptus, 
pressus) nihil nisi siccum atque sanum : 
cp. de Senect. § 34 : Quint. ii. 4, 6. 

33. ossa, as in line 4, above. For the 
figure, cp. Quint v. 12, 6 plus habebunt 
decoris (sc. argumenta) si non nudos et 
velut came spoliatos artus ostenderint. 

34. temperatus, *sound,* 'well-tem- 

sanguis. Quint x. i, § 60 (of Archi- 
lochus) plurimum sanguinis atque ner- 
vorum :ib. $115:2, §12 minus sanguinis 
ac virium : Cic. Or. § 76 non plurimi 
sanguinis est, *not fuU-blooded. For 
cognate metaphors see Nagelsbach, 136, 
4, PP- 556-8. 




35 exsurgit toris ipsosque nervos rubor tegit et decor commendat. 
Nola Corviniim insequi, quia non peripsum stetit quo minus 
laetitiam nitoremque nostrorum temporum exprimeret ; videmus 
enim quam iudicio eius vis aut animi aut ingenii suflFecerit. ^ ^ ^^ 
22« Ad Ciceronem venio, cui eadem pugna cum aequalibus 
suis fuit quae mihi vobiscum est. Illi enim antiquos mirabantur, 
ipse suorum temporum eloquentiam anteponebat; nec ulla re 
magis eiusdeni aetatis oratores praecurrit quam mdicio. Primus 
6 enim excoluit orationem, primus et verbis delectum_adhibuit et 

35. rubore ADC. 36. guia non EVgCAD, quia nec AB {quia nuper HSp.). 

37. videmus enim quam John : viderimus inquam ABCADH, viderimus in quantum 
KVa : et videmus in quantum (cp. 2. 13) Acidalius, Halm, Mtiller (for nec , , . et 
cp. 2. 10 : 38. 1 1 ) : videmus enim in quantum Baehrens, uberrimus in quantum .... 
suffecit Henmann. Some who read nec explain \\.^^ne quidem (see Introd. p. Iviii). 

22. 4. eiusdem aetatis oratores EVsCADH, oratores (utatis eiusdem AB. 

35. ezsurgit toris, < makes the muscles 
swell out : ' * careers * or * revels * over 

nervos, 'sinews': see Mayor on Cic. 
de Nat. Deor. ii. § 136. Tr. *while the 
sinews too show a ruddy complexion and 
a graceful outline.' 

36. Corvinum. See on 12. ad fin. 
non per ipsum stetit quo minus. 

Cp. Liyy vi. 33, a nihil per alteros stare, 
quo minus incepta persequerentur : ix. 
14, I : Plin. Ep. vi. 34, 3 quod quo 
minus exhiberes, non per te stetit. 

37. laetitiam nitoremque. There is 
a similar collocation of laetus and nitidus 
as epithets of style in Cic. de Or. i § 81 : 
cp. Or. § 36. For laetitia Q floweriness/ 
* luxuriance ') see on 20. 9. 

38. quam. Tr. ' how inadequately his 
critical faculty was supported by imagi- 
native or cieative ability.' So * viribus 
minor' Quint. x. i, 113 (quoted on 18. 
I a) . Cp. above, Calvum intellexisse quod 
melius esset, nec voluntatem ei . . . sed 
ingenium ac vires defiiisse. For quam, 
following video, cp. Cic. de Or. ii. § 180 
vide quam sim, inquit, deus in isto genere : 
iii. § 51 atqui vides, inquit Antonius, 
quam alias res agamus. 

iudicio is here * power of discemment,' 
rather than 'taste' (1. 9, 22. 4). 

22. I. pugna cum aequalibus suis. 
Thesewere the Atticists, — Calvus, Brutus, 
Caelius, and the two Asinii : cp. on ob- 
trectatores 18. 19 : Quint. xii. 10, §§ la- 
14. In Tacitus's own day, a certain 
Largius Licinus repeated the criticisms 
of Asinius Gallus in a work entitled 

Ciceromastix : cp. Aul. Gell. xvii. i, i 
nonnulli tam prodigiosi tamque vaecordes 
exstiterunt in quibus sunt Gallns Asinius 
et Largius Licinus, cuius liber etiam fertur 
infando titulo ' Ciceromastix,' ut scribere 
ausi sint M. Ciceronem parum integre 
atque improprie atque inconsiderate 

4. eiusdem aetatis oratores. The 
origin of the variant 'oratores aetatis 
eiusdem' (adopted by Hahn) seems to 
have been that (owing to a similarity in 
the compendia) either aetatis or oratores 
was omitted from the text and written in 
above the line. Tbese two words must 
have stood next each other in the original. 
If oratores slipped out, and was afterwards 
inserted, we should have had either * eius- 
dem aetatis oratores ' or * oratores eiusdem 
aetatis ' : iietetatis, then ' eiusdem aetatis 
oratores.' Moreover Gudeman points out 
that *out of nearly 500 examples in 
Tacitus of an attributive use of idem or 
its infiected forms, it is placed after its 
noun in hvXjive passages, and these only 
in his latest work. Cp. Ann. ii. 14, i nox 
eadem : xiv. 9, 3 nocte eadem : xiii. 17» i 
nox eadem necem : iii. 69, 21 viro qnon- 
dam ordinis eiusdem : yi. 32, 12 Tiridaten 
sanguinis eiusdem aemulum.' Again, * in 
Tacitus eiusdem with its substantive in- 
variably precedes the noun upon which 
it depends, except Ann. iii. 69, ai cited 

iudicio, ' taste.' So at 1. 9, 20. 20. 

5. excoluit orationem, ' gave a finish 
to style.' Cp. the use of cultus - * polish.' 

verbis . . . oompositioni. Cp. 21. 17. 



•<;*■- ^ » ^ - 

compositioni artem, locos quoque laetiores attentavit et quasdam 
sententias invenit, utiaue in iis orationibus quas senior iam et 
iuxta finem vitae composuit, id est, postquam magis profecerat 
usuque et experimentis didicerat quod optimum dicendi genus 
esset. Nam priores eius orationes non carent vitiis antiquitatis : 
lentus est in principiis, longus in narrationibus, otiosus circa 
excessus ; tarde commovetur, raro incalescit ; pauci sensus apte 
et cum quodam lumine terminantur. Nihil excerpere, nihil 

5. diUctum '^ti^m, 7. smioriantY^JjZi^^^yiamseniorKR. 10. est 

codd. except £. 12. apte et Addalius, opt, et AH, opt , . . et B, optet C, opti 

et D, apte cadunt et Michaelis, apte et ut oportet Vahlen. 

' ' ( > V ' ' 



For delectum^ 'a principle of selection/ 
cp. Cic. Bmt. § 253 Yeroomro delectum 
originem esse eloqnentiae. There may 
be a military fifure involved in snch 
phrases as Cic. de Or. iii. § 150 in hoc 
verbomm genere propriomm dilectus est 
habendus : Quint. z. 3, 5 dilectns enim 
remm verbommque agendus est (where 
dilectus is probably right). 

6. I0CO8 . . . laetiores, 'omate,* 'flow- 
ery * passages. Loci (cp. note on 19. 15) is 
nsed with a reference to loci communesy 
passages of general interest, such as might 
be selected for a volume of * Elegant Ex- 
tracts.' Cp. Quint. xi. i, 34 illa laetiora 
qualia a Cicerone dicuntur : ib. § 49 quam 
laetissimis locis sententiisque dicentem I 

7. sententias » yvdffms, general re* 
flections on human life and action, cry- 
stallized, as it were, in some apt and 
appropriate ntterance. To Aper and his 
school those ' sententious utterances * re- 
commended themselves in proportion as 
they were pointed and epigrammatic (cp. 
argnta et brevi sententia 20. 16). 

in iis orationibus. Quintilian speci- 
ally commends the pro Q. Ligario (B.c. 
46) and the pro Milone (B. c. 52). The 
Philippics may also be inclnded. 

senior iam. Helmreich supports the 
reading of AB by citing iam senior from 
Ann. iii. 47, 14 and Hist. i. 49, 18: cp. 
Veig. Aen. vi. 304. Bnt in the Dialogue 
iam most commonly comes after the word 
with which it is to be taken : so ' iuvenes 
iam ' S3. 8; ' imbutus iam ' 84. 2 ; ' paratos 
iam ' 81. 26 ; ' sextam iam '17. 13 ; ' dis- 
posui iam * 8. r i ; ' adsuevit iam * 20. 8. 
See Introd. p. Ixxxv, note. 

8. iuxta finem, the only instance of 
this use (for subfineni) in Tacitus. 

poBtquam with the plpf. : cp. 88. ad fin. 
postquam . . . pacaverat. 

I o. priores, e. g. pro A. Caecina (20. 4 ), 
pro M. Tullio, pro Roscio Amerino, &c. 

11. principiis . . . narrationibus. 
See on 19. ii, longa principiomm prae- 
paratio et narrationis alte repetita series. 

otiosus ciroa exoessus, he ' loiters * 
over *idle* digressions. For otiosus 
(* wearisome ') see on 18. 24 Bmtum 
otiosum atque diiunctum. Digressio 
{rrapiicfiaxns), sometimes egressio and 
egressuSf is synonymous with excessusi 
cp. Quint. iii. 9, 4 egressio vero vel, quod 
usitatius esse coepit, excessus, &c., ib. iv. 

3, §§ 8, la. 

olrca, common in the Silver Age for in, 
de, ad, erga, &c. : see on 3. 18. 

12. raro inoalesoit, he seldom 
* catdies fire.' Cp. for the whole passage, 
Seneca, Ep. 100, esp. §§ 7-8 : 114, § 16. 

apte, of rhythm : cp. Cic. Or. § 149 ut 
comprehensio (the complete period) 
nnmerose et apte cadat : § 219 si quae 
veteres illi . . . apte nnmeroseque dixe- 
rant, ea sic non numero quaesito, sed 
verbomm collocatione cecidemnt: so 
§ 168 numerosae et aptae orationis : 
§§ 174, 177, 191 : Quint. ix. 4, 32 apte 
cadens oratio. 

13. luminesinsigni sententia. Lumen 
is here used of what adds brilliance and 
iclatX.Q style, — some striking beauty of 
thought or diction, snch as Seneca (1. c.) 
calls *subiti ictns sententiamm.' Cp. 
Cic. Bmt. § 66 nullns flos tamen neqne 
Inmen ullum, and (of the style of Plato 
and Democritus) quod incitatius feratur 
et clarissimis verbomm luminibus utatur, 
Or. § 67 : sententiamm lumina, ib. § 85. 
So Quint. viii. 5, 2 consuetudo iam tenuit 
ut mente concepta sensus vocaremus, 
lumina autem praecipueque in clausulis 
posita sen^^entias : ib. § 29 lumina illa 
non flammae sed scintillis inter fumum 



referre possis, et velut in rudi aedificio, firmus sane paries et ^ 
15 duraturus, sed non satis expolitus et splendens. Ego autem 
oratorem, sicut locupletem ac lautum patremyamiliae, non eo 
tantum volo tecto tegi quod imbrem ac ventum arceat, sed etiam 
quod visum et oculos delectet ; non ea solum instrui supellectile 
quae nec^ssariis usibus sufficiat, sed sit in apparatu eius et aurum . . 
20 et gemmae, ut sumere in manus et aspicere saepius libeat. . 
' Quaedam vero procul arceantur ut iam oblitterata et /«jolentia : • 
nuUum sit verbum velut rubigine infectum, nuUi sensus tarda et 
inerti structura in morem annalium componantur : fugitet foedam 

16. lautum Lipsias, laudatum codd. 18. supeUectih ABEVsH, -i CaD. 

19. sed sit codd., sed esse Novak. 20. ut £V|CAD {aut HSp.), et A6. libeat 

Agricola, liceat codd. 21. arceantur Lipsius, arcentur codd. insolentia is my 

conj. (for the omission of in^ cp. 38. 5), olentia codd., Halm, Miiller, antiquitatem 
olentia Andresen, exoleta Acidalins (Sen. £p. 114. 10 ' antiqua verba atque exoleta'), 
obsoleta WolfF, Gudeman (Cic. de Or. iii. §§ 33, 150: in Verr. i. 1, 31, 56 : Quint. iv. 

1, 58)- 

fugiai HV and edd. vett 

22. z/^/m/ Rhenanus, z/^/codd. 

23. fugitet, ABEVa^,fugiet CD, 

emicautibus similia. For the more general 
sense of lumina the following passages 
may be added : ad Herenn. iv. 23 lu- 
minibus distinctis illustrabimus orationem: 
Cic. de Or. iii. § 96 sint quasi in omatu 
disposita quaedam insignia et lumina; 
cp. ib. iL § 36 : sunt enim (lumina) similia 
illis quae in amplo omatu scaenae aut 
fori appellantur insignia, non quia sola 
oment, sed quod excellant, Or. § 134 
(where see Dr. Sandys' notes). Quite 
technically lumina ^figurcu, e.g. Brat. 
§ 275 lumina quae vocant Graeci oxh' 
fMTa : de Or. iii. § 201 est quasi lu- 
minibus distinguenda et frequentanda 
omnis oratio sententiaram atque ver- 

13. terminantur. Cic. Or. § 199 pleri- 
que enim censent cadere tantum numerose 
oportere temiinarique sententiam. Cp. 
too Quint. viii. 5,13 sed nunc-aliud volunt, 
ut omnis locus, omnis sensus in fine ser- 
monis feriat aurem. This is what Seneca 
means when he says (£p. loo, § 7) ' omnia 
apud Ciceronem desinunt, apud Pollionem 

14. referre, cp. referre domum 20. 13. 

15. duratuTus. Ihe fut. part. is 
graphically employed by Tacitus, e.g. 
Hist. ii. 49, 21 sepulchrum . . . modicum 
et mansuram: Ann. iv. 38, 7 hae pul- 
cherrimae effigies et mansurae. Cp. on 
mansurum 9. 22. 

16. locupletem patrem familiae, ' a 
well-to-do householder.* Lautus carries 
with it the same idea as elegansy—oi one 
who knows how to fumish with taste. 
There is a somewhat similar figure in 
Cic. de Or. i, § 161. 

21. oblitterata: cp. 8. 3 remotis et 
oblitteratis exemplis. 

insolentia : contrary to ordinary or 
approved usage : Cic. Brat. § 274 nec vero 
ullum aut duram aut insolens (verbum) : 
Or. § 26 nuUum verbum insolens, nullum 
odiosum : Quint. iv. i, 58 ex praeceptis 
veteribus manet ne quod insolens verbnm, 
ne audaciiis translatum, ne aut obsoleta 
vetustate aut poetica licentia sumptum in 
principio deprehendatur. Aul. Gell. i. 10 
ut tamquam scopulum sic fugias inauditum 
atque insolens verbum. [This conjecture 
has, I find, been anticipated by Comelis- 
sen in Mnemosyne, xiii. p. 260 : he cites 
Gell. xi. 7 verbis uti aut nimis obsoletis, 
exculcatisque aut insolentibus.] 

22. tarda et inerti, 'lame and stiff ' : 
cp. Quint. ix. 4, 137 tarda et supina (sc. 

23. in morem annalium, 'in the 
style of a chronicler * : cp. Cic. de Or. ii. 
§§ 53-3 ; de Legg. i. § 6 sq. Olherstake 
it less probably as referring to the diffe- 
rences between the historical style gene- 
rally and that of oratory : see Quint. x. 
31-32, with the notes. 



,r e 

et insul^am scurrilitatem, variet compositionem, nec omnes 
clausulas uno et eodem modo determinet , 35 

23. Nolo inridere rotam Fortunae et ius verrinum et 
illud iertio quoque sensi} in omnibus orationibus pro sententia 
positum esse videatur. Nam et haec invitus rettuli et plura 
omisi, quae tamen sola mirantur atque exprimun^ ii qui se 
antiquos oratores vocant. Neminem nominabo, genus hominum 5 
significasse contentus ; sed vobis uti^ue versantur ante oculos 
isti qui Lucilium pro Horatio et Lucretium pro Vergilio legunt, 

25. terminet Lipsius. 

23. I. verrinum EVaCADH, vetrinum AB. 3. inviius B corr., invitaius 

codd. 5. vocant Lipsius, vocitant Schnrzfleisdi, vocabant codd. 7. isti ABD£ 

(^om. CH and edd. vett. : del. b) : illi Halm. 

24. scuTTiUtatem,'buffoonery.' Simi- 
lar cantions are given in Cic. de Or. ii. 
§ 237 sqq. ne quid insulse . . . ne aut 
scurrilis iocus sit aut mimicus (§ 239), 
scnrrilis oratori dicacitas magno opere 
fugienda est (§ 244), temporis igitur ratio 
et ipsius dicacitatis moderatio et tem» 
perantia et raritas dictorum distinguet 
oratorem a scurra (§ 247) : cp. Or. 
§ 88, and Quint. vi. 3, 29. 

vaiiet compositionem. The charge 
against Cicero was that he neglected to 
do this : Sen. Ep. 100, § 7 Lege Cice- 
ronem : compositio eius una est, pedem 
servat lenta et sine infamia mollis. 

25. clausulas . • . determinet, i. e. 
he is to avoid a monotonously uniform 
* rhythmical ending.* See on this passage 
de Or. iii. § 192 sq.where Cicero, speak- 
ing of * clausulae ' says ' in oratione pauci 
primum cemunt, postrema plerique : quae 
quoniam apparent et intelleguntur, vari- 
anda sunt, ne aut animorum iudiciis re~ 
pudientur aut aurium satietate.' Cp. 
^^both for * clausulae * and for variety of 
rhythm generally) Or. §§ 212-220. So 
again of Cicero, Seneca £p. 114, § 16 
quid illa in exitu lenta (sc. compositio), 
qualis Ciceronis est, devexa et molliter 
detinens nec aliter quam solet, ad morem 
suum pedemque respondens? For nec 
. . . determinet^ see on nec . . . experiar^ 
18 ad fin. 

23. I. rotam Fortunae. The refe- 
rence is to in Pis. § 22 in quo cum illum 
saltatorium versaret orbem, ne tum 
quidem Fortunae rotam pertimescebat. 
Cp. Tibull. i. 5, 70 versatur celeri Fors 
levis orbe rotae. 

ius verrinum, 'sauce for pork' or 

*Verrine law.' The passage occurs in 
Verr. i. i, § 121 Hinc illi homines erant 
qui etiam ridiculi inveniebantur ex dolore. 
Quorum alii, id quod saepe audistis, nega- 
bant mirandum esse ius tam nequam esse 
verrinum. Aper might have said that 
Cicero did not claim the autborship of 
this deplorable pun : cp. Quint. vi. 3, 4. 

2. iUud tertio quoque sensu . . . 
positum, * the stock ending of every other 
sentence.' For sensus, see on 20. 16. 

pro sententia : instead of a pointedi 
epigrammatic utterance, there is only the 
jingle of esse videatur. Cp. cum lumine 
quodam, 22. 13. In the same way Quin- 
tilian, speaking of those who shelter 
themselves under the name of Cicero, says 
(x. 2, 17-18) *otiosi et supini, si quid 
modo longius circumduxerunt, iurant ita 
Ciceronem locuturum fuisse. Noveram 
quosdam qui se pulchre expressisse genus 
illud caelestis huius in dicendo viri sibi 
yiderentur, si in clausula posuissent esse 

4. exprimunt, * reproduce ' : as at 
20. II : 21. adfin. Instead of the reading 
in the text, imitantur atque exprimunt 
has been suggested (Cornelissen) : cp. 
Cic. Or. § 19 : de Or. ii. § 90. 

5. antiquos, of the good old school. 

6. signiflcasse. For this infin. after 
conientus, see on probasse 18. 13. 

utique, * of course,' * anyhow,' ' in any 

7. Lucilium pro Horatio. Cp. 
Quint. X. I, § 93 Lucilius quosdam ita 
deditos sibi adhuc habet amatores ut eum 
non eiusdem modo operis auctoribus sed 
omnibus poetis praeferre non dubitent. 

Ijuoretium pro Vergilio. In Quiii- 



quibus eloquentia Aufidi Bassi aut Servilii Noniani ex compara- « 
tione Sisennae aut Varronis sordet, qui rhetorum nostrorum 
10 commentarios fastidiunt et oderunt, Calvi mirantur. ( Quos more 
prisco apud iudicem fabulantesj^non auditores-^equuntur, non 
. , j populus audit, vix denique Htigator perpetitur : adeo maesti et 
inculti illam ipsam quam iactant sanitatem non firmitate, sed 

8. iuifidi codd. lo. fastidiunt et oderunt Baehrens, Wolff. The omission 

of the copula in the MSS. (except B corr.) has led others to suspect a gloss: 
fastidiunt [oderunt} Heumann, Halm, Miiller. 13. nonfrmitate Acidalius, 

infirmitatem DCH Sp., infrmitaiemque AB. 

tilian's survey of Roman literature, Lu- 
cretius is named, not along with Vergil, 
but with Aemilius Macer, x. i, 87, and 
that in a way which reveals a very inade- 
quate appreciation of his poetical genius. 

8. eloquentia, here of prose style 
(though Servilius was a rhetorician as 
well as a historian) : cp. 4. 10 ; 10. 13. 

Aufidius Bassus wrote a history which 
probably ended with the reign of Clau- 
dius, where Pliny the Elder took it up : 
N. H. praef. 20 diximus . . . temporum 
nostrorum historiam, orsi a fine Aufidii 
Bassi. Servilius Nonianus is said in 
Ann. xiv. 19, where his death (A. D. 60) 
is mentioned along with that of Domitius 
Afer, to have rivalled Afer's abilities and 
surpassed his morals. Quintilian charac- 
terizes the two together x. i, 102-103 et 
ipse (Servilius) a nobis auditus est clarus 
vi ingenii et sententiis creber, sed minus 
pressus quam historiae auctoritas postulat. 
Qnam paulum aetate praecedens eum 
Bassus Aufidius egregie, utique in libris 
belli Germanici, praestitit genere ipso, 
probabilis in omnibus, sed in quibusdam 
suis ipse viribus minor. 

ex comparatione, Liv.xxiv. 48, 2 : xxii. 
8, 2. For the brachyology, cp. Hist i. 
30, I neque enim relatu virtutum in com- 
paratione Othonis est. See also ch. 1. adfin. 

9. Sisenna, L. Comelius (b.c. 120-67) 
is mentioned in the Brutus (§ 228) as 
* doctus vir et studiis optimis deditus, bene 
Latine loquens * : of his history Cicero 
says, ' cum facile omnes vincat superiores, 
tum indicat tamen quantum absit a 
summo quamque genus hoc scriptionis 
nondum sit satis Latinis litteris inlus- 
tratum.* Cp. SaU. lug. xcv. 2 L. Sisenna 
optume et diligentissume omnium qui eas 
(Sullae) res dixere persecutus, parum 
mihi libero ore locutus videtur. It is 
perhaps a further con6rmation of the 
emendation insohntia proposed above 

that Sisenna is described (Brut. § 259) as 
' emendator sermonis usitati : ne a 
C. Rusio quidem accnsatore deterreri 
potuit quominus inusitatis verbis ute- 
retur * : and below, ' recte loqui putabat 
esse inusitate loqui.* 

Varronis. Besides various other 
works Varro wrote Antiquitates rerum 
humanarum et divinarum in forty-one 
books, de Vita Poptdi Romani in four 
books, and Annales in three books. 
Quintilian calls him 'vir Romanorum 
eruditissimus,* and adds : ' plurimos hic 
libros et doctissimos composuit, peri- 
tissimus linguae Latinae et onmis anti- 
quitatis et rerum Graecarum nostrarum- 
que, plus tamen scientiae coUaturus quam 
eloquentiae,* x. i, 95. 

sordet. Cp. Hor. Ep. i. 11, 4 Cunc- 
tane prae Campo et Tiberino fiumine 
sordent : Verg. Ecl. ii. 44 sordent tibi 
munera nostra : Quint. viii. pr. § 26 
quibus sordet onme quod natura dictavit. 

10. oommentarios, as at 26. 11, = 
\ libros, * written speeches.' In the case 
I of the * rhetores,' these would be model 

orations, pilblished for the use of pupils. 

fastidiunt et oderunt. The same 
combination occurs Hor. £p. ii. i, 22, 
fastidit et odit : cp. Quint. xi. i. 15 
adfertque audientibus non fastidium modo, 
sed plerumque etiam odium. 

11. fabulantes, contemptuously : 
'while they are prosing away.' Cp. 
39. 4. 

non . . . sequuntur, i. e. they lose all 
interest ia the performance, and the 
general public pays no heed. So Cicero, 
speaking of the Atticists (Brut. § 289), * at 
cnm isti Attici dicunt, non modo a corona, 
quod est ipsnm miserabile, sed etiam ab 
advocatis relinquuntur.' 

12. maesti, 'dismal,* the opposite of 
' laeti ' : see on laetitia, 20. 9. 

13. non firmitate, &c. ' It is not their 




ieiunio consequuntur. Porro ne in corpore quidem valetudinem > 
medici probant quae animi anxietate contingit ; parum est 15 
aegrum non esse^ fortem* et laetum et alacrem volo. Prope 
abest ab infirmitate in quo sola sanitas laudatur. Vos vero, 
viri disertissimi, ut potestis, ut facitis, inlustrate saeculum nos- 
trum pulcherrimo genere dicendi. Nam et te, Messalla, video 
laetissima quaeque antiquorum imitantem^ et vos, Materne ac 20 
Secunde,' ita gravitati sensuum nitorem et cultum verborum 
miscetis, ea electio inventionis, is ordo rerum, ea quotiens caiisa 
poscit yibertas,^ea quotiens permittit brevitas, is compositionis 
decor, ea sententiarum planitas est, sic exprimitis adfectus, sic 
libertatem temperatis, ut etiam si nostra iudicia malignitas et ^5 
invidia tardaverit, verum de vobis dicturi sint posteri nostri.' 

24. Quae cum Aper dixisset, * Adgnoscitisne ' inquit Maternus 
' vim et ardorem Apri nostri ? Quo torrente, quo impetu saeculum 
nostrum defendit 1 Quam copiose ac varie vexavit antiquos ! 
Quanto non solum ingenio ac spiritu, sed etiam eruditione et 

15. animi codd., nimia Schulze, Halm. 18. viri add. Acidalius. 22. ea 

qmtiens Wopkens, etqttotiens codd. 23. permittitur codd. except £. 24. //a- 

nitas most codd., p/enitas B corr. and D, grazntas Schulting, sanitas Lipsius, claritas 
Comelissen (cp. Quint. ii. 16, 10 ; viii. 3, 70). 

~ \ * f 

vigour but their abstemiousness that ^hey 
have to thank for the healthy condition 
of which they boast. Cp. Quint ii. 4, 9 
macies illis pro sanitate. 

14. PoTTo, continuingthe argument : see 
on 5. 7. 'FoTparum est, see Introd. p. Iviii. 

17. inflrmitate. Wolfif says that in^ 
Jlrmitas^joinedynih. the genitives corporis 
or vcUetudiniSj means, in classical Latin, 
only ' indisposition.' So Cic. PhiL vii. 
12 : Rabir. § 21 : Sulla, % 34. Cp. 20. i 
infinnitate valetudinis. In Plin. BTp. x. 6, 
I it ab-eady stands for a more serious ill- 
ness, and later it quite » marbus, Cp. 
Quint. xii. 10, 15 hi sunt qui suae imbe- 
cillitati sanitatis appellationem, quae est 
maxime contraria, obtendunt. 

21. sensuum, here of thought. See on 
20. t6. Cp. throughout Quint. x. i, 120. 

nitorem et cultum. See on 20. 6. 

22. inventionis. After electio we 
should have expected rather inventorum : 
tr. 'so discriminating in the choice of 
material.' Apart from the fact that in- 
ventio is a technical term, there is a dis- 
tinct tendency on the part of the authors 

of the Silver Age to use abstract nouns 
with a concrete meaning. 

24. planitas, 'izfixspicuity.' Thisword 
does not occur elsewhere: cp. however 
Cic. Top. § 97 efficiendum est . . .'narra- 
tiones ut . . . planae sint: Quint. viii. 2, 22. 

adfectus, sc vestros. Others have 
taken exprimitis in the sense of ' movetis/ 
' excitatis.' 

25. libertatem, as 10. ad fin. ; < out- 
spokenness.' Cp. vapprjaia. 

nostra iudicia, an appreciative verdict 
from us, your contemporaries. 

malignitas et invidia. So ' maligni- 
tate et livore,* Agr. xli. 17. 

Ch. 24. Matemus repeats the invitation 
to Messalla to set forth the causes of the 
decline of eloquence. 

I. Adgnoscitisne, in the sense of 
* There you have it again ! ' Cp. IL i 
acrius ut solebat et intento ore. 

a. torrente, usually with a genitive : 
e.g. Quint x. 7, 23 inani verborum torrenti 
se dare. Cp. Cic. de Fin. ii. i, 3 cnm . . . 
fertur quasi torrens oratio. 

4. ingenio ao spizitu. The zeugma 




5 arte ab ipsis mutuatus est per quae mox ipsosTncesseret ! Tuum ^ 
tamen, Messalla, promissum immutasse non debet. Neque enim 
defensorem antiquorum exigimus, nec quemquam nostrum, 
quamquam modo laudati sumus, iis quos insectatus est Aper^ 
comparamus. Ac ne ipse quidem ita sentit, sed more vetere et 

10 a nostris philosophis saepe, celebrato sumpsit sibi contra dicendi 
partes. Igitur exprnme "nobis hon laudationem antiquorum 
(satis enim illos fama sua laudat), sed causas cur in tantum ab 
eloquentia eorum recesserimus, cum pracsfiltirii centum et 
viginti annos ab interitu Ciceronis ih hunc diem effici ratio 

15 temporum collegerit.' A 

24. 5. ipsis codd., illis Halm. 7. nostrum Acidalins, nostrorum codd. 8. quos 
insectatus ^j/ ABEVjH, quos modo insectatus est CA. 9. vetere Ritter, veteri codd. 
10. nostris ABH, vestris CDEVg, veteribus Nipperdey. 12. in tantum EVjCADH, 
tantum AB. 13. recesserimus EV3DH and corr. C, recessimus AB. 14. ejffici 

del. Roersch, Novak. 15. colligitur CDA. 

which editors point to between these 
words and mutuatus est is hardly notice- 
able. Aper had shown not only ' genius 
and inspiration,* but also Meaming and 
skill,' in the way in which he had plun- 
dered, as it were, the armoury of the 
orators of former days, and tumed their 
own artillery to bear on the * antiqui.' 
This accounts for the emphatic repetition 
ipsis . . . ipsos : it is precisely against those 
to whom (while disparaging them) he is 
indebted for his oratorical gifts that Aper 
has directed his attack. Cp. Cic. de Fin. 
i. $ 69 ut ipsi amici propter se ipsos 
amentur. Miiller quotes Plin. N. H, 13, 
58 nam et ipsa caudice ipso fert pomum : 
21, 20 (semen) in ipso cortice est,sub ipso 

4. eraditione. Cp. 2. 14. Aper omni 
emditione imbutus contemnebat potius 
litteras quam nesciebat. 

6. promissiim. See 16. 5. The word 
is of course in the accusative: *Aper 
must not be allowed to make you tum 
your back on your promise.' The perfect 
infin. (immutasse) indicates that the action 
is already finished : D^ § 150. 

9. Ac ne ipse quidem ita sentit. 
So 15. 9, where Messalla says ' neque . . . 
te ipsum, Aper, quanquam interdum in 
contrarium disputes, aliter sentire credo.' 

more vetere et a nostris philo- 
sophis. Here et^znd also : tr. 'in con- 
formity with an ancient nsage, and one 

much in vogue with the philosophers of 
the present day.* More vetere refers, of 
course, to the Greeks, notably the Stoics 
and the New Academy. So Crassus, in 
the de Oratore, addressing Antonios : 
haud scio an aliter sentias et utare tua 
illa mirifica ad refellendum consuetndine 
. . . cuius . . . facultatis exercitatio . . . 
iam in philosophoram consuetudine ver- 
satur, maximeque eorum qui de onmi re 
proposita in utramque partem solent 
copiosissime dicere, i. § 263. — For vetert 
(as against the MS. vetert) cp. Sirker, 
Taciteische Formenlehre, p. 36. 

II. ei^rome, ' setbe^^SSJiis.' Cp.Cic. 
Brat. § 25 laudare igitur eloquentiam et 
quanta vis sit eius expromere (' set forth ') : 
Ann. xii. 9, 2 ; xiii. 49, 9. 

13. cum praesexiiim » quamvis, or 
idque cum tamen^ 'and that thongh,' 
*though indeed,' *which is all the more 
remarkable, considering that,' &c. See 
note on Quintilian x. i, 105. 
, centnm et viginti. Tr. 'though 
chronology proves that from the death 
of Cicero to the present day is an interval 
of not more than 120 years.' For the 
pleonasm, cp. 16. 25: anni . . . ratione 
efficiantur or colligantur (as 17. 16) would 
have been more regnlar. Colligere here 
r2i\hsx^concludere than computare, — ^The 
repetition of the figure eentum et viginti 
(17. 15) is an important element in the 
question discussed in Introd. pp. xii-xiv. 



25. Tum Messalla : * Sequar praescriptam a te, Mateme, 
formam ; neque enim diu contra dicendum est Apro, qui 
primum, ut opinor, nominis controversiam movit, tamguamT 
parum proprie antiqui vocarentur quos satis constat ante centum 
annos fuisse. Mihi autem de vocabulo pugna non est ; sive illos 5 
antiquos sive maioi^es sive quo alio mavult nomine appellet, dum 
modo in confesso sit eminentiorem illorum temporum eloquen- 
tiam fuisse. Ne illi quidem parti sermonis eius repugno in qua 
nimirufh fatetur plures formas dicendi etiam isdem saeculis, 
nedum diversis extitisse. Sed quo modo inter Atticos oratores 10 
primae Demostherii tribuuntur, proximum [autem] locum 



25. I. praescriptam a te ABD, et prescriptam 'Ef perscriptam et Cj praescriptam et 
V^A, a te praescriptam HSp. edd. vett. 4. cnnstat ABDH, constaret £CA, 

constare V^. 8. in qua nimirum is my conj. : si cominus {comminus) codd., si quo 
minus HbVSp. (cp. commoda for quomodOy 36. 33). Among other conjj. are qua quasi 
convictus Halm, qua quasi comminus nisus, Miiller (Cic. de Div. ii. 26), si inviius 
Heller. Others simply qua/atetur, ot quominus fatear : 'EN^giytfateorioTfatetur. 
John sapports the MS. reading si cominus : see Introd. p. Ixi, note. 11. [autem] 


Ohs. 25-26. First part of Messalla^s 
speech. He replies to Aper, and hriefly 
characterizes the poitUs in which coniem' 
porary rhetoric differs from the eloquence 
offormer times. 

25. I. praescriptam . . . formam, 
* the direction you have laid down for me.' 
Forma is here the * ontline * sketched by 
Maternus : * ratio disputationis,' G. and G. 
Andresen cites Ann. xiii. 4, 6 formam 
futuri principatus praescripsit. 

2. diu = multis verbis, as 11. 3. Cp. 
Ann. vi. 27, 15 neque nobilitas diutius 
demonstranda est : iv. 69, 10 : xii. 6, 4 : 
vi. 49, 8 : Hist. i. 16, 21 monere diutius 
neque temporis huius, &c. 

3. nominis controversiam, as often 
verbi contraversia in Cicero (e. g. de Or. i. 
§ 107), *a verbal dispute.* Quint. viii. 
3, 7 diversum est genus cum controversia 

- consistit in nomine. 

tamquam, ' alleging that,* ' on the 
ground that.' Cp. 2. 2, 15 ; 10. 27. 

4. ante centnm annos. Messalla 
prefers a round number, as sufficient for 
his purpose. 

5. de vooabulo. Nihil enim refert 
quomodo appelletur . . . nec mutatur 
vocabulis vis rerum, Quint. ix. i, 7. 

6. api^ellet, concessive subjunctive, not 
depending on sive. 

7. in confesso sit : 27. 3. Novak cites 
this phrase from Quint Decl. (ed. Ritter) 

134, 1 ; 216, 26; 224, 4; 313, 20. Cp. in 
medioy 18. 3 (Roby, §§ 1975-6). Perhaps 
the nearest Tacitean analogy to in confesso 
is Hist. i. 78, 13 ipse in suspenso tenuit : 
cp. Agric. i. 6 agere digna memoratu 
pronum magisque in aperto erat, in occulto 
(Ann. i. 49, 5 and often), and most fre- 
quently of all in incerto. D'. § 80. 

8. illi parti sermonis. See esp. 18. 14 
in illis quoque quos vocatis antiquos plures 
species deprehendi, nec statim deterius 
esse quod diversum est : cp. 21. 14 sqq. 

in qua nimirum fatetur, ^where of 
course he has to admit.* Miiller's ingenious 
reading qua quasi comminus nisus is sup- 
ported by the reference to 18. 6 agere 
enim fortius iam et audentius volo. But it 
is against it that on such an interpretation 
fatetur must=profitetur (17. 17). It is on 
the admission made by Aper that Messalla 
seems to found his argument for the pre- 
eminence of the Ciceronian age. 

9. etiam . . . nedum : * even . . . much 
more.* Cp. Ann. xv. 59, 6 etiam fortes 
viros subitis terreri nedum ille scaenicus 
. . . arma contra cieret : xiii. 20, 15 sed 
cuicunque, nedum parenti defensionem 
tribuendam : Hist. iii. 66, 14. 

10. quo modo . . . sic. So 86. 33 ; 
39. 6 ; 41. 9. Quintilian often has quem 
ad modum . . . sic : see on x. 5, 17. 

1 1 . primae, sc partes. So Ann. xiv. 2 1 , 
21 eloquentiae primas nemo tulit, which 

F % 



Aeschines et Hyperides et Lysias et Lycurgus obtinent, omnium 
autem concessu haec oratorum aetas maxime probatur, sic apud 
nos CiCero quidem ceteros eorundem temporum disertos ante- 
15 cessit, Calvus autem et Asinius et Caesar et Caelius et Brutus 
lure et prioribus et sequentibus anteponuntur. Nec refert quod 
inter se specie differunt, cum genere consentiant. Adstrictior 
Calvus, numerosior Asinius, splendidior Caesar, amarior Caelius, 

1 3. cansensu H Vq Pat and edd. sic £b, sicut cett. codd. 16. ture edd., si uere 
codd., sic uire H {suo iure Lipsius). 1 7. differurU Halm, differant codd. Adstrictior 
Acidalius» cU {aut) strictior codd. 

recalls vfwrua ^€pfa0€u: cp. Cic Brut. 
§ 183 primas ferre. Otherwise the phrase 
would seem to have been borrowed from 
the theatre : primas agere, Brut. § 308 : 
Hor. Sat i. 9. 46. Cp. Cic. Or. § 18 cui 
(Pericli) primae sine controversia defere- 
bantnr : Brut. § 84 ; ad Att i. 17, 5. 

12. Iiysias. Usener proposed to ex- 
clude et Zysias; but Lysias Is quite as 
much in place here as in the parallel 
enumeration in Quintilian x. i, 78, where, 
however, the fact is indicated that he 
flourished some years before the others : 
his aetate maior Lysias, &c. 

13. oonoesau. So Ann. iii. 61, 9; 
xii. 44, 4 : Cic. Brut. § 84 ipsorum inter 
ipsos concessu, ' by their mutual admis- 
^on* : concessu onmium, pro Cael. $ a8. 

haeo oratorum aetas. Cp. Quint. x. 
I, 76 ut cum decem simul Athenis aetas 
una tulerit, with tbe notes ad loc. Cic 
Brut. § 36 haec enim aetas efTudit hanc 
copiam. Gerber and Greef take the ex- 
pression as » horum oratorum aetas, and 
refer to 20. 20 nostrorum oratorum aetas : 
cp. also in eo tragoediae argumentOy 2. 4. 

14. Cicero . . . anteoessit. Cp. Quin- 
tilian^s eulogy, x. i, 105 sq. : ab homini- 
bus aetatis suae regnare in iudiciis dictus 
est § 112. For theaccus. after antecessit, 
cp. praecurrere, 20. 5 : Gcrm. xliii, 19. 

16. quod, • that * : cp. Plin. Ep. x. 30 
nec enim multum interest quod nondum 
• • . distributi sunt. 

17. apecie . . . genere : Quint. xii. 10, 
22 quos . . . inter se genere similes diffier- 
entes dixeris specie. 

Adfltriotior CalTius: see on 17. 4, 
and cp. 'exsanguem et attritum/ 18. 23, 
with the notes: Quint. x. i, 115. Ad' 
strictus (* concise," opp. to liberj remissusy 
effusus, &c.) expresses the 'Attic strict- 
ness ' of Calvus, as distinguished from the 

rich fnlness of Asianism : cp. the criticism 
of Cicero, 18. 19 inflatns et tumens nec 
satis pressus. So of Spurius Mummius» 
as compared with his brother Lucius, 
Cicero says (Brut. § 94) *nihilo ille quidem 
ornatior sed tamen adstrictior : fuit enim 
doctus ex disciplina Stoicorum*: cp. qno 
minus strictus est (of Aeschines) Quint. 
X. I, 77. In 81. 21, below, we haye 
'adstrictum et collectum dicendi genus,* 
where see note. 

18. nnmerofiior Aainius: 'more 
rhythmical»* as compared with Calvus. 
Meiser*s conjecture nervosior has been 
adopted by some recent editors against 
the testimony of aU tbe MSS. : it seems 
to haye been based on a misunderstanding 
of adstrictior^ the meaning of which is 
fully explained above. If adstrictus is 
wrongly taken (as by Wolfif ) in the sense 
of numero adstrictus (Cic de Or. i. 
% 254: cp. iii. § 175), then numerosior 
undoubtedly becomes a difiiculty. Nu- 
merosa as applied to orcUio is frequent 
in Cicero and Quintilian : cp. 'numerosus 
Horatius/ Ovid, Trist iv. 10, 49. For 
Asinius PoUio, see on 12. ad fin. 

splendidior Caesar. Cic Brut. $ a6i 
splendidam quandam . . . rationem dicendi 
tenet, voce, motu forma etiam magnifica 
et generosa quodammodo. Cp. Cicero 
in Suetonius, Caesar, § 55, Qnis verbis 
aut omatior aut elegantior? See on 
21. ao. 

amarior CaeUus. With amarior 
('more rasping*) cp. Quint. x. a, a^ 
asperitatem Caelii : Sen. de Ira, iii. 8, 6 
oratorem . . . iracundissimnm. For an 
example of the style of Caelius, see 
(^uint. iv. 2, 123-4, where Quintilian says 
' nihil his . . . vehementius exprobrari . . . 
potest* Cp. on 21. 13, 



^-^ llV( 

gravior Brutus, vehementior et plenior et valentior Cicero: 
omnes tamen eandem sanitatem eloquentiae prcie se ferunt, ut, 20 
si omnium pariter libros in manum sumpseris, scias quamvis in 
diversis ingeniis esse quandam iudicii ac voluntatis similitudinem 
et cognationem. Nam quod invicenj se obtrectaverunt et sunt ali- 
qua epistulis eorum inserta, ex quibus mutua malignitas detegitur, 
non est oratorum vitium, sed hominum. Nam et Calvum et 25 
Asinium et ipsum Ciceronem credo solitos esse invidere et 
livere et ceteris humanae infirmitatis vitiis adfici : solum inter hos 
arbitror Brutum non malignitate nec invidia, sed simpliciter et 
ingenue iudicium animi sui detexisse. An ille Ciceroni invideret, 
qui mihi videtur ne Caesari quidem invidisse ? Quod ad Servium 30 
Galbam et C. Laelium attinet, et si quos alios antiquiorum 
agitare non destitit, non^exigit defensorem, cum fatear quae- 

ao. saniiatem KhensLoas, s/rncfiiaiem codd. ^rae se /erunl Andxesejif/erunt 'EHh 
serunt ABCD, prae/erunt Acidalius. 21. scias B, sciam ABDC, om. HSp. 

23. cognationem Beroaldus, cogitationem codd. [se'] Nippeidey, Halm, Andresen. 
26. solitosesse is my conj., solitos et codd. Nipperdey rejects et inviderCf and so Halm. : 
others omit et. 27. livore Ritter. 28. Brutum Put, utrum ACH, uerum B. 

29. invideret Ciceroni HV Sp. 32. agitare codd., Aper agitare P. Voss. 

— C' • 

19. gravior Brutus. Cp. Quint. 
xii. 10, II gravitatem Bruti: x. i, 123 
Brutus suffecit ponderi rerum. See on 

ao. sanitatem. Cp. Cic. Brut. § 51 

illam salubritatem Atticae dictionis et 

quasi sanitatem : de Opt. Gen. Or. § 8 

imitemur . . . eos potius qui incorrupta 

sanitate sunt, quod est proprium Atti- 

corum. So «7«« in Greelc. 

22. iudioii ao volontatis, 'taste and 
sympathies.' So Cic. de Or. ii. § 94. For 
iudicium, cp. 21. 38. 

23. Ifam quod. This use of quod 
(* as regards the fact that '), so common 
in Cicero and Caesar, is said to occur in 
Tacitus only here. For invicem se ob- 
trectaverunt, cp, Agric. vi. 4 invicem se 

28. non malignitate neo invidia. 
Cp. 23. 25 malignitas et invidia: Agric. 
xli. 17 malignitate et livore : Hist. i. i, 11 
obtrectatio et livor. There is a slight 
zeugma between these ablatives and 

29. iudicium animi sui, 'his inner- 
most convictions' : cp. 27. ad fin., iudicium 
animi : Cic. de Or. 363 gaudeo iudicium 
animi mei comprobari. For Bmtus*s 

sincerity, cp. Quint. x. i, 123 scias eum 
sentire quae dicit : also Caesar's remark 
about him (Cic. ad Att. xiv. i, 2) 'magni 
refert hic quid velit, sed quicquid vult 
valde vult.' 

29. An . . . invideret, ' Why should 
he have been jealous of ' : cp. crederes, 
videres, Roby, § 1544. So 'Ego tibi 
irascerer ! ' Cic. ad Qu. Fr. i. 3, i. 

30. Quod ad . . . attinet. This for- 
mula is found in Tacitus only here, and 
in Agric. xxxiii. 23. In Quintilian the 
interrogative form (quid attinet ?) is very 
common ; also the negative (nihil attinet), 
which occurs once in Tacitus (Ann. xii. 
60, 18). 

Servium G-albam. See on 18. 3, 
where he is named along with Carbo, not 
Laelius. For the eloquence of Laelius, 
cp. Cic. Brut. § 83 sqq. multo tamen 
vetustior et horridior ille quam Scipio . . . 
delectari mihi magis antiquitate videtnr 
et libenter verbis etiam uti paulo magis 
priscis Laelius. 

32. exigit. The subject is probably 
the id that must be supplied with the 
relative clause quod . . . aitinet, Novak 
reads exigunt : cp. 24. 7 neque enim 
defensorem antiquorum exigimus. 



dam eloquentiae eorum ut nascenti adhuc nec satis adultae 

26. Ceterum si omisso optimo illo et perfectissimo genere 
eloquentiae eligenda sit forma dicendi, malim hercle C. Gracchi 
impetum aut L. Crassi maturitatem quam calamistros Maecenatis 
aut tinnitus Gallionis : adeo melius est or^tionem vel hirta toga 
5 induere quam fucatis et meretriciis vestibus insignire. Neque 
enim ciratorius iste, immo hercle ne virilis quidem cultus est, quo 
plerique temporum nostrorum actores ita utuntur ut lascivia «d^ 

26. I. optimo Put., opimo codd. 2 (and 6\ hercle ABCADH, hercule EVj. 

4. orationem Andresen, oratorem codd. {hirtam togam .... insigniri Ritter, hirtam 
togam . . . fucatis se Polle). 7. actores most codd., autores £ {u in litora), 

auctores A, oratores Ritter. 

33. adhuc, ' as yet only ' : Hist. i. 
31, II incipiens adhuc et necdnm adulta 
seditio. So Cic. Brut. § 27 non nascenti- 
bus Athenis sed iam adultis. 

26. I. omisso optimo iUo, &c., 'apart 
from the ideal of eloquence,' leaving the 
ideally perfect type out of account 

2. C. Graoohi. See on 18. 9. Plut. 
Tib. Gracch. ii. § 2 Iftovos 5c koX a<pohphi 
4 TaXos. 

3. Crassi maturitatem, the ' ripe 
eloquence of Crassus ' : see Cic. de Or. ii. 
§ 121 : iii. §§ 33, 171 : Brut. §§ 143, 215. 
So Quint. xii. 10, 1 1 'maturitatem Afri ' : 
of ripe judgment, Hist. i. 87 ad fin. * ma- 
turitatem GaUi.* Cp. 18. 10.' 

caJamistros, 'crimping-pins,* *curling- 
tongs': a metaphor from the toilet, ap- 
plied here to the bombaslic flourish of 
words. Augustus was in the habit of 
making fnn of these rhetorical flourishes 
of Maecenas : cuius /Jivpofipexus, nt ait, 
cincinnos usque quaque persequitur et 
imitando per iocum irridet, Suet. Aug. 86, 
where the cincinni are the * curled tresses ' 
which result from the application of the 
' calamistri.' Cp. Cic. Or. § 78 Tum re- 
movebitur (sc. ex attico genere dicendi) 
omnis insignis omatus quasi margari- 
tarum, ne calamistri quidem adhibebun- 
tur : Brut. § 262 qui volent illa (Caesaris 
commentarios) calamistris inurere. — For 
the implied criticism of Maecenas, cp. 
Sen. Ep. 114, 4. 

4. tinnitus, *jingling,' * cling-clang.* 
Cp. Quint. ii. 3, 9 nam tumidos et cor- 
ruptos et tinnulos et quocumque alio 
cacozeliae genere peccantes certum habeo 
non virium, sed infirmitatisvitio laborare. 

So Hnnulae sententiae (pf Seneca), 
Fronto, p. 240. 

G-allionis. The referenoe is to L. lunius 
Gallio, the friend of Ovid and the elder 
Seneca : the former addresses to him a 
letter of condolence on the death of his 
wife (ex Ponto iv. 11), the latter names 
him as one of the foremost declaimers of 
his time (Contr. x. pr. 13). Quintilian 
speaks of him disparagingly, ix. 2, 91 
' remissius et pro suo ingenio . . . Gallio.' 
He adopted one of the sons of M. Seneca, 
who took his name, and is the Gallio 
known to us in connexion with the life 
of St. Paul (Acts xviii. 12). 

toga . . . vestibus. The figure by 
which style is spoken of as the coveriog 
of thought is common in Cicero: de Or. i. 
§ 142 tum ea (sc. inventa) denique vestire 
atque omare pratione : Bmt. § 262 onrni 
omatu orationis tamquam veste detracta : 
§ 274 reconditas exquisitasque sententias 
mollis et pellucens vestiebat oratio. Cp. 
Quint. xii. 10, 47 do tempori ne hirta 
toga sit, non ut serica ; viii. 3, 6. 

5. fucatis. Cp. Cic. de Ot. iii. § 100 
cincinnis ac fuco : ii. § 188 sine pigmentis 
fucoque puerili : iii. § 199 : Bmt. § 136 in 
qua naturalis inesset non fucatus nitor: 
de Am. § 95 fucata et simulata. Tr. ' the 
paint and tinery of the courtesan.' 

7. aotores, ' counsel.* In Cicero, actor 
is used with special reference to actio 
(delivery) : de Or. iii. § 216 ex quo satis 
significavit quantum esset in actione qui 
orationem eandem aliam fore putarit 
actore mutato : Bmt. § 221 fortis vero 
actor et vehemens : § 316 : Or. § 61. Quin- 
tilian uses it as a synonym for oratori 



verborum et levitate sententiarum et licentia compositionis his- 
trionales modos exprimant. Quodque vix audituUas esse debeat^ 
Uaudis et gloriae et ingenii loco^lerique iactant cantacLsaltarique lo 
commentarios suos : unde oritur illa foeda et praepostera, sed 
tamen frequens facetis hominibus exclamatio, ut oratores nostri 
tenere dicere, histriones diserte saltare dicantur. Equidem non 
negaverim Cassium Severum, quem solum Aper noster nominarc 

12. frequens facetis hominihus is my conj. : freq, sicut his cld et AHSp. {clam et B, 

cla et CAD, clausula et some edd.), sicut hisdam et V^, sicut hisdam , . , . et E: 
frequens quidusdam Rhenanus, and most edd., fr. si dis placet Andresen, fr. circulis 
scholarum MiilleT, /r. iam et usitata Buchholz, sed tamen frequentissima iam est 
Heller. 13. tenere Lipsins, temere codd. 


ii. 12, II. That other associations 
lingered round the word, may however be 
seen from xi. 3, 184 ne dum actoris cap- 
tamus elegantiam, perdamus viri boni et 
grayis auctoritatem. 

las^jSCiA verborum, ' frivolity of style ' : 
cp. 29. 7 parvulos assuefaciunt . . . lasci- 
viae* et dicacitati, and see on 10. 16 ele- 
gorum lascivias. Cp. also Qnint. xii. 10, 
73 genus dicendi quod puerilibus senten- 
tiolis lascivit : x. i, 43 recenshaec lasdvia 

8. levitate . . . oompositionis, ' shal- 
low thoughts and disorderly structure.' 
FoT sententiarum •=■■ sensuum, see on 20. 16. 

histrionales modos : they reproduce 
the * rhythms of the stage ' — a thing which 
Cicero also deprecates, de Or. i. § 2 5 1 . Cp. 
below, ' cantari saltarique commentarios.' 
In the canticum, or lyrical position of a 
Roman play, the cantor sang to a ilute 
accompaniment, while tlie actor indicated 
by appropriate gestures the meaning of 
tbe words. For this sense of moduSy cp. 
Ann. xvi. 4, 14 plebs urbis, histrionum 
quoque gestus iuvare solita, personabat 
certis modis (*in set time') plausuque 
composito: xiv. 15, 5. The adj. his' 
trionalis is peculiar to Tacitus : it occurs 
below,29. io,andonceagain Ann. i. 16. 11. 

9. quod . . . debeat. For the sub- 
junctive, cp. quod interdum pudeat, Cic. 
de Or. I, § 40 : quod miserandum sit, de 
N. D. iii. § 62. 

10. laudis . . . loco: 'as something 
commendable, famous, and clever.* In- 
genii is used after loco by a construction 
rather different from that which connects 
* laudis et gloriae ' with * loco.' With the 
latter, Novak compares 'quod gloriae 
loco .... dixit,' Quint. Decl. 267, 4. 

plerique, * many ' : see on 2. 10. 
pantari saltarique, ' Uiat their speeches 

can be sung, and danced to.* Cp. Cic. 
Or. § 57 est autem etiam in dicendo 
quidam cantus obscurior, non hic e 
Phrygia et Caria rhetorum epilogus 
paene canticum, where Dr. Sandys quotes 
Quint. xi. 3, 58 and 167 : i. 8, 1-2. — For 
cantariy cp. Quint. ix. 4, 142 si sit necesse, 
duram potius atque asperam composi- 
tionem malim esse quam effeminatam et 
enervem, qualis apud multos, et cotidie 
magis lascivissimis syntonorum modis 
saltat. So again xi. 3, 57, Quintilian 
asks, *quid enim minus oratori convenit 
quam modulatio scenica? ' : and by way of 
concluding (§ 181) repeats his waming 
against the immoderate use of stage- 
methods, ' non enim comoedum esse, sed 
oratorem volo.' Cp. Plin. £p. ii. 14, 12 
Pudet referre quae quam fracta pronun- 
tiatione dicantur, quibus quam teneris 
clamoribus excipiantur. Plausus tantum 
ac potius sola cymbala et tympana illis 
canticis desunt. 

11. coximientarios. For this meaning, 
see on 23. 10. 

12. frequens fooetis hominibus. 
With facetis to represent sicut his of the 
MSS. it is possible to see in cld a case 
of a misunderstood contraction : the et 
before exclamatio must have resulted from 
some sort of dittography. I had also 
thought of * frequentissima his moribus 
exclamatio,' though the superlative seems 
not to occur in Tacitus. — For the dative 
after 'frequens,* cp. Ann. ii. 33, 6 erat 
adhuc frequens senatoribus . . . promere. 

exclamatio, ' of a pointed utterance ' : 
cp. 81. 29 below. 

13. tenere, * voluptuously' : Cic. in 
Pis. $ 89 cum his teneris saltatoribus. 
Cp. Quint. xi. 3, 23 molli teneraque voce : 
ix. 4, 31 refugit teneram delicatamque 
modulandi voluptatem. 



15 ausus est, si iis comparetur qui postea fuerunt, posse oratorem 
vocari, quamquam in magna parte librorum suorum plus bilis 
habeat quam sanguihis. Primus enim contempto ordine rerum, 
omissa modestia ac pudore verborum, ipsis etiam quibus utitu^ 
armis inc^QflipoSitus et studio feriendi plerumque deiectus,^non 

20 pugnat, sed rixatur. Ceterum, ut dixi, sequentibus comparatus 
«t varietate eruditioijis et lepore urbanitatis et ipsarum virium 
robore multum ceteros superat, quorum neminem Aper nominare 
et velut in aciem educere sustinuit Ego autem exspectabam ut 
incusato Asinio et Caelio et Calvo aliud nobis agmen produceret, 

25 pluresque vel certe totidem nominaret, ex quibus alium Ciceroni, 
alium Caesari, singulis deinde singulos opponeremus. Nunc 
detrectasse nominatim antiquos oratores contentus neminem 
sequentium laudare ausus est nisi in publicum et in commune, 

15. posse most codd.,/0j/ se A, pos^se B. 16. bilis Wopkens, vis codd. (others 

virifSuci, carnis, &c.). 17. contempto ABEV^, contento CADH. 19. studio £ and 
edd., studiis codd. deiectus ABEVsAH, devectus DC, detectus Lipsios (and so also 
Heller, Philologus li. p. 349). 23 velut most codd., vult A and (originaUy) B. 

24. incusato EVaCA, in Curato A, in curcUo H, incurato BD. 25. plurisque 

ABEV^^pterisqueDCAli, 26. JVunc "RhensLOUs, non codd. 2S. in commune 

ABAH, in comune £D, in omne C. 

16. plus bilis. So Quint. x. i, 117 
nam et ingenii plnrimum est in eo et 
acerbitas mira et urbanitas et feryor, sed 
plus stomacho quam consilio dedit. Prae- 
terea nt amari sales, ita firequenter amari- 
tudo ipsa ridicula est. 

19. armis inoompositiu : 'awkward 
with the weapons,' &c. For the ablative, 
editors quote Quint. iv. 5, loincompositus 
moribus. The juxtaposition of res, verbaj 
and incompositus would naturally lead us 
to expect in the last a reference to com- 
positio, in respect of which Cassius is 
censured by M. Seneca : cp. 21. 17, and 
Quint. X. 3, 9 res . . . verba . . . com- 
positio, 2 § 13, I § 118. But it seems 
better to take incompositus in the general 
sense of * disordered/ in which it is ap- 
propriate to the military figures in the 
context : elsewhere in Tacitus the word 
is used only of the disordered array 
of an army, Hist. ii. 40, 6 ; iii. 48» 3 ; 
iv. 34, 19. Cassius did not know how to 
handle his weapons : cp. the use of in- 
habilis. — For arma in this sense cp. 
Quint. X. I, 30; xii. 5, i. The military 
tone of the passage is kept up in in aciem 
deducere, and agmen producere, below. 

plerumque = saepe : see on 6. S. 

deiectus, sc de gradu : cp. Cic. de 
Off. I § 80 tumultuantem de gradu 
deici, ut dicitur, where Holden points ont 
ihsXgradus (cp. de statu, Or. § 1 29) is the 
posture of a man with his legs apart : so 
that the figure is taken from a combatant 
who loses his balance through eagemess 
to strike and is thus 'thrown ofF his 
guard ' : cp. Quint. iv. 2, 26 in armorum 
ratione antiquior cavendi quam ictum 
inferendi cura est. So ad Att. xvi. 15, 3 
mihi videtur . . . deiectus de gradu : 
Tusc. ii. § 58 de dignitatis gradn demo- 
veri : pro Caec. § 42. 

20. rixatur, of ' brawling/ as opposed 
to scientific fighting. Quint. ii. 12,2 qui 
armorum inscius in rixam ruit : vi. 4, 9 : 
xi. I, 29. 

22. ceteros. Theie is a slight awk- 
wardness in ceteros, after sequentibus : 
Baehrens proposed ' cunctos,* Halm ' eos.' 

23. sustinuit = crAi/, 'did not venture 
to/ ' could not bring himself to * : Hist. 
i. 37. This use is common in Ovid, also 
in Quintilian. 

28. in pubUoum b in universum, < in 
general.' Cp. Ann. xiii. 56, 4 haec in 






veritus, credo, ne multos offenderet si paucos excerpsisset. 
Quotus enim quisque scholasticorum non hac sua persuasigne 3^ 
fruitur, ut se ante Ciceronem numeret, sed plane post Gabinia- 
num ? At ego non verebor nominare singulos, quo facilius pro- 
positis exemplis aclpareat quibus gradibus fracta sit et deminuta 

27. * Appara te ' inquit Maternus * et potius exsolve promissum. 
Neque enim hoc cojli gi d esideramus. disertiores esse antiquos, 
quod apud me quidem in confesso est, sed causas exquirimus 
quas te solitum tractare paulo ante dixisti, plane mitior et 
eloquentiae temporum nostrorum minus iratus, antequam te 5 
Aper offenderet maiores tuos lacessendo.' 

29. offenderet most codd., laederet B. 31. j^</codd., etsi Schoell, Halm, Miiller. 
33. fracta B,freia ADCHEVj. 

27. I. Appara te B, Apparate AC (above the line aparte)^ Aparie DA, Aperte EV,, 
Approperate HSp., Appropera Put. See below. 2. hoc EVaCAH, hec AB, Agf D. 

4. dixisti suppl. lipsias : Halm after tractare, tum quidem plane Haase, Miiller. 
mitioret eloquentiae Schele, mitior eloquentia et codd. 5. minus ircttus Weis- 

senbom, miratus iratus codd. 

) ' , 

publicmn Ampsivariis (* to the A. as a 
people •) respondit, ipsi Boiocalo, &c 

in oonimane {tU t6 koiv6v) is specially 
frequent in Tacitus (Gerber and Greef, 
p. 589). For a similar antithesis to that 
cited above, cp. Genn. xxvii. 9 haec in 
communede omniumGermanomm origine 
ac moribus accepimus : nunc singulamm 
gentium instituta, &c. 

29. ezoerpsisset. The meaning is 
rather different here from 22. 13 nihil 
excerpere . . . possis, where the word 
literally — to extract. Cp. with the text 
Quint. X. I, 44 paucos enim, qui snnt 
eminentissimi, excerpere in animo est : 
Liv. xxiv. 18, 7. 

30. soholasticorum, ' professional 
rhetoricians ' : cp. 15. ad fin. 

persuasione. The word is frequent 
in this sense in Qnintilian xi. 3, 1 1 vemm 
illi persuasione sua fraantur. Tr. 'how 
few there are who do not flatter them- 
selves by imagining,* &c 

31. numeret. Hist. ii. 77, i nobis nihil 
ultra adrogabo quam ne post Valentem 
et Caecinam numeremur. 

plane. See Quintil. x. Introd. p. lii, 
and cp. plane leviores 85. 14. 

Gabinianus, Sex. lulius, was a 
countryman of Aper's, and a rhetorician 
of great repute. In the index to Sue- 
tonias's fragmentary work de Grammaticis 

et Pketorilmst his name is placed imme- 
diately before that of Quintilian : Roth, 
p. 272. 

32. verebor, c infin. Cp. Quint. x. 
7, 26 note : i § iot. 

Oh. 27. Matemus interrupts Messalla, 
in order to remind him that he had 
undertaken to discuss the causes of the 
decline oforatory. 

27. i. Appara te, the reading of the 
MSS. is as likely to be right as anything 
that it has been proposed to substitute 
for it. Maternus is often abmptly em- 
phatic in introducing a sentence : cp. 
credite, 41. 19. Tr. 'Make ready.' — 
Halm (after Michaelis) reads ' At parce': 
perhaps * Apro parce ' would be better. 
Miiller has * Operae parce,' Usener sug- 
gests * Ah parce,* Meiser * Apparet.' 

2. oolligi: 17. 24; 88. 19. Fortheacc. 
c. inf. (after 'desideramus') see D'. § 146. 

3. in oonfesso : 25. 7. . 

4. pauloante: 15. la. 

plane ('distinctly*) mitior et...mi- 
nu8 iratus : so 85. 14 plane leviores et 
minus pmdentiae exigentes. 

6. maiores tuos. A reference may 
be included here to 25. 6 ; but more 
specifically the phrase indicates Messalla's 
relationship to Messalla Corvinus 20. 2 : 
21. 36. So in Hist. iii. 9 Messalla is 
spoken of as ' claris maioribus.' 

H ^' 



* Non sum ' inquit * offensus Apri disputatione, nec nunc vos^ 
offendi decebit, si quid forte aures vestras perstringat, cum sciatis 


hanc esse eius modi sermonum legem, iudicium animit(citra 

o damnum adiectus proferre/ 

* Perge ' inquit Matemus * et cum de antiquis loquaris, utere 
antiqua libertate, a qua vel magis degeneravimus quam ab 

28« Et Messalla : * Non reconditas, Materne, causas requiris, 

nec aut tibi ipsi aut huic Secundo vel huic Apro ignotas, etiam 

si mihi partes adsignatis proferendi in medium quae omnes sen- 

timus. Quis enim ignorat et eloquentiam et ceteras artes desci- 

5 visse ab illa vetere gloria non inopia hominum, sed desidia ^ 



7. Apri Vahlen, a prima codd., Apri mei Schurzfleisch. fuc nunc is my conj., 
nam nec EV^CA, nam et ABDH, nec Put. and Halm, who also proposes nec iam 
( Andresen ncc med) . 8. perstringcU AB, peistringit EVjC AHb, perstrigit D. 

II. et cum EVjCA (om. HSp.), cum ABD. 12, a qua b and edd., qua codd. 

28. I. Et EVgCADH, Qui AB, Tum B corr., Cui Halm : perhaps Atque. 
5. hominum codd., honorum Baehrens, praemirmm Helmreich, ingeniorum Jacob, 
aptorum hominum Novak. 

7. neo nimc, ' and no more must yoa 
now,* &c. Cp. Ann. xi. 30, 6 nec nmic 
adnlteria obiecturum ait. 

8. perstringat, of something that 
grates upon the ear. Similarly Hor. Car. 
ii. I, 17 Ia>iu nunc minaci murmure cor- 
nuum Perstringis aures, * deafen ' : and in 
Cicero (for to *chafe,* *graze,* ' wound 
slightly '), pro Sest. § 14 ut eos quorum 
sceleris furore violatus essem vocis liber- 
tate perstringerem. 

9. oitra damnum adfectus, ' without 
any loss of good-will.' Adfectus here = 
good-feeliug ; cp. Ann. xiv. 27, 12 sine 
adfectibus mutuis ( = sine consensu et 
caritate) : Agr. xxxii. 8 fide et adfectu 
teneri. Similar genitives often follow 
damnum in Tacitus: Ann. iii. 58, 11 
nuUo sacrorum damno. Andresen 
takes adfectus as an explanatory genitive : 
*the disadvantage involved in excited 
feeling.* — For tlSs use of citra {'^sine), 
cp. 41. 25 citra obtrectationem : Agric. 
XXXV. 6 citra Romanum sanguinem: 
Germ. xvi. 8 citra speciem aut delecta- 
tionem. So Ov. Trist. v. 8, 23 peccavi 
citra scelus ('short of) : Plin. Ep. ii. i, 
4 citra dolorem t^en : Lucan iv. 728 ; 
and frequently in Quintilian, x. i, 2; 
7 § 7 ; xii. 6, 4. 

Ohs. 28-35. Speech of Messalla^ 
tracingthe decline of eloqueuce to (j) the 

loss ofthe old system of home training in 
early youth, and the substitution of 
mechanical routine for general culture 
(ohs. 28-32) ; and, after a short inter- 
ruption, (2) the usurpation by the schools 
of rhetoric of the part that had been 
played in fotmer days by distinguished 
leciders of the bar, to whom the young 
aspirant was in the habit of cUtaching 
himself{<^B, 33-85). 

28. I. £t MessaUa. For the open- 
ing, cp. Cic. de Or. iii. 48 Tum Crassus 
' pervulgatas res requiris ' inquit * et tibi 
non incognitas. Quis enim,* &c. : ib. i 
§ 137: de Rep. i § 70. 

2. aut . . . aut . . . vel. In the similar 
passage 15. 9, above, we have aut . . . aut 
. . . aut, The use of vel here must be 
intended to indicate subordination : ' nei- 
ther to you, on the one hand, nor to 
either of our friends, on the other.' So 
Ann. xiv. 3, 2 in hortos aut Tusculannm 
vel Antiatem in agrum : ib. 49, 14 non 
ideo aut consules . . . Thrasea . . . ceterive 
(where Thrasea has carried the senate 
with him against the consul). 

5. inopia hominum. It seems best 
to keep to the reading of the MSS. : there 
is no lack of suitable persons, but their 
abilities are not tumed to proper account. 
So * inopia advocatorum,* Ann. xi. 7, 3. — 
Andresen takes *inopia' of want of 








l"-*. » .-> 

iuventutis et neglegentia parentum et inscientia praecipientium 
et oblivione moris antiqui? quae mala primum in urbe nata, ^r^ . 
mox per Italiam fusa, iam in provincias manant. Quamquam «ol<^ 
vestpa vobis notiora sunt : ego de urbe et his propriis ac verna- 
culis vitiis loquar, quae natos statim excipiunt et per singulos lo 
aetatis gradus cumulantur, si prius de severitate ac disciplina 
maiorum circa educandos formandosque liberos pauca praedixero. 
Nam pridem suus cuique filius, ex casta parente natus, non in 
cella emptae nutricis, sed gremio ac sinu matris educabatur^ 
^uius praecipua laus erat tueri domum et inservire liberis. Elige- 15 
batur autem maior aliqua^natu prqjygqua, cuius probatis specta- 

8. tn BEH, om^ AV^CAD. 9. his codd.» hutus Spengel, Halm, etus Meiser. 

11. dgB corr., a codd. 13. ^^ij» Weissenbom, tam codd. 14. cel/a Pnt., cel/d 

codd. {ce//a C), ce//u/a Baehrens. gremio codd., in gremio Andresen. educabatur 
EVjCADHb, educabitur AB. 15. erai EVgCAHb, erit ABD. After /aeris 

Bernhardy proposed to insert * ac non stndia . . . accepimus * ; 19-23). E/igebaiur 
autem codd., e/ig. etiam SchoU, aut e/igebatur Meiser, Baehrens, John. 

ability; cp.infirmitasingeniil9.4. Homi- 
num is then a defining genitive ' on the 
part of ' those who fumish the natural 
material for the practice of eloquence and 
the other arts. On this interpretation, 
John compares Cic. de Or. i. § 16 where 
' praestantissima hominum ingenia' is 
mentioned among the requirements of 

6. praeoipientium » praeceptoram. 
For the substantival use of the present 
participle, cp. Quintilian x. Introd. p. xlix. 
So discentiuA « discipulomm 80. i; 
below : cp. dicentium, orantibus 6. 18, 
and 20. — On the inscientia and other 
faults of the praeceptores cp. Qnint. xii. 
II, 14. 

7. moris antiqui : Hist. ii. 64, 9. 

8. Quamquam, used as an adverb 
('however ') only here and 88. 16 : Germ. 
xvii. 5 : Ann. xii. 65, 12. 

9. vestra, referring to ' in provincias,' 
above. Aper and Secundus were natives 
of Gaul, and so also, in all probability, 
was Maternus. Messalla himself was the 
only Roman in the company. An anti- 
thesis to vestra is contained in his^ below, 
which is used, as often, with reference 
to existing and familiar conditions: cp. 
7. 16 tunicatus hic populus: 21. 4 haec 
ossa: Quint. x. i| 43 recens haec las- 

propriiB ao vemaoulia, i.e. our own 
home-grown Roman vices. those that 
surround, as it were, our cradle (natos 

statim excipiunt) : so propria et pecu- 
liaria huius urbis vitia, 29. 9. Foi pro- 
prius ^domesticust cp. Ann. xii. 29, 14; 
Hist. iv. 16, 9. So crimen domesticum 
ac vemaculum, Cic. in Verr. ii. 3, 141. 

11. 8i prius . . . praedizero, 16. 5; 
18. 7. 

severitate ao diBOiplina : so 24 
below, * disciplina ac severitas,' of a rigo- 
rous system of training ; cp. 29. ad nn. 
severitate disciplinae : Germ. xxv. 7 non 
disciplina et severitate : Ann. vi. 15, 7 
Cassius . . . severa patris disdplina 

12. oiroa: cp. Ann. xi. 15, 7 publica 
circa bonas artes socordia, and see on 
8. 16 above. With the gerundive (as 
here) it is frequent in Quintilian and 
Pliny the Younger. 

14. gremio ao sinu matris. Con- 
trast this with 'neglegentia parentum,' 
above. For the expression, cp. Agr. iv. 
7 in huius (matris) sinu indulgentiaque 
educatus: Germ. xx. 2 sua quemque 
mater uberibus alit, nec ancillis aut nu- 
tricibus delegantur. Cic. Bmt. § 211 
apparet filios non tam in gremio 
educatos quam in sermone matris. Cp. 
Quint. i. I, 6. 

15. Migebatur autem, i.e. when the 
mother could not undertake the whole 
charge herself. 

16. probatis speotatisque, a not 
unusual collocation : homines . . . spec- 
tati et probati, Cic. de Or. i. § 124. 





tisque moribus omnis eiusdem familiae suboles committeretur ; 
coram qua neque dicere fas erat quod turpe dictu, neque facere 
quod inhonestum factu videretur. Ac non studia modo curasque, 

20 sed remissiones etiam lususque puerorum sanctitate quadam ac 
verecundia temperabat. Sic Comeliam Gracchorum, sic Aureliam 
Caesaris, sic Atiam Augusti [matrem] praefuisse^ducationibus 
ac produxisse principes liberos accepimus. Quae disciplina ac 
severitas ^o^g^ranebat, ut sincera et integra et nullis pravitatibus 

25 detorta unius cunisque natura toto statim pectore arriperet artes 
honestas, et sive ad rem niilitarem sive ad iuris scientiam sive ad 
eloquentiae studium inclinasset, id solum ageret, id universum 

18. dicere EHB corr., discere most codd. 22. Atiam Emesti, Actiam BH, 

Acciam most codd. matrem codd., del. Sauppe. 24. nullis 

Rhenanus, in nullis codd. (/» nullius H). 26. rem militarem EV^CADH, 

militarem AB. 


18. ooram qua. It has been proposed 
to refer qua to suholes (cp. 29. 5, quid 
coram infante domino aut dicat aut fa- 
ciat) : but this breaks the continuitj of 
the passage, and 'suboles' cannot be 
separated from ' eiusdem familiae.' Qua 
must be connected with propinqua. The 
latter is, as it were, the mother*s deputy ; 
and what is said of her is inferentially 
stiU more true of the mother herself. 
This explains the transition, through 
' temperabat/ to the statement about the 
well-known matrons of antiquity. The 
mother is thought of throughout, even 
where her ' deputy * is mentioned. — John 
simplifies the passage still further by 
reading *aut eligebatur' for *eligebatur 
autem : perhaps 'eligebatur autem in- 
terdum.' He is undoubtedly right in 
insisting that the contrast is not between 
the old-fashioned respect for children 
and the shamelessness of their attendants 
now, but between the conscientious care 
which parents used to bestow on up- 
bringing and supervision and the modem 
* happy-go-lucky * system. 

19. curas . . . remisdiones. Cp. 
Agric. iz. 8 iam vero tempora curarum 
remissionumque divisa. 

21. Corneliam. Cic Bmt. $ 104 fuit 
Gracchus diligentia Comeliae matris a 
puero doctus et Graecis litteris emditus : 
ib. § 211: Quint. i. i, 6 nam Gracchomm 
eloquentiae multum contulisse accepimus 
Comeliam matrem, cuius doctissimus 

sermo in posteros quoque est epistulis 

Aureliam, danghter of M. Aurelius 
Cotta. Plut. Caes. ix. ^ A^^ri/p tqw Kai- 
oapos, Av/n/Afa, ywil adnf^pwv, 

22. Atiam. Atia was the daughter of 
M. Atius Balbus, and Caesar^s sister Julia : 
Suet. Aug. iv. 

educationibus. For similar plurals 
in Tacitus, see D'. § 2, 5. So pravitcUi- 
buSy below. 

23. produzisse, of training up, Juy. 
xiv. 228. 

prinoipes liberos : tr. ' their dis- 
tinguished sons.' Cp. principes feminae, 
Plin. N. H. viii. 32, 119: principibus 
viris, Ann. iii. 6, 5. They were the children 
of the leading men of their day, and 
themselves destined for greatness. 

24. eo pertinebat, ut. ' The object 
ofthis was' : cp. Ann. iii. 12, 16. Others 
take it of the result secured, rather than 
of the end aimed at. 

sincera et integra, ' sound at the core 
and uncontaminated * : Hist.iv.64, 20 since- 
ms et integer et servitutis oblitus populus. 

25. arriperet. Founding on Verg. 
Aen. iv. 531, ix. 276, Prof. Nettleship 
proposed (Joum. Phil. xix. p. iio) to read 
cuctpereti but the lexx. show simihur 
instances of the use of 'arripere* in 
Cicero and Nepos. 

28. hauriret. Cp. 80. 16 ; 81. 32 : 
Agric. iv. 1 5 se . . . studium philosopUae 
acrius . . . hausisse. 



c r *n 

29. At nunc natus infans delegatur Graeculae alicui ancillae, 
cui adiungitur unus aut alter ex omnibus servis, plerumque vilis- 
simus nec cuiquaav.serio^ ministerio adcommodatus. Horum 
fabulis et erroribus(teneri statim et rudes animijlmbuuntur ; nec 
quisquam in tota domo pensi habet quid coram infante domino 5 
aut dicat aut faciat. Quin etiam ipsi parentes nec probitati 
neque modestiae parvulos adsuefaciunt, sed lasciviae et dicacitati, 
per quae paulatim impudentia inrepit et sui alienique contemptus. 

29. 4. teneri most edd., ^/ virides teneri AB {et virides del. b, om. H, Put.), et viles 
ten, O-f et vires ten. CADfet vides ten. EVj (by dittography from et rudes, as Halm 
suggests, or a corruption of et vitiis teneri Eckstein, Michaelis, Peter, et vitiis having 
been added by some copyist as an attempt toexplain erroribus). 6. nec probitati 

BHC", improbitati A^v, nu improbiiati C*D, nm probitati Baehrens, Vahlen, Halm. 
7. dicacitoH B corr., bibacitati ABCDEV,, litertati HV Sp. and edd. vett. 

29. I. delegatur. So Germ. xx. 3 
nec ancillis aut nutricibus delegantur (sc. 

Graeoiilae. Cp. Juv. iii. 78 omnia 
novit Graeculus esuriens : in caelum 
insseris ibit; Plin. Pan. 13 § 5 exercita- 
tionibus nostris . . . Graeculus magister 
assistit. So also slightingly in Cicero de 
Or. i. § 321 iUum ineptnm et Graeculum 
putent : in Pis. § 70. 

a. uniu aut alter. See on 21. 6. The 
slaves referred to would be the ' paeda- 
gogi ' or ' custodes.' For a contrast, cp. 
Hor. Sat i. 6, 86 sq. Ipse mihi custos 
incorruptissimus, &c. 

plerumque. See on 6. 8. 

3. cuiquam. This is the only instance 
in Tacitus of the adjectival use of this 
pronoun. It is more usually found along 
with names of persons or words implying 
personality : cp. note on Quint. x. 2, 6. 

4. erroribus, perhaps best taken as b 
* peccatis * (Hist. iii. 3 7. 8 ; iv. 5 2 . 6), though 
a stronger word might have been looked 
for, in the case of sUves : tr. 'their gossip 
and foUies.' Baehrens compares M inucius 
Felix, xxiii. i has iabulas et errores ab 
imperitis parentibus discimus. Others 
take the word of the perveisities and 
prejudices of the *• paedagogi ' : cp. Quint. 
1. I, 8 nec minus error eorum nocet 
moribus, &c. It is unnecessary to sub- 
stitute ' moribus * or ' sermonibus,* as has 
been proposed. 

teneri et rudes. These adjectives are 
commonly used to denote the plasticity of 
youth : John quotes Cic. de Leg. i. § 47 
teneros et rudes cum acceperunt inficiunt 
et flectunt quo volunt: iL § 38 animi 

teneri atque moUes: Quint. i. 11, 2 quae 
mentem praecipue in aetate prima teneram 
adhuc et rudem inficiunt : ib. i. i, 5 & 20 : 
Hor. £p. i. 2, 64. 

5. in tota domo. In such phrases 
the preposition is sometimes inserted (cp. 
Hist. i. 4, 3 in toto orbe terrarum), some- 
times omitted (Hist. iv. 58, 24 toto ter^ 
rarum orbe). 

pensihabet: Hist. i. 46, 13: Ann. 
xiii. 15,19. The phrase is found in Sallust 
and Livy, < as well as in Quintilian and 
later writers : Roby §§ 1298, 1301. — Com- 
pare on the other hand JuvenaFs weU- 
known 'Maxima debetur pueris reverentia,' 
xiv. 47. 

6. nec . . . neque: so 41. 22 ; Germ. 
ix. 6 ; Hist. iv. 31, 5 ; Ann. ii. 3, 10. There 
b thus no need for the emendation nm . . . 

7. lasoiviae et dicaoitati, 'pertness 
and sauciness* ; cp. Quint. vi. 3, 41 Siculi 
quidem, ut sunt lascivi et dicaces, aiebant 
in delphino sedisse et sic tamquam Ariona 
transvectum. See the parallel passage 
in Quint. i. 2, 7 Gaudemus, si quid licentius 
dixerint, &c 

8. impudentia inrepit. So Plin. £p. 
iii. 20, 8 est enim periculnm ne . . . im- 
pudentia inrepat. 

suialienique oontemptus, 'want of 
self-respect, as well as of respect for 
others.' Alieni is used here on the 
analogy of xf#f, which is an objective 
genitive, Roby § 131 2. It therefore 
practicaIlyaa//i9rM^# : just as in Ann. xv. 
57, II, for example (in tanta necessitate 
alienos ac prope ignotos protegendo), 
alienos is much the same as alios. la 



lam vero propria et peculiaria huius urbis vitia paene in utero 
10 matris concipi mihi videntur, histrionalis favor et gladiatorum 
equorumque studia : quibus occupatus et obsessus animus quant- 
ulum loci bonis artibus relinquit ? Quotum quemque invenies 
qui domi quicquam aliud loquatur ? Quos alios adulescentulorum 
sermones excipimus, si quando audijoria intravimus ? Ne prae- 
15 ceptores quidem uUas crebriores cum auditoribus suis fabulas 
habent ; coUigunt enim discipulos non severitate disciplinae nec 
ingenii exgerimento, sed 'ambitione salutationum et inlecebris 

30. Transeo prima discentium elementa, in quibus et ipsis 

12. relinquit ABEVaH, relinquitur CAD. invenies EVjCADH, invenires AB. 
14. Ne edd., Nec codd. except £. 


other contexts, the opposition between 
suum and alienum is of material property : 
Sall. Cat. V. 4 alieni adpetens, sui pro- 
fusns : cp. ibid. xii. 2 : Tac. Hist. i. 4, 9 : 
Cic. de Or. i. § 173. Sohere John *want 
of regard for what is one's own, as weU 
as for what belongs to others ' : the ex- 
planation being that, when a man loses 
his sense of what is right, he will both 
sacrifice what is his own and take what 
does not belong to him in the reckless 
pursuit of pleasure. But the other render- 
ing supposes a construction into which 
a writer like Tacitus might easily have 
slipped. In any case there is no sufficient 
ground for rejecting the whole expression 
with Gudeman, as an interlinear gloss 
supplied by a monkish scribe. 

9. paene in utero. Cp. Cic. Tusc. 
Disp. iii. I paene cum lacte nutricis erro- 
rem suxisse videamur. 

10. histrionalis favor ^ favor erga 
histriones. For the adj. see on 26. 8 : cp. 
Ann. i. 16, 10 histrionali studio : xiii. 25, 
j 7 ludicram quoque licentiam et fautores 
histrionum velut in proelia convertit im- 
punitate et praemiis. 

gladiatoram. The word is here used 
by metonymy for 'spectaculum gladia- 
torum.* So frequently in Tacitus * gladia> 
tores edere.' 

11. equorum, ' horse-racing.* For the 
form which it took at Rome, see Plin. 
£p. ix. 6, and Professor Mayor s ex- 
haustive notes on Juvenal xi. 197 sqq. 

occupatus et obsessus animus. 
Tacitus constantlyuses such participles in 
place of abstract verbal substantives or 

their equivalents, especially as tbe subject 
of a verb, 87. 25. 

12. Quotum quemque. SeeonQuint. 
x. I, 41. Mayor (1. c.) quotes the admoni- 
tion of Epictetus, Man. 33 § 32, ' Speak 
seldom, and in few words : when occasion 
demands it, speak, but not on trivial 
matters, not of sword pla^rs, nor of horse 
races, nor of athletes.' 

14. Ife . . . quidem, as at 10. 1, 
and 40. 14. The MSS. have nec . . , 
quidem which some try to explain as = 
ac ne . . . quidem (13. i and 24. 9) : but 
Helmreich is right in holding that nec is 
a copyist*s error, especially as the suggested 
explanation cannot be applied to passages 
like Ann. iv. 35, 8 quas nec (so M) victor 
quidem abolevit; xiv. 35, 7 (where see 
Fumeaux), or Hist i. 66, 2. So in 
Agr. xviii. 31 B gives nec while A has 

17. ezperimento « documento, as 
often : Ann. xii. 6, 6 datum ab ea fecundi- 
tatis experimentum. 

ambitione, &c., 'by interested vbits 
of ceremony and all the tricks of toad^dsm.* 

30. I. Transeo, more usually omitto 
QTpraetereo. For the form of the sentence, 
consisting of two independent clauses, 
(instead of ut transeam in the first) cp. 
Cic. pro Sest. % 54 omitto gratulationes, 
epulas, partitionem aerarii . . . vexabatur 
uxor mea, liberi ad necem quaerebaotur : 
de Sen. % 52. 

discentium. See on praecipientium 
28. 6. For these ' prima elementa/ see 
Quintilian's first book. 

et ipsis. In Tadtus, et ipse occurs 



parum laboratur : nec in auctoribuscognoscendis nec in evolvenda 
antiquitate nec in notitia vel rerum vel hominum vel temporum 
satis operae insumitur. Sed expetuntur quos rhetoras vocant ; 

80. 3. notitia corr. BE and edd., notttiam most codd. and Baehrens. 

f vocant 
EVsC A, vocoMtis D, vocatis AB, vocant ttt HSp. 

4. vocant 

most freqnently in the nominative; cp. 
87. 15 below, quae et ipsa plurimum 
eloquentiae praestant, and for other in- 
stances see Gerber and Greef, s. v. et, 
pp. 399, 400. The ablative is found 
Hist. i. 42, 1 Titum inde Vinium invasere : 
de quo et ipso ambigitur, && In Livy, 
et ipse is frequently used, like ipse quoque^ 
t&^KoL awii, No conclusive instance 
can be cited from Cicero : see on Quin- 
tilian x. i, 31. 

2. neo in, &c. After the 'prima 
elementa,* the education of a Roman 
youth was continued in ' grammatice * or 
'litteratura* (Quint. ii. i, 4): and Mes- 
salla's complaint is that both these stages 
were now prematurely displaced by a 
barren and unreal training in the technical 
mles of rhetoric. 

auotoribus — scriptoribus. In the 
Ciceronian age, auctor carried with it the 
idea of ' authority,' * warranty/ or the 
like : see on Quint. x i, 24. For 
* cognoscere auctores,* cp. Quint. x. 5, 8. 

evolvenda antiquitate. Cic. de Or. 
i. § 18 tenenda praeterea est omnis anti- 
quitas exemplommque vis. While the 
reading and explanation of great writers, 
especially poets, was the most important 
function of the 'grammaticus' (Quint. 
i. 4-9), instruction was also given in 
history (Cic. de Or. i. § 187 ; Quint. i. a, 
14 ; cp. X. I, 34 with the notes), as well 
as in the elements of science and philo- 
sophy, — physics, logic, and ethics (Quint. 
i. 4, 4) : thus Quintilian says of ' gram- 
matice' in ii. i, 4 *tenuis a fonte ad- 
sumptis poetarum historicorumque viribus 
pleno iam satis alveo fluit, cum praeter 
rationem recte loquendi non parum alio- 
qui copiosam prope omnium maximamm 
artium scientiam amplexa sit.* 

3. rerum, ' departments of knowledge * 
(cp. omnium rerum scientia, below) : 
hominum, ' human nature,' ' character ' : 
temporum, ' circumstances.' Concrete 
conditions, Messalla means, are not 
snffidently studied : their place is taken 
by 'fictae et nuUo modo ad veritatem 
acoedentes controversiae ' (81. 3). That 
this is the meaning seems to me to be 
evident from a comparison of the defini- 

tion with which the chapter concludes, 
where we have again 'remm,' 'tempomm ' 
and 'audientium. The necessity for a 
knowledge of character ('hominum no- 
titia,' cp. nisi qui cognovit naturam 
humanam, 81. 11) and for a due appreda- 
tion of the effect which different situations 
are likely to produce upon the feelings of 
an audience (* tempomm notitia '), is 
enlarged on in the next chapter : see esp. 
' sive apud infestos sive apud cupidos . . . 
dicendum habuerit,' &c., and cp. Cic. 
Or. § 123 sit tempomm personammque 
moderator, nam nec semper nec apud 
omnes . . . eodem modo dicendum ar- 
bitror. — John, however, gives a very 
different interpretation,which is suffidently 
ingenious to merit special notice. He 
thinks that, just as ' antiquitas ' in the 
text refers to ' history and antiquities,' so 
'res' denotes physics (including astro- 
nomy), as in ' rerum motus causasque,' in 
line 22, below : while by 'homines' he 
understands ethics and psychology (81.4), 
and by ' tempora 'a knowledge of political 
theory. The last branch would cor- 
respond to Cicero's 'pmdentia iuris 
publici,' de Or. i. §$301, 256, or 'reram 
civilium cognitio et pmdentia,' ib. i. § 60 : 
cp. also ib. i. §§ 159, 165, 48 : iii. §§ 72, 
76. This would leave only dialectics or 
logic without spedal reference in the 
enumeration of the fimctions of the * gram- 

4. insumitur -■ impenditur. So also 
in Quintilian (iii. 4, 5), but more usually 
with the dative, as Ann. iii. 44, 7 libel- 
lis accusatomm insumeret operam, and 
ch. 9. I, above, quibus totam vitam 
Matemus insumere optat. It is not 
necessary to read ' in notitiam,' with 
Baehrens: in with the ablative denotes 
• the sphere in which.' 

Sed, after a negative clause, ' No ' ; cp. 
dAAd. They spend too little time on 
preparatory training: the 'rhetor' is 
prematurely called in. 

quo8 rhetoras vocant : cp. 85. 2 isto- 
mm qui rhetores vocantur. So Crassus in 
de Or. i § 52 ipsi magistri qui rhetorid 
vocantur: iii. §54 horum qui nunc ita 
appellantur rhetomm. 



I. '*, 

5 quorum professio quando primum in hanc urbem introducta sit 
quamque nullam apud maiores nostros auctoritatem habuerit, 
statim dicturus W/i^j referam necesse est animum ad eam dis- 
ciplinam qua usos esse eos oratores accepimus, quorum infinitus 
laboret cotidiana meditatio et in omni genere studiorum assiduae 
lo exercitationes ipsorum etiam continentur libris. Notus estvobis 
utique Ciceronis liber, qui Brutus inscribitur, in cuius extrema 
parte (nam prior commemorationem veterum oratorum habet) sua 
initia, suos gradus, suae eloquentiae velut quandam educationem 
refert : se apud Q. Mucium ius civile didicisse, apud Philonem 

5. sit quamque codd., est qudm Usener. 7. dtcturus Gronovins, de curiis codd. 

prius referam Acidalius, Haun. 10. exercitationes corr. B£: exerciiaiumis cett. 

codd. vobis Rhenanns, nobis codd. 14. refert B corr., referre cett. codd. 

7. dictuniB. The fact that this promise 
is not redeemed till 86. 2 — not till after 
Messalla has made a fresh beginning of 
his speech, need not cause much difficSty. 
Such incongruities may be held to give 
even a greater air of reality to dramatic 
disconrse. At the end of 82 Messalla 
' puUs himself np/ as it were, more or less 
abmptly, and it is only on resuming his 
remarks that he remembers to refer to 
the promise made here. — This explanation 
renders superfluous all the laboured 
emendations of the critics {non laiius dic- 
turus, Nipperdey; iam non persecuturus, 
Michaelis ; est alienum cUcurrere, Knant ; 
securus statim, Meiser and Baehrens) based 
on the belief that Messalla is mentioning 
the matter only to pass it by : it also 
negatives the view of those (Peter, An- 
dresen, and others) who think that Mes- 
salla refers to the immediate sequel, in* 
which, while proceeding to speak of the 
all-ronnd character of the old training, he 
points at the same time, indirectly and by 
implication, to the low esteem in which 
the schools of rhetoric were held in 
former days. Usener and Baehrens even 
go the length of reading * introductast 
quam ' for ' introducta sit quamque/ re- 
cognizing the fact that, at the most, the 
seqnel can only be held to contain an 
answer to the ' quam . . . habuerit ' clause : 
against them John rightly points out 
thatt in that case, the usage of Tacitus 
would have led us to expect cum instead 
of quando primum, 

The cormption of dicturus into the 
decuriis of the MSS. is supposed by 
Helmreich to point to a marginal gloss 

(de cnris prioram oratoram) intended to 
indicate the snbject of the following 
passage: cp. 80. 27, where C gives ' ornate 
quid orator et ' for ' ornate et/ while in 
the rabric there is Quid sit oratoris pro- 
prium {Quis orator H. De officio ora- 
toris B). 

prius. Cp. Quint. viii. 3, 41 Ceteram 
dicturas quibus oraetur oratio, prius ea 
. . . attingam. John adds Hieron. £p. 
149» 3 ^^ Pascha paulo latius aliqnid 
dictnras prius ostendere volo, and holds 
that prius is an indispensable insertion as 
it indicates the purely temporal relation 
between dicturus and referam. 

10. oontiiientur, i. e. evidence of it 
may be fonnd in their own writings, as Cic 
Brat. Ixxxix — ^xciL For this use of 'con- 
tineri,' cp. Ann. i. 11» 15: Hist. v. 13, 8. 

1 1. utiqne, ' of course ' : so 18, ai Le- 
gistis utique . . . epistulas : 28. 6. 

extrema parte : ch. 89 § 304 sq. 

13. graduB. Cic. Brat. § 232 gradns 
tuos et quasiprocessus studendi stndeo 

14. Q. Muoium. The reference is to 
Q. Mucius Q. F. Scaevola, the Augur, 
as is evident from Bratus § 306: ego 
autem iuris civilis studio multum operae 
dabam Q. Scaevolae Q. f , &c. : cp. §§ loi, 
312, Philipp. viii. §31. This Scaevola 
was the friend and son-in-law of Laelius, 
and the father-in-law of the orator Crassus. 
He was bora about 160 B. c. : went to 
Asia as praetor in I3i : was consnl 117 : 
and died after 88. He is one of the 
interlocntors in the de Oratore (see 
Wilkins, Introd. p. 21 sq.), the de Re 
Publica, and the de Amiciiia^ The £Eimily 



Academicum, apud Diodotum Stoicum omnes philosophiae 15 
partes penitus hausisse ; neque iis doctoribus contentuni^quorum 
ei copia in urbe conti^erat, Achaiam quoque et Asiam peragrasse, 
ut omnem omnium artium varietatem complecteretur. Itaque 
hercule in libris Ciceronis deprehendere licet, non geometriae, 
non musicae, non grammaticae, non denique ullius ingenuae 30 
artis scientiam ei defuisse. Ille dialecticae subtilitatem, ille 
moralis partis utilitatem, ille rerum motus causasque cognoverat. 
Ita est enim, optimi viri, ita: ex multa eruditione et plurimis 
artibus et omnium rerum scientia e^iindat et exuberat illa 
admirabilis eloquentia ; neque oratoris vis et facultas, sicut 35 
ceterarum rerum, arfgustis et brevibus terminis cluditur, sed is 

15. Diodotum C, Diodorum cett. codd. ao. ingenuiu ariis EVjCDAH, artis 

ingenuae AB. 35. oratoris codd., orationis Goelzer (cp. 26. 6), oratoria Miiller. 

sicut ceterarum codd., sicut scimtia ceterarum Knant, sicut ceterae res Novak, sicut 
ceterae artes, certarum rerum Andresen. 

to which he belonged had a hereditary 
talent for law (de Or. i. ( 39) ; and it is 
perhaps the even higher repntation of his 
consin the Pontifex (Q. Mucius P. F. 
Scaevola) as a lawyer that has led editors 
to understand the passage as referring to 
him. It was to tne Pontifex (consul in 
95 : murdered in 82 by Damasippus in 
the vestibule of the Temple of Vesta) that 
Cicero betook himself on the death of the 
Augur (de Am. § i) ; but though there 
are frequent references to him in the 
BrutuSj this fact is not mentioned there. 

Philonem. See the same passage of 
the Brutus, ( 306 ; eodemque tempore 
(i. e. B. c. 88) cum princeps Academiae 
Philo cum Atheniensium optimatibus 
Mithridatico bello domo profugisset 
Romamque venisset, totum ei me tradidi, 
admirabdi quodam ad philosophiam 
studio condtatus. Cp. Acad. i. 4, 13 : 
Tusc. ii. 3, 9. 

T5. Diodotmn. See Brutus § 309 : 
and cp. Acad. ii. $ 115 : Tusc. v. 113 : ad 
Fam. xiii. 16, 4. Ile was weU versed in 
mathematics and music as well as in 
philosophy : N. D. i. 3, 6 : ad Att. ii. 30, 6. 

16. hausiBse. Cp. id universum hauri- 
ret. 28. ad fin. Y or penitus, see on 2. 9. 

contentum . . . peragrasse. So Brut. 
$ 316 Quibus non contentus Rhodum veni : 
$ 315 post a me Asia tota peragrata est. 

17. copia^siaccess to, 'facultas': cp. 
S4. 16. Tr. 'whose teaching he had been 
so fortunate as to enjoy at Rome.* 

31. dialeoticae. There is the same 

division in Cic. de Fin. i. § 49 una pars 
est naturae, disserendi altera, vivendi 
tertia: cp. Quint. xii. 2, 10 in tres divisa 
partes, naturalem, moralem, rationalem. 

33. moralia partis ntilitatem, 'the 
practical lessons of ethics.* 

rerum, of the phenomena of the 
physical world. 

33. ex multa eruditione. Cp. Cic. de 
Or. i. § 30. Ac mea quidem sententia 
nemo poterit esse omni laude cumulatus 
orator, nisi erit omnium rerum magnarum 
atque artium scientiam consecutus : etenim 
ex rerum cognitione efflorescat et redundet 
oportet oratio. So Quintilian says of 
Cicero (x. i, 109), Non enim * pluvias,' ut 
ait Pindarus, 'aquas colligit, sed vivo 

furgite exundat/ dono quodam provi- 
entiae genitus in quo totas vires suas 
eloquentia experiretur. 

35. vis et facultas, his 'function and 
activity,* the whole range of his energies. 
John points out that orator and res corre- 
spond, as in 7. n oratores and ars. For 
res in the sense of ars cp. Cic. de Or. i. 

§§ 9) ^9) ^^t 13^» ^^'^ passim. There is 
no necessity for substituting orationis : 
the expression * vis et facultas' is equally 
applicable to both the art and the artist. 
Compare Cic. de Or. i. § 143 omnis ora- 
toris vis ac facultas with Quint xii. i, 33 
vis ac facultas dicendi. 

36. angustis et brevibus. These 
synonyms recur Germ. vi. 3 angusto et 
brevi ferro: Plin. Ep. ii. 7. 4 vita eius 
brevis et angusta. The same point is 



est orator qui de omni quaestione pulchre et ornate et ad 
persuadendum apte dicere pro dignitate rerum, ad utilitatem 
temporum, cum voluptate audientium possit. 

81. Hoc sibi illi veteres persuaserant, ad hoc efficiendum intel- 
legebant opus esse, non ut in rhetorum scholis declamarent, nec 
ut fictis nec uUo modo ad veritatem^>accedentibusMcontroversiis 

linguam modo et vocem exercerent, sed ut iis artibus pectus 

5 implerent in quibus de bonis ac *malis, de honesto et turpi, de 

iusto et iniusto disputatur ; haec enim est oratori subji^cta ad 

31. I. hoc EVaCA, hfc BDH, hec A. ad hoc efficiendum AAC, ctd haec efficienda 
cett. codd. 4. exercerent EVjH, exercent ABCAD. iis QL.^hii5 D, his ABEVj, in 
his HVSp., illis Baehreas. 6. enim est ABH, est enim EV^CAD : see Introd. 

p. Ixxxiv, note. 

opos Dutrici . . . ntrem nt habeat veteris 
vini: Ib. ii. 3, 7 mihi . . . opus est nt 
lavem : ii. 6, 19 nnnc tibi opnst aegram 
ut te adsimules : Poen. v. 7, 30 hic opns 
est aliquot ut maneas dies. 

3. flotis . . . oontroversiis. Cic. de 
Or. i. § 149 equidem probo ista . . . ut 
causa aliqua posita consimili causarum 
earum quae in forum deferuntur, dicat 
quam maxime ad veritatem adcommo- 
date. Sed plerique in hoc vocem modo, 
neque eam scienter, et vires exercent suas 
et linguae celeritatem incitant verborum- 
que frequentia delectantur. Quint. x. 2, 1 2 
quo fit ut mlnus sanguinis ac virium 
declamationes habeant quam orationes, 
quod in iUis vera in his adsimilata materia 
est: ib. 5 § 17. 

veritatem, ' real life.' 

4. peotuB, the mind : cp. Hor. Sat. ii. 
4, 90 quamvis memori referas mihi pectore 
cuncta. So again Cic. de Or. iii. § 121 
non enim solum acuenda nobis neque 
procudenda lingua, sed onerandum com- 
plendumque pectus maximarum rerum et 
plurimarum suavitate, copia, veritate. 

5. bonia . . . malis. The enumeration 
shows that the moral aspect is prominent, as 
Ann. vi. 36, 13 (quis neque bon\inteUectus 
neque mali cura) and elsewhere. John, 
on the other hand, understands material 
good and evil, — what we meet with in 
practical life : Cic. de Or. i. § 42 nihil te 
de bonis rebus in vita nihil de malis 
didicisse, Or. § 118. 

6. Bubieota ad dioendnm materia, 
the subject matter of oratory, i^ tnroKtifibnj 
0X17. So Cic. de Or. ii. § 116 ad pro- 
bandum autem duplex est oratori subiecta 
materies: ib. i. § 201, iii. § 54. Cp. 
uberem ad dicendum materiam 87. 28. 

frequently urged by Cicero : cp. de Or. ii. 
§ 5 neminem eloqnentia . . . sine onmi 
sapientia florere unquam et praestare 
potuisse. Etenim ceterae fere artes se 
ipsae per se tuentur singulae : bene dicere 
autem . . . non habet definitam aliquam 
r^onem cuius terminis saepta teneatur.. 

26. oluditur, ' simplex pro composito,* 
D'. § 25 : cp. Introd. p. Ivi. 

ifl est orator, &c. Cic. de Or. i. 64 is 
orator erit mea sententia hoc tam gravi 
dignus nomine, qui, quaecnmque res inci- 
derit quae sit dictione explicanda, prudenter 
et composite et omate et memoriter dicet, 
cum quadam actionis etiam dignitate. 

27. pulohre, of grace or beauty of 
style, as Cic. Or. § 227 pulchre et gratorie 
dicere : cp. de Fin. § 63. This is much 
simpler than to take the word in a moral 
sense {koX&s) and to refer it, with John, 
to Quintilian's maxim 'non posse oratorem 
esse nisi bonum, i. pr. § 9 : cp. ii. 15. i. 

ornate, 81. 10: cp. 18. 10, 21. 11. 
The word does not so much indicate any 
one definite attribute of style, as that union 
of qualities which gives distinction and 
^clat : for Cicero*s definition, see de Or. iii. 
§ 53 (quoted on 18. 10). 

ad persuadendum apte. So 'appo- 
site ad persuadendum,* Cic. de Inv. i. § 6 : 
'ad persuadendum adcommodate,' de 
Or. i. § 138. See Quint. ii. 15. 

28. ad utilitatem temporum, in ac- 
cordance with what is expedient in the 
circumstances. Cp. Quint. x. 3, 15 quid 
res poscat . . . quod sit temptis : xi. i, 46. 

29. oum voluptate audientium. Ad 
Herenn. § 2 cum adsensione anditorum. 

81. 2. opu8 esse . . . ut. This con- 
struction, which occurs in Tacitus only 
here, is found in Plautus, Truc. v. i, 11 

dialogus de oratoribus. 


dicendum materia. Nam in iudiciis fere de aequitate, in de- 
liberationibus de utilitate^ in laudationibus de honestate disseri- 
mus, ita tamen ut plerumque haec ipsa in vicem misceantur : de 
quibus copiose et varie et ornate nemo dicere potest nisi qui xo 
cognovit naturam humanam et vim virtutum pravitatemque 
vitiorum et habet intellectum eorum quae nec in virtutibus nec in 
vitiis numerantur. Ex his fontibus etiam illa profluunt, ut facilius 
iram iudicis vel instiget vel leniat qui scit quid ira, et promptius 
ad miserationem impellat qui scit quid sit misericdrdia et quibus 15 
animi motibus concitetur. In his artibus exercitationibusque 
versatus orator, sive apiid i nfe^o s sive apud c upido s sive apud l-^^j, 

8. de uHlitatey in laudaiionibus add. Ursinns. * 9. tamen add. Acidalius. haec 
f^jaEVsCADH, haec AB. 13. hc^et add. Schopen (after inteUecturn)^ Halm as 
above. nec . . . nec AB, neque .... neque CEV^, nec .... neque HSp. (this last 
inay be rigiit; cp. 29. 6 and G. and G. p. 922). in (before vitiis) om. B. 14. ira 
et F. Jacob, irae codd. le,, ad EVjCA, et ABDH. 17. verscttur codd. 

7. iudioiis . . . deliberationibus . . . 
laadationibiis. The reference is here to 
the three genera causarum : (i) the genns 
iudiciale {hucaviK6v)t (2) thegenusdelibera- 
tivum sive suasorium (avfjLPovXtvri/cSv), 
and (3) the genus demonstrativum (liri- 
^iKTi/cSv) or laudativum (tyicoafuaffriKdv), 
See Cope, Arist. Rhet. Introd. 11 8-1 23, 
and the notes on 13. § i : Cic. de Inv. 
i. §§ 7, 8, 12 ; ii. §§ 12, 13 : Orat. Part. 
§§ 10-14, 69-138 : de Orat. i. § 141. A 
consideration of these passages (as well as 
a reference to the words de bonis ac malis 
— de honesto et turpi— de iusto etiniusto) 
will show the necessity of some such 
addition to the text as that made by 
Ursinus : cp. especially Cic. de Inv. ii. § 13 
In iudiciis quid aequum sit quaeritur, 
in demonstrationibus quid honestum, in 
deliberationibus, ut nos arbitramur, quid 
honestum sit et quid utile. But lookin^ 
to the two main divisions of *deliberative 
and * forensic' eloquence {iudicia, etelibera- 
timesy Cic. de Or. i. § 141, cp. on 34. 15 
below) it may be questioned whether the 
amended text ought not to run ' in iudiciis 
fere de aequitate, in deliberationibus de 
utilitate et de honestate disserimus ' : this 
would render less necessary the tctmen 
supplied immemediately below, which is 
found in no MS. 

9. ita tamen ut. So 16. 22 ; 88. 7. 
plerumque : see on 6. 8. 
in Tioem misoeantur. Cp. Agr. 

xxxviii. 5 Britanni . . . miscere in vicem 
consilia • . . dein separare. For the fact 

cp. Quint. iii. 4, 16 stant enim quodam 
modo mutuis auxiliis omnia. Nam in 
laude iustitia utilitasque tractatur et in 
consiliis honestas, et raro iudicialem in- 
veneris causam in cuius parte non aliquid 
eorum quae supra diximus reperiatur. 

10. nisi qui oognovit. Cic. de Or. 
i* § 53 Quae nisi qui naturas hominum 
vimque onmem humanitatis causasque 
eas quibns mentes ant incitantur aut 
reflectuntur penitus perspexerit, dicendo 
quod volet perficere non poterit. For 
nisi gui cp. 37. 22: Quint. x. 7, 1 2. 

12. habet inteUectum. Sen. de Ben. 
iii. 17, 2 intellectum bptimae rei . . . amisit : 
cp. on 19, 6 above. Helmreich cites the 
Ciceronian phrase * intelligentiam habere ' : 
cp. also Ann. vi. 36, 13 quis neque boni 
intellectus neque mali cura. — FoUowing 
John, who takes intellectum as=vim, 
Andresen now omits hctbety and joins 
intellectum with cognovit, comparing ad 
respectum and referas 16. 26. But this is 
hard, and the compendium for habet may 
easily have dropped out 

1 3. etiam illa, i.e. as well as the iaculty 
of speaking ' copiose et varie et omate.' 

faoilius. Cp. on the other hand 
Antonius argning against Crassus that the 
study of philosophy is not indispensable 
for the orator : de Or. i. § 220. 

17. oupidos, 'biassed,' 'prejudiced' 
persons ; partisans. Tiie word might also 
mean * well-disposed,' though before such 
an audience the orator would be less 
dependent on the mles of his art. 

G 2 



• . -J 

invidentes sive apud tristes sive apud timentes dicendum habuerit, 
tenebit venas animorum, et piout cuiusque natura postulabit 

30 adhibebit manum et temperabit orationem, parato omni i nstru- »'"-^ 
mento et ad omnem usum reposito. Sunt apud quos adstrictum 
et coUectum et singula statim argumenta concludens dicendi 
genus)pkis fidei meretur : apud hos dedisse operam dialecticae 
proficiet. Alios fusa et aequalfs et ex communibus ducta sensi'^ ' 

35 bus oratio magis delectat : ad hos permovendos mutuabimur 
a Peripateticis aptos et in omnem disputationem paratos ianir 

19. postulabit ABDH, postulaverit EVjCA (cp. explicabit 16. a). ao. orcttio- 

fum corr. BDCH, omnem orationem AB. 33. fidti YyxK^^fidem codd. 35. permo^ 
vendos EV^C AD, promovendos {-edos) ABH, commovendos D. 26. apertos C. 


18. tristes, 'sallen/ 'morose.* 
dicendum habuerit. See on 8. 11. 

19. tenebit venas animorum : he will 
be able to * pnt his finger on ihe pnlse * of his 
audience. Cp. Cic. de Or. % 223 teneat 
oportet venas cniusqne generis, aetatis, or- 
dinis. The orator is compared to a physician 
(cp. 41. 8) : he mnst get into toudi with 
his audience, and then proceed to treat 
the case before him (adhibebit manum\ 
carefully selecting the appropriate tone 
for what he has to say (temperabit 
orationem), just as doctors regulate the 
proportions of a dose of medicine. — For 
the importance of studying the humours 
of the bench, cp. Quint. x. 3, 15 *qui 
iudicis animus intuiti': and xii. 16, 56 
'nam id quoque plurimum refert, quo 
modo audire iudex velit, atque eius vultus 
saepe ipse rector est dicentis.' 

cuiusque. The plural could not be 
used : for the singular cp. auditor (for 
auditores) 82. 7. — Helmreich supports 
postulabit by reference to Cic. Or. § 125 
and Quint. v. 12, 14. 

20. ixmicumento, ' stock-in-trade ' : 
Hor. Sat. i. 3, 131. 

21. omnem usum, 'any and every 

Sunt apud quos, with indic, as Agr. 
zxviii. 14 fuere quos illustravit. 

adstrictum. So, alongside of con- 
tractum (as here of collectum) Brut. §120 
Nam ut Stoicorum astrictior est oratio 
aliquantoque contractior quam aures 

I>opuU requirunt, sic illorum liberior et 
atior quam patitur consuetudo iudiciorum 
et fori : ib. § 309 dialectica . . . quasi 
contracta et astricta eloquentia putanda 
est, ib. § 114. Cp. note on 25. 17 above. 
Tr. * terse, concise, in which the indivi- 

dual arguments are made to yieldan inmie- 
diate conclusion/ i. e. the separate proofs 
aie rapidly summarized, or generalized. 

2 3. meretur « consequitur, adipiscitur : 
so Quint. X. I, §§ 94, 116. Cp. Ann. xr. 
6, 7 meritae tot per annos gloriae : Germ. 
xiv. 5 vulnera mereri : Agr. iv. 5 iram Gaii 
Caesaris meritus, and often. Cp. 9. 26. 

dialeoticae. The Stoic logic was 
renowned for its acuteness: Quint x. i, 
84, with the notes. Cp. Cic. Top. a. 6 
iudicandi enim vias diligenter persecuti 
sunt (Stoici) ea scientia quam hiaX^Krud\v 
appellant : inveniendi artem, quae TomKff 
dicitur . . . totam reliquerunt. 

24. fusa et aequalis. In the passage 
qnoted above from the Brutus the anti- 
thesis is liberior et latior : here it is taken 
from the flow of water, a frequent source 
of metaphor in Latin : cp. dtuta ex. Cic. 
de Or. ii. § 64 genus orationis fusura atque 
tractum et cum lenitate quadam aequabi- 
liter profluens : ib. § 159 : Or. § 21, § 66 : 
Quint. ii. 3, 5 constituta an latins fusa 
oratio. For aequalis (=» aequabiliter 
fluens) cp. Quint. iii. 8, 60 id quoque 
aeqnalius erit, nec tumultuosius atque 
turbidius. In this sense aeqttabilis \a 
certainly more common: bnt it is not 
necessary, with Andresen and WoIfT, to 
substitute it in the text for aequcUis, 

communibus . . . sensibus, the 
feelings and instincts implanted by nature 
in all rational beings. Cp. Cic. de Or. 
iii. § 195 quod ea in communibus infixa 
sensibus nec earum rerum quemquam 
funditus natura voluit esse expertem : pro 
Cluent. § 15. Also of ordinary tact: 
molestus communi sensu plane caret. 
Hor. Sat. i. 3, 66, 

26. Feripatetiois. Aristotle and 



^y.G? locos. Dabunt Academici pugnacitatem, Plato ^Jtitjidinem, 
Xenophon iucunditatem ; ne Epicuri quidem et Metrodori 
honestas quasdam exclamationes adsumere iisque, prout res 
poscit, uti alienum erit oratori. Neque enim sapientem in-ao^l*» 

30. poscet Pithoens. ' informamus Stoicorum sed Hanpt * 

Theophrastus were the first systematic 
writers on Rhetoric. The latter wrote a 
work irc/)t Kk^iw : in all, ten treatises on 
Rhetoric are ascribed to him by Diogenes 
Laertius (v. 46-50). For the contrast 
between the more popnlar style of the 
Peripatetics and the terse precision of 
the StoicSi John compares (in addition to 
Brut. § 120, quoted aboye) Or. § 117 : de 
Or. ii. § 159; iii. § 66. 

in omnem disputationem. Cp. on 
24. 9. So Cic. de Or. i. §§ 158, 363 ; 
ii. $ 215 ; iii. §§ 80, 107 : Quint. xii. 2, 25. 

27. locos, 'places' where arguments 
are to be sought, * general heads, *.topics.' 
These are not the loci communes (see on 
19. 15) but the loci argumentorumt — the 
r^iroi of the Greek rhetoricians : de Or. ii. 
§ 130 capita ea unde omnis ad omnem et 
causam et orationem disputatio ducitur; 
ib. § 162 argumentorum sedes et quasi 
domicilia ; § 166 argumentorum sedes ac 
loci : Or. § ^dAristoteles . . . locos — sic enim 
appellat — quasi argumentorum notas 
tradidit, unde omnis traheretur oratio : 
Top. § 8 locos nosse debemus ; sic enim 
appeUatae sunt ab Aristotele hae quasi 
sedes e quibus argumenta promuntur. In 
de Or. ii. § 147 these loci are compared to 
the 'haunts of game/ and in § 174 to 
'veins or mines where gold may be 
looked for*: cp. de Fin. iv. § 10 where 
they are said to resemble thesauriy or 
stores from which arguments may be 
drawn as occasion reqnires. 

pugnacitatem. Cic. Acad. ii. § 7 
contra omnes dicere quae videntur 
solemus: de Or. i. § 84 hic enim mos 
erat patrius Academiae adversari semper 
onmibus in disputando : ib. § 43 Academia 
quae quidquid dixisses id te ipsum negare 
cogeret. So of Arcesilas, who is some- 
times regarded as the founder of the New 
Academy, de Or. iii. § 67 quem ferunt . . . 
primum instituisse . . . non quid ipse sen- 
tiret ostendere, sed contra id quod quis- 
que se sentire dixisset disputare : similarly 
Cameades, ib. § 80. Quint. xii. 2, 25. 

Plato altitudinem. For the ' sublimity * 
of Plato, cp. Quint. x. i, 81 Multum enim 
snpraprosamorationemet quampedestrem 

Graeci vocant surgit, ut mihi non hominis 
ingenio sed qnodam Delphici videatur 
oraculo dei instinctns: Plin. i. 10, 5 
Platonicam illam sublimitatem. 

28. iuounditatem. Quint.x. i, 82 Quid 
ego commemorem Xenophontis illam iu- 
cunditatem inadfectatami sed quam nulla 
consequi adfectatio possit ? ib. § 33. Cp. 
Diog. Laert. ii.^§ 75 kiedK^iTo 6i leai *AmK^ 
VLovira yKvic&rrjri r^s ipfitjvtlaf, 

ne Epiouxi qtiidem. For the unfit- 
ness of the Epicnrean school as a training 
for the orator, cp. Quint xii. 2, 24 Nam 
in primis nos Epicurus a se ipse dimittit, 
qui fugere onmem disciplinam navigatione 
quam velocissima iubet. So Cic. Brut. 
§ 131 perfectus Epicureus evaserat, minime 
aptum ad dicendum genus : de Or. iii. 
§ 63 seq. : Quint. xii. 2, 24: Sen. £p. 
xxxiii. 2. 

Metrodorua was the most distinguished 
of the foUowers of Epicurus : Cic. de P in. 
§ 92 paene alter Epicurus. Sen. £p. xiv. 
17 £picuri est aut Metrodori aut alicuius 
ex illa officina. 

29. honestas ezclamationes, ' moral 
utterances.' The reference is to the pithy 
and pregnant dicta in which the Epi- 
cureans gave expression to their moral 
teaching, and which are so often utilized 
by Seneca, especially in the earlier books 
of his letters, as e. g. above. Cp. Cic. de 
N. D. i. § 85 selectae brevesque sententiae, 
quas appellant £picurei levpias S6(as : de 
Fin. ii. §88-9; §94: Tusc. v. §27. 
Exclamatio has another place in rhetoric, 
as either ' admirationis {kK<pijvriais) or 
* conquestionis ' (<TX€TAia<7/tt5j) : de Or. 
iii. § 207, Or. § 136, where Sandys in- 
stances the & 717 «al B^ol of Demosthenes, 
and Cicero's ' o tempora i o mores 1 * 

30. sapientem, * a sage/ like the ' Wise 
Man ' of the Stoics, who was perfect in 
everything, bnt was at the same time 
bound down to his system in a way quite 
impossible for the orator, Quint. xii. 2, 26. 
So Mnesarchus, e. g., maintained ' orato- 
rem, nisi qui sapiens esset, esse neminem.' 

informamus, ' shape,' ' depict,* ' de- 
lineate/ a figure derived from the plastic 
art Cic Or. § 7 : de Or. i. § 264. 



fonnamus neque Stoicorum comitem, sed eum qui quasdam 
artes haurire, omnes libare debet. Ideoque et iuris civilis scien- 
tiam veteres oratores comprehendebant, et grammatica musica 
geometria imbuebantur. Inci^^nt enim causae^ plurimae quidem 
35 ac paene omnes, quibus iuris notitia desideratur^ pleraeque 
autem in quibus haec quoque scientia requiritur. : 

32. Nec quisquam respondeat sufficere ut a3 lempus simplex C. 

31. comitem Vahlen, Halm : citem A, arte B, civitatem HDCVg and b in marg. Qy. 
clientem ? or divitem? (antistitem MuUer, civem Doederlein, artificem Heller.): ne quem 
Stoicorum inciiem H. Rohl. 32. haurire Lipsius, audire codd. libare Bekker, libera- 
liter codd., libare leviter Sillig, libare literas Thomas. civilis om. B. 33. grammatice 
musice et geometrie {-ice DCH and corr. AB) ABCD, em. Rhenanus. et del. Bekker, 
Wesenberg. 34. [incidunt . . . reguiritur] Andresen. 35. quibus codd., in 
quibus, Meiser and edd. plercuque Rhenanus, plerumque codd. {plerique HVSp.). 
36. haec quoque EVaCADH, haec AB {harum quoque Schurzfleisch, illa quoque Novak). 

32. I. sufficeret codd. (^except £). 

31. Stoicorum comitem, a ' hanger- 
on of the Stoics.' Forthespecialunfitaess 
of their system for oratorical purposes, 
see Quint. x. i, 84 with the note. Comi- 
tem is rightly defended by most editors : 
the meaning is, our aim is not to delineate 
the philosophic specialist (sapientem), 
and certainly not the adherent of the 
school specially given over to dialectic 
subtleties. Cp. Plin. N. H. pr. § 22 qui 
(TuUius) de republica Platonis se comi- 
tem profitetur. — In support of his conjec- 
ture artijicem, Heller quotes Ann. xii. 66 
artifex talium . . . Locusta: Sall. lug. 
35 homines talis negotii artifices. But 
though the word is suitable on palaeo- 
graphical grounds, these passages are 
hardly apposite. To the other conjectures 
given above 1 may add clientem (cp. 41. 
4) : or divitemy with reference to the well- 
known Stoic paradox ' solum sapientem 
esse divitem.' Cp. Hor. Sat. i. 3, 124 si 
dives qui sapiens est, with Prof. Wilkins*s 
note ad loc. 

32. haurire . . . libare. An early 
formula for * something of everything, and 
everything of something.' This was 
Cicero's view : ut . . . sit boni oratoris 
multa . . . legendo percucurrisse neque ea 
ut sua possedisse sed ut aliena libasse, de 
Or. i. § 218. 

Ideoque, &c. It was their knowledge 
of practical requirements (incidunt enim, 
&c.,) that induced them to follow out 
this view. So of Cicero 30. 14 ' se apud 
Q. Mucium,* &c. 

34. imbuebantur : see on 19. 21. 

35. pleraeque=multae. Seeon2. 10. 

36. haec quoque scientia, i.e. aknow- 

ledge of criticism, music, and geometry, 
as weU as of law. The form of the 
sentence shows that quoque is indi^ns- 
able. 'The writer might have said * inci- 
dunt enim causae in quibus haec sdentia 
requiritur,* and the reference of haec to 
the three last-named arts would have been 
more obvious. But he chose to vary the 
sentence by inserting the paratactic but 
logicaUy subordinate clause 'plurimae 
quidem . . . desideratur,' with which 
' incidunt ' is less appropriate : quoque 
is then needed for emphasis. John points 
out also the appropriateness of quibus . . . 
desideratur^ of the indispensable, as against 
in quibus . . . requiritur of what is less 
frequently called into play. — ^For haec 
scientia^\i9xvim artium scientia, cp. 'ei 
scientiae,' Cic. de Or. i. § 10 for ' eius 
artis scientiae ' (mathematics) : ' istam 
scientiam (of jurisprudence) ib. § 248 : 
sine ea scientia quam dixi, Or. § 118. 

32. I. suffioere ut. This constr. 
avoids a second subordinate infinitive : 
Draeger (§ 142) compares Plin. Ep. ix. 
21, 3 and (with ne) ix. 33, 11 : witn the 
inBn. Germ.xxxii. 2. 

ad tempus, * for the occasion,* ' for 
the requirements of the moment* : so 
Ann. i. 1, 2; Cic. de Or. i. § 69 ad certam 
causam tempusque. 

simplex quiddam et uniforme. It 
is not enough, instead of going through 
a connected course of training in each 
department, to apply to experts^ as 
occasion may require, for information oh 
some concrete, special, and definite issne. 
In law, such specialists were the prag- 
matici, de Or. i. §253: cp. ib. § 242, 



quiddam et uniforme doceamur. Primum autem aliter utimur 
propriis, aliter commodatis, longeque interesse manifestum est 
possideat quis quae profert an mutuetur. Deinde ipsa multarum 
artium scientia etiam aliud agentes nos ornat, atque ubi minime. 5 
credas eminet et excellit. Idque non doctus modo et prudens 
auditor, sed etiam populus intellegit, ac statim ita laude pj^ae- 
guitur ut legitime studuisse, ut per omnes eloquentiae numeros 
isse, ut denique oratorem esse fateatur; quem non posse aliter 


2. autem codd., enim Rhenanns, Halm, and edd. 
isset E, is sed Vg, ipse A. 

9. isse C, isse et ABDH, 

where Antonius says ' in eo autem iure 
quod ambigitur inter peritissimos non est 
diflicile oratori eius partis quamcunque 
defendet auctorem aliquem invenire; a quo 
cum amentatas hastas acceperit, ipse eas 
oratoris lacertis viribusque torquebit/ The 
adjective uniformis occurs elsewhere only 
in late authors. 

2. Primum antem. Peter, WolfT, and 
John support . the MS. reading : other 
editors read primum enim, At first sight 
autem seems to connect badly with what 
goes before, thongh it may be used (like 
sed 18. 14) to contradict a negative asser- 
tion. If the previous statement had been 
positive instead of negative (At dixerit 
quispiam sufhcere, &c.) it would have 
beeo quite in place: so in disposing of an 
objection, Livy v. 53, 2. 

3. longe for multum (37* 16). There 
is a reminiscence of ' longe abesse.' 

4. multarum . . . exceUit. Cp. Cic. 
de Or. i. § 72 sic sentio neminem esse in 
oratorum numero habendum qui non sit 
onmibus eis artibus quae sunt libero 
dignae perpolitus: quibus ipsis si in 
dicendo non utimur, tamen apparet atque 
exstat utrum simus earum rudes an didi- 
cerimus : Quint i. 10, 7. ' Multarum artium 
scientia'>»'a wide ciilture' : Mpsa' ^ in 
and for itself. 

5. allud agentes. The sequel shows 
that this cannot be taken to refer to 
friendly intercourse with men of culture, 
as Andresen understands it : the rendering 
'even when we are not professionally 
engaged ' will not suit the context. The 
reference is obviously to subjects which 
would not, at first sight, seem to lend 
themselves to cultured treatment : even 
the dry details of a technical snbject may 
be lighted up by the manner of handling 
it. A many-sided cnlture is an omament 
of the influence of which its possessor 

may be unconscious. John explains ' in 
the speeches and portions of speeches in 
which we are not consciously endeavour- 
ing (id agere, Cic. Tusc. i. § 46) to show 
the extent of our knowledge.* The nearest 
parallel is Quint. i. 11, 19 : cp. also Cic 
pro. Cluent. §§ 155, 179; pro Rosc. Am. 
1 60 ; Brut § 233 ; de Or. iii. 51 : Quint 
X. 3, 25. So Agr. xliii. 3 : Dial. 28. 27. 

8. studuisBe : 21. 30. 

omnes . . . numeros : cp. on 1. 17. In 
this sense, numerus ( = pars) is very fre- 
quently found in conjunction with omnis : 
e. g. Quint. viii. pr. § i per omnes numeros 
penitus cognoscere. The root idea may 
be, as John suggests, parts of a whole 
that are designated by continuous num- 
bers. There may also be a reference to 
the rhythmical movements through which 
a person under training is put : cp. Qnint. 
X. 1 , 4 Athleta qui omnes iam perdidicerit 
a praeceptore numeros, where see note. 
In Cicero, numeri is frequently used of 
that which is complete and perfect in all 
its parts : de N. D. ii. § 37 mundum . . . 
perfectum expletumque omnibus suis 
numeris et partibus: de Div. i. § 23 quod 
onmes habet in se- numeros : de Ofi. iii. 
§ 14: de Fin. iii. § 24. Cp. also Sen. 
Ep. 71 § 16 (veritas) habet numeros suos, 
plena est : 95» § 5 : Juv. vi. 249. 

9. isse. For this poetical and post- 
classical construction in which/^ is used 
after ire with an accusative of the extent 
over which thought, speech, or feeling 
travels, cp. Aen. i. 375 : Quint vii. i, 64, 
and X. 5, 21 (per totas ire materias). 

oratorem, emphatic, as in Cic. de Or. 
1. § 72, quoted above : cp. ib. § 20, ac mea 
quidem sententia nemo poterit esse omni 
laude cumulatus otator, nisi erit omnium 
rerum magnamm atqne artium scientiam 
consecutus. See on orator 1. 4. 

aliter . . . nisi eum. There is aa 



10 existere nec extitisse aimquam confirmo nisi eum qui, tamquam 
in aciem omnibus armis instructus, sic in forum omnibus artibus 
iurmatus exierit. Quod adeo neglegitur ab horum temporum 
disertis ut in aCtionibus eorum huius quoque cotidiani sermonis 
foeda ac pudenda vitia deprehendantur ; ut ignorent leges, non 

H teneant senatus consulta, ius kuius civitatis ultro derideant, 
sapientiae vero studium et praecepta prudentium penitus refor- 
mident. In paucissimos sensus et angustas sententias d etrud unt 
eloquentiam velut expulsam regno suo, ut quae olim omnium 
artium domina pulcherrimo c omita tu pectora implebat, nunc 

2o circumcisa et amputata, sine apparatu, sine honore, paene 

13. huius Halm, ius (or vis^ codd., ipsim Michaelis (or rather i]^ja),7^//rjBaehrens. 
14. non EVsHCAl), nec AB. 15. ius huius civitatis is my conj., ius civitcUis 

codd., ius sutie civi/atis Gudeman, ius civiie autetn Baehrens. 17. detrudunt D, 

detrudant ABCH. 

undoubted harsbness about this construc- 
tion, though it is not necessary to read 
alium, Novak would reject aliter, com- 
paring Ann. vi. 28. 

13. disertis. See on 1. 5 honim autem 
temporum diserti. 

huius cotidiani sermonis : our every- 
day conversation. Cp. on ' his propriis 
. . . vitiis/ 28. 9. So Cic. de Or. i. § 108 
huius forensis nostrae dictionis. For 
quoque in the sense of etiam, see on 6. 19. 

15. senatus oonsulta. Cp. Cic. Top. 
§ 5 ius civile . . . in legibus, senatns con- 
sultis, rebus iudicatis consistat. Gaius i, 
§ 4 senatus consultum legis vicem obtinet. 

iu8 huius civitatis. The insertion of 
huius is a very simple emendation : by 
itself ius civitatis could hardly stand as 
equivalent to ius civile (30. 14 : 31. 32). 
The phrase must denote (as ius civile 
generally does) either the * laws of the 
state' as distinct from Mus naturaie* 
or * ius gentium,' or that portion of the 
Roman law which was the resnlt of old 
tradition, with special reference to the 
XII Tables, as distinguished from the 
newer or * equity ' portion. In view of the 
well-known sub-division of the ius civile, 
in this narrower sense, into lex and mos, it 
is probable that hext—leges having already 
been mentioned — the reference is specially 
to traditional usage, prescriptive law. 
In former days the importance of a know- 
lcdge of this branch had to be insisted on, 
' cuius scientia neglecta ab oratoribus 
plerisque nobis ad dicendum necessaria 
videtur,' Cic. Part Orat. § 100 : cp. the 

discourse of Crassus; de Or. i. §§ 166-184. 
Now men not only n^lect it bnt scoff at 
it : Quint. xii. 3. For the iuxtaposition 
of * leges ' and * ius civile,' cp. de Or. i. 
$ 18 neque legum ac iuiis civilis sdentia 
neglegenda est, Or. § 120. 

ultro, as 9. 16 rogare ultro : 5. 23 ultro 

16. praeoepta prudentium, ' maxims 
of moral wisdom.* This is better than to 
take the phrase, with many editors, of 
specialists in general. 

penitus ' whoUy/ as Germ. xxxiii. 3 : 
Ann. xii. 39, 10. 

17. seneus . • . sententias, 'a few 
common-places and cramped epigrams ' : 
cp. 20. 16 sive sensus aliquis arguta et 
brevi sententia effulsit. The meaning 
of 'angustae sententiae* may be well 
illustrated by Quint. x. i, 130 (in reference 
to the style of Seneca) * si rerum pondera 
minutissimis sententiis non freigisset.* Cp. 
Sen. £p. 100, 5 sensus honestos et magni- 
ficos habes, non coactos in sententiam sed 
latius dictos: ib. 94, 27 ; 114, i. 

detrudunt. Cp. Cic. de Or. i. § 46 
oratorem . . . excludi ab omni doctrina 
rerumque maiomm scientia ac tantum in 
iudicia et contiunculas tamquam in aliquod 
pistrinum detrudi et compingi videbam. 

19. pectora implebat: see on 31. 4. 
Comitatu (sc. reliqnarum artium) is the 
same ablative as iis artibus in the passage 
referred to. 

20. circumoisa et amputata: Plin. 
£p. i. 20, 9 amputata oratio et abscisa. 
This combination is frequent also in 




dixerim sine ingenuitate, quasi una ex sordidissimis artificiis^" 
discatur. Ergo hanc primam et praecipuam causam arbitror 
cur in tantum ab eloquentia antiquorum oratorum recesserimus. 
Si testes desiderantur, quos potiores nominabo quam apud 
Graecos Demosthenem, quem studiosissimum Platonis auditorem 25 
fuisse memoriae proditum est ? Et. Cicero his, ut* opinor, verbis 
refert, quidquid in ^loquentia effecerit, id se non rhetorum officiniSy ^ ^ 
sed Academiae spatiis consecutum. Sunt aliae causae, magnae 
et graves, quas a vobis aperiri aequum est, quoniam quidem ego 
iam meum munus explevi, et quod mihi in consuetudine est, satis 30 
multos oifendi, quos, si forte haec audierint, certum habeo dicturos 

aa. Ergo EVaHCAD, tgo AB. arbitrar cur Put, arbitratur {-tus) ABH, arbitror 
DC. 23. in tantum most coddL, tantum HV and edd. 37. nan in rhetorum 

Acidalius. officinis snppl. Haase (Cic. Or. $ 12). 29. a Twbis b Rhenanas, vobis 

codd. 31. quos Pithoeus (and D), quod codd. 

Cicero : de Fin. i. § 44 amputata circum- 
cisaque inanitate onmi et errore: Acad. 
ii* § 138 circumcidit et amputat multitu- 
dinem : de Or- i. § 65 licet huic quantum 
cuique videbitur circumcidat atque am- 
putet (' trim ofT and lop away ') : de Fin. 
V. § 39 ars agricolarum quae circumcidat, 
amputet For the fignre, taken from the 
process of pruning, cp. onpressus 18. 20. 

sine apparatu, 'sine honore, ' shom 
of aU her state, all her adomment/ lilie 
a fallen queen. 

paene dixerim : for this aoristic per- 
fect, see D'. § 28 b. 

21. mgeniiitate, 'the condition of an 
ingenuus (Ann. xiii. 27, 17): tr. *inde- 
pendence,* ' liberal assodations.* Cp Cic. 
ae Or. i. § 236 istam iuris scientiam elo- 
quentiae tamc|uam ancillulam pedisequam- 
que adiunxisti. 

scrdidissimis artifloiis. *Sordidus* 
is specially used of a money-making handi- 
craift : Ann. xi. 5, 5. The opposite would 
be ' artes elegantes et ingenuae/ as Cic. de 
Fin. iii. § 4. Andresen cites Sen. £p. 108, 
36 qui philosophiam velut aliquod artifi- 
cinm venale didicerant. The feminine form 
una shows the influence of the personifica- 
tion of ' eloquentia * in the speaker^s mind. 

22. primam . . . praeoipuam, as at 
Ann. vi. 4, 3. Cp. Quint. ii. 15, i. 

23. in tantom » tantum : Germ. xlv. 31 
in tantum a libertate degenerant. So fire- 
quently in quantum 2. 13 ; 41. 19 : Ann. 
»ii. 54» 5 ; ib. xiv. 47, 2. 

26. memoriae proditam eat. Cp. 

Cic. Or. $ 15 (de Demosthene . . . cuius 
ex epistulis intellegi licet quam frequens 
fuent Platonis auditor), where Dr. Sandys 
shows that the tradition may be traced as 
far back as an anonymous writer quoted 
by Hermippus (at the end of the third 
century B. c.) : see Plut. Dem. ch. v, and cp. 
Diog. Laert. iii. 46. So Cic. Brnt. § 121 
lectitavisse Platonem studiose, audivisse 
etiam Demosthenes dicitur : Quintil. xii. 2» 
22; 10, 24 : Anl. Gell.iii. 1 3. The tradition 
may howcver be considered doubtful. 

Et Oioero for et (apud nos) Ciceronem, 
qui his, ut opinor, verbis, &c. The 
referenoe is to Or. § 12 fateor me orato- 
rem, si modo sim aut etiam quicumque 
sim, non ex rhetoram officinis sed ex 
Academiae spatiis extitisse; illa enim 
sunt curricula multiplicium varioramque 
sermonum in quibus Platonis primum 
sunt impressa vestigia. Cp. Qnint. xii. 2, 
23, where scholis is nsed instead of qfficinis 
('mechanical workshops,* as Brat. § 32). 
So in the de^^Hv. ii. § 4 Cicero speaks of 
his rhetorical works as bordering on philo- 
sophy : cp. Quint. x. i, 91 Philosophoram 
ex ouibus plurimum se traxisse eloquentiae 
M. Tullius confitetur, &c. 

29. quoniam quidem. This is not an 
instance of anastrophe for ego quidem 
(Andresen), quidem being frequently used 
after quoniam (cp. quando quidem) in 
Cicero : e. g. quoniam quidem . . . fui 
inimicus, P^o § 63 : Rosc. Amer. § 31 : 
quoniam quidem . . . sententiam dicere 
vetabatur, pro Domo § 69. 



me, dum iuris et philosophiae scientiam tamquam oratori neces- 
sariam laudo, ineptiis meis(^lausisse/ 

33. £t Matemus ' Mihi quidem ' inquit ^ susceptum a te munus 
adeo peregisse nondum videris, ut incohasse tantum et velut ves- 
tigia ac lineamenta quaedam ostendisse videaris. Nam quibus 
ar^lius instrui veteres oratores soliti sint dixisti, diiTerentiamque 
5 nostrae desidiae et inscientiae adyersus acerrihia et fecundissima 
eorum studia' demonstrasti : cetera exspecto, ut quem ad modum 
ex te didici quid aut illi scierint aut nos nesciamus, ita hoc quoque 
cognoscam, quibus exercitationibus iuvenes iam et forum ingres- 
suri confirmare et alere ingenia sua soliti sint Neque enim 

lo tantunt arte et scientia, sed longe magis facultate et usu eloquen- 

tiam contineri, nec tu puto abnues et hi significare vultu videntur/ 

Deinde cum Aper quoque et Secundus idem adnuissent, Mes- 

salla quasi rursus incipiens : ^ Quoniam initia et semina veteris 

eloquentiae satis demonstrasse videor, -docendo quibus 

15 antiqui oratores institui erudirique soliti sint, persequar nunc 

88. 2. incohasse most codd., inchoassc BD£. 4. artibus add. Schopen. 

5. inscieniiac KYiiaixDmj scientiae codid, 7. quidK^Tiyquod EsW^CA^, sderint 

Scharzfleisch, scirent codd. 8. ingressuri ABEV^, ingressi DH V, ingracssi CA. 

10. tantum Ritter, solum Dronke, dum codd. scientia CAD, inscientia ABEV^H. 
usu add. Tyrwhitt. 11. hi H, ii cett. codd. 13. et ABCDAH, 

om. EV,. 14. videor corr. B, videtur ADCH. 15. persequar corr. B and H : 

persequor ADC. 

32. dum, with the indic. in indirect 
speech, as often in the historical writings 
of Tacitus: D'. § 168. Tr. *I have 
only been eulogising . . . in order to cry- 
np my own little weaknesses.' 

33. ineptiis meis plausisse, lit. 'I 
have been applauding my bwn want of 
taste.* Cp. Cic. de Or. i. §111 ne has 
meas ineptias efTeratis : and for ineptiae 
as ' tasteless fancies,' ib. ii. § 18. Tbe 
study of law and philosophy would be 
considered inepticu by the speakers whom 
Messalla is criticizing, and who had a 
'thorough horror* {penitus reformidenty 
above) of such subjects. 

88. 2. viderlB . . . videaxis. See on 
10. 24. 

5. adversufl, 'in contrast with,' 'as 
compared with': so Ann. zii. 15, 12; 
XV. 19, 5 : Livy vii. 32, 8. 

6. oetera exspecto, ut : ' I wait for the 
sequel, viz. that,' &c. Cp. 26. 23. 

8. forum ingressuri » qui foro para- 

bantur, 84. i. So Quint vii. 2, 54 itnris 
in forum: ii. 8, 8 qui foro destinabitnr. 
For et cp. 20. 12 iuvenes et in ... incnde 

9. alere ingenia : cp. on 14. 16. 

10. £bcultate et usu, of the practical 
application of theoretical knowledge. 

11. significare vultu: supply j^ imm 
adnuere=^se idem sentire. 

13. quasi rurauB incipiens. Cp. Cic. 
Brut. § 201 et ego tamquam de integro 

initia et semina, ' iirst-beginnings and 
germs ' : Quint. ii. 20, 6 initia quaedam 
ac semina: Cic. Tusc. v. 69 indagatio 
initiorum et tamquam seminum. 

14. artibuB, ' branches of knowledge.' 
Cp. Qnint i. 3» 16 qnibus instituendus sit 
artibus qui sic formabitur ut fieri possit 
orator. In contradistinction to thesCji 
' exercitationes ' are the exercises by which 
speakers were prepared for the practice of 
their profession. 



exercitationes eorum. Quamquam ipsis artibus inest exercitatio, 
nec quisquam percipere tot tam varias aut reconditas res potest, 

nisi ut scienti£S meditatio, meditationi facultas, facintati usus 


eloquentiae accedat. Per quae coUigitur eandem^esse rationem 
et percipiendi quae p rofer as et proferendi quae perceperis. Sed ao i^ r< > 
si cui obscuriora haec videntur isque scientiam ab exercitatione 
separat, illud certe concedet, instructum et plenum his artibus 
animum longe paratiorem ad eas exercitationes venturum quae 
propriae esse oratorum videntur. 

17. tam varias aut recondiias John, tam rec, aut var, Baehrens: aut rec, tam 

aut ^ 

vartas ACDHVj, aut rec, tam var. B (q). the transposition of utrosquey 2. 6) : tam 
(Mnretus) rec, tamque v. Halm {ac tam Henmann), tot, tam rec.y tam v, Miiller 
18. \ui\ Acidalins, nisi si Novak. usus Acidalins, vis or ius codd. 19. \eloquenticu\ 
Sauppe, Novak. 20. perceperis IXDQypercipis AB. 22. illucfENiCb, istud 

AB, id HD. 23. paratiorem Lipsius,,^^ A, parate EDA, paratH BH, aperte C. 

24. esse oraiorum Agricola, et ornaturum ABDV,, exomaturum E, et ornatorum C A, 
circa oratoriam HV Put. (circa oratorium b in marg.) 



exeroitaticnes eorum, 

practical exerdses/ drill. 

exercitatio. Theory involves and 
requires 'practice*: cp. 81. i6inhisartibus 
exercitationibnsque versatus orator, &c. 
The opposition between theory and 
practice runs through the whole passage : 
cp. quibus artibus . . . exercitationes 
above, and scientiam . . . exercitatione 
below. The former implies the latter: 
no one can perfect himself in theory with- 
out touching on practice : the rationale 
of both is the same. £ven those, the 
writer adds, who draw a rigid line between 
the two must admit that theory is, for the 
orator, the best preparation for practioe. 

17. reconditas, 'abstruse.* Cic. Brut 
$ 44 : de Or. i. 8. In support of the read- 
ing adopted in the text, John quotes Cic. 
Tusc. V. 72 tot tam variisque virtutibus : 
pro Sest. 46 causas tot tamque varias. 

18. niai ut » nisi ita ut, ut non. This is 
the only instance of this use in Tacitus : 
other examples of the coUocation are all 
like Agr. xv. 3 nihil profici patientia nisi 
ut, &c. Cp. however Quint. v. 10, 57 
nunquam itaque toUetur a specie genus 
nisi ut omnes species . . . removeantur : 
Plin. £p. ii. 11, 16 neque enim iam 
inchoari poterat actio nisi ut noctis inter- 
ventu scinderetur. 

meditatio, /itXirrf, 14. 5. The leamer 
must not depend on memory alone : he 
must make a practice of rehearsing what 
he knows in well-considered language — 
not as yet, of course, for public delivery : 
Cic de Or. i. § 147 qui ingrediuntur in 

stadium, quique ea quae agenda sunt in 
foro tamquam in acie, possunt etiam nunc 
exercitatione quasi ludicra praediscere ac 
meditari, ib. §§ 136, 260. Meditatio is 
' the whole intellectual activity expended 
on a literary or rhetorical production (cp. 
Ann. iv. 61, 5), but especially practical 
rehearsal and exercitation,' John : cp. 16. 
4, 80. 9. Its aim and end is ' skill in ' or 
' capacity for * public-speaking (/acuttas), 
the faculty of applying what has beoi 
leamed: and that only needs to find a 

sphere. For meditatio usus cp. Georg. 

i* 133 'tit varias usus meditando extun- 
deret artes.' 

usos, for the MS. vis, which would be 
out of place here in speaking of theoretical 
training : for the confusion see crit. note 
on Quint. x. i, 83. C/sus here denotes 
experience and practice in eloquence 
(Quint ii. 15, 23, rpifiri: exercitatio 
dicendi, Cicero) rather than the employ- 
ment of eloquence, as 12. 10, cp. 41. 9. 
Cp. facultate et usu, 1. 10 above. £to^ 
quentiae has been suspected as a gloss. 

19. rationem, ' method.' For its nse 
with the gerund, see on Quint x. i, 4: 
3» § 3* So far, the processes are identical : 
alike in the sphere of knowledge (' artes ') 
and in that of 'practice* (whether in 
regard to ' exercitationes' or real speeches) 
the way lies through meditatio,/actiitas, 
and usUs. The science and the art are one. 

23. paratiorem . . . venturum. Cic. 
Brat. § 263 has ille tenens et paratus ad 
causas veniens. 

24. Tidentur, ' are held to be.* 



' • I 

: 5 

, cbfri 'ifii». 


84. Ergo apud maiores nostros iuvenis ille qui foro et elo- 
quentiae parabatur, imbutus iam domestica disciplina, refeitus ^T^ 
honestis studiis deducebatur a patre vel a propinquis ad eum "^ 
oratorem qui prindpem in civitate locum obtinebat. Hunc 
sectari, hunc prosequi, huius omnibus dictionibus interesse sive 
in iudiciis sive in contionibus adsuescebat, ita ut altercationes 
quoque exciperet et i^rgiis interesset utque siciiixerifl(^ pugnare 
in proelio disceret. Magnus ex iioc usus, multun^jconstantfae, 
plurimun\ iudicii iuvenibus statim contingebat, in medialuce' 
studentibus atque inter ipsa discrimina, ubi nemo impune stulte 
aliquid aut contrarie dicit, quo minus et iudex respuat et adver* 

34. 3. parabaiur codd., praeparabatur Ritter, Novak. 7. exciperet . . . in* 

teresset Bekker, excipere . . . itUeresse codd. 8. magnus corr. B, tnagnos ADCHVs* 

^ ^ 

84. 3. imbutas, ' trained/ cp. Cic. de 
OfT. i. § 118 parentium praeceptis imbuti. 
The abl. disciplina is rather different from 
eloquentia, line 13 below : cp. eruditione 2. 
14, and elementis 19. 2o(where see note). 
In order to emphasize this, Gerber and 
Greef take imbutus here as used absolutely 
(sc. iure et eloquentia), comparing Ann. iii. 
59, 1 2 sic imbui rectorem generis humani, 
id primnm e patemis consiliis discere. 

3. deduoebatur. For this nse of 
introducing a youth to a master or 
guardian, cp. pro Cael. § 9 : de Am. § i. 
The custom of seeking the society of 
distinguished jurists or orators is referred 
to in very similar language by Quintilian : 
X. 5, 19 quare iuvenis qui rationem in- 
veniendi eloquendique a praeceptoribus 
diligenter acceperit . . . exercitationem 
quoque modicam fuerit consecutus, ora- 
torem sibi aliquem, quod apud maiores 
fieri solebat, deligat, quem sequatur, quem 
imitetur : iudiciis intersit quam plurimis et 
sit certaminis cui destinatur frequens spec- 
tator. Cp. xii. ii, 5 : Cic. Brut. § 305-6. 

4. prinoipem locum. So Ann. iii. 
75, 4 principem in civitate locum studiis 
civilibus assecutus : cp. primum obtinent 
locum 88. II, below. 

5. seotari. Cp. adsectabar 2. 7. 

6. iudioiis . . oontionibus : of ' forensic' 
and ' deliberative * oratory : see on line 15, 

alteroationes. The altercaiio was a dis- 
cussion between rival speakers carried on 
in the way of short answers and retorts, 
whether in a court-of-law, in the senate, or 
on a public platform. In judicial cases it 
followed (when resorted to) the examina- 

tion of witnesses, which was in Roman usage 
preceded by the main speechesfor the prose- 
cution and defence (Cic. in Verr. L i, § 55). 
A famous instance in the senate is the dia- 
logue between Cicero and Clodius (ad Att. 
i. 16, 8) : cp. Brut. § 159 iam in altercando 
(Crassus) invenit parem neminem. The o/- 
tercatio (actio brevis atque concisa, Quint. 
vi. 4, 2) is always opposed \Q.perpeIu(i or /' 
continua oratio (Liv. iv. 6, i : 1 ac. Hist. iv. 
7, 3), and it required the utmost skill on 
the part of the dispntants : asperrima in 
hac parte dimicatio est nec alibi dixeris 
magis mucrone pugnari, Quint vi. 4, 4. 

7. utque 8ioj£teerim, for the more '^ 
classical ' ut iUHGticam : * so 40. 18 : Germ. 
ii. 4 : Ann. xiv. 55, 14, where see 
Fumeaux*s note. Cp. Qnint x. 2, 15. 

8. constantiae,' self-possession/ readi* 

9. iudieii,of'soundjudgment': cp.19.6. 
in media luoe. So 'forensi luce/ 

Cic. Brut. § 32 : in hac fori luce, Quint 
xii. 2,8: the opposite is ' studia in umbra 
educata,' Ann. xiv. 53, 14. Cp. Quint. 
i. 2, 18 orator cui in maxima celebritate 
et in media rei publicae luce vivendum 
est : and for the frequent contrast between 
the shady retreat of the school and the 
open light of practical life, Cic. Brut § 37 : 
de Orat i. § 157 : Or. § 64: Quint x. 5, 
1 7, where see note : ib. xii. 6, 4. 

10. inter ipsa disoriinina. Cp. Cic. 
de Legg. iii. 6, 14 Phalereus ille De- 
metrius . . . mirabiliter doctiinam ex 
umbraculis eruditorum otioque non modo 
in solem atqne in pulverem, sed in ipsum 
discrimen aciemque prodnxit. 

11. oontrarie dioit, i.e. sibimet ipse 




sarius exprobret, ipsi denique advodati aspementur. Igitur vera 
statim et incorrupta eloquentia imbuebantur ; et quamquam 
unum sequerentur, tamen omnes eiusdem aetatis patronos in 
plurimis et causis et iudiciis cc^oscebant ; habebantque ipsius 
populi diversissimarum aurium copiam, ex qua facile depre- 
henderent quid in quoque vel probaretur vel displiceret. Ita 
nec praeceptor deerat, optimus quidem et electissimus, qui facjem 
eloquentiae, non imaginem praestaret, nec adversarii et aemuli 
ferro, non rudih.u^ dimicantes, nec auditorium semper plenum, 
semper novum^ ex invidis et faventibus, ut nec bene nec secus 

i6. populi most codd,, pcpuli et EV^. ex quo Meiser. i8. qptimus iUe quidem 

Baehrens, optimus quisque Meiser. ao. rudibus P. Faber, sudihus codd. nec Schele, 
sed codd. i. plenum s, novum all codd. except C (j. novum s, plenum), 21. mix- 
tum ex Andresen. breviter C (for bene). nec secus Schopen, nec maie Pithoeus {nec 
mcUe nec bene Agricola, Novak), nec minus bene Andresen, nec parum bene John. 


V^' > 


'v r \. >t 

contradicit atqae ita cansae saae nocet, 
G. and G. Sen. de Ben. vi. 8, 4 Adver- 
sarius meus dnm contraria dicit et iudicem 
superbia offendit . . . causam meam 
erexit. For contrarius in the sense of 
noxius or damnosusy cp. 85. 12, 89. 10. 

quo miniu. This clause is remark- 
able» in the first place, as an extension of 
the idea contained in impune, and also 
for the exceptional use of quo minus (cp. 
on 3. 15) for quin, quin eum, 

respuat : cp. Quint. vi. 4, 19. 

12. ipsi . . . advooati, ' one's own 
supporters.* This is the older meaning 
of the word, as in Cicero, who uses it of 
those who lent their countenance and 
personal snpport to a friend, especially in 
legal matterS) e. g. Brut. § 289; pro 
Cluent. § 1 10, ib. § 54, where see Fausset's 
note. By Quintilian advocaius is generallv 
used (as 1. 5 above) as synonymous with 
' actor causae/ * causidicus/ ' patronus : * 
X. I, III ; xii. I, 25. 

15. et causia et iudioiis. The dis- 
tinction seems to correspond to that laid 
dovm in * sive in iudiciis, sive in contioni- 
bus/ line 6, above: cp. 'fori auditor, 
sectator iudiciorum/ line 26, below. Cicero 
often uses the words together, without 
any express antithesis : Brut § 105 Carbo 
est in multis iudiciis causisque cognitus, 
in Caec Div. § i in causis iudiciisque 
publicis, ib. §§ 25, 73 : cp. Or. § 69 in foro 
causisque civilibus (of * deliberative * and 
* forensic* oratory, excluding * epideictic'), 
ib. § 207 in causis foroque, de Or. i. § 77, 
ii. § 42. John here understands iudicia of 
criminal trials, causat of civil actions. 

ixwius . . . copiam : opportunities of 
(observing) the great diversity of taste on 
the part ot the audience.' For the genitives, 
see D'. § 75. 

18. eleotisBimus. Tacitus has the 
superlative only here. Novak would read 
' lectissimus/ comparing Germ. vi. 8, 
Agric. xviii. 21. 

faciem . . . imaginem : eloquence in 
her true features or bodily presence, not 
a mere copy or phantom. Cp. Quint. x. 
a, II adde quod quidquid alteri simile est, 
necesse est minus sit eo quod imitatur, ut 
umbra corpore et imago facie et actus 
histrionum veris adfectibus. So ib. 5. § 17 
in falsa rerum imagine detineri et inanibus 
simulacris . . . adsuescere, — of the decla- 
mations, which in contrast with the 
reality of 'forenses actiones* are mere 

20. ferro, non rudibus, ' with swords, 
not wooden foils.' The rudis was the 
wooden foil with which gladiators 
practised : Liv. xxvi. 51,4. For a similar 
figure, cp. Cic. de Opt. Gen. Orat. § 17 
non enim in acie versatur et ferro, sed 
quasi rudibus eius eludit oratio : Sen. £p. 
117, 25 remove ista lusoria arma, decreto- 
riis opus est : Quint x. 5, 20 : and id. v. 
12, 17 declamationes quibus ad pugnam 
forensem velut praepilatis exerceri sole- 

21. semper norum, *ever changing,' 
i.e. the audienoe was never the same. 
Gudeman unneccessarily proposes to reject 
these words as an interpolation : cp. below 
' non novi iudicum vultus.' 

ex invidis et faventibus, ' composed 




dicta dissimularentur. Scitis enim mag^am illam et duraturam 
eloquentiae famam non minus in diversis subselliis parari quam 
suis ; inde quin immo constantius surgere, ibi fidelius corroborari. 

%l Atque hercule sub eius modi praeceptoribus iuvenis ille de quo 
loquimur, oratorum discipulus, fori auditor, sectator iudiciorum, 
eruditus et adsuefactus alienis experimentis, cpi cotidie audienti 
notae l^es, non novi iudicum vultus, frequens in oculis con- 
suetudo contionum, saepe cognitae populi aures, sive accusa- 

30 tionem susceperat sive defensionem, solus statim et unus cuicum- 
que causae par erat. Nono decimo aetatis anno L. Crassus 

33. qaam suis codd., quam in suis Andresen, Halm. 30. solus stcUim 

unicuique HV and edd. vett. 31. Nono decimo codd. : uno et vicesimo Nipper- 

dey, Baehrens. 

of friendly and unftiendly hearers.' For 
this use of ex foUowing a snbstantive (here 
auditorium) q). Germ. xxiii. i potui 
humor ex hordeo aut frumento : Hist iv. 
76, 14 nuUas esse CeriaU nisi e reUquiis 
Germanici exercitus legiones. — On the 
othei»hand, John thinks there is no need 
either to supply a participle, or to insert 
a comma after novum : the essential 
feature is 'ex invidis et faventibus* to 
which 'semper plenum, semper novum' 
are subordinate. 

a I. neo bene neo seous diota : tr. ' so 
|that neither graces nor £eiuUs of diction 
I could pass unnoliced.' Cp. Ann. xiii. 6, 
16 honestis an^secus amicis uteretur : Liv. 
vii. 6, 8 pro bene aut secus consuUo 
habitura: Cic. Pis. § 68 recte an secus. 
In favour of the reading ' ut nec male nec 
bene dicta/ it has been urged that the order 
is supported by ' ex invidis et faventibus' 
immediately below: but in the passage 
qupted fropi Livy xxiii. 46, i the meaning 
of ' nec bene nec male dicta ' is ' neither 
praise nor blame.' 

22. duraturam, as at 22. 15 : cp. on 
mansurum, 9. 22. 

23. in diversis Bubselliis on the 
benches of our opponents, whose criticisms 
are profitable and stimulating : cp. 87. 
ad fin. So Quint. xi. 3, 132-3 advocato 
adversis subseUiis sedenti . . . transire 
in diversa subseUia parum verecundum 
est. For this use of diversus cp. diversam 
partem, 1. 18. 

quam suis. For the omission of the 
prep. in the second clause, cp. 82. 17 : 28. 
14. J. MuUer cites PUn. N. H. 2, 78 
lunam bis coitum cum sole in nuUo aUo 

signo facere quam geminis — ^novissimam 
vero nuUo uio in signo quam ariete 
conspici : 2, 188 : PUn. £p. 8. 24, 9. 

24. oonstantius . . . oorroborari : 
'its growth in that quarter is more 
vigorous, and strikes deeper roots.' Cp. 
Cic. Fam. viii. 8, 2 * magna iUco fama 
surrexit ' : and ' quod fideUter firmnm est/ 
Quint. vi. 4, 14. 

26. fori . . .iudieiorum. These geni- 
tives denote the sphere in which the 
action expressed by the verbal nouns 
takes place. Cp. 5. 19. 

27. ezperimentis = ' efTorts * : cp. 22. 
9 usu et experimentis didicerat : Agr. zix. 
2 doctus per aUena experimenta. 

28. in ooulis, for 'ante oculos': as 
\v 6fifm<ri, So Hist. iv. 77, 6 : Ann. iu. 29, 
8 : cp. ' in conspectu.' 

29. populi aures: of the 'taste' of 
the pubUc, as 19. 7, and Une 15, above. 
The frequent use of aures in this sense in the 
Dialogus is noteworthy : cp. 20. 20 auri- 
bus et iudiciis ; 9. 6 aures tuae ; 27. 8 aures 
vestras; 2L 11 auribus iudicum ; 19. 22 
fastidium aurium. So Ann. xiiL 3, 8 inge- 
nium amoenum et temporis eius aoribus 

30. cuioumque oausae. For qui' 
eumque as an indefinite pronoun (asquivis 
or quiUbet), see note on Quint. x. i, 12. 

31. nono decimo, &c. The facts are 
not exactly stated by MessaUa. Crassus 
(see on 18. 10) was twenty-one (annos 
natus unum et viginti, de Or. iii. § 74) 
where he made his first pubUc appearance 
in connexion with the prosecution of 
C. Papirius Carbo, in B. c. 119. Caesar 
was in his twenty-third year when^ in 





C. Carbonem, uno et vicensimo Caesar Dolabellam, altero et 
vicensimo' Asinius PoUio C. Catonem, non multum aetate ante- 
cedens Calvus Vatinium iis oratiohibus insecuti sunt quas hodie 
quoque cum admiratione legimus. 35 

35. At nunc adulescentuli nostri deducuntur in scholas 
istorum qui rhetores vocantur, quos paulo ante Ciceronis tempora 
extitisse nec placuisse maioribus nostris ex^o manifestum est, 
quod^ Crasso et Domitio censoribus cludere, ut ait Cicero, 
ludum impudentiae iussi sunt. Sed ut dicere institueram, 5 

33. uno et codd. : tertio et Pichena. 34. iis ABCaH, Is D, his EVg : see Introd. 
p. Ixxxviii. hodie qmque AB, Halm, Miiller, Helmreich, hodieque EV^C AD, hodii H. 

35. I. scholas istorum Haupt, seni (se in EV^C, sem D, scenam B corr., scena H) 
scholasticorum ABCADH {scolasticorum EV2,), in scholas eorum Novak (who says of 
the MS. reading, in seni scholasticorum, ' ortum videtur e dittographia insc, in scholas* 
ticorum '). 4. a Michaelis, M. most codd., Marco HV^ edd. vett 



B.c. 77, he impeached Dolabella (Suet. 
Inl. § 4) on a charge of repetundae, 
Quintillan is less definite : neque ego annos 
definiam, cum . . . Calvus, Caesar, Pollio 
multum ante quaestoriam omnes aetatem 
gravissima iudicia susceperint,praetextatos 
egisse quosdam sit traditum, xiL 6, i. It 
is interesting to remember that Crassus 
afterwards regretted his attack on Carbo 
(Cic. in Verr. iii. i, 3) as having involved 
him in a premature declaration of his 
political opinions. 

33. Pollio accused C. Porcius Cato 
in 6. c. 54. He was bom in B. c. 75. 
For Galvus, see on 17. 4: Vatinius, 

non multum aetate antecedens. So 
Quint. X. 1, 103 paulum aetate praecedens 
eum : Cic Brut. § 8a aetate paulnm eis 

34. inseouti sunt. For this use of 
insequi {Si&kuv) cp. Hor. Ep. ii. 3, 19 
Insequeris tamen hunc et lite moraris 
iniqua. Similarly 4. 3 : 21. 36. 

hodie quoque. Most authorities 
consider this to be the correct reading, 
quoque being used, as often, for etiam: 
see on 6. 19. The form hodieque may 
have resulted from a misunderstood 
contraction : it occurs Germ. iii. 1 1 quod 
in ripa Rheni situm hodieque incolitur, 
and frequently in Velleius, Seneca, Pliny 
the Elder, and Suetonius : only once in 
Quintilian x. i, 94, where see note. 
Similarly at 22. 6, B and H have locos 
que for locos quoque, while on the 
other hand out of ipsosque, 21. 35, H 
and the early edd. mak^ ipsos quoque» 
Wolfflin, however, regards hodieque as 

a genuine form : v. Philologus, xxvi. 
p. 160. 

35. I. At nuno. ' Bnt nowadays with 
us, young men,* &c. So 29. i At nunc 
natus infans. 

a. rhetores, disparagingly, as quos 
rhetoras vocant, 80. 4, Cp. Cicero*s 
criticisms of the * rhetorici doctores,' de 
Or. i. §§ 86, 87. 

4. cludereludum. InCic.adFam.ix. 
18, we have 'aperire ludum.' 

ut ait Gioero : de Or. iii. § 94 hoc 
cum unum traderetur et cum impudentiae 
ludns esset, putari esse censoris ne longius 
id serperet providere. Crassus was 
censor, along with Cn. Domitius Aheno- • 
barbus, in B. c. 92. For their edict de 
coercendis rhetoribus LaiiniSj see Sueto- 
nius, Rhet. § i renuntiatum est nobis esse 
homines qni novum genus disciplinae 
instituerunt, ad quos iuventus in ludum 
conveniat; eos sibi nomen imposuisse 
Latinos rhetoras, ibi homines adules- 
centulos dies totos desidere, &c. Momm- 
sen, Hist. iii. 443-4. 

5. ut dicere institueram. For this 
formula for resuming an interrupted 
sentence, John compares Cic. Verr. ii. 
§ 41 and § 65 : iii. § 24 : pro Caecin. § 1.5. 
The coUoquial equivalent was * ut coepi 
(occepi) dicere:* Brix on Plaut. Trin. 
847, Petron. 75, and Cic. pro Rosc. Amer. 
§ 91. This is also a guarantee for the 
correctness of Haupt's emendation in line 
I, 'deducuntur in scholas istorum' (cp. 
81. 2) : in the MS. readiog {se in, sem, 
seni) John sees a ^oss, * sc. {»scholas,' — 
an attempted explanation of the unintel» 
ligible ' in scholasticorum^ 



deducuntur in scholas, in quibus non facile dixerim utrumne locus 
ipse an cbndiscipuli an genus studiorum plus mali ingeniis 
adferant. Nam in loco nihil reverentiae, sed in quem nemo nisi 
aeque imperitus intrat ; in condiscipulis nihil profectus, cum 

10 pueri inter pueros et adulescentuli inter adulescentulos pari 
securitate et dicant et audiantur ; ipsae vero exercitationes magna 
ex parte contrariae. Nempe enim duo genera materiarum apud 
rhetoras tractantur, suasoriae et controversiae. Ex his suasoriae 
quidem etsi tamquam plane leviores et minus prudentiae 

16 exigentes pueris delegantur^ controversiae robustioribus ad- 

6. in adcL Schurzfleisch. 8. reverentiae,, sed . . . intrat codd. : reverentiae^ 

ut {et Seebode) . . . intrat John : reverentiae est^ in quem . . . intret Halm (after Aci- 
dalius and Nipperdey). 13. rheiores BD. 14. quidem etsi CA, quidem 

b, quid et si ABEVa, quod etsi D. \Ex his . , . controversiae om. H V edd. vett.] 

6. utrunme occnrs only here and at 
87. 16. It is however frequent in 
Quintilian and Seneca. 

8. adferant. It has been proposed to 
read adferat, bnt for the plural cp. 87. 26 
nec Ciceronem magnum oratorem P. 
Quinctius defensus aut licinius Archias 
faciunt Eyen when the action of two 
subjects is thought of separately, Tadtus 
usually (as sometimes Livy) has the verb 
xn the plural : cp. criminabimur, 41. 6. 

sed in quem . . . intrat. It is best tokeep 
to the reading of the MSS. ^'^«/comes in, 
notunnaturally ,like dAAa), after anegative 
statement, but it is unnecessary to alter 
intrat into intret, There is something to 
be said for John's ' ut . . . intrat : ' for the 
indicative (of a well-known £ict) cp. 
Germ. xxii. 2 ut apud quos plurimum 
hiems occupat, ib. xvii. 6. 

11. seouritate, ' complacency,' * un- 
concem.' Quintilian strongly censures 
(ii. 2, 9-15) the prevailing fashiou of 
bestowing indisdriminate praise upon such 
performances, apart irom their real merits : 
' supervacua enim videntur cura ac labor 
parata quidquid effuderint laude.* 

12. oontrariae, ' not to the purpose : * 
they do harm rather than good : cp. 89, 10 
contrariam experimur (stili anxietatem). 
So Quint. X. 5, 15 ne carmine quidem 
ludere contrarium foerit : » * alienum,' in- 
consistent with one's aim, inapposite. 

Nempe enim, only here in Tacitus. 
Cp. Quint. ii. 13, 9 ; viii. pr. § 6 : Plin. 
£p. iii. 16, 8: Panegyr. 62, § 2. Also 
Plautus, Trinum. 61. 

13. suasoriae . . . oontroversiae. 

See on deliberativae and iudiciales ma" 
teriaej 81. 7 : and cp. Introduction, p. 
xxvii, note. For the omission of the third 
genus causarum, cp. Quint. ii. i, 2 ilU 
(sc. rhetores) declamare modo et scientiam 
declamandi ac facultatem tradere officii 
sui dicunt idque intra deliberativas indi- 
cialesque materias, nam cetera ut profes- 
sione sua minora despiciunt. In the same 
passage, Quintiiian takes a different view 
of the suasoriae : ^ in quibus onus dicendi 
vel maximum est.' — See Mayor's note on 
Juv. i. 16 : et nos Consilium dedimus 
Sullae, privatus ut altum Dormiret : and 
for examples ofsuasoriae and controversiae 
cp. id. vii. 162 and 168 sq. : Pers. iii. 45. 

14. quidem etai. I follow Vahlen and 
Jolm in retuming to the reading of the 
MSS. : the omission of etsi wonld seem to 
involve the necessity of reading ' contro- 
versiae autem ' instead of ' controversiae,' 
immediately below— though Helmreich 
cites Ann. iv. 29 hi quidem statim ex- 
empti : in patrem ex servis quaesitum. 
The writer wishes specially to condenm 
the * controversiae,' as producing worse 
results in proportion to the age of the 
pupils : he means to say ' as for the 
suasoriae, they are handed over to mere 
boys, as being of minor importance, and 
requiring less judgment : but though we» 
might tolerate them, what of the contfih 
versiael they are incrediblyuntrue to fact.' 

15. robustioribus. There is the same 
antithesis in Quintilian, i. 8, 12 priorailla 
ad pueros magis, haec sequentia ad robus- 
tiores pertinebuxit : cp. z. i, 131 : 5, § i : 
iL 2, 14, and often. 



signantur, — quales, per fidem, et quam incredibiHter compositae ! 
Sequitur autem ut materiae abhorrenti a veritate declamatio 
quoque adhibeatur. Sic fit ut tyrannicidarum praemia aut vitigt- ^ ^" 

tarum electiones aut pestilentiae remedia aut incesta matrum 


aut quidquid in schola cotidie agitur, in foro vel raro vel num- ao 
quam, ingentibus verbis prosequantur : cum ad veros iudices 
ventum * * * 

i6. perfidem EVaCAD, perfidie ABH. 
quuntur ^WS^., persequimur D, persequntur CA. 

ai. prosequuntur ABEVa, perse" 

i6. per fidem. So Petron. loo, 5 : 
Apnl. Met. vi. 4, for the more lengthy 
' pro denm atque hominnm fidem.* Cp. 
Verg. Aen. ii. 141 per si qna est . . . 

qiiam incredibiliter oompositae. 
Gerber and Greef explain ' quam incredi- 
bilia continentes/ and so most edd. John 
thinks that compositae here ^fictae, as 
12. 19 : cp. 81. 3. 

17. Seqtiitiir autem. Tr. * Then 
there is also the declamatory style that is 
applied to snbjects ntterly remote from 
real life.* The sentence is introdnoed by 
what is really a formula of transition : 
another thing that makes these exercises 
' contrariae ' is, &c. 

abhorrenti a veritate. So ' fictis 
nec uUo modo ad veritatem accedenti- 
bus controversiis/ 81. 3. Cp. Quint. 
ii. 20, 4 in declamationibus quas esse 
veritati dissimillimas volunt, xii. 11, 15 
declamitare in schola et tantnm laboris in 
rebus falsis consumere : Quintilian himself 
recommends ' declamationes quales in 
scholis rhetorum dicuntur, si modo sunt 
ad veritatem (ucommodatcu et orationibus 
similes/ x. 15, 14. 

declamatio : declamatorium dicendi 
genus, the * scholastic ' style 6f delivery, 
81. 3. * Videtur declamaiio hic proprie 
de oratione fncata, qualis est abhorrens 
a veritate, dicta esse/ Halm, who rightly 
rejects the various insertions proposed 
after quoque (e. g. similis, par, vana, 
eadem, ficta), by those who take sequitur 
as =: consentaneum est» 

18. Sio fit introduces the consequence 
of both factors, the unnatural subjects and 
their nnnatural treatment : examples are 
given of the former, while the latter is 
referred to in 'ingentibus verbis prose- 

tyrannicidarum praemia. Juv. vii. 

150 Declamare doces? o ferrea pectora 
Vetti, Cui perimit saevos classis nume- 
rosa tyrannos. Examples of such themes 
are preserved by Qnintilian and Seneca 
the rhetorician : cp. Quint. vii. 3, 7 an qni 
tyrannum in mortem compulit tyranni- 
cidal ib. § 10 : 4 § 21 sq. § 44 an Thrasy- 
bnlo triginta praemia debeantur: Sen. 
Controv. ix. 27 : Exc. Controv. iii. 6 : 
V. 7 : Quint. Decl. 288, 345, 382. 

vitiatarum electiones : ' rapta raptoris 
mortem vel nnptias optet.* Sen. i. 5 ; 
ii. 11; vii. 23 : Exc. iii. 5 ; iv. 3 : Quint. 
Decl. 276, 380, 301, 309, 368. FoTpesti- 
lentiae remedia cp. Qnint. Decl. 326 : and 
for incesta matrum, Decl. 306. 

20. quidquid. So ' quidquid aliud,' 
19. 13 : cp. 10. 17 ; 6. 9. 

21. prosequantur is probably to be 
preferred to persequantur (cp. 1. 17), as 
being more nncommon in this connexion : 
cp. Verg. Georg. iii. 339 quid pascua 
versu prosequar, Quint. ii. 6, i materias 
. . . latius dicendo prosequebantur. 

oum ad veros iudioes ventum. With 
thehelp ofPetronius, Sat.i. (which should 
be compared throughout) the sentence 
may be completed, ' they find themselves 
in another world altogether^ cp. ut cum 
in forum venerint pntent se in alinm ter- 
ramm orbem delatos, 1. c. So Quint x. 5, 
17 ne ab illa in qua prope consenuerunt 
umbra vera discrimina velut quendam 
solem refoimident : cp. the story of Por- 
cius Latro, which foUows. 

In the lacuna which occurs here in all 
the MSS., and which probably contained 
originally a part equal to about one-ninth 
of the whole treatise (Introd., p. Ixxxii), 
the rest of Messalla's speech must have 
followed. Forthe grounds on which it is 
believed that Matemus is the next speaker 
— not, as others have thought, Secundus 
(as far as 40. 7) — see Introd., p. xxxviii. 





36. * * * rem cogitant. Nihil humile vel abiectum eloqui 
poterat. Magna eloquentia, sicut fiamma, materia alitur et 
motibus excitatur et lu^endo clarescit. Eadem ratio in nostra 
quoque civitate antiquorum eloquentiam provexit. Nam etsi 
.*> horum quoque temporum oratores ea consecuti sunt quae com- 
posita et quieta et beata re publica" tribui fas erat^ tamen fiUa 
perturbatione ac licentia^ plura slbi adsequi videbantur, cum, 
mixtis omnibus et moderatore uno carentiSus, tantum quisque 
orator sageret quantum erranti populo persuadere poterat. 

86. I. cogitant AB, cogitare EVjCADH, cogitaret many edd. vel cUnectum K^, 
nihil abiectum EV,CADH. 4. \antiquorum\ Novak. 6. fas codd.,y5w non 

Schulting, nefas Andresen. illi Gutmann. 9. persuadere Heumann and edd., 
persuaderi codd. (which might be defended). 

nemoris . . . luminibus clarescere. Gude- 
man would substitute (with Maehly) 
calescit for clarescit, on.the ground that 
the latterword is an 'intolerable tauto- 
logy/ — only another expression for what 
is already contained in motibus excitatur i 
* it is fanned into a Dame by breezes, and 
waxes warm in the buming.' He com- 
pares 22. la tarde commovetur, raro in- 
calescit, and also the frequent coUocation 
'excitare et inflammare (e. g. Cic. pro 
Pomp. 2 : de Harusp. resp. 1, 19). But 
this is altogether unnecessary : Pitt's ' it 
brightens as it bums ' may be allowed to 

Sadem ratio, 'the same conditions.* 
From in nosira quoque civitaie, we may 
infer that the speaker has been treating of 
Greek eloquence, — probably of the golden 
age of Attic oratory. 

5. comiK>8ita . . . re publiea : 'tmder 
a settled, peaceable, and prosperous con- 
stitution.* Cp. 41. 2 non emendata neque 
usque ad votum composita civitas : Ann. 
iv. I, 2 and passim. 

quae . . . tribui fas erat, i. e. every- 
thing that could be legitimately accorded 
or secured to them — everything, therefore, 
that could be reasonably looked for — 
consistently with a settled political con- 

7. videbantur, sc. antiqui oratores, as 
is evident from the antithesis between 
horum . . . temporum and illa perturba- 
bcUione, There is an eniphasis on sibi^ 
which goes with adsequi : ' the personal 
advantages which they saw open to them 
were greater then than now.* 

8. omnibus, neuter, as 19. 19 pervnl- 
gatis iam omnibus: cp. Hist. i. 68, 13 
dimtis omnibus. Tr. ' When in the 

Ohs. 36-41. Speech of McUernus, con- 
necting the decline of eloquence with 
external conditions, in respect of which 
the age ofthe republic was more favourable 
to its growth : and reviewing the com- 
pensctting advantages of contemporary 

36. I. humile . . . abiectum, often 
conjoined by Cicero : de Fin. v. § 57 
nihil abiectum, nihil humile cogitant : Or . 
§ 192 humilem et abiectam orationem. 

2. Magna eloquentia. This is the 
passage in connexion with which William 
Pitt is recorded to have proved his ready 
skill at off-hand translation. Some one 
having pronounced it untranslateable, he 
came out with the following : > It is with 
eloquence as with a flame. It requires 
fuel to feed it, motion to exdte it, and it 
brightens as it bums ' (Stanhope^s Life of 
Pitt, vol. iii. p. 413). Cp. Cic. Brut. § 93 
omnis illa vis et quasi flamma exstin- 

3. motibus. Tbe use of the plural 
seems to favour John's explanation that 
the reference is, in the case of eloquence, 
to political distnrbances (cp. illa pertur- 
batione, below) : in the case of fire, it will 
be rather to deliberate stirring and poking, 
than to the fanning of fitful breezes. The 
commentators generallyexplain 'motus'of 
mental excitement, comparing the Bmtus 
I. c. (of Galba) * dein cum otiosus (i. e. in 
the calm that followed his outburst of 
feeling) stilum prehenderat motusque 
omnis animi tanquam ventus hominem 
defecerat, flaccescebat oratio.' 

clarescit. This verb is more com- 
monly used metaphorically, eg. Ann. 
xi. 16, 13 (of becoming famous) : cp. 
however Ann. xv. 37, 13 quantum iuxta 



Cv n S 'fU^'' 

Hinc leges assiduae .et populare nomen, hinc contiones magis- 
tratuum paene pernoctantium in rostris, hinc accusationes po- 
tentium reorum et adsignatae etiam domibus inimicitiae, hinc 
procerdm factiones et assidua senatus adversus plebem certamina. 
Quae sihgula etsi distrahebant rem publicam, exercebant tamen 
illorum temporum eloquentiam et magnis cumulare praemiis 
videbantur, quia quanto quisque plus dicendo poterat, tanto 
facilius honores adsequebatur, tanto magis in ipsis honoribus 
collegas suos anteibat, tanto plus apud principes gratiae, plus 
auctoritatis apud patres, plus notitiae ac nominis apud plebem 
parabat. Hi clientelis etiam exterarum nationum redundabant, 
hos ituri^in provincias"^agistratus reverebantur, hos reversi 

12. rerum ABHDC, reorum B corr. 15. cumulare codd., cumulari OreUi, stimu' 

lare Comelissen, cp. 37. i. ao. parabat b Pithou, probabat codd. 

general ferment, withont the strong hand 
of a single rnler, the xneasure of each 
speaker^s political discemment was his 
power of mfluencing the unstable popu- 
lace/ i. e. each enjoyed a reputation for 
wisdom in proportion to his powers of 
persuasion. Saperet must — sapere vide- 
retur, sc. sibi et aliis : not, as Church and 
Brodribb, * exactly adapted his wisdom to 
the bewildered people s capacity of con- 
viction.' — Johns explanation is rather 
different : he would supply * sapere * with 
' quantnm/ contending that there is 
nothing anomalous in a speaker's reputa- 
tion depending on his proyed ability to 
produce conviction in others, and that 
the reference must be to the impression 
and appearance of wisdom that his words 
produce. The sense wonld then be * That 
speaker was most highly thought of who 
could best dazzle and hoodwink his 
audience.* In this case, erranti wiU best 
be taken of 'erroneous judgment* (Cic. 
de OfF. i. § 65 qui pendet ex errore im- 
peritae multitudinis) rather than, as 
I prefer to take it, of unstable equilibrium : 
cp. 40. 19 nostra quoque civitas, donec 
erravit. So Andresen, erranti = 'inter 
varia ac saepe diversa iudicia fluctuanti, 
modo hunc modo iUum admiranti.' 

10. et populare. The conjunction is 
*■ explicative ' : tr. ' a constant succession 
of legislative enactments and consequent 
popularity.' The motive, as weU as the 
result, of such activity was to gain favour 
as a champion of popular rights : cp. plus 
. . . nominisapud plebem parabat, below. 



t' '. 




> ' >«^ c^\. 

ao c 'i>vi- sV I» 

1 1 . paene pernootantiuni in rostris. 
So frequently in Cicero : Brut. § 305 
habitant in rostris : pro Mur. § 2 1 in foro 
habitant : de Or. i. § 264 is qui habitaret 
in subselliis. 

acctuiationes . . . reorum, tauto- 
logical: cp. Ann. xi. 5, i saevus accu- 
sandis reis. So 87. 14 accedebat splendor 
reomm et magnitudo causamm. 

1 3. adsignatae « attributae, * attaching 
to ' : tr. ' in which whole families became 
involved,* or * which became hereditary in 
whole families* (Germ. xxi. i). For 
paraUel instances of adsignare in 
this sense of 'making a thing one^s own,' 
John cites Quint. iv. 6, 62 ; xii. 10, 41 ; 
ix. 4, 29. 

13. procerum factiones, 'schismsin 
the party of the aristocracy,* — some of the 
'nobiles* taking up the cause of the 

15. cumnlare. So Verg. Aen. v. 532 
Acesten muneribus cumulat magnis: cp. 
Hist. ii. 57, 9; iii. 36, 13. 

18. anteibat : Hist. iii. ^^, 5. 
prinoipes, * the leading men.' 

19. notitiae ao nominis, as at 11. 11. 
For notitia, cp. on 6. 19. 

20. cUenteUs . . . redundabant. 
There may be a reference, with the view of 
glorifying the eloquence of former days, 
to the words which Aper had used (3. ad 
fin.) in addressing Matemus : cum te tot 
. . . coloniamm et municipiomm clientelae 
in fomm vocent Tr. *These were the 
men whose protection was eagerly sought 
after even by whole nations of foreigners* : 

H 2 




colebant, hos et praeturae et consulatus vocare ultro videbantur, 
hi ne privati quidem sine potestate erant, cum et populum et 
senatum consilio et auctoritate regerent. Quin immo sibi 

35 persuaserant neminem sine eloquentia aut adsequi posse in 
civitate aut tueri conspicuum et eminentem locum : nec mirum, 
cum etiam inviti ad populum producerentur, cum parum esset in 
senatu breviter censere, nisi quis ingenio et eloquentia sententiam 
suam tueretur, cum in aliquam invidiam aut crimen vocati sua 

30 voce respondendum haberent, cum testtmonia quoque in iudiciis 

34. sidi persuaserant B, siH ipsi persuaserani cett. codd. Perhaps Quin imm^ 
omnes siH\ omnes (os) may have dropped out between immo and sibi, 28. 

[breviter] Sc^otW. quis L.vp&ixiSf qui cooA. 2g. fueretur ADCH, tuerentur B (nisi 
ingenio . . . /f^^Mr Novak). 30. iudieiis pudiicis AgncolsL, puHieis codd., 

publicis causis Baehrens, iudiciis Heumann^ Hahn. 

paruxn esset : cp. 23» 15. 

28. oensere. For this absolnte nse, 
cp. Ann. i. 74, 19 *quo' inquit *loco 
censebis, Caesar ? * ; xii. 9, 6 : Hist. iv. 
8, 2. For the thought, q). 41. 13 Quid 
enim opus est longis in senatu sententiis, 
cum optimi cito consentiant f 

nisi qnis, &c. This does duty for 
a co-ordinate adversative clause : tr. *■ No, 
one had to support one's opinion,' — that 
is to say, if one had any pretensions to 
rank as a statesman. A similar rednn- 
dancy of expression has been noted on 
34. 1 1 ubi nemo impune . . . quominus, &c. 
In sudi cases (especially common with 
* non satis habere/ ' non satis est ') the 
tendency is to express the thought both 
positively and negatively, for emphasis: 
among many other examples given 
by Vahlen, cp. Cic. pro Rosc. Am. § 49 ut 
parum miseriae sit quod aliis coluit, non 
sibi, nisi etiam quod onmino coluit crimini 
fuerit: Ter. Phormio, 724 non satis est 
tuum te ofiicium fecisse, id si non fama 
adprobat : to which Bmde adds Sen. Ep. 
89, 20 ; Quint. v. 10, 12 : and John, from 
the Greek, Hom. Od. xi. 1 58 rhv ovirav ttm 
v€p^aai irtfdv i6vr\ ^v ft^ ris ixV «^«AHT^ 
vrja : ib. xvi. 196 : Soph. Antig. 308 : 
Xen. Cyrop. vii. 5. 75. 

29. invidiam aut orimen. Cp. Hist. 
iii. 75. 15 invidiam crimenque, where 
however there is more of a hendiadys » the 
odium and the charge which incurred it : 
here rather ' defamation (unpopularity) or 
some definite charge.' 

8ua voce respondendnm haberent, 
'to surrender personaUy,' to appear in 
person in answer to a legal summons. 
For the constr. see on 8. 11. 

/ f xu 

their numerous clientelle included even 
foreign states. Hi refers, of course, to 
' qui plurimum dicendo poterant.' 

22. vocare ultro. OfRce and emolu- 
ment ' beckoned them,' without any solici- 
tation on their part. 

24. consilio et auctoritate. Similarly 
Germ. xii. 10 centeni singulis ex plebie 
comites consilium simul et auctoritas 

Quin immo. Nay more, eloquence 
was considered (videbantur, II. 7 and 
16) not only serviceable and profitable 
but even indispensable to public men: 
cp. below * necessitas accedebat.' — With- 
out ipsi, the subject to persuaserant is 
not the professional orators alone, but 
the antiqui generally, as also in what 
follows. The insertion oiipsi (probably 
due to some sort of dittography) seems to 
create a false antithesis between the 
general opinion of the antiqui and the 
views attributed to those who recognized 
in the profession of oratory the best pass- 
port to ofiice. 

26. tueri . . . locum, of ' holding one*s 
ground ' : cp. honores tueri, 87. 4. 

27. producerentur, viz. on the rostra 
in the forum. The meaning is, it was 
quite natural and intelUgible that elo- 
quence should come to be regarded as 
indispensable for the * cursus honorum ' : 
even in less of!iciaI situations the need for 
it was often felt. Then follows a regular 
sequence of (i) public assemblies (ad 
populum), (2) meetings of senate 
(in senatu), and (3) courts of law, 
either (a) as defendant (invidiam . . . 
crimen), or {b) as a witness (testimonia 



publicis non absentes nec per tabellam dare, sed coram et prae- 
sentes dicere cogerentur. Ita ad summa eloquentiae praemia 
magna etiam necessitas accedebat ; et quo modo disertum haberi 
pulchrum et gloriosum, sic contra mutum et elinguem videri 
deforme habebatur. 35 

37. Ergo non minus rubore quam praemiis stimulabantur 
ne clientulorum loco potius quam patronorum numerarentur, ne i 
tradita» a maioribus necessitu(iines ad alios transirent, ne tam- 
quam inertes et noii suffecturi honoribus aut non impetrarent aut l 
inipebatos male tuerentur., Nescio an venerint in manus vestras 5 
haec vetera, quae et in antiquariorum bibliothecis adhuc manent 
et cum maxime a Muciano contrahuntur, ac iam undecim, ut 

_ c c > 

31. pratsenUs ABCADH, praesentis EVa. 
commoda . . . j^^codd. 

37« a. loco om. EVg. 4. honores Schopen. 

fldsch, antiqmrum ABCEDH. 

33. quomodo , , , sic Acidalius, 
6. antiquariorum Schnrz- 

31. pertabeUam,'byaffidavit.'Qmnt. 
V. 7, I testimonia . . . dicnntnr ant per 
tabnlas aut a praesentibus. For oorftm 
et praesenteB, 'personally and in open 
conrt/ cp. Cic. ad Att. vii. 15, i : deLeg. 
Agr. iii. i, i Si . . coram potins, me prae- 
sente, dixissent. Similar nses of coram 
are fonnd, Ann. iv. 75, i ; 55, 8 ; vi. 8, 19 ; 
xiii. 35, 4 ; xiv. 13. i : Hist. ii. 76, 2 
(coram . . . locutns, as opposed to pour- 
parlerSy throngh intermediary agents). 

33. quo modo . . . sio : so 26. 10; 
39. 6; 41. 9. Cp. Cic. Tusc. v. § 18. 
D'. § 173. 

34. mutam et elinguem. So Liv. 
X. 19, 7 ex mnto atqne eliogui £acundum 
etiam consulem haberent. Cic. Bmt. 
§ 100. 

37. I. rabore s padore, as frequently 
in Tacitns : Hist. i. 30, 9 (mbor ac dede- 
cns) ; iv. 7, i : Germ. xiii. 3 : Ann. xi. 1 7, 5 ; 
xiii. 15, 7 ; xiv. 55, 15. In snch instances 
rubor is the enect pnt for the cause: 
* blushes ' for ' sense of shame/ or ' ground 
for shame.' Besides failure to obtain the 
< praemia/ there would be a sense of per- 
sonal indignity involved in not facing the 
' necessitos ' of the situation ; cp. especially 
Hist. iv. 7, I MarceUi studium proprius 
mbor excitabat ne aliis electis posthabitns 
videretur. — So even in Cicero, rubor is 
used in this transferred sense : de Or. ii. 
§ 243 : cp. Livy iv. 35, 11 : Ovid, A. A. 
iii. 167. 

a. oUentulomm. The diminntive, 
which occnrs nowhere else, is used to 
indicate disparagement of those who can- 
not stand up for themselves bnt need 
a protector. 

ne traditae, &c., ' not to let inherited 
connexions pass into other hands.' 

4. non suffecturi^impares. Cp.Ann. 
i* ^3» 5 ci^ tractaret quinam adipisci 
principem locum snffecturi abnnerent : 
Germ. xii. 1 2 arma sumere non ante cui- 
qnam moris quam civitas suffectumm 

6. vetera, * old records.' On the snb- 
stantival use of the neut. adj. see Introd. 
p. Iv. 

antiquariorum. 21. 18 ; 42. 7. 

7. oum maxime. See note on 16. 
ad fin. 

Mucianus, C. Licinius Crassus, the 
well-known lieutenant of Vespasian : see 
Hist. i. 10, 2 ; ii. 5 and passim. He was 
a grandson of the triumvir Crassus. As 
he is known to have died in or before 
77 A.D. (Plin. H. N. XXX. 62) the state- 
ment in the text helps to fix the date of 
the Dialogus, See Introd. p. xiv. 

contra&untur = coUiguntur : cp. con- 
trahere pecuniam, Ann. i. 37, 4; xvi. 31. 3. 
In Quint. x. 7, 31 there is some dispute 
as to whether contraxii — * coWtoXtA,* as 
here, or ' abridged ' : see note ad loc. 
Here, too, John would render contrahere 
by * verkiirzen/ contending that this gives 



opinor, ActQrum libris et tribus Epistularum composita et edita 
sunt. Ex his intellegi potest Cn. Pompeium et M. Crassum non 

lo viribus modo et armis, sed ingenio quoque et oratione valuisse ; 
Lentulos et Metellos et Lucullos et Curiones et ceteram pro- 
cerum nianum multum in his studiis operae curaeque posuisse, 
nec quemquam illis temporibus magnam potentiam sine aliqua 
eloquentia consecutum. His accedebat splendor reorum et magni- 

i5tudo causarum, quae et ^sa plurimum eloquentiae praestant. 
Nam multum interest utrumne de furto aut formula et interdicto ^ 
dicendum habeas, an de ambitu comitiorum, expilatis * sopis ^ 

> t fj 

II. MeUllos et CADH b, Metellos sed et ABEVj. 14. accedehat ABEV,H, 

accedat CAD. 15. causarum EVgCADH (per compend.) b, curarum AB. 17. 

expilatis ABEVgH, de expilatis CAD, aut expilcUis Gndeman (v. Am. Jonm. Phil. 
xiL pp. 454-6). 

point to the et , . . et constmction : these 
old records are not only to be fonnd in 
libraries, in their original form and extent, 
but they are even now being edited, as 
Eclogarii, Electa, or Excerpta (Cic. ad 
Att. xvi. 2, 6 : Plin. Ep. iii. 5, 17 : Front. 
cd. Naber, p. 107). 

8. Actorum, ' Transactions.' Like 
the 'acta senatus,' these may also have 
contained speeches. See Fnmeaux,Introd. 
to Annals, ch. iii. p. 14. 

oomposita » ordinata, ' arranged.' 

10. viribus et armis, generally taken 
as a hendiadys, * force of arms ' : tr. 
* prowess in the field.* So Hist. iv. 23, 5 ; 
68, 6. For the oratorical ability of Pom- 
pey and Crassns, see Cic. Brat. §§ 239 
and 233. 

11. Iientulos. Cn. Comelins Lentulns 
Clodianus (consnl B. c. 72, censor 70) 
and P. Comelius Lentulus Sura, the con- 
spirator, are frequently mentioned together 
in the Brutus\ §§ 230, 234-5, 308, 311. 
There was also P. Cornelius Lentulus 
Spinther, who as consul in B. c. 57 moved 
for Cicero's recall from exile : Cn. Come- 
lius Lentulus Marcellinus, consul B. c. 56 : 
and L. Comelius Lentulus Cms, consul 
B. c. 49: see Bmt. §§ 268, 247. 

Metellos. Cp. Bmt. § 247 Duo 
etiam Metelli, Celer et Nepos : the former 
was consul in B. c. 60, the latter attacked 
Cicero on the expiry of his consulship in 
6. c. 63, and was consul himself in 57. 
Their father was Q. Caecilius Metellus 
Nepos, grandson of the famous Metellus 

Ijucullofl. The great LucuUus wrote 


a history of the Social War in Greek. He 
is mentioned along with his brother 
Marcus in Bmt. § 222. 

Gnriones. The Curios, father and son 
(as also the grandson, Caesar*s ally), are 
frequently referred to in the Bmtus : cp. 
also de Or. ii. § 98. 

14. Bplendor reorom. So 36. 11 
accusationes potentium reomm. 

15. qnae et ipsa. See on 80. i in 
quibus et ipsis, 

plurimnm eloquentiae praestant, 
'are in the highest degree conducive to 
eloquence,' do very much to promote its 
development. Eloquentiae is dative : 
cp. nec hoc illis . . . praestat, 8. 6. 

16. utrumne, as at 35. 6. 
formula. See on 20. 3. 
interdicto, sc. praetoris. The praetor^s 

interdict was a provisional order, issued 
generally in connexion with disputes 
about property, forbidding interferenoe 
with or derangement of an existing posi- 
tion, and in some cases (as where foroe 
had already been employed) directing 
immediate restitution. This was the 
interdictum restitutoHum^ recuperandae 
possessionis causa, Gaius iv. 140-1. 

17. dicendum habeas. See on 
8. II. 

de ambitu oomitiorum, as in the pro 
Murena. Tr. * cormpt practices at elec- 
tions.' For the genitive, cp. 34. 26. 
Andresen compares Ann.ii. 34, i ambitum 
fori : Cic. ad Qu. Fr. i. i, 25 itinerum 
atque agromm ^irta. 

ezpilatis Bociis, as in Cicero*s im- 
peachment of Veires : Cic. de Off. ii. § 75 



et civibus trucidatis. Quae mala sicut non accidere melius est 
isque optimus civitatis status habendus in quo nihil tale patimur, 
ita cum acciderent ingentem eloquentiae materiam subministra- 20 
bant. Crescit enim cum amplitudine rerum vis ingenii, nec 
quisquam claram et inlustrem orationem efficere potest nisi qui 
causam parem invenit. Non, opinor, Demosthenem orationes 
inlustrant qtias adversus tutores suos composuit, nec Ciceronem 
magnum oratorem P. Quintius defensus aut Licinius Archias 25 
faciunt : Catilina et Milo et Verres et Antonius hanc illi famam 
circumdederunt, non quia tanti fuerit rei publicae maios ferre 
cives/ut uberem ad dicendum materiam oratores haberent, sed, ut 
subinclte admoneo, quaestionisHneminerimus^iamusque nos de f 
ea re loqufcnquae facilius turbidis et inquietis temporibus existit. 30 
Quis ignorat utilius ac melius esse frui pace quam bello vexari ? 

18. civibus Put., comitibus codd. : cp. 81. 31. 

19. habendus EV^CA, habendus 

est A6H, est habendus D (H gives habendus est guo, which helps to prove that est 
arose out o{ in), 25. Archias poeta H and all edd. till Lipsius. 

Madvig^/V codd. reipubliccte Heamann, rem puhlicam codd. (r. /. H). 
existit Lipsius, extitit codd. 

27. fuerit 

expilatio direptioque sodorum : pro Leg: 
Manil. § 57. The word is found in 
Tacitus only here, and does not occnr in 
Quintilian or Seneca. 

18. siout . . . ita: Agr. xliv. 13. This 
construction is not so common as m/ . . . 
ita. D'. § 173. Cp. note on Quint. x. 

35. Quintiiu defenBus. For this 
irequent use of the perfect participle, cp. 
29. 11: So also Cicero, Pis. § 85, Planc. 
§ 45. The speech pro Quintio was 
delivered in 6. c. 81. 

26. faciunt: for the plural cp. 25. 8 

hano illi famam, sc. magni oratoris. 
This is better than to explain the pronoun 
as = the high reputation which he enjoys 
with us to-day. For/amam . . . circum- 
dederuntf cp. Agricxx. 2 egregiam famam 
paci circumdedit: Hist. iv. 11, 14. 

37. non quia, 'not that.' The con- 
struction shows that the speaker is guard- 
^S ^g&inst misinterpretation : he will not 
have any one imagine that he thinks that 
the republic did not pay too dearly for its 
renown in eloquence : he is not praising 
political unrest in itself (cp.'86. 6 and 14; 
87. 18) nor treating it as the lesser of two 
evils. The phrase is really elliptical for 

'non putem fuisse': 'I do not say this 
because/ in saying this I do not mean to 
imply that, &c. Cp. Agr. xlvi. 1 1 : Hist 
i. 15, 13 ; 29, 13 : Ann. xiv, 43, 3 : Sen. 
Dial. viii. 3, i : Quint. viii. 5, 10, and see 
Introd. to Book x. p. liv. The classical 
non quo (or quocT) with the subjunctive, 
negativing a supposed or a possible view 
(Cic. Phil. ix. I, i) is nct found in Tacitus. 
On the other hand, we have non quia with 
indicative, 9.12 non quia poeta es : Hist. 
iii. 4, II : Ann. xiii. 1,3; xv. 60, 8, where 
' the fact is taken to be true, though denied 
to have produced the result * (Fumeaux). 
— For the thought cp. 40. ad fin. ' sed nec 
tanti rei publicae Gracchorum eloquentia 
fuit/ &c. 

tantifuerit: Roby, §§ 1192, 1193. 

ferre, ' to produce/ not (as C. and B. ) 
'to endure.' So ' ferunt,' in line 32, 

28. uberem . . . materiam. So Hist. 
ii. 30, 18; i. I, 19: Quint iii. i, 3; 
7 § 13 ; I' § 35. Cp. ingentem materiam, 
line 20, above. 

29. subinde, ' from time to time/ * re- 
peatedly,' as in Hor. Sat ii. 5, 103 : Liv. 
ix. 16, 4 : Plin. £p. i. 13, 2 ; ii. 
7, 6: Quint xi. 2, 34: Sen. Dial. xii. 

20, I. 



plures tamen bonos proeliatores bella quam pax ferunt. Similis 
eloquentiae condicio. Nam quo saepius steterit tamquam in acie 
quoque plures et intulerit ictus et exceperit quoque maiores 
35 adversarios acrioresque pugnas sibi ipsa desumpserit, tanto altior 
et excelsior et illis nobilitata discriminibus in ore hominum agit, 
quorum ea natura est ut secura vel/iiCTit. ^^ 

33. quo quis saepius Michaells {saepius quis Buchholz). 34. quoque B, Halm, 
and edd., quo ADCH, maiores adversarios acrioresque pugnas sibi ipsa Botticher, 
Halm, and edd. : maior adversarius eo {eo EVgCADH, ei A, et BA^) acrior qui 
pugnas sibi ipsas {ipse B, asperas HV edd.) codd., ei acriores pugnas Orelli. Retaining 
* quo maior adyersarius et acrior/ Michaelis continnes ' qnicum {qui ABDEH per C) 
pugnas sibi istas desumpserit.' 36. noHlitata Latinius, nobilitatus AHC and corr. B, 
nobilitatis B, nobilitate D. discriminibus Lipsius, criminibus codd. 37. ut secura 
vellicent is my conj., ut secura velint codd. {nolint Rhenanus, elevent F. Walter), ut 
secura .... velint Miiller, ut dubia laudent secura nolint Agricola, ut secura 
oderint incerta {periculoscL) velint Goelzer, ut secura velint periculosa extoHant (ot 
laudent) John, ut ancipitia non secura velint Schopen, ut secura sibi aliis dura velint 
Heller, &c., &c. Reading securi ipsi (with Ba^rens) Halm follows Vahlen : ut 
securi ipsi spectare cUiena pericula velint, But John rightly holds that this would be 
izx more appropriate of the spectators of a gladiatorial ^ow in the amphitheatre. 

32. proeUatoTes, a rare word, found 
however again in Ann. ii. 73» 8 : Val. Max. 
iii. a, 24. D'. § 2, 6 refers also to Liv. 
iii. a, 24 and Justin. 

33. steterit, sc. eloqnentia. For the 
figure, cp. Quint. x. i, 29 nos vero (we 
advocates) armatos stare in acie et summis 
de rebns decemere et ad victoriam niti. 
Eloquentia is personified in the same way 
in 12. 7 : also by Cicero, Brut. § 330 : 
cp. dictiOj de Or. i. § 157 (educenda deinde 
cUctio est . . . in aciem forensem). — On 
the other hand, the subject might well 
enough be ' orator,' to be supplied out of 
the context, as often : we should then 
have to read ipse in 35 and nobilitatus in 
36. In the same sense Novak reads 
steteriSf intuleris, exceperis, tibi ipse de- 
sumpseriSy ages, 

34. intiilerit ictus : Ann. v. 8, 9. So 

* vulnera inferre.' Excipere ictus occurs 
again Ann. xiii. 25, 6 : as ' accipere ictus,' 
Ann. iii. 43. 11, where we have also 

• inferre ictus.' 

maiores adversarios. Cp. Hist ii. 
53> 5 ut novus adhuc et in senatum nuper 
adscitus magnis inimidtiis claresceret. 

35. desumpserit. Liv. vii. 20, 5 po- 
pulum Romanum . . . sibi desumerent 

36. nobilitata. Hist. i. a, 7 nobili- 
tatus cladibus mutuis Dacus : Germ. xl. i 
Langobardos paucitas nobilitat. For the 

tendency to pass from comparatives to 
a positive in the second or third item of 
a series cp. Ann. iii. 43, 2 quanto civitas 
opulentior et comprimendi procul prae- 
sidium ; ii. 5, 4 quanto acriora in eum 
studia militum et aversa patmm voluntas. 
See Fumeaux, Introd. Annals^pp. 50-1. 

in ore hominum agit. The sense is 
rather uncertain, as the phrase may mean 
either * is before men's eyes,* or * is on 
men's lips.* For the former, with which 
the comparatives ' altior,* &c., seem, on 
the whole, more appropriate, cp. Hist. 
iii. 36, 4 non in ore vulgi agere ( = in con- 
spectu : opp. to ' umbraculis . . . abditus*) ; 
ib. 77, 14 in ore Vitellii iugulatur: Ann. 
iii. 74, 9 : Sallust, Hist. i. 90; ii. 41, 4. 
For the other rendering cp. Hist. ii. 73, 4 
erat tamen in ore famaque Vespasianus ; 
ib. 78, 21 nec quidquam magis in ore 
vulgi (' it was the theme of general con- 
versation ') : Ann. xiv. 56, 9. 

37. secura ▼ellicent, to ' belittle what 
involves no risk.* Seeura gives an anti- 
thesis to discriminibus^ above. Vellicent 
is adopted on the theory that a contraction 
in the archetype may have been (as often) 
misunderstoodl cp.7^^V^/22. 33. — John 
explains his ' secura velint, periculosa ex- 
toUant ' or ' laedant ' as meaning that 
while men (practically) acquiesce in what 
is safe, they reserve their applause and 
admiration for what involves danger. 



38. Transeo ad formam et consuetudinem veterum iudkiorum. 
Quae etsi nunc agtior est [ita erit], eloquentiam tamen illud 
forum magis exercebat, in quo nemo intra paucissimas horas 
perorare cogebatur et liberae comperendinationes erant et modum 
dicendi sibi quisque sumebat et numerus neque dierum neque 5 
patronorum --finiebatur. Frimus haec tertio consulatu Cn. 

38. a. est [i/a erit\ Dronke, Baehrens, est ita erit codd., extiterit Walther and edd., 
est veritati Agricola, existimatur Acidalias : qua etsi hanc aptiorem statueris Schmid, 
Andresen. Perhaps 'aptiora extiterunt'? eloquentiam Agricola, eloquentia codd. 

s, hcras 
l, paucissimas horas A, paucissimas A, paucissimas 6DEVH, pauc. horas s, C. 
5. dicendi AH, dicendo cett codd. 6. haec DC, hic AB, k' H {huius VSp.). 

38. 1. foTmam,pectiliarcharacteristics; 
1. 16 dum formam sni qnisque et animi 
et ingenii redderent. For consuetudOy cp. 
34. 29 consnetudo contionnm. Tr. ' forms 
and procedure.' 

a. Quae etsi niino, &c. It should be 
noted that the construction is not the same 
as at 36. 14. 

aptior est, Ms more practical/ more 
to the purpose* It seems best to accept 
this reading, with Novak and John, and 
to treat ita erit (ituerit V^) as part of 
a gloss referring to the antithesis nunc . . . 
veterum. In place of the conj. extiterit 
(20. ai) the usage of Tacitus would 
certainly have led us to expect the indica- 
tive. The relative quae is obviously not 
coextensive with its antecedent (forma 
et cons. veterum iudic.) : John points 
out that there is a parallel extension in 
Ann. xiii. 5, 9 adnotabant seniores, 
quibus otiosum est, &c., Germ. xxiv. 
a nudi iuvenes, quibus id ludicrum 
est : for an example of 4imitation, cp. 
Thucyd. vii. 44, i iv h\ wKTOfMxi<ft 4 /^^1 
817 . . . cv 7C T^fic T9) iroKifxqf kyiytro, vSjs 
av Tis <r(ut>SK ti "fdfi ; — On the other 
hand it is just possibie that ' veterum ' 
is out of place : * quae etsi nunc 
aptior est, veterum eloquentiam tamen/ 
&c. Such a transposition might also 
help to explain the MS. reading est ita 

iUud, sc. veterum, opp. to nunc, as hic 
is often used of ' here and now.* Cp. 
* illa perturbaiione, 36. 6 where the re- 
ference is to ' antiquorum * in the preced- 
ing sentence. 

5. intrapaucissimashoras. Cp. 
id ipsum laudabat (sc. populus) si dicendo 
quis diem eximeret. In early times, the 
hearing of a cause might last from the 
rising to the going down of the sun. For 

subsequent restrictions, see note on ' pri- 
mus . . . Pompeius/ below. 

4. perorare, here in its original sense 
of ' to plead throughout/ as often with 
causam : cp. Cic. pro Cluent. § 164 quam 
paucis verbis haec causa perorari potuerit : 
Liv. xxxiv. 31 breviter peroratum esse 
potuit nihil me ... commisisse. Of the 
two other meanings with which Cicero 
uses this verb (see Fausset's pro Cluentio : 
Glossary, p. 280) the first is probably 
illustrated in» 4 cum perorassent 
accusatores, in ipsa curia depromptum sibi 
venenum hausit, 'when they had finished 
their speeches': cp. Cluent. § 6 cum 
peroraro ; § 59 ut reliqua posset perorare ; 
§ 145 l^gc recitata perorassem. The 
second (to finish the advocacy of one 
side, i. e. make the final speech, summing 
up the whole case) is found Ann. ii. 30, 2 
certabant cui ius perorandi in reum da- 
retur : cp. iii. 17, 15 : Cic. pro Sest. § 3 : 
Orat. § 130. 

Uberae oomperendinationeB, either 
on account of the importance of the case, 
or on the ground of some special cir- 
cumstance, such as the danger with 
which the iudices and the witnesses were 
threatened in the case of Clodius (Plut. 
Cic. xxix.) or Milo (Ascon. in Milon. 
[148]). The Lex Aurelia iudiciaria 
(70 B.c.) restricted the right of adjoum- 
ment. See Poiret, L'^Ioquence judiciaire k 
Rome pendant la R^publique, pp. 204-209. 

modum dioendi : the limits, or pro- 
portions of his speech. 

5. numerus dierum. Cp. Plin. £p. i. 
20, 8 ait se (Cicero) pro C. Cornelio 
quadriduo egisse. So the case of Balbus 
lasted at least two days ; Cicero refers in 
his speech (§ 2) to those which had been 
delivered on the previous day. 

6. patronoram. ' In the earlier period 



^c M<: 

( , 

Pompeius adstrinxit imposuitque veluti frenos eloquentiae, ita 
^. tamen ut omnia in foro, omnia legibus, omnia apud praetores '* ♦ 
gererentur: apud quos quantg ,maiora negotia olim exerceri 

lo solita sint, quod maius arg^umentum est quam quod causae 
centumvirales, quae nunc primum obtinent locum, adeo splendore 
aliorum iudiciorum obruebantur ut neque Ciceronis neque Caesaris 
neque Bruti neque Caelii neque Calvi, non denique ullius magni 
oratoris liber apud centumviros dictus l^atur, exceptis orationi- 

15 bus Asinii quae pro heredibus Urbiniae inscribuntur, ab ipso 
tamen Pollione mediis divi Augusti temporibus habitae, post- 
quam *longa temporum quies et continuum populi otium et 



13. aliorum EVsCADH, aliquorum AB, illorum H. Meyer. 
Lipsios, urbinae B, Uruie A, Uriuae DC (Jroniae HVSp.) 

15. Urbiniae 

of forensic pleading, it was the practice 
for a patronus to conduct the whole case 
entmsted to him single-handed,* Ramsay, 
Rom. Ant. p. 312. Afterwards there 
might be several patroni\ Murena was 
defended, for example, by Cicero, Hor- 
tensins, and Crassns, and in later cases 
we hear of three, fonr, six, and even 
twelve advocates. 

6. Primiis . . . Fompeius. This was in 
6.0. 52,when Pompey was for five months 
sole consnl, 'corrigendis moribns delectns.* 
His enactment limited the speech for the 
prosecution to two hours, and that of the 
defender to three : cp.Cic. Bmt. § 324 lege 
Pompeia temis horis ad dicendum datis : 
ih. § 243 illius iudicialis anni severitatem : 
de Fin iv. i, i. Even before Pompey*s 
legislation, something seems to have been 
done towards curtailing the length of the 
speeches. In his impeachment of Verres, 
Cicero speaks of the time accorded to 
him by law (* legitimae horat,' ii. i, 9, 25): 
while in the pro Flacco he mentions six 
hours as the time allowed for the prose- 
cution (sex horas lex omnino dedit, § 82). 
It was probably the neglect of these enact- 
ments that provoked Pompey*s statute. 
Under the Empire the time allotted to 
counsel seems to have varied at different 
periods. At the trial of Marius Priscus, 
Pliny spoke for five hours (dixi horis paene 
quinque, £p. ii. 11, 14). On another 
occasion six hours were allowed to the 
accnser and nine to the accused : cum e 
lege accusator sex horas novem reus ac- 
cepisset, £p. iv. 9, 9 : while in vi. 2, 5 
we hear of so few as two clepsydrae, one 
depsydra, and even half a one being 

asked for and granted. That these re- 
strictions were felt to be irksome we may 
infer from what Pliny sajrs elsewhere : * si 
modo iustum et debitum tempus accipiat, 
quod si negetur nulla oratoris maxima 
iudicis culpa est,' £p. L 20, 10. 

7. adstrinxit » coartavit. Cp. ad- 
strictus, 25. 17 : 81. 21 : Ann. iii. 55, 15. 

8. in foro, and not in the imperial 
palace or in audiioria and tabularia^ 89. 5. 
legibujB, and not at the caprice of princes 
or judges (cp^ 19. 23). apud prae- 
tores, and not before the emperor. 

9. negotia, of actions-at-Iaw : cp. 9. 
II : forensibus negotiis, 14. 14; 19. 25: 
Ann. ii. 27, 2 ; xi. 6, 7 ; xiii. 4, 8 ; xvi. 

10. oausae centumvirales. See on 7. 6. 
12. obruebantur, were overshadowed, 

eclipsed. So Agr. xvii. 8 Cerialis . . . alte- 
rius successoris curam famamque obm- 
isset: cp. Cic. Bmt. § 172. 

14. liber of a speech, written down 
and published : so 12. 24 ; 20. 3 ; 21. 6 
and 26; 25. 21; 26. 16; 89. 24. Tr. 
'there is not a speech, delivered be* 
fore the centumviri, that would be read 

15. pro heredibus TJrbiniae. This 
was a case in which an adventurer called 
Clusinius Figulus alleged that he was the 
son of the deceased Urbinia, and laid 
claim to her estate. Quint. vii. 2, 4-5. 

ab ipso tamen Follione, 'and even 
these Pollio delivered,* &c. The point is 
that it was only when political passions 
had subsided that orators t)f standing 
could afford to interest themselves in 
private cases. 




assidua senatus tranquillitas et maxima principis disciplina ipsam 
quoque eloquentiam sicut omnia depacaverat. 

39, Parvum et ridiculum fortasse videbitur quod dicturus 
sum, dicam tamen, vel ideo ut rideatur. Quantum humilitatis 
putamus eloquentiae attulisse paenulas istas, quibus adstricti et^ . 
velut inclusi cum iudicibus fabulamur? Quantum virium de- 
traxisse orationi auditoria et tabularia credimus, in quibus iam 5 
fere plurimae causae explicantur ? Nam quo modo nobiles equos 

18. maxima A6, maximi DCH (Baehrens), maxime Haase, Halm, and edd. ' Con- 
cinnitas ' seems to be in favour of maxima. 19. omnia depacaverai A, {depara- 

verat B), omnia a/ia pcLcaverat H and most codd. (Michaelis, Halm, Miiller), alia 
omnia pacaverat £. 

39. I. z^ildSf^fyf^r Ursinus, z;{V<?/iircodd.,z^'^a/«rOrelli, Halm, andedd. 3. ridea- 
tur EVjCADH, ridear AB. 5. tabularia ABDH, tabulariae V^C {tabularif E), 

fabularif A. 

18. disoiplina, of the 'great imperial 
system,' or * constitution ' : cp. 40. 13 
quarum civitatum seyerissima disciplina : 
Hist. iv. 74, 18 octingentorum annorum 
fortuna disciplinaque compages haec 
coaluit, whereG. and G. render * Staats- 
ordnung,' * Regierungsweisheit.' So Cic. 
de Or. ii. § 67 disciplina civitatis : i. § 159 
disciplina rei publicae : i. § 3 perturba- 
tionem disciplinae veteris, — ^the overthrow 
of the old political system. 

19. sicut omnia. Alia is added in 
many MSS. (cp. 21. 4), but its omission 
may be justified by a comparison of Hist. 
ii. 80, 5 Caesarem, Augustum, et omnia 
principis vocabula: iv. 3, 14 ludaeam 
Suriamque et omnes provincias. 

depacaverat, &c., ' had brought peace 
and quietness into*: a &ir, dp, formed on 
thc analogy of deliniret demiiigare. Livy 
has * perpacare.' John points out that the 
reading * depacaverat * is supported by the 
preference which the author shows in the 
Dialogue for compound forms, especially 
verbs compounded with de- and con-, in 
a weakened signification : e. g. 7. 17 
demonstrare « monstrare : 22. 35 deter- 
minare = terminare (16. 17 is different) : 
37. 35 desumere = sumere (10. 36). Cp. 
also 10. II denegavit, deterream: 6. 15 
consurgere^surgere : 15. 1 3 conquirere^ 

39. I. videbltur seems the better 
reading— certainly with rideatur follow- 
ing. Videatur is, however, supported by 
16. 26. 

■ a. vel, * 6ven if only,' — even if I achieve 
no other result than to raise a laugh, 
though the matter is really one about 

which we ought to feel shame and humi- 
liation. Cp. Quint. iv. i, 33 non tamen 
omittenda vel ideo ne occupentur : ib. x. 
i, 86, 131 (vel ideo quod). Similarly 
Hist. iv. 49, 31 vel forte : Agr. iii. 16 vel 
incondita ac rudi voce, where vel=^ e^ta 
if only.' 

Qiiantumhumilitatifl, &c. Tr. *■ How 
much have we done to abase eloquence 
by,' &c. 

3. paenulas. The paenula was pio- 
perly a rough sleeveless cloak, of wool 
or leather, wom in rainy weather. See 
Mayor's note on Juv. v. 79. It fitted 

^closely to the body, whence adstricti et 
velut inclusi. The dignity of the legal 
profession must have been in danger 
when counsel took to appearing in this 
cloak instead of the toga. A modem 
barrister might as well address the bench 
in an * ulster.* 

4. fabulamur: cp. 23. 11. 

5. tabularia, * offices,' properly *re- 
cord-offices,* — chambers which, like the 
auditoria, would have been considered 
in earlier days unsuited to the majesty of 
the law. The 'basilicae' were found 
inadequate for the rush of business which 
followed the late disturbances : Suet. 
Vesp. 10. 

6. fere. It is sometimes difficult to 
see whether fere is meant to attach itself 
to a single word (Reid on Lael. § 2) or 
to a whole sentence. Here it might be 
joined ioplurimae^ *pretty well most': 
cp. Cic Tusc. iii. § 73 *fere plerique.' 
This is, however, much more common 
with 'fere omnes* : and it is safer to take 
fere here as modifying the whole state- 


r *, <,4« 




\ iir 

cursus et spatia probant, sic est aliquis oratorum campus, per 
quem nisi liberi et soluti ferantur debilitatur ac frangitur 
eloquentia. Ipsam quin immo curam et diligentis stili anxie- 
10 tatem contrarianx experimur, quia saepe interrogat iudex 
'icjuando incipias, et e:^ iriterrogatione eius incipiendum est- 
Frequenter probationibus et testibus audiendis jsilentium patronis 
indicit. Unus inter haec dicenti aut alter adsistit, et res velut in 


&*.«'"• V *, 

t quant s. cnm. 

II. quando H, quando AB, quam quando AD, quam quando C, quam EVj, causam 
quando Bekker, Baehrens. 12. testibus audiendis siUntium patronis \% my conj., 

testibus sil. patronus codd. (except that H has a blank between testibus and patronus\ 
For patronus Haupt suggested impatiens (Halm), OreUi praetory Weissenbom »»»- 
portunuSf Hahn protinus or uttro, Meiser testibus patroni sUentium. 

ment : cp. in tjto^ ^tt^Xvy dn (Ivetv : tr. 
'most cases are~ nowadays generally 
unfolded/ At 20. a and 81. 7 it»ple- 
rumque. — Fere has a tendency to connect 
itself with iam : but the text is different 
from Cic. Verr. v. § 94 (Uucebat iam 
fere'), or pro TuU. § ai ('iam fere cum 
lux appropinquaref*). 

6. quo modo . . . sio : cp. 25. 10: 
86. 33 : 41. 9. 

7. cursiis et spatia. A * spadous, 
roomy race-course' is requiied to put a 
racer ' on his mettle.' For the hendiadys 
cp. Germ. xzxvii. 3 castra ac spatia: 
Verg. Georg. iii. aoa Hic vel ad Elei 
metas et maxuma campi Sudabit spatia. 

oratomm campus. For the figure, 
cp. Cic. Acad. iL § iia cum sit enim 
campus in quo exsultare possit oratio, cur 
eam tantas in angustias et Stoicorum in 
dumeta compellimus : de Or. iii. § 71 ex 
ingenti quodam oratorem immensoque 
campo in exignum sane gyrum compel- 
litis. — Aliquis is unusual, for quidam: 
John cites Cic. pro Arch. § 18 quasi 
deorum aliquo dono atque munere: cp. 
Germ. xlvi. 17. 

8. Uberi et soluti. These words are 
very frequently conjoined : Cic. Verr, ii. a, 
§ 185 animo soluto liberoque: ib. § 193 
liberi ad causas solutique veniebant: de 
Div. i. § 4 motu soluto et libero : pro 
Planc. § 7a : ad Att. i. 13, a : pro Rab. 
Post § I a : SaU. Cat. vi. i : Sen. de 
Ben. ii. 18, 5. 

9. Ipsam quin immo, &c, ' Moreover 
we know by experience that even prepa- 
ration and solicitude about the elaboration 
of what we write do more harm than 
good ' : for the judge interrupts, and then 
it is aU over with us. In itself, excessive 

preparation may lead to failure, if it 
makes the speaker the bond-slave of what 
he has prepared (see Quint. x. 7, 14 
and 3a : xii. 9, 16 sq. : xi. a, 48 sq.) : 
it is worse if the judge is impatient or 
out of temper. For diligentis stili cp. 
Quint. X. 3, 5 sit primo vel tardus dum 
diligens stilus: and for contrariam, see 
on 85. la. 

10. saepe and firequenter correspond, 
like ' modo . . . modo.' John compares 
saepe . . . nonnumquam, YcU- ii. 90, a. 

11. quando incipias : 'when are you 
coming to the point ? ' Cp. 19. ad fin. 

ez interrogatione, not ' with the point 
indicated in his question' (as Wolff): 
tr. ' when he puts this question.' 

la. probationibus is generaUy taken 
as referring to the third constituent part of 
a judicial speech: after the ' introduction * 
and the ' narrative ' came the * proof,' the 
* refutation,' and the 'closing appeal' 
(Quint. iii. 9. i). Those who adopt this 
view ditXtttpcUronus, with Novak, who says, 
' addidit Ubrarius patronus, subiectnm de- 
siderans.' — But I venture to itB.^ patronis, 
and to supply audiendis in the text : the 
meaning may be that when the judge does 
not request counsel to 'get to business,* 
he does even worse, — cuts him short, and 
proceeds to hear *proof' and evidence. 
This seems to account better for the 
plural ' probationibus ' : the examination 
of witnesses generaUy foUowed the main 
speeches for the prosecution and defence 
(Cic. in Verr. i. i § 55). For Tacitns's 
use of the gerundive as equivalent to a 
final clause, after a verb, see D"". ao6 B. 

13. unus aut alter: see on 21. 6. For 
inter haec, cp. Ann. xi. 35. i : inter quae, 
i. la, I, and irequently. 



solitudine agitur. Oratori autem clamore plausuque opus est et 
velut quodam theatro ; qualia cotidie antiquis oratoribus con- 15 
tingebant, cum tot panter^c tji^m nobiles forum coartarent, cum 
clientelae quoque ac' tribus et municipiorum etiam legationes ac 
pars Italiae periclitantibus^dsisteret, cum in plerisque iudiciis 
crederet populus Romanus sua interesse quid iudicaretur. Satis 
constat .C. Comelium et M. Scaurum et T. Milonem et L. 20 
Bestiam et P. Vatinium concursu totius civitatis et accusatos et 
defensos, ut frigidissimosquoque oratores ipsa certantis populi 
studia excitare et incendere potuerint. Itaque hercule eius modi 
libri extant, ut ipsi quoque qui egeruntnon aliis magis orationibus 
censeantur.V^ / : - ^ ^^ 

17. et (before municipiorum) ADCVjH, ac B Halm. 18. partis HVSp., 

fartes cLssistetent Rhenanus. 24. egerunt . . . cenuantur codd., legerunt . . . 

cucendaniur Andresen, WolfF. 


■ { ' 

K/- ' 

14. olamore plaiuaque, as Hist. iii. 
33, 2 clamore et plausu. 

16. nobUes, sc homines. The freqnent 
nse of adjectives as nouns makes it mi- 
necessary to insert homines in the text, 
with Orelli. — On the other hand, Baehrens 
and John supply ' oratores/ out of cmti- 
quis . . . oratoribus immediately before, 
and the latter translates * when the simul- 
taneous appearance in the forum of so 
many distinguished speakers occasioned 
a. real crowd.' But does the writer not 
mean that the needed stimulus was pro- 
duced, in those times, by the crowded 
forum, with the great men of the day, as 
weU as the multitude, for an audience ? 

18. pars Italiae . . . adaiateret. So 
Ann. xiii. 4 ad fin. consulum tribunalibus 
Italia et publicae provinciae adsisterent. 

plerisque, 'most,' as at 26. 7. See 
on 2. 10. 

30. C. Comelium, tribune in 67, and 
impeached by P. Cominius Spoletinus 
in 65 on a charge of maiestas, He was 
successfully defended by Cicero (Brut. 
§ 271) in a speech which is no longer 

M. Aemilius Soaurus was praetor in 
Sardinia in 56, and when accused of 
extortion was defended by six advocates, 
one of whom was Cicero. 

Ij. Calpumius Bestia was unsuccess- 
fully defended by Cicero in 56 on a charge 
of ambitus : ad Qu. Fr. ii. § 6 ' A. d. iii 
Id. Febr. dixi pro Bestia de ambitu apud 
praetorem Cn. Domitium in foro medio, 
-maximo conventu.' 

21. P. Vatinius : see on 21. 9. 

32. fingidissimos quoque*Bvel frigi- 
dissimos. For this ^se of quoque^ see 
on 6. 19. 

23. ezcitare et inoendere. So often in 
Cicero ' excitare et inflammare/ pro Leg. 
Manil. § 2 : de Harusp. resp. i. § 19. 

Itaque heroule : 14. 19: 80. 19. 

eius modi . . . ut. It seems best to 
take eius modi, with John, as predicative : 
tr. *■ Thus it is that the speeches that have 
come down to us are of such a character 
(i.e. so good) that those who delivered 
^em take rank by them more than by 
any others * : they not only dedded the 
fate of the accused at the time, but they 
may still be taken as unsurpassed per- 
formances on the part of their authors. 
Others separate eius modi from ut^ render- 
ing ' Thus it is that speeches of this class 
are stiU extant: those who delivered 
them owe their fame to none more than 
to these.* To make this meaning clear, 
Heller suggests ^ . . . censentur. But it 
may be questioned whether ' libri ' does 
not refer exclusively to the speeches just 

24. egerunt. For this absolute use, 
cp. 18. 6 : Quint. iii. 3, 16 (is qui agit), 
xii. 9, 9, and frequently. 

35. oenseantur » aestimentur. Cp. 
Agric. xlv. 4 una adhuc victoria Carus 
Metius censebatur. The constr. is very 
frequent in post-classical Latin for Ho 
be appreciated/ *■ distingnished ' for some- 
thing, to ' take rank by ' something : 
Juv. viii. 2 longo sanguine censeri : Suet. 



40. lam vero contiones assiduae et datunt^^potentissimum 

(? quemque/vexand(^atque ipsa inimicitiarum gloria, cum se plurimi 

disertorum n^ a Publio quidem Scipione aut L, Sulla aut Cn. 

OL''Tri. Pompeip abstinerent, et ad inc^ssendos principes viros^^ ut est 

5 natura invidiae^j^opuli quoque ut hisiriones auribus uterentur, 

V quantum ardofem ingeniis, quas oratoribus faces admovebant i-H* 

Non de otiosa et quieta re loquimur et quae probitate et modestia 

gaudeaty sed est magna illa et notabilis eloquentia alumna 

40. 3. Z. add. Ritter. Sylla ABEVaH, Silla V and edd. vett., Sila CaD. 5. ut 
histriorus Halm and edd., et histriones codd. auribus codd., plausibus HaasCt populi 
quoque pronis^ ut histriones, auribus Wolff (after Weissenbom, Halm, and Helmreich), 
histriones quoque populi auribus KoX^^sXva&y populi poetae quoque et histriones auribus 
Vahlen, populi quoque ut histriones clanioribus excitarentur Novak (cp. codd. Ulv, 
xxvii. 13, 13). 7. A^iw «»f»i Muretus. 

Gramm. 10 Eratosthenes multiplici varia- 
que doctrina censebatur : cp. Sen. £p. 
76, 8 : Mart. i. 61, 3 : ix. 16, 5 : Val. 
Max. V. 3, 3. 

40. 3. ipsa inimicitiarum gloria. 
Cp. Hist. ii. 53f 5 ut . . . magnis inimicitiis 
claresceret. So also ch. 87. above, ad fin. 

3. disertomm. For the partitive geni- 
tive after plurimi, cp. Ann. iv. 57, 5 : 
vi. 32, 15. 

4. ut est natiira invidiae. This 
should be taken along with ad incessendos 
principes viros : Hor. Car. ii. 10, 5-12. 

5. popiili qaoQLue ut histriones 
auribus uterentur. This reading in- 
volves only the change of the MS. et to 
«/, for which cp. 22. 30. The point of 
resemblance between the dema^gues and 
the actors is that the former seized on 
such opportunities as they could get of 
working up the passions and prejudices 
of the whole body of the people, instead 
of confining their attacks to deliberative 
assemblies such as the senate, or to the 
still more formal procedure of the conrts 
of law. For the licence of actors see 
Val. Max. vi. 3,9: Cic. pro Sest. Ivi-lvii. 
But I cannot help thinking that et his^ 
triones may be a gloss. The true reading 
may be simply * populi quoque auribus 
uterentur ' : cp. Enn. ap. Non. 306 more 
antiquo audibo atque aures tibi contra 
utendas dabo. — ^The conjecture 'pronis 
auribus' is snpported by Hist. i. i, 10 
obtrectatio et livor pronis auribus ac- 

6. ardorem. Cic Brut. § 93 ardor 
animi non semper adest isque cnm con- 
sedit omnis illa vis et quasi flamma 
oratoris exstinguitur. 

faces admovebant : so ' faces addere,' 
Hist. i. 34, I : facem praeferre, ib. ii. 86, 
30. For the figure cp. Quint. i. i, 35 id 
nobis acriores ad studia dicendi faces sub- 
didisse : Cic. de Or. iii. § 4 hic cum . . . 
Philippo quasi quasdam verborum faces 
admovisset: ii. § 305 hae dicendi faces. 
So of the fiery fumace of affliction, Cic. 
de Off. ii. § 37 dolorum cum admoventur 

7. Non de, &c. For the theory that 
Matemus^s speech only begins here, after 
a lacuna in which the first part of it is 
lost as well as the last part of the speech 
of the previous speaker (Secundus ? Mes- 
salla??), see Introd. p. xli. 

otiosa et quieta, 'quiet and peace» 
able': cp. 88. ad fin. quies et otium. So 
Cic. Leg. Agr. iL § 103 etiam istos quibus 
odio est otium quietissimos atque otiosis- 
simos reddam : ib. § 77 : de Sen. § 83 
otiosam et qnietam aetatem. 

8. alumna lioentiae. Cicero on the 
other hand says ' pacis est comes otiique 
socia et iam bene coustitutae civitatis 
quasi alumna quaedam eloquentia,' Bmt. 
§ 45 '' cp* de Or. ii. § 30 in omni pacata 
et libera civitate dominatur: ib. i. § 30 
haec una res in omni libero populo 
maximeque in pacatis tranquillisque civi- 
tatibus praecipue semper flomit semper- 
que dominata est. The antagonism is to be 
explained by recognising the different point 
of view from which Cicero writes. Ma- 
temus is thinking of the political divisions 
at Athens, out of which some gain canie 
to oratory, and also, no doubt, of such 
an incident as the Gracchan revolution 
at Rome; Cicero is stating the general 
principle that eloquence, l3ce the other 




licentiae, quam stulti libertatem vocabant, comesL^editionum, 
effrenati populi incitamentum, sine obsequio, sine veriiate^ con- 
tumax, t^eraria, adrogans, quae in bene constitutis civitatibus 
non oritur. Quem enim oratorem Lacedaemonium, quem 
Cretensem accepimus ? quarum civitatum severissima disciplina 
et severissimae leges traduntur. Ne Macedonum quidem ac 
Persarum aut ullius gentis quae certo imperio contenta fuerit 15 
eloquentiam novimus. Rhodii quidam, plurimi Athenienses 
oratores extiterunt, apud quos omnia populus, omnia imperiti, 
omnia, ut sic dixerim, omnes poterant. Nostra quoque civitas, "^ '^*' ^ « 
donec erravit, donec se partibus et dissensionibus et discordiis 
dohfecit, donec nulla fuit in foro pax, nulla in senatu concordia, 
nulla in iudiciis moderatio, nulla superiorum reverentia, nullus 
magistratuum modus, tulit sine dubio valentiorem eloquentiam, 

9. vocabant codd., vocant Henmann, vocitant Hess, Baehrens : cp. 23. 5. to. 

veritaic Steiner, servitute codd., severitate Pithou. Qy. revereniia? 13. acce- 

pimus DC, ctccipimus ABHEVg. sanctissima disciplina Orelli, sanctissimae 
leges Schele. 14. Ne D, nec cett. codd. 15. ullius AHE, illius BCDVj. 

22. metus Orelli. 


arts of peace, flonrishes best where there 
is an established order. That Cicero was 
aware that great eloquence often works 
mischief is dear from de Inv. i. § i : de 
Or. i. § 38. 

9. licentiae . . . libertatem. So 
Hist. ii. 10, 2 : Cic in Verr. iii. § 3. 
Cp. the frequent iuztaposition of licentia 
and libido^ libertcu and libido, 

vocabant seems qnite appropriate .to 
the context, which consists of a review of 
the past. 

10. incitamentum. A fayonrite word 
with Tacitus. It is noticeable that it 
does not occur in Quintilian. 

veritate, *reality/as 85. 17. Heller 
supports this reading by a reference to 
Plato, Gorgias 525 A, where avcv &Kri- 
0€ias is foUowed by imd i^ovatas leai 
rpwfi^s Kal v$p€ws Kai dxpa^ias tSiv vpA- 
$(o)Vy on which * sine obsequio contumax, 
temeraria, adrogans ' seems to have been 
modelled. Tacitus was familiar with the 
Gorgias: cp. Ann. vi. 6 with 524 E, 
and Agr. iv. 13 (of the study of philo- 
sophy) with 484 D. See Philologus, li. 

P- 350- 

12. Iiacedaemonium. So Cic. Brut. 

§ 50 Lacedaemonium vero (sc. oratorem) 

usque ad hoc tempus audivi fuisse ne- 

minem: cp. Quint.ii. 16, 4. 

13. aooepimiis. Cp. 12. 19. 
quarum civitatum, &c., i.e. history 

contains no example of a more rigorous 
constitution or more stringent legislation. 

14. Ne . . . quidem. See on 29. 14. 

18. ut sio dizerim. See on 34. 7. 
There is a reminiscence of VergiFs * non 
onmia possumus omnes,' except that here 
of^nes rather— o2 iroyrcs, as Germ. xi. 2; 
ii. 20. 

19. erravit. So long as it swayed 
hither and thither, was unsettled : cp. er- 
ranti populo, 86. 9. The opposite would be 
* certo imperio usus est ' : cp. above certo 
imperio contenta. So 10. 19 cum natura 
te tua in arcem . . • ferat, errare mavis. 

21. nullus magistratuum modus is 
generally taken as = 'no sense of pro- 
priety (or * restraint *) on the part of the 
magistrates ' : cp. ^ moderati iudices/ 
5. 2 and *modus et temperamentum,* 
41. 23. Greef, however, says that the 
phrase is equivalent to 'nullus magis- 
tratuum modus oraiorum,* and really 
means * a magistratibus effrenata oratorum 
licentia non coercebatur.' 

22. sine dubio . . . sed. So Ann. ii. 
51, 7 : sinedubio . . . tamen, Agr. xlv. 22 : 
ceterum,Ann. i. 6, 6: rursus, Ann. xi. 28, 
7. In all these cases the statement made 
in the sine dubio clause is meant to be 



. O 

sicut indomitus ager habet quasdam herbas laetiores : sed nec 
tanti rei publicae Gracchorum eloquentia fuit ijt-'pateretur et 

H leges, nec bene famam eloquentiae Cicero tali exitu pensavit. 

41, Sic quoque quod superest sUitigui oratoribus fori noq 

emendatae nec usque ad yotum compositae ci^htatis argumentum 

est. Quis enim nos aSvocat nisi aut nocens aut miser ? Quod 

municipium in clientelam nostram venit, nisi quod aut vicinus 

5 populus aut domestica discordia agitat ? Quam provinciam 
t uem ur nisi spoliatam vexatamque? Atqui melius fuisset non 

23. suut indcmitus Aldine 1534, sicuU domitus codd. Zs^^iWj Rhenanns, lcUiores 

codd. 34. tanti Rhenanns, tuta codd. 35. betu BDC, bonae Hb, bone A. 

famam Mnretu6,y^7rmaxv codd. 

41. I. antiqui oratorihus fori S^ngt\, antiquis oratoribus forum (ABDH, A<7r«»f 
EVaCA) codd., atUiqui oratoribus horum temporum Baehrens. 2. emcndcUae 

Lipsius, emendare ccidd. 3. Quis enim EV^CA, Quidem quod nemo AH (in A 

quis enim is written above the line), Quid enim quod nemo 6, Quis enim quidem quod 
nemo D. The variants must have resulted from a gloss on ' Quis enim ' (' idem qnod 
nemo '). 4. clientelam Pithou, civitatem codd. 

less emphatic than that in the clause 
foUowing : cp. Quint. i. 6, 1 3 ; v. 7, 38 ; 
V. 10, 53 ; viii. 3, 67 ; x. i, 57 : Introd. 
to Book X. p. liii. I have altered the 
traditional punctuation (which makes 'Sed 
nec tanti/ &c. an independent sentence) in 
order to bring ont the connexion between 
sine dubio and sed. 

33. indomitus ager: cp. 6. ad fin. 
So Cic. Or. § 48 ut segetes fecundae et 
uberes non solum fruges verum herbas 
(< weeds *) etiam effundunt. 

laetiores. iMetus is often used in 
Vergil of rich vegetation : Georg. i. 339 
laetis operatus in herbis, and ii. 48 laeta 
et fortia snrgunt : in iii. 385 (fuge pabula 
laeta) and 494 (laetis moriuntur in herbis) 
the word means ^luxuriant/ in the sense 
of rankness rather than richness. Cp. 
notes on Qnint. x. 3, 15 and i, § 46. 

nec tanti . . . fnit. So 87. 37 : Lucan, 
Phars. iii. 51 nec vincere tanti ut bellum 
differret erat. Cp. Cicero's unfavonrable 
references to the legislation of the Gracchi, 
e. g. de Or. i. § 38 ista praeclara gubema- 
trice civitatum eloquentia rempublicam 

35. nec bene . . . pensavit : ' Cicero*s 
oratorical renown was a poor compensa- 
tion for his tragic end : * his death was a 
'big price' to pay for his fame as an 
ora^or. So often com^ensare in Cicero, 
though such an expression as *exitum 
iama pensavit* would be less uncommon : 

Hist. iii. a6 ad fin. : iv. 74, 9 : Agr. zxii. 
II (damna aestatis hibemis eventibus 
pensare) : Liv. xxviL 40 adversa secundis 

41. I. Sio quoqne, &c. ' Even as it 
is, the survivals that our spe^ers have 
left them of the fomm of old go to show 
a civil condition which is not faultless, or 
well-ordered as heart could wish.' Sic 
quoque is explained by 'donec erravit,' 
&c., above: for the meaning 'cven as 
things are at present,' see Ann. iv. 40, 14: 
and cp. XV. 17, 7: Quint. x. i, 131 : Sen. 
de Ben. iii. 31, i : £p. 94. 31. 

non emendatae, i. e. when judged by 
an ideal standard. Cp. ' composita et 

auieta et beata re publica/ 86. 6, where 
le speaker is emphasizing the contrast 
between imperial and republican times. 

3. ad votums/car' ^vxnyt &s Quint. 
Decl. iii. 13 ad omne votum fluente for- 
tuna. Cp. on 5. 33. 

4. clientelam. Cic. Rosc. Am. § 106 
se in Chry^ogoni fidem et clientelam con- 
tulerunt. Cp. 8. ad iin. * tot coloniarum et 
municipioram clientelae.' 

6. tuemnr, * appear for.' This mean- 
ing is frequent in Quintilian. Cp. on 7. 8. 
For the wrongs of the provincials, see 
Juv. Sat. viii. 87, 113. 

Atqui mellus. ' But to have no com- 
plaint to make would have been better 
than having to seek redress,' — ^lit. than to 
be avenged. Non queri '^to bring no 



queri quam vindicari. Quod si inveniretur aliqua civitas in qua 
nemo peccaret, supervacuus esset inter innocentes orator sicut 
intersanos medicus. Quo modotamen,feinimum visus minimum- 
que profectus' ars medentis habet in iis gentibus quae firmissima lo 
valetudine ac saluberrimis corporibus utuntur, sic minor oratorum 
honor obscuriorque gloria est inter bonos mores et^in obsequium 
regentisV^iratos. Quid enim opus est longis in senatu sententiis, 
cum optimi cito consentiant ? Quid multis apud populum con- 
tionibus, cum de re publica non iniperiti et multi deliberent, sed ^5 
sapientissimus et unus ? Quid voluntariis accusationibus, cum 
tamraro et tamparce peccetur? Quid invidiosis et excedentibus ^ '' 
modum defensionibus, cum clementig,. co^noscentis" "obviam ^ 

\ r-'-' 

9 tamen EVjCADH, inde AB, autem Michaelis, Novak, enim Heumann, Halm, 
MiiUer. 12. honorOTeWiy horum codd., om. A. obscuriorque ABDH, obscurior 

EVgCA. 14. optimi Rhenanus, optima codd. 

charge, because there are no grotinds for 
a charge. For the thought cp. 87. 18 
quae mala sicut non acddere melius est : 
luv. viii. 94 Sed quid damnatio confert, 
&c. With meliusy longum, aequum^ 8cc 
the indicative is more common : Cic. de 
N. D. iii. 33 prohiberi melius fuit impediri- 
qne ne . . . quam ipsum aliquando poenas 
dare (Roby, 1535): de Off. iii. § 94 
quanto melius fuerat in hoc promissum 
patris non esse servatum. So oportuerai 
pro Mur. § 2^. Cp. however de Sen. 
§ 82 Nonne melius multo fuisset otiosam 
et quietam aetatem . . . traducere ? 

7. Quod 8i inveniretur, &c. For the 
thought, Novak compares Quint. Decl. 
p. 95, 21 £t sane si iustitia valeat quid est 
eloquentia? quid ergo civitati conferunt 
(oratores) ? 

9. Quo modo . . . sio. So 25. 10; 
86. 33 ; 89. 6. 

tamen. John thinks that tamen con- 
nects well with the preceding imperfect 
snbjunctives (inveniretur . . . supervacuus 
esset). The meaning would then be, * that 
is of^course an unrealizable ideal, and so 
the orator is not altogether superfluous : 
but all the same,' &c. The reading is 
however doubtful. 

10. medentis. See on cognoscentis^ 

11. saluberrimis. So Hist. v. 6, 4 
Corpora hominum salubria et ferentia 
laborum: Ann. ii. 33, 14 salubritas cor- 
porum. The same use of this adj. is 
iound in Livy and Sallust, but not in 

12. honor . . . gloria. Cp. 12. 14, 

and (figuratively) Germ. v. 5 ne armentis 
quidem suus honor aut gloria frontis. So 
laus ^difama are conjoined, 7. 11 : fama, 
gloria, lans, 18. 2: laus, gloria 26. 10, 
and line 22 below. 

13. regentis, obj. gen. : roore usually 
erga c. acc., Germ. xliv. 5. Regere is used 
intransitively, of the princeps, also at Ann. 
iv» 33» 18 ; xiii. 3, 4 : cp. Quint. iii. 8, 47 : 
Sen. de Ira ii. 15, 4. For paratos in cp. 
Quint. X. 5, 12 in omnes causas paratus: 
Hist. iv. 32, 8 paratum in res novas: 
Verg. Aen. ii. 61 in utrumque paratus. 

longis . . . sententiis. The speaker re- 
curs here to what was said in 86. 27 * cum 
parum esset in senatu breviter censere.' 
A compliment is implied to the adminis- 
tration of Vespasian (* sapientissimus et 
nnus '), though the picture is an ideal one. 

14. multis . . . contionibus. Cp. 86. 
10 Hinc contiones itiagistratuum paene 
pemoctantium in rostris. For the thought, 
compare Quint. vi. i, 35 quod genus 
nostris temporibus totum paene sublatum 
est, cum omnia curae tutelaeque unius in- 
nixa periclitari nullo iudicii exitu possint. 

15. multiso2 n-oXAoi: tr. 'the unin- 
structed many.' 

17. parce, almost synonymous with 
'raro,' though the translators render 
* slight,' * insignificant ' : cp. Hor. Car. i. 
25, 1 Parcius iunctas, &c., and Quintilian 

invidiosis, *hate-stining.' Hist. ^.33; 12. 

18. oognoscentis. For the substan- 
tival use of the participle," cp. medentis. 



periclitantibus eat ? Credite, optimi et (in quantum opus est 

20 disertissimi)riri,si aut vos pribribus saeculis autvilli quos miramur 

' * his nati essent» ac deus aliquis vitas ac [vestra] tempora repente 

mutasset, nec vobis summa illa laus et gloria in eloquentia neque 

illis modus et temperamentum defuisset : nunc, quoniam nemo 

eddem tempore adsequi potest magnam famam et magnam 

25 quietem, bono saeculi suj quisque citra obtrectationenvjdterius 


42. Finierat Matemus, cum Messalla : * Erant quibus contra 
dicerem, erant de quibus plura dici vellem, nisi iam dies esset 

*Fiet' inquit Maternus 'postea arbitratii tuo, et si qua tibi 
5 obscura in hoc meo sermone visa sunt, de iis rursus conferemus.' 

ao. illi Halm, isti codd. 21. tic deus codd., Halm : aut deus Baehrens. 

[vestra] Halm, Baehrens, tempora vestra Haase, vita^ vestras ac tempora Bekker. 
Qy. vitas vestras et vetera tempora ? £ gives et for ac, 25. bono codd. : huius 


regentis, above, praecipientium 28. 6; 
dicentium 6. 18. So often discens, andiens, 
docens, &c. Cognoscere occurs in the 
same sense at 19. 23, where see note. 

19. in quantum opus est, i.e. con- 
sidering the limited field now open to 
eloquence. Cp. 1. 11 disertissimoram, ut 
nostris temporibus, hominum. 

21. ao deu8 aUquis, &c. Baehrens 
and, on different grounds, John prefer to 
read * aut deus aliquis,' &c., and there is 
perhaps a certain want of logical pre- 
cision in the way in which the writer 
presents what is really intended as a dual 
altemative. The first hypothesis is, ac- 
cording to John, the transportation of 
one of the two parties {aut vos . . . aut 
Uli) into the age of the other : the second 
Uie simultaneous reciprocal exchange of 
epochs {deus . . . repente mutasset). But 
it is possible to be too exacting in the 
way of precision of statement: the ac 
deus . . . mutasset clause seems rather to 
have been added in the way of an after- 
thought : Novak indeed, following Miil- 
ler's suggestion, rejects it altoge^er, as 
having been added by some one who 
remembered the well-known passage in 
Horace (Sat. i. i, 15). 

vestra is rightly rejected by many 
editors as superfluous: its position also 
renders it open to suspidon. It conld 

only mean * yours and those of the antiqui^ 
whereas, immediatelybefore and after, vos 
is used of those whom the speaker is 
addressing alone. 

25. oitra. See on 27. 9. Matemus 
concludes with an attempt to reconcile 
the confiicting views of Aper and Messalla, 
while justifying himself, in the altered 
conditions of the time, for preferring 
poetry to rhetoric 

alterius involves a brachyology. Tr. 
* Let every one enjoy the blessings of his 
own age, without disparaging those of 
any other.' 

42. 3. ezaotus, 'far-spent*: so Agr. 
xxxviii. I a exacta iam aestate : ib. iii. 5 
exactae aetatis : Hist. iii. 33, 4 : iv. 84, 5. 
For the same idea of * completing ' a 
thing, cp. also Lucan, Phars. ii. 577 
Ante bis exactum quam Cynthia conderet 
orbem : ib. viii. 376. 

4. arbitratu tuo. Cic. Brat. § 42 At 
ille ridens * Tuo vero ' inquit * arbitratu ' : 
de Am. § 3 arbitratu meo. So too fre- 
quently in Livy. The nominative and ac- 
cusative singular are found only in Plautus. 

5. de iis . . . conferemus. This is 
an unusual constraction. Cicero often 
nses ' inter se conferre,' but alwa^rs with 
the acc. or with a dependent clause : ad 
Att. i. 20, I Si quid res feret, coram inter 
nos conferemns, de Fin. iv. § 4. Cp. 


Ac simul adsurgens et Aprum complexus *Ego' inquit ^te 
poetis, Messalla autem antiquariis criminabimur.' 

* At ego vos rhetoribus et scholasticis ^ inquit. 

Cum adrisissent, discessimus. 

42. 7. autem Weissenborn, cum codd. Perhaps it should be omitted, with the 
Puteolanus. Or is it possible that cum conceals omnibusl cp. 2. 14, and 18. 14. 

Agr. XT.' a ' conferre iniurias/ though 9. Oum adrisissent. For the ending 

there the word mayscomparare. cp. the close of the First Book of the 

7. criminabimtir. For the plural, de OrcUore^ also the de Natura Deorum^ 

cp. adferantf 35. 8 ; D'. § 29. iii. ch. xl. 

1 Z 




(The references are to chapters and lines.) 


ACADEMICI, 31. 27. 
Accius, 20. 18: 21. 31. 
Achaia, 80. 17. 
Aeschines, 15. 14: 25. 12. 
Afer, Domitins, 13. 9 : 15. 

Agamemnon, 9. 6. 

Alexander, 16. 21. 

Ambivius Turpio, 20. 11. 

Antonius, 37. 26. 

Aper, 2. 5 : Introd. p.xxxii. 

Apollo, 12. 18. 

Apollodorus, 19. 14. 

Appius Caecus, 18. 1 8. 

Archias, 37. 25. 

Asia, 10. 6: 30. 17. 

Asinius Pollio, see Pollio. 

Asitius, 21. 7. 

Athenienses, 40. 16. 

Atia, 28. 22. 

Aufidius Bassus, 28. 8. 

Augustus, 13. 8 : 17. 23 : 

28. 22 : 88. 16. 

Aurelia, 28. 21. 

Bestia,L. Calpumius, 89. 2 1 . 
Britannia, 17. 17. 
Brutus, Junius, 17. 4 : 18. 
21 : 21. 22: 25. 19: 88 

Caecina, Aulus, 20. 4. 
Caelius, 17. 4 : 18. 6 : 21. 
19: 25. 18: 26. 24: 38. 

Caesar, Julius, 17. 3, 18 : 
21. 20: 25. 15, 18, 30: 
26. 26 : 28. 22 : 84. 32 : 
38. 12. 

Calvus, C. Licinius, 17. 4 : 
18. 6 : 21. 5 : 28. 10 : 
25. 15: 26. 24: 84. 34: 
88. 13. 

Canutius, 21. 3. 

Capua, 8. 4. 

Carbo, C Papirius, 18. 3 : 

84. 32. 

Cassius, Severus, 19. 2 : 

26. 14. 
Catilina, 37. 26. 
Cato, C. Porcius, 34. 33. 
Cato, M. Porcius, 18. 9, 17: 

cp. 2. I. 
Cicero, 12. 23 : 15. 17: 16. 

28: 17.3: 18. 6,11,18, 

23 : 21. 28 : 22. I sqq. : 

26. 25: 30. II, 19: 32. 

26: 38. 12: 40. 25. 
Claudius, 17. 12. 
Comelia, 28. 21. 
Comelius, C, 89. 20. 
Crassus, L. Licinius, 18. 

10 : 26. 3 : 84. 31 : 

85. 4. 

Crassus, M. Licinius, 87. 9 
Curiones, 87. 11. 

Decius Samnis, 21. 25. 
Deiotams, 21. 25. 
Demosthenes, 12. 21 : 15. 

15: 16. 21: 25. 11: 82. 

25 : 37. 23. 
Diodotus, 80. 15. 
Dolabella, 34. 32. 
Domitius Ahenobarbus, 3. 

20: 85. 4. 
Dmsus, 21. 8. 

Ephesus, 15. 15. 

Epicums, 81. 28. 

Eprius Marcellus, 5. 31 : 8. 

1 : 13. II. 
Euripides, 12. 22. 

Fabius, lustus, 1. i. 

Gabinianus, 26. 31. 

Gaius, 17. II. 

Galba, 17. 12. 

Galba, Servius Sulpicius, 

18. 3 : 26. 30. 
Galli. 10. 5, 

Gallio, L. Junius, 26. 4. 
Gracchi, 28. 21 : 40. 24. 
Gracchus, C, 18. 9 : 26. 2. 
Graeci, 82. 25. 
Graecia, 10. 21. 
Graeculi, 8. 21. 
Graii, 15. 14. 

Helvidius, Priscus, 5. 33. 
Hermagoras, 19. 13. 
Hirtius. 17. 6. 
Hispania, 10. 6. 
Homerus, 12. 20. 
Horatius, 20. 19 : 23. 7. 
Hyperides, 12. 22 : 16. 21 : 
25. 12. 

Italia, 2S. 8 : 39. 18. 

Jason, 9. 7. 

Julius Africanus, 14. 20 : 

15. 17. 
Julius Secundus, 2. 6 sqq. : 

Introd. 13. XXXV. 

Laelius, 25. 31. 
Lentuli, 87. 11. 
Linus, 12. 18. 
Lucanus, 20. 19. 
Lucilius, 28. 7. 
Lucretius, 23. 7. 
Luculli, 87. II. 
Lycurgus, 25. 12. 
Lysias, 12. 22 : 25. 12. 

Macedones, 40. 14. 
Maecenas, 26. 3. 



Materaus, 2. i sqq. : Introd. 

p. xxxvi. 
Menenii, 21. 30. 
Menenius Agrippa, 17. i. 
Messalla Corvinns, 12. 24 : 

17. 4: 18. 11: 20. 3: 

21. 36. 
Messalla, Vipstanus, 14. 

2 sqq. : Introd. p. xxxiv. 
Metelli, 87. 11. 
Metrodorus, 31. 28. 
Milo, 87. 26 : 89. 20. 
Mucianus, 87. 7. 
Mucius Scaevola, 80. 14. 
Mytilenae, 15. 16. 

Nero, 11.9 : 17. 12. 
Nestor, 16. 19. 
Nicetes Sacerdos, 15. 15. 
Nicostratus, 10. 22. 

Orphcus, 12. 17. 
Otho, 17. 13. 
Ovidius, 12. 25. 

Pacuvius, 20. 18 : 21. 30. 
Pansa, 17. 6. 
Pedius, 17. 9. 
Peripatetici, 81. 26. 
Persae, 40. 14. 
Pbilippus, 16. 21. 
Philo, 80. 15. 
Plato, 81. 27: 82. 25. 
Pollio, 12. 24 : 84. 33. 
Pompeius, 87. 9 : 88. 7 : 

40. 4. 
Pomponius Secundus, 18. 9. 

Quintius, P. 87. 25. 

Rhodii, 40. 16. 
RosciuS) 20. II. 

Saleins Bassus, 5. 6 : 9. 8, 

13: 10.7. 
Scaurus, M. Aemilius, 89. 

Scipio, P. Coroelius, 40. 3. 
Servilius Nonianus, 28. 8. 
Sisenna, L. Comelius, 28. 9. 

Sophocles, 12. 22. 

Stoici, 81. 31. 

Sulla, L. Comelius, 40. 3. 

Tiberius, 17. 11. 
Tiro, 17. 7. 
TuUius, M., 20. 4. 

Ulixes, 16. 19. 
Urbinia, 88. 15. 

Varius, 12. 25. 

Varro, 28. 9. 

Vatinius, 11. 10: 21. 10: 

84. 34: 39.21. 
Vergilius, 12. 24 : 13. 4, 

17: 20. 19: 23. 7. 
Venes, 20. 3 : 37. 26. 
Vespasianus, 8. 20 : 9. 25 : 

17. 14. 
Vibius Crispus, 8. 2 : 18. 

Vitellius, 17. 13. 

Xenophon, 81. 28. 



(The first reference is to the chapter and line of the text ; the second to the page 
and colunin of the ezplanatory notes. References to the Introduction are given 

accinctns, 5. 32 : 12 b. 

actor, 26. 7 : 70 b. 

ad (* in regard to *), 5. 16 : 

II a. 
adeo, 3. 15: 7b. 
adice quod, 9. 29 : 22 b. 
Adjectives as Nouns : Introd. 

p. Iv. 
adligatus, 18. 14: 32 a. 
adstrictus, 25. 17: 68 a. 
adversus, 33. 5 : 90 a. 
advocati, 1. 5 : i b. 
aequalis, 31. 24 : 84 b. 
agere paenitentiam, 15. 8 : 

37 a. 
agere et ferre, 8. 18 : 19 a. 

aliud agere, 32. 5 : 87 a. 

altercationes, 34. 6 : 92 a. 

altitudo, 21. 16: 57 b. 

alumna licentiaeeloquentia, 

40. 8: iiob. 
Anaphora, Introd. p. lix. 
Anastrophe, Introd. p. Ix. 
animus .... ingenium, 1. 

16: 3a. 
antiquarius, 21. 18 : 58 a. 
antiqui, 16. 16 : 39 a. 
antiquitas, 30. 3 : 79 a. 
apte, 22. 12 : 61 b. 
arcana semotae dictionis, 

2. 9 : 5 a. 
arripere, 28. 25 : 76 b. 
ars medentis, 41. 10 : 113 a. 
Atticus, 18. 21 : 48 a. 
attritus, 18. 23 : 48 a. 
auctor, 30. 2 : 79 a. 
audire (*hear of), 7. 18 : 

17 b. 
aures, 34. 29 : 94 b. 
aures respuunt, 9. 6 : 20 b. 
auspicari, 11. 8 : 26 b. 

calamistri, 26. 3. 

cantare, 26. 10: 70 a. 
causidici, 1. 5 : i b. 
censeri, 89. 25. 
centumviri, 7. 7 : 16 a. 
ChiasmuSy Introd. p. Ix. 
circa, 3. 16 : 7 b. 
circumstare : 8. 13 : 18 b. 
citra, 27. 9 : 74 a. 
clausula, 22. 25 : 63 a. 
clientulus, 37. 2 : loi b. 
cogitare, 2. 3 : 4 a. 
collectus, 31. 22 : 84 a. 
colligere, 24. 15 : 66 b. 
color sententiarum, 20. 6 : 

53 b. 
commentarius, 23. 10: 64 b. 
communes sensus, 31. 24: 

84 b. 
compositio, 21. 17 : 57 b. 
concentus, 15. 16 : 37 b. 
conferre, 42. 5 : ii^b. 
congiarium : 17. 22 : 43 a. 
contra animum, 13. 18 : 

32 b. 
contrahere, 37. 7 : loi b. 
contrarius, 35. 12 : 96 a. 
controversiae, 35. 1 3 : 96 a. 
conversatio, 9. 30: 22 b. 
coram, 36. 31 : loi a. 
cortina, 19. 19 : 51 b. 
cum maxime, 16. 29 : 40 b. 
cupidus, 31. 17 : 83 b. 
cura, 3. 13: ^a. 

deiectus, 26. 19 : 72 b. 
depacare, 88. 19 : 107 a. 
dicacitas, 29. 7 : 77 b. 
dictio, 2. 9 : 5 a. 
diiunctus, 18. 24 : 48 b. 
disciplina, 38. 18 : 107 a. 
distinctus, 18. 10 : 46 a. 
domi nasci, 9. 13 : 21 a. 
eloquentia, 4. 10 : ^a. 

elucubrare, 9. 16 : 21 a. 
eludere, 5. 33 : 12 b. 
elumbis, 18. 26 : 49 a. 
errare, 40. 19: iii b. 
exceptio, 20. 3 : 53 a. 
excessus, 22. 12: 61 b. 
exclamatio, 31. 29 : 85 b. 
excudere, 9. 15 : 21 a. 
eximere diem, 19. 10 : 50 b. 
exsanguis, 18. 23 : 48 a. 
exspectare, 20. 3 : 53 a. 
exsultans, 18. 20 : 47 b. 

fabulari, 23. 11 : 64 b. 
faces admovere, 40. 6 : 

iio a. 
fatalis dies, 13. 24 : 34 a. 
fateri, 17. 17 : 43 a. 
favorabilis, 7. 3 : 15 b. 
ferre, 87. 27 : 103 b. 
FigureSy Introd. p. Ixi. 
ilecto, 19. 4 : 49 b. 
formula, 20. 3: 53 a. 

habere (with gerund), 8. 

II : i8a. 
HendiadySj Introd. p, Ix. 
hercule, Introd. p. lix. 
hiare, 21. 17: 57 b. 
hic, Introd. p, Ivi. 
histrionales modi, 26. 8 : 

71 a. 
histrionalis favor, 29. 10 : 

78 a. 
hodie quoque, 34. 34 : 95 a. 
horridus, 18. 4 : 45 a. 
hucusque, 11. 16 : 27 b. 

ille . . . iste, Introd. p. 

imagines, 8. 25 : 19 b. 
imbutus, 19. 21 : 52 a. 
impeditus, 19. 9 : 50 b. 
impexus, 20. 10 : 54 a. 



incipity 16. 31 : 40 b. 
incompositns, 26. 19 : 723. 
inconditi scdsus, 21. 17: 

58 a. 
increpare, 5. 26 : 1 2 a. 
induere, 6. 18: 14 a. 
infructuosus, 9. 4 : 20 b. 
ingeninm aJere, 14. 16 : 

35 b. 
ingerere, 7. 15 : i^a. 
inopia, 28. 5 : 74 b. 
in ore hominnm agere, 37. 

36: 104 b. 
in publicum, in commune, 

26. 28 : 72 a. 
in qnantnm, 2. 13 : 5 b. 
insanum fornm, 13. 20 : 

33 a. 
interdictum^ 37. 16 : 102 b. 

iudicia . . . deliberationes 
. . . laudationes, 31. 7 : 
83 a. 

ius verrinum, 23. i : 63 a. 

laetitia, 20. 9 : 54 a. 
lascivia, 26. 7 : 7 1 a. 
latus clavus, 7. 2 : 15 b. 
lenocinari, 6. 24 : 15 a. 
libare, 31. 32 : 86 a. 
libelli, 9. 18: 21 b. 
liber, 12. 24 : 30 a. 
liberti, 7. 7 : 16 a. 
loci, 31. 27 : 85 a. 
locuples reus, 5. 7 : 9 b. 
locus, 19. 15 : 51 b. 
Indicrae artes, 10. 21 : 24 b. 
lumen, 22. 13: 61 b. 

manifestns est, 16. 11 : 38 b. 
mansurus, 9. 22 : 22a. 
maturare, 8. 12 : 7 a. 
maturitas, 26. 3 : 70 a. 
meditatio, 33. 18 : 91 a. 
mereri, 31. 23 : 84 b. 
mos antiqnus, 28. 7 : 75 a. 
mox, io. 35 : 25 b. 

narratio, 19. 11 : 51 a. 
necessitudo, 10. 30 : 25 a. 

nedum ut, 10. 5 : 23 a. 
negotia (of actions at law), 

38. 9: 106 b. 
negotium sibi importare, 3. 

20 : 8 a. 
nempe enim, 85. 12: 96 a. 
non qnia, 37. 27 : 103 a. 
notitia, 5. 19: 11 a. 
numeri, 1. 17 : ^a. 
numerosus, 25. 18 : 68 b. 

oblectare otinm, 10. 12 : 

23 b. 
odorari, 19. 15 : 51 b. 
officinm, 6. 7 : 13 a. 
opinio, 10. I : 22 b. 
opus esse . . . nt, 31. 2 : 

82 a. 
orator, 1. 4: i a. 
orbitas, 6. 6 : i^a. 
otiosus, 18. 24 : 48 b. 

paenula^ 39. 3 : 107 b. 
pallens fama, 13. 20 : 33 a. 
pectus implere,31. 4: 82 b. 
pensare, 40. 25 : 1 1 2 a. 
pensi habere, 29. 5 : 77 b. 
periclitari, 5. 22 : 11 b. 
perorare, 38. 4 : 105 b. 
perquam, 16. 27 : 40 a. 
perstringere, 27. 8 : 74 a. 
planitas, 23. 24 : 65 b. 
PUmasm, Introd. p. Ix. 
plerique, 2. 10 : 5 b. 
plemmque, 6. 8 : 13 b. 
porro, 5. 7 : 9 b. 
potentes, 2. 2 : 4 a. 
pressus, 18. 20 : 47 b. 
principes liberi, 28. 24: 

76 b. 
proeliator, 37. 32. 

quandoque, 13. 24 : 33 b. 
quatenus, 5. 11 : loa. 
quominus, 34. 12 : 93 a. 
quoque (for etiam), 6. 19 : 
14 b. 

recitationes, 10. 4 : 23 a. 

rhetores, 30. 4 : 79 b. 
rota Fortunae, 23. i : 63 a. 
rubor, 37. i ; 101 a. 

saltare, 26. 10: ^i-a. 
salntantes, 11. 13 : 27 b. 
sanguinans, 12. 9 : 28 b. 
sanguis, 21. 34 : 59 b. 
sanitas, 25. 20 : 69 b. 
scholastici, 26. 30: 72 a. 
scurrilitas, 21. 24 : 63 a. 
sensus, sententia, 20. 16 : 

54 b- 
sic quasi, 13. 8: 31 a. 

sic quoque, 41. i : 112 b. 

sine dubio, 40. 22 : 11 1 b. 

solutns, 18. 25 : 48 b. 

sordes verborum, 21. 16 : 

57 b. 
statim, 18. 15 : 47 a. 
statio, 17. 14 : 42 a. 
statnm tueri, 11. 16 : 27 b. 
stndere, 21. 30 : 59 b. 
snasoriae, 35. 13: 96 a. 
substantia facultatum, 8. 

15: 19 a. 
SynmymSf Introd. p. li. 

tabularia, 39. 5. 
tamqnam, 2. 2 : 4 a. 
tepor, 21. 26 : 59 a. 
tinnitus, 26. 4 : 70 a. 
togati, 6. 14: I3b. 
tnnicatus populus, 7. 16 : 
17 a. 

uniformis, 32. 2 : 86 b. 
unns de populo, 21. 3 : 56 a. 
nnus et alter, 2iO. 6 : 56 b. 
uti auribus, 40. 5 : 1 10 a. 
utique, 18. 21 : 48 a. 
utrumne, 35. 6 : 96 a. 

vates, 9. 9 : 20 b. 
veritas, 40. 10 : 11 1 a. 

Zeugma^ Introd. p. Ix. 


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