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Full text of "First lessons in botany and vegetable physiology"

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INSCBIPTIONS OF ASOEA. 



PLATE XXXI. 




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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



Vol. I. 



INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 



PREPARED BY 

ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM, C.S.I., 

MAJOR-GBNBRAL, ROYAL ENGINEERS^ BENGAL, RETIRED; 

DIRECTOR-GENERAL OP THE ARCHAOLOGICAL SURVEY OP INDIA; 

HONORARY MEMBER OP THE BENGAL ASIATIC SOCIETY; 

MEMBER OP THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE, 

AND THE NUMISMATIC SOCIETY OP LONDON; 

CORRESPONDING MEMBER OP THE ORIENTAL SOCIETY OP GERMANY, . 

THE IMPERIAL ACADEMY OP SCIENCES OP BERLIN, 

AND THE ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF BBRLiN. 



" In the scarcity of authentic materials for the ancient, and even for the modern history of India, importance is justly 
attached to all genuine monuments, and especially to inscHptions on stone and metal."— C(?/^6ro(?Vs Essays, 11, 213. 



CALCUTTA: 
OFFICE OF THE SUPERINTENDE^fT OF GOVERNMENT 1»RINTING. 

1879. 



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Arc t^t>'9'^^ ' ^ ^ 



Sanskrit Dept Library, 



ijfi 




KO, 



r 



CALCUTTA : 

PBIKTBJ) BY THE SFPEKINTSKDENT OF GOT£BNM£NT FUINTl>e> 

8, UASTIKGS STREET. 



\ ' 



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CONTENTS. 



H 



PfiBFACI . . . . 

General Accoant of the Inscriptions 



l.-ROCK INSCRIPTIONS. 



1. ^hahb&z-garbi Rock, Great Inscription of Asoka 
2.— KhAlsi Rock „ „ 

8.— Gim&r Rock „ „ 

4. — ^Dbauli Rock „ „ 

5. — Jaagada Rock „ ,, 

6—7. — ^Two Separate Edicts on Dhanli and Jaugada Rocks 
8.— Sahasar^m Rock, dated Edict 
9.— Rnpn&th Rock „ 

10.— Bairit Rock „ 

11.— Second Bair&t Rock 

12. — Khandagiri Rock 

13.—Deotek Slab 



Pa.01 

1 



8 
12 
14 
15 
17 
20 
20 
21 
22 
24 
27 
28 



1— 3.— BarAbar Caves 
4—6. — NAg&rjnni Caves 
7 — 15.— Ehandagiri Caves 
16 — 17.— R&mgarh Caves 



2.-€AVE INSCRIPTIONS. 



30 
31 
32 
33 



3.-PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS. 



1.— Delhi Pillar from Siw&lik (Firuz Shah's IM) 
2.— Delhi PiUar from Mirat 
3.-Allahabad Pillar .... 
4. — Laorija Arar^ Pillar (Radhia) 
5. — ^Lanriya Navandgarh Pillar (Mathia) 
6— 7.— Two additional Edicts on the Delhi Siw&lik Pillar 
8.— The Queen 8 Edict on the Allahabad Pillar 
9.— The Eos&mbi Edict on „ „ 

10.— The S&nohi Pillar .... 



37 
37 
39 
41 
38 



42 



f^ 



Part XL— LANGUAGE AND ALPHABET. 



1. — Langpuage of the Inscriptions 
Alphabetical Characters 



43 

49 



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L 



11 



CONTENTS. 



Part III.— TBXTS. 



1.— ROCK INSCRIPTIONS. 



At Slialib&z- garhi, KMIsi, Giro&r, Dhauli and Jaugada 

First Separate Edict — Dhauli and Jangada 

Second Separate Edict „ » . . 

Sahasarftm, dated Inscription 

Rnpnftth ,> ... 

BairUt „ ... 

Second Bair&t Rock .... 

Khandagiri Rock .... 

DeotekSlab ..... 



2.-CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. 



At Bar^bar and N&g&rjnni 

At Khandagiri 

At R4mgarh in Sirgnja 



65 
89 
92 
94 
95 
96 
97 
98 
102 



103 
104 
105 



r 



3.— PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS. 



At Delhi, Allahabad, Lanriya Arar^, and Lauriya Navandgarh 
Edict VII on Delhi Pillar ..... 
Edict Vni on Delhi Pillar ..... 
Allahabad Pillar Separate Edict .... 

S&nchi Pillar ....... 



106 
114 
115 
116 
116 



Part IV.—TRANSLATIONS. 



l.-ROCK INSCRIPTIONS. 



Shahbftz-garhi, Kh&lsi, GimAr, Dhanli, and Jangada 
First Separate Edict, Dhauli and Jaugada 
Second Separate Edict „ , 

Sahasar&m, dated Inscription . 
Rupn&th „ 

Second Bair&t Rock 
Khandagiri Rock , 

Deotek Slab . 



2.— CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. 



6ar4bar and N4g&rjuni 

Udayagiri 

RAmgarh in Sirgnja (not translated) 



117 
127 
129 
130 
131 
131 
132 



134 
135 



3.— PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS. 



Delhi, Allahabad, Lauriya Arar&j, and Lanriya Navandgarh 
Edict VII on Delhi Pillar .... 
Edict VIII on „ • . . . 
Allahabad Pillar Separate Edict 
SAnchi Pillar 



137 
139 
139 
140 
141 



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CONTJINTS. iii 

PLATES. 



No. 



I. — Shahbaz-oabhi Rock, Front or East Face Inscription. 
n. — „ „ Back or West „ „ 

III.~Khal8I Boce, Front or East Face Inscription. 
IV. — „ „ Side or Sonth „ „ 

v.— GiBjTAB Book, Edicts 1 to 5. 
VI.— „ „ „ 6 to 11. 

VIL- „ „ „ 12,13,14. 

VIII.— Dhauu Rook, First Separate Edict 
IX.— „ „ Edicts 1 to 6. 

X.— „ „ *t 7 to 10 and 14, and Second Separate Edict. 

XI.— JiuaAPA Rook, Edicts 1 to 5. 
Xn.— „ „ „ 6 to 10 and 14 

Xin.— „ „ Two Separate Edicts. 

XIV.— Sahasabam, Rttpnath, and Baibat Inscriptions. 

XV.—Baibat, Ramoabh, and Diotbk „ 

XVI. — Ba&abab and Nagabjithi Cayb „ 

XVn.— Ehakdagisi Rook and Khakdagibi Catb Inscriptions. 
XVni.— Dblhi Siwalik Fillab, Edicts 1 to 4. 
XIX.— „ „ „ „ 5to7. 

XX. — „ „ „ Inscriptions round the Pillar, Sftnchi Pillar. 

XXI.— Dblhi Mibat Pillab, Edicts 2, 3, 4, 6. 

XXII.— Allahabad Pillab, collected Edicts, Queen's Edict, and Eas&mbi Edict 
XXIII.— Laubiya Ababaj Pillab, Edicts 1 to 4. 
XXIV.— „ „ „ „ 6 and 6. 

XXV.— Laubita Natakdgabh Pillab, Edicts 1 to 4. 
XXVI.— „ „ „ „ 5 and 6. 

XXVII.— Alphabbts of the Inscbiptions Ariano-P&li and Indo-P&li. 
XXVIII.— Obigik of the Indian Alphabbt. 
XXIX.— ViBws of the Inscbibbd Rocks. 

XXX.— ASOKA PiLLABS. 

XXXI.— Map of India under Asoka, showing the sites of his Inscriptions* 



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PREFACE. 



THE object of the present work is to bring together, in a few handy and acces- 
sible volumes, all the ancient inscriptions of India which now lie scattered about 
in the journals of our different Asiatic Societies. As some of these publications are 
very costly, and at the same time not easy to procure, the present publication will 
be the means of placing in the hands of all scholars, who are interested in the 
history and antiquities of India, a complete collection of authentic copies of all 
those precious records on stone and copper which have been discovered up to the 
present time. 

As fresh discoveries are constantly being made, it would now be almost useless to 
draw up any details of the contents of future volumes. But as the accessions of old 
inscriptions are comparatively few, I think it not premature to announce that the 
first three volumes will contain three distinct series of inscriptions, named respec- 
tively after the persons or periods to which they belong. The names and contents 
of these volumes will be as follow : — 

Vol. I. — Inscriptions of Asoka on Rocks and Pillars. 
„ II. — Inscriptions of the Indo-Scythians, and of the Satraps of Surashtra. 
„ III. — Inscriptions of the Guptas, and of other contemporary dynasties of N. India. 

The present volume contains the Inscriptions of Asoka. The gathering together 
of revised and authentic copies of these important records in a single volume has 
long been wanted for the purpose of collation and of re-translation by competent 
scholars.^ This want will, I hope, be met by the collection which I now present to 
the public. No effort has been spared to render it complete, and at the same time 
to present the most perfect and authentic copy of each inscription that can now be 
made. To secure the latter important object, the whole of the inscribed rocks and 
pillars, as well as the caves, have been visited, either by myself or by my zealous 
assistant, Mr. J. D. Beglar. I have myself visited all the pillars and most of the 
caves, as well as the rocks of Sh&b&z-garhi, KhMsi, Bair&t, RupnS.th and Sahasarfim, 
and Mr. Beglar has visited the Dhauli and Jaugada rocks and the Rlbmgarh caves 
in Sirguja. 

The original impressions have been carefully reduced, under my personal 
superintendence, by my draughtsman, Babu Jamna Shankar Bhat, who has a very 
correct eye, and is now conversant with the true shapes of these ancient characters. 
Every doubtfiil letter was brought to notice and jointly scrutinised and compared 
with photographs and former transcripts. Every single letter of the reduced 

> " These interesting monuments which, in spite of the investigations of Prinsep, Wilson, Burnouf , and others, 
still remain incompletely translated." — Edwin Norris, M.S. Note. 



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U , PEEFACE. 

pencilled copy was then examined by myself while transcribing the different texts into 
Roman characters ; and, lastly, the pencilled letters were all inked in by my own 
hand, so as to ensure the requisite accuracy in the shapes of the ancient characters. 
As the plates now published are mechanical copies by photozincography of my 
originals, any errors that exist must be solely due to my own oversight. That some 
remain I have no doubt ; but I can truly say that I have done my best to make the 
present copies as perfect as possible. 

Of the Khandagiri Inscription I possess several large photographs, taken from a 
plaster cast of the original made by Mr. H. H. Locke. 

Of the Girn&r Inscription I have had the use of the Bengal Asiatic Society's 
impression, taken by Sir Legrand Jacob in 1838 for James Prinsep, as well as a 
separate copy of the 13th Edict examined by the General himself. These have been 
carefully compared with Norris' excellent lithograph, prepared by himself from an 
impression forwarded to the Royal Asiatic Society by Sir Legrand Jacob. I have 
detected a few small differences, of which the chief is the occurrence of the com- 
pound letter my, which has been copied in the lithograph as mn^ and read in the 
transcript as a simple m. The same compound is employed in the Jaugada text, 
where it is more clearly formed after the beautiful exemplars of the pillar inscrip- 
tions. This compound is used in the 9th and 11th Edicts in the word Samyapatipati. 
I may mention also that the name of ^dristika does not occur in the 5th Edict. 
The first syllable belongs to the previous name Oandhdrdndm^ and the curtailed 
name is correctly JRdshtika, which is one of the known appellations of Surashtra. 

The Shdbaz-garhi version of the edicts is particularly valuable, from being 
written in the Ariano-Pali character, which possesses all the three sibilants of 
Sanskrit, and also approaches nearer to Sanskrit in the use of the sub- joined r as in the 
name of Priyadarai. But it is of special value in giving certainty to many doubtful 
readings of the Indian PS^li texts, as in the case of similar Indian letters, such as p^ 
hy and *, which are easily mistaken for one another in a mutilated inscription, but 
which in the Ariano-P&li alphabet are widely different in form. 

In Pakt I I have given a general account of the sites and dimensions and 
present condition of all the inscribed rocks, caves and pillars, which is illustrated 
by a map showing the exact position of each inscription. Then follows a detailed 
account of the inscriptions, which are naturally divided into three classes according 
to the positions which they occupy, whether on rocks, caves or pillars. I have here 
added a few notices of any peculiarities or marked differences of reading which I 
have observed during my examination of the texts. An attempt has also been 
made to fix the date of each separate inscription. 

Part II deals with the language and alphabets of the edicts. With respect 
to the first, I have confined myself to extracts from Prinsep and Wilson, to show in 
what degree it approaches the PMi of the Buddhist books of Burma and Ceylon. 
But the subject of the alphabetical characters is treated at much greater length. 
I have given a plate of the two alphabets side by side, containing three speci- 
mens of each, to show the changes that took place in some of the letters between 
the times of Asoka and Kanishka. With regard to the Indian P&li alphabet, I have 
ventured to claim for it a local origin quite independent of all other alphabets. If 



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PREFACE. iii 

my views be correct, the alphabetical characters of India must hare passed through 
a pictorial stage of writing, similar to that of the early Egyptian hieroglyphs. It 
is true that no specimens of this kind of writing have yet heen found in India, but 
it is quite possible that some may stiQ exist, although they have hitherto escaped 
notice. I have myself published one early specimen of writing on a seal which was 
found in the Panj&b. The only difficulty about such a small and easily-transport- 
able article as a seal is the possibility that it may have been imported from the west. 
But opposed to this objection is the strong fact that the cuneiform alphabets of the 
countries to the west of the Indus, which are now known to us, offer no affinities 
whatever with the characters of the seal. 

In Pabt III I have arranged the texts of aU the inscriptions in Roman 
characters, one under the other, for ready reference and comparison. The readings are 
my own, made from my new copies of the inscriptions ; but all the principal varia- 
tions from previous readings are given in the foot-notes of each page. 

Amongst the Hock InscriptionSy the greater portion of the Kh&lsi version and 
the whole of the Jaugada version are now published for the first* time. But the 
most interesting addition is the newly-found dated edict in its three variant texts at 
Sahasar4m, RApn&th, and Bair^t. Por the able readings and translations of these 
important records I am indebted to the friendly pen of Dr. G. Btthler. 

Of the Cave Inacriptiom, only one is absolutely new ; but the whole of them 
have been made from fresh copies and impressions taken by Mr. Beglar and 
myself. 

Similarly, the Pillar Inscriptions have all been made from fresh impressions 
taken by myself. There are no less than five different texts, all of which were 
known to Prinsep. There are comparatively few variations in the pillar readings, as 
the characters are all of the same size and very symmetrically formed, and, where 
not injured by the abrasion of the stone, are particularly distinct and legible. The 
only difference in my reading that is worthy of special notice is in the last paragraph 
of the long edict engraved around the Delhi Pillar, in which I find the word Sila^ 
phalakdni, " stone tablets,'* instead of Prinsep's Siladharika. 

In Part IV I have collected together all the translations of Asoka's Inscrip- 
tions which were published by Prinsep, Wilson, and Bumouf . Where there is 
more than one translation available, I have placed the two versions side by side for 
ready reference. 

As the Asoka Inscriptions are exclusively Buddhistical, I take this oppor- 
tunity to make a few observations on the Buddhist era of the Nirvana. According 
to the Pali books of Ceylon and Burma, Buddha's death took place in 644 B. C, a 
modest amount of antiquity which would no doubt have met with general accept- 
ance had not the same chronicles assigned A. B. 162 for the accession of Chandra 
Gupta Maxirya, and A. B. 218 for the inauguration of his grandson Asoka.^ Now 
the dates of these two Princes can be fixed within very narrow limits, the first 
having been identified by Sir William Jones with Sandrokoptus, the ally of Seleukus 
Nikator, and the second having furnished his own date by the mention of no less 

^A. B. stands for Anno Buddh», ''In the year of Buddha." 



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iv PREFACE. 

than five Greek Princes who were his contemporaries. The date of Chandra Gupta's 
accession, therefore, is now assigned to B. C. 316, and consequently Asoka's inaug- 
uration will thus fall in B. C. 260, and his accession, which took place four 
years earlier, in B. C 264. Bat if the Nirv&na occurred in B. C. 544, the date of 
Chandra Gupta's accession in A. B. 162 would be raised to 382 B. C, or 66 years 
too early, while the accession of Asoka would be placed in B. C. 330, just 66 years 
before Antiochus II succeeded to the throne of Syria, and 68 years before his con- 
temporary Alexander II succeeded to the throne of Epirus. It seems certain, there- 
fore, that there is an error of about 66 years in these two dates ; and as the succession 
of Buddhist teachers from the death of Buddha to the time of Asoka is natural 
and imbroken, while the succession of the Ceylonese Rajas in the same period is 
equally unobjectionable, the same correction must be applied to the date of the 
Nirv&n itself, which will thus be brought down from B. C. 644 to B. C. 478. 

But here it may be urged that, if the accession of Vijaya to the throne of Ceylon 
be lowered by 66 years, the whole of the later Ceylonese chronology will be dis- 
turbed to the same amount. But in reply I am prepared to point to a fault of 
disruption in the later strata of Ceylonese chronology which requires about the 
same amount of correction to make it straight. This period embraces the reigns of 
Mutasiwa and his nine sons, that is, of two generations only^ who are said to have 
ruled over Ceylon from A. B. 176 to A. B. 338, or for the incredible period of 162 
years. But as the longest period yet covered by two successive generations has very 
rarely exceeded one hundred years, while the average period of the six longest 
pairs known to me is only 96§ years, it is quite clear that there must be an error in 
the duration of these ten reigns of about 66 years.^ By applying this correction to 
the date of Mutasiwa, we get A. B. 176 — 478 = 302 B. C. for his accession, which 
would make his second son, Devenipiatissa, a contemporary of Asoka, in perfect agree- 
ment with the Ceylonese history itself. 

This later date for the Nirv&na of Buddha was first proposed by me in 1852,* 
as a result of the correction which was foimd to be necessary in the dates of Asoka 
and Chandra Gupta on the testimony of their Greek contemporaries. I have since 
added the almost equally strong evidence of the Ceylonese history itself, which, as 
I have shown above, requires an equal amount of correction in the very period con- 
temporary with Asoka. I will now give a third reason for the adoption of this later 
date, which bears directly on the age of Buddha himself. 

According to the Jains, the chief disciple of their Tirthankar Mahdvira was 
named Oautama Swdmi,^ or Ootama Indrabhutiy^ whose identity with Gotama 
Buddha, the founder of the Buddhist religion, was suggested by both Dr. Hamilton 
and Major Delamaine, and was accepted as highly probable by the cautious and 



* The longest pairs of reigns, of father and son, known to me are the following : Henry III and Edward I 
reigned 91 years; Lonis XIII and Lonis XIV reigned 106 years. Two Chalukya R^as are said to have reigned 102 
years ; two Rajas of Bikaner 100 years ; two Rajas of Kashmir 86 years ; and two R^as of Handur 96 years. These 
six pairs give an average of nearly 97 years per pair, which, applied to the Ceylonese chronology, would show an error 
of 65 years. 

* See Bhilsa Topes, p. 74, and Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, 1854, p. 704. 
» Ward's Hindus, II, 247, a»<£ Colebrooke's Essays, II, 279. 

^ Stevenson's Kalpa Sutra, p. 92. 



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PREPAGE. V 

judicious Colebrooke. His clear statement of the case raises this probability almost 
to certainty.^ 

'^ In the Kalpa Sfttra and in other books of the Jainas, the first of Mah&vira's disciples is men- 
tioned under the name of IndrabhAti, but in the inscription under that of Gautama Sw&ml The 
names of the other ten precisely agree ; whence it is to be concluded, the Gautama, first of one list, 
is the same with Indrabhftti, first of the other. 

" It is certainly probable, as remarked by Dr. Hamilton and Major Delamaine, that the Gautama 
of the Jainas and of the Buddhas is the same personage, and this leads to the further surmise 
that both these sects are branches of one stock. According to the Jainas, only one of Mah&vira's 
eleven disciples left spiritual successors, that is, the entire succession of Jaina priests is derived 
from one individual, Sudharma Sw&mi. Two only out of eleven survived Mahftvtra, viz.^ Indra- 
bhiiti and Sudharma : the first, identified with Grautama Swimi, has no spiritual successors in the 
Jaina sect. The proper inference seems to be that the followers of this surviving disciple are not 
of the sect of Jaina, rather than that there have been none. Gautama's followers constitute the 
sect of Buddha, with tenets in many respects analogous to those of the Jainas, or followers of 
Sudharma, but with a mythology or fabulous history of deified saints quite different. Both have 
adopted the Hindu Pantheon, or assemblage of subordinate deities ; both disclaim the authority of 
the Vedas ; and both elevate their pre-eminent saints to divine supremacy. '' 

Now, if we admit the identity of Ootama Swdmi, the chief disciple of Mah&yira, 
with Gotama Buddha^ the founder of the Buddhist religion, the date of the Nirv&na 
of Buddha can be determined within one or two years with absolute certainty by 
the following facts : — 

(1) Mah&vira, the last Jaina Tirthankara, died in B. C. 527, according to the 
concurrent testimony of the Jains in all parts of India. 

(2) If Gotama Buddha was Mah&vira's disciple, his term of pupilage must have 
been during the short period of his early monastic life, before he began his long 
abstraction under the Bodhi tree at Uruvilwa^ or Bodh Gaya. 

(3) Prince Siddh&rtha was 29 years old when he left his father's house to become 
an ascetic, and 80 years of age when he died in B. C. 478. He would, therefore, have 
joined Mah&vira in B. C. 478 + 61 = 629 B. C, just two years before that teacher's 
death, B. C. 527. His stay with the Jaina teacher could not, therefore, have been 
more than two years complete. This would place his birth 31 complete years before 
B. C. 527, or in B. C. 568, and his death 49 complete years after B. C. 627, or in 
B. C. 478. 

Now it will be remembered that I was fortunate enough to discover at (Jaya 
a Sanskrit inscription dated in the year 1813 of the Nirv&na of Buddha, on JFednes^ 
day, the first of the waning moon of K&rttika.* Here the week day being given, 
we have a crucial test for determining whether the Northern Buddhists reckoned 
the date of the Nirv&na from B. C. 644, in accordance with the Ceylonese 
calendar, or whether they had a separate and independent chronology of their own. 
According to the former reckoning, the date of the inscription would be 1813 less 
644 or A. D 1269, in which year the 1st of Edrttika badi fell on Sunday, the 27th 
October. But by adopting my proposed correction of 66 years, the date of the 

1 Colebrooke's Essays, Vol. II, p. 276. 

^ Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. I, p. 1. I then read the date as 1819, and so it was read by learned men 
in Bengal ; but the publication of the nnmerals preserved in the old manusciipts of Nepal shqirs that the unit figure is 
beyond all doubt a 3. 



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VI PEEFA.CB. 

inscription will fall on the 4th October 1335 A. D., which- day was Wednesday, as 
stated in the inscription. 

The date of Chandra Gupta's accession offers another means of ascertaining, 
within very narrow limits, the true era of the Nirv&na. Dr. Buhler has already 
pointed out that " the two outside termini for the beginning of Chandra Gupta's 
reign are B. C. 321 on the one side, and B. C. 310 on the other."^ As Chandra 
Gupta's accession is placed 162 complete years after the Nirv&na, the limiting 
dates for the death of Buddha will be 321 plus 162, or B. C. 483, and 310 plus 
162, or B. C. 472. Now, within these limits there are only three years, which, 
taken as a starting point, will give Wednesday for Kdrttik badi 1 in A. B. 1813. 
These three years are B. C. 319, 316, and 309.* The last is certainly too late, as it 
would place Asoka's accession in 257 B. C, his inauguration in 253, and his con- 
version to Buddhism in 250. But his treaties with the Greek Kings, which 
followed his conversion, must have been made before the death of Alexander II of 
Epirus in B. C. 254, even if we admit that they were drawn up in ignorance of the 
death of Magas in B. C. 258. In these inscriptions also we find mention of the 10th 
and 12th years of Asoka's reign, which, if we take the year 309 for the accession of 
Chandra Gupta, would fall in B. C. 242 and 240, which is quite impossible, as 
Antiochus Theos died early in B. C. 246. It is certain, therefore, that the 12th year 
of Asoka must be placed before B. C. 246. We have thus only two years left 
which will suit the respective requirements of Asoka's history and the week-day of 
the Gaya inscription. These two are 316 and 319 B. C. for the accession of Chandra 
Gupta, which will give the following dates for Asoka : — 

Accession ... ... ... B. C. 267 or 264. 

Inanguration 

Conversion ... ... 

10th year 
12th year 

Each of these dates seems unexceptionable so far as Asoka's own history is 
concerned. But I feel a preference for the later date of B. C. 316 for the following 
reason: — In another place I have suggested that the Kanwdyanaa or Kanwa- 
dynasty of the Pur&nas, were most probably the Indo-Scythian Turushkas of Northern 
India, and that the period of their rule should be corrected from 346 or 46 years, 
to 145 years.® Accepting this suggestion as not improbable, the period of the 
Kanwas' rule must be backwards from 79 A. D., which would place their accession 
in B. C. 67. By adding 112 years to this date we get B. C. 179 for the accession of 
the Sungasy and by adding 137 more years we get B. C. 316 for the accession of 
Chandra Gupta Maurya. 

Regarding Asoka's own reign there is now no doubt that it extended to 41 
years altogether, the shorter period of 37 years, as stated in the Mah&wanso, being 

' Indian Antiquary, 1877, p. 164. 

' I have made the calculations myself for every year from A. D. 1329 to 1344, corresponding to Chandra Gupta'a 
date from B. C. 321 to 306, 

' Objection has been taken to the longer period of 345 years as being impossible ; but the objectors, who have 
all adopted the lesser periSd of 45 years, have failed to see that their smaller number is equally impossible for 
four generations. 



263 or 260 1st year, 
260 or 267. 
254 or 251. 
252 or 249. 



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PEEFACB. 



VI 



thei)fficial reckoning from the date of his inauguration or abhisheka. That this 
was the initial point of the years of his recognized reign is made quite certain by 
the statements of the Mah&wanso regarding Mahindo. Thus Mahindo is said to 
have been ordained a priest in the 6th year of Asoka, and to have proceeded to 
Ceylon after he had been twelve years a priest, when 236 years had passed since the 
Nirv&na of Buddha, and in the 18th year of Asoka's reign. As the inauguration 
took place when 218 years had elapsed, this reckoning of 236 years as his 18th 
year shows that his recognized official reign was counted from his abhisheka or corona- 
tion, which did not take place until four years after his actual accession. The fol- 
lowing table gives all the principal dates of Asoka's reign : — 



B. C. 




A,B. 


Begnal 
jean. 


478 


Nirvftna of Buddha S&kya Muni 


1 




316 


Chandea Gupta Maury a, 24 years 


163 


• •• 


292 


Bin DDU8AEA, 28 years ... ... 


187 


... 


277 1 


„ Asoka, Governor of Ujaiu 


203 


M* 


276 


„ birth of Mahindo* 


204 


... 


. 264 


Asoka, struggle with brothers, 4 years ... 


215 


•M 


260 


„ inauguration 


219 


1 


267 


„ conversion to Buddhism 


222 


4 


256 


„ treaty with Antiochus 


223 


5 


255 


„ Mahindo ordained ... ... ... -s 


224 


6 


251 


„ earliest date of Bock^edicta ••• 


228 


10 


249 


„ second „ 


230 


12 


248 


„ Arsakes rebels in Parthia 


231 


13 


246 


„ Diodotus rebels in Bactria ... ^ 


233 


15 


244 


„ Third Synod under Mogaliputra ... ^ 


235 


17 


243 


„ Mahindo goes to Ceylon ... ... ... ... 

„ Bar&bar Cave Inscriptions 


236 


19 


242 


237 


19 


234 


„ Pillar edicts issued^. ... ^ ... ... ^ 


245 


27 


231 


„ Queen Asandhimitta dies 


248 


30 


228 


„ Second Queen married ... ... ... ... ^ 


251 


33 


226 


., Her attempt to destroy the Bodhi tree ... ^ 


263 


35 


225 


„ becomes an ascetic 


254 


36 


224 




255 


37 


223 


„ dies ... ^. 


256 


38 


215 


Das abatha's Cave Inscriptions, Nagarjuni 


264 


... 



• This dftto is derired from ihe statement of the Mih&wanso that Mahindo was 20 years of age at his ordination. Bat the Bormese Life of 
Buddha makes him only 18 years old, and oonsistently states that Asoka ruled at Ujain for 9 years, which would place Mahindo's birth just two 
years later than giren abore, or in B. C. 274. 

In the foregoing argument I have confined myself to the chronology of the 
southern Buddhists of Ceylon, I will now attempt to show that the discrepancy 
which exists between their date of the Nirv&na and that of the northern Buddhists 
may be reconciled by adopting the correction of 66 years which I have proposed 
for the Ceylonese date. 

In the Asoka Avaddna of the northern Buddhists, a prediction is attributed 
to Buddha that 100 years after his Nirv&na there would be a king of Pfibtaliputra 
named Asoka, who would distribute his relics.^ The same period of 100 years is 
also mentioned by the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang.* But in another Buddhist 
work, the Avaddna Sataka, the date of Asoka's accession to the throne of P&taliputra 
is stated at 200 years after the Nirv&na of Buddha. This is not, of course, the exact 

' Bamouf , Introductioii a 1' Historie du Buddhism Indien, p. 370. 
» Julien's Hwen Thsang, II., 170. 



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TIU PEEFACE. 

period elapsed, but only the nearest round number, which is therefore in strict 
accordance with the interval of 214 years assigned by the southern Buddhists. 

But a still nearer approach to perfect agreement may be obtained by adopting 
the extra ten years of the Tibetan and Mongolian reckonings, which place Asoka 
110 years after the Nirv&na.^ The corrected northern date for Asoka, according 
to the Avad&na Sataka, will then be 210 years after Buddha's death, which is the 
nearest decimal round number to the southern period of 214 years. That the 
period of 200 years given by the Avad&na Sataka is the correct one may be shown 
from the northern chronology itself. Thus Hwen Thsang repeatedly mentions 
that Kanishka ascended the throne 400 years after the Nirv&na of Buddha.* 
According to the Tibetan books this interval was " more than 400 years."^ Here 
then we see that the northern Buddhists, who had two different dates for Asoka, 
were unanimous in placing the Nirv&na of Buddha at 400 years or more before 
the time of Kanishka. Now, the age of Kanishka can be fixed with some 
certainty by the dates of the B/Oman silver coins that were extracted by General 
Court from a stupa at M&nikyala which was built during Kanishka's reigir. The 
latest of these is one of Marcus Antonius the Triumvir, which cannot be older than 
B. C. 43, when the famous triumvirate was formed. A period of uptoards of 400 
years reckoned back from this time would agree very well with the corrected date 
of B. C. 478, which I have proposed as the probable era of the Nirvltna according 
to the northern Buddhists. 

If this date be accepted, some explanation is required regarding the two dis- 
crepant dates assigned to Asoka by the northern Buddhists. The only explanation 
that I can suggest is, that at some very early period a diflference of 100 years in the 
age of Asoka had been established, which it was found impossible to reconcile. 
Afterwards, when Buddha Ghosa, or his predecessors, arranged the southern 
chronology, the discrepancy was forcibly reconciled by accepting two Asokas, the 
first being placed exactly 100 years after the Nirvd^na, and the other upwards of 
100 years later, or more than 200 years after the Nirv&na. 

Whether this explanation be true or not, it at least has the merit of getting 
rid of the second synod under the fabulous Kalasoka, as well as of bringing the 
two confiicting chronologies of the northern and southern Buddhists into perfect 
harmony with each other. 

I am aware that Professor Kern has published a special essay on the era of the 
Nirv&na of Buddha, which he refers to B. 0. 388.* This date he obtains by raising 
the year of Asoka's accession from B. C. 263 to 270, and by taking the interval 
between it and the death of Buddha as 100 years, according to one of the two 
reckonings of the northern Buddhists. He thus gets B. C. 380 (it should be 370) 
for the date of Nirv&na, and then remarks that this date approaches so near to 
388 B. C, the year in which Mah&vira is said to have died, that " it is difficult to 

> Sanang-Seteen, as quoted in Fo-kwe-ki, p. 249, and Csoma de-KorOs in Asiatic Researches, XX, 297. 
« Julien's Hwen Thsang, I., 96 ; II., 106, 107, 172. 
■ Csoma de-K(5r<58 in Asiatic Researches, XX, 297. 

* See Dr. J. Muir's summary of Dr. Kem's dissertation " on the Era of Bijddha and the Asoka Inscriptions," in the 
Indian Antiquary, 1874, p. 79. 



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PREFACE. ix 

think the coincidenoe can be accidental." He accordingly adds eight years more 
to the interval, by which he gets 118 years, the period elapsed between the 
death of Buddha and the accession of Asoka, which he takes to have been 
«* the oldest Ceylonese tradition," instead of the 218 years as recorded in all their 
books. 

I need hardly say that I dissent from this conclusion altogether, as it ignores, 
not only the existence of my Gaya Inscription with its Nirvltna date of 1813, but 
also the northern reckoning of 200 years for the interval between Buddha and 
Asoka, as recorded in the Avad&na Sataka. The first gives us an actual date in 
tiie reckoning of the northern Buddhists, and as it adds the week-day, Wednesday, 
it offers a ready means of testing the accuracy of any proposed date. Now, the 
year 478 B. C, which I have proposed, has stood this test, and is moreover in perfect 
accordance with the date assigned to the era of the Nirv&na by one class of the 
northern Buddhists as well as by all the southern Buddhists. According to the 
detailed numbers of the latter, the interval between the death of Buddha and the 
accession of Asoka is 214 years. In the Avad&na Sataka of the northern Buddhists 
this interval is stated as 200 years, which is the nearest roimd number to the 
reckoning of the southern Buddhists. I conclude, accordingly, that the early 
chronology of both the northern and the southern Buddhists was originally the 
same, and that the actual interval between the Nirvana and the accession of Asoka 
was 214 years, as stated in the Ceylonese chronicles. The true date of Buddha's 
death will, therefore, be B. C. 478, or just 66 years later than the date given in the 
Mah&vanso. 

The foregoing discussion regarding the date of Buddha's Nirvltn was written 
just before I had seen the first copy of the Sahasardm inscription. The three 
symbols which form its figured date at once arrested my attention, and I suspected 
^hem to be cyphers ; but the copy of ^the inscription was imperfect in this very part, 
and it was not until I visited Sahasard;m myself, and thus obtained several excellent 
copies of the edict, that I was satisfied that these three characters were real 
numerical symbols. The figure on the left hand I recognized at once as that to 
which I had already assigned the value of 200 in one of the Mathura inscriptions, 
while the value of the middle figure was conclusively determined as 60 by a second 
Mathura inscription, in which the date of Samvat 67 is expressed in words as weU 
as in figures. The value of the imit I at first thought was 6, but on hearing that 
the late Dr. Bhau Dftji had found a somewhat similar figure as a variant form of 2, 
I adopted the latter as its probable value. I was the more ready to adopt this 
value, as it just brought the Sinhalese date of Asoka with respect to Buddha's 
Nirvltna into accordance with the date of the inscription. 

Erom the new inscriptions of Sahasard;m and B/iipn&th, we now gain a complete 
confirmation that the full reign of Asoka extended to 41 years, as it agrees exactly 
with the difference between the two extreme dates of A. B. 216 and 256. The same 
length of reign may also be deduced from the statements of Asoka himself in these 
two inscriptions. Thus the two periods of upwards of 32 years, say 32^, during 
which he did not strenuously exert himself, and of more than one year, say 1^> 
during which he had exerted himself strenuously, amount to 34 years, which 



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X PEEFACE. 

being counted from the date of his conversion to Buddhism^ seyen years after his 
accession, make up a total of 41 years. 

I may add here that the Sahasar&m inscription of Asoka was first brought to 
notice, so long ago as 1839, by Mr. E. L. Ravenshaw, who had received a copy of it 
from Sh&h Kablr-ud-din. It is described as being incised ** on a stone at the summit 
of a hill near Sahasar^im called Chandan Shahid. It is in the ancient character 
of the Allahabad and Bettiah piUars." It was then pronounced to be " so imperfect 
and confused as to baffle Fandit Kamal&k&nta."^ 

* See Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, 1839, p. 354. 



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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKi. 



Part I.— GENERAL ACCOUNT OF THE INSCRIPTIONS. 

The earliest Indian inscriptions that have yet been discovered are the Edicts of 
Asoka. These are of two distinct classes, which are generally known as Rock 
Inscriptions, and Pillar Inscriptions, to which may be added a few Cave Inscrip- 
tions in Bih&r and Orissa. 

The five Boch Inscriptions hitherto known present us with five different texts 
of the same series of edicts which were published by Asoka in the 10th and 12th 
years of his reign, or in 251 and 249 B. C. These five inscribed rocks have been 
found at fax distant places, of which four are on the extreme eastern and western 
borders of India, thus showing the wide extent of Asoka's rule, as well as the 
great care which he took about the promulgation of his edicts in the most remote 
partd of his dominions. 

The five famous rocks on which these edicts are engraved are at the following 
places: — 

No. 1. — At Shdhbdz-ga/rhij in the Sudam valley of the TusMzai district, 40 
miles to the east-north-east of Peshawar, and 25 miles to the north-west of Attak on 
the Indus. Its version of the text in the transliteration is indicated by the 
letter S. 

No. 2. — ^Near Khdlsiy on the west bank of the Jumna, just where it leaves 
the higher range of mountains to pass between the DiinSy or valleys, of Ky&rda 
and Dehra. Its version of the text is indicated by the letter K. 

No. 3. — ^At Oimdvy near Junagarh in KathiS^w^r, 40 miles to the north of 
Somn&th* Its version of the text is distinguished by the letter G. 

No. 4. — ^At Dhauli in Katak, 20 miles to the south of the town of Katak (Cut- 
tack), and the same distance to the north of the famous temple of Jagann&th. 
Its version of the text is marked by the letter D. 

jf o. 6. — ^At Jaugaday in the Ganjam district, 18 miles to the west-north-west 
of the town of Ganjam, and about the same distance to the north-north-west of 
Berhampur. Its version of the text is indicated by the letter J. 

Nos. 6 and 7. — In addition to these five texts of Asoka*s collected series of 
edicts, there are two separate edicts at Dhauli and Jaugada, which agree so closely 
with each other as to form two independent but slightly variant texts of the 
same edicts. As the two separate edicts at Dhauli are addressed to the rulers 
of Tosali, they may be named very appropriately the Tosali Edicts, while those 



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2 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

at Jaugada, being addressed to the rulers of Samdpd^ may, with equal fitness, be 
named the /yaw{^(^ Edicts. 

Of the five inscriptions above noted, three only were known to Prinsep and 
Bumouf, the Khdlai and Jaugada versions having been discovered many years later. 

Within the last three years, also, three new inscriptions have been brought to 
light, which on examination I find to be only slightly variant texts of a single edict ; 
but it is a very important one, as all three texts are dated in an era which I take 
to be that of the Nirv&n of Buddha. These three inscribed rocks are at the follow- 
ing places : — 

No. 8. — ^At Sahasardm, at the extreme north-east end of the Kaimur range 
of hiUs, seventy mUes to the south-east of Benares, and ninety miles to the south- 
west of Patna. This inscription was found by Mr. Davis, and brought to notice by 
Mr. S. 8. Jones, Assistant Magistrate of Sahasarftm. The date was discovered by 
myself. 

No. 9. — At BHpndthy a famous place of pilgrimage, situated at the foot of the 
Eaimur hills, and near the extreme south-west end of the range, and thirty-five miles 
nearly due north from Jabalpur. This inscription was originally discovered by a ser- 
vant of Colonel Ellis, who furnished a very imperfect and quite unreadable copy, which 
I found in a box in the museum of the Bengal Asiatic Society. A meagre endorsement 
in Nfigari letters merely stated that it was found at " BApn&th, in Parganah Salima- 
bad.'* As there is a Salimabad Parganah between Gteya and Mongir, I expected to 
have found this inscription not far from Bihar ; but all search in that neighbourhood 
was in vain. I then directed the attention of my assistant, Mr. Beglar, to Sleeman- 
abad near Jabalpur, which is generally called Salimabad, and near that place he 
discovered the missing inscription. 

No. 10. — ^At Bairdty at the foot of the Bhim-gupha hill, forty-one miles nearly 
due north of Jaypur, and twenty-five miles to the west of Alwar. Baird^t is a very 
old town, which was once famous for its copper mines, and is stiQ widely known by 
its connection with the wanderings of the Pandus. The inscription was discovered 
by my assistant, Mr. Carlleyle. 

The three copies of this new edict are placed together in Plate XIV. 

No. 11. — Also at Bcdrdt. This is the well-known inscription which was dis- 
covered by Captain Burt, and which has had the good fortune to be translated and 
annotated by Burnouf and Wilson. As it is engraved on a detached block of granite, 
the inscription was presented to the Asiatic Society by the Baja of Jaypur, and it 
now graces their museum, in front of the bust of James Prinsep. 

No. 12. — Another rock inscription, of somewhat later date, exists on the 
Khandagiri hill, near Dhauli, in Eatak. Its probable date is about B. 0. 200. It is 
a record of an unknown Raja of Kalinga, named Aira, or Vera, and is generally 
known as the Khandagiri Inscription. 

No. 13. — A stiU later inscription exists on a detached block of stone at Beotek, 
about fifty miles to the south-east of Nagpur. It has been dated, but the year is 
unfortunately lost, and only the names of the season, the fortnight, and the day 
now remain. I do not think that it can be earlier than the beginning of the first 
century B. C. 



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INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA. 3 

The Cave Inscriptions, which now amount to seventeen, are found at four 
different places. Nos. 1, 2, and 3 are in the hill of Bar&bar, and Nos. 4, 6, and 6, 
in the hill of N&gfi^rjuni, both places being about fifteen miles to the north of Graya 
in Bihar ; Nos. 7 to 15 are in the hill of Khandagiri in Katak ; and Nos. 16 and 
17 are in B&mgarh in Sirguja. 

The three inscriptions at Bardhar were discovered by Kittoe after Prinsep's 
death. They belong to the 12th and 19th years of Asoka, or to 249 and 242 B. C, 
and have had the advantage of being translated and criticised by Bumouf • The 
three inscriptions at N%&rjimi, which belong to the reign of Dasaratha, the grand- 
son of Asoka, were translated by Prinsep himself. Their date is B. C. 215. Of the 
nine Khandagiri inscriptions, all but the first, which was discovered by Mr. Beglar, 
were known to James Prinsep. They belong to the reign of Aira or Vera, Raja of 
Orissa, and are of a somewhat later date than the Asoka inscriptions, or about B. C. 
200. The two inscriptions from the E&mgarh hill in Sirguja were first made known 
by Colonel Ouseley, but the copies now given are taken from Mr. Beglar's photo- 
graphs and impressions. One of them has the peculiarity of using the palatal 
sibilant S in the name of the maker of the cave, a Sutnuka named Devadasi. The 
letter I also is used for r in the word lupadakhe for rupadakha = sculpsit. 

The Pillars erected by Asoka would appear to have been very numerous, but 
only a few of them are now known to exist, besides several fine capitals without 
their shafts. But only six of these pillars are inscribed, although the Chinese 
pilgrims make mention of many that bore records of Asoka. One complete pillar, 
with a single lion capital, stands at Bakhra in Tirhut ; but there is no trace whatever 
of any ancient inscription upon it. A second pillar, nearly complete, with an eight- 
lion capital, stands at Latiya, fourteen miles to the south of Gh&zipur ; but it is also 
without any inscription. A broken pillar, which once stood at Bakror opposite Bodh- 
Gaya, and another in the ancient city of Taxila in the PanjAb, are likewise unin- 
scribed. There are also the capitals of six other large pillars still lying at Sankisa, 
Bhilsa, S&nchi and XJdayagiri. All of these I have seen ; but as no portions of their 
shafts could be found, it is impossible to say whether they were inscribed or not. 

The sites of the inscribed pillars, which occupy only a limited area in the very 
heart of Asoka's dominions, extending from the Jumna to the Gandak, present a 
most niarked contrast to the scattered positions of the rock inscriptions on the 
eastern and western frontiers of his kingdom. Six of these inscribed pillars have 
been found, of which five present, in a slightly variant form, the text of a series of 
six edicts that were promulgated by Asoka in the 27th year of his reign, or in B. C. 
234. These five pillars are now standing at the following places, but it is known 
that the two Delhi pillars were brought to their present positions by Eiroz Tughlak 
from Siwfidik and Mirat : — 

No. 1. — ^At Delhi, now known as Piroz Shah's Mt. This pillar was brought 
from a place named Topur Siik, in the SiwSblik coimtry. I propose, therefore, to 
call it the Delhi-Siwdlik pillar for the sake of distinction, and to indicate its version 
of the text by the letters D. S. 

No. 2.— At Delhi. This pillar was brought from Mirat by Piroz Shah. I 
propose, therefore, to call it the Delhi-Mirat pillar, and to distinguish its version of 
the text by the letters D. M. 



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4 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

No. 3. — ^At Allahabad, inside the fort. Its version of the text is distinguished 
by the letter A. 

No. 4. — ^At Lauriyay a small hamlet near the temple of Ararfi,] Mah&deva, 
between Kesariya and Bettia, and seventy-seven miles nearly due north from Patna. 
I have already named this as the Zaurit/a-ArardJ pillar, and I propose now to 
distinguish its version of the text by the letters L. A. 

No. 5. — At Lauriyay a large village fifteen miles to the north-north-west of 
Bettia, and ten miles to the east of the Gandak river. Close beside it there is a lofty 
ruined fort called Nonadgarh or Navandgarh. I therefore called this the Lawny a- 
Navandgarh pillar, and its version of the text will be distinguished by the letters L.N. 
Nos. 6 and 7. — ^The DelhUSiwdlik pillar has two additional edicts which are 
not found on any of the other pillars. No. 6 is placed on the east face below the 
original edicts, and No. 7 encircles the whole shaft. 

Nos. 8 and 9. — On the Allahabad pillar there are also two short additional 
edicts which are peculiar to itself* Of these No. 8 was known to James Prinsep ; 
and as it refers to some queen's gifts, it may be appropriately named the " Queen's 
edict." 

No. 9, which has just been discovered by myself, may be called the Kos&mbi 
edict, as it is addressed to the rulers of Kosftmbi, a famous ancient city, the ruins 
of which still exist on the Jumna, thirty miles above Allahabad. 

No. 10 Pillar inscription is a short mutilated record on a fragment of a 
pillar lying beside the great S&nchi st^pa near Bhilsa. I am a&aid that its reading 
is generally too doubtful to be of any real value. 

The sites of all these inscribed rocks and pillars are shown in the accompanying 
map, with their names printed in red. 

Asoka, the generally acknowledged author of these inscriptions, was the third 
Prince of the Maurya dynasty, and the grandson of Chandra Gupta, who was 
happily identified by Sir William Jones with Sandrakoptos, the contemporary 
of Seleukos Nikator. Chandra Gupta reigned twenty-four years from B. C- 316 
to 292. His son Bindus6.ra reigned twenty-eight years down to B. C. 264, 
when he was succeeded by Asoka, who reigned forty-one years, and 
died in B. C. 223. I understand that Wilson to the last doubted the identity of 
Asoka Maurya with the Priyadarsi of these rock and pillar edicts. But as he 
firmly believed in the identity of Chandra Gupta and Sandrokoptos, his doubts as 
to the identity of Asoka and Priyadarsi were a manifest inconsistency* For as both 
Brahmanical and Buddhist accounts agree in stating that Asoka Maurya, the grandson 
of Chandra Gupta Maurya, was King of Magadha for thirty-seven years, as noted 
above, it is certain that he was a contemporary of all the five Greek Princes mentioned 
in the edicts of Priyadarsi.^ And as Priyadarsi also ruled over Magadha, we thus 
have two different kings of Magadha at the same time. The simple solution of this 
difficulty is the &ct, mentioned in the Singhalese Dipawanso, that Asoka was also 



* These five Princes i 

AntiocliaB II — Theos of Syria 
Ptolemy II — Philadelphos of I^^pt 
Antigonns QonDatas of Macedonia 
Magaa of Cyrene ... 

AUuuuider II. of Epirui «. 



... B. C. 


263 


246 


..* >l 


285 


246 


• •• >f 


276 


243 


••• >» 


... 


258 


• •• »> 


272 


254 



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■ &- — 



INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA, 5 

called Friyadarsi. The same fact is also stated in the Burmese life of Buddha, 
where Mah&kSsyapa is made to prophesy that ** in after times a young man named 
Piadatha (Piyadasi) shall ascend the throne and become a great and renowned 
monarch under the name of Asoka/' * A strong argument in favor of the 
identity of Priyadarsi Dev^nampriya with Asoka is the subsequent use of one of the 
titles by his grandson, Dev^nampriya Dasaratha, in the NIbgS-rjuni cave inscriptions. 

As both the 10th and 12th years of Priyadarsi are mentioned in the rock edicts, 
the dates of their promulgation will be B. C. 251 and 249, Now, as Alexander II 
of Epirus died in B. C. 264, the mention of his name in the edicts of Priyadarsi, 
which were promulgated just at that time, is the most satisfactory proof of the 
accuracy of the date which has been assigned to Asoka, and most conclusively 
confirms Sir W. Jones's identification of Sandrakoptos with Chandra Gupta. 

That the Antiochus mentioned by Priyadarsi is not Antiochus the Great, as 
suggested by Wilson, is most fully proved by the omission of the name of 
Euthydemus of Bactria, the nearest Greek prince on the frontier of India. It is 
equally disproved by the reference to the governors {Sdmanta and Sdmino) of 
Antiochus, which shows that the revolt of the Eastern princes under Diodotus, 
Pantaleon and Antimachus had not then taken place. These edicts were therefore 
drawn up during the lifetime of Antiochus Theos, or certainly before B. C. 246. 

The following is James Prinsep*s summary^ of the ** contents of the edicts" : — 

" The first edict prohibits the sacrifice of animals^ both for food and in religious assemblies, and 
enjoins more attention to the practice of this first of Buddhistic virtues than seems to haye been 
paid to it even by the Raja himself, at least prior to the sixteenth year of his reign. 

" The second edict provides a system of medical aid for men and animals throughout Piyadasi^s 
dominions, and orders trees to be planted and weUs to be dug along the sides of the principal 
public roads. 

'^ The third edict enjoins a quinquennial humiliation, or if we read the word by the alteratioi^ 
of y to *, as anusas&nam, the re-publication every five years of the great moral maxim inculcated in 
the Buddhist creed, viz., ' Honom* to father ; charity to kindred and neighbour, and to the priest- 
hood (whether Brahmanical or Buddhistical) ; humanity to animals ; to keep the body in temperance, 
and the tongue from evil speaking ! ' And these precepts are to be preached to the flock by their 
pastors with arguments and examples. This edict is dated after the twelfth year of Piyadasi's 
inauguration. 

^' Th& fourth edict draws a comparison between the former state of things, perhaps lawless and 
uncivilised, and the state of regeneration of the country under the ordinances of the beloved king. 
The publication of the glad tidings seems to have been made with unexampled pomp and circum- 
stance, and posterity is invoked to uphold the system. This edict is also dated in the twelfth year 
of Piyadasi. 

'^ The fifth edict, after an exordium not very intelligible, proceeds to record the appointments 
of ministers of religion, or more strictly missionaries ; and enimierates many of the countries to 
which they are to be deputed for the conversion of the young and the old, the rich and the poor, 
the native and the foreigner. Many highly curious points, especially as to geography, call for notice 
in this edict, wherein for the first time the name of the celebrated city of Fdtaliputra is made known 
to us in the ancient character. 

^' The sixth edict appoints in like manner pativddakaSy informers, or perhaps more properly 
custodes morum, who are to take cognizance of the conduct of the people in their meals, their 

> Bishop Bigandet's Legend of the Burmese Buddha, 2nd edit., p. 346. 

The Burmese pronounce « as a soft English th ; henoe they say Paidatha and Athoka for Pyadasi and Asoka 
» Journal, Beng'^l Asiatic Society, VII, 220. 



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6 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

domestic lif e^ their families^ their conversation^ their general deportment^ and their decease. It also 
nominates magistrates or officers for punishment^ if the word antiydt/ika (8. antyayaka) may be so 
understood^ so that in this edict we have a glimpse of the excellent system of moral administration 
for which the Greek and Persian historians give credit to our monarch, and we find it actually not 
very different from that followed twenty centuries later by ourselves ; for we too have our judge, 
and our magistrates, and further, our missionaries are spread abroad among the people to drown 
them with the overflowing truths of our dharma, to release them from the fetters of sin, and 
bring them unto the salvation which ' passeth understanding 1^ 

'^ The seventh edict expresses, not an order, but an earnest desire on the part of the king that 
all the diversities of religious opinion may be obliterated ; that every distinction in rank and in 
tastes may be harmonised into one system of bidvasudii, that peace of mind, or repose of conscience^ 
which proceeds from knowledge, from faith and entire assent. 

'^ The eiffitA edict contrasts the mere carnal amusements patronised by former Rajas with the 
more harmless and pious enjoyment prescribed by himself. The dhammay&td, or in Sanskrit dhar- 
maydtrd, the festival of religion, is thus set in opposition to the vihdray&tra, the festival of amuse- 
ment; and it is stated to consist in the visits to holy people, in alms- giving, in respect to elders, 
and similar praiseworthy sources of rational gratification. This edict is dated in (or rather after) 
the tenth year of Piyadasi^s reign. 

'^ The ninth edict continues the thread of the same discourse by expatiating on the sources of 
true happiness, not such as the worldling seeks in marriage, in rearing children, in foreign travel, 
and such things; but the dharma mangalam, the happiness of virtue, which displays itself in 
benevolence to dependants, reverence to one^s pastors, in peace with all men, abundant charity, and 
so forth, through which alone can the blessings of Heaven be propitiated. 

*' The tenth paragraph comments upon Taso vd kiti vd, the glory of renown, which attend 
merely the vain and transitory deeds of this world. The Raja is actuated by higher motives, and 
he looks beyond for the reward for which he strives with heroism {pardkramena) the most jealous, 
yet respectful. 

" The eleventk edict is to be found at Dhauli, but it is well preserved at Girnftr, and the 
meaning is clear throughout. As former paragraphs had vaunted the superiority of every act 
connected with diarma, so this upholds that the imparting of dharma itself is the chiefest of chari- 
table donations ; and then it points out as usual how the possession of this treasure becomes manifest 
in good works rewarded with temporary blessings in this world and endless moral merit (as the 
reward of it) in the next. 

'^ The twelfth edict is likewise wanting in the Eatak series. It is addressed to all unbelievers, 
whether domestic or ascetic, with entreaty, and with more solid and more persuasive boimty, though 
direct disavowal that fame is the object. There is some little obscurity in the passages which follow> 
regarding the mode of dealing with the two great divisions of the unbelievers, who are distinguished 
as dpiqpdsanda (those fit for conversion or actually converted), and parapdsanda, tdtra heretics, 
or those upon whom no impression had been madej but the concluding paragraph informs us of the 
appointment of three grades of ministers, dharmamahdmdfrds, etairyya-mahdmdtrde, and subordinates^ 
in the congregational ceremonies, karmikde, thus placing the religion upon a firmer basis, promoting 
conversion to it, and enhancing its attractiveness among the people. 

" HhQ fourteenth edict is one of the most interesting of the whole series. It is a kind of 
gumming up of the foregoing, which we have seen are partly laconic and partly diffuse, but the 
whole is said to be complete itself; and if more were written it would be repetition. We learn 
from this edict that the whole was engraved at one time from an authentic copy, issued, doubtless, 
under the royal mandate, by a scribe and pandit of a name not very easily deciphered. It is 
somewhat curious to find the same words precisely on the rock in Eatak. The name of the writer 
is there erased, but the final letters of lipikdra, ' scribe,' are quite distinct. 

''This may be properly regarded as the last of the peculiar series of edicts to which it 
alludes/' 



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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA- 7 

This account of the general scope of Priyadarsi's edicts was subsequently criti- 
cised by Wilson, who objected that " with respect to the supposed mflin purport of 
the ins^ripiion—proseli/tism to the Buddhist religion — it may not unreasonably be 
doubted if they were made public with any such design, and whether they hftve any 
connection with Buddhism at all * * * '* " The meaning of the language of the 
inscriptions is, to say the least, equivocal.'* ^ But notwithstanding these inconclu- 
sive evidences of Buddhism, Wilson fully admitted that " Priyadarsi intended to 
enjoin equal reverence to Brahmans and to Buddhist teachers ;" that No. 12 edict 
** exhibits this intention most unequivocally ; and that the prince enjoins in it no 
attempt at conversion, but universal respect for all forms of religious belief, his own 
as well as (that of) any other JPdshanday He then explains the true meaning of 
the term Pdshandaj as comprising " all who do not regard the authority of the 
Vedas as infallible and divine, and who draw from them doctrines which tend to 
set aside the necessity of mere formal ceremonies." '* This, in fact, appears to be 
the main object of all the edicts, whether on the rocks or on the pillars, — ^the exalta- 
tion over all ceremonial practices, over a religion of rites, of the observance of 
moral obligations ; the enjoining, in preference to the sacrifice of animals, obedience 
to parents; affection for children, friends and dependants, reverence for elders^ 
Sr&mans and Brahmans ; universal benevolence, and unreserved toleration." Wilson 
concludes his arguments with the following words : — " The edicts may be taken as 
historical evidence that Buddhism was not yet fully established, and that Priyadarsi 
was desirous of keeping peace between it and its predecessor by inculcating social 
duties and universal toleration in place of either ritual or dogma." 

The respect paid to Brahmans is satisfactorily accounted for by Bumouf , who 
remarks that — 

'^ in tlve early Baddhist writings very little difference appears between the Buddhists and Brahmans, 
and Buddha is often described as followed by a crowd of Brahmans as well as Bhikhus and 
Sr&mans/' ' 

1 Journal, Royal Asiatic Society, XII, 286. 

' Journal, Royal Asiatic Society, XII, 242, qaoted by Wilson. 



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I. ROCK INSCRIPTIONS. 



1.— ShahbIz-garhi Rock. 

The great inscriptioii of Asoka at SMhb^z-garlii was first made known by 
General Court, who described it as being situated quite close to Kapurdagarhi, and 
almost effaced by time} But Kapurdagarhi is two miles distant, and the rock is 
actually within the boundary of the very much larger village of Sh&bllz-garhi, from 
which it is less than half a mile distant. Court's notice of the inscribed rock sti^ 
mulated the zeal and curiosity of Masson, who, in October 1838, proceeded to Sh&h- 
b4z-garhi,^ when he succeeded in making a very fair copy of the inscription, which 
enabled Norris to identify it as another transcript of Asoka's well-known edicts, 
but engraved in Arian-Pali characters. 

Sh^b^z-garhi is a modem name, derived from the ;2?iara<, or shrine of ShS>h- 
b&z-kalandar, a rather notorious saint, who was described to me as a K4fir, and 
who is stigmatised by Baber as an " impious unbeliever, who, in the course of the 
last thirty or forty years, had perverted the faith of numbers of the Yusufzais and 
DilazS;ks." ' Baber thus continues : — " At the abrupt termination of the hill of Mak&m 
there is a small hillock that overlooks all the plain country ; it is extremely beauti- 
ful, commanding a prospect as far as the eye can reach, and is conspicuous from the 
lower grounds. Upon it stood the tomb of Sh^b^z-kalandar. I visited it, and 
surveyed the whole place. It struck me as improper that so charming and 
delightful a spot should be occupied by the tomb of an unbeliever. I therefore gave 
orders that the tomb should be pulled down and levelled with the ground." As 
this was in A. D. 1519, the death of ShabbS^z must have taken place about A. D. 
1490. The old name must, therefore, have been in use down to the time of Baber ; 
but unf ortimately he gives only the name of MakS^m, which is that of the stream 
of Sh&b&^-garhi at the present day. Baber also speaks of the hUl above the 
shrine of Sh^bslz as the hill of Mak&m ; but the name is not that of the town, but 
of the valley. I accept, therefore, the statement of the people, that the old name of 
the town was something like Sattami or SetrS-m, or Sitarfbm, which I propose to 
identify with the city of the famous Buddhist Prince Sudft-na.* 

' Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, V, 481. 

> Boyal Asiatic Society's Journal, VIII, 296, where Masson describes Sh&b&z-garbi as the village nearest to the 
inscribed rock. 

' Memoirs by Leyden and Erskine, p. 252. 
4 Archaeological Survey of India, V, 9. 



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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 9 

During my stay at SMbbftz-garhi I made a survey of the neighboxirhood, and 
was surprised to find that the present village was the site of a very old and exten- 
sive city, which, according to the people, was once the capital of the country. 
They pointed to several mounds of ruins as having been inside the city, and to two 
well-known spots named Khaprai and Khapardar&, as the sites of the northern and 
eastern gates of the city. The truth of their statements was confirmed by an examin- 
ation of the ground within the limits specified, which I found everywhere 
strewn with broken bricks and pieces of pottery. The old name of the place was 
not known, but some said it was Satt&mi, and others Setrftm and Sitar&mi, all of 
which I believe to be simple corruptions of the name of the famous Buddhist Prince 
Sud&na or Sudatta. 

In my account of the ruins at Sh&hb&z-garhi I have identified the site with the 
PO'lU'Sha of Hwen Thsang, and the Fo-sha-fu of Simgyun.^ The two transcripts 
are evidently intended for the same name, which M. Julien renders by Varuaha. 
The position assigned to it by Hwen Thsang is about forty miles to the north-east of 
Peshawar, and twenty-seven miles to the north-west of XJtakhanda, or Ohind. These 
bearings and distances fix the site of the city somewhere in the valley of the Mak&m 
Rud, which the subsequent mention of the Dant&lok hill, and of a cave within a 
few miles of the city, limits to the neighbourhood of Sh&hbftz-garhi. That this 
was one of the chief cities of the country in ancient times we learn from the tradi- 
tions of the people, as well as from the extent of the existing ruins, and the pre- 
sence of the great rock inscription of Asoka. Prom all these concurring circum- 
stances I feel satisfied that the site of Sh&hb&z-garhi represents the ancient city of 
PO'lU'Sha, or Fo-sha, an identification which will be strongly corroborated by an 
examination of some of the details furnished by the Chinese pilgrims. As fu 
means " city," I have a suspicion that Fo-sha may be identified with Bazaria. In 
this case Hwen Thsang's Po-lu-sha might be read as Po-aha-lu by merely transposing 
the last two syllables. In support of this suggestion I may quote Arrian's descrip- 
tion of Bazaria, as situated upon an eminence and surrounded by a stout wall,^ 
which agrees very closely with the actual position of Sh&hb&z-garhi, as well as with 
the accounts of Sudatta's city given by the Chinese pilgrims. 

The great inscription of Asoka is engraved on a large shapeless mass of trap 
rock, lying about 80 feet up the slope of the hill, with its western face looking 
downwards towards the village of Sh&hb&z-garhi. The greater portion of the 
inscription is on the eastern face of the rock looking up the hill, but all the latter 
part, which contains the names of the five Greek kings, is on the western face. 
The mass of rock is 24 feet long and about 10 feet in height, with a general 
thickness of about 10 feet.* When I first saw the inscription in January 1847, 
there was a large piece of rock, which had fallen from above, resting against 
the upper or eastern face of the inscription. At my request this piece of 
rock had been removed in 1871 by a party of Sappers, and I was 
thus able to take a complete impression of this side of the inscription. I cleared 

* Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. V, p. 16. 

» Anabasis, IV, 27. 

» Two views of this rock are given in Plate XZJX. The inscriptions will be found in Plates I and II. 



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10 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

the ground both above and below the rock, and built level terraces in front of both 
inscriptions, so as to be able to examine with tolerable ease any doubtful portions. 
The eastern face, though not smooth, presents a nearly even surface, the result of 
a natural fracture ; but the western face is rough and uneven, and the letters, 
though not much worn, do not afford a good impression. I therefore traced them 
out carefully with ink for the purpose of taking an eye-copy, but the ink was wash- 
ed out at night by a heavy fall of rain. The same thing happened a second time ; 
but after a third tracing the weather became fair, and I was able to make a com- 
plete eye-copy as well as an impression of this important part of Asoka's inscrip- 
tion. Every doubtful letter was examined several times in different lights, and was 
copied by my native assistants as well as by myself, until by repeated comparisons 
the true form was generally obtained. Under these circimistances, I believe that 
I have secured as perfect and as accurate a copy of this famous inscription as it is 
now possible to make. As no photographs can be taken of either face of the 
inscription on account of the slope of the hill, an eye-copy, thus checked by an 
impression, is, I believe, the best possible substitute. The Khalsi and Sh&hb&z- 
garhi texts are nearly perfect in the important 13th tablet, which contains the 
names of the five Greek kings, and of several well-known districts of India. The 
words of the Sh&hbfi,z-garhi inscription in this part are as follow, from near the 
beginning of the 9th line : — 

Antiyoka nama Yona raja^ paran cha tena Antiyokena chatura IIII rajani^ 
TuRAMAYE nama^ Antikina numay Maka. wama, Alikasandare nama^ nicha Choda, 
Panda, Avam, Tambapanniya, hevam mevam hevam mevam raja, vishamtini ? Tona 
kamboyeshu, Nabhaka-Nabhapanteshu, Bhoja-Pitinikeshtj, Andhba-Pulin- 
DESHTJ, aavatam^ &c. The name of Alexander is written Alikasandare, which agrees 
with the Alikyasadale of the Khalsi version. Then follow the names of several 
countries, of which not one was recognized by either Norris or Wilson. Of these, 
Choda and JPanda are the well-known Chola and Pandya of early history. If 
Avam be a proper name, it may be the country of Ptolemy's Aii^ an identification 
which is rendered still more probable by the subsequent mention of Tambapanniya or 
Ceylon. Of the last series of names, the Yonas and Kamhqjas are well known. Of 
the Nabhakas and Nabhapantis I cannot offer even a conjecture, but the Bhqjas 
are mentioned both in the Mah&bhiLrata and in the Pur^nas. They are the people 
of Vidarbha^ or Bidar. The name of the JPitenikas occurs also in the 6th 
edict, and is probably the same as the Fadenekayika of the Bhilsa Tope inscrip- 
tions.^ The last people are the Andhras and Pulindas, both well-known 
names. 

This mention is of the highest importance for the ancient history of India, as 
it proves that the generally accepted chronology, which assigns the rise of the 
Andhras to so late a period as B. C. 21, is undoubtedly erroneous. I had already 
discovered this error from an examination of the Kdnhari Ndsik inscriptions 
of Gotamiputra S&takami and his successor Pudumavi, which clearly belong to 
the same period as the well-known Gupta inscriptions. After much consideration 

' Canningham's Bhilsa Tope, No. 140 inscription. These Fitenihas may, perhaps, be identified with Ptolemy's 



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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. il 

of the career of Gotamiputra Sfiitakami, I ventured to suggest that he might per- 
haps be identified with the famous Sliliv&han, or SS^tavAhan, which would place him 
in A. J). 79 instead of A. D. 320, as generally adopted. That this conclusion 
as to date was well-founded is now proved by the mention of Andhras in the edicts 
of Asoka, which carries back the foundation of the kingdom of Andhra from the 
latter part of the first century B. C. to the earlier half of the third century B. 0. 
If we adopt the amount of correction which I had abeady made for Gotamiputra 
of A. D. 320 — 78 = 242 years, then the foundation of the Andhra kingdom will be 
placed in B. C. 21 + 242=B. C. 263, or exactly contemporaneous with Asoka. 

In the copy of the Sha.hbflz-garhi inscription on the back of the rock, prepared 
by Norris and Wilson, the uppermost line is omitted altogether, their first line 
being my second line. But there must have been at least two other lines above my 
first, of which some traces yet remain, as only the last four words of the 12th edict 
now remain at the beginning of the first line. The 13th edict then begins, and 
continues down to the end, the greater part being distinctly legible. 

This Ariano-Pali version of the edict is of special value in determining the true 
reading of many words in the Indian version, partly from its possession of the three 
sibilants, and partly from its use of the attached r. 

The value of the last is best seen in the important name of Andhra^ which 
Wilson read as Andha} although he had observed that the Sh&hb&z-garhi text 
" departs less from the Sanskrit than the other, retaining some compound consonants 
as j[>r in priya instead of piya,^^ to which he might have added br in Bramana^ sr 
in Sramana, and other equally distinct examples. The three sibilants are found 
together in the word susushay which is written simply stcsiMa in all the Indian ver- 
sions excepting some parts of the Kh&lsi text, where the ah is used of nearly the 
same form as the Arian letter. The same letter is also found in the word vasha, 
year, whi^h replaces vasa of the Indian texts, and in the plural forms of Kamboyeahu 
and PuUndeshu, which take the place of Kabojesu and Pulindem of the other 
versions. 

But the most remarkable departure from the Indian texts is the use of the ver- 
nacular word baraya for twelfth, instead of the Sanskrit dwddasa. This word occurs 
twice in the inscription, near the beginning of the 3rd and towards the end of the 
4th edict. Strange to say, it remained unrecognized by Wilson, who simply 
remarks, " in place of dwddasa, twelve, and vasa^ year, the inscription has baraya 
vasha, but the first must be wrong." Of the second example, he says that " there 
is a blank instead of the number," although Norris's Arian text has the letters 
for vara + vasha quite distinct, while his English transliteration gives va rana vasha. 
By thus separating va from the following letters, it seems that Norris also failed to 
recognize the true vernacular baraya for " twelfth." 

I observe that the word chatura, " four," in the 13th edict, is followed by four 
upright strokes, thus, 1 1 1 1, in the Shfi,hb4z-garhi text, and that the corresponding 
word chatura, " four," in the Kh&lsi text, is followed by a nearly upright cross, thus, 
+ , which must therefore be the old Indian cypher for 4. This form was afterwards 
modified to a St. Andrew's cross, or x , in which shape it was adopted by all the 



' The suffixed r is very distinct on the rock, and was duly inserted hy Norris from Masson's hand copy. 



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12 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

people who used the Arian characters, as may be seen in the dififerent inscriptions 
of the kings Kanishka, Huyishka, and Gtondophares, and of the Satrap Liako- 
Kujulaka.^ Previous to the adoption of this Indian symbol, the cyphers of the 
Western people would seem to have been limited to single strokes, as the words 
pancheahu pancheshu, " every five," are followed by five upright strokes, which 
precede the word vasheahu^ " years." 

2. — KhAlsi Rock. 

This inscribed rock is a huge boulder of quartz on the western bank of the 
Jumna, just above the junction of the Tons river, and about 16 miles to the west 
of MasAri, or Musooree, as it is spelt in our maps. The rock is situated close to the 
two little hamlets of By^ and Haripur ; but as the large and well-known village of 
Kh&ki is not more than a mile and a half to the south, I have ventured to call this 
inscription by its name. 

Between Kh&lsi and the Jumna the land on the western bank of the river is 
formed in two successive ledges or level terraces, each about 100 feet in height. 
Near the foot of the upper terrace stands the large quartz boulder which has pre- 
served the edicts of Asoka for upwards of 2,000 years. The block is 10 feet long 
and 10 feet high, and about 8 feet thick at bottom. The south-eastern face has 
been smoothed, but rather unevenly, as it follows the undulations of the original 
surface. The main inscription is engraved on this smoothed surface, wliich 
measures 6 feet in height, with a breadth of 6^ feet at top, which increases towards 
the bottom to 7 feet 10^ inches.* The deeper hollows and cracks have been left 
uninscribed, and the lines of letters are undulating and uneven. Towards the 
bottom, beginning with the 10th edict, the letters increase in size until they become 
about thrice as large as those of the upper part. Owing either to this enlargement 
of the letters, or, perhaps, to the latter part of the inscription being of later date, 
the prepared surface was too small for the whole record, which was therefore com- 
pleted on the left-hand side of the rock. 

On the right-hand side an elephant is traced in outline, with the word Oajatama 
inscribed between his legs in the same characters as those of the inscription. The 
exact meaning of this word I do not know ; but as the Junagiri rock inscription 
closes with a paragraph stating that the place is called Sweta Sdsth or * the white 
elephant,' I think it probable that Oajatama may be the name of the Khft^lsi rock 
itself. Amongst the people, however, the rock is known by the name of Chhatr 
Silay or * the canopy stone,' which would seem to show that the inscribed block 
had formerly been covered over by some kind of canopy, or, perhaps, only by an 
umbrella, as the name imports. In the present year, 1876, a Brahman explained 
that the true name is Chitra Sila^ that is, the ornamented or * inscribed rock.' 
There are many squared stones lying about close to the rock, as well as several 
fragments of octagonal pillars and half pillars or pilasters, which are hollowed out 
or fluted on the shorter faces, after the common fashion of the pillars of Buddhist 

1 See Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. Ill, Plates 13, U, and 16 ; and Vol. V, Plate 16, No. 3, 
See Plate XXIX for a view of this rock, and Platee III and IV for its inscriptions. 



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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 13 

railings. There is also a large carved stone, 7 feet long, 1 J feet broad, and 1 foot 
in height, which, from its upper mouldings, I judged to have formed the entrance 
step to some kind of open porch in front of the inscription stone. 

When first found by Mr. Porrest early in 1860, the letters, of the inscription 
were hardly visible, the whole surface being encrusted with the dark moss of ages ; 
but on removing this black film, the surface becomes nearly as white as marble. At 
first sight the inscription looks as if it was imperfect in many places, but this is 
owing to the engraver having purposely left all the cracked and rougher portions 
iminscribed. On comparing the different edicts with those of the Shft/hbS^z-garhi, 
Gim&r, and Dhauli versions, I find the Khd^lsi text to be in a more perfect state 
than any of them, and it is more especially perfect in that part of the 13th edict 
which contains the names of the five Greek kings — Antiochus, Ptolemy, Antigonus, 
Magas, and Alexander/ The Kh&lsi text agrees with that of Dhauli in rejecting 
the use of the letter r, for which I is everywhere substituted. But the greatest 
variation is in the use of the palatal sibilant *, which has not been found in any 
other inscription of this early date. This letter occurs in the word Pdsanda, which 
curiously enough is spelt sometimes with one s and sometime with the other, even 
in the same edict. As the proper spelling of this word is Pdshanda^ it seems almost 
certain that the people of India proper did not possess the letter sh in the time 
of Asoka** 

There are some peculiarities in the Kh&lsi alphabet which are not found in any 
of the pillar inscriptions, or in the rock inscriptions of Gim^, Dhauli and Jaugada, 
except, perhaps, in the latter additional edicts. The most remarkable of these pecu- 
liarities is the shape of the letter kh, which has a large open circle at its foot, instead 
of the mere dot or knob, which is common to all the other great inscriptions. In 
tins, however, it agrees with the mass of the Bharhut inscriptions. The shape of 
the letter s is also modified, the left-hand member being placed below instead of to 
the side. In this respect, however, the Kh&lsi form agrees with that on the coins 
of Pantaloon and Agathokles, and with the N%&rjuni cave inscriptions of Eaja 
Dasaratha. 

The only compound letters are *y, kht/, and shm or sm. In the upper part of 
the inscription comprising the first nine edicts the letters, are small but well-formed, 
and the words are generally separated ; but in the 12th edict, at the bottom of the 
main face of the inscription the letters become much larger, even twice the size of 
those at the top, while the words are no longer separated. It is in this edict that 
the palatal letter s appears so frequently in the word pdsanda. It is, however, once 
used in the earlier part of the inscription, close to the end of the 4th edict, in the 
name of Piyadasi. The smaller faults in the rock in this latter part, instead of 
being left blank as in the uppermost edicts, are marked by a straight upright stroke 
like the letter r. At first I thought that this letter had actually been used in the 
later edicts ; but as I examined the words carefully, I soon found that it was a mere 
conventional mark to denote a blank space. 



' See Plate IV for this portion of the Kh&lsi inscription. 
' See Archaeological Survej of India, Vol. I, pp. 246-247. 



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14 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

3. — GirnIe Rook. 

The first copy of the GimS^r edicts, so far as I am aware of, is that which was 
taken by Dr. Wilson of Bombay and forwarded to James Prinsep by Mr. Wathen. 
A better copy was soon afterwards made by Captains Lang and Postans, which fur- 
nished Prinsep with correct readings of some important passages. To Captain 
Postans also I am indebted for the main points in the following accounts of the 
inscribed rock. 

The Gimfir version of the edicts of Asoka is inscribed on a large rock on the 
Gim&r hiU, half a mile to the east of the city of Junagarh, and forty miles to the 
north of the famous Pattan Somn^th.^ Captain Postans describes it as " one of a 
group of several large granite blocks, and appears to have been chosen for its pecu- 
liar form, wliich approaches to that of a flattened cone. The inscriptions occupy 
three sides of the rock, that to the east being the most ancient, whilst those on the 
west and north faces are in a more modem character. The ancient characters 
recording the edicts of Asoka are deeply cut, and, except where a portion of the stone 
has been removed by violence, are very perfect.'* The letters are 1^ inches in height, 
xmiform in size, and very clearly and deeply cut. On enquiry it was found that the 
missing portion of the inscription, including part of the 13th edict, which contains 
the names of the five Greek kings, had been blasted with gunpowder to furnish 
materials for a neighbouring causeway 1 By turning up the soil close by. Captain 
Postans recovered numerous fragments of the rock, amongst which were two pieces 
bearing Asoka letters, and a third piece with a portion of later date.* 

The inscription consists of two grand divisions, which are separated by a line 
drawn from the top of the rock downwards. To the left are engraved the first five 
edicts, and to the right the next seven edicts from 6 to 12. The 13th edict is placed 
below, and on its right is the 14th edict. The edicts are separated from one another 
by horizontal lines drawn right across. Between all is a single imperfect Une, men- 
tioning that the place was called Stoeta Sasti, or " The White Elephant." 

The language of the Gimllr edicts differs from that of the other versions in 
using some peculiar forms, as the locative singular in mhi^ in dhamamhi, silamhi, 
instead of «i as in dhammasi, silasi, iSkc., and in the compound aamyapatipatiy^ 
instead of aampatipati of the Sh&hb6z-garhi and Kh6,lsi texts. In this instance, 
however, the Jaugada text of Ganjam agrees with that of Gim&r. 

There are also differences in the forms of some of the letters, and more especially 
in the r, which is a wavy or undulating line, instead of the rigidly straight upright 
stroke of the Khftlsi and other texts. In this wavy form of ther, however, it agrees 
with the coins of Pantaloon and Agathokles, and with the short inscriptions on 
the Buddhist railings of Bodh Gaya. The upper stroke of the p as well as of 

* See Plate XXIX for a view of the rock, and Plates V, VI, and VII for its insoriptions. 

• Jonmal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VII, 1871-72. 

' In hoth of the published copies of this edict this word is written Sammapatipati, which Bamonf took for an 
improper abbreviation of iStimaita— "Le Lotus," p. 736. He suspected, however, that Samm& might be a special 
orthography for Samyak, '*ane bienvillance parfaite." 



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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 15 

the 8, is also occasionally bent or waved in a similar manner. The vowels d and 
e are attached to the lower member of m, and the initial long a has the side stroke 
at the top instead of against the middle of the letter. 



4. — Dhauli Rock. 

The Dhauli rock inscription was discovered by Kittoe towards the close of 
1837, at the very time when James Prinsep " had just groped his way through the 
Gim^ text", and was in want of a second text for comparison. To his " surprise 
and joy," he discovered that the Dhauli inscription was in substance a duplicate of 
the Qim&r edicts, although the language and alphabet of the two versions had 
" very notable and characteristic differences." ^ 

The actual rock itself is named Astoastama, but, from its being situated close 
to the village of Dhauli, this version of the edicts has always been called the Dhauli 
inscription. It is thus described by Eattoe* : — 

'* The Aswastama is situated on a rocky eminenoe forming one of a cluster of hills, three in 
number, on the south bank* of the Dyah river, near to the village of Dhauli, and close to the north- 
west comer of the famous tank called Konsala-gang, said to have been excavated by Raja Granges- 
wara Deva, King of Ealinga, in the 12th century. * * The hills before alluded to rise abruptly 
from the plains, and occupy a space of about five furlongs by three. They have a singular 
appearance from their isolated position, no other hills being nearer than eight or ten miles. They are 
apparently volcanic, and composed of unheaved breccia ti ith quartzose rock intermixed. The northern- 
most hill may be ubout 250 feet at its highest or eastern end, on which is a ruined temple dedicated 
to Mahadeva. The other hills, or rather rocks, are less elevated. 

'^ The Aswastama is situated on the northern face of the southernmost rock near its summit ; 
the rock has been hewn and polished for a space of 15 feet long by 10 in height, and the inscription 
deeply cut thereon being divided into four tablets, the first of which appears to have been executed 
at a different period from the rest ; the letters are much larger, and not so well cut. The fourth 
tablet is encircled by a deep line, and is cut with more care than either of the others. 

" Immediately above the inscription is a terrace 16 feet by 14 (A), on the right side of which 
[as you face the inscription] is the fore-half of an elephant, 4 feet high, of superior workmanship ; 
the whole is hewn out of the solid rock. There is a groove 4 inches wide by 2 in depth round three 
sides of the terrace, with a space of 8 feet left [a doorway ?] immediately in front of the elephant ; 
there are also two grooves, one on either side of the elephant, on the floor and in the perpendicular 
face : these must have been intended probably to fix a wooden canopy. 

^^ There are also many broken caves in the rocks adjoining the Aswastama, and the founda* 
tions of many buildings, — one in particular, immediately above the inscription, which may have 
been one of the cAailyas or 8t4pas mentioned in the inscription. 

^' The elephant does not seem to be an object of worship, though I was informed that one day in 
every year is appointed, when the Brahmans of the temples in the vicinity attend and throw water 
on it, and besmear it with red lead in honor of Oanesha.^'^ 

The Asoka inscriptions at Dhauli are arranged in three parallel columns, of 
which the first eleven of the collected edicts occupy the whole of the middle column 

' Journal, Bengal Asiatic Sooietj, Vll, 158. 

* Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, YII, 435, 436, 437. 

* Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, VII, 437. 



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16 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

and one-half of the right column. Afterwards two local edicts were added, one 
completing the right-hand column, and the other filling the whole of the left-hand 
column.^ The latter has been taken by Prinsep as the first of these two separate 
edicts, although there can be no doubt that the former, from its position in continua- 
tion of the original edicts, was the first to be engraved, more especially as the 
duplicate version at Jaugada places it immediately above the other. The matter is not, 
perhaps, of much consequence, but it is right that it should be brought to notice in 
case of enquiry hereafter. 

The Dhauli edicts are chiefly remarkable for the complete want of the letter r, 
which is always replaced by /, even in such a word as -So/a, for which we have 
Ldja. This peculiarity was overlooked by Prinsep when he proposed to identify 
the Tosali of the two separate edicts with the Toaali Metropolis of Ptolemy, which 
is placed far to the north of the Ganges, instead of with his Dosara on the Dosaron 
river, which occupies the very position required. This Tosali in Katak agrees also 
with the position of the Desarena Regio of the Periplus, which lies between Masalia, 
or Masulipatam, and the mouths of the Ganges. These two Greek readings at once 
suggest the name of the Indian DdsdrnaSy who are several times mentioned in the 
geographical lists of the Mah^bh^rata.* Perhaps the old name still remains in 
Dosa on the Ko'il river, in latitude 23° and longitude 84** 6(K. 

The opening sentence of No. 1 edict at Dhauli is lost, and as it certainly 
differed from the Sh&,hb&z-garhi, Kh&lsi and Girn&r versions, it is fortunate that the 
Jaugada text affords the means of restoring the missing words. 

Prinsep reads as follows :— 

(10 letters) ghi savata^ 

which may be compared with the opening of the Jaugada edicts — 

lyam dhammalipi Khepingalasi pavatasi. 

Here it will be found that there are exactly ten letters preceding the final 
syllable of Khepingalasi^ which Prinsep read as ghi^ but which is no doubt 
si, as the two letters are easily mistaken in a mutilated inscription. So also 
are the two letters a and p, and for Prinsep's savata, plus one lost letter, I 
propose to read |?at?a^a«*, as in the Jaugada text. Then foUow the words Devd- 
nampiyena Piyadasina Ldjina lekhapitd in both texts. I therefore read the whole 
as follows : — " This religious edict is promulgated by Eaja Priyadarsi, the beloved 
of the gods, to the people^ of the Khepingala hills.'* No such name is now 
known ; but as it is common to both inscriptions, I conclude that it was the usual 
name for the moimtain districts of Orissa. 

The two separate edicts are local ones, addressed to the rulers of Tosali. In the 
second edict the opening words are — 

Devdnampiyasa vachamena Tosaliyam Kumdlecha vataviya^ 
which Prinsep renders — 

" By command of Dev6.nampiya 1 It shall be signified to the Prince and the great 

officers in the city of Tosali.'* 

* See Plate XXIX for a view of the rock, and Plates VIII, IX, and X for iU inscriptions. 
' See Wilson's Vishnu Purana, pp. 186, 187, 192. 



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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 17 

Now, in the first edict there is mention of Vjeniya Kumdle, which Prinsep translates 
as the young " Prince of Ujain," and whom he rightly identified with JJjjemOy 
the son of Asoka. But he erroneously supposed him to he a different person 
from Mahindo, whereas Ujjeniya was only another name for Mahindo, who was 
bom whilst Asoka was governor of TJjain. By this identification we get a limit 
to the date of these inscriptions, for Mahindo became a Buddhist priest at twenty 
years of age,^ after which he could not have continued in the government of 
Tosali. Now, Asoka was governor of TJjain for nine years immediately pre- 
ceding his accession to the throne, from B. C. 276 to 264,* and as his marriage with 
Chetiya Devi only took place on his journey to TJjain, the birth of Mahindo cannot 
be fixed earlier than B. C. 274. He would, therefore, have been twenty years of age in 
B. 0. 256, when he was ordained a priest, and thirty years of age when he became the 
head of a fraternity ten years later, at the time of the assembly of the Third Bud- 
dhist Synod in B. C. 244. But B. 0. 249 was the 12th year of Asoka's reign, which 
is the latest date of some of the edicts in the collected series engraved on the rocks. 
I conclude, therefore, that Mahindo was governor of Tosali before B. C. 249, and 
that the two separate edicts at Dhauli and Jaugada must have been put forth 
towards the end of that year. They are thus only a little later in date than the 
great body of the rock edicts, but several years earlier than the pillar edicts. 

5. — Jaugada Rock. 

The Jaugada inscription is engraved on the face of a rock in a large old 
fort near the bank of the Rishikulya river, about eighteen miles to the west-north- 
west of the town of Glanjam. The name is pronounced Jaugodo by the people of the 
country, and as Jau means " lac" in the TJriya language, the place is usually 
known as the " lac-fort." But my assistant, Mr. J. D. Beglar, who visited the 
place to make the present copies of the inscriptions, suggests that the original 
name was Jagata^ which by both Bengalis and Uriyas would be pronounced Jogoto^ 
and from which it would be an easy step to Jaugodo^ or the lac-fort. 

When the name had become fixed, the next step was to find a legend to 
account for it, and so the following story came into being : — ^The fort was made by 
Raja Kesari, who built the walls of "lac" instead of bricks, in order that an 
enemy's cannon balls might bury themselves harmlessly inside. Close by on th^ 
RawalpiUi hill (about three miles south-west) lived another Raja who quarrelled 
with Kesari, and besieged him for a long time in vain. At last a milkwoman, whose 
Tnillc had been forcibly taken by one of the besieger's soldiers, being imable to 
obtain redress, angrily exclaimed — "You fools 1 you have strength to plunder 
poor people, but have not the sense to see that the * lac-fort' can be taken with 
the greatest ease." On being questioned, she told the besiegers that the walls were 
composed of " lac," and that they had only to apply fire to them and to increase 
the flames with bellows, and the walls would come down at once. This was accord- 
ingly done, and the "lac-fort" was taken. A somewhat different version of the 

1 Mahawanso, p. 36, and Turnoor in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VII, 931, from the Dipawanso. 
* Bigandet : <* Legend of the Burmese Buddha," p. 376. The Dipawanso, however, sajs that Mahindo was nine 
years old at his father's accession to the throne. 

B 



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18 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

legend is given by Mr. Harris. According to him, " the name of lac-fort gave 
rise to a local tradition that the lofty walls and place were formed by materials 
impregnable, mitil the secret was betrayed by a milkmaid, and allowed the besiegers, 
by the application of water — taking advantage of floods or freshes down the Rishi- 
kulya—to eflfect an entrance."^ 

It is added that Raja Kesari cursed the woman whose babbling led to the loss 
of the fort. The curse took immediate effect, and the imprudent milkwoman was 
at once turned into stone, and to this day her statue is standing outside the walls 
of the fort. In Mr. Beglar's judgment, however, the petrified milkwoman is only 
an ordinary Sati-piUar, such as the aboriginal inhabitants of Chutia N4gpur even 
now set up over the ashes of the dead. Mr. Beglar is also of opinion that the 
fort is " clearly of later date than the inscriptions,'* and is probably of the same 
age as the coins which are found in the milkwoman's mound. These coins, which 
are evident imitations of the Indo-Scythian copper money, but without any inscrip- 
tions, must therefore belong to the end of the first century A. D., a date which 
I had already assigned for them from their being found in company with leaden 
coins of the Andhra kings Gotamiputra and Yfidnya-Sri. 

Mr. Beglar describes the groups of rocks inside the fort as picturesque, and 
such as would at once attract attention. The great inscription is engraved on a 
large high mass of rock which rises up vertically and faces the south-east, in the 
direction of people coming from the sea-coast. 

Some photographs of these inscriptions were taken in 1859 and forwarded to 
the Madras Government by Captain Harington, who described them as being 
" engraved upon a rock near the village of Naug&m in the Pubakonda TSluk of 
the Ganjam district, about three miles from the tfi,luk station of Pursotpur (or 
Purshottampur) near the Rishikulya river." He calls the place Joughar^ but as 
he describes the large square fortification which is plainly shown in the Indian 
Atlas Sheet of Ganjam, it is certain that the true name is Jaugada^ or the 
Jau-fort. 

Mr. Harington^s photographs were sent to the Royal Asiatic Society ; and, 
from a memorandum by Mr. Norris, I learn that copies of the inscriptions were 
taken in 1860 by the present Sir Walter Elliot, who was perfectly aware that they 
contained only another version of Asoka*s edicts, which had already been found at 
ShiLhblLz-garhi, GimfiLr, and Dhauli. 

In 1871 an effort was made by tlie Madras Government to obtain complete 
copies of these inscriptions both by impressions and by photography. The paper 
impressions taken by pressure only, without ink, though tolerably legible at first, 
afterwards almost entirely disappeared, owing to the extreme dampness of the 
climate. The photographs by Mr. Minchin I have not seen, but I have received 
from the Madras Government lithographic copies of some hand-tracings by Mr, 
Harris, which, taken altogether, are very good, but, like all such copies, they are here 
and there imperfect, and more particularly deficient in the two separate edicts, 
which it was more important to have minutely copied, as we possess only one other 
version of their text at Dhauli with which to compare them. 

^ See Mr. Harris's letter dated 26th August 1872, printed in the Proceedings of the Madras Goyemment 



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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 19 

* 

The plates in the present volume have been reduced from Mr. Beglar's paper 
impressions, one of which had all the fainter letters carefully pencilled over. After 
reduction they were compared with Mr. Beglar's photographs, which afforded 
several corrections in vowel marks. Every letter has been twice examined by 
myself ,—;^r«/, before inking in the pencilled reduction ; and second^ while writing 
out its text in Roman letters for comparison with the Dhauli versions. I believe, 
therefore, that my plates present a very faithful copy of these inscriptions. ^ I have 
done my best to make them so, but I do not expect that they will be found 
absolutely perfect, as it is quite possible that some errors may have escaped notice. 

The Jaugada inscriptions are written on three different tablets on the vertical 
face of the rock. As at Dhauli, the letters are all of uniform size, and the lines 
are perfectly straight, and altogether these Orissa and Ganjam inscriptions are the 
most carefully and neatly engraved of all the rock edicts. 

The first tablet contained the first five edicts, but about one-half has been utterly 
lost by the peeling away of the rock. 

The second tablet comprised the next five edicts, namely, 6 to 10, to which 
was added the 14th or closing edict of the other versions. About one-third of this 
tablet has been lost by the peeling away of the rock. 

The third tablet contained the two separate or additional edicts which are 
found at Dhauli. These are less carefully engraved than the other two tablets, and 
they show, besides, some differences in the shapes of the letters, which certainly 
indicate a later date, as they are also found in the additional or later edicts of the 
Delhi pillar. One of these differences is the use of the hh with a large open circle 
at the bottom, instead of the usual dot or knob. In the Jaugada additional edicts, 
both of these forms are used. Another marked difference is the position of the two 
side strokes which form the medial vowel o. In the older edicts the upper stroke 
is on the right hand ; in the later edicts, both on the Delhi pillar and on the 
Jaugada rock, the upper stroke is on the left hand. There are differences, too, in 
the forms of I and A, but I cannot say that they are of later date than those of the 
earlier edicts. 

In this version the opening of the 1st edict, which is injured at Dhauli, 
is distinctly legible. The two additional words KhepingalaH pavatasi, which 
are inserted after dhammalipi, have been already noticed in my account of the 
Dhauli rock. I presume that these two additional words give the general geogra- 
phical name of the province, as the " Khepingala Sills,^^ in which the two cities of 
Tosali and Samdpd were situated. These are the two names which are found in the 
additional edicts, the former in the Dhauli version, and the latter in the Jaugada 
version, the edicts themselves being addressed to the respective rulers of those 



I have just discovered another instance of a local edict on the Allahabad pillar, 
which was addressed by Asoka to the rulers of Kos&mbi, a very large and famous 
city on the Jimma,* only thirty miles above Allahabad, and which was no doubt the 
capital of the province in which Allahabad was situated. Of Samdpd I can find 

* See Plates XI, XII, and XIII for the^e inacriptionB. 
' See AreliSBological Soryej of India, I, 801. 



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20 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

no trace in Ptolemy's map, nor in the rambling lists of names preserved by Pliny, 
but I presume that it may have some reference to the situation of the district on the 
great Chilka Lake. 



6 AND 7. — Separate Edicts — ^Dhauli and Jaugada Rocks. 

At Jaugada these two additional edicts are enclosed in a frame which separates 
them from the collected series of Asoka's edicts. At Dhauli only one of these 
edicts is thus enclosed, the other being engraved to the left hand of the main 
collection of edicts. I have not thought it worth while to disturb Prinsep*s arrange- 
ment of these two separate edicts, but there can be no doubt that his No. 2, 
which is placed above his No. 1 -at Jaugada, was the first to be engraved. This 
conclusion might also have been derived from the relative positions of the two 
edicts on the Dhauli rock, for there the main series of edicts occupies a column 
and a half of the whole mass of inscriptions, while the half column is completed 
by the addition of one of these separate edicts, while the other forms a complete 
column to the left hand of the main series of edicts. Prom their relative positions 
I conclude that the separate edict which follows the main series of edicts and com- 
pletes the second column was the first to be engraved, and that the other separate 
edict was then placed by itself on the left. This view is fully corroborated by the 
relative positions of these two edicts on the Jaugada rock. To prevent confusion, 
however, I think it best to adhere to Prinsep's numbering. 

At Jaugada the separation of these two edicts is more distinctly marked by the 
accompaniment of the Swastika symbol at each of the upper comers of the upper 
inscription, and of the letter m at the upper comers of the lower inscriptions. By 
reading the latter in combination with the upright line of the surrounding frame 
which passes through it, we have the mystic word Atmi. I am, therefore, inclined 
to look upon the Swastika as a propitious Invocation, as its meaning imports,^ 
while Aum is the well-known auspicious opening of all documents even at the 
present day. Both symbols are found upon many of the old Indian coins. 

The geographical names mentioned in these separate edicts have been fully 
examined in my account of the Dhauli and Jaugada rocks. 

8.— SahasabIm Rock. 

This new edict of Devdnampiya is inscribed on the face of the rock near the 
top of the Chandan Pir hill, which forms the extreme northern end of the Kaimur 
range. The hill takes its name from the shrine of Pir Chandan Sh^hid, which is 
placed on the top. The inscription is found in an artificial cave a short distance 
below, which is generally known as the Chir&ghdS;n, or " lamp '' of the saint. The 
roof of the cave is formed by a large projecting mass of rock that has most effectu- 
ally preserved the greater part of the inscription, which is in excellent order, except 
in three or four places where the rock has peeled off. The entrance, which is only 

^ Swastika is the name of the mystic cross, which is a monogram composed of the words su X oiti, " it is well/' 



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( 



INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 21 

4 feet high, is to the west between two built walls. By making an opening in one 
of these walls, my assistant, Mr. Beglar, obtained a good photograph of the inscrip- 
tion. This photograph, compared with our paper impressions, has furnished the copy 
published in the present volume.^ 

The inscription consists of eight lines of well-formed letters, generally about one 
inch in height. It opens rather curtly with the words 

Devdnampiye hevam a (hd) 

— " DevlLnampriya thus declares" — following which just six letters have been lost. 
About the same number of letters has been lost in each of the next three lines, after 
which the inscription is complete to the end. At first sight it would appear as if 
the letter r was frequently used, but on examination it turns out that the single 
upright stroke, which occurs no less than thirteen times, is only a conventional 
mark covering a fault in the rock, and intended to point out that the spot was to be 
passed over in reading the inscription. It is certain that it cannot be the letter r, as 
I is used for r in the words alodhe and chilathitike^ where the RApn&th text uses 
arodhe and chirathitihe ; besides which it is used in positions where it can have 
no meaning, as between the words Jambudipasi and ammisamj where no letter is 
interposed in the two corresponding texts of Rlipn&th and BairM. A similar device 
has already been noticed in my account of the latter half of the Kh&lsi inscription. 
But the most interesting part of this record is the figured date which occurs in 
the first half of the seventh line. There are three figures which I read as 256. The 
same date occxu-s in the RApn&th version of this edict, but without the figure for 
hundreds. As the date of these inscriptions has been fully discussed in the Preface, 
it need not be examined [again. It will be sufficient to state here that, as these 
inscriptions give only the title of Dev&nampiya, I am disposed to assign them to 
Dasaratha Dev&nampiya, the grandson of Asoka, rather than to Devft^nampiya 
Priyadarsi, or Asoka himself. 



9. — RtPNiTH Rock. 

The RApn&th rock is a single flinty block of dark-red sandstone lying at the 
foot of the Kaimur range of hills, just below the fertile plateau of Bahuriband. 
Here a small stream breaks over the crest of the Kaimur range, and, after three 
low faUs, forms a deep secluded pool at the foot of the scarp. Each of these pools 
is considered holy, the uppermost being named after RS^ma, the next after Laksh- 
man, and the lowest after Sltft. The spot, however, is best known by the name of 
RtLpn&th, from a lingam of Siva which is placed in a narrow cleft of the rocks on 
the right. There are similar falls and pools at R&m T&l, a few miles to the south- 
west, where the Kair river pours over the crest of the Kaimur range from the 
plateau of Saleya. This spot is also esteemed holy. An annual fair was formerly 
held at RApn&th on the Sivardtri^ in honor of Siva, but this has been discontinued 
since 1867. The lowermost pool, however, ot Sit&kund, which never dries up, still 
attracts a few pilgrims. 

> See Plat© XIV. 



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22 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

The edict of Asoka is inscribed on the upper surfetce of the rock, which has 
been worn quite smooth by people sitting upon it for hundreds of years at the 
annual fairs. It is now of a very dark dirty-red colour, and the inscription might 
easily escape observation. The lines follow the undulations of the rock, and are 
neither straight nor parallel with each other.^ The inscription is 4J feet long and 
1 foot broad, and consists of six lines, of which the last has only five letters. With 
the exception of a few letters which are now very faint, the record is complete. It* 
opens with the words 

Devdnampiye hevam dhd 

— ^ Dev&nampiya thus orders," omitting the name of the king, a curt ptyle of 
announcement which is not found in any of the collected series of edicts. The same 
form, however, occurs in the later separate edicts at Dhauli and Jaugada, which may, 
perhaps, indicate that this RApnS^th inscription belongs to a later date than that of 
the great collection of edicts. It uses the letter r, in common with most of the old 
inscriptions in Central and Western India, as at Gim&r, S&nchi and Bharhut. 

Of the pmrport of the inscription I am not competent to oflFer an opinion, but 
I may point to the occurrence of the words Sumipdka Scmghaj or Sumihaka Sangha, 
which are found twice in the first line, as indicating that the edict was addressed to 
the Buddhist Sangha, or assembly of Sumipdka or Sumihdka. In the second line 
occurs the well-known name of Jambtcdipa ; and the fifth line opens with the words 
Sdla-thabhe, Sila-thabhay which seem to refer to ** Sfil-pillars and stone-pillars,'* on 
which the edicts were to be inscribed. 

The date of 256 occurs at the end of the fifth line. The symbol for 60 is the 
same as that in the Sahasarftm inscription, but the opening is turned to the left. 
Both forms are used indifferently in the Hodgson MSS. from Nep&l.* The value 
of the figure for hundreds is entirely due to Dr. Biihler. 



10. — ^BaibIt Rock. 

This inscribed rock lies at the foot of the Hinsagiri hill near Bairftt, where 
the F&ndus are said to have lived during th§ greater part of their twelve years' 
exile. It is, therefore, more commonly known as the hill of the P&ndus, and a 
cave is still shown as the Bhim-guphd^ or " Cave of Bhim.'* In November 1864 I 
examined all the rocks on the top of this hill very carefully, in the hope of finding 
some inscriptions ; but my search was in vain, and I was assured by the people 
that no inscriptions existed on the hill. My assistant, Mr. Carlleyle, was, however, 
more fortunate, as he succeeded in discovering an inscription, in Asoka characters, 
on a huge isolated block standing at the foot of the hill. The following notice of 
his discovery is abridged from his own account, which I quote from his report 
now preparing for publication : — 

The P&ndus lull is a bare» black-looking, pyramidal-shaped, jagged-edged, 
peaked hill» composed entirely of enormous blocks of porphyritic and basaltic 

^ SeePlate XIY. 
See Journal of the Boyal Asiatic Society, New Series, VUI, 61» Plate. 



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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 23 

rock and hornblende gneiss, as if it had been built up by giants, x x Some of 
the huge blocks of which the hill is composed have apparently, at some very remote 
period, rolled down on to the slope at the foot of the hill. One of these blocks 
stands immediately in front of the south side of the hill. In shape it is a great 
roughly-hewn cube, as big as a house, and some deep water- worn hollows on its 
perpendicular face, when seen at some distance, look like circular windows. Its 
actual dimensions are 24 feet in length from east to west, with a thickness of 15 
feet and a height of 17 feet. The inscription occupies the lower part of the south 
face of the rock. It consists of eight lines, and approaches to within one foot of the 
ground on its left side. The letters average about 2^ inches in height. But the 
surface of the rock is rough, and has suffered much from the weathering of 2,000 
years. A large portion of the middle part of the inscription has altogether gone, 
and the lesser part on the right is now separated by a blank space of 20 inches 
from the greater half on the left. This separation led Mr. OarUeyle to believe that 
there were two separate inscriptions, but a comparison with the more perfect texts 
at Sahasarfiim and RApn&th shows most conclusively that these two apparently 
distinct inscriptions are fragments of a single edict, of which * the middle portion 
has been lost.^ 

At the end of the inscription there are the traces of some large charac- 
ters or symbols, 4^ inches in height. Mr. CarUeyle read them doubtfully as 315, 
but I can trace only two definite shapes amongst the confused mass of lines which 
appear in my own fresh impressions as well as in Mr. Carlleyle's original impressions 
and hand-copies. At first these did not attract my attention, but, on referring to 
them lately, I was struck by the very strong resemblance in the forms of these two 
symbols with those of the two numerical figures in the RApn&th text. On com- 
paring all the impressions with Mr. Carlleyle's hand-copy, I am satisfied that these 
two broken and defaced characters are the same as those of the RApufi^th inscrip- 
tion, and that they represent the date of 66, or, with the addition of. the omitted 
hundreds, 256. 

Mr. Carlleyle made another curious discovery at BauAt, which, though perhaps 
not connected with this inscription, has certainly some connection with the rock 
on which it is engraved. Immediately in front of the rock there were two large 
boulder stones, one of them being 2 feet 6 inches long and 1 foot 6 inches broad. 
On removing these a layer of smaller boulder stones was found laid upon the earth. 
Here a fragment of pottery was found, which induced Mr. Carlleyle to dig further, 
until, at a depth of nearly 3 feet below the surface of the ground, he found four 
earthen vessels placed in a line on the same level. Two of these vessels were large 
and wide-mouthed, the third was middle-sized with a narrow neck, and the fourth 
was very small and very narrow in the mouth. All of them contained human 
bones. Mr. CarUeyle remarks that the boulder stones which were lying over these 
cinerary urns appeared to be m situ, and he is, therefore, inclined to believe that 
they " must have come into the position in which he found them, jammed against 
the rock, by the agency of some powerful flood, and consequently that the cinerary 
urns and bones may be of very great antiquity.'* 



» See Plate XIV. 



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24 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

My own opinion regarding these vessels is that they are most probably of later 
date than the inscription, as I conclude that the conspicuonsness of the inscribed 
block may have led to the interment. ^ 



11. — Second BaibIt Rock. 

This inscription is engraved on a block of reddish-grey granite, which was 
found by Captain Burt in 1837 on the top of a hill close to the ancient town of 
Bairitt, forty-one miles nearly due north of Jaypur. Vair&t, the capital of Matsya, is 
celebrated in Hindu legends as the abode of Raja Virata, where the five P&ndus spent 
their exile of twelve years from Dilli or Indraprastha. " The residence of Bhim 
P&ndu is still shown on the top of a long, low, rocky hill about one mile to the 
north of the town. The hill is formed of enormous blocks of coarse gritty quartz, 
which are much weather-worn and rounded on all the exposed sides. Some of these 
blocks have a single straight face sloping inwards, the result of a natural split, of 
which advantage has been taken to form small dwellings by the addition of rough 
stone walls plastered with mud. Such is the Bhlm-gupha or * Bhim*s cave,' which 
is formed by rough walls added to the overhanging face of a huge rock about 60 
feet in diameter and 16 feet in height. Similar rooms, but of smaller size, are said 
to have been the dwellings of Bhlm's brothers. The place is still occupied by a 
few Brahmans, who profess to derive only a scanty subsistence from the offerings 
of pilgrims, — ^a statement which is rather belied by their flourishing appearance. 
Just below Bhlm's cave a wall has been built across a small hollow to retain the 
rain water, and the fragments of rock have been removed from a fissure to form a 
tank about 15 feet long by 5 feet broad and 10 feet deep ; but at the time of my 
visit, on the 10th November, it was quite dry."^ 

The hill on which the inscription was found forms a conspicuous object about 
one mile to the south-west of the town. It is about 200 feet high, and is still 
known by the name of Bijak Pah&r, or " inscription hill," and the paved pass 
immediately beneath it, which leads towards Jaypur, is called Bijak Gh^t. The mass 
of the hill is composed of enormous blocks of grey granite intersected with thick 
veins and smaller blocks of reddish or salmon-coloured granite. The ruins on 
the top of the hill consist of two contiguous level platforms, each 160 feet square, 
which are thickly covered with broken bricks and the remains of brick walls. The 
bricks are of large size, 10^ inches broad and from 3^ to 4 inches thick. The 
western or upper platform is 30 feet higher than the eastern or lower one. In 
the centre of the upper platform there is a large mass of rocks which is said to 
have been dug into by the Mah&rftja of Jaypur without any discovery being made. 
On examining this mass it appeared to me that it must have been the core around 
which a brick stupa had been constructed, and that the relic chamber would have 
been formed in a crevice or excavation of the rock. 

The approach to this platform was on the south side, where I traced the 
remains of a large entrance with a flight of stone steps. On all four sides there 

> See Archsoological Survey of India, II, 244, 245. 



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INSCRIPTIONS OF A30KA. 25 

are rtdns of brick walls which once formed the chambers of the resident monks of 
this large monastery. 

^^ In the middle of the lower platform tliere is a square chamber which was laid open by the 
Maharaja's excavations. From its size I judged it to be the interior of a temple. Close beside it^ 
on the east, there is a gigantic mass of rock, 73 feet in length, which is familiarly known amongst 
the people by the name of Tdp, or ^ The cannon/ to which at a distance it bears some resemblance- 
This rock slapes gently backwards, as the upper end projects considerably beyond the base; its 
appearance is not unlike that of the muzzle of a great gun, somewhat elevated and thrust forward 
beyond the wheels of its carriage. Under this part of the rock a small room has been formed by 
the addition of rough stone walls after the fashion of the chamber on the opposite hill called Bhim- 
gupa, or ^ Bhim's cave.' On all four sides of the platform there are the remains of brick walls 
which once formed the cells of the resident monks. 

'' These ruins on the Bijak hill I take to be the remains of two of the eight Buddhist monas- 
teries which were still in existence at the time of Hwen Thsang's visit in A. D. 634. Their Buddhist 
origin is undoubted, as the famous inscription which was found on the lower platform distinctly 
records the belief of the donor in the ancient Buddhist Triad of Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha.^ 
These two monasteries, therefore, must have been in existence at least as early as the time of 
Asoka in 250 B. C, when the inscription was engraved. As the proclamation is specially addressed 
to the Buddhist assembly of Magadha, we must suppose, as Burnouf has suggested, that copies 
were sent to all the greater Buddhist fraternities for the purpose of recording the enduring firmness 
of the king's faith in the law of Buddha.'' 

This important inscription is the only one of all Asoka's edicts which mentions 
the name of Buddha ; once alone as Bhagavata Buddha^ or " the divine Buddha,'* 
and in another place in conjunction with Dharma and Sangha. The bare mention of 
these names was sufficient to extort from Wilson the reluctant admission that 
•* Priyadarsi, uohoever he may have been, was a follower of Buddha." 

The text has had the good fortime to have been revised and translated by 
Burnouf as well as by Wilson.* Their texts were both derived from the same 
impressions, which were made by the original discoverer, Captain Burt. The block 
of granite is now deposited in the museum of the Bengal Asiatic Society immedi- 
ately beneath James Prinsep's bust. From it I have made a fresh impression, on 
which my own reading of the text is founded. The only differences reqtdring 
notice are pdsdde, ** temples," for paadde, " favor ;" chilathitike for chilaaatitike ; 
and bhikhu and bhikhuni for bhikha and bhikhani. The early transcribers did not 
recognize the vowel u, which is attached to the foot of the M as a prolongation 
of the upright stroke. But the presence of the vowel is always indicated by a dot 
or knob which separates it from the stem of the consonant. In later times this 
vowel was formed by a horizontal stroke at the right foot of the letter. If the 
new reading of golane-cha pdsdde-cha be correct, the translation might be rendered 
as " circular railings and temples ;" but as I do not feel absolutely certain that 
the first long k of pdsdde may not be an accidental mark, I do not wish to press its 
acceptance. 

Wilson has noticed the repetition of the word bhanfe, which occurs no less 
than six times in this short inscription. "Burnouf renders it throughout by 

> See Plate XXXI for the map of India under Asoka, in the position of fiair4t. The inscription itself is given in 
Hate XV. 

' Journal of the Boyal Asiatic Society, XVI, 857 ; and Le Lotus de la Bonne Lot, p. 725. 

G 



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26 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

seigneurs^ * Sirs/ considering it as the Pr&krit form of the Sanskrit bhavantah, the 
plural of the honorific pronoun bhavdn, * your honor, your reverence/ in which 
Wilson was at first disposed to concur, but afterwards had reason to doubt its 
accuracy."^ But in this case Wilson's guess was only a random shot, while Bur- 
nouf 's explanation was a weU-directed aim which hit very near the mark. For the 
true original of bhcmte is bhadcmtahy or ** Reverend Sirs/' This title is said to have 
been instituted by Buddha himself in his last instructions to the Rahans as to the 
attention and regard they were to pay each other. 

** Let those/' said the teacher, ^^ who are more advanced in dignity and years of profession, call 
those that are their inferiors by their names, that of their family, or some other suitable appellation ; 
let the inferiors give to their superiors the little Bante" ^ 

Here we see that the term is one of respect addressed to the priesthood ; but 
its actual derivation I owe to Professor Childers,* who explains Bhdnte as 
'^ a contracted form of Bhadante, It is used as a reverential term of address, ^ Lord, Reverend Sir,' 
and is the proper address of Buddha, of Buddhist priests, of Rishis, Tftpasas, fee/' 

We now learn from the Bair&t inscription that this form of address to the Buddhist 
priesthood was certainly as old as the reign of Asoka. 

At the end of the 5th line are the words Upatisa paHne echa Ldghulo vdde 
which Bumouf renders as — 

*' la speculation d' Upatisa et V instruction de BdAula/* 

conceiving the text to contain the names of Upatissa, one of SfiJcya's principal dis- 
ciples, and of R&hula his son. On this Wilson remarks : — 

'^ The reading of the first is doubtful ; the initial may be an i*, but it is indistinct, and the third 
syllable is more like td than ti.'^ 

In reply to these doubts I can only say that, after having examined theinscrip 
tion itself very carefully, I foimd the initial letter u was quite distinct, and that the 
character ti was one of the clearest in the whole inscription. Wilson's remarks 
on the interpretation of the passage are more to the point : — 

" Pasine M. Bumouf would connect with j&a#ya, 'behold,' as if alluding to the views or doctrines 
of Upatissa; but, in that case, we should have Upatisasa, not Upatisa; and if we could suppose the 
insertion of an 's^ after td iohe b, blunder, it would give us upatdpasine for upatapaswitiaA, ' in- 
ferior or pretended ascetics/ For e cha Idghulova de M. Bumouf refers avdde to avavdda, 'instrac- 
tion/ but it would rather imply reproof ; but, as M. Burnouf indicates, there is a sUtra of the Maha- 
wftnso, headed Rdhulovdda, or, as translated by Turnour, 'admonitory discourse' addressed by 
Buddha to Rfihula, which is no doubt in favour of M. Bumoufs rendering. At the same time it 
may be allowable to give it a different constmction and signification, and to render it laghu loka 
rdda, ' the light or censorious language of the world,' a sense which would agree with what follows, 
if we explain mtuavdcham as M. Burnouf proposes, ' doctrines fausses/ The next word, atihigick^a, 
may be an error for adhigachjfa, the Pr&krit form of adhigatya, having gone over, or having over- 
come, or refuted, rejetL 

" The following passage is intelligible enough, and may be connected with the preceding 
Bhagavaid Budhena bidstte etdni, bkante, dhamma paliyaydni icAAami, 'I affirm these things, said 
by the divine Buddha, and desire (them to be considered) as the precepts of the law/ " 



> Jounua of the Royal Asiatic Society, XVl, 861. 

* Bishop Bigandet^s Legend of the Burmese Buddha, 2iid edit, p. 816. 

* PAU Dictionary, in voet . 



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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 27 

Wilson again refers to Bumouf 's readings of Upatisa and BAhula, towards the 
end of his paper, in the following words : — 

'' Although, therefore, unable to offer an entirely satisfactory version of this inscription, and 
while hesitating to admit it as evidence, as M . Bumouf is disposed to regard it, of the existence at 
the time of the principal Buddhist authorities, the Vinaya Stitras, GAthas, and the writingps of 
Upatissa and Rfthula, we cannot refuse to accept it as decisive of the encouragement of Buddhism by 
Priyadarsi ; the indications of which are sufficiently positive, setting aside the apocryphal allusions 
to Upatissa and BAhula/' 

Long after the preceding notice vms written, I saw in Mr. Burgess' Indian 
Antiquary a new version of this important inscription by Professor Eem, in which 
I am glad to find that this learned scholar upholds the true readings of Upatisa 
and Laghulo. His transliteration and version of the edict will be found imme- 
diately following those of Wilson and Burnouf .^ 



12. — Khandagibi Rock. 

The Khandagiri rock inscription was first published by Stirling, but it 
remained imread until a more perfect copy was made by Eittoe for James Prinsep. 
Kittoe thus describes the position of the rock and the places around it* : — 

" The hillocks of Khandagiri and Udayagiri form part of a belt of sandstone rock, which, 
skirting the base of the g^nite hills of Orissa, extends from Autgur and Dekkundl (in a southerly 
direction) past Kurda and towards the Chilka Lake, occasionally protruding through the beds of 
laterite. 

'^ Khandagiri is four miles north-west of Bhubaneswar, and nineteen south-west of Katak. 
The two rocks are separated by a narrow glen about 100 yards in width. 

'' Khandagiri has but few caves in the summit. There is a Jain temple of modem constructioni 
it having been built during the Maharatta rule. There are traces of former buildings ; I am inclined, 
therefore, to think that the present temple occupies the site of a Chaitya.'' 

By Stirling it is described as occupying "the overhanging brow of a large 
cavern."' 

The very coarse nature of the rock, a coarse sandstone grit, prevented Kittoe 
from taking an impression of this inscription, and he was obliged to be content with 
a hand-copy, a work of great labour, which he performed with remarkable success. 
The present copy has been reduced from a large photograph of a plaster cast taken 
by Mr. Locke. Many of the letters are very clear, but there are numbers of others 
that are very indistinct from the abrasion of the rock. Every letter has been 
carefully compared with two copies of the photographs, as well as with Elittoe's 
hand-copy, and I believe that the present copy is as perfect a facsimile as can now 
be made.* 

Regarding its alphabet, Prinsep remarks :* — 

'^ One prominent distinction in the alphabetical character would lead to the supposition of its 
posteriority to that of the laUy but that the same is observable at Gim&r : I allude to the adoption 
of a separate symbol for the letter r instead of confounding it with L Hence, also, it should be 
later than the Oaya inscription, which spells Vasaratha with an I {dcutalatiena). There are a few 



> See The Indiaa Antiquary, V, 257, for September 1876. 
' Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, VI, 1079. 



* Etesearohea, Bengal Asiatic Society, XV. 

^ See Plate XVII for the copy of this ioioription. 



* Joonud, Bengal Asiatic Society, V, 1060. 



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28 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

minor changes in the shape of the v, t,p, and g s and in the mode of applying the vowel marks 
centrally on the letters, as in the m of namo ; the letter gh is also used, but in other respects the 
alphabet accords entirely with its prototype, and is decidedly anterior to the Sainhadri cave 
inscription/' 

I fully agree vnth Prinsep that this record must he later than the Asoka 
edicts, and earlier than the inscriptions in the caves of Western India. I think 
that it may he placed as early as from B. 0. 200 to 175, as there is no appearance 
of heads, or mdtrast to any of the letters. I do not infer, as Prinsep does, that the 
use of the letter r shows it to be of later date than Asoka, as I believe that the 
want of the letter was a peculiarity of the Magadha dialect, which was copied in 
the Dhauli and Jaugada versions from the original text supplied from the capital 
of P&taliputra. At the same time the use of the letter r throughout this great 
inscription of Aira Raja, as well as in all the cave inscriptions of Khandagiri and 
Udayagiri, would seem to show that the dialect of Orissa differed from that of 
Magadha. 

All who take an interest in Indian antiquities will agree with James Prinsep 
as to the great value of this record, which he was disposed to think was " perhaps 
the most curious that has yet been disclosed to us."^ He offers a graceful apology 
for his imperfect translation, but at the same time is satisfied that " there can be 
little doubt of the main facts, that the caves were executed by a Buddhist Raja of 
Kalinga (named Aira ?) who, at the age of twenty-four, after having pursued his 
studies regularly for nine years, wrested the government from some usurper, distri- 
buted largesses bountifully, repaired the buildings, dug tanks, &c." * * "Each 
change of inclination is consistently followed by a description of corresponding con- 
duct, and we have throughout a most natural picture of a prince's life, wavering 
between pleasure and learning, between the Brahmanical and Buddhist faith, then 
doubtless the subject of constant contention. The history embraces his alliance 
with the daughter of a hill chieftain, and perchance even his death, though this is 
very unlikely/^ 



13. — Deotek Slab. 

For the knowledge of this inscription I am indebted to Mr. R. Egerton of 
the Civil Service. The inscribed slab is a solitary block now lying in a field at 
Deotek, a small village about fifty miles to the south-east of N&gpur. The spot has 
been visited by my assistant, Mr. J. D. Beglar, from whose pencilled impressions 
the accompanying copy of the inscription has been made. There are two distinct 
inscriptions on the slab, one of which is of a much later date than the other. This 
is also given in the plate, as it confirms the reading of a geographical name 
contained in the older record. This name in both inscriptions is Chikambari? 

The stone slab, which is 4 feet long by 2^ feet broad, has been at some previous 
period converted into an argha^ or receptacle for a lingam. The hoUow channel for 
carrying off the water poured over the lingam has been cut right through the middle 
of the later inscription. 

' Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, VI, 1084-85. * See Plate XV for both of these inscriptious. 



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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 29 

The earlier inscription is dated, but the year is unfortunately lost ; and I can 
only fix its date approximately, from the style of the characters, as about B. C.IOO. 

In the later inscription there is mention of a King named Eudra Sena, whom 
I take to be one of the KailaJdla Yavanas of V&k&taka. The Seoni copper-plate 
inscription gives a genealogy of the early kings of Vfik&taka, of whom the 2nd 
and 4th bear the name of Rudra Sena. There is a date, which I read as 200, or 
A. D. 278, and as this is said to be the eighteenth year of the reign of King Pravara 
Sena, son of Rudra Sena 2nd, the father's accession may be placed in A. D, 230, and 
that of the great-grandfather Rudra Sena 1st in 170 A. D. From the early forms 
of some of the characters, I prefer the reign of Rudra Sena 1st, or the latter end of 
the second century A. D., for the date of the Deotek inscription. The interval between 
the dates of the two inscriptions will thus be upwards of 250 years, which certainly 
does not appear to be too great for the very wide dijBferences in their alphabetical 
characters. 

If I am right in identifying the Rudra Sena of the second Deotek inscription 
with one of the Rudra Senas of Vdhdiaka^ then Chikambari must have been in the 
V&k&taka territory, and would have been either the ancient name of the district, 
or that of its principal town. No such name is now known. The chief town in 
this part of the country at the present day is Pauni, which is an old fortified place 
with several ancient temples. 



H 



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CAVE INSCRIPTIONS- 



CAVES OP BARlBAR AND NlGlRJUNI in MAGADHA oe BIHAR. 

BabIbae Caves, 

The famous caves of Bar&bar and N&g&rjuni are situated sixteen miles due north 
of Gaya, or nineteen miles by the road, in two separate groups of granite hiUs on the 
left or west bank of the Phalgu river. By the people these caves are usually called 
Sdtgharay or " the seven houses," although this name is by some restricted to two 
of the caves in the Bar&bar group. But as there are four caves in the BarAbar 
hills, and three caves in the Nftg&rjuni hills, or altogether " seven caves," I think 
that the name must belong to the whole number.' 

The Bar&bar caves are named as follows: — 1, Sfuddmd'Oupha^ or "Sudftmfi's 
cave," is a large room, 82f feet long by 19 feet wide. The roof is vaulted, and the 
whole of the interior is quite plain, but highly polished. At one end there is an 
inner room, nearly circular, with a hemispherical domed roof. The walls are 6| feet 
high to the springing of the vault, which has a rise of 5^ feet, making the total 
height 12| feet. The doorway, which is of Egyptian form, is simk in a recess 
6i feet square and 2 feet deep. On the east wall of this recess there is an 
inscription of two lines,^ which records the dedication of the Nigoha cave by Raja 
Piyadasi (or Asoka) in the twelfth year of his reign, or in B. C. 249. An attempt 
has been made to obliterate the greater part of this inscription with a chisel, but, 
owing to the great depth of the letters, the work of destruction was not an easy 
one, and the deeply-cut lines of the original letters, with the exception, perhaps, 
of one at the end, are still distinctly traceable at the bottom of the holes made 
by the destroyer's chisel. 

2. The Viswa-Jhopri, or " Viswa's hut," also consists of two rooms, an outer 
apartment, 14 feet long by 8 feet 4 inches broad, which is polished throughout, 
and an inner room 11 feet in diameter, which is rough and unfinished. On the 
right-hand waU there is an inscription of four lines, which records the dedication 
of the cave by Raja Piyadasi in the twelfth year of his reign, or B. C. 249. The last 
five letters have been purposely inutilated, but arestill quite legible.' 

3. The Kama Chcpdr, or ** Kama's hut," is a single- vaulted room, lOf feet high 
and 33^ feet long by 14 feet broad. The whole of the interior is quite plain, but 

^ See my detailed account of all these caves in Archeological Survey of India, I, 45. See abo Major Kittoe in the 
Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, XVI, 405. 

» See Plate XVI, No. 1. » See Plate XVI, No. 2. 



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INSCRIPTIONS or ASOKA. 31 

polished. On the west side of the entrance, in a sKghtly sunken tablet, there 
is an inscription of five lines, which records the dediction of the cave by Kaja 
Piyadasi in the nineteenth year of his reign, or 24A B. 0. The inscription being 
fully exposed to the weather has been very much worn, so that it is very difficult 
to make out the letters satisfactorily.^ 

4. The Zomds Bishi Oupha, or " Cave of Lom&s Rishi," is the fellow of the 
Sudftma cave, both as t.o the size and arrangement of his two chambers. But the 
whole of the circular room has been left rough, and both the floor and the roof 
of the outer apartment are imfinished. The straight walls of this room are polished, 
but the outer wall of the circular room is only smoothed and not polished. 
The chisel-marks are still visible on the floor, as well as on the vaulted roof, which 
has only been partially hewn. The work would appear to have been abandoned 
on reaching a deep fissure in the roof, which forms one of the natural cleavage 
lines of the rock. The entrance to this cave is sculptured, but the existing inscrip- 
tions are not older than the Gupta period. I infer, however, from the polished walls, 
that the cave was actually excavated about the Asoka period. 



NiGiRJTJNi Caves. 

5. The Vapiya cave is so named in its own inscription. It has a small porch, 
6 feet long by 6 J feet broad, from which a doorway, not quite 3 feet wide, leads 
to the principal room, which is 16f feet long by ll^J^ feet broad. The roof is 
vaulted and rises to 10^ feet. The whole of the walls are highly polished. On 
the left side of the porch there is an inscription of four lines, which records that 
the cave was given to the Bhadantas as a dwelling-place by Dasaratha, the beloved 
of the gods, in the beginning of his reign.* This prince was the grandson of 
Asoka, and as his father reigned only eight years, Dasaratha's accession must have 
taken place in B. C. 215. The characters of this inscription, and of two others 
about to be described, retain the Asoka forms imchanged, but they are only about 
half the size of those of Asoka's Barfibar cave inscriptions. 

6. The Oopika cave is so named in its own inscription, which is engraved 
on the outside just above the entrance. This is the largest of the Magadha caves, 
being 46 feet 5 inches long by 19 feet 2 inches broad, with a vaulted roof 10^ feet 
in height. Both of the ends are semicircular. The whole of the interior is highly 
polished, but quite plain. The inscription of this cave is word for word the same 
as the last, with the single exception of the name.^ It therefore belongs to the 
same date of 215 B. C. 

7. The Vadathi cave is so named in its own inscription. It is situated in a 
cleft of the rock to the west of the Vapiya cave. The entrance to the cave, which 
lies in this gap, is a mere passage, only 2 feet 10 inches in width, and 6 feet 1^ 
inches in height, with a mean length of 6^ feet. On the right side of the passage 
there is an inscription of four lines, which, with the exception of the name, is word 

» See Plate XVI, No. 3. » See Plate XVI. • See Plate XVI, 



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32 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

for word the same as the two preceding inscriptions of Raja Dasaratha.^ Its date 
is^therefore 218 B. 0. 

In two of the Asoka inscriptions the caves are said to be situated in the 
^^Khalati or Khalanti hills" — Khalatika pavatasi. Bnmouf has most ingeniously 
referred the name to the Sanskrit Skhalatika, "slippery," which agrees with 
Kittoe's description of the " steep and slippery face" of the rock.* My ownaccoimt 
of these hills, which was noted on the spot in 1861, makes use of the same term^ : — 

" The principal entrance to the valley lies over large rounded masses of granite^ now worn smooth 
and slippery by the feet of numerous pilgrims/'* 

The slipperiness, indeed, was so great, that I found it convenient to take oflf my 
shoes. Hence Bumouf's derivation of the name of Khalatika from S khalatika , 
"SltpperyJ*^ is fully borne out by the character of the hills themselves.* But with- 
out the initial 5 the name might be connected with Khala, **low, vile, bad," as 
an abusive epithet, which the Brahmans were so fond of bestowing on the 
aboriginal races, and from which the Burmese might have derived their name of 
Kald, which they apply to all Indians with such contemptuous tones. 

As the two groups of the Bar&^bar and N&gS-rjimi hills occupy a very conspicuous 
position in ancient Magadha, lying, as they do, on the high road from Bodh Gaya 
to Patna, and in sight of the high road to Nalanda, it seems possible that they 
may have given their name to the people who occupied the country roimd about them. 
In this case the people of the Khalatika and Khalanti hills might be identified with the 
Kalatii or Kalantii of Herodotus, and the Kalatice of Hekataeus.* The latter simply 
calls them an Indian nation, but the former describes them as practising the pecu- 
liar rite of eating their parents. In another place he speaks of the Ethiopians as 
eating the same " grain" (spermati) as the Kalantii. But as he has not said any- 
thing about the kind of grain which the Kalantii ate, various emendations of the 
text have been proposed, such as sSmati, &c. I think, however, that sdmati is pre- 
ferable, and that the father of history was guilty of a grim joke in describing the 
Ethiopians as eating the same *' flesh" aa the Kalantii. Beyond the Kalantii — that 
is, further to the eastward — lived the Padsei, who had the strange custom of killing 
and eating all the old and weakly persons. Perhaps they may be identified, as I have 
before suggested, with the people living on the Padda river, or lower course of 
the Ganges, and if so, this identification would very much strengthen that of the 
Kalantii with the people of the Khalatika or Khalanti hills. 

Khandagiei Caves in Katak. 

The inscriptions in these caves were first made known by Kittoe, who thus 
describes their position^ : — 

'' The hillocks of Khandagiri and Udayagiri form part of a belt of sandstone rock, which, 

skirting the base of the granite hills of OrisFa, extends from Antghar Dekkunal in a southerly 

> See Plate XVI. 

* Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, XVI, 405. 

* ArchsBological Survey of India, 1, 42. 

^ Le Lotos de la Bonne Loi, Appendices, p. 779. 

^ Herodotus, III, 38 and 97. Hekatseus quoted by Stephanus Byzantinus, in voce, 

* Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VI, 1079. 



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INSCRIPTIONS or ASOKA. 83 

direction past EArda^ and towards the Chilka Lake. ^ ^ Ehandagiri is four miles north-west of 
Bhob^eswar^ and nineteen miles south-west of Katak. The two rocks are separated by a narrow 
glen, about 100 yards in width. * * Ehandagiri has but few caves on the summit. * * Udayagvri 
is entirely perforated with small caves on its southern brow. The natives have a tradition that 
there were formerly 752, inclusive of those now called Lalitindra Kesari naur. A g^eat many still 
remain perfect. None are of any size ; they are mostly small chambers, about 6 feet by 4 and from 
4 to 6 feet high, with verandahs in front and small doorways to them hewn out of the solid 
rock. Several are cut out of detached blocks in fantastic shapes, such as the ' Snake Cave' and 
' Tiger Cave^ be/' 

The short inscriptions in these caves are of little interest, except Nos. 6 and 7, 
which certainly refer to Raja Aira and his family. Prinsep has read the opening of 
No. 6 as Veeasa Mahardjasa Kalmgadi patino^ for which I propose to substitute 
AiEASA Maharajdsa Kalingadi patino. The short inscription, No. 7, over a small 
door in the same cave, is read by Prinsep as Kvmdro Vattakaaa Umam^ but the correct 
reading seems to be Kumdro Vaddakaaa lenam^ — ^that is, "The cave of Prince 
Vaddaka^^^ or perhaps Vaduka. Here, then, we have most probably the name of 
one of the sons of Raja Aira, who added another small room to his fetther's original 
cave. The age of these caves will, therefore, be about B. C. 200. 

No. 8 is unfortunately incomplete, otherwise it would most probably have been 
interesting, as it also refers to the Rajas of Kalinga. For my copy of the text I 
have had the advantage of a large photograph of a plaster cast taken by Mr. H. H. 
Locke. There are several important differences between Prinsep's readings and 
mine. 



Ramgaeh Caves in Sieguja. 

The two inscribed caves in the Ramgarh hill, in Sirguja, were first made known 
by Colonel Ouseley.^ They have also been described by Colonel Dalton." But the 
inscriptions themselves were first published by Mr. Ball of the Geological Survey.' 
The copies given in the present volume are taken from photographs and paper impres- 
sions made by Mr. Beglar in December 1875.* I was especially anxious to obtain 
good copies of these inscriptions, as the copies made by Mr. Ball gave the name of 
the " Thera Devadata^^ and I thought it very probable that these few lines might 
prove to be records of some followers of the heretical school of Devadata, the 
cousin and opponent of Buddha. This, however, is not the case, for the name is not 
Devadata, but Devadarsin. But these inscriptions are otherwise interesting from the 
use of the palatal sibilant s, which occurs no less than five times in the second 
inscription. This record was engraved by a sculptor named Devadina for a Sruta^ 
nuka named Devadarsin. The letter I is iised for r in the last word of the 
inscription hspa, which I take to be the well-known rt^. A very full account of 
the caves is given by Colonel Dalton. 

> Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Bodetj, XVIT, p. 66. I * Indian Antiquary, September 1878, p. 243. 

» Joomal of the Bengal Aaiatio, Sodetj, XXIIV, PartU, p. 26. '« See Plate XI for tiiese Inscriptions. 

I 



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PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS. 



1. — Delhi Pillab— ;/ro»^ Siwdlik. 

The insCTibed pillars of Asoka have long been known to Europeans owing to 
the favorable positions which they occupy in the very heart of this empire. Of 
these the best known, and the earliest to be noticed by Europeans, is the Delhi Pillar, 
commonly known as Firoz Shah's Mt. According to Shams-i-Sir&j, a contemporary 
of Firoz, this pillar was brought from a place " on the bank of the Jumna, in the 
district of Salora, not far from Khizr&b&d, which is at the foot of the mountains 
ninety kos from Delhi." ^ Owing to the lamentable imcertainty of the Persian 
character in the expression of proper names, the name of the place from whence the 
pillar was brought may be variously read as Tobra, Topar, Topera, Toparsuk, Tohera, 
Tamera, and Nahera.^ 

The distance from Delhi and the position at the foot of the mountains point 
out the present Khizr^bSd on the Jumna just below the spot where the river 
issues from the lower range of hills, as the place indicated by Shams-i-Sir&j. Salora 
is perhaps Sidhora, a large place only a few miles to the west of Khizrflb&d. Prom 
the village where it originally stood, the pillar was conveyed by land on a truck to 
Khizr&bftd, from whence it was floated down the Jumna to FirozftbAd, or new Delhi. 
From the above description of the original site of this pillar, I conclude that the 
village from whence it was brought was perhaps the present Pacta, on the western 
bank of the Jumna, and twelve miles in a direct line to the north-east of Khizr&bM. 
Now, in this immediate neighbourhood, on the western bank of the Jumna, and at a 
distance of sixty-six miles from Thanesar, HwenThsang places the ancient capital of 
Srughna, which was even then (A. D. 630 — 640) in ruins, although the foundations 
were still in existence. The Chinese pilgrim describes Srughna as possessing a large 
Vih&r and a grand StApa of Asoka's time, containing relics of Buddha, besides many 
other stApas of S^riputra, Maudgalyayana, and other holy Buddhists. The village of 
Topar, which was the original site of Firoz Shah's pillar, was certainly within the 
limits of the ancient kingdom of Srughna, and I think it probable that in the word 
Suk, which is appended to one of the various readings of the name of the village of 
Topar, we stiQ have a fair approximation to Sughan, the popular form of the Sans- 
krit Srughna. 

1 Journal of the Ardusolgical Society of Delhi, 1, 74 ShAme-i-Sirlij was twelTe jean old when these pillars were set 
up by Firoz. 

* Journal of the Archseological Society of Delhi, I, pp. 29 and 75. See also H. M. Elliot's Mahammadan Historians, 
by DowBon III, p. 350, where the name of the village is given as Tobra. 



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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 85 

When the pillar was removed from its original site, a large square stone was 
found beneath it, which was also transported to Delhi.^ 

This stone was again placed beneath the pillar in its new situation on the top 
of a three-storied building called Firoz Shah's Kotila, where it may now be seen, as 
a gallery has been pierced through the solid masonry immediately beneath the base 
of the pillar. According to Shams-i-Sir^j, the whole length of the shaft was 32 
gazy of which 8 gaz were sunk in the building. As the pillar at present stands, I 
found the total height to be 42 feet 7 inches, of which the sunken portion is only 
4 feet 1 inch. But the lower portion of the exposed shaft to a height of 5 feet is 
still rough, and I have little doubt, therefore, that the whole of the rough portion, 
9 feet in length, must have been sunk in the ground on its original site. But 
according to Shams-i-Sir&j, even more than this, or one-fourth of its whole length, — 
that is 10 feet 8 inches, — was sunk in the masonry of Firoz Shah's Kotila. This I 
believe was actually the case, for on the west side of the column there still remain 
in situ the stumps of two short octagonal granite pillars that^ would appear to have 
formed part of a cloister or open gallery around a fourth storey, which cannot have 
been less than 6^ or 7 feet in height. I conclude, therefore, that the statement of 
Shams-i-Sir4j is quite correct. 

When the pillar was at last fixed, the " top was ornamented with black and 
white stone-work surmounted by a gilt pinnacle", from which no doubt it 
received its name of Mindr Zarin^ or * Golden Pillar.' This gilt pinnacle was still 
in its place in A. D. 1611, when William Finch entered Delhi, as he describes the 
* stone pillar of Bimsa (or Bhim-sen), which, after passing through three several 
storeys, rising 24 feet above them aU, having on the top a globe surmounted by a 
crescent.'* The 24 feet of this account are probably the same as the 24 gaz of 
the other, the gaz being only a fraction less than 1Q\ inches. 

The " Golden Pillar " is a single shaft of pale pinkish sandstone, 42 feet 7 
inches in length, of which the upper portion, 35 feet in length, has received a very 
high polish, while the remainder is left quite rough. Its upper diameter is 253 
inches, and its lower diameter 38*8 inches, the diminution being "39 inch per foot. 
Its weight is rather more than 17 tons. In its dimensions it is more like the 
Allahabad pillar than any other, but it tapers much more rapidly towards the top^ 
and is therefore less graceful in its outline. 

There are two principal inscriptions on Firoz Shah's pillar, besides several minor 
records of pilgrims and travellers, from the first centuries of the Christian era down to 
the present time. The oldest inscriptions for which the pillar was originally erected 
comprise the well-known edicts of Asoka, which were promulgated in the middle of the 
third century B. C. in the ancient PMi or spoken language of the day. The alphabetical 
characters, which are of the oldest form that has yet been found in India, are most 

' A similar large square stone was found under the PahUdpur pillar when it was removed to the grounds of Queen's 
College at Ben&res. 

' Kerr*8 Voyages and Travels, IX, 423. 



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36 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

clearly and beautifully cut, and there are only a few letters of the whole record lost 
by the peeling oflF of the surface of the stone. The inscription ends with a short 
sentence, in which King Asoka directs the setting up these monoliths in dijBferent 
parts of India as foUows :^ 

''Let this religions edict be engraved on stone pillars {aila thambha) and stone tablets 
(ailaphalaka) that it may endure for ever/' 

In this amended passage we have a distinct allusion to the rock inscriptions 
as well as to the pillar inscriptions. The record consists of four distinct inscriptions, 
on the four sides of the column facing the cardinal points, and of one long inscrip- 
tion immediately below, which goes completely round the pillar. I may mention 
that the word AjaJcdndni^ at the end of the seventh line south face, was not omitted 
*^ accidentally,** as James Prinsep supposed, by the original engraver, but has been 
lost by the peeUng away of the stone for about four inches. The vowel i of the final 
letter is still quite distinct. The penultimate word on the eastern face is not agnim, 
as doubtfully read by Prinsep, but abhyum, and, as he rightly conjectured, it is the 
same word that begins the ninth line. The last word in the eleventh line which 
puzzled Prinsep is not atikata, but atikantam, the same as occurs near the beginning 
of the fifteenth line. 

The last ten lines of the eastern face, as weU as the whole of the continuous 
inscription round the shaft, are peculiar to this pillar. Their position alone declares 
them to be an after addition. But there is also a marked diflference in the appear- 
ance of the letters of this part of the inscription, which shows that it must have 
been engraved at a later date than the preceding edicts. The whole of the additional 
matter is executed in thinner and less carefully formed letters, many of which have 
a sloping or cursive form that is not to be f oimd in any one of the five examples or 
the earlier inscriptions. The vowel marks also are generally sloping instead of being 
horizontal or perpendicular. Some of them are, besides, either differently formed, or 
differently attached. Thus the o, which in the older edicts is formed by two hori- 
zontal side strokes, one at top to left, and one lower down to right, has now become 
either a single continuous stroke across the top of the consonant, or has the positions 
of the two separate strokes reversed, the upper one being to the right, and the 
lower one to the left. So also the vowel u, which in the earlier edicts is a horizontal 
stroke at the right foot of the letters ch and dhy has now become a perpendicular stroke 
attached to the same point. The letter t is formed of only two strokes instead of 
three, the longer one sloping to the left, and the shorter one to the right. I observe 
also that the vowel u in anu^ has been shifted from the right end of the horizontal 
stroke of the ;^ to a point midway between the end and the junction of the perpen- 
dicular stroke. As all these differences in the forms of the letters begin in the 
middle of the inscription on the east face, it seems absolutely certain that this 
portion of the edicts, as weU as the still lower portion round the shaft, must have 
been engraved at a lat^ date than the upper haU . 

' See James Prinseplin Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, 1837, p. 609. He reads iila dkaktkdni instead of pkalahhii^ 
which is qoite distinct on the pillar. See Plates XVIII, XIX and XX of this Yolnme. 



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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 37 

2. — ^Delhi Pillab— ;/r(W^ Mirat. 

The second of Asoka's Delhi pillars, according to Shams-i-Sir&j, was hrought 
from Mirat by Firoz Shah, and set up near the Kushak Shik&r or " Hunting 
Palace," which we know was situated on the ridge to the north-we«t of the modem 
city. According to the popular belief, this pillar was thrown down by an accidental 
explosion of a powder magazine in the reign of Farokhsir, 1713 to 1719 A. D. 
Padre Tieffenthaler, who visited Delhi towards the middle of last century, saw this 
pillar lying in five pieces on the top of the ridge, beside a square pedestal of large 
stones. He also ascribes its destruction to gunpowder.^ There the five pieces 
remained undisturbed for upwards of a century, when the inscribed portion was sent 
down to Calcutta to the Museum of the Asiatic Society. Within the last few years 
this piece has been returned to Delhi, and the pillar has again been set up in its 
old position. 

The iQscriptions on this pillar are very imperfect, partly owing to its mutilation, 
and partly to the worn surface of the existing pieces.* Impressions of the remain- 
ing portions of the edicts were furnished to Prinsep, who published copies of them 
and compared the text with that of the other pillars.' But the impressions must 
have been imperfect, as the published plates omit the right-hand portion of the north 
compartment and the bottom line of both. The omitted portions will be seen at 
once in the accompanying plate. The thin letters in the middle of the west com- 
partment I have added from the other texts so as to show exactly how much is 
missing in this part. Altogether nearly one-half of the inscription still remains. 



3. — ^Allahabad Pillab. 

The well-known Allahabad pillar is a single shaft of polished sandstone 85 feet 
in length, with a lower diameter of 2 feet 11 inches, and an upper diameter of 2 feet 
2 inches. The capital of the colimm was no doubt of the usual bell-shape of Asoka's 
other pillars, but of this there is now no trace. The circular abacus, however, still 
remains with its graceful scroll of alternate lotus and honeysuckle, resting on a 
beaded astragalus of Greek origin. This was once surmounted by the statue of a 
lion ; but the lion must have disappeared many centuries ago, as when the pillar 
was re-erected by Jah&ngir in A. D. 1606, it was crowned by a globe, surmounted 
by a cone, as described and sketched by Padre Tieffenthaler in the middle of the 
next century.* It then stood in the middle of the fort. 

The great inscription of Asoka, containing the same series of six edicts which 
are found on the other four pillars, is engraved in continuous lines arotmd the 
column.* The letters are uniform in size, and are very neatly and deeply engraved. 
But a great portion of the third and fourth edicts, comprising seven lines, has been 

> Description de I'Inde, par Bernoulli, 1,1 2S — '* On a fait Banter «]i I'air m moamnent avec de la pondre." 
' ^ee Plate XXI for the remains of these edicts. 

* Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VI, 794, and Plate XLIT. 

* Descriptaon de rinde, par Bernoulli, I, 224, and Plate VI. 

* See Plate XXII. 

K 



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88 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

ruthlessly destroyed by the cutting of the vain-glorious inscription of JahSngir, record- 
ing the names of his ancestors. Two lines of the fifth edict are nearly intact, but 
nearly the whole of the remainder has been lost by the peeling oflf of the surface of 
the stone. The sixth edict is complete with the exception of about half a line. 

Immediately below the Asoka edicts comes the long and weU-known inscription 
of Samudra Gupta. The upper portion of this inscription is confined between a 
crack in the stone on its left, and two short Asoka inscriptions on its right. The lower 
one of these, consisting of five lines, was translated by Prinsep, and as it refers to 
Asoka's queens, I propose to name it " the Queen's edict." But the upper inscrip- 
tion, consisting of four lines, was discovered by myself, and as it is addressed to tHe 
rulers of Kos&mbi, I propose to name it " the KosAmbi edict." All that remains 
of these Asoka edicts is given in Plate XXII of the Pillar Inscriptions. 

Of middle age inscriptions there is no trace, but the mass of short records in 
rudely cut modem N&gari covers quite as much space as the two inscriptions of 
Asoka and Samudra. Above the Asoka edicts there is a mass of this modem 
scribbling equal in size to the Samudra Gupta inscription. But besides this, 
the whole of the Asoka inscription is interlined with the same rubbish, which is 
continued below on aU sides of the two shorter edicts, one of which has been half 
obliterated by the modem letters. 

Regarding these minor inscriptions, James Prinsep remarks^ that 
*' it is a singular fact that the periods at which the pillar has beeo overthrown can be thns deter- 
mined with nearly as much certainty from this desultory writing as can the epochs of its being 
re-erected from the more formal inscriptions recording the latter event. Thus, that it was over- 
thrown some time after its first erection by the great Asoka in the middle of the third century 
before Christ, is proved by the longitudinal or random insertion of several names in a character 
intermediate between No. 1 and No. 2, in which the tn, b, &c., retain the old f orm.^' 

Of one of these names he remarks : — 

" Now it would have been exceedingly diflScult, if not impossible, to have cut the name No. 10 up 
and down at right angles to the other writing, wAile the pillar was erect, to say nothing of the 
place being out of reach, unless a scaffold were erected on purpose, which would hardly be the case, 
since the object of an ambitious visitor would be defeated by placing his name out of sight and in an 
unreadable position. The pillar was erected as Samudra Gupta^s arm, and there it probably remained 
until overthrown again by the idol-breaking zeal of the M usalmftns ; for we find no writings on it of 
the P&la or Sftm&th type {i,e,y of the tenth century), but a quantity appears with plain legible dates 
from the Samvat year 1420, or A. D. 1868, down to 1660 odd, and it is remarkable that these occupy 
one side of the shaft, or that which was uppermost when the pillar was in a prostrate position. A few 
detached and ill-executed N^Lgari names with Samvat dates of 1800 odd show that ever since it was 
laid on the ground again by General Garstin,* the passion for recording visits of piety or curiosity 
has been at work.^' 

I have gone through the mass of modem scribhling in the hope of finding some- 
thing that might throw further light on the history of the pillar, and I have not 
been altogether disappointed. I have foimd seven dates ranging from Samvat 
1297 to 1398, or from A. D. 1240 to 1341 ; five ranging from Samvat 1464 to 1495, or 
A. D. 1407 to 1438 ; twelve ranging from Samvat 1601 to 1584, or A. D. 1444 to 

' Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Socbtj, VI, 967. 

* Aocx>rdiDg to my information it was General Kjd, whose name is still preserved in Kydganj at Allahabad, who threw 
down the pillar. Kittoe also assigns its overthrow to Ejd. 



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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 89 

1527 ; three ranging from Samvat 1632 to 1640, or A, D. 1576 to 1583 ; and three 
of Samvat 1864, or A. D. 1807. These dates, combined with the total absence of 
any medieeval N&gari inscriptions, are suflBicient to show that the pillar was standing 
out of the reach of pilgrims' scribbling from the time of the Guptas until that of the 
early Musalm&n kings of Delhi. There are then twelve dated inscriptions coming 
down to near the death of Muhanmiad Tughlak. There is not a single record of the 
time of Firoz Tughlak, which leads me to suspect that he may have re-erected this 
pillar with its globe and cone, like those of the Zarin-Mindr^ or Golden Pillar, at 
Delhi. But if he did set it up, it must have been thrown down again during the 
troubled times of his immediate successors, as the dates begin again in A. D. 1407 
and 1408. It was next set up by Jahfi-ngir in A. H. 1014, or A. D. 1605, to be pulled 
down by General Kyd in A. D. 1798. It was once more scribbled upon in 
A. D. 1807, and finally in 1838 it was set up as it stands at present. 

From the address of Asoka to the rulers of Kos&mbi, in the newly-discovered 
edict, it seems probable that this pillar may have been originally erected in that 
city, and afterwards removed to Prayftg or Allahabad. But if so, the removal was 
not made by Jah&ngir, as I have found amongst the modem Nftgari records a short 
inscription of the famous Birbar^ the companion and favourite of Akbar. The words 
of this short record are as foUows : — 

1. — Samvat 1632, Sdke 1493, Mdrgabadi panchami. 
2. — -Somwdr Oangddda sut Maharaja Birha {r) Sri. 
3. — Ttrth JRdj Fraydg kejdtrd Saphal lekhitam, 

" In the Samvat year 1632, S&ke ^ 1493, in Marga, the 5th of the waning moon, on Monday^ 
Gang&d&s's son Maharaja Birba (r) made the auspicious pilgrimage to Ttrth RSj PrajSg. Saphal 
Bcripsit/' 

The Samvat date is equivalent to A. D. 1575, and as the building of the fort 
of Allahabad was finished in A. H. 982 = A. D. 1572, it is probable that Birbar took 
advantage during one of his attendances on Akbar to pay a visit to the meeting of 
the waters of the Grang& and YamunS, under the holy tree of Pray&ga. But whatever 
may have been the occasion of Birbar' s visit, its record is sufficient to prove that the 
pillar was then lying on the ground at Pray&ga. If, then, it was originally erected 
at Kos&mbi, it seems highly probable that it must have been brought to Prayfiga by 
Eiroz Tughlak, whose removal of the SiwAlik and Mirat pillars to Delhi gives coun- 
tenance to this suggestion. The silence of the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang is also 
in favour of my suggestion, that the present Allahabad pillar was originally set up 
at Kos&mbi. 



4. — Laueita ArarIj Pillar. 

This pillar is situated close to the small hamlet of Lauriya, between Kesariya 
and Bettia, at a distance of twenty miles to the north-west of the Kesariya StApa, and 
one mile to the south-west of the much-frequented Hindu temple of Arar&j-Mahadeo. 

1 There is an error of four years in this S&ke date of 1493, which should be 1632—135=1497 »^4ke. If this wa« 
due to Birbar himself, and not to the scribe Saphal, it confirms the account of Badaoni that he was of poor origin. 
Hia real name was Mahes D^. See Blochmann's Ain-i-Akbari. 



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40 INSCRIPTIONS OFASOKA. 

The pillar itself is simply called Laur, — that is, " the phallus," — ^and the neighbouring 
village, which lies not more than 100 yards to the westward, is called Lauriya. 
This is the pillar which, on the authority of Mr. Hodgson's Munshi, has been called 
the B/adhia Pillar. Now, as the other pillar to the north of Bettia is also called 
Laur^ and the large village close to it Lauriya, while Mr. Hodgson has named it 
Mathiah, I persimie that his Munshi intentionally suppressed the phallic name of 
Lauriya, and named the two pillars at random after some of the neighbouring 
villages. Thus JRahariya (Rurheea of Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 102), which is 
Mr. Hodgson's Radhia, lies two and a half miles to the west-north-west of the 
southern pillar, while Mathiah lies three miles due south from the northern pillar. 
In describing these pillars I have preserved the characteristic name of Lauriya, and 
for the sake of distinguishing the one from the other, I have added to each the 
name of the nearest village. Thus the village near the southern pillar I have called 
" Lauriya Arar&j," and that near the northern pillar " Lauriya Navandgarh." 

The Arar&j pillar is a single block of polished sandstone, 36^ feet in height 
above the groimd, with a base diameter of 41*8 inches, and a top diameter of 37*6 
inches. The weight of this portion only is very nearly 23 tons, but as there must be 
several feet of rough shaft sunk in the earth, the actual weight of the single block 
must be about 30 tons. This pillar has no capital, although there can be little, if 
any, doubt that it must once have been crowned with a statue of some animal. 
The people, however, know nothing of it, and not a fragment of any kind now 
^exists to suggest what it may have been. The site of the village is a very secluded 
one, and there are no ruins or other remains to attract attention. It has accord- 
ingly escaped the notice of travellers and the disfigurement of their names ; the 
only record being that of " Reuben Burrow, 1792," besides a few flourished letters, 
or marks, of the kind which James Prinsep called " shell-shaped characters." 

The edicts of Asoka are most clearly and neatly engraved, and are divided into 
two distinct portions, that to the north containing eighteen lines, and that to the 
south twenty-three lines.^ I made a copy of the inscriptions by the eye, which I 
then compared with James Prinsep's text, and afterwards I re-examined every letter 
in which our copies differed. I also made an inked impression of the whole in- 
scription on paper. But though the variations from Prinsep's text are not many, 
yet, as no facsimile has yet been made public, it is important, for the sake of com- 
parison, to afford access to an authentic copy which has been carefully examined in 
every letter. 

The inscription of Asoka is engraved in two colimms, one facing the south 
comprising the first four edicts, and the other facing the north containing edicts five 
and six of the Delhi pillar. The characters are neatly and deeply cut, and the words 
are generally separated. The forms of the letters are the same as those of the 
Delhi and Allahabad piUars, with the single exception of j\ which has a decided 
knob or small circle attached to the middle stroke. There are six compoxmd letters, 
kkh, ty^ dhy, khy, ay^ and 8W, of which the first three do not occur on the Delhi 
pillar. 

See Plates XXIII and XXIV. 



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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 41 



5. — ^Laxtbita Navandgaeh Pillae. 

The graceful lion piUar at Lauriya, near the great ruined fort of Navandgarh, 
or Nonadgarh, is the only one of Asoka*s columns which still retains its original 
capital.^ The lion is seated on its haunches with the mouth wide open ; but the 
mouth is partly broken, and the shaft itself bears the round mark of a cannon shot 
just below the capital, which has been slightly displaced by the shock. One has 
not far to seek for the name of the probable author of this mischief. By the people 
the outrage is ascribed to the Musalm&ns, and on the pillar itself, in beautifully cut 
Persian characters, is inscribed the name of Mahiuddm Muhammad Aurangzib 
Fddshdh Alamgir Qhdzi, Sanhu 1071. This date corresponds with A. D. 1660-61, 
which was the fourth year of the reign of the bigoted Aurangzib, and the record 
was most probably inscribed by some zealous follower in Mir Jilmla's army, which 
was then on its return from Bengal, after the death of the emperor's brother ShujA. 

This pillar is much thinner and lighter in appearance than those of Arar^j and 
Bakhra. The height of the polished shaft is 32 feet 9^ inches, with a base diameter 
of 2 feet 11^ inches, and a neck diameter of 2 feet 2\ inches. The capital, which 
is bell-shaped, has a circular abacus, ornamented with a row of Kansas (wild geese) 
pecking their food. The height of the capital, including the lion, is 6 feet 9 inches, 
which makes the total height of the pillar rather more than 39^ feet. 

The edicts of Asoka, which are arranged in two columns, one facing the north 
and the other the south, are engraved in the same clear and deeply-cut letters as on 
the Araritj pillar.* The two inscriptions, with only a few trifling variations, corre- 
spond with each other, letter for letter, including the use of the six compound letters 
already noted. 

This pillar has been visited by numerous travellers, as it stands in the direct 
route from Bettia to Nepal. There are a few unimportant inscriptions in modem 
N&gari, the oldest being dated in Samvat 1566, Chait badi 10, equivalent to A. D. 
1509. Another inscription, without date, refers to some petty royal family, Nripa 
Ndrdyana Suta Nripa Amara Singha^ — that is, " King Amara Singha, the son of 
King Nft-rftyana.*' The only English inscription is the name of Rn. Burrow, 1792. 

The pillar itself has now become an object of worship as a phallus or lingam. 
Whilst I was copying the inscription, a man with two women and a child set up a 
small flag before the pillar, and placed offerings of sweetmeats around it. They then 
all knelt before it, bowing down their heads to the groimd with their hands behind 
their backs and repeating some prayer. The erection of the pillar is ascribed to 
Itaja Bhim Mftri, one of the five PSndava brothers, to whom most of the pillars in 
India are now ascribed. I could not learn anything regarding the title of M&ri. 
There are two fine pipal trees close to the pillar, one to the north, and the other to 
the south ; but there are no traces of buildings of any kind near it. 

Close to the pillar there are three rows of earthen mounds, of which one line 
runs from east to west, and the other lines from north to south. The loftiest of 



» See ArchfiBological Survey of India, Vol. I, Plates XXII and XXV. 
• See Plates XXV and XXVI. 



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42 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

these mounds reach the height of 50 to 56 feet. I believe them to be the tombs of 
the early inhabitants before the time of Asoka. Indeed, a human skeleton has been 
found in one of them, which, according to native report, was enclosed in an iron 
coffin. 



6.— SInchi Pillar. 

The inscribed pillar at SItnchi near BhUsa is only a fragment of a large polished 
shaft ; but near it there still lies a beautiful broken capital crowned by four lions, 
which, no doubt, once surmounted it.^ The inscription is unfortimately very much 
mutilated, as may be seen by the only two copies of it which have yet been 
published.* I have again lately visited S&nchi, and the present copy has been 
prepared from my recent impressions. It seems scarcely possible that it can be 
satisfactorily deciphered, but it will still be valuable, as affording, by the characters 
in which it is written, a direct proof that the pillar was erected in the time of Asoka.' 
And as the pillar was subordinate to the stupa, it affords also an indirect proof that 
the stiipa cannot be of a later date. 

^ See Colonel Maisey's drawing in Ferg^sou's Tree and Serpent Worship, Plate XXXIX, fig. 1. 

* Prinsep in Joomd of Bengal Asiatic Society, VII, Plate 23, and CunDiDgham's Bhilsa Topes, Plate XIX, No. 177. 

* See Plate XX for this iDscription. 



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II. LANGUAGE OF THE INSCRIPTIONS. 



The inscriptions of Asoka are quite invaluable for the study of the vema 
languages of India, as they present us with several undoubted and authentic 
of the common language of the people in the third century B. C. As reveal« 
these engraved records, this spoken language was essentially the same throug 
the wide and fertile regions lying between Himalaya and Vindhya from the I 
of the Indus to the mouths of the Ganges. There are, however, some marked p 
of difference which show that there were at least three distinct varities of Pi 
the time of Asoka. These may be called, according to their geographical dist 
tion, the Panjdhi or North- Western dialect, the Vjjeni or middle dialect, anc 
Mdgadhi or eastern dialect. 

1. The Panjdhiy or dialect of North- Western India, is fully exhibited in the { 
inscription at Sh&hb&z-garhi in the Sudam vaUey, as well as on the coins o\ 
Greek and Indo-Scythian princes of Ariana and India. Its chief characterisi 
the retention of the subjoined r, in such words as Friyadarei^ Srdmana, Andhra 
prati of the inscriptions, and in Eukratidaaay Strategasa^ bhrdtasa, and putraaa o 
coins. It is also distinguishable by its nearer approach to pure Sanskrit fi 
shown in the above-quoted prati, which becomes pati in all the other texts, as 
as in the P^li of Ceylon. Another characteristic is the possession of the t 
distinct sibilants of Sanskrit, which are all blended into one common form of 
dental s in the other texts as well as in the P41i of Ceylon. The whole of the t 
sibilants occur in the word sususha, which is written simply 8U8U8a in all the In 
versions, excepting only in a few passages of the Khilsi text, where the palatal 
sh is used of nearly the same form as the Arian letter of the Sh&hbd.z-garhi ins 
tion. The same letter is also found in the word vasa or vaaha, " year " which rep 
vaaa of the Indian texts ; and in the plural forms of Kambayeshu and Pulindi 
which take the place of Kabojesu and Fulmdem of the other versions. 

But the most remarkable departure from the Indian texts is the use of 
vernacular word haraya for twelfth, instead of the Sanskrit dwddasa. This ^ 
occurs twice in the inscription, near the beginning of the third and towards the 
of the fourth edict. Strange to say, it remained unrecognized by Wilson, who sii 
remarks, "in place of dwddasa, * twelve,' and vaaa, 'year,' the inscription 
baraya vasha; but the first must be wrong."^ Of the second example, he says 
" there is a blank instead of the number,'' although Norris's Arian text hat 

> Journal of the Bojal Asiatic Society, XII, p. 171. 



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44 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

letters for vara + vaaha quite distinct, while his English transliteration gives va 
rana vaaha. By thus separating va from the following letters, it seems that Norris 
also failed to recognize the true vernacular baraya for " twelfth." 

I observe that the word chatura^ "four," in the thirteenth edict, is followed by 
four upright strokes, thus | 1 1 1, in the ShfiJib&z-garhi text, and that the corre- 
sponding word chatv/ra, " four," in the Kh&lsi text, is followed by an upright cross 
thus 4-, which must, therefore, be the old Indian cypher for 4. This form was after- 
wards modified to a St. Andrew's cross, or x , in which shape it was adopted by all 
the people who used the Arian characters, as may be seen in the diflferent inscrip- 
tions of the Kings Kanishka, Huvishka, and Gondophares, and of the Satrap 
Liako-Kujulaka. Previous to the adoption of this Indian symbol, the cyphers 
of the Western people would seem to have been limited to single strokes, as the 
words pancheshU'pancheahu^ "Every five," are followed by five upright strokes, 
which precede the word vaaheshu, " years."^ 

2. The TJjjeni^ or middle Indian dialect, is exhibited in the Gim&,r version of 
Asoka's edicts, in the rock edict of RApn&th, and in all the numerous donative 
records of the great stiipas of Bhilsa and Bharhut. Its chief characteristics are 
the occasional use of the palatal sibilant «, as in pd^anda^ and its possession of r 
as well as Z, as shown in the use of Haja instead of Laja, guru instead of gulu, 
oro for olo^ &c. 

The few coins that we possess with legends ra Asoka characters also use the 
r in its proper place, as in PurtLshadattaj Bdrdniya ; and as none of them have 
been found to the east of Benares, I conclude that the power of pronoimcing the 
letter r was confined to Northern and Central India, and to the people of Orissa 
and Kalinga. 

3. The Mdgadhi or eastern dialect is broadly marked by the entire want of 
the letter r, for which I is uniformly substituted. Tlius we have Laja for Bdja^ 
lopapita for ropapita, antalam for antaram^ chalana for charana^ Dasalatha for 
Jtasarathay &c.,— a peculiarity which would seem to connect the people of Eastern 
India with the Indo-Chinese, who also want the r.^ There is a curious account in 
the Lalita-Vistara regarding the teaching of the yoimg Prince S4kya Sinha in 
the lipiadla or " Writing School." There the alphabet which he was taught was 
the common Sanskrit alphabet with the omission of the letters l^ri and ri.^ But as 
no inscriptions with this peculiarity have yet been found, I cannot help suspecting 
that the author of the Lalita-Vistara has made a mistake, and that the letter 
actually omitted was r, as we find to have been the case in numerous inscriptions, 
including those of the lauriya pillars, which stand within 125 miles of Kapila- 
vastu, where Buddha was bom. 

The affinities of the language of Asoka's inscriptions with Pftli and Sanskrit 
have been briefly discussed by the competent pen of Professor H. H. Wilson, 
whose opinion was formed after a very careful and searching examination of the 

> AchsBological Survey of India, Vol. V, p. 22, by Cunningham. 

' It is true that the Burmese have actually got the letter r, which they borrowed from India along with their 
alphabet, bnt they have not got the pronnnciation, as they say Tangoon for Bangoon, Yahoo for Baku, «Stc. 
■ History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature by Professor Max-Muller, p. 19. 



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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA, 4.5 

complete texts of four different versions of the rock edicts. I quote his words 
as they stand, with the single exception of the substitution of the name of Sh&hb&z- 
garhi for that of Kapurdagiri, as the great inscription of Asoka is actually within 
the lands of the former place, and more than two miles distant from the smaller 
village of Kapurdagiri^ : — 

*' The language itself is a kind of Pftli, offering for the greater portion of the words forms 
analogous to those which are modelled by the rules of the Pali grammar still in use, There are, 
however, many differences, some of which arise from a closer adherence to Sanskrit, others from 
possible local peculiarities, indicating a yet unsettled state of the language. It is observed by 
Mr. Prinsep, when speaking of the L&t inscriptions : ' The language differs from every ftTiafing 
written idiom, and is^ as it were, intermediate between th^ Sanskrit and Pftli. The nouns and arti- 
cles in general follow the P&li structure ; the verbs are more frequently nearer to the Sanskrit 
forms : but in neither, any more than in grammatical Pftli^ is there any great dissimilarity from 
Sanskrit. It is curious that the Sh&hb&z-garhi inscription departs less from the Sanskrit than the 
others, retaining some compound consonants, as jor inpriya instead of piya ; and having the repre^ 
sentatives of the three sibilants of the Devan&gari alphabet, while the others, as in Pftli, have 
but one sibilant. On the other hand, the Shfthb&z -garhi inscription omits the vowels to a much 
greater extent, and rarely distinguishes between the long and short vowels — peculiarities perhaps not 
unconnected with the Semitic character of its alphabet. 

** The exact determination of the differences and agreements of the inscriptions with P&li on 
the one hand, and Sanskrit on the other, would require a laborious analysis of the whole, and would 
be scarcely worth the pains, as the differences from either would, no doubt, prove to be comparatively 
few and unimportant, and we may be content to consider the language as Pftli, not yet perfected in 
its grammatical structure, and deviating in no important respect from Sanskrit. P41i is the 
language of the writings of the Buddhists of Ava, Siam and Ceylon ; therefore it is concluded 
it was the language of the Buddhists of Upper India when the inscriptions were engraved, and 
consequently they are of Buddhist origin. This, however, admits of question ; for, although the 
Buddhist authorities assert that S&kya Sinha and his successors taught in Pftli, and that a P&U 
grammar was compiled in his day, yet, on the other hand, they afBrm that the doctrines of Buddha 
were long taught orally only, and were not committed to writing for four centuries after his deaths 
or until B. C. 153 — a date, no doubt, subsequent to that of the inscriptions. In fact, the principal 
authorities of the Singalese Buddhists appear to have existed in Singalese, and to have been trans- 
lated into P&li only in the fifth century after Christ. 

'^ According to M. Bumouf and Mr. Hodgson, the earliest Buddhist writings were not P41i, but 
Sanskrit, and they were translated by the Northern Buddhists into their own languages — Mongol and 
Tibetan. It does not appear that they have any PMi books. The Chinese have obtained their 
writings from both quarters, and they probably have P4li works brought from Ava or Ceylon. They 
have also, according to M. Burnouf, translations of the same Sanskrit works that are known in the 
north. It is by no means established, therefore, that P&li was the sacred language of the Buddhists 
at the period of the inscriptions, and its use constitutes no conclusive proof of their Buddhist origin. 
It seems more likdy that it was adopted as being the spoken language of that part of India where 
Piyadasi resided, and was selected for his edicts, that they might be intelligible to the people^ 
Hence, also, the employment of different alphabets, that of Sh&hb&z-gfarhi being the alphabet cur- 
rent in Afghanistan and Bactria, as we know from the Grsdco-Bactrian coins. The use of the pro- 
vincial or local alphabet was evidently designed for the convenience of those to whom it was familiar, 
while the ancient form of Devanftgari was that employed in Hindustan as being there in general 
use. The popular currency of the language, admitting that it might have been the spoken dialect 
of the north-west of India, would be more likely to prevent, than to recommend, its use as a ^sacred' 

> Journal of the Boyal Asiatic Society, XII, 236-238. 



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46 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

langnage^ and its being applied to sach a purpose by the southern Buddhists was in some degree 
probably owing to their being as a people ignorant of it^ and it would then assume in their eyes a 
sanctity which as a spoken dialect it was not likely to possess. At the same time we can scarcely 
suppose that the language of the inscriptions was understood in all the countries where they have 
been discovered, — beyond the Indus, at Delhi, in Bihar, in Orissa, and Gujarat, where we know that 
very different dialects, however largely borrowing from a common source, at present prevail. 
Neither is it likely that edicts intended to r^pulate the moral conduct of the people at large should 
have been intelligible only to Buddhist priests, or should have been perpetuated on pillars and rocks 
solely for their edification. We»may, therefore, recognize it as an actually existent form of speech in 
some part of India, and might admit the testimony of its origin given by Buddhists themselves, by 
whom it is always identified with the language of M&gadha or Bihar, the scene of Sftkya Sinha^s 
first teaching ; but that there are several differences between it and the M&gadhi, as laid down in 
Frftkrit grammars, and as it occurs in Jain writings. It is, as Messrs. Bumouf and Lassen remark, 
still nearer to Sanskrit, and may have prevailed more to the north than Bihar, or in the upper part 
of the Doab, and in the 7unj&b,%eing more analogous to the Sauraseni dialect, the language of Ma- 
thura and Delhi, although not differing from the dialect of Bihar to such an extent as not to be 
intelligible to those to whom S&kya and his successors addressed themselves. The language of the 
inscriptions, then, although necessarily that of their date, and probably that in which the first pro- 
pagators of Buddhism expounded their doctrines, seems to have been rather the spoken lan- 
guage of the people in Upper India than a form of speech peculiar to a class of religionists, or a 
sacred language, and its use in the edicts of Piyadasi, although not incompatible with their Bud- 
dhist origin, cannot be accepted as a conclusive proof that they originated from any peculiar form of 
religions belief. 

James Prinsep had already noticed the " marked difference" between the dia- 
lects of the Girn&r and Dhauli versions of the edicts.^ " In the former," he says : — 

^' We find bhavatiy asti = ' is'; anusati = ' command,^ * * following closely upon the Sanskrit 
etymology ; whereas in the latter we have Aoti, Mi, anusathi, as in the modem P41i. 

" The dialect of Gimir, then, is intermediate between Sanskrit and P&li, or rather the pillar- 
idiom; for Pali, so called, agrees in some respects better with one, in some with other, and in ortho- 
graphy decidedly with neither ! Thus the word idha, used at Gim&r for ika, ' here,' is correctly the 
P&li term, as may be seen in the long quotation about the erection of a stApa in Ceylon inserted in 
last month's Journal. 

'' The corresponding word in the eastern dialect is curiously modified to kida — a fact I only ascer- 
tained by the collation of the two texts, and one which at once c^ns an important discovery to aid 
our studies. In several of the Dhauli inscriptions the expressions iidalokiia, parahkika, hidaloka 
paraloka^ occxir ; at Gimftr (13th tablet) we have also ilokiid, paralokikd cha : all these are evi- 
dently t^ifo^'ii!?, j»<^ra/oii/t{^{?^a — ^of this world, and of the next world.' Now, the opening of the 
pillar inscription, which so much perplexed us, has the same elements hidata pdlata — ika para, or 
ihatopdraiak, * here and hereafter,' a sense which at once renders the passage intelligible. The same 
may be said of kidatakaye pdlatakaye in the north compartment. 

'' The eastern dialect is remarkable for this species of cockneyism, which, as far as I know, has 
no parallel in any of the grammatical Pr&krits : thus the k is inserted before evam {kevam), idam, and 
some other words b^^ning with vowels. 

'' On the other hand (but this \b also a cockneyism), the semivowel y is cut ofE in many words, 
such as atkd, add, aid, am, which are correctly spelt at QiTniT,'—yaikd, yadd,yatd {8. yatra) said yam. 
In these instances the pillar language is remotest from the Sanskrit. There is a singular exception, 
however, in the feminine pronoun iyam, which is preserved throughout at Dhauli and on the pillars ; 

5 Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VII, 277, 281. 



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INSORIPTONS OF ASOKA. 47 

whereas at Gimfcr, aysm is made both masculine and feminine^ as in modem (or rather written) 
Pftli. 

" There cannot be a better test of the gradual change of language than the word prcUi, a prefix 
in Sanskrit extensively used, implying relation, direction, or return. In the Pftli of Gimar this is 
merely altered to pati, by omission of the r. In the language of the pillars the same preposition is 
always written /wiff, with the cerebral f* The orthography varies in the written Pili of books, being 
in Ceylonese pafi, in Burmese j»a^i; while in Prikrit, the rules of which generally change the hard 
to soft consonants, t to d, t to 4} the word is written padi as padihAUsati for pratikhydsyati^ fee.; and 
perhaps we may recognize a final change into joar in the modern Hindi, — for instance, mparos from 
praiivesa, vicinity, and other words. 

*' Substantives suffer modifications not so great in extent, but equally remarkable, and signifi- 
cant of gradual corruption. 

^^ The word man may serve as an example : — Sanskrit, manushyas ; at Gim&r^ mawMo ; at Dhauli 
and on the pillars, munise; Pali, mantcsso ; Pr&krit — (?Bh&ka), manna. Again, the Sanskrit jtwn^/i^j^ 
is made at Gitukr puriMO (?) ; at Dhauli, piUise ; P&li,jo«m<? or paso; Prdkrit, puriso. In modern 
dialects it is only used as a Sanskrit word. 

'' Of the changes undergone by the verbs, a good example may be selected in the substantive 
verbs, bAu, bhavati, ^ be,' which is found unimpaired in several instances at GimAr^ though never 
so on the pillars ; hoti, the P&li form, sometimes takes its place in the Girn&r tablets, — always on the 
pillars. The Prakrit changes this to hodiy whence it is farther softened to hai and hos in the modern 
dialects. 

** Aati and ndsti (Sanskrit adi and nasti) are also retained in the original form at GimiLr : at 
Dhauli they became athi and nathi ; whereas in P&li they are converted into aM and nauhi. The 
future passive participle terminates as the Sanskrit in iavya at Gim&r, and taviya at Dhauli ; while 
Pftli makes it iahhay Pr&krit dabha ; and the form is altogether lost in the modem bhdshas. This 
gradual transition is well marked in the verb kri; 'do' : — Sans., karttavyam : Qirukv, iatavyam ; 
Katak, kataviyam ; P&li, kalawam; Pr&k., kadabbam. 

*' In writing many Sanskrit words in which the sCk or st dental, or cerebral, are required, 
a curious rule is adopted at Gim&r of representing them by a cerebral t with the s subjoined, as 
tisfeyd for tiakteydt, ' may remain,' anusafi, for anusaati, adhisfdna for adhiathan. In all these the 
lowermost consonant is pronounced first. 

'' Another similar anomaly is remarked in the mode of writing vy in vydptd {8. vaydpia) ; 
katavyam, karttavyam^ &c., the v being placed below the y^ whereas on the pillars (where the double 
consonant is employed at all) it is correctly written vy. The word Bdmhana, BraAmana, is written 
with the A below ; it may, therefore, on the above principle, be read with the A first, baAmana as nearer 
to the Sanskrit. At Dhauli this word is invariably written bdbAana. In modern P&li it is written 
brdAmano with the dental n. 

'' In the inflexion of the seventh case we haye at Girn&r often mAi (hmi) ; at DhauU mai or ai. 
These correspond, of course, with Sanskrit amin in aamin, &c., and all forms are allowed in the facile 
grammar of the written P&li, along with the regular locative in e. It is impossible not to 
recognize the Hindi postposition men in the Girn&r form of the locative case. 

" The conjunctive va seems to be used for ' and' as frequently as vi for ' or.' It is the Persian 
conjunction, and is used in written Hindi, though seldom in the spoken tongue; aur the pandit 
pointed out in one place written dro, but I doubt the reading. ' 

'^ A great many other instances might be cited to prove that the language of Girn&r is not 
precisely either pure Sanskrit or the pure P&li of books; bat as the Buddhist volumes of Ceylon are 
acknowledged to be posterior by 450 years to the death of S&kya, his tenets having been first reduced 
to writing in Ceylon, about ninety years before Christ, some change may be allowed to have taken 
place in the meantime, and we may presume that the Gim&r inscriptions represent the P&li (or 
vulgar) tongpie, as it was in the time of Asoka on the west of India, as the pillars show it to us as it 



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48 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

was pronounced on the east^ or in M4gadha proper. Now^ it is ooriotis enough that some of the 
distinguishing traits of the pillar dialect are just such as are pointed out by the grammarians of a 
later day as constituting the differences between Mftgadhi and Pali — names^ it must be remembered, 
which are indifferently employed in Ceylon, Ava, Siam, and even China, to express the sacred 
language of the Buddhists. Thus,' quoting from M.M. Lassen and Bumoufs Essai sur le P&li, 
p. 156, — ^ Sa dey lent la enMSigBdhi ponlise, VoM pouriso, Ce changementa quelque f ois lieu en 
Prftkrit jamais en Pftli^ and again in the next paragraph, — ' en M&gadhi le nominatif singulier est en e 
(which takes the place of visarga) tandis qu'en P&li il est termini en oJ The use of <? in lieu of e 
for the masculine nominative is general, but not universal in the text before us. The conclusion to 
which the same savans were led at that early period of their studies may now require a slight 
modification. 

'' Une comparaison attentive du Prftkrit et du P&li nous a conduit k cette conclusion : — 

^^1. Qu il existe, entre ces deux dialectes une ressemblance telle qu'an peutavancer qu'ilssont 
presque identiques ; 

'^ 2. Que le Prftkrit alt^re plus le Sanskrit que ne le fait le P&li, et qu'il offre en quelque sorte 
le second Aegy€ d'alteration, comme le Pftli en est le premier et le plus imm^iat. — Essai sur le 
Pali, 15. 

'^ The second position is quite true, and it has been fully developed in a recent work (Institu- 
tiones Prftkriticae) by Professor Lassen, which should be in the hands of every Indian philologist. 

"The position assumed by M. Lassen, that the P&li of Ceylon was immediately derived from 
the shores of Ealinga, independently of its being matter of history, is suppoi-ted by the evidence of 
the records now discovered in the country. Yet it must be confessed that in some respects there is 
a nearer connection with the dialect of Oujar&t, and it is not unnatural to suppose that a maritime 
intercourse also prevailed at a very early period between the western emporia of Surashtra and 
Tambapanni, the island so fruitful in aromatics, which would lead to an intercommunion of those 
professing the same faith in the two countries. 

'' The vernacular language of India at that period, then, varied in different provinces ; it approached 
more to the Sanskrit in the north-west ; diverged from it in Magftdha and Kalinga ; but it was in both 
places essentially what is now called P&li, a word supposed to be derived from palli, a village; as 
we should now-a-days distinguish ^fl(?»2r<fri, villager, boorish, from V^rdU, the language of the Court. 
There is no trace of genuine Pr&krit in either of the dialects, and we may, therefore, agree with Pro- 
fessor Lassen that the patois of the dramas was not used until three or four centuries later. The 
grammarians who subsequently framed the rules of this corrupted idiom cease to meution Pftli at all — 
a proof that it had already been banished the country along with the Buddhist religion ; while the 
M&gadhi, by them set down as nearly the lowest of jargons, is evidently quite different from the 
inferior language of the pillars and the Eatak inscriptions.'^ 



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III. ALPHABETICAL CHARACTERS. 



The inscriptions of Asoka are engraved in two distinct characters,— one re 
from right to left, which is confined to the Sh&hb&z-garhi version, and also f on 
the coins of the Greek and Indo-Scythian Princes of Ariana ; and the other r€ 
from left to right, which is confined to the coins of Pantaloon and Agathokle« 
reigned beyond the Indus, but which is the common character of all the other 
of the inscriptions, as well as of all the donative inscriptions of the SAncl 
Bharhut StApas. The former has been called Ariano-Pdli, and the latter Indo 
from the countries in which they were principally used. 

The ArianO'Fdli alphabet, as seen in the Sh&hb&z-garhi inscription as \^ 
on the coins, comprises all the letters of the Indo-P&li alphabet. But that th 
not the case originally is clear from the fact that, while the hard aspirates kh 
thy and ph, are distinct characters, independent of the forms of the non-asp 
letters A:, ch, t, and p, the soft aspirates gh^ dh, and bh are simply the letters 
and ft, with the aspirate letter h attached to the right. The very same pecu] 
is noticeable in the Tibetan alphabet, which was also originally wanting i 
aspirated tenues. The Tibetan language did not require them, and, accordingly, 
the N&gari alphabet of India was adopted by the Tibetans, the soft aspirates 
omitted. But afterwards when it was found necessary to express numb 
Sanskrit words and Indian names in which these letters occur, new com; 
forms were invented by simply adding the aspirate to each of the unaspirated L 

Similarly, the series of cerebral letters, which was also wanting origins 
Tibetan, was afterwards supplied by the invention of new letters, which are s 
the five dental letters reversed. This is not exactly the case with the cerebral 1 
of the Ariano-P&li alphabet, but their forms differ so slightly from those < 
dentals, that it seems highly probable they must have been a late addition i 
original alphabetical scheme. 

In Indian-Pdli such compound forms as «p, sw^ st, and ar were altered, 
by the suppression of one of the two consonants, or by their separation int 
syllables. We thus have asa for aswa, ndthi for ndsti^ and siri for ari. I 
Arian-Pdlif which abounds with such names as Hystaspes, Zariaspes, Haus 
Spitamenes, &c., compound letters were invented to represent the sp and st a 
and thus we find the words dspa and dsti and sramana in their regular forms, 
r was attached to the right foot of each letter, as in priya^ which occurs so of 
the Asoka edicts. But as the same stroke is attached to the right foot of 

N 



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50 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

dharma, and to the right foot of d in darsi, it seems probable that in the Shfi.hb&z- 
garhi text, at least, the compound letters may have possessed the double sounds of 
dhra and dhar^ dra and dar ; otherwise we must read dhrama and drasi. 

At what time this alphabet was invented, or whence it was derived, nothing 
certain is known. The subject has been discussed by Mr. Thomas, who concludes 
that it has no claim whatever to an indigenous origin, " based, as it manifestly is, 
upon an alphabet cognate with the Phoenician."^ 

Some of the more prominent letters are common to both alphabets. And the 
diflferences in others may, he thinks, have been developed by " the insertion of medial 
vowels in the body of the covering consonant" — a scheme which he justly believes 
to have been adopted from the P&<li alphabet of India, as it is quite unknown to 
Western caligraphy. 

But the Ariano-P41i vowel scheme differs from that of India in having only one 
set of vowels, as no distinction has yet been discovered between the short and long 
vowels, unless perhaps a dot or short return at the left foot may be taken for the 
long a. The initial vowels are formed exactly in the same manner as the medial 
vowels, the same straight strokes being added to the primitive stem, yr short a, to 
form the vowels i, w, ^, and o. The letter r and the vowel n are also attached to the 
vowels after the same manner as to the consonants. 

The use of this peculiar alphabet would appear to have been originally confined 
to Ariana, or the countries lying to the west of the Indus between India and Persia. 
The earliest known specimens of the writing are the edicts of Asoka at Sh&Jbb&z- 
garhi, and the rare coin of Agathokles, of which only three specimens are known to 
me. The former cannot be older than the 12th year of Asoka, or B. C. 251, and the 
latter must be of nearly the same date, or about B. C. 240. But as the alphabet is 
here seen in its full development, with all the soft aspirates and cerebral letters com- 
plete, it must have been in use for some considerable time previously. The date of 
this development I would assign to the end of the 4th century B. C, when the 
provinces to the vrest of the Indus were ceded to Chandra Gupta by Seleukos Nikator, 
and thus came directly under the influence of Indian learning, which necessitated 
the adoption of some additional letters to express new Indian sounds. This alphabet 
continued in use during the whole period of Greek supremacy, and under the Indo- 
Scythian princes it was carried to the eastward of the Sutlej, an inscription of 
Kanishka in this character having been found in a Buddhist StApa near Bah&- 
walpur. About the end of the first century A. D. it would appear to have fallen into 
disuse, as all the gold coins which may be assigned to the second century bear Indian 
letters only. The latest dated record yet made known is my inscription from 
PanjtAr, which bears the Samvat year 122.^ If this be the so-called Vikram&ditya 
Samvat, as I believe it is, it wiU refer to the year A. D. 66 ; but if it be the Saka era, 
the date will be exactly A. D. 200. 

Three different specimens of the Ariano-P&li alphabet are given in the accom- 
panying plate :* Ist, from Asoka's edicts at Sh^hb4z-garhi, which date as early as 
B. 0. 252 ; 2n4, from the coins of the Greek princes of Ariana and India, which range 



• Numiamatic Cferonicle, New Series, III, 229. ' See Archaological Survey of India, Vol. V p 61 

• See Plate XXVI. 



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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA, 51 

from B. 0. 240 to 120 ; and, 3rd, from the coins and inscriptions of the Indo-Scythian 
princes, the Sacae and Tochari, which range from B. C. 120 down to A. D. 79. 

The Indo-JPdli alphabet diflfers from that of Ariana in two very important par- 
ticulars, — lat, i a being read from left to right; and, 2ndi in being formed exclusively 
either of rigid straight lines, or of portions of circles. Owing to the latter peculiarity, 
it has never been found in a cursive form, into which indeed it was hardly possible 
to force its inflexible elements. 

Three specimens of this alphabet are given in the accompanying plate^ ; 1«^, 
from the edicts of Asoka and Dasaratha on rocks and pillars, which range from 
B. C. 252 to 218, and from the few native Hindu coins which belong to the same 
period; 2wrf, from the coins of the native princes contemporary with the later 
Greeks and earlier Indo-Scythians, which may range from B. C, 150 to 57 ; and, 
3rd, from the Mathura inscriptions of the Indo-Scythian princes, Kanishka, Huvishka 
Vasu-deva and others, which range from B. C. 57 to A. D. 79. 

The letters of the Indo-PMi alphabet have become pretty well known through 
James Prinsep*s writings. The whole of the consonants were discovered by him, with 
the exception of the guttural nasal ng, which has not yet been found, and the two 
sibilants a and 8h. One of these I have since discovered in the Kh&lsi version of 
the edicts, where it is several times correctly used in the word pdshanda, instead 
of the dental sibilant «. Its form is not unlike that of the Ariano-P41i shy from which 
it may have been derived, although it seems to me equally probable that the Indian 
letter was the original form. 

The vowels also were discovered by Prinsep, excepting only the initial o which 
he took to be a long u, and for which he proposed a new form derived from the 
later Gupta alphabet. It is ^strange that the true value of the letter did not strike 
him, as it is the only initial which remains absolutely unchanged as a medial. It has 
two distinct forms, of which the later is only the earlier one reversed, both as an 
initial and as a medial. The earlier form consists of a perpendicular stroke with a 
horizontal stroke on each side, one at the top and one at the foot. In the earlier 
form the upper stroke is on the left hand, and the lower stroke on the right. This 
was the letter which James Prinsep took for the intitial long u. The latter form is 
found in additional edicts of Dhauli and Jaugada, and in the later edicts on the 
Allahabad pillar. The initial long & is of frequent occurrence, but no other initial 
long vowel has yet been found in Asoka's inscriptions. The initial dipthong ai occurs 
in Aira Raja's inscriptions, unless the name is to be read as Vera. The medial long 
vowels a, i, 5, are common ; but no examples of medial a or an are at present known. 
The antdstodra is frequently used, eitheir for the duplication of m, as in dhamma, or as 
a substitute for the guttural nasal ng, as in modem Hindi. The question of the 
probable origin of this Indian alphabet has been very ably discussed by Mr. Thomas, 
who concludes that it is " an independently devised and locally matured scheme 
of writing." He adds that the Indian P41i alpliabet possesses 

*' in an eminent degree the merit of simplicity combined with extended distinctive capabalities and 
remarkable facility of lection, and that its construction exhibits not only a definite purpose 



> See Plate XXVI. 



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52 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

throughout^ but indicates^ moreover^ a high order of intellectual culture on the part of its designers^ who 
discriminated by appropriate letters gradations of sounds often inappreciable to European ears^ and 
gcldom susceptible of correct utterance by European organs of speech/'^ 

Mr. Thomas adverts more pointedly to the independent origin of the Indo-P&li 
alphabet, because, as he explains, 

'^ a tendency exists iu many cultivated minds to depreciate the originality and antiquity of Indian 
civilisation/' 

And he quotes the facts that Professor Max-Miiller 

^^ will not admit that the Indians acquired the art of writing till a comparatively late period /' 

that Dr. J. Wilson of Bombay 

'^ asserts that Asoka's Buddhists derived their letters from Greek and Phoenician models /' 

while Dr. Weber affirms that they 

^' are emanations from a Phoenician stock/' 

Upwards of twenty years have now passed since I came to the same conclusion 
which Mr, Thomas has thus boldly adyanced, namely, that the Indian- P&li alphabet 
was a perfectly independent invention of the people of India. My opinion was 
formed after a careful comparison of aU the characters with the pictorial representa- 
tions of simple objects of which many of the letters represent either the whole name, 
or the first syllable of the name. 

The first attempts of mankind at graphic representation must have been con- 
fined to pictures, or direct imitations of actual objects. This was the case with the 
Mexican paintings, which depicted only such material objects as could be seen by 
the eye. An improvement on direct pictorial representation was made by the 
ancient Egyptians in the substitution of a part for the whole, as of a human head for 
a man, a bird's head for a bird, &c. This system was still further extended by 
giving to certain pictures indirect values or powers, symbolical of the objects repre- 
sented. Thus a jackal was made the type of cunning, and an ape the type of rage. 
By a still farther application of this abbreviated symbolism, a pair of human arms 
with spear and shield denoted fighting, a pair of human legs meant walking, while a 
hoe was the type of digging, an eye of seeing, &c. But, even with this poetical 
addition, the means of expressing thoughts and ideas by pictorial representations was 
still very limited. For, as each picture could convey only one idea, the number of 
separate pictures requisite to form an intelligible story must have been very great. 
The difficulty also of remembering the precise application of so many different sym- 
bols, and of discriminating an actual vulture or other animal from a symbolical one, 
must have been felt very early, as the oldest specimens that we possess of Egyptian 
writing on the monuments of Sephuris and Soris, of the third and fourth dynasties, 
are not pictorial, but phonetic. It seems certain, therefore, that at a very early date 
the practice of pure picture writing must have been found so complicated and inconve- 
nient, that the necessity for a simpler mode of expressing their ideas was forced 
upon the Egyptian priesthood. The plan which they invented was highly ingenious, 
though somewhat cumbrous ; and as it seems probable that the Indians might have 
gone through a similar process, a brief account of it will not be out of place. 

* Numismatic Chronicle, New Series,— ** On the Bactrian alphabet." 



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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 63 

To the greater number of their pictorial symbols the Egyptians assigned the 
phonetic values of the particular sounds or names, of which each symbol previously 
had been only a simple picture. Thus to a mouth, rw, they assigned the value of r, 
and to a hand, tut, the value of t. But as each of the symbols still possessed an in. 
herent vowel sound, the system was one of complete syllables, or a syllabary, and not 
one of simple letters, or an alphabet. Occasionally the vowels were separated from 
the consonants, as when mu, a hole, was represented by a " boatstand," m followed 
by an outstretched arm, or u. Had this plan of separating the vowels been gene- 
rally adopted, it must soon have led to a complete alphabetical system ; but, like the 
first possessor of the Koh-i-nur, the Egyptian had a treasure within his grasp 
without knowing its value. 

A similar process would appear to have taken place in India, as I will presently 
attempt to show by a separate examination of the alphabetical letters of Asoka*s 
age with the pictures of various objects from which I believe them to have been 
directly descended. I have neither time nor space at present to attempt to complete, 
nor even to continue, this curious investigation. But, perhaps, a few of the more 
prominent examples, which I will presently bring forward, will be sufficient to 
arrest the attention, even if they do not lead to the conviction, of many of my 
readers. My own conclusion is that the Indian alphabet is of purely Indian origin, 
just as much as the Egyptian hieroglyphics were the purely local invention of the 
people of Egypt. The only alternative that I can see to this conclusion is that the 
Tn HmTifl must first have borrowed the plan of their system from the Egyptians, 
and afterwards have concealed the loan by adapting the dijfferent symbols to their 
own native words. But aa this would have entailed a complete change in the values 
of all the symbols, I must confess that such an alternative seems to me to be very 
improbable. I admit that several of the letters have almost exactly the ssiiae forma 
as those which axe found amongst the Egyptian hieroglyphics for the same things, but 
their values are quite diflferent, as they form different syllables in the two languages. 
Thus, a pair of legs, separated as in walking, was the Egyptian symbol for walking or 
motion, and the same form, like the two sides of a pair of compasses, is the Indian 
letter g, which as ^ra is the commonest of all the Sanskrit roots for walking, or motion 
of any kind. But the value of the Egyptian symbol ia s; and I contend that if the 
symbol had been borrowed by the Indians, it would have retained its original value. 
This, indeed, is the very thing that happened with the Accadian cuneiform symbols 
when they were adopted by the Assyrians. The original symbols retained their 
jHHver as syllables, but lost their value as pictorial representations of things on 
being transferred to a different language. 

The present arrangement of the Indian alphabet is the only one known to the 
grammarians. It was certainly in use before the Christian era, as the Lalita 
Yistara, in recording that the youthful Buddha was taught the Indian alphabet, 
arranges the letters in their present order. But this artificial division of the letters 
into classes of gutturals, palatals, &c., must have been preceded by some much 
simpler grouping of the letters. Perhaps the simplest arrangement that could be 
made would have been according to similarity of form. For, if I am right as to the 
local development of the alphabet from original pictorial representations of things. 



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54 INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA. 

it would follow, as a matter of course, that objects of somewhat similar shape 
would be represented by symbols more or less alike. And if any attempt had been 
made to classify the different symbols, I think that the most obvious and natural 
arrangement would have been that of similitude of shape. As any arrangement 
is better than none at all, I have adopted this grouping of the letters in the accom- 
panying plate. I have also ventured to name each group after that member of 
the human body which seems to me to have suggested the original picture or 
ideograph. At first the figures would have been more or less rude representations 
of the different members. But these would gradually have given way to simpler 
forms, until each symbol acquired a separate phonetic value, and thus became a 
distinct syllable. At this point the Chinese have stopped; but in India the 
syllables must have given way very early to the more convenient system of 
alphabetic letters that is now in use. 



Geoup 1. — Kh, <?,— Aems and Legs. 

This group comprises only two letters, kh and ^, of which the former would 
seem to represent the action of the human arms, and the latter the action of the 
legs. Both have concave or hollow forms in the Asoka alphabet, which, as they 
represented different kinds of action, would necessarily be distinguished by some 
slight difference of shape. Thus the g is either a half circle, or a parabola, or 
an angle formed by the two sides of an isosceles triangle ; whUe the kh has the left 
limb about one-half the length of the right one. 

Kh. — The form of this letter appears to ine to have been derived from that 
of the common Indian hoe or mattock^ which has been used by the people from 
time immemorial for digging their fields. Now, the radical word for this operation 
is khan^ " to dig " ; and as the original mattock was made of a natural knee-joint of 
Khayar or Khadir wood, it would seem that this tree {Mimosa catechu) may have 
been so named from the purpose to which it was applied as the " digging- wood." 
In some parts where the Khayar is easily procurable, the mattock is stiU made 
in the ancient fashion of wood alone, but in most places the instrument now in 
use is an angle joint of Khayar^ or other strong wood, shod with a small 
iron blade. One of these is represented in the accompanying plate.^ The 
letter is therefore a symbol of the arm's action in the characteristic form of 
5ing. 

Now, the Indian letter is only a simplified form of the picture of the mattock, 
ariety of which is known amongst Egyptologists as the " hand-plough.'* But as 
hieroglyphic value of the symbol is m, I infer that the Indian letter kh must 
e been an independent local invention of the Indian people. 
There are other objects whose forms seem to point to a close connection with 
old shape of the kh . These are. Ma, vacuity, or the sky, that is, the hollow 
lit of heaven, the Greek koiloa and the Latin ccelum; kharga^ the rhinoceros 

» See Plate XXVIII. 



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INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA. 55 

from the curved tip of his horn, and aJso a scymitar with a similar curved point ; 
khuri, a hoop, to which may be added khola, open, and khokhra or khokhla, 
hollow.^ 

G. — ^The form of this letter would seem to have been derived from a pair of 
human legs separated as in the action of walking, or simple motion^ as distinguished 
from the numerous forms of action displayed by the arms. Now, the radical word 
for motion is ganiy to go. Hence Gangd^ which designates a river in general, means 
simply ^^ go-go^^ or the ^^ goer ;^' similarly, gagcm, "the sky," which appears to turn 
roimd both day and night, has precisely the same meaning. Hence, most probably, 
sprang the legend of the descent of the River Qanga from the sky. 

Now, the Indian letter G of Asoka's alphabet is a simpler form of the Egyptian 
" pair of legs'* with feet attached, which, according to Birch, had the value of ty 
and meant " walking or running." A second hieroglyphic, with a flat top and two 
straight sides, is used to represent the " sky or heavens." But this is only a variety 
of the other form, and serves all the more forcibly to prove the correctness of the 
origin wich I have suggested for the form of the Indian letter. 

Several other names seem to have a direct reference to the shape of this letter ; 
but a single illustration will, perhaps, be sufficient. Thus the words guha and gupha 
both signify " a cave," which the Egyptians represented by three sides of a square, 
open at the bottom. But this hieroglyph had the power of J, from beh^ a "cave." 
Here, again, we have another illustration of the independent origin of the Indian 
symbols, as the same forms have different values, although they represent the same 
things. 



Gbotjp 2. — F, j; CA, Chh — ^MoNs Veneeis, oe Vulva. 

In this group the letters Y and J have the same forms, the latter being simply 
fumed sideways. The character in the Asoka alphabet is clearly intended for a 
representation of the mons veneris, in proof of which I may cite the similar form 
of the Egyptian hieroglyph for the same member, as well as its common Indian 
names yoni widjaghan. 

F, J. — The Asoka forms of these letters are both open, but there seems reason 
to suspect that the original symbol may have been a pictorial representation of a 
grain of barley, ya or yava, which is divided into two parts by a perpendicular line. 
But as the two parts form one whole, this symbol was used to denote union, as in 
the radicals ya, union, and ya, " mons veneris,'^ from which sprang yuga, a "yoke or 
pair," the Latin jugun, and Hindi jora. The peculiar small circle or dot in the 
middle of the Asoka J seems to be directly referred to in the term netra-yoniy one of 
the epithets of the moon. This means simply the " eye of the yowi," which reaUy 
is in the symbol, and is supposed to refer to the shape of the spots on the moon, to 
account for which was invented the legend of Soma attempting to debauch the wife 
of the sage Oautama. The name of Jimo, the goddess of the moon, must be con- 

' I haye purposely incloded sereral Hindi words, as their use in India is at least as old as that of Sanskrit. 



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66 INSCRIPTIONS OE ASOKA. 

^ected with the Indian jtm^ and ynXli junhaiya^ the "moon or moonlight," as well 
as with the loi^mjtibdr. I presume also that the Sanskrit terms yosha and joaha 
for " woman" were derived from the root ya or yoni^ as the symbol of the female 
sex. The Tibetan cho-mo or cho, a " woman," is perhaps connected with the same 
root. 

Chf Chh. — ^As the two letters Fand J signified the union or junction of the two 
halves of the symbol, so the letters Ch and Chh would seem to have referred to the 
division or separation of the two parts, as the words cMr and chhed are the roots 
for " slit, split, divide, &c/* From the first of these were derived the terms chird- 
vali and chirdband, a " maiden "; and from the other, several terms connected with 
the female sex. Such words as chamas or chamcha^ a " spoon or ladle," chhurika^ 
the " nostrils," cMa^ra, an " umbrella or mushroom," cAopipw, a " paddle or oar," 
and chdki the " potter's wheel," all point to the forms of the Asoka letters ch and 
cAA, as striking pictorial representations of their particular forms. The resem- 
blance to the ladle and oar is specially striking in India, where the former 
is often made of a half gourd or cocoanut with a stick fastened acrossit, while 
the latter is formed of a round fiat piece of wood with the bamboo handle &stened 
down the middle of it. 



Gbotjp 3.—?; Th, Th, 2)A,— Eye. 

Th. — ^The most obvious representation of the eye would be a circle, either 
with or without a dot in the centre. The former is the cerebral th, the latter the 
dental th, of the Asoka alphabet. The symbol, therefore, would represent round- 
ness in general, and accordingly the cerebral tha, or simple circle, is a radical name 
for the disc of the sim, as well as for a circle ; while the dental tha with a dot in 
the middle is one of the names for the eye. The similarity between the human 
eye and the sun in heaven is so striking, that it has been made use of by the 
poets firom the time of the Vedas down to Lord Byron.^ In the Egyptian hiero- 
glyphs a circle with a dot in the middle represented the sun, according to Clemens 
of Alexandria. 

There is a direct connection between the Asoka forms of the cerebral and 
dental th, and the roimd flat iron thdwd, or cooking " girdle," and the thdli, or 
" low circular wall," which is built aroimd a young tree. Here the dot in the 
middle represents the tree, and the pictorial symbol is perfect. I presume that 
ThakkuTf a god, was derived from tha, the " sun." 

T, Dh. — ^The cerebral t in the Asoka alphabet is an open semi-circle, and 
the dental dh a semi-circle closed by the diameter. These I take to be pictorial 
representations of a tokra, or "basket," and of a dhanu, or "bow." In the 
Egyptian hieroglyphs the basket is represented by the latter symbol with the 
value of n from neb, a basket. Here again, the pictorial symbol of the object 
is the same in India as in Egypt, but as the phonetic value is different, the Indian 
form must have been arrived at by an independent process. 



1 JKig-Yeda, YoL IV, p. 138 ; Wilson's trtnslatioii, ''The Eye of All." Compare Byron's ** Eye of the Universe" 
in Manfred. 



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INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA. 67 

D. — As the probable origin of the letter d was the pictorial representation 
of a tooth, danta, this might have been at first a mere half circle like the dh, 
which was afterwards altered to the Asoka form by pointing the curved line and 
breaking the diameter or straight line into two short lines attached to the ends of 
the curve. But this is a mere suggestion which I put forward with much diffidence. 

Another illustration of the pictorial form of the Asoka letter dh may be seen in 
the female breast, dharana^ from the root dhriy to " support, hold,'* &c. Prom the 
same root come the terms dhrdy dharani, and dhdtri for the " earth ;" and as these 
also signify "mother," they may be compared with the Demeter or "mother earth'* 
of the Greeks. 



Geoup 4. — P, J5, — Hand and Poor. 

The characteristic form of this group is a square, the P having the shape of 
three sides of a square open at the top, while the B is a complete square. 

P. — ^The radical words connected with this letter dbT^pdni^ the hand, and^oci?, 
the foot, with which are naturally connected the number " five,'* or pancha. The 
original pictorial representation was no doubt a "hand," with the five fingers 
pointed upwards. In course of time the three middle bars would have been 
omitted, leaving the symbol in the exact form of tha Asoka letter. In its original 
shape it perhaps also represented the " ribs," parauy which are pictured by a similar 
symbol in the Egyptian hieroglyphs, but with the totally different value of 8h. 
In the latter form, with the middle bars omitted, the Asoka letter has a fair 
pictorial representation of a "pair of wings," pakshayas well as of a " flower," 
pmhpa, and more especially of the act of " worship or adoration," pujd, in holding 
up the outstretched arms towards heaven. This very form was in fact used by 
the Egyptians as their hieroglyph for " adoration," with the hands raised in wor- 
ship. Bat the value of the Egyptian symbol was K, so that the Indian form could 
not have been borrowed from Egypt, but must have been reached by an indepen- 
dent local process. 

P. — ^The verbal roots connected with this letter are bda^ a " house," bdri^ a 
"window," bdri, a "garden" or courtyard, and J^rra, a "boat," all of which are 
of a square or oblong shape. The last is a Panj^ibi term for a flat-bottomed boat, 
with square prow and square stern. In the Egyptian hieroglyphs, the square or 
oblong represents a water tank, with ^the power of ah ; or, with a small opening 
like a door, it represents a house with the power of e, both values being totally 
distinct from that of the Indian letter. 

Group 5.— Jf,— Motjth. 

The characteristic of this letter is a curved oblong form representing the mouthy 
which is found in exactly the same shape in the Egyptian hieroglyphs. But in 
Egypt the symbol had the value of r, from the term ru, a mouth. Perhaps the 
original Indian form may have had two short diverging lines attached on the top 
to represent moustaches, so that the symbol would then have been but slightly 

p 



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58 INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA. 

different from the Asoka shape of the letter. With this addition the suggested 
old Indian form would have heen a very good pictorial representation of a **fifih," 
matsya; of an oblong bead, mcmkd; of a manguSy or ichneumon; of a makara, or 
crocodile, as well as of a mUsa, or mouse. Amongst the Egyptian hieroglyphs 
there is a similar form, — ^namely, an oblong with a fan-shaped top ; but this is a 
picture of the eye with its upper lid or eyebrow. 

• 
Group 6.— T, T, N, K, S,— Nose. 

The grouping together of so many apparently different letters may, perhaps, 
be thought rather arbitrary. But they appear to me to have the conmion tie of 
general similitude, as each character consists of an upright straight line, with a 
swell or extension at bottom, somewhat similar to the expansion of the human 
nostrils from the upright ridge of the nose. Perhaps the orginal form of some^ 
if not of all, of these characters was a wedge or acutely-pointed triangle, expand- 
ing at the base. 

T. — The characteristic root of this letter is the word tan^ to "spread," or 
"stretch," which is preserved in the Greek teindi tanumi, and in the Latin tendoani 
tenuis^ which last is the same as the Sanskrit tanu, " thin." Eegarding the origin 
of the symbol, I can only suggest that it may have been derived from the hand 
with " outstretched " fingers, representing a " span " or tdlah, or from the " spread- 
ing" foliage of the tdla, or " fan-palm." To this three-pointed form I would also 
refer the word tdra, a "star," tarangy a "wave," and triy "three." 

V. — ^The shape of this Asoka letter is an upright stroke with a small circle, 
at the bottom of which the most characteristic pictorial example is the vindy or 
Indian " lute." This instrument was also one of the Egyptian hieroglyphs, but 
its phonetic value was ^, from the Egyptian nofrCj a " guitar." Perhaps the Indian 
symbol included all straight lines with a single knob at the end. If so, it would 
be connected with va and vahuy an " arm," vena and vansa^ a " bambu," vrndeey 
a drop of water, and vdn^ an " arrow." 

N. — In the Asoka alphabet this letter is an upright stroke with a short 
straight stroke at bottom, of which I take the human nose to have been the ori- 
ginal picture. The root na means the " nose, " as well as the longer words nak, 
nakaty ndsa, &c., and the Latin naso. The common nemiy or wooden frame for the 
well-rope, seems to refer to the shape of the Asoka letter, as it usually consists 
of an upright timber let into a horizontal one below. Perhaps also ndku, a white 
ant-hill, derived its name from its " nosey" or pyramidal appearance. 

jST. — ^This letter in the alphabet of Asoka has no pictorial connection with the 
other gutturals kh and g, but seems rather to belong to the group of which I am 
now treating. Its form is an upright cross with even arms. Biit the pictorial forms 
which seem to be best suited to this shape are the " dagger," ka and kattdr^ the 
" straight sword," katti, or the "cutter," kuta, a "peak," and Mia, a spike, all of 
which would seem to require the cross stroke near^ to the bottom of the letter. 
Perhaps kila, flame, or lambent flame, refers to the narrow pyramidal shape of the 
original letter. 



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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 59 

R. — In the Asoka alphabets this letter is either a simple, upright, straight stroke, 
or a slightly undulating upright line. But as the radioal ra means " fire," it seems 
probable that the original form may have been a very thin wedge. This conjecture 
seems to be borne out by the word msnU^ a " sunbeam or ray of light." Other words, 
however, would seem to refer to a perfectly straight line such as rdji and rekhdy a 
" Une, row, ridge "; rajju, a " cord or rope "; rima, a " fiddlestick "; and ratha, a 
" cane or ratan." But, perhaps, the Greek m, a " nose," is in favor of the sugges- 
tion that the original symbol may have been a simple wedge. 

Qeotjp 7. — i, B", — LiNGA or Phallus. 

I have placed these two letters together on account of their exact similitude in 
the Asoka inscriptions. It is true that they face diflterent ways, but they have 
precisely the same shape, and were most probably connected with each other in 
their original conception. The former I take to be a simplified pictorial representa- 
tion of the linga^ or male member, and the latter of the elephant's trunk. Buj; the 
exact shape of both the Asoka letters / and h is that of a sickle, with the handle . 
placed horizontally, and the point of the curved blade upwards. Now, it is a curi- 
ous corroboration of the suggested original connection between these two letters, 
that the common names for a sickle begin with I and h. These are lavdha^ lavanaka^ 
and lavitra from the Sanskrit luy " to cut," and the Hindi hanaiya and homauay which 
were probably so named from their resemblance to the form of a hanaay or goose. 

L. — ^This letter monopolises most of the names in common use for i\ud phallus 
or male member, such as lar^ Idr, laur, lul, land, Idngal, and Hnga. The names of 
other objects suggested by the shape of the letter are langar, an "anchor," 
and Idngalj a " plough." These words recal the old Sicilian DanMon or Zanklon, a 
" sickle," which gave its name to the island of Zankle. And as all these names 
represent some bent object, it seems probable that the Indian term anktcs for an 
" elephant goad " may have been originally lankusy as descriptive of its hooked form. 
Perhaps also the Oreek ankdn, ankuU, and ankura, and the Latin a^^t^/i^, may each 
have lost an initial / or other letter. 

S. — ^The " hand," hastay in the shape of the elephant's trunk, or haatiy is the 
characteristic form of this letter. The striking handiness of the animal's trunk 
suggested to Lucretius the well-known epithet of a^guimanus} I have already 
noticed that the letters L and JB furnish separate names for the " sickle "; and I 
may now add for the " plough " also as the Sanskrit hala^ a plough is the exact 
equivalent of the Hindi Idngal. The sickle is also one of the Egyptian hieroglyphs. 

Gbottp 8.—^, Shy— The Eae. 

The representatives of this class are the three sibilants, the palatal «, the cere- 
bral shf and the dental s. Now, the only member of man's body that has not been 
included in thp previous summary is the ear. This has several names in Sanskrit, all 

' De Berum Natora, II, 53S, — ^Anguimanils elephantoa. 



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60 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

beginning with the palatal s as frava^ pniti, and frotra^ from the root fruy to " hear.'* 
But what is heard is ^^ sound/' or aahda^ and the element that makes the most 
noise is " water/' or adr. Hence we have aaras^ a " lake," and ** sarity' a " river," as 
well as saraardna^ " to ripple." I take the palatal a of Asoka's time to be a simple 
form of the original pictorial representation of the human ear. Its shape is that 
of a parabola with a vertical line, or a dot in the middle, the latter representing the 
meatus atiditoriua. As the cerebral ah is only the last letter reversed, and is not 
f oimd in any of Asoka's inscriptions, it seems probable that it was the invention of 
a later date. As such its shape need not be discussed here. 

The dental sibilant is formed of two undulations, one up and one down, with a 
short stroke attached at the top of the rise. The whole represents pictorially both 
a serpent with a single coil, and a complete wave, with its hollow and its crest. 
Now, the radical word of this letter is aa or aarpa^ a " serpent," which was probably 
the original picture of the symbol. 

In my comparison of the characters of the ancient Indian alphabet with the 
pictorial forms of different objects, I have not thought it worth while to make any 
examination of the vowels for two reasons : Jlrat, because their shapes do not sug- 
gest any pictorial representatives ; and, aecond, because I believe them to be of a 
comparatively late date, that is, somewhat posterior to the formation of separate 
syllablic characters in which the vowel formed part of the complete syllable, and, 
therefore, of exactly the same age as the first alphabetic characters. 

In divising the vowel marks I think it probable that an arbitrary system of 
simple strokes was adopted. At first these would seem to have been independent 
marks not attached to the consonants as in the two examples on the black stone 
seal from Harapa, which I have read as a and i.^ At the foot of the accompanying 
plate I have given aU these conjectural forms of the archaic vowels side by side 
with the Asoka vowels for the sake of easy comparison. Some of these forms 
appear to me to be almost certain, while the remainder are at least highly probable, 
if a similar system was followed in their formation. 

In this brief examination of the letters of. the old Indian alphabet, I have 
compared their forms at the time of Asoka, or B. C. 250, with the pictures of 
various objects and of the different members of the human frame ; and the result 
of my examination is the conviction that many of the characters still preserved, 
even in their simpler alphabetical forms, very strong and marked traces of their 
pictorial origin. My comparison of the symbols with the Egyptian hieroglyphs 
shows that many of them are almost identical representations of the same objects. 
But as the Indian symbols have totally different values from those of Egypt, it 
seems almost certain that the Indians, must have worked out their system quite 
independently, although they followed the same process. They did not, therefore, 
borrow their alphabet from the Egyptians. It is, of course, quite possible that the 
hint may have been taken from Egypt ; but considering the distance and the diffi- 
culty of communication between the two countries in those early times, this does 

^ This will shortly be described and examined. See Plate XXVIII. 



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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 61 



not seem very probable. Indeed, there is one very stroi 
which I think is ahnost, if not quite, conclusive, — ^namely, t 
seem to have possessed any extended scheme of numerical m 
of Asoka, which they certainly would have had if they had I 
from Egypt, as I contend that they would have taken th 
numerals at the same time. 

Now, if the Indians did not borrow their alphabet from 
have been the local invention of the people themselves, for 
there was no other people from whom they could have obts 
neighbours were the peoples of Ariana and Persia, of wl 
Semitic character of Phoenician origin, reading from right t< 
cuneiform character formed of separate detached strokes, w 
ever in common with the compact forms of the Indian alpha 

But if the Indian alphabet was thus locally elaborate 
selves, it may be urged that some traces of its previous ex 
have been discovered, if not of its earlier stages of pictur 
least of its later stages of syllables and archaic letters. Th 
able objection if all our ancient sites had been already tho] 
as yet, except in a few places, we have but skimmed the 
whatever was to be found above ground, while the older i 
beneath the soil. It is possible, also, that some specimens, < 
ings, may have been found previously, and have been passed 
of little or no value. I have, however, come across one moi 
to be a specimen of the archaic alphabetical writing. Its i 
tmcertain, but I do not think its date can be later than 
monument is a seal of smooth black stone, which was f oi 
the ruins of Harap&, in the Punjab.^ On it is engraved very 
bull without hump, looking to the right, with a symbol 
second symbol and a star under its neck. Above the buU tl 
six unknown characters, which on first seeing I thought co 
which I now think may be archaic Indian letters of as ea 
himself. Taking the characters from the left, the first may 
the letter I, as it approaches very close to the shape of the 
third seems to be an old form of chh^ and the fourth a true 
of a fish, mataya. The fifth must be another vowel, perhapi 
be an old form of y. The whole would thus read Lachhmiya 

The chief difficulty about this reading is the detached p< 
of symbols read as vowels. But there does not seem to be 
the vowels should not have been detached letters origi 
strokes which I have read as i are precisely the two strokes c 
in the Asoka inscriptions, and the two long strokes read as < 
the archaic form of the initial d of Asoka*s inscriptions. Thi 
merely tentative, and I only put it forward in the hope that ot 

J See Arcbeologicia Soryey of India, Vol. V, p., 108, and Plate XXX, fig. 1. See also Fla 



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62 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

patent may be induced to take up the subject, and carry it through to some conclu- 
sive results which may be generally accepted. 

In the meantime, I wish to bring to notice the fact, that the well-known con- 
ventional signs for the five planets may be formed by merely adding a %taT to the 
radical letter of each of the five classes of the alphabetical letters of Asoka, while 
the sun and moon are the actual radical letters of the other two classes of the 
Indian alphabet without any change or other addition. I find it difficult to believe 
that this can be an accidental coincidence, but as I am not prepared to offer a com- 
plete explanation, all that I can do is to add a few notes pointing out the formation 
of each sign. ^ 

1. The Stm. — This is represented by the Asoka dental aspirate tha^ which 
is a circle with a dot in the middle. Tha is one of the Sanskrit names of 
the sun. 

2. The Moon. — This is represented by the Asoka palatal letter y, which has the 
form of the lunar crescent, with a small circle inside. This is called netra yoni^ or 
the " eye of the yoni,'* and is one of the Sanskrit names of the moon. Jun is also 
a name of the moon. 

3. Maf8. — ^The sign of this planet is the Asoka semi-vowel r, compoimded 
with a star or upright cross. Ba is the radical for fire^ which is the element pre- 
sided over by the regent of the planet. 

4. Mercury. — ^The sign of this planet is the Asoka labial letter w, with a star or 
cross attached below. Marka and Marut are Sanskrit names for the vmdy the 
element presided over by the regent of the planet Mercury, whose Latin name 
seems to be connected with the Sanskrit word marka. 

6. Jupiter. — The sign of this planet is the Asoka letter khy with a star added 
to the right foot. Kha is the Sanskrit radical for ^^ ether or «Ay," the element presi* 
ded over by the regent of the planet Jupiter, the god of the firmament. 

6. Venus. — The sign of this planet is the Asoka cerebral letter tha^ with a 
star attached below. Tha means the "cherisher or nourisher," and is an epithet of 
the Earthy who, as the general nourisher of all, may be identified vni\iAlma Fenus 
as well as with Demeter. 

7. Saturn. — ^The sign of this planet is the Asoka palatal sibilant S^ with a 
star added to the left top. Sam is the god of the watery element, of which the 
characteristic is " sound," in Sanskrit sa and aabda. 

To those who may wish to pursue this subject further, I may add that each of 
the planets had its appropriate colour, as well as its own particular metal and wood, 
of which alone the figure of the regent of the planet ought to be made, thus : — 

Firstly. — ^The colour of the Sun was yellow ; its appropriate metal gold, and its 
precious stone the yeUow diamond. 

Secondly. — The colour of the Moon was white ; its appropriate metal silver, and 
its precious stone rock crystal. 

Thirdly. — The colour of Mars was green ; its appropriate metal iron (or cutting 
bronze), and its precious stones the emerald and the bloods-stone. 



' See Plate XXVIII, where the symbols are given along with the Asoka characters with which they correspond. 



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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 63 

Fourthly.— The colour of Mercury was black ; its appropriate metal was quick" 
silvery and its precious stones the sparsamaniy or " touch-stone," and the ** magnet," 
both of which are bla<5k.^ It was the difficulty of procuring black wood that gave 
currency to the saying, Non ex quovis lignofiet Mercurius. 

Fifthly. — The colour of Jupiter was grey ; its appropriate mets' 
precious stones were the opal and the chalcedony ^ or milk-stone. 

Sixthly. — The colour of Venus was red ; its appropriate metaJ 
its precious stones were the red cornelian and the amethyst. 

Seventhly. — The colour of Saturn was blue ; its appropriate me 
its precious stone the sapphire, which was generally known as Sani-pr 
favorite," — and nilamanif " the blue gem." 

' Sparsa means the wind, and the ** wind-stone" was, of course, dedicated to the regent of t 



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TEXTS. 



ROCK INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA 

SHlHBAZGARHI, KHALSI, GIRNAR, DHAULI, AND JAUGAI 











EDICT I. 






s 


Ayam 


dharmalipi [ 




omitted 




] 


Devanampriyasa 


E 


lyam 


dhammalipi [ 




do. 




] 


DevAnampiyena 


G 


lyam 


dhammalipi [ 




do. 




J • 


DevAnampiyena 


D 


• « 


dha • • * 


« « 


• si pavatasi 






DevAnampiye * 


J 


lyam 


dhammalipi Khepingalasi pavatasi 

• 






Devanampiyena 


3 


Sanyo 


likhapi . Hidam 


loke • 




jiva. 


« • • 


K 


« « 


lekhapi . Hida 


no kichhi 




jive. 


Alabhitu 


G 


RanyA 


lekhapitA . Idha 


na kinchi 




jtvam ArabhidA 


D 


Lajo 


« « • • 


• 


• « * 




* vam Alabhitu 


J 


Lajina 


likh&pit& . Hida 


no kichhi 




jivam. Alabhiti 


S 


« • • 


cha pi * 








• « 


• • « « 


K 


hitaviye 


^ no pi cha 




samAje. 




ka^viye bahukam 


G 


hitavyam 


^na cha 








katavyo bahukam 


D 


• • • 


« « « « 




• • « 




3« • 


• bahukam 


J 


hitaviye 


' no pi cha 




samaje. 




kafaviye bahuk^ 


S 


* « « 


« • • 


« 


« « * • 


• 




* * * « * • 


K 


d08& 


samejasA. 


- 


Tk 


ampiye 


Piyadasi L^A 




G 


dosam 


^ samAjamhi. 


pasati Devanampiyo 


Piyadasi RAjA 


D 


« * « 


• « * 


« 


• « • 


nam 


* 


* « • * • • 


J 


doeam 


samejasa. 


dakhati DevAnampiye 


Piyadasi LAjA 


S 


»ati pi* • 


• kaUya 




samayasa 




samato DevAni 


K 


athi pIchA 


ekatiyA 




samAjA 




sAdhumata DevAm 


G 


• a8ti pitu 


ekachA^ 




samAja 




sAdhumatA ^ DevAni 


D 


* • « 


ekachA 




sam^asA 




sadhumatA DevAns 


J 


athi pichu 


ekatiyA 




saml^'A 




sAdhumatA DevAni 


S 


Priyadasisa 


Ranyo 


para 


mahanasasa 




DevAnampriyasa 


K 


FiyadasisA 


LAjine 


'pale 


mAhanasAnsi 




DevanampiyasA 


G 


Piyadasino 


Ranyo 


pura 


mahAnasaplii 




^ DevAnampiyasa 


D 


' Piyadasine 


limine 


« « 


mahA • 


• 




* * nam • * 


J 


» Piyadasine 


I^jine 


pula' 


ram mahAnapasi 




DevAnampiyasa 


S 


Banyo 


anudivasam 




bahuni 


pana 


taha * asani 


K 


liAjine 


anndivasam 




bahuni 


— 




satasahasAni 


G 


Ranyo 


anudivasam 




• bahuni 




satasahasAni 


D 


• 


# • 




bahuni* 


pAna* 


satasahAsAni 


J 


L&jine 


anudivasam 




bahuni 


pAna 


HatasahAsAni 



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66 



TEXTS. 



s * 

K 8upath4ya 

G 6(ip4th4ya 

D 8U8upath&ye 

J 8U8<ipath&ye 



« * 

86 im&ni 
^^ sa aja 

* 86 sya 

* se aja 



yad& 
yada 
ada 
(♦)aclA 



lyam 
ayam 
iyam 
iyam 



' dharmalipi 
dhammalipi 
dhammalipi 
dhammalipi 
dhammalipi 



likhita 

lekhita 

likhitAtl 

likhit& 

iikhit4 



tada 



S 
K 

G 

D 



anatam 
taniye 

tinni 
tinniye 



yo va 

vi 

eva 

« * 



pranam 
pan4ni 
pana 
« « • 

p&n&ni 



ganeti 
^I&bhiyanti 
&rabhire 
* labhiya 
^labhiyanti 



* * • jata kate 

' deva majali 

8up^th4ya dwamera 
« • * * « • 

» # » duvema 



S 
K 
G 
D 
J 



sti 
eke 

eko 

* # * 

eke 



mage 
mige 
mago 

* * 

mige 



80 
86 

so 



« « 



piye 

pi 

• « « 

pichu 



mage 
mige 
mago 

» * • 

mige 



na 
no 
na 

• * 

no 



dhava 
dhave 
dhuvo 

* « * 

dhuvam 



S 
K 
G 
D 
J 



esa 
esani 

ete 

• • * 

et&ni 



pe 

pi 

pati 
• • 

pichu 



tini 

tinni 
tinni 



panam 
p&n&ni 
p&n& 
p&n&ni * 
pftnftni 



trayi 



pacha 

pachh& 

panchhi 

pachh4 



no 
na 
n& 
no 



arabhiaanti. 

^labhiyisanti. 

ftiabhisante 

^labhijdaanti. 

&labhiyisanti. 



E D I O T 1 1. 



S Satatam 
K Savata 

G Savata 

D * Savata 

J Savatami 



vijite 

vijitamsi 

vijitamhi 

vijitamsi 

vijitasi 



Dev&nampriyasa 

D6v4nampiya8& 

Dev4nampiyasa 

Dev&nampiyasa 

Dev&nampiyasa 



Priyadasisa 
Piyadasisa 
Piyadasino 
Piyadasine 
Piyadasine 



Ranyo 
limine 
Eanyo 

I4jine 



* « • • 
yecha ant& 
^ vamapip&chantesu 
* • • • 

ev^pi ant& 



yi 



S 

K matha 

G yath& 

D * • * 

J ath4 



• • » 
*Chod& 

Cho44 

* • * 

Chod4 



* Pan^iya 
Pau^iyft 
Pand& 

• * • 

P&ndiya 



Satiyapntra 
S&tiyaputo 
Satiyaputo 

* * • 

Satiyaput* 



cha 



Ketalaputra 
Ke^halaputo 
Eetalaputo 



S 
K 
G 
D 
J 



Tambapani 

Tambapanni 

^ Tambapanni 



ANTIYOKENB 

*ANTIYOGE n&ma 

ANTIYAKO 

ANTIYOKE nftma 

ANTIYOKE n&ma 



Yona 
Yona 
Yona 
Yona 
'Yona 



Rajaye 
L&j&ne 
Bajaye 

L&J& 
L&jfte— 



K 
G 
D 
J 



cha 
cha 

v& pi 
* va pi 
v&pi 



aranya 
alanne 
• * • 



tasa 
tasa 
tasa 
tasa 
tasa 



ANTIYOKASA 
ANTIYOGASA 
ANTIYAKASi 
ANTIYOKASA 
ANTIYOKASA 



samanta 

8&mant& 

s&minam 

samnatft 

s&manta 



Ranyaye 
Lftj&ne 
^Rl^&no 
L&jlUie 
L&j&ne 



S sarvato 

K savata 

G savata 

D savata 

J savata 



Dev&nampriyasa 

Dev&nampiyaeft 

DevS^nampiyasa 

Dev&nampiyasa 

Dev&nampiyena 



Priyadasisa 
Piyadasisft 
Piyadasino 
•Piyadasino 
Piyadasinft 



Banyo 
Ld^jine 
Bftnyo 

* • * 



kisa 
duve 
dwe 

« • « 



kabha 
chikisftohh4 

ohikichha 

• * • 



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TEXTS. 



67 



s 

K 
G 
1) 



• • • 
katft 
kata 

# * • 



roanusa 






« • « 

chikis& 

chikfchb4 

chikisA 

chikisa 



cha 
cha 
cha 
cha 



« • * 
pasu 
pasu 
pasa 
'pasu 



• « • 

chikisft 

chiklchh4 

chikisft 

cbikis& 



• « « 

cha 

cha 

cha 

cha 



S * * • 

K osadh&ni 

G osudh&ni (a) 

D (osa) dh&ni 

J 08adb4ni 



*6 



cha 



e?a(?) 



y&ni 
anni 



janasopakani 

manosopag&ni 

manusopag^i 

munisopag&ni 

manisopag&ni 



cha 
cha 
cha 



pai^pakani cha 

pasopag&ni cha 

* pasopag&ni cha 

pasun opag&ni cha 

pasun opag&ni cha 



S 
K 
G 
D 



yata yatra 
&ta t4 

yata yata 

atata 

atata 



nasti 
n&thi 
u&sti 
Datbi 
nathi 



aavatra 
'aavatA 
sayati 
savatA 
sava 



harapiti 
h&l&pit& 
h&rftpit&ni 
h^lapitft 



cha 
ch4 
cha 
cha 

• • * 



S — 

K lop&pitft cha 

G ropapit4iii cha 

D lopapita cha 



[ omitted ] — 

savameva mul&ni cha 

7 miil&ni cha 

' mal&ni — 



phal&ni 
phal&ni 



cha 
cha 



cha 



kayata 
yata 



uta 



S 
K 
G 
D 
J 



yata 



ta 



— — [ omitted 
n4tbi savata hUopita 

D&sti eavata hllrftpitani 

vata h&lopit& 

n&thi savata h&lApit& 



cha 
cha 
cha 
cha 



lopApit& 
ropapit&ni 
^ lopftpit& 
lopapitft 



cha 
cha 
cha 
oha 



S vata 

K matesu 

G ' patbesu 

D matesu 

J matesu 



cha 



kupa 

lukhft 

ktlpft 

udapftn4ui 

udupftn^ui 



cha 
cha 
cha 



khanapita 

m&hith&ni 

khAn&pit& 

kh&n&pit&ni 

khftn^pit&ni 



udap&n&ni 
yachhi 
lukh4ni 
lukhftui 



cha 
cha 
cha 



K kh&nllpit&ni 

G rop&pit& 

D lopapit&ni 

J 



pratibhogaye 
patibhog&ye 
patibhog&ya 
patibhog&ye 



pasu 
pasu 
pasu 
pa 



manusftnam. 

manus&nam. 
* nusftuam. 



EDICT III, 



s 


Devanampriye 


Priyadasi 


Banya 




ahati 


Baraya 


vasha 


K 


Dey&nampiye 


Piyadasi 


I4J4 


hevam 


kU 


'DuvftdasA 


vast 


G 


Dvyftnampiyo 


Piyadasi 


B^ft 


evkm 


&ha 


DwAdasa 


vaB& 


D 


Dey&nampiye 


Piyadasi 


Ujk 


heyam 


fth& 




vas& 


J 






Ujk 


hevam 


&hft 


Duv&dasa 


vas& 



(a). The first letter of this word if the initial • and not m. 



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68 



TEXTS. 



s 
K 
G 
D 
J 



Uiisite 
bhisitena 
bhisitena 
bbisite 



name 
raajr& 
me— 
name 



lyam 
idam 
iyara 
iyam 



4napayite 
anyapitam 
4natam 
4 • * 



savatA 
savata 
sa • * 



vijite 
vijitaai 
vijite 
vyite 



mama 
mama 
8& me 

* # 



S yota 

K yut& 

G yaiA 

D yuta 



cba 



rajaki 
lajaki 
r&jnke 
lajoke 



cba 
oba 
cba 



9t ya 
pAdesike — 

padeeike oba 

* ♦ sike cba 

pftdesike cba 



pancbasu 
pancbasn 
pancbasn 
*<^pancbasQ 
pancbasn 



pancbasn 
pancbasn 
pancbasn 
pancbasn 
pancbasu 



S 
K 
G 
D 
J 



vasbesbn (a) anusayanam nlkbamatu eti sato kavayo 

vasesn annsliy&nam nikbam&tn et&yev4 atb&ye 

vftsesn annsayftnam niy&ta et&yev& atb^ya 

vasesn annsayftnam nikbam&vn — atbi annayepi 

vasesn annsayftnam nikbam&vn ■ atb& an&ye pi 



S 

K 

G 

D kammane 

J kammane 



dmiiied) 



bevam 

* • 



sa dbannann sanstiye sa anaye 

im4ya dbammannsatbiyA yatbA annaya 

m&ya dbammannsastiya yatb& anyaya 

mAye dbammAnnsatbiya — 



« • • • • 



P» 
pi 



S kramaye sadbn mata 

E kamm4ne sAdbn * m&ta 

G kamm&ya s&dbn mfttari 

D sMbn m4t4 



cba 



pitusbn 
pitasn 
pitari 
pita 



cba 



sufusba 
susnsa 
snstisi 
sususa 
8& 



mitra 

mita 

mitft 

rait4 



S 
K 
G 
D 



santnta • ta • 

santbnta n4tikyanam 

santnta ny&tinam 

san • * 11 n&tisn 



santbnte 




*3 sa n&tisu 




oba 



cba 
cba 



sAdbn 



Bambbana 
B&bma^a 
Bambbana 
Bambbana 



&nalambbo 
an&rambbo 
anUambbe 
an&lambbe 



saroananam 
sama^nam 
samanebi 
samanebi 



oba 



s&dbn 

sadbn 
s&dbn 



' apavayata 
apaviyAti 
apavyayatA 
apaviyati 




4* 
apabbidata 
apabbindata 
apabbindat& 
apabbandati 



# * * 



S sadbn 

K s4dbn 

G s&dbn 

D s&dbu 

J * 



parisapa yutra ti * * nadanatiP 

palisApi yut& gananasA 

paris&pi ynto anyapayisati 

palis&pi oba a * tiyatani 



anapisanti 
anapeyisanti 
ganan&yam 
Anapeyisita 



hetu 
betu 
betn 
(be) tu 
*• betu 



S * tba 
K vatA 

G to 

D te 

J te 



cba 
cb& 
cba 
cba 
cba 



vanyana 
viyanjana 
vyanjana 
vlyam * * 
viyanjana 



to 
te 
to 

* 

te 



cba. 
cba. 
oba. 

* 

cba. 



(a) The five upright ttroke* following immediately after the words panckatn paaektuu are certainlj intended for the flgare 5, being only a 
fcpetitioQ of the number iu word«« , 



Digitized by 



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TEXTS. 
ROCK EDICT IV. 



69 



s 


Atikatam 


antaram 


bahuni 




vashafat&ni 


vadhito va 


prana 


K 


* Atikatam 


antalam 


bahAni 




vasasatAni 


vadhitevA 


p&na] 


G 


AtikatAm 


antaram 


bahuni 




vlksasatAni 


vadhito eva 


pAnAi 


D 


" Atikantam 


antalam 


bahdni 






vadhiteva 


pAn&] 


J 


Atikantion 


antalam 


bahuni 




vasasatAni 


va^hiteya 


p&n& 


S 


vihisa 


cha 




bhut&nam 


nyatinu 


asaptipati Sramanam 


K 


vihins^ 


cha 




bhut&nam 


n&tin4 


asampatipati Samana 




G 


vihinsa 


cha 




bhat&nam 


ny&ttsn 


asampatipati BAhmanft 


D 


vihinsa 


cha 




bhnt&nam 


nfttisn 






J 


« « 


• ♦ 




• * 


• 


• • 


• • « 




S 


sapatipati 


tu 


aja 


Devftnam 


priya • 


• • • • 




K 


asampa^ipati 84 


aja 


Devftnam 


piyasA 


Piyadasino 


LAi 


G 


asampatipati ta 


aja 


DevAnam 


piyasa 


Piyadasino 


RaJ 


D 




aja 




piyasa 


Piyadasine 


LAj 


J 


• • • 


* se 


aja 


Dev4nam 


piyasa 


Piyadasine 


La; 


S 


* dharmacbarane 


bherigosha aba 




dharmagosha 


vimanena 




K 


dhamm&chalan6n& 


bbelighoee aho 




dhammaghose 


vim Ana 




G 


B dhammacharanena 


bberigboso aho 




dhammaghoso 


vim&na 




D 


dhammachalanena 


bhelighosam aho 




dhammaghosam 


vimAna 




J 


dhammachalanena 


bbel 


• « • 


• 


• • * 


• • 


* 


S 
K 
















in 


hathiui 




ne 


— _-- 


uatiKaar 
agikand 


k_: 


anyai 
annAi 








G 


cha 


hasti 




dasanft 


cha 


* agikhandAni cha 


anyAi 


D 


• • 


hathini 




# • 


« • 


agakhandAni * * 


annAi 


J 


• * 


• • 




* • 


# * 


• # • 


• # * 


• 


S 


oha 


divani 




rupani 


dusayitu 


janasa 


yadisam 


. bah 


K 


cha 


divy&ni 




lup&ni 


dasayitu 


janasa 


adisam ^ 


bah 


G 


cha 


divyani 




rupftni 


dasayi 


pujanam 


yArise 


bah 


D 


cha 


diviy^ni 




^* lupftnam 


dasayitu 


munisAnam ^dise 


bah 


J 


# • 


diviy&ni 




lup&ni 


dusayita 


munisAnam adise 


bah 


S 


hi 


vrasha 


satebi 


na 


bhuta 


purve 


tadi 


K 


hi 


vasa 


satehi 


n& 


huta 


pnluve 


t&di 


G 


hi 


vasa 


Hatebi 


*na 


bhdta 


pave 


tftri 


D 


hi 


vasa 


satebi 


no 


hdta 


puluve 


tftdj 


J 


hi 


yasa 


sate 


* 


• * * 


* # 


« 


S 


aja 


vadhite 




Dev&nampriyasa Priyadarsisa 


Ranyo 


dharman 


K 


aja 


vadhite 




DevftnampiyasA Piyadasino 


L4jine 


dhamma 


G 


aja 


vadhite 




Dev&nampiyasa ] 


Piyadasino 


Ranyo 


dhammd 


D 


aja 


vadlii (te] 




Devftnampiyasa Piyadasine 


LAjine 


dhammA 


J 


* « 


# * 




# • 


• 


• • * 


* * >Mhamm& 


S 


anaram * 


* nanam 


avihisa 


bhutana nyatas 


a ♦ 


# * 


K 




) p&Dftnam 


avihins^ 


bhut&nam n&tisam " sampatipati 


G 


* an&rambho p&n4tiam 


avihinsd. 


bhut&nam ny&tinam sampatipati 


D 


** analambhe p&n&nam 


avihinsA 


bhtt&nam n^tisa 


sampatipati 


J 


an&iambhc 


i p&n4 


nam 


avihiDsa 


bhut^nam nitisunam s * 


• 



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70 



TEXTS. 



S * Sramananam sampa^pati mata pitashu 

K Samati&n&m sampa^pati m&ta pitisu 

G Saman&Qam sampatipati mitari pitaii 

D B&bhaoeBu sampatipati matu pita 

J *• •• •* •• 



tu ara sufasha esam ioya 

8U8U8& kh^ cba anne 

7 BiastuA thairi susAsft esa anye 

8U848&m ya 808^^4 esa anne 



' esa 



anne 



S oba bahuvadham dhannaobaranam va^bitam 

K cba babdvidbe dhammachalane vadbite 

G cba babuvidbe dbammacbara^e va^bite 

D cba babuvidbe ^' dbammacbalane vadbite 

J cba babiLvidhe dbammacbalane vadbite 



yadbi^ati cbayo 

vadbiyisati cbevft 

vadbayisati cbeva 

vadbayisati cbeva 
vabbayi * 



Dey&nampriyasa 
Dev&nampiye 
Dey&nampiyo 
DevAn&mpiye 

* • * 



S Priyadarsisa Rauyo 

K Piyadasi L&ja 

G B Piyadasi R&jik 

D Piya * * Uja 

J # * * i 



-dbannacbaranam ime 



imam dbammachalanam 
dbamroacbaranam idam 
dbammacbalanam imam 

* * * • # 



pntra pi cba knnatayocba 
putA cba kunatllla cbft 
put& cba pot& cba 
putapi cba nati * 



S pranatika cba 

K pan^tikya cba 

G papot& cba 

D pa cba 

J ♦ * cha 



Deyanampriyasa 
Deyanampiyasft 
Dey&nampiyasa 
Dev&nampiyasa 

* • 



Priyadarsisa Ranya 

Piyadasine liljine 

Piyadasino R&nyo 

Piyadasine L^ine 

•• Piyadasine L&jine 



yadblsanti 
^' vadbdyisanti 

• yadbayisanti 
^7 pavadbayisanti 
payadbayisanti 



yeva 
idam 
yeya 
yeva 



g • * • * 

K dbammacbalanam 

G dbammacbaranam 

D dbammacbalanam 

J dbammaobal 



icba 
ima 

&ya 



pavata 
&ya. 



kupa 
kupam 

savata (a) kap& 
— — — akepam 

• • * 



dbanna^ila 
dbammasi 

dbammambi 

dbammasi 

* • 



silasi y& 
silambi 
stiasi cba 

* * 



S ti mato 

X titb&to 

G tistanto 

D vitbitu 



dbarma 

dhammam 

dbammam 

* • 



anufa^i^anti 
anu84»isanti 
anus&sisauti 
annsAsisanti 



eva 

ese 

^esa 



esa 

bi sotbe 
nise ste 
biae 



* 

kamme 
kamme 
* me 



yuta 
am 



s 



nosasanam 



K dbamm&nusftsanam 

G dbamm&nosisanam 

D dbamm&nus&sanam 
J • ♦ # 



dbannacbaranam pt eha 

dbammaobalana pi cb4 

dbammacharane pi na 

dbammacbalana pi cbu 

^ dbammacbalane picbu 



na bbofl a^ilasa se imasu 

no boti asilasA se imisa 

bbavati asila sava imambi 

'^ no boti astlasa se imasa 
no bo * • • • • 



S yafasa vadhi abini cba sadliu etaye athaye 

K atliasa vadhi abini cha sftdhu etaye atbiye 

G atbambi " dbi cba abini cba s&dbu et&ya atbftya 

D atbasa vadbi * abini cba sftdhu etftye atbaye 



ima 
ima 
ida 
iyam 
* • 



S 
K 
G 
D 
J 



lipitbam 
liklute 
lekh&pitam 
likbite 

* • 



imisa 
" imasa 
imasa 
imasa 



atbasa 
atbasa 
atbasa 
atbasa 



vadhiya 
vadbiya 
vadbiya 
vadbiyu 

* * 



nyantu luni 

jantu bini 

jantu bini 

jantu bini 

♦ • bini 



mabiga 

cba m& alocbayisu 
cba " locbetivya 
cba mft nlocbayisii 
<^a mk aloohayi 



faj Prinsep's first reading of tbis word wbb pavata, and tbe totally different form of tbe Ariano Pali j? in the Sbabbaiffarbi 
^xt shows tl^t the first reading of pavata may be correct* although the first letter is dearly i in the Girnar text. 



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TEXTS 



71 



s 


barata 


yarshabhisitena 


DeTinampriyasa 


PriyadaraiBa 


Ranya 


K 


duyftdasft 


va^bhisitene 


Dev&Dampiyena 


Piyadasine 


Ll^ino 


G 


dwftdasa 


▼as&bhisitena 


Dey&nampiyena 


Piyadasino 


R4nyo 


D 


*• duv&dasa 


va84niablii8ita8a 


Dev&nampiyasa 


Piyadasine 


Limine 


J 


• « 


• • • 


• • • 


• • 


• 



ROCK EDICT V. 



s 


" Dev&nampriya 


Priyadar^i 


Rayo 




evam 


abatine 


kayana 


K 


Dev&nampiye 


Piyadasi 


L^ja 




(omitted) &b4 


kayine 


G 


DevlUiainpiyo 


Piyadasi 


Ekik 




evam 


m, 


kal4na 


D 


*^ (De)v&nampiya 


Piyadasi 


L&ja 




bevam 


khk 


kay4ne 


J 


Devftnampiye 


Piyada 


• 


• 


• 


« • • 


* « 


S 


va lapachha 


so 


da^aram 


karofa 


I i 


maya 


K 


e adikale kay&ni 


84 


dukalam 


kaleti 


se 


may& 


G 




-kal/lne 


saso 


dukaram 


karot 


I «ta 


mayA 


D 
J 

8 


kayAnA 

karana kata 


sasa 


dokala 


m 


kaleti 


se 


me 




maba 


putra 


cba 






K 


kay&ne 


kate 


• 


• 




mama 


puta 


cba 


G 


kal&nam kata 


ta 






mama 


pat4 


cba 


D 
J 

S 


kay&ne 


kate 


tarn 




ye me 


pni4 


va 


paran 


cba 


tanaya 




me 


apacbam 


ammanti 


ava 


K 


" palan 


cba 


teniya 




apatine me 




4va 




G 


paran 


cba 


tenaya 




me apAcbam 




4va 


D 


palan 


cba 


tenaye 




apatiye me 





4va 


J 

S 


palan 
kapam 


cba 
tatha 


te • 
ye anuva^i 9ai 


* 










[iti 


te 




sakita 


knsati 


K 


kapam 


atb4 annvatisanti 




se 




snkatam 


kaobb4nti 


G 


kap& 


anuvatisare tatb& 


I 


>80 




snkatam 


k4sati 


D 


kapam 


tatb& annvatisanta 




sa 




snkatam 


kaohbati 


J 


• • 


* 


• 




* 


• 


• • 


• • 


S 


ati (e) 


defan 


I pribapifata 




sa 


dakatam 


knshanti 


K 


heti 


desam pibApayisati 


so 


dnkatam 


k4cbbati 


G 


eta 


desam pibipesati 




so 


dakatam 


kAsati 


D 
J 

S 


ta 


desam pibApayisati 


so 


dukatam 


k4cbbati 


sahane 




Atikatam 




antaram 


na 


bbuta 


K 


n&ma sn 


padilayese 


Atikatam 




antalam 


no 


buta 


G 


Sukarambi pApam 


AtikAtam 




antaram 


♦na 


bbnta 


D ' 
J 


° supud&layesn 


Atikantan 


I 


antalam 


no 


bat4 



















(a). Tbe two letters j> and kh seem to bave been transposed in this word, wbieb should be read M 

(b). As the two letters y and t are easily mistaken, this word should no doubt be naia as in the \ 
not Ifa^a. Mr. Beglai^s impression gives uata, and so does his photograph. 

(c). The initial letter might perhaps be A instead of a, as these two characters in Ariano Pali are ^ 



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72 



TEXTS. 



s 

K 
G 
D 
J 



dharmamabamatam nama 

dbaminamab4m4tli n&m& 

dhammamabftmftt& D&ma 

dbammamah&iD&ta d&ihq 



sa 

80 

ta may4 

86 



to 

te 



* * varBbabbisitena * 
dasavas&bbiaten^ mameva 
dasavas&bbisi (tena) 
dasavasftbbisitena me 



'^ deya dbarmamabamatra ki^ 

dbammamabam&t& 

dbammamaytm&ta kat4 

dhammamab&m&ta nUma kat& 



te 

te 
te 



save 
sava 
sava 
sava 



pasbandesbu 
p&sandesu 
p^andesu 
p&sandesu 



^— dbarmadbritbayo 

viyapaji ** dbammadbitan&ye 

vyapatA dbammadbist&n&ya 

° viyapatba dbamm&dbitblLiiiye 



cba 



dbarmavadbiya 
dbammavadbiye 



bita 
bita 



dbammavadbiye hitu 



sukbaya 
sakbaye 



sukbaye 



dbarma yutbasa ^— Yo (a) 

vi dbammftyataso tarn Yonamy 

dbammayiitasa cba Yonamt 

cba dbammayuta s& Yona^ 



Kamhayo 
Kamhojam, 
Kamho(cham), 
Kambocha, 



Gandkaranam, 
Gandhdldnawit 
Gandhdrdnam, (b) 
Gandkdlesu, 



Itastikanatu 



Ed^ttika 
Laihika 



Fitinikanam, ta 

— — e 

Petenikai^m ye 
Pitenikesu e 



vap] 
v&p: 
vApi 



anne 
anna 
anne 



Aparanta 
Apalantd 
Apardtd 
Apalanfd 



bbatamayesbu 
bbatamayesu 
bbatamayesu 
bba^i 



Bramanibbesbn 
Bi^mbbanitbisu 




Datbesbu vathasbu 
anatbesu yatbesu 


« 


hita 
bida 

hita 


sukbaye 

sukbaye 

— sukb&ye 

sukbaye 




^B4bbani 


bbis&su anathesu mabalokesu 


cba 


dbarmayutasa 
dbammayutAye 
dbammayut&uam 
dbammayut&ye 


apartgodbra 
apalibodb&ye 
apar&godb&ya 
apalibodb&ya 


yapata te *' bandbanam 
yiyapat^ : se bandbanam 
yy&patft ; te bandhana 
viyapa^ se bandbanam 

eyam anubandha 


badhasa 
badbasa 
badhasa 
badhasa 


patividbanaye 
pa^ividhan&ya 
patividb&n&ya 
pativa * * ya 


aparibodbaye 
apalibodbaye 


mochavanavaye 
mokb&ye cba 


pajati 

paj&vatav 
paj& 
pajati 


kita 

"kat& 

kata 

kata 


apalibodbaye 


mokb&ye cba 

' mokbAye 

mabalaka 
mab&l4keti 
thairesa 
mabalaketi 


^ iyam anubandha 


bbikati va 
bbikaleti v& 
bbikaresu Yk 
bbikaleti va 


va viyapata ti eba 
v& viyapatft te bid& 
Yk vy&pat& te Pdtal 
Yk viy&patft : se bida 


ipute cba 
cha 


babireshu 
b&hilesu 
b&biresu 
bahilesu 




• 





rhe letter n is here omitted in the Sbabbazgarbi text. 

Prinsep here read Qandhara, Narutika, but the true reading is that given in the t<?lt. Similarly in the Dbauli text 
bis Sulatbika belongs to the previous name Gandhalesu—letiving Lathika as the corresponding equivalent of 
n the Sbabbazgarbi and Glrnar texts. 



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s 

K 
G 
D 
J 



cha 
cba 
oha 
cha 



nagareslia 
nagalesa 

nagalesu 




Bavesu (a) 



TEXTS. 

OTodhaneshu 
holodhanesu 



olodhanesu 



eva 
ev&hi 



73 



bbratuna 
bbit&na 



olia 
cba na 



bh&t&nam ya 



S 
E 
G 
D 
J 



mekasona cba yevapi anje syatika savatam 

bbaginiya ev&pi anna nitikya savatft 

^ ne T&pi me anje njatika savatft 

bbagininam ya ^ anneeu ya natita sayata 



yiyapata 
yiyapatft 
yyapat& 
yiyapat& 



e— 



teyo 
cba: 



ayam 
iyam 
ayam 
iyam 



S 
K 
G 
D 
J 



dbarma nisfisita tiyara dbannafbritane tiya 

illiJUYitnn. ni8itetiy& d&nasayute tiy& 

dbamma nistito tiya ^— *— 

dbamma nisitatiyam dbamm&dbitb&ne, tiya 



danasayntra ya 

sayatft majata cbba 



d&nasaynte 



ya saya 



patbayiyam 



E 
G 
D 
J 



aati anati mata dbannayutafla yana yiyapala 

•^— i— dbammayutasi yiy&pat^e 



dbammayutasi 



yiyapat& 



dbarmamabamatra etaye 

dbammamab&m&t& etilye 

dbamm air ahAm&t& et&ya 

dbammamab&m4t& im&ye 



K 
G 
D 
J 



atbaya ayo 

atb&ye ^' iyam 

atb&ya ayam 

atb^ye •'iyam 



dbarmalipi 
dbammalipi 
dbammalipi 
dbammalipi 



lipi • 
likbita 
likbit& 
likbitam 



* * tbiti ya tinika bbota panja 
cbilatbitiky& bota tatb& cbe me paja 



anayatanta. 
anuyatantu. 



cbilatbiti botu cba me paja * anuyatatu. 



EDICT VI. 



S ^* Deyanampriyo Priyadar^i Raya eyam ahati 

E Dey&nampiye Piyadasi L^& beyam ftb& 

G — _ si E^a eyam l^ba 

D Dey&nampiye Piyadasi L&ja bevam &b& 

J ' Deyftnampiye Piyadasi L&j& beyam * &b& 



atikatam antalam 

atikatam antalam 

atik4tam antaram 

atikantam antalam 

atikantam antalam 



8 
E 
G 
D 
J 



na 
no 
na 
no 
no 



bbata 

btita 

bbtita 

b{ita 

buta 



puya 

puluye 

puya 

pul{iye 

puluye 



saya 
sayam 



sayam 
sayam 



la (6) 
kUam 

la 

k&lam 
k4lam 



atba 
atba 
atba 
atba 



kammey& 
kamme ya 
kamme ya 
kamme ya 



S 
E 
G 
D 
J 



patimadbra 

pafiyed^n^ 

pafiyedanlt 

pa^yedan4 

patiyedana 



ta 

y&sa 
y&ta 
ya se 
ya se 



ma 



ma 
ma 



maya 
may& 
may& 
mayft 
may& 



eya 

beyam 

eyam 



ki(a 

kate 

katam 

kafe 

kate 



savam 

sayam 

saye 

saya 

sayam 



(a) This word (sayesn) is bere repeated in the Dhauli text. 
(&) Omitted in original text. 



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74 



TEXTS. 



S kalam 

K k&Iam 

G We 
D * • 

J k&lam 



S 
K 
G 
D 
J 



S 
K 
G 
D 
J 

S 
K 
G 
D 
J 



E 
G 
D 
J 

S 
K 
G 
D 
J 



esimana same 

adamd.Qa 84 -— 

bhiingam4na same 

• • na same 



s * 



same 



S 

E 7a 

G va 

D • 

J — 



— Yinitasi 
vinitasi 
vinlimlii 

• vinitasi 

— vinitasi 



cha 



S 

E 

G 8(ita 

D 

J 



cha 

cha 
cha 
cha 



atha 
atha 
athe me 
janasa 
janasa 

janasa 
janas4 
janasa 
janasa 
janasa 



janasa 

jana8& 

janasa 

atham 

atham 

atha 
atham 
athe 
at^am 



••ante 
ante 

nyanasi 
nyanasi 
ny&nseu 
nyanasi 
uy&nasi 



orodhanasi gabhagarasi vachasi 

^^ holodhanasi (a) gabh&gd.lasi vachasi 

orodhanamhi gabhagdramhi vachamhi 

olodhanasi gabh4g&lasi vachasi 

olodhanasi gabh^gdlan vachasi 



cha 
cha 
cha 

me 



prati^^^A 

* tivedetu me 

pafivedetha — 

pa^veda yantu me 

pa^ivedayanta me 



savatra 

savata 

savata 

savata 

savata 



iti 
ti 
ti 



S anapayami 

E &napay&mi 

G ftnapay&mi 

D Iknapay&mi 

J 4napay4mi 




pika 

dipakam 

d4pakam 

dipakam 

dipakam 



karomi 
kachh&mi 
karomd 
kal&mi 



va 
v& 
v& 
v& 



yapirokika — - 

ka peyam pi ch& ■*^ 

ya cha kinchi 

'^ ha ampi cha kinchhi 

am pi cha kinchhi 



prafivedaka 

pativedak& 

pativedak& 

pativedak& 

pativedak& 

savatra 

savata 

savata 

savata 

savata 

makhata 
mukhata 
mukhatA 
mukhate 
mnkhate 

eva 



Yk 



savak&m 

s4v&pakam v& 

s4v4kam vft 

s^vakam v& 



dhayaka pi nama tadhana achayika 

pnnA mah&matehi " ach&yika 

puna »— mab&thatesu ftch&yika 

^— — maham&tehi atiy&yike 

mah&m&tahi atiy&yike 



viyo pa na 
vivido ni 
vivado ni 
viv&deva ni 
vivlUieva 



nya * nassa bhoti 



aropitam 

alopite 

alopite 




viye 



viye 
viye 

karomi atrayutisa {c) 
ftnapanite mamaya 
may& anapitam 

ma anu8athe 

me anusatha 




parivayesha 



parisHyam 
palisAy& 
lisaya 



cha {h) 

savam 

save 

savam 

savam 



nathi 
nftsti 
nathl 
nathi 



— — -doka 
hi me dose 
he me to so 
pi me to se 
pi me to se 



traya 

taya 

t&ya 

tasi 

tasi 

nantariyena 
anantaliyen& 
&nantaram 
" anantaliyam 
anantaliyam 

a • 

kftlam 

Mle 

k&lam 

k&lam 

anapi che 

nth&nasi 

n^h&namhi 

uth&nasi 

nthftnasi 



yevA 
yav& 
evA 
ev& 

atbaye 

ath4ye 

ath&ya 

athasi 

athasi 

pativedetasa 

• • • 

pa^ivedetayam 

pativadeta 

pa^ivedeta 

• janasa 
hevam 
evam 
hevam 
hevam 

aha 

atha 

atha 

atha 

atha 



N.B. — The four folloioing lines are found only in the ShShbdzgarhi text 



(a) As the vowel o in the first syllable of this word is attached to the aspirate, the value of the initial letter in the other 
text is determined to be o also, although this was ahready sufficiently dear from the initial o of the ShAhb&zgarhi text. 

(b) Norris reads atrayautaka, 

(c) Omitted in original text. 



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TEX' 



S dapaka va 

S achayiti~ me 

S ra patishaye 

S savam kakm 



fravaka va 

sava bhoti 

anantarija na 

evam anyapitam 



«6 santiranaya pi 

E santilan&ye cha 

G santiran&ya va 

D santilan&ya cha 

J Bantilan&yam cba 



katava 
kataviya 
katavya 
ka^viya 



manatralii 
mutehi 
matehi 
matehi 



S tasa 

K 

G tase 

D tasa 

J tasa 



cha 



cha 
cha 
cha 



puna 
pnna 
puna 
pana 



mulam 

esi 

esa 

iyam 

iyam 



S cha 

E ch& 

G cha 

D cha 

J cha 



na 

nathi 

n^ti 

nathi 

nathi 



hi 
hi 
hi 
hi 



kammatara 

kammatal&m 

kammataram 

kammatalam 

kammatalA 



sav 
sav 
sav 
sav 
sav 



S 
E 
G 
D 
J 



parakamama 

palakam&mi 

parakam&mi 

palakam&mi 

p&lakam&mi 




kiti — ianam 

kiti bhat4nam 

kinti bhutAnam 

kinti bhut4nam 



S snkhayami paratam cha saga 

E sukh&j&mi palatam cha swagam 

G sukh^pay^mi parat& cha swagam 

D sukhay&mi palatam cha swagam 

J 8ukhay&mi palata cha swagam 



E 
G 
D 
J 



dharmalipi 

dhammalipi 

dhammalipi 

dhammalipi 

dhammalipi 



tha 

likhit& 

lekh4pit& 

likhita 

likbita 



kinti 



chiran 
chilat] 
chiran 
chtlatl 
chilan 



S 
E 
G 
D 
J 



me 
me 
me 



pntranantaro 
'pata dale 
pnta pota cha 
puta ^— ' 
pota — 



papota 
papota 



E 
G 
D 
J 



hi athaya 

hit4 

hit4ya 
hit&ye 
hitHye 



ma bhata ta yasa 
" dukale cha 
dukarantu — 
dukale chu 
dukale chu 



aroa ya 

iyam 

idam 

iyam 

iyam 



(a) From the great similarity of the two letters fi and k, they 
most probably k&ni* 



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76 



J 






TEXTS. 














EIDIOT VII 


• 






s 


^ Dey4DampTiyo Priyasi (a) B&ja 


sayyatra 


ichhati 


sayyam 


p&shan 


E 


Dev&nampiye 


Hyadaai 


lAjA 


• yat& 


ichhati 


saya 


p&san^ 


G 


' Devdnampijo 


Piyadasi 


B&J& 


sayata 


ichhati 


saye 


p&sand& 


D 




Piyadasi 


I4i4 


sayata 


ichhati 


saya 


p&sandA (b) 


J 




Piyadasi 


Ujk 


sayata 


ichhati 


saya 


pasand& 


S 


vaseyu 


sayeite 


sayaman 


hhayafudhi 


cha 


iohhanti * 


jano 


K 


▼aseva 


sa?ehite 




bhftyasadhi 


cha 


ichhanti 


mane 


G 


vaseyu 


saye te 


sayaman cha 


' bh&yasudhin 


oha 


ichhati 


jano tu 


D 


vasevA * 


tisaye 


hota sayaman 


bh&vasndhi 


cha 


ichhanti 


monisA 


J 


yaae • 


• saye 


hitesayaam 


bh&yasudhi 


oha 


ichhanti 


monisA 


S 


oha 


uohayacha 


chhando 


uchayacha 


rago 


te 




E 


ya 


uoh&yaoh& 


ohhand4 


nch&vacha 


lAga 


te 




G 




uch^yacha 


chhando 


uchftyaoha 


rAgo 


te 




D 


cha 


' uch&?acha 


chhandA 


uoh&yacha 


IM 


te 




J 


olia 


uoh&yach& 




uch&yacha 


llig& 


te» 




S 


sayam 


y& 


(a) 


ekade9aam 


ya^ pi 


kdahanti 


yipole 


E 


Bayam 




(h) 


ekadesam 


pi 


kachhanti 


yipule 


G 


sayam 


ya 


k&santi 


ekadesam 


va 


k&santi 


•yipule 


D 


sayam 


ya 


{c) 


ekadesa * 




kachhati 


yipulA 


J 

S 








ekadesam 
n&sti 




kachhanti 
* bh&yafudhi 


yipule 


pi cha 


d&ne 


yasa 


ya 


E 


pi cha 


d&ne 


tas& 


nathi « 


' sayame 


bh&yasudhi 




G 


tnpi 


dkie 


yasa 


nasti 


sayame 


bh&?asuddhit& 


ya 


D 


pi cha 


d&ne 


asa 


nathi 


sayame 


bh&yasndhi 


cha 


J 


pi cha 


d&ne 


















8 


kitanyata 




dridh4hhatita {d) 


niche 


p&dham. 




E 


kitan&tu 




dftdhihhatit& 


ch& 


nicha 


p&dham. 




G 


katamsyalA 


ya 


dadl^ahhatita 


ya 


nich& 






D 










niche 


b&dham. 




J 






ila 




niche 


b&dham. 





.8 ^^ Atikatam antaram 

E Atikantam antahun 

G Atik&tam antaram 

D *• • kantam antalam 

J ><» t*kantam antalam 



8 


anyane 


oha 


edisani 


E 


any&ni 


cha 


hedis&ni (e) 


G 


any&ni 


cha 


et&ris&ni 


D 


ann4ni 


cha 


edis&ni 


J 


Annftni 


oha 





EDICT VIII. 

ne Raya yiharayatam name 

Dey&nampiy& • * * dhiya • • • 

RAjano yih&ray&t4m nyay&su 

Ll^&no y&halayfttam n&ma 

LUJa 



atasamana abhayasu 

abhila mani hunsam 

' abhira mak&ni ahumsu 

abhil& md.ni puyam tinam 

a * ila m&ni puvam tinam 



nikhamisham 


gamagaye 


nikhamisuhid& migaviyft 


eta 


magavyft 


• khamisli 


• •viya 


so 


Deyanampriyo 




Dey&nampiye 


so 


Dev&nampiyo 


se 




se 


Dey&nampiye 



(a) Frijfoti in original, the d having been omitted by the engraver. 

(b) HAnanda is read by Wilson, and it is so lithographed ; but as pdia might easily be mistaken for hdna, the word has 
certainly been misread. 

(c) Omitted in original texts. 

(d) This readmg of the ShAhbAzgarhi text confirms Westergaard's emendation of drirha bhaktita in the Girnir text. 

(e) This is another instance of the cockney aspirate in the Kh&lsi text 



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TEXTS. 



B 


Priyadarei 


Ranya 


dafiavashabhisito 


santu 


K 


Piyadasi 


Llti& 


dasavas&bhisite 


Bantu 


G 


Pijadasi 


R&ja 




santo 


D 


^Piyadasi 


lAja 


dasavas&bhisite 




J 


" Piyadasi 


Hia 


Hajia ^^ 






UHBch "^" 






S 


sa dharmayatra 


etaya iyam 


hoti 


Srama^am Br 


K 


tik dhamm&yAtA 


etAyam 


hoti 


Samana Baml 


G 


84 dliainmay4t4 


etayam 


hoti 


Bd.hmana Sana 


D 


t& dhammay&i4 


tesa 


hoti 


Samana B&bhf 


J 

S 






tesa 
• • 


hoti 

« i 


Sa * ^ « 

» hii 


anu • 


• 


K 


oha yidh&nam 


dasane 


cha 


hil 


G 


oha thtdr&Dam 


dasane 


cha 


hii 


D 


olia vadh&nam 


dasane 


cha 


•htl 


J 


cha vadhftnam 


dasane 


cha 


"hi] 


S 


pajanasa 




janasa 


da$ana 




K 


janapadasa 




janasa 




G 


jinapadasa 


cha 


janasa 




D 
J 






janasa 


dasane 


cha 


S 


dharma pari 




tadopayam ete 


E 


dhamina pali 


puchhft 


cha 


tat&payo esa 


G 


dhuTOTna pari 


pnohh4 


cha 


tadopayft esa 


D 
J 

S 


• • • 


•cbh& 




tAd&payft * sa 


DevlLTiampriy 


asa 


Priyadar^isa 


Banye 


bhago 


E 


Dev&nampiyasa 


Piyadaeisa 


L&jine 


bhftge 


G 


Dey&Dampiyasa 


Piyadasino 


Ranyo 


bhAge 


D 




Piyadasine 


L&jine 


bhage 


J 


Deyftnampiyasa " 


Piyadasine 


limine 


b^ige 



EDICT IX. 



s 


*• DeT^nampriyo 


Priyadarei 


Raya 


evam 


E 


'* Dev&nampiye 


Piyadasi 


L^ja 




G 


' Devinampiyo 


Piyadasi 


B^'& 


eva 


D 


• Dev&nampiye 


Piyadasi 


. L«a 


hevai 


J 






L«a 




S 


jani 


ncham yacham 


mangalam karoti 




E 


jano 


nch&vacham 


mangalam ka ^ 


• 


G 


jano 


nch&Yacham 


mangalam karote 




D 
J 

S 


jano 


nchftvacham 


mangalam kaloti 




paja patn di 




E 


Tivfthesi 




p^upadAye 




G 


Tivfthesu 


v& 


pntal&bhesu 


vi 


D 


vi • • • 




• jupad&ye 








J 






pajnpad^ye 





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78 



TEXTS. 



s 


ataya ' 


anyaye va 


hade9i 


• ♦ nadatu 


mangalam 


E 


etiye 


annaye cha 


edis&ye 


jane bahu 




6 


etamhi 


cha anyamhi 


cha 


jano uchAvacham 


mangalam 


D 


'etAye 


annaye cha 


hedis&ye 


jine bahukam 




J 


etftye 


cha» 




hedisaye 


jane bahukam 




S 


karotd 


ata 


tn striyaka bahu 


cha 


bahuvidbam 


K 


k&loti 


heta 


vu Abakejanibhu bahu 


cha 


bahuvidbam 


G 


karote 


eta 




bayuyidham 


D 


ka 










ithibidham 










J 

8 


cha 












pntika 


cha nirastiyam cha 


mangaU karoti se 


E 


olia 


khudAvi 


nilathiy 


am v& 


mangalam kaloti ^' se 


G 


oba 


chhadam 


va niratham cha 


mangalam karote ta 


D 


cha 


pnti • 


cha nilathiy 


am cha 


mangalam kaloti ^ se 


J 

S 










vrt o *t AMX 1 a rtn vol'x^i ae% 


, kataviya 




mangala 


api^halam 


Ullftllgalalll na 

tukho 


etadi 


E 


katavi cheva 


kho 


mangale 


apaphale 


(chu) kho (a) 


• sAiyam 


O 


katavyameva 


tu 


mangalam 


apaphalam 


tukho 


etarisam 


D 


katiriye 


le (dhe) 


no * mangale 


apapale 


chakho 


esahedisam 


J 


kafiviye 


obevakho mangale 


16 apaphale 


chakho 


esaha* • 


S 


matakho 




mahaphalam yema 








ir 


chokho 




mahA] 


vl^ola 






jL 




iHHie "^" 






Q 


inang^^ftTO 


ayam 


tu mah&p 


halft 


'~"^'^" 




VI 








J 


yififtng^lft'n^ 1 


ayam 








V 

Q 


maDgala 


'Mi 
ye 


aeaima 
dhammamangale 




dasa 
dAsa 


bhatakaaa 
bhatakasi 


E 


• • * 




G 


mangale 


ya 


dhammamangale 


tateta 


dAsa 


bhatakamhi 


J 




e 




tatesa 


dAsa 


bhatakasi 
bhalakasi 




•J 












S 


Bamapafipati 


▼a garanam apa * ti 


pasadhn 


sayama 




K 


samapatipati 


golunam 


apAchiti 


_ft_ m A 


sayamme 










G 


samyapatipat] 


gujunam 


apachiti 


s&dhu pAi^esu 


sayame 


s4dhu 


D 




apachi • 
apachiti 








J 


samyl^patipati 


. golunam 


pAnesu 


sayame 




S 


Sramana 


Bramana 




dane eta 




anya 


K 


S&mana 




d&ne ese 




anne 


G 


Bahmana 




sAdhu 


d&nam eta 


dia 


anne 


D 


Samana 


BAbhan&nam 




d&ne esa 




anne 


J 


^''Samana 
cha 


Bambhani 


# • 
dhannasa 








S 


• 


• • 


savo 


K 


chA 


he^isatam 


dhamma mangale nkmk pe 


vataviye 


G 


cha 


etarisam 


dhamma mangalam n&ma ta 


yaiavyam 


D 
J 


cha 




dhamma 


gala (b) n&ma ta 


yataviye 















(a) Perhaps intended for Chukha, or even tukha. 

(h) The m of mangala is omitted on the rock by a mistake of the engraver or writer. 



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TEXTS. 



s 


pitana 


sava 


putena 


sa bhata 


K 


pitinft 


pi 


putena 


pi bhatii 


G 


pitA 


va 


putena 


va bh&tA 


D 


pitina 


pi 


putena 


pi bhatii 


J 


* tina 


pi 


putena 


pi bb&tii 


S 


mftta 


sastatena 


ava 


prativatiyena 


K 


m&ta 


santhatena ava 


pa^ivesiyenapt 


G 


( 


omitted 


) 


D 


( 




do. 


) 


J 


( 




do. 


) 


S 


nasti 


mangalam 


ya 


tasa 


K 


kataviye 


mangale 


Ava 


ta8& 


G 


katayya 


mangalam 


&va 


ta^a 


D 


• • • 


• • lam 


aya 


tasa 


J 


kataviye 


18 • • 


• • 


* • 



At this point of Edict IX the text of the two northern versi 
Jaugada. The remainder of the Edict is therefore given in two separal 

Continuation of the SHAHBAZGARHI am 



s 

K 


**ima 
iyam 


kusaye 
kusi • 


eva 
va 


take 

cha la ] 


S 
K 


siyato 
sayavatam 


tatha 
atham 


nivakayati si 
nivateyA s 


S 
K 


lobha cha 
lochavase 




ava 
iyamjanA 


dharma a 
dhammamangal 


S 
E 


• # 
pitam 


atham 


dharma 
noniteti 


anutam 
hida 


S 
K 


• • 
punik 


• * 
pavasati 


ha 
panchesn 


aprataranam 
k&tam 


S 
K 


thani 
atham 


tathhati 
nivatati 


varo 
hida 


abhi 
tat& 


S 
K 


asti pabhata dhata 
se athe helat& chA 


panyapasa ka 
anantam pana 


S 
K 


mangale # # # 
tena dharmapaga. 










Continuation of ^cGIRNAR, DHAULI, and 


G 
D 
J 


asti cha 

athi 

• • 


p&vutam 
pavntam 

• • 


s&dhu 

vate 

• • 


d&na 

dAne t 
• * 


G 
D 
J 


asti d&na 
(athi d&ne) 
* se dAne 


va 


anagftho 
anugahe 
anugahe 


va 

va > 

adi 





(a) Or per haps ametha or anjfeikt 



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80 




G dhammanngaho v4 ta tokho mitena va Buhadajena 

D dhammanuga (he) — - ■ - 

J dhamm4nagalie oha Be chakbo miteoa 



G va 8 nyatikena va sahajena va ov^ditavyam 

D ■ — tikena ■ sap&jeDa tivi yovadita 



J 



G tamH tamlu pakara^e idam kacha idam 

D tasi _^— — pakalanasi i • 

J _-_ 



G B&dhn iti imini saka 

D ■ — — — 12 imena — ka — 

J sadhu " imena sakiye ^ 

G ' kAcha • • • iimn& katavyataram 

D ■■ 

J kinhi — ■ imena ka^ayiyatala 









yam 


8wagam 
Bwage 


Arl^etn iti 

alftdbayitaye 

aladhayitave 


yata 
tasa 


Bwag&radhi. 
alabbi. 



KDIOT X. 



S >* Devanampriyo Priyadar^i Raya yaso va kirti va 

E Dev&nampiye Piyadasi L^a yaso v4 kiti v4 

G DevAnampiyo Piyadasi S^4 yaso va kiti va 

D "• piye Piyadaai lAja yaso v4 kiti v4 

J ' — —■ " "yaso va kiti v4 

8 na mabatba va ha manyati anyata yo 

j^ ._ mabftth4 v4 — - manati anatll yam 

G na mab4tb4 va h4 manyate anyata — — ^ 

J) na — ■ ■'■ va na mannati vakittv4 

J («— — omitted ' ) 

8 pi yaso sriti va imati tena tasa ayatiya oba 

K pi yasa va kiti va icbbati tadatwaye ayatiye cba 

G -^ _— tad4dvano digbayacha 

D .— — — ~ — ^- icbbati tadatwaye annati 

J — — icbbati t4datwli>ye anyatiyecba 

8 tada dbarmasn^uBba snsnsha a meti 

K jane dbanmiasa8a84 BasoBft ta mati 

G me jan4 dbammasasansA Bnsosa tam 

D jane '"^ dbammasasnsft snBusa tam me 

J jane dbammasns^am sosusa tam me 

S dbannavatam cba annvidbayatam» 

K dbammavatam v^ * nnvidbiyitatL 

G dbammavatam oba annvidbiyatam. 

D dbamma •• •• ***• 

J • • • •• •••• 

8 eta kaye Devftnampriya Priyadar^i Baya yato 

K eta kaye Dev4nampiye Piyadasi ^JAifi yaso 

G eta k4ya Devftnampiyo Piyadasi Bl^a yaso 

D eta k4ye __ — ____- — _- yggo 

J _— — 



Digitized by 



Google 



TEXTS. 



s 

K 
G 
D 
J 



kiti 
rk 
va 
va 



kiti 
kiti 
kiti 



va 
vk 
▼a 
va 



ichhati 
iehha 
iehhati 
i 



S pankramate 

K lakamati(a) 

G par&kamate 

D pal&kammati 

J 



Devftnaimprijo 
Dev&nampiye 
Dev&nam (h) 
Dev&nampiye 
Dev&uampiye 



Pryadar^i 

Piyadasi 
Piyadasi 



Raya 

Laja 

Rfija 

* 



S paratikaye 

K palatiky&ye 

G paratikaya 

D p^latik&ye 

J p&latikaye 



va sati sukali 

va kinti sukale 

va kinti sakale 

va ^^ kioti sakale 

v& kinti sakale 



aparisave 

apapaldsava 

apaparisave 

apaplilsave 

apapalisave 



siyati ef 
siyatiti 
asa esa 
puveyal 
puveya 



S dnkarata kho eshe 

K dukale chokho ese 

G ''dukaranta kho et&m 
D • • kaje 



va dakena 
khudakena 
chhndakena 
va 



va 
v& 
va 



gena 

vatend 

janna 



K 
G 
D 
J 



tava * gena parakamena 

aaata agemi palakamenft 

anyata agena parlkkamena 

(anna) ta agena • * • na 




pan 

paliti 

pari 



cha 

cha 
cka 



K 
G 
D 
J 



( 
chokho 
takho 
wkhtt 
khu 



omitted 



) oha 



dikena 

dakena 
dakena 



litirftftfltA * 



v& 
v& 



usathena 
uBafena 



v& 
va 



nsa 

^' luatena 

Qsatena 

nsa^na 

usatena 



N.B.^hi the Dhanli and Jaugada texts of Asoka's Series of Rock Inscript 
omitted, but both texts dose with a copy of the 14th Edict. 



K 
G 

S 
K 
G 



^ Dev&nampriyo Priyadai^i Baya 
Dev&nampiye Piyadasi I^ja 

Dev&nampiyo Piyadasi B^'a 



EDICT XI. 

evam ahati ; nasti 
hevam fdj hk nathi 
evam ahi n4sti 



dharmadanam dharmsanstavo 
dhammad&ne {omitted) 
dhammadinam dhammasanstavo 



h 
et 



— dharmasamvibhago - 
— — — dhammasamvibh4go 
v& dhammasamvibhdgo \ 



(a) The letter p is omitted in the original text. 
(6) piife is omitted in the original 

(c) Bumoof (Le Lotos, p. 659) has given his reading of the text of this Ed 
those of Prinsep and Wilson. 

(d) The initial letter & of &h& is omitted in the original text. 



Digitized by 



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82 



TEXTS. 



s 

K 
G 



•ta 

tata 

^ tata 




datam bhatakanam samapatipati 
d&sa bbatakasi Bamy&patipati 

dasa bhatakamhi samapatipati 



matapitoshn -^— 
m^tapitisu — — . 
mMari pitari sAdhu 



S sosnshu mitasastata nyatakanam Sramana Bramana 

K sa8a8& mitasatbnti n&tiky&nam Samana Bambhanik 

G SUBIIS& mitasatata ny&tik&nam B^hma^a Samana 



8a*« 

n& 

8&dhu 



^ danam 
dllne 
d&nam 



-"-^ananam anarambbo — — 
In&nam an41ambbo — — ese 
^n&nam an&rambbo sAdha 



etam vataYO pitrena pi putrena 

— vataviye pitina pi pute 

etam yatavyam pit4 va pntena 



va 



bbatena 
bbd,tin& 
bb&ta 



pi 



va 

sava 

va 



mitrena 
mikvena 



Pi 
pi 



mitra 

mita 

mita 



Lstutana — — 
mtbut&na — — 
astutana ny&tikena 



va 



ava pative^iyena — 

av& pativesiyenH iyam 

&va pativesiyebi idam 



Bddba ide 

sMbu iyam 

B^dhu idam 



atavo so tatba 

ataviye 90 tatb& 

atavyam * so tatb^ 



urata cba 
alata cba 
arata cba 



anantam 
anantam 
anantam 



karatam 
kalanta 
karu 



iba 

bida 

i(ba) 



punyam krasava (a) 
punct pasavate 
punyam 



loka cba 
lokikye dbikam 
lokacbasa 

" bbo tena 

— tena 

bhavati tena 



aradbeti 

aladbe 

&dldbo 



boti 
hoti 



dbarmadanena. 

dbammadanen4. 

dbammad&nena. 



EDICT XII. 



)ev&nampiye Piyadasi 
[)ev&nampiye Piyadasi 




sava p^andani — — 

sava p&8and4ni cba 



pavajit^ni 
pavajit&ni 



;ba 



gabatb4ni v& pujati d&nena 

gbarist&ni cba pujayati d4nena 



— vividbeya cba 

cba vividb&ya cba 



mjayene 
)nj&yene 



pAjayati 



nena 



cba 

tu 



tatb& 
tatb& 



d&ne 
d&nam 



v& 
va 



pu3& 
puje 



ra 
^4 



Dev&nampiye manati atb& kinti Bk\k 

Dev&nampiyo manyate yatb4 kiti s4ra 



vadbisiy&ti 
vadbi asa 



9ava 
sava 



[>^and&nam ^k 
p^andllnam s&ra 



vadbin& 
vadblta 



babavidh& ta^a 

babuvidb^ tasa 



tasa 



cba 
tu 



iyam 
idam 



I Arian-P&li tbe two letters h and p may easily be mistaken ; bat as tbe dental-sibilant of Shabbftzgarbi differs 
ilatal sibilant of Kb&Ui, it is possible tbat the words may be different. 



Digitized by 



Goo 



si 



TEXTS. 



s 

K 
G 



mule 
m^llam ja 



ava 
va 



chatuti 
viguti 



kinti 
kinti 



* ta ata p4sand& 
&tta pa^anda 



ya paj& 



va 
pa 



S 
K 
G 



galaha nam 
garah4 



taua apa 9aka kate yam no^aj^ 
va no bhaye 



E "apakalanafi lahakft \k 9iy& tam^i tam^i 

G apakaranambi lahak& va asa tambi tambi 



E pig eta 
G pfijeta 



viya 

ya 



cba 
tu 



palap4?and& 
par&p^nd^ 



tena 
tena 



t«na 
tena 



S 
K 
G 



bevam 
evam 



kalata 
katam 



atapa^and^ 
ftttap&sanda 



bad ha 
cba 



vadbijeti 
yadbajati 



palapa^anda 
parftp&sandasa 



S 
E 
G 



upakaloti tad& anatba koloti 

upakaroti tadantetba karoti 



atap&sanda 
ilttapftsandam 



cba 
cba 



cbbanoti 
cbbanoti 



S 
E 
G 



Pi 
va 



va 
pi 



apakaloti 
apakaroti 



ye 

yo 



bi 
bi 



kacba 
k&cbi 



atap^anda 
littap&sanda 



P' 
P^ 



E ^ palapllsanda (a) 
G paiAp&sandam 



v& 



galabati 
garabati 



»ava 



atapftsand 
&ttapl^anda 



bbatiyd, 
bbatija 



S 
E 
G 



atap&sanda dipaye ma 

&ttap&sandam dipaye ma iti 



so 



cba 
cba 



punft 
puoa 



tatb& 
tatba 



E i..— ^^-. b&dbatale up&banti atap&sanda pi aama viyeva s&dbu 

G &ttap4sandam bftdbataram npabanati tasa ma vayo eva s&db& 



S — 

E mannamanusli dbammam suneya cba 

G manyamanyas& dbammam sun&ja cba 



susus&ya 
susunsera 



v&ti 
cba 



bevai 
evam 



E Dev&nampiyasa icbb& 
G Dev&nampiyasa icbb& 



kinti ^savap^anda babu put&(6) chk 

kinti savap&sanda babu sutlL(6) cba 



S 
E 
G 



kal&n&gft cba b4 

kal&ny&gama cba 



ve yati eva 
asu ye cba 



tat& 
tata 



tat& 
tata 



pasann&te 
pasann&te 



bi 
bi 



(a). Here pdtanda is spelt witb the dental « instead of the paUtal », as in other places of this latter part c 
(6). Here it is difficult to say whether the engraver has changed the letters p and «, which are very much 
words pfUa and-ntia have the same meaning. 



Digitized by 



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84 



TEXTS. 



s 

K 


Dey&nampiye no 


tath& 


d&nam 


v4 


P«iA 


v& 


mannate 


ath& 


G 

S 
K 


Devtounpiyo no 
kinti 8&I& 


tath& 
vadhi 


dftnam' 
9iy& 


va 
saya 


plbMndatl 


ya 


manyate 


yath& 


bahuk& cha 


et&y& 


G 

S 
K 


kinti 


8ftra 


Y^hi 


asa 


eara 


p&sand&nam 


bahak4 ya 


et&ya 


th&ye 


viy4pa<A 


dhammamah4mftt& 




ithidhiya 


kha 


mahAm4tA 


yacha 


G 

S 
K 


%t\A 


vy&patA 


dhftn)mi^mi^4'"^^f4 


oha 


itth^ha 


kha 


mah&m&t4 


cha yacha 


bhnmtkyft 


— ane 


vkjk 


nik&ye 


"iyam 


cha 


eM^ 


phaleyam 


atap&sanda 


G 


Mi^miki 


cha anya 


k cha 


nik&ye 


ayan 


cha 


etaaa 


phalaya 


ftttapftsanda 


S 










'dipana (a) — 


— 


diha yepa 


pitasa. 






K 


radhi 


cha 


hoti dhanmiasa 


cha dipan& athft 


yep4bhi 


pita8&. 


G 


vadhi 


cha 


hoti dhammasa 


cha dSpan4 ^ 









EDICT XIII. 



s 

K 
G 

S 
K 
G 

S 
K 
G 

S 
K 
G 


Dev&nampriyasa PriyardaeiBa 
Dev&nampiyasa Fiyadasine 


Baye 

Limine 


kali • 
kalikhhyam 


yi • ta 
yijit& 


• • 

diyftdba 


ma 
m& 


apana #ata 
apftna satft 


asra^ata 


• • • aha 
saha^eye tuph& ah& 


yudhi 
yudhena 


patesa 
^tesa 
patasa 

' tari nata d 
tAt& tha yd 
tat4pachhi 




etahatam 

tatahate 

et4hatam 

Kali (ngeshu) 

Kalingesu 

Katingesu 


bahn 
bahu 
bahu 

ti 
ti 


ti • • 

tiyate 

ttya<4 

ye 
ye 


ka • • 
keyft mife 
kammata 

dhar 

dhammayaye 

dhammayftyo 


pasamitam 

la santa ladhesha 

sUdhona ladhesu 

I adh^D4 ladhesu 



S ma mata dhamannsathi cha 

K '^dhammakammat^ dhamm4nusathi ch4 

Q • • • • • • ..^ 



S Deyftnampriyasa ygitayiya kayi (P) 
K Dey&nampiyasft yijitayi kalikhy&ni 
G — — 



,...« • • • 

Dey&nam piyasft je athi anusaye 



• avijitamhiti 
avijitamhi 



jina 
jine 



mano 
mane 



yota 
eta 



S 
K 
G 



ta 

t& 



yata ti maranam sta 

yadha y4 maline y& 

yadho ya maranyam va 



apada 

apayftho 

apav&ho 



(a) Here begins the legible portion of the inscription on the back of the Shfthb4igarhi rock. 



V 



Digitized by 



Goo4le 



TEXTS. 



85 



s 

E 
G 

S 
E 
G 



E 
G 



janasa 
janasft 
janasata 



che 



garamata cha 

galamate (b) ba 
gannamata ba 



sacha 
mata 



matura 
t&le 



ye taram radhi lipa 



badbam 

b&dbi 

b&dham 



sbana 
vedana 
T^dana 



ma 
va 
va 



Devanam priyasa * * ta cba 
Devftnam piyasa iyampichu tato 
De 



DevaDampriyasa savata ha 
Dey&nampiyasa ^ savat^ 



* vasasti 
vasati 



E 
G 



Sramaiia — 

va Sama (c) v& anavft 



pftshanda 



gatethi vayesa hatha 

gihithA vaye^u yihiiA 



S 
E 
G 

S 
E 
G 



etam 
agine 



bhoti 



BOfasha 



mata 
m&ta 
m&ta 



snsusha mitasantala sahaya 

Busa (c) mitasanthata sah&ya 

Ba8aD8& mitasanstata sah&ya 



pitri BQftiBha Bhi 

pita BT1BC1B& gu 

pitari Ba8uii8& gu 

^ nyatike shanasa bl 

n&tike Busa^a bl 

ny&tike sad^sa — 



S 
E 
G 



pratipapati tanam sharatam 
pafipati dandbaliti t&le 



santetft 



bhoti apragatho va 

hoti pasagh&te vft 



S 
E 
G 



va vadho cha anya natarika maDampasharam pi sati hitao 

v& abhil&t&nam vikhini khamane ^ yesamvft pi vavi hitai 




adi 
hine 




tara 
mita 



sastata 
9anthat& 



sa 
9a 



S bhavasada ' praponati tatam tarn 

E viy&8anam paponata tat& so 

G vyasanam papunoti vata so 



pitesha vo 

pitan4me vft 
pi teea ^— 



8 bhoti panti bhagam 
E pati pati bh&gam 

G patipafi bhago 



cha atam sante maneyanam gatamanam cha 
cha esa sava manayanam gnla vate mk 
V&8& Bava 



8 

E n&thi cha sejana padeyft t& 
G 



misti cha ekatarehi pasandehi 

D4thi — — — imenikaya &nat&yenesa 

D&sti manns&nam ekataramhi p&sandamhi 



8 ( omitted. 

E ch& samane ch& nathi ch& ku v&pi janapadasi yatha nathi mnms&nam eka tala s 

G ( omitted. 



(a) These two words may be read as muH and gaUmmie, 

(b) The na of samana is omitted in the originaL 

(c) The second su of this word is omitted in the originaL 



Digitized by 



Google 



86 



TEXTS. 



s 


na nama 


prasade 


K 


n&ma 


pas&de 


Q 


na n&ma 


pfts&de 



sajame 
seavata 
yavata 



tre 

ke 

ko 



jatana 

jane 

janapada 



taraka 
tada 

• « 



S nalagehata cha 

K Kalingeeu pinete cha 

Q — • nayasaka • va 



metan^ 

mata 

mitaneja 



cha 
cha 
vapi 



apara a 

papavudha * 
atavijo 



cha 
ba 



S 
K 
G 



a cha 



tarata 
tata 



'sata 
puto 



Bhagava 
Bh&gaya 



sahasra 
sahas^ 



Bhagava 
BhAgav& 



S ajagatra 
K ajagalu 
G ' 



matra 
mateva 



rava 



DerlUiampiyasa 
Dey&nampiyasii 



yo pibho 



S aprakati yati chha mitratiya matera 



Devftnampriyasa 
Dev&nampiyasi 



S yam sako chha manayaya pihi ath&bi Devanampriyasa a * * tarn bhoti rati anadeti 

K 

G 8&pi jite sati — ■ ' — — — 



K 
G 



anatiija piti anatrape pricha pabhatre " Devanam 



S priya 
K (a) 
G 



eava 
'sava 
' sava 



bhat4nam 

• • • 

bhutftnam 



achhati 



achhatim 



cha 



sayamam 
•yama 
sayamam 



cha 



S 
K 
G 



samam 
samam 



vatiya rabhasi aye - cha 

valiya madavati iya vu 

(5 letters) cher&m cha 



mati masajuya Devanampriyasa 

ma • • • 8 Dev&nampiyasa 
m&dana cha — — — 



S 
K 
G 



yo 



dharma 
dhamma 



vijayo sanam danaladha Devanam priyasa i a 

vijaye se cha punaladhe Dev&nam pi * 



S 
K 
G 



cha 
cha 



save shu chham anteshu ' ash&su 

'save sacha atesu asasa 



piyo jana sacho shasantam 

pichha jane * • satesa ate 



S ANTIYOKE n&ma Yona 

K ANTIYOGE n^a Yona 

G # * • • « «Yona 



B4ja paran cha 

* • pahm cha 

B&ja paran cha 



tena 
ten4 
tena 



S ANTIYOKENA chatnra 1111 rajane TURAMAYE 

K *ANTIYOQENA chatnli + l&jane TULAMAYE 

G chaturo r&jlUio TURAMAYO 



nama, 
n&ma, 
cha. 



(a) The EhaUi text here begins again with the 2nd line on the S face of the rock. 



Digitized by 



Googk 



TEXTS. 



87 



S ANTIEINI nama, MAEA n&ma, 

K ANTEEINA n&ma, MAKA ii&«ma, 

G ANTAKANA cha, MAGA cha 



ALIKASANDAEE 
ALIKYA 



nftma 



S 
E 
G 



niche 
nicham 



Cho4a, 
Choifa, 



Panda 
Pandiyd 



avam 
avam 



Tamhapaniya 
Tamhapanniyd 



S 
K 
G 



lieva 



hena 
7 pAd4 (a) 



raja 



yisha tini 
vishamvasi 



S Nahhaha Nabhamateshu 
K Ndbhaka-Ndbha'pantuu 
G 



*• Bhoja'PifinikeshUf 
Bhoja'PitinikyeMu, 

• • • • 



Andhra'Pulin 

* Andha-Palam 

• • dha-Pirindei 



S Dev&nampriyasa 
E Devftnampiyasa 
D Dey&nampijasa 



dhamaniifasti 
dhamm&nosathi 



anuvatantij&ta 
anuvatareyata 



pidul& 
piduti 



S 
E 
G 



detanavam ohantiti 
neyantito 



pifutu Dev&nampriyasa dbamavutam ti 

pisutu Dev&nam pinniya (c) lamavntam vad 



S dhamanuyidhiyaQti 
E dhamma anuvidhiyama 
G 



anuvadhiyesam • cha sa * ludha neta 

anavidhiyisam achftyo se * ladhe " eta 



E 
G 



savatam 

savata 

savatha 



vijaye (c) 
puna 



vijaye 
vijayo 



pitilase 
piti raso 



vijaye " 
gadh& si hoti 
ladhAsA 



pi 
pi 



S priti dhamavijaya 

E dhammayijayam 

G dhammavijayamhi 



nivam akatutisam 
^' sila hak& ve kho 



priti 
8&piti 



S 
E 
G 



mahavila menyati 

mah&pha * li maijinanti 



Devinampriyo 
Devftnampiye 



etati 
"»et&ye 



cha 
ch4 



S dhamalipi likhita 
E dhammalipi likhita 
G 



kiti 
kiti 



putra 
putd. 



prapotra 
papota 






S vijaya ma T^jasavam amanye shakhuda 

E vijayam ma vij'ayantaviya manisu sayakasi 

G vijayam ma yijetavyam mam nyasarasake 



S 
E 
G 



chala va 
• ch4 la-va 
• * 



danda 
*^ danda 



ta 



ha 
v& 



ronche 
loche 



tutam rana 
tutameva cha 



(a) This word is not very clear : it may be pada or panda, 

(6) The text is here very indistinct. 

(c) The word vijaye is inserted in small letters above the line, having been origiuallj 



Digitized by 



Google 



88 



TEXTS. 



s 

K 
G 



*^ dhamavijaya ■ 

dhammavijajese pida 



lokikya 



paralokike 
pala " lokiye 



eava 
savft 



cha 
cha 



S 
K 
G 



titati bhotu ya numa tata sai 
kanilati ho * uga mala ti sftpi 



hidelokika paranlokika, 

hid&lokika palalokiky^. 

* i * lokik& cha paralokike cha. 



EJDIOT XIV. 



S " Aya 

K >' lyam 

G Ayam 

D »7 lyam 
J 



dhamalipi Dev&nampriyena Pi^ina (a) 

dhammalipi Dey^ampiyen& Piyadasin4 

dhammalipi Dey&nampiyena Piyadasino 

dhammalipi Dev&nampiyena Piyadasina 




likhapita 
likh4pitA 
Iekh4pit4 
likhi** 



athi yeT4 
asti ey& 



S 

K ^^ sokhitena 

G sankhitena 

D sankhitena 

J 



asti 
athi 
asti 
athi 



tesam nyitena 
majhimeni 
majhamena 
majhamena 
^ • jhimena 



asti y^ yistitena — — hi savatam sa sawe 

athi vithaten^ no hi savat^ save 

asti vista^ena nacha savam (6) pavata 

— ^ n&pi save savata 

athi yithatena n&pi save savata 



S gantite ma olake hi vijite : bahu cha likhite 

K ghan^ite mah&lake hi " vijite : bahu va likhite 

G ghatitam mah&lake -^ pivijitam : bahu cha likhitam 

D ghantite ^ mahantehi -^ vijaye : bahu ke cha likhite 

J ghatite mahantehi — — vijaye — *— — 



likhipa^a 
lekhape^a 
likhapayisam 
likhi 3risa 




amicha atra 
nikyam athi mi het& 
asti cha etakam 
athi pa cha 



punapane pa * shanata tasa tasa 

punapuna ^ ladhita tasa tasft 

punapuna yutam tasa tasa 




S 

K madhuliy4ye 

G m4dhuritaya 

D taya 

J madhuliy&ye 



yena 
kiti 
'* kinticha 
kinticha 



jane: 
jano: 
jane : 
jane 



"ta • 
tatha 
tath& 
tath& 
tath& 



pratipajayati 

patipajey^e 
patipajetha 
pa^ipajeydti 
pafipajeyiti 



Bosiyaya atam kiche 
sftyft ata kichhi 
* tata ekad4 
epi cha hetam 
epi chu hetam 



S asamatam 

K '^ asamati 

G asam&tam 

D asamati 



likhitam 
likhite 
likhitam 
likhitesam 




va sankhaye k&ranam 

v& sankhaye kManam 

va sachh4ya kibranam 



va 



(a) Sic in original. 

(b) It is clear from the agreement of the other four texts that the initial p^f this worcl should be «. A single stroke 
omitted by the engraver on the left hand of the letter has left the unfinished « a simple p. 



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TEXTS. 



alochanti lipikara 

K alochajita lipikala 

G * alovettft lipikaii 

D * * ti lipikala 



sava aparadhena 
palAdhenavft. 
paradhena va. 
• • • ti. 



The Oimdr text arigvMilly concluded witk a tingle isolated line, of which onl 
remairu. It reads as follows .— 



• • * # • 



va 



Bweto 



hasti 



eavaloka 



sukhi 



No. 6. 
First separate Edict at Dhauli and Jaugada, 
See Prinsep, Journal Bengal Asiatic Society, YII, 441, and Bamouf, Le Lotus de la Boi 

D > Dey&nampiyasa vachanena Tosalijam mah&mftta nagala 

J ' DevAoampiye hevam Ilh4 Sam&p4yam m&hftm4ta nagale 

D yataviyam. Am kichhi dakhftmi hakaxn tarn 

J vataviyi. Am kichhi d&kh&mi hannam tarn 



D 
J 



e * pativedayeham ^ duv&late oha jjabhe 

ena pafivedayeham ' duvftlate cha IJabhe 



D 
J 



me 
me 



mokhyamata 
mokhiyamate 



duvUe : 
duvftle : 



etasi 



athasi 



am 
am 



D * anusathi 
J anusathi 



tu 



phe 
phe (h) 



hi 
hi 



bahdsu 
bahusu 



p^nasahasesu 
panasahasesu 



D ga ve ma sumunis&nam save ' munise paj& mamll atha paj&ye 
J ga ve ma * munis&nam sava munise ' paja— atha pajiye 



D 
J 

D 
J 

D 
J 



hakam 



' gamake 



lyam 
4yam 



vena bitasukhenam 




vena hita sukhenam 


yujeyuti hida logik 


(c) sApi iohhAmi 


dukam 


no cha pUpb 


a sava munisa 


su * 


ta he • * 


atha 


kecha va 


eka pulise 


atha 


kecha 


eka puks 



(a) Prinsep reads vihdlaka omitting the second syllable yo, which is distinct in both texts. Bum 
ao viyopdlaka. The letter y is indistinct in the Dhauli text, but the vowel o is quite clear. 

(h) The syllable tu is here omitted in the original text. 

(c) The four sylables within brackets are taken from PrinBep. The space now blank is sufficient f 
whole may not have been engraved ; and t^ e letters given by Prinsep were copied by Eittoe, althoi 



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90 TEXTS. 

D etam sepi desam no savam dekhatehi tnphe etam * sn Tibii4 

J * tarn sepi desam bo savam dekhathahi «ha me pi sn ritft 

D pi niti yam eka pnlise athaya bandbanm Ta 
pi bahuka athiyaeti eka monise »— bandhanam 

palikilesam yft p&pun&ti tata hota ' akasmA tena 

paliki * • ■ papon&ti * • * ta ** *smag& tena 

bandhan4t& ka : anne oha * * bahn janodaviye dnkhiyati : tata 

bandha cha ynve daya cha vata bahiike ■ vedayanti : tata 

ichhitaviye tnphe hi: ■ kinti majham pafipftdaye mftti 

' tnphe hi : * * taye kinti majha pa^ipi^ye ma • 



Imehi ohn jatehi no sampafi p%jati : is&ya, ftsnlopena, 

Imehi ■ jatehi no sampatipajati : is^ * asnlopena. 



" nithnliyena, tManl^a, anftviitija» ftlasiyena, kftlammathena» se ichhitaviye 

nithnliyena» 'toliye, an4viitiye, * *yena, kalamathanam, hevam ichhitaviye 



kinti — — ete " jat&nihn mam&ti: eta 

kinti me eteni jatdm veva mohveyiLti : — »- 



cha savasa ■ ■ milile anAsuIope — atnlana cha niti chham 

savasa cha iyam mnla anasnlope cha * tn * * cha ni * * 



ekilante siyft ^' nate uga cha samchalita viyentn va hitaviya -■ 

iyam nijat ^ samchalitn uthl^a * * tavyat& va titaviya pi 

etaviye v& hevam mevam edam * * tuph& katena vataviye ^* aganam ne dekhata 

etaviye piniti yam eka deveni ann&ne nijha masaviye — — — — 

hevam cha hevam cha Dev&nampiyasa anosathi se mah& * * sa tasa 

hevam ■ Dev4nampi •**8a* * #♦• s ^jm^ 



sampatip&da ^^ mah& ap&ye asampafipati va patip^bdayami nehi etannanthi 

ma phalehati ■■■■ ' asampatipati — — mah4p&ye hoti vi pafipatftyam tanna 



swagasa (a) 4l&dhino li^ja ladhi '* dulLhalehi ima sakam meva 

swaga iladh&no laja dhi du Uiale etasa masa 



makate manam ; atileke sampafi pajamino cha etam ■* swagam 

samo * * va • • * * '.cha ananeyam esatha swagam cha 



i) Here Burnouf with his osoal sagacity suggested the trne reading of swa^ata, " da ciel." See Le Lotos^ p. 681« 



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D ^'^ alAdhayisathiti tarn apaninij 
J 41A (dlia) yasatbft 



D Tisa Nakbatena sotavijt 

J Tisam _— aotaviya 



D sotaviya : hevam cha kalantam 
J • * • • 



D ath4ye 
J ath&ye 



lyam 
iyam 



Hi 



D yiyop41ak4 sisatam samayam yi 



D ki Bkae vano siy&ti. £t4ye cha att 



D Tasesu ** 



nikhii 



J vasesu anosay&nam nikh4 



D 


hosati : 


etam atham j&nita * 


J 
D 






picha 




J 




kumAle vi • 


D 


uocha 


atiklLmayisati tiiiiyai 


J 







D nikhamisanti anosaylUiam, U 

J anus&yanam xukhamiBanti ; — < 



D jl^nisanti ^ tarn pitithi kalanti a 



(a) This letter is doabtf al ; it may be si. 

(b) Bomonf reads ifavaf'u-kasa, instead of m 

(c) Here both Prinsep and Bomoof read mati 

(d) Ujeniya is the reading of both Prinsep ai 
Beglar's impressed copy. Prinsep identifies Ujeni 
VII, 464) ; bat Burnonf has rightly pointed ou 
(see Le Lotus, p. 688). 

(e) Here Burnonf reads etoii, sappoBing that 
most distinctly jn and not ti. 



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92 TEXTS. 

No. 7. 

Second Separate Edict at Dhauli and Jaugada. 

D Dev&nampiyasa Taohanena: Tosauyam l?tg»kt^ mah&m&iA cha vataviya : am 

J DevftQampiyo hevam Ahft : SiMAPArAH mah&mata Lf^a va oha nika vatavijl^ am 



kichhi dakh&mi(a) hakam tarn 

kichhl dakh&mi hakam tarn 



ichhami hakam kinti * ka mana ' pa^p&tajeham 



^ duv&late 
duvlJate 



cba ftlabheham; esa cha me 

oha Mabheham; esa cha me 



mokhjamata dayAl&. 
mokbiyamate dnvAlA. 



Etasi athasi am tapbe (5) hi anosathi tuphe hi bahnBti pana aabasesa &yata jana me gacbha cba 
Etasa athasa am tuf^e * anusathi (c) (omitted) 



sTimmiis&iiam ; save stimiinise 
(omitted) sava manisA 



paja mama ' atha (c) paj&ye icbb4mi hakam niti 



" me paja 



atha 



pajftye ichb&mi kinti me 



sarena hita snkhena hidalokika p&llaokik&ye ytgeviiti hevam 

savene hita sukbena yu(je) ytkti hidalogika pidalokike na hevam 



mevam me 



* siy& ani4nam avijit4nam kichham vasu LIkja 



iobbe sava mani8& su saya anta kath& vijitAaam kinchbam desa L&ja aphe suti eta k&v& 

— — v&g&na 



meva 
me 



icbb&mi 
iobha 



antesu p&panevute: iti Dev&nampiye ■ ■ 

antesu pftponeya : — Lftja ichbati ame vigtna 



-— mam4ye ' have vfiti, Aswaseva cba -*^ Bukbameva lain 



levu 



eya ° mamiyaye 
dukha 



Aswaaepa cba me sukbameva laseya 



mama 
mama 



kiye 
kiye 



hevam 
hevam 

: khamitave 
: khamitave 



* nava iti khami tine : 
la B&ha ne ynkhamiBa tie : 



mama 
mama 



nimitam 
nimetam 



Dev&nampiya 



ab&: k&ti 



cha 
cba 



dhammam cha 
dhamma cba 



teno 
teno 

echa 
'ecbha 

levA 
lenya 



ti 



'bidaloka palalokam cba 

hidalogam cba palalogam cba 



&1Mhayev(i Etasi 

&ladbayeyam et&ye 



^cha 



athasi hakam anos&s&mi tapbe anena (i) 

atb&ye hakam tapbe vi anas&sAmi anena 



> anoflftsitam 



etakena hakam — ^ 

etakena hakam tapbe ni anas&situ 



cbbandam cha veditam (dbayUmi) («) patinyo cba mama 
cbbandam cha su a mama chiti p4tii^ cha 



' aja1&s& hevam 
^ acbalasa hevam 



, Barnouf reads dakhamxham followed by a gap as far as duvalecha : bat both the Jaagada and Dhaoli texts support 
s reading. (See Le Lotus, p. 692). 

After tuphe Burnouf omits all down to athapaj6yai but Prinsep's reading is supported by tbe Jaugada text as far 
iends. This portion has peeled off since Eittoe's time, with tbe exception of tbe last two letters mama. 

In the Jaugada text tbe words from atha paj aye down to y^eyuti are repeated, and tbe words following anuiathi 
I tavamanue are altogether omitted. 

. From this word down to ajaUua Burnouf supplied the gap left by Prinsep, and bis reading is generally confirmed 
of tbe Jaugada text, as well as by Mr. Beglar*8 photograpte of tbe Dhauli inscription itself. 

I had already supplied dhaydmi from Burnouf s reading,, which is now fully confirmed by Mr. Beglar's photographs. 



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TEXTS. 



93 



D katukam me chalitaviye aswa • • i oha Had ena— p&punevil iti. AthA pit4 tathA Dev&nampiye 
J katokam me ohalitavije aswasa kiji cha ta ena te p&pune — . i'^— AtM pita hevam ne I^ja 



D apMka: athi oha at4 nam (a) hevam Dev&nampije anasai 
J ti— atb& —— at& ■ nA — annsaii 



D — — » athA cha p^& hevam maye Dev&nai 

J hevam anusampati att& — *- pig& hevam maye L^ine 



D hakam anu8&-ita chhandam cha phAka— 

J hakam aniu&sita chhandam cha veda taka pisi chiti patin&chd 



J) vutike hofiimi Et&ye aihAye pafibalAhi (5) taphe asw&san&j 
J ayutike hcwdini Etasi athasi ■ ■ tuphe aswdisanA^ 



P oha 
J 



taee 



* hidalokika 
hijtalogika 



pAlalokikftye 
pAlalokik&ya 



hevam 
heyam 



D kalantam taphe Bwagam AlAdayisatha (c) mama cha Ananiy 
J kalantam — — « ewaga aladhayisatam mama oha Ananey 



P Et&ye ch^ athAya iyan^ lipi likhiti: hida ena mahAn 
J ^* Et&ya cha ath&ye iyam lipi )ikhit&: hida ena mah&n 



D * Bftmam ^ y^isanti AsAsanAye dhamma chalai^ye cha tesu 
J samam yajesam AsAsanAye ^ dhamma chalena * ^ — 



D 
J 



iyam 
iyam 



€;ha 
cha 



Mpi 
lipi 



anaehAtan (e) 
(ana) chAtan 



, Tisena 
mAsamsotatiyA 



nakhatei 
Tisena 



D kAmam oha khano khanasi antalApi tisena ekena " sotaviyA : hevam 1 
J cha sotaviyA ^* khanesantam ekena si * * viyA : hevam < 



D 
J 



ohaghatha 
sanghatha 



sampati pAdayitave. 
sampati pAtayitAve. 



(a) This word was omitted by the original engraver, and afterwards inserted above the line. 

(h) In the Jangada text the word preceding tuphe wonkl appear to have contained only three le 
M preceded by an anasw&ia» tbns making the final syllable mhi. The word seems to me veiy Ilk 
and Bnmonf read Dubalahi, which is certainly incorrect. 

(e) tata is here inserted by FHnsep; bnt there is no space for the letten. 

(<2) Sic in original. 

(e) Here Bomoof divided the tme reading of cmafiMtunmkB9sn, which agrees also with that oi 



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94 TEXTS. 



No. 8. 

ROCK INSCRIPTION AT SAHA8ARAM. 

Transcript hy Db. O. Buhlbb. 

Lnftm piyo hevam & [hA sAtflek&ni adhit]iy&ni samvachbalkii am up&sake 
I, na cha bvdham palakamte 

mchhale sAdhike am [sumi bAdham palakam] te. Eiena eha amtalena Jambndlpasi 
dsam dev& [hu] sam ta. 

iB& misam deva kat& pa laCkamasi hi] iyam phale [d]o [cha i]yam mahatatft 
lakiye p&vatave. Khudakena hi paU — 

Lamlii6ii& vipule 8aag[e sajkiye &l&[dhayiia]Te. Se et&ye atbaye iyam sAv&ne : 
clakv cha ndBh cha pa-^ 

tnamtai amt& pi cham j&namta, chikthitSke cha pakkame hota. Iyam cba 
vadhisati, vipulam pi va^bisati 

ihiyaifa aTabdhiyeD& diya^hiyam vadhiaati iyam cha savane Yivnthena; dave 
mnl^ti 

yivathA ti, [sd n phra] 256 Ima oha atham. paTatesa likhApayft th&ya ; 
i] vA; a— 

bete 8ill(thambh& tata pi likh&paya thayi. 

IT Db. BuHUiB.^Material8 used : Fl. xir of General CamuDgham's Corp. Inter, Ind„ Vol. I ; and a photograph 
plied by General Cunningham. 

JAne i.— The facflimile and photograph show that seren or eight syllables have been lost The restoration of the 
; six is absolutely certain on account of the identioal readings of .8. and B. — [adhit^ijfdni is less certain. I take 
or a representative of adhiiUdm, caused by the change of # to A, and its subsequent loss, just as in Panj&bi Hh, thirty, 
ikaith thirty-one. 

Line 2, — Bead 8<tmvachhale, B. Six or seven letters have been lost — .8. and B. have two sentences corresponding 
his laeunci, contmning sixteen letters. 8, can have had one sentence only. The sense requires the sentence given 
ye. Bead amiea^ according to .8. Bead devd-hueam, as .8. has devd-hueu, and a verb is required. The vertical stroke 
he facsimile is the left hand part of the letter h. This emendation I owe to Pandit Bhagv&nlAl Indraji. Bead te 
ta, according to J2. 

Line d.«— Bead devd. The pala before the lacuna is probable from the photograph. The restoration is certain on 
sunt of the corresponding passage in .8., which here» as everywhere, substitutes the root pakam for palakam. The 
md and third lacunas have been filled in according to B. 

Line 4.— Bestorations according to B, and ^.— Bead edvane. 

Line S.'^'Rend cha janamtu. 

Line 6, — Bead edvane; the facsimile has dute, but according to the photograph dmve, which the sense requires, is at 
it probable, if not certain. 

Line 7.— Bestoration suggested by the fact that two syllables have been lost, and a relative pronoun is desirable 
»ugh not absolutely necessaiy. 



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TEXTS. 

No. 9. 

ROCK INSCRIPTION AT RUPNATH. 

Transcript by Db. Or. Buhleb. 



1 




Ah&: 


B&larakekAni 


a4hiti8&ni 


ya[8d 




p&kft sa [va] ki no cha 


Mijlhi 


pakate. 


S4tileke 


cha 




ya sami haka 


samgha-p&pite 






2 


bA4hi oha pakate. 


Yi 


imAya 


kiaikya 


Jambudipas 




devlk-hiiBii, te d&ni 


ma8& 


kaUL 




ef 




no cha e8& maliatat&pft-potaye : 


Khudakend 


k hika. 




3 




pipnle 


svage 


^rodhave. 


Etiya 




cha B&yane kafe : khudakft 


cha 


ud41a 


cha pakamamtu ti, 




j&namtu; lyaifa pak4re cba 






4 


kiti? chirathitike Biy4. 


lya 


hiatbe 


ya4hi 


ya^siti 




cba va^hifiiti, 


apaladhiyenA 


diya^yam 


yadhiBati. 




athe pavatian lekh&peta 


y^ata 


hadba 


cha; 


athi 


6 




Ukhftpeta 


vayata. 


Etina 


cba 




ykvatakatn paka 


ah&le, eavara-vivase 


taylkyatL 


Vyuthei 



kate [84 & phu] 256 sa— 

6 ta-yiyM ta. 

NOTBB BT Db. Buhlbb.— Materials naed : Two rubbings forwarded by General Cunningham. 

XtJM L^Bead idHlekdni, the letter ff- looks blurred, and is a mistake for "^^ For pdhdread haki 
mark between m and ki which may be va;— «^aiH is required as synonym for updsake ;^sg 
possible reading, as the letters appear to be half effaced. The reading giyen aboye is supported by B, 

Xin^ 2, — ^Under the vd of devA-Ama there is a yertical stroke resembling an u. Probably it is i 
the absorption of the initial a of akutu, and is the oldest form of the aeoffraha Q. Bead eta for 
haye stood between khudakend hi and ka. But I rather think the marks in the impression are acddent 

Line ^.— Bead pakamaminend ; v^le ; drddhave ;— the long d in pakdre is not quite certain. 



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96 TEXTS. 



No. 10. 

ROCK INSCRIPTION AT BAIRAT. 

Transcript hy Db. G. Buhlbe. 

Ikhft: Bliti[lek&ni • • •ie sa 

haka up&sake n[o cha] b&dham 

mamayH samgbe papayite [b4]dham cba * 

nisi* nam devalii ^ * vi • • • [pa 1^] kamasi ^sa [pha] le 

mahatane vachakaye • * *[pala] ramammeD& ya • t • pa 
ramge [sajkye Ikl&dhetave * * [khada] k& cba iid41& cbft palakamatju ti 

;u ti cliilathiti [ke] • • [vi]pulain vi vadhisati 
dhisati .[fi pha] 56 

&HLBB. — Katerials used : Cmmingliam, Corp. Inter., Vol. 1, PI. xiv— and a cloth copy made by Pandit 
draji. 

I copy : devd$i6m. The remnants of three letters towardB the end of the line are also from the Utter. 

p. Inter.^paka. Cloth copy shows lower part of nip] — Cforp, Inser. — hddhi. Cloth copy has rem* 
ers towards the end of the line. 

—payaye ate and hddhi. In the cloth copy the top of dhd is wanting. 

i copy : amitd'Ha devepi and omits vi, I conjecture amitdnam devani [eu ie dd"] fU, Portions of tho 

on the cloth copy.— C.J. — masi, 

begins the line ha hi : the cloth copy shows o clearly. — C.J. mapdtane. I think mahatana should be 

forms a compound with vaehakaye. Bea4[pa2a] kamamimend. ThQ cloth copy omits ya pa, 

Y explained. 

b copy: vipule himsvage takye^CL^vipule pi svam^e Jciye, The above reading is conjectural, but 

aalogy of 8. and B, Possibly eahiye may be the right form. Towards the end CJ. reads [khuda"^ kd 

rect. 

ih copy omits am [te], shows half a ta instead of ti in ehilathiii [Jce'^, and omits pu in [vi] pulam, 

ti copy : diyadhiya vadhatai, and omits the numeral signs. I must confess that I doubt the correot- 
on account of their position. 

TVSiva'EAK, — These numeral signs were brought to my notice by my Assistant, Mr. Carlleyle, the dis* 
icription. I have since had fresh impressions made of the whole inscription, from which the dptted 
i the plate were taken. Mr. Carlleyle thought that he could trace three numeral figures. That there 
I rock at the end of the inscription is quite certain, but as I have not examined the rock myself, I an^ 
eitively that they are numerals.— A. C. 



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TEXTS. 



No. 11. 



SECOND BAmUT ROCK. 



Wil 
A.C. 


Kyadaao 
Fiysdasi 
I^yadaae 


Ll^'a mikgacUie Sangbam abbivlkdemAnam 
L&ja m&gadhe Sangbam abhiy&dem4nam 
L&ja Mligadhe Sangbam abhivftdem&nam 


AbA a] 
AbA ai 
AbA af 


Bur 

mi 

A.C. 


cha plftBUTiliftlatam oha 
cba phisa yihAlatam oha 


'viditevA, 
yiditeva, 
yiditeve, 


bbante, ^yatake b& 
bbante, ^yatake ba 
bbante, &yatake ba 


mA b 
mA I 
mA i 


Bur 
WU 
A.C. 


dhammasi 
Dhanuxiasi 


sangbaslti 
aangbaslti 
sangbaslti 


gakrencbftm pasade 
gobiYe cbam (P) pasftde 
golave cba p&s^de 


cba 

cba < 
cba 


ekecbi, b 
skecbii, b 
ekecbi, b 


Bur 
Wil 
A.C. 


>bhagavatA 
Bhagavatft 
Bhagavat& 


bndbena 
Bndbena 
Bndbena 


bb&site 
bb&site 
bb^site 


saye se 
saye se 
saye se 


snbbAsiteya eel 
snbbAsite yA eob 
snbbasite yA ed 


Bwr 
WU 
A.C. 


bhante, 
bhante, 
bhante. 


pamiyaye 
p&miy&ye 
p&miy&ye 


disiya 
diseyft 
diseyA 


beyam sadbamme ^ 
beyam sadbamme 
beyam sadbamme 


cbilasattti ke 
obila(ya)ake 
cbilatbiti ke 


Bw 
Wil 

A. a 


alah&mi 
alab&mi 


bakAm 
bA(ki) 
bakam 


t&ya 
tay^ 
tayi 


tayft im&ni, 
t4ye im&ni, 
taye imikni, 


bbante, dbami 
bbante (dbam 
bbante, dbami 


Bur 
Wil 
A.C. 


vinayaM 
yinayasa 
Yinayasa 


makase ' 
makase 
mnkase (h) 


aliyayas&ni 
aliyayas&ni 
aliyayas&ni 


anAgata bbay&ni 
an&gata bbayftni 
an&gata bbayftni 


mnnigAtbA mo 
mnni gAtbA ma 
mnni gAtbA mc 


Bur 
WU 

A. a 


npatisapasma eva 
(u) patftsa paaine eoha 
Upatiaa pasine eeha 


lagbnlo 
l&gbnb 
Lftgbnb 


^ y&de mns&y&dam 
y&da mn8Av4(cba) m 
y&de mns&y&dam (c) 


adbo 
adbi 
adbij 


Bur 
Wil 
A.C. 


bhagavaiA 
bhagayatft 
BhagavalA 


bndbena 
bndbena 
Bndbena 


bb&site 
bb&site 
bbAsite 


eiAni 
et4ni 
etAni 


bbante 
bbante 
bbante 


dbammapali^ 
dbamma pali 


Bur 
WU 
A.C. 


iohhiimi 
iohh&mi 
ichhftmi 


''kitibibnke 
kiti babnke 
kinti babnke 


bbikbap& yecb^ 
bbikbap& yecba 
bbikbn(<Q p& yecb4 


bbikbAni 
bbikbani 
bbikbnni 


yecbA abl 
yecba abl 
yecba ab 


Bur 
WU 
A.C. 


annayachi 
sunayacbA 
BunayuohA 


npadb&leyayA 
upadbMeyeyn 
npadb&leyeyd 


yA •beyam mevA 
cba bevam meya 
cb& beyam mey& 


npAsakA 
npAsakA 
npAsakA 


cbA 
cba 
cbA 


Bur 
WU 
A.C. 


ehA eteni 
oha et&oi 
^tA eteni 


bbnnte 
bbnnte 
bbnnte 


una(m) 
imam 


likbApayAmi 
likbA (pa) yAmi 
likbApayAmi 


abbimati 
abbi beti 
abbipeti 


mecbA 
maja (i 
mejAnai 



(a) The omiflsicni of the syllable U is no donbt the printer's fanlt, as Bomonf giyes the word in full in ti 
one of the 6th line. 

(h) I read MnitaM, and so did Captain Bnrt. 

(o) Certainly dam^ the cnr?e is on the wrong side for ckam as proposed by Wilson. 

(<2) The manner of attaching the yowel ti at the foot of the hk was perhaps unknown to Bomonf and WA 
again in hkikhmni. 



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98 



TEXTS. 



IJ, P, Namo 
A. C. Namo 



No. 12. 
KHANDAGIRI ROCK. 

See Prinsep in Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VI, 1080, (a) 



Arahant&nam 
ArahaDt&nam 



namo sava — Sidh&nam Airena 

namo sava— Sidh&nam Airena 



J. P. mah&megbav&hanena 
A. C. mah&meghayfthanena 



chetakdjate • 
chetarlLmjava savam 



chhadanena 
dhanena 



pasathasukela- 
pasathasukela 



mah&rajena 
mah&r^'ena 

khanena 
khanena 



J. P. chatnrantalatha 
A. C. chatoramkalatha 



ganena — — kaling&dhipatir&si sikhira avalonam 

ganena * tena kaling^hipatich4 8&k4y& uvalena. 



2 J. P. pandarasa yas&ni siri-kadara — 8ariraTat4, 

A C. pandarasa yas&ni siri-kadira sarirayat^ 



kiditi-kum&rakidika, tato 

kiditi-kum&rakidikd, tato 



J. P. Iekharftpa-gana-n4ya — yap&ra yidhi-yis&ra-dena 

A. C. lekli&rAp&-gana-n4ya — yep4ra yidhi-vis&ra dena 



saya-yij&yadatena 
saya-y ij ayadatenam 



nayayasani, 
nayayasani, 



J. P. hota rdja 

A. C. hota yftja 

J. P. 8eftayayen& 

A. 0. 6esayovan& 

3 J. P. kalinga-r^a 

A. C. kalinga-i&ja 



pans&siyase, 
pans&siyasa, 

bhiyijayo 
bhiyijapo {h) 

yansa-puri 
yansa-puri 



puna 
puna 



tatiye. 
tatiye. 



sanyuge, 
samyoge, 



chayayisati-yase danaya 

chatayinsati-yasesa d4naya 



mabirl^abhisecbanam 
mah&r^^abbise-cbanam 



dhamena 
dhamena 



p4pnn&ti 
p&pun&ti 



J. P. Abhisita 
A. 0. Abbisita 



J. P. patisankbarayati. 

A. 0. patisankbHrayati. 

J. P. batbnpayasi 

A. C. tb&p4 (P) payati 

4 J. P. kArayati; 

A.C. k&rayati; 



mata yapa dbamayase 

mato cbampadhamayase 

Kalinga-nagari 
KaliDga-nagari 



yatayibatato 
y&tavibatato 



kbidbira 
kbimbira 



sitala 
isit&la 



pura-p&b&ra 
pura-p&k&ra 

tadaga 
tadiya 



panyo 
p&diyo 



saya 
saya 



y&nipati 
y&nampati 



santbapa (nam) cba. 
santbapanam cba. 



niyesam 
niyesanam 

cba 
cba 



J. P. cba 
A. C. cba 



y&se, 
y&se, 



panatisir&sibi (c) 
pannit&sidhi 

AcbitayitA 
acbitayita 



satasabasebi 
satasabasebi 

8otek&re 
8otak&ni 



pakatiyo 
pak&tiye 

pacbbimA 
pacbbima 



ranjayati 
ijayata 

disam, 
disam 



datiya 
datiye 

baya 
iba 



J. P. gaja nara radba babula darin 

A. C. yejam nara radba babolalanam te 

J. P. dasan&ya y&tdnam sakanagara y&sino 

A. C. disenoya y&t&nanta sakanagara nay&ye 



patb&payati 
patbapanati 

ponayase 
punayase 



kansaban^gatAya 
sab&n&gat&ya 



(a) The diif erences between Kittoe's text, which Prinsep used, and the text of the photograph of the plaster cast are so 
nnmerons, that I have thought it better to giye my own reading from the new text, than to note the many yariations. 

(h) Beading of Uist syllable doubtful. 

(c) The last two letters of this word would appear to haye been accidentally repeated by Eittoe. This is a yery common 
occurrence with hand-made transcripts. 



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TEXTS 



99 



6 J. P. 
A.C. 

J. P. 
A. C. 



gandhava 
gandhava 

samaja 
samaja 



veda-badho-dampana 
Yeda-badh& dampana 



k&r&pao&hi 
k&r&pan&hi 



cha 
cha 



tabhats 
tagi(P)ta 

kidapayati 
k&dapayanti 



vftdita 
Y&dita 

nftgari 
nagari 



aandasan&hi 
Bandasan&hi 



asava 
usava 



Tatha 
Tatha 



vivutbevase 
yivuthevase 



J. P. yijadbarftdbiv&Be 
A. C. vijadbarlkdhiyasaixi 



a (ra) hata puba Kalinga puva R&j&ni vasati 

a (no letter) bata puva Kalinga puva Rij&n •••? 



J. P. (gap) — vata dbama 

A. C. (about 10 letters) vata dbama 



(not rendered) 

ti8ap&ta(?)iiati(?) te 



cba 



nikbitf 



6 J. P. 
A.C. 



(a) bbigdrebi 
bhigarebi 



taratana s^patena 

taratanam s^pataye 



savarathiKa 
savarathika 



'bbojakep& 
bbojakepd, 



devam 
devam 



J. P. Pacbacbadinivase Nanda. Raja tivasata ugbatitam 

A. C. Pancbapancbad&nivase Nanda. Raja tivasasata agb&(itam 



J. P. 
A.C. 



vaja 



panadi 
panadi 



nagara 
nagara 



pasesa 
pavesa 



' viso (about 10 letters) sabbiso 



J. P. 
A.C. 



cba sandesam tosa 



vakara 



vane. 



7 J. P. anagaha anekani 

A. C' anagaba anek&ni 



sata-sabasani visajati porajanapadam satam 

sata-sabas&ni visejati (a) orajftnepadam satai 



J. P. pasAsato vaiaragbaravedbam satam gbarini savata kaba 

A. C. pasa sato vajarigbavadb&satima ■■ gbarini savata koba 



J. P. narapa • 



(gap) 



tbame vase manam 



-ta- 



'& 



A. C. narapa ketana (about 18 letters) ye tbame oba vase mananti mena* ya * * * tapabbatc 



8 J. P. gb&t&payit& 
A.C gb&t&payita 



r^& gabbam upaptdapayati : dbatinam cba 

raja gambbu (5) upapidapayuti : dbatinam cba 



J. P. pan&dena 
A.C. 



pamb&tasena 



v&bayati : 



pammucbita 
pamacbitu 



madbnram 
madburam 



J. P. 



mora dad4ti 



A. C. navam ran& ba (about 24 letters) mora dad&ti ya (c) (5 letters) pira cbako (6 leti 

9 J. P. kapam ukba baya gaja (lulapa ?) sab&ya sesa cba gbai 

A. C. kapam ukba baya gaja (2 letters) sab^ya sesa cba gbari 



J. P. anatika-gana 
A. C. anatika-gava F 



nirftsasabanancba 
yasuv&gabanancba 



kar&yitun, 
k&rayitum, 



ba 
ba 



iman&nam 
imanonam 



J. P. paradad&ti, 

A. C. s&ra dad&ti arapato (about 40 letters). 



(a) The initial letter may perhaps be a p, but as I can see no upturn to the right» it looks to me like an 

(h) The reading of this word is doubtful. 

(o) This letter y is placed above the line, and was evidently inserted afterwards. 



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100 



TEXTS. 



10 J. p. • • • manati 

A. C. ▼enati manati 



rftja pandarasa mahavijaya paa^dam k&rayati 

nga pandarasa mahayijaya p^s&d k&rayati 



J. P. 

A. C. atha hita 



diiBayasahasehi 



das&me 



chatose * 



datibhisaia 



(4 letters) 



J. P. 

A. C. karathavasa 



pa * na maha Java (7 letters) x& cM bt yati (9 letters) 



J. p. 

A. ۥ thayi lana (3 letters) ja * san^i (3 letters) 



yatana soti yo ni * ni npa lebh&ta 



11 J. P. 



puve 



A. C. (10 letters) pave 



iftja 
iftja 



nives&tam 
niTes&tam 



pithu 
pitha 



dAga 
4aga 



dambha 
dambha 



nagare 
nagalo (P) 



J. P. nak&sayatta janapade, bh&vana ch& terasa 

A. C. nak^samyata janapnda bb&vana che terasu 



vase 



satake 



J. P. • • • amaradehasa p&ta bikrasa 

A«C. bhidasitftmaradehasa p&ta bftrasa 



mafaya (21 letters) he cha 



J. P. 



nri pithirlLj&ne. 



A. C. (4 letters) pahabi yitisiyatft ntara patbar&j&no. 



12 J. P. 



A. 0. (11 letters) ma dh&nam cba yipula (ya) bhayam janeto hathasam gangftya p&ya 
A.C. yati* * ma oha rl^&nam baha sati sitapft deva d&pam yati Nanda 



J. P. 

A. C. ri^ani ta v&maga jinasa 



(10 letters) ma 



ata (5 letters) rota na 



J. P. 

A. C. sudiha 



marlga 



Magadha 



Vasasa yam rt (5 letters). 



13 J. P. • • ♦ ta jWo 

A.C. (11 letters) ta jiya 



ralakhila BAbavasi birananivenayati 

ralakhilaye B^bIkasi hiranlUu cba iyati 



J. P. 

A. C. sata 



▼asadana thari b&ienam 



asita 



masiriya 



cbe 



hathi* 



navena 



J. P. 

A. C. pariha 



• • 



ya (4 letters) 



na 



piya 



maha 



■ anek^ 

r^jine nibhayoka 



J. P. dato 
A.C. • 



ratanAni 
tavana* ratan&ni 



ahai&payati. 
aharftpayati 



idha 



sante 



ribha. 



14J.P. ♦ • 
A.C- • ♦ 



* ai noTaaikariti 

* * novankariti 



teraaamava Tasesa panohata (a) vifaya 

terasamava yasesu pavata rijaya 



(a) In Kittoe's copy this word may bo read as pabakh thus agreeing with my reading of paTata. 



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TEXTS. 



101 



J. p. 

A. C. 


chana 
chanam 


kum4ri pasange 
kumlUi pavate (a) 


arahate 
arahato 


J P 


sidinaya 
sidinaya 






A.C. 

J. P. 
A.C. 


y&pujake hiA ♦ 


ladatini 


ujani 


kata uv&84ye rava 


ladirs 



panayasata pi kamani 

punavasatft hi (b) kay&ni (e) 



chenam 



daveni 



nasa 



8it4ni 



jivtma 



kapori khita (7 letters) P 



16 J. P. 

A. C. (11 letters) 



sakata 



samelasa 



yihitftnancha 
vihitenam cha 



sata 
sata 



disftnam 



J. P. 

A. C. tan&pe 



Bimaposa 



pnpanam 



cha 



— sidiya samipe 

hasani sidaya aamlpa 



J. P. subhare 



aneke yajan& 



A. C. subh&re va + bhasa matha g^hisipft anake yojanft pitft 



ghipa 



J. P. 

A. C. * * pipe 



• • • 



• • • • 



vinsi lapi bhaghapatha * ♦ « 



dhan&ni 
dhadayana 



16 J. P. 



A. C. (10 letters) 



pat41ake chatara cheteghariya gabha thambhe pati (tha) 

pafftlake chatara cheteghariya gabhe thabhe pati tha 



J. P. payati 
A. C. payati 



pannantariyasa 



cha 



« • • ja * • 



ya kala che chinam 



J. P. ■ —._ agisati katariyam napAdachhati agama r&ja savatha. 

A. C. chacho yatha agesati katariyam nap&dayati agama r&ja savatha 



J. P. r^ja, sanrase (na) raja, * ma raja, pasata saghate ran&ni 

A, C. rl^a sambhiP *** jan&maraja, pasata sanaato anabhivato + rdn^i 



17 J. P. 



u yi se knsalo 



A. C. (11 letters) rafa pano chhise (P) knsalo 



sava pasanda 

sava pathabhi (d) 



pnjan (iya) 
pnjako 



J. P. (17 letters — 

A. C. (7 letters) U • • ♦ 



') k&rakftra* patihata lakiv&hani b&leyii!^ka 

mak&raka * * padahata — chakov&hani thalo <Mko 



J. P. dhagata chana pavata chako r&j^anka 

[ A. C. dharagnta— chako pivati^* chaka r&jasavam 



lavinaravato mab&vijaye 

saknla yini gato mahavijayo 



J. P. lAja 
A. C. T^k 



khftravela 
kharavela 



sanda. 
sinno. 



(a) This word is qoite dear. 

(b) Perhaps parinavcuanfa, 
(o) This word is quite clear. 

{d) The letters of this word are indistinct. I have given what they appear to be to my own eye ; bnt Prinsep*s reading 
may be right. 



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102 



TEXTS. 









No. 13. 








DEOTEK SLAB 








Le/i Inscription. 


1 

var. 


S&mi 


anyapayeti 


Chikambari 


2 

var. 




to badham to 


v& * ta 


3 

var. 


ame 
ama 


cba nala 
cb& 


* * * • 


4 
var. 


dato 
dato 


30. 4. 3. 

le * * 


He. Pa. I. 



* * sa 
pa * 

saradam * * n&tba 
sakadam kar& * va 

nam * na 



Budhe? 



Bifit Inscription, 



1 Chikkamburi 
var, 

2 sa ja tra P 
var, pa ' 

2 Ptirurava? 

var. da. ma 

4 yan^a (pu> 
var, 

5 Sena R&juya 



* sa • • 
sa dyi pa 



* * * cha 



trasya 
tasya 



barya ya 
banyya ya 

* RAdra. 



dhannma 

• mina sy atta 



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CAVE INSCI 





BAR An 




No. ] 




Suddma 


1 Uiink 

2 ijam 


Piyadasinft 
Nigoha kubhft 




No. ! 




ri8wa C 


1 L^jina 

2 dasa 

3 kubM 

4 diD& 


Piyadasinft 
ya8&bhiBiteii& 
Khalatika 
Adivikemhi (b) 




No. i 




Kama C 


1 Uja 

2 —sati 

3 adamatblltima 

4 sTunpiye 
6 n&(c) 


Piyadasi 
yas&bbisiteii& 
iyam 
Ehalanti 




nagarjun: 




No. 


1 Vapiyake kubh& 

2 ftnantaliyam 

3 Bhadantehi 

4 ftchandama 


FajiiyaJka 

Dasalatbena 
abhisitenft 
v&sanisidiyaye 
sidiyam. 




No. 


1 Gopik&kubh& 

2 — yen& 

3 —vikemhi 

4 nisitha 


Gopiia ( 
Dasalatbena 
ftnantaliyam 
Bhadantehi 
&chandama 



(a) The last six letters of this inscription are not given in E 
No. 6), bnt they are qnite legible, in spite of a determined atte 
corrected Kittoe's reading of Nigopa to Nigoha, which b the nam< 
" Le Lotus," Appendice, 780. 

if) "iij reading of this inscription agrees in every letter with 1 

(c) In the first line Eittoe read ekdnenisiti, which Bnmonf 
indistinct, and is so imperfectly given by Eittoe, that Bamouf con 
to restore with certainty is the name of the Khalati or Khalanti 
780. 



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104 



TEXTS. 



No. 6. 





Vadaihika Cave. 




1 Vadathiyi kubbli 


Dasalathena 


Devinam — 


•piyenA 


ftnantaliyam 


abhisitenA k — 


•divikemhi 


Bhadantehi 


v&sanisidiy&ye 


8ith& 


^handama 


s^liyam. 



ihree inBcriptions, which were first pablished by Prinsep, have had the advantage of Barnouf *8 critical correction, 
cts and versions will be found in the Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, Vol. VI, 676 ; and fiumouf s revised texte 
ions in Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, 775-776. Dasaratha was the grandson of Asoka, and succeeded to the throne 
\, in which year these inscriptions are dated. 







KHANDAGIRI. 










No. 1. 










Nameless Cave. 






Ada-mulikasa 


kasumaaa 


leaam. 

No. 2. 

SnaJke Cave. 






holakammasa 


kotha jay& 


cha. 

No. 8. 
Snaie Cave. 






[amase 


ra • • 


• khi 






Fyacho 


pas&de. 


No. 4. 
Ti^fer Cave. 






Igara 


ayedasa 


aasuTino 




lonam 


Igara 


akhadasa 


sabhiitino 
No. 5. 
Nameless Cave. 




lenam. 


Hlkpftmadati 


b4k&ya 


yan&kiyasa 




lonam 


yi&p&mad&sa 


b&niyaya 


n&kiyasa 
No. 6. 
Pawan Cave. 




lenam. 


Cbulaknmasa 


paseta 


kothaja (ya). 






Cbola krammasa 


pas^to 


kothUja. 

No. 7. 
Manikjmra Cave. 






Verasa 


mahlbr&jasa 


Ealingadhi patano 


ma * * * * * 


Airasa 


mahdjijasa 


EaUngadhipatino 


ma (bamegha) vaba (na) 


* kadepa 


sirino 


lonam 




• depa 


airino 


lenam 





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F^ 



J. P. knmlLro 
A. C. kum&ro 



TEXTS. 




No. 8. 




Maniipura Cave, 




Vattakasa 


lonam 


Vaddakasa 


lenam 



105 



No. 9. 



Faikunia Cave* 



J. P. Arahanta 
A. C. Arahanta 



pas&dinam 



Kalinga * 
Kaling&nam 



ya * ii4nam 
Saman&aam 



Ion a 
lenam 



k&da 
k&rit 



J. P. rajinolasa * * 
A. C. Rajino L^lakasa * 



2 hetbisahasam 
2 hathi s^hanam 



panotasaya 
pan&tasa 



cha tim 



J. P. Kalinga 
A. C. Kalinga 



• «•••• velasa 

cha ***** velasa 



3 agamahi 
3 agamahi 



P 
I 



No. 13. 



RAMGARH CAVES IN SIRGUJA. 



L—Sitd Bdnjird Cave. 



line 1 Adipaynnti 
eha tayam 



hadayam 



sada 



va garaka 



2 dale 

kudastatam 



vasantiyft 
evam 



hA 
alangi. 



s4y&ntl 



bhAi 



IT. — Jogi Mdrd Cave. 



„ 1 


Satanuka nama 






„ 2 


Devada^inyi 






,, 3 


Sutanuka nama 


Deva 


dasinyi 


„ 4 


tarn 


kamayi tha 


balana^eye 


„ 6 


Deva 


dina nama 


lapadakhe 



N. B. — The texts of these cave inscriptionB have been taken from Mr. Beglar's paper impressions. For 
have had the advantage of consulting tbe photographs of Mr. H. H. Locke's plaster-of-Paris casts ; No. 1 is i 



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PILLAR INSCKIPTIONS. 



{Delhi, North.) 
De v&nampi j e Piy adasi 



L4ia 



DevlLnampiye Pijadast U^k 

Devanampiye Piyadasi Lija 

Devanampiye Piyadasi L&ja 



EDICT I. 



hevam 






hevam 

hevam &ha : 

hevam &ha : 



Sad^avlsativasa ^ abhisiteuame 



Saddavlsativas&bhisitename 
Saddavlsati vasabhisiteuame 
Saddavisati vasabhisiteuame 



lyam 

ijam 
iyam 
jyam ^ 



dhammalipi 

dhammalipi 
dhammalipi 
dhammalipi 



iikbi&pita 

likh&pit& 

' likb&pita 

likhApita 



hidatapdJate dasampatipddaje Annata 



hidatap&late 
hidatap&late 



dusampa^ip^d^ye 



hidatap^ate dusampatip&daye 



' Annata 
Annata 
Annata 



ag&y4 dhammak4mat4y& '* ag&ya 

ag&ya dhammaklLmat&ya ag&ya 

ag^ya dhammak4mat4ya ag&ya 

agaya dhammakilmat&ya ' ag&ya 



palikhftyft, 



ag&ya 



palikaya, ag&ya 

palikhAye, • ag&ya 
palikhaja, ag&ya 



8usus&y&, 

Bils(b»4y&, 
siisiisaya, 
sususaya/ 



agena 

agena 
agena 
agena 



bhayeua, ^ agena 



bhayena, agena 
bhayenaj ^ena 
bhay na, agena 



us&henA, 

us&hena, 
us4hena, 
ns&hena, 



esa chukhomama anusathiyft ' dhamma pekh4. 



esa chukhomama anusathiylL ' dhammapekh^, 
esa chukhomama anusathiya dhamm&pekha, 

esa chukhomama * anusathiya dhammapekha. 



dhamma k4mat4 

dhammakamatik 

' dhammak&mat& 

dhammak&mat& 



cha 

cha 
cha 
cha 



Buve 

Buve 
suve 
suve 



suve 

suve 
suve 
suve 



vadhita 

vadhitd 
vadhit& 
vadhita 



vadhisati 

vadhisati 
vadliisati 
vadhisati 



che v& 

die vl^ 
che yk 
che ?& 



pulis&pi 

pulistkpi 
pulis&pi 
pulis&pi 



cha 

a 
a 
a 



me 

me 
me 
me 



ukasiL 

ukas& 
nkasft 
ukasft 



cha 
cha 
cha 



gevay& chA 



gevayA 
gevayA 
gevayA 



cha 
cha 
cha 



majhim4 ch4 

majhimA cha 
majhimi cha 
majhimi oh4 



aQu^ridhiyanti " sampatiplkdaya&ti ch4 alanchapala5 samMapayitave 



anuvidbtj'anti 
anuvldhiyanti 
anuvidhiyanti 



sampatip^yanti 
sampatip&daja&ti 
6ampafip4dayanti 



cha 



cha 



^ alanchapalau sam^dapayitave 
alauchapalafi samlLdapayitave 
alanchapala& sam&dapayitare 



(a) The word cha is omitted in these three texts. 



h^mevA 

heme?l 

hemeva 

• hemeva 



Digitized by 



Google 







# 




TEXTS. 






D.S. 


anta * mah&m&t&pi 


esahi 


vidhi y&, iyam dhammena 


pWanA, 


D.M. 


afita mahto4t&pi 


— 






•nft. 




"""^" 


A. 


aata mah&m&t&pi 


es&hi 


vidhi yft iyam dhammena 


p&lana, 


L.A. 


afita mahftm&t&pi 


es&hi 




pAlana, 


L.N. 


anta mah4mftt&pi 


e«&hi 


vidhi y& iyam dhammena 


p&lana, 


D.S. 


dhammena 


vidh&ne, 


^ dhafimena sukhiyanA, dhammena 


gottti 




D.M. 
A. 


dhanmcna 
dhammena 


yidh&ne, 
vidh&ne, 








dhammena sukhiyan^, dhammena 


goltti 


cha. 


L.A. 


* dhammena 


vidh4ne, 


dhammena sukhiyana, dhfiw^Ti 


1AJ.» 




L.N. 


dhammena 


vidb&ne, 


dhammena sukhiyana, ' dhamn 














EDICT II. 








{Delhi, North.) 










D.S. 


Dev&nampiye Piyadasi 


lAJa 


^^ hevam fth& • Dhamn 






D.M. 


" Dev&nampije Piyadasi 


lAja 








A. 


• DeT&nampiye Fiyadast 


lAjA 


hevam &h& Dhamx 






L.A. 




IAj& 


hevam &ha Dhami 






L.N. 


8 Dev&nampiye Piyadasi 


Mja 


hevam &ha Dhami 






D.S. 


dhammeti 


ap&sinave 


bahukayHne " day&d&ne sache 






D.M. 


dhammeti 


" ap&sinave 


bahukayftni day&d&ne sache 






A. 


dhammeti 


ap&sinave 








L.A. 


dhammeti 


ap&sinave 


bahukay&ne dayad&ne sache 






I1.N. 


dhammeti 


ap&sinave 


bahukay&ne • dayad&ne sache 






D.S. 


pime 


bahuvidhe 


difine, 


dupada *' chatupadesu, 






D.M. 


pime " 


' bahuvidhe 


difine, 


dup&da chatupadesu, 






A. 


pime 


* bahuvidhe 


dinne, 


dupada chatupadesu, 






L.A. 


pime 


bahuvidhe 


dine, 


dupada chatupadesu, 






L.N. 


pime 


bahuvidhe 


dine, 


dupada chatupadesu. 






D.S. 


yividhe me 


anugahe 


kate 


ap&na '' diLkhinaye 






D.M. 




" gahe 


katej 


ap&ne d&khan&yo 










A. 


vividhe me 


auugahe 


kate 


» ap&na dakhinaye 






L.A. 


vividha me 


anufl^e 


kate 


\ ^ ap&na dakhinaye 






L.N. 


vividhe me 


anugahe 


kate 


ap&na dakhin&ye 






D.S. 


bahuni 


kay&nAni 


kat4D 


i; et&ye me ath4 






D.M. 






»kat4n 


i; et&ye me ath&; 










A. 


bahfbii 


kayftn&ni 


kat&n 


i; 7et4ye me ath& 






L.A. 


bahuni 


kayHn&ni 


kat&o 


li; et&ye me athA 






L.N. 


bahuni 


kay&n&ni 


" kat&i 


i; et4ye me at^& 






D.S. 


likh&pitA. 


Hevam 


anup 


Ettipajafktu ^' chiknthiti k&i 






D.M. 
A. 






16 annvk] 


itipajafkttL chil&thiti Un 
up^jantu chilathitt k&c 






likh&pitA. 


Hevam 


lUlUUl 

anupi 






L.A. 


Ukh&pita. 


Hevam 


*® anupi 


itipajalitu chilanthiti kk 






L.N. 


Ukh&pita. 


Hevam 


anupf 


ifipajafitu chiknthiti k&G 







107 



(a) The vowel u is perhaps only a flaw in the stone. 



Digitized by 



Google 



108 



TEXTS. 



D.S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 



hfivam 

tieyam 
beyam 
heyam 



s^pafi 

sampati 
liampati 
sampafi 



pajtsati 
pajisati 
pajisati 
pajisati 
pajisati 



se sakatam 
se sqk^itha 
se Bokatam 
se sukatam 
se sokatam 



kacbhattti. 
kachbatiti. 
kacbbatiti* 
kaobbatiti. 
kacbbatL 



EDICT III. 



(Delhi, Norih.) 
17 Deylknanipije 
^ Dey&nampiye 
• Deyanampije 
^' Deyanampiye 
1* Dey&Dampije 



Piyadasi 
Piyadasi 
Piyadasi 
Piyadasi 
Piyadasi 



Uja 

Uja 
L&j& 
L&ja 
L&ja 



beyam 
beyam 
beyam 
beyam 
beyam 



ab& 

&hk 
&ha 
kU 



kaylUiam 
kay&aam 
kaylLnam 
kayftnam 
kay&nam 



meya 
meya 
meya 
meya 
meya 



dekbati 

dekbati 

dekbati 

dekhanti 

dekbanti 



iyam me ^* kay&ne kafeti : Nomina 

iyam me kay4ne ka^eti: Nomimi 

ijam me kaydne kafeti: Nomina 

iyam m^ kayftne kateti: Nomina 

iyam me kaykie kafeti: Nomina 



p4pam dekbati iyam me 

p&pam dekbati iyaih me 

p4pakam dekbati iyam ma 

p&pam dekbanti iyam ma 

p&pam 1^ dekbanti iyam me 



p&pe kateti 

p&pe kafeti 

pftpake ka^ti 

pjipe kateti 

p&pe kateti 



iyam 
iyam 
iyam 
^^ iyam 
iyam 



y& Asinaye ^ nAmftti, dnpafiyekbe ebukbo 

ya ^^inaye nJUn&ti, dapa|iyekbe cbnkbo 

yA &sinaye nftmiti, *♦•(«) t • 

ya ftsinaye nftm4ti, dnpafi yekbe cbukko 

ya &sinaye ntolk^, dupafi yekbe cbukko 



beyam 
beyam 

# • 

beyam 
beyam 



ebukbo 
obukbo 

# • 

cbukko 
ebukbo 



esa 
esa 



dekbiye. 
dekbiye. 

* * 

dekbiye. 
dekbiye. 



I meni 
*' I m&ni 

* * 

I mftni 
>* I m&ni 



* Asinaya 
&sinaya 
# • 

ftsinaya 



g&mini n&ma ; 

gftmini ndma; 

• • 

gftmini n&m&ti; 
gtmini n&m&ti; 



atba 
atba 

• 

atba 
atba 



cbandiye 
cbandiye 

• * 

cbandiye 
cbandiye 



nitbiiliye 
nitbt^ye 

WnitbAliye 
nitbi^ye 



kodbem&ne 
kodhe " mane 

kodhe m&ne 
kodbe m&ne 



]sy& : ^ k&lane nayabakam 

isya : k&lane ttayftbakam 

isya : k&lanenayabakam 

isya : k&lanenayabakam 



mk 



mk 



palibbasayisam : 
palibbaaayisam : 

palibbftBayisanti : 
palibbasayisanti : 



esabAdba 
esab&dba 

esa bftdbam 
esab&dbam 



dekbiye 
» dekbiye 

dekbiye 
dekbiye 



iyam 
iyam 

iyam 
iyam 



me 
me 



me 
me 



' bidatik&ye 
bidatik4ye 

bidatikaye 
bidatikaye 



iyam 
iyaib 

iyam 
iyam 



mana 
mana 



me 
me 



me 
me 



p&latikaye. 
pAktikaye. 
■1.1 -J 
p&latikayeti. 
p41atikayeti. 



(a) Hece tbe Asoka inscription is cut away by Jahangir's barbarous record of bis ancestry. 

(b) Omitted in the original text. 



Digitized by 



Google 



TEXTS. 



109 



EDICT IV. 



D.S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 



(Delhi, North.) 
^ Dev&nampije 



>< Dev&nampiye 
^ Dev&nampiye 



Piyadasi 



Pijadasi 
Pijadaei 



14ja 



laja 



hevam 



hevam 
hevam 



khk: 



&ha: 

4h&: 



Saddavtsati Yasa'abliieitenatQe 



Sa44aTigati 
Sad^avisati 



vas&bhisitename 
yas&bhisitename 



D.S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 



lyam 



lyam 
iyam 



dhaifamalipi 



dhammalipi 
dhammalipi 



likb&pitA. 



Iikh4pita. 
likh&pita. 



Lajak4me * bahiiBa 



Lajuk&me babibu 

Lajak&me ^ bahdsTi 



p&na 



p&na 



sata sahasesa 



sata 
sata 



sabasesu 
sabaseeu 



D.S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 

D.S. 

D.M. 

A 

L.A. 

L.N. 



janasi 



^janan 



kinti 
kinti 



iyatft 



ftyata 
ftyata 



janasi 

kinti laj^& 



mClka 
l^jiika 



tesam 



teB&m 
tesAm 



aswatba 



aswatba 
aswtaba 



ye 



y« 

ye 



abhib&leYa * da&deva atapatiye me 



abbibftleva 
abbibMeva 



daiideva 
dandeva 



atapatiye 
atapatiye 



abbit& 



abhita 
•» abbtta 



'kammini 



kamm&ni 
kamm&ni 



pavataye 



pavataye 
pavataye 



vft: 



me 
me 



ka^e 



ka(e 
kate 



janasa 



v^ti : janasa 

vfiti : janasa 



D.S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 

D.S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 



janapadasft bitasokbam upadabevn ' anogahitteva cba sukbiyana — 



janapadasa 
janapl^asa 



^^bitasukbam 
bitasakham 

jllnisanti : 



npadabeva 
npadabevfi 

Dbanimayatena 



anugabinevu 
anogabinevn 



dnkhiyanam jllnisanti : Dbanimayatena cba '' viyo 



cba 
oba 



sukbiyana — 
snkbtyana — 



vidasanti. 



Janam 



dnkbtyanam jftnisanti: Dbanimayatena cba viyo vadisafiti. Janam 

dukbtyanam '^ j&nisanti : Dbammayatena cba viyo vadisaAti. Janam 



D.S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 

D.S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 

D.S. 
D.M. 
A. 

L. A. 
L.N. 



janapadam 



j&napadaxn 
janapadam 



kintibi 



kintibi 
kintibi 



datam 



datam 
datam 



cba 



palitam 



cba ^'' p&latam 
cba p41atam 



cba 



cba 
cba 



' aladbayevuti 



ftlAdbayavu 
j^hayevt^ti 



lajnka 



lajuka 
lajuki 



pilabanti ; (a) patiobalitaveman polis&nipi me ^ cbbandafin&ni paficbalisanti, tepi cba 

«.^......« ' ■ • ' pafiebalisanti, *® tepi cba 



pilagbanti paticbalitavemaA palis4iiipi me 

pilagbanti '^ paficbalitavemaA pulisftnipi mQ 



cbbfthdafinftni pafiobalisanti, 
. cbbanda&i&ni pafiobalisant], 



k&ni 



k&ni 
k&ni 



viyo 



viyo 
viyo 



vadisaAti 



vadisanti 
vadisanti 



yenamam 



yenamam 
yenamam 



lai^k& 

"lajAka 
lig^ka 



*^ cbaghaAti 
obaghaatt 

cbagbaAti 
cbagbafiti 



tepi cba 
tepi cba 

&lftdhayitave. 
alftdba " yitave 

4]Adbeyatave. 
&lMbayitave, 



(a) Tbe two Lanrya Pillars read pila^hatUi, with the rough gnttoral aspirate ^A. 



Digitized by 



Google 



110 

D.S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 

D.S. 
D.M. 
A. 

L. A. 
L,N. 



Atb& 



AthA+ 
«Ath& 

dh&ti 



dh4ti 
dhkii 



hi pajam 



hi pajam 
hi pajam 

ohaghaoti 



chaghanti 
chaghanti 



viyatAye 



Yiykiitkye 
viy&t&ye 

me p^jam ; 



me pajam; 
me pajam; 




dh&tije 
dh&tije 



snkham 



Bukham 
Bokham 



nisi jita 
nisa jttCl 

nisi jitu 
nisi jitu 

hall 
li 

hali 
haH 



" aswathe 
aswatha 

aswathe 
aswathe 

hatane 
hantave ^ 

hataveti : 
hataveti : 



hoti; 
hoti; 




vijata 
" vijata 

viyata 
viyata 

mam& 
mama 



!• hevam 
* hevam 



D.S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 

D.S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 

D.S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 

D.S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 

D.S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 



li^ak& 
" kjukA 

l^<ik& 
lajOka 

santam 
Ban 

Bantam 
santam 

^* abhih41eva 

abhihaleva 
abhib&leva 
abhih&leva 

*• viyoh4Ia 
h&la 

" viyoh&la 
viyoh&Ia 
viyoh&la 

pichame 
—me 



kat4 



j&naptdasa 



pichame 
pichame 



D. S. pata 

D. M. 

A. pata 

L. A. pata 

L. N. pata 



kafe 
kite 

aviman& 



j&napadasa 
j&napadasa 




kamm&ni 
kamm&ni 



hita8nkh4ye 
ye 

hitasnkhaye 
hitasukhaye 

pavataye 
yataye 

pavataye 
pavataye 



dan^eva 

dan^eva 

** dan^eva 

dan^eva 

samatft 
samatft 
samatft 
samatft 
samat& 

avutL 
&vati. 
ftvuti. 
4vuti. 
&vuti. 

vadh4nam 
vadh&nam 
vadb4nam 
vadh&nam 
vadh&nam 



cha 
cha 
cha 
cha 
cha 



atapatiye 
atapatiye 
atapatiye 
atapatiye 
antapatiye 

siya 
siy4 
siy& 
siya 
siya 



1' Bandh&na 
Bandhana 
Bandhana 
Bandhana 
Bandhane 



kate. 
kafe. 
kate. 
kafe. 
kate. 

dandbi 
^'dan4a 
dan^a 
dftTTi d ft 
danda 

badh&nam 
badh&nani 
badh&nam 
bftdh&nam 
bandh&nam 



yena 
yena 

yena 
yena 

vAti. 
vftti 

viiti. 
vAti. 



ete 
ete 

ete 

ete 

Etena 
Etena 

Etena 
^ Etena 



abhit& 
abhit& 

abhita 
abhita 



Ichhitaviyehi 
*• Ichhitaviye 
Ichhitaviyehi 
Ichhitaviye 
Ichhitaviye 



samat& 
Bamatft 
samatft 
samatft 
samatft 

munis&nam 
*' mQnisdjiam 

monis&nam 
'* mnnisdnam 

munis^am 



cha; 

cha 

cha; 

cha; 



esa 



ava 

&va 

&vft 

*»Ava 



tlltta 

tilita 
tilita 

tmta 



tinni 
tinni 
tinni 
tinni 
tinni 



divas&ni 
divas&ni 
divasftni 
divasAni 
divas&ni 



D. S. nijhapayisanti ; jtvitaye 

D. M. jbapayisanti ; jlvit&ye 

A. nijhapayisanti ; jlvit&ye 

L. A. nijhapayisanti ; jivitaye 

L. N. " nijhapayisanti : jivit&ye 



t&nam 



me^yote 
me^'yote 
(b) yote 
me yote 
me yote 

^ nasantam 
nftsantam 
nasantam 
n&santam 



dinne n&ti 

dinne * • 

dinne ^ nati 

dinne n&ti 

dinne n&ti 



v4 
▼4 

vft 



nijhapayit4 

ni 

nijhapayitft 
" nijhayayitave 
nijhayayitave 



IS aswatha 
^* aswatha 

aswath& 
aswathe 

lajuk&nam 
^ lajok&nam 

w (a)nam 

lajiik&nam 
ligiik&nam 

kinti; 

hinti; 
kinti; 
kinti; 

ite 

ite 
ite 
ite 

dand&naih; 

dand&nam ; 
dand&nam ; 
dan^l^nam ; 

k4vak&ni 

kanak&ni 
k&vak&ni 
k&vak&ni 

d^am 
dftnam 
d&nam 



(a) Here the Allahabad text becomes legible^ the lower halves of the letters of the 16th line being visible under the 
flowered border of Jahangir's inscription. 

(b) Omitted in the original text. 



Digitized by 



Google 



TEX^ 



D.S. 


dAhanti 


p&latikadi 


npavftsam 


D.M. 


— - ti 


p41atikam 


" npav&sam 


A. 


dAhanti 


p&latikam 


npayftsam 


L.A. 


d^hanti 


p&latikam 


npaY&snm 


L.N. 


dahanti 


palaidkam 


npavftsam 


D.S. 


nilndhasipi 


k&lasi 


p&latam 


D.M. 


nilndhasipi 


kMasi ^ 


BpUatam 


A. 


mladhasipi 


kilasi 


p&latam 


L.A. 


niludhasipi 


k&lasi 




L.N. 


^ niludhasipi 


kalasi 




D.S. 


vividhe 


dhammaohalane, 


sayame 


D.M. 


viyidhe 




"sajame 


A. 


yividhe 




sayame 


L,A. 


Tividhe 


dhammachalane 


sayame 


L N. 


vividhe 


iJluj-mynn^^^hftlftiiA 


sayame 



D.S. 
D.M. 
A. 
L. A. 

L.N. 



D.S. 
D.M. 
A. 
L.A. 

L.N. 

D.S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 

D.S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 



{Delhi, South.) 
1 Dev&nampiye 

" Dev&nampiye 
• Dev&nampiye 
^ Dev&nampiye 



Piyadasi 

Piyadasi 
Plyadasi 
Piyadasi 



D. S. ' abhisitename 

D. M. 

A. — ^bhisitename imAni 

L. A. — bhisitename (a) im4iii ' 
L. N. —bhisitename (6)im&nipi 



'suke, 

suke, 
soke, - 
snke, 

*jat^& 

* • 

jat^Qdiy 
jatClka, 
jatdka, 



sftlikA, 

s&likA, 
s&lika, 
s&lika, 



alone, 

alone, 
alone, 
alone. 



amb&kapilika, 

ftmb&kipilik4, 

* amb&kapilik4, 

amb&kapilika, 



EDICT 



lAJa 



lAja 
I4ja 



j&iAni 

j&t4ni 

j&t4ni 

>j4iAni 



chakavl 

ohakavA 
ohekavft 
chakavl 

da4t. 

dobhi 
dadi, 
do^if 



» gang&popotake, 

gang&pupotake, 

gang&popotake, 

^ gang&popotake. 



sanki^amachhe, 

sankiyamachhe, 
sankojamachhe, 
sankojamachhe, 



(a) Sic in both of the Lanriya texts, 

(b) The addition of pi at the end of the word im&ni is pecolia 
(e) The diiferenoes of reading in this name are coriooi^ Perhi 

small stroke woold have become a cerebral 4- 



Digitized by 



Google 



iia 



DS. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 

D.S. 
D.M. 
A. 
L.A. 

L.N. 



'sandake, 

Banfakd, 
san^ke, 

7 save 

save 
Bave 
save 



okt^ini^e, (a) 



TEXTS. 

palasate, 



okapin^ 
okapin^e. 



« • 



chatnpade, 

chatupade 
ohatupade 
ohatupade 



* palasate, 
ye patibhog^am no eti, 



ye patibhogam 

• ye pati * * 

ye patibhogam 



no' 



no eti, 
no eti, 



8etaka?pQte 

" takapote, 
setaka-pote, 
8etaka-.pote, 

no chakyLdiyati 



g&maka-pote, 

g&makapote, 
g&maka-pote, 
g&maka-pote, 



na 
na 



* • 

chakh&diyati, 

chakhftdiyati, * ajakin&ni 



'X 

ajakanlkni 
* *n& 
ajakftn&Di, 



D.S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 



^ e^k&ch&, 
e^akiohA, 

* * * 

edakft-eba, 
e^ak&cha, 



ffAkalichft 

• • • 

sClkall-cba, 
s^kalicha. 



gabhinlva 
• gabhin + va 

• * « 

gabhintra 
gambhiniya 



payaminftva : 
payamenava : 
p&yami • 
p&yamiD&7a ; 
p&yamin&va ; 



avadhaya piktake 
avadbaya p&take 

• • * * * 

' avadbya potake 
avadhya potake 



D. S. ' picbak4ni ftsanm&sike Tadbiknknte (h) no kataviye : tase sajtve 

D. M. pichak&ni *^ &sanm&sike radbikoknte no kataviye : tase sajtve 

A. *•• ••* •••• * ••• **» sajtve 

L. A. chakftni AsanmAsike vadbikukate no kataviye : tase sajtve 

L. N. cbak&ni ' ftsanmAsike vadbikukute no kataviye : tase sajtve 



D- 8. " no jb&petaviye ; 

D. M. " no jbapetaviye 

A, nojb&pe ♦ ♦ 

L. A. no jh&payitaviye 

L. N. no jy^payitaviye 



D. S. ** jivenajive 

D. M. jtvenajtve 

A. 

L. A. jtvenajtve 

L. N. jtvenajtve 



D.S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 



" tinni 
tinni 

• * 

tinni 
tinni 



no 
no 

no 
no 



d&ve 
d&ve 

d4ve 
dftve 

pasitaviye 
positaviye 

pnsitaviye 
pusitaviye 



tisa 
ttsu 

ttsu 
ttsu 



anathAyev& 
anath&yev& 

'anatb&yeva 
anatb&yeva 

cbAtan 
cbfttan 

cb&tun 
cb4tun 



divas&ni, 
divasani, 

* • • 

divas&ni, 
divas&ni, 



cb&yudasam, 

cb&vudasam, 

^* cb&vudasam, 

cbllvudasam, 

cb&vndasam, 



vibis&yevft 
vibisAyevA 

vibisayeva 
• vibisayeva 

m&stsu Tis&yam 

xn&stsu ^ Tis&yam 



mAstsa 
m&sisn 



Tisayam 
Tisiyam 



pannadasam, 

pannadasam, 

pancba^asam, 

pannadasam, 

pannaclasam, 



patipadAye 
" patipadAye 



patipadam, 
patipadam, 



nojbftpetaviye 
no ^ jbapetaviye 

no jb&payitaviye 
no jb&payitaviye 

punnam&siyam 
punnamAsiyam 

8 ponnamAsiyam 
* pnnnam&Aiyam 

dbuv&ya cb4 
dbav&yecba 



dhuvAyecba 
dbuvAyecba 



D. S. ^' annposatba 

D. M« annpoeatbam 

A. -r 

L. A. anuposatbam 

L. N. annposatham 



machbe avadhiye nopiviketviye etAni yev& divas&ni 

macbbe avadbiye no pi ^ viketaviye etAai yevA divas&ni 

macbbe avadbye no pi ' viketaviye et&ni yeva divas&ni 

machbe avadbye *® no piviketaviye et&ni yeva divasAni 



D.S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 



*^ n&gavanasi, 
nftgavanasi, 

nAgavanasi, 
nAgavanasi, 



kevatabbogasi 
kevatabbogasi 

kevatabbogasi, 
kevatabbogasit 



y&ni 
"y&ni 

y&ni 
yAni 



ann&ni 
annAni 




pi 

pi 
pi 



jtvanikAyani 
jivanikAy&ni 

jtvanik&y&ni 
" jtvanik&yani 



(a) I have changed Prinsep's uka to oka, as the vowel b the initial o in all the texts. 
(5) Piinsep reads kaka, but all the texts agree as above in giving ihi^. 



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TEXTS. 



113 



D. S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 



" nohantavij^i. 
nobantayijani. 

*• nohantaviyltni. 
nohantayiy&ni. 



Athami 
*^ Athami 

Athami 
Athami 



pakh&ye, 
pakh&ye, 

pakh&ye, 
pakhd.ye, 



ch4vada8&ye, 
cb&Yudas&ye, 

chl^vndasaye, 
ch&Yudas&ye, 



pamiadas&ye, Tis&ye. 
pamia^as&ye, 



panna^asftye, 
pamiadasftye, 



D. S. *' pun&vasune, tisun — ch&tun- 

D. M* *® pun&vasune, tlsun ch&tun- 

A. ■ 

L. A. pnn&vasune, tisu— chAtun- 

L. N. pun&vaaune, '* tisu — ch&tun- 



m&sisn, sadivas&ye, gone 

m^sisa, sadivas^ye, gone 

•— ^— •• Budivas&ye, gone 

md-sisa, ^^ sudivas^ye, gone 

sudivas&ye, gone 



D. S. >» ajake, 

D. M. ajake, 

A. ajake, 

L. A. ajake, 

L. N. ajake, 



edake, 
e^ake, 
eda — 
edake, 
e^ake, 



Bukale, 
siUtale, 

s^Ucale, 
s^ale. 



ev&pi anne nilakhiyati 

ev&pi ** anne nllakhiy&ti 



ev&pi 
ev&pi 



anne 
anne 



nilakhiyati 
>' nilakhiyati 



no 
no 



no 
no 



D. S. I'tis&ye, 

D.M. 
A. 

L. A. "tis&ye, 
L. N. tis&ye, 



punlLvasune, 
pun&vasane, 

pun^vasone, 
pun&yasane. 



chatonm&siye, 
'^ ch&tnnmasiye, 

chd,tanm&8iye, 
oh4tanmdfliye, 



cb&tanm4sipakh&ye, aswas^ 

chfttunmasipakhaye, aswasi 

ch^tnnm&sipakhaye, aswasa 

oh&tunm&sipakhaye, aswasa, 



D. S. ^' lakhune nokhafaviye : y&va saddavisativasa abhisitename 

D. M. lakhnne ^ nokha^aviye : y&va saddavisativasa abhisitename 

A. ''lakhune noka^aviye, y&va saddavlsativas&bhi 

L. A. lakhane noka^aiye, : ^' y&va saddaYisatiya84bhisitename 

L. N. 1^ lakhane nokataviye: y4va saddayisativas&bhisitename 



D. S. ^ antalik&ye 
D. M. ^ antalik^ye 



L. A. antalik4ye 
L. N. antalik&ye 



pannavlsati 
pannayisati 

pannavisati 
pannayisati 



bandhana 
bandhana 

bandhana 
^ bandhana 



mokh&ni 
mokh4ni 

mokh&ni 
mokh&ni 



kat&ni. 
kat&ni. (a) 



kat&ni. 
kat&ni. 



D.S. 
A. 

L.A. 
L. N. 



{Delhi East) 
* Dey&nampiye 
^ Dev&nampiye 
" Dev^nampiye 
^> Dey&nampiye 



Piyadasi 
Piyadasi 
Piyadasi 
Piyadasi 



EDICT VI. 



lAja 
I4ja 



heyam 

* • 

hevam 
heyam 



ah4. 

* • 

&h& 
&ha. 



D 

* 



D. S. ^ yasa abhisitename dhammalipi likh&pit& lokasA 

A. 

L. A. yas&bhisitenome ~ dhammalipi likh&pita lokasa 

L. N. yas&bhisitename dhammalipi likh4pita >' lokasa 

D. S. ' hitasnkh&ye ; setam apahftt&i tamtam dhammaya^hi 

A. — — ' — dhammayadhi 

L. A. ^ hitasokh^ye ; setam apah&^ tamtam dhammayadhi 

L. N. hitasiikh&ye ; setam apaliafa, tamtam dhammayadhj 

(a) The inscription on the Belhi^irat Pillar ends here, the rest being lost by the abraaic 



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114 



TEXTS. 



D.S. 


*hevam 


loka6& 


hitasnkheti 


pativekh&mi. 


Atha iyam 


* n&tisu 


A. 


hevam 


loka8& 


^ hitasakheti 


pativekh&mi. 


Atha • • 


• • 


L.A. 


hevam 


lokasft 


hitasukheti 


pativekh&mi. 


"Athft iyam 


n&tisu 


L.N. 


hevam 


lokasa 


w hitasukheti 


pa(ivekh&mi. 


AthA iyam 


n&tisu 


D.S. 


hevam 


patiy&sanne! 


3a, hevam 


apakathesu 


* kimank&ni 


sukham 


A. 


• • 


patiyasannesa, hevam 


apakathesa 


kimank&ni 


su • 


L. A. 


hevam 


I paty&sannesu, hevam 


apakathesu 


kimank&ni 


sukham 


L.N. 


hevam 


paty&sannesu, hevam 


apakathesu 


'* kimankAni 


sukham 


D.S. 


avahftmiti 


tatba 


cha 


vidah&mi ; 


hemeva ^ savanik&yesu 


A. 


• • • 


• • 


* 




hevam meva sava 


. * k&yesu 


L.A. 


&vahAmiti 


tathft 


cha 


vidah&mi '^ hemevd. savt 


mik&yesu 


L. N. 


&vah4miti 


tatb& 


cha 


vidahami 


hemeva savanik^yesu 


D.S. 


pativekh&mi 


; aava 




pime pu 


jitA 8 vividh&ya 


pAJM 


A. 


pativekh&mi 


*8ava 


p48and& 


pime pAjita vividhaya 


•j&ya 


L.A. 


pativekh&mi 


; sava 


pasan^ 


pime pujita vivid hAya 


puj&ya 


L. N, 


pativekh&mi 


; » sava 


p4saDd& 


pime puj 


ita vividh&ya 


pujAya 


D.S. 


echu 


iy&m 


atana pachiipagamane 


• seme mokhyamate 


A. 


echu 


iyam 


atanft pachupagamane 


seme mukhyamute 


L.A- 


echa 


iyam 


atana pach&pagamane 


^* seme mukhyamute 


L.N. 


echa 


iyam 


atana pachupagamane 


^ seme mokhyamute 


D.S. 


saddavisativasa abhisitename ^'^ iyam 


dhammalipi 


likhApitA. 




A. 


sa'* • ' 


• • • • 


• • 


• lipi 


Iikh&pit4ti. 




L.A. 


sa^davisativas&bhiflitename 


iyam 


dhammalipi 


likh&pita. 




L. N. 


saddavisativas&bhLsitename 


iyam 




likh&pita. 





(Delhi, East.) 

11 Dev&nampiye Fiyadasi 

12 antalam lAjAne husa 

13 dhammavadhiyA vadheyA 



EDICT VII. 

lAjA hevam AhA: ye atikantam 

hevam ichhisu, katham jane 

nochujane anulupAyA dhammavadhiyA 



14 vadbithA etam. DevAnampiye Fiyadasi lAjA hevam AhA: esame 

15 huthA atAkantam-cha antalam hevam ichisu ll^Ane katham jane 

16 anulupAyA dhammavadhiyA vadheyAti nochajane anulupAyA 

17 dhammavadhiyA vadhithA : se kina sujane anupa^ipajeyA 

18 kina sujane anulupAyA dhammavadhiyA vadheyAti; kina sukani 

19 abhynm namayeham dhammavadhiyAti etam. DevAnampiya Fiyadasi l^A hevam 

20 AhA: esame huthA dhammasAvanAni sAvApayAmi dhammanusathini 

2a anusisAmi : etam jane sutu anupaftpajisati abbyum namisati 



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r 



TEXTS. 



115 



EDICT VIII. 

{Delhi, around the pillar.) 
1 Dhamma vadhiyft cha bftdham vadhisati etAye me ath&ye dhamma 
8&v&pit&ni dhamm&nusathini vividh&ni AnapiiAni (y&thatiyi) p&pibahune 

ete paliyo vadisantipi pavithalisaniipi lajukapi bahukesu p&na 

4yat& tepime ftnapitlk hevam cha bevam cha paliyo yadatba 



bevam khk eta 

dhammamab&m&t& kafa, 
khk: magesu pi m< 
amb&vadikya lop4pit4 i 



2 janam dbammayatam. . Dev^nampiye Fiyadasi (a) 
anuvekham&ne dhamma thambbftni ka^ni, 

(kha )ka^ Devftnampiye Fiyadasi l&j& bevam 

1op& pit&ni chh&yopag&ni basanti pasumunis^nam 
pi me adap&u4iii 

3 kbftn&p&pit&Qi ninsi diy^ha kM&pit4 &pan&Qi me bahuk^ni tata tata 
patibhog&ye p&sumunisanam (sa • * ) esa pa^ibhogen&ma vividh&yahi 
pali me hipt (b) Isytbi mamay&cha snkbayite loke : imamchu dhai 
pajantuti etadatb& me 



khk : dhammamah^&t4 

se payajit&nam cheva 

sangbathasi pime 

pime kafe. 



4 esa kate : Devftnampiye Fiyadasi {b) bevam 
bahu bidhesu athesa anugabikesu viy&pafa se 
cha sava (p&saii)4e8a picha viy&pa^ se 
viy&patft bohantiti hemeva. B&bbanesu ftjlvikesu 

{Delhi, around the pillar,) 

5 ime viy&pat^ bohantiti, niganthesu pime ka^e, 
p&sandesa pime ka^e ime viy^pa^A bohantiti: 
te te mah&m&t& dbammamah&m&t& chu me etasu cheva viy&patA, savesu c 
p&sandesu. Dev&nampiya Fiyadasi l^k hevam khk: 



ime viyapat& bob] 
pativisitham pativisitbai 



6 ete cba anne cha babuk& makh& d&navisagasi viyapat& se ma 
devinam cba, savasi cha me olodhanasi (c) te bah a vidhena 
tAni t4ni tath& yatan(&)ni pati(ta * * *) bida cheva disdjsa cha d&I 
cha me ka^e ann4nam cha devikum&l&nam imed^navisagesu viyapat4 

7 dhamm&padlLna thaye dhamm^nupafipatiye : esabi dhamm&padAne dbammapai 
j§k iyam daydd&ne sache so chave madave s&davecba lokasa bevam 
Devanamp(iye piyada)si UjA hevam &h& y&nibikanichi mamiya s&dhavli 
tarn loke aniipatipanne tarn cha anuvidbiyanti tena vadbit& cha 

8 vadbisanti cha m&t&pttisu susus^yA gulusa susus&y& vayo mabMakanam 
Bllbhana Samanesa, kapanavalakesu, &vadasa bhatakesu sampatipatiy&. 
(Piya)dasi ll^a bevam &h4: mnnis&nam chu ya iyam dhammavadl 
duvebi yeva &k41ehi dhammaniyamena cha nijbatiya cba 



9 tata chu 
esa yeme 

bahuk( ) 

munislUiam 

10 an&lamhh&ye 
masuliyike 
bidata(p&la)te 
Dev&nampiye 

11 dhammalibi 
chilatithike 



lahuse dhamma nijame n\jbatiyiva bhuye dhammaniyam 

iyam kate : im&nicha im&ni j&t&ni avadbiy&ni ann 

dbamm&niyam&ni yani roe kat&ni : nijbatiya va c 

dhammavadl^i vadhit4 avibins&ye bhutd.nam 

p&nanam se et4ye athaye iyam kate pu^a papotil 

hotuti tatbft cha anupa^pajantuti hevam hi anupa^i 

&1adbe hoti satavisativas&bbisitename iyam dhammalibi likb&pl 
&b4 : iyam 

ata athi sil4thambh&niv4 silapbalak&nivA {d) tata ka^aviyA 
siy4 



(a). The word Ldja is omitted in both of these places after Fiyadasi ; but it is present in all the aft 
inscription wherever the king;'s name is mentioned. 

(b). Omitted by Prinsep. 

(c). Frinsep reads uludhanasi, but the word begins with the initial o. 

(d), Prinsep's last reading of this word was dharika (see Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, '^ 
the true reading is phalakini, or " tablets," as given in the text. 



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116 TEXTS. 

ALLAHABAD PILLAR. 

Separate Edicts. 

No. 1. 

Queen's Edict. 

1 D6ylLnampiya8& yaolianena savata mahamat4 

2 vataviyft: eheta dutiy&ye Deviye #ne 

3 Amb4vadM v& 4lameya cl4nam eheya(P)eta8i(P) aime(P) 

4 Kichliigaiilya titAye Deviye sen&ni pi TatliA(P) 

5 datiy4ye Peviyeti ti valamAiu kMuy&kiye. 

No. %. 

Kosamhi Edict. 

1 Dev&nampiye &napayaii Koeambiyamah&mata 

2 .— .^-«— — ■ mari * * sanghasi nila hiyo 

3 I I ti bhiti * bhanti nita chi 

4 l^a pinam dhapayita a * tasa * am yasayi* 

SANCHI PILLAR. 



1 J. P. 



A. C. •yal23466 maga 



maga * ♦ 



2 J. P. 



A. C. • seni • bhi * • nam chAti petaviya 



3 J. P. — 

A. C. • vika Chandagiriye keye sangbam 

4 J. P. bbakbati bbikbnn&bbi kbamayase d4i4 
A. C. bbakbati Bbikbu cba Bbikbnni yi kba d&t& 

6 J. P. ^ 

A. C. ^niduflapi sayam • payita ana • 

6 J. P. Sasijala petayiye ichbahime O^i) 
A. C. sasiyisa petayiye icbbanime flan— 

7 J. P. — si: sampeeimate cbilatbitike siy&ti 
A. 0. ^ti sangbasamage obilatbittke siy&ti. 



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TRANSLATIONS- 



ROCK INSCRIPTIONS. 



EDICT I. 



Prinsep. 

" The following edict of religion is promulgated 
by the heaven-beloved king Piyadasi :— 

^' ^ In this place the putting to death of anything 
whatever that hath life, either for the benefit of 
the puja, or in convivial meetings, shall not be 
done. Much cruelty of this nature occurs in such 
assemblies. The heaven-beloved king Piyadasi is 
(as it were) a father (to his people). Uniformity 
of worship is wise and proper for the congregation 
of the heaven-beloved Piyadasi Raja. 

'' ' Formerly, in the great refectory and temple 
of the heaven-beloved king Piyadasi, daily were 
many hundred thousand animals sacrificed for the 
sake of meat food. So even at this day while 
this religious edict is under promidgation, from 
the sacrifice of animals for the sake of food, some 
two are killed, or one is killed ; but now the 
joyful chorus resounds again and again — that 
henceforward not a single animal shall be put to 
death.' " 



Wilson. 

" This is the edict of the beloved of the gods, 
Raja Priyadasi : 

'' ' The putting to death of animals is to be 
entirely discontinued, and no convivial meet- 
ing is to be held ; for the beloved of the gods, 
the Raja Priyadasi, remarks many faults in 
such assemblies. There is but one assembly, 
indeed, which is approved of by the Raja Priya- 
dasi, the beloved of the gods, which is that of 
the great kitchen of Raja Priyadasi, the beloved 
of the gods. Every day hundreds of thousands 
of animals have been there slaughtered for 
virtuous purposes, but now, although this pious 
edict is proclaimed that animals may be killed 
for good purposes, and such is the practice, yet 
as the practice is not determined, these presents 
are proclaimed that hereafter they shall not be 
kiUed.''^ 



EDICT II. 



Prinsep. 
'' Everjrwhere within the conquered province of 
Raja Piyadasi, the beloved of the gods, as well as 
in the parts occupied by the faithful, such as 
CAola, Ptda,^ Satiyaputra, and Ketalaputra, even 
as far as Tambapanni (Ceylon) ; and, moreover, 
within the dominions of Antiochus, the Greek 



Wilson. 
'' In all the subjugated (territories) of the 
king Priyadasi, the beloved of the gx)ds, and also 
in the bordering countries, as {CAoda), Palaya^ 
(or Paraya), Satyaputra, Keralaputra, Tamba- 
pani (it is proclaimed), and Antiochus by name 
the Tona (or Tavana) raja, anl those princes 



* The tme reading^ of these important names of the oonntries bordering on the dominions of Asoka are as follows : 
Choda, Pan^iya, Satiyaputra, Eetalapntra, and Tambapani. The first two are well known as Chola and Pdndya, being 
the extreme southern provinces of India, while Tambapani is the- Island of Ceylon, the Taprobane of the Greeks. 
Keralaputra is the district of £,erala, on the western coast between the Krishna River and Mysore. No representative 
of Satiyaputra has jet been proposed except by Lassen, who considered It as the Buddhist name of the King of Fida 
(or P&ndja). But it seems to me that this name is capable of the same exact identification as the others. In Ptolemy's 
map we have the name of Sadmiy a people on the coast to the west of Baithdna, or Paithan on the Godftvari* They are 
said to be pirates; and as the name of the Andri PiraUs is also found in the same place, I believe that we have the same 
people designated by two difierent nBmw— first, as Sadihi, or Sddavahans or Sdtakarnis, and second, as Akdbi or 
Andhras. That the Andhras were a powerful nation in the time of Asoka, I have already established by reading their 
name in the 13th Edict of the Shahbazgarhi and Kh^Isi texts. The name of Satahami is written S&davdhana in one 
of the Nftsik Inscriptions (West No. 6), and Ptolemy's form would be obtained by the elision of the h in Sadakani, 
Another form of the name is preserved in the Periplus as Saraganos, in which, according to a common Indian practice, 
the t and d are changed to r in pronunciation. 



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118 



TRANSLATIONS. 



Prinsep. 
(of which Antiochus' generals are the rulers)^ 
everywhere the heaven-beloved Raja PiyadasVs 
double system of medical aid is established — 
both medical aid for men, and medical aid for 
animals^ together with the medicaments of all 
sorts^ which are suitable for men^ and suitable 
for animals. And wherever there is not (such 
provision)^ in all such places they are to be pre- 
pared, and to be planted: both root-drugs and 
herbs, wheresoever there is not (a provision of 
them), in all such places shall they be deposited 
and planted. 

'' And in the public hig^wayB wells are to be 
dug, and trees to be planted, for the aoo(»nmo- 
dation of men and animals.^^ 



Wilson. 
who are nearer to (or allied with) that monarch, 
universally (are apprised) that (two designs have 
been cherished by Priyadasi, one design) regard- 
ing men, and one relating to animak; and 
whatever herbs are useful to men or useful to 
animals wherever there are none, such have 
been everywhere caused to be conveyed and 
planted, (and roots and fruits wherever there 
are none, such have been everywhere conveyed 
and planted ; and on the roads) wells have been 
caused to be dug, (and trees have been planted) 
for the respective enjoyment of animals and 
men/' 



EDICT III. 



Prinsep. 

"Thus spake the heaven-beloved king Piya^ 
dasi : ' By me, after the twelfth year of my anoint- 
ment, this commandment is made. Everywhere 
in the conquered (provinces) among the faithful, 
whether (my own) subjects or foreigners, after 
every five years, let there be (a public) humi- 
liation for this express object, yea, for the con- 
firmation of virtue and for the suppression of dis- 
graceful acts. 

'' ' Good and proper is dutiful service to mother 
and father; towards friends and kinsfolks, to- 
wards Brahmans and Sramans, excellent is 
charity : — prodigality and malicious slander are 
not good. 

'' < All this the leader of the congregation shaU 
inculcate to the assembly, with (appropriate) ex- 
planation and example.' '' 



WiUon. 
'' King PriyadaH says : ' This was ordered by 
me when I had been twelve years inaugurated. 
In the conquered country, and among my own 
subjects as well as strangers, that every five 
years expiation should be undergone with this 
object, for the enforcement of such moral obli- 
gations as were declared by me to be good : 
such as duty to parents, (and protection of) 
friends and children, (relations,) Brahmans and 
Sramans : — good is liberality, good is non-in- 
jury of living creaturesj and abstinence from 
prodigality and slander are good. Continuance 
in this course (the discharge of these duties) 
shall be commended both by explanation and 
by example.' " 



EDICT IV. 



Prinsfp. 

'' ' In times past, even for many hundred years> 
has been practised the sacrifice of living beings, 
the slaughter of animals, disregard of relations, 
and disrespect towards Brahmans and Sramans. 

' " This day, by the messenger of the religion of 
the heaven-beloved king Piyadaai, (has been made) 
a proclamation by beat of drum, a grand an- 
nouncement of religious grace, and a display of 
equipages, and a parade of elephants, and tUngs 
to gratify the senses, and every other kind of 
heavenly object for the admiration of mankind^ 
such as had never been for many hundred years, 
such as were to-day exhibited. 



Wihon. 
*< ' During a past period of many centuries, 
there have prevailed — destruction of life, injury 
of living beings, disrespect towards kindred, and 
irreverence towards Sramans and Brahmans. 
But now, in conformity to moral duty, the pious 
proclamation of king Priyadasi, the beloved 
of the gods, is made by beat of drum, in a 
manner never before performed for hundreds of 
years, with chariot and elephant processions, 
and 'fireworks and other divine displays of the 
people exhibiting the ceremonies (and this) for 
the promulgation of the law of king Priya* 
dasi, &c., that non-destruction of life, non- 



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119 



WiUon. 

injury to living beings, respect to relations, 
reverence of Brahmans and Sramans, and 
many other duties, do increase, and shall in- 
crease; and this moral law of tiie king Priya^ 
dasi the sons, grandsons, and great-grandsons 
of king Priyadasi shall maintain. Let the 
moral ordinance of king Priyadasi be stable as 
a mountain for the establishment of duty ; for 
in these actions duty will be followed, as the 
law which directs ceremonial rites is not the 
observance of moral duties. It were well for 
every iU-conducted person to be attentive to the 
object of this injunction. This is the edict 
(writing) of king Priyadasi. Let not any 
thought be entertained by the subject-people of 
opposing the edict.' This has been caused to 
be written by the king Priyadasi , in the twelfth 
year of his inauguration.^' 



Prinsep. 

^' ' By the religious ordinance of the heaven- 
beloved king Piyadasiy the non-sacrifice of ani- 
mals, the non-destruction of living beings, proper 
regard to kindred, respect to Brahmans and 
Sramans, dutiful service to spiritual pastors — 
through these and many other similar (good acts) 
doth religions grace abound ; and thus, moreover, 
shall the heaven-beloved king Piyadasi cause 
religion to flourish, and the same shall the sons, 
the grandsons, and the great-grandsons of the 
heaven-beloved king Piyadasi cause to abound 
exceedingly. 

^^ ' As long as the mountains shall endure, so 
long in virtue and in strict observances shall the 
religion stand fast. And through good acts of 
this nature, that is to say, through these ordi- 
nances and the strict practice of religion, laxness 
of discipline is obviated. Moroever, in this object, 
it is proper to be intelligent, and no wise neg- 
lected. For the same purpose is this (edict) 
ordered to be written. Let iJl take heed to pro- 
fit of this good object, and not to give utterance 
to objections.' 

" By the heaven-beloved king Piyadasi^ after 
the twelfth year of his announcement, is this 
caused to be written." * 

Bumouf has also given a full translation of this edict, which I annex.^ 

'' ' Dans le temps pass^, pendant de nombreuses centaines d'ann^, onvit prospferer uniquement 
le meurtre des €tres vivants et la m^chancet^ ik regard des cr&itures, le manque de respect pour 
les parents, le manque de respect pour les B&mhanas et les Samanas (les Brahmanes et les 9ra« 
manas). Aussi, en ce jour, parce que Piyadasi, le Boi ch^ri des DSvas, pratique la loi, le son de 
tambour (a retenti) ; oui, la voix de la loi (s'est &ut entendre) aprfes que des promenades des chars 
de parade, des promenades d'61^phants, des feux d'artifice, ainsi que d'autres repr^ntatioug 
divines ont ^t^ montr^ aux regards du peuple. Ce que depuis bien des centaines d'ann^ on 
n'avait pas vu auparavant, on Fa vu prosp^rer aujourd'hui, par suite de I'ordre que donne Piyadasi, 
le Boi ch^ri des DSvas, de pratiquer la loi. La cessation du meurtre des £tres vivants et des actes 
de m^chancet^ k regard des creatures, le respect pour les parents, I'ob^issance aux p^re et m^re^ 
I'ob^issance aux anciens (7ii^ra), voil^ les vertus, ainsi que d'autres pratiques de la loi de diverses 
espies, qui ici sont accrues. Et Piyadasi, le Roi ch^ri des DSvas, f era croitre encore cette obser- 
vation de la loi ; et les fils, et les petits-fils, et les arrifere-petits-fils de Piyadasi, le Boi ch^ri des 
DSvas, feront crottre cette observation de la loi jusqu'au Kalpa de la destruction. Fermes dans la loi 
dans la morale, ils ordonneront I'observation de la loi ; car c'est la meilleure des actions que d'en 
joindre I'observation de la loi. Cette observation mdme de la loi n'existe pas pour celui qui n'a pag 
de morale. H est bon que cet objet prospfere et ne d^p^risse pas : c'est pour eela qu'on a fait ^rire 
cet ^it. Si cet objet s'accrott, on n'en devra jamais voir le d^p^rissanent.' Piyadasi, le Boi ch^ri 
des D^vas, a fait £crire cet ^it, la douzi^me ann^e depuis son sacre.^f 

* Le LotD0 de la Bonne Loi — ^Appendice, p. 781. 

t Bnrnoufs remarks in justification of his own translation and reading of the text are moch too long to be quoted here, 
see Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, Appendices p. 731. He very natnraUy takes exception to Wilson's explanation of Bakmcma^ 
and Samanas as " Brfthmans and (Brahmanical) ascetics," and shows that these two terms are intended to designate two classes 
of persons, the Brahmans and the Buddhists, in the same way that they are discriminated in the legends of the Divya 
Avad&na. 



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TRANSLATIONS. 



EDICT V. 



Prinsep. 

^' Thas spake the heaven-beloved king Piya^ 
d<ui ;— 

'' ' Prosperity (oometh) throngh adversiiy^ and 
truly each man (to obtain) prosperity eauseth 
himself present difficulty; therefore by me 
(nevertheless) has much prosperity been brought 
about^ and therefore shall my sons and grand- 
sons^ and my latest posterity^ as long as the 
veiy hills endure^ pursue the same conduct ; and 
so shall each meet his reward! While he^ on 
the other hand^ who shall neglect such conduct 
shall meet his punishment in the midst of the 
wicked (in the nethermost regions of hell). 

'' ' For a very long period of time there have 
been no ministers of religion appointed^ who 
intermingling among all unbelievers (may over- 
whelm them) with the inundation of religion^ 
and with the abundance of the sacred doctrines. 
Through Kam (bocha, Gan) dh&ra^ Narfistika,* 
Petenika, and elsewhere, finding their way unto 
the uttermost limits of the barbarian countries, 

for the benefit and pleasure of (all classes) 

and for restraining the passions of the faithful, 
and for the regeneration of those bound in the 
fetters (of sin) (?) are they appointed. Inter- 
mingling equally among the dreaded, and among 
the respected both in Pfttaliputra and in foreign 
places, teaching better things, shall they every- 
where penetrate ; so that they even who (oppose 
the f aitii shall at length become) ministers of it/ ** 



Wilson. 
" The beloved of the gods, king Priyadasi, 
thus proclaims : ' Whoever perverts good to 
evil will derive evil from good ; therefore much 
good has been done by me, and my sons and 
grandsons, and others my posterity (will) con- 
form to it for every age. So they who shall 
enjoy happiness, and those who cause the path 
to be abandoned shall suffer misfortune. The 
chief ministers of morality have for an unprece- 
dentedly long time been tolerant of iniquity ; 
therefore in the tenth year of the inauguration 
have ministers of morality been made, who are 
appointed for the purpose of presiding over 
morals among persons of all the religions for 
the sake of the augmentation of virtue, and 
for the happiness of the virtuous among the 
people of Kamboja, Gandhara, Naristika, and 
Petenika. They shall also be spread among 
the warriors, the Brahmans, the mendicants, 
the destitute, and others, without any obstruc- 
tion, for the happiness of the well-disposed, in 
order to loosen the bonds of those who are 
bound, and liberate those who are confined, 
through the means of holy wisdom disseminated 
by pious teachers ; and they will proceed to the 
outer cities and fastnesses of my brother and 
sister, and wherever are any other of my 
kindred; and the ministers of morals, those who 
are appointed as superintendents of morals, shall 
wherever the moral law is established, give 
encouragement to the charitable and those ad- 
dicted to virtue. With this intent this edict 
is written, and let my people obey it.' '' 



EDICT 

Prinsep. 

''Thus spake Piyadasi, the heaven-beloved 
king :— 

'' ' Never was there in any former period a 
system of instruction applicable to eveiy season, 
and to every action, such as that which is now 
established by me. 

" ' For every season, for behaviour during meals, 
during repose, in domestic relations, in the nur- 
sery, in conversation, in general deportment, and 
on the bed of death-^everywhere instructors 
(or Pativedakas) have been appointed. Accord- 
ingly do ye (instructors) deliver instruction in 
what concemeth my people. 



VI. 

Wilson. 

" The beloved of the gods, king Priyadasi^ 
thus declares : ' An unprecedentedly long time 
has past since it has been the custom at all 
times, and in all affairs, to submit representa- 
tions. Now, it is established by me that, 
whether at meals, in my palace, in the interior 
apartments, in discourse, in exchange of civility, 
in gardens, the officers appointed to make reports 
shall convey to me the objects of the people. 
I will always attend to the objects of the 
people ; and whatever I declare verbally, whether 
punishment pr reward, is further intrusted to 
the supervisors of morals (or eminent persons): 



• The na belongs to the preceding name Gandharanam, and the word thua hecomes SAiUka, w]nch ia a weU-known name 
of Snraahtara. 



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121 



Prinsep. 

^^ ^ And everywhere in what concemeth my 
people do I myself perform whatsoever with my 
mouth I enjoin (unto them) ; whether it be by 
me (esteemed) disagreeable^ or whether agreeable. 
Moreover, for their better welfare, among them 
an awarder of punishment is duly installed. On 
this account^ assembling together those who are 
dwelling in the reputation of much wisdom, do 
ye, meanwhile, instruct them as to the substance 
of what is hereby ordained by me for all circum- 
stances, and for all seasons. This is not done by 
me in any desire for the collection of worldly 
gain, but in the real intention that the benefit 
of my people shall be effected ; whereof, moreover, 
this is the root, the good foimdation, and the 
steady repose in all circumstances : there is not 
a more effectual mode of benefiting all mankind 
than this on which I bestow my whole labour. 

*' ' But upon how many living beings (I will 
pass over the mention of other things) do I confer 
happiness here : — ^hereafter, likewise, let them 
hope ardently for heaven ! — Amen ! 

'' ' For this reason has the present religious edict 
been written. May it endure for evermore, and 
so may my sons, and my grandsons, and my 
great-grandsons uphold the same for the profit 
of all the world, and labour therein with the 
most reverential exertion ! ' ** 



Wilson. 
for that purpose let those who reside in the 
immediate vicinage even become informers at 
all times, and in all places, so it is ordained by 
me. The distribution of wealtii which is to be 
made is designed by me for the benefit of all 
the world ; for the distribution of wealth is the 
root of virtues to the good of the world, for 
which I am alwajrs labouring. On the many 
beings over whom I rule I confer happiness 
in this world;— in the next they may obtain 
Swarga. With this view, this moral edict has 
been written. May it long endure, and may 
my sons, grandsons, and great-grandsons after 
me continue with still greater exertion to labour 
for universal good ! ' " 



EDICT VII. 



" The heaven-beloved king Piyadasi everywhere 
ardently desireth that all unbelievers may be 
brought to repentance and peace of mind. He 
is anxious that every diversity of opinion, and 
every diversity of passion, may shine forth blended 
into one system, and be conspicuous in undistin- 
guishing charity. Unto no one can be repentance 
and peace of mind until he hath attained supreme 
knowledge, perfect &ith which surmounteth all 
obstacles, and perpetual assent.'^ 



Wihon. 
'' Hie beloved of the gods, the Raja Priya^ 
dasi, desires that all unbelievers may every- 
where dwell (unmolested), as they also wish for 
moral restraint and purity of disposition. For 
men are of various purposes and various desires, 
and they do injury to all or only to a part. 
Although, however, there should not be moral 
restraint or purity of disposition in any one, 
yet wherever there is great liberality (or charity), 
gratitude will acknowledge merit even in those 
who were before that reputed vile,^ 



The following is BumouFs translation of this Edict : — ^ 

'' Piyadasi, le roi chfiri des Dfivas, desire en tons lieux que les ascites de toutes les croyances 
r&ident (tranquilles) : ils d&irent tons I'empire qu'on exerce sur soi-m6me, et la puret€ de Tfime.; 
mais le peuple a des opinions diverses et des attachements divers, (et) les ascites obtienent, soit 
tout, soit une partie seulement (de ce qu'ils d^mandent). Cependant, pour celui-m^me auquel 
n'arrive pas une large aumone I'empire sur soi-mSme, la puret^ de Vkme, la reconnaissance et une 
devotion solide qui dure tou jours, cela est bien.'* 



• Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, Appendice, p. 765. 



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TRANSLATIONS. 



EDICT 

Prinsep. 
" In ancient times, festivals for the amuse- 
ment of sovereigns consisted of gambling, hunt- 
ing the deer (or antelope), and other exhilarating 
pleasures of the same nature. But the heaven- 
beloved king Piyadasi, having attained the tenth 
year of his anointment, for the happiness of the 
wise, hath a festival of religion (been substituted), 
and this same consists in visits to Brahmans and 
Sramans, and in alms-giving, and in visits to 
the reverend and aged ; and the Uberal distribu- 
tion of gold, the contemplation of the universe 
and its inhabitants, obeying the precepts of reli- 
gion, and setting religion before all other things, 
are the expedients (he employs for amusement) ; 
and these will become an enjoyment without 
alloy to the heaven-beloved king Fiyadasi 



VIIL 

JFilsott. 

'' In past times kings were addicted to tra- 
velling about, to companions, to going abroad, 
to hunting and similar amusements, but Pij^a* 
dasi, the beloved of the gods, having been 
ten years inaugurated, by him easily awakened, 
that moral festival is adopted, (which consists) 
in seeing and bestowing gifts on Brahmans 
and Sramans; in seeing- and giving gold to 
elders, and overseeing the country and the 
people ; the institution of moral laws, and the 
investigation of morals : — such are the devices 
for the removal of apprehension, and such are 
the different pursuits of the favourite of the 
gods, king Pii/adasi" 



m 



another existence.^' 

Bumouf has not given a connected translation of this Edict, but his remarks on its general 
scope are of special importance. According to his explanation, Asoka obtained samhodhim, or " la 
science complete de la Bodhi,'' or, in other words, '^ la connaissance de ce qu'enseigne le Buddha,'^ 
after he had reigned ten years. He refers to Lassen as evidently holding the same opinion : 
*' Quoique Lassen n'a pas traduit litteralement cette partie de votre inscription, il est facile de voir, 
par Vusage qu'il en a fait dans ses Antiquiih Indiennes, qu^il entend comme je propose de le faire. 
Voici les propres paroles de Lassen : ' C'est seulement la dixifeme ann^ depuis 'son couronnement 
qu'il obtint la vue complete.' Evidemment Lassen a lu comme moi sajnbodAimy ' la vue ou h, 
science complete,' et compris de mdme ayfiya.^^* 



EDICT 

Primep. 

" Thus spake king Piyadasi, beloved of the gods : 
'Each individual seeketh his own happiness 
in a diversity of ways, in the bonds of affection, 
in marriage, or otherwise, in the rearing of off- 
spring, in foreign travel: in these, and other 
similar objects, doth man provide happiness of 
every degree. But there is great ruination — 
excesses of all kinds when (a man) maketh 
-worldly objects his hfq)piness. On the contrary, 
this is what is to be done, — (for most certainly 
that species of happiness is a fruitless happiness — ) 
to obtain the happiness which yieldeth plentiful 
fruit, even the happiness of virtue; that is to 
say : kindness to dependants, reverence to spiri- 
tual teachers, are proper : humanity to animals is 
proper : — all these acts, and others of the same 
kind, are to be rightly denominated the happiness 
of virtue! 

*^'By father and by son, and by brother; by 
master (and by servant) it is proper that these 



IX. 

Wilson. 

''The beloved of the gods, Priyadasi Baja^thns 
says: ''Every man that celebrates various 
occasions of festivity, as on the removal of in- 
cumbrances, on invitations, on marriages, on 
the birth of a son, or on setting forth on a 
journey : — on these and other occasions a man 
makes various rejoicings. The benevolent man 
also celebrates many and various kinds of pure 
and disinterested festivities ; — and such rejoicing 
is to be practised. Such festivities are fruit- 
less and vain, but the festivity that bears great 
fruit is the festival of duty — such as the respect 
of the servant to his master: reverence for 
holy teachers is good; tenderness for living 
creatures is good ; liberality to Brahmans and 
Sramans is good. These, and other such acts, 
constitute verily the festival of duty ; and it is 
to be cherished as father by son, a dependant 
by his master. This is good, this is the fes- 
tival to be observed : for the establishment of this 



• Bumouf, Le Lota», Appendice, p. 759, quoting Lassen Ind. Alierthum, II, 227, n. 3. 



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123 



Prinsep, 
things should be entitled happiness^ and further^ 
for the more complete attainment of this object^ 
secret charity is most suitable : — ^yea, there is no 
alms^ and no loving-kindness^ comparable with 
the alms of religion^ and the loving-kindness of 
religion, which ought verily to be upheld alike 
by the friend, by the good-hearted, by kinsman 
and neighbour, in the entire fulfilment of pleasing 
duties. 

'* * This is what is to be done : — this is what is 
good. With those things let each man propitiate 
heaven. And how much ought (not) to be done 
in order to the propitiation of heaven ? ^ '* 



Wilson. 
object virtuous donations are made ; for there 
is no such donation or benevolence as the gift 
of duty, or the benevolence of duty : that (bene- 
volence) 18 chaff (which is contracted) with a 
friend, a companion, a kinsman, or an associate, 
and is to be reprehended. In such and in such 
manner this is to be done. This is good : with 
these means let a man seek Swarga. This is 
to be done : by these means it is to be done, as 
by them Swarga has been gained. ^ '' 



EDICT X. 



Wilson. 
^' The beloved of the gods, the Prince Priyadast, 
does not esteem glory and fame as of great 
value j and, besides, for a long time it has been 
my fame and that of my people, that the ob- 
servance of moral duty, and the service of the 
virtuous, should be practised : for this is to be 
done. This is the fame that the beloved of the 
gods desires : and inasmuch as the beloved of 
the gods excels, (he holds) all such reputations 
as no real reputation, but such as may be that 
of the unrighteous — pain and chaff ; for it may 
be acquired by crafty and unworthy persons ; 
and by whatever further effort it is acquired, 
it is worthless and a source of pain. '' 



Prinsep, 

" The heaven-beloved king Piyadasi doth not 
deem that glory and reputation (are) the things of 
chief importance ; on the contrary, (only for the 
prevention of sin,) and for enforcing conformity 
among a people praiseworthy for following the 
four rules of virtue, and pious, doth the heaven- 
beloved king Piyadasi desii-e glory and reputation 
in this world ; and whatsoever the heaven-beloved 
king Piyadasi chiefly displayeth heroism in ob- 
taining, that is all (connected with) the other 
world. 

" For in everything connected with his im- 
mortality, there is, as regards mortal things in 
general, discredit. Let this be discriminated with 
encouragement or with abandonment, with honor 
or with the most respectful force; and every diflS- 
culty connected with futurity shall,' with equal 
reverence, be vanquished/^ 

Bumouf , after quoting the above translations by Prinsep and Wilson, gives his own translation 
as follows :* 

^^ Piyadasi, le roi cheri des DSvas, ne pense pas que lagloireni la renomm^e produisent de grands 
avantages, sauf la gloire (qu'il desire) pour lui-mfime, savoir que mes peuples pratiquent longtemps 
Tob^issance k la loi et qu'ils observent la rfegle de la loi. C'est pour cela seulement que Piyadasl, 
le roi ch^ri des DSvas, desire gloire et renomm^. Car tout ce que Pij^adasi, le roi cheri des DSvas, 
deploie d'heroisme, c'est en vue de Tautre vie. Bien plus, toute gloire ne donne qeu pen de profit ; 
ce qui en resulte, an contraire, c'est Tabsence de vertu. Toutefois c'est en effet una chose difiicile 
(que le travailler pour le ciel) pour un homme m^iocre oomme pour un homm« flev^, si ce n'est 
quand, par une hero&me supreme, on a tout abandonn^ j mais cela est certainement diflScile pour un 
homme 61ev^. '' 



* Le Lotus de la Bonue Loi, Appendice, p. 659 



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TRANSLATIONS. 



EDICT 

Prinsep. 

'' Thus spake Piyadasi, the king, beloved of the 
gods:— 

'' ' There is no such charity as the charity which 
springeth from virtue, — (which is) the intimate 
knowledge of virtue, the inheritance of virtue, 
the close union with virtue. And in these 
maxims it is manifested — kindness towards ser- 
vants and hirelings : towards mother and father 
dutiful service is proper : towards a friend's off- 
spring, to kindred in general, to Brahmans and 
Sramans almsgiving is proper : avoiding the de- 
struction of animals' life is proper. 

" 'And this (saying) should be equally repeated 
by father and son, (?) by hireling, and even so by 
neighbours in general. 

'^ 'This is excellent : — ^and this is what ought to 
be done ! 

'' 'And whoso doeth thus is blessed oE the in- 
habitants of this world : and in the next world 
endless moral merit resulteth from such religious 
charity/ " 



XI. 

Wilson. 
" Thus says the beloved of the gods, king 
Friyadasi : ' There is no gift like the gift of vir- 
tue ; whether it be the praise of virtue, the ap- 
portionment of virtue, or relationship of virtue. 
This fgif t) is, the cherishing of slaves and de- 
pendants ; pious devotion to mother and father ; 
generous gifts to friends and kinsmen, Brah- 
mans and Sramans ; and non-injury of living 
beings is good. In this manner, it is to be 
lived by father and son, and brother, and friend, 
and friend's friend (?), and by a master (of 
slaves) , and by neighbours. This is good : this 
is to be practised ; and thus having acted, there 
is happiness in worldly existence, and hereafter 
great holiness is obtained by this gift of 
virtue.' " 



EDICT 

Pjriftsep. 

" The heaven-beloved king Piyadan propitiateth 
all unbelievers^ both of the ascetic and of the 
domestic classes : by charitable offerings, and by 
every species of puja doth he (strive to) propi- 
tiate them. Not that the beloved of the gods 
deemeth offerings or prayers to be of the same 
(value) with true glory. The promotion of his 
own salvation promoted, in many ways, the salva- 
tion of all unbelievers ; of which, indeed, this is 
the root, and the whole substance. 

"Again, the propitiation of the converted 
heretic, and the reproof of the unconverted heretic, 
must not be (effected) by harsh treatment : — ^but 
let those who enter into discussion (conciliate 
them) by restraint of their own passions, and 
by their mild address. By such and such con- 
ciliatoiy demeanours shall even the unconverted 
heretics be propitiated. And such conduct in- 
creaseth the number of converted heretics, while 
it disposeth of the unconverted heretic, and 
effecteth a revolution of opinion in him. And 
(he) encourag^th the converted heretic, while he 
disposeth completely of the imconverted heretic, 
whosoever propitiateth the converted heretic, or 
reproveth the unconverted heretic, by the pecu- 
niary support of the converted heretic. And 
whoso, again^ doth so, he purifieth in the most 



XII. 

Wilson. 
"The beloved of the gods, king Priyadasi, 
honors all forms of religious faith, whether 
professed by ascetics or householders; he 
honors them with gifts and with mainifold 
kinds of reverence : but the beloved of the gods 
considers no gift or honour so much as the 
increase of the substance (of religion) : — ^his en- 
couragement of the increase of the substance 
of all religious belief is manifold. But the root 
of his (encouragement) is this : — ^reverence for 
one's own faith, and no reviling nor injury of 
that of others. Let the reverence be shown in 
such and such a manner as is suited to the dif - 
ferenee of belief; as when it is done in that 
manner, it augments our own faith, and benefits 
that of others. Whoever acts otherwise injures 
his own reUgion, and wrongs that of others ; for 
he who in some way honors his own religion, 
and reviles that of others, saying, having ex- 
tended to all our own belief, let us make it 
famous ;— he who does this throws difficulties i9 
the way of his own religion : this, his condijict, 
cannot be right. The' duty of a person consists 
in respect and service of others. Such is the 
wish of the beloved of the gods ; for in all 
forms of religion there may be many scriptures 
(Sutras), and many holy texts, which are to be 



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TRANSLATIONS. 125 

Prinsej). Wihon. 

effectual manner the heretic ;— and of himself such thereafter followed through my protection, 
an act is his very breath, and his well-being. The beloved of the gods considers no gift or 

'' Moreover, ' hear ye the religion of the faith- reverence to be equal to the increase of the 
ful, and attend thereto' : even such is the desire, essence of religion : and as this is the object 
the act, the hope of the beloved of the gods, that of all religions, — with a view to its dissemination, 
all unbelievers may speedily be purified, and superintendents of moral duty, as well as over 
brought into contentment speedily. women, and officers of compassion, as well as 

" Furthermore, from place to place this most other officers (are appointed) ; and the fruit of 
gracious sentiment should be repeated ; ' The this (regulation) will be the augmentation of 
beloved of th^ gods doth not esteem either our own faith, and the lustre of moral duty/' 
charitable offering or puja, as comparable with 
true glory. The increase of blessing to himself 
is (of) as much (importance) to all unbelievers.' 

'Tor this purpose, have been spread abroad 
ministers of religion, possessing fortitude of mind, 
and practices of every virtue. May the various 
congregations co-operate (with them) for the 
accomplishment therefor! For the increase of 
converts is, indeed, the lustre of religion." 

This Edict has been fortunate in attracting the attention of Burnouf, whose translation here 
follows :^ 

" Piyadasi, le roi ch^ri des Dfivas, honore tons les croyances, ainsi que les mendiants et les 
maitres de maison, soit par des aumdnes, soit par des diverses marques de respect, Mais le roi 
ch^ri des DSvas honore tons les croyances, ainsi que les mendiants et les mattres de maison, soit par 
des aumdnes, soit par des diverses marques de respect. Mais le roi ch^ri des DSvas n'estime pas 
autant les aumdnes et les marques de respect que I'augmentation de ce qui est I'essence de la 
renommfo. Or, I'augmentation de ce qui est essentiel [en ce genre] pour toutes les croyances, estde 
plusieurs espfeces : cepedant le f onds en est pour chacune d'elles la louange en paroles. II y a plus : 
on doit seulement honorer sa propre croyance, mais non bl4mer celle des autres : il y aura ainsi pen le 
tort de produit. H y a mSme telle et telle circonstance od la croyance des autres doit aussi 6tre 
honorfe; en agissant ainsi selon chacun de ces circonstances, on aug^mente sa propre croyance et on 
sert celle des autres. Celui qui agit autrement diminue sa propre croyance et fait tort aussi k celle 
des autres. L'homme, quelqu'il soit, qui honore sa propre croyance et blftme celle des autres, le tout 
par devotion pour sa croyance, et bien plus, en disant : ' Mettons notre propre croyance en lumifere.' 
L'homme, dis-je, qui agit ainsi, ne feit que nuire plus gravement a sa croyance propre. C'est 
pourquoi le bon accord seul est bien. II y a plus ; que les hommes ^content et suivent avec soumis- 
sion chacun la loi les uns des autres ; car tel est le d^sir du roi ch^ri des Dfivas. II y a plus : 
puissent Qes hommes de] toutes les croyances abonder en savoir et prosperer en vertu ! Et ceux qui 
out f oi a telle et telle religion, doivent rep^ter ceci : Le roi ch^ri des Dfivas n'estime pas autant les 
aumdnes et les marques de respect que I'augmentation de ce qui est I'essence de la renomm€e et la 
multiplication de toutes les croyances. A cet effet ont ete ^tablis des grands ministres de la loi et 
des grands ministres surveillants des femmes, ainsi que des inspecteurs des lieux secrets, et d'autres 
corps d'agents. Et le fruit de cettc institution, c'est que I'augmentation des religions ait prompte- 
ment lieu, ainsi que la mise en lumi^re de la loi." 

EDICT XIIL 

Prinsepf 

" Whose equality, and exertion towards that 

object, exceeding activity, judicious conduct 

afterwards in the Kalinga provinces not to be 
obtained by wealth the decline of religion, 

• Le Lotus de U Bonne Loi> Appendice, p. 762. 



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TRANSLATIONS. 



Prinsep. 
muider, and death, and unrestrained license of 
mankind, when flourished the (precious maxims) 
of Dev&nampiyo, comprising the essence of learn- 
ing and of science :-— dutiful service to mother 
and father; dutiful service to spiritual teachers: 
the love of friend and child \ (charity) to kins- 
folk, to servants (to Brahmans and Sramans, &c., 
which) cleanse away the calamities of generations : 
further also in these things unceasing persever- 
ance is fame. There is not in either class of the 
heretics of men, not so to say, a procedure marked 

by such grace, nor so glorious nor friendly, 

nor even so extremely liberal as Dev&nampiyo^s 
injunctions for the non-injury, and content of 
living creatures and the Greek King be- 
sides, by whom the Kings of Egypt, Ptolemaios 

and Antigonos, (?) and Magas, both 

here and in foreign (countries), everywhere the 
religious ordinances of Dev&nampiyo effect con- 
version, wherever they go; conquest is of 

every description : but further the conquest which 
bringeth joy springing from pleasant emotions, 
becometh joy itself; the victory of virtue is 
happiness : the victory of happiness is not to be 
overcome, that which essentially possesses a pledge 

of happiness, such victory is desired in things 

of this world and things of the next world ! 

^' And this place is named the White Elephant, 
conferring pleasure on all the world/^* 



EDICT 

Prinaep. 
*' This religious edict is caused to be written by 
the heaven-beloved king Piyadasi. It is (partly) 
(written) with abridgment; it is (partly) with 
ordinary extent ; and it is (partly) with amplifica- 
tion : not incoherent (or disjointed) but through- 
oxit continuous (and united) it is powerful in 
overcoming the wise; and it is much written 
and caused to be written, yet it is always but the 
same thing repeated over and over again. 

" For the persuasive eloquence which is lavished 
on each separate subject shall man the rather 
render obedience thereunto ! 

" Furthermore, at one time even unto the con- 
clusion is this written, incomparable in manner, 
and conformable with the copy, by Relachepu the 
scribe and pandit/^ 



XIV. 

Burnouf. 
" Ce texte de la loi a ^tiS ^crit par Tordre de 
Piyadasi, le roi ch6ri des Dfivas. II se trouve 
sous une forme abr^g^, il se trouve sous une 
forme de moyenne ^tendue, il se trouve enfin sous 
une forme d^veloppfe: et cependant le tout 
n^est certainement pas mutil^. Des grands 
hommes aussi ont fait des conqu^tes, et ont 
beaucoup ^crit ; et moi je f erai aussi ^crire ceci. 
Et s^il y a ici autant de repetitions, c'est k cause 
de la douceur de chacune des pens^s qui sont 
r^p^t^es. II y a plus ! puisse le peuple y con- 
former sa conduite! Tout ce qui peut, en 
quelques endroits, avoir iti &rit sans etre 
achev^, sans ordre, et sans qu'on ait un dgard 
au texte qui fait autorit^, tout cela vient unique- 
ment de la faute deP^crivain.'^ 



• This last sentence should follow Edict XIV. Professor Kern translates it differentlj—^the White Elephant whose 
name is * Bringer of happiness to the whole world,* " and adds "that by this term Sikya is implied there can be no doubt, 
since the legend says that the Bodhisattva, the future Buddha, left heaven to bring happiness to men, and entered his mother's 
womb as a White Elephant." See Indian Antiquary, V, 257, 258. 

t As no translation of this Edict has been given by Wilson, it is fortunate that we possess another version from the 
learned and careful pen of Burnouf in Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, p. 752. 



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TRANSLATIONS- 



No. 6. 

DHAULI AND JAUGADA. 

No. 1. SEPARATE EDICT. 



Prinsep. 
Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VII, 442. 

''By command of Dev&nampija (the beloved 
of the gods) I la (the city of) Tosali^ the public 
officers in charge of the town are to be enjoined 
(as follows) :— 

" Whomsoever I ascertain to be a murderer, 
him do I desire to be imprisoned. This I publicly 
proclaim, and I will carry into effect however 
difficult : — for this my supreme will is irresistible ! 
On this account the present Tope (stiipa) is deno- 
minated the tope of commandment. 

" From amongst many thousand souls, oh ye 
my chosen people I repair ye (hither) to the holy 
men. Every righteous man is my (true) subject, 
and for my subjects I desire this only, that 
they may be possessed of every benefit and 
happiness as to things of this world and of the 

world beyond and furthermore I desire ye 

do not purify the wicked until 

" In this country and not anywhere else is to 
be seen such a stupa (?) in which is provided 
proper rules of moral conduct. 

" When one man reUeves (his fellow-creature) 
from the bondage and misery (of sin), it neces- 
sarily follows that he himself is released from 
bondage ; but again despairing at the number of 
human beings in the same state (whom he is un- 
able to relieve) he is much troubled. 

Thence is this stApa so desirable (as an asylum) ; 
that in the midst of virtuous regulations we may 
pursue our obedient course ! 

And through these classes (of deeds) are people 
rendered disobedient, viz., by enviousness, by the 



JBumou/, 
Le Lotos de la Bonne Loi, 672-683. 
'' Au nom du (roi) ch^ri des Devas, 1 
ministre de Tosali, gouvemeur de la v 
s'entendre dire : Quoique ce soit que je 
je desire qu'il en soit Pex^cuteur. Voil 
je lui fait connaitre, et je recommen 
fois, parce que cette r6p^tition est regai 
moi comine capitale. C'est dans ce dea 
ce TupAa {8^pa) a €i& dress^; c^ » 
commandement en effet a ^t^ destin^ auj 
k de nombreux milliers d'Stres vivants 
un present et un bouquet de fleurs pour 
de bien. Tout homme de bien est p 
un fils. Et pour mes fils, ce que je d&i 
quails soient en possession de toute 
d'avantages, et de plaisirs, tant dans c 
que dans Tautre. Ainsi je desire le bor 
peuple, et puissiez-vous ne pas ^proi 
malheur, jusqu'i {lacune delO lett/res) 
homme pense. En effet, ce St^a re 
pays tout entier qui nous est soumis 
StCipa a 6\A promulgufe la rfegle moral 
si un homme [4 leUres) est soumis s< 
captivity, soit k de mauvais traitem 
partir de ce moment (il sera d^vr^) k 1 
par lui de cette captivity et des autres (< 
Beaucoup de gens du pays souffrent d 
clavage ; c'est pourquoi ce Stilpa a d<i 6tr 
Puissions-nous, me suis-je dit, (leur) fain 
la liqueur enivrante de la morale! 
morale n'est pas respect^e par ces esp 
vices) : Penvie, la destruction de la vie, les 
la violence, Tabsence d'occupation, la 



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128 



TRANSLATIONS. 



Bumouf. 
Joomal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VII, 442. 
practice of destroying life, by tyranny, by 
cruelty, by idleness, by laziness, by waste of time. 
That morality is to be desired which is based on 
my ordinances (?), and in all these the roots (or 
leading principles) are,— the non-destruction of 
life, and the non-infliction of cruelty. May the 
desire of such moral guidance endure unto the 
end of time ! and may these (principles) continu- 
ing to rise (in estimation) ever flourish, and inas- 
much as this benefit and love should be ever had 
in remembrance, my desire is that in this very 
manner, these (ordinances) shall be pronounced 
aloud by the person appointed to the Stupa ; and 
adverting to nothing else but precisely according 
to the commandment of Devanampiya, let him 
(further) declare and explain them. 

^' Much longing after the things of (this life) 
is a disobedience I again declare : not less so is 
the laborious ambition of dominion by a prince, 
(who would be) a propitiator of heaven. Confess 
and believe in God, who is the worthy object of 
obedience! for equal to this (belief), I declare 
unto you, ye shall not find such a means of pro- 
pitiating heaven. Oh strive ye to obtain this in- 
estimable treasure 1 

" And this edict is to be read (at the time of) 
the lunar mansion Tisa, at the end of the month 
of Bhatun : it is to be made heard (even if) 
by a single (listener). And thus (has been 
founded) the K61anta stflpa for the spiritual in- 
struction of the congregation. For this reason is 
this edict here inscribed, whereby the inhabitants 
of the town may be guided in their devotions 
for ages to come — and as of the people insensibly 
the divine knowledge and insensibly the (good 
works) increase so the god of passion no longer 
yieldeth them gratification (?). 

" For this reason also I shall cause to be, every 
five years, a general nikhama, (or act of humilia* 
tion?) (on which occasions) the slaughter (of no 
animal of any kind ?) shall take place. Having 
learnt this object, it shall be so carried into effect 
according to my commandment. 

" And the young prince of Ujein, for the same 
purpose, shall cause a religious observance of the 
self -same custom : and he shall not allow any 
transgression of this custom for the space of 
three years — so that when func- 
tionaries have admitted to initiation the penitent, 
then should any not leave off his (evil) practices— 
if even there be hundreds (in the same predica- 
ment) it shall be certainly done unto him accord- 
ing) to the commandment of the raja. 



Prinsep. 
Le Lotos de la Bonne Loi, 672-683. 
la fain^antise. La gloire qui doit Stre d^sir<^e, 
est que ces (3 letires) puissent exister pour moi. 
Or elles ont toutes pour fondement Tabsence de 
meurtre, et Tabsence de violence. Que celui 
qui, desirant suivre la regie, serait dans la crainte, 
sorte de sa profonde d^tresse et prospfire ; Putile 
et I'agr^able sont les seules choses qui doivent 
^tre obtenues. Aussi est-ce \h, ce qui doit 6tre 
proclame par le gardien du Si'Apa qui ne re- 
gardera rien autre chose {pu bien, aussi cet ^it 
a da €tre exprim^ au moyen du Prdkriia et non 
dans un autre idiome). Et ainsi le veut ici le 
conmiandement du roi ch^ri des Ddvas. J'en 
confie ^execution au grand ministre. Avec de 
grands desseins, jef ais ex^cuter ce qui n'a pas ^te 
mis k execution j non en effet, cela n'est pas. 
L'acquisition du ciel, voilk en r^alit6 oe qu'il 
est difficile d^obtenir, mais non Pacquisition de la 
royaut€. J^honore extrSmement les Richesses 
aussi accomplis, mais (je dis) : Vous n'obtien- 
drez pas ainsi le ciel. Efforcez-vous d'acqu^rir 
ce tresor sans prix. 

" Et cet ^dit doit ^tre entendu au Nakhata TUa 
(Nakchatra Tichya) et k la fin du mois Tisa 
(4 lettres) au Nakhata^ mSme par une seule 
personne il doit Stre entendu. Et c^est ainsi 
que ce St'dipa doit 6tre honor^ jusqu'jl la fin des 
temps pour le bien de I'Assembl^e. 

^^ C'est pour cela que cet ^dit a iti 6crit ici 
afin que les gouverneurs de la ville s'appliquent 
continuellement (5 lettres) pour le peuple une 
instruction instantanee, instantan^ aussi * * * 
comblant les d^sirs pour nous ^ * voil^. 

'* Et pour cela, tons les cinq ans je ferai ex&u- 
ter (la confession) par les ministres de la loi celui 
qui dissimulant ses p^ch^ [2 lettres) celui Ik sera 
impuissant dans son efibrt. 

"Ayant connu cet objet ^ * * car 
tel est mon commandement. Et le Prince Royal 
d'Udjdjayini devra aussi & cause de cela 
ex^cuter (4 lettres) une c^r^monie parelle : et 
il ne devra pas laisser, passer plus de trois ans ; 
et de mSme ainsi a Takkasila (Takchagila) 
mSme. Quand {4 lettres) les grands ministres 
ex^cuteront la c^remonie de la confession, alors, 
sans faire abandonner son mdtier k aucun des 
gens du peuple, ils le feront pratiquer au cou* 
traire par chacun. C'est IJi Tordre du roi.'* 



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TRANSLATIONS. 



129 



No. 7. 

DHAULI AND JAUGADA. 

No. II. SEPARATE EDIOT. 

Prinsep. 
Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, YII, 446. 

'' By command of Dev&nampija I It shall be 
signified to the prince and the great officers in 
the city of Tosale. 

''Whomsoever I ascertain to be 

and this my supreme will is irresistible! 

On this acconnt is the present StApa 



£urnon/i 

Le Lotos de la Bonne Loi, 699-707. 

'' An nom du (roi) ch^ri des D^vas, le prince 
royal et le grand ministre de Tosali^ gouverneur 
de la ville, doit s'entendre dire/^ p. 693. 



and for my loving subjects do I ardently desire 
to this effect : — that they may be filled with every 
species of blessing and happiness both as to the 
things of this world and the world beyond ! 

.....maybe 

of countless things as yet unknown 

I ardently desire 

they may partake I Thus hath said Dev&nampiya 

may repose 

and take pleasure^ while the removal of 

affliction is in like manner the chief consequence 
of true devotion. (?) DevJlnampiya hath also 
said ; — ^fame (consisteth in) this act^ to meditate 
with devotion on my motives^ and on my deeds 
(of virtue) and to pray for blessings in this 
world and the world to come. For this purpose 
do I appoint another (?) Stiipa by the which I 
cause to be respected that which is (above) direct- 
ed and proclaimed and my promise is imperish- 
able! However bitter (or hard) it shall be 
carried into effect by me, and consolation (will 
accrue to him who obeys ?) by which is exceeding 
virtue — so be it/' 



" Like as love itself, so is Devftnampiya worthy 
of respect ! and as the soul itself so is the unre- 
laxing guidance of Devinampiya worthy of 
respect! and according (to the conduct oQ the 
subject, so is the compassion of Dev4nampiya: 
wherefore I myself, to accomplish his commands, 
will become the slave and hireling of Devftnam- 
piya. For this reason the Dubalihi Tupha (is 
instituted) for undisturbed meditation, and for 



'' Ainsi je desire quails puissent ne pas ^prou- 
ver de terreur.'^ p. 695. 

" Qu'ils &outent, voili, et qu'ils se consolent, 
qu'ils obtiennent aussi du bonheur.'' p. 695. 



' Le roi chhn des DSvas a dit.'' 



" Quails obtiennent le bonheur en ce monde 
et dans Tautre.'' p. 696. 

''C'est dans ce dessein que je commande, 
le StApa exprime mes ordres/' p. 696 . 

" Cons^quemment je proclame et ce qui est 
ordonn^, et toute autre chose que cela dont il 
a 4t4 donne connaissanee.'' p. 697. 

''Et la promesse de moi, imperissable elle 
(est).'' p. 698. 

"Aussi une oeuvre difficile doit-elle Stre 
accomplie ? " p. 698. 

" Conmie un ami, ainsi est Devanampiya cer- 
tainement." 

(oa) 

" Comme un p6re, ainsi est Devftnampiya.''* 

p. 698. 

" Et comme un enfant, ainsi moi (qui parle) 
je dois 6tre ch&ti^ par Devinampiya." 

p. 700. 



• Bnrnoof adopted this alternative reading of pUa «' father" from Kittoe's copy, in preference to Prinsep's reading of 
iwye. As the Jiw^aAi text has pt<a, there can he no hesitation in. adopting his correction. 



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TEANSLATIONS. 



Frinaep. 
Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VII, 446. 
(securing every) blessing and happiness as to the 
concerns of this world and the world beyond I 
and thus to the end of time (is this) Tupha for 
the propitiation of heaven." 



'* Accordingly strive ye to accomplish each and 
all of my desires. For this object is this edict 
here inscribed, whereby (the spot) shall be caused 
by me to receive the name of mahdmdtd swasa* 
tarn, or (place of meditation of the oflScers). Let 
it so remain for a prepetu^ endowment by me 
and for the furtherance of religion. 

'' And this edict shall be read aloud in the course 
of the month of Bhdtun (Bhadun?) (wlbien the 
moon is) in the nakhatra (or lunar mansion) of 
Tisa:— and, as most desirable, also it shall be 
repeatedly read aloud in the last month of the 
year, in the lunar mansion Tisa, even if one 
person be present ; thus to the end of time to 
afford instruction to the congregation of the 
Tupia." 



Burnouf. 
Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, 693-707. 

^' Je serai Tesclave et la serviteur a gages de 
Devanampiya.'' p. 700. 

'^C'est pourquoi le Siilpa {Le Buhalahi) 
pour la consolation ainsi que pour Favantage, 
et le bonheur a ^t^, tant dans ce monde que dans 
Pautre.'^' p. 702. 

^' Et ainsi jusqu'a la fin des temps le Si'Apa 
fera obtenir le ciel.'' p. 704. 

'' Et cet edit a et€ inscrit ici dans ce dessein 
m^me que les grands ministres s'appliquent & la 
consolation (du peuple), et k la pratique de la loi.'^ 

p. 704. 



''Et cet Aiit doit €tre entendu tons les 
quatres mois, au Nakhata Tisa (Nakchatra 
Tichya).'' P- 705. 

" Et mSme dans Tintervalle, it tel moment 
que cela sera d&ir6, T^t pourra ^tre lu par un 
seul Tissa.'' P- 706. 

" C'est ainsi qu' on doit pourvoir ^ ce que le 
5M«a soit honorer jusqu'i la fin des temps.'' 

^ p. 707. 



No. 8. 

ROCK AT SAHASARAM. 

Translation by Dr. G. Buhlbe. 
See Indian Antiquary, 1877, page 156. 

'' 'The beloved of the godsspeateth thus : \It is more than thirty-two'] years \and a half] that 
I am a worshipper [of Buddha], and I have not exerted myself strenuously. [It U] a year and 
more [that I have exterted myself strenuously] . During this interval those gods that were [held to be] 
true gods in Jambudripa have been made [to be regarded as] men* and false. For through strenu- 
ous exertion comes this reward, and it ought not to be said to be an effect of [my] greatness— For 
even a small man who exerts himself can gain for himself great rewards in heaven. Just for this 
purpose a sermon has been preached. 

"'Both small ones and great ones should exert themselves, and in the end they should also 
obtain [true] knowledge. And this spiritual good will increase; it will even increase exceedingly; 
it will increase one [size] and a half, at least one [size] and a half.' And this sermon [is] by the 
Dbpaeted. Two-hundred [years] exceeded by fifty-six, 456, have passed since ; and I have caused 
this matter te be incised on the hills ; or where those stone pillars are, there too I have caused it to 
be incised.'' 



• This phrase probably aUudes to the Buddhist beUef that the Detcw also have shorter or longer terms of existence. 



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131 



No. 9. 

ROCK AT RUPNATH. 

Translation by Dr. G Buhleb. 

See Indian Antiquary , 1877, page 156. 

" The beloved of the gods speaketh thus : [It is] more than thirty-two years and a half that I 
am a hearer [of the law], and I did not exert myself strenuously. But it is a year and more that 
I have entered the community [of ascetics], and that I have exerted myself i 
gods who during this time were considered to be true [ffods] in Jambudvipa hav 
For through exertion [comes] this reward, and it cannot be obtained by greal 
[man] , who exerts himself somewhat can gain for himself great heavenly bliss, 
pose, this sermon has been preached : ' Both great ones and small ones should ei 
should in the end gain [true] knowledge, and this manner [o/ acting] should 1 
duration. For this spiritual good will grow the growth, and will grow exceed 
will grow one [size] and a half/ And this matter has been caused to be wri 
[where] a stone pillar is, [there] it has been written on a stone pillar. And as oi 
to this writing ripe thought, [so often] will he rejoice, learning to subdue 
sermon has been preached by the Departed. 256 [j/ears have elapsed] since t 
Tbaohee,'' 



No. 10. 



SECOND BAIRAT ROCK. 
TRANSLATIONS. 



Burnouf, 
Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, p. 725. 

'' Le roi Piyadasa, & TAssembl^e du Magadha 
qu'il &it saluer, a souhait^ et peu de peines et une 
existence agr&ble. 

*^ n est bien connu, seigneurs, jusqu'oii vont 
et mon respect et ma foi pour le Buddha, pour la 
Loi, pour FAssemblfe. 

'' Tout ce qui, seigneurs, a dt^ dit par le bien- 
heureux Buddha, tout cela seulement est bien 
dit. n faut done montrer, seigneurs, quelles 
(en) sont les autorit^ ; de cette maniere, la bonne 
loi sera de longue durfe ; voili ce que moi je crois 
necessaire. 

''En attendant, voici, seigneurs, les su jets qu' 
embrasse la loi ; les homes marqu^ par le Vinaya 
(on la discipline), les faculty sumaturelles des 
Ariyas, les dangers de Favenir, les stances du 
solitaire, le 8uta (le Sutra) du solitaire, la sp^cu- 



Wilson^ 
Joomal of the Royal Asiatic 

'Triyadasi, the King to th 
of Mdgadha, commands tfa 
pain, and indulgence to anii 

" It is verily known, I pr 
tent my respect and favo 
Buddha, in the law, and in 1 

''Whatsoever (words) hs 
the divine Buddha, they ha^ 
and in them verily I declare 
proof is to be discerned — sc 
(which they teach) will be < 
far as I am worthy (of bein 

" For these I declare are 1 
law of the principal discipli] 
overcome the oppressions < 
future perils, (and refuted) 
Munis, the Sutras of the M 



• The original has a double meaning. The other meaning is " And as often as [a man seasons 
condiment he will be satisfied, falling into a state of Samvara, i.e^ that state of intense satisfaction 
he closes his eyes from pleasure, and suspends the activity of the senses generally.*' 



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182 TEANSLATIONS. 

Prinsep. Wilson. 

Le Lotos de la Bonne Loi, p. 725. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, XVI, 366. 

lation d^Upatissa (CaLriputra) Beulement, Tin- of inferior ascetics, the censure of a light world, 
struction de Lftghula (R&hula), en rejetant les and (all) false doctrines, 
doctrines fausses. " These things, as declared by the divine 

'' (VoiUl) ce qui a ^t^ dit par le bienheureux Buddha, I proclaim, and I desire tiiem to be re- 
Buddha. Ces sujets qu^embrasse la loi, seigneurs, garded as the precepts of the law. 
je d^ire, et c'est la gloire k laquelle je tiens le ''And that as many as there may be, male and 
plus, que les Religieux et les Religieuses les female mendicants, may hear and observe them, 
^content et les mdditent constamment, aussi bien constantly, as well also as male and female fol- 
que les fiddles des deux sexes. lowers (of the laity). 

'' C'est pour cela, seigneurs, que je (vou^) fais '' These things I affirm, and have caused this 
^rire ceci : telle est ma volenti et ma declara- to be written (to make known to you) that such 
tion.'' will be my intention.'' 

The following improved translation of this important inscription has lately appeared in the Indian 
Jntiquary, Vol. V, p. 257, from the very competent pen of Professor Kern : — 

'' King Priyadarain (that is, the Humane) of Magadha greets the Assembly (of Clerics) "'*' and 
wishes them welfare and happiness. Ye know. Sirs, how great is our reverence and affection for 
the Triad, which is called Buddha (the Master), Faith ^ and Assembly, All that ou r Lord Buddha has 
spoken, my Lords, is well spoken ; wherefore. Sirs, it must indeed be regarded as having indisputable 
authority ; so the true faith shall last long. Thus, my Lords, I honour (?) in the first place these 
religious works : — Summary of the Discipline, The Supernatural Powers of the Master, (or of the 
Masters), The Terrors of the Future, The Song of the Hermit, The 84tra on Asceticism, The Question 
of Upatishya, and The Admonition to Rdhula concerning Falsehood, uttered by our Lord Buddha. 
These religious works, Sirs, I will that the Monks and Nuns, for the advancement of their good 
name, shall uninterruptedly study and remember, as also the laics of the male and female sex. For 
this end, my Lords, I cause this to be written, and have made my wish evident.'' 



No. 10. 

KHANDAGIRI ROCK. 
TRANSLATIONS. 

Prinsep.^ 

. LiNB 1.—" Salutation (or glory) to the arhantas, glory to all the saints ; (or those who have attained 
final emancipation). 
" By Aira, the great king, borne on this mighty cloud-chariot, — rich in possession of the 
purest wealth of heart and desire, — of exceeding personal beauty, — having an army 
of undaunted courage. 
" By him (was made) the excavation of the 83 rocky peaks of Kalingadwipa^* (or) '' by 
him, the king of Kalinga, was this rock excavation (made)." 

Line 2. — " [By him] possessed of a comely form at the age of 15 years, — then joining in youthful 
sports, — afterwards for nine years engaged in mastering the arts of reading and writing 
arithmetic, navigati(m, commerce, and law;— and resplendant in all knowledge, — (the 
former Raja being then in his 85th year), thus, at the age of 24, full of wisdom and 
uprightness, and on the verge of manhood, (lit. the remainder of youth) [through 
him] does a third victory in the battle of the city of the Kalinga royal family 
sanctify the accession (anointment) of the mahar&ja. 

Line 3.— >'^ Upon his accession, choosing the Brahmanical 'faith he causes to be repaired the city- 
walls and houses [that had been] destroyed by a storm. 



* Or, " greets the ABsembly of Magadha." 

t Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, YI, 1080. 



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TRANSLATIONS 



OP 



CAVE ASCRIPTIONS. 



BARABAB OAVES. 

No. 1. 
Bumouf. A, C. 

" Par le rpi Piyadasi, la douzieme ann^ de son " By the King Piyadasi^ in t 
sacre^ oette caveme du Nigoka (le figuier Indian) his inauguration^ this cave of 
a ^te donn^ (le reste manque)/' Tree (the banian) has been gi 

dicants/' 

As Bumouf found Kittoe's copy of this inscription incomplete, he left his trani 
But as I have been able to complete the text by the addition of the words (di)nd adi 
added the translation of the same phrase '' aux mendiants/' as given by Bumouf in \ 

No. 2. 
Burnouf. A. C. 

" Par le roi Piyadasi, la douzieme ann& de son '' By the King Piyadasi, in 
sacre, cette grotte dans la montagne Khalatika a his inauguration, this cave ii 
et^ donn& par les mendiants.'^ hills has been given to the men 

Bumouf has an interesting note on the name of KAalatiia, which he ingenious! 
the Sanskrit siAalatiia, '' slippery .^'f In my descriptive account of these caves in \ 
this volume I have suggested that this name may be connected with Thsang's Kie-i 
the Kallatii or Kalantii Indians of Herodotus and Hekatseus. 

No. S. 
Bumouf. A. C. 

" Le Roi Piyadasi ^ la dix-neuvi6me ann& " The King Piyadasi, in the 
depuis son sacre ^ * ^ cette caveme'' * * his inauguration ^ * this c 

the KhaJanti hill" * * 

Bumouf felt unable to suggest even a conjectural reading for the imperfect poi 
scription.J I have recovered the words Khalati or Khalanti fiavata, but I can mak< 
remaining portion. 



NAaARJIJlSri OAVES. 

No. 4. 
Prinsep. Burnouf. 

'' The Brahman girl's cave, excavated by the '' La caveme des Tisserands a 
hands of the most devoted sect of Bauddha le roi Dflwa&i^Aa, le bien aim^ d 
ascetics for the purpose of a secluded residence, t6t apr^s sa consecration au trfiu 



• Le Lotiw de la Bonne Loi, Appendice, 779-780. 

t Le Lotus, Appendioe, 779. 

X Le Lottu de la Bonne Loi, Appendice, 780. 



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134 TRANSLATIONS. 

'' For the poor (or ascetics) of Kalinga a reservoir of cool water and a gMt (?), also 
presents of every necessary and equipages he makes permanent endowment of /^ 

LiNB 4.— ''With 83,000 J9a«a** he gains the affection of his people, and in a second house [which] 
the architect has prepared on the western side (for) horses, elephants, men, carriages, 
a number of chambers he caused to be established (or he transferred them thither) 
for those coming from JTa^^a forest to see; the balcony * * ^ of the 

Like 5.-^ inhabitants of Sdkanaga/ra ; he, inclining to virtue, skilled in the science of music, 
causing to be sounded the dampana and the tabhata (drums ?) with beautiful and 
merry dancing g^ls causes diversions. 
'' In like manner turning his mind to law, in an establishment of learned 'men, he [ called 
together] the Buddhist priests of Eastern Kalinga, who were settled there under the 
ancient kings/' 

Link 6.—* * '' act of devotion * * jewel * * all equipages * * 

* he gives to god/' 

" Afterwards inclining to charity, the hundred houses (?) of Nanda Raja destroyed,t 
and himself expelled ; all that was in the city of VajapanddV' [ here we may fill up 
'' he converted the plunder to the charitable purposes alluded to,'' and this sense is 
borne out by the beginning of the following or 7th line ] . 

LiNB 7. — '' He munificently distributes in charity many hundred thousands Ipanas ] —the town 
territory."t ^ ^ ^ 

Line 8.—" [To] the prince who caused [its] destruction, he ordains the pain of the cavern [imprisons 
in one of the caves?] — and causes the murderer to labour by a generous requital 

* * seated on the hill ^ ^ ^ and lavishes bland speeches and obedience." 
Line 9. — *' Apes, bulls, horses, elephants, bufEaloes (?) and all requisites for the furniture of the 

house ; — to induce the practice of rejecting improper persons, he further bestowed 

(or appointed) attendants of the batman caste (Brahman ?). 

[From thu point the commencement of each line is lost.^ 
Line 10. — ^^rdja causes to be made the palace (or fort) of 15 victories" 
Line 11.—" finding no glory in the country which had been the seat of the ancient princes,— a city 

abounding in envy and hypocrisy, — and reflecting in the year 1300" — [a brei^ 

follows and leaves us in the dark as to what era (if any) is here alluded to ] * * * 

falling of heavenly form * * * twelve "'*•**§. 
Line 12.— || *****^f** 

Line 18.—*' He distributes much gold at Benares * * * * he gives as charity iunumerable 

and most precious jewels." 
Line 14.— '* In the year 1800 married with the daughter of the so-called conqueror of the mountains 

(a hill r&ja), [the rest is obscure, bu tseemingly declaratory of some presents to priests] . 
Line 15. — (Few words intelligible.) 
Line 16. — *' He causes to be constructed subterranean chambers, caves containing a chetiya temple 

and pillars." *•*•»«•* 
Line 17.— 'Tor whom the happy heretics continually pray * ^ slayer, having a lakh of 

equipages * * the fearless sovereign of many hills, by the sun (cherished, or some 

such epithet) the great conqueror Raja Khdravela Sanda (or ''the king of the Ocean 

shore," reading Khdravelasya, and supposing the two final strokes not to be letters)." 
I read the last name as Kharavela Sri, and just preceding it there seems to be a cluster of 
geographical names, ending with " all the r&jas of the hill districts/' pavata^haio rdja savam. 

* There is no word for 83 in the original, Prinsep having got two letters too many in the term pannaHtidhi, which he 
reads jMnuM^ottrofiAt. Apparently the smn is 100,000, stUasahoMBki according to Prinsep's own reading of the following 
word. 

t Here Prinsep reads porajanapadam, which may he correct, hot the initial letter in the photograph looks like 0% . 

t Here my corrector reading of the text will necessitate a fresh translation, which will considerahly alter the meaning. 

§ At the end of this line where Prinsep reads Siri pithi rAjdno I read utara-pathchr^ino, or " the king of the northern 
xegion," an expression which recalls the Dakthinapatha or southern region of Samudra Onpta's inscription. 

II Prinsep has not attempted to read any portion of this line, hot I ohserve the name of Nanda Haja^ and I think also 
that of Magadha vasata. 



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TEAN8LATI0NS. 

Prinsep. Bumouf. 

was appointed their habitation in perpetuity by d'habitation pour les respectabl 
Dasaratia, the beloved of the gods, immediately tant que dureront le soleil et la lu 
on his ascending the throne/^* 

This cave, as well as the two next mentioned, were excavated by King Dasaratha, 
of Asoka, in the first year of his reign, B. C. 215, as a residence for BAadantas. 1 1 
suggested that the term Fapiyaia, which is the name of the cave, wi^ derived from i 
reservoir, and that the cave was so called because there is a fine large well immediatel 
it. The well is 9 feet in diameter and £3 feet deep4 

No. 5. 
Prifuep. Bumouf. 

" The Milkmaid's cave, excavated by the hands '^ La caverne de la Berglre a ^1 
of the most devoted sect of Bauddha ascetics for le Dasalatha, le bien-aime des 
the purpose of a secluded residence, was appointed tdt apres sa consecration au tr6] 
their habitation in perpetuity by Dasaratha, the lieu d'habitation pour les respec 
beloved of the gods, immediately on his ascending ants, tant que dureront le soleil € 
the throne/^§ 

Bumouf suggests that these caves probably existed before the time of Dasaral 
caverns, and were already known as the " Milkmaid^s cave,^' &c. This explanatio 
natural one, but I do not think that it can be true, as all these caves have been heiiv 
masses of rock, where the outer face presents a clean and unfissured front. Apparently 
not quite satisfied with the translation of Gopika Kuhhd as '' la caverne de la Bergfire^ 
the alternative version of " la caverne des Bergers,^' by making gopika an adje 
with kttbha. 

No. 6 
Prinsep. Burnou/, 

Prinsep has not proposed any rendering of the '* La caverne de celui qui a cru 
word Vadathika, which forms the name of the et^ destin^ par le roi Dasalath 
cave. Nos. 4 and 5.1[ 

In this translation Bumouf has taken vadathika as the equivalent of the Sanskr 
'' celui qui a fait croitre ses richesses.^' 



UDAYAGHRI. 

No. 1. — The Snake Cave, 

Prinsep.** 
'' The impregnable (or unequalled) Chamber of 
Chulakarma'^ * * continued in— 

No. i.—The Snake Cave, 

*' and the appropriate temple (or palace) of Karma" 
* (Rishi?) 

No. S.—TAe Tiger Cave. 

" Excavated by Vgra Aveda (the antivedist ?) '^ The cave of Sahhuti of Ugari 
the Sasuvm." 



* Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, Vi, 678. 

t Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, Appendice, 775. 

X Archffiolog^cal Surrey of India, I, 49. 

*^ These tnuiElations are taken from the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VI, 1073, 1074. 

ft My reading of the text of this inscription is taken from a photographic picture of a cast made hy ! 



§ Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Sc 
II Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, Appen< 
f Ditto ditto. 



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136 TRANSLATIONS. 

Prinsep. 

No. 4. — Nameless Cave. 
The excavation of Yan&kiya for * 

No. h.'^The Pawan Cave. 
(Similar to No. 1.) 

No. 6.<— 3/aM^^ra Cave. 

" The excavation of the mighty (or of Vira) " Cave of Aira Maharaja, lord of Kalinga, the 
sovereign, the lord of Kalinga, &c., **•'*• of great cloud-borne^' * * * 
Eadepa (?) the worshipper of the Sun/' 

No. l.-^Maniipura Cave. 

'^ The excavation of the Prince Fatlaia." " Cave of Prince Vaddaka/' 

As this last record is placed over a small door of the same cave in which No. 6 is found, it 
would seem that Prince Yaddaka must have been a son of Raja Aira. 

No. S.—TAe Vaikanta Cave. 

Prinsep. 
'' Excavation of the Rajas of Kalinga enjoying '' Cave made by * "'^ * Raja Lal&ka for 
the &vour of the Arhantas'' (Buddhist Saints) the benefit (or use) of the Arhantas'' and 
(the rest is too much mutilated to be read, with Sramanas of Kalinga, &c., ^ *^ 
any degree of confidence). 



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TRANSLATIONS. 



PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS. 

See Journal of Bengal Asiatic Society, Vol. VI, p. 581, by Prinsep. 



Delhi Pillar — North Sidb. 

EDICT I. 

Prinsep, 

^' Thus spake king DevAnampiya Piyadasi : — ' In the twenty-seventh year of my anointment, I 
have caused this religious edict to be published in writing. I acknowledge and conf( 
that have been cherished in my heart. Prom the love of virtue, by the side of wh 
things are as sins> from the strict scrutiny of sin. and from fervent desire to be i 
the fear of sin and by very enormity of sin ; — by these may my eyes be strengthened 
(in rectitude). 

'' ' The sight of religion, and the love of religion, of their own accord increase J 
increase : and my people, whether of the laity (grihiat) or of the priesthood (ascetic 
beings, are knit together thereby, and prescribe to themselves the same path: \ 
having obtained the mastery over their passions, they become supremely wise. For 
true wisdom : it is upheld and bound by (it consists in) religion ; by religion wl 
religion which teaches pious acts, religion that bestows (the only true) pleasure.'' 



EDICT II. 

'* Thus spake king Dev&nampiya Piyadasi : — 'In religion is the chief excellence 
consists in good works: in the non-omission of many acts: — ^mercy and charitr 
chastity; — (these are) to me the anointment of consecration. Towards the poor and 
towards bipeds and quadrupeds, towards the fowls of the air and things that 
waters, manifold have been the benevolent acts performed by me. Out of considerai 
inanimate even many other excellent things have been done by me. To this purpose 
edict promulgated ; let all pay attention to it (or take cognizance thereof), and le 
ages to come : — and he who iicts in conformity thereto, the same shall attain ete; 
(or shall be united with Sugato).' ''* 



EDICT III. 

** Thus spake king Dev&nampiya Piyadasi : — ' Whatever appeareth to me to Ix 
good, that is so held to be good and virtuous by me, and not the less if it have evil 
accounted for evil by me or is it named among the aainave (the nine offences ?X. ] 
(to man) to distinguish between the two qualities (between right and wrong) : a< 
capacity of the eyes so may they behold. 

'* ' The following are accounted among the nine minor transgressions : ^mischief 
ntess, anger, pride, envy. These evil deeds of nine kinds, shall on no account be men 
should be regarded as opposite (or prohibited). Let this (ordinance) be impressed 
let it be cherished with all my soul.' "t 

* Bomoaf has criticised this translation in Le Lotos de la Bonne Loi, p. 667. 

t The translation of this Edict has been criticised bj Bamoof in Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, p. 669. 



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138 TRANSLATIONS. 

KDIOT IV. 

West Side. 

'' Thas spake king Piyadasi^ beloved of the gods :^' In the twenty-seventh year of my anoint- 
ment, I have caused to be promulgated the following religious edict. My devotees, in very many 
hundred thousand souls, having (now) attained unto knowledge, I have ordained (the following) 
fines and punishments for their transgressions. Wherever devotees shall abide around (or circum- 
ambulate) the holy fig-tree for the performance of pious duties, the benefit and pleasure of the 
country and its inhabitants shall be (in making) offerings : and according to their generosity or 
otherwise shall they enjoy prosperity or adversity : and they shall give thanks for the coming of 
the faith. Whatever villages with their inhabitants may be given or maintained for the sake of 
the worship, the devotees shall receive the same, and for an example unto my people they shall 
follow after (or exercise solitary) austerities. And likewise, whatever blessings they shall pro- 
nounce, by these shall my devotees accumulate for the worship (?) . Furthermore, the people shall 
attend in the night the great myrobalan-tree and the holy fig-tree. My people shall foster 
(accumulate) the great myrobalan. Pleasure is to be eschewed, as intoxication (?). 

" ' My devotees doing thus for the profit and pleasure of the village, whereby they (coming) 
around the beauteous and holy fig-tree may cheerfully abide in the performance of pious acts 
In this also are fines and punishments for the transgressions of my devotees appointed. Much 
to be desired is such renown I According to the measure of the offence (the destruction of viya 
or happiness ?) shall be the measure of the punishment, but (the offender) shall not be put to death 
by me. Bamshment (shall be) the punishment of those malefactors deserving of imprisonment 
and execution. Of those who commit murder on the high road (dacoits ?) even none, whether of 
the poor or of the rich, shall be injured (tortured) on my three especial days (?) . Those guilty of 
cruelly beating or slaughtering living things, having escaped mutilation (through my clemency), 
shall give alms (as a deodand) and shall also undergo the penance of fasting. And thus it is my 
desire that the protection of even the workers of opposition shall tend to (the support of) the 
worship ; and (on the other hand) the people, whose righteousness increases in every respect, shall spon- 
taneously partake of my benevolence.' " 



EDICT V. 

South Sidb. 

^'Thus spake king Devftnampiya Piyadasi : — *In the twenty-seventh year of my anointment the 
following animals shall not be put to death : the parrot, the maina (or thrush), the wild duck of 
the wilderness, the goose, the bull-faced owl, the vulture, the bat, the ambaia-pilliia, the raven> 
and the common crow, the vhdavSt/aka, the adjutant, the saniujamava, the kaphatasayaka, the 
panasasesimala, the sandaka, the okapada, those that go in pairs, the white dove, and the domestic 
.pigeon. Among all fonr-footed beasts the following shall not be for food, they shall not be eaten : 
the she-goat of various kinds, and the sheep, and the sow, either when heavy with young or when 
giving milk. Unkilled birds of every sort for the desire of their flesh shall not be put to death, 
'fhe same being alive shall not be injured : whether because of their uselessness or for the sake 
of amusement they shall not be injured. Animals that prey on life shall not be cherished. In 
the three four-monthly periods (of the year) on the evening of the fxdl moon, during the three 
(holy) days, namely, the fourteenth, the fifteenth, and the first day after conjunction, in the midst 
of the uposatha ceremenies (or strict fasts), unkilled things (or live fish?) shall not be exposed for 
sale. Yea, on these days, neither the snake tribe, nor the feeders on fish (alligators), nor any living 
beings whatsoever shall be put to death. 

*' ' On the eighth day of the paksha (or half month) on the fourteenth, on the fifteenth, on (the 
qays when the moon is in the mansions of) trisha or punarvasa, — on these several days in the three 
f our-monthly periods, the ox shall not be tended : the goat, the sheep, and the pig, if indeed any 
be tended (for domestic use) shall not then be tended. On the trisha and the punarvasa of every 
four months, and of every paksha or semilunation of the four months, it is forbidden to keep (for 
labour) either the horse or the ox. 

'' ' Furthermore, in the twenty-seventh year of my reign, at this present time, twenty-five 
prisoners are set at liberty/ '' 



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TRANSLATIONS. 139 

EDICT VI. 

East Sidb. 
" Thus spake king Devanampiya Piyadasi : — * In the twelfth year of my anointment, a religious 
edict (was) published for the pleasure and profit of the world ; having destroyed that (document) 
and r^^arding my former religion as sin, I now for the benefit of the world proclaim the fact 
And this (among my nobles, among my near relations, and among my dependants, whatsoever 
pleasures I may thus abandon), I therefore cause to be destroyed; and I proclaim the same in all the 
congregations; while I pray with every variety of prayer for those who differ from me in creed 
that.they following after my proper example may with me attain unto eternal salvation : wherefor^ 
the present edict of religion is promulgated in this twentyHseventh year of my anointment/ *' 

EDICT VII. 

'^ Thus spake king Devftnampiya Piyadasi : — ' Kings of the olden time have gone to heaven under 
these very desires. How then among mankind may religion (or growth in grace) be increased? 
Yea, through the conversion of the humbly-born shall religion increase/ '' 

" Thus spake king Dev&nampiya Piyadasi : — ' The present moment and the past have departed 
under the same ardent hopes. How by the conversion of the royal-born may religion be increased ? 
Through the conversion of the lowly-bom if religion thus increaseth, by how much (more) through 
the conviction of the high-born, and their conversion, shall religion increase? Among whomsoever 
the name of God resteth (?) verily this is religion (or verily virtue shall there increase).^ '' 

" Thus spake king Dev&nampiya Piyadasi : — Wherefore from this very hour I have caused reli- 
gious discourses to be preached ; I have appointed religious observances that mankind having listened 
thereto shall be brought to follow in the right path and give glory imto God ' ''(Agni ?) 

EDICT VIII. 

" Moreover, along with the increase of religion, opposition will increase : for which reason I have 
appointed sermons to be preached, and I have established ordinances of every kind ; through the 
efficacy of which the misguided, having acquired true knowledge, shall proclaim it on all sides (?) and 
shall become active in upholding its duties. The disciples, too, flocking in vast multitudes (many 
hundred thousand souls). Let these likewise receive my command, ' In such wise do ye, too, address 
on all sides (or address comfortably ?) the people united in religion.' '' 

^* King Devd.nampiya Piyadasi thus spake : — ' Thus among the present generation have I 
endowed establishments, appointed men very wise in the faith, and done for the faith.' '* 

'' King Dev&nampiya Piyadari again spake as follows :— ' Along the high roads I have caused 
fig-trees to be planted, that they may be for shade to animals and men ; I have (also) planted mango 
trees : and at every half coss I have caused wells to be constructed, and (resting p aces ?) for nights 
to be erected. And how many taverns (or serais) have been erected by me at various places for the 
entertainment of man and beast I So that as the people, finding the road to every species of 
pleasure and convenience in these places of entertainment, these new towns, (vayapuri ?) rejoioeth 
under my rule, so let them thoroughly appreciate and follow after the same (system of benevolence). 
This is my object, and thus I have done.' " 

'' Thus spake king Devftnampiya Piyadasi :— -' Let the priests deeply versed in the faith (or let 
my doctrines ?) penetrate among the multitudes of the rich capable of g^nting favors, and let them 
penetrate alike among all the unbelievers, whether of ascetics or of householders, and let them, 
penetrate into the assemblies (?) for my sake. Moreover, let them for my sake find their way among 
the Brdhmans and the most destitute ; and among those who have abandoned domestic life, for my 
sake let them penetrate ; and among various unbelievers for my sake let them find their way : — ^yea 
use your utmost endeavours among these several classes, that the wise men, these men learned in the 
religion (or these doctrines of my religion) may penetrate among these respectively, as well as 
among all other unbelievers.' " 



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140 TRANSLATIONS. 

" Thus spake king Devftnampiya Piyadasi : — ^ And let these (priests) and others the most skilful 
in the sacred offices penetrating among the charitably disposed of my queens and among all my 
secluded women discreetly and respectfully use their most persuasive efforts (at conversion)^ and 
acting on the heart and on the eyes of the children^ for my sake penetrate in like manner among 
the charitably disposed of other queens and princes for the purpose (of imparting) religious enthu- 
siasm and thorough religious instruction. And this is the true religious devotion^ this the sum of 
religious instruction^ viz., that it shall increase the mercy and charity, the truth and purity, the 
kindness and honesty, of the world/ " 

" Thus spake king Dev&nampiya Piyadasi : — ' And whatever soever benevolent acts have been done 
by me, the same shall be prescribed as duties to the people who follow after me : and in this 
(manner) shall their influence and increase be manifest, — by doing service to father and mother ; by 
doing service to spiritual pastors j by respectful demeanour to the aged and full of years, and by 
kindness and condescension to Brahmans, and Sramans, to the orphan and destitute, to servants and 
the minstrel tribe/ '' 

'^ King DevSnampiyaPiyadasi again spake ;-*' And religion increaseth among men by two separate 
processes, : by performance of religious offices, and by security against persecution. Accordingly, 
that religious offices and immunities might abound among multitudes, I have observed the ordinances 
myself as the apple of my eye (?) (as testified by) all these animals which haye been saved from 
slaughter, and by manifold other virtuous acts performed on my behalf. And that the religion may 
be from the persecution of men, increasing through the absolute prohibition to put to death 
living beings, or to sacrifice aught that draweth breath. For such an object is all this done, that 
it may endure to my sons and their sons' sons as long as the sun and moon shall last. Wherefore 
let them follow its injunctions and be obedient thereto and let it be had in reverenpe and respect. In 
the twenty-seventh year of my reign have I caused this edict to be written ; so sayeth (Dev&nam- 
piya}. Let stone pillars be prepared and let this edict of religion be engraven thereon, that it may 
endure unto the remotest ages.' " * 

SEPAKATE EDICTS. 

Allahabad Pillab. 

No. 1. 

Quern's Edictp 

Prinsep. 

^' By the mandate of Devdnampiya the ministers everywhere are to receive notice. These adso 

(namely mango treesf) and other things are the gift of the second princess (his) queen, and these 

for * * * of JKcAAi^aw, the third princess the general (daughter's * * ?). Of the second 

lady thus let the act redound i^ith triple force/'J 

In his remarks on this inscription Tumour has identified the '' second queen'' with the attend- 
ant of the former queen Asandhimitr&, whom Asoka married in the 84th year of his reigpi.§ 
But as a '' third queen'' is mentioned in the inscription, the second queen must have been 
Asandhimilrd herself, and the '' third queen," who was married in the 34th year of Asoka, must 
have been the queen Kichhi^ani of the inscription. By this reckoning the first queen would have 
been the predecessor of Asandhimitrft and the mother of Kunftla. The names of at least two other 
queens are known: I, Tishya^akihitdy by whose contrivance Prince Kun&la was blinded; and 

* This last passage was afterwards slightly altered by Prinsep as f oUows : — " In order that this religions edict may stand 
(remain), stone pillars and stone slabs (or receptacles) shall be accordingly prepared, by which the same may endure unto 
remote ages."— Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, VI, 1059. The word translated stone slabs is read as s^la-Marikani, instead 
of pkalakani or - tablets," as pointed out by me some twelve years ago. 

t Amhanadika means a "numgo garden.'' 

t Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VI, 967. The words immediately following the name of DerAnampiya, ** the minis- 
ters everywhere are to receive notice," are taken from Prinsep's corrected reading in Vol. VI, p. 448. 

S Tumour'sMahawanso, p. 122. 



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TRANSLATIONS. 141 

2, Padmdvati, the mother of Eun&Ia.'^ It is probable^ therefore^ that the titles of firsts second^ and 
third queens must denote their relative rank^ and not their sequence in order of time. It is certain 
at least that TUhya-rahhitd was the ^'first^' queen^ as she is distinctly called so in the Aaoka 
avaddna.f 

No. 2. 
Kosambi Edict 

As this inscription has only lately been discovered by myself, there is of course i 
available, and I am afraid that it is in too mutilated a state to be of much use. But i 
is complete, and may be rendered : 

^' Dev&nampiya commands the rulers of Kosambi/^ 

The same word annapayati occurs in the Deotek inscription, 

Sanchi Pillar. 

Of this inscription Prinsep remarks that it is in " too mutilated a state to be rest 
but from the commencement -of the third line, it may be concluded that some provisi 
by a 'charitable and religiously disposed person for hungry priests,' and this is con6rm€ 
nearly perfect lines at the foot : *It is also my desire that camphorated (cool ?) wa 
given to drink. May this excellent purpose endure for ever !' " 

A comparison of Prinsep's reading of the text with my version, which has been 
during a recent visit to S&nchi, shows some important diSereuces which will necessiti 
translation of the last two lines. My reading of the fourth line also differs from Prins 
less degree. The words Bhikhu cha Bhikhuni seemed to me to be quite clear. 

* Bornbuf : Introduction i^THistoire du BuddhiBm, Indien, 149, 403, 405. 
t Bumouf, p. 405 :" La premidre des f emmes d'A^ka." 



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INDEX. 



Aira Raja-^Insoription on Ehandagiri Book . 
— ^— —— in Khandagiri Caves 
Alexander II, of Epiros— Bock Edict Xm 
AlUhabad Pillar .... 

Texts of Afloka's Edicts 
■ Translations of Asoka's Edicts 

— — — — Two additional Edicts, texts . 

-, translations 



* Samndra Gnpta's Inscription 

• Baja Birbal's Inscription 



Alphabetical characters of Asoka's period 
' Ariano-F&li alphabet 

— ^— — Indian-FftU alphabet 

■ Indigenous origin of Indian alphabet 
Andhras, a people, coupled with the Pnlindas . 
Antigonus [Gronnatas of Macedonia] Book Edict XIII 
Antiochus [II Theos, of Syria] Bock Edict II . 

■ Bock Edict XIH 

AsoKA — Chronology of his reign 

■ Beigned 41 years • , 

■ Date of accession, B. C. 264 , 
i Date of inauguration, B. C 260 

Bair&t Bock Inscnption • • • 

————— Text of 

■ Second Bock Inscription • 

■ Textof . 

■ _— — Translation of . 



]3ar&bar Caves — Inscriptions 

B&r&nasi or Benares — ^Ehandagiri Bock Edict 

Bhadanta — ^Buddhist title corrupted to Bhantd 

Bhoja, a countiy, coupled with Fitenika — ^Bock Edict XIII . 

Buddha, name of, in 2nd Bairftt Inscription • . 

— — - Date of death, or Nirvftna, R C. 478 . 

Btihler, Dr. G.-*Text and translation of Sphasar&m Inscription 

Text and translation of BfLpn&th Inscription 

Bumouf— Translation of Bock Edict IV 

. vn 

_— i X 

P— ^ XII 

, XIV 



Cave Inscriptions 



- of first separate Edict, Dhauli 
» of second „ „ 

• of second Bair&t Bock Inscription 

• of N^ijuni Cave Inscriptions 



atBar&bar 
•at Nftglrjuni 



Paoi. 



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u 



INDEX. 



Cave InscriptionB at Ehandagiri and Udayagii'i 
— — ^— — at R&mgarh, in Sirguja 
Chandra Qnpta Maoiya 
Chikambari, name of coantiy, Deotek Blab 
Choda, or Chola, Bock Edict II 

Daaaratha, inscriptions of, at N&gftrjuni 

Date of Asoka 

— Buddha's death, or Nirvana, B. C. 478 

■ ' ■■ Chandra Gupta Maurya 

■ ■ ■■' Mah&vtra . 
Delhi Pillar, from Siw&lik 

■ ■ , from Mirat 

■ Texts of Inscriptions 
' ' Translations of Inscriptions 

■ Two additional Edicts, VII and VIII 
Deotek Slab Inscription 
Dev&nampriya, title of Asoka . 

, title of Dasaratha, Nftg&rjuni Caves 
Dhauli Bock Inscription 

■ first separate Edict 
■ second separate Edict 

Q4ndh&r^-Bock Edict V 

Giya Inscription, dated in era of Nirvftna 

Gim&r Bock Inscription 

— Text . 

— — — ^— ^— Translation 

€K)tama-BW&mi, or Indrabhtlti, disciple of Mah4vtra 

Greek Kings, names of, in Asoka's Bock Edicts II and XIII 



Inscription on Sh&hb&zgarhi Bock 
-^— — — — Eh&Isi Bock 

■ Gim^ Bock 

' Dhauli Bock 

■ Jaugada Bode . 



• first separate, on Dhauli and Jaugada Books 
-second „ „ „ „ 



— on Sahasar&m Bock 

— on BtLpn&th Book . 

— on Baidkt . 
-^ on second Bairftt Bock 

— on Deotek Slab 
—* in Bamgarh Caves . 
-*- in Barllbar Caves 
— - in NAgftrjuni Caves 
-— on Ehandagiri Bock 
— - in Ehandagiri and Udayagiri Caves 

— on Delhi Pillar from SiwAlik 

— on Delhi Pillar from Mirat 

— on Allahabad Pillar 

— on Lauriya Ararl^ Pillar 

— on Lauriya Navandgarh Pillar 

— separate Edicts on Allahabad Pillar 



> on S&nchi Pillar 



Jaugada— Fort and Bock Inscription 
I T ext of Inscription 



Pxra. 


32,104 


83,105 


4 


102 


66,116 


103, 134 


Preface vi, vii 


„ iii 


»* vi 


tf IV 


3 


3 


106 


137 


116, 140 


2, 102 


pMsim. 


103, 134 


15, 65, 118 


20, 89, 127 


20, 92, 129 


72,120 


Preface V 


14 


65 


117 


Preface iv 


9,66,86 


8, 65, 118 


12, 65, 118 


14, 65, 118 


15, 65, 118 


17, 65, 118 


20, 89, 127 


20, 92, 129 


20.94,130 


21, 95, 131 


22,96 


24, 97, 131 


28,102 


33,105 


30, 103, 134 


31, 103, 134 


27, 98, 132 


32, 104, 136 


34, 106, 187 


87, 106. 137 


37, 106, 137 


39, 106, 137 


41, 106, 137 


38, 116, 140 


42, 116, 141 


17,19 


65 



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INDEX. 



Ill 



Jaogada^Translation of Inscription . 
Text of separate Edicts 
Translation of separate Edicts 

Kalinga— Bock Edict XIII 

Elhandagiri Rock Inscription . 
Khandagiri Caves 
Kknboja— Bock Edict V 
Kern, Professor — Translation of second Bair&t Inscription 
Ketalaputra, or EersJa — Bock Edict II 
Ehalati, or Ehalanti Hills— Bai&bar Cave Inscriptions 
KhAlsi — ^Bock Inscription 

Text of Inscription 
^— ^ Translation of Inscription 
Khandagiri Bock Inscription • 
— -^— — Text of Inscription 
■ Translation of Inscription 

■ and Udayagiri Cayes 

Khepingala HiUsy in Dhanli and Jangada Inscriptions 
Kos&mbiy Edict of, on Allahabad Pillar 



Language of Inscriptions 
Lauriya Arar^ Pillar . 
■ ■ Navandgarh Pillar 
I Text of both inscriptions 
^— ^ Translation of ditto 



Mah&vtra—Date of his Nirv&na, B. C. 627 
Mahindo, or Mahendra, son of Asoka . 
Masson— His copy of Shfthb&zgarhi Inscription 

N4g&ijani Cave Inscriptions . 

Nanda Baja — ^Khandagiri Bock Inscription 

Kirv&na of Mah&vtra, B. C. 527 

"—— of Baddha, S&kya Moni, B. C. 478 

•^— era, used in QkjA Inscription . 

Panda, or Pandionis Begio— Bock Edict II 
Pillar at Allahabad 

at Delhi from Siw41ik . 

■ at Delhi from Mirat . • 

— — at Lanriya Ararl^ 
' at Lauriya Navandgarh • 

■ at S&ncbi 

Pitenika, name of district, coupled with Bhoja, Edict XIII 
Prinsep, James— Notes on Indian P&li alphabet 
' Summaiy of contents of Edicts 

— ^— Bemarks on Khandagiri alphabet 
— — Bemarks on language of Asoka's Inscription 
— «— - Texts of Bock Inscriptions 
-^— '^ »- of separate Bock Edicts 
— — — — of Khandagiri Bock Inscription 
— — ^— — of Cave Inscriptions 
— — ^— — Texts of Delhi and other Pillar Inscriptii 
-— — ^— Translations of Bock Edicts 

^^ I of Khandagiri Bock Inscription 

— ' of Cave Inscriptions 

of Pillar Edicts . 



Fagi. 


118 


89, 92 


127, 129 


84,125 


99, 132 


104, 105, 186 


72,120 


132 


fttf ii« 



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IV 



INDEX. 



Queen's Edict on Allahabad Pillar 

BIhula, or Lftghnla, in second Bair&t Inscription 
B4mgarh Caves, in Sirgnja — Inscriptions 
B&shtika, a oonntry, same as Snrashtra-— Edict Y 
Bock Inscription at Sh&hb&zgarhi 
atKh&lsi 

■ at GimAr , 

■ at Dhaoli • 

■ ■ ■ ■ at Jangada 

' Separate, at DIurali and Jangada 

I at Sahasarllm • • 

— — — — at Rtipnith • , 

■ ■ at BairAt 

■ Second, at Bair^t 

_- ■ at Khandagiri . • . 

B^pn&th Bock Inscription 



• Text of, by Dr. Buhler 
Translation „ 



Sahasar&m Bock Inscription 



- Text of Ins^ption by Dr. 
> Translation of „ 



SAkanagara, city, mentioned in Ehandagiri Bock Inscription 
Sam&pA, city, mentioned in JangfKlar- Separate Edicts 
SAnchi Pillar Ins<^ption . , , 

ShAhb&zgarhi Bock Inscription . 

■ I , the Po-ln-sha of Hwen Thsang , 
■ * , the Bazaria of Arrian , 

■ Text of Inscription * , 
— — Translation of Inscription • 
Separate Edicts on Dhaoli Bock • « 

' on Jangada Bock , 

■ ■ * of Queen on Allahabad PUlar 
-— — of EosAmbi on „ 

■ on Delhi SiwAlik Pillar , 

Takhasila, or Taxila— First separate Edict, Dhauli 
Tambapanni, P&li name of Ceylon-^Bock Edict II 
Texts of Bock Inscriptions • • • 

•^— - first separate Edict at Dhanli and Jangada 
^■^— second „ „ „ „ 

» Khandagiri Bock Inscription • , 

- SahasarAm Bock Inscription , , 

■ ■ BApnAth Bock „ , , 
-BairAtBock „ , , 

■ - Second BairAt Bock „ , , 

Deotek Slab „ . , 

' Pillar Inscriptions , , , 

* Separate Pillar Inscriptions . » 

■■ Cave Inscriptions • ♦ , 

Tosali, name of a town and district, in Dhanli— Separate Edicts 
Translations of Bock Edicts by Prinsep and Wilson 
—- — — of first separate Bock by Prinsep and Bumonf 
■' of second „ „ „ „ 

■ of Sahasarftm Bock Inscription, by Dr. Btthler 

-. ofBApnAth „ 

of second BairAt Inscpptioni by Bwrnonf a9d WJlson 



Buhler 



Paoi. 
116, 140 

26,27,67,132 

33,105 

72,120 

8 

12 

14 

15 

17 

20 

20 

21 

22 

24 

27 

21 

96 

131 

20,12 

94 

130 

98,133 

19,89 

42, 116, 141 

8 

9 

9 

65 

U7 

16, 89, 127, 129 

19, 89, 127, 129 

38. 116. 140 

38. 116. 141 
. 36, 114, 115 

91,l?8 
66,117 
65 
89 
92 
98 
94 
95 

96 

97 

102 

106 

114, 115, 116 

103 

16, 127, 129 

117, 126 

127 

1^ 

ISO 

131 



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INDEX. 



"Translation of second Bair&t Inscription, by Professor Kern 

of Khandagiri Bock Inscription, by Prinsep 

' of Khandagiri and Udayagiri Cave Inscnptions 

" ■ of Bar&bar Gave Inscriptions « « 

— of Nagdjfjuni Cave Inscriptions « • 

■ ^f Pillar Edicts, by Prinsep • 

oi separate Edicts on Delhi Pillar, by Prinsep 

— of „ „ on Allahabad Pillar , 

' of S&nohi FQlar Inscriptions • • 



Upatissa, or Sftripaka— Second Bair^ Bock Inscription 
Vira, or Aira, Baja-^Khandayri Book and Cave Inscriptions 

Wilson, H. n.— His criticism on Prinsep's translations • 
■ Bemarks on second BairAt Inscription • 

■ Translation of „ „ 

■ Bemarks -on langnage of Asoka's Inscriptions 

■ Translations of Book Edicts « • 

Yona, county, coupled with K4mboja « • • 

— — kings, Antiochus, &c.-~Bock Edict II • 
*■"■""" -»> ■»> ?* >» it XIII . • 



P^e*. 


132 


132 


136 


134 


134 


137.13d 


139 


140 


141 


97, 132 


.98, 104, 132, 136 


7 


26 


131 


44 


117, 126 


10, 72 


66, 117 


S&, 126 



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cucitipnoHa or awxa 



CORPUS INSCRII 



SHAHBAZ. 
Front ( 












20. 



22. 






A. Cnnsingham, del. 



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nONDM INOICABUU. ^°I" ■ 



PIATB I. 

lASEI BOCK 

f £ Face. 









^viiri^fl"^^ 












FbtftoiBoa^Nik^ at ika Si»««7ar GwcNTt Offio* CiOeottA. 



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» ■ 



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CORPUS INSCRIP' 



IN8CRIPTIOM8 of ASOEA. 



SIAHBAZ* 
Back 



4.* ^ 



T,»si*ttt^*2:^^*7^2^'^^^-'>n;(';"z my. 






A. OoTWiintfiam, deL 



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DNUM INDICARUM. VOL I. 



PUITB II. 



MHI BOCK 
f. Face. 



IDIQT 









2 



j^ J @ IDIOT » 

■»-- -^.4 



rkKiiii ^^t^nfl t &• a iojM (Wnwl't QffiM C«loDtta. 



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CORPUS INSCRIPT 



IMtCMPTIOHS of ABOKA. 

KHALt 

E. 

' --0>j,-\)»v«>^-i5a,x C^r^ W.^^^Sfy >HiA Ufeitx/^-^ » 

6 _ «?tM««ij^/H^*>'^«^^^''''ltt'^^^. ^>f^^^ihi^^^itj%h^ 

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A. CunniDgbam. del. 



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DNUII INDICARUM. VOL I. 

PLATE UI. 

[ £OGK 
'ace. 






;»o^tfW.-i 



^V^ ^-y^H*^ iU Hlf id ^8 ^'^ »^'-'« ^^^^K 
?^r»v.dWA<rcr>w VA' -K iU'fV- Hilar. 

tf^x UMvo^ Dttti/';*- KJai* A^«^ -.rx-Cii ?«^«J'*<c i^>^ y^iif ^i<£)-» 

l^*dA* .•••^•^ ^yyj^ Hf/f (.aCKHo-^*^ '^►«-- '^ '^^.^ u'^U-m'^o- ^'^ ^>^ ^'*'^^' ^ 









Hummaoo»i^nil «l «m Sott^ow OwsiTs Offio* CakvtU.. 



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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. VOL I. 



INSCRIPTWJNS of A80KA. 



PLATB IV. 



IHALSI BOCI 
H. ?ace. 




S. ?ace. 



BDIOT 



^ -rwHo-a :-a; o-w iTij iT y ';■'' f^ "^ ^ '*''^*' 



IS. 
20l 



One-»i'ith of the Original. 
A. Canninghom, <\o\. 



'Onm*r» 6^0* (WeoStiL' 



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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



VOL. I 



INSCRIPTlOKa of A80KA 



BOCK AT OIBVAB 
in Kathiawad 



PLATE V. 






BDICI I 



10 



12 



BDIOT n 



bJDCAXdJ/AJ/KXjR^AXO- f C^JTd fC d^a 

t?o Atto<iTxC/cA<gjTi^^^t>f'^AXb<>^yi.p.L' 
rf^c X lOfTi ojvbX A I X x'VA^-^d J6* ex ^d 

MA/ b/Co/Cc»i,i^»ix->ijbt;CLjCAX5><SJ-tisi/,i't'i/»lxf'R 

M Al-Jr Xd>ITiXd?JfcXtOXj.^Xi<£xXf<b° icC-A,O^T.& 
iriK V4>CT3bH £ 6 A>5X CA ^t,a/>(U^ t =fi D" >^ J, (b i ^ X J^ 

ifcixM<ji^T*/fi'ii<:i-^b<fo/: a«ri|.wix^'b^or«^xf Cat 

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tJoTj^^r^ D^dfl ••• >•VAd-CAdb"CJ;d>5x(J^^^tXf><Cl[J 

^df:*(d 5><t<j<Cff(d^i><5x (Sa/X(,4';»^xr"R-*>*-0 n-dA>- 



BDIOT m 



JtDICT IV 



ho 



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One-twelfth of th« Origiiul 
A. CanBinf^ham, det 



-f-lL^ tt Ika Svngnr OuKd't Offioe C«ii:u:i> 



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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



VOL. I 



INSCRIPTIONS of ASOKA 



PLATS VI. 



BDICT TI 



II 



14-i 



QIBNiB BOCK 
in Eathiawad. 



JLrU^vGjffo— <l>l ©+-86 U <! i>X«5A«X6>B+/: 

A3bdW.^/t^LXXdHOA»/:fIdX^cJ.+-8A f 
lii'J'+Cjik/Sl-fin'ff »•»•>* ^ -^^f^ rtRX >r J; I Aa>a; 

;>| 0.-0 8vr W Ttf/r-^/<<n*>ci4/ *: /CA©-d« VA-C ^d Wi^d 



10 i 



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-LpiMzfi^ A%t.<D-«.ijL»i± }>^h: d ?id^rx>H:d 

fIb<f<^tfid£Xb|>^d€JL^>^XD^X,^idP»bfV<Ed 



r><5X-(i4;fJU'WJf €A4>rir^^ £XLd'6dtJA-J+fA>rOT)A;<5 
,>|&U<f<5V^5VAJ"rfA'5 Wptf6t>A^dM "h «:d 6J:Ld6d«A^M-rA 
AAMJd-r'd;DVr+dOlr^OdAWJ:fod«A'J+T>iA+A4t«<i^»A2J'>fbWAfr 
, ^A rA>y'A'd>lJ>AJ<Wi^AOJ.0-««AJ/AA?/l»rfA + lt^piJt <b/:A.^X>|bdXpCl 
C I JL» 1/ J^i) DO itlpt<lx;}& ?X^Ad>lhd >/: fr Otf »AjJ-XtfAAAAWJ Ai 

^/V A* >r fD A..-.X -F <J • • fr'X+A4/Ar>i'0- /V Af IT 




XI 



/ J. Ar^yof+Sx^^X^^KtAPA-OfX-fX-^^X^b+aji bbfGiX;,l>^A.bf/.24,)lV^ 
'^+TA^WJ'+J-<^^l-LL;KJ-AM'hA>IAlbr+^ X^A'bfd^ k^A'<-^L/.<Xfe+f- 

X A • yrfA/r?i.rfA+«;:jba b/Cb/Ct^Atc;ArAiQM^^AJUAeA-fi/-Fxa-5.i^aii/C ft;x- 



One-twelftb of Um Original 



A. Canringh&m^ del. 



Photoimcogrophed wA tba Gttj ww j r w Ocxux*!* Ofliw C«k-tttta. 



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O 

> 



I 



< 
o 

5 

a 

D 

o 

»— « 

H 
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o 

00 

03 

O 
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INSCEIPTIOMS of A80KA. 



CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARXJM. 



DEAULI llOCX 
Left Face. 



VOL. I 



PLATE VIII. 



FIRST 
8EPABAT8 IDICT. 



10. 



; 



I 



I. 



15 



7 






V 





















A. Cunningham, dei. 



FhotDBBOu^aflwd «t lb* Sui^ryor G*n«n»l"« Of1Bc« Calcutta . 



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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



VOL. I 



INSCRIPTIONS of ASOKA. 



PLATB IX. 



DHAVLI BOCK 
Middle Face. 



BDICT 



m 



17 




:-j;oW6Tl'0'AVftio»X+1rA>X<«{U6ilJ,<bJk;w \^ vZS^ .^ 



>l•6d^!•<<v^u>M.ux«'?b+•5<ci+•<5<5HWA^i>^/xJ:^>^^CA^;/A^:^o/;^^^ 

}I-jlVx t^i>A^X'«XMAL*^^^J•V6•«)IA<^'^l<5^C>^^?' Lcri<CHopA»JU»aH<^X«kto 
A^d V-L :-XttO Lo-idJI^^AV-Cd xo'd+«Ax)-^<Wf+lJ;^-t >|•d^Jdlb•J+tf«•U+•^iXI*A±>^•J.i:xXUX 
ft^d-FJlil/OXtf b^Ad4A•>^^r DXiiX-lAXHc^i--'*''«>'*'*'*^'^'^<l^<>^'<^+'&^A0d^^b1iA"V b>i+tfX 
jUWf+I^Xa/*+iJd.vX' >li.A>iAJ.bil+"«J- ( 



A. Cunningham, deL 



Fliatosiiioo^agk»d at ^ Surrvjmr Oanond's Offier CalrvtUi. 



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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARIJM. 



VOL 1 



UTBO&IPTIOVS of ASOXJl 



PLAIK X. 



DHAULI EOCX 
Bight Face; 



KPICT 



/ 



vn 



vm 



xnr 



.y 







SSOOND 
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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



VOL I. 



nraCMPTIONB of A80EA. 



■vm. 

BOCK IT SAHiSiBAM 
near Fatnft. 



VLkTt ZtV. 



















BOCI IT BUFNATH 
near Jabalpnr. 



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near Jaypnr. 



vYa.wOAiAd+O' 






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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



VOL I. 



INSCRIPTIONS of ASOriL. 



II. 



PLATX XV. 



BOCK AT BAIBAT 



near Jaypnr. 

CAVES IH EAMKATH HILL 
near Sirguja. 

^ ?''^*{t o-> 4^4' i-^A A 5 + i * i>\f:L^I 

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near Kagpnr. 




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INSCKIPTIOKS of A80KA. 



CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



VOL I. 



GATES AT BABABAB. 



PLATE XVI. 



1. Sudima 

if 



2. Viswa. 



3. Karna. 







INSORlRTIONa of DA8ARATHA. 



«0-X#:-U;+ rf 



(feci 1 1 




CAVES AT NAGABJUNI. 

4. Vapiyaka. 



5. Gopika. 



G. Vadathi. 



■A. Canningbaiin, del. 



One-sixth of the Ongiiial. 



Vhatawaoa^tfLmi. at iki fluimyiM OwmmT* OCQm Cdbotta. 



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CORPUS INSCRIP' 



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WnONUM INDICARUM, 



VOL. I 



piATB xvn 



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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



VOL I. 



INSCRIPTIONS of ASOKA. 



ALLAHABAD PILLAR. 



PLATE XXU 



I KDICT I 



n 



III 



IV. 



V. . 



VI 



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Aotoi 



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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



INSCRIPTIONS of A80KA. 



P I L L A E 



VOL I. 



PLATE XXm. 



LATJRIYA.ARAEAJ 
(Badhia.) 

SOUTH 



III 



EDICT 1 . . . >iJ:tfa» lJjr><i;>f# V*>Hr(U t? f^Xltfttffiy^iyi :a.>W(i 
s.-j't-iJa C-^ac-jx s^o<:c>a. HaAjiAa,D-a-Fw;cx HAAtAfT-a 

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; jjAH^ijxtfX &b<3aA"1t(»' w.a."^>i(;>ia;.>riH,iiAA*«HfX H«dA 
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IV - i4..>£i:da> dJ.^/^iTe'u^Uibi'JA/XA^ifAi.'v •-•jf^^-.ft'J^dAii^vawifCi^AJi'bjg^ 

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bdAd iKDX^'dftfliOVXb^dirA&vViailtilM^Xb^M'dUX xCdfi imiiAzjM- 

i8..-jti4iwX)KniA& )i»<ibetfJiAa»DXjijC((^}i«)(-9VA ^APA4vXvb(^bi/b<aX 

20..jtj>MAUaf<>^Al^»^?X^;kl>Tj^»Xd^j,;>-r'(bM(| WS'-}.64V\t^A opj.op± 

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22..j!pbj:A} H'^b-XO^Xf Lb{^-f4>-X '-ifilfVVi- i^ifiiirif, Gtl/Of^Kk^X 



12 



A. Cunmngham, del. 



One-tw<!i<tb of the Ongm»l. 



nril<ntoll#«|^il ■» 1fc« fuTTI— '»—'•-"»- f^i»-»." 



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I 



CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM, 



VOL I. 



INSCRIPTIONS of A80EA. 



ISDICTV 



VI 



PI LL AE 

LAURITA-AEAEAJ 
(Eadhia.) 

NORTH 



a,b<;-bA-i>X idt^A/! H€+xj: ^r'-Fd ^^^-J'd ai/U cu,Wx6 
i.f^AJtrfiji Xi^t <f<>><u uif'/; b^ujf uu\{Ki^e^y^n62 ^ t 

12. .to VXA<V1 <rA:«'<lil <fA:tr^b'H H<^<b Ttlvb-Olll+cAL 

irA/^ta MHbtK A- A- ^^^4/c^4 VA-a-+,b«rAviX biai^a' 

'b«A<bAJf-fl^Oil'W<«,AO,bVlJ«|<^A ^^OXUH* ^4;-J;MAXb4bA«l 
•e.W^yjV^ <bd^X^rf'((iAl» .'.4;W>/d^dA 



PLATB XXIV. 



One>tweUth of the Origmal. 



A. Cunningham, del. 



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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



VOL I. 



IH3CIUPTI0N8 of ASOEA. 



PILLAB 

AT 

EAUBITA-NAVANDGAEH 
(HathU.) 



IDICT I _ 



11 . 8 . . 



Ill . 



IV_ 



2.. p-^tyft-JttX 6->AWA ^(GUJO^iMJ-AHAa. l>-«-f«AJ. 

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10. .W<l-0<V ^<^WHJ^V+-CHDi>TIlH-XJ!d4'b 0^4X1 j! 

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10- g-itUX W«W^*^M< afil^^-f Xd>AilW;td WJ^X'dftFdJWX 

V4»tW^+t H bW^A^l llWlJlrfAHi^M- H^tfi+VJ:iAAl*X 
*♦. . t.UV0tfl-Hrffe)A}fPi)«Al/l+<-\JA^a,(^4!X^W(Ui«A Vi^^^ 

M-iHUi^^^a.AJ:X<UA^XHUi:AJ?±?fe<CiU+- LW,tA +4X .•iC-BW 



PLATB XXV. 



A. Canmngham, del. 



Ona-twelfth of the Original 

I Ottat 



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IMSCMPnONS of ASOXA. 



CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



PiLLAB 



VOL I. 



PLATE XXVI. 



LAUBITA-NAVAHDOABH 
(Mathia.) 



BDICT V 



S. 



4. 



«. .Htf IJ! tX^+d «^+ifd ArffA OAtrXA HiJ^A+a■fi 

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•♦-.•Oail+C^i JJA^if^cb /JA/JrfkJAl-y ►AJ.H-A-j'-fiL U1^<U/ 

•0'4<b tJ-A<Vt3» MHbO-C AA-D-aA^CXi Vi'-O'+cO 
4kHl^tH6G-yi'A A«-d^>WVHA ^Ai-Fiii/ bdiatf' 

<WC^rtVj<^A ^«^mk^J« >^'''^' MAX UAbAbl 



so. 



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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM 



VOL. I. 



ASOKA 
B.C. 2S0 



K 

Eh 

G 

Gh 

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Chh 

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Jh 

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P 
Ph 

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Bh 

M 

T 
B 
L 

y 



Sh 
S 
H 



COINS 
ISO 



Ariano-Pali. 

KANISHKA. 

60 B.C. 



ALPHABETS 



Indo-Pali. 



PLATS XXVII. 



ASOKA COINS 
B C. 250 ISO 



KANISHKA. 
50 



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7f bhi^bhu 

H^ mi JJ mo y mam 

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^ ru r ram 
rHU r^le c|lo 
1 vri 

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O-tha O* thi 9 thu -O the 

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Lithographed at the Surveyor General's Office. Calcutta. Jauuary 1877. 



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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



VOL. I. 



QROUP 

o 



0> 



Eh 
Q 



m 



ASOKA 
250 B. 0. 



SEAL 

400 B.C.(7) 



A A 







ORIGIN OP INDIAN ALPHABET 

PICTORIAL FORMS 

rn mattock = Man = to dig 
r\ gagaii = sky, vault of heaven 
^ gu^ha, guha = cave 



PLATS XX VIII 



Y 


ou 


V 




J 


e8& 






Cb 


d 






Chh 


d) 


OD 





{ 



yoni ; ya^ yava = barley 
jaghan = mons veneris 
(J chamon = spoon 
ohkatra = umbrella 



EGYPTIAN HIEROGLYPHS. 



r| = m = digging 
y^ = t = walking 
'^ = b = cave 



= mons veneris, with zone 



3 s; 

Ul 



s 



T 


C c 






Tb 


o 






Th 


o 






Dh 


D 







=»^ B 



M 



\ ^^^-rfl = basket 

O tha =r circle = disk of Sun 

tha = eye 

|\ dhann = a bow 



b u 

D 



« b 4 



T 


kk 






V 


h 






N 


1 






K 


+ 






R 


M 







pant = haud,/??ya = worship 
L- 1 bdri = enclosure 



mafsya =fish,^$ wz/yf-yJ. = mouth 



.^yK tdia = fan -palm, ^«/fl = span 

^ v/wa = lute 

rt wtf/»i = well-frame d!^ ndsa = nose 

<^ kattdr = dagger 

fl rdr««t/ = ray 



^<^ =. neb ^ basket 




O = the sun 






^ CO 




ot S 


*--• = k = adoration 
C^ = e = house 





► = r« = mouth 



1 = n = ;f<2/)*^, = guitar 



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=^J) lavdka = sickle 
((=3 hansiya = sickle 



Vj = #/V/{7^ 



^h 



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B. C. 
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250 



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M 



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G\ jtrava = ear 

4a, sarpaz= serpent 



VOWELS. 

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au 



A. Cunnmgham.del. 



L achh 



mi ya 




STONE SEAL 



Lithographed at the Surveyor Generai'a Office. Calcutta. Jauuaiy 1877. 



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INSCRIBED BOCES 



DT A »T«D -V-VTV 




A. Cunningham, del. 



Lithogfraphed at the 8urrr. Genl'a. Office, Calcutta, April 1876. 



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