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INSCBIPTIONS OF ASOEA.

PLATE XXXI.

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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM.

Vol. I.

INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

PREPARED BY

ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM, C.S.I.,

MAJOR-GBNBRAL, ROYAL ENGINEERS^ BENGAL, RETIRED;

DIRECTOR-GENERAL OP THE ARCHAOLOGICAL SURVEY OP INDIA;

HONORARY MEMBER OP THE BENGAL ASIATIC SOCIETY;

MEMBER OP THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE,

AND THE NUMISMATIC SOCIETY OP LONDON;

CORRESPONDING MEMBER OP THE ORIENTAL SOCIETY OP GERMANY, .

THE IMPERIAL ACADEMY OP SCIENCES OP BERLIN,

AND THE ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF BBRLiN.

" In the scarcity of authentic materials for the ancient, and even for the modern history of India, importance is justly
attached to all genuine monuments, and especially to inscHptions on stone and metal."— C(?/^6ro(?Vs Essays, 11, 213.

CALCUTTA:
OFFICE OF THE SUPERINTENDE^fT OF GOVERNMENT 1»RINTING.

1879.

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Arc t^t>'9'^^ ' ^ ^

Sanskrit Dept Library,

ijfi

KO,

CALCUTTA :

PBIKTBJ) BY THE SFPEKINTSKDENT OF GOT£BNM£NT FUINTl>e>

8, UASTIKGS STREET.

\ '

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CONTENTS.

PfiBFACI . . . .

General Accoant of the Inscriptions

l.-ROCK INSCRIPTIONS.

1. ^hahb&z-garbi Rock, Great Inscription of Asoka
2.— KhAlsi Rock „ „

8.— Gim&r Rock „ „

4. — ^Dbauli Rock „ „

5. — Jaagada Rock „ ,,

6—7. — ^Two Separate Edicts on Dhanli and Jaugada Rocks
8.— Sahasar^m Rock, dated Edict
9.— Rnpn&th Rock „

10.— Bairit Rock „

11.— Second Bair&t Rock

12. — Khandagiri Rock

13.—Deotek Slab

Pa.01

8
12
14
15
17
20
20
21
22
24
27
28

1— 3.— BarAbar Caves
4—6. — NAg&rjnni Caves
7 — 15.— Ehandagiri Caves
16 — 17.— R&mgarh Caves

2.-€AVE INSCRIPTIONS.

30
31
32
33

3.-PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS.

1.— Delhi Pillar from Siw&lik (Firuz Shah's IM)
2.— Delhi PiUar from Mirat
3.-Allahabad Pillar ....
4. — Laorija Arar^ Pillar (Radhia)
5. — ^Lanriya Navandgarh Pillar (Mathia)
6— 7.— Two additional Edicts on the Delhi Siw&lik Pillar
8.— The Queen 8 Edict on the Allahabad Pillar
9.— The Eos&mbi Edict on „ „

10.— The S&nohi Pillar ....

37
37
39
41
38

Part XL— LANGUAGE AND ALPHABET.

1. — Langpuage of the Inscriptions
Alphabetical Characters

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CONTENTS.

Part III.— TBXTS.

1.— ROCK INSCRIPTIONS.

At Slialib&z- garhi, KMIsi, Giro&r, Dhauli and Jaugada

First Separate Edict — Dhauli and Jangada

Second Separate Edict „ » . .

Sahasarftm, dated Inscription

Rnpnftth ,> ...

BairUt „ ...

Second Bair&t Rock ....

Khandagiri Rock ....

DeotekSlab .....

2.-CAVE INSCRIPTIONS.

At Bar^bar and N&g&rjnni

At Khandagiri

At R4mgarh in Sirgnja

65
89
92
94
95
96
97
98
102

103
104
105

3.— PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS.

At Delhi, Allahabad, Lanriya Arar^, and Lauriya Navandgarh
Edict VII on Delhi Pillar .....
Edict Vni on Delhi Pillar .....
Allahabad Pillar Separate Edict ....

S&nchi Pillar .......

106
114
115
116
116

Part IV.—TRANSLATIONS.

l.-ROCK INSCRIPTIONS.

Shahbftz-garhi, Kh&lsi, GimAr, Dhanli, and Jangada
First Separate Edict, Dhauli and Jaugada
Second Separate Edict „ ,

Sahasar&m, dated Inscription .
Rupn&th „

Second Bair&t Rock
Khandagiri Rock ,

Deotek Slab .

2.— CAVE INSCRIPTIONS.

6ar4bar and N4g&rjuni

Udayagiri

RAmgarh in Sirgnja (not translated)

117
127
129
130
131
131
132

134
135

3.— PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS.

Delhi, Allahabad, Lauriya Arar&j, and Lanriya Navandgarh
Edict VII on Delhi Pillar ....
Edict VIII on „ • . . .
Allahabad Pillar Separate Edict
SAnchi Pillar

137
139
139
140
141

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CONTJINTS. iii

PLATES.

No.

I. — Shahbaz-oabhi Rock, Front or East Face Inscription.
n. — „ „ Back or West „ „

III.~Khal8I Boce, Front or East Face Inscription.
IV. — „ „ Side or Sonth „ „

v.— GiBjTAB Book, Edicts 1 to 5.
VI.— „ „ „ 6 to 11.

VIL- „ „ „ 12,13,14.

VIII.— Dhauu Rook, First Separate Edict
IX.— „ „ Edicts 1 to 6.

X.— „ „ *t 7 to 10 and 14, and Second Separate Edict.

XI.— JiuaAPA Rook, Edicts 1 to 5.
Xn.— „ „ „ 6 to 10 and 14

Xin.— „ „ Two Separate Edicts.

XIV.— Sahasabam, Rttpnath, and Baibat Inscriptions.

XV.—Baibat, Ramoabh, and Diotbk „

XVI. — Ba&abab and Nagabjithi Cayb „

XVn.— Ehakdagisi Rook and Khakdagibi Catb Inscriptions.
XVni.— Dblhi Siwalik Fillab, Edicts 1 to 4.
XIX.— „ „ „ „ 5to7.

XX. — „ „ „ Inscriptions round the Pillar, Sftnchi Pillar.

XXI.— Dblhi Mibat Pillab, Edicts 2, 3, 4, 6.

XXII.— Allahabad Pillab, collected Edicts, Queen's Edict, and Eas&mbi Edict
XXIII.— Laubiya Ababaj Pillab, Edicts 1 to 4.
XXIV.— „ „ „ „ 6 and 6.

XXV.— Laubita Natakdgabh Pillab, Edicts 1 to 4.
XXVI.— „ „ „ „ 5 and 6.

XXVII.— Alphabbts of the Inscbiptions Ariano-P&li and Indo-P&li.
XXVIII.— Obigik of the Indian Alphabbt.
XXIX.— ViBws of the Inscbibbd Rocks.

XXX.— ASOKA PiLLABS.

XXXI.— Map of India under Asoka, showing the sites of his Inscriptions*

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PREFACE.

THE object of the present work is to bring together, in a few handy and acces-
sible volumes, all the ancient inscriptions of India which now lie scattered about
in the journals of our different Asiatic Societies. As some of these publications are
very costly, and at the same time not easy to procure, the present publication will
be the means of placing in the hands of all scholars, who are interested in the
history and antiquities of India, a complete collection of authentic copies of all
those precious records on stone and copper which have been discovered up to the
present time.

As fresh discoveries are constantly being made, it would now be almost useless to
draw up any details of the contents of future volumes. But as the accessions of old
inscriptions are comparatively few, I think it not premature to announce that the
first three volumes will contain three distinct series of inscriptions, named respec-
tively after the persons or periods to which they belong. The names and contents
of these volumes will be as follow : —

Vol. I. — Inscriptions of Asoka on Rocks and Pillars.
„ II. — Inscriptions of the Indo-Scythians, and of the Satraps of Surashtra.
„ III. — Inscriptions of the Guptas, and of other contemporary dynasties of N. India.

The present volume contains the Inscriptions of Asoka. The gathering together
of revised and authentic copies of these important records in a single volume has
long been wanted for the purpose of collation and of re-translation by competent
scholars.^ This want will, I hope, be met by the collection which I now present to
the public. No effort has been spared to render it complete, and at the same time
to present the most perfect and authentic copy of each inscription that can now be
made. To secure the latter important object, the whole of the inscribed rocks and
pillars, as well as the caves, have been visited, either by myself or by my zealous
assistant, Mr. J. D. Beglar. I have myself visited all the pillars and most of the
caves, as well as the rocks of Sh&b&z-garhi, KhMsi, Bair&t, RupnS.th and Sahasarfim,
and Mr. Beglar has visited the Dhauli and Jaugada rocks and the Rlbmgarh caves
in Sirguja.

The original impressions have been carefully reduced, under my personal
superintendence, by my draughtsman, Babu Jamna Shankar Bhat, who has a very
correct eye, and is now conversant with the true shapes of these ancient characters.
Every doubtfiil letter was brought to notice and jointly scrutinised and compared
with photographs and former transcripts. Every single letter of the reduced

> " These interesting monuments which, in spite of the investigations of Prinsep, Wilson, Burnouf , and others,
still remain incompletely translated." — Edwin Norris, M.S. Note.

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U , PEEFACE.

pencilled copy was then examined by myself while transcribing the different texts into
Roman characters ; and, lastly, the pencilled letters were all inked in by my own
hand, so as to ensure the requisite accuracy in the shapes of the ancient characters.
As the plates now published are mechanical copies by photozincography of my
originals, any errors that exist must be solely due to my own oversight. That some
remain I have no doubt ; but I can truly say that I have done my best to make the
present copies as perfect as possible.

Of the Khandagiri Inscription I possess several large photographs, taken from a
plaster cast of the original made by Mr. H. H. Locke.

Of the Girn&r Inscription I have had the use of the Bengal Asiatic Society's
impression, taken by Sir Legrand Jacob in 1838 for James Prinsep, as well as a
separate copy of the 13th Edict examined by the General himself. These have been
carefully compared with Norris' excellent lithograph, prepared by himself from an
impression forwarded to the Royal Asiatic Society by Sir Legrand Jacob. I have
detected a few small differences, of which the chief is the occurrence of the com-
pound letter my, which has been copied in the lithograph as mn^ and read in the
transcript as a simple m. The same compound is employed in the Jaugada text,
where it is more clearly formed after the beautiful exemplars of the pillar inscrip-
tions. This compound is used in the 9th and 11th Edicts in the word Samyapatipati.
I may mention also that the name of ^dristika does not occur in the 5th Edict.
The first syllable belongs to the previous name Oandhdrdndm^ and the curtailed
name is correctly JRdshtika, which is one of the known appellations of Surashtra.

The Shdbaz-garhi version of the edicts is particularly valuable, from being
written in the Ariano-Pali character, which possesses all the three sibilants of
Sanskrit, and also approaches nearer to Sanskrit in the use of the sub- joined r as in the
name of Priyadarai. But it is of special value in giving certainty to many doubtful
readings of the Indian PS^li texts, as in the case of similar Indian letters, such as p^
hy and *, which are easily mistaken for one another in a mutilated inscription, but
which in the Ariano-P&li alphabet are widely different in form.

In Pakt I I have given a general account of the sites and dimensions and
present condition of all the inscribed rocks, caves and pillars, which is illustrated
by a map showing the exact position of each inscription. Then follows a detailed
account of the inscriptions, which are naturally divided into three classes according
to the positions which they occupy, whether on rocks, caves or pillars. I have here
added a few notices of any peculiarities or marked differences of reading which I
have observed during my examination of the texts. An attempt has also been
made to fix the date of each separate inscription.

Part II deals with the language and alphabets of the edicts. With respect
to the first, I have confined myself to extracts from Prinsep and Wilson, to show in
what degree it approaches the PMi of the Buddhist books of Burma and Ceylon.
But the subject of the alphabetical characters is treated at much greater length.
I have given a plate of the two alphabets side by side, containing three speci-
mens of each, to show the changes that took place in some of the letters between
the times of Asoka and Kanishka. With regard to the Indian P&li alphabet, I have
ventured to claim for it a local origin quite independent of all other alphabets. If

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PREFACE. iii

my views be correct, the alphabetical characters of India must hare passed through
a pictorial stage of writing, similar to that of the early Egyptian hieroglyphs. It
is true that no specimens of this kind of writing have yet heen found in India, but
it is quite possible that some may stiQ exist, although they have hitherto escaped
notice. I have myself published one early specimen of writing on a seal which was
found in the Panj&b. The only difficulty about such a small and easily-transport-
able article as a seal is the possibility that it may have been imported from the west.
But opposed to this objection is the strong fact that the cuneiform alphabets of the
countries to the west of the Indus, which are now known to us, offer no affinities
whatever with the characters of the seal.

In Pabt III I have arranged the texts of aU the inscriptions in Roman
characters, one under the other, for ready reference and comparison. The readings are
my own, made from my new copies of the inscriptions ; but all the principal varia-
tions from previous readings are given in the foot-notes of each page.

Amongst the Hock InscriptionSy the greater portion of the Kh&lsi version and
the whole of the Jaugada version are now published for the first* time. But the
most interesting addition is the newly-found dated edict in its three variant texts at
Sahasar4m, RApn&th, and Bair^t. Por the able readings and translations of these
important records I am indebted to the friendly pen of Dr. G. Btthler.

Of the Cave Inacriptiom, only one is absolutely new ; but the whole of them
have been made from fresh copies and impressions taken by Mr. Beglar and
myself.

Similarly, the Pillar Inscriptions have all been made from fresh impressions
taken by myself. There are no less than five different texts, all of which were
known to Prinsep. There are comparatively few variations in the pillar readings, as
the characters are all of the same size and very symmetrically formed, and, where
not injured by the abrasion of the stone, are particularly distinct and legible. The
only difference in my reading that is worthy of special notice is in the last paragraph
of the long edict engraved around the Delhi Pillar, in which I find the word Sila^
phalakdni, " stone tablets,'* instead of Prinsep's Siladharika.

In Part IV I have collected together all the translations of Asoka's Inscrip-
tions which were published by Prinsep, Wilson, and Bumouf . Where there is
more than one translation available, I have placed the two versions side by side for
ready reference.

As the Asoka Inscriptions are exclusively Buddhistical, I take this oppor-
tunity to make a few observations on the Buddhist era of the Nirvana. According
to the Pali books of Ceylon and Burma, Buddha's death took place in 644 B. C, a
modest amount of antiquity which would no doubt have met with general accept-
ance had not the same chronicles assigned A. B. 162 for the accession of Chandra
Gupta Maxirya, and A. B. 218 for the inauguration of his grandson Asoka.^ Now
the dates of these two Princes can be fixed within very narrow limits, the first
having been identified by Sir William Jones with Sandrokoptus, the ally of Seleukus
Nikator, and the second having furnished his own date by the mention of no less

^A. B. stands for Anno Buddh», ''In the year of Buddha."

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iv PREFACE.

than five Greek Princes who were his contemporaries. The date of Chandra Gupta's
accession, therefore, is now assigned to B. C. 316, and consequently Asoka's inaug-
uration will thus fall in B. C. 260, and his accession, which took place four
years earlier, in B. C 264. Bat if the Nirv&na occurred in B. C. 544, the date of
Chandra Gupta's accession in A. B. 162 would be raised to 382 B. C, or 66 years
too early, while the accession of Asoka would be placed in B. C. 330, just 66 years
before Antiochus II succeeded to the throne of Syria, and 68 years before his con-
temporary Alexander II succeeded to the throne of Epirus. It seems certain, there-
fore, that there is an error of about 66 years in these two dates ; and as the succession
of Buddhist teachers from the death of Buddha to the time of Asoka is natural
and imbroken, while the succession of the Ceylonese Rajas in the same period is
equally unobjectionable, the same correction must be applied to the date of the
Nirv&n itself, which will thus be brought down from B. C. 644 to B. C. 478.

But here it may be urged that, if the accession of Vijaya to the throne of Ceylon
be lowered by 66 years, the whole of the later Ceylonese chronology will be dis-
turbed to the same amount. But in reply I am prepared to point to a fault of
disruption in the later strata of Ceylonese chronology which requires about the
same amount of correction to make it straight. This period embraces the reigns of
Mutasiwa and his nine sons, that is, of two generations only^ who are said to have
ruled over Ceylon from A. B. 176 to A. B. 338, or for the incredible period of 162
years. But as the longest period yet covered by two successive generations has very
rarely exceeded one hundred years, while the average period of the six longest
pairs known to me is only 96§ years, it is quite clear that there must be an error in
the duration of these ten reigns of about 66 years.^ By applying this correction to
the date of Mutasiwa, we get A. B. 176 — 478 = 302 B. C. for his accession, which
would make his second son, Devenipiatissa, a contemporary of Asoka, in perfect agree-
ment with the Ceylonese history itself.

This later date for the Nirv&na of Buddha was first proposed by me in 1852,*
as a result of the correction which was foimd to be necessary in the dates of Asoka
and Chandra Gupta on the testimony of their Greek contemporaries. I have since
added the almost equally strong evidence of the Ceylonese history itself, which, as
I have shown above, requires an equal amount of correction in the very period con-
temporary with Asoka. I will now give a third reason for the adoption of this later
date, which bears directly on the age of Buddha himself.

According to the Jains, the chief disciple of their Tirthankar Mahdvira was
named Oautama Swdmi,^ or Ootama Indrabhutiy^ whose identity with Gotama
Buddha, the founder of the Buddhist religion, was suggested by both Dr. Hamilton
and Major Delamaine, and was accepted as highly probable by the cautious and

* The longest pairs of reigns, of father and son, known to me are the following : Henry III and Edward I
reigned 91 years; Lonis XIII and Lonis XIV reigned 106 years. Two Chalukya R^as are said to have reigned 102
years ; two Rajas of Bikaner 100 years ; two Rajas of Kashmir 86 years ; and two R^as of Handur 96 years. These
six pairs give an average of nearly 97 years per pair, which, applied to the Ceylonese chronology, would show an error
of 65 years.

* See Bhilsa Topes, p. 74, and Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, 1854, p. 704.
» Ward's Hindus, II, 247, a»<£ Colebrooke's Essays, II, 279.

^ Stevenson's Kalpa Sutra, p. 92.

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PREPAGE. V

judicious Colebrooke. His clear statement of the case raises this probability almost
to certainty.^

'^ In the Kalpa Sfttra and in other books of the Jainas, the first of Mah&vira's disciples is men-
tioned under the name of IndrabhAti, but in the inscription under that of Gautama Sw&ml The
names of the other ten precisely agree ; whence it is to be concluded, the Gautama, first of one list,
is the same with Indrabhftti, first of the other.

" It is certainly probable, as remarked by Dr. Hamilton and Major Delamaine, that the Gautama
of the Jainas and of the Buddhas is the same personage, and this leads to the further surmise
that both these sects are branches of one stock. According to the Jainas, only one of Mah&vira's
eleven disciples left spiritual successors, that is, the entire succession of Jaina priests is derived
from one individual, Sudharma Sw&mi. Two only out of eleven survived Mahftvtra, viz.^ Indra-
bhiiti and Sudharma : the first, identified with Grautama Swimi, has no spiritual successors in the
Jaina sect. The proper inference seems to be that the followers of this surviving disciple are not
of the sect of Jaina, rather than that there have been none. Gautama's followers constitute the
sect of Buddha, with tenets in many respects analogous to those of the Jainas, or followers of
Sudharma, but with a mythology or fabulous history of deified saints quite different. Both have
adopted the Hindu Pantheon, or assemblage of subordinate deities ; both disclaim the authority of
the Vedas ; and both elevate their pre-eminent saints to divine supremacy. ''

Now, if we admit the identity of Ootama Swdmi, the chief disciple of Mah&yira,
with Gotama Buddha^ the founder of the Buddhist religion, the date of the Nirv&na
of Buddha can be determined within one or two years with absolute certainty by
the following facts : —

(1) Mah&vira, the last Jaina Tirthankara, died in B. C. 527, according to the
concurrent testimony of the Jains in all parts of India.

(2) If Gotama Buddha was Mah&vira's disciple, his term of pupilage must have
been during the short period of his early monastic life, before he began his long
abstraction under the Bodhi tree at Uruvilwa^ or Bodh Gaya.

(3) Prince Siddh&rtha was 29 years old when he left his father's house to become
an ascetic, and 80 years of age when he died in B. C. 478. He would, therefore, have
joined Mah&vira in B. C. 478 + 61 = 629 B. C, just two years before that teacher's
death, B. C. 527. His stay with the Jaina teacher could not, therefore, have been
more than two years complete. This would place his birth 31 complete years before
B. C. 527, or in B. C. 568, and his death 49 complete years after B. C. 627, or in
B. C. 478.

Now it will be remembered that I was fortunate enough to discover at (Jaya
a Sanskrit inscription dated in the year 1813 of the Nirv&na of Buddha, on JFednes^
day, the first of the waning moon of K&rttika.* Here the week day being given,
we have a crucial test for determining whether the Northern Buddhists reckoned
the date of the Nirv&na from B. C. 644, in accordance with the Ceylonese
calendar, or whether they had a separate and independent chronology of their own.
According to the former reckoning, the date of the inscription would be 1813 less
644 or A. D 1269, in which year the 1st of Edrttika badi fell on Sunday, the 27th
October. But by adopting my proposed correction of 66 years, the date of the

1 Colebrooke's Essays, Vol. II, p. 276.

^ Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. I, p. 1. I then read the date as 1819, and so it was read by learned men
in Bengal ; but the publication of the nnmerals preserved in the old manusciipts of Nepal shqirs that the unit figure is
beyond all doubt a 3.

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VI PEEFA.CB.

inscription will fall on the 4th October 1335 A. D., which- day was Wednesday, as
stated in the inscription.

The date of Chandra Gupta's accession offers another means of ascertaining,
within very narrow limits, the true era of the Nirv&na. Dr. Buhler has already
pointed out that " the two outside termini for the beginning of Chandra Gupta's
reign are B. C. 321 on the one side, and B. C. 310 on the other."^ As Chandra
Gupta's accession is placed 162 complete years after the Nirv&na, the limiting
dates for the death of Buddha will be 321 plus 162, or B. C. 483, and 310 plus
162, or B. C. 472. Now, within these limits there are only three years, which,
taken as a starting point, will give Wednesday for Kdrttik badi 1 in A. B. 1813.
These three years are B. C. 319, 316, and 309.* The last is certainly too late, as it
would place Asoka's accession in 257 B. C, his inauguration in 253, and his con-
version to Buddhism in 250. But his treaties with the Greek Kings, which
followed his conversion, must have been made before the death of Alexander II of
Epirus in B. C. 254, even if we admit that they were drawn up in ignorance of the
death of Magas in B. C. 258. In these inscriptions also we find mention of the 10th
and 12th years of Asoka's reign, which, if we take the year 309 for the accession of
Chandra Gupta, would fall in B. C. 242 and 240, which is quite impossible, as
Antiochus Theos died early in B. C. 246. It is certain, therefore, that the 12th year
of Asoka must be placed before B. C. 246. We have thus only two years left
which will suit the respective requirements of Asoka's history and the week-day of
the Gaya inscription. These two are 316 and 319 B. C. for the accession of Chandra
Gupta, which will give the following dates for Asoka : —

Accession ... ... ... B. C. 267 or 264.

Inanguration

Conversion ... ...

10th year
12th year

Each of these dates seems unexceptionable so far as Asoka's own history is
concerned. But I feel a preference for the later date of B. C. 316 for the following
reason: — In another place I have suggested that the Kanwdyanaa or Kanwa-
dynasty of the Pur&nas, were most probably the Indo-Scythian Turushkas of Northern
India, and that the period of their rule should be corrected from 346 or 46 years,
to 145 years.® Accepting this suggestion as not improbable, the period of the
Kanwas' rule must be backwards from 79 A. D., which would place their accession
in B. C. 67. By adding 112 years to this date we get B. C. 179 for the accession of
the Sungasy and by adding 137 more years we get B. C. 316 for the accession of
Chandra Gupta Maurya.

Regarding Asoka's own reign there is now no doubt that it extended to 41
years altogether, the shorter period of 37 years, as stated in the Mah&wanso, being

' Indian Antiquary, 1877, p. 164.

' I have made the calculations myself for every year from A. D. 1329 to 1344, corresponding to Chandra Gupta'a
date from B. C. 321 to 306,

' Objection has been taken to the longer period of 345 years as being impossible ; but the objectors, who have
all adopted the lesser periSd of 45 years, have failed to see that their smaller number is equally impossible for
four generations.

263 or 260 1st year,
260 or 267.
254 or 251.
252 or 249.

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PEEFACB.

thei)fficial reckoning from the date of his inauguration or abhisheka. That this
was the initial point of the years of his recognized reign is made quite certain by
the statements of the Mah&wanso regarding Mahindo. Thus Mahindo is said to
have been ordained a priest in the 6th year of Asoka, and to have proceeded to
Ceylon after he had been twelve years a priest, when 236 years had passed since the
Nirv&na of Buddha, and in the 18th year of Asoka's reign. As the inauguration
took place when 218 years had elapsed, this reckoning of 236 years as his 18th
year shows that his recognized official reign was counted from his abhisheka or corona-
tion, which did not take place until four years after his actual accession. The fol-
lowing table gives all the principal dates of Asoka's reign : —

B. C.

A,B.

Begnal
jean.

478

Nirvftna of Buddha S&kya Muni

316

Chandea Gupta Maury a, 24 years

163

• ••

292

Bin DDU8AEA, 28 years ... ...

187

...

277 1

„ Asoka, Governor of Ujaiu

203

276

„ birth of Mahindo*

204

...

. 264

Asoka, struggle with brothers, 4 years ...

215

•M

260

„ inauguration

219

267

„ conversion to Buddhism

222

256

„ treaty with Antiochus

223

255

„ Mahindo ordained ... ... ... -s

224

251

„ earliest date of Bock^edicta •••

228

249

„ second „

230

248

„ Arsakes rebels in Parthia

231

246

„ Diodotus rebels in Bactria ... ^

233

244

„ Third Synod under Mogaliputra ... ^

235

243

„ Mahindo goes to Ceylon ... ... ... ...

„ Bar&bar Cave Inscriptions

236

242

237

234

„ Pillar edicts issued^. ... ^ ... ... ^

245

231

„ Queen Asandhimitta dies

248

228

„ Second Queen married ... ... ... ... ^

251

226

., Her attempt to destroy the Bodhi tree ... ^

263

225

„ becomes an ascetic

254

224

255

223

„ dies ... ^.

256

215

Das abatha's Cave Inscriptions, Nagarjuni

264

...

• This dftto is derired from ihe statement of the Mih&wanso that Mahindo was 20 years of age at his ordination. Bat the Bormese Life of
Buddha makes him only 18 years old, and oonsistently states that Asoka ruled at Ujain for 9 years, which would place Mahindo's birth just two
years later than giren abore, or in B. C. 274.

In the foregoing argument I have confined myself to the chronology of the
southern Buddhists of Ceylon, I will now attempt to show that the discrepancy
which exists between their date of the Nirv&na and that of the northern Buddhists
may be reconciled by adopting the correction of 66 years which I have proposed
for the Ceylonese date.

In the Asoka Avaddna of the northern Buddhists, a prediction is attributed
to Buddha that 100 years after his Nirv&na there would be a king of Pfibtaliputra
named Asoka, who would distribute his relics.^ The same period of 100 years is
also mentioned by the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang.* But in another Buddhist
work, the Avaddna Sataka, the date of Asoka's accession to the throne of P&taliputra
is stated at 200 years after the Nirv&na of Buddha. This is not, of course, the exact

' Bamouf , Introductioii a 1' Historie du Buddhism Indien, p. 370.
» Julien's Hwen Thsang, II., 170.

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TIU PEEFACE.

period elapsed, but only the nearest round number, which is therefore in strict
accordance with the interval of 214 years assigned by the southern Buddhists.

But a still nearer approach to perfect agreement may be obtained by adopting
the extra ten years of the Tibetan and Mongolian reckonings, which place Asoka
110 years after the Nirv&na.^ The corrected northern date for Asoka, according
to the Avad&na Sataka, will then be 210 years after Buddha's death, which is the
nearest decimal round number to the southern period of 214 years. That the
period of 200 years given by the Avad&na Sataka is the correct one may be shown
from the northern chronology itself. Thus Hwen Thsang repeatedly mentions
that Kanishka ascended the throne 400 years after the Nirv&na of Buddha.*
According to the Tibetan books this interval was " more than 400 years."^ Here
then we see that the northern Buddhists, who had two different dates for Asoka,
were unanimous in placing the Nirv&na of Buddha at 400 years or more before
the time of Kanishka. Now, the age of Kanishka can be fixed with some
certainty by the dates of the B/Oman silver coins that were extracted by General
Court from a stupa at M&nikyala which was built during Kanishka's reigir. The
latest of these is one of Marcus Antonius the Triumvir, which cannot be older than
B. C. 43, when the famous triumvirate was formed. A period of uptoards of 400
years reckoned back from this time would agree very well with the corrected date
of B. C. 478, which I have proposed as the probable era of the Nirvltna according
to the northern Buddhists.

If this date be accepted, some explanation is required regarding the two dis-
crepant dates assigned to Asoka by the northern Buddhists. The only explanation
that I can suggest is, that at some very early period a diflference of 100 years in the
age of Asoka had been established, which it was found impossible to reconcile.
Afterwards, when Buddha Ghosa, or his predecessors, arranged the southern
chronology, the discrepancy was forcibly reconciled by accepting two Asokas, the
first being placed exactly 100 years after the Nirvd^na, and the other upwards of
100 years later, or more than 200 years after the Nirv&na.

Whether this explanation be true or not, it at least has the merit of getting
rid of the second synod under the fabulous Kalasoka, as well as of bringing the
two confiicting chronologies of the northern and southern Buddhists into perfect
harmony with each other.

I am aware that Professor Kern has published a special essay on the era of the
Nirv&na of Buddha, which he refers to B. 0. 388.* This date he obtains by raising
the year of Asoka's accession from B. C. 263 to 270, and by taking the interval
between it and the death of Buddha as 100 years, according to one of the two
reckonings of the northern Buddhists. He thus gets B. C. 380 (it should be 370)
for the date of Nirv&na, and then remarks that this date approaches so near to
388 B. C, the year in which Mah&vira is said to have died, that " it is difficult to

> Sanang-Seteen, as quoted in Fo-kwe-ki, p. 249, and Csoma de-KorOs in Asiatic Researches, XX, 297.
« Julien's Hwen Thsang, I., 96 ; II., 106, 107, 172.
■ Csoma de-K(5r<58 in Asiatic Researches, XX, 297.

* See Dr. J. Muir's summary of Dr. Kem's dissertation " on the Era of Bijddha and the Asoka Inscriptions," in the
Indian Antiquary, 1874, p. 79.

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PREFACE. ix

think the coincidenoe can be accidental." He accordingly adds eight years more
to the interval, by which he gets 118 years, the period elapsed between the
death of Buddha and the accession of Asoka, which he takes to have been
«* the oldest Ceylonese tradition," instead of the 218 years as recorded in all their
books.

I need hardly say that I dissent from this conclusion altogether, as it ignores,
not only the existence of my Gaya Inscription with its Nirvltna date of 1813, but
also the northern reckoning of 200 years for the interval between Buddha and
Asoka, as recorded in the Avad&na Sataka. The first gives us an actual date in
tiie reckoning of the northern Buddhists, and as it adds the week-day, Wednesday,
it offers a ready means of testing the accuracy of any proposed date. Now, the
year 478 B. C, which I have proposed, has stood this test, and is moreover in perfect
accordance with the date assigned to the era of the Nirv&na by one class of the
northern Buddhists as well as by all the southern Buddhists. According to the
detailed numbers of the latter, the interval between the death of Buddha and the
accession of Asoka is 214 years. In the Avad&na Sataka of the northern Buddhists
this interval is stated as 200 years, which is the nearest roimd number to the
reckoning of the southern Buddhists. I conclude, accordingly, that the early
chronology of both the northern and the southern Buddhists was originally the
same, and that the actual interval between the Nirvana and the accession of Asoka
was 214 years, as stated in the Ceylonese chronicles. The true date of Buddha's
death will, therefore, be B. C. 478, or just 66 years later than the date given in the
Mah&vanso.

The foregoing discussion regarding the date of Buddha's Nirvltn was written
just before I had seen the first copy of the Sahasardm inscription. The three
symbols which form its figured date at once arrested my attention, and I suspected
^hem to be cyphers ; but the copy of ^the inscription was imperfect in this very part,
and it was not until I visited Sahasard;m myself, and thus obtained several excellent
copies of the edict, that I was satisfied that these three characters were real
numerical symbols. The figure on the left hand I recognized at once as that to
which I had already assigned the value of 200 in one of the Mathura inscriptions,
while the value of the middle figure was conclusively determined as 60 by a second
Mathura inscription, in which the date of Samvat 67 is expressed in words as weU
as in figures. The value of the imit I at first thought was 6, but on hearing that
the late Dr. Bhau Dftji had found a somewhat similar figure as a variant form of 2,
I adopted the latter as its probable value. I was the more ready to adopt this
value, as it just brought the Sinhalese date of Asoka with respect to Buddha's
Nirvltna into accordance with the date of the inscription.

Erom the new inscriptions of Sahasard;m and B/iipn&th, we now gain a complete
confirmation that the full reign of Asoka extended to 41 years, as it agrees exactly
with the difference between the two extreme dates of A. B. 216 and 256. The same
length of reign may also be deduced from the statements of Asoka himself in these
two inscriptions. Thus the two periods of upwards of 32 years, say 32^, during
which he did not strenuously exert himself, and of more than one year, say 1^>
during which he had exerted himself strenuously, amount to 34 years, which

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X PEEFACE.

being counted from the date of his conversion to Buddhism^ seyen years after his
accession, make up a total of 41 years.

I may add here that the Sahasar&m inscription of Asoka was first brought to
notice, so long ago as 1839, by Mr. E. L. Ravenshaw, who had received a copy of it
from Sh&h Kablr-ud-din. It is described as being incised ** on a stone at the summit
of a hill near Sahasar^im called Chandan Shahid. It is in the ancient character
of the Allahabad and Bettiah piUars." It was then pronounced to be " so imperfect
and confused as to baffle Fandit Kamal&k&nta."^

* See Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, 1839, p. 354.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKi.

Part I.— GENERAL ACCOUNT OF THE INSCRIPTIONS.

The earliest Indian inscriptions that have yet been discovered are the Edicts of
Asoka. These are of two distinct classes, which are generally known as Rock
Inscriptions, and Pillar Inscriptions, to which may be added a few Cave Inscrip-
tions in Bih&r and Orissa.

The five Boch Inscriptions hitherto known present us with five different texts
of the same series of edicts which were published by Asoka in the 10th and 12th
years of his reign, or in 251 and 249 B. C. These five inscribed rocks have been
found at fax distant places, of which four are on the extreme eastern and western
borders of India, thus showing the wide extent of Asoka's rule, as well as the
great care which he took about the promulgation of his edicts in the most remote
partd of his dominions.

The five famous rocks on which these edicts are engraved are at the following
places: —

No. 1. — At Shdhbdz-ga/rhij in the Sudam valley of the TusMzai district, 40
miles to the east-north-east of Peshawar, and 25 miles to the north-west of Attak on
the Indus. Its version of the text in the transliteration is indicated by the
letter S.

No. 2. — ^Near Khdlsiy on the west bank of the Jumna, just where it leaves
the higher range of mountains to pass between the DiinSy or valleys, of Ky&rda
and Dehra. Its version of the text is indicated by the letter K.

No. 3. — ^At Oimdvy near Junagarh in KathiS^w^r, 40 miles to the north of
Somn&th* Its version of the text is distinguished by the letter G.

No. 4. — ^At Dhauli in Katak, 20 miles to the south of the town of Katak (Cut-
tack), and the same distance to the north of the famous temple of Jagann&th.
Its version of the text is marked by the letter D.

jf o. 6. — ^At Jaugaday in the Ganjam district, 18 miles to the west-north-west
of the town of Ganjam, and about the same distance to the north-north-west of
Berhampur. Its version of the text is indicated by the letter J.

Nos. 6 and 7. — In addition to these five texts of Asoka*s collected series of
edicts, there are two separate edicts at Dhauli and Jaugada, which agree so closely
with each other as to form two independent but slightly variant texts of the
same edicts. As the two separate edicts at Dhauli are addressed to the rulers
of Tosali, they may be named very appropriately the Tosali Edicts, while those

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2 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

at Jaugada, being addressed to the rulers of Samdpd^ may, with equal fitness, be
named the /yaw{^(^ Edicts.

Of the five inscriptions above noted, three only were known to Prinsep and
Bumouf, the Khdlai and Jaugada versions having been discovered many years later.

Within the last three years, also, three new inscriptions have been brought to
light, which on examination I find to be only slightly variant texts of a single edict ;
but it is a very important one, as all three texts are dated in an era which I take
to be that of the Nirv&n of Buddha. These three inscribed rocks are at the follow-
ing places : —

No. 8. — ^At Sahasardm, at the extreme north-east end of the Kaimur range
of hiUs, seventy mUes to the south-east of Benares, and ninety miles to the south-
west of Patna. This inscription was found by Mr. Davis, and brought to notice by
Mr. S. 8. Jones, Assistant Magistrate of Sahasarftm. The date was discovered by
myself.

No. 9. — At BHpndthy a famous place of pilgrimage, situated at the foot of the
Eaimur hills, and near the extreme south-west end of the range, and thirty-five miles
nearly due north from Jabalpur. This inscription was originally discovered by a ser-
vant of Colonel Ellis, who furnished a very imperfect and quite unreadable copy, which
I found in a box in the museum of the Bengal Asiatic Society. A meagre endorsement
in Nfigari letters merely stated that it was found at " BApn&th, in Parganah Salima-
bad.'* As there is a Salimabad Parganah between Gteya and Mongir, I expected to
have found this inscription not far from Bihar ; but all search in that neighbourhood
was in vain. I then directed the attention of my assistant, Mr. Beglar, to Sleeman-
abad near Jabalpur, which is generally called Salimabad, and near that place he
discovered the missing inscription.

No. 10. — ^At Bairdty at the foot of the Bhim-gupha hill, forty-one miles nearly
due north of Jaypur, and twenty-five miles to the west of Alwar. Baird^t is a very
old town, which was once famous for its copper mines, and is stiQ widely known by
its connection with the wanderings of the Pandus. The inscription was discovered
by my assistant, Mr. Carlleyle.

The three copies of this new edict are placed together in Plate XIV.

No. 11. — Also at Bcdrdt. This is the well-known inscription which was dis-
covered by Captain Burt, and which has had the good fortune to be translated and
annotated by Burnouf and Wilson. As it is engraved on a detached block of granite,
the inscription was presented to the Asiatic Society by the Baja of Jaypur, and it
now graces their museum, in front of the bust of James Prinsep.

No. 12. — Another rock inscription, of somewhat later date, exists on the
Khandagiri hill, near Dhauli, in Eatak. Its probable date is about B. 0. 200. It is
a record of an unknown Raja of Kalinga, named Aira, or Vera, and is generally
known as the Khandagiri Inscription.

No. 13. — A stiU later inscription exists on a detached block of stone at Beotek,
about fifty miles to the south-east of Nagpur. It has been dated, but the year is
unfortunately lost, and only the names of the season, the fortnight, and the day
now remain. I do not think that it can be earlier than the beginning of the first
century B. C.

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INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA. 3

The Cave Inscriptions, which now amount to seventeen, are found at four
different places. Nos. 1, 2, and 3 are in the hill of Bar&bar, and Nos. 4, 6, and 6,
in the hill of N&gfi^rjuni, both places being about fifteen miles to the north of Graya
in Bihar ; Nos. 7 to 15 are in the hill of Khandagiri in Katak ; and Nos. 16 and
17 are in B&mgarh in Sirguja.

The three inscriptions at Bardhar were discovered by Kittoe after Prinsep's
death. They belong to the 12th and 19th years of Asoka, or to 249 and 242 B. C,
and have had the advantage of being translated and criticised by Bumouf • The
three inscriptions at N%&rjimi, which belong to the reign of Dasaratha, the grand-
son of Asoka, were translated by Prinsep himself. Their date is B. C. 215. Of the
nine Khandagiri inscriptions, all but the first, which was discovered by Mr. Beglar,
were known to James Prinsep. They belong to the reign of Aira or Vera, Raja of
Orissa, and are of a somewhat later date than the Asoka inscriptions, or about B. C.
200. The two inscriptions from the E&mgarh hill in Sirguja were first made known
by Colonel Ouseley, but the copies now given are taken from Mr. Beglar's photo-
graphs and impressions. One of them has the peculiarity of using the palatal
sibilant S in the name of the maker of the cave, a Sutnuka named Devadasi. The
letter I also is used for r in the word lupadakhe for rupadakha = sculpsit.

The Pillars erected by Asoka would appear to have been very numerous, but
only a few of them are now known to exist, besides several fine capitals without
their shafts. But only six of these pillars are inscribed, although the Chinese
pilgrims make mention of many that bore records of Asoka. One complete pillar,
with a single lion capital, stands at Bakhra in Tirhut ; but there is no trace whatever
of any ancient inscription upon it. A second pillar, nearly complete, with an eight-
lion capital, stands at Latiya, fourteen miles to the south of Gh&zipur ; but it is also
without any inscription. A broken pillar, which once stood at Bakror opposite Bodh-
Gaya, and another in the ancient city of Taxila in the PanjAb, are likewise unin-
scribed. There are also the capitals of six other large pillars still lying at Sankisa,
Bhilsa, S&nchi and XJdayagiri. All of these I have seen ; but as no portions of their
shafts could be found, it is impossible to say whether they were inscribed or not.

The sites of the inscribed pillars, which occupy only a limited area in the very
heart of Asoka's dominions, extending from the Jumna to the Gandak, present a
most niarked contrast to the scattered positions of the rock inscriptions on the
eastern and western frontiers of his kingdom. Six of these inscribed pillars have
been found, of which five present, in a slightly variant form, the text of a series of
six edicts that were promulgated by Asoka in the 27th year of his reign, or in B. C.
234. These five pillars are now standing at the following places, but it is known
that the two Delhi pillars were brought to their present positions by Eiroz Tughlak
from Siwfidik and Mirat : —

No. 1. — ^At Delhi, now known as Piroz Shah's Mt. This pillar was brought
from a place named Topur Siik, in the SiwSblik coimtry. I propose, therefore, to
call it the Delhi-Siwdlik pillar for the sake of distinction, and to indicate its version
of the text by the letters D. S.

No. 2.— At Delhi. This pillar was brought from Mirat by Piroz Shah. I
propose, therefore, to call it the Delhi-Mirat pillar, and to distinguish its version of
the text by the letters D. M.

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4 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

No. 3. — ^At Allahabad, inside the fort. Its version of the text is distinguished
by the letter A.

No. 4. — ^At Lauriyay a small hamlet near the temple of Ararfi,] Mah&deva,
between Kesariya and Bettia, and seventy-seven miles nearly due north from Patna.
I have already named this as the Zaurit/a-ArardJ pillar, and I propose now to
distinguish its version of the text by the letters L. A.

No. 5. — At Lauriyay a large village fifteen miles to the north-north-west of
Bettia, and ten miles to the east of the Gandak river. Close beside it there is a lofty
ruined fort called Nonadgarh or Navandgarh. I therefore called this the Lawny a-
Navandgarh pillar, and its version of the text will be distinguished by the letters L.N.
Nos. 6 and 7. — ^The DelhUSiwdlik pillar has two additional edicts which are
not found on any of the other pillars. No. 6 is placed on the east face below the
original edicts, and No. 7 encircles the whole shaft.

Nos. 8 and 9. — On the Allahabad pillar there are also two short additional
edicts which are peculiar to itself* Of these No. 8 was known to James Prinsep ;
and as it refers to some queen's gifts, it may be appropriately named the " Queen's
edict."

No. 9, which has just been discovered by myself, may be called the Kos&mbi
edict, as it is addressed to the rulers of Kosftmbi, a famous ancient city, the ruins
of which still exist on the Jumna, thirty miles above Allahabad.

No. 10 Pillar inscription is a short mutilated record on a fragment of a
pillar lying beside the great S&nchi st^pa near Bhilsa. I am a&aid that its reading
is generally too doubtful to be of any real value.

The sites of all these inscribed rocks and pillars are shown in the accompanying
map, with their names printed in red.

Asoka, the generally acknowledged author of these inscriptions, was the third
Prince of the Maurya dynasty, and the grandson of Chandra Gupta, who was
happily identified by Sir William Jones with Sandrakoptos, the contemporary
of Seleukos Nikator. Chandra Gupta reigned twenty-four years from B. C- 316
to 292. His son Bindus6.ra reigned twenty-eight years down to B. C. 264,
when he was succeeded by Asoka, who reigned forty-one years, and
died in B. C. 223. I understand that Wilson to the last doubted the identity of
Asoka Maurya with the Priyadarsi of these rock and pillar edicts. But as he
firmly believed in the identity of Chandra Gupta and Sandrokoptos, his doubts as
to the identity of Asoka and Priyadarsi were a manifest inconsistency* For as both
Brahmanical and Buddhist accounts agree in stating that Asoka Maurya, the grandson
of Chandra Gupta Maurya, was King of Magadha for thirty-seven years, as noted
above, it is certain that he was a contemporary of all the five Greek Princes mentioned
in the edicts of Priyadarsi.^ And as Priyadarsi also ruled over Magadha, we thus
have two different kings of Magadha at the same time. The simple solution of this
difficulty is the &ct, mentioned in the Singhalese Dipawanso, that Asoka was also

* These five Princes i

AntiocliaB II — Theos of Syria
Ptolemy II — Philadelphos of I^^pt
Antigonns QonDatas of Macedonia
Magaa of Cyrene ...

AUuuuider II. of Epirui «.

... B. C.

263

246

..* >l

285

246

• •• >f

276

243

••• >»

...

258

• •• »>

272

254

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■ &- —

INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA, 5

called Friyadarsi. The same fact is also stated in the Burmese life of Buddha,
where Mah&kSsyapa is made to prophesy that ** in after times a young man named
Piadatha (Piyadasi) shall ascend the throne and become a great and renowned
monarch under the name of Asoka/' * A strong argument in favor of the
identity of Priyadarsi Dev^nampriya with Asoka is the subsequent use of one of the
titles by his grandson, Dev^nampriya Dasaratha, in the NIbgS-rjuni cave inscriptions.

As both the 10th and 12th years of Priyadarsi are mentioned in the rock edicts,
the dates of their promulgation will be B. C. 251 and 249, Now, as Alexander II
of Epirus died in B. C. 264, the mention of his name in the edicts of Priyadarsi,
which were promulgated just at that time, is the most satisfactory proof of the
accuracy of the date which has been assigned to Asoka, and most conclusively
confirms Sir W. Jones's identification of Sandrakoptos with Chandra Gupta.

That the Antiochus mentioned by Priyadarsi is not Antiochus the Great, as
suggested by Wilson, is most fully proved by the omission of the name of
Euthydemus of Bactria, the nearest Greek prince on the frontier of India. It is
equally disproved by the reference to the governors {Sdmanta and Sdmino) of
Antiochus, which shows that the revolt of the Eastern princes under Diodotus,
Pantaleon and Antimachus had not then taken place. These edicts were therefore
drawn up during the lifetime of Antiochus Theos, or certainly before B. C. 246.

The following is James Prinsep*s summary^ of the ** contents of the edicts" : —

" The first edict prohibits the sacrifice of animals^ both for food and in religious assemblies, and
enjoins more attention to the practice of this first of Buddhistic virtues than seems to haye been
paid to it even by the Raja himself, at least prior to the sixteenth year of his reign.

" The second edict provides a system of medical aid for men and animals throughout Piyadasi^s
dominions, and orders trees to be planted and weUs to be dug along the sides of the principal
public roads.

'^ The third edict enjoins a quinquennial humiliation, or if we read the word by the alteratioi^
of y to *, as anusas&nam, the re-publication every five years of the great moral maxim inculcated in
the Buddhist creed, viz., ' Honom* to father ; charity to kindred and neighbour, and to the priest-
hood (whether Brahmanical or Buddhistical) ; humanity to animals ; to keep the body in temperance,
and the tongue from evil speaking ! ' And these precepts are to be preached to the flock by their
pastors with arguments and examples. This edict is dated after the twelfth year of Piyadasi's
inauguration.

^' Th& fourth edict draws a comparison between the former state of things, perhaps lawless and
uncivilised, and the state of regeneration of the country under the ordinances of the beloved king.
The publication of the glad tidings seems to have been made with unexampled pomp and circum-
stance, and posterity is invoked to uphold the system. This edict is also dated in the twelfth year
of Piyadasi.

'^ The fifth edict, after an exordium not very intelligible, proceeds to record the appointments
of ministers of religion, or more strictly missionaries ; and enimierates many of the countries to
which they are to be deputed for the conversion of the young and the old, the rich and the poor,
the native and the foreigner. Many highly curious points, especially as to geography, call for notice
in this edict, wherein for the first time the name of the celebrated city of Fdtaliputra is made known
to us in the ancient character.

^' The sixth edict appoints in like manner pativddakaSy informers, or perhaps more properly
custodes morum, who are to take cognizance of the conduct of the people in their meals, their

> Bishop Bigandet's Legend of the Burmese Buddha, 2nd edit., p. 346.

The Burmese pronounce « as a soft English th ; henoe they say Paidatha and Athoka for Pyadasi and Asoka
» Journal, Beng'^l Asiatic Society, VII, 220.

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6 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

domestic lif e^ their families^ their conversation^ their general deportment^ and their decease. It also
nominates magistrates or officers for punishment^ if the word antiydt/ika (8. antyayaka) may be so
understood^ so that in this edict we have a glimpse of the excellent system of moral administration
for which the Greek and Persian historians give credit to our monarch, and we find it actually not
very different from that followed twenty centuries later by ourselves ; for we too have our judge,
and our magistrates, and further, our missionaries are spread abroad among the people to drown
them with the overflowing truths of our dharma, to release them from the fetters of sin, and
bring them unto the salvation which ' passeth understanding 1^

'^ The seventh edict expresses, not an order, but an earnest desire on the part of the king that
all the diversities of religious opinion may be obliterated ; that every distinction in rank and in
tastes may be harmonised into one system of bidvasudii, that peace of mind, or repose of conscience^
which proceeds from knowledge, from faith and entire assent.

'^ The eiffitA edict contrasts the mere carnal amusements patronised by former Rajas with the
more harmless and pious enjoyment prescribed by himself. The dhammay&td, or in Sanskrit dhar-
maydtrd, the festival of religion, is thus set in opposition to the vihdray&tra, the festival of amuse-
ment; and it is stated to consist in the visits to holy people, in alms- giving, in respect to elders,
and similar praiseworthy sources of rational gratification. This edict is dated in (or rather after)
the tenth year of Piyadasi^s reign.

'^ The ninth edict continues the thread of the same discourse by expatiating on the sources of
true happiness, not such as the worldling seeks in marriage, in rearing children, in foreign travel,
and such things; but the dharma mangalam, the happiness of virtue, which displays itself in
benevolence to dependants, reverence to one^s pastors, in peace with all men, abundant charity, and
so forth, through which alone can the blessings of Heaven be propitiated.

*' The tenth paragraph comments upon Taso vd kiti vd, the glory of renown, which attend
merely the vain and transitory deeds of this world. The Raja is actuated by higher motives, and
he looks beyond for the reward for which he strives with heroism {pardkramena) the most jealous,
yet respectful.

" The eleventk edict is to be found at Dhauli, but it is well preserved at Girnftr, and the
meaning is clear throughout. As former paragraphs had vaunted the superiority of every act
connected with diarma, so this upholds that the imparting of dharma itself is the chiefest of chari-
table donations ; and then it points out as usual how the possession of this treasure becomes manifest
in good works rewarded with temporary blessings in this world and endless moral merit (as the
reward of it) in the next.

'^ The twelfth edict is likewise wanting in the Eatak series. It is addressed to all unbelievers,
whether domestic or ascetic, with entreaty, and with more solid and more persuasive boimty, though
direct disavowal that fame is the object. There is some little obscurity in the passages which follow>
regarding the mode of dealing with the two great divisions of the unbelievers, who are distinguished
as dpiqpdsanda (those fit for conversion or actually converted), and parapdsanda, tdtra heretics,
or those upon whom no impression had been madej but the concluding paragraph informs us of the
appointment of three grades of ministers, dharmamahdmdfrds, etairyya-mahdmdtrde, and subordinates^
in the congregational ceremonies, karmikde, thus placing the religion upon a firmer basis, promoting
conversion to it, and enhancing its attractiveness among the people.

" HhQ fourteenth edict is one of the most interesting of the whole series. It is a kind of
gumming up of the foregoing, which we have seen are partly laconic and partly diffuse, but the
whole is said to be complete itself; and if more were written it would be repetition. We learn
from this edict that the whole was engraved at one time from an authentic copy, issued, doubtless,
under the royal mandate, by a scribe and pandit of a name not very easily deciphered. It is
somewhat curious to find the same words precisely on the rock in Eatak. The name of the writer
is there erased, but the final letters of lipikdra, ' scribe,' are quite distinct.

''This may be properly regarded as the last of the peculiar series of edicts to which it
alludes/'

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA- 7

This account of the general scope of Priyadarsi's edicts was subsequently criti-
cised by Wilson, who objected that " with respect to the supposed mflin purport of
the ins^ripiion—proseli/tism to the Buddhist religion — it may not unreasonably be
doubted if they were made public with any such design, and whether they hftve any
connection with Buddhism at all * * * '* " The meaning of the language of the
inscriptions is, to say the least, equivocal.'* ^ But notwithstanding these inconclu-
sive evidences of Buddhism, Wilson fully admitted that " Priyadarsi intended to
enjoin equal reverence to Brahmans and to Buddhist teachers ;" that No. 12 edict
** exhibits this intention most unequivocally ; and that the prince enjoins in it no
attempt at conversion, but universal respect for all forms of religious belief, his own
as well as (that of) any other JPdshanday He then explains the true meaning of
the term Pdshandaj as comprising " all who do not regard the authority of the
Vedas as infallible and divine, and who draw from them doctrines which tend to
set aside the necessity of mere formal ceremonies." '* This, in fact, appears to be
the main object of all the edicts, whether on the rocks or on the pillars, — ^the exalta-
tion over all ceremonial practices, over a religion of rites, of the observance of
moral obligations ; the enjoining, in preference to the sacrifice of animals, obedience
to parents; affection for children, friends and dependants, reverence for elders^
Sr&mans and Brahmans ; universal benevolence, and unreserved toleration." Wilson
concludes his arguments with the following words : — " The edicts may be taken as
historical evidence that Buddhism was not yet fully established, and that Priyadarsi
was desirous of keeping peace between it and its predecessor by inculcating social
duties and universal toleration in place of either ritual or dogma."

The respect paid to Brahmans is satisfactorily accounted for by Bumouf , who
remarks that —

'^ in tlve early Baddhist writings very little difference appears between the Buddhists and Brahmans,
and Buddha is often described as followed by a crowd of Brahmans as well as Bhikhus and
Sr&mans/' '

1 Journal, Royal Asiatic Society, XII, 286.

' Journal, Royal Asiatic Society, XII, 242, qaoted by Wilson.

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I. ROCK INSCRIPTIONS.

1.— ShahbIz-garhi Rock.

The great inscriptioii of Asoka at SMhb^z-garlii was first made known by
General Court, who described it as being situated quite close to Kapurdagarhi, and
almost effaced by time} But Kapurdagarhi is two miles distant, and the rock is
actually within the boundary of the very much larger village of Sh&bllz-garhi, from
which it is less than half a mile distant. Court's notice of the inscribed rock sti^
mulated the zeal and curiosity of Masson, who, in October 1838, proceeded to Sh&h-
b4z-garhi,^ when he succeeded in making a very fair copy of the inscription, which
enabled Norris to identify it as another transcript of Asoka's well-known edicts,
but engraved in Arian-Pali characters.

Sh^b^z-garhi is a modem name, derived from the ;2?iara<, or shrine of ShS>h-
b&z-kalandar, a rather notorious saint, who was described to me as a K4fir, and
who is stigmatised by Baber as an " impious unbeliever, who, in the course of the
last thirty or forty years, had perverted the faith of numbers of the Yusufzais and
DilazS;ks." ' Baber thus continues : — " At the abrupt termination of the hill of Mak&m
there is a small hillock that overlooks all the plain country ; it is extremely beauti-
ful, commanding a prospect as far as the eye can reach, and is conspicuous from the
lower grounds. Upon it stood the tomb of Sh^b^z-kalandar. I visited it, and
surveyed the whole place. It struck me as improper that so charming and
delightful a spot should be occupied by the tomb of an unbeliever. I therefore gave
orders that the tomb should be pulled down and levelled with the ground." As
this was in A. D. 1519, the death of ShabbS^z must have taken place about A. D.
1490. The old name must, therefore, have been in use down to the time of Baber ;
but unf ortimately he gives only the name of MakS^m, which is that of the stream
of Sh&b&^-garhi at the present day. Baber also speaks of the hUl above the
shrine of Sh^bslz as the hill of Mak&m ; but the name is not that of the town, but
of the valley. I accept, therefore, the statement of the people, that the old name of
the town was something like Sattami or SetrS-m, or Sitarfbm, which I propose to
identify with the city of the famous Buddhist Prince Sudft-na.*

' Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, V, 481.

> Boyal Asiatic Society's Journal, VIII, 296, where Masson describes Sh&b&z-garbi as the village nearest to the
inscribed rock.

' Memoirs by Leyden and Erskine, p. 252.
4 Archaeological Survey of India, V, 9.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 9

During my stay at SMbbftz-garhi I made a survey of the neighboxirhood, and
was surprised to find that the present village was the site of a very old and exten-
sive city, which, according to the people, was once the capital of the country.
They pointed to several mounds of ruins as having been inside the city, and to two
well-known spots named Khaprai and Khapardar&, as the sites of the northern and
eastern gates of the city. The truth of their statements was confirmed by an examin-
ation of the ground within the limits specified, which I found everywhere
strewn with broken bricks and pieces of pottery. The old name of the place was
not known, but some said it was Satt&mi, and others Setrftm and Sitar&mi, all of
which I believe to be simple corruptions of the name of the famous Buddhist Prince
Sud&na or Sudatta.

In my account of the ruins at Sh&hb&z-garhi I have identified the site with the
PO'lU'Sha of Hwen Thsang, and the Fo-sha-fu of Simgyun.^ The two transcripts
are evidently intended for the same name, which M. Julien renders by Varuaha.
The position assigned to it by Hwen Thsang is about forty miles to the north-east of
Peshawar, and twenty-seven miles to the north-west of XJtakhanda, or Ohind. These
bearings and distances fix the site of the city somewhere in the valley of the Mak&m
Rud, which the subsequent mention of the Dant&lok hill, and of a cave within a
few miles of the city, limits to the neighbourhood of Sh&hbftz-garhi. That this
was one of the chief cities of the country in ancient times we learn from the tradi-
tions of the people, as well as from the extent of the existing ruins, and the pre-
sence of the great rock inscription of Asoka. Prom all these concurring circum-
stances I feel satisfied that the site of Sh&hb&z-garhi represents the ancient city of
PO'lU'Sha, or Fo-sha, an identification which will be strongly corroborated by an
examination of some of the details furnished by the Chinese pilgrims. As fu
means " city," I have a suspicion that Fo-sha may be identified with Bazaria. In
this case Hwen Thsang's Po-lu-sha might be read as Po-aha-lu by merely transposing
the last two syllables. In support of this suggestion I may quote Arrian's descrip-
tion of Bazaria, as situated upon an eminence and surrounded by a stout wall,^
which agrees very closely with the actual position of Sh&hb&z-garhi, as well as with
the accounts of Sudatta's city given by the Chinese pilgrims.

The great inscription of Asoka is engraved on a large shapeless mass of trap
rock, lying about 80 feet up the slope of the hill, with its western face looking
downwards towards the village of Sh&hb&z-garhi. The greater portion of the
inscription is on the eastern face of the rock looking up the hill, but all the latter
part, which contains the names of the five Greek kings, is on the western face.
The mass of rock is 24 feet long and about 10 feet in height, with a general
thickness of about 10 feet.* When I first saw the inscription in January 1847,
there was a large piece of rock, which had fallen from above, resting against
the upper or eastern face of the inscription. At my request this piece of
rock had been removed in 1871 by a party of Sappers, and I was
thus able to take a complete impression of this side of the inscription. I cleared

* Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. V, p. 16.

» Anabasis, IV, 27.

» Two views of this rock are given in Plate XZJX. The inscriptions will be found in Plates I and II.

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10 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

the ground both above and below the rock, and built level terraces in front of both
inscriptions, so as to be able to examine with tolerable ease any doubtful portions.
The eastern face, though not smooth, presents a nearly even surface, the result of
a natural fracture ; but the western face is rough and uneven, and the letters,
though not much worn, do not afford a good impression. I therefore traced them
out carefully with ink for the purpose of taking an eye-copy, but the ink was wash-
ed out at night by a heavy fall of rain. The same thing happened a second time ;
but after a third tracing the weather became fair, and I was able to make a com-
plete eye-copy as well as an impression of this important part of Asoka's inscrip-
tion. Every doubtful letter was examined several times in different lights, and was
copied by my native assistants as well as by myself, until by repeated comparisons
the true form was generally obtained. Under these circimistances, I believe that
I have secured as perfect and as accurate a copy of this famous inscription as it is
now possible to make. As no photographs can be taken of either face of the
inscription on account of the slope of the hill, an eye-copy, thus checked by an
impression, is, I believe, the best possible substitute. The Khalsi and Sh&hb&z-
garhi texts are nearly perfect in the important 13th tablet, which contains the
names of the five Greek kings, and of several well-known districts of India. The
words of the Sh&hbfi,z-garhi inscription in this part are as follow, from near the
beginning of the 9th line : —

Antiyoka nama Yona raja^ paran cha tena Antiyokena chatura IIII rajani^
TuRAMAYE nama^ Antikina numay Maka. wama, Alikasandare nama^ nicha Choda,
Panda, Avam, Tambapanniya, hevam mevam hevam mevam raja, vishamtini ? Tona
kamboyeshu, Nabhaka-Nabhapanteshu, Bhoja-Pitinikeshtj, Andhba-Pulin-
DESHTJ, aavatam^ &c. The name of Alexander is written Alikasandare, which agrees
with the Alikyasadale of the Khalsi version. Then follow the names of several
countries, of which not one was recognized by either Norris or Wilson. Of these,
Choda and JPanda are the well-known Chola and Pandya of early history. If
Avam be a proper name, it may be the country of Ptolemy's Aii^ an identification
which is rendered still more probable by the subsequent mention of Tambapanniya or
Ceylon. Of the last series of names, the Yonas and Kamhqjas are well known. Of
the Nabhakas and Nabhapantis I cannot offer even a conjecture, but the Bhqjas
are mentioned both in the Mah&bhiLrata and in the Pur^nas. They are the people
of Vidarbha^ or Bidar. The name of the JPitenikas occurs also in the 6th
edict, and is probably the same as the Fadenekayika of the Bhilsa Tope inscrip-
tions.^ The last people are the Andhras and Pulindas, both well-known
names.

This mention is of the highest importance for the ancient history of India, as
it proves that the generally accepted chronology, which assigns the rise of the
Andhras to so late a period as B. C. 21, is undoubtedly erroneous. I had already
discovered this error from an examination of the Kdnhari Ndsik inscriptions
of Gotamiputra S&takami and his successor Pudumavi, which clearly belong to
the same period as the well-known Gupta inscriptions. After much consideration

' Canningham's Bhilsa Tope, No. 140 inscription. These Fitenihas may, perhaps, be identified with Ptolemy's

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. il

of the career of Gotamiputra Sfiitakami, I ventured to suggest that he might per-
haps be identified with the famous Sliliv&han, or SS^tavAhan, which would place him
in A. J). 79 instead of A. D. 320, as generally adopted. That this conclusion
as to date was well-founded is now proved by the mention of Andhras in the edicts
of Asoka, which carries back the foundation of the kingdom of Andhra from the
latter part of the first century B. C. to the earlier half of the third century B. 0.
If we adopt the amount of correction which I had abeady made for Gotamiputra
of A. D. 320 — 78 = 242 years, then the foundation of the Andhra kingdom will be
placed in B. C. 21 + 242=B. C. 263, or exactly contemporaneous with Asoka.

In the copy of the Sha.hbflz-garhi inscription on the back of the rock, prepared
by Norris and Wilson, the uppermost line is omitted altogether, their first line
being my second line. But there must have been at least two other lines above my
first, of which some traces yet remain, as only the last four words of the 12th edict
now remain at the beginning of the first line. The 13th edict then begins, and
continues down to the end, the greater part being distinctly legible.

This Ariano-Pali version of the edict is of special value in determining the true
reading of many words in the Indian version, partly from its possession of the three
sibilants, and partly from its use of the attached r.

The value of the last is best seen in the important name of Andhra^ which
Wilson read as Andha} although he had observed that the Sh&hb&z-garhi text
" departs less from the Sanskrit than the other, retaining some compound consonants
as j[>r in priya instead of piya,^^ to which he might have added br in Bramana^ sr
in Sramana, and other equally distinct examples. The three sibilants are found
together in the word susushay which is written simply stcsiMa in all the Indian ver-
sions excepting some parts of the Kh&lsi text, where the ah is used of nearly the
same form as the Arian letter. The same letter is also found in the word vasha,
year, whi^h replaces vasa of the Indian texts, and in the plural forms of Kamboyeahu
and PuUndeshu, which take the place of Kabojesu and Pulindem of the other
versions.

But the most remarkable departure from the Indian texts is the use of the ver-
nacular word baraya for twelfth, instead of the Sanskrit dwddasa. This word occurs
twice in the inscription, near the beginning of the 3rd and towards the end of the
4th edict. Strange to say, it remained unrecognized by Wilson, who simply
remarks, " in place of dwddasa, twelve, and vasa^ year, the inscription has baraya
vasha, but the first must be wrong." Of the second example, he says that " there
is a blank instead of the number," although Norris's Arian text has the letters
for vara + vasha quite distinct, while his English transliteration gives va rana vasha.
By thus separating va from the following letters, it seems that Norris also failed to
recognize the true vernacular baraya for " twelfth."

I observe that the word chatura, " four," in the 13th edict, is followed by four
upright strokes, thus, 1 1 1 1, in the Shfi,hb4z-garhi text, and that the corresponding
word chatura, " four," in the Kh&lsi text, is followed by a nearly upright cross, thus,
+ , which must therefore be the old Indian cypher for 4. This form was afterwards
modified to a St. Andrew's cross, or x , in which shape it was adopted by all the

' The suffixed r is very distinct on the rock, and was duly inserted hy Norris from Masson's hand copy.

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12 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

people who used the Arian characters, as may be seen in the dififerent inscriptions
of the kings Kanishka, Huyishka, and Gtondophares, and of the Satrap Liako-
Kujulaka.^ Previous to the adoption of this Indian symbol, the cyphers of the
Western people would seem to have been limited to single strokes, as the words
pancheahu pancheshu, " every five," are followed by five upright strokes, which
precede the word vasheahu^ " years."

2. — KhAlsi Rock.

This inscribed rock is a huge boulder of quartz on the western bank of the
Jumna, just above the junction of the Tons river, and about 16 miles to the west
of MasAri, or Musooree, as it is spelt in our maps. The rock is situated close to the
two little hamlets of By^ and Haripur ; but as the large and well-known village of
Kh&ki is not more than a mile and a half to the south, I have ventured to call this
inscription by its name.

Between Kh&lsi and the Jumna the land on the western bank of the river is
formed in two successive ledges or level terraces, each about 100 feet in height.
Near the foot of the upper terrace stands the large quartz boulder which has pre-
served the edicts of Asoka for upwards of 2,000 years. The block is 10 feet long
and 10 feet high, and about 8 feet thick at bottom. The south-eastern face has
been smoothed, but rather unevenly, as it follows the undulations of the original
surface. The main inscription is engraved on this smoothed surface, wliich
measures 6 feet in height, with a breadth of 6^ feet at top, which increases towards
the bottom to 7 feet 10^ inches.* The deeper hollows and cracks have been left
uninscribed, and the lines of letters are undulating and uneven. Towards the
bottom, beginning with the 10th edict, the letters increase in size until they become
about thrice as large as those of the upper part. Owing either to this enlargement
of the letters, or, perhaps, to the latter part of the inscription being of later date,
the prepared surface was too small for the whole record, which was therefore com-
pleted on the left-hand side of the rock.

On the right-hand side an elephant is traced in outline, with the word Oajatama
inscribed between his legs in the same characters as those of the inscription. The
exact meaning of this word I do not know ; but as the Junagiri rock inscription
closes with a paragraph stating that the place is called Sweta Sdsth or * the white
elephant,' I think it probable that Oajatama may be the name of the Khft^lsi rock
itself. Amongst the people, however, the rock is known by the name of Chhatr
Silay or * the canopy stone,' which would seem to show that the inscribed block
had formerly been covered over by some kind of canopy, or, perhaps, only by an
umbrella, as the name imports. In the present year, 1876, a Brahman explained
that the true name is Chitra Sila^ that is, the ornamented or * inscribed rock.'
There are many squared stones lying about close to the rock, as well as several
fragments of octagonal pillars and half pillars or pilasters, which are hollowed out
or fluted on the shorter faces, after the common fashion of the pillars of Buddhist

1 See Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. Ill, Plates 13, U, and 16 ; and Vol. V, Plate 16, No. 3,
See Plate XXIX for a view of this rock, and Platee III and IV for its inscriptions.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 13

railings. There is also a large carved stone, 7 feet long, 1 J feet broad, and 1 foot
in height, which, from its upper mouldings, I judged to have formed the entrance
step to some kind of open porch in front of the inscription stone.

When first found by Mr. Porrest early in 1860, the letters, of the inscription
were hardly visible, the whole surface being encrusted with the dark moss of ages ;
but on removing this black film, the surface becomes nearly as white as marble. At
first sight the inscription looks as if it was imperfect in many places, but this is
owing to the engraver having purposely left all the cracked and rougher portions
iminscribed. On comparing the different edicts with those of the Shft/hbS^z-garhi,
Gim&r, and Dhauli versions, I find the Khd^lsi text to be in a more perfect state
than any of them, and it is more especially perfect in that part of the 13th edict
which contains the names of the five Greek kings — Antiochus, Ptolemy, Antigonus,
Magas, and Alexander/ The Kh&lsi text agrees with that of Dhauli in rejecting
the use of the letter r, for which I is everywhere substituted. But the greatest
variation is in the use of the palatal sibilant *, which has not been found in any
other inscription of this early date. This letter occurs in the word Pdsanda, which
curiously enough is spelt sometimes with one s and sometime with the other, even
in the same edict. As the proper spelling of this word is Pdshanda^ it seems almost
certain that the people of India proper did not possess the letter sh in the time
of Asoka**

There are some peculiarities in the Kh&lsi alphabet which are not found in any
of the pillar inscriptions, or in the rock inscriptions of Gim^, Dhauli and Jaugada,
except, perhaps, in the latter additional edicts. The most remarkable of these pecu-
liarities is the shape of the letter kh, which has a large open circle at its foot, instead
of the mere dot or knob, which is common to all the other great inscriptions. In
tins, however, it agrees with the mass of the Bharhut inscriptions. The shape of
the letter s is also modified, the left-hand member being placed below instead of to
the side. In this respect, however, the Kh&lsi form agrees with that on the coins
of Pantaloon and Agathokles, and with the N%&rjuni cave inscriptions of Eaja
Dasaratha.

The only compound letters are *y, kht/, and shm or sm. In the upper part of
the inscription comprising the first nine edicts the letters, are small but well-formed,
and the words are generally separated ; but in the 12th edict, at the bottom of the
main face of the inscription the letters become much larger, even twice the size of
those at the top, while the words are no longer separated. It is in this edict that
the palatal letter s appears so frequently in the word pdsanda. It is, however, once
used in the earlier part of the inscription, close to the end of the 4th edict, in the
name of Piyadasi. The smaller faults in the rock in this latter part, instead of
being left blank as in the uppermost edicts, are marked by a straight upright stroke
like the letter r. At first I thought that this letter had actually been used in the
later edicts ; but as I examined the words carefully, I soon found that it was a mere
conventional mark to denote a blank space.

' See Plate IV for this portion of the Kh&lsi inscription.
' See Archaeological Survej of India, Vol. I, pp. 246-247.

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14 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

3. — GirnIe Rook.

The first copy of the GimS^r edicts, so far as I am aware of, is that which was
taken by Dr. Wilson of Bombay and forwarded to James Prinsep by Mr. Wathen.
A better copy was soon afterwards made by Captains Lang and Postans, which fur-
nished Prinsep with correct readings of some important passages. To Captain
Postans also I am indebted for the main points in the following accounts of the
inscribed rock.

The Gimfir version of the edicts of Asoka is inscribed on a large rock on the
Gim&r hiU, half a mile to the east of the city of Junagarh, and forty miles to the
north of the famous Pattan Somn^th.^ Captain Postans describes it as " one of a
group of several large granite blocks, and appears to have been chosen for its pecu-
liar form, wliich approaches to that of a flattened cone. The inscriptions occupy
three sides of the rock, that to the east being the most ancient, whilst those on the
west and north faces are in a more modem character. The ancient characters
recording the edicts of Asoka are deeply cut, and, except where a portion of the stone
has been removed by violence, are very perfect.'* The letters are 1^ inches in height,
xmiform in size, and very clearly and deeply cut. On enquiry it was found that the
missing portion of the inscription, including part of the 13th edict, which contains
the names of the five Greek kings, had been blasted with gunpowder to furnish
materials for a neighbouring causeway 1 By turning up the soil close by. Captain
Postans recovered numerous fragments of the rock, amongst which were two pieces
bearing Asoka letters, and a third piece with a portion of later date.*

The inscription consists of two grand divisions, which are separated by a line
drawn from the top of the rock downwards. To the left are engraved the first five
edicts, and to the right the next seven edicts from 6 to 12. The 13th edict is placed
below, and on its right is the 14th edict. The edicts are separated from one another
by horizontal lines drawn right across. Between all is a single imperfect Une, men-
tioning that the place was called Stoeta Sasti, or " The White Elephant."

The language of the Gimllr edicts differs from that of the other versions in
using some peculiar forms, as the locative singular in mhi^ in dhamamhi, silamhi,
instead of «i as in dhammasi, silasi, iSkc., and in the compound aamyapatipatiy^
instead of aampatipati of the Sh&hb6z-garhi and Kh6,lsi texts. In this instance,
however, the Jaugada text of Ganjam agrees with that of Gim&r.

There are also differences in the forms of some of the letters, and more especially
in the r, which is a wavy or undulating line, instead of the rigidly straight upright
stroke of the Khftlsi and other texts. In this wavy form of ther, however, it agrees
with the coins of Pantaloon and Agathokles, and with the short inscriptions on
the Buddhist railings of Bodh Gaya. The upper stroke of the p as well as of

* See Plate XXIX for a view of the rock, and Plates V, VI, and VII for its insoriptions.

• Jonmal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VII, 1871-72.

' In hoth of the published copies of this edict this word is written Sammapatipati, which Bamonf took for an
improper abbreviation of iStimaita— "Le Lotus," p. 736. He suspected, however, that Samm& might be a special
orthography for Samyak, '*ane bienvillance parfaite."

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 15

the 8, is also occasionally bent or waved in a similar manner. The vowels d and
e are attached to the lower member of m, and the initial long a has the side stroke
at the top instead of against the middle of the letter.

4. — Dhauli Rock.

The Dhauli rock inscription was discovered by Kittoe towards the close of
1837, at the very time when James Prinsep " had just groped his way through the
Gim^ text", and was in want of a second text for comparison. To his " surprise
and joy," he discovered that the Dhauli inscription was in substance a duplicate of
the Qim&r edicts, although the language and alphabet of the two versions had
" very notable and characteristic differences." ^

The actual rock itself is named Astoastama, but, from its being situated close
to the village of Dhauli, this version of the edicts has always been called the Dhauli
inscription. It is thus described by Eattoe* : —

'* The Aswastama is situated on a rocky eminenoe forming one of a cluster of hills, three in
number, on the south bank* of the Dyah river, near to the village of Dhauli, and close to the north-
west comer of the famous tank called Konsala-gang, said to have been excavated by Raja Granges-
wara Deva, King of Ealinga, in the 12th century. * * The hills before alluded to rise abruptly
from the plains, and occupy a space of about five furlongs by three. They have a singular
appearance from their isolated position, no other hills being nearer than eight or ten miles. They are
apparently volcanic, and composed of unheaved breccia ti ith quartzose rock intermixed. The northern-
most hill may be ubout 250 feet at its highest or eastern end, on which is a ruined temple dedicated
to Mahadeva. The other hills, or rather rocks, are less elevated.

'^ The Aswastama is situated on the northern face of the southernmost rock near its summit ;
the rock has been hewn and polished for a space of 15 feet long by 10 in height, and the inscription
deeply cut thereon being divided into four tablets, the first of which appears to have been executed
at a different period from the rest ; the letters are much larger, and not so well cut. The fourth
tablet is encircled by a deep line, and is cut with more care than either of the others.

" Immediately above the inscription is a terrace 16 feet by 14 (A), on the right side of which
[as you face the inscription] is the fore-half of an elephant, 4 feet high, of superior workmanship ;
the whole is hewn out of the solid rock. There is a groove 4 inches wide by 2 in depth round three
sides of the terrace, with a space of 8 feet left [a doorway ?] immediately in front of the elephant ;
there are also two grooves, one on either side of the elephant, on the floor and in the perpendicular
face : these must have been intended probably to fix a wooden canopy.

^^ There are also many broken caves in the rocks adjoining the Aswastama, and the founda*
tions of many buildings, — one in particular, immediately above the inscription, which may have
been one of the cAailyas or 8t4pas mentioned in the inscription.

^' The elephant does not seem to be an object of worship, though I was informed that one day in
every year is appointed, when the Brahmans of the temples in the vicinity attend and throw water
on it, and besmear it with red lead in honor of Oanesha.^'^

The Asoka inscriptions at Dhauli are arranged in three parallel columns, of
which the first eleven of the collected edicts occupy the whole of the middle column

' Journal, Bengal Asiatic Sooietj, Vll, 158.

* Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, YII, 435, 436, 437.

* Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, VII, 437.

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16 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

and one-half of the right column. Afterwards two local edicts were added, one
completing the right-hand column, and the other filling the whole of the left-hand
column.^ The latter has been taken by Prinsep as the first of these two separate
edicts, although there can be no doubt that the former, from its position in continua-
tion of the original edicts, was the first to be engraved, more especially as the
duplicate version at Jaugada places it immediately above the other. The matter is not,
perhaps, of much consequence, but it is right that it should be brought to notice in
case of enquiry hereafter.

The Dhauli edicts are chiefly remarkable for the complete want of the letter r,
which is always replaced by /, even in such a word as -So/a, for which we have
Ldja. This peculiarity was overlooked by Prinsep when he proposed to identify
the Tosali of the two separate edicts with the Toaali Metropolis of Ptolemy, which
is placed far to the north of the Ganges, instead of with his Dosara on the Dosaron
river, which occupies the very position required. This Tosali in Katak agrees also
with the position of the Desarena Regio of the Periplus, which lies between Masalia,
or Masulipatam, and the mouths of the Ganges. These two Greek readings at once
suggest the name of the Indian DdsdrnaSy who are several times mentioned in the
geographical lists of the Mah^bh^rata.* Perhaps the old name still remains in
Dosa on the Ko'il river, in latitude 23° and longitude 84** 6(K.

The opening sentence of No. 1 edict at Dhauli is lost, and as it certainly
differed from the Sh&,hb&z-garhi, Kh&lsi and Girn&r versions, it is fortunate that the
Jaugada text affords the means of restoring the missing words.

Prinsep reads as follows :—

(10 letters) ghi savata^

which may be compared with the opening of the Jaugada edicts —

lyam dhammalipi Khepingalasi pavatasi.

Here it will be found that there are exactly ten letters preceding the final
syllable of Khepingalasi^ which Prinsep read as ghi^ but which is no doubt
si, as the two letters are easily mistaken in a mutilated inscription. So also
are the two letters a and p, and for Prinsep's savata, plus one lost letter, I
propose to read |?at?a^a«*, as in the Jaugada text. Then foUow the words Devd-
nampiyena Piyadasina Ldjina lekhapitd in both texts. I therefore read the whole
as follows : — " This religious edict is promulgated by Eaja Priyadarsi, the beloved
of the gods, to the people^ of the Khepingala hills.'* No such name is now
known ; but as it is common to both inscriptions, I conclude that it was the usual
name for the moimtain districts of Orissa.

The two separate edicts are local ones, addressed to the rulers of Tosali. In the
second edict the opening words are —

Devdnampiyasa vachamena Tosaliyam Kumdlecha vataviya^
which Prinsep renders —

" By command of Dev6.nampiya 1 It shall be signified to the Prince and the great

officers in the city of Tosali.'*

* See Plate XXIX for a view of the rock, and Plates VIII, IX, and X for iU inscriptions.
' See Wilson's Vishnu Purana, pp. 186, 187, 192.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 17

Now, in the first edict there is mention of Vjeniya Kumdle, which Prinsep translates
as the young " Prince of Ujain," and whom he rightly identified with JJjjemOy
the son of Asoka. But he erroneously supposed him to he a different person
from Mahindo, whereas Ujjeniya was only another name for Mahindo, who was
bom whilst Asoka was governor of TJjain. By this identification we get a limit
to the date of these inscriptions, for Mahindo became a Buddhist priest at twenty
years of age,^ after which he could not have continued in the government of
Tosali. Now, Asoka was governor of TJjain for nine years immediately pre-
ceding his accession to the throne, from B. C. 276 to 264,* and as his marriage with
Chetiya Devi only took place on his journey to TJjain, the birth of Mahindo cannot
be fixed earlier than B. C. 274. He would, therefore, have been twenty years of age in
B. 0. 256, when he was ordained a priest, and thirty years of age when he became the
head of a fraternity ten years later, at the time of the assembly of the Third Bud-
dhist Synod in B. C. 244. But B. 0. 249 was the 12th year of Asoka's reign, which
is the latest date of some of the edicts in the collected series engraved on the rocks.
I conclude, therefore, that Mahindo was governor of Tosali before B. C. 249, and
that the two separate edicts at Dhauli and Jaugada must have been put forth
towards the end of that year. They are thus only a little later in date than the
great body of the rock edicts, but several years earlier than the pillar edicts.

5. — Jaugada Rock.

The Jaugada inscription is engraved on the face of a rock in a large old
fort near the bank of the Rishikulya river, about eighteen miles to the west-north-
west of the town of Glanjam. The name is pronounced Jaugodo by the people of the
country, and as Jau means " lac" in the TJriya language, the place is usually
known as the " lac-fort." But my assistant, Mr. J. D. Beglar, who visited the
place to make the present copies of the inscriptions, suggests that the original
name was Jagata^ which by both Bengalis and Uriyas would be pronounced Jogoto^
and from which it would be an easy step to Jaugodo^ or the lac-fort.

When the name had become fixed, the next step was to find a legend to
account for it, and so the following story came into being : — ^The fort was made by
Raja Kesari, who built the walls of "lac" instead of bricks, in order that an
enemy's cannon balls might bury themselves harmlessly inside. Close by on th^
RawalpiUi hill (about three miles south-west) lived another Raja who quarrelled
with Kesari, and besieged him for a long time in vain. At last a milkwoman, whose
Tnillc had been forcibly taken by one of the besieger's soldiers, being imable to
obtain redress, angrily exclaimed — "You fools 1 you have strength to plunder
poor people, but have not the sense to see that the * lac-fort' can be taken with
the greatest ease." On being questioned, she told the besiegers that the walls were
composed of " lac," and that they had only to apply fire to them and to increase
the flames with bellows, and the walls would come down at once. This was accord-
ingly done, and the "lac-fort" was taken. A somewhat different version of the

1 Mahawanso, p. 36, and Turnoor in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VII, 931, from the Dipawanso.
* Bigandet : <* Legend of the Burmese Buddha," p. 376. The Dipawanso, however, sajs that Mahindo was nine
years old at his father's accession to the throne.

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18 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

legend is given by Mr. Harris. According to him, " the name of lac-fort gave
rise to a local tradition that the lofty walls and place were formed by materials
impregnable, mitil the secret was betrayed by a milkmaid, and allowed the besiegers,
by the application of water — taking advantage of floods or freshes down the Rishi-
kulya—to eflfect an entrance."^

It is added that Raja Kesari cursed the woman whose babbling led to the loss
of the fort. The curse took immediate effect, and the imprudent milkwoman was
at once turned into stone, and to this day her statue is standing outside the walls
of the fort. In Mr. Beglar's judgment, however, the petrified milkwoman is only
an ordinary Sati-piUar, such as the aboriginal inhabitants of Chutia N4gpur even
now set up over the ashes of the dead. Mr. Beglar is also of opinion that the
fort is " clearly of later date than the inscriptions,'* and is probably of the same
age as the coins which are found in the milkwoman's mound. These coins, which
are evident imitations of the Indo-Scythian copper money, but without any inscrip-
tions, must therefore belong to the end of the first century A. D., a date which
I had already assigned for them from their being found in company with leaden
coins of the Andhra kings Gotamiputra and Yfidnya-Sri.

Mr. Beglar describes the groups of rocks inside the fort as picturesque, and
such as would at once attract attention. The great inscription is engraved on a
large high mass of rock which rises up vertically and faces the south-east, in the
direction of people coming from the sea-coast.

Some photographs of these inscriptions were taken in 1859 and forwarded to
the Madras Government by Captain Harington, who described them as being
" engraved upon a rock near the village of Naug&m in the Pubakonda TSluk of
the Ganjam district, about three miles from the tfi,luk station of Pursotpur (or
Purshottampur) near the Rishikulya river." He calls the place Joughar^ but as
he describes the large square fortification which is plainly shown in the Indian
Atlas Sheet of Ganjam, it is certain that the true name is Jaugada^ or the
Jau-fort.

Mr. Harington^s photographs were sent to the Royal Asiatic Society ; and,
from a memorandum by Mr. Norris, I learn that copies of the inscriptions were
taken in 1860 by the present Sir Walter Elliot, who was perfectly aware that they
contained only another version of Asoka*s edicts, which had already been found at
ShiLhblLz-garhi, GimfiLr, and Dhauli.

In 1871 an effort was made by tlie Madras Government to obtain complete
copies of these inscriptions both by impressions and by photography. The paper
impressions taken by pressure only, without ink, though tolerably legible at first,
afterwards almost entirely disappeared, owing to the extreme dampness of the
climate. The photographs by Mr. Minchin I have not seen, but I have received
from the Madras Government lithographic copies of some hand-tracings by Mr,
Harris, which, taken altogether, are very good, but, like all such copies, they are here
and there imperfect, and more particularly deficient in the two separate edicts,
which it was more important to have minutely copied, as we possess only one other
version of their text at Dhauli with which to compare them.

^ See Mr. Harris's letter dated 26th August 1872, printed in the Proceedings of the Madras Goyemment

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 19

The plates in the present volume have been reduced from Mr. Beglar's paper
impressions, one of which had all the fainter letters carefully pencilled over. After
reduction they were compared with Mr. Beglar's photographs, which afforded
several corrections in vowel marks. Every letter has been twice examined by
myself ,—;^r«/, before inking in the pencilled reduction ; and second^ while writing
out its text in Roman letters for comparison with the Dhauli versions. I believe,
therefore, that my plates present a very faithful copy of these inscriptions. ^ I have
done my best to make them so, but I do not expect that they will be found
absolutely perfect, as it is quite possible that some errors may have escaped notice.

The Jaugada inscriptions are written on three different tablets on the vertical
face of the rock. As at Dhauli, the letters are all of uniform size, and the lines
are perfectly straight, and altogether these Orissa and Ganjam inscriptions are the
most carefully and neatly engraved of all the rock edicts.

The first tablet contained the first five edicts, but about one-half has been utterly
lost by the peeling away of the rock.

The second tablet comprised the next five edicts, namely, 6 to 10, to which
was added the 14th or closing edict of the other versions. About one-third of this
tablet has been lost by the peeling away of the rock.

The third tablet contained the two separate or additional edicts which are
found at Dhauli. These are less carefully engraved than the other two tablets, and
they show, besides, some differences in the shapes of the letters, which certainly
indicate a later date, as they are also found in the additional or later edicts of the
Delhi pillar. One of these differences is the use of the hh with a large open circle
at the bottom, instead of the usual dot or knob. In the Jaugada additional edicts,
both of these forms are used. Another marked difference is the position of the two
side strokes which form the medial vowel o. In the older edicts the upper stroke
is on the right hand ; in the later edicts, both on the Delhi pillar and on the
Jaugada rock, the upper stroke is on the left hand. There are differences, too, in
the forms of I and A, but I cannot say that they are of later date than those of the
earlier edicts.

In this version the opening of the 1st edict, which is injured at Dhauli,
is distinctly legible. The two additional words KhepingalaH pavatasi, which
are inserted after dhammalipi, have been already noticed in my account of the
Dhauli rock. I presume that these two additional words give the general geogra-
phical name of the province, as the " Khepingala Sills,^^ in which the two cities of
Tosali and Samdpd were situated. These are the two names which are found in the
additional edicts, the former in the Dhauli version, and the latter in the Jaugada
version, the edicts themselves being addressed to the respective rulers of those

I have just discovered another instance of a local edict on the Allahabad pillar,
which was addressed by Asoka to the rulers of Kos&mbi, a very large and famous
city on the Jimma,* only thirty miles above Allahabad, and which was no doubt the
capital of the province in which Allahabad was situated. Of Samdpd I can find

* See Plates XI, XII, and XIII for the^e inacriptionB.
' See AreliSBological Soryej of India, I, 801.

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20 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

no trace in Ptolemy's map, nor in the rambling lists of names preserved by Pliny,
but I presume that it may have some reference to the situation of the district on the
great Chilka Lake.

6 AND 7. — Separate Edicts — ^Dhauli and Jaugada Rocks.

At Jaugada these two additional edicts are enclosed in a frame which separates
them from the collected series of Asoka's edicts. At Dhauli only one of these
edicts is thus enclosed, the other being engraved to the left hand of the main
collection of edicts. I have not thought it worth while to disturb Prinsep*s arrange-
ment of these two separate edicts, but there can be no doubt that his No. 2,
which is placed above his No. 1 -at Jaugada, was the first to be engraved. This
conclusion might also have been derived from the relative positions of the two
edicts on the Dhauli rock, for there the main series of edicts occupies a column
and a half of the whole mass of inscriptions, while the half column is completed
by the addition of one of these separate edicts, while the other forms a complete
column to the left hand of the main series of edicts. Prom their relative positions
I conclude that the separate edict which follows the main series of edicts and com-
pletes the second column was the first to be engraved, and that the other separate
edict was then placed by itself on the left. This view is fully corroborated by the
relative positions of these two edicts on the Jaugada rock. To prevent confusion,
however, I think it best to adhere to Prinsep's numbering.

At Jaugada the separation of these two edicts is more distinctly marked by the
accompaniment of the Swastika symbol at each of the upper comers of the upper
inscription, and of the letter m at the upper comers of the lower inscriptions. By
reading the latter in combination with the upright line of the surrounding frame
which passes through it, we have the mystic word Atmi. I am, therefore, inclined
to look upon the Swastika as a propitious Invocation, as its meaning imports,^
while Aum is the well-known auspicious opening of all documents even at the
present day. Both symbols are found upon many of the old Indian coins.

The geographical names mentioned in these separate edicts have been fully
examined in my account of the Dhauli and Jaugada rocks.

8.— SahasabIm Rock.

This new edict of Devdnampiya is inscribed on the face of the rock near the
top of the Chandan Pir hill, which forms the extreme northern end of the Kaimur
range. The hill takes its name from the shrine of Pir Chandan Sh^hid, which is
placed on the top. The inscription is found in an artificial cave a short distance
below, which is generally known as the Chir&ghdS;n, or " lamp '' of the saint. The
roof of the cave is formed by a large projecting mass of rock that has most effectu-
ally preserved the greater part of the inscription, which is in excellent order, except
in three or four places where the rock has peeled off. The entrance, which is only

^ Swastika is the name of the mystic cross, which is a monogram composed of the words su X oiti, " it is well/'

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 21

4 feet high, is to the west between two built walls. By making an opening in one
of these walls, my assistant, Mr. Beglar, obtained a good photograph of the inscrip-
tion. This photograph, compared with our paper impressions, has furnished the copy
published in the present volume.^

The inscription consists of eight lines of well-formed letters, generally about one
inch in height. It opens rather curtly with the words

Devdnampiye hevam a (hd)

— " DevlLnampriya thus declares" — following which just six letters have been lost.
About the same number of letters has been lost in each of the next three lines, after
which the inscription is complete to the end. At first sight it would appear as if
the letter r was frequently used, but on examination it turns out that the single
upright stroke, which occurs no less than thirteen times, is only a conventional
mark covering a fault in the rock, and intended to point out that the spot was to be
passed over in reading the inscription. It is certain that it cannot be the letter r, as
I is used for r in the words alodhe and chilathitike^ where the RApn&th text uses
arodhe and chirathitihe ; besides which it is used in positions where it can have
no meaning, as between the words Jambudipasi and ammisamj where no letter is
interposed in the two corresponding texts of Rlipn&th and BairM. A similar device
has already been noticed in my account of the latter half of the Kh&lsi inscription.
But the most interesting part of this record is the figured date which occurs in
the first half of the seventh line. There are three figures which I read as 256. The
same date occxu-s in the RApn&th version of this edict, but without the figure for
hundreds. As the date of these inscriptions has been fully discussed in the Preface,
it need not be examined [again. It will be sufficient to state here that, as these
inscriptions give only the title of Dev&nampiya, I am disposed to assign them to
Dasaratha Dev&nampiya, the grandson of Asoka, rather than to Devft^nampiya
Priyadarsi, or Asoka himself.

9. — RtPNiTH Rock.

The RApn&th rock is a single flinty block of dark-red sandstone lying at the
foot of the Kaimur range of hills, just below the fertile plateau of Bahuriband.
Here a small stream breaks over the crest of the Kaimur range, and, after three
low faUs, forms a deep secluded pool at the foot of the scarp. Each of these pools
is considered holy, the uppermost being named after RS^ma, the next after Laksh-
man, and the lowest after Sltft. The spot, however, is best known by the name of
RtLpn&th, from a lingam of Siva which is placed in a narrow cleft of the rocks on
the right. There are similar falls and pools at R&m T&l, a few miles to the south-
west, where the Kair river pours over the crest of the Kaimur range from the
plateau of Saleya. This spot is also esteemed holy. An annual fair was formerly
held at RApn&th on the Sivardtri^ in honor of Siva, but this has been discontinued
since 1867. The lowermost pool, however, ot Sit&kund, which never dries up, still
attracts a few pilgrims.

> See Plat© XIV.

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22 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

The edict of Asoka is inscribed on the upper surfetce of the rock, which has
been worn quite smooth by people sitting upon it for hundreds of years at the
annual fairs. It is now of a very dark dirty-red colour, and the inscription might
easily escape observation. The lines follow the undulations of the rock, and are
neither straight nor parallel with each other.^ The inscription is 4J feet long and
1 foot broad, and consists of six lines, of which the last has only five letters. With
the exception of a few letters which are now very faint, the record is complete. It*
opens with the words

Devdnampiye hevam dhd

— ^ Dev&nampiya thus orders," omitting the name of the king, a curt ptyle of
announcement which is not found in any of the collected series of edicts. The same
form, however, occurs in the later separate edicts at Dhauli and Jaugada, which may,
perhaps, indicate that this RApnS^th inscription belongs to a later date than that of
the great collection of edicts. It uses the letter r, in common with most of the old
inscriptions in Central and Western India, as at Gim&r, S&nchi and Bharhut.

Of the pmrport of the inscription I am not competent to oflFer an opinion, but
I may point to the occurrence of the words Sumipdka Scmghaj or Sumihaka Sangha,
which are found twice in the first line, as indicating that the edict was addressed to
the Buddhist Sangha, or assembly of Sumipdka or Sumihdka. In the second line
occurs the well-known name of Jambtcdipa ; and the fifth line opens with the words
Sdla-thabhe, Sila-thabhay which seem to refer to ** Sfil-pillars and stone-pillars,'* on
which the edicts were to be inscribed.

The date of 256 occurs at the end of the fifth line. The symbol for 60 is the
same as that in the Sahasarftm inscription, but the opening is turned to the left.
Both forms are used indifferently in the Hodgson MSS. from Nep&l.* The value
of the figure for hundreds is entirely due to Dr. Biihler.

10. — ^BaibIt Rock.

This inscribed rock lies at the foot of the Hinsagiri hill near Bairftt, where
the F&ndus are said to have lived during th§ greater part of their twelve years'
exile. It is, therefore, more commonly known as the hill of the P&ndus, and a
cave is still shown as the Bhim-guphd^ or " Cave of Bhim.'* In November 1864 I
examined all the rocks on the top of this hill very carefully, in the hope of finding
some inscriptions ; but my search was in vain, and I was assured by the people
that no inscriptions existed on the hill. My assistant, Mr. Carlleyle, was, however,
more fortunate, as he succeeded in discovering an inscription, in Asoka characters,
on a huge isolated block standing at the foot of the hill. The following notice of
his discovery is abridged from his own account, which I quote from his report
now preparing for publication : —

The P&ndus lull is a bare» black-looking, pyramidal-shaped, jagged-edged,
peaked hill» composed entirely of enormous blocks of porphyritic and basaltic

^ SeePlate XIY.
See Journal of the Boyal Asiatic Society, New Series, VUI, 61» Plate.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 23

rock and hornblende gneiss, as if it had been built up by giants, x x Some of
the huge blocks of which the hill is composed have apparently, at some very remote
period, rolled down on to the slope at the foot of the hill. One of these blocks
stands immediately in front of the south side of the hill. In shape it is a great
roughly-hewn cube, as big as a house, and some deep water- worn hollows on its
perpendicular face, when seen at some distance, look like circular windows. Its
actual dimensions are 24 feet in length from east to west, with a thickness of 15
feet and a height of 17 feet. The inscription occupies the lower part of the south
face of the rock. It consists of eight lines, and approaches to within one foot of the
ground on its left side. The letters average about 2^ inches in height. But the
surface of the rock is rough, and has suffered much from the weathering of 2,000
years. A large portion of the middle part of the inscription has altogether gone,
and the lesser part on the right is now separated by a blank space of 20 inches
from the greater half on the left. This separation led Mr. OarUeyle to believe that
there were two separate inscriptions, but a comparison with the more perfect texts
at Sahasarfiim and RApn&th shows most conclusively that these two apparently
distinct inscriptions are fragments of a single edict, of which * the middle portion
has been lost.^

At the end of the inscription there are the traces of some large charac-
ters or symbols, 4^ inches in height. Mr. CarUeyle read them doubtfully as 315,
but I can trace only two definite shapes amongst the confused mass of lines which
appear in my own fresh impressions as well as in Mr. Carlleyle's original impressions
and hand-copies. At first these did not attract my attention, but, on referring to
them lately, I was struck by the very strong resemblance in the forms of these two
symbols with those of the two numerical figures in the RApn&th text. On com-
paring all the impressions with Mr. Carlleyle's hand-copy, I am satisfied that these
two broken and defaced characters are the same as those of the RApufi^th inscrip-
tion, and that they represent the date of 66, or, with the addition of. the omitted
hundreds, 256.

Mr. Carlleyle made another curious discovery at BauAt, which, though perhaps
not connected with this inscription, has certainly some connection with the rock
on which it is engraved. Immediately in front of the rock there were two large
boulder stones, one of them being 2 feet 6 inches long and 1 foot 6 inches broad.
On removing these a layer of smaller boulder stones was found laid upon the earth.
Here a fragment of pottery was found, which induced Mr. Carlleyle to dig further,
until, at a depth of nearly 3 feet below the surface of the ground, he found four
earthen vessels placed in a line on the same level. Two of these vessels were large
and wide-mouthed, the third was middle-sized with a narrow neck, and the fourth
was very small and very narrow in the mouth. All of them contained human
bones. Mr. CarUeyle remarks that the boulder stones which were lying over these
cinerary urns appeared to be m situ, and he is, therefore, inclined to believe that
they " must have come into the position in which he found them, jammed against
the rock, by the agency of some powerful flood, and consequently that the cinerary
urns and bones may be of very great antiquity.'*

» See Plate XIV.

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24 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

My own opinion regarding these vessels is that they are most probably of later
date than the inscription, as I conclude that the conspicuonsness of the inscribed
block may have led to the interment. ^

11. — Second BaibIt Rock.

This inscription is engraved on a block of reddish-grey granite, which was
found by Captain Burt in 1837 on the top of a hill close to the ancient town of
Bairitt, forty-one miles nearly due north of Jaypur. Vair&t, the capital of Matsya, is
celebrated in Hindu legends as the abode of Raja Virata, where the five P&ndus spent
their exile of twelve years from Dilli or Indraprastha. " The residence of Bhim
P&ndu is still shown on the top of a long, low, rocky hill about one mile to the
north of the town. The hill is formed of enormous blocks of coarse gritty quartz,
which are much weather-worn and rounded on all the exposed sides. Some of these
blocks have a single straight face sloping inwards, the result of a natural split, of
which advantage has been taken to form small dwellings by the addition of rough
stone walls plastered with mud. Such is the Bhlm-gupha or * Bhim*s cave,' which
is formed by rough walls added to the overhanging face of a huge rock about 60
feet in diameter and 16 feet in height. Similar rooms, but of smaller size, are said
to have been the dwellings of Bhlm's brothers. The place is still occupied by a
few Brahmans, who profess to derive only a scanty subsistence from the offerings
of pilgrims, — ^a statement which is rather belied by their flourishing appearance.
Just below Bhlm's cave a wall has been built across a small hollow to retain the
rain water, and the fragments of rock have been removed from a fissure to form a
tank about 15 feet long by 5 feet broad and 10 feet deep ; but at the time of my
visit, on the 10th November, it was quite dry."^

The hill on which the inscription was found forms a conspicuous object about
one mile to the south-west of the town. It is about 200 feet high, and is still
known by the name of Bijak Pah&r, or " inscription hill," and the paved pass
immediately beneath it, which leads towards Jaypur, is called Bijak Gh^t. The mass
of the hill is composed of enormous blocks of grey granite intersected with thick
veins and smaller blocks of reddish or salmon-coloured granite. The ruins on
the top of the hill consist of two contiguous level platforms, each 160 feet square,
which are thickly covered with broken bricks and the remains of brick walls. The
bricks are of large size, 10^ inches broad and from 3^ to 4 inches thick. The
western or upper platform is 30 feet higher than the eastern or lower one. In
the centre of the upper platform there is a large mass of rocks which is said to
have been dug into by the Mah&rftja of Jaypur without any discovery being made.
On examining this mass it appeared to me that it must have been the core around
which a brick stupa had been constructed, and that the relic chamber would have
been formed in a crevice or excavation of the rock.

The approach to this platform was on the south side, where I traced the
remains of a large entrance with a flight of stone steps. On all four sides there

> See Archsoological Survey of India, II, 244, 245.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF A30KA. 25

are rtdns of brick walls which once formed the chambers of the resident monks of
this large monastery.

^^ In the middle of the lower platform tliere is a square chamber which was laid open by the
Maharaja's excavations. From its size I judged it to be the interior of a temple. Close beside it^
on the east, there is a gigantic mass of rock, 73 feet in length, which is familiarly known amongst
the people by the name of Tdp, or ^ The cannon/ to which at a distance it bears some resemblance-
This rock slapes gently backwards, as the upper end projects considerably beyond the base; its
appearance is not unlike that of the muzzle of a great gun, somewhat elevated and thrust forward
beyond the wheels of its carriage. Under this part of the rock a small room has been formed by
the addition of rough stone walls after the fashion of the chamber on the opposite hill called Bhim-
gupa, or ^ Bhim's cave.' On all four sides of the platform there are the remains of brick walls
which once formed the cells of the resident monks.

'' These ruins on the Bijak hill I take to be the remains of two of the eight Buddhist monas-
teries which were still in existence at the time of Hwen Thsang's visit in A. D. 634. Their Buddhist
origin is undoubted, as the famous inscription which was found on the lower platform distinctly
records the belief of the donor in the ancient Buddhist Triad of Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha.^
These two monasteries, therefore, must have been in existence at least as early as the time of
Asoka in 250 B. C, when the inscription was engraved. As the proclamation is specially addressed
to the Buddhist assembly of Magadha, we must suppose, as Burnouf has suggested, that copies
were sent to all the greater Buddhist fraternities for the purpose of recording the enduring firmness
of the king's faith in the law of Buddha.''

This important inscription is the only one of all Asoka's edicts which mentions
the name of Buddha ; once alone as Bhagavata Buddha^ or " the divine Buddha,'*
and in another place in conjunction with Dharma and Sangha. The bare mention of
these names was sufficient to extort from Wilson the reluctant admission that
•* Priyadarsi, uohoever he may have been, was a follower of Buddha."

The text has had the good fortime to have been revised and translated by
Burnouf as well as by Wilson.* Their texts were both derived from the same
impressions, which were made by the original discoverer, Captain Burt. The block
of granite is now deposited in the museum of the Bengal Asiatic Society immedi-
ately beneath James Prinsep's bust. From it I have made a fresh impression, on
which my own reading of the text is founded. The only differences reqtdring
notice are pdsdde, ** temples," for paadde, " favor ;" chilathitike for chilaaatitike ;
and bhikhu and bhikhuni for bhikha and bhikhani. The early transcribers did not
recognize the vowel u, which is attached to the foot of the M as a prolongation
of the upright stroke. But the presence of the vowel is always indicated by a dot
or knob which separates it from the stem of the consonant. In later times this
vowel was formed by a horizontal stroke at the right foot of the letter. If the
new reading of golane-cha pdsdde-cha be correct, the translation might be rendered
as " circular railings and temples ;" but as I do not feel absolutely certain that
the first long k of pdsdde may not be an accidental mark, I do not wish to press its
acceptance.

Wilson has noticed the repetition of the word bhanfe, which occurs no less
than six times in this short inscription. "Burnouf renders it throughout by

> See Plate XXXI for the map of India under Asoka, in the position of fiair4t. The inscription itself is given in
Hate XV.

' Journal of the Boyal Asiatic Society, XVI, 857 ; and Le Lotus de la Bonne Lot, p. 725.

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26 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

seigneurs^ * Sirs/ considering it as the Pr&krit form of the Sanskrit bhavantah, the
plural of the honorific pronoun bhavdn, * your honor, your reverence/ in which
Wilson was at first disposed to concur, but afterwards had reason to doubt its
accuracy."^ But in this case Wilson's guess was only a random shot, while Bur-
nouf 's explanation was a weU-directed aim which hit very near the mark. For the
true original of bhcmte is bhadcmtahy or ** Reverend Sirs/' This title is said to have
been instituted by Buddha himself in his last instructions to the Rahans as to the
attention and regard they were to pay each other.

** Let those/' said the teacher, ^^ who are more advanced in dignity and years of profession, call
those that are their inferiors by their names, that of their family, or some other suitable appellation ;
let the inferiors give to their superiors the little Bante" ^

Here we see that the term is one of respect addressed to the priesthood ; but
its actual derivation I owe to Professor Childers,* who explains Bhdnte as
'^ a contracted form of Bhadante, It is used as a reverential term of address, ^ Lord, Reverend Sir,'
and is the proper address of Buddha, of Buddhist priests, of Rishis, Tftpasas, fee/'

We now learn from the Bair&t inscription that this form of address to the Buddhist
priesthood was certainly as old as the reign of Asoka.

At the end of the 5th line are the words Upatisa paHne echa Ldghulo vdde
which Bumouf renders as —

*' la speculation d' Upatisa et V instruction de BdAula/*

conceiving the text to contain the names of Upatissa, one of SfiJcya's principal dis-
ciples, and of R&hula his son. On this Wilson remarks : —

'^ The reading of the first is doubtful ; the initial may be an i*, but it is indistinct, and the third
syllable is more like td than ti.'^

In reply to these doubts I can only say that, after having examined theinscrip
tion itself very carefully, I foimd the initial letter u was quite distinct, and that the
character ti was one of the clearest in the whole inscription. Wilson's remarks
on the interpretation of the passage are more to the point : —

" Pasine M. Bumouf would connect with j&a#ya, 'behold,' as if alluding to the views or doctrines
of Upatissa; but, in that case, we should have Upatisasa, not Upatisa; and if we could suppose the
insertion of an 's^ after td iohe b, blunder, it would give us upatdpasine for upatapaswitiaA, ' in-
ferior or pretended ascetics/ For e cha Idghulova de M. Bumouf refers avdde to avavdda, 'instrac-
tion/ but it would rather imply reproof ; but, as M. Burnouf indicates, there is a sUtra of the Maha-
wftnso, headed Rdhulovdda, or, as translated by Turnour, 'admonitory discourse' addressed by
Buddha to Rfihula, which is no doubt in favour of M. Bumoufs rendering. At the same time it
may be allowable to give it a different constmction and signification, and to render it laghu loka
rdda, ' the light or censorious language of the world,' a sense which would agree with what follows,
if we explain mtuavdcham as M. Burnouf proposes, ' doctrines fausses/ The next word, atihigick^a,
may be an error for adhigachjfa, the Pr&krit form of adhigatya, having gone over, or having over-
come, or refuted, rejetL

" The following passage is intelligible enough, and may be connected with the preceding
Bhagavaid Budhena bidstte etdni, bkante, dhamma paliyaydni icAAami, 'I affirm these things, said
by the divine Buddha, and desire (them to be considered) as the precepts of the law/ "

> Jounua of the Royal Asiatic Society, XVl, 861.

* Bishop Bigandet^s Legend of the Burmese Buddha, 2iid edit, p. 816.

* PAU Dictionary, in voet .

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 27

Wilson again refers to Bumouf 's readings of Upatisa and BAhula, towards the
end of his paper, in the following words : —

'' Although, therefore, unable to offer an entirely satisfactory version of this inscription, and
while hesitating to admit it as evidence, as M . Bumouf is disposed to regard it, of the existence at
the time of the principal Buddhist authorities, the Vinaya Stitras, GAthas, and the writingps of
Upatissa and Rfthula, we cannot refuse to accept it as decisive of the encouragement of Buddhism by
Priyadarsi ; the indications of which are sufficiently positive, setting aside the apocryphal allusions
to Upatissa and BAhula/'

Long after the preceding notice vms written, I saw in Mr. Burgess' Indian
Antiquary a new version of this important inscription by Professor Eem, in which
I am glad to find that this learned scholar upholds the true readings of Upatisa
and Laghulo. His transliteration and version of the edict will be found imme-
diately following those of Wilson and Burnouf .^

12. — Khandagibi Rock.

The Khandagiri rock inscription was first published by Stirling, but it
remained imread until a more perfect copy was made by Eittoe for James Prinsep.
Kittoe thus describes the position of the rock and the places around it* : —

" The hillocks of Khandagiri and Udayagiri form part of a belt of sandstone rock, which,
skirting the base of the g^nite hills of Orissa, extends from Autgur and Dekkundl (in a southerly
direction) past Kurda and towards the Chilka Lake, occasionally protruding through the beds of
laterite.

'^ Khandagiri is four miles north-west of Bhubaneswar, and nineteen south-west of Katak.
The two rocks are separated by a narrow glen about 100 yards in width.

'' Khandagiri has but few caves in the summit. There is a Jain temple of modem constructioni
it having been built during the Maharatta rule. There are traces of former buildings ; I am inclined,
therefore, to think that the present temple occupies the site of a Chaitya.''

By Stirling it is described as occupying "the overhanging brow of a large
cavern."'

The very coarse nature of the rock, a coarse sandstone grit, prevented Kittoe
from taking an impression of this inscription, and he was obliged to be content with
a hand-copy, a work of great labour, which he performed with remarkable success.
The present copy has been reduced from a large photograph of a plaster cast taken
by Mr. Locke. Many of the letters are very clear, but there are numbers of others
that are very indistinct from the abrasion of the rock. Every letter has been
carefully compared with two copies of the photographs, as well as with Elittoe's
hand-copy, and I believe that the present copy is as perfect a facsimile as can now
be made.*

Regarding its alphabet, Prinsep remarks :* —

'^ One prominent distinction in the alphabetical character would lead to the supposition of its
posteriority to that of the laUy but that the same is observable at Gim&r : I allude to the adoption
of a separate symbol for the letter r instead of confounding it with L Hence, also, it should be
later than the Oaya inscription, which spells Vasaratha with an I {dcutalatiena). There are a few

> See The Indiaa Antiquary, V, 257, for September 1876.
' Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, VI, 1079.

* Etesearohea, Bengal Asiatic Society, XV.

^ See Plate XVII for the copy of this ioioription.

* Joonud, Bengal Asiatic Society, V, 1060.

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28 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

minor changes in the shape of the v, t,p, and g s and in the mode of applying the vowel marks
centrally on the letters, as in the m of namo ; the letter gh is also used, but in other respects the
alphabet accords entirely with its prototype, and is decidedly anterior to the Sainhadri cave
inscription/'

I fully agree vnth Prinsep that this record must he later than the Asoka
edicts, and earlier than the inscriptions in the caves of Western India. I think
that it may he placed as early as from B. 0. 200 to 175, as there is no appearance
of heads, or mdtrast to any of the letters. I do not infer, as Prinsep does, that the
use of the letter r shows it to be of later date than Asoka, as I believe that the
want of the letter was a peculiarity of the Magadha dialect, which was copied in
the Dhauli and Jaugada versions from the original text supplied from the capital
of P&taliputra. At the same time the use of the letter r throughout this great
inscription of Aira Raja, as well as in all the cave inscriptions of Khandagiri and
Udayagiri, would seem to show that the dialect of Orissa differed from that of
Magadha.

All who take an interest in Indian antiquities will agree with James Prinsep
as to the great value of this record, which he was disposed to think was " perhaps
the most curious that has yet been disclosed to us."^ He offers a graceful apology
for his imperfect translation, but at the same time is satisfied that " there can be
little doubt of the main facts, that the caves were executed by a Buddhist Raja of
Kalinga (named Aira ?) who, at the age of twenty-four, after having pursued his
studies regularly for nine years, wrested the government from some usurper, distri-
buted largesses bountifully, repaired the buildings, dug tanks, &c." * * "Each
change of inclination is consistently followed by a description of corresponding con-
duct, and we have throughout a most natural picture of a prince's life, wavering
between pleasure and learning, between the Brahmanical and Buddhist faith, then
doubtless the subject of constant contention. The history embraces his alliance
with the daughter of a hill chieftain, and perchance even his death, though this is
very unlikely/^

13. — Deotek Slab.

For the knowledge of this inscription I am indebted to Mr. R. Egerton of
the Civil Service. The inscribed slab is a solitary block now lying in a field at
Deotek, a small village about fifty miles to the south-east of N&gpur. The spot has
been visited by my assistant, Mr. J. D. Beglar, from whose pencilled impressions
the accompanying copy of the inscription has been made. There are two distinct
inscriptions on the slab, one of which is of a much later date than the other. This
is also given in the plate, as it confirms the reading of a geographical name
contained in the older record. This name in both inscriptions is Chikambari?

The stone slab, which is 4 feet long by 2^ feet broad, has been at some previous
period converted into an argha^ or receptacle for a lingam. The hoUow channel for
carrying off the water poured over the lingam has been cut right through the middle
of the later inscription.

' Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, VI, 1084-85. * See Plate XV for both of these inscriptious.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 29

The earlier inscription is dated, but the year is unfortunately lost ; and I can
only fix its date approximately, from the style of the characters, as about B. C.IOO.

In the later inscription there is mention of a King named Eudra Sena, whom
I take to be one of the KailaJdla Yavanas of V&k&taka. The Seoni copper-plate
inscription gives a genealogy of the early kings of Vfik&taka, of whom the 2nd
and 4th bear the name of Rudra Sena. There is a date, which I read as 200, or
A. D. 278, and as this is said to be the eighteenth year of the reign of King Pravara
Sena, son of Rudra Sena 2nd, the father's accession may be placed in A. D, 230, and
that of the great-grandfather Rudra Sena 1st in 170 A. D. From the early forms
of some of the characters, I prefer the reign of Rudra Sena 1st, or the latter end of
the second century A. D., for the date of the Deotek inscription. The interval between
the dates of the two inscriptions will thus be upwards of 250 years, which certainly
does not appear to be too great for the very wide dijBferences in their alphabetical
characters.

If I am right in identifying the Rudra Sena of the second Deotek inscription
with one of the Rudra Senas of Vdhdiaka^ then Chikambari must have been in the
V&k&taka territory, and would have been either the ancient name of the district,
or that of its principal town. No such name is now known. The chief town in
this part of the country at the present day is Pauni, which is an old fortified place
with several ancient temples.

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CAVE INSCRIPTIONS-

CAVES OP BARlBAR AND NlGlRJUNI in MAGADHA oe BIHAR.

BabIbae Caves,

The famous caves of Bar&bar and N&g&rjuni are situated sixteen miles due north
of Gaya, or nineteen miles by the road, in two separate groups of granite hiUs on the
left or west bank of the Phalgu river. By the people these caves are usually called
Sdtgharay or " the seven houses," although this name is by some restricted to two
of the caves in the Bar&bar group. But as there are four caves in the BarAbar
hills, and three caves in the Nftg&rjuni hills, or altogether " seven caves," I think
that the name must belong to the whole number.'

The Bar&bar caves are named as follows: — 1, Sfuddmd'Oupha^ or "Sudftmfi's
cave," is a large room, 82f feet long by 19 feet wide. The roof is vaulted, and the
whole of the interior is quite plain, but highly polished. At one end there is an
inner room, nearly circular, with a hemispherical domed roof. The walls are 6| feet
high to the springing of the vault, which has a rise of 5^ feet, making the total
height 12| feet. The doorway, which is of Egyptian form, is simk in a recess
6i feet square and 2 feet deep. On the east wall of this recess there is an
inscription of two lines,^ which records the dedication of the Nigoha cave by Raja
Piyadasi (or Asoka) in the twelfth year of his reign, or in B. C. 249. An attempt
has been made to obliterate the greater part of this inscription with a chisel, but,
owing to the great depth of the letters, the work of destruction was not an easy
one, and the deeply-cut lines of the original letters, with the exception, perhaps,
of one at the end, are still distinctly traceable at the bottom of the holes made
by the destroyer's chisel.

2. The Viswa-Jhopri, or " Viswa's hut," also consists of two rooms, an outer
apartment, 14 feet long by 8 feet 4 inches broad, which is polished throughout,
and an inner room 11 feet in diameter, which is rough and unfinished. On the
right-hand waU there is an inscription of four lines, which records the dedication
of the cave by Raja Piyadasi in the twelfth year of his reign, or B. C. 249. The last
five letters have been purposely inutilated, but arestill quite legible.'

3. The Kama Chcpdr, or ** Kama's hut," is a single- vaulted room, lOf feet high
and 33^ feet long by 14 feet broad. The whole of the interior is quite plain, but

^ See my detailed account of all these caves in Archeological Survey of India, I, 45. See abo Major Kittoe in the
Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, XVI, 405.

» See Plate XVI, No. 1. » See Plate XVI, No. 2.

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INSCRIPTIONS or ASOKA. 31

polished. On the west side of the entrance, in a sKghtly sunken tablet, there
is an inscription of five lines, which records the dediction of the cave by Kaja
Piyadasi in the nineteenth year of his reign, or 24A B. 0. The inscription being
fully exposed to the weather has been very much worn, so that it is very difficult
to make out the letters satisfactorily.^

4. The Zomds Bishi Oupha, or " Cave of Lom&s Rishi," is the fellow of the
Sudftma cave, both as t.o the size and arrangement of his two chambers. But the
whole of the circular room has been left rough, and both the floor and the roof
of the outer apartment are imfinished. The straight walls of this room are polished,
but the outer wall of the circular room is only smoothed and not polished.
The chisel-marks are still visible on the floor, as well as on the vaulted roof, which
has only been partially hewn. The work would appear to have been abandoned
on reaching a deep fissure in the roof, which forms one of the natural cleavage
lines of the rock. The entrance to this cave is sculptured, but the existing inscrip-
tions are not older than the Gupta period. I infer, however, from the polished walls,
that the cave was actually excavated about the Asoka period.

NiGiRJTJNi Caves.

5. The Vapiya cave is so named in its own inscription. It has a small porch,
6 feet long by 6 J feet broad, from which a doorway, not quite 3 feet wide, leads
to the principal room, which is 16f feet long by ll^J^ feet broad. The roof is
vaulted and rises to 10^ feet. The whole of the walls are highly polished. On
the left side of the porch there is an inscription of four lines, which records that
the cave was given to the Bhadantas as a dwelling-place by Dasaratha, the beloved
of the gods, in the beginning of his reign.* This prince was the grandson of
Asoka, and as his father reigned only eight years, Dasaratha's accession must have
taken place in B. C. 215. The characters of this inscription, and of two others
about to be described, retain the Asoka forms imchanged, but they are only about
half the size of those of Asoka's Barfibar cave inscriptions.

6. The Oopika cave is so named in its own inscription, which is engraved
on the outside just above the entrance. This is the largest of the Magadha caves,
being 46 feet 5 inches long by 19 feet 2 inches broad, with a vaulted roof 10^ feet
in height. Both of the ends are semicircular. The whole of the interior is highly
polished, but quite plain. The inscription of this cave is word for word the same
as the last, with the single exception of the name.^ It therefore belongs to the
same date of 215 B. C.

7. The Vadathi cave is so named in its own inscription. It is situated in a
cleft of the rock to the west of the Vapiya cave. The entrance to the cave, which
lies in this gap, is a mere passage, only 2 feet 10 inches in width, and 6 feet 1^
inches in height, with a mean length of 6^ feet. On the right side of the passage
there is an inscription of four lines, which, with the exception of the name, is word

» See Plate XVI, No. 3. » See Plate XVI. • See Plate XVI,

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32 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

for word the same as the two preceding inscriptions of Raja Dasaratha.^ Its date
is^therefore 218 B. 0.

In two of the Asoka inscriptions the caves are said to be situated in the
^^Khalati or Khalanti hills" — Khalatika pavatasi. Bnmouf has most ingeniously
referred the name to the Sanskrit Skhalatika, "slippery," which agrees with
Kittoe's description of the " steep and slippery face" of the rock.* My ownaccoimt
of these hills, which was noted on the spot in 1861, makes use of the same term^ : —

" The principal entrance to the valley lies over large rounded masses of granite^ now worn smooth
and slippery by the feet of numerous pilgrims/'*

The slipperiness, indeed, was so great, that I found it convenient to take oflf my
shoes. Hence Bumouf's derivation of the name of Khalatika from S khalatika ,
"SltpperyJ*^ is fully borne out by the character of the hills themselves.* But with-
out the initial 5 the name might be connected with Khala, **low, vile, bad," as
an abusive epithet, which the Brahmans were so fond of bestowing on the
aboriginal races, and from which the Burmese might have derived their name of
Kald, which they apply to all Indians with such contemptuous tones.

As the two groups of the Bar&^bar and N&gS-rjimi hills occupy a very conspicuous
position in ancient Magadha, lying, as they do, on the high road from Bodh Gaya
to Patna, and in sight of the high road to Nalanda, it seems possible that they
may have given their name to the people who occupied the country roimd about them.
In this case the people of the Khalatika and Khalanti hills might be identified with the
Kalatii or Kalantii of Herodotus, and the Kalatice of Hekataeus.* The latter simply
calls them an Indian nation, but the former describes them as practising the pecu-
liar rite of eating their parents. In another place he speaks of the Ethiopians as
eating the same " grain" (spermati) as the Kalantii. But as he has not said any-
thing about the kind of grain which the Kalantii ate, various emendations of the
text have been proposed, such as sSmati, &c. I think, however, that sdmati is pre-
ferable, and that the father of history was guilty of a grim joke in describing the
Ethiopians as eating the same *' flesh" aa the Kalantii. Beyond the Kalantii — that
is, further to the eastward — lived the Padsei, who had the strange custom of killing
and eating all the old and weakly persons. Perhaps they may be identified, as I have
before suggested, with the people living on the Padda river, or lower course of
the Ganges, and if so, this identification would very much strengthen that of the
Kalantii with the people of the Khalatika or Khalanti hills.

Khandagiei Caves in Katak.

The inscriptions in these caves were first made known by Kittoe, who thus
describes their position^ : —

'' The hillocks of Khandagiri and Udayagiri form part of a belt of sandstone rock, which,

skirting the base of the granite hills of OrisFa, extends from Antghar Dekkunal in a southerly

> See Plate XVI.

* Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, XVI, 405.

* ArchsBological Survey of India, 1, 42.

^ Le Lotos de la Bonne Loi, Appendices, p. 779.

^ Herodotus, III, 38 and 97. Hekatseus quoted by Stephanus Byzantinus, in voce,

* Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VI, 1079.

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INSCRIPTIONS or ASOKA. 83

direction past EArda^ and towards the Chilka Lake. ^ ^ Ehandagiri is four miles north-west of
Bhob^eswar^ and nineteen miles south-west of Katak. The two rocks are separated by a narrow
glen, about 100 yards in width. * * Ehandagiri has but few caves on the summit. * * Udayagvri
is entirely perforated with small caves on its southern brow. The natives have a tradition that
there were formerly 752, inclusive of those now called Lalitindra Kesari naur. A g^eat many still
remain perfect. None are of any size ; they are mostly small chambers, about 6 feet by 4 and from
4 to 6 feet high, with verandahs in front and small doorways to them hewn out of the solid
rock. Several are cut out of detached blocks in fantastic shapes, such as the ' Snake Cave' and
' Tiger Cave^ be/'

The short inscriptions in these caves are of little interest, except Nos. 6 and 7,
which certainly refer to Raja Aira and his family. Prinsep has read the opening of
No. 6 as Veeasa Mahardjasa Kalmgadi patino^ for which I propose to substitute
AiEASA Maharajdsa Kalingadi patino. The short inscription, No. 7, over a small
door in the same cave, is read by Prinsep as Kvmdro Vattakaaa Umam^ but the correct
reading seems to be Kumdro Vaddakaaa lenam^ — ^that is, "The cave of Prince
Vaddaka^^^ or perhaps Vaduka. Here, then, we have most probably the name of
one of the sons of Raja Aira, who added another small room to his fetther's original
cave. The age of these caves will, therefore, be about B. C. 200.

No. 8 is unfortunately incomplete, otherwise it would most probably have been
interesting, as it also refers to the Rajas of Kalinga. For my copy of the text I
have had the advantage of a large photograph of a plaster cast taken by Mr. H. H.
Locke. There are several important differences between Prinsep's readings and
mine.

Ramgaeh Caves in Sieguja.

The two inscribed caves in the Ramgarh hill, in Sirguja, were first made known
by Colonel Ouseley.^ They have also been described by Colonel Dalton." But the
inscriptions themselves were first published by Mr. Ball of the Geological Survey.'
The copies given in the present volume are taken from photographs and paper impres-
sions made by Mr. Beglar in December 1875.* I was especially anxious to obtain
good copies of these inscriptions, as the copies made by Mr. Ball gave the name of
the " Thera Devadata^^ and I thought it very probable that these few lines might
prove to be records of some followers of the heretical school of Devadata, the
cousin and opponent of Buddha. This, however, is not the case, for the name is not
Devadata, but Devadarsin. But these inscriptions are otherwise interesting from the
use of the palatal sibilant s, which occurs no less than five times in the second
inscription. This record was engraved by a sculptor named Devadina for a Sruta^
nuka named Devadarsin. The letter I is iised for r in the last word of the
inscription hspa, which I take to be the well-known rt^. A very full account of
the caves is given by Colonel Dalton.

> Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Bodetj, XVIT, p. 66. I * Indian Antiquary, September 1878, p. 243.

» Joomal of the Bengal Aaiatio, Sodetj, XXIIV, PartU, p. 26. '« See Plate XI for tiiese Inscriptions.

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PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS.

1. — Delhi Pillab— ;/ro»^ Siwdlik.

The insCTibed pillars of Asoka have long been known to Europeans owing to
the favorable positions which they occupy in the very heart of this empire. Of
these the best known, and the earliest to be noticed by Europeans, is the Delhi Pillar,
commonly known as Firoz Shah's Mt. According to Shams-i-Sir&j, a contemporary
of Firoz, this pillar was brought from a place " on the bank of the Jumna, in the
district of Salora, not far from Khizr&b&d, which is at the foot of the mountains
ninety kos from Delhi." ^ Owing to the lamentable imcertainty of the Persian
character in the expression of proper names, the name of the place from whence the
pillar was brought may be variously read as Tobra, Topar, Topera, Toparsuk, Tohera,
Tamera, and Nahera.^

The distance from Delhi and the position at the foot of the mountains point
out the present Khizr^bSd on the Jumna just below the spot where the river
issues from the lower range of hills, as the place indicated by Shams-i-Sir&j. Salora
is perhaps Sidhora, a large place only a few miles to the west of Khizrflb&d. Prom
the village where it originally stood, the pillar was conveyed by land on a truck to
Khizr&bftd, from whence it was floated down the Jumna to FirozftbAd, or new Delhi.
From the above description of the original site of this pillar, I conclude that the
village from whence it was brought was perhaps the present Pacta, on the western
bank of the Jumna, and twelve miles in a direct line to the north-east of Khizr&bM.
Now, in this immediate neighbourhood, on the western bank of the Jumna, and at a
distance of sixty-six miles from Thanesar, HwenThsang places the ancient capital of
Srughna, which was even then (A. D. 630 — 640) in ruins, although the foundations
were still in existence. The Chinese pilgrim describes Srughna as possessing a large
Vih&r and a grand StApa of Asoka's time, containing relics of Buddha, besides many
other stApas of S^riputra, Maudgalyayana, and other holy Buddhists. The village of
Topar, which was the original site of Firoz Shah's pillar, was certainly within the
limits of the ancient kingdom of Srughna, and I think it probable that in the word
Suk, which is appended to one of the various readings of the name of the village of
Topar, we stiQ have a fair approximation to Sughan, the popular form of the Sans-
krit Srughna.

1 Journal of the Ardusolgical Society of Delhi, 1, 74 ShAme-i-Sirlij was twelTe jean old when these pillars were set
up by Firoz.

* Journal of the Archseological Society of Delhi, I, pp. 29 and 75. See also H. M. Elliot's Mahammadan Historians,
by DowBon III, p. 350, where the name of the village is given as Tobra.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 85

When the pillar was removed from its original site, a large square stone was
found beneath it, which was also transported to Delhi.^

This stone was again placed beneath the pillar in its new situation on the top
of a three-storied building called Firoz Shah's Kotila, where it may now be seen, as
a gallery has been pierced through the solid masonry immediately beneath the base
of the pillar. According to Shams-i-Sir^j, the whole length of the shaft was 32
gazy of which 8 gaz were sunk in the building. As the pillar at present stands, I
found the total height to be 42 feet 7 inches, of which the sunken portion is only
4 feet 1 inch. But the lower portion of the exposed shaft to a height of 5 feet is
still rough, and I have little doubt, therefore, that the whole of the rough portion,
9 feet in length, must have been sunk in the ground on its original site. But
according to Shams-i-Sir&j, even more than this, or one-fourth of its whole length, —
that is 10 feet 8 inches, — was sunk in the masonry of Firoz Shah's Kotila. This I
believe was actually the case, for on the west side of the column there still remain
in situ the stumps of two short octagonal granite pillars that^ would appear to have
formed part of a cloister or open gallery around a fourth storey, which cannot have
been less than 6^ or 7 feet in height. I conclude, therefore, that the statement of
Shams-i-Sir4j is quite correct.

When the pillar was at last fixed, the " top was ornamented with black and
white stone-work surmounted by a gilt pinnacle", from which no doubt it
received its name of Mindr Zarin^ or * Golden Pillar.' This gilt pinnacle was still
in its place in A. D. 1611, when William Finch entered Delhi, as he describes the
* stone pillar of Bimsa (or Bhim-sen), which, after passing through three several
storeys, rising 24 feet above them aU, having on the top a globe surmounted by a
crescent.'* The 24 feet of this account are probably the same as the 24 gaz of
the other, the gaz being only a fraction less than 1Q\ inches.

The " Golden Pillar " is a single shaft of pale pinkish sandstone, 42 feet 7
inches in length, of which the upper portion, 35 feet in length, has received a very
high polish, while the remainder is left quite rough. Its upper diameter is 253
inches, and its lower diameter 38*8 inches, the diminution being "39 inch per foot.
Its weight is rather more than 17 tons. In its dimensions it is more like the
Allahabad pillar than any other, but it tapers much more rapidly towards the top^
and is therefore less graceful in its outline.

There are two principal inscriptions on Firoz Shah's pillar, besides several minor
records of pilgrims and travellers, from the first centuries of the Christian era down to
the present time. The oldest inscriptions for which the pillar was originally erected
comprise the well-known edicts of Asoka, which were promulgated in the middle of the
third century B. C. in the ancient PMi or spoken language of the day. The alphabetical
characters, which are of the oldest form that has yet been found in India, are most

' A similar large square stone was found under the PahUdpur pillar when it was removed to the grounds of Queen's
College at Ben&res.

' Kerr*8 Voyages and Travels, IX, 423.

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36 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

clearly and beautifully cut, and there are only a few letters of the whole record lost
by the peeling oflF of the surface of the stone. The inscription ends with a short
sentence, in which King Asoka directs the setting up these monoliths in dijBferent
parts of India as foUows :^

''Let this religions edict be engraved on stone pillars {aila thambha) and stone tablets
(ailaphalaka) that it may endure for ever/'

In this amended passage we have a distinct allusion to the rock inscriptions
as well as to the pillar inscriptions. The record consists of four distinct inscriptions,
on the four sides of the column facing the cardinal points, and of one long inscrip-
tion immediately below, which goes completely round the pillar. I may mention
that the word AjaJcdndni^ at the end of the seventh line south face, was not omitted
*^ accidentally,** as James Prinsep supposed, by the original engraver, but has been
lost by the peeUng away of the stone for about four inches. The vowel i of the final
letter is still quite distinct. The penultimate word on the eastern face is not agnim,
as doubtfully read by Prinsep, but abhyum, and, as he rightly conjectured, it is the
same word that begins the ninth line. The last word in the eleventh line which
puzzled Prinsep is not atikata, but atikantam, the same as occurs near the beginning
of the fifteenth line.

The last ten lines of the eastern face, as weU as the whole of the continuous
inscription round the shaft, are peculiar to this pillar. Their position alone declares
them to be an after addition. But there is also a marked diflference in the appear-
ance of the letters of this part of the inscription, which shows that it must have
been engraved at a later date than the preceding edicts. The whole of the additional
matter is executed in thinner and less carefully formed letters, many of which have
a sloping or cursive form that is not to be f oimd in any one of the five examples or
the earlier inscriptions. The vowel marks also are generally sloping instead of being
horizontal or perpendicular. Some of them are, besides, either differently formed, or
differently attached. Thus the o, which in the older edicts is formed by two hori-
zontal side strokes, one at top to left, and one lower down to right, has now become
either a single continuous stroke across the top of the consonant, or has the positions
of the two separate strokes reversed, the upper one being to the right, and the
lower one to the left. So also the vowel u, which in the earlier edicts is a horizontal
stroke at the right foot of the letters ch and dhy has now become a perpendicular stroke
attached to the same point. The letter t is formed of only two strokes instead of
three, the longer one sloping to the left, and the shorter one to the right. I observe
also that the vowel u in anu^ has been shifted from the right end of the horizontal
stroke of the ;^ to a point midway between the end and the junction of the perpen-
dicular stroke. As all these differences in the forms of the letters begin in the
middle of the inscription on the east face, it seems absolutely certain that this
portion of the edicts, as weU as the still lower portion round the shaft, must have
been engraved at a lat^ date than the upper haU .

' See James Prinseplin Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, 1837, p. 609. He reads iila dkaktkdni instead of pkalahhii^
which is qoite distinct on the pillar. See Plates XVIII, XIX and XX of this Yolnme.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 37

2. — ^Delhi Pillab— ;/r(W^ Mirat.

The second of Asoka's Delhi pillars, according to Shams-i-Sir&j, was hrought
from Mirat by Firoz Shah, and set up near the Kushak Shik&r or " Hunting
Palace," which we know was situated on the ridge to the north-we«t of the modem
city. According to the popular belief, this pillar was thrown down by an accidental
explosion of a powder magazine in the reign of Farokhsir, 1713 to 1719 A. D.
Padre Tieffenthaler, who visited Delhi towards the middle of last century, saw this
pillar lying in five pieces on the top of the ridge, beside a square pedestal of large
stones. He also ascribes its destruction to gunpowder.^ There the five pieces
remained undisturbed for upwards of a century, when the inscribed portion was sent
down to Calcutta to the Museum of the Asiatic Society. Within the last few years
this piece has been returned to Delhi, and the pillar has again been set up in its
old position.

The iQscriptions on this pillar are very imperfect, partly owing to its mutilation,
and partly to the worn surface of the existing pieces.* Impressions of the remain-
ing portions of the edicts were furnished to Prinsep, who published copies of them
and compared the text with that of the other pillars.' But the impressions must
have been imperfect, as the published plates omit the right-hand portion of the north
compartment and the bottom line of both. The omitted portions will be seen at
once in the accompanying plate. The thin letters in the middle of the west com-
partment I have added from the other texts so as to show exactly how much is
missing in this part. Altogether nearly one-half of the inscription still remains.

3. — ^Allahabad Pillab.

The well-known Allahabad pillar is a single shaft of polished sandstone 85 feet
in length, with a lower diameter of 2 feet 11 inches, and an upper diameter of 2 feet
2 inches. The capital of the colimm was no doubt of the usual bell-shape of Asoka's
other pillars, but of this there is now no trace. The circular abacus, however, still
remains with its graceful scroll of alternate lotus and honeysuckle, resting on a
beaded astragalus of Greek origin. This was once surmounted by the statue of a
lion ; but the lion must have disappeared many centuries ago, as when the pillar
was re-erected by Jah&ngir in A. D. 1606, it was crowned by a globe, surmounted
by a cone, as described and sketched by Padre Tieffenthaler in the middle of the
next century.* It then stood in the middle of the fort.

The great inscription of Asoka, containing the same series of six edicts which
are found on the other four pillars, is engraved in continuous lines arotmd the
column.* The letters are uniform in size, and are very neatly and deeply engraved.
But a great portion of the third and fourth edicts, comprising seven lines, has been

> Description de I'Inde, par Bernoulli, 1,1 2S — '* On a fait Banter «]i I'air m moamnent avec de la pondre."
' ^ee Plate XXI for the remains of these edicts.

* Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VI, 794, and Plate XLIT.

* Descriptaon de rinde, par Bernoulli, I, 224, and Plate VI.

* See Plate XXII.

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88 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

ruthlessly destroyed by the cutting of the vain-glorious inscription of JahSngir, record-
ing the names of his ancestors. Two lines of the fifth edict are nearly intact, but
nearly the whole of the remainder has been lost by the peeling oflf of the surface of
the stone. The sixth edict is complete with the exception of about half a line.

Immediately below the Asoka edicts comes the long and weU-known inscription
of Samudra Gupta. The upper portion of this inscription is confined between a
crack in the stone on its left, and two short Asoka inscriptions on its right. The lower
one of these, consisting of five lines, was translated by Prinsep, and as it refers to
Asoka's queens, I propose to name it " the Queen's edict." But the upper inscrip-
tion, consisting of four lines, was discovered by myself, and as it is addressed to tHe
rulers of Kos&mbi, I propose to name it " the KosAmbi edict." All that remains
of these Asoka edicts is given in Plate XXII of the Pillar Inscriptions.

Of middle age inscriptions there is no trace, but the mass of short records in
rudely cut modem N&gari covers quite as much space as the two inscriptions of
Asoka and Samudra. Above the Asoka edicts there is a mass of this modem
scribbling equal in size to the Samudra Gupta inscription. But besides this,
the whole of the Asoka inscription is interlined with the same rubbish, which is
continued below on aU sides of the two shorter edicts, one of which has been half
obliterated by the modem letters.

Regarding these minor inscriptions, James Prinsep remarks^ that
*' it is a singular fact that the periods at which the pillar has beeo overthrown can be thns deter-
mined with nearly as much certainty from this desultory writing as can the epochs of its being
re-erected from the more formal inscriptions recording the latter event. Thus, that it was over-
thrown some time after its first erection by the great Asoka in the middle of the third century
before Christ, is proved by the longitudinal or random insertion of several names in a character
intermediate between No. 1 and No. 2, in which the tn, b, &c., retain the old f orm.^'

Of one of these names he remarks : —

" Now it would have been exceedingly diflScult, if not impossible, to have cut the name No. 10 up
and down at right angles to the other writing, wAile the pillar was erect, to say nothing of the
place being out of reach, unless a scaffold were erected on purpose, which would hardly be the case,
since the object of an ambitious visitor would be defeated by placing his name out of sight and in an
unreadable position. The pillar was erected as Samudra Gupta^s arm, and there it probably remained
until overthrown again by the idol-breaking zeal of the M usalmftns ; for we find no writings on it of
the P&la or Sftm&th type {i,e,y of the tenth century), but a quantity appears with plain legible dates
from the Samvat year 1420, or A. D. 1868, down to 1660 odd, and it is remarkable that these occupy
one side of the shaft, or that which was uppermost when the pillar was in a prostrate position. A few
detached and ill-executed N^Lgari names with Samvat dates of 1800 odd show that ever since it was
laid on the ground again by General Garstin,* the passion for recording visits of piety or curiosity
has been at work.^'

I have gone through the mass of modem scribhling in the hope of finding some-
thing that might throw further light on the history of the pillar, and I have not
been altogether disappointed. I have foimd seven dates ranging from Samvat
1297 to 1398, or from A. D. 1240 to 1341 ; five ranging from Samvat 1464 to 1495, or
A. D. 1407 to 1438 ; twelve ranging from Samvat 1601 to 1584, or A. D. 1444 to

' Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Socbtj, VI, 967.

* Aocx>rdiDg to my information it was General Kjd, whose name is still preserved in Kydganj at Allahabad, who threw
down the pillar. Kittoe also assigns its overthrow to Ejd.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 89

1527 ; three ranging from Samvat 1632 to 1640, or A, D. 1576 to 1583 ; and three
of Samvat 1864, or A. D. 1807. These dates, combined with the total absence of
any medieeval N&gari inscriptions, are suflBicient to show that the pillar was standing
out of the reach of pilgrims' scribbling from the time of the Guptas until that of the
early Musalm&n kings of Delhi. There are then twelve dated inscriptions coming
down to near the death of Muhanmiad Tughlak. There is not a single record of the
time of Firoz Tughlak, which leads me to suspect that he may have re-erected this
pillar with its globe and cone, like those of the Zarin-Mindr^ or Golden Pillar, at
Delhi. But if he did set it up, it must have been thrown down again during the
troubled times of his immediate successors, as the dates begin again in A. D. 1407
and 1408. It was next set up by Jahfi-ngir in A. H. 1014, or A. D. 1605, to be pulled
down by General Kyd in A. D. 1798. It was once more scribbled upon in
A. D. 1807, and finally in 1838 it was set up as it stands at present.

From the address of Asoka to the rulers of Kos&mbi, in the newly-discovered
edict, it seems probable that this pillar may have been originally erected in that
city, and afterwards removed to Prayftg or Allahabad. But if so, the removal was
not made by Jah&ngir, as I have found amongst the modem Nftgari records a short
inscription of the famous Birbar^ the companion and favourite of Akbar. The words
of this short record are as foUows : —

1. — Samvat 1632, Sdke 1493, Mdrgabadi panchami.
2. — -Somwdr Oangddda sut Maharaja Birha {r) Sri.
3. — Ttrth JRdj Fraydg kejdtrd Saphal lekhitam,

" In the Samvat year 1632, S&ke ^ 1493, in Marga, the 5th of the waning moon, on Monday^
Gang&d&s's son Maharaja Birba (r) made the auspicious pilgrimage to Ttrth RSj PrajSg. Saphal
Bcripsit/'

The Samvat date is equivalent to A. D. 1575, and as the building of the fort
of Allahabad was finished in A. H. 982 = A. D. 1572, it is probable that Birbar took
advantage during one of his attendances on Akbar to pay a visit to the meeting of
the waters of the Grang& and YamunS, under the holy tree of Pray&ga. But whatever
may have been the occasion of Birbar' s visit, its record is sufficient to prove that the
pillar was then lying on the ground at Pray&ga. If, then, it was originally erected
at Kos&mbi, it seems highly probable that it must have been brought to Prayfiga by
Eiroz Tughlak, whose removal of the SiwAlik and Mirat pillars to Delhi gives coun-
tenance to this suggestion. The silence of the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang is also
in favour of my suggestion, that the present Allahabad pillar was originally set up
at Kos&mbi.

4. — Laueita ArarIj Pillar.

This pillar is situated close to the small hamlet of Lauriya, between Kesariya
and Bettia, at a distance of twenty miles to the north-west of the Kesariya StApa, and
one mile to the south-west of the much-frequented Hindu temple of Arar&j-Mahadeo.

1 There is an error of four years in this S&ke date of 1493, which should be 1632—135=1497 »^4ke. If this wa«
due to Birbar himself, and not to the scribe Saphal, it confirms the account of Badaoni that he was of poor origin.
Hia real name was Mahes D^. See Blochmann's Ain-i-Akbari.

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40 INSCRIPTIONS OFASOKA.

The pillar itself is simply called Laur, — that is, " the phallus," — ^and the neighbouring
village, which lies not more than 100 yards to the westward, is called Lauriya.
This is the pillar which, on the authority of Mr. Hodgson's Munshi, has been called
the B/adhia Pillar. Now, as the other pillar to the north of Bettia is also called
Laur^ and the large village close to it Lauriya, while Mr. Hodgson has named it
Mathiah, I persimie that his Munshi intentionally suppressed the phallic name of
Lauriya, and named the two pillars at random after some of the neighbouring
villages. Thus JRahariya (Rurheea of Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 102), which is
Mr. Hodgson's Radhia, lies two and a half miles to the west-north-west of the
southern pillar, while Mathiah lies three miles due south from the northern pillar.
In describing these pillars I have preserved the characteristic name of Lauriya, and
for the sake of distinguishing the one from the other, I have added to each the
name of the nearest village. Thus the village near the southern pillar I have called
" Lauriya Arar&j," and that near the northern pillar " Lauriya Navandgarh."

The Arar&j pillar is a single block of polished sandstone, 36^ feet in height
above the groimd, with a base diameter of 41*8 inches, and a top diameter of 37*6
inches. The weight of this portion only is very nearly 23 tons, but as there must be
several feet of rough shaft sunk in the earth, the actual weight of the single block
must be about 30 tons. This pillar has no capital, although there can be little, if
any, doubt that it must once have been crowned with a statue of some animal.
The people, however, know nothing of it, and not a fragment of any kind now
^exists to suggest what it may have been. The site of the village is a very secluded
one, and there are no ruins or other remains to attract attention. It has accord-
ingly escaped the notice of travellers and the disfigurement of their names ; the
only record being that of " Reuben Burrow, 1792," besides a few flourished letters,
or marks, of the kind which James Prinsep called " shell-shaped characters."

The edicts of Asoka are most clearly and neatly engraved, and are divided into
two distinct portions, that to the north containing eighteen lines, and that to the
south twenty-three lines.^ I made a copy of the inscriptions by the eye, which I
then compared with James Prinsep's text, and afterwards I re-examined every letter
in which our copies differed. I also made an inked impression of the whole in-
scription on paper. But though the variations from Prinsep's text are not many,
yet, as no facsimile has yet been made public, it is important, for the sake of com-
parison, to afford access to an authentic copy which has been carefully examined in
every letter.

The inscription of Asoka is engraved in two colimms, one facing the south
comprising the first four edicts, and the other facing the north containing edicts five
and six of the Delhi pillar. The characters are neatly and deeply cut, and the words
are generally separated. The forms of the letters are the same as those of the
Delhi and Allahabad piUars, with the single exception of j\ which has a decided
knob or small circle attached to the middle stroke. There are six compoxmd letters,
kkh, ty^ dhy, khy, ay^ and 8W, of which the first three do not occur on the Delhi
pillar.

See Plates XXIII and XXIV.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 41

5. — ^Laxtbita Navandgaeh Pillae.

The graceful lion piUar at Lauriya, near the great ruined fort of Navandgarh,
or Nonadgarh, is the only one of Asoka*s columns which still retains its original
capital.^ The lion is seated on its haunches with the mouth wide open ; but the
mouth is partly broken, and the shaft itself bears the round mark of a cannon shot
just below the capital, which has been slightly displaced by the shock. One has
not far to seek for the name of the probable author of this mischief. By the people
the outrage is ascribed to the Musalm&ns, and on the pillar itself, in beautifully cut
Persian characters, is inscribed the name of Mahiuddm Muhammad Aurangzib
Fddshdh Alamgir Qhdzi, Sanhu 1071. This date corresponds with A. D. 1660-61,
which was the fourth year of the reign of the bigoted Aurangzib, and the record
was most probably inscribed by some zealous follower in Mir Jilmla's army, which
was then on its return from Bengal, after the death of the emperor's brother ShujA.

This pillar is much thinner and lighter in appearance than those of Arar^j and
Bakhra. The height of the polished shaft is 32 feet 9^ inches, with a base diameter
of 2 feet 11^ inches, and a neck diameter of 2 feet 2\ inches. The capital, which
is bell-shaped, has a circular abacus, ornamented with a row of Kansas (wild geese)
pecking their food. The height of the capital, including the lion, is 6 feet 9 inches,
which makes the total height of the pillar rather more than 39^ feet.

The edicts of Asoka, which are arranged in two columns, one facing the north
and the other the south, are engraved in the same clear and deeply-cut letters as on
the Araritj pillar.* The two inscriptions, with only a few trifling variations, corre-
spond with each other, letter for letter, including the use of the six compound letters
already noted.

This pillar has been visited by numerous travellers, as it stands in the direct
route from Bettia to Nepal. There are a few unimportant inscriptions in modem
N&gari, the oldest being dated in Samvat 1566, Chait badi 10, equivalent to A. D.
1509. Another inscription, without date, refers to some petty royal family, Nripa
Ndrdyana Suta Nripa Amara Singha^ — that is, " King Amara Singha, the son of
King Nft-rftyana.*' The only English inscription is the name of Rn. Burrow, 1792.

The pillar itself has now become an object of worship as a phallus or lingam.
Whilst I was copying the inscription, a man with two women and a child set up a
small flag before the pillar, and placed offerings of sweetmeats around it. They then
all knelt before it, bowing down their heads to the groimd with their hands behind
their backs and repeating some prayer. The erection of the pillar is ascribed to
Itaja Bhim Mftri, one of the five PSndava brothers, to whom most of the pillars in
India are now ascribed. I could not learn anything regarding the title of M&ri.
There are two fine pipal trees close to the pillar, one to the north, and the other to
the south ; but there are no traces of buildings of any kind near it.

Close to the pillar there are three rows of earthen mounds, of which one line
runs from east to west, and the other lines from north to south. The loftiest of

» See ArchfiBological Survey of India, Vol. I, Plates XXII and XXV.
• See Plates XXV and XXVI.

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42 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

these mounds reach the height of 50 to 56 feet. I believe them to be the tombs of
the early inhabitants before the time of Asoka. Indeed, a human skeleton has been
found in one of them, which, according to native report, was enclosed in an iron
coffin.

6.— SInchi Pillar.

The inscribed pillar at SItnchi near BhUsa is only a fragment of a large polished
shaft ; but near it there still lies a beautiful broken capital crowned by four lions,
which, no doubt, once surmounted it.^ The inscription is unfortimately very much
mutilated, as may be seen by the only two copies of it which have yet been
published.* I have again lately visited S&nchi, and the present copy has been
prepared from my recent impressions. It seems scarcely possible that it can be
satisfactorily deciphered, but it will still be valuable, as affording, by the characters
in which it is written, a direct proof that the pillar was erected in the time of Asoka.'
And as the pillar was subordinate to the stupa, it affords also an indirect proof that
the stiipa cannot be of a later date.

^ See Colonel Maisey's drawing in Ferg^sou's Tree and Serpent Worship, Plate XXXIX, fig. 1.

* Prinsep in Joomd of Bengal Asiatic Society, VII, Plate 23, and CunDiDgham's Bhilsa Topes, Plate XIX, No. 177.

* See Plate XX for this iDscription.

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II. LANGUAGE OF THE INSCRIPTIONS.

The inscriptions of Asoka are quite invaluable for the study of the vema
languages of India, as they present us with several undoubted and authentic
of the common language of the people in the third century B. C. As reveal«
these engraved records, this spoken language was essentially the same throug
the wide and fertile regions lying between Himalaya and Vindhya from the I
of the Indus to the mouths of the Ganges. There are, however, some marked p
of difference which show that there were at least three distinct varities of Pi
the time of Asoka. These may be called, according to their geographical dist
tion, the Panjdhi or North- Western dialect, the Vjjeni or middle dialect, anc
Mdgadhi or eastern dialect.

1. The Panjdhiy or dialect of North- Western India, is fully exhibited in the {
inscription at Sh&hb&z-garhi in the Sudam vaUey, as well as on the coins o\
Greek and Indo-Scythian princes of Ariana and India. Its chief characterisi
the retention of the subjoined r, in such words as Friyadarei^ Srdmana, Andhra
prati of the inscriptions, and in Eukratidaaay Strategasa^ bhrdtasa, and putraaa o
coins. It is also distinguishable by its nearer approach to pure Sanskrit fi
shown in the above-quoted prati, which becomes pati in all the other texts, as
as in the P^li of Ceylon. Another characteristic is the possession of the t
distinct sibilants of Sanskrit, which are all blended into one common form of
dental s in the other texts as well as in the P41i of Ceylon. The whole of the t
sibilants occur in the word sususha, which is written simply 8U8U8a in all the In
versions, excepting only in a few passages of the Khilsi text, where the palatal
sh is used of nearly the same form as the Arian letter of the Sh&hbd.z-garhi ins
tion. The same letter is also found in the word vasa or vaaha, " year " which rep
vaaa of the Indian texts ; and in the plural forms of Kambayeshu and Pulindi
which take the place of Kabojesu and Fulmdem of the other versions.

But the most remarkable departure from the Indian texts is the use of
vernacular word haraya for twelfth, instead of the Sanskrit dwddasa. This ^
occurs twice in the inscription, near the beginning of the third and towards the
of the fourth edict. Strange to say, it remained unrecognized by Wilson, who sii
remarks, "in place of dwddasa, * twelve,' and vaaa, 'year,' the inscription
baraya vasha; but the first must be wrong."^ Of the second example, he says
" there is a blank instead of the number,'' although Norris's Arian text hat

> Journal of the Bojal Asiatic Society, XII, p. 171.

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44 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

letters for vara + vaaha quite distinct, while his English transliteration gives va
rana vaaha. By thus separating va from the following letters, it seems that Norris
also failed to recognize the true vernacular baraya for " twelfth."

I observe that the word chatura^ "four," in the thirteenth edict, is followed by
four upright strokes, thus | 1 1 1, in the ShfiJib&z-garhi text, and that the corre-
sponding word chatv/ra, " four," in the Kh&lsi text, is followed by an upright cross
thus 4-, which must, therefore, be the old Indian cypher for 4. This form was after-
wards modified to a St. Andrew's cross, or x , in which shape it was adopted by all
the people who used the Arian characters, as may be seen in the diflferent inscrip-
tions of the Kings Kanishka, Huvishka, and Gondophares, and of the Satrap
Liako-Kujulaka. Previous to the adoption of this Indian symbol, the cyphers
of the Western people would seem to have been limited to single strokes, as the
words pancheshU'pancheahu^ "Every five," are followed by five upright strokes,
which precede the word vaaheshu, " years."^

2. The TJjjeni^ or middle Indian dialect, is exhibited in the Gim&,r version of
Asoka's edicts, in the rock edict of RApn&th, and in all the numerous donative
records of the great stiipas of Bhilsa and Bharhut. Its chief characteristics are
the occasional use of the palatal sibilant «, as in pd^anda^ and its possession of r
as well as Z, as shown in the use of Haja instead of Laja, guru instead of gulu,
oro for olo^ &c.

The few coins that we possess with legends ra Asoka characters also use the
r in its proper place, as in PurtLshadattaj Bdrdniya ; and as none of them have
been found to the east of Benares, I conclude that the power of pronoimcing the
letter r was confined to Northern and Central India, and to the people of Orissa
and Kalinga.

3. The Mdgadhi or eastern dialect is broadly marked by the entire want of
the letter r, for which I is uniformly substituted. Tlius we have Laja for Bdja^
lopapita for ropapita, antalam for antaram^ chalana for charana^ Dasalatha for
Jtasarathay &c.,— a peculiarity which would seem to connect the people of Eastern
India with the Indo-Chinese, who also want the r.^ There is a curious account in
the Lalita-Vistara regarding the teaching of the yoimg Prince S4kya Sinha in
the lipiadla or " Writing School." There the alphabet which he was taught was
the common Sanskrit alphabet with the omission of the letters l^ri and ri.^ But as
no inscriptions with this peculiarity have yet been found, I cannot help suspecting
that the author of the Lalita-Vistara has made a mistake, and that the letter
actually omitted was r, as we find to have been the case in numerous inscriptions,
including those of the lauriya pillars, which stand within 125 miles of Kapila-
vastu, where Buddha was bom.

The affinities of the language of Asoka's inscriptions with Pftli and Sanskrit
have been briefly discussed by the competent pen of Professor H. H. Wilson,
whose opinion was formed after a very careful and searching examination of the

> AchsBological Survey of India, Vol. V, p. 22, by Cunningham.

' It is true that the Burmese have actually got the letter r, which they borrowed from India along with their
alphabet, bnt they have not got the pronnnciation, as they say Tangoon for Bangoon, Yahoo for Baku, «Stc.
■ History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature by Professor Max-Muller, p. 19.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA, 4.5

complete texts of four different versions of the rock edicts. I quote his words
as they stand, with the single exception of the substitution of the name of Sh&hb&z-
garhi for that of Kapurdagiri, as the great inscription of Asoka is actually within
the lands of the former place, and more than two miles distant from the smaller
village of Kapurdagiri^ : —

*' The language itself is a kind of Pftli, offering for the greater portion of the words forms
analogous to those which are modelled by the rules of the Pali grammar still in use, There are,
however, many differences, some of which arise from a closer adherence to Sanskrit, others from
possible local peculiarities, indicating a yet unsettled state of the language. It is observed by
Mr. Prinsep, when speaking of the L&t inscriptions : ' The language differs from every ftTiafing
written idiom, and is^ as it were, intermediate between th^ Sanskrit and Pftli. The nouns and arti-
cles in general follow the P&li structure ; the verbs are more frequently nearer to the Sanskrit
forms : but in neither, any more than in grammatical Pftli^ is there any great dissimilarity from
Sanskrit. It is curious that the Sh&hb&z-garhi inscription departs less from the Sanskrit than the
others, retaining some compound consonants, as jor inpriya instead of piya ; and having the repre^
sentatives of the three sibilants of the Devan&gari alphabet, while the others, as in Pftli, have
but one sibilant. On the other hand, the Shfthb&z -garhi inscription omits the vowels to a much
greater extent, and rarely distinguishes between the long and short vowels — peculiarities perhaps not
unconnected with the Semitic character of its alphabet.

** The exact determination of the differences and agreements of the inscriptions with P&li on
the one hand, and Sanskrit on the other, would require a laborious analysis of the whole, and would
be scarcely worth the pains, as the differences from either would, no doubt, prove to be comparatively
few and unimportant, and we may be content to consider the language as Pftli, not yet perfected in
its grammatical structure, and deviating in no important respect from Sanskrit. P41i is the
language of the writings of the Buddhists of Ava, Siam and Ceylon ; therefore it is concluded
it was the language of the Buddhists of Upper India when the inscriptions were engraved, and
consequently they are of Buddhist origin. This, however, admits of question ; for, although the
Buddhist authorities assert that S&kya Sinha and his successors taught in Pftli, and that a P&U
grammar was compiled in his day, yet, on the other hand, they afBrm that the doctrines of Buddha
were long taught orally only, and were not committed to writing for four centuries after his deaths
or until B. C. 153 — a date, no doubt, subsequent to that of the inscriptions. In fact, the principal
authorities of the Singalese Buddhists appear to have existed in Singalese, and to have been trans-
lated into P&li only in the fifth century after Christ.

'^ According to M. Bumouf and Mr. Hodgson, the earliest Buddhist writings were not P41i, but
Sanskrit, and they were translated by the Northern Buddhists into their own languages — Mongol and
Tibetan. It does not appear that they have any PMi books. The Chinese have obtained their
writings from both quarters, and they probably have P4li works brought from Ava or Ceylon. They
have also, according to M. Burnouf, translations of the same Sanskrit works that are known in the
north. It is by no means established, therefore, that P&li was the sacred language of the Buddhists
at the period of the inscriptions, and its use constitutes no conclusive proof of their Buddhist origin.
It seems more likdy that it was adopted as being the spoken language of that part of India where
Piyadasi resided, and was selected for his edicts, that they might be intelligible to the people^
Hence, also, the employment of different alphabets, that of Sh&hb&z-gfarhi being the alphabet cur-
rent in Afghanistan and Bactria, as we know from the Grsdco-Bactrian coins. The use of the pro-
vincial or local alphabet was evidently designed for the convenience of those to whom it was familiar,
while the ancient form of Devanftgari was that employed in Hindustan as being there in general
use. The popular currency of the language, admitting that it might have been the spoken dialect
of the north-west of India, would be more likely to prevent, than to recommend, its use as a ^sacred'

> Journal of the Boyal Asiatic Society, XII, 236-238.

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46 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

langnage^ and its being applied to sach a purpose by the southern Buddhists was in some degree
probably owing to their being as a people ignorant of it^ and it would then assume in their eyes a
sanctity which as a spoken dialect it was not likely to possess. At the same time we can scarcely
suppose that the language of the inscriptions was understood in all the countries where they have
been discovered, — beyond the Indus, at Delhi, in Bihar, in Orissa, and Gujarat, where we know that
very different dialects, however largely borrowing from a common source, at present prevail.
Neither is it likely that edicts intended to r^pulate the moral conduct of the people at large should
have been intelligible only to Buddhist priests, or should have been perpetuated on pillars and rocks
solely for their edification. We»may, therefore, recognize it as an actually existent form of speech in
some part of India, and might admit the testimony of its origin given by Buddhists themselves, by
whom it is always identified with the language of M&gadha or Bihar, the scene of Sftkya Sinha^s
first teaching ; but that there are several differences between it and the M&gadhi, as laid down in
Frftkrit grammars, and as it occurs in Jain writings. It is, as Messrs. Bumouf and Lassen remark,
still nearer to Sanskrit, and may have prevailed more to the north than Bihar, or in the upper part
of the Doab, and in the 7unj&b,%eing more analogous to the Sauraseni dialect, the language of Ma-
thura and Delhi, although not differing from the dialect of Bihar to such an extent as not to be
intelligible to those to whom S&kya and his successors addressed themselves. The language of the
inscriptions, then, although necessarily that of their date, and probably that in which the first pro-
pagators of Buddhism expounded their doctrines, seems to have been rather the spoken lan-
guage of the people in Upper India than a form of speech peculiar to a class of religionists, or a
sacred language, and its use in the edicts of Piyadasi, although not incompatible with their Bud-
dhist origin, cannot be accepted as a conclusive proof that they originated from any peculiar form of
religions belief.

James Prinsep had already noticed the " marked difference" between the dia-
lects of the Girn&r and Dhauli versions of the edicts.^ " In the former," he says : —

^' We find bhavatiy asti = ' is'; anusati = ' command,^ * * following closely upon the Sanskrit
etymology ; whereas in the latter we have Aoti, Mi, anusathi, as in the modem P41i.

" The dialect of Gimir, then, is intermediate between Sanskrit and P&li, or rather the pillar-
idiom; for Pali, so called, agrees in some respects better with one, in some with other, and in ortho-
graphy decidedly with neither ! Thus the word idha, used at Gim&r for ika, ' here,' is correctly the
P&li term, as may be seen in the long quotation about the erection of a stApa in Ceylon inserted in
last month's Journal.

'' The corresponding word in the eastern dialect is curiously modified to kida — a fact I only ascer-
tained by the collation of the two texts, and one which at once c^ns an important discovery to aid
our studies. In several of the Dhauli inscriptions the expressions iidalokiia, parahkika, hidaloka
paraloka^ occxir ; at Gimftr (13th tablet) we have also ilokiid, paralokikd cha : all these are evi-
dently t^ifo^'ii!?, j»<^ra/oii/t{^{?^a — ^of this world, and of the next world.' Now, the opening of the
pillar inscription, which so much perplexed us, has the same elements hidata pdlata — ika para, or
ihatopdraiak, * here and hereafter,' a sense which at once renders the passage intelligible. The same
may be said of kidatakaye pdlatakaye in the north compartment.

'' The eastern dialect is remarkable for this species of cockneyism, which, as far as I know, has
no parallel in any of the grammatical Pr&krits : thus the k is inserted before evam {kevam), idam, and
some other words b^^ning with vowels.

'' On the other hand (but this \b also a cockneyism), the semivowel y is cut ofE in many words,
such as atkd, add, aid, am, which are correctly spelt at QiTniT,'—yaikd, yadd,yatd {8. yatra) said yam.
In these instances the pillar language is remotest from the Sanskrit. There is a singular exception,
however, in the feminine pronoun iyam, which is preserved throughout at Dhauli and on the pillars ;

5 Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VII, 277, 281.

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INSORIPTONS OF ASOKA. 47

whereas at Gimfcr, aysm is made both masculine and feminine^ as in modem (or rather written)
Pftli.

" There cannot be a better test of the gradual change of language than the word prcUi, a prefix
in Sanskrit extensively used, implying relation, direction, or return. In the Pftli of Gimar this is
merely altered to pati, by omission of the r. In the language of the pillars the same preposition is
always written /wiff, with the cerebral f* The orthography varies in the written Pili of books, being
in Ceylonese pafi, in Burmese j»a^i; while in Prikrit, the rules of which generally change the hard
to soft consonants, t to d, t to 4} the word is written padi as padihAUsati for pratikhydsyati^ fee.; and
perhaps we may recognize a final change into joar in the modern Hindi, — for instance, mparos from
praiivesa, vicinity, and other words.

*' Substantives suffer modifications not so great in extent, but equally remarkable, and signifi-
cant of gradual corruption.

^^ The word man may serve as an example : — Sanskrit, manushyas ; at Gim&r^ mawMo ; at Dhauli
and on the pillars, munise; Pali, mantcsso ; Pr&krit — (?Bh&ka), manna. Again, the Sanskrit jtwn^/i^j^
is made at Gitukr puriMO (?) ; at Dhauli, piUise ; P&li,jo«m<? or paso; Prdkrit, puriso. In modern
dialects it is only used as a Sanskrit word.

'' Of the changes undergone by the verbs, a good example may be selected in the substantive
verbs, bAu, bhavati, ^ be,' which is found unimpaired in several instances at GimAr^ though never
so on the pillars ; hoti, the P&li form, sometimes takes its place in the Girn&r tablets, — always on the
pillars. The Prakrit changes this to hodiy whence it is farther softened to hai and hos in the modern
dialects.

** Aati and ndsti (Sanskrit adi and nasti) are also retained in the original form at GimiLr : at
Dhauli they became athi and nathi ; whereas in P&li they are converted into aM and nauhi. The
future passive participle terminates as the Sanskrit in iavya at Gim&r, and taviya at Dhauli ; while
Pftli makes it iahhay Pr&krit dabha ; and the form is altogether lost in the modem bhdshas. This
gradual transition is well marked in the verb kri; 'do' : — Sans., karttavyam : Qirukv, iatavyam ;
Katak, kataviyam ; P&li, kalawam; Pr&k., kadabbam.

*' In writing many Sanskrit words in which the sCk or st dental, or cerebral, are required,
a curious rule is adopted at Gim&r of representing them by a cerebral t with the s subjoined, as
tisfeyd for tiakteydt, ' may remain,' anusafi, for anusaati, adhisfdna for adhiathan. In all these the
lowermost consonant is pronounced first.

'' Another similar anomaly is remarked in the mode of writing vy in vydptd {8. vaydpia) ;
katavyam, karttavyam^ &c., the v being placed below the y^ whereas on the pillars (where the double
consonant is employed at all) it is correctly written vy. The word Bdmhana, BraAmana, is written
with the A below ; it may, therefore, on the above principle, be read with the A first, baAmana as nearer
to the Sanskrit. At Dhauli this word is invariably written bdbAana. In modern P&li it is written
brdAmano with the dental n.

'' In the inflexion of the seventh case we haye at Girn&r often mAi (hmi) ; at DhauU mai or ai.
These correspond, of course, with Sanskrit amin in aamin, &c., and all forms are allowed in the facile
grammar of the written P&li, along with the regular locative in e. It is impossible not to
recognize the Hindi postposition men in the Girn&r form of the locative case.

" The conjunctive va seems to be used for ' and' as frequently as vi for ' or.' It is the Persian
conjunction, and is used in written Hindi, though seldom in the spoken tongue; aur the pandit
pointed out in one place written dro, but I doubt the reading. '

'^ A great many other instances might be cited to prove that the language of Girn&r is not
precisely either pure Sanskrit or the pure P&li of books; bat as the Buddhist volumes of Ceylon are
acknowledged to be posterior by 450 years to the death of S&kya, his tenets having been first reduced
to writing in Ceylon, about ninety years before Christ, some change may be allowed to have taken
place in the meantime, and we may presume that the Gim&r inscriptions represent the P&li (or
vulgar) tongpie, as it was in the time of Asoka on the west of India, as the pillars show it to us as it

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48 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

was pronounced on the east^ or in M4gadha proper. Now^ it is ooriotis enough that some of the
distinguishing traits of the pillar dialect are just such as are pointed out by the grammarians of a
later day as constituting the differences between Mftgadhi and Pali — names^ it must be remembered,
which are indifferently employed in Ceylon, Ava, Siam, and even China, to express the sacred
language of the Buddhists. Thus,' quoting from M.M. Lassen and Bumoufs Essai sur le P&li,
p. 156, — ^ Sa dey lent la enMSigBdhi ponlise, VoM pouriso, Ce changementa quelque f ois lieu en
Prftkrit jamais en Pftli^ and again in the next paragraph, — ' en M&gadhi le nominatif singulier est en e
(which takes the place of visarga) tandis qu'en P&li il est termini en oJ The use of <? in lieu of e
for the masculine nominative is general, but not universal in the text before us. The conclusion to
which the same savans were led at that early period of their studies may now require a slight
modification.

'' Une comparaison attentive du Prftkrit et du P&li nous a conduit k cette conclusion : —

^^1. Qu il existe, entre ces deux dialectes une ressemblance telle qu'an peutavancer qu'ilssont
presque identiques ;

'^ 2. Que le Prftkrit alt^re plus le Sanskrit que ne le fait le P&li, et qu'il offre en quelque sorte
le second Aegy€ d'alteration, comme le Pftli en est le premier et le plus imm^iat. — Essai sur le
Pali, 15.

'^ The second position is quite true, and it has been fully developed in a recent work (Institu-
tiones Prftkriticae) by Professor Lassen, which should be in the hands of every Indian philologist.

"The position assumed by M. Lassen, that the P&li of Ceylon was immediately derived from
the shores of Ealinga, independently of its being matter of history, is suppoi-ted by the evidence of
the records now discovered in the country. Yet it must be confessed that in some respects there is
a nearer connection with the dialect of Oujar&t, and it is not unnatural to suppose that a maritime
intercourse also prevailed at a very early period between the western emporia of Surashtra and
Tambapanni, the island so fruitful in aromatics, which would lead to an intercommunion of those
professing the same faith in the two countries.

'' The vernacular language of India at that period, then, varied in different provinces ; it approached
more to the Sanskrit in the north-west ; diverged from it in Magftdha and Kalinga ; but it was in both
places essentially what is now called P&li, a word supposed to be derived from palli, a village; as
we should now-a-days distinguish ^fl(?»2r<fri, villager, boorish, from V^rdU, the language of the Court.
There is no trace of genuine Pr&krit in either of the dialects, and we may, therefore, agree with Pro-
fessor Lassen that the patois of the dramas was not used until three or four centuries later. The
grammarians who subsequently framed the rules of this corrupted idiom cease to meution Pftli at all —
a proof that it had already been banished the country along with the Buddhist religion ; while the
M&gadhi, by them set down as nearly the lowest of jargons, is evidently quite different from the
inferior language of the pillars and the Eatak inscriptions.'^

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III. ALPHABETICAL CHARACTERS.

The inscriptions of Asoka are engraved in two distinct characters,— one re
from right to left, which is confined to the Sh&hb&z-garhi version, and also f on
the coins of the Greek and Indo-Scythian Princes of Ariana ; and the other r€
from left to right, which is confined to the coins of Pantaloon and Agathokle«
reigned beyond the Indus, but which is the common character of all the other
of the inscriptions, as well as of all the donative inscriptions of the SAncl
Bharhut StApas. The former has been called Ariano-Pdli, and the latter Indo
from the countries in which they were principally used.

The ArianO'Fdli alphabet, as seen in the Sh&hb&z-garhi inscription as \^
on the coins, comprises all the letters of the Indo-P&li alphabet. But that th
not the case originally is clear from the fact that, while the hard aspirates kh
thy and ph, are distinct characters, independent of the forms of the non-asp
letters A:, ch, t, and p, the soft aspirates gh^ dh, and bh are simply the letters
and ft, with the aspirate letter h attached to the right. The very same pecu]
is noticeable in the Tibetan alphabet, which was also originally wanting i
aspirated tenues. The Tibetan language did not require them, and, accordingly,
the N&gari alphabet of India was adopted by the Tibetans, the soft aspirates
omitted. But afterwards when it was found necessary to express numb
Sanskrit words and Indian names in which these letters occur, new com;
forms were invented by simply adding the aspirate to each of the unaspirated L

Similarly, the series of cerebral letters, which was also wanting origins
Tibetan, was afterwards supplied by the invention of new letters, which are s
the five dental letters reversed. This is not exactly the case with the cerebral 1
of the Ariano-P&li alphabet, but their forms differ so slightly from those <
dentals, that it seems highly probable they must have been a late addition i
original alphabetical scheme.

In Indian-Pdli such compound forms as «p, sw^ st, and ar were altered,
by the suppression of one of the two consonants, or by their separation int
syllables. We thus have asa for aswa, ndthi for ndsti^ and siri for ari. I
Arian-Pdlif which abounds with such names as Hystaspes, Zariaspes, Haus
Spitamenes, &c., compound letters were invented to represent the sp and st a
and thus we find the words dspa and dsti and sramana in their regular forms,
r was attached to the right foot of each letter, as in priya^ which occurs so of
the Asoka edicts. But as the same stroke is attached to the right foot of

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50 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

dharma, and to the right foot of d in darsi, it seems probable that in the Shfi.hb&z-
garhi text, at least, the compound letters may have possessed the double sounds of
dhra and dhar^ dra and dar ; otherwise we must read dhrama and drasi.

At what time this alphabet was invented, or whence it was derived, nothing
certain is known. The subject has been discussed by Mr. Thomas, who concludes
that it has no claim whatever to an indigenous origin, " based, as it manifestly is,
upon an alphabet cognate with the Phoenician."^

Some of the more prominent letters are common to both alphabets. And the
diflferences in others may, he thinks, have been developed by " the insertion of medial
vowels in the body of the covering consonant" — a scheme which he justly believes
to have been adopted from the P&<li alphabet of India, as it is quite unknown to
Western caligraphy.

But the Ariano-P41i vowel scheme differs from that of India in having only one
set of vowels, as no distinction has yet been discovered between the short and long
vowels, unless perhaps a dot or short return at the left foot may be taken for the
long a. The initial vowels are formed exactly in the same manner as the medial
vowels, the same straight strokes being added to the primitive stem, yr short a, to
form the vowels i, w, ^, and o. The letter r and the vowel n are also attached to the
vowels after the same manner as to the consonants.

The use of this peculiar alphabet would appear to have been originally confined
to Ariana, or the countries lying to the west of the Indus between India and Persia.
The earliest known specimens of the writing are the edicts of Asoka at Sh&Jbb&z-
garhi, and the rare coin of Agathokles, of which only three specimens are known to
me. The former cannot be older than the 12th year of Asoka, or B. C. 251, and the
latter must be of nearly the same date, or about B. C. 240. But as the alphabet is
here seen in its full development, with all the soft aspirates and cerebral letters com-
plete, it must have been in use for some considerable time previously. The date of
this development I would assign to the end of the 4th century B. C, when the
provinces to the vrest of the Indus were ceded to Chandra Gupta by Seleukos Nikator,
and thus came directly under the influence of Indian learning, which necessitated
the adoption of some additional letters to express new Indian sounds. This alphabet
continued in use during the whole period of Greek supremacy, and under the Indo-
Scythian princes it was carried to the eastward of the Sutlej, an inscription of
Kanishka in this character having been found in a Buddhist StApa near Bah&-
walpur. About the end of the first century A. D. it would appear to have fallen into
disuse, as all the gold coins which may be assigned to the second century bear Indian
letters only. The latest dated record yet made known is my inscription from
PanjtAr, which bears the Samvat year 122.^ If this be the so-called Vikram&ditya
Samvat, as I believe it is, it wiU refer to the year A. D. 66 ; but if it be the Saka era,
the date will be exactly A. D. 200.

Three different specimens of the Ariano-P&li alphabet are given in the accom-
panying plate :* Ist, from Asoka's edicts at Sh^hb4z-garhi, which date as early as
B. 0. 252 ; 2n4, from the coins of the Greek princes of Ariana and India, which range

• Numiamatic Cferonicle, New Series, III, 229. ' See Archaological Survey of India, Vol. V p 61

• See Plate XXVI.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA, 51

from B. 0. 240 to 120 ; and, 3rd, from the coins and inscriptions of the Indo-Scythian
princes, the Sacae and Tochari, which range from B. C. 120 down to A. D. 79.

The Indo-JPdli alphabet diflfers from that of Ariana in two very important par-
ticulars, — lat, i a being read from left to right; and, 2ndi in being formed exclusively
either of rigid straight lines, or of portions of circles. Owing to the latter peculiarity,
it has never been found in a cursive form, into which indeed it was hardly possible
to force its inflexible elements.

Three specimens of this alphabet are given in the accompanying plate^ ; 1«^,
from the edicts of Asoka and Dasaratha on rocks and pillars, which range from
B. C. 252 to 218, and from the few native Hindu coins which belong to the same
period; 2wrf, from the coins of the native princes contemporary with the later
Greeks and earlier Indo-Scythians, which may range from B. C, 150 to 57 ; and,
3rd, from the Mathura inscriptions of the Indo-Scythian princes, Kanishka, Huvishka
Vasu-deva and others, which range from B. C. 57 to A. D. 79.

The letters of the Indo-PMi alphabet have become pretty well known through
James Prinsep*s writings. The whole of the consonants were discovered by him, with
the exception of the guttural nasal ng, which has not yet been found, and the two
sibilants a and 8h. One of these I have since discovered in the Kh&lsi version of
the edicts, where it is several times correctly used in the word pdshanda, instead
of the dental sibilant «. Its form is not unlike that of the Ariano-P41i shy from which
it may have been derived, although it seems to me equally probable that the Indian
letter was the original form.

The vowels also were discovered by Prinsep, excepting only the initial o which
he took to be a long u, and for which he proposed a new form derived from the
later Gupta alphabet. It is ^strange that the true value of the letter did not strike
him, as it is the only initial which remains absolutely unchanged as a medial. It has
two distinct forms, of which the later is only the earlier one reversed, both as an
initial and as a medial. The earlier form consists of a perpendicular stroke with a
horizontal stroke on each side, one at the top and one at the foot. In the earlier
form the upper stroke is on the left hand, and the lower stroke on the right. This
was the letter which James Prinsep took for the intitial long u. The latter form is
found in additional edicts of Dhauli and Jaugada, and in the later edicts on the
Allahabad pillar. The initial long & is of frequent occurrence, but no other initial
long vowel has yet been found in Asoka's inscriptions. The initial dipthong ai occurs
in Aira Raja's inscriptions, unless the name is to be read as Vera. The medial long
vowels a, i, 5, are common ; but no examples of medial a or an are at present known.
The antdstodra is frequently used, eitheir for the duplication of m, as in dhamma, or as
a substitute for the guttural nasal ng, as in modem Hindi. The question of the
probable origin of this Indian alphabet has been very ably discussed by Mr. Thomas,
who concludes that it is " an independently devised and locally matured scheme
of writing." He adds that the Indian P41i alpliabet possesses

*' in an eminent degree the merit of simplicity combined with extended distinctive capabalities and
remarkable facility of lection, and that its construction exhibits not only a definite purpose

> See Plate XXVI.

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52 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

throughout^ but indicates^ moreover^ a high order of intellectual culture on the part of its designers^ who
discriminated by appropriate letters gradations of sounds often inappreciable to European ears^ and
gcldom susceptible of correct utterance by European organs of speech/'^

Mr. Thomas adverts more pointedly to the independent origin of the Indo-P&li
alphabet, because, as he explains,

'^ a tendency exists iu many cultivated minds to depreciate the originality and antiquity of Indian
civilisation/'

And he quotes the facts that Professor Max-Miiller

^^ will not admit that the Indians acquired the art of writing till a comparatively late period /'

that Dr. J. Wilson of Bombay

'^ asserts that Asoka's Buddhists derived their letters from Greek and Phoenician models /'

while Dr. Weber affirms that they

^' are emanations from a Phoenician stock/'

Upwards of twenty years have now passed since I came to the same conclusion
which Mr, Thomas has thus boldly adyanced, namely, that the Indian- P&li alphabet
was a perfectly independent invention of the people of India. My opinion was
formed after a careful comparison of aU the characters with the pictorial representa-
tions of simple objects of which many of the letters represent either the whole name,
or the first syllable of the name.

The first attempts of mankind at graphic representation must have been con-
fined to pictures, or direct imitations of actual objects. This was the case with the
Mexican paintings, which depicted only such material objects as could be seen by
the eye. An improvement on direct pictorial representation was made by the
ancient Egyptians in the substitution of a part for the whole, as of a human head for
a man, a bird's head for a bird, &c. This system was still further extended by
giving to certain pictures indirect values or powers, symbolical of the objects repre-
sented. Thus a jackal was made the type of cunning, and an ape the type of rage.
By a still farther application of this abbreviated symbolism, a pair of human arms
with spear and shield denoted fighting, a pair of human legs meant walking, while a
hoe was the type of digging, an eye of seeing, &c. But, even with this poetical
addition, the means of expressing thoughts and ideas by pictorial representations was
still very limited. For, as each picture could convey only one idea, the number of
separate pictures requisite to form an intelligible story must have been very great.
The difficulty also of remembering the precise application of so many different sym-
bols, and of discriminating an actual vulture or other animal from a symbolical one,
must have been felt very early, as the oldest specimens that we possess of Egyptian
writing on the monuments of Sephuris and Soris, of the third and fourth dynasties,
are not pictorial, but phonetic. It seems certain, therefore, that at a very early date
the practice of pure picture writing must have been found so complicated and inconve-
nient, that the necessity for a simpler mode of expressing their ideas was forced
upon the Egyptian priesthood. The plan which they invented was highly ingenious,
though somewhat cumbrous ; and as it seems probable that the Indians might have
gone through a similar process, a brief account of it will not be out of place.

* Numismatic Chronicle, New Series,— ** On the Bactrian alphabet."

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 63

To the greater number of their pictorial symbols the Egyptians assigned the
phonetic values of the particular sounds or names, of which each symbol previously
had been only a simple picture. Thus to a mouth, rw, they assigned the value of r,
and to a hand, tut, the value of t. But as each of the symbols still possessed an in.
herent vowel sound, the system was one of complete syllables, or a syllabary, and not
one of simple letters, or an alphabet. Occasionally the vowels were separated from
the consonants, as when mu, a hole, was represented by a " boatstand," m followed
by an outstretched arm, or u. Had this plan of separating the vowels been gene-
rally adopted, it must soon have led to a complete alphabetical system ; but, like the
first possessor of the Koh-i-nur, the Egyptian had a treasure within his grasp
without knowing its value.

A similar process would appear to have taken place in India, as I will presently
attempt to show by a separate examination of the alphabetical letters of Asoka*s
age with the pictures of various objects from which I believe them to have been
directly descended. I have neither time nor space at present to attempt to complete,
nor even to continue, this curious investigation. But, perhaps, a few of the more
prominent examples, which I will presently bring forward, will be sufficient to
arrest the attention, even if they do not lead to the conviction, of many of my
readers. My own conclusion is that the Indian alphabet is of purely Indian origin,
just as much as the Egyptian hieroglyphics were the purely local invention of the
people of Egypt. The only alternative that I can see to this conclusion is that the
Tn HmTifl must first have borrowed the plan of their system from the Egyptians,
and afterwards have concealed the loan by adapting the dijfferent symbols to their
own native words. But aa this would have entailed a complete change in the values
of all the symbols, I must confess that such an alternative seems to me to be very
improbable. I admit that several of the letters have almost exactly the ssiiae forma
as those which axe found amongst the Egyptian hieroglyphics for the same things, but
their values are quite diflferent, as they form different syllables in the two languages.
Thus, a pair of legs, separated as in walking, was the Egyptian symbol for walking or
motion, and the same form, like the two sides of a pair of compasses, is the Indian
letter g, which as ^ra is the commonest of all the Sanskrit roots for walking, or motion
of any kind. But the value of the Egyptian symbol ia s; and I contend that if the
symbol had been borrowed by the Indians, it would have retained its original value.
This, indeed, is the very thing that happened with the Accadian cuneiform symbols
when they were adopted by the Assyrians. The original symbols retained their
jHHver as syllables, but lost their value as pictorial representations of things on
being transferred to a different language.

The present arrangement of the Indian alphabet is the only one known to the
grammarians. It was certainly in use before the Christian era, as the Lalita
Yistara, in recording that the youthful Buddha was taught the Indian alphabet,
arranges the letters in their present order. But this artificial division of the letters
into classes of gutturals, palatals, &c., must have been preceded by some much
simpler grouping of the letters. Perhaps the simplest arrangement that could be
made would have been according to similarity of form. For, if I am right as to the
local development of the alphabet from original pictorial representations of things.

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54 INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA.

it would follow, as a matter of course, that objects of somewhat similar shape
would be represented by symbols more or less alike. And if any attempt had been
made to classify the different symbols, I think that the most obvious and natural
arrangement would have been that of similitude of shape. As any arrangement
is better than none at all, I have adopted this grouping of the letters in the accom-
panying plate. I have also ventured to name each group after that member of
the human body which seems to me to have suggested the original picture or
ideograph. At first the figures would have been more or less rude representations
of the different members. But these would gradually have given way to simpler
forms, until each symbol acquired a separate phonetic value, and thus became a
distinct syllable. At this point the Chinese have stopped; but in India the
syllables must have given way very early to the more convenient system of
alphabetic letters that is now in use.

Geoup 1. — Kh, <?,— Aems and Legs.

This group comprises only two letters, kh and ^, of which the former would
seem to represent the action of the human arms, and the latter the action of the
legs. Both have concave or hollow forms in the Asoka alphabet, which, as they
represented different kinds of action, would necessarily be distinguished by some
slight difference of shape. Thus the g is either a half circle, or a parabola, or
an angle formed by the two sides of an isosceles triangle ; whUe the kh has the left
limb about one-half the length of the right one.

Kh. — The form of this letter appears to ine to have been derived from that
of the common Indian hoe or mattock^ which has been used by the people from
time immemorial for digging their fields. Now, the radical word for this operation
is khan^ " to dig " ; and as the original mattock was made of a natural knee-joint of
Khayar or Khadir wood, it would seem that this tree {Mimosa catechu) may have
been so named from the purpose to which it was applied as the " digging- wood."
In some parts where the Khayar is easily procurable, the mattock is stiU made
in the ancient fashion of wood alone, but in most places the instrument now in
use is an angle joint of Khayar^ or other strong wood, shod with a small
iron blade. One of these is represented in the accompanying plate.^ The
letter is therefore a symbol of the arm's action in the characteristic form of
5ing.

Now, the Indian letter is only a simplified form of the picture of the mattock,
ariety of which is known amongst Egyptologists as the " hand-plough.'* But as
hieroglyphic value of the symbol is m, I infer that the Indian letter kh must
e been an independent local invention of the Indian people.
There are other objects whose forms seem to point to a close connection with
old shape of the kh . These are. Ma, vacuity, or the sky, that is, the hollow
lit of heaven, the Greek koiloa and the Latin ccelum; kharga^ the rhinoceros

» See Plate XXVIII.

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INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA. 55

from the curved tip of his horn, and aJso a scymitar with a similar curved point ;
khuri, a hoop, to which may be added khola, open, and khokhra or khokhla,
hollow.^

G. — ^The form of this letter would seem to have been derived from a pair of
human legs separated as in the action of walking, or simple motion^ as distinguished
from the numerous forms of action displayed by the arms. Now, the radical word
for motion is ganiy to go. Hence Gangd^ which designates a river in general, means
simply ^^ go-go^^ or the ^^ goer ;^' similarly, gagcm, "the sky," which appears to turn
roimd both day and night, has precisely the same meaning. Hence, most probably,
sprang the legend of the descent of the River Qanga from the sky.

Now, the Indian letter G of Asoka's alphabet is a simpler form of the Egyptian
" pair of legs'* with feet attached, which, according to Birch, had the value of ty
and meant " walking or running." A second hieroglyphic, with a flat top and two
straight sides, is used to represent the " sky or heavens." But this is only a variety
of the other form, and serves all the more forcibly to prove the correctness of the
origin wich I have suggested for the form of the Indian letter.

Several other names seem to have a direct reference to the shape of this letter ;
but a single illustration will, perhaps, be sufficient. Thus the words guha and gupha
both signify " a cave," which the Egyptians represented by three sides of a square,
open at the bottom. But this hieroglyph had the power of J, from beh^ a "cave."
Here, again, we have another illustration of the independent origin of the Indian
symbols, as the same forms have different values, although they represent the same
things.

Gbotjp 2. — F, j; CA, Chh — ^MoNs Veneeis, oe Vulva.

In this group the letters Y and J have the same forms, the latter being simply
fumed sideways. The character in the Asoka alphabet is clearly intended for a
representation of the mons veneris, in proof of which I may cite the similar form
of the Egyptian hieroglyph for the same member, as well as its common Indian
names yoni widjaghan.

F, J. — The Asoka forms of these letters are both open, but there seems reason
to suspect that the original symbol may have been a pictorial representation of a
grain of barley, ya or yava, which is divided into two parts by a perpendicular line.
But as the two parts form one whole, this symbol was used to denote union, as in
the radicals ya, union, and ya, " mons veneris,'^ from which sprang yuga, a "yoke or
pair," the Latin jugun, and Hindi jora. The peculiar small circle or dot in the
middle of the Asoka J seems to be directly referred to in the term netra-yoniy one of
the epithets of the moon. This means simply the " eye of the yowi," which reaUy
is in the symbol, and is supposed to refer to the shape of the spots on the moon, to
account for which was invented the legend of Soma attempting to debauch the wife
of the sage Oautama. The name of Jimo, the goddess of the moon, must be con-

' I haye purposely incloded sereral Hindi words, as their use in India is at least as old as that of Sanskrit.

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66 INSCRIPTIONS OE ASOKA.

^ected with the Indian jtm^ and ynXli junhaiya^ the "moon or moonlight," as well
as with the loi^mjtibdr. I presume also that the Sanskrit terms yosha and joaha
for " woman" were derived from the root ya or yoni^ as the symbol of the female
sex. The Tibetan cho-mo or cho, a " woman," is perhaps connected with the same
root.

Chf Chh. — ^As the two letters Fand J signified the union or junction of the two
halves of the symbol, so the letters Ch and Chh would seem to have referred to the
division or separation of the two parts, as the words cMr and chhed are the roots
for " slit, split, divide, &c/* From the first of these were derived the terms chird-
vali and chirdband, a " maiden "; and from the other, several terms connected with
the female sex. Such words as chamas or chamcha^ a " spoon or ladle," chhurika^
the " nostrils," cMa^ra, an " umbrella or mushroom," cAopipw, a " paddle or oar,"
and chdki the " potter's wheel," all point to the forms of the Asoka letters ch and
cAA, as striking pictorial representations of their particular forms. The resem-
blance to the ladle and oar is specially striking in India, where the former
is often made of a half gourd or cocoanut with a stick fastened acrossit, while
the latter is formed of a round fiat piece of wood with the bamboo handle &stened
down the middle of it.

Gbotjp 3.—?; Th, Th, 2)A,— Eye.

Th. — ^The most obvious representation of the eye would be a circle, either
with or without a dot in the centre. The former is the cerebral th, the latter the
dental th, of the Asoka alphabet. The symbol, therefore, would represent round-
ness in general, and accordingly the cerebral tha, or simple circle, is a radical name
for the disc of the sim, as well as for a circle ; while the dental tha with a dot in
the middle is one of the names for the eye. The similarity between the human
eye and the sun in heaven is so striking, that it has been made use of by the
poets firom the time of the Vedas down to Lord Byron.^ In the Egyptian hiero-
glyphs a circle with a dot in the middle represented the sun, according to Clemens
of Alexandria.

There is a direct connection between the Asoka forms of the cerebral and
dental th, and the roimd flat iron thdwd, or cooking " girdle," and the thdli, or
" low circular wall," which is built aroimd a young tree. Here the dot in the
middle represents the tree, and the pictorial symbol is perfect. I presume that
ThakkuTf a god, was derived from tha, the " sun."

T, Dh. — ^The cerebral t in the Asoka alphabet is an open semi-circle, and
the dental dh a semi-circle closed by the diameter. These I take to be pictorial
representations of a tokra, or "basket," and of a dhanu, or "bow." In the
Egyptian hieroglyphs the basket is represented by the latter symbol with the
value of n from neb, a basket. Here again, the pictorial symbol of the object
is the same in India as in Egypt, but as the phonetic value is different, the Indian
form must have been arrived at by an independent process.

1 JKig-Yeda, YoL IV, p. 138 ; Wilson's trtnslatioii, ''The Eye of All." Compare Byron's ** Eye of the Universe"
in Manfred.

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INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA. 67

D. — As the probable origin of the letter d was the pictorial representation
of a tooth, danta, this might have been at first a mere half circle like the dh,
which was afterwards altered to the Asoka form by pointing the curved line and
breaking the diameter or straight line into two short lines attached to the ends of
the curve. But this is a mere suggestion which I put forward with much diffidence.

Another illustration of the pictorial form of the Asoka letter dh may be seen in
the female breast, dharana^ from the root dhriy to " support, hold,'* &c. Prom the
same root come the terms dhrdy dharani, and dhdtri for the " earth ;" and as these
also signify "mother," they may be compared with the Demeter or "mother earth'*
of the Greeks.

Geoup 4. — P, J5, — Hand and Poor.

The characteristic form of this group is a square, the P having the shape of
three sides of a square open at the top, while the B is a complete square.

P. — ^The radical words connected with this letter dbT^pdni^ the hand, and^oci?,
the foot, with which are naturally connected the number " five,'* or pancha. The
original pictorial representation was no doubt a "hand," with the five fingers
pointed upwards. In course of time the three middle bars would have been
omitted, leaving the symbol in the exact form of tha Asoka letter. In its original
shape it perhaps also represented the " ribs," parauy which are pictured by a similar
symbol in the Egyptian hieroglyphs, but with the totally different value of 8h.
In the latter form, with the middle bars omitted, the Asoka letter has a fair
pictorial representation of a "pair of wings," pakshayas well as of a " flower,"
pmhpa, and more especially of the act of " worship or adoration," pujd, in holding
up the outstretched arms towards heaven. This very form was in fact used by
the Egyptians as their hieroglyph for " adoration," with the hands raised in wor-
ship. Bat the value of the Egyptian symbol was K, so that the Indian form could
not have been borrowed from Egypt, but must have been reached by an indepen-
dent local process.

P. — ^The verbal roots connected with this letter are bda^ a " house," bdri^ a
"window," bdri, a "garden" or courtyard, and J^rra, a "boat," all of which are
of a square or oblong shape. The last is a Panj^ibi term for a flat-bottomed boat,
with square prow and square stern. In the Egyptian hieroglyphs, the square or
oblong represents a water tank, with ^the power of ah ; or, with a small opening
like a door, it represents a house with the power of e, both values being totally
distinct from that of the Indian letter.

Group 5.— Jf,— Motjth.

The characteristic of this letter is a curved oblong form representing the mouthy
which is found in exactly the same shape in the Egyptian hieroglyphs. But in
Egypt the symbol had the value of r, from the term ru, a mouth. Perhaps the
original Indian form may have had two short diverging lines attached on the top
to represent moustaches, so that the symbol would then have been but slightly

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58 INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA.

different from the Asoka shape of the letter. With this addition the suggested
old Indian form would have heen a very good pictorial representation of a **fifih,"
matsya; of an oblong bead, mcmkd; of a manguSy or ichneumon; of a makara, or
crocodile, as well as of a mUsa, or mouse. Amongst the Egyptian hieroglyphs
there is a similar form, — ^namely, an oblong with a fan-shaped top ; but this is a
picture of the eye with its upper lid or eyebrow.

•
Group 6.— T, T, N, K, S,— Nose.

The grouping together of so many apparently different letters may, perhaps,
be thought rather arbitrary. But they appear to me to have the conmion tie of
general similitude, as each character consists of an upright straight line, with a
swell or extension at bottom, somewhat similar to the expansion of the human
nostrils from the upright ridge of the nose. Perhaps the orginal form of some^
if not of all, of these characters was a wedge or acutely-pointed triangle, expand-
ing at the base.

T. — The characteristic root of this letter is the word tan^ to "spread," or
"stretch," which is preserved in the Greek teindi tanumi, and in the Latin tendoani
tenuis^ which last is the same as the Sanskrit tanu, " thin." Eegarding the origin
of the symbol, I can only suggest that it may have been derived from the hand
with " outstretched " fingers, representing a " span " or tdlah, or from the " spread-
ing" foliage of the tdla, or " fan-palm." To this three-pointed form I would also
refer the word tdra, a "star," tarangy a "wave," and triy "three."

V. — ^The shape of this Asoka letter is an upright stroke with a small circle,
at the bottom of which the most characteristic pictorial example is the vindy or
Indian " lute." This instrument was also one of the Egyptian hieroglyphs, but
its phonetic value was ^, from the Egyptian nofrCj a " guitar." Perhaps the Indian
symbol included all straight lines with a single knob at the end. If so, it would
be connected with va and vahuy an " arm," vena and vansa^ a " bambu," vrndeey
a drop of water, and vdn^ an " arrow."

N. — In the Asoka alphabet this letter is an upright stroke with a short
straight stroke at bottom, of which I take the human nose to have been the ori-
ginal picture. The root na means the " nose, " as well as the longer words nak,
nakaty ndsa, &c., and the Latin naso. The common nemiy or wooden frame for the
well-rope, seems to refer to the shape of the Asoka letter, as it usually consists
of an upright timber let into a horizontal one below. Perhaps also ndku, a white
ant-hill, derived its name from its " nosey" or pyramidal appearance.

jST. — ^This letter in the alphabet of Asoka has no pictorial connection with the
other gutturals kh and g, but seems rather to belong to the group of which I am
now treating. Its form is an upright cross with even arms. Biit the pictorial forms
which seem to be best suited to this shape are the " dagger," ka and kattdr^ the
" straight sword," katti, or the "cutter," kuta, a "peak," and Mia, a spike, all of
which would seem to require the cross stroke near^ to the bottom of the letter.
Perhaps kila, flame, or lambent flame, refers to the narrow pyramidal shape of the
original letter.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 59

R. — In the Asoka alphabets this letter is either a simple, upright, straight stroke,
or a slightly undulating upright line. But as the radioal ra means " fire," it seems
probable that the original form may have been a very thin wedge. This conjecture
seems to be borne out by the word msnU^ a " sunbeam or ray of light." Other words,
however, would seem to refer to a perfectly straight line such as rdji and rekhdy a
" Une, row, ridge "; rajju, a " cord or rope "; rima, a " fiddlestick "; and ratha, a
" cane or ratan." But, perhaps, the Greek m, a " nose," is in favor of the sugges-
tion that the original symbol may have been a simple wedge.

Qeotjp 7. — i, B", — LiNGA or Phallus.

I have placed these two letters together on account of their exact similitude in
the Asoka inscriptions. It is true that they face diflterent ways, but they have
precisely the same shape, and were most probably connected with each other in
their original conception. The former I take to be a simplified pictorial representa-
tion of the linga^ or male member, and the latter of the elephant's trunk. Buj; the
exact shape of both the Asoka letters / and h is that of a sickle, with the handle .
placed horizontally, and the point of the curved blade upwards. Now, it is a curi-
ous corroboration of the suggested original connection between these two letters,
that the common names for a sickle begin with I and h. These are lavdha^ lavanaka^
and lavitra from the Sanskrit luy " to cut," and the Hindi hanaiya and homauay which
were probably so named from their resemblance to the form of a hanaay or goose.

L. — ^This letter monopolises most of the names in common use for i\ud phallus
or male member, such as lar^ Idr, laur, lul, land, Idngal, and Hnga. The names of
other objects suggested by the shape of the letter are langar, an "anchor,"
and Idngalj a " plough." These words recal the old Sicilian DanMon or Zanklon, a
" sickle," which gave its name to the island of Zankle. And as all these names
represent some bent object, it seems probable that the Indian term anktcs for an
" elephant goad " may have been originally lankusy as descriptive of its hooked form.
Perhaps also the Oreek ankdn, ankuU, and ankura, and the Latin a^^t^/i^, may each
have lost an initial / or other letter.

S. — ^The " hand," hastay in the shape of the elephant's trunk, or haatiy is the
characteristic form of this letter. The striking handiness of the animal's trunk
suggested to Lucretius the well-known epithet of a^guimanus} I have already
noticed that the letters L and JB furnish separate names for the " sickle "; and I
may now add for the " plough " also as the Sanskrit hala^ a plough is the exact
equivalent of the Hindi Idngal. The sickle is also one of the Egyptian hieroglyphs.

Gbottp 8.—^, Shy— The Eae.

The representatives of this class are the three sibilants, the palatal «, the cere-
bral shf and the dental s. Now, the only member of man's body that has not been
included in thp previous summary is the ear. This has several names in Sanskrit, all

' De Berum Natora, II, 53S, — ^Anguimanils elephantoa.

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60 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

beginning with the palatal s as frava^ pniti, and frotra^ from the root fruy to " hear.'*
But what is heard is ^^ sound/' or aahda^ and the element that makes the most
noise is " water/' or adr. Hence we have aaras^ a " lake," and ** sarity' a " river," as
well as saraardna^ " to ripple." I take the palatal a of Asoka's time to be a simple
form of the original pictorial representation of the human ear. Its shape is that
of a parabola with a vertical line, or a dot in the middle, the latter representing the
meatus atiditoriua. As the cerebral ah is only the last letter reversed, and is not
f oimd in any of Asoka's inscriptions, it seems probable that it was the invention of
a later date. As such its shape need not be discussed here.

The dental sibilant is formed of two undulations, one up and one down, with a
short stroke attached at the top of the rise. The whole represents pictorially both
a serpent with a single coil, and a complete wave, with its hollow and its crest.
Now, the radical word of this letter is aa or aarpa^ a " serpent," which was probably
the original picture of the symbol.

In my comparison of the characters of the ancient Indian alphabet with the
pictorial forms of different objects, I have not thought it worth while to make any
examination of the vowels for two reasons : Jlrat, because their shapes do not sug-
gest any pictorial representatives ; and, aecond, because I believe them to be of a
comparatively late date, that is, somewhat posterior to the formation of separate
syllablic characters in which the vowel formed part of the complete syllable, and,
therefore, of exactly the same age as the first alphabetic characters.

In divising the vowel marks I think it probable that an arbitrary system of
simple strokes was adopted. At first these would seem to have been independent
marks not attached to the consonants as in the two examples on the black stone
seal from Harapa, which I have read as a and i.^ At the foot of the accompanying
plate I have given aU these conjectural forms of the archaic vowels side by side
with the Asoka vowels for the sake of easy comparison. Some of these forms
appear to me to be almost certain, while the remainder are at least highly probable,
if a similar system was followed in their formation.

In this brief examination of the letters of. the old Indian alphabet, I have
compared their forms at the time of Asoka, or B. C. 250, with the pictures of
various objects and of the different members of the human frame ; and the result
of my examination is the conviction that many of the characters still preserved,
even in their simpler alphabetical forms, very strong and marked traces of their
pictorial origin. My comparison of the symbols with the Egyptian hieroglyphs
shows that many of them are almost identical representations of the same objects.
But as the Indian symbols have totally different values from those of Egypt, it
seems almost certain that the Indians, must have worked out their system quite
independently, although they followed the same process. They did not, therefore,
borrow their alphabet from the Egyptians. It is, of course, quite possible that the
hint may have been taken from Egypt ; but considering the distance and the diffi-
culty of communication between the two countries in those early times, this does

^ This will shortly be described and examined. See Plate XXVIII.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 61

not seem very probable. Indeed, there is one very stroi
which I think is ahnost, if not quite, conclusive, — ^namely, t
seem to have possessed any extended scheme of numerical m
of Asoka, which they certainly would have had if they had I
from Egypt, as I contend that they would have taken th
numerals at the same time.

Now, if the Indians did not borrow their alphabet from
have been the local invention of the people themselves, for
there was no other people from whom they could have obts
neighbours were the peoples of Ariana and Persia, of wl
Semitic character of Phoenician origin, reading from right t<
cuneiform character formed of separate detached strokes, w
ever in common with the compact forms of the Indian alpha

But if the Indian alphabet was thus locally elaborate
selves, it may be urged that some traces of its previous ex
have been discovered, if not of its earlier stages of pictur
least of its later stages of syllables and archaic letters. Th
able objection if all our ancient sites had been already tho]
as yet, except in a few places, we have but skimmed the
whatever was to be found above ground, while the older i
beneath the soil. It is possible, also, that some specimens, <
ings, may have been found previously, and have been passed
of little or no value. I have, however, come across one moi
to be a specimen of the archaic alphabetical writing. Its i
tmcertain, but I do not think its date can be later than
monument is a seal of smooth black stone, which was f oi
the ruins of Harap&, in the Punjab.^ On it is engraved very
bull without hump, looking to the right, with a symbol
second symbol and a star under its neck. Above the buU tl
six unknown characters, which on first seeing I thought co
which I now think may be archaic Indian letters of as ea
himself. Taking the characters from the left, the first may
the letter I, as it approaches very close to the shape of the
third seems to be an old form of chh^ and the fourth a true
of a fish, mataya. The fifth must be another vowel, perhapi
be an old form of y. The whole would thus read Lachhmiya

The chief difficulty about this reading is the detached p<
of symbols read as vowels. But there does not seem to be
the vowels should not have been detached letters origi
strokes which I have read as i are precisely the two strokes c
in the Asoka inscriptions, and the two long strokes read as <
the archaic form of the initial d of Asoka*s inscriptions. Thi
merely tentative, and I only put it forward in the hope that ot

J See Arcbeologicia Soryey of India, Vol. V, p., 108, and Plate XXX, fig. 1. See also Fla

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62 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

patent may be induced to take up the subject, and carry it through to some conclu-
sive results which may be generally accepted.

In the meantime, I wish to bring to notice the fact, that the well-known con-
ventional signs for the five planets may be formed by merely adding a %taT to the
radical letter of each of the five classes of the alphabetical letters of Asoka, while
the sun and moon are the actual radical letters of the other two classes of the
Indian alphabet without any change or other addition. I find it difficult to believe
that this can be an accidental coincidence, but as I am not prepared to offer a com-
plete explanation, all that I can do is to add a few notes pointing out the formation
of each sign. ^

1. The Stm. — This is represented by the Asoka dental aspirate tha^ which
is a circle with a dot in the middle. Tha is one of the Sanskrit names of
the sun.

2. The Moon. — This is represented by the Asoka palatal letter y, which has the
form of the lunar crescent, with a small circle inside. This is called netra yoni^ or
the " eye of the yoni,'* and is one of the Sanskrit names of the moon. Jun is also
a name of the moon.

3. Maf8. — ^The sign of this planet is the Asoka semi-vowel r, compoimded
with a star or upright cross. Ba is the radical for fire^ which is the element pre-
sided over by the regent of the planet.

4. Mercury. — ^The sign of this planet is the Asoka labial letter w, with a star or
cross attached below. Marka and Marut are Sanskrit names for the vmdy the
element presided over by the regent of the planet Mercury, whose Latin name
seems to be connected with the Sanskrit word marka.

6. Jupiter. — The sign of this planet is the Asoka letter khy with a star added
to the right foot. Kha is the Sanskrit radical for ^^ ether or «Ay," the element presi*
ded over by the regent of the planet Jupiter, the god of the firmament.

6. Venus. — The sign of this planet is the Asoka cerebral letter tha^ with a
star attached below. Tha means the "cherisher or nourisher," and is an epithet of
the Earthy who, as the general nourisher of all, may be identified vni\iAlma Fenus
as well as with Demeter.

7. Saturn. — ^The sign of this planet is the Asoka palatal sibilant S^ with a
star added to the left top. Sam is the god of the watery element, of which the
characteristic is " sound," in Sanskrit sa and aabda.

To those who may wish to pursue this subject further, I may add that each of
the planets had its appropriate colour, as well as its own particular metal and wood,
of which alone the figure of the regent of the planet ought to be made, thus : —

Firstly. — ^The colour of the Sun was yellow ; its appropriate metal gold, and its
precious stone the yeUow diamond.

Secondly. — The colour of the Moon was white ; its appropriate metal silver, and
its precious stone rock crystal.

Thirdly. — The colour of Mars was green ; its appropriate metal iron (or cutting
bronze), and its precious stones the emerald and the bloods-stone.

' See Plate XXVIII, where the symbols are given along with the Asoka characters with which they correspond.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 63

Fourthly.— The colour of Mercury was black ; its appropriate metal was quick"
silvery and its precious stones the sparsamaniy or " touch-stone," and the ** magnet,"
both of which are bla<5k.^ It was the difficulty of procuring black wood that gave
currency to the saying, Non ex quovis lignofiet Mercurius.

Fifthly. — The colour of Jupiter was grey ; its appropriate mets'
precious stones were the opal and the chalcedony ^ or milk-stone.

Sixthly. — The colour of Venus was red ; its appropriate metaJ
its precious stones were the red cornelian and the amethyst.

Seventhly. — The colour of Saturn was blue ; its appropriate me
its precious stone the sapphire, which was generally known as Sani-pr
favorite," — and nilamanif " the blue gem."

' Sparsa means the wind, and the ** wind-stone" was, of course, dedicated to the regent of t

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TEXTS.

ROCK INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA

SHlHBAZGARHI, KHALSI, GIRNAR, DHAULI, AND JAUGAI

EDICT I.

Ayam

dharmalipi [

omitted

]

Devanampriyasa

lyam

dhammalipi [

do.

]

DevAnampiyena

lyam

dhammalipi [

do.

J •

DevAnampiyena

• «

dha • • *

« «

• si pavatasi

DevAnampiye *

lyam

dhammalipi Khepingalasi pavatasi

•

Devanampiyena

Sanyo

likhapi . Hidam

loke •

jiva.

« • •

« «

lekhapi . Hida

no kichhi

jive.

Alabhitu

RanyA

lekhapitA . Idha

na kinchi

jtvam ArabhidA

Lajo

« « • •

•

• « *

* vam Alabhitu

Lajina

likh&pit& . Hida

no kichhi

jivam. Alabhiti

« • •

cha pi *

• «

• • « «

hitaviye

^ no pi cha

samAje.

ka^viye bahukam

hitavyam

^na cha

katavyo bahukam

• • •

« « « «

• • «

3« •

• bahukam

hitaviye

' no pi cha

samaje.

kafaviye bahuk^

* « «

« • •

« « * •

•

* * * « * •

d08&

samejasA.

ampiye

Piyadasi L^A

dosam

^ samAjamhi.

pasati Devanampiyo

Piyadasi RAjA

« * «

• « *

• « •

nam

* « • * • •

doeam

samejasa.

dakhati DevAnampiye

Piyadasi LAjA

»ati pi* •

• kaUya

samayasa

samato DevAni

athi pIchA

ekatiyA

samAjA

sAdhumata DevAm

• a8ti pitu

ekachA^

samAja

sAdhumatA ^ DevAni

* • «

ekachA

sam^asA

sadhumatA DevAns

athi pichu

ekatiyA

saml^'A

sAdhumatA DevAni

Priyadasisa

Ranyo

para

mahanasasa

DevAnampriyasa

FiyadasisA

LAjine

'pale

mAhanasAnsi

DevanampiyasA

Piyadasino

Ranyo

pura

mahAnasaplii

^ DevAnampiyasa

' Piyadasine

limine

« «

mahA •

•

* * nam • *

» Piyadasine

I^jine

pula'

ram mahAnapasi

DevAnampiyasa

Banyo

anudivasam

bahuni

pana

taha * asani

liAjine

anndivasam

bahuni

—

satasahasAni

Ranyo

anudivasam

• bahuni

satasahasAni

•

# •

bahuni*

pAna*

satasahAsAni

L&jine

anudivasam

bahuni

pAna

HatasahAsAni

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TEXTS.

s *

K 8upath4ya

G 6(ip4th4ya

D 8U8upath&ye

J 8U8<ipath&ye

« *

86 im&ni
^^ sa aja

* 86 sya

* se aja

yad&
yada
ada
(♦)aclA

lyam
ayam
iyam
iyam

' dharmalipi
dhammalipi
dhammalipi
dhammalipi
dhammalipi

likhita

lekhita

likhitAtl

likhit&

iikhit4

tada

S
K

anatam
taniye

tinni
tinniye

yo va

eva

« *

pranam
pan4ni
pana
« « •

p&n&ni

ganeti
^I&bhiyanti
&rabhire
* labhiya
^labhiyanti

* * • jata kate

' deva majali

8up^th4ya dwamera
« • * * « •

» # » duvema

S
K
G
D
J

sti
eke

eko

* # *

eke

mage
mige
mago

* *

mige

80
86

« «

piye

• « «

pichu

mage
mige
mago

» * •

mige

na
no
na

• *

dhava
dhave
dhuvo

* « *

dhuvam

S
K
G
D
J

esa
esani

ete

• • *

et&ni

pati
• •

pichu

tini

tinni
tinni

panam
p&n&ni
p&n&
p&n&ni *
pftnftni

trayi

pacha

pachh&

panchhi

pachh4

no
na
n&
no

arabhiaanti.

^labhiyisanti.

ftiabhisante

^labhijdaanti.

&labhiyisanti.

E D I O T 1 1.

S Satatam
K Savata

G Savata

D * Savata

J Savatami

vijite

vijitamsi

vijitamhi

vijitamsi

vijitasi

Dev&nampriyasa

D6v4nampiya8&

Dev4nampiyasa

Dev&nampiyasa

Priyadasisa
Piyadasisa
Piyadasino
Piyadasine
Piyadasine

Ranyo
limine
Eanyo

I4jine

* « • •
yecha ant&
^ vamapip&chantesu
* • • •

ev^pi ant&

K matha

G yath&

D * • *

J ath4

• • »
*Chod&

Cho44

* • *

Chod4

* Pan^iya
Pau^iyft
Pand&

• * •

P&ndiya

Satiyapntra
S&tiyaputo
Satiyaputo

* * •

Satiyaput*

cha

Ketalaputra
Ke^halaputo
Eetalaputo

S
K
G
D
J

Tambapani

Tambapanni

^ Tambapanni

ANTIYOKENB

*ANTIYOGE n&ma

ANTIYAKO

ANTIYOKE nftma

ANTIYOKE n&ma

Yona
Yona
Yona
Yona
'Yona

Rajaye
L&j&ne
Bajaye

L&J&
L&jfte—

K
G
D
J

cha
cha

v& pi
* va pi
v&pi

aranya
alanne
• * •

tasa
tasa
tasa
tasa
tasa

ANTIYOKASA
ANTIYOGASA
ANTIYAKASi
ANTIYOKASA
ANTIYOKASA

samanta

8&mant&

s&minam

samnatft

s&manta

Ranyaye
Lftj&ne
^Rl^&no
L&jlUie
L&j&ne

S sarvato

K savata

G savata

D savata

J savata

Dev&nampriyasa

Dev&nampiyaeft

DevS^nampiyasa

Dev&nampiyasa

Dev&nampiyena

Priyadasisa
Piyadasisft
Piyadasino
•Piyadasino
Piyadasinft

Banyo
Ld^jine
Bftnyo

* • *

kisa
duve
dwe

« • «

kabha
chikisftohh4

ohikichha

• * •

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TEXTS.

K
G
1)

• • •
katft
kata

# * •

roanusa

« • «

chikis&

chikfchb4

chikisA

chikisa

cha
cha
cha
cha

« • *
pasu
pasu
pasa
'pasu

• « •

chikisft

chiklchh4

chikisft

cbikis&

• « «

cha

S * * •

K osadh&ni

G osudh&ni (a)

D (osa) dh&ni

J 08adb4ni

cha

e?a(?)

y&ni
anni

janasopakani

manosopag&ni

manusopag^i

munisopag&ni

manisopag&ni

cha
cha
cha

pai^pakani cha

pasopag&ni cha

* pasopag&ni cha

pasun opag&ni cha

S
K
G
D

yata yatra
&ta t4

yata yata

atata

nasti
n&thi
u&sti
Datbi
nathi

aavatra
'aavatA
sayati
savatA
sava

harapiti
h&l&pit&
h&rftpit&ni
h^lapitft

cha
ch4
cha
cha

• • *

S —

K lop&pitft cha

G ropapit4iii cha

D lopapita cha

[ omitted ] —

savameva mul&ni cha

7 miil&ni cha

' mal&ni —

phal&ni
phal&ni

cha
cha

cha

kayata
yata

uta

S
K
G
D
J

yata

— — [ omitted
n4tbi savata hUopita

D&sti eavata hllrftpitani

vata h&lopit&

n&thi savata h&lApit&

cha
cha
cha
cha

lopApit&
ropapit&ni
^ lopftpit&
lopapitft

cha
cha
cha
oha

S vata

K matesu

G ' patbesu

D matesu

J matesu

cha

kupa

lukhft

ktlpft

udapftn4ui

udupftn^ui

cha
cha
cha

khanapita

m&hith&ni

khAn&pit&

kh&n&pit&ni

khftn^pit&ni

udap&n&ni
yachhi
lukh4ni
lukhftui

cha
cha
cha

K kh&nllpit&ni

G rop&pit&

D lopapit&ni

pratibhogaye
patibhog&ye
patibhog&ya
patibhog&ye

pasu
pasu
pasu
pa

manusftnam.

manus&nam.
* nusftuam.

EDICT III,

Devanampriye

Priyadasi

Banya

ahati

Baraya

vasha

Dey&nampiye

Piyadasi

I4J4

hevam

'DuvftdasA

vast

Dvyftnampiyo

Piyadasi

B^ft

evkm

&ha

DwAdasa

vaB&

Dey&nampiye

Piyadasi

Ujk

heyam

fth&

vas&

Ujk

hevam

&hft

Duv&dasa

vas&

(a). The first letter of this word if the initial • and not m.

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TEXTS.

s
K
G
D
J

Uiisite
bhisitena
bhisitena
bbisite

name
raajr&
me—
name

lyam
idam
iyara
iyam

4napayite
anyapitam
4natam
4 • *

savatA
savata
sa • *

vijite
vijitaai
vijite
vyite

mama
mama
8& me

* #

S yota

K yut&

G yaiA

D yuta

cba

rajaki
lajaki
r&jnke
lajoke

cba
oba
cba

9t ya
pAdesike —

padeeike oba

* ♦ sike cba

pftdesike cba

pancbasu
pancbasn
pancbasn
*<^pancbasQ
pancbasn

pancbasn
pancbasn
pancbasn
pancbasn
pancbasu

S
K
G
D
J

vasbesbn (a) anusayanam nlkbamatu eti sato kavayo

vasesn annsliy&nam nikbam&tn et&yev4 atb&ye

vftsesn annsayftnam niy&ta et&yev& atb^ya

vasesn annsayftnam nikbam&vn — atbi annayepi

vasesn annsayftnam nikbam&vn ■ atb& an&ye pi

D kammane

J kammane

dmiiied)

bevam

* •

sa dbannann sanstiye sa anaye

im4ya dbammannsatbiyA yatbA annaya

m&ya dbammannsastiya yatb& anyaya

mAye dbammAnnsatbiya —

« • • • •

P»
pi

S kramaye sadbn mata

E kamm4ne sAdbn * m&ta

G kamm&ya s&dbn mfttari

D sMbn m4t4

cba

pitusbn
pitasn
pitari
pita

cba

sufusba
susnsa
snstisi
sususa
8&

mitra

mita

mitft

rait4

S
K
G
D

santnta • ta •

santbnta n4tikyanam

santnta ny&tinam

san • * 11 n&tisn

santbnte

*3 sa n&tisu

oba

cba
cba

sAdbn

Bambbana
B&bma^a
Bambbana
Bambbana

&nalambbo
an&rambbo
anUambbe
an&lambbe

saroananam
sama^nam
samanebi
samanebi

oba

s&dbn

sadbn
s&dbn

' apavayata
apaviyAti
apavyayatA
apaviyati

4*
apabbidata
apabbindata
apabbindat&
apabbandati

# * *

S sadbn

K s4dbn

G s&dbn

D s&dbu

J *

parisapa yutra ti * * nadanatiP

palisApi yut& gananasA

paris&pi ynto anyapayisati

palis&pi oba a * tiyatani

anapisanti
anapeyisanti
ganan&yam
Anapeyisita

hetu
betu
betn
(be) tu
*• betu

S * tba
K vatA

G to

D te

J te

cba
cb&
cba
cba
cba

vanyana
viyanjana
vyanjana
vlyam * *
viyanjana

to
te
to

cba.
cba.
oba.

cba.

(a) The five upright ttroke* following immediately after the words panckatn paaektuu are certainlj intended for the flgare 5, being only a
fcpetitioQ of the number iu word«« ,

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TEXTS.
ROCK EDICT IV.

Atikatam

antaram

bahuni

vashafat&ni

vadhito va

prana

* Atikatam

antalam

bahAni

vasasatAni

vadhitevA

p&na]

AtikatAm

antaram

bahuni

vlksasatAni

vadhito eva

pAnAi

" Atikantam

antalam

bahdni

vadhiteva

pAn&]

Atikantion

antalam

bahuni

vasasatAni

va^hiteya

p&n&

vihisa

cha

bhut&nam

nyatinu

asaptipati Sramanam

vihins^

cha

bhut&nam

n&tin4

asampatipati Samana

vihinsa

cha

bhat&nam

ny&ttsn

asampatipati BAhmanft

vihinsa

cha

bhnt&nam

nfttisn

« «

• ♦

• *

•

• •

• • «

sapatipati

aja

Devftnam

priya •

• • • •

asampa^ipati 84

aja

Devftnam

piyasA

Piyadasino

LAi

asampatipati ta

aja

DevAnam

piyasa

Piyadasino

RaJ

aja

piyasa

Piyadasine

LAj

• • •

* se

aja

Dev4nam

piyasa

Piyadasine

La;

* dharmacbarane

bherigosha aba

dharmagosha

vimanena

dhamm&chalan6n&

bbelighoee aho

dhammaghose

vim Ana

B dhammacharanena

bberigboso aho

dhammaghoso

vim&na

dhammachalanena

bhelighosam aho

dhammaghosam

vimAna

dhammachalanena

bbel

• « •

•

• • *

• •

S
K

hathiui

— _--

uatiKaar
agikand

k_:

anyai
annAi

cha

hasti

dasanft

cha

* agikhandAni cha

anyAi

• •

hathini

# •

« •

agakhandAni * *

annAi

• *

• •

* •

# *

• # •

• # *

•

oha

divani

rupani

dusayitu

janasa

yadisam

. bah

cha

divy&ni

lup&ni

dasayitu

janasa

adisam ^

bah

cha

divyani

rupftni

dasayi

pujanam

yArise

bah

cha

diviy^ni

^* lupftnam

dasayitu

munisAnam ^dise

bah

# •

diviy&ni

lup&ni

dusayita

munisAnam adise

bah

vrasha

satebi

bhuta

purve

tadi

vasa

satehi

huta

pnluve

t&di

vasa

Hatebi

*na

bhdta

pave

tftri

vasa

satebi

hdta

puluve

tftdj

yasa

sate

• * *

* #

aja

vadhite

Dev&nampriyasa Priyadarsisa

Ranyo

dharman

aja

vadhite

DevftnampiyasA Piyadasino

L4jine

dhamma

aja

vadhite

Dev&nampiyasa ]

Piyadasino

Ranyo

dhammd

aja

vadlii (te]

Devftnampiyasa Piyadasine

LAjine

dhammA

* «

# *

# •

•

• • *

* * >Mhamm&

anaram *

* nanam

avihisa

bhutana nyatas

a ♦

# *

) p&Dftnam

avihins^

bhut&nam n&tisam " sampatipati

* an&rambho p&n4tiam

avihinsd.

bhut&nam ny&tinam sampatipati

** analambhe p&n&nam

avihinsA

bhtt&nam n^tisa

sampatipati

an&iambhc

i p&n4

nam

avihiDsa

bhut^nam nitisunam s *

•

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TEXTS.

S * Sramananam sampa^pati mata pitashu

K Samati&n&m sampa^pati m&ta pitisu

G Saman&Qam sampatipati mitari pitaii

D B&bhaoeBu sampatipati matu pita

J *• •• •* ••

tu ara sufasha esam ioya

8U8U8& kh^ cba anne

7 BiastuA thairi susAsft esa anye

8U848&m ya 808^^4 esa anne

' esa

anne

S oba bahuvadham dhannaobaranam va^bitam

K cba babdvidbe dhammachalane vadbite

G cba babuvidbe dbammacbara^e va^bite

D cba babuvidbe ^' dbammacbalane vadbite

J cba babiLvidhe dbammacbalane vadbite

yadbi^ati cbayo

vadbiyisati cbevft

vadbayisati cbeva

vadbayisati cbeva
vabbayi *

Dey&nampriyasa
Dev&nampiye
Dey&nampiyo
DevAn&mpiye

* • *

S Priyadarsisa Rauyo

K Piyadasi L&ja

G B Piyadasi R&jik

D Piya * * Uja

J # * * i

-dbannacbaranam ime

imam dbammachalanam
dbamroacbaranam idam
dbammacbalanam imam

* * * • #

pntra pi cba knnatayocba
putA cba kunatllla cbft
put& cba pot& cba
putapi cba nati *

S pranatika cba

K pan^tikya cba

G papot& cba

D pa cba

J ♦ * cha

Deyanampriyasa
Deyanampiyasft
Dey&nampiyasa
Dev&nampiyasa

* •

Priyadarsisa Ranya

Piyadasine liljine

Piyadasino R&nyo

Piyadasine L^ine

•• Piyadasine L&jine

yadblsanti
^' vadbdyisanti

• yadbayisanti
^7 pavadbayisanti
payadbayisanti

yeva
idam
yeya
yeva

g • * • *

K dbammacbalanam

G dbammacbaranam

D dbammacbalanam

J dbammaobal

icba
ima

&ya

pavata
&ya.

kupa
kupam

savata (a) kap&
— — — akepam

• • *

dbanna^ila
dbammasi

dbammambi

dbammasi

* •

silasi y&
silambi
stiasi cba

* *

S ti mato

X titb&to

G tistanto

D vitbitu

dbarma

dhammam

dbammam

* •

anufa^i^anti
anu84»isanti
anus&sisauti
annsAsisanti

eva

ese

^esa

esa

bi sotbe
nise ste
biae

kamme
kamme
* me

yuta
am

nosasanam

K dbamm&nusftsanam

G dbamm&nosisanam

D dbamm&nus&sanam
J • ♦ #

dbannacbaranam pt eha

dbammaobalana pi cb4

dbammacharane pi na

dbammacbalana pi cbu

^ dbammacbalane picbu

na bbofl a^ilasa se imasu

no boti asilasA se imisa

bbavati asila sava imambi

'^ no boti astlasa se imasa
no bo * • • • •

S yafasa vadhi abini cba sadliu etaye athaye

K atliasa vadhi abini cha sftdhu etaye atbiye

G atbambi " dbi cba abini cba s&dbu et&ya atbftya

D atbasa vadbi * abini cba sftdhu etftye atbaye

ima
ima
ida
iyam
* •

S
K
G
D
J

lipitbam
liklute
lekh&pitam
likbite

* •

imisa
" imasa
imasa
imasa

atbasa
atbasa
atbasa
atbasa

vadhiya
vadbiya
vadbiya
vadbiyu

* *

nyantu luni

jantu bini

♦ • bini

mabiga

cba m& alocbayisu
cba " locbetivya
cba mft nlocbayisii
<^a mk aloohayi

faj Prinsep's first reading of tbis word wbb pavata, and tbe totally different form of tbe Ariano Pali j? in the Sbabbaiffarbi
^xt shows tl^t the first reading of pavata may be correct* although the first letter is dearly i in the Girnar text.

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TEXTS

barata

yarshabhisitena

DeTinampriyasa

PriyadaraiBa

Ranya

duyftdasft

va^bhisitene

Dev&Dampiyena

Piyadasine

Ll^ino

dwftdasa

▼as&bhisitena

Dey&nampiyena

Piyadasino

R4nyo

*• duv&dasa

va84niablii8ita8a

Dev&nampiyasa

Piyadasine

Limine

• «

• • •

• •

•

ROCK EDICT V.

" Dev&nampriya

Priyadar^i

Rayo

evam

abatine

kayana

Dev&nampiye

Piyadasi

L^ja

(omitted) &b4

kayine

DevlUiainpiyo

Piyadasi

Ekik

evam

kal4na

*^ (De)v&nampiya

Piyadasi

L&ja

bevam

khk

kay4ne

Devftnampiye

Piyada

•

« • •

* «

va lapachha

da^aram

karofa

I i

maya

e adikale kay&ni

dukalam

kaleti

may&

-kal/lne

saso

dukaram

karot

I «ta

mayA

D
J

kayAnA

karana kata

sasa

dokala

kaleti

maba

putra

cba

kay&ne

kate

•

mama

puta

cba

kal&nam kata

mama

pat4

cba

D
J

kay&ne

kate

tarn

ye me

pni4

paran

cba

tanaya

apacbam

ammanti

ava

" palan

cba

teniya

apatine me

4va

paran

cba

tenaya

me apAcbam

4va

palan

cba

tenaye

apatiye me

4va

palan
kapam

cba
tatha

te •
ye anuva^i 9ai

[iti

sakita

knsati

kapam

atb4 annvatisanti

snkatam

kaobb4nti

kap&

anuvatisare tatb&

>80

snkatam

k4sati

kapam

tatb& annvatisanta

snkatam

kaohbati

• •

•

• •

ati (e)

defan

I pribapifata

dakatam

knshanti

heti

desam pibApayisati

dnkatam

k4cbbati

eta

desam pibipesati

dakatam

kAsati

D
J

desam pibApayisati

dukatam

k4cbbati

sahane

Atikatam

antaram

bbuta

n&ma sn

padilayese

Atikatam

antalam

buta

Sukarambi pApam

AtikAtam

antaram

♦na

bbnta

D '
J

° supud&layesn

Atikantan

antalam

bat4

(a). Tbe two letters j> and kh seem to bave been transposed in this word, wbieb should be read M

(b). As the two letters y and t are easily mistaken, this word should no doubt be naia as in the \
not Ifa^a. Mr. Beglai^s impression gives uata, and so does his photograph.

(c). The initial letter might perhaps be A instead of a, as these two characters in Ariano Pali are ^

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TEXTS.

K
G
D
J

dharmamabamatam nama

dbaminamab4m4tli n&m&

dhammamabftmftt& D&ma

dbammamah&iD&ta d&ihq

ta may4

* * varBbabbisitena *
dasavas&bbiaten^ mameva
dasavas&bbisi (tena)
dasavasftbbisitena me

'^ deya dbarmamabamatra ki^

dbammamabam&t&

dbammamaytm&ta kat4

dhammamab&m&ta nUma kat&

te
te

save
sava
sava
sava

pasbandesbu
p&sandesu
p^andesu
p&sandesu

^— dbarmadbritbayo

viyapaji ** dbammadbitan&ye

vyapatA dbammadbist&n&ya

° viyapatba dbamm&dbitblLiiiye

cba

dbarmavadbiya
dbammavadbiye

bita
bita

dbammavadbiye hitu

sukbaya
sakbaye

sukbaye

dbarma yutbasa ^— Yo (a)

vi dbammftyataso tarn Yonamy

dbammayiitasa cba Yonamt

cba dbammayuta s& Yona^

Kamhayo
Kamhojam,
Kamho(cham),
Kambocha,

Gandkaranam,
Gandhdldnawit
Gandhdrdnam, (b)
Gandkdlesu,

Itastikanatu

Ed^ttika
Laihika

Fitinikanam, ta

— — e

Petenikai^m ye
Pitenikesu e

vap]
v&p:
vApi

anne
anna
anne

Aparanta
Apalantd
Apardtd
Apalanfd

bbatamayesbu
bbatamayesu
bbatamayesu
bba^i

Bramanibbesbn
Bi^mbbanitbisu

Datbesbu vathasbu
anatbesu yatbesu

hita
bida

hita

sukbaye

— sukb&ye

sukbaye

^B4bbani

bbis&su anathesu mabalokesu

cba

dbarmayutasa
dbammayutAye
dbammayut&uam
dbammayut&ye

apartgodbra
apalibodb&ye
apar&godb&ya
apalibodb&ya

yapata te *' bandbanam
yiyapat^ : se bandbanam
yy&patft ; te bandhana
viyapa^ se bandbanam

eyam anubandha

badhasa
badbasa
badhasa
badhasa

patividbanaye
pa^ividhan&ya
patividb&n&ya
pativa * * ya

aparibodbaye
apalibodbaye

mochavanavaye
mokb&ye cba

pajati

paj&vatav
paj&
pajati

kita

"kat&

kata

apalibodbaye

mokb&ye cba

' mokbAye

mabalaka
mab&l4keti
thairesa
mabalaketi

^ iyam anubandha

bbikati va
bbikaleti v&
bbikaresu Yk
bbikaleti va

va viyapata ti eba
v& viyapatft te bid&
Yk vy&pat& te Pdtal
Yk viy&patft : se bida

ipute cba
cha

babireshu
b&hilesu
b&biresu
bahilesu

•

rhe letter n is here omitted in the Sbabbazgarbi text.

Prinsep here read Qandhara, Narutika, but the true reading is that given in the t<?lt. Similarly in the Dbauli text
bis Sulatbika belongs to the previous name Gandhalesu—letiving Lathika as the corresponding equivalent of
n the Sbabbazgarbi and Glrnar texts.

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K
G
D
J

cha
cba
oha
cha

nagareslia
nagalesa

nagalesu

Bavesu (a)

TEXTS.

OTodhaneshu
holodhanesu

olodhanesu

eva
ev&hi

bbratuna
bbit&na

olia
cba na

bh&t&nam ya

S
E
G
D
J

mekasona cba yevapi anje syatika savatam

bbaginiya ev&pi anna nitikya savatft

^ ne T&pi me anje njatika savatft

bbagininam ya ^ anneeu ya natita sayata

yiyapata
yiyapatft
yyapat&
yiyapat&

e—

teyo
cba:

ayam
iyam
ayam
iyam

S
K
G
D
J

dbarma nisfisita tiyara dbannafbritane tiya

illiJUYitnn. ni8itetiy& d&nasayute tiy&

dbamma nistito tiya ^— *—

dbamma nisitatiyam dbamm&dbitb&ne, tiya

danasayntra ya

sayatft majata cbba

d&nasaynte

ya saya

patbayiyam

E
G
D
J

aati anati mata dbannayutafla yana yiyapala

•^— i— dbammayutasi yiy&pat^e

dbammayutasi

yiyapat&

dbarmamabamatra etaye

dbammamab&m&t& etilye

dbamm air ahAm&t& et&ya

dbammamab&m4t& im&ye

K
G
D
J

atbaya ayo

atb&ye ^' iyam

atb&ya ayam

atb^ye •'iyam

dbarmalipi
dbammalipi
dbammalipi
dbammalipi

lipi •
likbita
likbit&
likbitam

* * tbiti ya tinika bbota panja
cbilatbitiky& bota tatb& cbe me paja

anayatanta.
anuyatantu.

cbilatbiti botu cba me paja * anuyatatu.

EDICT VI.

S ^* Deyanampriyo Priyadar^i Raya eyam ahati

E Dey&nampiye Piyadasi L^& beyam ftb&

G — _ si E^a eyam l^ba

D Dey&nampiye Piyadasi L&ja bevam &b&

J ' Deyftnampiye Piyadasi L&j& beyam * &b&

atikatam antalam

atik4tam antaram

atikantam antalam

8
E
G
D
J

na
no
na
no
no

bbata

btita

bbtita

b{ita

buta

puya

puluye

puya

pul{iye

puluye

saya
sayam

sayam
sayam

la (6)
kUam

k&lam
k4lam

atba
atba
atba
atba

kammey&
kamme ya
kamme ya
kamme ya

S
E
G
D
J

patimadbra

pafiyed^n^

pafiyedanlt

pa^yedan4

patiyedana

y&sa
y&ta
ya se
ya se

ma
ma

maya
may&
may&
mayft
may&

eya

beyam

eyam

ki(a

kate

katam

kafe

kate

savam

sayam

saye

saya

sayam

(a) This word (sayesn) is bere repeated in the Dhauli text.
(&) Omitted in original text.

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TEXTS.

S kalam

K k&Iam

G We
D * •

J k&lam

S
K
G
D
J

E
G
D
J

S
K
G
D
J

esimana same

adamd.Qa 84 -—

bhiingam4na same

• • na same

s *

same

E 7a

G va

D •

J —

— Yinitasi
vinitasi
vinlimlii

• vinitasi

— vinitasi

cha

G 8(ita

cha

cha
cha
cha

atha
atha
athe me
janasa
janasa

janasa
janas4
janasa
janasa
janasa

janasa

jana8&

janasa

atham

atha
atham
athe
at^am

••ante
ante

nyanasi
nyanasi
ny&nseu
nyanasi
uy&nasi

orodhanasi gabhagarasi vachasi

^^ holodhanasi (a) gabh&gd.lasi vachasi

orodhanamhi gabhagdramhi vachamhi

olodhanasi gabh4g&lasi vachasi

olodhanasi gabh^gdlan vachasi

cha
cha
cha

prati^^^A

* tivedetu me

pafivedetha —

pa^veda yantu me

pa^ivedayanta me

savatra

savata

iti
ti
ti

S anapayami

E &napay&mi

G ftnapay&mi

D Iknapay&mi

J 4napay4mi

pika

dipakam

d4pakam

dipakam

karomi
kachh&mi
karomd
kal&mi

va
v&
v&
v&

yapirokika — -

ka peyam pi ch& ■*^

ya cha kinchi

'^ ha ampi cha kinchhi

am pi cha kinchhi

prafivedaka

pativedak&

savatra

savata

makhata
mukhata
mukhatA
mukhate
mnkhate

eva

savak&m

s4v&pakam v&

s4v4kam vft

s^vakam v&

dhayaka pi nama tadhana achayika

pnnA mah&matehi " ach&yika

puna »— mab&thatesu ftch&yika

^— — maham&tehi atiy&yike

mah&m&tahi atiy&yike

viyo pa na
vivido ni
vivado ni
viv&deva ni
vivlUieva

nya * nassa bhoti

aropitam

alopite

viye

viye
viye

karomi atrayutisa {c)
ftnapanite mamaya
may& anapitam

ma anu8athe

me anusatha

parivayesha

parisHyam
palisAy&
lisaya

cha {h)

savam

save

savam

nathi
nftsti
nathl
nathi

— — -doka
hi me dose
he me to so
pi me to se
pi me to se

traya

taya

t&ya

tasi

nantariyena
anantaliyen&
&nantaram
" anantaliyam
anantaliyam

a •

kftlam

Mle

k&lam

anapi che

nth&nasi

n^h&namhi

uth&nasi

nthftnasi

yevA
yav&
evA
ev&

atbaye

ath4ye

ath&ya

athasi

pativedetasa

• • •

pa^ivedetayam

pativadeta

pa^ivedeta

• janasa
hevam
evam
hevam
hevam

aha

atha

N.B. — The four folloioing lines are found only in the ShShbdzgarhi text

(a) As the vowel o in the first syllable of this word is attached to the aspirate, the value of the initial letter in the other
text is determined to be o also, although this was ahready sufficiently dear from the initial o of the ShAhb&zgarhi text.

(b) Norris reads atrayautaka,

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TEX'

S dapaka va

S achayiti~ me

S ra patishaye

S savam kakm

fravaka va

sava bhoti

anantarija na

evam anyapitam

«6 santiranaya pi

E santilan&ye cha

G santiran&ya va

D santilan&ya cha

J Bantilan&yam cba

katava
kataviya
katavya
ka^viya

manatralii
mutehi
matehi
matehi

S tasa

G tase

D tasa

J tasa

cha

cha
cha
cha

puna
pnna
puna
pana

mulam

esi

esa

iyam

S cha

E ch&

G cha

D cha

J cha

nathi

n^ti

nathi

hi
hi
hi
hi

kammatara

kammatal&m

kammataram

kammatalam

kammatalA

sav
sav
sav
sav
sav

S
E
G
D
J

parakamama

palakam&mi

parakam&mi

palakam&mi

p&lakam&mi

kiti — ianam

kiti bhat4nam

kinti bhutAnam

kinti bhut4nam

S snkhayami paratam cha saga

E sukh&j&mi palatam cha swagam

G sukh^pay^mi parat& cha swagam

D sukhay&mi palatam cha swagam

J 8ukhay&mi palata cha swagam

E
G
D
J

dharmalipi

dhammalipi

tha

likhit&

lekh4pit&

likhita

likbita

kinti

chiran
chilat]
chiran
chtlatl
chilan

S
E
G
D
J

me
me
me

pntranantaro
'pata dale
pnta pota cha
puta ^— '
pota —

papota
papota

E
G
D
J

hi athaya

hit4ya
hit&ye
hitHye

ma bhata ta yasa
" dukale cha
dukarantu —
dukale chu
dukale chu

aroa ya

iyam

idam

iyam

(a) From the great similarity of the two letters fi and k, they
most probably k&ni*

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TEXTS.

EIDIOT VII

•

^ Dey4DampTiyo Priyasi (a) B&ja

sayyatra

ichhati

sayyam

p&shan

Dev&nampiye

Hyadaai

lAjA

• yat&

ichhati

saya

p&san^

' Devdnampijo

Piyadasi

B&J&

sayata

ichhati

saye

p&sand&

Piyadasi

I4i4

sayata

ichhati

saya

p&sandA (b)

Piyadasi

Ujk

sayata

ichhati

saya

pasand&

vaseyu

sayeite

sayaman

hhayafudhi

cha

iohhanti *

jano

▼aseva

sa?ehite

bhftyasadhi

cha

ichhanti

mane

vaseyu

saye te

sayaman cha

' bh&yasudhin

oha

ichhati

jano tu

vasevA *

tisaye

hota sayaman

bh&vasndhi

cha

ichhanti

monisA

yaae •

• saye

hitesayaam

bh&yasudhi

oha

ichhanti

monisA

oha

uohayacha

chhando

uchayacha

rago

uoh&yaoh&

ohhand4

nch&vacha

lAga

uch^yacha

chhando

uchftyaoha

rAgo

cha

' uch&?acha

chhandA

uoh&yacha

olia

uoh&yach&

uch&yacha

llig&

te»

sayam

(a)

ekade9aam

ya^ pi

kdahanti

yipole

Bayam

(h)

ekadesam

kachhanti

yipule

sayam

k&santi

ekadesam

k&santi

•yipule

sayam

{c)

ekadesa *

kachhati

yipulA

ekadesam
n&sti

kachhanti
* bh&yafudhi

yipule

pi cha

d&ne

yasa

pi cha

d&ne

tas&

nathi «

' sayame

bh&yasudhi

tnpi

dkie

yasa

nasti

sayame

bh&?asuddhit&

pi cha

d&ne

asa

nathi

sayame

bh&yasndhi

cha

pi cha

d&ne

kitanyata

dridh4hhatita {d)

niche

p&dham.

kitan&tu

dftdhihhatit&

ch&

nicha

p&dham.

katamsyalA

dadl^ahhatita

nich&

niche

b&dham.

ila

niche

b&dham.

.8 ^^ Atikatam antaram

E Atikantam antahun

G Atik&tam antaram

D *• • kantam antalam

J ><» t*kantam antalam

anyane

oha

edisani

any&ni

cha

hedis&ni (e)

any&ni

cha

et&ris&ni

ann4ni

cha

edis&ni

Annftni

oha

EDICT VIII.

ne Raya yiharayatam name

Dey&nampiy& • * * dhiya • • •

RAjano yih&ray&t4m nyay&su

Ll^&no y&halayfttam n&ma

LUJa

atasamana abhayasu

abhila mani hunsam

' abhira mak&ni ahumsu

abhil& md.ni puyam tinam

a * ila m&ni puvam tinam

nikhamisham

gamagaye

nikhamisuhid& migaviyft

eta

magavyft

• khamisli

• •viya

Deyanampriyo

Dey&nampiye

Dev&nampiyo

Dey&nampiye

(a) Frijfoti in original, the d having been omitted by the engraver.

(b) HAnanda is read by Wilson, and it is so lithographed ; but as pdia might easily be mistaken for hdna, the word has
certainly been misread.

(d) This readmg of the ShAhbAzgarhi text confirms Westergaard's emendation of drirha bhaktita in the Girnir text.

(e) This is another instance of the cockney aspirate in the Kh&lsi text

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TEXTS.

Priyadarei

Ranya

dafiavashabhisito

santu

Piyadasi

Llti&

dasavas&bhisite

Bantu

Pijadasi

R&ja

santo

^Piyadasi

lAja

dasavas&bhisite

" Piyadasi

Hia

Hajia ^^

UHBch "^"

sa dharmayatra

etaya iyam

hoti

Srama^am Br

tik dhamm&yAtA

etAyam

hoti

Samana Baml

84 dliainmay4t4

etayam

hoti

Bd.hmana Sana

t& dhammay&i4

tesa

hoti

Samana B&bhf

tesa
• •

hoti

« i

Sa * ^ «

» hii

anu •

•

oha yidh&nam

dasane

cha

hil

oha thtdr&Dam

dasane

cha

hii

olia vadh&nam

dasane

cha

•htl

cha vadhftnam

dasane

cha

"hi]

pajanasa

janasa

da$ana

janapadasa

janasa

jinapadasa

cha

janasa

D
J

janasa

dasane

cha

dharma pari

tadopayam ete

dhamina pali

puchhft

cha

tat&payo esa

dhuTOTna pari

pnohh4

cha

tadopayft esa

D
J

• • •

•cbh&

tAd&payft * sa

DevlLTiampriy

asa

Priyadar^isa

Banye

bhago

Dev&nampiyasa

Piyadaeisa

L&jine

bhftge

Dey&Dampiyasa

Piyadasino

Ranyo

bhAge

Piyadasine

L&jine

bhage

Deyftnampiyasa "

Piyadasine

limine

b^ige

EDICT IX.

*• DeT^nampriyo

Priyadarei

Raya

evam

'* Dev&nampiye

Piyadasi

L^ja

' Devinampiyo

Piyadasi

B^'&

eva

• Dev&nampiye

Piyadasi

. L«a

hevai

L«a

jani

ncham yacham

mangalam karoti

jano

nch&vacham

mangalam ka ^

•

jano

nch&Yacham

mangalam karote

D
J

jano

nchftvacham

mangalam kaloti

paja patn di

Tivfthesi

p^upadAye

Tivfthesu

pntal&bhesu

vi • • •

• jupad&ye

pajnpad^ye

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TEXTS.

ataya '

anyaye va

hade9i

• ♦ nadatu

mangalam

etiye

annaye cha

edis&ye

jane bahu

etamhi

cha anyamhi

cha

jano uchAvacham

mangalam

'etAye

annaye cha

hedis&ye

jine bahukam

etftye

cha»

hedisaye

jane bahukam

karotd

ata

tn striyaka bahu

cha

bahuvidbam

k&loti

heta

vu Abakejanibhu bahu

cha

bahuvidbam

karote

eta

bayuyidham

ithibidham

cha

pntika

cha nirastiyam cha

mangaU karoti se

olia

khudAvi

nilathiy

am v&

mangalam kaloti ^' se

oba

chhadam

va niratham cha

mangalam karote ta

cha

pnti •

cha nilathiy

am cha

mangalam kaloti ^ se

vrt o *t AMX 1 a rtn vol'x^i ae%

, kataviya

mangala

api^halam

Ullftllgalalll na

tukho

etadi

katavi cheva

kho

mangale

apaphale

(chu) kho (a)

• sAiyam

katavyameva

mangalam

apaphalam

tukho

etarisam

katiriye

le (dhe)

no * mangale

apapale

chakho

esahedisam

kafiviye

obevakho mangale

16 apaphale

chakho

esaha* •

matakho

mahaphalam yema

chokho

mahA]

vl^ola

iHHie "^"

inang^^ftTO

ayam

tu mah&p

halft

'~"^'^"

yififtng^lft'n^ 1

ayam

maDgala

'Mi
ye

aeaima
dhammamangale

dasa
dAsa

bhatakaaa
bhatakasi

• • *

mangale

dhammamangale

tateta

dAsa

bhatakamhi

tatesa

dAsa

bhatakasi
bhalakasi

•J

Bamapafipati

▼a garanam apa * ti

pasadhn

sayama

samapatipati

golunam

apAchiti

_ft_ m A

sayamme

samyapatipat]

gujunam

apachiti

s&dhu pAi^esu

sayame

s4dhu

apachi •
apachiti

samyl^patipati

. golunam

pAnesu

sayame

Sramana

Bramana

dane eta

anya

S&mana

d&ne ese

anne

Bahmana

sAdhu

d&nam eta

dia

anne

Samana

BAbhan&nam

d&ne esa

anne

^''Samana
cha

Bambhani

# •
dhannasa

•

• •

savo

chA

he^isatam

dhamma mangale nkmk pe

vataviye

cha

etarisam

dhamma mangalam n&ma ta

yaiavyam

D
J

cha

dhamma

gala (b) n&ma ta

yataviye

(a) Perhaps intended for Chukha, or even tukha.

(h) The m of mangala is omitted on the rock by a mistake of the engraver or writer.

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TEXTS.

pitana

sava

putena

sa bhata

pitinft

putena

pi bhatii

pitA

putena

va bh&tA

pitina

putena

pi bhatii

* tina

putena

pi bb&tii

mftta

sastatena

ava

prativatiyena

m&ta

santhatena ava

pa^ivesiyenapt

(

omitted

)

(

do.

)

(

do.

)

nasti

mangalam

tasa

kataviye

mangale

Ava

ta8&

katayya

mangalam

&va

ta^a

• • •

• • lam

aya

tasa

kataviye

18 • •

• •

* •

At this point of Edict IX the text of the two northern versi
Jaugada. The remainder of the Edict is therefore given in two separal

Continuation of the SHAHBAZGARHI am

**ima
iyam

kusaye
kusi •

eva
va

take

cha la ]

S
K

siyato
sayavatam

tatha
atham

nivakayati si
nivateyA s

S
K

lobha cha
lochavase

ava
iyamjanA

dharma a
dhammamangal

S
E

• #
pitam

atham

dharma
noniteti

anutam
hida

S
K

• •
punik

• *
pavasati

ha
panchesn

aprataranam
k&tam

S
K

thani
atham

tathhati
nivatati

varo
hida

abhi
tat&

S
K

asti pabhata dhata
se athe helat& chA

panyapasa ka
anantam pana

S
K

mangale # # #
tena dharmapaga.

Continuation of ^cGIRNAR, DHAULI, and

G
D
J

asti cha

athi

• •

p&vutam
pavntam

• •

s&dhu

vate

• •

d&na

dAne t
• *

G
D
J

asti d&na
(athi d&ne)
* se dAne

anagftho
anugahe
anugahe

va >

adi

(a) Or per haps ametha or anjfeikt

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G dhammanngaho v4 ta tokho mitena va Buhadajena

D dhammanuga (he) — - ■ -

J dhamm4nagalie oha Be chakbo miteoa

G va 8 nyatikena va sahajena va ov^ditavyam

D ■ — tikena ■ sap&jeDa tivi yovadita

G tamH tamlu pakara^e idam kacha idam

D tasi _^— — pakalanasi i •

J _-_

G B&dhn iti imini saka

D ■ — — — 12 imena — ka —

J sadhu " imena sakiye ^

G ' kAcha • • • iimn& katavyataram

D ■■

J kinhi — ■ imena ka^ayiyatala

yam

8wagam
Bwage

Arl^etn iti

alftdbayitaye

aladhayitave

yata
tasa

Bwag&radhi.
alabbi.

KDIOT X.

S >* Devanampriyo Priyadar^i Raya yaso va kirti va

E Dev&nampiye Piyadasi L^a yaso v4 kiti v4

G DevAnampiyo Piyadasi S^4 yaso va kiti va

D "• piye Piyadaai lAja yaso v4 kiti v4

J ' — —■ " "yaso va kiti v4

8 na mabatba va ha manyati anyata yo

j^ ._ mabftth4 v4 — - manati anatll yam

G na mab4tb4 va h4 manyate anyata — — ^

J) na — ■ ■'■ va na mannati vakittv4

J («— — omitted ' )

8 pi yaso sriti va imati tena tasa ayatiya oba

K pi yasa va kiti va icbbati tadatwaye ayatiye cba

G -^ _— tad4dvano digbayacha

D .— — — ~ — ^- icbbati tadatwaye annati

J — — icbbati t4datwli>ye anyatiyecba

8 tada dbarmasn^uBba snsnsha a meti

K jane dbanmiasa8a84 BasoBft ta mati

G me jan4 dbammasasansA Bnsosa tam

D jane '"^ dbammasasnsft snBusa tam me

J jane dbammasns^am sosusa tam me

S dbannavatam cba annvidbayatam»

K dbammavatam v^ * nnvidbiyitatL

G dbammavatam oba annvidbiyatam.

D dbamma •• •• ***•

J • • • •• ••••

8 eta kaye Devftnampriya Priyadar^i Baya yato

K eta kaye Dev4nampiye Piyadasi ^JAifi yaso

G eta k4ya Devftnampiyo Piyadasi Bl^a yaso

D eta k4ye __ — ____- — _- yggo

J _— —

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TEXTS.

K
G
D
J

kiti
rk
va
va

kiti
kiti
kiti

va
vk
▼a
va

ichhati
iehha
iehhati
i

S pankramate

K lakamati(a)

G par&kamate

D pal&kammati

Devftnaimprijo
Dev&nampiye
Dev&nam (h)
Dev&nampiye
Dev&uampiye

Pryadar^i

Piyadasi
Piyadasi

Raya

Laja

Rfija

S paratikaye

K palatiky&ye

G paratikaya

D p^latik&ye

J p&latikaye

va sati sukali

va kinti sukale

va kinti sakale

va ^^ kioti sakale

v& kinti sakale

aparisave

apapaldsava

apaparisave

apaplilsave

apapalisave

siyati ef
siyatiti
asa esa
puveyal
puveya

S dnkarata kho eshe

K dukale chokho ese

G ''dukaranta kho et&m
D • • kaje

va dakena
khudakena
chhndakena
va

va
v&
va

gena

vatend

janna

K
G
D
J

tava * gena parakamena

aaata agemi palakamenft

anyata agena parlkkamena

(anna) ta agena • * • na

pan

paliti

pari

cha

cha
cka

K
G
D
J

(
chokho
takho
wkhtt
khu

omitted

) oha

dikena

dakena
dakena

litirftftfltA *

v&
v&

usathena
uBafena

v&
va

nsa

^' luatena

Qsatena

nsa^na

usatena

N.B.^hi the Dhanli and Jaugada texts of Asoka's Series of Rock Inscript
omitted, but both texts dose with a copy of the 14th Edict.

K
G

S
K
G

^ Dev&nampriyo Priyadai^i Baya
Dev&nampiye Piyadasi I^ja

Dev&nampiyo Piyadasi B^'a

EDICT XI.

evam ahati ; nasti
hevam fdj hk nathi
evam ahi n4sti

dharmadanam dharmsanstavo
dhammad&ne {omitted)
dhammadinam dhammasanstavo

h
et

— dharmasamvibhago -
— — — dhammasamvibh4go
v& dhammasamvibhdgo \

(a) The letter p is omitted in the original text.
(6) piife is omitted in the original

(d) The initial letter & of &h& is omitted in the original text.

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TEXTS.

K
G

•ta

tata

^ tata

datam bhatakanam samapatipati
d&sa bbatakasi Bamy&patipati

dasa bhatakamhi samapatipati

matapitoshn -^—
m^tapitisu — — .
mMari pitari sAdhu

S sosnshu mitasastata nyatakanam Sramana Bramana

K sa8a8& mitasatbnti n&tiky&nam Samana Bambhanik

G SUBIIS& mitasatata ny&tik&nam B^hma^a Samana

8a*«

8&dhu

^ danam
dllne
d&nam

-"-^ananam anarambbo — —
In&nam an41ambbo — — ese
^n&nam an&rambbo sAdha

etam vataYO pitrena pi putrena

— vataviye pitina pi pute

etam yatavyam pit4 va pntena

bbatena
bbd,tin&
bb&ta

sava

mitrena
mikvena

Pi
pi

mitra

mita

Lstutana — —
mtbut&na — —
astutana ny&tikena

ava pative^iyena —

av& pativesiyenH iyam

&va pativesiyebi idam

Bddba ide

sMbu iyam

B^dhu idam

atavo so tatba

ataviye 90 tatb&

atavyam * so tatb^

urata cba
alata cba
arata cba

anantam
anantam
anantam

karatam
kalanta
karu

iba

bida

i(ba)

punyam krasava (a)
punct pasavate
punyam

loka cba
lokikye dbikam
lokacbasa

" bbo tena

— tena

bhavati tena

aradbeti

aladbe

&dldbo

boti
hoti

dbarmadanena.

dbammadanen4.

dbammad&nena.

EDICT XII.

)ev&nampiye Piyadasi
[)ev&nampiye Piyadasi

sava p^andani — —

sava p&8and4ni cba

pavajit^ni
pavajit&ni

;ba

gabatb4ni v& pujati d&nena

gbarist&ni cba pujayati d4nena

— vividbeya cba

cba vividb&ya cba

mjayene
)nj&yene

pAjayati

nena

cba

tatb&
tatb&

d&ne
d&nam

v&
va

pu3&
puje

ra
^4

Dev&nampiye manati atb& kinti Bk\k

Dev&nampiyo manyate yatb4 kiti s4ra

vadbisiy&ti
vadbi asa

9ava
sava

[>^and&nam ^k
p^andllnam s&ra

vadbin&
vadblta

babavidh& ta^a

babuvidb^ tasa

tasa

cba
tu

iyam
idam

I Arian-P&li tbe two letters h and p may easily be mistaken ; bat as tbe dental-sibilant of Shabbftzgarbi differs
ilatal sibilant of Kb&Ui, it is possible tbat the words may be different.

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TEXTS.

K
G

mule
m^llam ja

ava
va

chatuti
viguti

kinti
kinti

* ta ata p4sand&
&tta pa^anda

ya paj&

va
pa

S
K
G

galaha nam
garah4

taua apa 9aka kate yam no^aj^
va no bhaye

E "apakalanafi lahakft \k 9iy& tam^i tam^i

G apakaranambi lahak& va asa tambi tambi

E pig eta
G pfijeta

viya

cba
tu

palap4?and&
par&p^nd^

tena
tena

t«na
tena

S
K
G

bevam
evam

kalata
katam

atapa^and^
ftttap&sanda

bad ha
cba

vadbijeti
yadbajati

palapa^anda
parftp&sandasa

S
E
G

upakaloti tad& anatba koloti

upakaroti tadantetba karoti

atap&sanda
ilttapftsandam

cba
cba

cbbanoti
cbbanoti

S
E
G

Pi
va

va
pi

apakaloti
apakaroti

bi
bi

kacba
k&cbi

atap^anda
littap&sanda

P'
P^

E ^ palapllsanda (a)
G paiAp&sandam

galabati
garabati

»ava

atapftsand
&ttapl^anda

bbatiyd,
bbatija

S
E
G

atap&sanda dipaye ma

&ttap&sandam dipaye ma iti

cba
cba

punft
puoa

tatb&
tatba

E i..— ^^-. b&dbatale up&banti atap&sanda pi aama viyeva s&dbu

G &ttap4sandam bftdbataram npabanati tasa ma vayo eva s&db&

S —

E mannamanusli dbammam suneya cba

G manyamanyas& dbammam sun&ja cba

susus&ya
susunsera

v&ti
cba

bevai
evam

E Dev&nampiyasa icbb&
G Dev&nampiyasa icbb&

kinti ^savap^anda babu put&(6) chk

kinti savap&sanda babu sutlL(6) cba

S
E
G

kal&n&gft cba b4

kal&ny&gama cba

ve yati eva
asu ye cba

tat&
tata

pasann&te
pasann&te

bi
bi

(a). Here pdtanda is spelt witb the dental « instead of the paUtal », as in other places of this latter part c
(6). Here it is difficult to say whether the engraver has changed the letters p and «, which are very much
words pfUa and-ntia have the same meaning.

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TEXTS.

Dey&nampiye no

tath&

d&nam

P«iA

mannate

ath&

S
K

Devtounpiyo no
kinti 8&I&

tath&
vadhi

dftnam'
9iy&

va
saya

plbMndatl

manyate

yath&

bahuk& cha

et&y&

S
K

kinti

8ftra

Y^hi

asa

eara

p&sand&nam

bahak4 ya

et&ya

th&ye

viy4pa<A

dhammamah4mftt&

ithidhiya

kha

mahAm4tA

yacha

S
K

%t\A

vy&patA

dhftn)mi^mi^4'"^^f4

oha

itth^ha

kha

mah&m&t4

cha yacha

bhnmtkyft

— ane

vkjk

nik&ye

"iyam

cha

eM^

phaleyam

atap&sanda

Mi^miki

cha anya

k cha

nik&ye

ayan

cha

etaaa

phalaya

ftttapftsanda

'dipana (a) —

—

diha yepa

pitasa.

radhi

cha

hoti dhanmiasa

cha dipan& athft

yep4bhi

pita8&.

vadhi

cha

hoti dhammasa

cha dSpan4 ^

EDICT XIII.

K
G

S
K
G

Dev&nampriyasa PriyardaeiBa
Dev&nampiyasa Fiyadasine

Baye

Limine

kali •
kalikhhyam

yi • ta
yijit&

• •

diyftdba

ma
m&

apana #ata
apftna satft

asra^ata

• • • aha
saha^eye tuph& ah&

yudhi
yudhena

patesa
^tesa
patasa

' tari nata d
tAt& tha yd
tat4pachhi

etahatam

tatahate

et4hatam

Kali (ngeshu)

Kalingesu

Katingesu

bahn
bahu
bahu

ti
ti

ti • •

tiyate

ttya<4

ye
ye

ka • •
keyft mife
kammata

dhar

dhammayaye

dhammayftyo

pasamitam

la santa ladhesha

sUdhona ladhesu

I adh^D4 ladhesu

S ma mata dhamannsathi cha

K '^dhammakammat^ dhamm4nusathi ch4

Q • • • • • • ..^

S Deyftnampriyasa ygitayiya kayi (P)
K Dey&nampiyasft yijitayi kalikhy&ni
G — —

,...« • • •

Dey&nam piyasft je athi anusaye

• avijitamhiti
avijitamhi

jina
jine

mano
mane

yota
eta

S
K
G

yata ti maranam sta

yadha y4 maline y&

yadho ya maranyam va

apada

apayftho

apav&ho

(a) Here begins the legible portion of the inscription on the back of the Shfthb4igarhi rock.

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TEXTS.

E
G

S
E
G

E
G

janasa
janasft
janasata

che

garamata cha

galamate (b) ba
gannamata ba

sacha
mata

matura
t&le

ye taram radhi lipa

badbam

b&dbi

b&dham

sbana
vedana
T^dana

ma
va
va

Devanam priyasa * * ta cba
Devftnam piyasa iyampichu tato
De

DevaDampriyasa savata ha
Dey&nampiyasa ^ savat^

* vasasti
vasati

E
G

Sramaiia —

va Sama (c) v& anavft

pftshanda

gatethi vayesa hatha

gihithA vaye^u yihiiA

S
E
G

etam
agine

bhoti

BOfasha

mata
m&ta
m&ta

snsusha mitasantala sahaya

Busa (c) mitasanthata sah&ya

Ba8aD8& mitasanstata sah&ya

pitri BQftiBha Bhi

pita BT1BC1B& gu

pitari Ba8uii8& gu

^ nyatike shanasa bl

n&tike Busa^a bl

ny&tike sad^sa —

S
E
G

pratipapati tanam sharatam
pafipati dandbaliti t&le

santetft

bhoti apragatho va

hoti pasagh&te vft

S
E
G

va vadho cha anya natarika maDampasharam pi sati hitao

v& abhil&t&nam vikhini khamane ^ yesamvft pi vavi hitai

adi
hine

tara
mita

sastata
9anthat&

sa
9a

S bhavasada ' praponati tatam tarn

E viy&8anam paponata tat& so

G vyasanam papunoti vata so

pitesha vo

pitan4me vft
pi teea ^—

8 bhoti panti bhagam
E pati pati bh&gam

G patipafi bhago

cha atam sante maneyanam gatamanam cha
cha esa sava manayanam gnla vate mk
V&8& Bava

E n&thi cha sejana padeyft t&
G

misti cha ekatarehi pasandehi

D4thi — — — imenikaya &nat&yenesa

D&sti manns&nam ekataramhi p&sandamhi

8 ( omitted.

E ch& samane ch& nathi ch& ku v&pi janapadasi yatha nathi mnms&nam eka tala s

G ( omitted.

(a) These two words may be read as muH and gaUmmie,

(b) The na of samana is omitted in the originaL

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TEXTS.

na nama

prasade

n&ma

pas&de

na n&ma

pfts&de

sajame
seavata
yavata

tre

jatana

jane

janapada

taraka
tada

• «

S nalagehata cha

K Kalingeeu pinete cha

Q — • nayasaka • va

metan^

mata

mitaneja

cha
cha
vapi

apara a

papavudha *
atavijo

cha
ba

S
K
G

a cha

tarata
tata

'sata
puto

Bhagava
Bh&gaya

sahasra
sahas^

Bhagava
BhAgav&

S ajagatra
K ajagalu
G '

matra
mateva

rava

DerlUiampiyasa
Dey&nampiyasii

yo pibho

S aprakati yati chha mitratiya matera

Devftnampriyasa
Dev&nampiyasi

S yam sako chha manayaya pihi ath&bi Devanampriyasa a * * tarn bhoti rati anadeti

G 8&pi jite sati — ■ ' — — —

K
G

anatiija piti anatrape pricha pabhatre " Devanam

S priya
K (a)
G

eava
'sava
' sava

bhat4nam

• • •

bhutftnam

achhati

achhatim

cha

sayamam
•yama
sayamam

cha

S
K
G

samam
samam

vatiya rabhasi aye - cha

valiya madavati iya vu

(5 letters) cher&m cha

mati masajuya Devanampriyasa

ma • • • 8 Dev&nampiyasa
m&dana cha — — —

S
K
G

dharma
dhamma

vijayo sanam danaladha Devanam priyasa i a

vijaye se cha punaladhe Dev&nam pi *

S
K
G

cha
cha

save shu chham anteshu ' ash&su

'save sacha atesu asasa

piyo jana sacho shasantam

pichha jane * • satesa ate

S ANTIYOKE n&ma Yona

K ANTIYOGE n^a Yona

G # * • • « «Yona

B4ja paran cha

* • pahm cha

B&ja paran cha

tena
ten4
tena

S ANTIYOKENA chatnra 1111 rajane TURAMAYE

K *ANTIYOQENA chatnli + l&jane TULAMAYE

G chaturo r&jlUio TURAMAYO

nama,
n&ma,
cha.

(a) The EhaUi text here begins again with the 2nd line on the S face of the rock.

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TEXTS.

S ANTIEINI nama, MAEA n&ma,

K ANTEEINA n&ma, MAKA ii&«ma,

G ANTAKANA cha, MAGA cha

ALIKASANDAEE
ALIKYA

nftma

S
E
G

niche
nicham

Cho4a,
Choifa,

Panda
Pandiyd

avam
avam

Tamhapaniya
Tamhapanniyd

S
K
G

lieva

hena
7 pAd4 (a)

raja

yisha tini
vishamvasi

S Nahhaha Nabhamateshu
K Ndbhaka-Ndbha'pantuu
G

*• Bhoja'PifinikeshUf
Bhoja'PitinikyeMu,

• • • •

Andhra'Pulin

* Andha-Palam

• • dha-Pirindei

S Dev&nampriyasa
E Devftnampiyasa
D Dey&nampijasa

dhamaniifasti
dhamm&nosathi

anuvatantij&ta
anuvatareyata

pidul&
piduti

S
E
G

detanavam ohantiti
neyantito

pifutu Dev&nampriyasa dbamavutam ti

pisutu Dev&nam pinniya (c) lamavntam vad

S dhamanuyidhiyaQti
E dhamma anuvidhiyama
G

anuvadhiyesam • cha sa * ludha neta

anavidhiyisam achftyo se * ladhe " eta

E
G

savatam

savata

savatha

vijaye (c)
puna

vijaye
vijayo

pitilase
piti raso

vijaye "
gadh& si hoti
ladhAsA

pi
pi

S priti dhamavijaya

E dhammayijayam

G dhammavijayamhi

nivam akatutisam
^' sila hak& ve kho

priti
8&piti

S
E
G

mahavila menyati

mah&pha * li maijinanti

Devinampriyo
Devftnampiye

etati
"»et&ye

cha
ch4

S dhamalipi likhita
E dhammalipi likhita
G

kiti
kiti

putra
putd.

prapotra
papota

S vijaya ma T^jasavam amanye shakhuda

E vijayam ma vij'ayantaviya manisu sayakasi

G vijayam ma yijetavyam mam nyasarasake

S
E
G

chala va
• ch4 la-va
• *

danda
*^ danda

ha
v&

ronche
loche

tutam rana
tutameva cha

(a) This word is not very clear : it may be pada or panda,

(6) The text is here very indistinct.

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TEXTS.

K
G

*^ dhamavijaya ■

dhammavijajese pida

lokikya

paralokike
pala " lokiye

eava
savft

cha
cha

S
K
G

titati bhotu ya numa tata sai
kanilati ho * uga mala ti sftpi

hidelokika paranlokika,

hid&lokika palalokiky^.

* i * lokik& cha paralokike cha.

EJDIOT XIV.

S " Aya

K >' lyam

G Ayam

D »7 lyam
J

dhamalipi Dev&nampriyena Pi^ina (a)

dhammalipi Dey^ampiyen& Piyadasin4

dhammalipi Dey&nampiyena Piyadasino

dhammalipi Dev&nampiyena Piyadasina

likhapita
likh4pitA
Iekh4pit4
likhi**

athi yeT4
asti ey&

K ^^ sokhitena

G sankhitena

D sankhitena

asti
athi
asti
athi

tesam nyitena
majhimeni
majhamena
majhamena
^ • jhimena

asti y^ yistitena — — hi savatam sa sawe

athi vithaten^ no hi savat^ save

asti vista^ena nacha savam (6) pavata

— ^ n&pi save savata

athi yithatena n&pi save savata

S gantite ma olake hi vijite : bahu cha likhite

K ghan^ite mah&lake hi " vijite : bahu va likhite

G ghatitam mah&lake -^ pivijitam : bahu cha likhitam

D ghantite ^ mahantehi -^ vijaye : bahu ke cha likhite

J ghatite mahantehi — — vijaye — *— —

likhipa^a
lekhape^a
likhapayisam
likhi 3risa

amicha atra
nikyam athi mi het&
asti cha etakam
athi pa cha

punapane pa * shanata tasa tasa

punapuna ^ ladhita tasa tasft

punapuna yutam tasa tasa

K madhuliy4ye

G m4dhuritaya

D taya

J madhuliy&ye

yena
kiti
'* kinticha
kinticha

jane:
jano:
jane :
jane

"ta •
tatha
tath&
tath&
tath&

pratipajayati

patipajey^e
patipajetha
pa^ipajeydti
pafipajeyiti

Bosiyaya atam kiche
sftyft ata kichhi
* tata ekad4
epi cha hetam
epi chu hetam

S asamatam

K '^ asamati

G asam&tam

D asamati

likhitam
likhite
likhitam
likhitesam

va sankhaye k&ranam

v& sankhaye kManam

va sachh4ya kibranam

(a) Sic in original.

(b) It is clear from the agreement of the other four texts that the initial p^f this worcl should be «. A single stroke
omitted by the engraver on the left hand of the letter has left the unfinished « a simple p.

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TEXTS.

alochanti lipikara

K alochajita lipikala

G * alovettft lipikaii

D * * ti lipikala

sava aparadhena
palAdhenavft.
paradhena va.
• • • ti.

The Oimdr text arigvMilly concluded witk a tingle isolated line, of which onl
remairu. It reads as follows .—

• • * # •

Bweto

hasti

eavaloka

sukhi

No. 6.
First separate Edict at Dhauli and Jaugada,
See Prinsep, Journal Bengal Asiatic Society, YII, 441, and Bamouf, Le Lotus de la Boi

D > Dey&nampiyasa vachanena Tosalijam mah&mftta nagala

J ' DevAoampiye hevam Ilh4 Sam&p4yam m&hftm4ta nagale

D yataviyam. Am kichhi dakhftmi hakaxn tarn

J vataviyi. Am kichhi d&kh&mi hannam tarn

D
J

e * pativedayeham ^ duv&late oha jjabhe

ena pafivedayeham ' duvftlate cha IJabhe

D
J

me
me

mokhyamata
mokhiyamate

duvUe :
duvftle :

etasi

athasi

am
am

D * anusathi
J anusathi

phe
phe (h)

hi
hi

bahdsu
bahusu

p^nasahasesu
panasahasesu

D ga ve ma sumunis&nam save ' munise paj& mamll atha paj&ye
J ga ve ma * munis&nam sava munise ' paja— atha pajiye

D
J

hakam

' gamake

lyam
4yam

vena bitasukhenam

vena hita sukhenam

yujeyuti hida logik

dukam

no cha pUpb

a sava munisa

su *

ta he • *

atha

kecha va

eka pulise

atha

kecha

eka puks

(a) Prinsep reads vihdlaka omitting the second syllable yo, which is distinct in both texts. Bum
ao viyopdlaka. The letter y is indistinct in the Dhauli text, but the vowel o is quite clear.

(h) The syllable tu is here omitted in the original text.

(c) The four sylables within brackets are taken from PrinBep. The space now blank is sufficient f
whole may not have been engraved ; and t^ e letters given by Prinsep were copied by Eittoe, althoi

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90 TEXTS.

D etam sepi desam no savam dekhatehi tnphe etam * sn Tibii4

J * tarn sepi desam bo savam dekhathahi «ha me pi sn ritft

D pi niti yam eka pnlise athaya bandbanm Ta
pi bahuka athiyaeti eka monise »— bandhanam

palikilesam yft p&pun&ti tata hota ' akasmA tena

paliki * • ■ papon&ti * • * ta ** *smag& tena

bandhan4t& ka : anne oha * * bahn janodaviye dnkhiyati : tata

bandha cha ynve daya cha vata bahiike ■ vedayanti : tata

ichhitaviye tnphe hi: ■ kinti majham pafipftdaye mftti

' tnphe hi : * * taye kinti majha pa^ipi^ye ma •

Imehi ohn jatehi no sampafi p%jati : is&ya, ftsnlopena,

Imehi ■ jatehi no sampatipajati : is^ * asnlopena.

" nithnliyena, tManl^a, anftviitija» ftlasiyena, kftlammathena» se ichhitaviye

nithnliyena» 'toliye, an4viitiye, * *yena, kalamathanam, hevam ichhitaviye

kinti — — ete " jat&nihn mam&ti: eta

kinti me eteni jatdm veva mohveyiLti : — »-

cha savasa ■ ■ milile anAsuIope — atnlana cha niti chham

savasa cha iyam mnla anasnlope cha * tn * * cha ni * *

ekilante siyft ^' nate uga cha samchalita viyentn va hitaviya -■

iyam nijat ^ samchalitn uthl^a * * tavyat& va titaviya pi

etaviye v& hevam mevam edam * * tuph& katena vataviye ^* aganam ne dekhata

etaviye piniti yam eka deveni ann&ne nijha masaviye — — — —

hevam cha hevam cha Dev&nampiyasa anosathi se mah& * * sa tasa

hevam ■ Dev4nampi •**8a* * #♦• s ^jm^

sampatip&da ^^ mah& ap&ye asampafipati va patip^bdayami nehi etannanthi

ma phalehati ■■■■ ' asampatipati — — mah4p&ye hoti vi pafipatftyam tanna

swagasa (a) 4l&dhino li^ja ladhi '* dulLhalehi ima sakam meva

swaga iladh&no laja dhi du Uiale etasa masa

makate manam ; atileke sampafi pajamino cha etam ■* swagam

samo * * va • • * * '.cha ananeyam esatha swagam cha

i) Here Burnouf with his osoal sagacity suggested the trne reading of swa^ata, " da ciel." See Le Lotos^ p. 681«

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D ^'^ alAdhayisathiti tarn apaninij
J 41A (dlia) yasatbft

D Tisa Nakbatena sotavijt

J Tisam _— aotaviya

D sotaviya : hevam cha kalantam
J • * • •

D ath4ye
J ath&ye

lyam
iyam

D yiyop41ak4 sisatam samayam yi

D ki Bkae vano siy&ti. £t4ye cha att

D Tasesu **

nikhii

J vasesu anosay&nam nikh4

hosati :

etam atham j&nita *

J
D

picha

kumAle vi •

uocha

atiklLmayisati tiiiiyai

D nikhamisanti anosaylUiam, U

J anus&yanam xukhamiBanti ; — <

D jl^nisanti ^ tarn pitithi kalanti a

(a) This letter is doabtf al ; it may be si.

(b) Bomonf reads ifavaf'u-kasa, instead of m

(d) Ujeniya is the reading of both Prinsep ai
Beglar's impressed copy. Prinsep identifies Ujeni
VII, 464) ; bat Burnonf has rightly pointed ou
(see Le Lotus, p. 688).

(e) Here Burnonf reads etoii, sappoBing that
most distinctly jn and not ti.

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92 TEXTS.

No. 7.

Second Separate Edict at Dhauli and Jaugada.

D Dev&nampiyasa Taohanena: Tosauyam l?tg»kt^ mah&m&iA cha vataviya : am

J DevftQampiyo hevam Ahft : SiMAPArAH mah&mata Lf^a va oha nika vatavijl^ am

kichhi dakh&mi(a) hakam tarn

kichhl dakh&mi hakam tarn

ichhami hakam kinti * ka mana ' pa^p&tajeham

^ duv&late
duvlJate

cba ftlabheham; esa cha me

oha Mabheham; esa cha me

mokhjamata dayAl&.
mokbiyamate dnvAlA.

Etasi athasi am tapbe (5) hi anosathi tuphe hi bahnBti pana aabasesa &yata jana me gacbha cba
Etasa athasa am tuf^e * anusathi (c) (omitted)

sTimmiis&iiam ; save stimiinise
(omitted) sava manisA

paja mama ' atha (c) paj&ye icbb4mi hakam niti

" me paja

atha

pajftye ichb&mi kinti me

sarena hita snkhena hidalokika p&llaokik&ye ytgeviiti hevam

savene hita sukbena yu(je) ytkti hidalogika pidalokike na hevam

mevam me

* siy& ani4nam avijit4nam kichham vasu LIkja

iobbe sava mani8& su saya anta kath& vijitAaam kinchbam desa L&ja aphe suti eta k&v&

— — v&g&na

meva
me

icbb&mi
iobha

antesu p&panevute: iti Dev&nampiye ■ ■

antesu pftponeya : — Lftja ichbati ame vigtna

-— mam4ye ' have vfiti, Aswaseva cba -*^ Bukbameva lain

levu

eya ° mamiyaye
dukha

Aswaaepa cba me sukbameva laseya

mama
mama

kiye
kiye

hevam
hevam

: khamitave
: khamitave

* nava iti khami tine :
la B&ha ne ynkhamiBa tie :

mama
mama

nimitam
nimetam

Dev&nampiya

ab&: k&ti

cha
cba

dhammam cha
dhamma cba

teno
teno

echa
'ecbha

levA
lenya

'bidaloka palalokam cba

hidalogam cba palalogam cba

&1Mhayev(i Etasi

&ladbayeyam et&ye

^cha

athasi hakam anos&s&mi tapbe anena (i)

atb&ye hakam tapbe vi anas&sAmi anena

> anoflftsitam

etakena hakam — ^

etakena hakam tapbe ni anas&situ

cbbandam cha veditam (dbayUmi) («) patinyo cba mama
cbbandam cha su a mama chiti p4tii^ cha

' aja1&s& hevam
^ acbalasa hevam

, Barnouf reads dakhamxham followed by a gap as far as duvalecha : bat both the Jaagada and Dhaoli texts support
s reading. (See Le Lotus, p. 692).

After tuphe Burnouf omits all down to athapaj6yai but Prinsep's reading is supported by tbe Jaugada text as far
iends. This portion has peeled off since Eittoe's time, with tbe exception of tbe last two letters mama.

In the Jaugada text tbe words from atha paj aye down to y^eyuti are repeated, and tbe words following anuiathi
I tavamanue are altogether omitted.

. From this word down to ajaUua Burnouf supplied the gap left by Prinsep, and bis reading is generally confirmed
of tbe Jaugada text, as well as by Mr. Beglar*8 photograpte of tbe Dhauli inscription itself.

I had already supplied dhaydmi from Burnouf s reading,, which is now fully confirmed by Mr. Beglar's photographs.

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TEXTS.

D katukam me chalitaviye aswa • • i oha Had ena— p&punevil iti. AthA pit4 tathA Dev&nampiye
J katokam me ohalitavije aswasa kiji cha ta ena te p&pune — . i'^— AtM pita hevam ne I^ja

D apMka: athi oha at4 nam (a) hevam Dev&nampije anasai
J ti— atb& —— at& ■ nA — annsaii

D — — » athA cha p^& hevam maye Dev&nai

J hevam anusampati att& — *- pig& hevam maye L^ine

D hakam anu8&-ita chhandam cha phAka—

J hakam aniu&sita chhandam cha veda taka pisi chiti patin&chd

J) vutike hofiimi Et&ye aihAye pafibalAhi (5) taphe asw&san&j
J ayutike hcwdini Etasi athasi ■ ■ tuphe aswdisanA^

P oha
J

taee

* hidalokika
hijtalogika

pAlalokikftye
pAlalokik&ya

hevam
heyam

D kalantam taphe Bwagam AlAdayisatha (c) mama cha Ananiy
J kalantam — — « ewaga aladhayisatam mama oha Ananey

P Et&ye ch^ athAya iyan^ lipi likhiti: hida ena mahAn
J ^* Et&ya cha ath&ye iyam lipi )ikhit&: hida ena mah&n

D * Bftmam ^ y^isanti AsAsanAye dhamma chalai^ye cha tesu
J samam yajesam AsAsanAye ^ dhamma chalena * ^ —

D
J

iyam
iyam

€;ha
cha

Mpi
lipi

anaehAtan (e)
(ana) chAtan

, Tisena
mAsamsotatiyA

nakhatei
Tisena

D kAmam oha khano khanasi antalApi tisena ekena " sotaviyA : hevam 1
J cha sotaviyA ^* khanesantam ekena si * * viyA : hevam <

D
J

ohaghatha
sanghatha

sampati pAdayitave.
sampati pAtayitAve.

(a) This word was omitted by the original engraver, and afterwards inserted above the line.

(h) In the Jangada text the word preceding tuphe wonkl appear to have contained only three le
M preceded by an anasw&ia» tbns making the final syllable mhi. The word seems to me veiy Ilk
and Bnmonf read Dubalahi, which is certainly incorrect.

(e) tata is here inserted by FHnsep; bnt there is no space for the letten.

(<2) Sic in original.

(e) Here Bomoof divided the tme reading of cmafiMtunmkB9sn, which agrees also with that oi

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94 TEXTS.

No. 8.

ROCK INSCRIPTION AT SAHA8ARAM.

Transcript hy Db. O. Buhlbb.

Lnftm piyo hevam & [hA sAtflek&ni adhit]iy&ni samvachbalkii am up&sake
I, na cha bvdham palakamte

mchhale sAdhike am [sumi bAdham palakam] te. Eiena eha amtalena Jambndlpasi
dsam dev& [hu] sam ta.

iB& misam deva kat& pa laCkamasi hi] iyam phale [d]o [cha i]yam mahatatft
lakiye p&vatave. Khudakena hi paU —

Lamlii6ii& vipule 8aag[e sajkiye &l&[dhayiia]Te. Se et&ye atbaye iyam sAv&ne :
clakv cha ndBh cha pa-^

tnamtai amt& pi cham j&namta, chikthitSke cha pakkame hota. Iyam cba
vadhisati, vipulam pi va^bisati

ihiyaifa aTabdhiyeD& diya^hiyam vadhiaati iyam cha savane Yivnthena; dave
mnl^ti

yivathA ti, [sd n phra] 256 Ima oha atham. paTatesa likhApayft th&ya ;
i] vA; a—

bete 8ill(thambh& tata pi likh&paya thayi.

IT Db. BuHUiB.^Material8 used : Fl. xir of General CamuDgham's Corp. Inter, Ind„ Vol. I ; and a photograph
plied by General Cunningham.

JAne i.— The facflimile and photograph show that seren or eight syllables have been lost The restoration of the
; six is absolutely certain on account of the identioal readings of .8. and B. — [adhit^ijfdni is less certain. I take
or a representative of adhiiUdm, caused by the change of # to A, and its subsequent loss, just as in Panj&bi Hh, thirty,
ikaith thirty-one.

Line 2, — Bead 8<tmvachhale, B. Six or seven letters have been lost — .8. and B. have two sentences corresponding
his laeunci, contmning sixteen letters. 8, can have had one sentence only. The sense requires the sentence given
ye. Bead amiea^ according to .8. Bead devd-hueam, as .8. has devd-hueu, and a verb is required. The vertical stroke
he facsimile is the left hand part of the letter h. This emendation I owe to Pandit Bhagv&nlAl Indraji. Bead te
ta, according to J2.

Line d.«— Bead devd. The pala before the lacuna is probable from the photograph. The restoration is certain on
sunt of the corresponding passage in .8., which here» as everywhere, substitutes the root pakam for palakam. The
md and third lacunas have been filled in according to B.

Line 4.— Bestorations according to B, and ^.— Bead edvane.

Line S.'^'Rend cha janamtu.

Line 6, — Bead edvane; the facsimile has dute, but according to the photograph dmve, which the sense requires, is at
it probable, if not certain.

Line 7.— Bestoration suggested by the fact that two syllables have been lost, and a relative pronoun is desirable
»ugh not absolutely necessaiy.

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TEXTS.

No. 9.

ROCK INSCRIPTION AT RUPNATH.

Transcript by Db. Or. Buhleb.

Ah&:

B&larakekAni

a4hiti8&ni

ya[8d

p&kft sa [va] ki no cha

Mijlhi

pakate.

S4tileke

cha

ya sami haka

samgha-p&pite

bA4hi oha pakate.

imAya

kiaikya

Jambudipas

devlk-hiiBii, te d&ni

ma8&

kaUL

no cha e8& maliatat&pft-potaye :

Khudakend

k hika.

pipnle

svage

^rodhave.

Etiya

cha B&yane kafe : khudakft

cha

ud41a

cha pakamamtu ti,

j&namtu; lyaifa pak4re cba

kiti? chirathitike Biy4.

lya

hiatbe

ya4hi

ya^siti

cba va^hifiiti,

apaladhiyenA

diya^yam

yadhiBati.

athe pavatian lekh&peta

y^ata

hadba

cha;

athi

Ukhftpeta

vayata.

Etina

cba

ykvatakatn paka

ah&le, eavara-vivase

taylkyatL

Vyuthei

kate [84 & phu] 256 sa—

6 ta-yiyM ta.

NOTBB BT Db. Buhlbb.— Materials naed : Two rubbings forwarded by General Cunningham.

XtJM L^Bead idHlekdni, the letter ff- looks blurred, and is a mistake for "^^ For pdhdread haki
mark between m and ki which may be va;— «^aiH is required as synonym for updsake ;^sg
possible reading, as the letters appear to be half effaced. The reading giyen aboye is supported by B,

Xin^ 2, — ^Under the vd of devA-Ama there is a yertical stroke resembling an u. Probably it is i
the absorption of the initial a of akutu, and is the oldest form of the aeoffraha Q. Bead eta for
haye stood between khudakend hi and ka. But I rather think the marks in the impression are acddent

Line ^.— Bead pakamaminend ; v^le ; drddhave ;— the long d in pakdre is not quite certain.

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96 TEXTS.

No. 10.

ROCK INSCRIPTION AT BAIRAT.

Transcript hy Db. G. Buhlbe.

Ikhft: Bliti[lek&ni • • •ie sa

haka up&sake n[o cha] b&dham

mamayH samgbe papayite [b4]dham cba *

nisi* nam devalii ^ * vi • • • [pa 1^] kamasi ^sa [pha] le

mahatane vachakaye • * *[pala] ramammeD& ya • t • pa
ramge [sajkye Ikl&dhetave * * [khada] k& cba iid41& cbft palakamatju ti

;u ti cliilathiti [ke] • • [vi]pulain vi vadhisati
dhisati .[fi pha] 56

&HLBB. — Katerials used : Cmmingliam, Corp. Inter., Vol. 1, PI. xiv— and a cloth copy made by Pandit
draji.

I copy : devd$i6m. The remnants of three letters towardB the end of the line are also from the Utter.

p. Inter.^paka. Cloth copy shows lower part of nip] — Cforp, Inser. — hddhi. Cloth copy has rem*
ers towards the end of the line.

—payaye ate and hddhi. In the cloth copy the top of dhd is wanting.

i copy : amitd'Ha devepi and omits vi, I conjecture amitdnam devani [eu ie dd"] fU, Portions of tho

on the cloth copy.— C.J. — masi,

begins the line ha hi : the cloth copy shows o clearly. — C.J. mapdtane. I think mahatana should be

forms a compound with vaehakaye. Bea4[pa2a] kamamimend. ThQ cloth copy omits ya pa,

Y explained.

b copy: vipule himsvage takye^CL^vipule pi svam^e Jciye, The above reading is conjectural, but

aalogy of 8. and B, Possibly eahiye may be the right form. Towards the end CJ. reads [khuda"^ kd

rect.

ih copy omits am [te], shows half a ta instead of ti in ehilathiii [Jce'^, and omits pu in [vi] pulam,

ti copy : diyadhiya vadhatai, and omits the numeral signs. I must confess that I doubt the correot-
on account of their position.

TVSiva'EAK, — These numeral signs were brought to my notice by my Assistant, Mr. Carlleyle, the dis*
icription. I have since had fresh impressions made of the whole inscription, from which the dptted
i the plate were taken. Mr. Carlleyle thought that he could trace three numeral figures. That there
I rock at the end of the inscription is quite certain, but as I have not examined the rock myself, I an^
eitively that they are numerals.— A. C.

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TEXTS.

No. 11.

SECOND BAmUT ROCK.

Wil
A.C.

Kyadaao
Fiysdasi
I^yadaae

Ll^'a mikgacUie Sangbam abbivlkdemAnam
L&ja m&gadhe Sangbam abhiy&dem4nam
L&ja Mligadhe Sangbam abhivftdem&nam

AbA a]
AbA ai
AbA af

Bur

A.C.

cha plftBUTiliftlatam oha
cba phisa yihAlatam oha

'viditevA,
yiditeva,
yiditeve,

bbante, ^yatake b&
bbante, ^yatake ba
bbante, &yatake ba

mA b
mA I
mA i

Bur
WU
A.C.

dhammasi
Dhanuxiasi

sangbaslti
aangbaslti
sangbaslti

gakrencbftm pasade
gobiYe cbam (P) pasftde
golave cba p&s^de

cba

cba <
cba

ekecbi, b
skecbii, b
ekecbi, b

Bur
Wil
A.C.

>bhagavatA
Bhagavatft
Bhagavat&

bndbena
Bndbena
Bndbena

bb&site
bb&site
bb^site

saye se
saye se
saye se

snbbAsiteya eel
snbbAsite yA eob
snbbasite yA ed

Bwr
WU
A.C.

bhante,
bhante,
bhante.

pamiyaye
p&miy&ye
p&miy&ye

disiya
diseyft
diseyA

beyam sadbamme ^
beyam sadbamme
beyam sadbamme

cbilasattti ke
obila(ya)ake
cbilatbiti ke

Bw
Wil

A. a

alah&mi
alab&mi

bakAm
bA(ki)
bakam

t&ya
tay^
tayi

tayft im&ni,
t4ye im&ni,
taye imikni,

bbante, dbami
bbante (dbam
bbante, dbami

Bur
Wil
A.C.

vinayaM
yinayasa
Yinayasa

makase '
makase
mnkase (h)

aliyayas&ni
aliyayas&ni
aliyayas&ni

anAgata bbay&ni
an&gata bbayftni
an&gata bbayftni

mnnigAtbA mo
mnni gAtbA ma
mnni gAtbA mc

Bur
WU

A. a

npatisapasma eva
(u) patftsa paaine eoha
Upatiaa pasine eeha

lagbnlo
l&gbnb
Lftgbnb

^ y&de mns&y&dam
y&da mn8Av4(cba) m
y&de mns&y&dam (c)

adbo
adbi
adbij

Bur
Wil
A.C.

bhagavaiA
bhagayatft
BhagavalA

bndbena
bndbena
Bndbena

bb&site
bb&site
bbAsite

eiAni
et4ni
etAni

bbante
bbante
bbante

dbammapali^
dbamma pali

Bur
WU
A.C.

iohhiimi
iohh&mi
ichhftmi

''kitibibnke
kiti babnke
kinti babnke

bbikbap& yecb^
bbikbap& yecba
bbikbn(<Q p& yecb4

bbikbAni
bbikbani
bbikbnni

yecbA abl
yecba abl
yecba ab

Bur
WU
A.C.

annayachi
sunayacbA
BunayuohA

npadb&leyayA
upadbMeyeyn
npadb&leyeyd

yA •beyam mevA
cba bevam meya
cb& beyam mey&

npAsakA
npAsakA
npAsakA

cbA
cba
cbA

Bur
WU
A.C.

ehA eteni
oha et&oi
^tA eteni

bbnnte
bbnnte
bbnnte

una(m)
imam

likbApayAmi
likbA (pa) yAmi
likbApayAmi

abbimati
abbi beti
abbipeti

mecbA
maja (i
mejAnai

(a) The omiflsicni of the syllable U is no donbt the printer's fanlt, as Bomonf giyes the word in full in ti
one of the 6th line.

(h) I read MnitaM, and so did Captain Bnrt.

(o) Certainly dam^ the cnr?e is on the wrong side for ckam as proposed by Wilson.

(<2) The manner of attaching the yowel ti at the foot of the hk was perhaps unknown to Bomonf and WA
again in hkikhmni.

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TEXTS.

IJ, P, Namo
A. C. Namo

No. 12.
KHANDAGIRI ROCK.

See Prinsep in Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VI, 1080, (a)

Arahant&nam
ArahaDt&nam

namo sava — Sidh&nam Airena

namo sava— Sidh&nam Airena

J. P. mah&megbav&hanena
A. C. mah&meghayfthanena

chetakdjate •
chetarlLmjava savam

chhadanena
dhanena

pasathasukela-
pasathasukela

mah&rajena
mah&r^'ena

khanena
khanena

J. P. chatnrantalatha
A. C. chatoramkalatha

ganena — — kaling&dhipatir&si sikhira avalonam

ganena * tena kaling^hipatich4 8&k4y& uvalena.

2 J. P. pandarasa yas&ni siri-kadara — 8ariraTat4,

A C. pandarasa yas&ni siri-kadira sarirayat^

kiditi-kum&rakidika, tato

kiditi-kum&rakidikd, tato

J. P. Iekharftpa-gana-n4ya — yap&ra yidhi-yis&ra-dena

A. C. lekli&rAp&-gana-n4ya — yep4ra yidhi-vis&ra dena

saya-yij&yadatena
saya-y ij ayadatenam

nayayasani,
nayayasani,

J. P. hota rdja

A. C. hota yftja

J. P. 8eftayayen&

A. 0. 6esayovan&

3 J. P. kalinga-r^a

A. C. kalinga-i&ja

pans&siyase,
pans&siyasa,

bhiyijayo
bhiyijapo {h)

yansa-puri
yansa-puri

puna
puna

tatiye.
tatiye.

sanyuge,
samyoge,

chayayisati-yase danaya

chatayinsati-yasesa d4naya

mabirl^abhisecbanam
mah&r^^abbise-cbanam

dhamena
dhamena

p4pnn&ti
p&pun&ti

J. P. Abhisita
A. 0. Abbisita

J. P. patisankbarayati.

A. 0. patisankbHrayati.

J. P. batbnpayasi

A. C. tb&p4 (P) payati

4 J. P. kArayati;

A.C. k&rayati;

mata yapa dbamayase

mato cbampadhamayase

Kalinga-nagari
KaliDga-nagari

yatayibatato
y&tavibatato

kbidbira
kbimbira

sitala
isit&la

pura-p&b&ra
pura-p&k&ra

tadaga
tadiya

panyo
p&diyo

saya
saya

y&nipati
y&nampati

santbapa (nam) cba.
santbapanam cba.

niyesam
niyesanam

cba
cba

J. P. cba
A. C. cba

y&se,
y&se,

panatisir&sibi (c)
pannit&sidhi

AcbitayitA
acbitayita

satasabasebi
satasabasebi

8otek&re
8otak&ni

pakatiyo
pak&tiye

pacbbimA
pacbbima

ranjayati
ijayata

disam,
disam

datiya
datiye

baya
iba

J. P. gaja nara radba babula darin

A. C. yejam nara radba babolalanam te

J. P. dasan&ya y&tdnam sakanagara y&sino

A. C. disenoya y&t&nanta sakanagara nay&ye

patb&payati
patbapanati

ponayase
punayase

kansaban^gatAya
sab&n&gat&ya

(a) The diif erences between Kittoe's text, which Prinsep used, and the text of the photograph of the plaster cast are so
nnmerons, that I have thought it better to giye my own reading from the new text, than to note the many yariations.

(h) Beading of Uist syllable doubtful.

(c) The last two letters of this word would appear to haye been accidentally repeated by Eittoe. This is a yery common
occurrence with hand-made transcripts.

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TEXTS

6 J. P.
A.C.

J. P.
A. C.

gandhava
gandhava

samaja
samaja

veda-badho-dampana
Yeda-badh& dampana

k&r&pao&hi
k&r&pan&hi

cha
cha

tabhats
tagi(P)ta

kidapayati
k&dapayanti

vftdita
Y&dita

nftgari
nagari

aandasan&hi
Bandasan&hi

asava
usava

Tatha
Tatha

vivutbevase
yivuthevase

J. P. yijadbarftdbiv&Be
A. C. vijadbarlkdhiyasaixi

a (ra) hata puba Kalinga puva R&j&ni vasati

a (no letter) bata puva Kalinga puva Rij&n •••?

J. P. (gap) — vata dbama

A. C. (about 10 letters) vata dbama

(not rendered)

ti8ap&ta(?)iiati(?) te

cba

nikbitf

6 J. P.
A.C.

(a) bbigdrebi
bhigarebi

taratana s^patena

taratanam s^pataye

savarathiKa
savarathika

'bbojakep&
bbojakepd,

devam
devam

J. P. Pacbacbadinivase Nanda. Raja tivasata ugbatitam

A. C. Pancbapancbad&nivase Nanda. Raja tivasasata agb&(itam

J. P.
A.C.

vaja

panadi
panadi

nagara
nagara

pasesa
pavesa

' viso (about 10 letters) sabbiso

J. P.
A.C.

cba sandesam tosa

vakara

vane.

7 J. P. anagaha anekani

A. C' anagaba anek&ni

sata-sabasani visajati porajanapadam satam

sata-sabas&ni visejati (a) orajftnepadam satai

J. P. pasAsato vaiaragbaravedbam satam gbarini savata kaba

A. C. pasa sato vajarigbavadb&satima ■■ gbarini savata koba

J. P. narapa •

(gap)

tbame vase manam

-ta-

A. C. narapa ketana (about 18 letters) ye tbame oba vase mananti mena* ya * * * tapabbatc

8 J. P. gb&t&payit&
A.C gb&t&payita

r^& gabbam upaptdapayati : dbatinam cba

raja gambbu (5) upapidapayuti : dbatinam cba

J. P. pan&dena
A.C.

pamb&tasena

v&bayati :

pammucbita
pamacbitu

madbnram
madburam

J. P.

mora dad4ti

A. C. navam ran& ba (about 24 letters) mora dad&ti ya (c) (5 letters) pira cbako (6 leti

9 J. P. kapam ukba baya gaja (lulapa ?) sab&ya sesa cba gbai

A. C. kapam ukba baya gaja (2 letters) sab^ya sesa cba gbari

J. P. anatika-gana
A. C. anatika-gava F

nirftsasabanancba
yasuv&gabanancba

kar&yitun,
k&rayitum,

ba
ba

iman&nam
imanonam

J. P. paradad&ti,

A. C. s&ra dad&ti arapato (about 40 letters).

(a) The initial letter may perhaps be a p, but as I can see no upturn to the right» it looks to me like an

(h) The reading of this word is doubtful.

(o) This letter y is placed above the line, and was evidently inserted afterwards.

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100

TEXTS.

10 J. p. • • • manati

A. C. ▼enati manati

rftja pandarasa mahavijaya paa^dam k&rayati

nga pandarasa mahayijaya p^s&d k&rayati

J. P.

A. C. atha hita

diiBayasahasehi

das&me

chatose *

datibhisaia

(4 letters)

J. P.

A. C. karathavasa

pa * na maha Java (7 letters) x& cM bt yati (9 letters)

J. p.

A. €• thayi lana (3 letters) ja * san^i (3 letters)

yatana soti yo ni * ni npa lebh&ta

11 J. P.

puve

A. C. (10 letters) pave

iftja
iftja

nives&tam
niTes&tam

pithu
pitha

dAga
4aga

dambha
dambha

nagare
nagalo (P)

J. P. nak&sayatta janapade, bh&vana ch& terasa

A. C. nak^samyata janapnda bb&vana che terasu

vase

satake

J. P. • • • amaradehasa p&ta bikrasa

A«C. bhidasitftmaradehasa p&ta bftrasa

mafaya (21 letters) he cha

J. P.

nri pithirlLj&ne.

A. C. (4 letters) pahabi yitisiyatft ntara patbar&j&no.

12 J. P.

A. 0. (11 letters) ma dh&nam cba yipula (ya) bhayam janeto hathasam gangftya p&ya
A.C. yati* * ma oha rl^&nam baha sati sitapft deva d&pam yati Nanda

J. P.

A. C. ri^ani ta v&maga jinasa

(10 letters) ma

ata (5 letters) rota na

J. P.

A. C. sudiha

marlga

Magadha

Vasasa yam rt (5 letters).

13 J. P. • • ♦ ta jWo

A.C. (11 letters) ta jiya

ralakhila BAbavasi birananivenayati

ralakhilaye B^bIkasi hiranlUu cba iyati

J. P.

A. C. sata

▼asadana thari b&ienam

asita

masiriya

cbe

hathi*

navena

J. P.

A. C. pariha

• •

ya (4 letters)

piya

maha

■ anek^

r^jine nibhayoka

J. P. dato
A.C. •

ratanAni
tavana* ratan&ni

ahai&payati.
aharftpayati

idha

sante

ribha.

14J.P. ♦ •
A.C- • ♦

* ai noTaaikariti

* * novankariti

teraaamava Tasesa panohata (a) vifaya

terasamava yasesu pavata rijaya

(a) In Kittoe's copy this word may bo read as pabakh thus agreeing with my reading of paTata.

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TEXTS.

101

J. p.

A. C.

chana
chanam

kum4ri pasange
kumlUi pavate (a)

arahate
arahato

J P

sidinaya
sidinaya

A.C.

J. P.
A.C.

y&pujake hiA ♦

ladatini

ujani

kata uv&84ye rava

ladirs

panayasata pi kamani

punavasatft hi (b) kay&ni (e)

chenam

daveni

nasa

8it4ni

jivtma

kapori khita (7 letters) P

16 J. P.

A. C. (11 letters)

sakata

samelasa

yihitftnancha
vihitenam cha

sata
sata

disftnam

J. P.

A. C. tan&pe

Bimaposa

pnpanam

cha

— sidiya samipe

hasani sidaya aamlpa

J. P. subhare

aneke yajan&

A. C. subh&re va + bhasa matha g^hisipft anake yojanft pitft

ghipa

J. P.

A. C. * * pipe

• • •

• • • •

vinsi lapi bhaghapatha * ♦ «

dhan&ni
dhadayana

16 J. P.

A. C. (10 letters)

pat41ake chatara cheteghariya gabha thambhe pati (tha)

pafftlake chatara cheteghariya gabhe thabhe pati tha

J. P. payati
A. C. payati

pannantariyasa

cha

« • • ja * •

ya kala che chinam

J. P. ■ —._ agisati katariyam napAdachhati agama r&ja savatha.

A. C. chacho yatha agesati katariyam nap&dayati agama r&ja savatha

J. P. r^ja, sanrase (na) raja, * ma raja, pasata saghate ran&ni

A, C. rl^a sambhiP *** jan&maraja, pasata sanaato anabhivato + rdn^i

17 J. P.

u yi se knsalo

A. C. (11 letters) rafa pano chhise (P) knsalo

sava pasanda

sava pathabhi (d)

pnjan (iya)
pnjako

J. P. (17 letters —

A. C. (7 letters) U • • ♦

') k&rakftra* patihata lakiv&hani b&leyii!^ka

mak&raka * * padahata — chakov&hani thalo <Mko

J. P. dhagata chana pavata chako r&j^anka

[ A. C. dharagnta— chako pivati^* chaka r&jasavam

lavinaravato mab&vijaye

saknla yini gato mahavijayo

J. P. lAja
A. C. T^k

khftravela
kharavela

sanda.
sinno.

(a) This word is qoite dear.

(b) Perhaps parinavcuanfa,
(o) This word is quite clear.

{d) The letters of this word are indistinct. I have given what they appear to be to my own eye ; bnt Prinsep*s reading
may be right.

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102

TEXTS.

No. 13.

DEOTEK SLAB

Le/i Inscription.

var.

S&mi

anyapayeti

Chikambari

var.

to badham to

v& * ta

var.

ame
ama

cba nala
cb&

* * * •

4
var.

dato
dato

30. 4. 3.

le * *

He. Pa. I.

* * sa
pa *

saradam * * n&tba
sakadam kar& * va

nam * na

Budhe?

Bifit Inscription,

1 Chikkamburi
var,

2 sa ja tra P
var, pa '

2 Ptirurava?

var. da. ma

4 yan^a (pu>
var,

5 Sena R&juya

* sa • •
sa dyi pa

* * * cha

trasya
tasya

barya ya
banyya ya

* RAdra.

dhannma

• mina sy atta

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CAVE INSCI

BAR An

No. ]

Suddma

1 Uiink

2 ijam

Piyadasinft
Nigoha kubhft

No. !

ri8wa C

1 L^jina

2 dasa

3 kubM

4 diD&

Piyadasinft
ya8&bhiBiteii&
Khalatika
Adivikemhi (b)

No. i

Kama C

1 Uja

2 —sati

3 adamatblltima

4 sTunpiye
6 n&(c)

Piyadasi
yas&bbisiteii&
iyam
Ehalanti

nagarjun:

No.

1 Vapiyake kubh&

2 ftnantaliyam

3 Bhadantehi

4 ftchandama

FajiiyaJka

Dasalatbena
abhisitenft
v&sanisidiyaye
sidiyam.

No.

1 Gopik&kubh&

2 — yen&

3 —vikemhi

4 nisitha

Gopiia (
Dasalatbena
ftnantaliyam
Bhadantehi
&chandama

(a) The last six letters of this inscription are not given in E
No. 6), bnt they are qnite legible, in spite of a determined atte
corrected Kittoe's reading of Nigopa to Nigoha, which b the nam<
" Le Lotus," Appendice, 780.

if) "iij reading of this inscription agrees in every letter with 1

(c) In the first line Eittoe read ekdnenisiti, which Bnmonf
indistinct, and is so imperfectly given by Eittoe, that Bamouf con
to restore with certainty is the name of the Khalati or Khalanti
780.

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104

TEXTS.

No. 6.

Vadaihika Cave.

1 Vadathiyi kubbli

Dasalathena

Devinam —

•piyenA

ftnantaliyam

abhisitenA k —

•divikemhi

Bhadantehi

v&sanisidiy&ye

8ith&

^handama

s^liyam.

ihree inBcriptions, which were first pablished by Prinsep, have had the advantage of Barnouf *8 critical correction,
cts and versions will be found in the Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, Vol. VI, 676 ; and fiumouf s revised texte
ions in Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, 775-776. Dasaratha was the grandson of Asoka, and succeeded to the throne
\, in which year these inscriptions are dated.

KHANDAGIRI.

No. 1.

Nameless Cave.

Ada-mulikasa

kasumaaa

leaam.

No. 2.

SnaJke Cave.

holakammasa

kotha jay&

cha.

No. 8.
Snaie Cave.

[amase

ra • •

• khi

Fyacho

pas&de.

No. 4.
Ti^fer Cave.

Igara

ayedasa

aasuTino

lonam

Igara

akhadasa

sabhiitino
No. 5.
Nameless Cave.

lenam.

Hlkpftmadati

b4k&ya

yan&kiyasa

lonam

yi&p&mad&sa

b&niyaya

n&kiyasa
No. 6.
Pawan Cave.

lenam.

Cbulaknmasa

paseta

kothaja (ya).

Cbola krammasa

pas^to

kothUja.

No. 7.
Manikjmra Cave.

Verasa

mahlbr&jasa

Ealingadhi patano

ma * * * * *

Airasa

mahdjijasa

EaUngadhipatino

ma (bamegha) vaba (na)

* kadepa

sirino

lonam

• depa

airino

lenam

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J. P. knmlLro
A. C. kum&ro

TEXTS.

No. 8.

Maniipura Cave,

Vattakasa

lonam

Vaddakasa

lenam

105

No. 9.

Faikunia Cave*

J. P. Arahanta
A. C. Arahanta

pas&dinam

Kalinga *
Kaling&nam

ya * ii4nam
Saman&aam

Ion a
lenam

k&da
k&rit

J. P. rajinolasa * *
A. C. Rajino L^lakasa *

2 hetbisahasam
2 hathi s^hanam

panotasaya
pan&tasa

cha tim

J. P. Kalinga
A. C. Kalinga

• «•••• velasa

cha ***** velasa

3 agamahi
3 agamahi

P
I

No. 13.

RAMGARH CAVES IN SIRGUJA.

L—Sitd Bdnjird Cave.

line 1 Adipaynnti
eha tayam

hadayam

sada

va garaka

2 dale

kudastatam

vasantiyft
evam

hA
alangi.

s4y&ntl

bhAi

IT. — Jogi Mdrd Cave.

„ 1

Satanuka nama

„ 2

Devada^inyi

,, 3

Sutanuka nama

Deva

dasinyi

„ 4

tarn

kamayi tha

balana^eye

„ 6

Deva

dina nama

lapadakhe

N. B. — The texts of these cave inscriptionB have been taken from Mr. Beglar's paper impressions. For
have had the advantage of consulting tbe photographs of Mr. H. H. Locke's plaster-of-Paris casts ; No. 1 is i

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PILLAR INSCKIPTIONS.

{Delhi, North.)
De v&nampi j e Piy adasi

L4ia

DevlLnampiye Pijadast U^k

Devanampiye Piyadasi Lija

Devanampiye Piyadasi L&ja

EDICT I.

hevam

hevam &ha :

Sad^avlsativasa ^ abhisiteuame

Saddavlsativas&bhisitename
Saddavlsati vasabhisiteuame
Saddavisati vasabhisiteuame

lyam

ijam
iyam
jyam ^

dhammalipi

dhammalipi
dhammalipi
dhammalipi

iikbi&pita

likh&pit&

' likb&pita

likhApita

hidatapdJate dasampatipddaje Annata

hidatap&late
hidatap&late

dusampa^ip^d^ye

hidatap^ate dusampatip&daye

' Annata
Annata
Annata

ag&y4 dhammak4mat4y& '* ag&ya

ag&ya dhammaklLmat&ya ag&ya

ag^ya dhammak4mat4ya ag&ya

agaya dhammakilmat&ya ' ag&ya

palikhftyft,

ag&ya

palikaya, ag&ya

palikhAye, • ag&ya
palikhaja, ag&ya

8usus&y&,

Bils(b»4y&,
siisiisaya,
sususaya/

agena

agena
agena
agena

bhayeua, ^ agena

bhayena, agena
bhayenaj ^ena
bhay na, agena

us&henA,

us&hena,
us4hena,
ns&hena,

esa chukhomama anusathiyft ' dhamma pekh4.

esa chukhomama anusathiylL ' dhammapekh^,
esa chukhomama anusathiya dhamm&pekha,

esa chukhomama * anusathiya dhammapekha.

dhamma k4mat4

dhammakamatik

' dhammak&mat&

dhammak&mat&

cha

cha
cha
cha

Buve

Buve
suve
suve

suve

suve
suve
suve

vadhita

vadhitd
vadhit&
vadhita

vadhisati

vadhisati
vadliisati
vadhisati

che v&

die vl^
che yk
che ?&

pulis&pi

pulistkpi
pulis&pi
pulis&pi

cha

a
a
a

me
me
me

ukasiL

ukas&
nkasft
ukasft

cha
cha
cha

gevay& chA

gevayA
gevayA
gevayA

cha
cha
cha

majhim4 ch4

majhimA cha
majhimi cha
majhimi oh4

aQu^ridhiyanti " sampatiplkdaya&ti ch4 alanchapala5 samMapayitave

anuvidbtj'anti
anuvldhiyanti
anuvidhiyanti

sampatip^yanti
sampatip&daja&ti
6ampafip4dayanti

cha

^ alanchapalau sam^dapayitave
alauchapalafi samlLdapayitave
alanchapala& sam&dapayitare

(a) The word cha is omitted in these three texts.

h^mevA

heme?l

hemeva

• hemeva

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TEXTS.

D.S.

anta * mah&m&t&pi

esahi

vidhi y&, iyam dhammena

pWanA,

D.M.

afita mahto4t&pi

—

•nft.

"""^"

aata mah&m&t&pi

es&hi

vidhi yft iyam dhammena

p&lana,

L.A.

afita mahftm&t&pi

es&hi

pAlana,

L.N.

anta mah4mftt&pi

e«&hi

vidhi y& iyam dhammena

p&lana,

D.S.

dhammena

vidh&ne,

^ dhafimena sukhiyanA, dhammena

gottti

D.M.
A.

dhanmcna
dhammena

yidh&ne,
vidh&ne,

dhammena sukhiyan^, dhammena

goltti

cha.

L.A.

* dhammena

vidh4ne,

dhammena sukhiyana, dhfiw^Ti

1AJ.»

L.N.

dhammena

vidb&ne,

dhammena sukhiyana, ' dhamn

EDICT II.

{Delhi, North.)

D.S.

Dev&nampiye Piyadasi

lAJa

^^ hevam fth& • Dhamn

D.M.

" Dev&nampije Piyadasi

lAja

• DeT&nampiye Fiyadast

lAjA

hevam &h& Dhamx

L.A.

IAj&

hevam &ha Dhami

L.N.

8 Dev&nampiye Piyadasi

Mja

hevam &ha Dhami

D.S.

dhammeti

ap&sinave

bahukayHne " day&d&ne sache

D.M.

dhammeti

" ap&sinave

bahukayftni day&d&ne sache

dhammeti

ap&sinave

L.A.

dhammeti

ap&sinave

bahukay&ne dayad&ne sache

I1.N.

dhammeti

ap&sinave

bahukay&ne • dayad&ne sache

D.S.

pime

bahuvidhe

difine,

dupada *' chatupadesu,

D.M.

pime "

' bahuvidhe

difine,

dup&da chatupadesu,

pime

* bahuvidhe

dinne,

dupada chatupadesu,

L.A.

pime

bahuvidhe

dine,

dupada chatupadesu,

L.N.

pime

bahuvidhe

dine,

dupada chatupadesu.

D.S.

yividhe me

anugahe

kate

ap&na '' diLkhinaye

D.M.

" gahe

katej

ap&ne d&khan&yo

vividhe me

auugahe

kate

» ap&na dakhinaye

L.A.

vividha me

anufl^e

kate

\ ^ ap&na dakhinaye

L.N.

vividhe me

anugahe

kate

ap&na dakhin&ye

D.S.

bahuni

kay&nAni

kat4D

i; et&ye me ath4

D.M.

»kat4n

i; et&ye me ath&;

bahfbii

kayftn&ni

kat&n

i; 7et4ye me ath&

L.A.

bahuni

kayHn&ni

kat&o

li; et&ye me athA

L.N.

bahuni

kay&n&ni

" kat&i

i; et4ye me at^&

D.S.

likh&pitA.

Hevam

anup

Ettipajafktu ^' chiknthiti k&i

D.M.
A.

16 annvk]

itipajafkttL chil&thiti Un
up^jantu chilathitt k&c

likh&pitA.

Hevam

lUlUUl

anupi

L.A.

Ukh&pita.

Hevam

*® anupi

itipajalitu chilanthiti kk

L.N.

Ukh&pita.

Hevam

anupf

ifipajafitu chiknthiti k&G

107

(a) The vowel u is perhaps only a flaw in the stone.

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108

TEXTS.

D.S.

D.M.

L.A.

L.N.

hfivam

tieyam
beyam
heyam

s^pafi

sampati
liampati
sampafi

pajtsati
pajisati
pajisati
pajisati
pajisati

se sakatam
se sqk^itha
se Bokatam
se sukatam
se sokatam

kacbhattti.
kachbatiti.
kacbbatiti*
kaobbatiti.
kacbbatL

EDICT III.

(Delhi, Norih.)
17 Deylknanipije
^ Dey&nampiye
• Deyanampije
^' Deyanampiye
1* Dey&Dampije

Piyadasi
Piyadasi
Piyadasi
Piyadasi
Piyadasi

Uja

Uja
L&j&
L&ja
L&ja

beyam
beyam
beyam
beyam
beyam

ab&

&hk
&ha
kU

kaylUiam
kay&aam
kaylLnam
kayftnam
kay&nam

meya
meya
meya
meya
meya

dekbati

dekhanti

dekbanti

iyam me ^* kay&ne kafeti : Nomina

iyam me kay4ne ka^eti: Nomimi

ijam me kaydne kafeti: Nomina

iyam m^ kayftne kateti: Nomina

iyam me kaykie kafeti: Nomina

p4pam dekbati iyam me

p&pam dekbati iyaih me

p4pakam dekbati iyam ma

p&pam dekbanti iyam ma

p&pam 1^ dekbanti iyam me

p&pe kateti

p&pe kafeti

pftpake ka^ti

pjipe kateti

p&pe kateti

iyam
iyam
iyam
^^ iyam
iyam

y& Asinaye ^ nAmftti, dnpafiyekbe ebukbo

ya ^^inaye nJUn&ti, dapa|iyekbe cbnkbo

yA &sinaye nftmiti, *♦•(«) t •

ya ftsinaye nftm4ti, dnpafi yekbe cbukko

ya &sinaye ntolk^, dupafi yekbe cbukko

beyam
beyam

# •

beyam
beyam

ebukbo
obukbo

# •

cbukko
ebukbo

esa
esa

dekbiye.
dekbiye.

* *

dekbiye.
dekbiye.

I meni
*' I m&ni

* *

I mftni
>* I m&ni

* Asinaya
&sinaya
# •

ftsinaya

g&mini n&ma ;

gftmini ndma;

• •

gftmini n&m&ti;
gtmini n&m&ti;

atba
atba

•

atba
atba

cbandiye
cbandiye

• *

cbandiye
cbandiye

nitbiiliye
nitbt^ye

WnitbAliye
nitbi^ye

kodbem&ne
kodhe " mane

kodhe m&ne
kodbe m&ne

]sy& : ^ k&lane nayabakam

isya : k&lane ttayftbakam

isya : k&lanenayabakam

palibbasayisam :
palibbaaayisam :

palibbftBayisanti :
palibbasayisanti :

esabAdba
esab&dba

esa bftdbam
esab&dbam

dekbiye
» dekbiye

dekbiye
dekbiye

iyam
iyam

me
me

' bidatik&ye
bidatik4ye

bidatikaye
bidatikaye

iyam
iyaib

iyam
iyam

mana
mana

me
me

p&latikaye.
pAktikaye.
■1.1 -J
p&latikayeti.
p41atikayeti.

(a) Hece tbe Asoka inscription is cut away by Jahangir's barbarous record of bis ancestry.

(b) Omitted in the original text.

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TEXTS.

109

EDICT IV.

D.S.

D.M.

L.A.

L.N.

(Delhi, North.)
^ Dev&nampije

>< Dev&nampiye
^ Dev&nampiye

Piyadasi

Pijadasi
Pijadaei

14ja

laja

hevam

hevam
hevam

khk:

&ha:

4h&:

Saddavtsati Yasa'abliieitenatQe

Sa44aTigati
Sad^avisati

vas&bhisitename
yas&bhisitename

D.S.

D.M.

L.A.

L.N.

lyam

lyam
iyam

dhaifamalipi

dhammalipi
dhammalipi

likb&pitA.

Iikh4pita.
likh&pita.

Lajak4me * bahiiBa

Lajuk&me babibu

Lajak&me ^ bahdsTi

p&na

sata sahasesa

sata
sata

sabasesu
sabaseeu

D.S.

D.M.

L.A.

L.N.

D.S.

D.M.

L.A.

L.N.

janasi

^janan

kinti
kinti

iyatft

ftyata
ftyata

janasi

kinti laj^&

mClka
l^jiika

tesam

teB&m
tesAm

aswatba

aswatba
aswtaba

y«

abhib&leYa * da&deva atapatiye me

abbibftleva
abbibMeva

daiideva
dandeva

atapatiye
atapatiye

abbit&

abhita
•» abbtta

'kammini

kamm&ni
kamm&ni

pavataye

pavataye
pavataye

vft:

me
me

ka^e

ka(e
kate

janasa

v^ti : janasa

vfiti : janasa

D.S.

D.M.

L.A.

L.N.

D.S.

D.M.

L.A.

L.N.

janapadasft bitasokbam upadabevn ' anogahitteva cba sukbiyana —

janapadasa
janapl^asa

^^bitasukbam
bitasakham

jllnisanti :

npadabeva
npadabevfi

Dbanimayatena

anugabinevu
anogabinevn

dnkhiyanam jllnisanti : Dbanimayatena cba '' viyo

cba
oba

sukbiyana —
snkbtyana —

vidasanti.

Janam

dnkbtyanam jftnisanti: Dbanimayatena cba viyo vadisafiti. Janam

dukbtyanam '^ j&nisanti : Dbammayatena cba viyo vadisaAti. Janam

D.S.

D.M.

L.A.

L.N.

D.S.

D.M.

L.A.

L.N.

D.S.
D.M.
A.

L. A.
L.N.

janapadam

j&napadaxn
janapadam

kintibi

kintibi
kintibi

datam

datam
datam

cba

palitam

cba ^'' p&latam
cba p41atam

cba

cba
cba

' aladbayevuti

ftlAdbayavu
j^hayevt^ti

lajnka

lajuka
lajuki

pilabanti ; (a) patiobalitaveman polis&nipi me ^ cbbandafin&ni paficbalisanti, tepi cba

«.^......« ' ■ • ' pafiebalisanti, *® tepi cba

pilagbanti paticbalitavemaA palis4iiipi me

pilagbanti '^ paficbalitavemaA pulisftnipi mQ

cbbfthdafinftni pafiobalisanti,
. cbbanda&i&ni pafiobalisant],

k&ni

k&ni
k&ni

viyo

viyo
viyo

vadisaAti

vadisanti
vadisanti

yenamam

yenamam
yenamam

lai^k&

"lajAka
lig^ka

*^ cbaghaAti
obaghaatt

cbagbaAti
cbagbafiti

tepi cba
tepi cba

&lftdhayitave.
alftdba " yitave

4]Adbeyatave.
&lMbayitave,

(a) Tbe two Lanrya Pillars read pila^hatUi, with the rough gnttoral aspirate ^A.

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110

D.S.

D.M.

L.A.

L.N.

D.S.
D.M.
A.

L. A.
L,N.

Atb&

AthA+
«Ath&

dh&ti

dh4ti
dhkii

hi pajam

hi pajam
hi pajam

ohaghaoti

chaghanti
chaghanti

viyatAye

Yiykiitkye
viy&t&ye

me p^jam ;

me pajam;
me pajam;

dh&tije
dh&tije

snkham

Bukham
Bokham

nisi jita
nisa jttCl

nisi jitu
nisi jitu

hall
li

hali
haH

" aswathe
aswatha

aswathe
aswathe

hatane
hantave ^

hataveti :
hataveti :

hoti;
hoti;

vijata
" vijata

viyata
viyata

mam&
mama

!• hevam
* hevam

D.S.

D.M.

L.A.

L.N.

D.S.

D.M.

L.A.

L.N.

D.S.

D.M.

L.A.

L.N.

D.S.

D.M.

L.A.

L.N.

D.S.

D.M.

L.A.

L.N.

li^ak&
" kjukA

l^<ik&
lajOka

santam
Ban

Bantam
santam

^* abhih41eva

abhihaleva
abhib&leva
abhih&leva

*• viyoh4Ia
h&la

" viyoh&la
viyoh&Ia
viyoh&la

pichame
—me

kat4

j&naptdasa

pichame
pichame

D. S. pata

D. M.

A. pata

L. A. pata

L. N. pata

kafe
kite

aviman&

j&napadasa
j&napadasa

kamm&ni
kamm&ni

hita8nkh4ye
ye

hitasnkhaye
hitasukhaye

pavataye
yataye

pavataye
pavataye

dan^eva

** dan^eva

dan^eva

samatft
samatft
samatft
samatft
samat&

avutL
&vati.
ftvuti.
4vuti.
&vuti.

vadh4nam
vadh&nam
vadb4nam
vadh&nam
vadh&nam

cha
cha
cha
cha
cha

atapatiye
atapatiye
atapatiye
atapatiye
antapatiye

siya
siy4
siy&
siya
siya

1' Bandh&na
Bandhana
Bandhana
Bandhana
Bandhane

kate.
kafe.
kate.
kafe.
kate.

dandbi
^'dan4a
dan^a
dftTTi d ft
danda

badh&nam
badh&nani
badh&nam
bftdh&nam
bandh&nam

yena
yena

vAti.
vftti

viiti.
vAti.

ete
ete

ete

Etena
Etena

Etena
^ Etena

abhit&
abhit&

abhita
abhita

Ichhitaviyehi
*• Ichhitaviye
Ichhitaviyehi
Ichhitaviye
Ichhitaviye

samat&
Bamatft
samatft
samatft
samatft

munis&nam
*' mQnisdjiam

monis&nam
'* mnnisdnam

munis^am

cha;

cha

cha;

esa

ava

&va

&vft

*»Ava

tlltta

tilita
tilita

tmta

tinni
tinni
tinni
tinni
tinni

divas&ni
divas&ni
divasftni
divasAni
divas&ni

D. S. nijhapayisanti ; jtvitaye

D. M. jbapayisanti ; jlvit&ye

A. nijhapayisanti ; jlvit&ye

L. A. nijhapayisanti ; jivitaye

L. N. " nijhapayisanti : jivit&ye

t&nam

me^yote
me^'yote
(b) yote
me yote
me yote

^ nasantam
nftsantam
nasantam
n&santam

dinne n&ti

dinne * •

dinne ^ nati

dinne n&ti

v4
▼4

vft

nijhapayit4

nijhapayitft
" nijhayayitave
nijhayayitave

IS aswatha
^* aswatha

aswath&
aswathe

lajuk&nam
^ lajok&nam

w (a)nam

lajiik&nam
ligiik&nam

kinti;

hinti;
kinti;
kinti;

ite

ite
ite
ite

dand&naih;

dand&nam ;
dand&nam ;
dan^l^nam ;

k4vak&ni

kanak&ni
k&vak&ni
k&vak&ni

d^am
dftnam
d&nam

(a) Here the Allahabad text becomes legible^ the lower halves of the letters of the 16th line being visible under the
flowered border of Jahangir's inscription.

(b) Omitted in the original text.

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TEX^

D.S.

dAhanti

p&latikadi

npavftsam

D.M.

— - ti

p41atikam

" npav&sam

dAhanti

p&latikam

npayftsam

L.A.

d^hanti

p&latikam

npaY&snm

L.N.

dahanti

palaidkam

npavftsam

D.S.

nilndhasipi

k&lasi

p&latam

D.M.

nilndhasipi

kMasi ^

BpUatam

mladhasipi

kilasi

p&latam

L.A.

niludhasipi

k&lasi

L.N.

^ niludhasipi

kalasi

D.S.

vividhe

dhammaohalane,

sayame

D.M.

viyidhe

"sajame

yividhe

sayame

L,A.

Tividhe

dhammachalane

sayame

L N.

vividhe

iJluj-mynn^^^hftlftiiA

sayame

D.S.
D.M.
A.
L. A.

L.N.

D.S.
D.M.
A.
L.A.

L.N.

D.S.

D.M.

L.A.

L.N.

D.S.

D.M.

L.A.

L.N.

{Delhi, South.)
1 Dev&nampiye

" Dev&nampiye
• Dev&nampiye
^ Dev&nampiye

Piyadasi

Piyadasi
Plyadasi
Piyadasi

D. S. ' abhisitename

D. M.

A. — ^bhisitename imAni

L. A. — bhisitename (a) im4iii '
L. N. —bhisitename (6)im&nipi

'suke,

suke,
soke, -
snke,

*jat^&

* •

jat^Qdiy
jatClka,
jatdka,

sftlikA,

s&likA,
s&lika,
s&lika,

alone,

alone,
alone,
alone.

amb&kapilika,

ftmb&kipilik4,

* amb&kapilik4,

amb&kapilika,

EDICT

lAJa

lAja
I4ja

j&iAni

j&t4ni

>j4iAni

chakavl

ohakavA
ohekavft
chakavl

da4t.

dobhi
dadi,
do^if

» gang&popotake,

gang&pupotake,

gang&popotake,

^ gang&popotake.

sanki^amachhe,

sankiyamachhe,
sankojamachhe,
sankojamachhe,

(a) Sic in both of the Lanriya texts,

(b) The addition of pi at the end of the word im&ni is pecolia
(e) The diiferenoes of reading in this name are coriooi^ Perhi

small stroke woold have become a cerebral 4-

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iia

DS.

D.M.

L.A.

L.N.

D.S.
D.M.
A.
L.A.

L.N.

'sandake,

Banfakd,
san^ke,

7 save

save
Bave
save

okt^ini^e, (a)

TEXTS.

palasate,

okapin^
okapin^e.

« •

chatnpade,

chatupade
ohatupade
ohatupade

* palasate,
ye patibhog^am no eti,

ye patibhogam

• ye pati * *

ye patibhogam

no'

no eti,
no eti,

8etaka?pQte

" takapote,
setaka-pote,
8etaka-.pote,

no chakyLdiyati

g&maka-pote,

g&makapote,
g&maka-pote,
g&maka-pote,

na
na

* •

chakh&diyati,

chakhftdiyati, * ajakin&ni

ajakanlkni
* *n&
ajakftn&Di,

D.S.

D.M.

L.A.

L.N.

^ e^k&ch&,
e^akiohA,

* * *

edakft-eba,
e^ak&cha,

ffAkalichft

• • •

sClkall-cba,
s^kalicha.

gabhinlva
• gabhin + va

• * «

gabhintra
gambhiniya

payaminftva :
payamenava :
p&yami •
p&yamiD&7a ;
p&yamin&va ;

avadhaya piktake
avadbaya p&take

• • * * *

' avadbya potake
avadhya potake

D. S. ' picbak4ni ftsanm&sike Tadbiknknte (h) no kataviye : tase sajtve

D. M. pichak&ni *^ &sanm&sike radbikoknte no kataviye : tase sajtve

A. *•• ••* •••• * ••• **» sajtve

L. A. chakftni AsanmAsike vadbikukate no kataviye : tase sajtve

L. N. cbak&ni ' ftsanmAsike vadbikukute no kataviye : tase sajtve

D- 8. " no jb&petaviye ;

D. M. " no jbapetaviye

A, nojb&pe ♦ ♦

L. A. no jh&payitaviye

L. N. no jy^payitaviye

D. S. ** jivenajive

D. M. jtvenajtve

L. A. jtvenajtve

L. N. jtvenajtve

D.S.

D.M.

L.A.

L.N.

" tinni
tinni

• *

tinni
tinni

no
no

d&ve
d&ve

d4ve
dftve

pasitaviye
positaviye

pnsitaviye
pusitaviye

tisa
ttsu

ttsu
ttsu

anathAyev&
anath&yev&

'anatb&yeva
anatb&yeva

cbAtan
cbfttan

cb&tun
cb4tun

divas&ni,
divasani,

* • •

divas&ni,
divas&ni,

cb&yudasam,

cb&vudasam,

^* cb&vudasam,

cbllvudasam,

cb&vndasam,

vibis&yevft
vibisAyevA

vibisayeva
• vibisayeva

m&stsu Tis&yam

xn&stsu ^ Tis&yam

mAstsa
m&sisn

Tisayam
Tisiyam

pannadasam,

pancba^asam,

pannadasam,

pannaclasam,

patipadAye
" patipadAye

patipadam,
patipadam,

nojbftpetaviye
no ^ jbapetaviye

no jb&payitaviye
no jb&payitaviye

punnam&siyam
punnamAsiyam

8 ponnamAsiyam
* pnnnam&Aiyam

dbuv&ya cb4
dbav&yecba

dhuvAyecba
dbuvAyecba

D. S. ^' annposatba

D. M« annpoeatbam

A. -r

L. A. anuposatbam

L. N. annposatham

machbe avadhiye nopiviketviye etAni yev& divas&ni

macbbe avadbiye no pi ^ viketaviye etAai yevA divas&ni

macbbe avadbye no pi ' viketaviye et&ni yeva divas&ni

machbe avadbye *® no piviketaviye et&ni yeva divasAni

D.S.

D.M.

L.A.

L.N.

*^ n&gavanasi,
nftgavanasi,

nAgavanasi,
nAgavanasi,

kevatabbogasi
kevatabbogasi

kevatabbogasi,
kevatabbogasit

y&ni
"y&ni

y&ni
yAni

ann&ni
annAni

pi
pi

jtvanikAyani
jivanikAy&ni

jtvanik&y&ni
" jtvanik&yani

(a) I have changed Prinsep's uka to oka, as the vowel b the initial o in all the texts.
(5) Piinsep reads kaka, but all the texts agree as above in giving ihi^.

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TEXTS.

113

D. S.

D.M.

L.A.

L.N.

" nohantavij^i.
nobantayijani.

*• nohantaviyltni.
nohantayiy&ni.

Athami
*^ Athami

Athami
Athami

pakh&ye,
pakh&ye,

pakh&ye,
pakhd.ye,

ch4vada8&ye,
cb&Yudas&ye,

chl^vndasaye,
ch&Yudas&ye,

pamiadas&ye, Tis&ye.
pamia^as&ye,

panna^asftye,
pamiadasftye,

D. S. *' pun&vasune, tisun — ch&tun-

D. M* *® pun&vasune, tlsun ch&tun-

A. ■

L. A. pnn&vasune, tisu— chAtun-

L. N. pun&vaaune, '* tisu — ch&tun-

m&sisn, sadivas&ye, gone

m^sisa, sadivas^ye, gone

•— ^— •• Budivas&ye, gone

md-sisa, ^^ sudivas^ye, gone

sudivas&ye, gone

D. S. >» ajake,

D. M. ajake,

A. ajake,

L. A. ajake,

L. N. ajake,

edake,
e^ake,
eda —
edake,
e^ake,

Bukale,
siUtale,

s^Ucale,
s^ale.

ev&pi anne nilakhiyati

ev&pi ** anne nllakhiy&ti

ev&pi
ev&pi

anne
anne

nilakhiyati
>' nilakhiyati

no
no

D. S. I'tis&ye,

D.M.
A.

L. A. "tis&ye,
L. N. tis&ye,

punlLvasune,
pun&vasane,

pun^vasone,
pun&yasane.

chatonm&siye,
'^ ch&tnnmasiye,

chd,tanm&8iye,
oh4tanmdfliye,

cb&tanm4sipakh&ye, aswas^

chfttunmasipakhaye, aswasi

ch^tnnm&sipakhaye, aswasa

oh&tunm&sipakhaye, aswasa,

D. S. ^' lakhune nokhafaviye : y&va saddavisativasa abhisitename

D. M. lakhnne ^ nokha^aviye : y&va saddavisativasa abhisitename

A. ''lakhune noka^aviye, y&va saddavlsativas&bhi

L. A. lakhane noka^aiye, : ^' y&va saddaYisatiya84bhisitename

L. N. 1^ lakhane nokataviye: y4va saddayisativas&bhisitename

D. S. ^ antalik&ye
D. M. ^ antalik^ye

L. A. antalik4ye
L. N. antalik&ye

pannavlsati
pannayisati

pannavisati
pannayisati

bandhana
bandhana

bandhana
^ bandhana

mokh&ni
mokh4ni

mokh&ni
mokh&ni

kat&ni.
kat&ni. (a)

kat&ni.
kat&ni.

D.S.
A.

L.A.
L. N.

{Delhi East)
* Dey&nampiye
^ Dev&nampiye
" Dev^nampiye
^> Dey&nampiye

Piyadasi
Piyadasi
Piyadasi
Piyadasi

EDICT VI.

lAja
I4ja

heyam

* •

hevam
heyam

ah4.

* •

&h&
&ha.

D. S. ^ yasa abhisitename dhammalipi likh&pit& lokasA

L. A. yas&bhisitenome ~ dhammalipi likh&pita lokasa

L. N. yas&bhisitename dhammalipi likh4pita >' lokasa

D. S. ' hitasnkh&ye ; setam apahftt&i tamtam dhammaya^hi

A. — — ' — dhammayadhi

L. A. ^ hitasokh^ye ; setam apah&^ tamtam dhammayadhi

L. N. hitasiikh&ye ; setam apaliafa, tamtam dhammayadhj

(a) The inscription on the Belhi^irat Pillar ends here, the rest being lost by the abraaic

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114

TEXTS.

D.S.

*hevam

loka6&

hitasnkheti

pativekh&mi.

Atha iyam

* n&tisu

hevam

loka8&

^ hitasakheti

pativekh&mi.

Atha • •

• •

L.A.

hevam

lokasft

hitasukheti

pativekh&mi.

"Athft iyam

n&tisu

L.N.

hevam

lokasa

w hitasukheti

pa(ivekh&mi.

AthA iyam

n&tisu

D.S.

hevam

patiy&sanne!

3a, hevam

apakathesu

* kimank&ni

sukham

• •

patiyasannesa, hevam

apakathesa

kimank&ni

su •

L. A.

hevam

I paty&sannesu, hevam

apakathesu

kimank&ni

sukham

L.N.

hevam

paty&sannesu, hevam

apakathesu

'* kimankAni

sukham

D.S.

avahftmiti

tatba

cha

vidah&mi ;

hemeva ^ savanik&yesu

• • •

• •

hevam meva sava

. * k&yesu

L.A.

&vahAmiti

tathft

cha

vidah&mi '^ hemevd. savt

mik&yesu

L. N.

&vah4miti

tatb&

cha

vidahami

hemeva savanik^yesu

D.S.

pativekh&mi

; aava

pime pu

jitA 8 vividh&ya

pAJM

pativekh&mi

*8ava

p48and&

pime pAjita vividhaya

•j&ya

L.A.

pativekh&mi

; sava

pasan^

pime pujita vivid hAya

puj&ya

L. N,

pativekh&mi

; » sava

p4saDd&

pime puj

ita vividh&ya

pujAya

D.S.

echu

iy&m

atana pachiipagamane

• seme mokhyamate

echu

iyam

atanft pachupagamane

seme mukhyamute

L.A-

echa

iyam

atana pach&pagamane

^* seme mukhyamute

L.N.

echa

iyam

atana pachupagamane

^ seme mokhyamute

D.S.

saddavisativasa abhisitename ^'^ iyam

dhammalipi

likhApitA.

sa'* • '

• • • •

• •

• lipi

Iikh&pit4ti.

L.A.

sa^davisativas&bhiflitename

iyam

dhammalipi

likh&pita.

L. N.

saddavisativas&bhLsitename

iyam

likh&pita.

(Delhi, East.)

11 Dev&nampiye Fiyadasi

12 antalam lAjAne husa

13 dhammavadhiyA vadheyA

EDICT VII.

lAjA hevam AhA: ye atikantam

hevam ichhisu, katham jane

nochujane anulupAyA dhammavadhiyA

14 vadbithA etam. DevAnampiye Fiyadasi lAjA hevam AhA: esame

15 huthA atAkantam-cha antalam hevam ichisu ll^Ane katham jane

16 anulupAyA dhammavadhiyA vadheyAti nochajane anulupAyA

17 dhammavadhiyA vadhithA : se kina sujane anupa^ipajeyA

18 kina sujane anulupAyA dhammavadhiyA vadheyAti; kina sukani

19 abhynm namayeham dhammavadhiyAti etam. DevAnampiya Fiyadasi l^A hevam

20 AhA: esame huthA dhammasAvanAni sAvApayAmi dhammanusathini

2a anusisAmi : etam jane sutu anupaftpajisati abbyum namisati

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TEXTS.

115

EDICT VIII.

{Delhi, around the pillar.)
1 Dhamma vadhiyft cha bftdham vadhisati etAye me ath&ye dhamma
8&v&pit&ni dhamm&nusathini vividh&ni AnapiiAni (y&thatiyi) p&pibahune

ete paliyo vadisantipi pavithalisaniipi lajukapi bahukesu p&na

4yat& tepime ftnapitlk hevam cha bevam cha paliyo yadatba

bevam khk eta

dhammamab&m&t& kafa,
khk: magesu pi m<
amb&vadikya lop4pit4 i

2 janam dbammayatam. . Dev^nampiye Fiyadasi (a)
anuvekham&ne dhamma thambbftni ka^ni,

(kha )ka^ Devftnampiye Fiyadasi l&j& bevam

1op& pit&ni chh&yopag&ni basanti pasumunis^nam
pi me adap&u4iii

3 kbftn&p&pit&Qi ninsi diy^ha kM&pit4 &pan&Qi me bahuk^ni tata tata
patibhog&ye p&sumunisanam (sa • * ) esa pa^ibhogen&ma vividh&yahi
pali me hipt (b) Isytbi mamay&cha snkbayite loke : imamchu dhai
pajantuti etadatb& me

khk : dhammamah^&t4

se payajit&nam cheva

sangbathasi pime

pime kafe.

4 esa kate : Devftnampiye Fiyadasi {b) bevam
bahu bidhesu athesa anugabikesu viy&pafa se
cha sava (p&saii)4e8a picha viy&pa^ se
viy&patft bohantiti hemeva. B&bbanesu ftjlvikesu

{Delhi, around the pillar,)

5 ime viy&pat^ bohantiti, niganthesu pime ka^e,
p&sandesa pime ka^e ime viy^pa^A bohantiti:
te te mah&m&t& dbammamah&m&t& chu me etasu cheva viy&patA, savesu c
p&sandesu. Dev&nampiya Fiyadasi l^k hevam khk:

ime viyapat& bob]
pativisitham pativisitbai

6 ete cba anne cha babuk& makh& d&navisagasi viyapat& se ma
devinam cba, savasi cha me olodhanasi (c) te bah a vidhena
tAni t4ni tath& yatan(&)ni pati(ta * * *) bida cheva disdjsa cha d&I
cha me ka^e ann4nam cha devikum&l&nam imed^navisagesu viyapat4

7 dhamm&padlLna thaye dhamm^nupafipatiye : esabi dhamm&padAne dbammapai
j§k iyam daydd&ne sache so chave madave s&davecba lokasa bevam
Devanamp(iye piyada)si UjA hevam &h& y&nibikanichi mamiya s&dhavli
tarn loke aniipatipanne tarn cha anuvidbiyanti tena vadbit& cha

8 vadbisanti cha m&t&pttisu susus^yA gulusa susus&y& vayo mabMakanam
Bllbhana Samanesa, kapanavalakesu, &vadasa bhatakesu sampatipatiy&.
(Piya)dasi ll^a bevam &h4: mnnis&nam chu ya iyam dhammavadl
duvebi yeva &k41ehi dhammaniyamena cha nijbatiya cba

9 tata chu
esa yeme

bahuk( )

munislUiam

10 an&lamhh&ye
masuliyike
bidata(p&la)te
Dev&nampiye

11 dhammalibi
chilatithike

lahuse dhamma nijame n\jbatiyiva bhuye dhammaniyam

iyam kate : im&nicha im&ni j&t&ni avadbiy&ni ann

dbamm&niyam&ni yani roe kat&ni : nijbatiya va c

dhammavadl^i vadhit4 avibins&ye bhutd.nam

p&nanam se et4ye athaye iyam kate pu^a papotil

hotuti tatbft cha anupa^pajantuti hevam hi anupa^i

&1adbe hoti satavisativas&bbisitename iyam dhammalibi likb&pl
&b4 : iyam

ata athi sil4thambh&niv4 silapbalak&nivA {d) tata ka^aviyA
siy4

(a). The word Ldja is omitted in both of these places after Fiyadasi ; but it is present in all the aft
inscription wherever the king;'s name is mentioned.

(b). Omitted by Prinsep.

(c). Frinsep reads uludhanasi, but the word begins with the initial o.

(d), Prinsep's last reading of this word was dharika (see Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, '^
the true reading is phalakini, or " tablets," as given in the text.

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116 TEXTS.

ALLAHABAD PILLAR.

Separate Edicts.

No. 1.

Queen's Edict.

1 D6ylLnampiya8& yaolianena savata mahamat4

2 vataviyft: eheta dutiy&ye Deviye #ne

3 Amb4vadM v& 4lameya cl4nam eheya(P)eta8i(P) aime(P)

4 Kichliigaiilya titAye Deviye sen&ni pi TatliA(P)

5 datiy4ye Peviyeti ti valamAiu kMuy&kiye.

No. %.

Kosamhi Edict.

1 Dev&nampiye &napayaii Koeambiyamah&mata

2 .— .^-«— — ■ mari * * sanghasi nila hiyo

3 I I ti bhiti * bhanti nita chi

4 l^a pinam dhapayita a * tasa * am yasayi*

SANCHI PILLAR.

1 J. P.

A. C. •yal23466 maga

maga * ♦

2 J. P.

A. C. • seni • bhi * • nam chAti petaviya

3 J. P. —

A. C. • vika Chandagiriye keye sangbam

4 J. P. bbakbati bbikbnn&bbi kbamayase d4i4
A. C. bbakbati Bbikbu cba Bbikbnni yi kba d&t&

6 J. P. ^

A. C. ^niduflapi sayam • payita ana •

6 J. P. Sasijala petayiye ichbahime O^i)
A. C. sasiyisa petayiye icbbanime flan—

7 J. P. — si: sampeeimate cbilatbitike siy&ti
A. 0. ^ti sangbasamage obilatbittke siy&ti.

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TRANSLATIONS-

ROCK INSCRIPTIONS.

EDICT I.

Prinsep.

" The following edict of religion is promulgated
by the heaven-beloved king Piyadasi :—

^' ^ In this place the putting to death of anything
whatever that hath life, either for the benefit of
the puja, or in convivial meetings, shall not be
done. Much cruelty of this nature occurs in such
assemblies. The heaven-beloved king Piyadasi is
(as it were) a father (to his people). Uniformity
of worship is wise and proper for the congregation
of the heaven-beloved Piyadasi Raja.

'' ' Formerly, in the great refectory and temple
of the heaven-beloved king Piyadasi, daily were
many hundred thousand animals sacrificed for the
sake of meat food. So even at this day while
this religious edict is under promidgation, from
the sacrifice of animals for the sake of food, some
two are killed, or one is killed ; but now the
joyful chorus resounds again and again — that
henceforward not a single animal shall be put to
death.' "

Wilson.

" This is the edict of the beloved of the gods,
Raja Priyadasi :

'' ' The putting to death of animals is to be
entirely discontinued, and no convivial meet-
ing is to be held ; for the beloved of the gods,
the Raja Priyadasi, remarks many faults in
such assemblies. There is but one assembly,
indeed, which is approved of by the Raja Priya-
dasi, the beloved of the gods, which is that of
the great kitchen of Raja Priyadasi, the beloved
of the gods. Every day hundreds of thousands
of animals have been there slaughtered for
virtuous purposes, but now, although this pious
edict is proclaimed that animals may be killed
for good purposes, and such is the practice, yet
as the practice is not determined, these presents
are proclaimed that hereafter they shall not be
kiUed.''^

EDICT II.

Prinsep.
'' Everjrwhere within the conquered province of
Raja Piyadasi, the beloved of the gods, as well as
in the parts occupied by the faithful, such as
CAola, Ptda,^ Satiyaputra, and Ketalaputra, even
as far as Tambapanni (Ceylon) ; and, moreover,
within the dominions of Antiochus, the Greek

Wilson.
'' In all the subjugated (territories) of the
king Priyadasi, the beloved of the gx)ds, and also
in the bordering countries, as {CAoda), Palaya^
(or Paraya), Satyaputra, Keralaputra, Tamba-
pani (it is proclaimed), and Antiochus by name
the Tona (or Tavana) raja, anl those princes

* The tme reading^ of these important names of the oonntries bordering on the dominions of Asoka are as follows :
Choda, Pan^iya, Satiyaputra, Eetalapntra, and Tambapani. The first two are well known as Chola and Pdndya, being
the extreme southern provinces of India, while Tambapani is the- Island of Ceylon, the Taprobane of the Greeks.
Keralaputra is the district of £,erala, on the western coast between the Krishna River and Mysore. No representative
of Satiyaputra has jet been proposed except by Lassen, who considered It as the Buddhist name of the King of Fida
(or P&ndja). But it seems to me that this name is capable of the same exact identification as the others. In Ptolemy's
map we have the name of Sadmiy a people on the coast to the west of Baithdna, or Paithan on the Godftvari* They are
said to be pirates; and as the name of the Andri PiraUs is also found in the same place, I believe that we have the same
people designated by two difierent nBmw— first, as Sadihi, or Sddavahans or Sdtakarnis, and second, as Akdbi or
Andhras. That the Andhras were a powerful nation in the time of Asoka, I have already established by reading their
name in the 13th Edict of the Shahbazgarhi and Kh^Isi texts. The name of Satahami is written S&davdhana in one
of the Nftsik Inscriptions (West No. 6), and Ptolemy's form would be obtained by the elision of the h in Sadakani,
Another form of the name is preserved in the Periplus as Saraganos, in which, according to a common Indian practice,
the t and d are changed to r in pronunciation.

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TRANSLATIONS.

Prinsep.
(of which Antiochus' generals are the rulers)^
everywhere the heaven-beloved Raja PiyadasVs
double system of medical aid is established —
both medical aid for men, and medical aid for
animals^ together with the medicaments of all
sorts^ which are suitable for men^ and suitable
for animals. And wherever there is not (such
provision)^ in all such places they are to be pre-
pared, and to be planted: both root-drugs and
herbs, wheresoever there is not (a provision of
them), in all such places shall they be deposited
and planted.

'' And in the public hig^wayB wells are to be
dug, and trees to be planted, for the aoo(»nmo-
dation of men and animals.^^

Wilson.
who are nearer to (or allied with) that monarch,
universally (are apprised) that (two designs have
been cherished by Priyadasi, one design) regard-
ing men, and one relating to animak; and
whatever herbs are useful to men or useful to
animals wherever there are none, such have
been everywhere caused to be conveyed and
planted, (and roots and fruits wherever there
are none, such have been everywhere conveyed
and planted ; and on the roads) wells have been
caused to be dug, (and trees have been planted)
for the respective enjoyment of animals and
men/'

EDICT III.

Prinsep.

"Thus spake the heaven-beloved king Piya^
dasi : ' By me, after the twelfth year of my anoint-
ment, this commandment is made. Everywhere
in the conquered (provinces) among the faithful,
whether (my own) subjects or foreigners, after
every five years, let there be (a public) humi-
liation for this express object, yea, for the con-
firmation of virtue and for the suppression of dis-
graceful acts.

'' ' Good and proper is dutiful service to mother
and father; towards friends and kinsfolks, to-
wards Brahmans and Sramans, excellent is
charity : — prodigality and malicious slander are
not good.

'' < All this the leader of the congregation shaU
inculcate to the assembly, with (appropriate) ex-
planation and example.' ''

WiUon.
'' King PriyadaH says : ' This was ordered by
me when I had been twelve years inaugurated.
In the conquered country, and among my own
subjects as well as strangers, that every five
years expiation should be undergone with this
object, for the enforcement of such moral obli-
gations as were declared by me to be good :
such as duty to parents, (and protection of)
friends and children, (relations,) Brahmans and
Sramans : — good is liberality, good is non-in-
jury of living creaturesj and abstinence from
prodigality and slander are good. Continuance
in this course (the discharge of these duties)
shall be commended both by explanation and
by example.' "

EDICT IV.

Prinsfp.

'' ' In times past, even for many hundred years>
has been practised the sacrifice of living beings,
the slaughter of animals, disregard of relations,
and disrespect towards Brahmans and Sramans.

' " This day, by the messenger of the religion of
the heaven-beloved king Piyadaai, (has been made)
a proclamation by beat of drum, a grand an-
nouncement of religious grace, and a display of
equipages, and a parade of elephants, and tUngs
to gratify the senses, and every other kind of
heavenly object for the admiration of mankind^
such as had never been for many hundred years,
such as were to-day exhibited.

Wihon.
*< ' During a past period of many centuries,
there have prevailed — destruction of life, injury
of living beings, disrespect towards kindred, and
irreverence towards Sramans and Brahmans.
But now, in conformity to moral duty, the pious
proclamation of king Priyadasi, the beloved
of the gods, is made by beat of drum, in a
manner never before performed for hundreds of
years, with chariot and elephant processions,
and 'fireworks and other divine displays of the
people exhibiting the ceremonies (and this) for
the promulgation of the law of king Priya*
dasi, &c., that non-destruction of life, non-

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119

WiUon.

injury to living beings, respect to relations,
reverence of Brahmans and Sramans, and
many other duties, do increase, and shall in-
crease; and this moral law of tiie king Priya^
dasi the sons, grandsons, and great-grandsons
of king Priyadasi shall maintain. Let the
moral ordinance of king Priyadasi be stable as
a mountain for the establishment of duty ; for
in these actions duty will be followed, as the
law which directs ceremonial rites is not the
observance of moral duties. It were well for
every iU-conducted person to be attentive to the
object of this injunction. This is the edict
(writing) of king Priyadasi. Let not any
thought be entertained by the subject-people of
opposing the edict.' This has been caused to
be written by the king Priyadasi , in the twelfth
year of his inauguration.^'

Prinsep.

^' ' By the religious ordinance of the heaven-
beloved king Piyadasiy the non-sacrifice of ani-
mals, the non-destruction of living beings, proper
regard to kindred, respect to Brahmans and
Sramans, dutiful service to spiritual pastors —
through these and many other similar (good acts)
doth religions grace abound ; and thus, moreover,
shall the heaven-beloved king Piyadasi cause
religion to flourish, and the same shall the sons,
the grandsons, and the great-grandsons of the
heaven-beloved king Piyadasi cause to abound
exceedingly.

^^ ' As long as the mountains shall endure, so
long in virtue and in strict observances shall the
religion stand fast. And through good acts of
this nature, that is to say, through these ordi-
nances and the strict practice of religion, laxness
of discipline is obviated. Moroever, in this object,
it is proper to be intelligent, and no wise neg-
lected. For the same purpose is this (edict)
ordered to be written. Let iJl take heed to pro-
fit of this good object, and not to give utterance
to objections.'

" By the heaven-beloved king Piyadasi^ after
the twelfth year of his announcement, is this
caused to be written." *

Bumouf has also given a full translation of this edict, which I annex.^

'' ' Dans le temps pass^, pendant de nombreuses centaines d'ann^, onvit prospferer uniquement
le meurtre des €tres vivants et la m^chancet^ ik regard des cr&itures, le manque de respect pour
les parents, le manque de respect pour les B&mhanas et les Samanas (les Brahmanes et les 9ra«
manas). Aussi, en ce jour, parce que Piyadasi, le Boi ch^ri des DSvas, pratique la loi, le son de
tambour (a retenti) ; oui, la voix de la loi (s'est &ut entendre) aprfes que des promenades des chars
de parade, des promenades d'61^phants, des feux d'artifice, ainsi que d'autres repr^ntatioug
divines ont ^t^ montr^ aux regards du peuple. Ce que depuis bien des centaines d'ann^ on
n'avait pas vu auparavant, on Fa vu prosp^rer aujourd'hui, par suite de I'ordre que donne Piyadasi,
le Boi ch^ri des DSvas, de pratiquer la loi. La cessation du meurtre des £tres vivants et des actes
de m^chancet^ k regard des creatures, le respect pour les parents, I'ob^issance aux p^re et m^re^
I'ob^issance aux anciens (7ii^ra), voil^ les vertus, ainsi que d'autres pratiques de la loi de diverses
espies, qui ici sont accrues. Et Piyadasi, le Roi ch^ri des DSvas, f era croitre encore cette obser-
vation de la loi ; et les fils, et les petits-fils, et les arrifere-petits-fils de Piyadasi, le Boi ch^ri des
DSvas, feront crottre cette observation de la loi jusqu'au Kalpa de la destruction. Fermes dans la loi
dans la morale, ils ordonneront I'observation de la loi ; car c'est la meilleure des actions que d'en
joindre I'observation de la loi. Cette observation mdme de la loi n'existe pas pour celui qui n'a pag
de morale. H est bon que cet objet prospfere et ne d^p^risse pas : c'est pour eela qu'on a fait ^rire
cet ^it. Si cet objet s'accrott, on n'en devra jamais voir le d^p^rissanent.' Piyadasi, le Boi ch^ri
des D^vas, a fait £crire cet ^it, la douzi^me ann^e depuis son sacre.^f

* Le LotD0 de la Bonne Loi — ^Appendice, p. 781.

t Bnrnoufs remarks in justification of his own translation and reading of the text are moch too long to be quoted here,
see Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, Appendices p. 731. He very natnraUy takes exception to Wilson's explanation of Bakmcma^
and Samanas as " Brfthmans and (Brahmanical) ascetics," and shows that these two terms are intended to designate two classes
of persons, the Brahmans and the Buddhists, in the same way that they are discriminated in the legends of the Divya
Avad&na.

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TRANSLATIONS.

EDICT V.

Prinsep.

^' Thas spake the heaven-beloved king Piya^
d<ui ;—

'' ' Prosperity (oometh) throngh adversiiy^ and
truly each man (to obtain) prosperity eauseth
himself present difficulty; therefore by me
(nevertheless) has much prosperity been brought
about^ and therefore shall my sons and grand-
sons^ and my latest posterity^ as long as the
veiy hills endure^ pursue the same conduct ; and
so shall each meet his reward! While he^ on
the other hand^ who shall neglect such conduct
shall meet his punishment in the midst of the
wicked (in the nethermost regions of hell).

'' ' For a very long period of time there have
been no ministers of religion appointed^ who
intermingling among all unbelievers (may over-
whelm them) with the inundation of religion^
and with the abundance of the sacred doctrines.
Through Kam (bocha, Gan) dh&ra^ Narfistika,*
Petenika, and elsewhere, finding their way unto
the uttermost limits of the barbarian countries,

for the benefit and pleasure of (all classes)

and for restraining the passions of the faithful,
and for the regeneration of those bound in the
fetters (of sin) (?) are they appointed. Inter-
mingling equally among the dreaded, and among
the respected both in Pfttaliputra and in foreign
places, teaching better things, shall they every-
where penetrate ; so that they even who (oppose
the f aitii shall at length become) ministers of it/ **

Wilson.
" The beloved of the gods, king Priyadasi,
thus proclaims : ' Whoever perverts good to
evil will derive evil from good ; therefore much
good has been done by me, and my sons and
grandsons, and others my posterity (will) con-
form to it for every age. So they who shall
enjoy happiness, and those who cause the path
to be abandoned shall suffer misfortune. The
chief ministers of morality have for an unprece-
dentedly long time been tolerant of iniquity ;
therefore in the tenth year of the inauguration
have ministers of morality been made, who are
appointed for the purpose of presiding over
morals among persons of all the religions for
the sake of the augmentation of virtue, and
for the happiness of the virtuous among the
people of Kamboja, Gandhara, Naristika, and
Petenika. They shall also be spread among
the warriors, the Brahmans, the mendicants,
the destitute, and others, without any obstruc-
tion, for the happiness of the well-disposed, in
order to loosen the bonds of those who are
bound, and liberate those who are confined,
through the means of holy wisdom disseminated
by pious teachers ; and they will proceed to the
outer cities and fastnesses of my brother and
sister, and wherever are any other of my
kindred; and the ministers of morals, those who
are appointed as superintendents of morals, shall
wherever the moral law is established, give
encouragement to the charitable and those ad-
dicted to virtue. With this intent this edict
is written, and let my people obey it.' ''

EDICT

Prinsep.

''Thus spake Piyadasi, the heaven-beloved
king :—

'' ' Never was there in any former period a
system of instruction applicable to eveiy season,
and to every action, such as that which is now
established by me.

" ' For every season, for behaviour during meals,
during repose, in domestic relations, in the nur-
sery, in conversation, in general deportment, and
on the bed of death-^everywhere instructors
(or Pativedakas) have been appointed. Accord-
ingly do ye (instructors) deliver instruction in
what concemeth my people.

VI.

Wilson.

" The beloved of the gods, king Priyadasi^
thus declares : ' An unprecedentedly long time
has past since it has been the custom at all
times, and in all affairs, to submit representa-
tions. Now, it is established by me that,
whether at meals, in my palace, in the interior
apartments, in discourse, in exchange of civility,
in gardens, the officers appointed to make reports
shall convey to me the objects of the people.
I will always attend to the objects of the
people ; and whatever I declare verbally, whether
punishment pr reward, is further intrusted to
the supervisors of morals (or eminent persons):

• The na belongs to the preceding name Gandharanam, and the word thua hecomes SAiUka, w]nch ia a weU-known name
of Snraahtara.

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121

Prinsep.

^^ ^ And everywhere in what concemeth my
people do I myself perform whatsoever with my
mouth I enjoin (unto them) ; whether it be by
me (esteemed) disagreeable^ or whether agreeable.
Moreover, for their better welfare, among them
an awarder of punishment is duly installed. On
this account^ assembling together those who are
dwelling in the reputation of much wisdom, do
ye, meanwhile, instruct them as to the substance
of what is hereby ordained by me for all circum-
stances, and for all seasons. This is not done by
me in any desire for the collection of worldly
gain, but in the real intention that the benefit
of my people shall be effected ; whereof, moreover,
this is the root, the good foimdation, and the
steady repose in all circumstances : there is not
a more effectual mode of benefiting all mankind
than this on which I bestow my whole labour.

*' ' But upon how many living beings (I will
pass over the mention of other things) do I confer
happiness here : — ^hereafter, likewise, let them
hope ardently for heaven ! — Amen !

'' ' For this reason has the present religious edict
been written. May it endure for evermore, and
so may my sons, and my grandsons, and my
great-grandsons uphold the same for the profit
of all the world, and labour therein with the
most reverential exertion ! ' **

Wilson.
for that purpose let those who reside in the
immediate vicinage even become informers at
all times, and in all places, so it is ordained by
me. The distribution of wealtii which is to be
made is designed by me for the benefit of all
the world ; for the distribution of wealth is the
root of virtues to the good of the world, for
which I am alwajrs labouring. On the many
beings over whom I rule I confer happiness
in this world;— in the next they may obtain
Swarga. With this view, this moral edict has
been written. May it long endure, and may
my sons, grandsons, and great-grandsons after
me continue with still greater exertion to labour
for universal good ! ' "

EDICT VII.

" The heaven-beloved king Piyadasi everywhere
ardently desireth that all unbelievers may be
brought to repentance and peace of mind. He
is anxious that every diversity of opinion, and
every diversity of passion, may shine forth blended
into one system, and be conspicuous in undistin-
guishing charity. Unto no one can be repentance
and peace of mind until he hath attained supreme
knowledge, perfect &ith which surmounteth all
obstacles, and perpetual assent.'^

Wihon.
'' Hie beloved of the gods, the Raja Priya^
dasi, desires that all unbelievers may every-
where dwell (unmolested), as they also wish for
moral restraint and purity of disposition. For
men are of various purposes and various desires,
and they do injury to all or only to a part.
Although, however, there should not be moral
restraint or purity of disposition in any one,
yet wherever there is great liberality (or charity),
gratitude will acknowledge merit even in those
who were before that reputed vile,^

The following is BumouFs translation of this Edict : — ^

'' Piyadasi, le roi chfiri des Dfivas, desire en tons lieux que les ascites de toutes les croyances
r&ident (tranquilles) : ils d&irent tons I'empire qu'on exerce sur soi-m6me, et la puret€ de Tfime.;
mais le peuple a des opinions diverses et des attachements divers, (et) les ascites obtienent, soit
tout, soit une partie seulement (de ce qu'ils d^mandent). Cependant, pour celui-m^me auquel
n'arrive pas une large aumone I'empire sur soi-mSme, la puret^ de Vkme, la reconnaissance et une
devotion solide qui dure tou jours, cela est bien.'*

• Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, Appendice, p. 765.

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122

TRANSLATIONS.

EDICT

Prinsep.
" In ancient times, festivals for the amuse-
ment of sovereigns consisted of gambling, hunt-
ing the deer (or antelope), and other exhilarating
pleasures of the same nature. But the heaven-
beloved king Piyadasi, having attained the tenth
year of his anointment, for the happiness of the
wise, hath a festival of religion (been substituted),
and this same consists in visits to Brahmans and
Sramans, and in alms-giving, and in visits to
the reverend and aged ; and the Uberal distribu-
tion of gold, the contemplation of the universe
and its inhabitants, obeying the precepts of reli-
gion, and setting religion before all other things,
are the expedients (he employs for amusement) ;
and these will become an enjoyment without
alloy to the heaven-beloved king Fiyadasi

VIIL

JFilsott.

'' In past times kings were addicted to tra-
velling about, to companions, to going abroad,
to hunting and similar amusements, but Pij^a*
dasi, the beloved of the gods, having been
ten years inaugurated, by him easily awakened,
that moral festival is adopted, (which consists)
in seeing and bestowing gifts on Brahmans
and Sramans; in seeing- and giving gold to
elders, and overseeing the country and the
people ; the institution of moral laws, and the
investigation of morals : — such are the devices
for the removal of apprehension, and such are
the different pursuits of the favourite of the
gods, king Pii/adasi"

another existence.^'

Bumouf has not given a connected translation of this Edict, but his remarks on its general
scope are of special importance. According to his explanation, Asoka obtained samhodhim, or " la
science complete de la Bodhi,'' or, in other words, '^ la connaissance de ce qu'enseigne le Buddha,'^
after he had reigned ten years. He refers to Lassen as evidently holding the same opinion :
*' Quoique Lassen n'a pas traduit litteralement cette partie de votre inscription, il est facile de voir,
par Vusage qu'il en a fait dans ses Antiquiih Indiennes, qu^il entend comme je propose de le faire.
Voici les propres paroles de Lassen : ' C'est seulement la dixifeme ann^ depuis 'son couronnement
qu'il obtint la vue complete.' Evidemment Lassen a lu comme moi sajnbodAimy ' la vue ou h,
science complete,' et compris de mdme ayfiya.^^*

EDICT

Primep.

" Thus spake king Piyadasi, beloved of the gods :
'Each individual seeketh his own happiness
in a diversity of ways, in the bonds of affection,
in marriage, or otherwise, in the rearing of off-
spring, in foreign travel: in these, and other
similar objects, doth man provide happiness of
every degree. But there is great ruination —
excesses of all kinds when (a man) maketh
-worldly objects his hfq)piness. On the contrary,
this is what is to be done, — (for most certainly
that species of happiness is a fruitless happiness — )
to obtain the happiness which yieldeth plentiful
fruit, even the happiness of virtue; that is to
say : kindness to dependants, reverence to spiri-
tual teachers, are proper : humanity to animals is
proper : — all these acts, and others of the same
kind, are to be rightly denominated the happiness
of virtue!

*^'By father and by son, and by brother; by
master (and by servant) it is proper that these

IX.

Wilson.

''The beloved of the gods, Priyadasi Baja^thns
says: ''Every man that celebrates various
occasions of festivity, as on the removal of in-
cumbrances, on invitations, on marriages, on
the birth of a son, or on setting forth on a
journey : — on these and other occasions a man
makes various rejoicings. The benevolent man
also celebrates many and various kinds of pure
and disinterested festivities ; — and such rejoicing
is to be practised. Such festivities are fruit-
less and vain, but the festivity that bears great
fruit is the festival of duty — such as the respect
of the servant to his master: reverence for
holy teachers is good; tenderness for living
creatures is good ; liberality to Brahmans and
Sramans is good. These, and other such acts,
constitute verily the festival of duty ; and it is
to be cherished as father by son, a dependant
by his master. This is good, this is the fes-
tival to be observed : for the establishment of this

• Bumouf, Le Lota», Appendice, p. 759, quoting Lassen Ind. Alierthum, II, 227, n. 3.

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123

Prinsep,
things should be entitled happiness^ and further^
for the more complete attainment of this object^
secret charity is most suitable : — ^yea, there is no
alms^ and no loving-kindness^ comparable with
the alms of religion^ and the loving-kindness of
religion, which ought verily to be upheld alike
by the friend, by the good-hearted, by kinsman
and neighbour, in the entire fulfilment of pleasing
duties.

'* * This is what is to be done : — this is what is
good. With those things let each man propitiate
heaven. And how much ought (not) to be done
in order to the propitiation of heaven ? ^ '*

Wilson.
object virtuous donations are made ; for there
is no such donation or benevolence as the gift
of duty, or the benevolence of duty : that (bene-
volence) 18 chaff (which is contracted) with a
friend, a companion, a kinsman, or an associate,
and is to be reprehended. In such and in such
manner this is to be done. This is good : with
these means let a man seek Swarga. This is
to be done : by these means it is to be done, as
by them Swarga has been gained. ^ ''

EDICT X.

Wilson.
^' The beloved of the gods, the Prince Priyadast,
does not esteem glory and fame as of great
value j and, besides, for a long time it has been
my fame and that of my people, that the ob-
servance of moral duty, and the service of the
virtuous, should be practised : for this is to be
done. This is the fame that the beloved of the
gods desires : and inasmuch as the beloved of
the gods excels, (he holds) all such reputations
as no real reputation, but such as may be that
of the unrighteous — pain and chaff ; for it may
be acquired by crafty and unworthy persons ;
and by whatever further effort it is acquired,
it is worthless and a source of pain. ''

Prinsep,

" The heaven-beloved king Piyadasi doth not
deem that glory and reputation (are) the things of
chief importance ; on the contrary, (only for the
prevention of sin,) and for enforcing conformity
among a people praiseworthy for following the
four rules of virtue, and pious, doth the heaven-
beloved king Piyadasi desii-e glory and reputation
in this world ; and whatsoever the heaven-beloved
king Piyadasi chiefly displayeth heroism in ob-
taining, that is all (connected with) the other
world.

" For in everything connected with his im-
mortality, there is, as regards mortal things in
general, discredit. Let this be discriminated with
encouragement or with abandonment, with honor
or with the most respectful force; and every diflS-
culty connected with futurity shall,' with equal
reverence, be vanquished/^

Bumouf , after quoting the above translations by Prinsep and Wilson, gives his own translation
as follows :*

^^ Piyadasi, le roi cheri des DSvas, ne pense pas que lagloireni la renomm^e produisent de grands
avantages, sauf la gloire (qu'il desire) pour lui-mfime, savoir que mes peuples pratiquent longtemps
Tob^issance k la loi et qu'ils observent la rfegle de la loi. C'est pour cela seulement que Piyadasl,
le roi ch^ri des DSvas, desire gloire et renomm^. Car tout ce que Pij^adasi, le roi cheri des DSvas,
deploie d'heroisme, c'est en vue de Tautre vie. Bien plus, toute gloire ne donne qeu pen de profit ;
ce qui en resulte, an contraire, c'est Tabsence de vertu. Toutefois c'est en effet una chose difiicile
(que le travailler pour le ciel) pour un homme m^iocre oomme pour un homm« flev^, si ce n'est
quand, par une hero&me supreme, on a tout abandonn^ j mais cela est certainement diflScile pour un
homme 61ev^. ''

* Le Lotus de la Bonue Loi, Appendice, p. 659

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124

TRANSLATIONS.

EDICT

Prinsep.

'' Thus spake Piyadasi, the king, beloved of the
gods:—

'' ' There is no such charity as the charity which
springeth from virtue, — (which is) the intimate
knowledge of virtue, the inheritance of virtue,
the close union with virtue. And in these
maxims it is manifested — kindness towards ser-
vants and hirelings : towards mother and father
dutiful service is proper : towards a friend's off-
spring, to kindred in general, to Brahmans and
Sramans almsgiving is proper : avoiding the de-
struction of animals' life is proper.

" 'And this (saying) should be equally repeated
by father and son, (?) by hireling, and even so by
neighbours in general.

'^ 'This is excellent : — ^and this is what ought to
be done !

'' 'And whoso doeth thus is blessed oE the in-
habitants of this world : and in the next world
endless moral merit resulteth from such religious
charity/ "

XI.

Wilson.
" Thus says the beloved of the gods, king
Friyadasi : ' There is no gift like the gift of vir-
tue ; whether it be the praise of virtue, the ap-
portionment of virtue, or relationship of virtue.
This fgif t) is, the cherishing of slaves and de-
pendants ; pious devotion to mother and father ;
generous gifts to friends and kinsmen, Brah-
mans and Sramans ; and non-injury of living
beings is good. In this manner, it is to be
lived by father and son, and brother, and friend,
and friend's friend (?), and by a master (of
slaves) , and by neighbours. This is good : this
is to be practised ; and thus having acted, there
is happiness in worldly existence, and hereafter
great holiness is obtained by this gift of
virtue.' "

EDICT

Pjriftsep.

" The heaven-beloved king Piyadan propitiateth
all unbelievers^ both of the ascetic and of the
domestic classes : by charitable offerings, and by
every species of puja doth he (strive to) propi-
tiate them. Not that the beloved of the gods
deemeth offerings or prayers to be of the same
(value) with true glory. The promotion of his
own salvation promoted, in many ways, the salva-
tion of all unbelievers ; of which, indeed, this is
the root, and the whole substance.

"Again, the propitiation of the converted
heretic, and the reproof of the unconverted heretic,
must not be (effected) by harsh treatment : — ^but
let those who enter into discussion (conciliate
them) by restraint of their own passions, and
by their mild address. By such and such con-
ciliatoiy demeanours shall even the unconverted
heretics be propitiated. And such conduct in-
creaseth the number of converted heretics, while
it disposeth of the unconverted heretic, and
effecteth a revolution of opinion in him. And
(he) encourag^th the converted heretic, while he
disposeth completely of the imconverted heretic,
whosoever propitiateth the converted heretic, or
reproveth the unconverted heretic, by the pecu-
niary support of the converted heretic. And
whoso, again^ doth so, he purifieth in the most

XII.

Wilson.
"The beloved of the gods, king Priyadasi,
honors all forms of religious faith, whether
professed by ascetics or householders; he
honors them with gifts and with mainifold
kinds of reverence : but the beloved of the gods
considers no gift or honour so much as the
increase of the substance (of religion) : — ^his en-
couragement of the increase of the substance
of all religious belief is manifold. But the root
of his (encouragement) is this : — ^reverence for
one's own faith, and no reviling nor injury of
that of others. Let the reverence be shown in
such and such a manner as is suited to the dif -
ferenee of belief; as when it is done in that
manner, it augments our own faith, and benefits
that of others. Whoever acts otherwise injures
his own reUgion, and wrongs that of others ; for
he who in some way honors his own religion,
and reviles that of others, saying, having ex-
tended to all our own belief, let us make it
famous ;— he who does this throws difficulties i9
the way of his own religion : this, his condijict,
cannot be right. The' duty of a person consists
in respect and service of others. Such is the
wish of the beloved of the gods ; for in all
forms of religion there may be many scriptures
(Sutras), and many holy texts, which are to be

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TRANSLATIONS. 125

Prinsej). Wihon.

effectual manner the heretic ;— and of himself such thereafter followed through my protection,
an act is his very breath, and his well-being. The beloved of the gods considers no gift or

'' Moreover, ' hear ye the religion of the faith- reverence to be equal to the increase of the
ful, and attend thereto' : even such is the desire, essence of religion : and as this is the object
the act, the hope of the beloved of the gods, that of all religions, — with a view to its dissemination,
all unbelievers may speedily be purified, and superintendents of moral duty, as well as over
brought into contentment speedily. women, and officers of compassion, as well as

" Furthermore, from place to place this most other officers (are appointed) ; and the fruit of
gracious sentiment should be repeated ; ' The this (regulation) will be the augmentation of
beloved of th^ gods doth not esteem either our own faith, and the lustre of moral duty/'
charitable offering or puja, as comparable with
true glory. The increase of blessing to himself
is (of) as much (importance) to all unbelievers.'

'Tor this purpose, have been spread abroad
ministers of religion, possessing fortitude of mind,
and practices of every virtue. May the various
congregations co-operate (with them) for the
accomplishment therefor! For the increase of
converts is, indeed, the lustre of religion."

This Edict has been fortunate in attracting the attention of Burnouf, whose translation here
follows :^

" Piyadasi, le roi ch^ri des Dfivas, honore tons les croyances, ainsi que les mendiants et les
maitres de maison, soit par des aumdnes, soit par des diverses marques de respect, Mais le roi
ch^ri des DSvas honore tons les croyances, ainsi que les mendiants et les mattres de maison, soit par
des aumdnes, soit par des diverses marques de respect. Mais le roi ch^ri des DSvas n'estime pas
autant les aumdnes et les marques de respect que I'augmentation de ce qui est I'essence de la
renommfo. Or, I'augmentation de ce qui est essentiel [en ce genre] pour toutes les croyances, estde
plusieurs espfeces : cepedant le f onds en est pour chacune d'elles la louange en paroles. II y a plus :
on doit seulement honorer sa propre croyance, mais non bl4mer celle des autres : il y aura ainsi pen le
tort de produit. H y a mSme telle et telle circonstance od la croyance des autres doit aussi 6tre
honorfe; en agissant ainsi selon chacun de ces circonstances, on aug^mente sa propre croyance et on
sert celle des autres. Celui qui agit autrement diminue sa propre croyance et fait tort aussi k celle
des autres. L'homme, quelqu'il soit, qui honore sa propre croyance et blftme celle des autres, le tout
par devotion pour sa croyance, et bien plus, en disant : ' Mettons notre propre croyance en lumifere.'
L'homme, dis-je, qui agit ainsi, ne feit que nuire plus gravement a sa croyance propre. C'est
pourquoi le bon accord seul est bien. II y a plus ; que les hommes ^content et suivent avec soumis-
sion chacun la loi les uns des autres ; car tel est le d^sir du roi ch^ri des Dfivas. II y a plus :
puissent Qes hommes de] toutes les croyances abonder en savoir et prosperer en vertu ! Et ceux qui
out f oi a telle et telle religion, doivent rep^ter ceci : Le roi ch^ri des Dfivas n'estime pas autant les
aumdnes et les marques de respect que I'augmentation de ce qui est I'essence de la renomm€e et la
multiplication de toutes les croyances. A cet effet ont ete ^tablis des grands ministres de la loi et
des grands ministres surveillants des femmes, ainsi que des inspecteurs des lieux secrets, et d'autres
corps d'agents. Et le fruit de cettc institution, c'est que I'augmentation des religions ait prompte-
ment lieu, ainsi que la mise en lumi^re de la loi."

EDICT XIIL

Prinsepf

" Whose equality, and exertion towards that

object, exceeding activity, judicious conduct

afterwards in the Kalinga provinces not to be
obtained by wealth the decline of religion,

• Le Lotus de U Bonne Loi> Appendice, p. 762.

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126

TRANSLATIONS.

Prinsep.
muider, and death, and unrestrained license of
mankind, when flourished the (precious maxims)
of Dev&nampiyo, comprising the essence of learn-
ing and of science :-— dutiful service to mother
and father; dutiful service to spiritual teachers:
the love of friend and child \ (charity) to kins-
folk, to servants (to Brahmans and Sramans, &c.,
which) cleanse away the calamities of generations :
further also in these things unceasing persever-
ance is fame. There is not in either class of the
heretics of men, not so to say, a procedure marked

by such grace, nor so glorious nor friendly,

nor even so extremely liberal as Dev&nampiyo^s
injunctions for the non-injury, and content of
living creatures and the Greek King be-
sides, by whom the Kings of Egypt, Ptolemaios

and Antigonos, (?) and Magas, both

here and in foreign (countries), everywhere the
religious ordinances of Dev&nampiyo effect con-
version, wherever they go; conquest is of

every description : but further the conquest which
bringeth joy springing from pleasant emotions,
becometh joy itself; the victory of virtue is
happiness : the victory of happiness is not to be
overcome, that which essentially possesses a pledge

of happiness, such victory is desired in things

of this world and things of the next world !

^' And this place is named the White Elephant,
conferring pleasure on all the world/^*

EDICT

Prinaep.
*' This religious edict is caused to be written by
the heaven-beloved king Piyadasi. It is (partly)
(written) with abridgment; it is (partly) with
ordinary extent ; and it is (partly) with amplifica-
tion : not incoherent (or disjointed) but through-
oxit continuous (and united) it is powerful in
overcoming the wise; and it is much written
and caused to be written, yet it is always but the
same thing repeated over and over again.

" For the persuasive eloquence which is lavished
on each separate subject shall man the rather
render obedience thereunto !

" Furthermore, at one time even unto the con-
clusion is this written, incomparable in manner,
and conformable with the copy, by Relachepu the
scribe and pandit/^

XIV.

Burnouf.
" Ce texte de la loi a ^tiS ^crit par Tordre de
Piyadasi, le roi ch6ri des Dfivas. II se trouve
sous une forme abr^g^, il se trouve sous une
forme de moyenne ^tendue, il se trouve enfin sous
une forme d^veloppfe: et cependant le tout
n^est certainement pas mutil^. Des grands
hommes aussi ont fait des conqu^tes, et ont
beaucoup ^crit ; et moi je f erai aussi ^crire ceci.
Et s^il y a ici autant de repetitions, c'est k cause
de la douceur de chacune des pens^s qui sont
r^p^t^es. II y a plus ! puisse le peuple y con-
former sa conduite! Tout ce qui peut, en
quelques endroits, avoir iti &rit sans etre
achev^, sans ordre, et sans qu'on ait un dgard
au texte qui fait autorit^, tout cela vient unique-
ment de la faute deP^crivain.'^

• This last sentence should follow Edict XIV. Professor Kern translates it differentlj—^the White Elephant whose
name is * Bringer of happiness to the whole world,* " and adds "that by this term Sikya is implied there can be no doubt,
since the legend says that the Bodhisattva, the future Buddha, left heaven to bring happiness to men, and entered his mother's
womb as a White Elephant." See Indian Antiquary, V, 257, 258.

t As no translation of this Edict has been given by Wilson, it is fortunate that we possess another version from the
learned and careful pen of Burnouf in Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, p. 752.

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TRANSLATIONS-

No. 6.

DHAULI AND JAUGADA.

No. 1. SEPARATE EDICT.

Prinsep.
Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VII, 442.

''By command of Dev&nampija (the beloved
of the gods) I la (the city of) Tosali^ the public
officers in charge of the town are to be enjoined
(as follows) :—

" Whomsoever I ascertain to be a murderer,
him do I desire to be imprisoned. This I publicly
proclaim, and I will carry into effect however
difficult : — for this my supreme will is irresistible !
On this account the present Tope (stiipa) is deno-
minated the tope of commandment.

" From amongst many thousand souls, oh ye
my chosen people I repair ye (hither) to the holy
men. Every righteous man is my (true) subject,
and for my subjects I desire this only, that
they may be possessed of every benefit and
happiness as to things of this world and of the

world beyond and furthermore I desire ye

do not purify the wicked until

" In this country and not anywhere else is to
be seen such a stupa (?) in which is provided
proper rules of moral conduct.

" When one man reUeves (his fellow-creature)
from the bondage and misery (of sin), it neces-
sarily follows that he himself is released from
bondage ; but again despairing at the number of
human beings in the same state (whom he is un-
able to relieve) he is much troubled.

Thence is this stApa so desirable (as an asylum) ;
that in the midst of virtuous regulations we may
pursue our obedient course !

And through these classes (of deeds) are people
rendered disobedient, viz., by enviousness, by the

JBumou/,
Le Lotos de la Bonne Loi, 672-683.
'' Au nom du (roi) ch^ri des Devas, 1
ministre de Tosali, gouvemeur de la v
s'entendre dire : Quoique ce soit que je
je desire qu'il en soit Pex^cuteur. Voil
je lui fait connaitre, et je recommen
fois, parce que cette r6p^tition est regai
moi comine capitale. C'est dans ce dea
ce TupAa {8^pa) a €i& dress^; c^ »
commandement en effet a ^t^ destin^ auj
k de nombreux milliers d'Stres vivants
un present et un bouquet de fleurs pour
de bien. Tout homme de bien est p
un fils. Et pour mes fils, ce que je d&i
quails soient en possession de toute
d'avantages, et de plaisirs, tant dans c
que dans Tautre. Ainsi je desire le bor
peuple, et puissiez-vous ne pas ^proi
malheur, jusqu'i {lacune delO lett/res)
homme pense. En effet, ce St^a re
pays tout entier qui nous est soumis
StCipa a 6\A promulgufe la rfegle moral
si un homme [4 leUres) est soumis s<
captivity, soit k de mauvais traitem
partir de ce moment (il sera d^vr^) k 1
par lui de cette captivity et des autres (<
Beaucoup de gens du pays souffrent d
clavage ; c'est pourquoi ce Stilpa a d<i 6tr
Puissions-nous, me suis-je dit, (leur) fain
la liqueur enivrante de la morale!
morale n'est pas respect^e par ces esp
vices) : Penvie, la destruction de la vie, les
la violence, Tabsence d'occupation, la

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128

TRANSLATIONS.

Bumouf.
Joomal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VII, 442.
practice of destroying life, by tyranny, by
cruelty, by idleness, by laziness, by waste of time.
That morality is to be desired which is based on
my ordinances (?), and in all these the roots (or
leading principles) are,— the non-destruction of
life, and the non-infliction of cruelty. May the
desire of such moral guidance endure unto the
end of time ! and may these (principles) continu-
ing to rise (in estimation) ever flourish, and inas-
much as this benefit and love should be ever had
in remembrance, my desire is that in this very
manner, these (ordinances) shall be pronounced
aloud by the person appointed to the Stupa ; and
adverting to nothing else but precisely according
to the commandment of Devanampiya, let him
(further) declare and explain them.

^' Much longing after the things of (this life)
is a disobedience I again declare : not less so is
the laborious ambition of dominion by a prince,
(who would be) a propitiator of heaven. Confess
and believe in God, who is the worthy object of
obedience! for equal to this (belief), I declare
unto you, ye shall not find such a means of pro-
pitiating heaven. Oh strive ye to obtain this in-
estimable treasure 1

" And this edict is to be read (at the time of)
the lunar mansion Tisa, at the end of the month
of Bhatun : it is to be made heard (even if)
by a single (listener). And thus (has been
founded) the K61anta stflpa for the spiritual in-
struction of the congregation. For this reason is
this edict here inscribed, whereby the inhabitants
of the town may be guided in their devotions
for ages to come — and as of the people insensibly
the divine knowledge and insensibly the (good
works) increase so the god of passion no longer
yieldeth them gratification (?).

" For this reason also I shall cause to be, every
five years, a general nikhama, (or act of humilia*
tion?) (on which occasions) the slaughter (of no
animal of any kind ?) shall take place. Having
learnt this object, it shall be so carried into effect
according to my commandment.

" And the young prince of Ujein, for the same
purpose, shall cause a religious observance of the
self -same custom : and he shall not allow any
transgression of this custom for the space of
three years — so that when func-
tionaries have admitted to initiation the penitent,
then should any not leave off his (evil) practices—
if even there be hundreds (in the same predica-
ment) it shall be certainly done unto him accord-
ing) to the commandment of the raja.

Prinsep.
Le Lotos de la Bonne Loi, 672-683.
la fain^antise. La gloire qui doit Stre d^sir<^e,
est que ces (3 letires) puissent exister pour moi.
Or elles ont toutes pour fondement Tabsence de
meurtre, et Tabsence de violence. Que celui
qui, desirant suivre la regie, serait dans la crainte,
sorte de sa profonde d^tresse et prospfire ; Putile
et I'agr^able sont les seules choses qui doivent
^tre obtenues. Aussi est-ce \h, ce qui doit 6tre
proclame par le gardien du Si'Apa qui ne re-
gardera rien autre chose {pu bien, aussi cet ^it
a da €tre exprim^ au moyen du Prdkriia et non
dans un autre idiome). Et ainsi le veut ici le
conmiandement du roi ch^ri des Ddvas. J'en
confie ^execution au grand ministre. Avec de
grands desseins, jef ais ex^cuter ce qui n'a pas ^te
mis k execution j non en effet, cela n'est pas.
L'acquisition du ciel, voilk en r^alit6 oe qu'il
est difficile d^obtenir, mais non Pacquisition de la
royaut€. J^honore extrSmement les Richesses
aussi accomplis, mais (je dis) : Vous n'obtien-
drez pas ainsi le ciel. Efforcez-vous d'acqu^rir
ce tresor sans prix.

" Et cet ^dit doit ^tre entendu au Nakhata TUa
(Nakchatra Tichya) et k la fin du mois Tisa
(4 lettres) au Nakhata^ mSme par une seule
personne il doit Stre entendu. Et c^est ainsi
que ce St'dipa doit 6tre honor^ jusqu'jl la fin des
temps pour le bien de I'Assembl^e.

^^ C'est pour cela que cet ^dit a iti 6crit ici
afin que les gouverneurs de la ville s'appliquent
continuellement (5 lettres) pour le peuple une
instruction instantanee, instantan^ aussi * * *
comblant les d^sirs pour nous ^ * voil^.

'* Et pour cela, tons les cinq ans je ferai ex&u-
ter (la confession) par les ministres de la loi celui
qui dissimulant ses p^ch^ [2 lettres) celui Ik sera
impuissant dans son efibrt.

"Ayant connu cet objet ^ * * car
tel est mon commandement. Et le Prince Royal
d'Udjdjayini devra aussi & cause de cela
ex^cuter (4 lettres) une c^r^monie parelle : et
il ne devra pas laisser, passer plus de trois ans ;
et de mSme ainsi a Takkasila (Takchagila)
mSme. Quand {4 lettres) les grands ministres
ex^cuteront la c^remonie de la confession, alors,
sans faire abandonner son mdtier k aucun des
gens du peuple, ils le feront pratiquer au cou*
traire par chacun. C'est IJi Tordre du roi.'*

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TRANSLATIONS.

129

No. 7.

DHAULI AND JAUGADA.

No. II. SEPARATE EDIOT.

Prinsep.
Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, YII, 446.

'' By command of Dev&nampija I It shall be
signified to the prince and the great officers in
the city of Tosale.

''Whomsoever I ascertain to be

and this my supreme will is irresistible!

On this acconnt is the present StApa

£urnon/i

Le Lotos de la Bonne Loi, 699-707.

'' An nom du (roi) ch^ri des D^vas, le prince
royal et le grand ministre de Tosali^ gouverneur
de la ville, doit s'entendre dire/^ p. 693.

and for my loving subjects do I ardently desire
to this effect : — that they may be filled with every
species of blessing and happiness both as to the
things of this world and the world beyond !

.....maybe

of countless things as yet unknown

I ardently desire

they may partake I Thus hath said Dev&nampiya

may repose

and take pleasure^ while the removal of

affliction is in like manner the chief consequence
of true devotion. (?) DevJlnampiya hath also
said ; — ^fame (consisteth in) this act^ to meditate
with devotion on my motives^ and on my deeds
(of virtue) and to pray for blessings in this
world and the world to come. For this purpose
do I appoint another (?) Stiipa by the which I
cause to be respected that which is (above) direct-
ed and proclaimed and my promise is imperish-
able! However bitter (or hard) it shall be
carried into effect by me, and consolation (will
accrue to him who obeys ?) by which is exceeding
virtue — so be it/'

" Like as love itself, so is Devftnampiya worthy
of respect ! and as the soul itself so is the unre-
laxing guidance of Devinampiya worthy of
respect! and according (to the conduct oQ the
subject, so is the compassion of Dev4nampiya:
wherefore I myself, to accomplish his commands,
will become the slave and hireling of Devftnam-
piya. For this reason the Dubalihi Tupha (is
instituted) for undisturbed meditation, and for

'' Ainsi je desire quails puissent ne pas ^prou-
ver de terreur.'^ p. 695.

" Qu'ils &outent, voili, et qu'ils se consolent,
qu'ils obtiennent aussi du bonheur.'' p. 695.

' Le roi chhn des DSvas a dit.''

" Quails obtiennent le bonheur en ce monde
et dans Tautre.'' p. 696.

''C'est dans ce dessein que je commande,
le StApa exprime mes ordres/' p. 696 .

" Cons^quemment je proclame et ce qui est
ordonn^, et toute autre chose que cela dont il
a 4t4 donne connaissanee.'' p. 697.

''Et la promesse de moi, imperissable elle
(est).'' p. 698.

"Aussi une oeuvre difficile doit-elle Stre
accomplie ? " p. 698.

" Conmie un ami, ainsi est Devanampiya cer-
tainement."

(oa)

" Comme un p6re, ainsi est Devftnampiya.''*

p. 698.

" Et comme un enfant, ainsi moi (qui parle)
je dois 6tre ch&ti^ par Devinampiya."

p. 700.

• Bnrnoof adopted this alternative reading of pUa «' father" from Kittoe's copy, in preference to Prinsep's reading of
iwye. As the Jiw^aAi text has pt<a, there can he no hesitation in. adopting his correction.

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130

TEANSLATIONS.

Frinaep.
Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VII, 446.
(securing every) blessing and happiness as to the
concerns of this world and the world beyond I
and thus to the end of time (is this) Tupha for
the propitiation of heaven."

'* Accordingly strive ye to accomplish each and
all of my desires. For this object is this edict
here inscribed, whereby (the spot) shall be caused
by me to receive the name of mahdmdtd swasa*
tarn, or (place of meditation of the oflScers). Let
it so remain for a prepetu^ endowment by me
and for the furtherance of religion.

'' And this edict shall be read aloud in the course
of the month of Bhdtun (Bhadun?) (wlbien the
moon is) in the nakhatra (or lunar mansion) of
Tisa:— and, as most desirable, also it shall be
repeatedly read aloud in the last month of the
year, in the lunar mansion Tisa, even if one
person be present ; thus to the end of time to
afford instruction to the congregation of the
Tupia."

Burnouf.
Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, 693-707.

^' Je serai Tesclave et la serviteur a gages de
Devanampiya.'' p. 700.

'^C'est pourquoi le Siilpa {Le Buhalahi)
pour la consolation ainsi que pour Favantage,
et le bonheur a ^t^, tant dans ce monde que dans
Pautre.'^' p. 702.

^' Et ainsi jusqu'a la fin des temps le Si'Apa
fera obtenir le ciel.'' p. 704.

'' Et cet edit a et€ inscrit ici dans ce dessein
m^me que les grands ministres s'appliquent & la
consolation (du peuple), et k la pratique de la loi.'^

p. 704.

''Et cet Aiit doit €tre entendu tons les
quatres mois, au Nakhata Tisa (Nakchatra
Tichya).'' P- 705.

" Et mSme dans Tintervalle, it tel moment
que cela sera d&ir6, T^t pourra ^tre lu par un
seul Tissa.'' P- 706.

" C'est ainsi qu' on doit pourvoir ^ ce que le
5M«a soit honorer jusqu'i la fin des temps.''

^ p. 707.

No. 8.

ROCK AT SAHASARAM.

Translation by Dr. G. Buhlbe.
See Indian Antiquary, 1877, page 156.

'' 'The beloved of the godsspeateth thus : \It is more than thirty-two'] years \and a half] that
I am a worshipper [of Buddha], and I have not exerted myself strenuously. [It U] a year and
more [that I have exterted myself strenuously] . During this interval those gods that were [held to be]
true gods in Jambudripa have been made [to be regarded as] men* and false. For through strenu-
ous exertion comes this reward, and it ought not to be said to be an effect of [my] greatness— For
even a small man who exerts himself can gain for himself great rewards in heaven. Just for this
purpose a sermon has been preached.

"'Both small ones and great ones should exert themselves, and in the end they should also
obtain [true] knowledge. And this spiritual good will increase; it will even increase exceedingly;
it will increase one [size] and a half, at least one [size] and a half.' And this sermon [is] by the
Dbpaeted. Two-hundred [years] exceeded by fifty-six, 456, have passed since ; and I have caused
this matter te be incised on the hills ; or where those stone pillars are, there too I have caused it to
be incised.''

• This phrase probably aUudes to the Buddhist beUef that the Detcw also have shorter or longer terms of existence.

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TRANSLATIONS.

131

No. 9.

ROCK AT RUPNATH.

Translation by Dr. G Buhleb.

See Indian Antiquary , 1877, page 156.

" The beloved of the gods speaketh thus : [It is] more than thirty-two years and a half that I
am a hearer [of the law], and I did not exert myself strenuously. But it is a year and more that
I have entered the community [of ascetics], and that I have exerted myself i
gods who during this time were considered to be true [ffods] in Jambudvipa hav
For through exertion [comes] this reward, and it cannot be obtained by greal
[man] , who exerts himself somewhat can gain for himself great heavenly bliss,
pose, this sermon has been preached : ' Both great ones and small ones should ei
should in the end gain [true] knowledge, and this manner [o/ acting] should 1
duration. For this spiritual good will grow the growth, and will grow exceed
will grow one [size] and a half/ And this matter has been caused to be wri
[where] a stone pillar is, [there] it has been written on a stone pillar. And as oi
to this writing ripe thought, [so often] will he rejoice, learning to subdue
sermon has been preached by the Departed. 256 [j/ears have elapsed] since t
Tbaohee,''

No. 10.

SECOND BAIRAT ROCK.
TRANSLATIONS.

Burnouf,
Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, p. 725.

'' Le roi Piyadasa, & TAssembl^e du Magadha
qu'il &it saluer, a souhait^ et peu de peines et une
existence agr&ble.

*^ n est bien connu, seigneurs, jusqu'oii vont
et mon respect et ma foi pour le Buddha, pour la
Loi, pour FAssemblfe.

'' Tout ce qui, seigneurs, a dt^ dit par le bien-
heureux Buddha, tout cela seulement est bien
dit. n faut done montrer, seigneurs, quelles
(en) sont les autorit^ ; de cette maniere, la bonne
loi sera de longue durfe ; voili ce que moi je crois
necessaire.

''En attendant, voici, seigneurs, les su jets qu'
embrasse la loi ; les homes marqu^ par le Vinaya
(on la discipline), les faculty sumaturelles des
Ariyas, les dangers de Favenir, les stances du
solitaire, le 8uta (le Sutra) du solitaire, la sp^cu-

Wilson^
Joomal of the Royal Asiatic

'Triyadasi, the King to th
of Mdgadha, commands tfa
pain, and indulgence to anii

" It is verily known, I pr
tent my respect and favo
Buddha, in the law, and in 1

''Whatsoever (words) hs
the divine Buddha, they ha^
and in them verily I declare
proof is to be discerned — sc
(which they teach) will be <
far as I am worthy (of bein

" For these I declare are 1
law of the principal discipli]
overcome the oppressions <
future perils, (and refuted)
Munis, the Sutras of the M

• The original has a double meaning. The other meaning is " And as often as [a man seasons
condiment he will be satisfied, falling into a state of Samvara, i.e^ that state of intense satisfaction
he closes his eyes from pleasure, and suspends the activity of the senses generally.*'

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182 TEANSLATIONS.

Prinsep. Wilson.

Le Lotos de la Bonne Loi, p. 725. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, XVI, 366.

lation d^Upatissa (CaLriputra) Beulement, Tin- of inferior ascetics, the censure of a light world,
struction de Lftghula (R&hula), en rejetant les and (all) false doctrines,
doctrines fausses. " These things, as declared by the divine

'' (VoiUl) ce qui a ^t^ dit par le bienheureux Buddha, I proclaim, and I desire tiiem to be re-
Buddha. Ces sujets qu^embrasse la loi, seigneurs, garded as the precepts of the law.
je d^ire, et c'est la gloire k laquelle je tiens le ''And that as many as there may be, male and
plus, que les Religieux et les Religieuses les female mendicants, may hear and observe them,
^content et les mdditent constamment, aussi bien constantly, as well also as male and female fol-
que les fiddles des deux sexes. lowers (of the laity).

'' C'est pour cela, seigneurs, que je (vou^) fais '' These things I affirm, and have caused this
^rire ceci : telle est ma volenti et ma declara- to be written (to make known to you) that such
tion.'' will be my intention.''

The following improved translation of this important inscription has lately appeared in the Indian
Jntiquary, Vol. V, p. 257, from the very competent pen of Professor Kern : —

'' King Priyadarain (that is, the Humane) of Magadha greets the Assembly (of Clerics) "'*' and
wishes them welfare and happiness. Ye know. Sirs, how great is our reverence and affection for
the Triad, which is called Buddha (the Master), Faith ^ and Assembly, All that ou r Lord Buddha has
spoken, my Lords, is well spoken ; wherefore. Sirs, it must indeed be regarded as having indisputable
authority ; so the true faith shall last long. Thus, my Lords, I honour (?) in the first place these
religious works : — Summary of the Discipline, The Supernatural Powers of the Master, (or of the
Masters), The Terrors of the Future, The Song of the Hermit, The 84tra on Asceticism, The Question
of Upatishya, and The Admonition to Rdhula concerning Falsehood, uttered by our Lord Buddha.
These religious works, Sirs, I will that the Monks and Nuns, for the advancement of their good
name, shall uninterruptedly study and remember, as also the laics of the male and female sex. For
this end, my Lords, I cause this to be written, and have made my wish evident.''

No. 10.

KHANDAGIRI ROCK.
TRANSLATIONS.

Prinsep.^

. LiNB 1.—" Salutation (or glory) to the arhantas, glory to all the saints ; (or those who have attained
final emancipation).
" By Aira, the great king, borne on this mighty cloud-chariot, — rich in possession of the
purest wealth of heart and desire, — of exceeding personal beauty, — having an army
of undaunted courage.
" By him (was made) the excavation of the 83 rocky peaks of Kalingadwipa^* (or) '' by
him, the king of Kalinga, was this rock excavation (made)."

Line 2. — " [By him] possessed of a comely form at the age of 15 years, — then joining in youthful
sports, — afterwards for nine years engaged in mastering the arts of reading and writing
arithmetic, navigati(m, commerce, and law;— and resplendant in all knowledge, — (the
former Raja being then in his 85th year), thus, at the age of 24, full of wisdom and
uprightness, and on the verge of manhood, (lit. the remainder of youth) [through
him] does a third victory in the battle of the city of the Kalinga royal family
sanctify the accession (anointment) of the mahar&ja.

Line 3.— >'^ Upon his accession, choosing the Brahmanical 'faith he causes to be repaired the city-
walls and houses [that had been] destroyed by a storm.

* Or, " greets the ABsembly of Magadha."

t Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, YI, 1080.

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TRANSLATIONS

CAVE ASCRIPTIONS.

BARABAB OAVES.

No. 1.
Bumouf. A, C.

" Par le rpi Piyadasi, la douzieme ann^ de son " By the King Piyadasi^ in t
sacre^ oette caveme du Nigoka (le figuier Indian) his inauguration^ this cave of
a ^te donn^ (le reste manque)/' Tree (the banian) has been gi

dicants/'

As Bumouf found Kittoe's copy of this inscription incomplete, he left his trani
But as I have been able to complete the text by the addition of the words (di)nd adi
added the translation of the same phrase '' aux mendiants/' as given by Bumouf in \

No. 2.
Burnouf. A. C.

" Par le roi Piyadasi, la douzieme ann& de son '' By the King Piyadasi, in
sacre, cette grotte dans la montagne Khalatika a his inauguration, this cave ii
et^ donn& par les mendiants.'^ hills has been given to the men

Bumouf has an interesting note on the name of KAalatiia, which he ingenious!
the Sanskrit siAalatiia, '' slippery .^'f In my descriptive account of these caves in \
this volume I have suggested that this name may be connected with Thsang's Kie-i
the Kallatii or Kalantii Indians of Herodotus and Hekatseus.

No. S.
Bumouf. A. C.

" Le Roi Piyadasi ^ la dix-neuvi6me ann& " The King Piyadasi, in the
depuis son sacre ^ * ^ cette caveme'' * * his inauguration ^ * this c

the KhaJanti hill" * *

Bumouf felt unable to suggest even a conjectural reading for the imperfect poi
scription.J I have recovered the words Khalati or Khalanti fiavata, but I can mak<
remaining portion.

NAaARJIJlSri OAVES.

No. 4.
Prinsep. Burnouf.

'' The Brahman girl's cave, excavated by the '' La caveme des Tisserands a
hands of the most devoted sect of Bauddha le roi Dflwa&i^Aa, le bien aim^ d
ascetics for the purpose of a secluded residence, t6t apr^s sa consecration au trfiu

• Le Lotiw de la Bonne Loi, Appendice, 779-780.

t Le Lotus, Appendioe, 779.

X Le Lottu de la Bonne Loi, Appendice, 780.

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134 TRANSLATIONS.

'' For the poor (or ascetics) of Kalinga a reservoir of cool water and a gMt (?), also
presents of every necessary and equipages he makes permanent endowment of /^

LiNB 4.— ''With 83,000 J9a«a** he gains the affection of his people, and in a second house [which]
the architect has prepared on the western side (for) horses, elephants, men, carriages,
a number of chambers he caused to be established (or he transferred them thither)
for those coming from JTa^^a forest to see; the balcony * * ^ of the

Like 5.-^ inhabitants of Sdkanaga/ra ; he, inclining to virtue, skilled in the science of music,
causing to be sounded the dampana and the tabhata (drums ?) with beautiful and
merry dancing g^ls causes diversions.
'' In like manner turning his mind to law, in an establishment of learned 'men, he [ called
together] the Buddhist priests of Eastern Kalinga, who were settled there under the
ancient kings/'

Link 6.—* * '' act of devotion * * jewel * * all equipages * *

* he gives to god/'

" Afterwards inclining to charity, the hundred houses (?) of Nanda Raja destroyed,t
and himself expelled ; all that was in the city of VajapanddV' [ here we may fill up
'' he converted the plunder to the charitable purposes alluded to,'' and this sense is
borne out by the beginning of the following or 7th line ] .

LiNB 7. — '' He munificently distributes in charity many hundred thousands Ipanas ] —the town
territory."t ^ ^ ^

Line 8.—" [To] the prince who caused [its] destruction, he ordains the pain of the cavern [imprisons
in one of the caves?] — and causes the murderer to labour by a generous requital

* * seated on the hill ^ ^ ^ and lavishes bland speeches and obedience."
Line 9. — *' Apes, bulls, horses, elephants, bufEaloes (?) and all requisites for the furniture of the

house ; — to induce the practice of rejecting improper persons, he further bestowed

(or appointed) attendants of the batman caste (Brahman ?).

[From thu point the commencement of each line is lost.^
Line 10. — ^^rdja causes to be made the palace (or fort) of 15 victories"
Line 11.—" finding no glory in the country which had been the seat of the ancient princes,— a city

abounding in envy and hypocrisy, — and reflecting in the year 1300" — [a brei^

follows and leaves us in the dark as to what era (if any) is here alluded to ] * * *

falling of heavenly form * * * twelve "'*•**§.
Line 12.— || *****^f**

Line 18.—*' He distributes much gold at Benares * * * * he gives as charity iunumerable

and most precious jewels."
Line 14.— '* In the year 1800 married with the daughter of the so-called conqueror of the mountains

(a hill r&ja), [the rest is obscure, bu tseemingly declaratory of some presents to priests] .
Line 15. — (Few words intelligible.)
Line 16. — *' He causes to be constructed subterranean chambers, caves containing a chetiya temple

and pillars." *•*•»«•*
Line 17.— 'Tor whom the happy heretics continually pray * ^ slayer, having a lakh of

equipages * * the fearless sovereign of many hills, by the sun (cherished, or some

such epithet) the great conqueror Raja Khdravela Sanda (or ''the king of the Ocean

shore," reading Khdravelasya, and supposing the two final strokes not to be letters)."
I read the last name as Kharavela Sri, and just preceding it there seems to be a cluster of
geographical names, ending with " all the r&jas of the hill districts/' pavata^haio rdja savam.

* There is no word for 83 in the original, Prinsep having got two letters too many in the term pannaHtidhi, which he
reads jMnuM^ottrofiAt. Apparently the smn is 100,000, stUasahoMBki according to Prinsep's own reading of the following
word.

t Here Prinsep reads porajanapadam, which may he correct, hot the initial letter in the photograph looks like 0% .

t Here my corrector reading of the text will necessitate a fresh translation, which will considerahly alter the meaning.

§ At the end of this line where Prinsep reads Siri pithi rAjdno I read utara-pathchr^ino, or " the king of the northern
xegion," an expression which recalls the Dakthinapatha or southern region of Samudra Onpta's inscription.

II Prinsep has not attempted to read any portion of this line, hot I ohserve the name of Nanda Haja^ and I think also
that of Magadha vasata.

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TEAN8LATI0NS.

Prinsep. Bumouf.

was appointed their habitation in perpetuity by d'habitation pour les respectabl
Dasaratia, the beloved of the gods, immediately tant que dureront le soleil et la lu
on his ascending the throne/^*

This cave, as well as the two next mentioned, were excavated by King Dasaratha,
of Asoka, in the first year of his reign, B. C. 215, as a residence for BAadantas. 1 1
suggested that the term Fapiyaia, which is the name of the cave, wi^ derived from i
reservoir, and that the cave was so called because there is a fine large well immediatel
it. The well is 9 feet in diameter and £3 feet deep4

No. 5.
Prifuep. Bumouf.

" The Milkmaid's cave, excavated by the hands '^ La caverne de la Berglre a ^1
of the most devoted sect of Bauddha ascetics for le Dasalatha, le bien-aime des
the purpose of a secluded residence, was appointed tdt apres sa consecration au tr6]
their habitation in perpetuity by Dasaratha, the lieu d'habitation pour les respec
beloved of the gods, immediately on his ascending ants, tant que dureront le soleil €
the throne/^§

Bumouf suggests that these caves probably existed before the time of Dasaral
caverns, and were already known as the " Milkmaid^s cave,^' &c. This explanatio
natural one, but I do not think that it can be true, as all these caves have been heiiv
masses of rock, where the outer face presents a clean and unfissured front. Apparently
not quite satisfied with the translation of Gopika Kuhhd as '' la caverne de la Bergfire^
the alternative version of " la caverne des Bergers,^' by making gopika an adje
with kttbha.

No. 6
Prinsep. Burnou/,

Prinsep has not proposed any rendering of the '* La caverne de celui qui a cru
word Vadathika, which forms the name of the et^ destin^ par le roi Dasalath
cave. Nos. 4 and 5.1[

In this translation Bumouf has taken vadathika as the equivalent of the Sanskr
'' celui qui a fait croitre ses richesses.^'

UDAYAGHRI.

No. 1. — The Snake Cave,

Prinsep.**
'' The impregnable (or unequalled) Chamber of
Chulakarma'^ * * continued in—

No. i.—The Snake Cave,

*' and the appropriate temple (or palace) of Karma"
* (Rishi?)

No. S.—TAe Tiger Cave.

" Excavated by Vgra Aveda (the antivedist ?) '^ The cave of Sahhuti of Ugari
the Sasuvm."

* Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, Vi, 678.

t Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, Appendice, 775.

X Archffiolog^cal Surrey of India, I, 49.

*^ These tnuiElations are taken from the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VI, 1073, 1074.

ft My reading of the text of this inscription is taken from a photographic picture of a cast made hy !

§ Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Sc
II Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, Appen<
f Ditto ditto.

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136 TRANSLATIONS.

Prinsep.

No. 4. — Nameless Cave.
The excavation of Yan&kiya for *

No. h.'^The Pawan Cave.
(Similar to No. 1.)

No. 6.<— 3/aM^^ra Cave.

" The excavation of the mighty (or of Vira) " Cave of Aira Maharaja, lord of Kalinga, the
sovereign, the lord of Kalinga, &c., **•'*• of great cloud-borne^' * * *
Eadepa (?) the worshipper of the Sun/'

No. l.-^Maniipura Cave.

'^ The excavation of the Prince Fatlaia." " Cave of Prince Vaddaka/'

As this last record is placed over a small door of the same cave in which No. 6 is found, it
would seem that Prince Yaddaka must have been a son of Raja Aira.

No. S.—TAe Vaikanta Cave.

Prinsep.
'' Excavation of the Rajas of Kalinga enjoying '' Cave made by * "'^ * Raja Lal&ka for
the &vour of the Arhantas'' (Buddhist Saints) the benefit (or use) of the Arhantas'' and
(the rest is too much mutilated to be read, with Sramanas of Kalinga, &c., ^ *^
any degree of confidence).

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TRANSLATIONS.

PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS.

See Journal of Bengal Asiatic Society, Vol. VI, p. 581, by Prinsep.

Delhi Pillar — North Sidb.

EDICT I.

Prinsep,

^' Thus spake king DevAnampiya Piyadasi : — ' In the twenty-seventh year of my anointment, I
have caused this religious edict to be published in writing. I acknowledge and conf(
that have been cherished in my heart. Prom the love of virtue, by the side of wh
things are as sins> from the strict scrutiny of sin. and from fervent desire to be i
the fear of sin and by very enormity of sin ; — by these may my eyes be strengthened
(in rectitude).

'' ' The sight of religion, and the love of religion, of their own accord increase J
increase : and my people, whether of the laity (grihiat) or of the priesthood (ascetic
beings, are knit together thereby, and prescribe to themselves the same path: \
having obtained the mastery over their passions, they become supremely wise. For
true wisdom : it is upheld and bound by (it consists in) religion ; by religion wl
religion which teaches pious acts, religion that bestows (the only true) pleasure.''

EDICT II.

'* Thus spake king Dev&nampiya Piyadasi : — 'In religion is the chief excellence
consists in good works: in the non-omission of many acts: — ^mercy and charitr
chastity; — (these are) to me the anointment of consecration. Towards the poor and
towards bipeds and quadrupeds, towards the fowls of the air and things that
waters, manifold have been the benevolent acts performed by me. Out of considerai
inanimate even many other excellent things have been done by me. To this purpose
edict promulgated ; let all pay attention to it (or take cognizance thereof), and le
ages to come : — and he who iicts in conformity thereto, the same shall attain ete;
(or shall be united with Sugato).' ''*

EDICT III.

** Thus spake king Dev&nampiya Piyadasi : — ' Whatever appeareth to me to Ix
good, that is so held to be good and virtuous by me, and not the less if it have evil
accounted for evil by me or is it named among the aainave (the nine offences ?X. ]
(to man) to distinguish between the two qualities (between right and wrong) : a<
capacity of the eyes so may they behold.

'* ' The following are accounted among the nine minor transgressions : ^mischief
ntess, anger, pride, envy. These evil deeds of nine kinds, shall on no account be men
should be regarded as opposite (or prohibited). Let this (ordinance) be impressed
let it be cherished with all my soul.' "t

* Bomoaf has criticised this translation in Le Lotos de la Bonne Loi, p. 667.

t The translation of this Edict has been criticised bj Bamoof in Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, p. 669.

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138 TRANSLATIONS.

KDIOT IV.

West Side.

'' Thas spake king Piyadasi^ beloved of the gods :^' In the twenty-seventh year of my anoint-
ment, I have caused to be promulgated the following religious edict. My devotees, in very many
hundred thousand souls, having (now) attained unto knowledge, I have ordained (the following)
fines and punishments for their transgressions. Wherever devotees shall abide around (or circum-
ambulate) the holy fig-tree for the performance of pious duties, the benefit and pleasure of the
country and its inhabitants shall be (in making) offerings : and according to their generosity or
otherwise shall they enjoy prosperity or adversity : and they shall give thanks for the coming of
the faith. Whatever villages with their inhabitants may be given or maintained for the sake of
the worship, the devotees shall receive the same, and for an example unto my people they shall
follow after (or exercise solitary) austerities. And likewise, whatever blessings they shall pro-
nounce, by these shall my devotees accumulate for the worship (?) . Furthermore, the people shall
attend in the night the great myrobalan-tree and the holy fig-tree. My people shall foster
(accumulate) the great myrobalan. Pleasure is to be eschewed, as intoxication (?).

" ' My devotees doing thus for the profit and pleasure of the village, whereby they (coming)
around the beauteous and holy fig-tree may cheerfully abide in the performance of pious acts
In this also are fines and punishments for the transgressions of my devotees appointed. Much
to be desired is such renown I According to the measure of the offence (the destruction of viya
or happiness ?) shall be the measure of the punishment, but (the offender) shall not be put to death
by me. Bamshment (shall be) the punishment of those malefactors deserving of imprisonment
and execution. Of those who commit murder on the high road (dacoits ?) even none, whether of
the poor or of the rich, shall be injured (tortured) on my three especial days (?) . Those guilty of
cruelly beating or slaughtering living things, having escaped mutilation (through my clemency),
shall give alms (as a deodand) and shall also undergo the penance of fasting. And thus it is my
desire that the protection of even the workers of opposition shall tend to (the support of) the
worship ; and (on the other hand) the people, whose righteousness increases in every respect, shall spon-
taneously partake of my benevolence.' "

EDICT V.

South Sidb.

^'Thus spake king Devftnampiya Piyadasi : — *In the twenty-seventh year of my anointment the
following animals shall not be put to death : the parrot, the maina (or thrush), the wild duck of
the wilderness, the goose, the bull-faced owl, the vulture, the bat, the ambaia-pilliia, the raven>
and the common crow, the vhdavSt/aka, the adjutant, the saniujamava, the kaphatasayaka, the
panasasesimala, the sandaka, the okapada, those that go in pairs, the white dove, and the domestic
.pigeon. Among all fonr-footed beasts the following shall not be for food, they shall not be eaten :
the she-goat of various kinds, and the sheep, and the sow, either when heavy with young or when
giving milk. Unkilled birds of every sort for the desire of their flesh shall not be put to death,
'fhe same being alive shall not be injured : whether because of their uselessness or for the sake
of amusement they shall not be injured. Animals that prey on life shall not be cherished. In
the three four-monthly periods (of the year) on the evening of the fxdl moon, during the three
(holy) days, namely, the fourteenth, the fifteenth, and the first day after conjunction, in the midst
of the uposatha ceremenies (or strict fasts), unkilled things (or live fish?) shall not be exposed for
sale. Yea, on these days, neither the snake tribe, nor the feeders on fish (alligators), nor any living
beings whatsoever shall be put to death.

*' ' On the eighth day of the paksha (or half month) on the fourteenth, on the fifteenth, on (the
qays when the moon is in the mansions of) trisha or punarvasa, — on these several days in the three
f our-monthly periods, the ox shall not be tended : the goat, the sheep, and the pig, if indeed any
be tended (for domestic use) shall not then be tended. On the trisha and the punarvasa of every
four months, and of every paksha or semilunation of the four months, it is forbidden to keep (for
labour) either the horse or the ox.

'' ' Furthermore, in the twenty-seventh year of my reign, at this present time, twenty-five
prisoners are set at liberty/ ''

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TRANSLATIONS. 139

EDICT VI.

East Sidb.
" Thus spake king Devanampiya Piyadasi : — * In the twelfth year of my anointment, a religious
edict (was) published for the pleasure and profit of the world ; having destroyed that (document)
and r^^arding my former religion as sin, I now for the benefit of the world proclaim the fact
And this (among my nobles, among my near relations, and among my dependants, whatsoever
pleasures I may thus abandon), I therefore cause to be destroyed; and I proclaim the same in all the
congregations; while I pray with every variety of prayer for those who differ from me in creed
that.they following after my proper example may with me attain unto eternal salvation : wherefor^
the present edict of religion is promulgated in this twentyHseventh year of my anointment/ *'

EDICT VII.

'^ Thus spake king Devftnampiya Piyadasi : — ' Kings of the olden time have gone to heaven under
these very desires. How then among mankind may religion (or growth in grace) be increased?
Yea, through the conversion of the humbly-born shall religion increase/ ''

" Thus spake king Dev&nampiya Piyadasi : — ' The present moment and the past have departed
under the same ardent hopes. How by the conversion of the royal-born may religion be increased ?
Through the conversion of the lowly-bom if religion thus increaseth, by how much (more) through
the conviction of the high-born, and their conversion, shall religion increase? Among whomsoever
the name of God resteth (?) verily this is religion (or verily virtue shall there increase).^ ''

" Thus spake king Dev&nampiya Piyadasi : — Wherefore from this very hour I have caused reli-
gious discourses to be preached ; I have appointed religious observances that mankind having listened
thereto shall be brought to follow in the right path and give glory imto God ' ''(Agni ?)

EDICT VIII.

" Moreover, along with the increase of religion, opposition will increase : for which reason I have
appointed sermons to be preached, and I have established ordinances of every kind ; through the
efficacy of which the misguided, having acquired true knowledge, shall proclaim it on all sides (?) and
shall become active in upholding its duties. The disciples, too, flocking in vast multitudes (many
hundred thousand souls). Let these likewise receive my command, ' In such wise do ye, too, address
on all sides (or address comfortably ?) the people united in religion.' ''

^* King Devd.nampiya Piyadasi thus spake : — ' Thus among the present generation have I
endowed establishments, appointed men very wise in the faith, and done for the faith.' '*

'' King Dev&nampiya Piyadari again spake as follows :— ' Along the high roads I have caused
fig-trees to be planted, that they may be for shade to animals and men ; I have (also) planted mango
trees : and at every half coss I have caused wells to be constructed, and (resting p aces ?) for nights
to be erected. And how many taverns (or serais) have been erected by me at various places for the
entertainment of man and beast I So that as the people, finding the road to every species of
pleasure and convenience in these places of entertainment, these new towns, (vayapuri ?) rejoioeth
under my rule, so let them thoroughly appreciate and follow after the same (system of benevolence).
This is my object, and thus I have done.' "

'' Thus spake king Devftnampiya Piyadasi :— -' Let the priests deeply versed in the faith (or let
my doctrines ?) penetrate among the multitudes of the rich capable of g^nting favors, and let them
penetrate alike among all the unbelievers, whether of ascetics or of householders, and let them,
penetrate into the assemblies (?) for my sake. Moreover, let them for my sake find their way among
the Brdhmans and the most destitute ; and among those who have abandoned domestic life, for my
sake let them penetrate ; and among various unbelievers for my sake let them find their way : — ^yea
use your utmost endeavours among these several classes, that the wise men, these men learned in the
religion (or these doctrines of my religion) may penetrate among these respectively, as well as
among all other unbelievers.' "

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140 TRANSLATIONS.

" Thus spake king Devftnampiya Piyadasi : — ^ And let these (priests) and others the most skilful
in the sacred offices penetrating among the charitably disposed of my queens and among all my
secluded women discreetly and respectfully use their most persuasive efforts (at conversion)^ and
acting on the heart and on the eyes of the children^ for my sake penetrate in like manner among
the charitably disposed of other queens and princes for the purpose (of imparting) religious enthu-
siasm and thorough religious instruction. And this is the true religious devotion^ this the sum of
religious instruction^ viz., that it shall increase the mercy and charity, the truth and purity, the
kindness and honesty, of the world/ "

" Thus spake king Dev&nampiya Piyadasi : — ' And whatever soever benevolent acts have been done
by me, the same shall be prescribed as duties to the people who follow after me : and in this
(manner) shall their influence and increase be manifest, — by doing service to father and mother ; by
doing service to spiritual pastors j by respectful demeanour to the aged and full of years, and by
kindness and condescension to Brahmans, and Sramans, to the orphan and destitute, to servants and
the minstrel tribe/ ''

'^ King DevSnampiyaPiyadasi again spake ;-*' And religion increaseth among men by two separate
processes, : by performance of religious offices, and by security against persecution. Accordingly,
that religious offices and immunities might abound among multitudes, I have observed the ordinances
myself as the apple of my eye (?) (as testified by) all these animals which haye been saved from
slaughter, and by manifold other virtuous acts performed on my behalf. And that the religion may
be from the persecution of men, increasing through the absolute prohibition to put to death
living beings, or to sacrifice aught that draweth breath. For such an object is all this done, that
it may endure to my sons and their sons' sons as long as the sun and moon shall last. Wherefore
let them follow its injunctions and be obedient thereto and let it be had in reverenpe and respect. In
the twenty-seventh year of my reign have I caused this edict to be written ; so sayeth (Dev&nam-
piya}. Let stone pillars be prepared and let this edict of religion be engraven thereon, that it may
endure unto the remotest ages.' " *

SEPAKATE EDICTS.

Allahabad Pillab.

No. 1.

Quern's Edictp

Prinsep.

^' By the mandate of Devdnampiya the ministers everywhere are to receive notice. These adso

(namely mango treesf) and other things are the gift of the second princess (his) queen, and these

for * * * of JKcAAi^aw, the third princess the general (daughter's * * ?). Of the second

lady thus let the act redound i^ith triple force/'J

In his remarks on this inscription Tumour has identified the '' second queen'' with the attend-
ant of the former queen Asandhimitr&, whom Asoka married in the 84th year of his reigpi.§
But as a '' third queen'' is mentioned in the inscription, the second queen must have been
Asandhimilrd herself, and the '' third queen," who was married in the 34th year of Asoka, must
have been the queen Kichhi^ani of the inscription. By this reckoning the first queen would have
been the predecessor of Asandhimitrft and the mother of Kunftla. The names of at least two other
queens are known: I, Tishya^akihitdy by whose contrivance Prince Kun&la was blinded; and

* This last passage was afterwards slightly altered by Prinsep as f oUows : — " In order that this religions edict may stand
(remain), stone pillars and stone slabs (or receptacles) shall be accordingly prepared, by which the same may endure unto
remote ages."— Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, VI, 1059. The word translated stone slabs is read as s^la-Marikani, instead
of pkalakani or - tablets," as pointed out by me some twelve years ago.

t Amhanadika means a "numgo garden.''

t Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VI, 967. The words immediately following the name of DerAnampiya, ** the minis-
ters everywhere are to receive notice," are taken from Prinsep's corrected reading in Vol. VI, p. 448.

S Tumour'sMahawanso, p. 122.

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TRANSLATIONS. 141

2, Padmdvati, the mother of Eun&Ia.'^ It is probable^ therefore^ that the titles of firsts second^ and
third queens must denote their relative rank^ and not their sequence in order of time. It is certain
at least that TUhya-rahhitd was the ^'first^' queen^ as she is distinctly called so in the Aaoka
avaddna.f

No. 2.
Kosambi Edict

As this inscription has only lately been discovered by myself, there is of course i
available, and I am afraid that it is in too mutilated a state to be of much use. But i
is complete, and may be rendered :

^' Dev&nampiya commands the rulers of Kosambi/^

The same word annapayati occurs in the Deotek inscription,

Sanchi Pillar.

Of this inscription Prinsep remarks that it is in " too mutilated a state to be rest
but from the commencement -of the third line, it may be concluded that some provisi
by a 'charitable and religiously disposed person for hungry priests,' and this is con6rm€
nearly perfect lines at the foot : *It is also my desire that camphorated (cool ?) wa
given to drink. May this excellent purpose endure for ever !' "

A comparison of Prinsep's reading of the text with my version, which has been
during a recent visit to S&nchi, shows some important diSereuces which will necessiti
translation of the last two lines. My reading of the fourth line also differs from Prins
less degree. The words Bhikhu cha Bhikhuni seemed to me to be quite clear.

* Bornbuf : Introduction i^THistoire du BuddhiBm, Indien, 149, 403, 405.
t Bumouf, p. 405 :" La premidre des f emmes d'A^ka."

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INDEX.

Aira Raja-^Insoription on Ehandagiri Book .
— ^— —— in Khandagiri Caves
Alexander II, of Epiros— Bock Edict Xm
AlUhabad Pillar ....

Texts of Afloka's Edicts
■ Translations of Asoka's Edicts

— — — — Two additional Edicts, texts .

-, translations

* Samndra Gnpta's Inscription

• Baja Birbal's Inscription

Alphabetical characters of Asoka's period
' Ariano-F&li alphabet

— ^— — Indian-FftU alphabet

■ Indigenous origin of Indian alphabet
Andhras, a people, coupled with the Pnlindas .
Antigonus [Gronnatas of Macedonia] Book Edict XIII
Antiochus [II Theos, of Syria] Bock Edict II .

■ Bock Edict XIH

AsoKA — Chronology of his reign

■ Beigned 41 years • ,

■ Date of accession, B. C. 264 ,
i Date of inauguration, B. C 260

Bair&t Bock Inscnption • • •

————— Text of

■ Second Bock Inscription •

■ Textof .

■ _— — Translation of .

]3ar&bar Caves — Inscriptions

B&r&nasi or Benares — ^Ehandagiri Bock Edict

Bhadanta — ^Buddhist title corrupted to Bhantd

Bhoja, a countiy, coupled with Fitenika — ^Bock Edict XIII .

Buddha, name of, in 2nd Bairftt Inscription • .

— — - Date of death, or Nirvftna, R C. 478 .

Btihler, Dr. G.-*Text and translation of Sphasar&m Inscription

Text and translation of BfLpn&th Inscription

Bumouf— Translation of Bock Edict IV

. vn

_— i X

P— ^ XII

, XIV

Cave Inscriptions

- of first separate Edict, Dhauli
» of second „ „

• of second Bair&t Bock Inscription

• of N^ijuni Cave Inscriptions

atBar&bar
•at Nftglrjuni

Paoi.

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INDEX.

Cave InscriptionB at Ehandagiri and Udayagii'i
— — ^— — at R&mgarh, in Sirguja
Chandra Qnpta Maoiya
Chikambari, name of coantiy, Deotek Blab
Choda, or Chola, Bock Edict II

Daaaratha, inscriptions of, at N&gftrjuni

Date of Asoka

— Buddha's death, or Nirvana, B. C. 478

■ ' ■■ Chandra Gupta Maurya

■ ■ ■■' Mah&vtra .
Delhi Pillar, from Siw&lik

■ ■ , from Mirat

■ Texts of Inscriptions
' ' Translations of Inscriptions

■ Two additional Edicts, VII and VIII
Deotek Slab Inscription
Dev&nampriya, title of Asoka .

, title of Dasaratha, Nftg&rjuni Caves
Dhauli Bock Inscription

■ first separate Edict
■ second separate Edict

Q4ndh&r^-Bock Edict V

Giya Inscription, dated in era of Nirvftna

Gim&r Bock Inscription

— Text .

— — — ^— ^— Translation

€K)tama-BW&mi, or Indrabhtlti, disciple of Mah4vtra

Greek Kings, names of, in Asoka's Bock Edicts II and XIII

Inscription on Sh&hb&zgarhi Bock
-^— — — — Eh&Isi Bock

■ Gim^ Bock

' Dhauli Bock

■ Jaugada Bode .

• first separate, on Dhauli and Jaugada Books
-second „ „ „ „

— on Sahasar&m Bock

— on BtLpn&th Book .

— on Baidkt .
-^ on second Bairftt Bock

— on Deotek Slab
—* in Bamgarh Caves .
-*- in Barllbar Caves
— - in NAgftrjuni Caves
-— on Ehandagiri Bock
— - in Ehandagiri and Udayagiri Caves

— on Delhi Pillar from SiwAlik

— on Delhi Pillar from Mirat

— on Allahabad Pillar

— on Lauriya Ararl^ Pillar

— on Lauriya Navandgarh Pillar

— separate Edicts on Allahabad Pillar

> on S&nchi Pillar

Jaugada— Fort and Bock Inscription
I T ext of Inscription

Pxra.

32,104

83,105

102

66,116

103, 134

Preface vi, vii

„ iii

»* vi

tf IV

106

137

116, 140

2, 102

pMsim.

103, 134

15, 65, 118

20, 89, 127

20, 92, 129

72,120

Preface V

117

Preface iv

9,66,86

8, 65, 118

12, 65, 118

14, 65, 118

15, 65, 118

17, 65, 118

20, 89, 127

20, 92, 129

20.94,130

21, 95, 131

22,96

24, 97, 131

28,102

33,105

30, 103, 134

31, 103, 134

27, 98, 132

32, 104, 136

34, 106, 187

87, 106. 137

37, 106, 137

39, 106, 137

41, 106, 137

38, 116, 140

42, 116, 141

17,19

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INDEX.

Ill

Jaogada^Translation of Inscription .
Text of separate Edicts
Translation of separate Edicts

Kalinga— Bock Edict XIII

Elhandagiri Rock Inscription .
Khandagiri Caves
Kknboja— Bock Edict V
Kern, Professor — Translation of second Bair&t Inscription
Ketalaputra, or EersJa — Bock Edict II
Ehalati, or Ehalanti Hills— Bai&bar Cave Inscriptions
KhAlsi — ^Bock Inscription

Text of Inscription
^— ^ Translation of Inscription
Khandagiri Bock Inscription •
— -^— — Text of Inscription
■ Translation of Inscription

■ and Udayagiri Cayes

Khepingala HiUsy in Dhanli and Jangada Inscriptions
Kos&mbiy Edict of, on Allahabad Pillar

Language of Inscriptions
Lauriya Arar^ Pillar .
■ ■ Navandgarh Pillar
I Text of both inscriptions
^— ^ Translation of ditto

Mah&vtra—Date of his Nirv&na, B. C. 627
Mahindo, or Mahendra, son of Asoka .
Masson— His copy of Shfthb&zgarhi Inscription

N4g&ijani Cave Inscriptions .

Nanda Baja — ^Khandagiri Bock Inscription

Kirv&na of Mah&vtra, B. C. 527

"—— of Baddha, S&kya Moni, B. C. 478

•^— era, used in QkjA Inscription .

Panda, or Pandionis Begio— Bock Edict II
Pillar at Allahabad

at Delhi from Siw41ik .

■ at Delhi from Mirat . •

— — at Lanriya Ararl^
' at Lauriya Navandgarh •

■ at S&ncbi

Pitenika, name of district, coupled with Bhoja, Edict XIII
Prinsep, James— Notes on Indian P&li alphabet
' Summaiy of contents of Edicts

— ^— Bemarks on Khandagiri alphabet
— — Bemarks on language of Asoka's Inscription
— «— - Texts of Bock Inscriptions
-^— '^ »- of separate Bock Edicts
— — — — of Khandagiri Bock Inscription
— — ^— — of Cave Inscriptions
— — ^— — Texts of Delhi and other Pillar Inscriptii
-— — ^— Translations of Bock Edicts

^^ I of Khandagiri Bock Inscription

— ' of Cave Inscriptions

of Pillar Edicts .

Fagi.

118

89, 92

127, 129

84,125

99, 132

104, 105, 186

72,120

132

fttf ii«

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INDEX.

Queen's Edict on Allahabad Pillar

BIhula, or Lftghnla, in second Bair&t Inscription
B4mgarh Caves, in Sirgnja — Inscriptions
B&shtika, a oonntry, same as Snrashtra-— Edict Y
Bock Inscription at Sh&hb&zgarhi
atKh&lsi

■ at GimAr ,

■ at Dhaoli •

■ ■ ■ ■ at Jangada

' Separate, at DIurali and Jangada

I at Sahasarllm • •

— — — — at Rtipnith • ,

■ ■ at BairAt

■ Second, at Bair^t

_- ■ at Khandagiri . • .

B^pn&th Bock Inscription

• Text of, by Dr. Buhler
Translation „

Sahasar&m Bock Inscription

- Text of Ins^ption by Dr.
> Translation of „

SAkanagara, city, mentioned in Ehandagiri Bock Inscription
Sam&pA, city, mentioned in JangfKlar- Separate Edicts
SAnchi Pillar Ins<^ption . , ,

ShAhb&zgarhi Bock Inscription .

■ I , the Po-ln-sha of Hwen Thsang ,
■ * , the Bazaria of Arrian ,

■ Text of Inscription * ,
— — Translation of Inscription •
Separate Edicts on Dhaoli Bock • «

' on Jangada Bock ,

■ ■ * of Queen on Allahabad PUlar
-— — of EosAmbi on „

■ on Delhi SiwAlik Pillar ,

Takhasila, or Taxila— First separate Edict, Dhauli
Tambapanni, P&li name of Ceylon-^Bock Edict II
Texts of Bock Inscriptions • • •

•^— - first separate Edict at Dhanli and Jangada
^■^— second „ „ „ „

» Khandagiri Bock Inscription • ,

- SahasarAm Bock Inscription , ,

■ ■ BApnAth Bock „ , ,
-BairAtBock „ , ,

■ - Second BairAt Bock „ , ,

Deotek Slab „ . ,

' Pillar Inscriptions , , ,

* Separate Pillar Inscriptions . »

■■ Cave Inscriptions • ♦ ,

Tosali, name of a town and district, in Dhanli— Separate Edicts
Translations of Bock Edicts by Prinsep and Wilson
—- — — of first separate Bock by Prinsep and Bumonf
■' of second „ „ „ „

■ of Sahasarftm Bock Inscription, by Dr. Btthler

-. ofBApnAth „

of second BairAt Inscpptioni by Bwrnonf a9d WJlson

Buhler

Paoi.
116, 140

26,27,67,132

33,105

72,120

131

20,12

130

98,133

19,89

42, 116, 141

16, 89, 127, 129

19, 89, 127, 129

38. 116. 140

38. 116. 141
. 36, 114, 115

91,l?8
66,117
65
89
92
98
94
95

102

106

114, 115, 116

103

16, 127, 129

117, 126

127

ISO

131

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INDEX.

"Translation of second Bair&t Inscription, by Professor Kern

of Khandagiri Bock Inscription, by Prinsep

' of Khandagiri and Udayagiri Cave Inscnptions

" ■ of Bar&bar Gave Inscriptions « «

— of Nagdjfjuni Cave Inscriptions « •

■ ^f Pillar Edicts, by Prinsep •

oi separate Edicts on Delhi Pillar, by Prinsep

— of „ „ on Allahabad Pillar ,

' of S&nohi FQlar Inscriptions • •

Upatissa, or Sftripaka— Second Bair^ Bock Inscription
Vira, or Aira, Baja-^Khandayri Book and Cave Inscriptions

Wilson, H. n.— His criticism on Prinsep's translations •
■ Bemarks on second BairAt Inscription •

■ Translation of „ „

■ Bemarks -on langnage of Asoka's Inscriptions

■ Translations of Book Edicts « •

Yona, county, coupled with K4mboja « • •

— — kings, Antiochus, &c.-~Bock Edict II •
*■"■""" -»> ■»> ?* >» it XIII . •

P^e*.

132

136

134

137.13d

139

140

141

97, 132

.98, 104, 132, 136

131

117, 126

10, 72

66, 117

S&, 126

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cucitipnoHa or awxa

CORPUS INSCRII

SHAHBAZ.
Front (

20.

22.

A. Cnnsingham, del.

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nONDM INOICABUU. ^°I" ■

PIATB I.

lASEI BOCK

f £ Face.

^viiri^fl"^^

FbtftoiBoa^Nik^ at ika Si»««7ar GwcNTt Offio* CiOeottA.

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» ■

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CORPUS INSCRIP'

IN8CRIPTIOM8 of ASOEA.

SIAHBAZ*
Back

4.* ^

T,»si*ttt^*2:^^*7^2^'^^^-'>n;(';"z my.

A. OoTWiintfiam, deL

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DNUM INDICARUM. VOL I.

PUITB II.

MHI BOCK
f. Face.

IDIQT

j^ J @ IDIOT »

■»-- -^.4

rkKiiii ^^t^nfl t &• a iojM (Wnwl't QffiM C«loDtta.

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CORPUS INSCRIPT

IMtCMPTIOHS of ABOKA.

KHALt

' --0>j,-\)»v«>^-i5a,x C^r^ W.^^^Sfy >HiA Ufeitx/^-^ »

6 _ «?tM««ij^/H^*>'^«^^^''''ltt'^^^. ^>f^^^ihi^^^itj%h^

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A. CunniDgbam. del.

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DNUII INDICARUM. VOL I.

PLATE UI.

[ £OGK
'ace.

;»o^tfW.-i

^V^ ^-y^H*^ iU Hlf id ^8 ^'^ »^'-'« ^^^^K
?^r»v.dWA<rcr>w VA' -K iU'fV- Hilar.

tf^x UMvo^ Dttti/';*- KJai* A^«^ -.rx-Cii ?«^«J'*<c i^>^ y^iif ^i<£)-»

l^*dA* .•••^•^ ^yyj^ Hf/f (.aCKHo-^*^ '^►«-- '^ '^^.^ u'^U-m'^o- ^'^ ^>^ ^'*'^^' ^

Hummaoo»i^nil «l «m Sott^ow OwsiTs Offio* CakvtU..

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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. VOL I.

INSCRIPTWJNS of A80KA.

PLATB IV.

IHALSI BOCI
H. ?ace.

S. ?ace.

BDIOT

^ -rwHo-a :-a; o-w iTij iT y ';■'' f^ "^ ^ '*''^*'

IS.
20l

One-»i'ith of the Original.
A. Canninghom, <\o\.

'Onm*r» 6^0* (WeoStiL'

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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM.

VOL. I

INSCRIPTlOKa of A80KA

BOCK AT OIBVAB
in Kathiawad

PLATE V.

BDICI I

BDIOT n

bJDCAXdJ/AJ/KXjR^AXO- f C^JTd fC d^a

t?o Atto<iTxC/cA<gjTi^^^t>f'^AXb<>^yi.p.L'
rf^c X lOfTi ojvbX A I X x'VA^-^d J6* ex ^d

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BDIOT m

JtDICT IV

BDICT V

One-twelfth of th« Origiiul
A. CanBinf^ham, det

-f-lL^ tt Ika Svngnr OuKd't Offioe C«ii:u:i>

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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM.

VOL. I

INSCRIPTIONS of ASOKA

PLATS VI.

BDICT TI

14-i

QIBNiB BOCK
in Eathiawad.

A3bdW.^/t^LXXdHOA»/:fIdX^cJ.+-8A f
lii'J'+Cjik/Sl-fin'ff »•»•>* ^ -^^f^ rtRX >r J; I Aa>a;

10 i

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a-?

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,>|&U<f<5V^5VAJ"rfA'5 Wptf6t>A^dM "h «:d 6J:Ld6d«A^M-rA
AAMJd-r'd;DVr+dOlr^OdAWJ:fod«A'J+T>iA+A4t«<i^»A2J'>fbWAfr
, ^A rA>y'A'd>lJ>AJ<Wi^AOJ.0-««AJ/AA?/l»rfA + lt^piJt <b/:A.^X>|bdXpCl
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One-twelftb of Um Original

A. Canringh&m^ del.

Photoimcogrophed wA tba Gttj ww j r w Ocxux*!* Ofliw C«k-tttta.

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<
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»— «

H
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O
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K ^ A "p ti.

•S3. +'r<-L.^:^?)

-O

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INSCEIPTIOMS of A80KA.

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARXJM.

DEAULI llOCX
Left Face.

VOL. I

PLATE VIII.

FIRST
8EPABAT8 IDICT.

10.

;

A. Cunningham, dei.

FhotDBBOu^aflwd «t lb* Sui^ryor G*n«n»l"« Of1Bc« Calcutta .

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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM.

VOL. I

INSCRIPTIONS of ASOKA.

PLATB IX.

DHAVLI BOCK
Middle Face.

BDICT

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A. Cunningham, deL

Fliatosiiioo^agk»d at ^ Surrvjmr Oanond's Offier CalrvtUi.

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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARIJM.

VOL 1

UTBO&IPTIOVS of ASOXJl

PLAIK X.

DHAULI EOCX
Bight Face;

KPICT

xnr

SSOOND
SEPARATE

BDicrr.

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A. Cunniogham, del.

niotosiaciQ^vf^ed vt llt« Swvvvar Ovneral'a Of&nr CAlcutU..

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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM.

VOL I.

nraCMPTIONB of A80EA.

■vm.

BOCK IT SAHiSiBAM
near Fatnft.

VLkTt ZtV.

BOCI IT BUFNATH
near Jabalpnr.

t
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near Jaypnr.

vYa.wOAiAd+O'

A. Cunningham, deL

Fbgto«ixieagr«(h*d at <bc Oufwjia OvsunJ'e Offie* C«LimtU..

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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM.

VOL I.

INSCRIPTIONS of ASOriL.

II.

PLATX XV.

BOCK AT BAIBAT

near Jaypnr.

CAVES IH EAMKATH HILL
near Sirguja.

^ ?''^*{t o-> 4^4' i-^A A 5 + i * i>\f:L^I

SLAB IT DEOTEK
near Kagpnr.

A Cunmnghsiu, del.

Fbotonnoo^iVk^ at iki Sorfv^w Owmis OOm Calovftu..

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INSCKIPTIOKS of A80KA.

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM.

VOL I.

GATES AT BABABAB.

PLATE XVI.

1. Sudima

2. Viswa.

3. Karna.

INSORlRTIONa of DA8ARATHA.

«0-X#:-U;+ rf

(feci 1 1

CAVES AT NAGABJUNI.

4. Vapiyaka.

5. Gopika.

G. Vadathi.

■A. Canningbaiin, del.

One-sixth of the Ongiiial.

Vhatawaoa^tfLmi. at iki fluimyiM OwmmT* OCQm Cdbotta.

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CORPUS INSCRIP'

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in Ka

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BAQIBI CAVES.

HAMELU8 CAVI.
SNAn CATS.

KU(U'FO-E«Cd

7 MAMIEPUIIA

9 VAIKUNTA

Y" HFU-hLrt^Ji-f-iyrr^

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WnONUM INDICARUM,

VOL. I

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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM.

VOL I.

INSCRIPTIONS of ASOKA.

ALLAHABAD PILLAR.

PLATE XXU

I KDICT I

III

IV.

V. .

16
17
18

IS
20
21

27
28
29

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KOSAMBI BDICT

8EPARATI BDICT8

QUXBS'S BDICT

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^iAij'XAi><<ari,xj;<06
kXJi3'>^l XXAi;»'f#-FV<5^-'J*

A. Cunaingham, del.

Aotoi

One-ninth of the Original.

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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM.

INSCRIPTIONS of A80KA.

P I L L A E

VOL I.

PLATE XXm.

LATJRIYA.ARAEAJ
(Badhia.)

SOUTH

III

EDICT 1 . . . >iJ:tfa» lJjr><i;>f# V*>Hr(U t? f^Xltfttffiy^iyi :a.>W(i
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; jjAH^ijxtfX &b<3aA"1t(»' w.a."^>i(;>ia;.>riH,iiAA*«HfX H«dA
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22..j!pbj:A} H'^b-XO^Xf Lb{^-f4>-X '-ifilfVVi- i^ifiiirif, Gtl/Of^Kk^X

A. Cunmngham, del.

One-tw<!i<tb of the Ongm»l.

nril<ntoll#«|^il ■» 1fc« fuTTI— '»—'•-"»- f^i»-»."

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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM,

VOL I.

INSCRIPTIONS of A80EA.

ISDICTV

PI LL AE

LAURITA-AEAEAJ
(Eadhia.)

NORTH

a,b<;-bA-i>X idt^A/! H€+xj: ^r'-Fd ^^^-J'd ai/U cu,Wx6
i.f^AJtrfiji Xi^t <f<>><u uif'/; b^ujf uu\{Ki^e^y^n62 ^ t

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•e.W^yjV^ <bd^X^rf'((iAl» .'.4;W>/d^dA

PLATB XXIV.

One>tweUth of the Origmal.

A. Cunningham, del.

Ihniiiiiin^i^il t Ai

flM»«Tli OfBM Cdsou..

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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM.

VOL I.

IH3CIUPTI0N8 of ASOEA.

PILLAB

EAUBITA-NAVANDGAEH
(HathU.)

IDICT I _

11 . 8 . .

Ill .

IV_

2.. p-^tyft-JttX 6->AWA ^(GUJO^iMJ-AHAa. l>-«-f«AJ.

«. .lyv^M^Atfc-tfxd ►4Cd^d«c.-4;D-'8iC\)i i>vi^DLt»jL<vrj.j.

>j±- do* (;ai>|dJ%V<!rHlr IW,C<L-|:j;<i NX HO|dU oirl->Cl
10. .W<l-0<V ^<^WHJ^V+-CHDi>TIlH-XJ!d4'b 0^4X1 j!

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M-iHUi^^^a.AJ:X<UA^XHUi:AJ?±?fe<CiU+- LW,tA +4X .•iC-BW

PLATB XXV.

A. Canmngham, del.

Ona-twelfth of the Original

I Ottat

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IMSCMPnONS of ASOXA.

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM.

PiLLAB

VOL I.

PLATE XXVI.

LAUBITA-NAVAHDOABH
(Mathia.)

BDICT V

«. .Htf IJ! tX^+d «^+ifd ArffA OAtrXA HiJ^A+a■fi

ftJoviX iJkii-Aiia. X,ca.v£ij^id-^>f<(Ja» <r/tHi(J»/M h^jum^

•♦-.•Oail+C^i JJA^if^cb /JA/JrfkJAl-y ►AJ.H-A-j'-fiL U1^<U/

•0'4<b tJ-A<Vt3» MHbO-C AA-D-aA^CXi Vi'-O'+cO
4kHl^tH6G-yi'A A«-d^>WVHA ^Ai-Fiii/ bdiatf'

<WC^rtVj<^A ^«^mk^J« >^'''^' MAX UAbAbl

so.

A OunaingbutQ, ^el.

One'twelfth of th)| Original.

niiilMwiii»^|*iil «t fta aon^jv (ha«l> OOm CdodU..

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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM

VOL. I.

ASOKA
B.C. 2S0

»8

Chh

T
Til

9h
V

T
Th

D
Dh

P
Ph

B
Bh

T
B
L

Sh
S
H

COINS
ISO

Ariano-Pali.

KANISHKA.

60 B.C.

ALPHABETS

Indo-Pali.

PLATS XXVII.

ASOKA COINS
B C. 250 ISO

KANISHKA.
50

fTr

-h

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^ \

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3clie
H|-clihu

^ j«

^gam

•»f-the -ff-thi

-Sdo
\ dhr

nam

fi phi
JJbr
7f bhi^bhu

H^ mi JJ mo y mam

Ayam <r^ yu
^ ru r ram
rHU r^le c|lo
1 vri

/I f r 7^ §p /♦si
"^ shk ^shni
^st 4|.sti %str
ibhoO/he

at an

A. Canningham del.

^-^
V

+
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'Vkhi 3,khy T 1 kha
A'gi 7t A 7^ go

<r chS <|^ chy
S chhu

=J,nye Ti nyo

€ ta dti (ftt

O-tha O* thi 9 thu -O the

^dhi

X nS 3C ne 3E no

jUtt ^ty A.tu
9 thu

b dw ^ dS ^ du
iTdhi j dhy M dbu
J, J^ na :]: £ no

C* pfi (j pi 'I'pat'CXpo
Is phe

9qbu -o-TT bo tro- yt

^bhi r^ bhy

y mh ^my if B- mS "y-** me

Xyi Jj- yt J/ yu y^y^
ri4 l' ri l-ru
-iTlfi J le 1^ lu
i va j^ vy 4j vy

/^s

^ sm ^sy (Jjst ^sw
Xrlie T>- "0- Xr ho.

VOWELS

INITIAL
MEDIAL

au an at

+ -F

L til
■t -fe

+•

Lithographed at the Surveyor General's Office. Calcutta. Jauuary 1877.

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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM.

VOL. I.

QROUP

Eh
Q

ASOKA
250 B. 0.

SEAL

400 B.C.(7)

A A

ORIGIN OP INDIAN ALPHABET

PICTORIAL FORMS

rn mattock = Man = to dig
r\ gagaii = sky, vault of heaven
^ gu^ha, guha = cave

PLATS XX VIII

e8&

Chh

{

yoni ; ya^ yava = barley
jaghan = mons veneris
(J chamon = spoon
ohkatra = umbrella

EGYPTIAN HIEROGLYPHS.

r| = m = digging
y^ = t = walking
'^ = b = cave

= mons veneris, with zone

3 s;

C c

=»^ B

\ ^^^-rfl = basket

O tha =r circle = disk of Sun

tha = eye

|\ dhann = a bow

b u

« b 4

pant = haud,/??ya = worship
L- 1 bdri = enclosure

mafsya =fish,^$ wz/yf-yJ. = mouth

.^yK tdia = fan -palm, ^«/fl = span

^ v/wa = lute

rt wtf/»i = well-frame d!^ ndsa = nose

<^ kattdr = dagger

fl rdr««t/ = ray

^<^ =. neb ^ basket

O = the sun

^ CO

ot S

*--• = k = adoration
C^ = e = house

► = r« = mouth

1 = n = ;f<2/)*^, = guitar

I »- :^

3 4-^ «
o

o g

L
H

rJ-J J

=^J) lavdka = sickle
((=3 hansiya = sickle

Vj = #/V/{7^

4\ A

B. C.
500
250

•! ^

G\ jtrava = ear

4a, sarpaz= serpent

VOWELS.

e ai

L -

m ^

A. Cunnmgham.del.

L achh

mi ya

STONE SEAL

Lithographed at the Surveyor Generai'a Office. Calcutta. Jauuaiy 1877.

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INSCRIBED BOCES

DT A »T«D -V-VTV

A. Cunningham, del.

Lithogfraphed at the 8urrr. Genl'a. Office, Calcutta, April 1876.

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