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Classical Department 












How. LiR.D. (OuRAB.), D.O.L. (Oxok.), LL.D. (Bmv.) ; 








By Ponsonby A Gi«««* 



Ik this Seoond Edition of the eeoond Tolume of Oicbbo's 
OosBigpoNDXiroB, we have endeavoured to avail ounelyes of the 
oonoderable amount of work which has been done in this 
portion of Gioero's Letters during the last twenty years; but 
we are sensible how diffloult it is to make sure that some, even 
importanti contributions to the elucidation of the Oorrespondenoe 
have not escaped our notice. However, we have done our best, 
with the limited time at our disposal, to follow the literature 
of the subject. We have derived much advantage from several 
monc^raphs, especially those by Stemkopf in HermeBf which have 
proved very helpfuL We have added to the Introduction a 
chiqpter on ^The Egyptian Question/ in which we owe much 
to two articles by M. Bouch^-Lecleroq in the Bemte Historique ; 
and also a chapter on some points of epistolary style suggested by 
the learned and lucid work of M. Jules Lebreton, 8.J. (Etudes sur 
la langu0 et la grammaire de Oiciron). We have omitted the 
chapter on the Harleian manuscripts, as they are sufficiently 
discussed in the Introduction to Vol. P (pp. 96-98). We have 
made some statistics (pp. Izvi, Irvii) as to the applicability of 


the interesting and now famous Law of the Glanse-endings set 
forth bj Professor Th. Zielinskii of St. Petersburg, in his work 
Dm ClauulgenU in Ciceros Reden (1904), and have found it to 
hold good to a remarkable degree in many of the more formal 
letters written by Oieero himself, but in no appreciable degree in 
the letters of his correspondents. 

The diffiouliy as regards the order of the letters is the same as 
that noticed in the third edition of the first volume (1904). The 
order of our original edition is retained, though that order has in 
some cases been proved to be wrong; because alteration of it 
would render the references all through the succeeding volumes of 
our edition untrustworthy. The table given on pp. 302-304 will 
(it is hoped) in a measure remedy this defect, and enable students 
to discover without difficulty the approximate chronological order 
of the several letters. 

We desire to thank Mr. Gibbs of the University Press for 
many useful corrections. 

Ifoy, 1006. 



I. HmxuBiOAL: — 


§ 2. ThX EeTTIIAK QVEBnOITy . . . , 



§ 2. M. Lkbrxiok's Stupixs ok Cicbbo's Lajtguagk, 











8, a, line 8 from bottom, ^^ ^perfeeermn 96 ' read 'jimpcswom 96, 1 *. 
28, i, L 12, /or ' in Ciatander's margin * nod * of a Bohdar quoted by Orelli '. 
84, hlffir * cum ' (it&Hos) r^ad < cum * (Roman). 

I, 3, 1. 6, in lemma, /or ' habm ' read *fum titurwn '. 

», last line of text, /or ' quam ' rsad < quom '. 
206, b, 1. 6, for < you may ' read * you may not '. 





Thb period saooeeding Oioero's restoration from exile has been 
seised on bj his detractors as an opportunity for depicting him as 
a political apostate^ or a time-serving trimmer. The whole pack 
of minor feuilletoniatea follow in full cry the lead of the sovran 
8avantf the prince of historical-epoch-nuJLers^ Theodor If ommsen. 
What may be thought of the outrage which he has perpetrated on 
the fame of Oicero has been already said. We will now try to 
trace the career of Oioero in the troublous times at which we have 
arriyedy not in the spirit of the public prosecutor of a somewhat 
feeble criminal, but as the unbiassed spectator of the conduct of a 
great and good man under singularly difficult circumstances. 

Even his admirers do not care to dwell on this epoch. ^ Oe n'est 
pas,' writes Gaston Boissier, * une belle ^poque de sa vie, et ses 
admirateurs les plus r^solus la dissimulent le plus qu'ils le 
peuvent.' He is generally represented as vacillating between 
the aristocracy, his old party, and the coalition between Caesar, 
Pompey, and Orassus, which is commonly spoken of as the first 
Triumvirate. We will briefly review the relation of Cicero to the 
diief events of the period covered by Part iv. of the Correspon- 
dence, and to the chief actors who took part in this scene of the 
Tragedy of the Fall of the Boman Bepublic. 

Cicero is said during this epoch to have continually halted 
between the Optimates and the Triumvirs. But it would be a 
to suppose that two clearly defined parties presented 

VOL. II. b 


themBelves to him that he might ohooae between them. Ghiston 
Boiflsier well remarks that * lea qaeetiona ne ae posent paa anx 
jeox dee oontemporains aveo la mfime nettet^ qu'i oeux de la 
poat^rit^.' The terms Optimate and Triumvirate have for us a 
netteU which misleads ns when we contemplate their relation to 
the mind of Oioero. A few years before OptimaU meant for 
him Pompey, or at least the union of Senate and Equites under 
the lead^ship of Fompey, the soldier-chief of a free Bepublio, 
another Scipio, to whom Oicero should play Laelius. At this time 
such a party can hardly be said to exist When Oicero now speaks 
of the bonif he adds, * I am not sure that they are not an extinct 
race,' qui neseio an nulU sint. During the coalition the Optimates, 
if not extinct, were at all events in a state of suspended animation , 
from which they were not thoroughly aroused but by the fall of 
Caesar. This is what Cicero deplores. He does not express regret 
for any defection from a party, though he deeply regrets that he 
must giye up his old political sympaUues.* Writing to Lsntulus 
in 699 (65), he complains, ' You are sensible how difficult it is to 
lay ande one's political sympathies, eqieoially when they are well 
grounded and deeply seated.'t And then he goes on to declare 
that the constitutionalists are extinct, and that his esteem for 
Pompey, and his natural bias toward him, make him regard all 
his policy as straightforward and fair. 

Now, how does the Triumvirate present itself to Oicero P The 
Triumvirate, too, in the main, speUs Pompey. In fact, from the 
Mithridatic War to Pharsalia, Pompey was the imposing figure to 
Boman eyes. His opinions, his principles, his relations to the 
parties, seemed the main factors in the political situation to every 
Boman^-except, perhaps, Pompey himself. Oicero constantly 
complains that Pompey wrapped himself in mystery ; ut loque- 
batury he says,} must be our refrain, like the koL r6h 9wK\i\liov of 

* When Gioero taUi us that Pompey luw in ^the arbhiyei ol his pocket-book as 
long a list of fntore eonsuls as the State rooords have of consuls past,* we feel that the 
Empire has already begun. Adhesion to the Optimate cause would at this time bare 
been looked on as an aet of insanity. * How do you suppose I feelP' he writes (110, 
f 2) ; ' I am looked on as a madman if I say what duty bids ; as a slaye if I follow 
the dictates of expediency; and if I hold my peace, I am said to be biow-beaten 
and in thraldom.* 

1 119, { 2. X 122, n : op- 90, { 2. 


the old gnomio poet, whenever we speak of Pompej : again, wlit 
noUt wire difficih est * : and, ' yon know how slow and how silent 
he is.'t To Oioero he seems a perfect treasore-hoase of haute 
poKtiquej oarefully and deliberately shronded by him in silenoe. 
The oynioal Oaelins takes a muoh lower Tiew of this sphinx, when 
he writes to Cioero} — 

'If yoa hsTe met Pompey, let me know what impreesion he gave you, 
how he spoke, what yiews he expressed— his real feelings are of oourse quite 
different from what he expresses ; bat then he has not sofficient adroitness 
(neqv0 Umtum valerB ingmiio) to oonoeal his thoughts.* 

Probably the real reason why he never disclosed his opinions was 
that he had no opinions to disclose. But snoh was not the belief 
of his contemporaries in general, few of whom were so irreverent 
as Gaelins. To Oioero, as I have said, the Triumvirate mainly 
meant Pompey. He does not nse the words ^Triumvirs' and 
< Triumvirate ' at all: the nearest approach is Prov. Cons. 41, 
quoted on p. xiL (note f). Nor have they any consistent solidarity 
for Oioero. Sometimes he calls them UU qui tenent, or qui tenent 
omnia, or populares^ or (fynastae; sometimes the primacy of Pompey 
is more clearly expressed, as when he calls the Triumvirs dominus 
(Pompey) and advoeati (Oaesar and Orassus).§ Anon he speaks 
of the Triumvirate as if it were the autocracy of Pompey. 
Writing to Atticus (164, 2), he says : * I feel no concern at seeing 
all the powers of tiie State in the hands of one man. Why P 
Because it Ib breaking the hearts of those who could not bear to 
see any power at all in mine.' Of course in process of time the 
coalition begins to look more like a party. Oioero speaks of it as 
res in 119, 1, and writes as if it were likely to be indefinitely 
prolonged, as, indeed, it might have been but for the deaths of 
two not very eminent people, Julia, the wife of Pompey, and the 
Triumvir Orassus, than whom, at this crisis, Bome could certainly 
have better spared a better man. His feelings towards the 
several members of the coalition are quite different. He speaks 
of Orassus in his private letters in the language of dislike and 

* 169, } 4. 1 104, 2 nosti hominis taiditatem et taoitaniitatem. 

t Fam. Tiii. 1, 8 (192). 

{ Att. ii. 19, 3. It IS most prohable that this is the msaiiing of the passage. 



oontempt. hominem neguam* are the words whioh dismifiB him 
on hiB jooniey to the proTinoe from whioh he was neyer to return. 
We have seen that he profeasesy at least, to enjoy oarrying out 
the behests of Pompey ; but he feels that the palinode in praise of 
Caesar 'looks a little ugly ' (subturpieula). Yet he is repelled by 
the unsympathetio arrogance of Pompey, and fasoinated by the 
generous courtesy of Oaesar, from whom, howeyer, he recoils as 
the natural enemy of the Constitutionalists. The coalition had 
not any such solidarity as would have justified Cicero in looking 
on it as a permanent Party ; it was not much more than a 
temporary Cave. It was, indeed, a coalition which never fully 
coalesced. Cicero might himself have made it a Quattuorvirate, 
as he expressly tells us in the speech De Provincm C<m9uktrihw.^ 
The ties which held together the champion of the democracy, the 
leader of the aristocracy, and the great capitalist, were at different 
times drawn very tightly and almost entirely relaxed. It was a 
conspiracy of G-enius, Position, and Capital, against the Law, 
which places bounds to all these three. How the ideal of Cicero 
became impossible, and how Pompey drifted into the lawless 
designs of Caesar, is excellently told by a careful student and 
brilliant exponent of this epoch of Boman history.} When 
Pompey returned, the idol of his victorious army at the conclusion 
of the Mithridatio War, he might have seized Bome and estab- 
lished a military despotism, as Caesar did afterwards. As we 
know, he refrained from such a treacherous and criminal act. 
The sequel is thus described in the essay to which we have 
referred : — 

* Pompejr believed that the highest plaoe would be freely granted to him as 
icon as he had proved hia loyalty by relosing to seise on it. He appealed ta 
the bonoiur of his oonntrymon not at least to refuse that which a few weeks 
before he eonld haye oommanded — ^the oonfirmationi namely, of his arrangements 
respeetiiig his Asiatic oonqoestsi and the redemption of his promise of grants of 

* 180, 2. The letter to Crassns (181) is a lomewbat oiBoial oompositioD, and is- 
not to be taken as a perfectly accurate ezpresiioa of opinion. 

t { 41 SM •» iribui nbi eoniumtiuimU $ontuUsr%hu9 $u$ vdmt. Obsenre the yague- 
ness of the words which mefin the Triumvixate. For other proofs leading in this 
direction, see Att ii. 1, }M and 7 (27) ; u. 3, 3 (29). See also toI. !>, p. 29, note {. 

t Mr. /. L. Strachan-DuTidson in Ths QMrUri^ Stvisw, No. 296, October, 1879. 


land to hiB ▼iotorioos ioldien. With a short-nglited perrenity of ingratitade 
the Senate tefased both these requests. Fompey's disappointment vas bitter ; 
he was oalled to aot in a sitnation where right and wrong were no longer so 
elear, and in whibh his want of politioal capaeity and politioal training led 
him into fatal errors. A year and a half elapsed from Fompey's landing in 
Italy, and still the oonfnsions of the sitnation showed no signs of clearing. 
Hie nnion of Senate and Eqnites imder the leadership of Pompey, the ideal 
combination of which Cicero dreamed^ failed to realise itself, owing to the 
selfishness and impracticability of the parties. At length, about the middle of 
the year 694 (60), Caesar, who had been absent for some months as pro-praetor 
in Spain, returned to Bome ; and a very different solution presented itself in 
the famous coalition of Fompey, Crassus, and Caesar. Caesar promised, if he 
were made consul, and were duly backed up by his confederates, that he would 
obtain for them, legally or illegally, the measures idiich each desired. The 
Equites, with whom Crassus was leagued, were anxious for a remission of their 
contracts for the collection of the taxes ; and this daim was now to be satis- 
fied. Fompey's acts in Asia were to be confirmed, and his soldiers were to 
hare their lands. Caesar in return bargained for a province and an army. 
The biibe was too tempting to be resisted. The patience of Fompey was worn 
cut. He had not the magnanimity to submit to vexation and discomfiture 
rather than swerve from the straight path. He had virtue enough not to 
break the law himself, when he might have reaped all the advantages of the 
crime ; he had not firmness enough to refuse to take advantage of the breach 
cf the law by another, who professed himself willing to aot in his behalf. In 
his short-sightedness he probably hardly recognized that his compact with 
Caesar was treasonable. This compact is the turning-point of Fompey's life. 
Henceforth he is no longer master of his own course ; he is driven to a succes- 
sion of forced moves. He, who would fain be the champion of legality, is 
obliged to defend the illegal acts of Caesar. He, who refused to bear arms 
against the State, provides with an army a rival who has no such scruple. In 
the interest of the coalition to which he has bound himself, he is obliged to 
undertake the task for which he is least fitted, that of guiding the turbulent 
poHtios of the city. His warlike achievements grow pale beside the fresh 
glories of Caesar. His efforts to obtain a compensating power elsewhere fail. 
In spite of misgivings, he is forced to renew the Triumvirate at the conference 
of Luca. He is doomed to work at building up, stone by stone, the edifice of 
his rival's greatness, only to find out too late that he has created a power 
which aims at the destruction of the Bepublic, and to perish at last in a 
desperate effort to undo the work of his own hands. 

' Fompey's great fault is, that he aspired to a political career without any 
political creed or political principle. He belongs to no party ; he represents no 
consistent idea. He never seems to have come to any conclusion on the main 
question of the day, the alternative of an aristocratioal or a despotic government. 
In his youth his sword had helped Sulla to set up the authority of the Senate ; and 
he drew the sword again in his old age in vain defence of that authority ; yet, by 


hii restoration of the tribnnioiui power in hie ilrtt oonmlahip, he stniok a 
deadly Mow at the polity which Snlla had eetabliahed; and in hia extraordinary 
oommanda and offices he traversed eyery mie of the aristooratic rSgimB^ and 
gaye precedents for almost all the arrangements of the imperial system. 
Dean Merivale has some justification for beginning his << Histoxy of the 
Bomans nnder the Empire " with the retnm of Pompey from the oonqnest of 
If ithridates. Thronghont a long political life Pompey hardly eyer yentnred 
to initiate a policy or to originate a reform. He wished to be the leader of 
fioman politics, but had not the wit to see that a leader mnst needs aooept 
responsibility. Because he is yirtaons, Rome is to tolerate a physician who 
has no idea what is the disease of which the State is sickening, or what the 
remedy which he will prescribe.' 

All credit is due to Pompey for refraining from the orime 
whidi Caesar oommitted when he made himself master of Borne 
by force of arms. Yet it may be doubted whether the faoe of 
history would haye been greatly changed if Pompey had won 
the Battle of Pharsalia. The use which he made of his position 
as the sole remaining Triumyir on the departure of Grassus for 
Syria (the other, Oaesar, being absent in Gaul) was certainly far 
from constitutional. His first design seems to haye been to gain 
the dictatorship ; but his characteristic tarditaa et tacitumitas made 
him dissemble his ambition, hoping apparently that the greatness 
would be thrust on him which his * flat unnJsed spirit ' forbade 
him to achieye for himself.* His first act was to secJk the support 
of Cicero. We must take a yery brief retrospect, to show in what 
position the great orator now stood. 

When Cicero returned from exile, he enjoyed an unmixed 
triumph in his reception by Bome and Italy. It is an incident 
unique in Boman history, and justifies the words in which he 
speaks of his return as ^an ascent into heayen, rather than a 
restoration to his country ' (Pro Dom. 76). Indeed the glories of 
his return for a while eclipse in his mind, and supersede in his 
words, the triumphs of his consulate. Three days after his return 

*A Sne phnae of Pindar's excellently dssoribes Pompey:— 'There is whom, 
OTennveh mittnuting his strength, a faint heart, diagging him hack by the hand, 
hath robbed of his guerdon due '— 

rhp 8* ad itara/i9/i^$4pT JkyoM 
X^iphs HXKtay Mfffftt $vuht iro\/ios iAw. — ^Nbu. zi. 80. 


he proposed the inyeetmeni of Pompey with the OommiBBLoner- 
ship of the oom-supply. This was merely a mark of gratitude 
for the part whioh Pompey had taken in his restoration ; and no 
one looked upon it as a bid for the favour of the TriumYirs. The 
extraordinary warmth of his reoeption, the aoquittal of SestiuSy and 
many other oiroumstanoes, made Oioero hope^ for a revival of the 
Optimate party. The consuls for the year were Ixmi. The Trium- 
virate seemed to be falling to pieoes. Oioero began to think he 
might resume his old position as ohampion of the aristocraoy. He 
was bold enough to announce on April 5, 698 (66), his intention 
of calling on the Seuate to review, on May 15, the legislation of 
Caesar's consulate in 696 (69), especially the allotment of the 
Campanian land under the agrarian laws of that year. This was 
a direct challenge to Oaesar, and would have revived the Optimate 
party by giving them a banner round which to rally. But 
Cicero ought to have perceived that his former position was not 
to be r^iained. The attacks made on the workmen who were 
engaged in rebuilding his house on the Palatine showed him that 
he bad many active and bitter enemies (cp. especially Ep. 92) . 
The aristocracy, for whom he had sufFered so much, were offended 
by the enthusiasm displayed at the restoration of the ttortit homo ; 
and the wurra consularis had a biting way of putting a grumbling 
aristocrat in the wrong. The light of his genius quenched the 
embers of Optimate enthusiasm, as the rays of the sun seem to 
extinguish a dying fire. They petted Clodius (163, 19),* and 

* Mr. A. 0. Clark, in liia admirable Ixitzodiiotion to his edition of the Fro Milotu^ 
has an interesting akeCeh of Clodius. He says (pp. xwi, xyii) :— ' The stoiy of 
Boman anarchy is inseparably oonneeted with the name of Clodius. It is not here 
to the point to inquire what degree of credenoe should be giTon to the Tarioos oharges 
brought against his priyate obaraoter. Our information largely oomes from Cicero, 
who is a prejudiced witness. The orator was a good hater ; and it was a necessity of 
his nature to hare an enemy. Clodius may not hare been so black as he is painted. 
. . . The Boman nobles, who were always ready to overlook peccadilloes in an 
aristocrat, petted Clodius^ and eridently looked on him as an amusing person, not 
quite responsible lor his actions. Howerer, after making aU possible sllowanoes, it 
cannot be doubted that he was deyoid of all conscience, and paraded his contempt 
for law, order, and morals in an unblushing manner. • • • As a politician his chief 
object was $*0tMmailUr, and so successful was he in this that he is known to history, 
like his equally fkmous and more brilliant sister, not by his patrician name of 
Ckudim, but by the popular pronunciBtion of the name. He had no serious end in 


oat down io a mininmm the sams whioli had been allowed aa 
indemnifioation for the losses his fortune had inoorred. As Cioero 
says himselfi in his interesting waj (163, 15) : — 

'And I sm truly g^tefal that these men deaized my restoration. Bat 
I would fain that they paid some attention not merely, like physioianB, to 
mj restoration to health, bnt also, like trainers, to my strength and complexion. 
Now, just as Apelles elaborated the head and breast of Yenos with all the 
highest finish of art, but left the rest of the body jnst blocked out {inehoatam)^ 
so, in respect of my citizenship, certain persons haye spent all their efforts on 
my head, bnt have left the rest of my body nnfinished and in the rongh 

And they thought that he should be humble and retiring, and 
should take no prominent part in affairs. ^ Those who had olipped 
his wings,' as he says himself (91, 5), ' did not oare to see them 
sprouting again.' Though Oioero thought that his oonduot oould 
not cause any offenoe (153, 16, 17), yet he oould not escape 
jealousy (op. 114, 7). It was bad enough that they should 
grudge to the parvenu consular a house which had belonged to a 
Oatulas, forgetting that it was bought by him from a Yettius : 
but the treachery and stupidity of his former party reached the 
climax when they failed to conceal from him their pleasure at 
the prospect that by his motion of May 15 Gicero would irritate 
Oaesar beyond hope of reconciliation, and probably alienate 
Pompey as well (153, 10). Accordingly we are not surprised to 
find that Oioero had not his whole soid in the project of attacking 
Oaesar's legislation, and that he did not resLst when Pompey sent 
him an express order to withdraw his motion (153, 10). About 
April 11, Pompey, without showing any irritation against Gicero 
— such was his almost culpable reserve, unless we suppose that he 
was really indifferent as regards Cicero's motion — ^had left Bome 
on a yiflit to Sardinia and Africa ; but, before crossing the water, he 
met Oaesar and Grassus at Luca. There the celebrated conference 
was held about April 18, when the Triumvirate was put on a 
firmer and more definite basis than before. It is not needful 

▼iev except to amuse himself by making gorenunent impossible ; while his peculiar 
delight was to wony his sensitiTe enemy Cicero, or to reduce to impotence Pompey 


liere to go into the detaiUi of the policy adopted bj the 
TriomYin ; but as regards Oioero it was decided that his opposi- 
tion to Oaesar's proposals must be checked. Oaesar was, of coarse, 
annoyed at Cicero's proposals, and had been farther rendered 
indignant by certain representations, or misrepresentations, made 
by Grassus. It appeared, too, that Pompey, behind all his reserve, 
was also somewhat yexed with Oicero (158, 9). Pompey imme- 
diately sent one of his sabordinates, Yibollius, with a command — 
the word is Oicero's own, cum mandatis (163, 10) — ^to Oicero to 
witlihold his motion on the Oampanian qaestion until Pompey's 
return ; and croning oyer to Sardinia he had an interview with 
^uintus, in which he told Quintus that he must make Marcus 
desist from this opposition to Oaesar. The interview could not 
be better told than in Oicero's own words (163, 9) when writing 
to Lentulus : — 

'It appears that Pompey was very muoh annoyed at my propoeal, as 
I heard from others, and learned explicitly from my brother. For when 
Pompey met him a few days after leaving Lnca, he said, '< Yon are the very 
man I wanted ; nothing oonld have been more opportune ; if you do not apeak 
very aerionaly to yonr brother Marons, yon will have to pay np the undertaking 
yon made on his behalf." To be brief, he complained bitterly, and recounted 
his many kindnesses ; he reminded ftointos of the frequent disonssions he had 
had with him about Caesar's measures, and the undertakings ftiuntushad 
made on my behalf, and oalled my brother to witness that all his measures for 
my restoration had been taken with the approval of Caesar ; and in recom- 
mending to &e his interests and position, he begged me at least not to attack 
them if I found myself unwilling or unable to speak in their defence.' 

Acting on the order of Pompey and the representations of 
'Quintus, Oicero dropped the proposal. To the latter he says, a 
day or two after the Ides of May, * The debate on the Oampanian 
land, arranged for the Ides and following day, did ifot come off. 
In this matter the flow of my plans is obstructed ' [In hoc causa 
mihi aqua haeret, 117, 2). 

In a letter to his brother, Oicero had announced very curtly 
that the obnoxious motion was made on April 6, not, however, 
connecting his own name closely with the matter*; and in the 

* JMmm dU v4hmimUr aotum est d$ agn (kmpmo clamar0 8etuUu»prpp$ canHon^i 
<106, 1). He distinetly refers to himself as the author of the motioa ia 158, 8. The 


allnnve fashion notioed above he recordB that the motion has been 
dropped (117, 2). Bome's least mortal mind was, after all, but 
mortal still ; and Oicero should have been more than mortal if he 
had repelled the overtures of the Triumvirs, and ruined himself 
and his brother by waving a banner whioh his former allies would 
not follow (153, 21), though they would fain have enoouraged him 
to wave it still, because they saw that his enthusiasm would be 
his ruin. Gioero, therefore, oan hardly be said to have broken 
with his party, for there was really no Optimate party now ; or, 
at all events, in Cicero's opinion, its sentiments were entirely 
different from what they were nine months previously, when he 
returned (158, 17) ; but he definitely gave himself to do the 
bidding of Pompey (cp. 119, 2). He wrote what he calls his 
paUnodej whioh has been supposed to be his speech, De Provinciis 
ConiulartbuSf with the express intention of making his step irrevo- 
cable ; ego meheixukj he writes to Atticus (108, 1),* mihi neee^Bitatetn 
vohd imponere hutM novae eoniunetumie. And he was faithful to 
this nova eoniunetio. He often bewails the old cause that is lost, 
but he never contemplates throwing off his allegiance to the 
Triumvirs. He confesses that he was a 'downright ass' to believe 
so long in the feeble and treacherous aristocrats who had sacrificed 
him once, and were now more than ever ready to sacrifice him 
again.f Of course the charge of inconsistency was raised against 

quMtion had been mooted by Batiliiu LupuS) a supporter of Pompey, in the prerioas 
Deoember ; bat it had been postponed, as Pompey was absent from Bome at the time 
(98, 1, 2). Mr. Straohan-Dayidson seems to think that Pompey enoouraged Cioero 
to make the motion of April 6 {Cicero, p. 264 : cp. 260). At all events, he probably 
nerer discoursged him. 

* See note there, where the question what the vuXtw^la was is discussed. 

t When he makes the confession to Atticus (108, 1) that his * palinode looked a 
little u^y,' he goes on to say, ad valeant neta vera homtta cotuUia. This is usually 
undentood to mean < good-bye to the right, just, end honourable (Optimate) policy.* 
Thus he is represented as bidding adieu to the policy which he knows to be right. 
Now, it is surely remarkable that, in Fam. i. 8, 2 (119), he applies two of these three 
adjectrres to the policy of Pompey. The reader, on consulting that passage, may, 
perhaps, see reason to belieTe that Cicero is here referring to the policy of the Triumvirs, 
not of the Optimates. ' But,' he ezdaims, ' good luck to the policy which is at least 
straightforward, fkir, and honourable ; you could hardly believe in the existence of 
such treachery as the leading Optimates are guilty of,' ted vuleani reeta vera honeeta 
eentiUM, Nen eat crediHle quae ait perjldia in iatie prineipihue. In the word j9riit- 
eipitui he certainly refers to the leading Optimates, who had shown such treachery 


him — ^the oommon oharge made against those who engage in 
politios. Oioeio answers it himself; and the passage (Balb. § 61) 
iB one of snoh qniet dignity, and oontains so large an element of 
general truth, that we make no apology for quoting it. We may 
oontend (says Gioero) if need be against our politioal enemies ; but 
we should spare the friends of our enemies : — 

* And if my influenoe shoiild haye any weight with them in this matter, 
espeoially when they see that I haye leazned the lesson by a yaried ezperienoe 
in life, I would urge them to giye up even these more seriomi oontentions. 
I hare always been of opinion that politioal oppoBitian, when you are defending 
what you belieye to be right, is the oonrse whioh oourageous and great men 
should adopt ; and I neyer shrunk from this laborious duty and task. But 
opposition is only wise so long as some good is done the State, or at all eyents 
no injury is done her. We desired a oertain course, we stroye for it, we tried 
it, but failed to maintain it. To others it was a pain, to me sorrow and 
desolation. Why do we tiy to tear in pieces rather than to maintain what 
we cannot ehange P The senate honoured G. Caesar with a most complimentary 
kind of thankflgiying, lasting for an unprecedented number of days. It also, 
though the public finances were straitened, assigned pay to his yiotorious 
troops, appointed ten lieutenants for the General, and yoted that he should 
not be superseded in accordance with the Sempronian law. I was the chief 
moyer of these proposals; and I did not think that I should express agree- 
ment with my former diyergent yiew, but should rather act in accordance 
with the present exigencies of the State, and the preyailing unanimity. 
Others think differently; thay may be more steadfast in their o]iinions. 
I blame no one ; but I cannot agree with them all ; nor do I think it a mark 
of inconaistenoy to direct one's opinion like the course of a ship, according to 
the way the winds of politics may bbw. But if there are any who once they 
haye oonceiyed an enmity persist in it to the end — and I see there are some 
such— let them join issue with the leaders, and not with their retinue and 

Deyotion to the oonquered cause is perhaps the oourse which 
the world is most inclined to praise ; but it is certainly not the 

and jealousy of the reriying eminenoe d Cioero. The same class are oaUed princip$$ 
in Q. Fr. iii. 9, 8 (160). It is true that in 110, 2, he refers to the Optimate 
cause as the one to which duty caUs him; but he adds that it would be downright 
madness to embrace it. The Optimates are an extinct race. To espouse the cause 
one should first reriye it. It must, moreoyer, be obsenred that, in 110, 2, he speaks 
of a projected attack on the Optimate policy, e^mmmtw ui uta improbem; and they 
are referred to as Ml in Att. ir. 18, 2 (164) : indeed, it would be hard to explain the 
use of M/i or Uta for the Tiinmyirs and their yiews in a letter to Atticus. It is 
maintained in a note on this passage that Uta can hardly refer to the Triumyirs' policy. 


ooune whioh it is most ready to adopt ; and the gods', too, as the 
poet says, approve the yiotor. 

Bat what rankled in the mind of Oioero was the jealousy and 
treachery of the nobles ; and he could not account for it even on 
the theory that they despised his novitas. Writing to Lentulus 
{114, 8), he says : ' I see that it was not my want of hereditary 
distinction that made them jealous of my fame, for I peroeiye 
that they were as jealous of you, though of the noblest house.' 
The advice which he says he got from Atticus was, * That he 
should enact the politician and play the safe game/* The safe 
game was the cause of the Triumvirs. And Oicero, after once 
espousing it, shows no tendency to relinquish it, though he often 
deplores the high-handed acts of Fompeyt and his colleagues, 
and * the untimely work that is done under the sun ' ; and sighs 
for the good old times which were gone never to return.^ * In a 
word,' he writes to his brother, ^ they are irresistible ; and they 
want to make this generally fett.^i The whole state of things is 
fficvX/u^cJI * ft piece of tracasserie* Yet there is no choice. The 
Optimates are not what they were; they are virtually extinct. 
HiB sole ambition now is to fling away ambition, to keep out of 
politics, to turn his back even on his forensic career, and to devote 
himself to literature and to his family (cp. 160, 2). In this 
connexion it is interesting to notice the expressions nostra Urania^ 
and nostrum lovetn, which he sometimes uses, and to remember 
that the counsel of Urania and Jupiter was probably that 
he should betake himself to the calm delights of study and 
literature.1f His public speeches at this period are models of 
finesse^ carefully constructed so as to give offence to nobody 
(cp. 153, 17). Borrowing a proverbial expression, perhaps from 
his contemporary Catullus, he calls himself oricula infima molliorem 
(141, 4).** In 158, 17, he writes : neque vera ego mihipostea (sc. 

* 118, 4, irhere see note. t See 118, 2. 

X Writiog to Coiio (176, 2), be sayi: ' I am afraid when you come you will find 
nothing here to interest yon ; public life if in such a atate of aynoope— indeed almoat 
complete collapse ' [a^icUm $t oppr$9tam). 

i 120, 8. 1 180, 1. Y See note on 120, 1. 

** MolUor . . . imula aricUUt, Catull. 25, 2. He again seems to boirow a phrase 
irom GatuUus (31, 1), in the words ccellot ItaUae vUMat, Att. zri. 6, 2 (776). But 


after my restoration) quidquam adsumpsi neque hodie adsumo qmd 
quemquam maknolentiasimum iure possU qfendere. Bat Cicero 
oould not rest. In a letter to his brother, he sajs, * I must be at 
something else ; I cannot remain quiet.'* Cicero knew not what it 
was to rest* His nearest approach to rest was a change from one 
form of mental actiyiiy to another. But Cicero was not able to 
persuade himself to believe what he wished to beliere. His 
eloquence was efEoacious only with his hearers— 'rather calculated 
to win the assent of others than of mjself.'f That Cicero was 
not undecided — that he was not hovering between two rival 
poUoies — is made very clear not only by the passage we have 
quoted from the Pro Salbo (p. ziz, above), but also by a letter to 
Quintus (162, 2, 3). Some of his friends had urged Cicero to act 
as prosecutor of Gabinius. He points out how this would have 
brought on him the hostility of Pompey without securing any 
good result. It would be like the fight between Pacideianus and 
Aeseminus — on the one side all the skill, on the other irresistible 
brute force. 

Let us now observe the conduct of Pompey on finding himself 
the sole representative of the Triumvirate at Bome, aud assured 
of the support of Cicero. In those days to have Cicero on one's 
side was a great matter. Pompey was in the position of a 
modem statesman who should have just secured the support of 
the greatest of the great London daily papers. This was seen 
by no one so clearly as by Caesar. Herein, as in other matters, he 
towered above the men of his time. When Cicero showed signs 
of assuming a hostile attitude, Caesar expressed the gravest 
concern, and at Luca probably urged the necessity of con- 
ciliating, or, if it must be so, crushing Cicero. He was ready 
for either alternative, though he infinitely preferred the former. 
Pompey was probably quite Olympian enough to think he could 
dispense with Cicero. When, on meeting Q. Cicero in Sardinia, 
he desired him to ask his brother 'not to attack Caesar if he 
would not or could not support him,'$ we may be very sure that 
the appeal was made at the instance of Caesar; but the brusque 

Oieero never mentions GataUu^ and oonsirtently avoids quoting from contemporary 

• 139, 1. 1 141, 6. 1 163, 9. 


wording of it was due solely to Pompey. Contrast with this the 
lofty courtesy of Oaesar, who, on learning, or rather inferring, 
from a letter which ooiild hardly be deciphered (owing to the 
action of water, in which it had been accidentally immersed), that 
Qniotus proposed to join him in Gkinl, was so overjoyed at the 
good feeling on the part of Marcns implied in this step, that he 
writes to a friend, ' I cannot make out for certain what you say 
about Cicero ; my guess at the meaning gives, I am afraid, 
too good news to be true/* We are not surprised to find that, in 
a letter written just after hearing this expression, Cicero says that 
he grapples Caesar to his soul with hoops of steel,t and declares 
that he is ' the one plank in the shipwredc of things ' to which 
he clings with a sense of pleasure ; while of Pompey, he exclaims, 
^ Gods I how fatuous he is I how single and concentrated his 
adoration of himself !:( 

In the position in which Pompey now found himself there 
was much work to be done which could be done only by Cicero. 
One of the instruments of the Triumvirate was an aggressive but 
good-humoured rascal named P. Yatinius,§ on whom Cicero had 
already emptied the vials of his wrath and scorn, when he asserted 
that Cicero had become Caesar's friend owing to Caesar's extra- 
ordinary success and good fortune. This creature had been 
elected to the praetorship, the typically virtuous Cato being a 
defeated candidate. And in 700 (54) it became the duty of 
Cicero to defend Yatinius. He does not seem even to have asked 

' Was it BO nominated in the bond P' 

He tells us (163, 19) that, in addition to the fact that he had been 
lately reconciled to Yatinius and had received an urgent appeal 
from Caesar, he felt a pleasure in defending him, because it galled 
the aristocrats who were petting * the other Publius,' his old enemy, 

• 138, 4. 

1 168, 2 eum Caewi^ fmnuwrnam emiuneHoHim; hue mdm m$ una ez hoe naufragio 
UbuU 4$Uetat, 

X 159, i OtU! quam ineptue ! qmm ee %p9$ avume mm rwali t 

i For a full aoconnt of Yatixiius, see vol. t., pp. xItiI ff. Cioero says (106, 1) 
id quod UU (Sfiitu) maxime eupUbaty Vatinium^ a quo palam oppugnaiatuTy arhitratu 
nottro eoneidimui dit hotninihuque plaudentibus. 


OlodiiiB. As to Oiaamis also, Oioero yielded to appeals from 
Fompey and Oaeear, and was farther influenoed by ill-natured 
remarks of certain Optimates to the efleot that, owing to a 
vigorous reply of Oioero to certain striotnres which Grassas made 
on his conduct, Oioero and Orassus had irreyocably dissolyed 
friendship. So he became reconciled with Orassus before that 
general left for the East.* Another client was Scaurusy the 
brother-in-law of Pompey, who, having spent all his means on 
the shows of his aedileship, naturally sought to recoup his 
shattered fortunes in his province. He returned from Sardinia 
in a position to buy the consulship. Ebtppily for the Sar- 
dinians, a young man named Triarius wished to make his 
dibut in public life, else they might have long waited for a 
Boman of any position willing to make himself ridiculous by 
espousing the cause of a plundered province. Scaurus, though 
Oato was praetor, was aoquitted.t Let us hope that the poor 

* Yet tlie rwwndliation was hblloir. Almoct inunediatelj after the departure of 
OitMQe he ftigmatiaed him (180, 2) at a * had man ' (o homimm n^gnam), 

t The taal vas held on the 2nd of Beptemher, 700 (64), and wm a eatiu eiMre. 
It la nioh a etriUng example of the genenl nature of the txiali of the daj that it is 
neeemary to apeak ahoot it at length. There wat a Tory large har, a yerj Urge 
numher of witne»ei to oharaoter (UmUitom), and a yery large display of the ordinary 
fonusio moekery of woe. Aaoonina (pp. 18-20) has given a full aooount of it, which 
Mr. Long hM thus zeprodnoed (ir. 273, 274) : « Boaurus relied on his father's great 
name, on the fame of his aedileahip, and, as Asoonius says, on On. Pompeius, for the 
strange reason that, when Pompeius put away his wife Mnoia, who was suspected of 
adultery with 0. Caesar, Soaurus married the woman, and now had a son by her. 
Scaums was defended by six ad?ocates (though it was hitherto very rare for anyone 
to be defended by more than four). Among these advocates were P. Olodios, Gioero, 
and Q. Hortensins. l^e men of consular rank gave Soaurus a oharaoter. ICany of 
them were absent, and sent their testimonials in writing. Pompeius being a proconsul 
was of course not within the walls ; and although he did not give Soaurus any aid in 
his trial, he sent his written testimonial in fayonr of his former wife's new husband. 
Scannis had also the testimonial of his half-brother Faustus Sulla; for Gaedlia, the 
mother of Scaums, married the diotator Sulla after her husband's death, and had 
by him Pknitos and Fansta. Scaums also spoke in his own defence, and moved the 
jury greatly by his tears, his squalid appearanoe^ the remembrance of his aedileahip, 
the fafour of the people, and his father's memory. His half-brother Faustus, by his 
abject behaTiour and his tears, produced as great an effect on the audience as Scaums. 
When the jury were voting, the scene in the Court was pathetic. The suppliants 
separated themselTea into two parties {Hfmimn), who threw themielves before the 
knees of tiie jury. On the one side were Soanrus himself M. Glabrio, his sister's 
son, C. Memmitts^ a eon of Scaums' half-sister Fausta, and others. On the opposite 


Sardinianfi enjoyed the broad humonr of the faot that they had 
oome to Borne to look for justice ; and that they reoovered as 
wages for battery or murder some of the money of which they 
had been robbed. The profession of murderer was at this time a 
flourishing one in Bome ; and a few stout Sardinians, derelict in a 
foreign city, would probably be as cheap as runaway slayee or 
gladiators. At all eyents they had this satisfaction : they spoiled 
the candidature of Scaurus for the consulate. Two of tiie other 
candidates, Domitius Oalyinus and Memmius, now made a 
bargain (143, 7 ; 148, 16 ; 149, 2 ; 151, 2) with the existing 
consuls, Domitius Ahenobarbus and Appius Claudius, whereby 
the latter were to support the candidature of the former, who 
bound themselyes in return under a fine to produce, if elected, 
absolutely and demonstrably perjured eyidence, on the oath of 
three Augurs, to the existence of certain airangements convenient 
for the outgoing consuls as to the allotment of the provincial 
gOYemments. This disgraceful compact does not seem to have 
injured anyone appreciably, when Menmiius divulged it. The 
only person who appears to have been shocked was Caesar, who 
witibdrew his support from Memmius.* Memmius accordingly 
failed to obtain the consulate, but he had the prospect of some- 
thing good from Fompey, if he should become Dictator, as seemed 
likely. His accomplice Domitius Calvinus was elected to the 
consulate for the following year, and was, no doubt, much 
respected. Of the outgoing consuls, Appius treated the matter as 
of no consequence. Domitius was weak enough to take it to 
heart. Cicero, in a passage in which he disavows complicity in 
the plot, remarks, however, that he is on very good terms with 
Memmius and Calvinus.t 

were Faiutufl Sulla, T. Annius Milo, whom Fansta had married a few months 
before, after being sent away by her huiband, 0. Memmiua, the father, and G. Cato, 
who had been just acquitted after trial, with aome others. The jury oonriated of 
twenty-two senators, twenty-three equites, and twenty-flTe tribuni aerailL Four 
senators Toted against Soaums, two equites, and two tribuni aerarii; and he was of 
oourse acquitted." We hare a considerable number of fragments of the speech which 
Cicero deliyered in the defence. 

*It is hard to know why Memmius diynlged the plot. Mr. Shuckburgh [Th^ 
UtUrt of Oie^ro, L, p. 301) thinks it was " perhaps snger on finding his hopes gone, 
and an idea that anything that humiliated Ahenobarbus would be pleasing to Caesar.*' 

tl48, 16. 


A still hazder taak was imposed on Gioero when he was obliged 
to defend OabininSy who, on his return from Syria, found himself 
oonfronted with three prosecutions, de tnaiestaUy d$ vt, and de 
ambiiuJ^ Oabinius obtained a favourable verdiot on the first 
charge, when Gioero gave evidenoe against him ; but was found 
guilty on the second, though Gioero, much against his will 
(op. 162, 3 ; 160, 1), undertook his defence. Gioero. refers to this 
transaction in two places. A comparison of the two will put in 
a very strong light the value of his private letters as a reflection 
of his real views which he used his speeches to conceal. In his 
speech for Babirius Postumus (§ 33) he declares : — 

'My reaaon for defending Gabinina was simply fiiendahip. We had 
adjusted onr differenoei and shaken hands. If yon think that I did it 
reluetantly to please Pompey, you are vastly mistaken [yet op. 152, 2]. He 
woold not have asked sooh a saorifioe of me, nor would I have given it I am 
too olearly the champion of independence to resign it in my own actions.' 

Writing to Atticus (154, 2) on the occasion of the acquittal of 
Gabinius, he says : — 

'Yon will ask me, ''And how do yon take the matter?'' Yery easily; 
and on that I oongratolate myself heartily. My dear Pomponins, tiie State 
has lost not only the sap and hlood of its heart, hut the very outward hue and 
havioor of its visage. There is no State in which to take any delight or with 
which to feel any satisfiMtion. " And do you take that so easily P " you will say. 
Eyen so. I remember how fair a thing was the Bepublic for a while when I was 
at the helm — and what was my reward P I feel no resentment that one man 
should have all the power ; becanse those are bursting with envy who were sorry 
to see me with any. I have much to comfort me. And I am not trayelling out 
of my proper sphere. I am going back to letters and researoh-*the life for 
which I am best fitted by nature. I amuse myself with my house and my 
farms. I do not think about the height from which I have fallen, but the 
depth from which I have risen. If I have you and my brother with me, those 
aristocrats of yours may go to perdition for all I care ; I can betake myself 
to my speculations in your company. I lack the gall now that once made 
oppression bitter.' 

There is another passage (156, 4) in a slightly different tone, 
though his correspondent is his brother, whom he would not try 

to deceive: — 


' I am dissociating myself completely from politics, and giving myself up to 

* We hare gone more minately uito the trials of Oabinius in the next section. 
VOL. 11. C 


letters. Bat I miut teU ymi one thing wM(di I wenld fain baTe kept from you 
aboTe all men. I am tormented, my deazeit brother, tormented by the thought 
that the Eepnblio is no more ; that there ia no law ; that I who at my time of 
life ought to be in the lenith of a dignified senatorial oareer, am harassed with 
forensio toil, or kept aliye by literatore ; that the darling motto of my whole 
life from boyhood — 

should be a thing of the past ; that my enemies should be nnassailed by me, 
or eyen defended; that ay feelings, that eren my indignation, should be held 
in a leash ; that there should be but one— CSaesar — ^to giye me the loye I want 
— or perhiq^ I should say, to want to loye me.' 

Bat, agaiiiy in writing to his brother (160, 1), he oomments on 
the aoqnittal of GabinioB in a tone more like that which he had 
naed to Attious : — 

' The shameful and disastrous issue of the trial I yiew wiih yery little 
ooneem. I haye one olear gain from it. The wrongs of the State and the 
effirontery that goes unchecked used to make me burst with rage ; now 
I do not eyen feel them. Nothing could be more desperate than the state to 
which society has come.' 

The year 701 (53) began without any magiBtrates. The only 
reaonroe was an interregnum^ and this lasted for six months. The 
government thus changed hands every fiye days. Eyerything 
seemed to point to a dictatorship.* But Pompey would not 

* The first account we haye of -the proposal that Pompey should be dictator— for, 
of course, Pompey was the only man for the oi&oe— was in October, 700 (54). Cicero, 
writing to Atticns (144, 8), says, < There is some inkling (odor) of a dictatorship, 
certainly much talk about it, which has helped Gabinius with certain weak-kneed 
jurymen.* In NoTember Cicero writes to Quintns (160, 4): — 'The talk about the 
dictatorship is displeasing to the aristocrats ; but I am stiU less pleased at what they 
say. Howeyer, the whole matter is yiewed with alarm, and is flagging. Pompey 
declares plainly that he doesn't wsnt it ; some time ago he did not, in conyersation 
with me, deny that he wished it. Himis is likely to be the proposer. Gods ! how 
fatuous Pompey is! how smgle and concentrated is his adoration of himself! . . . 
Whether he really wiBhes for it or not it is difiicult to say. Howeyer, if Hirrus 
makes the proposal, he will not be able to conyince people that he does not wish it. 
No other matter in politics is now being talked about ; certainly nothing else is being 
done.' The matter still was ^Mipng iit in December, when Cicero wrote to Qnintus 
(160, 8) :— * JSa jioMMtf : nothing has, after sll, been done abontthe dictatorBhip up 
to the present. Pompey is away, Appius confusing things, Hinros preparing, a 
number of tribunes counted on to yeto, the people indifferent, the aristocrats opposed, 


dedare his dedre for it^ or rather distinctly affirmed that he did 
not ooYet the position, though he had owned privately to Oioero 
that he did (ISO, 6). Hixms made a proposal to oonfer the diotator- 
ship on Fompey. This was so resolutely opposed by Oato, that 
Pompey thought it wise to throw over Hirrus, and disavow that he 
had authorised the proposal. In July Oalvinus and Messalla were 
elected to the consulship. Hardly had the new consuls entered 
on office when the news came of the disaster at Garrhae, and the 
death of Grassus, This untoward event must have forced on 
Pompey the reflection that it behoved him to strengthen his 
position. And circumstances lent themselves to him, as they 
often did. The death of Olodius deprived Milo of his chance 
of the consulate in the following year, and thus was paralyzed 
a great deal of influence which would have been used against the 
lawless designs of Pompey. 

In the early part of the year Bibulus proposed in the Senate 
that Pompey should be made consul, without a colleague. The 
proposal was accepted, being supported even by Oato. Pompey 
was now invested with ahnost as absolute power as he might have 
achieved by a crime after the Ifithradatio War. His position was 
altogether unconstitutional. The Senate had no right to confer 
it It was a dictatorship in everything except name; But names 
have great weight with men like Pompey. He seems hardly to 
have imderstood the position in which he was placed. The Senate 
put him there to do the work of SuUa. He used his power 
merely to punish private enemies. His senatua canmUum against 
bribery was made retrospective ; and the trials became embarrassing 
by their number (182, 4). His subsequent acts of folly which 
provoked the Civil War need not be noticed here ; that crisis 
in the history of the Bepublic does not come within the scope 
of the present volume. But when we learn that Pompey, in 
violation of his own law, procured an enactment which secured 
to him for five years more the Government of Spain, that he 
kept a portion of his army in Italy, and took from the State a 

myielf qnietoeat.' This is the last we hear in Cicero'i letters of the proposal, 
which was flnalljr earned through to all intents and purposes in 702 (63), when 
on the 24th of the intercalary month, Pompey, on the motion of Bibolos, seconded by 
Gato, was elected * sole oonsnl' (Asoonius, 87). 



thonBand talents for its support, we feel that it was little more 
than ohanoe which decided whether Caesar or Pompey should give 
the Bepublio its c<mp de grdee. 

In taking a broad Tiew of Cicero's political attitude during 
this epoch, we must remember that he was drawn to Pompey by 
old political sympathies and a kind of * demonic ' force (see note 
to 49, 2)9 and to Caesar by consistent courtesy and generosity on 
his part*; and that the Optimates deliberately effaced themselves, 
and their leaders tried to efface Cicero. Under these circum- 
stances what Cicero really desired was cultured leisure, cum 
dignitate otium (163, 21). It at this period, through his desire for 
otiumf he sacrificed somewhat of his dignitaSf let us remember that 
after all he was really not so much a politician as a man of letters, 
forced to take part in politics by reason of the extraordinary and 
singular position in which his amaeing literary gifts placed him, 
and at a time when the political atmosphere was terribly oyer- 
oharged. Let us remember, too, that when the cause of Pompey 
seemed desperate, Cicero's whole heart went out to him. When 
Pompey left Brundisium and embarked for Greece, Caesar 
thought it would be a favourable time to secure the allegiance 
of Cicero. He hastened to communicate to him the news. But 
Cicero was not a man to espouse the winning side because it 
was victorious. It was the ruin of Pompey that drew Cicero to 
him closer than ever. * I never wanted to share his prosperity ; 
would that I had shared his downfall,' are his words to Attious 
at this crisis.t And, above all, let us not forget, that if in this 

* Once Cicero ae^eiced in the rule of the Trinmyin, Caesar aeems to haye Bhown 
the ntmoet oonrtefy and intereat in Cicero and his brother; and Cicero, irho was 
always sensitiTe to sympathetio kindness, iras nerer tired of 'smging Caesar's 
praises' (iom .jMniffn iiUm eanto Oaewnm 185, 1) : op. 188, 4; 140, 1 ; 141, 1-8 ; 
146, 2; 148, 0, 11, 17; 149, 7, 8; 168, 18, 21 ; 166, 8, 4 {ummqm ex mnibui 
Cuuturfm $99$ iiii9mUum qui m$ i0ntum qutmhum ego velUm amaret, out #<wmi, Hcut aUi 
jmtant, hme umm $m qm veU$t (168, 2 ; 169, 1-8). Dio Cassius (zliy. 19, 8) notices 
the oonrteouaness of Caesar v&rp6co^os ykp ical ^iKovfoviiyopos 4w roU iJuiUffra fr. 
In addition to Caesar's kindness to Quintns, and to his friendly correspondence with 
Kazous Cicero, the latter seems to haye put himself under obligations to Caesar by 
aooepting loans of money: op. Att. y. 6, 2 (189), 10, 4 (198); yii. 8, 11 (294), 
8, 6 (299) ; and, possibly, eyen gifts, Att yii. 8, 8 (294) n$quaquam tatUpro meU oJMu, 
pro ip$iui in aU^e efktiimi iUmn in m# lihmUmfi4iu$» 

t Att. iz. 12, 4 (868). 


period of hiB anxious and troubled life Gioero seems to have 
saorifioed honour to tranquillity, the time oame when he willingly 
resigned not only a life of ease, but life itself, to sare his honour. 
Cato was not the only Boman in whose eyes the vanquished found 
more favour than the victorious cause. 

§ 2. Thb Egtptian QuBsnoN. 

On the death of Ptolemy Soter 11. (Lathyrus) in 673 (81J, his 
eldest daughteTi Berenice, ruled for six months. After that time 
her stepson, Ptolemy Alexander II., the prince who had been 
captured at Oos by Mithradates, and treated by him with the 
respect due to his princely position, but who had afterwards escaped 
to Bome, was sent back by Sulla,* and was associated with her 
in the government and in marriagcf But the union was opposed 
to the wishes of Berenice ; and the result was that Alexander 
murdered her nineteen days after his arrival, and was presently 
murdered himself by the indignant household troops. 

Prior to the departure from Eome of this Alexander, he is 
stated to have made a will bequeathing his country to the Boman 
people, after the example of Attains of Pergamus and Ptolemy 
Apion of Gyrene. That this will was not a regular will we may 
safely assume, for it was never produced ; and Cicero certainly 
had not much belief in it (see the passage quoted below,.p. xxxii). 

* Appian MiUur. 28 ; BdL Oiy. i. 102. 

tDooMleia with the approval ol the Alezandxiana, though asaixut the will of 
Berenioe ; for PorphyriiiB of Tyre (J^. SUt, Oraec^ iii., p. 722, ed. Mflller) aaya : — 
«(r9f tk lAf fijh liif rov P9wrip9v nroAc^iafov tov kcU 'AXc(i(rS/>ov . . . Kaerofi^prnw 
9^ 49 "Pi^^qr f%9 ^9 Klyimr^ SurMTffot ioftpmp ip^fuv yero/i^nfs fit rdUtXi|ros iK0§w 
•Is r^r *AXi{arS^(ar k«2 yifua r^y vpOMi^fUniP KX9ordTpa9 [he should have said 
B9p€9iKilw] vnpoXafidnf rtwap* iuco^^s [so Letzonne corrected inoitriif of the mas froni 
the Latin Tenion inffiUqm muU$r0'] r^y i^oveitof iwrttutai^vta Zwy9wo/i4wmp iifi^pmp 
i»9tkt9 aMiw iral uMs M rmp 4w4w\mw 4p r^ yv/ufoat^ 9ik r^y ^uai^Woy ^vrex^- 
fupos AnfXffra. Op. Gioero, J>0 E«9$ AUxmubrmo^ Frag. 9, ed. 0. F. W. MilUer. 
Trogtts (zzziz. 6} seems to say he was expelled ; but his aooount is yery brief and 


M . Bouoh^-Leoleroq* is probably right (p. 245) in sappoebgihat 
Alexander 11. may have signed at Borne, before becoming king, 
an engagement whioh the jnrists knew well to be invalid in law, 
if it implied anything more than a promise of money. But 
whateyer the document may haye been (if it ever existed), it was 
useful that the idea should become prevalent that the Bomans 
had a right to occupy Egypt, so that they could interrene when 
necessary. Meanwhile the optimateB at Bome might be able to 
use it as a means to extort money from the occupant of the 
Egyptian throne. But the actual treasure which Alexander IE. 
left behind him — it was at Tyre ; he had not time to transport it 
to Alexandria, as he was killed a few weeks after his arrival there 
— this actual treasure the Bomans at once appropriated.! 

* In two intereitbg articles in the Bnm EiiUrique for 1902, toI. Ixzix., pp. 241- 
266, and toI. Izzz., pp. 1-24, <' La Qnaation d'Orient dans le temps da Gio^ron." 

fit has been aigned by some writen, e.g. Clinton (Ftuti SeUtniei^ iii. 892)» 
Orelli (ad Sohol. Bob., p. 861), and Cless (in Paulj, yi. 226), that the Alexander who 
bequeathed Egypt to the Bomans was not Alexander II., but another Alexander, 
whom they etJl Alexander in., a nataral son of Alexander I.; and that this 
Alexander III. was set up as a riyal of Ptolemy Anletee about 688 (66), and died 
at Tyre in 687 (66). This Tiew seems to rest mainly on Suet. lul. 11 (hncUUto 
popuH fafMfr$ Umpttmt jwr ptarUm irihmonim ut tibi AegypUa prwtiiuia pUH $eUo 
dmnUtr, nanetut $aftnutrdimurii imp$rii oeeoiiommf quod AUxmidrini r$gem nmm 
wHum atgu0 mHictun a intuitu appt lUih m sxpultrantf rssqu$ vuigo wipirobabatur, Nto 
MinM iuhernmU epHmalium faaion§. The contention is that we must suppose 
some other than Auletes to be referred to in this passage, as it deals with the year 
690 (64), the date of Caesar's aedileship ; and Auletes was not declared a fiiend and 
ally of the Boman people until Caesar's consulship in 696 (69). But it is better 
to suppose that Suetonius made a mistake^ and ante-dated the notorious affiur of 
Auletes to the year 690 (64)— especially as, about that timci Egypt was distinctly an 
object of political interest to the democrats (op. Cio. Leg. Agr., iL 44) — ^nther than 
assume a king of whom we do not hear elsewhere. Nor need we lay much stress on 
nupir in the Schol. Bob. (p. 860, Orelli) on a Fragment of Cicero's oration dt B»g$ 
AUxandrino, which schdion rons as follows : — Ac prinio ^mMmi iUo Umpor$ quo 
poounia npitita ou$ oh Tfro oi adoeeta J t ommn pidokiiur, tepotita iam nupor ab AUxa 
ny#, when we remember what an elastio word nuptr is. That oration, as far as we 
can judge from the obscure fkagments, ii more likely to haye been composed in 
689 (66), as Mommsen (B. H. It. 166 Eng. Tians.) holds, than in 698 (66), aa 
Clinton (/.«.), Lange (iii. 820), and Bauschen (p. 86) maintain : see esp. Frag. 7, 
ed. C. F. W. Miiller. In Cicero's speeches on the Agrarian Law the king who is 
stated to have made the will is at one time (i. 1) called Alexander, and at another 
Alexa (ii. 41) ; cp. SchoL Bob. quoted abore. But nothing can be argued from this, 
because AI^m was a familiar abbreviation of AUxmder (see Wilmann's Bxompla 


That Batbfled the Bomans for the moment. They seused the 
trearare, and allowed a son of Ptolemy Lathyms — whether legiti- 
mate or not is doubtful : it is possible that he was legitimate* — 
a Ptolemy who is styled in official language Neos Dionysos, 
Philopator, and Philadelphos, but who was (and is) popularly 
known as the Piper (Auletes) — to asoend the throne. TTin 
brother, another Ptolemy, became King of Cyprus.f They 
did not recognise Auletes, but they did not interfere with him. 
Buling as he did on sufferance, his bribes furnished, as Mommsen 
says, a regular income to the political wire-pullers at Bome ; and 
the senatorial leaders had no desire to put the business of annex- 
ing Egypt into the hands of any individuaL In his settlement of 
the East, Pompey did not interfere at all in Egypt, whatever may 
have been the reason.^ During all the democratical intrigues of 
689 to 691 (65 to 68), the idea was rife of using the annexation 
of Egypt as a means of obtaining a military power for Orassus or 
Caesar which would counterbalance that of Pompey. Orassus as 
Censor in 689 (65) tried to have Egypt annexed, but was vehe- 
mently opposed by Catulus ;§ and probably one of the chief aims 
of the promoters of the Agrarian Commission proposed by Bullus 
was to acquire for that Commission the administration of Egypt. 
This Cicero says very plainly in a passage which has been 
often quoted (Ijeg. Agr. ii. 41 ff.)» but which is of such capital 

Ifuariptiomm Zat,, No. 896, op. 878), juat m Mina or Mttuu was ol Mmotbrutt and 
Arttma of ArUmidarut ; someirhat aa our Heniys an at timea oalled Harry or Hal. 

• Op. UthaSy, Th$ JBmpiri of the TioUm%4t, ^. ^21 : <« I oannot but think that th* 
oonttant assertion of the illegitimacy of Egyptian prinoes and pxinoeases iras an 
invention of Hellenistic historians in the interest of the Bomans." 

t Mithradates (Appian, llithr. Ill) appears to haye betrothed two of hie daughters 
to these two kings; it ii not certain when. This is a sign of his endeaTours to draw 
Egypt into the net of his poliey; cp. his oonduot with regard to Alexander II., 
mentioned abore, p. zzix. 

t Op. Appian, Mithr. 114 cTrf Ulvtu fUy^Bos ^x^t l^t c^vxo^nys, ffrc f vAol^- 
/icrot ix^P^ ^ipowf 4 xn^/*^^ daray6p§vfft9f ctrt Mpots \oyiffno7sf ots i^otirtt Karii 
T^ AhyiimTau Egypt was always a troublesome country to gOTem; and, as the 
Alezandzines were a yeiy excitable populace, quite reckless of consequences in case 
of dTil dissensions (cp. Bio Cass. mix. 68, 2), and accustomed from time immemorial 
to monarchical goremment, they would haye made the occupation by the Eoman 
oligarchical goremment a yery arduous business. 

{Hut. Grass. 18 iX\d ^aai9 iwl dfofhtf 6pf49tam r^ Kpdff^^ vo\fr€Vfui xal 
fiiotop ASyvvrop veit i^ 6vor«A9 'Fwftalots kprifi^poi rhw KirAoy ipptt/Uwms, 


impoitanoe thai it must be. quoted again. Oioero is desorib- 
ing the eztraoxdinaiy extent of the authority assigned to the 
Oommissioners ; and after showing that all Asia is comprised 
in the terms of reference, continnes : — 

' Again, look at Alexandria and all Egypt, in what a oornsr it lurks, how 

hidden away, how sorreptitioaBly it is handed OTer to the GommiBsionera I 

There is no one here who is ignorant that it is stated that hy the will of King 

Aleza that kingdom has beoome the property of the Boman people. On this 

matter I, as oonsnl of the Boman people, pass no judgment : I do not even state 

my opinion. QDhe matter seems to me a very important one to settle or even 

speak aboat. I see that it may be maintained that the will was made and that the 

Senate obumedaooeptanoe of the heritage when, on the death of Alexa, we sent 

offioials to l^yre to reooyer for our state the money deposited by him. I am 

aware that Lnoins Philippns often maintained this in the Senate : I see that 

almost all are agreed that the present oeonpant of the throne is neither of 

royal lineage nor royal dignity. It is stated, on the other hand, that there is 

no will ; that the Boman people onght not to appear eager to appropriate all 

kingdoms ; Ihat Bomans will emigrate to Bgypt, Ihe land is so fertile and the 

general abnndanoe so great On a matter of snoh vast moment is Bollos with 

the rest of his Commissioners to adjudicate P and which judgment will he give P 

For both the alternatives are of su(^ great importance that neither can possibly 

be granted or tolerated. Suppose he will desire to win the favour of the Roman 

people ; then he will assign them the oountry ; and so in pursuance of his law 

he will sell Alexandria, he will sell Egypt, he will be found to be the judge, 

arbitrator, master of a very rich city and a very splendid country — ^in short, 

king of a most wealthy kingdom. Suppose he will not take so much upon 

himself, and will not be eager to appropriate the land: he will dedde that 

Alexandria is the property of Ptolemy, and assign it away from the Boman 

people. Now, in the first place, are ten men to pass judgment on what is the 

inheritance of the Boman people when you have chosen that one hundred [the 

court of the c^ntunmrt] shall adjudicate upon private inheritances P In the next 

place, who will plead the case of the Boman people P where will the case be 

pleaded P who are those Commissioners who will assign the kingdom of 

Alexandria to Ptolemy without a consideration P But if Alexandria was their 

object, why did they not take the same course which they took two years ago, in 

the year of Cotta and Torquatus [689 (65)] P Why did they not openly as before, 

why did they not straight and plain, make for that country P Or, while those 

are quiet who formerly were not able to reach that kingdom by a straight 

course, have these men supposed that they will now arrive at Alexandria in 

murky gloom and darkness P'* 

* The reading of the last clause is uncertain, though the meaning is tolerably plain. 
We have endeavoured to translate the reading of the mis an gmetU Am, supposing the 


It is quite plain from this that Ptolemy's olaims were not 
reoognifled by the Bomans, that he held his ilirone on sufferanoe, 
and the oondition was constant bribery. All his efforts* had 
&iled to induoe Pompey to protect him against the growing 
hostility of the Alexandrian people ; and his fortunes seemed 
desperate, indeed, when in 695 (69) the most aotiye leader 
of the democratic party, Julias Oaesar, became consul — ^a man 
who had already endeavoured to wrest Egypt from his grasp. 
Ptolemy was between the upper and the nether millstone — ^the 
Bomans and the Alexandrians. But Oaesar wanted money ; and he 
would require a really substantial consideration if he assigned the 
Kingdom of Alexandria to Ptolemy. So in concert with Pompey 
he demanded 6000 talents--- about one and a half million of our 
money — ^from the king in return for the assignation of the king- 
dom to hinuf It was paid ; and in Februaxy, 695 (59), Ptolemy 
was, by a law of Oaesar's, declared 9oeiw et amieus populi Romania 
and the treaty was duly ratified in the OapitoL^ '^ I thought," 
said Pompey in his lordly way, '^ that it was time some settlement 
was arrived at about the Alexandrine King " {de rege Alexandrino 
plaewUBB iibi aliquando canfici Gio. Att. iL 16, 2 (43)).§ 

The agreement was with the King of Alexandria : nothing 
was said about the King of Gjrprus, a country which belonged 
to Egypt. So next year Olodius brought in and carried his 

aUiuion to be to Cxunu and his open proposal in 689 (66) to annex Egypt. But we 
conlMi to being attiacted by the fine emendation of Guliehnne an qwi $tmit, * or haye 
tfaoae irho oould not reach that kingdom with a fair wind and by a straight conise 
snpposed that they can now arriye at Alexandria in murky gloom and darkness f ' 
The Stesian winds weire tayourable for a voyage to Alexandria ; op. Caesar, BelL Giy. 
lii. 107, 1 IfM mim mmmmHo ^tetiU Urufbatur, pti naviftmHiut AUxandria tmU 
advoniitinU vnUi. 

* Op. PUn. H. N. xxxiii. 136 Cong^rmU excedmtU ntmerum ope*, quota tainen 
porHa anmi FioUmaH qu$m Varro tradit TM^poio fM girmts circa ludacam ocUma miUa 
aq uUt t m tttap cmmi a fo2mw»ff#, milU convivoi totidcm aurHt potoriii muUmUm m vata 
eumfirmUi ta^Uuute 9 

t Op. Snet. Inl. 54 Socictatet ac rcgna prctio didU, tU qui tmi FtoUmaco propc nx 
miHa UdmUomm mo Fompoiquo nommo aittulerit, 

t Op. Oie. Bab. Post. 6 : Oaes. B. 0. iii. 108. 

§ The ^esdon had been before the Senate at least eleven yean before. Cioero in 
684 (70) indignantly says: << Well, let Venes (Terr. ii. 76) return to the Senate, let 
him dedare war against the Oretans, let him make Bysantium a free state, let him 
recognise Ptolemy as king " (rcffcm appclkt Ftokmaam), 


unsorapiiloafl law which oonflsoated the property of this king, on 
the ground of his being a seoret enemy of the Bomans and of not 
having ransomed him (OlodinB) from the piratee. The upright 
Oato was sent to oairy out the oonfisoation. We need not delay 
over this iniquitous measure. Cioero justly attacked it two years 
later, and after ages branded it as a gross aot of greed. Ptolemy 
of Oyprus oommitted suidde, his property was seued^ and the 
island occupied by the Bomans.* 

Ptolemy of Egypt, delighted at his own secure position, did 
not raise his hand to saye his brother, or even make a protest 
when the rich island was severed from the authority of Egypt. 
This roused the indignation of the opposing faction of the Alex- 
andriansyf and Ptolemy thought it wise to withdraw. He may 
not have been actually driven out : Plutarch says he left Alex- 
andria in anger after quarrelling with the citizens : but he was so 
unpopular that he did not care to go back.$ In his celebrated 

* Gio. Bert. 59-61 ; Amm. Marc. ziy. 8, 15 fm pigH diart wtidmagii hme 
intuUtm (Oyprum) popuhtm Mawumtm invaiim quam imi0. Oyproa was attaohed to 
Gilicia until 707 (47), when Caeoar (Dio Caaa. zlii. 85) gara it to Anonoe and 
Ptolemy, the aitter and brother of Oleopatra: afterwards Antony gare it to the 
ohildxen of Cleopatra, t^. xlix. 82 ; 41. In 727 (27) it waa madean imperial proTinoe, 
probably united with Cilioia ; bat in 782 (22) it iraa oonatituted a regular senatorial 

t H. Bouch^-Ledercq, with excellent learning, refera to Dio Chryaostom Or. zzziL, 
p. 888 (« 687 B), to ahow that Ftdemy was assailed by the llifutpitrrol ical rotavtr trtpa 
irmp9iA9 (dnbs) hwltwrtu Br. Mahaffy (op. oU, p. 482) thinks that " among the 
causes of Alexandrian indignation waa the debasement of the silTer coinage, which 
sank to a condition quite disgracef nl among the issues of the Lagidae. In his second 
reign, sfter his return, there is a considerable improTcment, in spite of the extortions 
of Babirius. This must hare been caused by the fear of a new rcTolt." See 
Hr. Beginald Stuart Pode, Tk$ (Mm of tKo JPiolomioo, pp. Ixxx, Ixzxi. Probably a 
reason why the coins were better dnzing the administiation of Babirius waa that 
they were to be used for foreign exportation to the Boman creditois of Ptolemy ; and 
the fi nan c ie r Babirius took care that they should be of good quality. 

t The authorities nearly all speak of Ptolemy as being expelled; cp. Oic. Bab. 
Post 4 : liTy Epit. 104 : Strabo 568, 796 : Dio Caas. xxxix. 12. But M. Bouoh^- 
Leoleroq (Izzix., p. 268) thinks that, as he left his family behind him, we ahonld rather 
belicTe that he left Alexandria without any definite plan, thinking himself at liberty 
to return when he pleased ; and that he conoeiyed the idea of returning by force only 
when he found Alexandria shut against him; cp. Poiphyry, p. 728, 4 8*4{i^i . . . 
9irrta 4t fUniP riip BopwUniw tvwa rod rhv fi^w nroXtfiatbr oh 'P«/Avr hnipKiwM jca* 
rovrop 4koi ttarorpi^4rai rhr xp^^t tAi 8^ Bvyardpao [This is an error. Cleo- 
patra Tryphaena waa wife, not daughter, of Ptolemy ; see the oareftd discussion 


intemew with Oato at Bhodes (Plut. Gato, 35), Oato reminded 
Ilim oi the happy and independent position he held, and warned 
him of the hnmiliations he would have to endure at Bome in 
cringing to the Optimates, and advised him to return home to 
Alexandria and be reconciled with his subjects, promising his 
own good offices in helping to arrange the difierenoee. Ptolemy 
was inclined to follow his advice, but was over-persuaded by his 
friendsi and passed on to Bome. 

According to Dio Oassius (zzzix. 13, 1), the Alexandrians did 
not know where Ptolemy had gone to, and thought that he was 
dead. The government was carried on by Ptolemy's wife, Cleo- 
patra Tryphaena, for a portion of the year succeeding his depar- 
ture ; and then his eldest daughter Berenice, who was about twenty 
yean of age, assumed the government, as both Ptolemy's sons were 
too young to succeed. With the early efforts of the Alexandrians 
to get from the Seleudds a consort for Berenice we are not much 
concerned.* When these efforts failed, she associated herself with 
a man of vigour — Archelaus, the high priest of Oomana. He 
was ambitious, and desired to share in the expedition which 
Gabinius was meditating against the Parthians. He was with 
the Boman army in Syria when Berenice's offer reached him.f 
He accepted the offer, and, about the early autumn of 698 (56), 
hastened to Egypt, it is not quite clear whether with or without 
the knowledge of Ghibinius.} Under Berenice and Archelaus, 

of M. Boaobi-Lederoq (79, pp. 268-265). The famous Cleopatra was only about 
eleTen or ttrelye at this time.] its ohtth* iwwi^orros rov wtn-fibs irrtiktf^at 
rmw %pvfyAfrw0 «tirfvirv«/i^f Javrp icar jk rv^9vs fohs xP^f'^vf riff Bf ^rttciff krt^t 
rwkt cvyy§99h r«^ ffwdpiarras. 

* We hear firam the acooont of Porphyry (p. 716) of an Antiochus— prohahly the 
young prinoe vhom Yerres robbed (Cio. Terr. It. 61-71)— who was solicited by the 
Aluiandrians to share her throne, bat he died before he reached Bgypt. Also of a 
Fhilippns, to whom Gabinius, * Pompey's prefect * (Ivo^x^* ^f" I'o^ noftiniUv)f refused 
peimissioB to essay the task. Also of another reputed Seleuoid with whom Berenice 
did share the throne; but he was a bw, Tulgar fellow— the Alexandrians called him 
the 'Fish-paoker' (jcv^M^^bmfs)— an abusiye epithet which they rather affeoted, for 
they applied it to Vespasian in later times (Suet. Yesp. 19)— and Berenice strangled 
him after a few days. 

tit was hen that he formed a friendship with the famous M. Antonins, then a 
young man of about twenty-seren, in command of the oavabry of Gabinius (Plut. 
Ant. 8). 

it Btrabo (p. 796) says without the knowledge (AaMbr) of Gabinius ; but Bio Cassius 


then, the Alexandrians determined to faoe the attack of the 
Bomans, in ease they should be hired by the wages of Ptolemy to 
restore him to his kingdom. 

Ptolemy airived at Bome probably during the first half of 697 
(57), and was lodged by Pompey in his Alban villa. Here 
IPtolemy negotiated the loan of large sums of money. This was 
* to bribe the Senate,' as the proseoutors of Babirius Postumus 
roundly stated.* It seemed incumbent on the Boman Senate to 
restore a king who was ' an ally and friend ' ; and accordingly 
they decreed (about September) that Ptolemy should be restored 
by LentuloB Spinther, consul of the year, when, at the expiry of 
his office, he went to his province of Oilicia. Meanwhile the 
Alexandrians, learning that Ptolemy was in Bome, sent a very 
imposing embassy of no less than one hundred men, headed 
by Dio, the eminent Academician, to set before the Boman 
Gh)vemment their complaints against Ptolemy and to answer 
his charges. Ptolemy appears to have hired bravoes and 
assassins to meet them even when they landed at PuteolLf He 
bribed some, murdered others, and intimidated the restj The 
violence was so wholesale, notorious, and scandalous, that upright 
men like Favonius, who led the cause of honesty during the 
absence of Gato, clamoured for an inquiry ; so that the Senate 
ordered that Dio should appear before them, to let them know the 
truth. But Dio was afraid to appear, and no mention was made 
of the murder of the ambassadors. Nothing could be more dis- 
graceful Anon Dio himself was murdered at the house of his 
host, L. Luoceius. Suspicion fell at first on P. Asioius, who, 
accused by Calvus and defended by Cicero, was acquitted. Then 
it was held that Oaelius had instigated the slaves of Luoceius to 

(zzxiz. 67) nys that Gkibiniui conniTed at hia escape, aa he knew AroheLaoa would 
cauae trouble to Ptolemy ; and thus he, Gabinina, would be able to exact heavier suma 
from Ptolemy for hia aid in reaioring him. 

* Bab. Post. 6 9$natum eorruptum e$M dieunt. 

t Cp. Cio. CaeL 28 d^ AUsumdrimnm puUatwte FUteolana. 

X&fnho (p. 796) apeaka yery atrongly: r^ AvAqHr hfotifiwov tls 'vAiunw 
9tidfiwot HoiiiHuot VLiiypos ffvptffnifft rg vvyK\4irtf kcX iiearpdrrtToi Kd$oBop /ikw 
roW^, rmf Z^ frp4ff0mw rdp irKtUrmy, kxarhw 6rrmPf HK^Bpop rmp KttTawp€<rfi€wrdrrw 


do the deed ; but in the trial of OaeliuB next year he was adjadged 
not guilty.* The soandal, however, beoame so alarming that 
Ptolemy left Bome towards the end of 697 (57), and took up his 
abode at EphesoB, to wait for developmentSi leaving his agent, 
Hammonina, to oontinne hie dealings with the heads of the Boman 
Government (Dio Oass. zzxix. 16, 3). 

The developments were interesting. The restoration of Ptolemy 
looked as if it wonld be a lucrative business, so that there waa 
much competition for it. Pompey undoubtedly wished to get 
it; but he said he did not, for he wanted to be pressed to 
take it, to have it apparently foroed upon him.t Orassus 
also may have desired to be appointed to effect the restora- 
tion. Pompey said he believed that Cfrassos was at the baok 
of the aggressive and headstrong yonng tribune, 0. Oato,j^ who 
had entered on his office in December, and the other leaders of the 
democratic opposition. No one except the extreme Optimates 
wished that Lentnlus should have the business. 0. Oato was 
especially opposed to him. Oioero was in favour of Lentulus, 
and acted with a certain amount of seal on his behalf, from 
feelings of gratitude for the kindness of Lentulus in effecting 
his restoration from exile; but we think his heart was not in 
the business. 

This was the state of affairs at the beginning of 698 (56), 
when suddenly it was announced that a statue of Jupiter Latiaris 
on the Alban Mount had been struck by lightning. The Sibylline 
books were consulted. According to Dio Oassius (xxxix. 15, 2), 
they declared : ^* If the Eling of Egypt comes to you for help, do 
not refuse him your friendship; but do not assist him with a 
multitude (^n liivroi koI irX/)9ci nvX IwucovpiianTi), for if you do 

* Op. (He. Ca«L 23, 24, 61-66. Luoceiuf mM the biatorian to whom Oioero 
wrote Fern. t. 12 (109). Dio h2l prerioualy been the guett of Titoi Coponius : see 
Mr. A. G. Olaik'i admirable restoration of Gael. { 24. 

tGp. 96, 8; 96, 8; 100, 8 ; Plat. Pomp. 49. 

$ For* this G. Gato, cp. Q. Fr. i. 2, 16 (68) aduUteeiu nuUku contili, t$d 
imnm ^Mt Bomamu $t CMo ... in tmtumim $9MndU tt Hmjmum privatum 
dietaUnm appeOupU, We are not at all sure that Pompey's surmise was right. 
We think that Gate was simply opposing the gross senatorial jobbery, and that 
that areh-intriguer Pompey oould not or wonld not appreetate disinterested 


you will haye trouble and danger."* Oontrarj to all precedent, 
0. Gato publiehed thlB oraole without the oonnent of the Senate ; 
and, what was more, compelled the quind&cimviri to recite the 
oraole to the people ; and the oraole was translated into Latin, 
and publicly proclaimed. ** In wonder at the appositeness of the 
orade," says Die OaasiuSyt "they rescinded all the resolutions 
which had been passed about Ptolemy, persuaded thereto by the 
tribune Gains Gato/' It is not apparent what those resolutions 
were : in point of fact, no such resolutions were ever passed ;{ but, 
at any rate, we may take it that the people expressed disapproTal 
of the view that Lentulus, or, indeed, anyone else (cp. 98, 2), 
should forcibly restore Ptolemy. 

As M. Bouch^-Ledercq (80, p. 5) says, " The precision and 
rapidity of these manceuYres made it quite plain that they were 
premeditated." No one — at least no politician — ^was deceiyed. 
Oicero speaks plainly of it (98, 2) as * the trumped-up appeal to 
religion ' [ficta reUgio). Yet the reUgio had to be counted with. 
No one yentured to declare publidy and officially that it was a 
sham — a proof how strong formal respect for religion was still in 
the community. It was generally agreed that if Ptolemy was to 
be restored, force must not be used (95, 3). The question remained. 
Who (if anyone) was to restore him P 

* This oncle became lamouSi and wts regarded as not unworUiy of the Gumean 
shrine: cp. Lnoan, TiiL 823-826 : — 

Nozia dTili tellus Aegyptia iato, 
Hand equidem immerito Comanae carmine Tads 
Cantom, ne Nili Pelosia tangeret ora 
Hesperins miles ripasque aestate tnmentis. 

tzzziz. 16, 8 KJUe r9Wov rifw avrrvx^^ ^'v' ^*'<*^ *P^' ^^ ^^* ytwSfitwa 
Bmtiuiawn^t Airc^^^ftf'arro rdErra rk vc^2 alrov (Ptolemy) iyvmcfiiwa^ Vaitf Kirmwi 

% Sindlarly, Dlo Cassins (zxziz. 66, 2) says that Gabinias, by restoring Ptolemy, 
violated rk ^^rt^irfuera rk rod h^fAov; and (66, 4) Avfipnic^ros rod 94/mv r^r ro 
Si/StfXXivff fih Korax'^t^ ^^ Mpa. But he has, as M. Bonch^-Leoleroq (Ixzx., p. 9) 
has p(Mnted out, probably taken seriously the iuiw pcpuU of Cioero Pis. 49. There 
Cicero, speaking " oratorio,*' as Long sayi^ declares that Gabinius sold to the Egyptian 
King «# tiMNoi, faofiit ovot, oureitum popuH Eomam^ numen inUrdietumque deomm 
immarUUimif rotponta aaeordotum, aueloritaiem tfinatui, iif#f« populi, nomen et di^ni' 
totem imp$ru But the eztraTagance of this language renders it unnecessary that we 
should understand the words literally. 


Saoh was the state of affairs when Gioero's oorrespondenoe 
with Lentnlns begins in Janaary, 698 (66). Lentulus had gone 
to Gilioia at the end of the previous year; and Gioero wrote him 
reports of the phases of the Egyptian Qaestion during the first 
half of 698 (66). The first letter (96), written on January 13, 
giyes an account of the meeting of the Senate held on January 12. 
The question was, Who was to restore Ptolemy without an army P 
Hortensius, Luoullus, and Gicero urged that the business should 
be given to Lentulus, as had been already arranged. But several 
senators thought that such an important affair ought not to be 
put into the hands of a single man ; and so Orassus proposed that 
three Commissioners, chosen from among those who had the 
itnperiumt should be sent. Thus Pompey was not excluded ; but 
his importance in the undertaking would by this arrangement be 
considerably less than if he were appointed alone. Bibulus 
thought it would be more advisable to send three Oommissioners 
who had no imperwmf and most of the oonsulars agreed with 
him. Servilius Isauricus was against restoring Ptolemy at all. 
Yolcacius, Airanius, and the tribune Butilius Lupus were for 
Pompey ; and this view was, of course, backed by all the regular 
partisans of Pompey, such as Libo and Hypsaeus. ** The affair," 
says Gicero (96, 4), ** like a sore, has been inflamed by the King 
and the partisans of Pompey, and has been further irritated by 
the consuls, so that it has become in the highest degree odious to 
the people." 

The sitting of January 13 was mostly wasted by an altercation 
between the consul Maroellinus and the tribune Ganinius, who 
was in favour of Pompey. Gicero says he spoke in favour of 
Lentulus. On the 14th, when the motion of Bibulus came on, 
a demand was made that it be put as two separate motions 
{tU fixbuH sententia divideretur) — 1% That on force be used; 
2% That three Gommissioners be sent. The first was formally 
agreed to ; the latter negatived by a large majority. The motion 
of Hortensius was next brought forward ; but Lupus, the tribune, 
claimed priority, and the rest of the sitting was spent in this 
wrangle about precedence.* The consuls were pleased ; for they 

*It 11 not Tery plain on what grounda Lapiia» the tribune, claimed preoedence. 
Gioeio aaya (96, 2) qmod ijpM di Fomp&%o nttiitU»9H uU§ni$r$ oo$pU ohU «# oporUrs 


wanted the matter shelved, as the motion of Bibnlus, which they 
favoured, had been negatived. Cfioero tells us (96, 2) that the 
majority of the Senate were prepared to support by speech the 
proposal of Yoloaoins that Pompey should be appointed, but 
would, if a division were taken, vote with Hortensius in favour of 
Lentulus. We presume that they would have said : ^^ Of course 
Pompey is the right man for the business ; but it is not clear that 
he will take it (cp. 96, 3], and we can hardly spare him (cp. Plut 
Pomp. 49) ; so we vote for the next best man, Lentulus/'* The 

faoif qmm miwiiIm. Mr. WatMm Buggwta that Lupus may haTe made 
hii proposal at the end of the prenoua year before Horteiisiiia : but sorely Cicero 
would hare added some word like priua to indicate this? Mr. Wataon also quotes 
Roes as urgmg that Lupus olanned that his question as that of a magistiate should be 
put before the motion of Fortenaius, a priyate senator. But Bibulus was a private 
senator, and his motion came first of sll. We think the view of Mommsen, adyooated 
in our note on the passage, the least unsatisfactory explanation. It giyes some reason 
why irtb. pi. is added ; and we must remember that the dsim of Lupus was considered 
un&ir and unpreoedented, but not iUegaL If this yiew, which aooentnates if»M, is not 
accepted, perhaps it might be suggested that we should aooentuate AmjMJtf. < The 
question' (Lupus might say) 'now is, what individual person is to restore Ptolemy 
without an army P The names, as Ihe meeting is aware, axe Lentulus and Pompey. 
Both are equally eligibls, lor both haye the imp&r%ym\ but plainly Pompey is the 
greater man, and the discussion of his daims which I support ought to haye precedence 
of those of Lentulus, which are adyanced by certain eminent consulars, and will 
accordingly be put to the meeting by the consuls.' 

* It was not until the early part of our Commentary was printed off that we became 
aware of the yery able treatment of this passage by Stemkopf in JJ^trsMt, zzxviii. 
(1908), pp. 28-87. He punctuates and reads the passage thus C^trndH n§fu$ cone§d$' 
bant m^u$ 9olde r^pugmbant : diem Mfwumt voUbant, id quod $$tfMtmu JPtrapicUbant 
enim in SorUnti oenUnHom mntiit partibus pluri§ ituroi, quamquam apwrU, <ut> 
Vohatio aditniirmiurf muUi roqubimiur, atqt§e id ipium comuUbui invitis, nam U 
BihUi Hntmiiam vaUre eupienmt. By this arrangement roqabantur is not to be taken 
technically of the p^rrogatio tmUtUiarum^ but means simply that many were openly 
solicited by the partisaDs of Pompey to support Volcacius ; and their open adyocacy 
of Pompey is strongly insisted on in the preyious letter (95, 8 non obomra coneunatio). 
Though it is a little awkward that wntultbut should be used when cmituUi is the 
nominatiye to the sentence (we should haye expected atqw id ipeit kwitiif nam u, tcJ), 
still this sirangement of Stemkopfs gets rid of the necessity of inserting nan, and 
explains the appearance of the corrupt vi which appears in M after apirU (see Adn. 
Crit.). Stemkopf seems to take id iptum as referring to the open and barefaced way 
(aperU) in which the supporters of Pompey solicited support ; but eyen on this yiew 
ipmm is hardly required. Yet Stemkopfs arrangement of the passage is certainly 
masterly, and may well be right : but on the whole we think that the yiew adyocated 
in our notes is preferable, yis., either to insert non before iMHHt (the omission of non 
being a frequent occurrence in the eodieet), or to read mqu0 id ipntm. 


Senate farttier passed a resolution that the question should not 
be brought before the people ; * but this resolution was vetoed by 
G. Cato and Oaninius, and so oould only be published as an 
expression of opinion {wnatM auetaritaSf 96, 4). The next day 
these two tribunes declared that they would allow no law to pass 
until the elections for Aediles and Quaestors were completed. All 
this conduct of the tribunes Cicero stigmatizes as * most infamous 
villainy' {^celeratimmo tribunorum lairoemio, 98, 2). But the 
main point was that the matter was postponed, and the popular 
party were virtually victorious. 

Early in February Cicero wrote again to Lentulus to tell him 
of an * atrocious proposal ' {ne/aria pramulgatio) made by C. Cato 
to the people — ^to wit, that Lentulus be superseded in the govern- 
ment of Cilida (99, 2) ; also of a motion of Caninius that Pompey, 
with two liotors, should restore Ptolemy.f Neither of these bills 
was carried by the end of March; for the consul Marcellinus 
nullified all comitial days by ^ observing the heavens,' and using 
other devices for delay suggested by the State religion (106, 4) ; 
and he was supported by the tribune Baoilius (114, 2). A resolution 
of the Senate was passed that no one should restore Ptolemy, and, 
as it was vetoed, could only be published as an auctoritag. By 
July the whole business had ceased to interest the public ; and 
Cicero, in a long letter (114), gives Lentulus his own, and what 
he states was Fompey's, advice : — 

' That wheresB no decree of the Senate existB taking the restoration of the King 
of Alexandria out of your hands, and whereas the expression of opinion {auetori' 
ia$) drawn up on that sabjeot (whioh, as you know, was vetoed), that no one at 
all should restore him, is of trifling importance, being dictated by angiy party 
spirit rather than deliberate judgment, yon, as governor of Gilioia and Cfprus, 
have it in yonr power to consider caref oily what you can effect and accomplish; 
and, if oiroumstanoes seem likely to enable you to hold Alexandria and Egypt, 
the dignity of yourself and of our Empire admits of your placing the King 
at Ptolemais or some neighbouring place, while you proceed with fleet and 
army to Alexandria ; so that when you have secured that oity by establishing 

* We presimie that this means that, if anyone brought the matter before the people, 
the Senate would approye of a tribune's yetoing the proeeedings, or another magis- 
tnte " obaerring the hesTens " : cp. note to 96, 4. 

t Plutarch, Pomp. 49, calls the tribune Canidius. 

VOL. ir. d 


peaoe and guiimis (fiom ewn pace pranidmquBjfrmaru)^ Ptolamy may retam 
to his throne. Thus he will be restored by you as the Senate originally Toted, 
and will be brought back without a '^nraltitade," as scmpnlons men say is 
the will of the Sibyl.' • 

And then Oioero goea on to say that, howeyer, the utmost oare 
must be taken that the expedition, if attempted, should proye a 
snooees; that it should not be attempted if there is the least 
chanoe of failure; that a failure woald be full of danger on 
aooount of the Senate's expression of opinion and the Sibylline 
orade ; and that Lentulus must remember that men will judge his 
whole action, not by the nature of his designs, but by the suooess 
of the undertaking (114, 5). But Lentulus had not the enterprise 
to take this shrewd, if somewhat MachiayeUian, adyioe. He 
doubtless held that the decree of January 14 (see aboye, p. xxxix), 
formally forbidding the use of f oroe, superseded the deoree of the 
proyious autumn ; and he did not want to act unconstitutionally. 
When afterwards Chibinius acted as Oicero had adyised Lentulus 
to act> and was successful, then Oicero, in righteous indignation, 
contrasts the upright and religious conduct of Lentulus with the 
unscrupulous insanity of Gtabinius.t 

During the remainder of the year this Egjrptiau Qaestion 
rested. Affairs at Bome and in Gaul were too pressing for 

* We wonder was this Tery oaref ally- worded pazagtaph aetaally drawn up by 
Cicero and Pompey in oonsuUaiion. 

f Cp. Gic. Pis. 60 iXU {OtHniw) ti ncn actrrimtfitrm^t, midtrtif quttm provinaimm 
P. ZmUibUf amicUnmui kmc ordimy cum $t auctoritats §0tuUtu et torU habcret, inUr-^ 
potUm nUgiom iwm uUa AMMwns dcpoiuittet, mm HH adteiaetrc, ^nm, ctiamii rtU§uk 
MOM impeiirHy mm mm«rwm Umm tt §xmnpla ei ^mniHwuu le/rum pomutc vHantU t 
We owe this contrast to M. Bouchtf-Ledercq (lzxz» p. 11), who also reminds ns (p. 20), 
«s Lange also does (iiL 967), that daring this deplorable time of Gioero's life he was 
composing the i>« Btpubliea, We cannot, howeror, fdlow that eminent scholar 
(p. 17) in censuring Oicero for not having in the Or. i2f iVw. Omt, attacked Gabinius 
for his nnoonstitationsl expedition to Alexandria. Cicero could not have done so, 
because the expedition had not occurred. The oration d§ Frw. Com, was delivered 
about June, 698 (66), and Oabinius did not invade Egypt until the ensuing spring. 
And we think H. Bouch6-Leoleroq is alK in error in his chronology (p. 18) in supposing 
with Die Cassius (xxxix. 61, 1-3) that the inundation of the Tiber preceded the trials 
of Gabinius. Cicero's epistle to Quintus (166, 1) is dedsiye that the inundation was 
subseq[aent to the trial of Gahinins for fiutUsUUf in which he was acquitted ; and the 
inundatioa is regarded by Cicero as a token of divine indignation for this grievous 
miieaniage of justice. 


Fompej and Oaesar (who were prinoipally inteFerted in Egypt) 
to take aetiye steps in referenoe to that conntrj. They waited 
until they had been elected consiils in Jannary, 699 (66). Then 
we hear* that Ptolemy arrived in the oamp of Gabinios with 
letters from Pompey ordering Ghibinins to effect his restoration. 
A pretext was easily obtained that Arohelans had prepared a fleet 
and assisted, or at least ooontenanoed, the pirates«t The real reason 
was a promise of 10,000 talents, about two and a half millions of 
our money4 About the end of Maroh or the beginning of April 
Gabinius proceeded down through Palestine to Egjrpt. He had 
settled Palestine the previous year with considerable success, and 
now received help from the philo-Boman party in that country, 
and especially from the Idumean Antipater.§ The march along 
the desert from the borders of Palestine to Pelusium was 
dangerous ; but it was effected with success and vigour by 
Marcus Antonius — the celebrated Mark Antony — who was then 
in command of the cavalry of Ghibinius.|| The Jewish garrison 
before Pelusium allowed him to pass, and a battle was fought at 
Pelusium ini which the Egyptians were defeated. Here, according 
to Plutarch, Ptolemy wished to commence his vengeance on his 
enemies, but Antony would not allow it. Afterwards on the 
Nile itseU the Egyptians were again defeated both on land and 
water. Archelaus fell in the battle, and received a soldier's 
burial from his friend Antony.^ This was about May.** The 

• Bio Can. zzzlz. 66, 8. 

tCie. Bab. Port. 20. We hear a good deal aboat piiates in connexion vitli 
Oabimoty and may prerame that there waa a recrudeioenoe tA piracy in the Eastern 
Lerant at thia time. The enemies of Qabiiiias» the pMiemif accused him of allowing 
piracy to gain soch power that the taxes could not be oolleoted. 

X Gic Bab. Post 21 : Plutarch, Ant 3. Bio Oassius (xxzix. 67, 1) adds what we 
may consider a further reason, that Berenioe, though fearing the Booians, did not act 
reasonably (hti^uth ptkw oMw vphs aMw . . . (hrpa^t) towards Gabinios— which may 
mean that die did not bribe him. 

{ Joeephns, Belt lud. i. 8, 7. 

I Pint Ant 8. Antony generally did well when called on to face the hardships 
of a soldier's life: op. Plut Ant 17. 

i Plut Ant 8. It was daring this Tint that Antony, who was then about 

twenty-ea^ty fint saw Cleopatra, who«was about fourteen ; and, as Appian says, his 

eyes recelTed the sting of desire (B.C. t. 8 \ty6fi9Pos 8* is ro^nfr xai viUcu woSBa 

Iri «8^«r ip^tw/U Tt rnt ^tms Xmfittp), 

** Op. 121, 1. I\U$oH$ magnm ett rumor Piol&maeum esM in regm, >rrites Cicero on 



oonntry was seoored by the establishment of peace and garrisons, 
as Cicero would have said (114, 4)* A body of Boman infantry 
with Geltio and Qexman cavidry was located in the city ; and these 
GhMniani tnilUes, to use the words of Mommsen, ** took the place 
of the native praetorians, and otherwise emulated them not 
unsuccessfully/'* Ptolemy executed Ids daughter Berenice and 
many of the richer Alexandrians : and as he was deeply indebted 
to Gabinius and to the superiors of Oabinius, Pompey and Caesar, 
doubtless at their order he put the management of his reyenues 
into the hands of a Boman financier, one Babirius Postumus. 

We know a good deal about this Babirius Postumus from a 
speech of Cicero's on his behalf. But we must first relate the 
story of the trials of Gabinius, as there is no subject in Cicero's 
correspondence during 700 (54) to which reference is more 
frequently made. 

Gkbinius had restored Ptolemy by May, 699 (65), but is 
stated to haye sent home no despatch dealing with the ezpedition.t 
However, by the autumn all about it was well known, as we may 
gather from Cicero's invective, In Piaanem. In addition to the odium 
which attached to Gabinius owing to the Egyptian expedition, 
complaints were laid against him by the publicani that they had 
been hampered in the collection of taxes by the attacks of pirates, 
which could not be repulsed, because he had withdrawn all his 
forces for the invasion of Egypt. In the debates in the Senate on 
the subject, Crassus seems to have defended Gabinius, and, in the 
course of the defence, to have made an attack on Cicero, to which 
Cicero replied with warmth and vigour (153, 20). But nothing 
important resulted, except that the Triumvirs urged Cicero to- 
become reconciled with Crassus ; and he did so before November, 
when Crassus left for Syria. The publicani returned to the attack 
on February 13 of 700 (54).$ L. Lamia, who had been ' relegated ' 

May 22. News ooud oome from Egypt in about ten days. Gabinius seems to hare 
sent borne no official report of the Egyptian expedition (Dio Cass, xxxix. 69, 1). 

* Cp. Caes. B.C. iiL 4, 4 ; 110, 2; Dio Cass. zlii. 88, 1 ; Yal. Max. ir. 1, 15. 

t Dio Cass, xxxix. 59, 1. 

X Cp. 135, 2. The puhlUoni themselyes were accused by the Tyrians of harsh 
dealing. (If Tyriu is the correct reading, and we do not alter with M' to SyriU^ 
we most suppose that the publicani had somehow extended their extortions eyen to the 


by Gabinios in 696 (58), at their head (136, 2). The matter 
iras postponed until March by certain points of constitutional 
law raised by Appius Olaudius the oonsid (136, 3). About that 
month it was announced that Qabinius had refused to give up the 
proTince to a lieutenant of Grassus, and it was agreed that the 
Sibylline books should be consulted as to what punishment should 
be inflicted on Gabinius. No puniBhment was found spedfled ; 
however, indignation was so keen against Ghibinius that it was 
decided that the severest penalties should be meted out to him.* 

On September 19 Ghtbinius approached the dty, and after 
some days, finding that it was futile to expect a triumph, entered 
Borne by night on the 27th. On October 7 he appeared in the 
Senate to give his report, and was assailed by Oicero.f Gabinius 
was accused of maieitaB under Sulla's law, for leaving his province 
and waging war on the Egyptians. The accuser was L. Lentulus, 
son of the flamen Martialis ; X BX^d in the very first steps of the 
case the unpopularity of Ghibinius was dearly evinced (148, 24). 
He was also arraigned for extortion by several accusers, and there 
was much competition as to who should have the privilege of 
prosecution. The selection of accuser {divmatio) was tried before 
Oato, and 0. Memmius was chosen (148, 16 ; 160, 1, 2).§ Farther, 
Ghibinius was accused of bribery : again a divinatio ensued, and 
P. SuUa (the Sulla who had previously been defended by Oicero) 
was chosen (161, 8 ; 164, 3). 

About October 23 the trial for maieatas was held before 
0. Alfius, who was a firm man (161, 3); and Gabinius was 
acquitted by six votes in a panel of seventy jurors (162, 1). Oicero 
attributes this flagrant miscarriage of justice, which amounted, 

free diy of Tyie.) We can thus see a good reason for the hoetDity of HiBpuhUcani to 
GaUniv*— Til., that the latter had protected the proTinoials fixmi their extortions. 

*Dio Case. xrox. 60, 61. 

1 160y 2 MM u m$ maxims vukurarstur. For the unpopularity of GaMnins cp. 148, 
16, 24. On irhat occasion Cicero deUveied his speech In Oahinmm^ which was known 
to the andents (ep. Quintil. zi. 1, 73 ; Trebell. Poll. zzx. Tyr. 22, 11 ; Serr. ad Yerg. 
Geofg. i. 120), is douhtful— whether at the meeting in 690 (66), in which he replied 
to Crsanis, or' at the meeting in March, 700 (64), or at this meeting on October 7th. 
We incline to think the latter is the most probable occasion. 

tOp. Att. ii. 24, 2 (61), and Philippic iii. 26. 

{We hare a story of eztraTagant harshness exhibited by Memmius in this 
connexion, related by Val. Max. viii. 1, 8. 


he saidy to an AnmeBty Aot for all oxiines (I6O9 3 Oabini aUohUio 
lex tmpunitaiis putaiur), to the inoompeteDoe of the aocnBer,* 
the ooxraption of the jurors, the fear of a diotatonshipy and the 
influenoe of Pompej (161, 3; 152, 1 ; 164, l-3).t Oioero gave 
evidenoe againBt GabiniuB,^ but otherwise he did not take any 
prominent part in the triaL The people were wildly indig* 
nant at the result of the case, and, aooording to Dio Oassius 
(xxziz. 63, 1), nearly slew the jurors. Anon followed grievous 
floods, owing to an overflow of the Tiber. Oioero professed to 
regard them as a divine vengeance for the acquittal of Gabinius ; 
and, with a fine literary reminisoenoe, quoted Homer's view 
(IL xvi. 886) that the heavy autumn rains were the punishment 
of those " who judge orooked judgments forcefully in the assembly, 
and drive justice out, and reck not of the vengeance of the gods." 
Gicero says he was delighted at the middle course which he 
adopted {JEgo vera hac medioctitate deleetar) ; but it was severely 
criticised by his friends, such as the outspoken On. Sallustius, who 
thought Oioero ought to have either accused or defended Gabinius 
(162, 2, 3 ; cp. 160, 2 fin.} : and, indeed, Oioero himself seems to 
have been sorely vexed that he did not accuse him.§ He gives 
the reasons (160, 2} which impelled him to the course he adopted 
— ^unwillingness to quarrel with Pompey, especially as Mile's 
canvass for the consulship would soon be beginning ; the worth- 
lessness of the jurors, the ill-feeling of certain men, and the general 
fear of €LjSa8eo. 

The trial for extortion did not take place imtil December. 
Even in December Oioero spoke with repugnance of the idea of 

* This wu 80 glaring that he was suspeoted of oollunon (164, 1). 

t Lange (iii. 801) notices that Gabiniua appears to haye had an mperium oon* 
fened upon him by the law of Glodius, which exempted him from the provisions of 
thie Lex GomeHa and the Lez Jolia de Bepetundis, and allowed him to wage war 
outside his pronnoe (cp. De Domo 66, 60, 124), and that this legal point may hare 
told in his favour. 

X He does not state what the nature of that evidence was, but it cannot have been 
yery serious or bitter ; for Gtabinius asked him no questions, and said he would always 
feel gratitude to Oioero for his action on the occasion (152, 3). Possibly, too, Gabinius 
wished to conciliate Cicero, knowing that Pompey would urge Gicero to defend him 
if a subsequent trial should take place. 

{ 165, 4 anffor . . . inimieos a me partim turn oppugnatM (Ghibiniua), j»ar^t»/> eliam 
4u$ definsoi (Vatinius). 


defending GabinioB ;* bat when the trial oame on, he was persuaded 
by Pompej and Oaesar, and undertook the defence. Oioero does not 
appear to have published his oration; but an interesting fragment 
is recorded from the notes {eammentapii) which he made for that 
speech. t This action of Oicero's is hard to justify. He declares 
that he defended Gabinius because he had been reconciled with him, 
and not because Fompey put pressure on him. '^ I am never sorry/' 
he says finely, 'Hhat my enmities are mortali my friendships 
undying.''}: But there is no doubt that the defence of Gabinius 
(as Dio Oassius says, xxziz. 68, 6 ; cp. zzzri. 44, 2, and zlvi. 8) 
made more marked the application of the term Meserter' to 
Oicero. However, Valerius Maximus (iv. 2, 4) mentions this 
reconciliation with, and defence of, an old enemy as a signal 
instance of right feeling {humanitaa). Pompey appears to have 
held a meeting outside the walls, in which he spoke in favour of 
Ghibinius, and read a letter of Gaesar's to the same effect (Dio Gass. 
zxziz. 68, 2-4). At the trial evidence from Pompey was read 
(for, as holding the imperium, he could not enter the city), which 
stated that the King of Egypt had informed him by letter that 
he had given no money to Gabinius except for military purposes 
(Bab. Post. 84). Gabinius was condemned ;§ and at the litis 
aestimaiio he was fined 10,000 talents (about two and a half millions 
of OUT money), the amount which he was stated to have received 
from Ptolemy (cp. above, p. xliii). As Gabinius could not pay it, 
he went into exile ; and he did not return till 705 (49), when all 

* 160, 1 T^r« /loi x^^<- ^ September Cicero had said to Quintus (148, 16) 
i^MtfwJM « m# VMld$ eontmdit «h fWite in gr^imn [ao. cum Gabinio] ted adhue nihil 
profmt mc, ii uUam partem liberUUit Unebo, proJUnet ; and in October be declared 
(152, 8) bis defending Gabinius vould be a tempitema infamia. 

t See the IrapnenU of (Homv, p. 291, ed. C. F. W. MiiUer : Sgo eim omnii 
Mtmeitioi Utmdas $mnper puUm iumnut reUgume et JUe^ turn ea$ nuufifM quae ett&nt $x 
immidiiie revoeatae in gratimn, prcpUrea quod inUgrii amieitiii qjfioium praeUrmitntm 
impntdontitie vel, ui gra/eim inUrproimMirj noglogmUiao exeuooHone defonditur, post 
reditmn autom in gratiiun ti quid o$t oommiuumf id non nogUciwm tod violatum putatur 
nee impmdentiae eed pefJUiae aetignari eolet. 

t Bab. Poet. 82 neque me wro piunitet mortaUt inimieitiaef sempUerwu amieitias 

{ Owing, says Bio Oassius {L e,), to popular indignation, and to his not bribing 
sui&eiently ; but, as Mr. Long (iy. 281) says, it is possible that the judges considered 
the eTidenee sufficient. 


the exQes (exoept Wlo) were restored by Oaesar. The trial for 
bribery (op. above, p. xlv) was, of oourse, dropped.* 

The trial of Babirius PostumTis (see aboye, p. zliv) forms the 
Epilogne or Appendix {appendicula)^ as Oioero ealls it (Bab. 
Post. 8), to the trial of Qabinios for extortion. When Gabinius 
had been condemned, and was unable to pay the fine assessed 
against him, it was supposed that some of the extorted money had 
found its way into the pockets of Babirius ; and he was aooord- 
ingly accused, by the 0. Memmius who had also accused Gktbinius, 
on this ground — quo ea peeuma pervenerity as the formula ran.t 
He had endeayoured to extract from the Egyptian taxpayers some 
of the two and a half millions promised by Ptolemy to Ghibinius, 
and, doubtless, some of the vast sums which Ptolemy had bor- 
rowed from himself and other Boman financiers. Oioero spoke in 
defence of Babirius, as he had done in defence of Gabinius. 
Babirius had stood by (Ticero and his family during his banish- 
ment ; so that Cicero, who hardly ever was wanting in gratitude, 
was willing enough to do what he could on his behalf, thus acting 
as well for personal reasons as because Pompey wished it. Oicero 
argues that, on certain legal grounds, Babirius, a Boman kuight, 
was not amenable to the charge of extortion; but, passing by that 
plea, he takes the case on its merits. Babirius, he says, was a 
financier who lent money to Ptolemy in the first instance, and 
then kept on advancing money in hopes of recovering his original 
loan ; but he has not succeeded, and is now a ruined man. He was 
very reckless, very foolish, to lend money to the king ; but business 
speculations do fail at times. He was appointed Superintendent 
(&oiKi|ri9c) of the Alexandrian Exchequer, and in that capacity 
certainly did assume Alexandrian dress : otherwise he would not 
have been able to do his business at all. j: Ptolemy treated him 

* As far M we know, there is only one more mention of Gabinius. After the 
Battie of Fharsalia he was sent hj Caesar ,to Illyricum to reinforce Q. Gomificins. 
Near Salons, at a place called Synodium, he suffered a yery severe defeat from the 
natires, and had to throw himself into Salona. Here he defended himself for some 
time against H . OotsTius ; hut Anally, worn out by hardships and diffioulties, was 
seized by a fatal iUness, which canied him off about the end of 706 (48) ; op. Bell. 
Alex. 43,4; 48 ; Dio Gass. zlii. 11 : Appian. Illyr. 12, 27. 

tSab. Post. 8: op. Olnent. 116; Gaelius ad Fam. Tiii. 8, 2 (228). 

{ This adoption of Alexandrian dress seems to haye brought much odium on Babirius, 


▼017 badly. He put him in priaon, and finally Babiiiufl had to 
diflgoiBe himaelf and fly for his life.* At any rate, says Gioero, 
BahirioB ib rained, and oonld not appear in Boman bunness oiroles 
were it not for the extraordinary liberality and generosity of his 
friend Julius Oaesar; and then follows a long panegyrio on 
Obesar^s Tirtues.t Babirius is but a shadow and a phantom of 
what he was ; and he owes his preservation to the loyal assistance 
of Oaesar. So far Gioero. Gaesar always stood by his business 
friends, and, doubtless, did stand by Babirius; for the money 
\nA by Babirius to Ptolemy, we may be very sure, passed in a 
great measure over to Oaesar. That the two and a half millions 
promised to Ghibinius by Ptolemy were really promised to Oaesar 
and Pompey, we may perhaps infer from what Oaesar is reported 
to have said when he went to Alexandria in 707 (47), that Ptolemy 
Auletes owed him a vast sum (it was equal to £1,700,000 of our 
money) ; that he remitted the £700,000, but required the million 
for the support of his army (Pint. Oaes. 48). The other creditors 
of Pompey appear to have fared with signal ill-saooess. In 
Gotober, 700 (54), Gioero consoles Trebatius (146, 1) for not 
having made a rapid fortune by teUing him that others, who had 
Egyptian bonds, though they went to Alexandria, have not been 
able to get a penny of their money so far. We do not know what 
was the end of the trial of Babirius ; but as the case of Babirius 
was obviously a poor one, and as Oato was the president of the 

and OSmto it at great paixu to ezonerata him in the matter (op. { 26). " He irore the 
palUnm at Alesandxia in order that he might afterwardi wear hia toga at Bome ; 
if he letanied his toga, he would haye had to renounce aU hia fortunes." Boman 
dignitj spears to haye required that the Bomaas should he not only r&nim dominot, 
XnutitmUm^ui togaUm (op. Yerg. ^n. i 282). 

« Bah. Post 89. Dr. Mahafly (Th$ Bmpir$ of th$ Ftokmisi, p. 488) lighUy sug- 
gests that the extortions of Babitius roused the qniok-tempered and redUess Alezan- 
driansto acts of yiolenoe, and that his ]ife was sayed only by his being put under some 
Hnd of police protection by the King. Further, touching the appointment of Babirius 
as Superintendent of the Exchequer, Dr. Kahafly remarks : " I do not think the real 
signifl ea a ee of this curious concession has been appreciated by historians. It was then 
without precedent, but has in recent times its psiallel in the cession of Turkish taxes 
made by the Sultan to secure the interest of their loans to Ids foreign creditors." 

tBah. Post 41-44 : Finm trntem, Utdieti, ti 9ein voUii^ niii 0. Gastarit tumma 
in MMHf , imcndibUU in hmie §admn HbtrtUOai egtUiaet, mm Awm Foitumum mmh pridetn 
in fif mm Mbtirtmm, . . . XMbrum ^fuUii Sommi H imsginmn vidtHi, ituliMt, uniui 
mM €9m§r9atam Mmiio etJUU. 


oourti and as we hear no more of Babitios until after the restora- 
tion of the exiles in 705 (49),* we maj oonsider it in a measure 
probable that BabiriuB met the same fate ae GhabiniuB, and was 
condemned ; but we cannot be certain, for Gioero tells us (Oluent 
116) that juries were sometimes very lax in subridiarj cases of 
this kind, after haying shown great seyerity in the principal 

Such was the end of the Egyptian business, which was a rather 
disgraceful one. Ptolemj reigned until May, 703 (61), and died 
of disease at the age of about forty-fiycf No one has a good 
word for him.} He may be described in the words with which 
Tacitus (Hist. y. 9) has branded Felix, as one who, ^^ practising 
eyery kind of cruelty and lust, exercised the powers of a king 
with the mind of a slaye " [per omnem saecUiam et libidinem tus 
regium serviU ingenio exercuit). Cicero, indeed, speaks of him as 
blandui and benignus (Bab. Post. 5), but that was only when 
Ptolemy wanted to raise a loan. Egypt does not appear again 
in any prominence in Boman history until after the Battle of 



Whateyer may be said about the political aspect of Cicero 
during the years between his restoration and his departure for 
his proyince, Cilicia, it cannot be denied that as a UtUrateur his 
charm is inresiBtible. Amidst all his political anxieties we are 
constantiy findiog the happy quotation, the epigrammatic phrase, 
the apt literary and historical allusion. The heayy rains that 
followed the acquittal of Gtibinius remind him (156) of the 
sublime passage of Homer (II. xri. 385), when he tells how 
Zeus ' sendeth down exceeding great rain on men, for that he 

• In the BeU. Afr. 8, 1 we hear that Ga/esu- in 707 (47) sent Babirius Pottiunusto 
Sioily to bxing orer a leoond conToy of troope into Africa, 
t Gael. ap. Fam. tiiL 4, 5 (206) ; Stiabo, 796. 
JMahaffy, op. eit, p. 489. 


IB wroth beoauBe thej judge crooked judgments forcefully 
in the aseemblyy and put righteousness utterly away, and reok 
not of the yengeance of the gods/ The reserve of Pompey 
makes it neoessary to qualify every statement about his views 
with ut loquebatur^ which suggests to him the refrain of 
Phocylides, koI T6ie 9(MfKvXlBov. In arguing Trebatius out of 
his home-keeping proclivities he refers to a celebrated speech 
of Medea to the dames of Corinth^ 214 ff., and gives a strange 
interpretation to the Euripidean passage, or rather the Ennian 
version of it. Some of his quotations from lost plays are quite 
unintelligible to us now, as, for instance, his allusion to the 
^iv^iwvoi So^oicXfovc in 147, 3; but no doubt they are as 
apt as those which we understand. In telling how he played 
off his Publius (Yatinius) against the senate's Publius (Olodius), 
he makes a most happy use of Ghiatho's advice in the Eunuehus ; and 
he defends his conduct by clever, but rather strained, appeals to 
Plato. His quotations from Homer and the old Boman poets are 
very numerous, and always singularly appropriate. 

Many happy phrases of this chief of phrase-mongers have 
already been quoted, or will be quoted in the sequel. The 
foUovnng are good examples of his lighter Tcin — we refer to the 
pages of this edition to promote facility of reference : — 

' I am tired of surgery ; I am beg^uming a treatment by rSgiiM^ p. 1 6. < A 
letter does not blush/ 61. < He was so attached to his country, that I think 
it was the mercy of Qod which spared him the sight of its holocaust/ 67. 
'Since Tyrannic arranged my books my house seems to be no longer chaos/ 73. 
* Pompey has in the archives of his pocket-book as long a list of consuls to be 
as of consuls that have been/ 86. ' The Sicilian is a writer of the first rank, 
terse, sagacious, concise, almost a Thncydides in little/ 136. < If the election 
comes off without bribery, it will show that the influence of Cato outweighs 
the Statute Book and the Bench together,' 147. 'Tou are too impatient. 
You want to make your fortune, and return from Gaul at once. One would 
tiiink my letter of introduction to Caesar was a draft on him payable at sight,' 
160. < The house, in its present unadorned state, is like some sober moralist 
placed there to reproach the other villas for their frivolity,' 168. < The place 
is BO clothed with vwj that the statues between the columns seem to have 
taken to fancy gardening, and to be telling us to admire the ivy,' 168. ' The 
acquittal of Gabinius is regarded as a general Amnesty Act,' 226. ' Tour 
most formidable rival is the magnificence of the hopes formed of your future,' 


For whole letters of rare finish and skill we wonld reoommend 
espeoiallj those to Luooeius (109), to Marins (127), to Caesar 
(134) ; and for the more jooose vein all the letters to Trebatius, 
though the constant play on jndioial terms, sudh as cavere^ 
respanderej Mpere^ and the facetious references to Britain, become 

The letters of Part lY. present to us a most vivid picture of 
Boman life during the closing scenes of the Bepublic. This was 
an epoch at which there began to exist something like what we 
now call socnely . The old Boman lived at home, or in the Forum. 
Now we begin to see the dawn of the beau tnonde. It is an era of 
aalanSf dinner-parties, bans nioU^ intrigues. At the same time the 
streets are the arena of daily conflicts,* one might almost say 
massacres, which would seem incompatible with even the rudest 
form of civilization. ^You remember,' says Cicero {pro Best. 
§ 77), <how the Tiber was full of corpses, and the public sewers 
choked, and how the blood had to be swabbed up with sponges 
{spongiis effingi) in the Forum ' ; and much more to the same effect. 
Not only a gay Curio or Caelius, on his way to an evening of 
gambling or drinking at the house of Clodia, or her lover 
Catullus, but a staid consular, on his way to the Senate, would, 
if he valued his life, arm himself to the teeth, and call out his 
gang of gladiators {operae, manuSj \6xoq)9 to force his passage 
through the streets. A man would seem to have to take as much 
precaution about his arms and his bodyguard in going from the 
Forum to the Palatine as would now be needed in preparing for 
an expedition into the interior of Africa. On November 11, 
697 (67), as Cicero was walking along the Via Sacra^ an attack 
was made on him, which might have proved fatal to him had he 

* As regardi rioting at Rome, there is a learned and intereeting account in Mr. A. G. 
Clark's Introduction to his edition of the Fro Milone (pp. ziT, ff.) . For examples of riots 
and violence we may add to that quoted from the pro Sutio Epp. 92, 2, 8 : 102, 2 : also 
Asconius tii Mil, pp. 47, 48 Or. Mr. Clark thinks the reason why more stringent 
measures were not taken to suppress this mob-law was the exaggerated respect for the 
freedom of the Boman citizen and the consequent enlseblement of the executiTe. Boman 
anarchy is chiefly associated with the name of Clodius. His gangs (operae) were 
composed of (1) freedmen» whom he constantly proposed to enrol in all the tribes ; 
(2) alayes, especially those enrolled in the CoUegia Compiialicia (see vol. iii., pp. 298, 
294], which were legalised in 696 (68), and soon became splendidly organized. 


not been attended by an nnusuallj strong gang of ruffians. 
Gioero obsezres (92, 3] that his followers, without difficulty, 
repelled the roughs of Glodius, adding ^Cilodius might easily 
haye been killed, but I am tired of surgical treatment; I am 
beginning to try regime.* He seems to think it neoessary to 
explain why he did not let his followers proceed to extremities. 
In the same letter he prophesies that Clodius will fall by the 
hand of Milo, as he afterwards did in the fray which he merrily 
caUs Hhe battle of Bovillae' and 'the battle of Leuctra.'* 
Glodins, we are told, when he goes about the streets, has with 
him * picked troops of runaway slaves ' (92, 4). On one occasion 
they raised such a tumult on the steps of the Curia that the 
Senate was obliged to adjourn (93, 3). On another the Olodian 
gang 'began to spit on our followers' (102,2). In the same 
letter (§ 3) we find Pompey hinting pretty broadly in the Senate 
that Orassus had formed a plan to take his life. Indeed, such an 
act seemed at this time a very natural way of emphasizing a 
difference of opinion. When TaUeyrand was told of the assassi- 
nation of the Emperor Paul, he said, ' I understand that is the 
constitutional mode of abdicating in Bussia.' And at Bome at 
this period to assassinate a politicMd opponent seemed a far simpler 
method than to endeavour to convert him to one's views. Cicero 
speaks (102, 4) of the operations against Olodius in words which 
would be suitable to the description of a regular campaign — 
'Pompey is getting hands from the country. Clodius is 
strengthening his gangs too. A force is being organized for 
the struggle of the 17tL But we are much better prepared for 
it than he is ; and we are expecting a strong reinforcement from 
Picenum and Gaul, to resist Cato's motions about Lentulus and 
ICilo.' Under these circumstances it is not surprising that the 
wordy warfare in the Senate ran high. No one seems to have 
thought it indecorous in Cicero to use such terms as 'swine,' 
' ordure,' ' carrion,' about his political opponents, as, for example, 

And the pastimes of the people furmshed but a replica of the 

• Att. T. 18, 1 (208) : Ti. 1, 2<t (262). For mors than two yean Milo had been 
* lookiBg for Clodius,' as they say In Texas : 92, 5. 


bloody scenes of the Forum. Bloodshed was the plaj, as well as 
the work, of Borne. Pliny teUs ns (viii. 20, 21) that Pompey, 
in the dedication of his theatre and the temple of Yenus Yictriz, 
delighted the people with speotaoles on a soale of more than 
common magnifloenoe. The most interesting feature was, as 
usual, the i>enatiOy or man and beast fight. On this oooasion five 
hundred lions and twenty elephants were killed. It seems that 
the courage and skill of the elephants* and then their piteous 
bearing and terrified trumpeting, when they found escape im- 
possible, touched even the callous mob in the circus so much, that 
'forgetful of the Imperator and the great munificence of the 
show, they rose up in a body, and, with streaming eyes, cursed 
Pompey.' Gicero, in a remarkable letter to Marius (117),* 
condemns and sneers at these performances. He commends his 
friend for preferring the country. 

* Yon, in yonr study, with your books about you, eigoyed the distant view 
of Ifisenum, and all the beauties of the Bay of Naples ; those who came to 
Borne for the show had a yery near view indeed of faroes that they nodded 
oyer. We are at the mercy of Lord Chamberlain Tarpa, and have to put up 
with any rubbish that he calls a play. Then, as to the beast-baiting, what 
pleasure can a man of any culture feel in seeing a helpless human being 
mangled by a mighty beast, or a fine brute spitted on a lance. The show, 
whateyer may be one's opinion about the mar€iie of such spectacles, at all 
eyents had no noyelty about it. The last day was reseryed for the elephants. 
The mob were greatly astonished, but did not eigoy it. Indeed, a sense of the 
pathetio character of the scene preyailed, and a feeling that the huge beast has 
a kind of kinship with man.' 

Writing of the same eyent, Dio Gassius (zxxix. 38) says : — 

' In fiye days fiye hundred lions were used up (&raAi(tfito'ay), and eighteen 
elephants were put to fight with armed soldiers. Some of the elephants were 
butchered on the spot, but some were spared to die of their wounds. For, 
much to the surprise of Pompey, some of them touched the hearts of the 
spectators. When they were woimded so badly that they had to giye up the 
fight, they went round the arena, raising their trunks to heayen, and utterinig 
cries so piteous as to make it seem tiiat they were not without meaning, but 
were intended as appeals to the gods for yengence for the broken yows, on the 

* The other letter in this yolume which Cicero wrote to Marias (182) is merely an 
ezploaioa of joy at the condemnation of Cicero's enemy T. Mimatius Plancus Bursa. 


faith of whioh tibey had eroued oyer from Libya. The story is, that they 
wonld not embark irithoat a pledge on oath from their drivers that they should 
not be ill-treated. Whether this is true or not I cannot say. It has been 
stated before now, that they not only nnderstand the language of their native 
country, but are so cognisint of the movements of the heavenly bodies, that at 
tbe time of the new moon, before the orescent becomes visible, they betake 
themselvee to ronning water, and there perform a solemn ablution.' 

Perhaps it was some such ignorant superstition that moved the 
moby nsoallj so oallous to scenes of blood. We cannot fail to 
eall to mind the extravagant sentiment which was many years ago 
evoked among the lower classes in London by the rational-seeming 
demeanour of a huge elephant called Jumbo which appeared loth 
to leave England for America, and the romantic tales that were 
told of the creature's constancy and affection. Oicero has been 
commended for his condemnation of these brutalizing spectacles — 
and justly, though we previously held that we should regard the 
letter merely as a piece of clever rhetoric on a thesis propounded 
to him, rather than as the expression of his real opinion, owing to 
its concluding words : — 

' I have made this a longer letter than usual, not because I have plenty of 
leisure, but by reason of my love for you. You gave me a kind of challenge 
(mftrnvtSterot) if yon remember, in a letter of yours, to write you something to 
make you not regret having missed the games. If I have succeeded in this, 
I am glad of it ; if I have failed, then I have at least this oonsdation: you 
will come to the games next time, and then you will see me, and not leave 
your chance of getting amusement out of the games at the mercy of a 
communication from me.' 

But the letter is probably both an essay and a true expression 
of Gicero's opinion. He never shows interest in the games of the 
Circus ; and his high culture and love of refinement must have 
rendered the brutal sports distasteful to him. But we fancy that 
it was the vulgarity and brutality which influenced Cicero in his 
repugnance to the sports rather than humanitarian considerations. 

The letters to Quintus, the two remaining books of which are 
included in this instalment of the correspondence, are full of inte- 
rest^ and are not so familiar to most readers as those to Attious 
and to his friends at large. He says he likes to let his letters to 
his brother ramble on (alucifiari), just as their talk did when 


they were together. We read, for iofltanoe, in 132, 2, that tiie 
people of Tenedos petitioned for Home Rule. The refusal of 
the Senate was peremptory. ^ Tenedian Home Bule/ Bays Cioero, 
' was oat down by a Tenedian axe.' The ^ Tenedian axe/ whioh 
in that island was immediately applied to the oondemned, was 
proverbial for any * short, sharp, and decisive ' measure. Every 
little piece of gossip whioh may serve as a peg on which to hang 
a joke or a smart phrase finds a place in his correspondence with 
his brother and his more intimate friends. Hence great diffi- 
culties encounter us in these epistles. We need not be surprised 
that some of these puzzles still defy the sagacity of commentators, 
when we know that Oicero himself sometimes failed to interpret 
a dark saying in a missive from Atticus, and sometimes has to 
own that he had himself employed such a covert phrase that he 
could hardly have expected his correspondent to decipher his 
meaning. This caution is especially observable in his correspon- 
dence with his brother and Atticus. In 143, 7, in hinting at 
the infamous compact in which the candidate consuls and existing 
consuls engaged in the end of the year 700 (54), he writes, ^ What 
the compact is I dare not trust a letter to tell.' He says to his 
brother (148, 21) : ' My letters to you as a rule contain nothing 
which could cause us any embarrassment if they fell into the 
hands of anyone else.' In 159, 2, he writes : — 

' Again I must warn you not to trust to a letter any oommunioatlon which 
might make trouble for us. Many and many a thing I would rather not hear 
of at all than risk a danger in order to hear of it.' 

And he also hints to Ourio (176, 2) the danger of entrusting to 
letters details of political affairs. Accordingly, when he deals 
with delicate matters, Cicero often clothes his thoughts in enigmatic 
phrase, whioh we know sometimes puzzled even those to whom 
liis letters were addressed. It is really amazing that there are so 
few absolutely inexplicable passages in them, when we remember 
that we have to interpret them almost always without even 
possessing the letters which replied to them, or to whioh they 
were replies. 

In a very interestiug letter to his brother (141, 6), in which he 
assures him that thiugs ' are in a condition of profound calm, but 


it IB the oalm of deorepitade, not repose ' {9ummum otium forenae 
sed seneBceniia magis dtUatis quam aequieseentis)^ he shows how, in 
the hopeless condition of public affairSi he finds his only consola- 
tion in his conespondenoe with Oaesar : — 

' I have reodyed/ he writes to his biother (141, 1), ' a letter from Caesar 
full up of {refertis) courtesy, sympathy, and Undness, in which he assures 
me that he is delighted to hare yon with him in Ckud, and that it will 
he his bosiness to make me, in aU my regret for being parted from yon, feel 
glad that, as yon are away, yon are with him rather than with anyone else.' 
'Perhaps,' Gioero goes on to say, <my case will be like that of the traveller 
who, luLTing oyerdept himself, makes snch good speed that he reaches his 
destination before those who were np betimes.' 

It is amusing to read (147, 4) how he fears the dangers which 
may await his brother in attempting to effect a landing on the 
* rampired ' (op. muratoSf 149, 7) coast of savage Britain,* and 
how he tells Atticus (149, 7) that * there is not a somple of silver 
in the whole island, and no prospect of booty except in the way 
of slaves, and these qnite illiterate, and ignorant of music' Not 
a chance of a Dionysins or a Fhemins — mere savages I And the 
whirligig of time has so brought in his revenges that the remote 
descendants of these savages now feel perhaps a greater interest 
in these very letters than was felt even by Quintus, Atticus, or 
Trebatius, when they received theuL 

During a portion of the period embraced in this part of the 
correspondence Quintus was in Sardinia, but for most of the time 
he was with Caesar in Qaul. His splendid defence of his camp 
against an apparently irresistible force is a notable incident in 
Boman history. The disaster which overtook Ootta and Sabinus, 
and the heroism of the troops under Quintus Oicero, remind the 
reader forcibly of Isandula and Borke's Drift. We quote the narra- 
tive of Mr. Froude, which is characteristically powerfid as a piece 
of writing, and would indeed be perfect if he could have resisted 
the unworthy sneer at Marcus conveyed in the last words : — 

* If one Boman oamp was taken, Indndomams oaloolated that the oonntry 
would rise ; the others oonld be separately snrronnded, and Ghinl would be 

* Qointiis appears to haTe spoken very Benaibly about the ezpedition into Britain. 
148, 10 Jk Brita$mmi r$bui eognovi ex iuit liiUris nihU esse n»e quod meiusmut nee 
nuod gaudeamue, 

TOL. II. e 


free. Hie plot was well laid. An entrenolied oamp being diffioult to storm, 
the eoofederates decided to begin by treaobery. Ambiorix was personally 
known to many of the Roman offioers. He sent to Babinns to say tliat he 
wished to oommnnioate with him on a matter of the greatest oonseqnenoe. An 
interriew being granted, he stated that a general conspiraoy had been formed 
throagb the whole of Ganl to surprise and destroy the legions. Each station 
was to be attacked on the same day, that they might be unable to support each 
other. He pretended himself to haye remonstrated ; but his tribe, he said, had 
been earned away by the general enthusiasm for liberty, and he could not 
keep them back. Vast bodies of (Germans had crossed the Rhine to join in the 
war. In two days at the furthest they would arriye. He was under private 
obligations to Caesar, who had rescued his son and nephew in the fight with 
the Aduatuci, and out of gratitude he wished to save Sabinus from destruction,. 
which was otherwise inevitable. He urged him to escape while there was still 
time, and to join either Labienus or Cicero, giving a solemn promise that he 
should not be molested on the road. 

* A council of offioers was held on the receipt of this unwelcome informa- 
tion. It was thought unlikely that the Eburones would rise by themselves. 
It was probable enough, therefore, that the conspiraoy was more extensive. 
Cotta, who was second in command, was of opinion that it would he rash and 
wrong to leave the camp without Caesar's orders. They had abundant pro- 
visions. They could hold their own lines against any force which the Overmans 
could bring upon them, and help would not be long in reaching them. It 
would be preposterous to take so grave a step on the advice of an enemy. 
Sabinus unfortunately thought differently. He had been over-cautious in 
Brittany, though he had afterwards redeemed his fault. Caesar, he persuaded 
himsdf, had left the country ; each commander therefore must act. on his own 
req^cmsibility. The story told by Ambiorix was likely in itself. The Germans 
were known to be furious at the passage of the Rhine, the destruction of Ario- 
vifltus, and their other defeats. Gaul resented the loss of its independence. 
Ambiorix was acting like a true friend, and it would be madness to refuse his 
offer. Two days' march would biing them to their friends. If the alarm was 
false, they could return. If there was to be a general insurrection, the legions 
could not be too speedily brought together. If they waited, as Cotta advised, 
they would be surrounded, and in the end would be starved into surrender. 

'< Cotta was not convinced, and the majority of officers supported him. The 
first duty of a Roman army, he said, was obedience to orders. Theii* business 
was to hold the post which had been committed to them, till they were other- 
wise directed. The officers were consulting in the midst of the camp, sur- 
rounded by the legionaries. '' Have it as you wish," Sabinus exclaimed, in a 
tone which the men could' hear ; " I am not afraid of being killed. If things 
go amiss, the troops will understand where to lay the blame. If you allowed 
it, they might in forty-eight hours be at the next quarters, facing the chances 
of war with their comrades, instead of perishing here alone by sword or hunger." 

'Neither party would give way. The troops joined in the discussion.. 


They weie willing either to go or to itay, if their oommaadere would agree ; 
bat they aaid that it mnst beone thing or the other ; diepntes would be oertain 
min. The diaeuaabn lasted till midnight. Sabinns was obstinate; Cotta at 
last withdrew his oppoeLtion, and the fatal resolntian was formed to maroh at 
dawn« The remaining hours of the night were passed by the men in ooUeoting 
sneh Talnables as they wished to take with them. Byerything seemed in- 
genionsly done to inorease the difficulty of remaining, and to add to the perils 
of the maroh by the exhaustion of the troops. The Mouse lay between them 
and Labienus, so they had seleoted to go to Gioero at Oharleroy. Their course 
lay up the left bank ol the little ri?er G'mt. Trusting to the promises of 
AmbioriXy they started in loose order, followed by a long train of oarts and 
wagons. The Sbunmes lay, waiting for them, in a large yalley, two milea 
from the oamp. When most of the cohorts were entangled in the middle of the 
hollow, the enemy appeared suddenly, some in front, some on both sides of the 
yalley, some behind, threatening the baggage. Wise men, as Caesar says, 
antidpate possible difficulties, and deoide beforehand what they will do if 
ooeasions arise. Sabinns had foreseen nothing, and arranged nothing. Gotta, 
who had expected what might happen, was better prepared, and did the best 
thai was possible. The men had scattered among the wagons, each to saye or 
protect what he could* Cotta ordered them back, bade them leaye the carts to- 
their ibtte, and form together in a ring. He did right, Caesar thought ; but 
the effect was unfortunate. The tnx^ lost heart, and the enemy was 
encouraged, knowing that the baggage would only be abandoned when the 
position was desperate. The Eburones were under good oommand. They did 
not, as might haye been expected, fly upon the plunder. They stood to their 
work, well aware that the carts would not escape them. They were not in 
great numbers. Caesar specially says that the Romans were as numerous as 
they. But eyerything else was against the Eomans. Sabinns could giye no 
directions. They were in a narrow meadow, with wooded hills on each side of 
them fiUed with enemies whom they could not reach. When they charged, the 
light-footed barbarians ran back ; when they retired, they closed in upon them 
again, and not a dart, an arrow, or a stone ndssed its mark among the crowded 
cohorts. Brayely as the Romans fought, they were in a trap where their 
courage was useless to them. The battle lasted from dawn till the afternoon, 
and though they were falling fast, there was no flinching and no oowardicc 
Caesar, who inquired particularly into the minutest circumstances of the 
disaster, records by name the officers who distinguished themselyes ; he men- 
tions one whose courage he had marked before, who was struck down with a 
lance through his thighs, and another who was killed in rescuing his son. 
The braye Cotta was hit in the mouth by a stone as he was cheering on lus 
men. The end came at last. Sabinns, helpless and distracted, caught sight 
of Ambiorix in the confusion, and sent an interpreter to implore him to 
spare the remainder of the army. Ambiorix answered, that Sabinns might 
come to him, if he pleased ; he hoped he might persuade his tribe to be merci* 
f ul ; he promised that Sabinns himself should suffer no injury. Sabinns asked 

e 2 


Gotta to aooompany bim. Ootto Mad he would neTor Boirenkder to an aimed 
eneniy; and, wounded as he wat, he stayed with the legion, fiabiniis, fol- 
lowed by the rest of the sorriring ofEleen, whom he ordered to attend him, 
proeeeded to the spot where the ehief was standing. They were oommanded to 
lay down their arms. They obeyed, and were immediately killed; and with 
one wild yell the barbarians then nuhed in a mass on the deserted oohorts. 
Ootta fell, and most of the others with him. The sarnyors, witii the eagle of 
the legion, which they hod still faithfolly guarded, struggled baok in the dosk 
to their deserted oamp. The standard-bearer, smrounded by enemies, reached 
tiie fosse, flnng the eagle over the rampart, and fell with the last eflEort 
Those that were left fought on till night, and then, seeing that hope was gone» 
died like Bomans on each other's swords—a signal illustration of the Boman 
greatness of mind, which had died out among the degenerate patrioians, but 
was liTing in all its force in Caesar's legions. Afew stragglers, who had been 
ut off during the battle from their comrades, escaped in the night through the 
woods, and carried the news to Labienus. Cicero, at Qiarleioy, was left in 
ignorance. The roads were beset, and no messenger could reach him. 

* Indudomams understood his countrymen. The conspiracy with which he 
had frightened Sabinus had not as yet extended beyond a few northern chiefs ; 
but the success of Ambiorix produced tiie effect which he desired* As soon as 
it was known that two Boman generals had been out off, the remnants of the 
Aduatnoi and the Keryii were in arms for their own revenge. The smaller 
tribes along the Mouse and Sambre rose with them ; and CScero, taken by sur- 
prise, found himself surrounded before he had a thought of danger. The Gauls, 
knowing that their chances depended on the capture of the second camp before 
assistance could arrive, flung themselTes so desperately on the entrenchments 
that the legionaries were barely able to repel the first assault. The assailants 
were diiyeu back at last; and Cicero despatched messengers to Caesar to 
Amiens, to give him notice of the rising ; but not a man was able to penetrate 
through the multitude of enemies which now swarmed in tiie woods. The 
troops worked gallantly, strengthening the weak points of their fortifications. 
In one night they raised a hundred and twenty towers on their waUs. Again 
the Gauls tried a storm, and, though they failed a second time, they left the 
garrison no rest either by day or night. There was no leisure for sleep ; not a 
hand could be spared from the lines to care for the sick or wounded. Cicero 
was in bad health ; but he dung to hie work till the men carried him by force 
to his tent and obliged him to lie down. The first surprise not having suc- 
oeeded, the Nervian chiefs, who knew Cicero, desired a pariey. They told the 
same story which Ambiorix had told, that the Germans had crossed the Bhine, 
and that all Gaul was in arms. They informed him of the destruction of 
Sabinus; they warned him that the same &te was hanging over himself, and 
that his only hope was in surrender. They did not wish, they said, to hurt 
either him or the Boman people ; he and his troops would be free to go where 
they pleased, but they were determined to prevent the legions from quartering 
themselves permanently in their coimtry. 


* There was but one Salnnas in the Bomaa anay. Gieero anawezed, witii a 
spirit worthy of his oountry, that Bomans aooepted no oonditions from enemies 
in aims* The Gaols might, if they pleased, said a deputation to Caesar, and 
hesx what he would say to them. For himself, he had no authority to listen 
to tiiem. Force and treaohezy being alike unavailing, they zesolyed to starve 
Gieero out They had watohed the Roman strategy. They had seen and felt 
the yalue of the entrenohments. They made a hank and ditch all round the 
oamp, and, though they had no tools but their swords with whieh to dig tozf 
and out trees, so many there were of them that the work was oompleted in 
three hours. Having thus pinned the Romans in, they slung red-hot balls and 
flnng darts oanying lighted straw over the ramputs of the eamp on the 
thatehed roofs of the soldiers' huts. The wind was high, the fire spread, and 
amidst the smoke and the blase the Gauls again rushed on from all sides to 
the assault. Roman discipline was never more severely tried, and never 
showed its ezoellenoe more signally. The houses and stores of the soldiers 
were in flames behind them. The enemy were preosing on the walls in front, 
covered by a storm of javelins and stones and arrows, but not a man left his 
post to save hii pr o perty or to eztingoish the fire. They fought as they stood, 
striking down rank after rank of the Gauls, who still crowded on, trampling on 
the bodies of their oompanions, as the foremost lines fell dead into the ditch. 
Such as reached the wall never left it aHve, for they were driven forward by 
the throng behind on the swords of the legionaries. Thousands of them had 
fallen before : in desperation, they drew back at last. 

' But Cioero's situation was almost desperate too. The huts were destroyed. 
The majority of the men were wounded, and those able to bear arms were 
dafly growing weaker in number. Caesar was 120 miles distant, and no word 
had reached him of the danger. Messengers were again sent off, but they were 
caught one after another, and were tortured to death in front of the ramparts, 
and the boldest men shrank from risking their lives on so hopeless an enter- 
prise. At length a Nervian slave was found to make another adventore. He 
was a Gaul, and could easily disguise himself. A letter to Caesar was en- 
closed in the shaft of his javelin. He glided out of the camp in the dark, 
passed undeteoted among the enemies as one of themselves, and, escaping from 
their lines, made his way to Amiens. 

' Swiftness of movement was Caesar's distinguishing excellence. The legions 
were kept ready to march at an hour's notice. He sent an order to Crassus 
to join him instantly from Montdidier. He sent to Fabins at St. Pol to meet 
him at Arras. He wrote to Labienus, telling him the situation, and leaving 
him to his discretion to advance or to remain on his guard at Layaoherie, 
as might seem most prudent. Not caring to wait for the rest of his army, 
and leaving Crassus to take care of Amiens, he started himself, the morning 
after the information reached him, with Trebonius's legion to Cicero's relief. 
Fabins joined him, as he had been directed, at Arras. He had hoped for 
Labienus's presence also ; but Labienns sent to say that he was surrounded by 
the Treveri, and dared not stir. Caesar approved his hesitation, and with but 


two kgioiiB, amonntiiig in all to only 7,000 mon, he hurried forwaid to the 
Kerrian border. Leandng that Gieero was atill holding ont, he wrote a letter 
to him in Greek, that it might be unintelligible if interoepted, to tell him that 
help waa near. A Gaol carried the letter, and fastened it by a line to his 
jaTelin, whieh he flnng oyer Gioero'a rampart The javelin atnok in the side 
of one of the towera, and waa nnobaerved for aereral daya. The beeiegera were 
bettor informed. They learnt that Gaeaar waa at hand; that he had bnt a 
handful of men with him. By that time their own nnmbera had risen to 
60,000, and, leaving Gieero to be dealt with at leisore, they moved off to 
envelop and destroy their great enemy. Gaesar waa well served by spies. He 
knew that Gioero was no longer in immediate danger, and there waa Hios no 
ooeaaion for him to riflk a battle at a disadvantage to relieve him. When he 
found the Gauls near him, he enoamped, drawing his lines as narrowly as he 
oonld, that from the small ahow whidi he made tiiey might imagine his troops 
to be even fewer than they were. He invited attack by an osteotation of 
timidity, and having ten^ted the Gauls to beoome the assailants, he flung 
open his gates, rushed out upon them with his whole force, and all but annihi- 
lated them. The patriot army was broken to pieces, and the unfortunate 
Kervii and Aduatud never rallied from this second blow. Gaeaar could then 
go at his leisure to Gieero and his comrades, who had fought so nobly against 
aueh desperate odds. In every ten men he found that there was but one un- 
woonded. He inquired with minute curiosity into every detail of the si^ge. 
In a general address he thanked Gioero and the whole legion. He thanked the 
ofloera man by man for their gallantry and fidelity. Kow for the first time 
(and that he could have remained ignorant of it ao loDg speaks for the pas* 
aionate unanimity with which the Gauls had risen) be learnt from prisoners 
the fate of Sabinus. He did not underrate the greatness of the catastrophe. 
The soldiers in the army he treated always as friends and comrades in anns ; 
and the loss of so many of them was as personally grievous to him as the effects 
of it might be politically mischievous. He made it the subject of a seoond 
speech to his own and to Gioero'a troops^ but he spoke to encourage and to 
console. A serious misfortune had happened, he said, through the fault of one 
of his generals, but it must be botne with equanimity, and had already been 
heroieally expiated. The meeting with Gioero must have been an interesting 
one. He and the two Giceros had been friends and companions in youth. It 
would have been well if Marcus TuUius could have remembered in the coming 
yean the personal exertion with which Gaesar had rescued a brother to whom 
he was so warmly attached.' 

Two other interestiDg oorreepondents of Gioero make their 
first appearanoe in Fart lY.* These are Trebatius and Ourio. 

*PttUiii8 Sittius was an exoeptionany interesting man; seelntrod. Note to 179. 
But that epirtle is a most commonplaoe example of the common MuoUtio. 


Trebatias was a rismg yonng jurisoonBult.* But, as responm were 
given gratnitoasly in Borne, the profession of a jurisoonsolt was 
not a royal road to fortune. Oioero, whose interest in yoong 
men of promise is not the least pleasing among many charming 
qualities, thought that he could not do better for his friend than 
send him to Oaesar. The unknown countries which Oaesar 
was opening up seemed to his contemporaries an El Dorado, 
and appealed to the imagination of young Bomans as America 
did to the more enterprising spirits of the sixteenth century. 
Trebatius seems, from certain hints dropped by Oicero, to have 
been by no means of a martial temperament (173, 1) ; so we 
are not surprised to find that he was not enamoured of his 
experiences in the camp of Oaesar, and that he wrote very snappy 
and foolish letters at first (167, 1, rabiosulaa aatfatuaij.f We hare 
already referred to the admirable letter in which Oicero puts 
Trebatius out of his hand into the hand of Oaesar, that hand 
* unrivalled whether it is heavy on the foe, or firm in the dasp of 
friendship' (184, 3). This 

' Truest friend and noblest foe' 

was not unmindful of him whom Oicero recommended. There is 
reason to believe that Trebatius returned to Bome a rich man 
(167, 1), though it required all the resources of Oicero, in persua- 
sion and bantering, to induce him at first (cp. 186, 1 ; 140, 1 ; 
146, 1) to stay in that cold country which the Atrebates andNervii 
were so very well di^sed to make warm enough for him (161, 2) ; 
though later on Trebatius appears to have been very well content 
to stay (171, 2 ; 173, 1 ; 174, 1). Oicero was destined soon to 
learn for himself liow hard it was for a Boman to act on the 
advice which he gives his friend, * Do conquer that weak hanker- 
ing after the city and its life.' Oicero, in Oilicia, pines for Bome, 
as a modem Frenchman for Paris. 'I cannot express to you,' 
he writes to Atticus (v. 11, 1 (200)), * how I am consumed with 

* T^lwtiiu mm about thirty-fiTe yean of age. When Oioero oalla bim vetuU in 
167, IS, tbe c i proM ion is play! ol, like * old boy ' ; or perbaps it ia deaigned to oonfey 
Ibat be bad aa old bead on young iboiildera— a Tiew wbicb tbe oontext aeema to 
ikTonr ; and perbapt be mM lomewbat of a weakling pbyiioally. 

t We owe tbe txanalation ' snappy ' to Mr. Bbnokbuxgb. 


longing for the town, and how intolerably insipid is tliie proTuicial 

The burthen of his advioe to TrebatioB \& — 

* Home-keepisg youth have eyer homely wits ' ; 

bat he does not fail to impress on him how neoessary it was that 
he should make the best of his opportunities, if they are at all 
lucrative ; and how veiy ignominious it would be to stay away 
for a long time, and to return empty-handed— Laberius would 
make a f aroe on the Britkh Barrister^ and Trebatius' rival Valerius 
would crow over him. It must, indeed, be confessed that one gets 
wearied with Cicero's chaff on Trebatius" learning, or want of 
leaming, in the law ; but it seems to have amused Oicero, for he 
directs exactly the same sort of chaff against Valerius also (162). 
Trebatius lived through the troublous times of the Civil War, and 
afterwards enjoyed the friendship of Horace (Sat. ii. 1), who ad- 
dresses to him one of his Satires. He forms, as M. Gbston Boissier 
remarks, a sort of link between the Ciceronian and Augustan age. 
' n pouvait parler de Lucrdce i Virgile, de Cio^ron k Tite-Live, 
de C^tulle i Properce.' 

0. Scribonius Curio was at this time Quaestor to C. Claudius 
in Asia. He was a young man of great brilliancy and promise— 
a Boman Alcibiades. ' You have a serious rival,' says Cicero to 
him (175, 2 ; cp. 176, 2 ; 166, 2), ' in the magnificence of the 
hopes formed about your future.' We read in a former letter 
(Att. i. 14, 6 (20}} that Curio was the mainstay of the Optimates. 
It is strange that his conspicuous profligacy (Cicero nicknames 
Y^Oifiliola Curiania) does not prevent the future author of the 
De Offidis from addressing him in the language of esteem and 
affection. He is to be the saviour of society (176, 2). Velleius 
Paterculus (ii. 48) says that with Curio profligacy was a fine art 
{ingmmimme nequam). Lucan, on the other hand, writes. pf him 

(iv. 814}— 

Hand alium tanta oivem tulit indole Boma 
Ant cni pins leges deberent reota seqnenti ; 

and again, 

Momentnmqne f nit mntatns Cnrio remxn* 

. . . ' ' 
_ • • - ' 

He lavished such vast sums of money on public speotaoksrtfrom 


whioh we find Gioeoro eamesUy diflsuading him (169, 1)*— that he 
plunged hinueU in hopeleee diffioulties, from whioh he emerged 
only bj Belling his support to Oaeear, who paid his debts. He 
died in 706 (49), in an engagement with the troops of Juba 
and P. Attios Yarns in Afrioa. 

S 2. M. Lbbbbton's Studies on Ciobbo's Language. 

We regret exoeedioglj that the most able and learned work 
of M. Jnles Lebreton, s. j. {Jktudes sur la langue et la grammaire 
de Oieiron, Paris, 1901) has onlj oomparatirelj reoently oomo 
into onr hands : for his wealth of learning, luoid exposition, and 
wise judgment are helpful at every turn. In this section we 
propose to give a few remarks taken from M. Lebreton's work, 
whioh have espeoially interested us, and whioh exhibit some of 
the minute and subtle points of Oioeronian style and grammar, 
whioh the unwearied labour of the author and his fine feeling for 
language have enabled him to establish. 

At the outset of his work the author strongly deprecates the 
view we have taken as to the appearance of the language of the 
oomio stage in the epistolary language of Cicero and his corre- 
spondents. But we think that while M. Lebreton has shown 
that some few usages which we considered to belong wholly to 
conversational language can be as abundantly paralleled from 
the more formal language of the Orations and Philosophical 
works, still the main difference between us is one of degree ; and 
we are not unwilling to allow that it is only in the more familiar 
letters-^those to Atticus, to Quintus, Tiro, Paetus, fto. — that the 
more familiar style of ordinary conversation, such as we know it 
in Terence and Plautus, should be appealed to rather than the 
more literary language of Gicero's otiier works. So that in the 
passage (vol. i., p. 64, ed. 2 ; p. 83, ed. 3) which M. Lebreton 
criticises severely — ^ In the criticism of Cicero's letters, we may go 
further and say that to quote an analogous usage in Plautus or 

* ComptxB Gioero's remarlcB on Milo's extntTaganoe in respeot of gunef (169, 6 ; 
160, 3). Cio6KO Mjfl of the shows pionm nequs faeuUaUm q^iUquam adndrmtm^--^ 
ptim dopiamm, mm wrtutU-Hitqw qui§qmm ut qmn ttUi$taU iam d$f$ttm nt (169, 1)» 


Terence is far more relevant than to quote an analogous usage from 
the Oratory or Philosophy of Gioero himself' — ^if we add the words 
'more familiar' before ' letters ', we shall not be much at variance 
with M. Lebreton's own views. Thus, on p. 345, after adduoing 
all the examples of eum . • . turn marking successive actions (a 
fine collection) 9 he says that this usage seems frequent only in the 
'familiar style'; out of twenty-eight examples, eighteen he says 
are taken from the Ooirespondence. Again, p. 305, he notices 
that prohibitions of the form ne feceris (as being somewhat 
more absolute than noU/acere) are more frequent in the 'familiar 
style ' ; thus out of forty-three examples in Oicero, twenty-six 
he says are found in the Oorr^spondence : cp. also p. 348, where 
the 'epistolaxy style' is made responsible for some slightly 
unusual alternations of tenses. And of course we agree with 
If. Lebreton that the Oorrespondence is far from homogeneous. 
The letters to Lentulus, to Appius, to Planous, for example, 
are written in most literary language; formal works like the 
first epistle to Quintus, the celebrated letter to Lucceius, 
Fam. V. 12 (109), the various letters of consolation, are Iiardly 
(if at all) written in a more familiar style than the speeches 
and dialogues in which now and then colloquialisms occur (e.g. 
Tasc. iii. 77 eum nihil hominis esse, quoted by M . Lebreton).* 

* M. Lebreton appeals <mte or twice to metrical ooniideratioDS (IntrocL, p. z s 
op. p. 818) baeed on M. fiomeoque's work (X« 1¥m# mdlrigw dam la Oorr^ttpondan^ 
4$ CtoSron, 1898). Thia earnest and laborious, but somewbat arbitrary, treatise has 
been criticised elsewbere (Sermathina^ 1906, pp. 289, fP.}, and is at present orer- 
shadowed by tbe famous law of the clause-endings in Cicero's Orations, wbioh has 
been recently set forth with such remarkable tigour and ingenuity by M. Zielinsld 
(Dm Clawe1g$9eUin Cicero$ JUden, 1904); see also Mr. A. 0. Clark in the Clai$i^ 
JUvieWf 1905, pp. 164-172. llie results in this book are almost univerBally 
allowed to be tiie highest point to which studies in Ciceronian rhythm haye yet 
attained. It is worth noticing that the more formal and carefully composed letten of 
Cicero seem, in a remarkable manner, to conform to this law ; and we think that the 
law deserves, in parts of the Correspondence, to be made an instrument of criticism. 
We haye endeayoured to compile some statistics as to the working of this law in the 
Correspondence ; and we giye the results in the subjoined table. But we cannot feel 
sure that we haye always seleoted such dausulae as would haye been chosen by 
M. Zielinsld ; or that we haye not at times, from uncertainty as to the extent to 
which accent should play a part, erroneously classii&ed certain olausulae. In such 
eases we haye almost always giyen the decision in fayour of the better kind of 
dause-endings (i.e. to Y or Ij ; especially so in Q. Fr. i. 1 (80), the rhythm of which, 


Bat that is no reason why emphasis should not he laid on the 
utility of appealing to Plantos and Terenoe for support in the 
oritioism of the letters of less formal and more unstudied oast. 

We allow that M. Lehreton (p. zi) has shown that tarn with 
an adjeotival suhstantiye is oommon in all the writings of Gioero 
(op. Orat. 161 tarn artifex; Bep. iii 45 tam tyranmu) ; but we still 
think that the use of the present indioative in plaoe of the delibe- 
rative subjunctive is hardly met in Qioero's more formal composi- 
tionsy exoept in sudh oommon expressions as quid ago f quid dieimus f 
eequas • . . arbiiramurf N.D. i 80; quid loquor f Fin. v. 63. We do 
not know of any suoh oase as, e.g., Att. xiiL 40, 2 (660) Etri quid 
mi auetar e$ f Advolane an maneo f whioh is surely an example of 
the vividness of the familiar style, not unlike Juvenal's (iii. 296) in 
qua te quaere proseuoha P and (iv. 130) quidnam igitur censes P 
eondditur f There cannot be any doubt that quid mi auctor es 
is a colloquialism when one considers how often it occurs in 
comedy (Plant. Gist 249, Poen. 410, 721, Pseud. 1166). This 
phrase auefar esH is used by Atticus (Att. ix. 10, 6 (365) ), with 
the unusual construction of the infinitive ego quidem tibi non 

<m the wholes hardly seems to ns as good as it looks from ike statistios of the 
clause-endings which we haye ooUeeted. We oannot hope, however, to give more 
than tm indicMtien of the extent to which the law of the dause-endings seems to be 
ohsenred in certain portions of the Correspondence : bnt it certainly seems to us Tery 











V(eiae) Olainanlaeb 






and P(easiinae)> 
Olansiuae* ) 




86 7 









80 14 
















66 18 













138 ! 


9im auctar, u Pompeiaa Italiam relinquit, te quague prqftmere. 
Something similar is Att vi. 1, 8 (252) neo vero paud stmt auctares 
On. Flayium soribam fastoB protuUsse. 

Aa to the use of abstract sabstantiyeB in the plural, the 
ezhaustive coUeotion of them in Oioero is one of M. Lebreton's 
finest efforts in his book (421-427). We assent to his oondnsion 
that this usage is more extended in the Philosophioal works than in 
the Epistles. But in the former their employment is natural, owing 
to the nature of the subject treated ; whereas in the familiar stjle 
of the letters their use is rather dictated by the same reasons as it 
was dictated to the oomic writers, in whom, especially Plautus 
(as M. Lebreton, with a long array of passages (p. 88), proves), 
this usage is very frequently found* 

The phrase ne puerum perdUum perdamua (Fam. xiv. 1, 5 (82) ) 
is much less usual than such ordinary examples of the ' figura 
etymologica * as dicta dieere * to make jokes/ facinora facere 
^ to do a deed' (whether good or bad). It is analogous to the 
actum agere of common language, and is to be paralleled by such 
usages as Plant. Cure. 640 nee tu me quidem umquam subiges 
redditum ut reddam tibi ; Oapt. 441 Serva tibi in perpetuom 
amicum me atque hunc iwomtum inveni. 

As to abigue for rine, we can only refer our readers to our note 
on the passage Att. i. 19, 1 (26), from which it would appear that 
scholars of eminence are divided as to whether it should be retained 
or not. But we cannot help seeing in such a use of nuUus as 
Corumbm nulius adhuo in Att. xiv. 3, 1 (706) a much more collo- 
quial note (cp. Plant. Asin. 408 ; Bud. 143, 323) than in such a 
phrase as Bosc. Am. 128 haec bona in tabulae publicas nuUa 
redierunt {* did not revert at all ') ; and in acelua kominis in Att. xi. 
9, 2 (423), if we take it in the sense otpestea hominum in Fam. v. 
8, 2 (131), there is surely a comic vigour more analogous to the 
examples quoted by our note on 131, 2 than to such a sedate 
phrase as Best. 88 huic gravitati haminis videbat ille gladiator 
se . . . parem esse non posse, though formally they are much the 

We still adhere to our view of retaining the ms reading in 

*The diodonariei compare O^id Met x. 83, bo tbat perhaps the ooiutractioa 
beUmgi to poetical language. 


Att ▼• 11, 7 (200) Quaa tibi epistulae redditae sunt sine mea, 
torn wdeUeet dates b oolloquialism found also in Luoretius i. 210> 
BB is a similar nse of %ciUeet in Sallust, Jag. 4, 6 ; 118, 3. But we 
sre prepared to admit that we made an oyerstatement in saying 
that the ethioal dative is far more oommon in the letters and in 
oomedy than elsewhere in olassioal literature. It ooours vexj 
frequently in the QrationSi where the language beoomoB vivid and 
fsmiliar. Four out of the ten passages quoted by M. Lebreton 
are taken from the Pro Murena. And we now consider that the 
example of inverse attraction in Fam. vii. 1, 1 (127) is doubtful ; 
see Introd. to Vol. I. (ed. 8), p. 82, and note on the passage itself. 
Ab regards M. Lebreton's oonverse proposition, that there are 
msny arohaio oonstruotions in Plautus and Terence which are not 
found in the EpistleB, of course we readily allow it. Oicero's 
coUoquialiBms may be defended from the comic writers ; and when 
we find the same construction in both, we may infer that the usage 
had not varied between the ages of the comic writers and Cicero ; 
but that does not prove that no variation occurred in the interval, 
or that some archaic constructions may not have failed to commend 
themselves to Oicero, even in familiar prose, though they were 
retained by other authors. One cannot expect an author to use 
every kind of colloquialism. Thus Cicero does not appear to use 
guippe qui with the indie, though it is often used by livy (see 
Weissenbom on iii 6, 6) ; nor does he use the inf. after a verb of 
motion, as Vergil, Mn. i. 627, and Horace, Carm.;,i 2, 8.* For 
the use of substantives and adjectives such as ratiOf occa^io, copia^ 
conriUum^ aviduB, aucbw, fnemar, with the infinitive in olassioal 
authors, especially poets; compare Madvig, Lat. Gram., 417, Obs. 2 
and 419, and Dr. Eennedy's remarks on the ' Prolative ' infini- 
tive (Lat. Gram., § 180). These Gbeek constructions, natural to 
writerB closely modelling their style on Greek originals, did not 
imprees themselves so strongly on the more independent and 
Latin style of Cicero. But that Cicero, in his more intimate 
and less studied letters, largely availed himself of the ordinary 
language of conversation we still hold ; and as that language of 

*See a yast number of initanoes of this oonstruotion in the ith ed. of Munro's 
Xii0fv«iM, note on iii. 896. In that oolleotion, Mr. Duff quotes Wilmann'sInaoriptionB, 
26M, r^ in Apolimt Umtru 


oonyenation ib mainly to be found iu Plautos and Terence, 
reference to thoee authors muBt frequently be made in the criticism 
of Cicero's familiar LetterSi rather than to the more elaborate and 
literary works of Oicero himself. 

The following points of Ciceronian usage, especially as found in 
the Letters, we owe to M. Lebreton's book, which is undoubtedly 
one of the most learned, judicious, and attractive works on Latin 
style we have ever read. 

When the names of things and the names of persons have a 
common attribute, the agreement is generally made with the 
nearest subject, e.g. Q. Fr. 1, 1, 1 (30) Non dubitabam quin epis- 
tuUm multi ntmfeV, fama denique esset ipsa sua celeritate wfera- 
tura : ib. 13 Tibi omnium saluiem^ Hberoi^ famam fortunaa esse 
eariuimas. Add Fam. iii. 10, 10 (261), xvi. 12, 1 (312) ; Att. ix. 
7, 6 (362), ix. 10, 3 (366). But there are two exceptions in the 
Correspondence — ^Att. iv. 16, 7 (143) CMio consulum et Pompeius 
obeunt (but there eaitio canmlum virtually means eoMuhs coniuneti) ; 
and Fam. x. 11, 2 (848) a letter of Plancus, De proelio facto 
Bruioque et Mutina obsidione liberatis, where Mutina virtually 
means MutinentibuB. 

In Att. i. 16, 12 (22) we find CaUme et Domiiio pwtulante. 
This concord is elsewhere found in the nom., e.g. Att. iv. 17, 3 
(149) Me&salla uoster et eius Domittua competitor liberalis in 
populo valde f uit : cp. § 2 and Att. vii. 3, 10 (294) ; but the use 
in the abl. is rare. M. Lebreton''(p. 16) compares Phil. xiii. 37 
Nucula et Lentone eoUega. 

It is very rare to find two subjects acting separately having 
the verb in the plural. M. Lebreton (p. 20) quotes two — Att. xv. 
9, 1 (742) Ut Bfvtus in Asia, Caasius in Sicilia frumentum emeu- 
dum et ad urbem mittendum curarent ; and Tusc. i. 89 pater 
Deeiua . . .filiue • . . nq^os • • . obieciasent. 

There are two examples in Cicero's Letters of agreement of 
the attribute with the more remote subject — Fam. x. 25, 1 (880) 
Istam apef^am tuam, navitatem^ animum in remp. oeleritati praeturae 
anteponendam censeo ; and Fam. v. 21, 6 (458) Praeter eulpam ac 
peccatum^ qua semper oaruisti — though perhaps here acpeccatum is 
a later additiou. 


M. Lebreton^B fineu)hapter (pp. 32-74) on abstraot substantiveB 
oallfl for little remaxk. We do not feel sure that Chreati com^ 
pUaUonem in (Fam. ii. 8, 1 (201)) oan mean ^oompUation' — a 
Mnee whioh we have not found elsewhere in olassioal authors. It 
rather points to some aotual robbeiy. In Q. Fr. i. 1, 12 (30) 
Ex domestiois eonvietianibus aut ex neoessariis apparitiombuSj the 
abstracts must be retained, though the earlj editions altered to 
oonwelwibua and appafitoribm^ He rightly says that negotia et 
lenfa et inama in Att. y. 18, 4 (218) is not necessarily to be reckoned 
as an example of negoUum applied to a person. For the 
use of honor «■ ' honorarium ' in Fam. xvi. 9» 3 (292) Landgraf 
refers to Yerr. i. 88 habuit homrem ut proditori, non ut amioo 
fidem ; also Bosc. Am. 108, 187. It seems to be generally used 
with habere. For fartuna in the singular used for * goods/ * pro- 
perty/ reference is made to Fam. xiii. 5, 2 (673), where see our 
note ; and to 13 (454). For the use of solus (« ^ saviour ') found 
in Att. i. 16, 5 (22) cum ego sic ab iis ut salus patriae defenderer, 
M. Lebreton quotes an interesting parallel, Yerr. t. 129 Me suam 
sahUem appellans, te suum oamifioem nominans. 

In reference to the possessive pronoun taking the place of an 
objeotiye genitiye, among a number of examples, M. Lebreton 
quotes (p. 99) Habe meam rationem. HAbe tu nostram : cp. Fam. 
xyi. 12, 3 ; Off. i. 139 ; Yerr. i. 126, which seem to show that 
this usage is comjnon (if not constant) in the special phrase. A 
very good parallel he adduces from Att i. 14, 3 (20) in Pompeiafut 
laude. In Fam. y« 12, 3 (109) amorique nosiro plusculum etiam 
quam ooncedet yeritas largiare, he thinks we should translate ^ to 
our mutual affection ' rather than ^ to your affection for me ' — 
perhaps rightly. 

As regards the substitution of the demonstrative for the relative 
in such a case as Fam. xu. 23, 2 (792) legionibus . . • quas sibi 
oonoiliare pecunia cogitabat casque ad urbem adducere (see our 
note), 1£ Lebreton institutes a most careful induction (pp. 100- 

* The reading ia this paifage Is a oorreotion of Viotoriiu. The mse giye eemuM'- 
iMihu . . . apparoHonibut. The new Thesaurus (s.t. appaiitio) giyes eomfmiionihu 
for the fonner woxd, we do not know in what sense. This use of appariiU does not 
appear to be found again until the third oentuxy. We have both eonviciio and CQ§wieior 
in young Gioero's letter, Fam. xri. 21, 4, 5 (786), but in their nonnal signiAeationa. 


106), aud establishes these three oonditions for such a usage — 

(1) the oo-ordinate reLatives must be united bj a oonjunotion ; 

(2) the aateoedent must pieoede ; (3) the two pronouns must refer 
logically to the same subject There appear to be only twenty 
•examples in Oicero (four from the Epistles), and none in Caesar 
or Sallust. In Gicero the relative is repeated eighty-four times 
(about ten times in the Epistles). 

In the difficult passage Att ziL 28, 3 (564) Si Oastrioius pro 
mandpiis peouniam aodpere volet eamque ri solvi ut nuno solvitur, 
ei is undoubtedly an error, and probably should be altered into 
iia ; or ditBoM should be read for ei sohi. 

We believe now — see our note on Fam. xiii. 70 (509) — 
that Mbuere can be used absolutely ; and in Fam. xiii 9, 2 (237), 
we should not have followed Eayser in adding plurimum. 
M. Lebreton quotes (p. 165) Oaes. B. G. i 13, 5 ne ob eam rem 
suae magnopere virtuti trtbueret Somewhat similar omissions of 
the object are to be found in OaeL 2 and Prov. Oons. 47. 

For the use of intercedere pfv (*to go security for a person'), 
governing the accusative of the thing (e.g. pecuniam)^ in addition 
to Att vL 1, 5 (252), we may refer to PhiL 2, 45 tantum enim se 
pro te MeroemsM dioebat. 

In Att xvL 7, 8 (783) cum Pompeianum aceederem^ perhaps 
Pompeianum is regarded as a town, like aceedei^e Bhodum (Fam. ii. 
17, 2 (272)). In other writers of the Ciceronian age, we find the 
preposition omitted — e.g. Yano B. B. i 7, 8 aliquot regiones aeoem ; 
and Sail. Erag. 3, 92 radieem mantis accesnt. In Att. i. 14, 
5 (20) Hie tibi rostra Cato advolat, we might perhaps justify 
the omission of the preposition by the poetical and vivid rush 
of the language : cp. Claudian, Cons. Olyb. et Prob. 174 velox 
iam nuntius advobd urbem. 

M. Lebreton (pp. 194-200) vindicates the future signification 
in the imperative in -io by twenty-seven examples from the 
Orations, twenty-four firom the Letters, and eight from the other 
writings of Cicero, in which that form is found with a subordinate 
future — e.g. Q. Fr. iL 15 (16), 1 (147) cum acceperis, ludicato ; 
Att. iv. 8i, 4 (118) ubi nihil erit, id ipsum scribito ; viiL 2, 4 (332) 


anmadoeiiUo . • • ubi erit ; xi 25, 3 (436) bi videbitory hquiior. 
These flftj-xune examples stand against eleven oases (four from 
the Epistles) in whioh the present imperative is found — e.g. Att viL 
10 (303) Grebro ad me scribe vel quod in buooam veneiit ; Fam. iiL 
12, 2 (275) Si facile inveneris quid dioas, noU ignosoere haesitationi 
meae; xvi. 7 (291) Oum oommode navigare poteris, ad nos vetiii 
Att. viii 2, 2 (332) Si qua erunt, does me quomodo fdpL^iv effugere 
possim. The use of this form in -to in laws and maxims is well 
known, and points to an original future signification. 

Yet| on the other hand, when there are two imperatives marking 
two successive actions, such as Att. x. 14^ 2 (400) Quidquid habes 
ad consolandum eoKge et ilia Bcribe^ we do not seem to find the 
form in -to unless turn precedes — e.g. Oluent. 124 ; Fam. xvL 17, 2 
(658) Yaletudo tua me valde sollicitat : sed inserfji et fac omnia. 
Tum te meoum esse, tum mihi cumulatissime satis f aoere putato. 
This latter example, however, is not very conclusive ; for putato 
and such terms as tecum habeto* scitOf and /adtof are generally 
used in a command to be executed immediately. Yet, even 
allowing these exceptions, there is little doubt that the future 
signification, though becoming weak in classical times, had not 
disappeared, except in a few words of very common usage. 

The use of the future-perfect indicative for the simple future has 
often been noticed as an example of familiar style — e.g. Madvig 
§340, obs. 4, aud Palmer on Amph. ProL 58. { It is extremely 
common in viderOy a note of familiar language which has estab- 
lished itself in the most correct style. M. Lebreton (pp. 201, 202) 
quotes from Cicero some twenty examples of other future perfects 
used for the future simple, nine of which come from the EpiBtles, 
generally where the tone is somewhat empt^eeei. See also our 
Index, S.V. 'future tense.' 

In discussing the consecution of tenses in subordinate proposi- 
tions, M. Lebreton (p. 227) makes this interesting remark : — 
** Especial note is to be taken of negative relative clauses whioh 

*JPW. rii. 26, 2 {fiOS) ; Att. ir. 16, 6 (143). t Att. u. 20, 6 (47). 

(Op. Prof. Dougan on Tubo. i. 74 vir sapiens ... in iUam luoem $xc$u$rit^ 
" The idiam arises from an exaggerated mode of speaking : if the deity gives the order, 
the wise man will haye departed — i.e. will instantly depart, 'no sooner said than 
done.' And from this comet the notion of asnirafiM." 

VOL. II. f 


depend on a prinoipal verb whioh ie itaelf negative or interroga- 
tive: in BQoh olauBee the use of the perfect tense is well-nigh 
obligatory''; and he adduoes these passages among others: — 
Fam. zii. 19, 8 (671) litteras ad te nnnquam habni oui darem^ 
qnin dederim. (The olanse eui darem^ being affinnatiYe» has the 
ordinary oonseoation ; but the olanse quin dedeiHm^ being negative, 
takes the perfeot.) Similarly, Fam. iii. 10* 8 (261) Quid in 
oonsulatu tuo frustra meoum egisti quod me aut f aoere ant sentire 
votuine^i (affirmative olanse): quid mihi mandasti in qno non 
ezspeotationem tuam frieerim? (negative clause). He notices one 
example of the imperfect — ^De JDiv. i. 96 Quis rex nmquam fuit 
qui non uteretur praediotione P We may add Yerr. i. 19, v. 121. 

The conseoutiony at first sight strange, in Fam. xiii. 6, 2 (678) 
Is habet in Yolaterrano possessionem, cum in eam tamquam e 
nanfragio reliquiae eowtuUnet^ is to be explained from the past 
idea in the substantive poMemonem^ ^ he holds land of which he 
took possession {quo potitua eai) after sinking in it all that he saved 
from the shipwreck of his fortunes/ M. Lebreton (p. 247) gives 
other illustrations of this use, such as Fam. ii. 16, 2 (894) Quod est 
igitur meum triste consilium f XTt diseederem f ortasse in aliquas 
solitudines (^ the plan I f onned ') ; Att. xv. 15, 2 (748) Superbiam 
autem ipsius reginae, cum estet trans Tiberim in hortis, com- 
memorare sine magno dolore non possum (^ the pride Cleopatra 
displayed ') . 

He mentions (p. 248) some other passages from the Letters in 
which the consecution of tenses deserves notice — e.g. Att. viii. 12, 1 
(845) HuiuB autem epistulae non ea causa est ut ne quis a me 
dies intermitiaturf sed etiam haec iustior ut a te inipetrarem ut 
sumerea aliquid temporis, where we have explained the latter 
clauses as a reversion to the ^epistolary'* style, which projects 
the writer into the time at which the letter will be read. It is 
possible, perhaps, also to interpret haec iuetior by a kind of sense- 
construction as virtually meaning, ^but I had also this better 
reason when I determined to write to you.' Somewhat similar 

^WdwiahM. Lebreton would write a monograph on the eo-oalled < epistolary' 
use of the perfect (e.g. fnin, < I am sending ') for the immediate present, and the 
analogous uses of past tensee, and endeavour to discoTer the conditions of its employ- 
ment. There is no scholar more eminently competent to do so. 


wonld be Fam. ziii. 47 (928) sed tamen ut scires enm a me non 
diligi solum veram etiam amari, ob earn rem tibi haeo mtSh) {* my 
objeot in writing was ') ; Fam. x. 25, 2 (880) Video Flanoo oonsule, 
etsi etiam sine eo rationes expeditas haberes, tamen splendidiorem 
fore petitionem taam, si mode ista ex sententia confeota essenty 
where video « ' the oonrse of eyents has led me to the view ' ; 
Att* iy. 16, 1 (144) Paooio . . . ostendi quid tua oommendatio 
ponderis haberet : itaque in intimis est meis, omn antea notus non 
Juteeeif where m intimie eat meie • ^ I treated him from that time 
as a close friend/ the past signifioation being AssiBted by oetendi 
in the preceding clause. In Att. xiii 19, 4 (631) Puero me hie 
sermo inducUur nt nnllae esse poeeetU partes meae, M. Lebreton 
well explains the imperfect (" ita ut cum ecriberem nullas mihi 
partes tribuere possem'*). 

In maintaining against Elmer that the ordinary rule about 
prohibitions (yijs., that you can say ne feeerie and noli faeere^ but 
not nefaeiae\ M. Lebreton (p. 305) notices that noU facere is the 
more polite form ; so that we are not surprised to find in the 
familiar style of the letters ne fecefia the more common form. 
There are forfy-three examples of ne with the perfect subjunctiye 
in Oicero; of these twenty-six are in the Letters, six in the 
Orations (three in Muren. 65), ten from the Philosophical works, 
and one from the Brutus. 

Almost the only cases in which the indioatiye is found with 
restrictiye relatives are those in which either the yerb posse occurs, 
or the yerb a^in^*d— e.g. Fam. xiy. 4, 6 (62) Oura, quod poies^ ut 
yaleas ; Att i. 4, 1 (9) Nunc yero censeo, quod commodo tuo 
facere poteriSf yenias; Bosc. Am. 90 omnes, quod ad me aitinety 
vellem yiyerent. There is no certain example of the subjunctiye 
with these yerbe. In Q. Fr. i. 1, 45 (30) the subjunctive is due 
to the oratio obliqua. 

One of the most interesting chapters in M. Lebreton's book is 
that on the use of the indicative in subordinate clauses of the 
oratio obliqua. Though he does not profess to set forth all the 
examples in Oicero of this usage, yet the five pages (367-372) of 
closely printed illustrations show the frequency of this usage, and 
are a fine monument of M. Lebreton's research. Perhaps the 


most interesting passagee from the Letters which he quotes are 
those in which he produces exactly similar sentences in which the 
sabjunotiYe is found. Thus, Att. Tii. 5, 5 (296) Ego is sum, qui 
illi concedi ptUem utilius esse quod postulat quam signa oonfeni 
may be contrasted with Att vii. 6, 2 (297) Nee adhuc fere inyeni 
qui non concedendum putaret Oaesaii quod postularet potius quam 
depugnandum. Again, Att vi. 3, 7 (264) Earn futurum esse puto 
qui esse debet may be contrasted with Att. L 6, 2 (1) Testis erit 
tibi ipsa quantae mihi curae fa^erit ut Quinti fratris animus in earn 
esset is qui esse deberet. With a further reference to Be Diy. ii. 
19, M. Lebreton notes that the indicative is more frequently used 
after a principal verb in the present than after one in the past. The 
variety in the usage of the moods without any variety in signifi- 
cation may be seen from Att i. 10, 6 (6) De fratre confide ita esse 
ut semper volui et elaboravi; and Att. L 5, 2 (1) Oonfido ita esse 
omnia ut et oporteat et veUmue. 

The following are the examples from the Letters given by 
M. Lebreton: — Relative clauses — Brut. i. B, 3 (844) cepei'uut; 
Fam. ix. 8, 1 (641) locuti sumus. Temporal clauses— Fam. xvi. 24, 
2 (806) eit dictum, Comparative clauses — Fam. v. 12, 3 (109) 
emtis . . . cmcedet ; Att xiv. 5, 1 (707) volumue^ cp. vi. 7, 1 (270). 
Oonditional clauses — Fam. vii. 3, 5 (464) fuei^nt , . • est] Att. vii. 
9, 3 (300) ohtinet; Fam. xii. 17, 2 (493) probabis; ii. 6, 5 (177) 
impetf*aro\ iiL 2, 2 (183) intellexefv (see our note, where many 
passages axe quoted) ; xvi. 1, 2 (285) inteUegie ; 2 (286) videro ; 
Att vii. 8, 11 (294) dixero ; viii. 120, 2 (329) veniet. 

These are only a few of the many interesting points which 
M. Lebreton discusses. Almost every one of his 'Studies' is 
deserving of careful attention. 





EPP. 90-182. 

A. U. C, 697-702 

B. C, 67-62 

AET. CIC, 49-64 



EPP. 90-84. 

A. U. C. 697 ; B. C. 67 I ABT. Cia 49. 



The Letters of the latter part of this year detail the ciroumstanoes of Cioero'a 
return from exile, with the inoidents whioh were the oonseqaeneee of hia exile, 
and describe the position in whioh Cicero .found himself on his restoration, 
and the oonfosed and disorderly state of politics at the time. This was the 
year of the speeches Fott reditum in Senaiu, JPost redihan ad Quiriiei, and 
De domo 9tia. Their authenticity «haji been questioned, not on sufficient 
grounds, except as regards the speech ad QuiriUs, which was almost certainly 
not deliyered in the form in which it is extant. Owing to the violence of dodius 
and his gangs, Cicero found great difficulty in haying his house rebuilt. 
Cicero, about Noyember, was mainly instrumental in having a motion carried 
whioh decreed a 9upplieatio of fifteen days in honour of Caesar's victories in 


90. TO ATTIOTJS, in Efirus (Att. iv. i). 

BOMB ; SBPTBMBBB (mIDDLB)| A. U. C. 697 ; B. 0. 57 ; ABT. CIC. 49. 

li. Gioero Atttoo de xedita mxo, ad quern oonfloieadiim ille tantom oontnleiat, 
gitttulatar et qoM ipiiiu oondido sit et quid port xeditnm ffaom eserit ozponit 


I. 0am primum Bomam veni fuitqne ooi reote ad te litteras 
darenii nihil prius fadendum mihi putavi quam ut tibi absenti de 
redita nostzo gratularer. Oognoram enim, ut vere soribam, te in 
oonsiliis mihi dandis neo fortiorem neo pradentiorem quam me 
ipgum neo etiam pro praeterita mea in te obsenrantia nimium in 
oustodia salntis meae diUgentem, eundemque te, qui primis tem- 
poribns enoris nostri aut potios f uroriB partioeps et &l8i timoris 
Booins fniases, aoerbissime disoidium nostrum tuliflse plurimumque 
operaoi studi, diligentiae, laboris ad oonficiendum reditum meum 
oontuliflfle. 2. Itaque hoo tibi yere adflrmo, in maxima laetitia et 
exoptatiflsima gratulatione unum ad oumulandum gaudium con- 
speotum aut potiuB eomplexum mihi tuum defuisse, quem semel 

1. fMto] * safely': op. Att. t. 6, 2 
(188) ; ix. 4 (861}. 

Gofitoram] * I felt oertain,' i. e. duxing 
my exile; m^novi* 'lamoertain.* 

nse 0tUm . . . ^httrwrnUa] This is the 
xeadinff of Bosiiis f6r mm stiam propter 
Mtmm JnUoharvanHamid the xnss, wnidh 
oaa hardly he light. It is harsh to sup- 
pose that obtirwmtiam is here used for 
*kick ^respect,' like Att. i 6, 8 (1) tU 
Utierantm misiiine : iii. 16, 7 (78) si tuam 
/idem aceuiarmn. It would he simpler to 
read inoherwmtiam with Madyig. It is 

not difficult to see how pr^Urita may 
haTe passed into propUr, and then would 
follow the alteration to the aocusatiTe. ' 

eundtmque] It is the dause heginning 
with this wend that explains snim. The 

thought of Gioero set forth logically is : 
' I was eager to congratulate you on 
my return, fir 1 felt oertain that, in 
spite of your shortcomings as an adyiser 
before my exile, yst you felt deeply our 
separation, and were aotiye in proouiing 
my restoration.' SumUmfus is strongly 
adrenatiye. The words mean : / I 
felt that, considering my past attentions 
to you, you were not yery energ|etio in 
saying me from exile.' l/tmium is^ used 
in quite the same way in Fam. xii. 80, 
7 (899) non nimium probo, and yeir fre- 
quently in Plautns and Terence. Jdsmgits 
means * and yet ' in AU. iii. 12, 1 (69). 
For reproaches of Atticus by Cicero, cp. 
AU. ill. 16, 4 ff. (78). 


MP. 90 {ATT. IF. 1). 

naotuB ri umquam dimiBero ao nisi etiam praetermifisos fmotus 
tuae BuaTitatis praeteriti temporis omnis exegero, profeoto hao 
restitatioxie fortunae me ipse non satis dignnm iudioabo. 3. Nos 
adhuc in nostro statu, quod diflBoillime reouperari posse arbitrati 
sumus, splendorem nostrum ilium forensem, et in senatu auctori- 
tatem et apud viros bonos gratiam magis quam optaramus oonse* 
outi eumus. In re autem familiari, quae quem ad modum fracta, 
dissipata, direpta sit non ignoras, yalde laboramus tuarumque non 
tarn faoultatum, quas ego nostras esse iudioo, quam oonsiliorum ad 
oolligendas et eonstituendas reliquias nostras indigemus. 4. Nunc, 
etsi omnia aut scripta esse a tuis arbitror aut etiam nuntiis ao 
rumore perlata, tamen ea soribam breyi quae te puto potissi- 
mum ex meis litteris velle oognosoere. Pridie Nonas Sext. Dyr- 
rhaohio sum profectus ipso illo die quo lex est lata de nobis. 
Brundisium yeni Nonis Sext. Ibi mihi Tulliola mea fuit praesto 
natali suo ipso die, qui casu idem natalis erat et Brundisinae 
ooloniae et tuae yicinae Salutis : quae res animadversa a multi- 
tudine summa Brundisinorum gratulatione oelebrata est. Ante 
diem iii. Id. Sext. oognovi oum Brundisi essem litteris Quinti 

2. MMR^fMNft] SoMeutmer: themss 
haye iumpiam or numgMom : hence some 
•oholin propose to readfiiifii^iiMi^tmw#r0 ; 
but we ahould haye expected ^^mitUmi^ 
though we find elsewhere a remarkable 
admutore of futttres : see Fam. ziiL 66, 
2 (tnuum . • • j9C9f\% ... Mpt#t ... 

w& 9 \iuti % fTMt9rii%\ * if I do not ex- 
act to the full all airears of delight in 
your sweet companionship in the past * 
^Jeans). For the double genitiye cp. Fam. 
IX. 8, 2 (641) <i(pmonfjfi Ufnpwumfvrtvma 
fiif,\ there is a triple gen. in Caes. 
B^ Gall. ii. 17, 2 wrum dxtfum contui- 
tuiim iHmrU nottri exircitut, Cp. also 
Att. iT. 4*, 1 (107). 

8. if«f udhue] < as regards my poli- 
tical position, I haye attained (what I 
thought would be yery hard to renin) 
my old leadership at the Bar ; and my 
authority in the senate, and influence 
with the optimates, fl haye gained] in 
foUer measure than I could wish ' (be- 
cause these yery adyantages might again 
bring on him sudi jealousy as had recently 
brought about his exile). The conjecture 
optanmm seems necessary. Obserye 
tiiat quod difieillimi, ko,f refers only to 
tpUndar&m foi'enam, whUe magii quam 

optaramuB is doeely connected with in 
tmatu auctoritatim et apud bona vir<» 

4. M M^ihtm^ See Adn. Grit 

natalii] This was the eommemaration 
day of Brundisinm, the day on which the 
foundation of the colony was celebrated. 
It was also the birth-day of Tullia, and 
the foundation-day of the temple of Salus,. 
which stood near the house of Atticus on 
the Quirinal Hill (Nepos 18, 2). Saltu^ 
asdst Sakttit by a common Latin idiom. 
Op. Juy. i. 116 Qua$qu0 iohUato tmpiUst 
Chnowrdia nido. 

nx] So 0. E. Schmidt (Jhr Brirf- 
Wiehiel, p. 202) reads for Ti, as letters 
took from* seyen to nine days to reach 
BrundisiumfiomBome. Btemkopf retains 
yi, and mentions this as an exceptionally 
rapid transmission of news. lie thinks 
it confirmed by the words eum Srundiii 
tfitMi, which he belieyes were added to 
indicate that Cicero had not, as the dates 
might seem to indicate, already proceeded 
on nis way towards Home ; and the mood 
of «MMi perhaps points in that direction. 
But the alteration of Schmidt's is so slight, 
and so common {see note to 840, 1), that 
we haye not hesitated to accept it. 

0t#m JBrtifidisi $$im\ See Adn. Grit. • 

JSP. 90 [ATT. IV. 2). 

mixifioo studio omnium aetatom atque oidinom, inoredibili oon- 
eiinu Italiae legem oomitiis oentoriatis esee perlatam. Iiide a 
Brandisims honestissimis omatuB iter ita f eoi ut imdique ad me 
oom gratolatione legati oonvenerint. 6. Ad urbem ita veni ut 
nemo ullius ordiniB homo nomendatori notus fuerit qui mihi ob- 
Tiam non yenerit praeter eos inimiooSy quibuB id ipsum, se inimioos 
esse, non lioeiet aut diasimulare aut negare. Gum venifisem ad 
portam Oapenam, gradus templorum ab inflmo plebe oompleti 
erant, a qua plaumi maximo oum esset mihi gratulatio aignifloata, 
similis et frequentia et plausus me usque ad Oapitolium oelebravit, 
in f oroque et in ipso Oapitolio miranda multitude f nit : postiidie in 
senatn, qui fuit dies Nonarum Septembr., senatui gratias egimus. 
6. Eo biduo oum eeset annonae summa oaritas et homines ad 
theatrum primo/deinde ad senatum oonoumssent, impulsu Glodi 

AtfMMfiMiMM] Thia is an unusual form 
of cipresiion We idiould haye ezpeoted 
wn» to be added ; or Brm^iit^mmum for 
J^miNNnfiif. OrelliaddsifMfv^M. Perhaps 

$0ttimtiii (mSf) might have more readily 
fallenont. But it is best eiiher to retain 
the mas reading with its unusual oon- 
stmotian, or alter with Faemus to 

tto . . . trf] The foToe of this phrase 
{the use of which in the letters has been 
lUustratod, toL I>, p. 84} is well brouffht 
out by Mr. Jeans in his rendering of this 
and the next sentence: — *1 could not 
pursue my journey without detrutations 
from erery p lace meeting me with oon« 
gratulations. When I came near the dty, 
this went so &r. that not a soul of any 
rank who was known to my attendant 
failed to come and meet me, except,* Ac. 

6. it^/lmti] This is the emendation of 
Lehmann; ai Mf/fsie means 'from the 
Tory bottom ' j of course the higher 
steps, as affording a better Tiew, would 
be oocupied Urst. We find ab ifno adeU^ 
in Caes.B.G.iii. 19, 1 ; tjxdabi^/lmo ad- 
0/f9M ib. Tii. 19, 1 ; 78^ 3. The assimila- 
tion of ii^/lmo to jM$ in gender would be 
one of the commonest of oojprists' blunders. 
This reading has met witn yery general 
acceptance. However, a case could be 
made for «^ i9{llmapM$. For we know 
that Cicero was by no means regardless 
of the opinions held by the infimaplebi : 
cp. Att. L 16, 11 (22) ; iy. 2, 3 (91) ; 
sy. 16, 2 (721) ; 17e, 7 (72^, and else- 
where. Tbevrep. 4ib brings forward the 
force of their spontaneous action more 

pominently. Boot says that if Cicero 
had intended to express theyiew adyocated 
by Lehmann, he would haye said ah imo 

att •IMneNMM. 

tUsi Jftmarum] This is what Draeger 
(i. 466) calls the ^miiivm appoiUumahi ; 
cp. aiUtii tfrftoriftw, Liy. xxiy. 8, 4; 
oppidmH Antiodhioii do. Att y. 18, 1 
(218) ; so Ba»hyn% promotUcrnim, familia 
ScipUmtm^ vom volupUUu (*that term 
voiiptai '). Cp. d%$t 0rat adimpta Nona' 
rtm AprUium, Fam. iii. 11, 1 (266) : but, 
on the contrary, we find ii di$9fuU lionae, 
Fam. xyi 8, 1 (287). 

6. So hiduo'y ' two days afterwards ' ; 
op. Caes. B.CT.i. 41, 1 ; 87, 4 ; iOb Wwo 
means ' two days before.' 

ad ihtatfV(m\ The high price of com 
had been of some duration. It existed at 
the beginning of July, and a similar 
demonstration was then made in the 
theatre : eo, Ascooius in lifilonianam 88 
(« p. 48 Or.) X. (krmUui J^h/W . . . 
jmi <praHor> P. LmUuio Spinthoro et 
Q. MitoUo NopoU oontulUhuo qm anno 
Oiooro roiHtuHu ut. 1$ otimfaooret ludot 
ApeUinaroo (July 6-18), ite injltna eoaeta 
muUUudo anmonao caritate tumuHuata ett 
vt omnet ^ in thmtro oputandi eauoa 
oomubnmt peUirmUur, The price fell 
when, in July, the decree of the Senate 
was passed in the temple of Jupiter in 
favour of the recall of Cicero : op. De 
Bomo 14 Oum do m$a digmtaU in templo 
lovU Optimi Maximi oonattu frojuontU' 
oimui une Uto ditoontisnto docroviout^ nihito 
iUo ipoo die oarittimam annonam neeopinata 
ifUitae oonoeeuta e&t. 


EP. 90 {ATT, IV. 1). 


mea opera iromenti inopiam ease olamarent, cam per eoe dies sona- 
tas de annoaa haberetar et ad eius prooarationem sermone non 
solom plebisy veram etiam bonoram Pompeios vooaretar idqae ipse 
oaperet moltitadoqae a me nominatim at id deoemerem posta- 
lareti feoi, et aooarate sententiam dizi. Gam abessent oonsalares, 
qaod tato se negarent posse sententiam dioere^ praeter Messallam 
et Afraniam, f actom est senatus oonsultam in meam sententiam, 
ut earn Pompeio ageretar at eam rem sasdperet lezqae f erretar : 
quo sonatas oonsalto reoitato continao eum more hoc insalso et 
noYO popukiB plausam meo nomine reoitando dedisset, habai oon- 
tionem : omnee magistratas praesentes praeter anum praetorem et 
daos tribanos pi. dederant. 7. Postridie sonatas freqaens et omnes 
consnlares nihil Pompeio postulanti negarant lUe legates qain- 
deoim cam postalaret, me prindpem nominayit et ad omnia me 
alteram se fore dixit. Legem oonsales oonsoripseranty qua Pom- 
peio per quinquennium omnis potestas rei framentariae toto orbe 
ieiraram daietar : alteram Messius, qoi omnis pecaniae dat potes- 
tatem et adiangit classem et exeroitum et maias imperium in pro- 
"vinciis quam sit eornm qui eaa obtineant. Ula nostra lex consularis 
nunc modesta videtar, haec Messi non ferenda. Pompeius illam 
voile se dicity familiares hano. Oonsulares duoo Favonio fremant, 
nos tacemus et eo magis quod de domo nostra nihil adhuo ponti- 
flees responderant. Qui si sustulerint roligionem, aream praeclaram 
habebimas, superfioiem consoles ex sonatas oonsalto aestimabant : 

MM opira] BeoanBe it wu Cicero's 
retnm wliioh Drought the unuiual numbers 
to Borne. 

d$e0m^mn] 'that I should Yote for 
that measure ' ( Watsou) ; ffei, * I did 

emiUwo &um more] ICsn. reads contio 
for contimief but this is Tory harsh before 
Mfi/ioMMi. It is better to supply as the 
mining subjeot pojmim or pMt with 
Boot ; written pi. either would yery easily 
haye fallen out before plausum. Baitor 
adds mm before mart. 

reeitmuh'} There is nothizig objection- 
able in tins use of the genmdiTe; we find 
cum immokmda Iphigcnia Oakhtu trutU 
$99$t^ Orat. 74: qw4 cum dieendo turn 
tin^uUa am^UtmdMroga^itqueperfeceram^ 
96. See Draeger ii. 816. Siipfle giyes a 
good example partii honoribus eosdem in 

foro gessi labores quos peUndU, FhiL vi. 


d&derunf] sc eontUmmm, 'iuTited me 
to speak ' : op. 91, 8. The praetor was 
Appius Claudius, the two mbunes Q. 
Numerius Bufus and Seztus Atilius 

7. dU$rvm.99\ *lmalUreffo.* 

noiira] because the law which was 
brouffht zorwiud by the consuls had been 
sketcmed by Cioero : cp. { 6. 

itutuhrint reli^umemj 'dedue the 
consecration by Clodius nuU' (Watson). 

tuperJMem] * the building ' which had 
stood upon the area or 'site/ that is, 
Cicero's house. Svperjteiet is * whateyer 
stands aboye the ground,' eum aedee es 
duabut rebue eonttamt^ e» eolo et euperjieie, 
Dig. zU. 3, 28. 

BP. 91 (ATT. IV. «). 


Bin aliter, demolientnr, suo nomine looabunty rem totam aestima- 
bnnt* 8. Ita sunt res nostrae— 

at in Becundifl flnzae, nt in advorsis bonae. 

In re f amiliari valde sumus, ut sdisy pertorbati. Fraeterea sunt 
qnaedam domestioa, quae litteris non committo. Quintum f ratrem 
insigni pietate, virtate, fide praeditum sio amo ut debeo. Te 
exspecto et oro ut matures venire eoque animo yenias ut me tuo 
oonsilio egere non sinas. Alterius vitae quoddam initium ordimur. 
lam quidam, qui nos absentia defenderunti indpiunt praesentibus 
oooulte irasoi, aperte invideie. Yehementer te requirimus. 

91. TO ATTIOTJS, in Epirus (Att. iv. 2). 

bomb; OCTOBBR (latter half), a. U. C. 697 I B.C. 57 ; AST. CIC. 49. 

H. Ciooo Atdoo excnaai littaranun zuitatem, dein de oratione de domo apod pon- 
tiSeea haUta, de oondone P. Clodii, de rebui aotis in lenatu Kal. Ootobr., de aenatof 
oonfalto poebidie eina diei eeoundum oausam mam faoto et ad Atdcum oum hie litteris 
xDino^ de aeitiiiiatione aedium et TiUaTam suaram imqua, de cogitation* reUqna loa et 
domeBtieanun et fdranrium rerum. 


1. 8i forte rarius tibi a me quam a oeteris litterae redduntur, 
peto a te ut id non modo neglegentiae meae sed ne oooupationi 

fill uUUr] * bnt if fliey decide other- 
wise (if they decide that the oonaeeration 
of the lite ot Olodins holdi good), then 
they will pull down his building, contract 
for a new temple in their own name 
(whereas in the former ease the money 
would be giTen to Cicero, an^he woda 
settle with the contractor for the building, 
as appears from the first person hab^bimti!}, 
and estimate the cost of the whole thing ' ; 
that is, they will put a slight upon 
Olodins by not allowing his building to 
stand; bat if the Pontiffs hold that the 
consecrration was good, they cannot use 
the site Bare for a temple. The estimate 
of the compensation money to Cicero 
would than haye to include the sum 
requisite for the purchase of a new site, 
together with the cost of erecting a new 
house. ThevorddlMM^lMfififrmayposaLbly 
be out of place, and should pernaps he 
placed after r^ian^m. If the word is 
retained in its present position, there is 
some difficulty as to what buildings it can 

refer to. Hardly to the temple ; for, ex 
hypothesi, the consecration is supposed to 
be held yalid, and, that being so, there 
is no reason why the temple should be 
destroyed. Nor to the ouier buildings 
probably erected by Clodius on the site 
whidb he had appropriated (cp. De Domo 
116) ; for no consecration oyer attached 
to tnem. 

8. ut in] This is, no doubt, a quota- 
tion from some old.i|]ay, as its metrical 
character shows. It is used again in the 
next letter and in Brut. L 10, 2 (897). 
Mr. Shuckburgh translates the yerse by 
the line of Hilton (P. L. ii. 224) :— 

' For happy thovgh bnt Ul, for ill not wortt.' 

vitat quoddam inUimn] He calls this 
wa\tyy9P9ffitW9 Att. yi. 6, 4 (276). 

1. non modo"] « non modo non^ when 
followed by no gmdem^ and when the 
predicate of both clauses is the same and 
that predicate is placed in the second 
clause : cp. Fam. x. 1, 1 (787). 


EP. 91 [ATT. ir. g). 

quidem tribaas: quae etai samma eat, tamen nulla esse poteat 
tanta at intermmpat iter amoris nostri et offid mei. Nam ut 
▼eni Bomam, iterom nimo sam oertior factus esse coi darem lit- 
terasy itaque has alteras dedi. Prioribns tibi dedarayi adventus 
noster qualis fuisset et quia esset status atque omnes res nostrae 
quern ad modum essent — 

ut in seoundis fluxae, at in advorsis bonae* 

2. Post illas datas litteras seouta est summa oontentio de domo. 
Diximus apud pontifioes pridie Eal. Ootobris. Acta res est acou- 
rate a nobis* et si omqaam in dioendo fuimus aliqaid, aut etiam 
si namquam alias fuimus, tnm profeoto doloris magnitudo vim 
quamdam nobis dioendi dedit. Itaque oratio iuventuti nostrae 
deberi non potest, quam tibi, etiam si non desideras, tamen mittam 
dto. 3. Oum pontifioes deoressent ita, si nbqxjb populi iussu 


ABBAB MiHi RB8T1TUI, miU faota statim est gratulatio — nemo 
enim dubitabat quin domus nobis esset adiudioata : — cum subito 
ille in oontionem esoendit quam Appius ei dedit; nuntiat iam 
popolo pontifioes seoundum se deorevisse, me autem yi oonari in 

2. oKfuuf] cp. MO quoqv$ aliquid turn, 
Fam. Ti. 18, 4 (684); so nikil em, mm U 
nihil $99$ MMMfflM'M, Fam. yii. 27» 2 

doiorU magnitudo] See Adn. Ciit 
d$b$rt] * to remain an unpaid debt to 
the rising generation ' : ep. tiH hoo video 
non po99$ d$b$ri, Tusc. ii. 67 : Be Orat. 
liL 18; Fam. yii. 19, 1 (776). The 
speech is one of much yehemenoe ; but we 
are surprised at the high estimate Cioero 
formed of it. 

3. POPVLX nrssul op. De Domo 186. 
AxxAB mBi] Toe reading of the mss. 

is mra$ $mi or ar$$ emi. Ursinus altered to 
AXSAi K. T., i.e. Maroo TuDio : but ve 
should haTe expected Maroo X^UUo doeroni 
if the exact words of the decree were 
quoted ; and if we once lesTC the exact 
words, there is no reason why Cicero should 
not have said mihi, as he does below, { 4 ; 
but the oonpectnre of Ursinus is, iiX the 
same, most ingenious. The judgment of 
the Pontiffs appears to hare been based 

onaIiexPapiria;cf.DeDomol27. This 
law can be hardly identical with that 
mentioned in JAry ix. 26, but may have 
supplemented it. 

tfi eoniionem eeeendit'] op. Gellius xriii. 
7, 6 eoniionem tria ei^Jleare, loernn 
engpeetumquo wide verba fierent . . . 
item eigni/leare ooetum populi adeieteniiOf 
item oraiionem ipeam quae ad popuhun 

MNfi] ' so he announces,' like ohf or 
yvr. Kayser and other edd. accept titofii, 
the conj . of Boaius. For other conjectures 
see Adn. Grit. 

eecundum f#] Possibly Glodios held 
that the people, by the Lex Glodia, did 
giye him power to consecrate the temple : 
op. De Domo 51 Quidf hoe ipeum, quod 
nunc apud pontijteee aqi9, te meam domum 
oon9eera99e, te monumentum feeieee in meie 
aedibue, te eiqnum dedieaeee, eaque te ex 
una rogatiunoula feeieee, unum et idem 
videtur eete atque id quod de me %p90 
nominaiim tuHeti f 

EF. 91 {ATT. IF. £). 


poflBeesLonem venire : hortatnr ut se et Appinm sequantur et suam 
Idbertatem yi defendant. Hio oum etiam illi iniSrmi . partim 
admirarentur, partim irriderent hominis amentiam — ego statueiam 
illno non aooedere, nid com oonsules ex senatus oonsulto porti- 
oum Oatnli restituendam looassent — Slal. Ootobr. habetur senatus 
frequens. 4. Adhibentor omnes pontifioes, qui erant senatores, a 
quibuB MarcellinuSy qui erat oupid^issimus mei, sententiam primus 
rogatuB qnaesiyit quid essent in deoemendo seouti. Turn M. 
LuoulluB de omnium oollegarum sententia respondit religionis 
iudioes pontifloes fuisse, legis senatum: se et oollegas suos de 
religione statuisse, in senatu de lege statuturos oum senatu. Ita- 
que Buo quisque horum looo sententiam togatus multa seoundum 
oausam nostram disputavit. Gum ad Clodium ventum est, oupiit 
diem oonsumere, neque ei finis est faetus, sed tamen, oum boras 
tris fere diziBBet^ odio et strepitu senatus ooaotus est aliquando 
perorare. Oum fieret senatus oonsultum in sententiam Maroellini, 
omnibus praeter unum adsentientibuBy' Serranus intercessit. De 
interoefisione statim ambo oonsules referre ooeperunt. Cum 
sententiae gravissimae dioerentur, senatui plaoere mihi domum 
restituiy portioum Catuli looari, auotoritatem ordinis ab omnibus 
magistratibuB defendi Bi qua vis esset faota, senatum ezistima- 
turum eius opera faotum esse qui senatus oonsulto interoessisBety 
Serranus pertimuit et Comicinus ad suam veterem fabulam rediit : 

tuam ZibertaUni] * his statue of 
Liber^/ wMoh be bad ereotad on tbe 
rite of Cicero's bouse; De Domo 108, 


it^firmi] ' tbe veak-kneed ' : op. Lo- 
fton voeiAi si Cfmcurm UmfUtir Mi/lrmt- 
or«t, Oees. B. G. i. 8, 6, But perbaps ed« 
less, is rigbt in reading i^/lm. 

ilbte fiM Meedsrs] * not to go near tbe 
plaoe till tbe consuls bad contracted for 
tbe rebuilding of Catulus's portico. Q. 
Lutatius Ottulus bad erected on tbe rite 
of tbe bouse of M. Fulvius Flacous, and 
close to tbe direlling of Cicero, a portico 
out of tlieproeeeds of tbe Cimbric War. 
Tbis tbe Gkidians bad, partially at least, 
destroyed. Cicero resolyed not to set 
about tbe work of restoring bis own bouse 
until tbis portico sbould be taken in bands 
by tbe goyemment: Be Dom. 102. 

4. Adhibmtur] 'are consulted': cp. 
non adhUsmur, 'we are not consulted,' 
Fam. iy. 7, 6 (486). 

MarcsUinui] Cn. Cornelius Lentulus, 
tbe consul riect. 

$eaUt] * wbat was tbe purport, aim, 
of tbeir decirion,' ' wbat line tbey bad 

J£. Zueullui] tbe brotber of L. Lu- 
cuUus, tbe general. He gaye Judgment 
because Caesar, wbo was rontifex Maxi- 
mus, was in Gaul at tbis time. 

odio] * persistent outcry ' ; often * te- 
diousness': cp. Hor. Sat. i. 7, 6 ; Ter. Pb. 
y. 6, 9 (849). 

unumj sc. Clodium. 

Sorramui] Seztus Atilius Serranus, 
a tribune wbo bad opposed tbe return of 
Cicero: cp. Seat. 72, 74. 

mitroistii. J)^] Tbese words were added 
by Victorius. 

perHmuit] * ebowed fear ' ; the absolute 
use of this yerb is found elsewbere only 
in Plautus. 

Oomicinut] Gnaeus Oppins Comicinus 
was tbe fatber-in-law of Serranus. On 


EP. 91 {ATT. ir. «). 

abieota toga se ad generi pedes abieeit. Die nootem aibi posta- 
layit : non oonoedebant. Beminisoebantur enim ElaL lanuar. Viz 
tandem tibi de mea volantate ooncesBum est. 5. Postridie senatos 
ooDBuItam faotum est id quod ad te misi. Deinde oonsolefl porti* 
cam Oatuli restitaendam looanint: illam portioum redemptoree 
statixn sunt demoliti libentisflimiB omnibus. Nobis saperfioiem 
aedium oonAules de oonsili sententia aestimarunt SLS. vioiens : 
oetera yalde illiberaliter : Tusoulanam villam quingentis milibns : 
Fonnianom H8. duoeutis quinqoaginta milibos. Quae aestimatio 
non modo yehementer ab optimo quoque sed etiam a plebe repre- 
henditor. Dioes ' quid igitor oaosae fait P * Dioant illi quidem 
pudorem meom, quod neque negarim neque yehementius postu- 

tlie kalends of Januaxy, vhe& Senanua 
opposed the restoration of Gioero, Gomi- 
ouLtts threw himself at hit son's feet, and 
implored him to withdraw his Teto ; Ser- 
zanus asked for a night's reflection ; this 
was granted, hnt he perserered in his 
yeto. Oonddnus now re-enaoted his old 
rdle; Serranus again made his former 
reqneet. which was lefnsed, as concession 
haid hefore prored aborti?e : Best. 74. 

<ai] This is the reading of the Me- 
dioean (changed to mhi hy an ohvions 
hlnnder in M>). It is idle to strike out 
tihif and write with some edd. iUi^ homini^ 
idH,or anT other woid or words which, 
while satisfying; the sense, do not account 
for the corruption. Morsorer, HH really 
admits of -an excellent explanation. It is 
the tthical diUtvt, which is used far more 
largely in Cic«t> than elsewhere, saye 
only the comic drama. < After all at last, 
k and behold yow , with my consent the 
pobt was conceded.' The emphatic ex- 
clamation is justified hy the unexpected 
announcement that Cicero was for con- 
ceding the request of Serranus. Cp. hie 
tibi in reetrs Goto adpoiat, Att. i. 14, 6 
(20) ; at iUe tibi pergU BrmuUHum, viiL 
8, 2 (389) ; aUer tibi detcendit de PaUUio, 
Bosc. Am. 188. We find mm <i^i in Att. 
yii. 19 (317), eeee <«M iy. Non, Febr. 
nume aeeepi Uttertu tutu. In a quite 
unimpassioned passage, Bep. yi. 17, we 
haye nopem tibi erbiiue . . . eonexa eunt 
emnia, ^ For further, see Adn. Grit. 

6. fnwil < I send.' Boot remarks that 
this must be an epistolary perf . ; for Gicero 
must haye sent the 8. C. with this letter ; 
he would not haye sent the 8. G. without 
aletter; and this is certainly the first letter 

in which he describes the dehate in the 
senate concerning his indemnification. 
Gicero giyes the substance of the decree 
in Harusp. Besp. 18 demum msam iudicio 
ponti/ieum religume liberatam videri. 

pofticum^ Gatulus had erected out of 
the Glmbnan spoils a portico on the site 
of the house occupied by M. Flaocus, the 
asaoeiato of G. Uracchus. This portico 
(as would appear from De Dome, 102, 
103) Clodius knocked down, and built 
another which united Gioero's house with 
the site of that of Flaocus. Gicero, in the 
speech De Domo, 103 (deliyered Sep^t. 29), 
yehemently calls for the demolition of 
this Glodian portico; and it is to this 
Glodian portico that he is referring in the 
passage before us. Glodius aUo erected 
a statue to Liberty. In De Dome, 111, 
Gicero traces the past history of this stetue 
of Liboty, and finds that the figure which 
Glodius made to do duty as a stetue of 
Liberty was really the statue of a Greek 
proetitato which had heen erected on 
her tomh near Tanagra, and had heen 
annexed and carried to Bome hy an 
aedile, a friend of Glodius. fienoe 
Gronoyius ikigenioualy suggested Hhm 
T6pwifw oriJ&d woppl9tow. Howeyer, 
this suggestion, as well as the conjecture 
that possibly ttatuam fell out before etaUmy 
or should take the place of etoHm, is not 
required when it is perceiyed that Glodius 
did erect some sort of portico. 

tuperjteiem aedium^ * the buildings of 
my house ' : the gemtiye ia added because 
an aedee consiste of two things eolum and 
super/Mee, cp. note to 90, 7. 

pottuiarim] * pressed my daim yigor- 

SP. 91 [ATT. IV. S). 


larim. Sod non est id : num hoc quidem etiam profuisset P Yerom 
iidem, mi T. Pomponi, iidem inquam illi, quos ne tu quidem 
ignoraSy qui mihi pinnas inoideiaiLty nolunt easdem renasoL Bed, 
nt sperOy iam renasountur. Ta modo ad nos yeni : quod vereor ne 
taiditts intenrentu Yarronis tui noetrique f aoias : 6. Quoniam aota 
quae aint habes, de reliqua noetra oogitatione oognosoe. Ego me 
a Pompeio legari ita sum pasBua ut nulla re impedirer. Quod 
nisi TeUem mihi esset integrum ut, d oomitia oensorum prozimi 
oonauleB haberent, petere poasemy^otiyam legationem sumpaifisem 
prope omnium fanorum, luoorum. Sic enim nostrae rationes 
utilitatis meae poatulabant. Sed yolui meam potestatem esse yel 
petendi yel ineunte aestate ezeundiy et interea me esse in ooulis 

. . . pnifititsit f] * would this (tIo* 
lent ezpottulation on my part) hare dome 
airygooiiP' We xead mimii zomem. Boot, 
who aaw that the ordinary reading nam 
kde fuUem §HamprMii9§t gave no mean- 
ing, read after S^rwt nam hue quidtiiam 
pr^fmu$it But the text ii a alighter 
ohiuige. Fluygen made the aame oor- 
reetioii in AU. iv. 19, I (198) mm (for 
iMMi) VaUriB dmidi nm^ d%§9 f 

prnmo i] The old grammaxjans dmw a 
diadnotion. They nypen na t av%um,pimuu 
mmromm. But the nus give pinmu here. 
Kellflr leacla/niMMi of the wing of a bird in 
Hot. Epp. i. 20, 21 : ii. 2, 50 : Garm. ii. 2^ 7. 

iiU$i^mUu] Yano iras on a Tidt with 
Attieoa in £pira8. 

6. aTomptio] Madvig would omit a; 
but op. Ufuri ii CoMm-tf Att. ziy. 18, 4 
(718). The senate appointed the Ugati; 
bat in almost all cases adopted the reoom- 
mendataon of the commander-in-chief. 
The oonstrootions are aUquU aliptem HH 
Ugat\ Mkqm»dl%quimalieuiUgat{liZt9)\ 
oHptU ah aUqu0 UgaUtr^ as here. 

MNIMcftrwl * I haye suffered myself to 
be appointea legate to Pompey (<m. 90, 7) 
onlv on the understanding that I am not 
to be hampered by the appointment in 
any respect.' Cp. n»fvrt$ qua r$ imptdiar 
atqm aUigsr, Att yiii. 16, 1 (852). 

Qmd nm^ Quod is mecely oonneziTe ; 
as in qtiod m. 

M$§t int§gruim\ The omission of «< is 
one of the many ednoidenoes between the 
diction of the letters of Cicero and that of 
the oomio drama : ' were I not desirous to 
resarre to myself the possibility of becom- 
ing a candidate.' 

voiivam Ugationem] See on 45, 8. 

f>rap$ . . • htoomnn] One feels much 
disposed to obelise these words with Em. 
Yet it is hard to account for their presence 
in the mss if they are not sound. They 
must mean that Cicero could haye got a 
legatio of almost unlimited extent, one 
which allowed him to yiut almost every 
usual place of pilgrimage. Orelli suggests 
to read pro P. M. tor prope, 

noiirao . • . mmui] * our plans for my 
interest.' This reading uiilitaUs for 
utiHtaUt which is found in the Codex 
Landianus (H) is rightly adopted by 
Stemkopf : ' the plans we formed for my 
interest.' Otherwise we must bncket 
lUiiitaUt m$a$ as a gloss. 

oxiundi] as hgatm to Pompey. The 
whole meaning of this passage, which has 
been much nusunderstood, ii : — 'I should 
haye preferred a togatio votiva as being 
more respectable than a Ugatio to an in- 
diyidual, and as affording a chance of 
meeting you ; but my legation to Pom- 
pey, on tne conditions on which I haye 
accepted it, will leaye me the power of 
leaving Home when I like, which a Uhera 
Ugatio would not do.' The best com- 
ment on this passage is to be found in 
two places in Att. xy., viz. 8, 1 (741) 
horuotior $it votUfa; xy. 11, 4 (744) Aa- 
bent, opinor, lUtras kgationet deJInUum 
tompua Ug$ ItUia nee faeiU addipoisit;, 
avoo gmm UgatumU ut ewn veU» introiro, 
exir§ lic&at; quod nunc niki additum ett^ 
The gonut ligationii which he had then 
accepted was a legaiio to Dolabella. In 
the passage just before the words last 
quoted, the votiva Ugatio is classed as a 
species of libera Ugatio, 


EP. 91 {ATT. IV. e). 

ciTiuin de me optime meritonim non alienum putavi. 7. Ao 
f ozensiuin quidem rerum haeo noBtra oonsilia sunt, domeBtioaraiD 
autem valde impedita. Domus aedifloatur ; sois quo sumptu, qua 
molestia : reflditar Formianum, quod ego nee relinquere poBsam 
nee videre. Tufloulanum prosoripBi : saburbano facile oareo. Ami- 
oorum benignitae exhaosta est in ea re, quae nihil habuit praeter 
dedeous, quod senfliBtd tu absenSyf praeeentes, quorum studiis ego et 
oopiis, si esset per meos def enfiores lioitum, facile eseem omnia con- 
seoutus : quo in genere nunc vehementer laboratur. Oetera quae 
me Bollioitant pannui&Tipa sunt. Amamur a fratre et a fliia. Te 

7. fM9 fv/tfi^ii#fv] 'I can neither 
abandofi it, nor yet oen I bear to look at 
it in its present etate.* 

pro9oript%\ 'I hare adTertieed it for 

tubttrhmnofaeilB mtm] M' has nan be- 
fore fadUf and is followed by most edd. 
If we read fadU cmrwOf we siiisl suppose 
iuhirbatM to refer to JSueukmumf and 
this seems the right Tiew: 'I can do 
without a place so near the city ' ; but 
if non be inserted, Muburbanmn refers to 
another property near to Borne, not the 
Tusoulannm. We haye malo mim eue 
in l\t9eulano mU ntpimn in tuiurbano, 
Att. xri. 18 b, 1 (808). Cicero did not 
sell his Tuseulan nUa, as he failed to get 
a purchaser: op. 100. 1. In Att. zii. 8, 
1 (468), he puts his ISumlmmn on a par 
with tne /uucdpmp vf^ei. 

Ml M rtf] in the whole proceedings 
connected wiUi Cicero's reoall, which 
required consideraUe ezjpense, e.g. in the 
hinng of bands of gladiators to face the 
followers of Clodius. 

quod ientitW] < This you in your ab- 
sence haye seen to be true, and so haye 
my friends here (in Bome), through 

whose aealous aid I might haye easily 
gained sll that I had lost (by getting an 
adequate indemnification for my losses^, 
if my champions (Pompey and the opti- 
mates,ep. {6) had permitted it.* This is 
the eyplanation giyen by Hofm., Siipfle, 
and Fray ; nor can the passage be other- 
wise explained with the present reading, 
which ia that of the mas. But we doubt 
its genuineness. Gron. reada quod ten' 
eitti tu mhtent praoHnt, aa a parentheali. 
This may mean * which (yia. the dedeeut) 
you perceiyed, both when you were absent 
from Bome and aaw my miserable state in 
exile in Epirus ; and idao when at Bome 
you saw tne unworthy courses to which 
my firiends were compiled to resort in 
order to secure my restitution.' 

pr anmtet ] so. tontonmt. Madyig adds 
net before p rattmU a. Possibly we should 
add prmodot before p ronmtw ^ or better 
tui befora it (cp. 99, 8), or after it (cp. 
95, 4). 

quo tfi gonori\ < in which respect,' i. e. 
< in my money matters.' 

iu»rrut^9pa^ 9ub ro$a, probably refers 
to a quarrel with his wife. He does not 
mention her in the next clause. 

EP. 9e {ATT. IF. 3). 


92. TO ATTIOUS, in Epirus (Att. iv. s). 

HOHB ; NOYBHBBR 23, A. U. C. 697 ; B. C. 57 ; AST. CIC. 49. 

H. Cioero Attioo, quod oredit ilium de his rebus a le ipfo oertiorem fieri Telle, de 
tatloB P. Glodii eiusque adseonlArum et in area ma et in GatuH poortiou et in d. fratris 
domo factis et omnino de f uroribos Clodii et de xebos poetea factiB nuntiat, maxima de 
eontentione quae inter Milonem et Clodinm intereedat, poetremo de re familiari sua 
pauoa signifloat. 


1. Avere te oerto sdo oom soire quid hio agatnr, turn mea a me 
Boire, non quo oertiora cdnt ea quae in oouL's omnium geruntur si 
a me Boribantur quam oum ab aliis aut soribantur tibi aut nunti- 
entuTy Terum ut perspioiaB ex meis litteriB quo animo ea f eram 
quae geruntur et qui sit boo tempore aut mentis meae sensus aut 
omnino iritae status. 2. AnnatiB hominibus ante diem tertium Non. 
Novembr. expulsi sunt fabii de area noBtra, disturbata portions 
Oatuli, quae ez senatus oonsulto oonsulum looatione refioiebatur et 
ad tectum paene pervenerat: Quinti fratris domus prime fraota 
oonieotu lapidum ex area nostra, deinde inflammata iussu Olodi, 
inspeotante urbe oonieotis ignibus, magna querela et gemitu, non 
dioam bonorum, qui nesoio an nulli sint, sed plane hominum om- 
nium, nie demons mere, post huno vero f urorem nihil nisi oaedem 
inimioomm oogiiare, yioatim ambire, servis aperte spem libertatis 
ostendere. Etenim antea, oum iudidum nolebat, habebat ille 
quidem diffioilem manifestamque causam« sed tamen causam : 
poterat infitiari, poterat in alios derivare, poterat etiam aliquid 
lure faotum def endere. Post has ruinas, inoendia, rapinas, desertus 

2. pirvmrnaf] * it (the building) bad 
adranoed nearly to the roof,' i.e. was 
oompleted nearly to the roofing. Gp. H 
lupimum ad tiUquat non p&rvmitf * does 
not oome to the pods/ Ysrr. B. B. L 
28, 8. 

urU] m eiHbuif a poetical usage, but 
natuxaf enough in a letter; so rmnat 
below is a strange expression. The 
omission of ett after fraata and nf/bm" 
mstm IB also due to the yehemenoe ot the 

qmnemei] ' for I am not sure that the 
race £■ not eztinot.' 

ru$r0] 'runs riot.' 

noMUt"] 'when he was trying to decline 

the trial' on the charge tU W, which Milo 
directed against him when the biU was 
brought forward for Cicero's restoration. 
But we are not sure that tolUbat (Bull. 16 ; 
MiL 70), as proposed by Hanutius, is 
not right. Madvig suggests vok$bat (i.e. 
animo vokokai), Gurlitt vakhat, 

mmiifeHam'} * obviously bad case,' so 
mamtf4»tum hominum^ 'obviously guilty': 
Fkut. Hen. ir. 2, 29 (694). 

ruHUui] 'wreokinff of houses.' The 
same word is applied metaphoricallT to 
'the downfall' of the republic^ whidi 
ensued on the quairel between Pompey 
and Caesar, Att z. 1, 1 (878) ; Fam. ▼. 
17, 1 (179). 


JEP. 9i {ATT. IV. 3). 

a Boifly yix iun Dedmum deagpnatoreoii viz Gtelliam reiinet, 
aerromm oonsiliiB utitur, yidet, n omxuB quoB Yult palam oooiderit, ' 
nilulo mxtaa oaosam diffioiliorem quam adhuo sit in iudioio futuram. 
3. Itaque ante diem tertium Idas NoTembr., cum Sacra yia deeoen- 
derem, inBeontoa eat me com saia. Glamor, lapides, foateSy gladii, 
haeo improvifia omnia. Difloesaimufl in veetibnlum Tetti Damionis. 
Qui eiant meoum faoile operaa aditu prohibuerunt. Ipse ooddi 
potuit. Bed ego diaeta ouzare inoipio, ohirurgiae taedet Hie 
omnium yooibufl oum se non ad iudidum sed ad supplioium prae- 
senB trudi videiet, omnia Gatilinaa Addinoa poatea reddidit. Nam 
Milonia domum, eam quae eat in Germalo, pridie Idua Novembr. 
expugnaie et inoendere ita oonatua eat ut palam bora v. oum 
aoutia homineai eduotia gladiia, alios cum accenais f adbua addux- 
erit Ipae domum P. Bullae pro castria dbi ad eam impugna- 
tionem aumpserat. Tum ex Anniana [Milonia] domo Q. Flaocus 
eduzit yiros aoria, ocddit bominea ex omni latrodnio Glodiano 
notiaaimoa : ipanm cupiyit, aed ille ae in interiora aedium Bullae. 
"Rtit^ aenatua postridie Idus : domi Glodius : egregius MarcellinuB : 

iiiifmUarMi] * fnnenl-manhal.' 

a^mmm} SmSmI. 110,yAtm.4,HAr. 
Baip. 69; Q. Fr. ii. 1. 1 (08). He was ft 
Boman knight, hrotiier of L. Oelliui 
Pqblioola, who wm oomiil in 682 (72). 

8*. Mmft] ac. by Mazona Antonina : cp. 
FhU. vL 21 ; Mil. 40. 

HmsU eurare] * to nae regimen ' aa 
oppoaed to the violent methoos of tur- 
gery. Cmrmf^ Uo nae treatment.' ia need 
Siua ahaolntely by Qnintilian (ii. 17, 89) 
IM aiMiiMif fiMtan an i^dIImimw Myi<»« Atf^Mrf 
(aoit), firf h»c sffrnti ii»H; mtrohU tamm 
Um^utm id vtrum iit^ ti 9rU an m§dieina, 

nd^dii] 'he made erery Catiline 
seem theneeforth an Acidinuaj* i.e. moat 
reepeotable: aee Leg. Agr. ii. 64, and 
De Drat. ii. 260 veim Ulud ^uod mUmt 
MmhifinmatM iUum Scipienem cum «r 
ptnimiu ma rmmiUimntt Acidinym contu* 
Umprateoquc dUnttei *diod$L. Manlio,* 
' vinm iomm * inquit * tgn^tHmque eivcm 
4tm orHirar,' Gp. mm peM OilMam 
ActoHam r§ddtr$, Att T. 20, 1 (228), 
qnoted by Boot. 

Cermaki] part of the Palatine Hill 
near the fih&r. This houae appeaza not 
to be the same aa the Amiana d^mut 
mentioned below. 

P. 8uUa$] defended by Cicero in July, 
692 (62). 

impufnatimtm] iwai 9lpiift4itop. 

fiupipit"] ac. cmdcre. 

ja in UiUriora amkum'] ac rcMpU, 

MarMimui] waa the oonanl deaignate. 
The question waa, whether a sfnaiut mh- 
9uUum ahould be paaaed to ]>ut Clodiua on 
hiatziai for hiariota at the aite of Cioero'a 
houae. Now, if the debate in the aenate 
oould be protracted till the election of 
aedilea beoan, Clodiua might be elected 
aedile (aa he in fact waa), and thua might 
elude the triaL 8o Metellua proceeded 
to 'talk out the bill' Ualumma dicmdi 
Umptu cxemit). Maroellinua then poated 
up in public ma reaolution (which he had 
carefully written out before moving it, 
aa he judged it important : cp. Seat. 129 ; 
Hanc. 74 ; Fam. x. 18, 1), which pro- 
Tided that the trial ahould include all the 
riotoua conduct of Clodiua, and should 
be held Ufw the tUeiioHM, Milo gaye 
notice that he would 'watch the beavena' 
during all the daya of the eleotioD, and 
ao abaolutely prerent the election (and 
conaequent eaoape) of Clodiua. The iasue 
of it waa, that the election would have 
been held, had not Milo stopped it by 
announcing ominoua signa in the sky. 
See Adn. Grit. 

calumnia'\ 'by the artifice of talking 
out the bDL' 

EP. 9S {ATT. IV. S). 


omnes aores. MeteUos oalamnia dioendi temptiB exemit adia« 
vante Appio, etiam heroule familiari tuo, de ouius oonstantia et 
Tiitate tuae verisfiimae litterae. Sestias furere. Ble postea, ai 
oomitia ana non flerent, urbi minari. Milo, propodta Maroellini 
flententia, quam ille de Boripto ita dixeorat nt totam nostram 
oanaam aieae, inoendiorom, perioali mei indiaio oompleoteretor 
eaqne omnia oomitiia antef eiret, proBonpait ae per omnia dies 
oomitialiB de oaelo aerratnrum. 4. Oontionee turbolentae Metelli, 
temerariae Appi, f urioaisaimae Publi. Haeo tamen summa : niai 
IGlo in oampo obunntiasaet, oomitia futnra. Ante diem xii Eal. 
Deoembr. MUo ante mediam nootem oum magna manu in oampimi 
venit. Glodina, omn haberet fugitivornm deleotaa oopiaa, in 
oampnm ire non eat anaoa. Milo permanait ad meridiem mirifioa 
honunnm laetitia, summa omn gloria: oontentio fratmm trinm 
toipis, fraota vis, oontemptns furor. If etellus tamen postulat ut 
Bibi postero die in f oro obnuntietur : nihil esse quod in oampum 
noote yeniretur : se hora prima in oomitio fore. Itaque ante diem 
XI Eal. in oomitium Milo de nocte venit. Metellus cum prima luoe 
furtim in oampum itineribus prope deviis ourrebat: adsequitur 
inter luoos bominem Milo, obnuntiat. Hie se reoepit, magno et 
turpi Q. Flaoci oouTioio. Ante diem x. Eal. nundinae: oontio 
biduo nulla. 5. Ante diem viii. £aL haeo ego scribebam hora 
nootis nona. Milo oampum iam tenebat. Maroellus oandidatus 
ita stertebat ut ego vioinus audirem. Glodi yestibulum vaouum 

fmMi&ri im\ ApparentlT Hortentius, 
whom AtticuB nad ooxDmended in wiitiog 
to Oioero; MmnmM it thus ixonicaL 
For the reading, tee Adn. Grit. 

nWX i.e. Clodiiu. 

Jft&] We haye added this name on 
the inggeetion of Wesenberg : for it was 
KOOy and not KarceUinn«i who made 
nae of obnuniiatio during the sneceeding 

ffteripnt'] In the nrerioua edition, 
we had added niti onUftrrH before fra* 
icrijmt. But it ia not neceMarj. The 
motion of MaroeUinua waa not jMuned on 
the 14th. owing to the obstructiTe taciicB 
of Heteilua and hia aaaistante; and all 
the days which followed the 14th to the 
end of the month were oomitial days, on 
which, hy the Lex Pupia, it waa not 
lawful to hold the senate. We owe this 
oonection to Hr. Shuckburgh. 

4. frutrum trium] * thoce three hina- 

men' ; Appius and GlodinB were brotheia, 
fratrftgirmani; Metellua waa their oouain, 
frtUir pairuiUt. 

<tri^l ia the predicate, 'ended in 

poituUU ur] ' Metellus says Milo must 
repeat his obstructiTe tactioa in the/oriMi ; 
his ru$e al repairing to the Oampua 
Martina by night would a^ail Milo 
nought; he fM etellus) would be in the 
forum at six u the moming.' This waa 
a strataaem on the part of MeteUus, who 
proposed, baring diTsrted Mile's attention 
to the /omm, to hold the election in the 
CtmnpuSf beforo Milo could obstruct. 

inter lucot] usually called inUr dmi 
lueotf a spot between the Capitol and 
the Campua, where Somulus founded hia 
Aijlum, Lir. L 8, 6. 

5. imftftem] This and the subsequent 
imp$rficU are good examples of the epis- 
tolary use of tms tense. 


BP. 99 {ATT. ir. 3). 

saae mihi nuntiabatur : pauoi pannoa ; Unea lantema. Heo oon- 
silio omnia illi fieri querebantur, ignari quantum in illo heroe esset 
animi, quantum etiam oonsili. Miranda virtus est. Nova quae- 
dam divina mitto. Bed haeo summa eet : oomitia f ore non arbitror : 
reum Fublium, nid ante oooisus erit, fore a Milone puto : si se in 
turba ei iam obtuleni, oooisum iri ab ipso Ifilone video. Non 
dubitat f aoere, prae se f ert, oasum ilium nostrum non eztimesoit. 
Numquam enim cuiusquam invidi et perfldi oonsilio est usurus nee 
inerti nobili orediturus. 6. Nos animo dumtaxat vigemus, etiam 
magis quam oum florebamus: re familiari oommmuti sumus. 
Quinti fratris tamen liberalitati pro f aoultatibus nostris, ne omnino 
exbaustus essem, illo recusante subsidiis amioorum respondimus. 
Quid oonsili de omni nostro statu oapiamus te absente nesoimus. 
Qua re approp^a. 

IMMNOfi] ' a few ngged roughs : a 
oanyat lantenL' The bettor lanterns were 
mads of horn ; op. qui wlMmum m wnm 
conohumm gtrii^ Flaut. Ampli. L 1, 186 
(841). For the nominatiTes without a 
yerb» op. ( 8 cUmor lapida fmU% gkuUL 
See Adn. Cxit. 

A«r0s] so. Milone. 

ilTMW . . . mUicl '1 pass over his 
reoent splendid deeds.* So dwinUus is 
used in Att i. 16, 9 (22) ; ii. 21, 6 (48). 

fiMNN . . . fir$ a] a opiloquialoonstruo- 
tion, but not therefore to be suspeoted in 
a letter of Oioero : pp. below 149, 5. For 
another example of abL of agent after a 
Torbal noun op. Sett. 122 dMaratio ab 
vnvmw populo : Fam. ix, 16, 7 (472) 
plagia tA amido, where see note. 

«i «« . . . torn] See Adn. Cxit. 

eoium ittum ncttrtm] i.e. exile. 

imidQ refers speoiallj to Hortonsius, 

B to Pompey, while ' weak aristocrat ' 
is a tenn generally applicable to Luoollus, 
Fhilippus, and the other pitcinarii who 
deserted Cicero in his need. 

6. QuinH . . . rttpondimm] ' I have 
repaid the geosKOsitj of mj brother 
Quintus by appealing to the aid of my 
friends, instead of using my own re- 
sources, inasmnoh as he refuses to aoon»t 
aid from me penonally, lest I should be 
completely beggared.' So Boot. But we 
doubt whether Cicero would haye used 
pro fMeuUatibm in such a sense. It 
seems better to render 'I haye repaid 
my brother's generosity (considering the 
state of my finances) by the assistance of 
my friencis, to preTont my being left 
aMolutely penniless, though he protests.' 
Perhaps, howeyer, Wesenberg is right 
in adding et before im, putting im . . . 
r$eumnU in a parenthesis. 

BP. 93 (Q. FR. II. 1). 


98. TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS, on his journey to 

Sardinia (Q. Fr. ii. i). 

ROMS, BBCEMBBR (mIDDLB), A. 17. 0. 607 ; B. 0. 67 \ ABT. CIC. 49. 

ICCioero Q. fnitri torn in Saxdizds degenti leribit quid in Benatu sit aetum refe- 
rente pzimom Lupo de lege 0. Ofteaarb, qua agnun Oampanum plebi ^^'"fr^ftf^ di^idi 
▼olneiaty deinde BaciHo de indidie, utnim ante an poet aedilioia comitia habenda eint. 


1. Epiatolam, quam legistiy mane dederam. Sed fedt huma- 
Biter LioiniuBy quod ad me misso senatu yesperi venit, ut A quid 
oflget actum ad te, si mihi yideretuTi persoriberem. Senatus fuit 
frequentior quam putabamus esse posse mense Deoembri sub dies 
festos. Oonsulares nos fuimus, P. Servilius, M. Luoullus, Lepidus, 
Yoloadusy Glabrio ; duo oonsules designati ; praetores. Sane fre- 
quentes fuimus : omnino ad duoentos. Oommorat exspeotationem 
Lupus. Egit oausam agri Oampani sane aocurate. Auditus est 
magno silentio. Materiam rei non ignoras. Nihil ex nostris 

1. huaumUr^ < oourteoiuly/ 

tub"] Aocording to Mr. Boby (Lat. 
Oxam., § 2129), iub, when used with 
aoom. and indioatiDg time, always means 
Jmt ^fteff never Jutt hefore ; he under- 
stand! «M^ noeitm always to mean * im- 
mediately on the iall of night ' ; 9uh ffolli 
tfMteMy 'just after cookorow.' But this 
passage^ with others (for which see note 
Dy Dr. Magnire in Sermathtn*, vol. iv,, 
p. 420), shows that Mr. Boby is mistaken. 
Sni Mtfutot must mean * just before the 
holidays,' for if the holidays had beguu, 
the senate could not have been held. Cp. 
especially Hor. Carm. i. 8, 14 ; ii. 18, 17. 
The iUtfetU which approached were the 
SatmfuUut and Opalia, 

P. S§r9iliu$l Isauricua, cons. 676 (79) 
with Ap. Olauoius Pulcher. 

M. ZueuOut] M. Terendus Yano Lu- 
oullus, cons. 681 (73) with 0. Cassius 

Xipithu, FolciMiut^ M. Aemilius Le- 
pidos and L. YoloaciuB Tullus were con- 
suls 688 (66). 

Olahio] M'. Aoilius, cons, with 0. 
Calpumius Plso 687 (67). 

pra$toret\ All the praetors probably 
were present : hence no names are giren. 
But perhaps Holzapfel is rifht in rmding 
praHorii tans Jrequentes : juimut omnino, 
dsc. See Adn. Crit. 

frtqutnttt] That is, it was a full house, 
considering that it was December, and the 
ere of a festiral. For we read elsewhere 
of meetings of the senate numbering abore 
300 and 400 members. 

Lupta] P. Rutilius. He ^ke against 
Caesar's law, proposed in his consulate, 
for the division of the Oampanian land. 
This was the point on which the opposi- 
tion to the Triumvirs directed its chief 

Matsriam] * you know what fine ma- 
terials for a speech the proposal about 
the Campanian land affords ; he dwelt on 
all the measures I took in that matter,' 
i.e. his action against the bill of P. Ser- 
yilius BuUos. 



EP. 9S {Q. FB. II. 1). 

aotionibus praetermiBii Faerunt non nulli aonlei in GaeBarem, 
oontumeliiie in Gellium, expostulationes onm absente Pompeio. 
Oaosa aero perorata sententias se rogatorum negavit, ne quod onoB 
simnltatiB nobis imponeret : ex saperiorum temporom oonyioiifl et 
ex praeeenti ailentio quid senatns senturet se intellegere. Dixit 
Milo. Goepit dimittere. Tom Maroellinns: ^Noli,' inquit 'ex 
taoitumitate nostra, Lupe, quid aut probemus hoc tempore aut 
improbemus iudioare. Ego, quod ad me attinet itemque arbitror 
oeteros, idoiroo taoeo quod non existimo, cum Fompeius absit, 
oausam agii Campani agi oonvenire.' Tum ille se senatum nega- 
vittenere. 2. Baoilius surrexit et de iudioiis ref erre ooepit. Mar- 
oellinum quidem primxmi rogavit. Is oum graviter de Olodianis 
inoendiisy truoidationibus, lapidationibus questus esset, sententiam 
dixit, ut ipse indices per praetorem urbanum sortiretur, iudioum 

aeuMi] * teUing hiti ' asaistt Gaasar. 
QeUina ▼•! a oreataTe of Olodiua men- 
tioiiML in the iMt letter. Pompey wae 
abaent in the ezeeutaon of his oommiMioii 
to topetTiee the oom tupply. L. and 8. 
wrongly mark this wora and its afflnes, 
adUtttit a c SJ $ afu t, It is reallv tuiikmif 
aeSUaim, fte. : op. Plant Baoeh. 68. 

MUo) See Addend, to Conun., Note 6. 

Coepti'] so. Lnpus. The formula for 
dismissing the senate was, JPatret am* 
sdrifnN, iMMo eof Un$t, or nihil pot mo- 
rtrniur. Henoe below, m anatmn negtmt 
i$n§r$. Perhaps we should read coepU 
dimitUrtf cum Marctttinut. 

S. SMJiUmt] L. Bacillus, a tribune. 
He was a ib*m idmd of Oioero. We read 
(Schd. Bob. ad Piano. 77, p. 268, Or.) 
that Gioero published an inyeotiTe against 
Olodins under the title sdiotum lvox 


Caesar's side in the CiTil War. Joining 
in the oonspiracj aninst Q. Oassius, he 
wu put to death by nim (Bell, Alex. 66). 

qtiidm] * of eourse ' rShuckburgh) . 

ut ipm . . . iortiretur^ The question 
as renrds this passage is, who is ip$$? 
Not Clodius, as Dnimann, Schilts, and 
BUlerbeek say, for it was a magistrate 
who allotted the panels. The natural 
Tiew to take is that it was Maroellinus. 
As he was consul elect, he was virtually 
a magistrate. The panels were usually 
allotted by the quaestors : cp. Dio Cass. 
XTxii. 7, 4 •iht ykp ol rofifai, 8t' 2y r^y 

i^PTO, aol 4 Khtms krttwt rf rrpanfyf 

vooaMai. Though this is somewhat out 
of chronological order where it occurs in 
Dio Cassius (who plaoes it beforo the 
recall of Cicero), it would seem to haye 
reference to the case we are considering : 
op. Mommsen, 8t B. ii>. 672, 1. The aim 
was that the trials for wit should he held 
before the dections of aediles, so that 
Clodius, who was accused hy Milo of ei«, 
hut was also a candidate for aedileship, 
might not, if elected, escape in Tirtue of 
his magistracy. But the election of 
aediles preceded that for quaestors, so 
that then were no quaestors — the late 
quaestors haying, aocordina to rule, 
vacated their office on December 6 — and a 
difficulty arose as to who was to allot the 

Knels for the trials. Naturally it should 
ye been the praetor (cp. Att. L 14, 8 
(20)), who was to preside at the trial, and 
who also had the selection of the Album 
iudicum each year (Cluent. 121). Ac- 
cording to Dio, If epos, the consul, forbade 
the praetor to make this allotment (crp. 
Mommsen, m. eiL i. 248, 4); whue 
Cicero says that Maroellinus, me consul 
designate (the consuls, as the year was 
just at a close, may have departed for 
their provinces), moved that permission 
be granted him to put the praetor urhanus 
in motion to have the panels allotted. 
The action of Maroellinus would be 
merely formal, and the possible reason 
why no asked to have a part in the 
husiness was that it might be put in 
hands without undue delay. We should 

SP. 9S (Q FB. IL 1). 


flortiiione faota oomitia haberentur: qtii iadioia impedisset, eimi 
oontra rem pablioam esse faotunun. Approbata vidde sententia 
0. Oato oontra dixit et (7. Oasriiu Tnairiina aoclamatioiie senatns, oum 
eomitia iadidiB antef erret. PhilippuBadBenBitLentolo. 9. Postea 
BaoilitLS de privatiB me primom sententiam rogavit. Multa f eoi 
verba de toto furore latroomioque P. dodi: tamquam ream 
aoousaTi, mTiltis et Beoondis admurmnrationibus ounoti senatus. 
Orationem meam ooUaudant satb moltis yerbis, non meheroule 
indiserte, Yetos Antistias : isque iudioiorom eaiuam soscepit anti- 
qtuBsimamqae ee habiturum dixit. Ibatur in eam sententiam. 
Tnm Glodius rogatus diem dioendo eximere ooepii Forebat a 
Badlio se oontomaoiter urbaneqne yexatum. Deinde eius operae 
repente a Gbaeooetasi et gradibus olamorem satis magnum sus- 
tulerunty opinor in Q. Sextilium et amioos Milonis inoitatae. 
Eo metu inieoto repente magna querimonia omnium disoessimus. 
Habee aota unius diei : reliqua, ut arbitror, in mensem lanuarium 

and the oonsoli elect. It wu thTU eeen 
^t their Tiews oommanded the etroxigest 
•uppoit in the house; ao Glodioa again 
tried to talk oat the aitting. 

urhaMqu$] 0. F. W. MiiUer ibllowa 
ed. Bom. in leading imtrbamfu$ instead 
of urbmu^ of the msa ; and we did so 
too in the former edition. Of oouraey 
nothing is more oommon in the manu- 
scripts of Cicero's Ej^istles than the 
omission, or improper insertion, of tit: 
see 0. F. W. Miiller's note on Fam. L 9, 
21, <ifi> prasttmtibut (s p. 26, 22). But 
the insertion of it hero seems gratuitous. 
Cicero o^ht say that his good friend 
Badlins had heen insolent to Clodius ; 
hut he would hardl j say that he had been 
rude, or unoultiTatad. And what made 
Clodius angry was that Bacilius treated 
him with that polished iosolenoe, ysroxd- 
ffv/i^ni 0/Spif » which is, of all treatment, 
the most cutting and exasperating. 

^sMOffofi] 'the Qreek station,' a 
platform near the (Afria S^tilU and the 
Mmi^ittM, where Greek ambassadors (and 
afterwards ambassadors from other na- 
tionsHistened to the debates of the senate: 
op. Ybro, L. ;L. t. 166 Sub dtxtra 
hmm (i.e. the Bostra) a Oommo b&ut 
iubtirutiut ubi nationum iubiUUrmi lymti^ 
^i ad mnatmi eumU miti. It Gras" 
eottatii agppilUrtut a parUf ut muUa, The 
ffradm* referred to are the steps up to the 

It have expected the proposal of 
a simple motion, directing uie praetor 
to proceed to allotment without the in- 
ienrention ot Maroellinus, so that the 
suggestion of Manutius, approved by 
Lambinus and Brumann (ii. 820), ut ipt$ 
hmKom praetor urbatwt MrtirHur (where 
ipu ■ without the assistance of the 
quaestors), would deserre adoption were 
It not so fu* from the manuscript tradition. 
It is adopted by Lange, B. A. m. 819, who 
assiCTB uie alteration to Bigenbrod. It ii 
poeaUe that a dittography may hare arisen 
from the similarity of the contractions of 
per vadprae: and oncej^r appeared in 
the text» the nominatiye praeter ui^mnu 
would soon be changed into the aoousatiTe. 

0. Otto] a tribune: cp. Q. Fr. i. 2, 
16 (6^ and Index. 

O, Oaeeiue'] a tribune, of whom nothing 
further than what is stated here seems to 
be known : cp. Brumann-Choebe, ii. 189. 

Meluiiuiticne'] * murmurs ' : cp. Att i. 
Id, 4 (22) ; aeoUmatio in the sense of 
' ahoute of approbation ' a * acclamation,' 
is poet-Ciceronian. 

XeiUule"} One of the consuls elect, 
called aboTe ICaroeUinus. 

8. Antietiut'] another tribune: see 

Ibaiur^ See note on Att. i. 19, 9 (26) ; 
a dieeenio was being made in fsTOur of 
this opinion ; that is, those ^o agreed 
with tms yiew went and stood by Antistius 


EP. H (FJM. VII. «d). 

reioienhir. De tribunia pi. longe optinram Baoiliom habemus: 
▼idetor etiam AntistiuB amions nobis fore : nam Plandus totas 
noster est. Fao, d me amas, ut oonsiderate diligenterque naviges 
de mense Deoembri. 

94. TO M, FADITJS QALLUS (Fam. vii. 26). 

TUSCULANUM, A. U. a 697 (P) ; B. C. 67 (P) ; ABT. CTC 49 (P). 

K. Cioeio narrat GkJlo herbas in au^uxali oena lUETiter oonditaa et a 86 ayidius 
comena aibi morbum attuliMO. 


1. Oum deoimum iam diem graviter ex intestmiB laborarem 
neqne iis qui mea opera uti Yolebant me probarem non yalere» 
quia f ebrim non haberem, fugi in Tasculanxon, cum quidem bidunm 
ita ieiunos fuusem ut ne aquam quidem gustarem. Itaque oon- 
fectua languore et fame magis tuum officium desideravi quam a te 
requiii putavi meum. Ego autem quom omnia morbos reformido, 
turn, in quo Epiourum tuum Stoioi male aooipiunt, quia dioat 
arpayyovpiictt koL Svcrcvre/XKci vaOii sibi molesta esse, quorum alte- 
rum morbum edaoitatis esse putant, alterum etiam turpioris intem* 
perantiae. Sane SvtrevTtptav pertimueram. Bed yisa est mihi vel 
lod mutatio vel animi etiam relazatio yel ipsa fortasse iam sene- 
soentis morbi remissio profuisse. 2. Ac tamen, ne mirere unde 

rmeimiur} * inll be put off to.' 
Hmuim] quaestor <n Maoedonia, who 
bad ao wannlj befriended Cicero during 
bia exile. 

de mmst Jkctmhrt] ' now that Decem- 
ber baa set in ' : cp. de die, de noete^ de 
priimpio. This letter was written in tbe 
expectation that it would reach Quintua 
before be embarked for Sardinia, whither 
he waa going aa lecatna of Pompey. The 
opening words of tbe letter ahow that 
Quintoa waa not Tery far away ; perfaapa 
he waa at Oatia. 

1. tUU aeeipiunt] < miaconstrue ' or 
< handle roughly ' : both explanationa anit 
the expreaaion and the aenae. 

Amm] Gallua waa an Epicurean. 

aft#nMn] The first tUtn-um (« the lat- 
ter) refers to Zve^prtputk iriiri (dyaen- 

tery) ; the aecond dUenm (« the fonner) 
refera to vrfteffovputik itd$ii (strangury), 
which waa aujppoeed to be the reault of 
sexual incontinence. Tbia passage is 
generally miaunderatood, becauae it is 
taJcen for gifted that Uie first alterum 
muat mean ' the former' ; but thia ia not 
ao. See 114, 1, where the first aUe*'um 
ia explicitly 'the latter,' the aecond 
aUerum » * the former * ; tbe meaning 
of that paaaage being : ' Tou aa;^ you are 
much obliged by my regularity aa a 
correspondent and by my affection for 
you ; the latter , my affection, ia a bounden 
duty on my part ; Uie foitner, my regu- 
larity in corresi>ondence, ia a pleaaure.' 
Br. tteid refers to the letter of Epicurus 
preaerved by "Dio^. Laert. x. 22. Cicero- 
tranalatee part of it in Fin. ii. 96. 

JIP. H (FAM. VII. m). 


hoc aooiderit quo modove oonmuBerimy lex Bamptoaria, quae Tidetur 
Xnrirnra attuliflse, ea mihi fraud! foit. Nam dum volunt isii lauti 
terra nata quae lege ezoepta sunt in honorem adduoere, fungos, 
heLyellaSy herbae omnis ita condiunt ut nihil possit esse suavius. 
In eas com inoidissem in oena augurali apud Lentulnm, tanta me 
Siappoui adripuit ut hodie primum Tideatur eoepisse oonsistere. 

2. fiommiurim] 'Andstzange to saj, 
in osie you ahould wonder how thii came 
ftbonti and how I ineuncd tfaia aihnent, 
it waa the aumptnaiy law, wMoh yoa 
would think waa for plain Uriag, that 
played me lalae. For our bon vipmUg^ 
wiahing to popnlariae the fmita of the 
earth which are not under the ban of the 
anmptoary law, oook mnahroomaypotherhay 
and erery kind of Tegetable, in the moat 
charming way in the world.' The law 
which would seem to be referrad to ia 

dther the Lex Aem|lia of 639 (116), as 
in it the kind of fbod to be eaten waa 
apeeiiled : ep. Oell. iL 24, 12 FntUr Am 
tigsi AimiHam (pioqvi lif^m immtmui, 
qua Ug$ mn tumptus cmarum ml Hhorum 
ffmu §t modus pra$JlmUu» s$t; or the Lex 
Lieioia of 699 (66), which, whOe fixxn; a 
certain limit to the amount of flesh or Sah 
one might eat each day {it. 6 7), pndguid 
$$mt tamm e Urra vi<# ar09r$ promitce 
ftqtu ind$/MU largiU $U. U the latter 
ia the law referred to, we muat of oourae 
put this letter two years at least later. 
0. B. Bohmidt and Bausdhen consider that 
the aumptuary law waa that of Caesar 
(op. Lange, R. A. iii. 450) passed in 708 
(46), as Cicero's words, quao tidmtwr 
XiT^Tiira tUtuHaas, would seem to point to 
an enactment of recent dale, and in 697 
(67) Cicero's Tusoulanum was in ruins. 
To the latter we may reply that towards 
the end of 697 (67) it may haTe been 
somewhat restored, as money had certainly 
been TOted for that puipose in Octobar 
(91, 6) ; and we know that Cicero was 
not disturbed by liying in the midst of 
workmen (123, 3). And if we phwe the 
date later than 697 (67) we hsTC to sup- 
pose some other Lmtulus was made 
augur. But the question is almost im- 
possible to decide deflnitelT. It is to be 
confessed that most sdiolara place the 
letter in 708 (46) : cp. 0. S. Schmidt, 
DfT BriifwehHh p. 261. 

Xir^ifra] ' a plain diet ' ; the Greek 
word ia appropriate to hygienic matters ; 
XiT^f ia predaely the apprq>riateword for 
a 92aifi, iimpU diet. It waa a knowledge 
of thia fact which led Bentley to what 

may be held to be the beat conjecture 
cTer made. An epigram of Callimachua 
begina thua :^- 

X«i#Ufr«c fMy^lAvr tf ^^yi F ftotrtfwr. 

The old editora changed Ztofimw to AairaAr, 
and took the epigram to mean, 'Sudemua 
dedicatee thia anip on which, haTing 
Qroaaed a amooth aea, he eecaped from 
great atorma of the DanaL' But hxiti ia 
not a ahip. What are 'atorma of the 
Danai ' P and if there were atorma, how 
came it that the sea waa amoodiP Bentley 
aaw the right anawer to theae queetiona : 
oXfif ia a mMdiUar, Scv^r ia aound and 
meana 'money bozrowed from uauiers ' ; 
the oonrupt word ia hraKBAw^ which should 
be corrected to iwMmw. Eudemua aayed 
himaelf from debt by a life of frugality, 
and at hia death dedicatee < the aaltcellar 
which held tiie frugal f;rain of aalt, which 
waa the only reliah to hia bread, and which 
saTod him from the storms of a sea of 

ZmtuUm] P. Comeliua Lentulua 
Spinther waa the aon of the conaul for 
thia year 697 (57) of the aame name, who 
waa active in the restoration of Cicero, 
and waa afterwards pro-conaul of Cilicia 
698 (66). Lentulua, the son, was made 
augur this year, whence the date of this 
letter ia inferred (cp. Seat. 144). He waa 
adopted by Ifanliua Torquatua into the 
ManUan ^Mt, ao that he might become 
eliffible for the augurate, though it waa 
forbidden by law that there ahould be two 
augurs of the same fHi$ (Dio Cass, xxxix. 
17, 1). Now, one of the existing augurs 
was Faustus Cornelius, son of the dictator 
Bulla. Hence by his adoption he eluded 
this statute. The Latin phrase for ' to 
elude a law' is Jraudem fopirs Ugi, 
Hence, in the words fraudemfseU abore, 
there is, perhaps, a satirical allusion to 
the host at whose table Cioero incurred 
his ailment. The Aemilian law played 
him falw, as hia host had played falae 
with anoUier atatote. 

conauUr$\ < to stop '; the word ia uaed 


EP. 9k {FAX. ni. «tf). 

Ita ego qui me ostreiB et mureniB faoile abstinebaiiL a beta et a 
malya deoeptoB sum. Postliao igitur erimnB oautiores. Tu tamen 
cum audiaees ab Anioio — vidit enim me naoBeantem — non modo 
mittendi oanaam iustam haboisti Bed etiam TiBendL Ego hio oo- 
gito oommorari, quoad me refioiam : nam et TiriB et oorpuB amisi. 
Sed, Bi morbum depulero, f aaile, ut Bpero, ilia reyooabo. 

in a di^t]^ diflerait lenie, tfaoogli ap- 
plied to a diMtae, in GelB. iiL 8 9 ii$nd wn 
tm morhm imcrt t oai an cantittat am apm- 
iMMrtMr, wfaflra coiuUiat mmoM 'remaiiu 

« h$Ui §t • maha\ Dr. Edd nodcM 
that the pnpoeitum ■hows that there is 
a hunoroue perKnuAeation * entrapped hy 
lir. Beet and Mr. Hallow.' It u, per- 

hape, as we mi^ eaT, ' the oonf oimded 

heet and mallow got the hetter of me ' — 

thni indireetly regarding them as agents.' 

e t irf ii tJi t] se. m$ a$§rotmn «m#. Cp. 

wmquma ntc fXdtfU me audieriif Att. iiL 
18, 2 (610). 

iOsj so. 0i 9iri$ H mrpua. ' I shall 
soon regain my flash and strength.' 



EPP. 95-118. 

A. TJ. C. 698 ; B. C. 56 ; ABT. CIC. 50. 


Teb Letters of this year are chiefly to P. Lentultis Bpinther, in Cilicia, and to 
Qnintiu Cioero, in Sardinia. In tlie former we have a detailed desoription of 
the intrigaee which arose from the qnestion who should receiye the commission 
to restore Ptolemy Anletes to the throne of Egypt. The aooosation of Milo by 
dodins before the people for m led to many riotous scenes, of one of which, on 
Febmary 6, we have a yiTid desoription in a letter to Qtdntus (102, 2). By 
these scenes, in which Pompey occasionally appeared, he suffered considerably 
in loss of dignity ; and the dislike entertained towards him by the Senatorial 
party was shown by their acquittal of his enemy Sext. Clodius when put on his 
trial (about March) by Milo for having burned down the Aedes Nympharum 
(105, 6). 

Sestius was accused de vi in Febroary, and tried in March. On the 11th 
he was acquitted unanimously, after Cicero had made a brilliant speech (the 
Pro Settio) on his behalf* On the same occasion Cicero attacked one of the 
hostile witnesses, Yatinius, and (as he says) made mincemeat of him {concidi^ 
mtM) amidst the applause of gods and men (105, 1). This was the oration 
•It VaHnium which we possess. Encouraged by this success, Cicero, as the 
spokesman of the Senatorial party, proposed on April 5 that on May 15 
Caesar's measures about the Campanian land should be reviewed. This led to 
the celebrated conference of Luca (about April 18), and the formation of what 
is called the Second GTriumvirate. We have treated of it at some length in 
the Introduction. To this Cicero and the Senatorial party were compelled 
to yield. On May 15 no discussion on the Campanian land was held, and 
nothing more than a somewhat spiteful ref osal of a dupplieatio to Ghibinius 


IB reoorded. Gioero wia yery mnoh depre«Bed at the torn affairs liad taken, 
and Utterly laments the ignoble position in which he foimd himself (110, 1, 2). 
He eomposed abont Maj some sort of a ' reeantation ' [waXu^U, as he oalls it) 
to Gtessr, and in Jane deliyered a brilliant panegyric on him in the oration 
Ds PrwmciU Coniukaribm. Some little time before he had supported motions 
of the Senate granting Caesar pay for his legions and ten legati to assist him. 
Gioero had many nnseemly squabbles witii Glodius this year (op. Dio Cass, 
zxdz. 21) : and by his persistent attempts to haye the tribunate of Clodius 
deolaied yoid he inourred the hostility of Cato. Betuining from Cyprus to 
Borne about Noyember, Cato opposed Cioero strongly on this point; for if the 
tribunate of Clodius were held to be illegal, his appointment to the Cyprian 
busineis would be illegal also ; and naturally he could not tolerate the idea 
of sueh a oontingency. Part of the arrangement made at Luca was that the 
eomUia should be postponed until the winter, when Caesar's soldiers could 
attend. The business of delaying the eomitia (which should haye been held in 
July) was undertaken by C. Cato and M. Nonius Sufenas. The eomiHa Were 
postponed. In October the consul Marcellinus, with the Senate in mourning, 
bold a public meeting in which he attacked Pompey. At the next meeting of 
the Senate he asked Pompey and Crassus whether they intended to be candi- 
dates for the consulship. Pompey said perhaps he would, if the anarchy 
necessitated it, in the interest of the State, not of himself ; and Crassus said 
he would do whateyer was for the good of the State. The senators, in conster- 
nation at the almost certain prospect of haying Pompey and Crassus as consuls, 
made a kind of protest by abstaining firom attending the JEpulum lovis held 
at the end of Noyember (Dio Cass, xxzix. 30). The year ended, howeyer, 
without the comitia being held. 

In this year Tullia, Cicero's daughter, was betrothed to Furius Crassipes. 
It is uncertain whether the marriage oyer took place : but if it did, it was not of 
long duration. In this year also Atticas, at the age of fifty-three, married Pilia. 
The chief speeches (besides those already mentioned) which Cioero deliyered 
were^FTo Z. Calpurnio £e»tia (Febr. 11)^ pro Jf. CaeUo (Apr. 4), de Haruipi^ 
eum ruponso (May), pro X. ComeUo JBalbo (autumn). Among his letters of this 
year is a famous one to Lucoeius (109), which Cioero himself considered ' most 
charming ' {valde hella). 

In this year Caesar defeated the Yeneti, and later proceeded without much 
effect against the Morini and Menapii. His lieutenant Crassus conquered the 
greater part of Aquitania, and Sabinus the Unelli, who liyed in the modem 
department of La Manche (Caesar, Bs G. iiL). 

JBJP. 96 {FAM. L 1). 


96. TO P. LENTULUS SPINTHER, in Oilicia. 

(Fam. I. 1.) 

bomb; jahuabt is ; a. u. c. 098 ; b. c. 66 ; 

ABT. CIO. 60. 

B«z Aegypti Ptol«iiiaeut a soil regno aiaetoi utperpopulnniBomanum reduoeretiir 
in ngnmn largitionilnii labonbtt. Dioebatnr oannen Sibylliniim obftare, quod 
Tetabat regem onm mnltitudine rednoi. P. Lentolns Gilioiae torn proooDBnl regem 
redncere cnpiebat et rem per amiooe nicM Bomae agitabat, omn alii Gn. Pompeio 
oam rem mandazi Tallent. lam M. Oioero quid bxa do rebus in aenatn actum sit 
P. Lentolum edooec 


1. Ego omni officio ao potius pietate erga te oeteris satis fado 
ommbosy mihi ipse nmnquam satis faoio. Tanta enim magni- 
tado est taonun erga me meritorum nt quod tu nisi perfeota re 
de me non oonquiesti, ego quia non idem in tua oausa effioio, 
Titam mihi esse aoerbam putem. In oausa baeo sunt. Hammo- 
ninsy regis legatus, aperte peounia nos oppugnat. Bes agitur per 
eosdem creditores, per quos, cum tu aderas, agebatur. Begis 

1. pwficUi r#] ' only wben the whole 
buiiness was aooomplished.' 

Am Msifo] Ptolemy XII., nicknamed 
A^uletesy King of Bmt, and father of 
Cleppatra and of the Ptolemy who after- 
wards ordered the death of Pompey, 
had been driyen from his kingdom by ma 
aubjecta, whom be had alienated by ez- 
ceaaiye taxation and oppraasiona ol varioua 
kinds. Ptolemy, in the latter half of 
697 (67), appealed to the aenate to restore 
him. They were dispoaed to grant his 
request ; but their diiBcultr waa to decide 
between the liTal candidatea for the 
office of reatoring the king. Theae were 
P. LentuluB Spinther, who as goremor 
of GOicia would naturally ha^e been 
apnointed, and, as a matter of fact, aeema 
to haye been commisaioned by the aenate 
to effect the reatoration ({ 8) ; but 
Pomney crayed acme lam military com- 
mand which he had failed to obtain aa 
com commiasioner. Tbe senate did not 
wish poaitiyely to refuae Pompey (Dio 

Case. TTxix. 12) ; but in their hearts thej 
were opposed to his appointment ; and their 
httids were strengthened by the tribune 
C. Oato, who had recourse, as usual, to 
tiie forms of the state religion, and 
produced a Sibylline oracle forbidding 
that the king should be restored 011m 
mvUittidvM Aomtfttnn. Thus the decision 
waa noetponed, and a %mtEtuM auetaritat, 
forbidding anyone to restore Ptolemy 
(Bp. 114,4), tended further toshelye the 
matter. Eyentually Ptolemy was restored 
by A. Oabmius, proconsul of Syria, on 
his own responsibility, but probably at 
the inatigation of Caeaar, after Ptolemy 
had promiMd a large bribe. See a fuU 
discussion on this Egyptian Question in 
the Introduction. 

In cauta haee tunt'] 'the reaaona (of 
my failure hitherto) are theae.' 

cr§ditor$9\ persons at Home who made 
loans to PtolMny's agent wherewith to 
bribe senators and others to further the 
king's interests. 


BP. 95 {FAM. I. 1). 

oansa si qui sant qui velinty qui paad simt, omnes rem ad Pom- 
peimn defeiri volunt Senatns religioniB calumniam non religione 
86d malevolentia et illius legiae largitioniB invidia oomprobat. 

2. Pompeitim et hortari et orare, et iam liberins aoouBare et moneie 
-at magnam infamiam f ugiat non desistimnfi. Bed plane neo pre- 
cibns nostriB neo admonitionibus relinqoit looom. Nam cam in 
sennone ootidiano tnm in senatu palam sio egit oausam tuam nt 
neqne eloquentia maiore qouquam neo gravitate neo studio neo 
oontentione ageie potuerit, oum eumma tefltifioatione tuoram in se 
offioiorum et amorifl erga te buL Maroellinum ftibi esse iratumf 
BOS. Ib hao regia oausa exoepta oeterifi in rebus so aoerrimum tui 
defensorem fore ostendit. Quod dat aooipimus: quod instituit 
refeire de religione et saepe iam rettulit, ab eo dedud non potest. 

3. Bob ante Idus aota sio est — ^nam haeo Idibus mane soripsi — 
d et mea et Luoulli sententia oedit religioni de ezerdtu — 

..vslUU] ' are attached to him.' 
The whole phiaae is omma alieuiii wtuta 
900$, Fam. ziiL 22, 1 (617) ; 56, 1 (232) ; 
hut omtria it often omitted, as here and 
Att xri 16a, 6 (767); 0. Fr. i. 4, 6 

rtUfimiu Mktmniam] 'the reUgioos 

moiSpMlifrfMi] to Pompey, whom they 
did not wish to see inrested with a miH- 
tanr command. 

faryMMMf itwidiaj 'disgust' at the 
wholesale bribery used by the king. 

2. infuHimk] < ditcrecQtable imputa- 
tions' (Jeans). 

Mntmitiomn * earnestness.' 

WtttimX Why? Perhaps (it is suggested} 
beoause Lentiuus had moved the bill 
giTing Pompey the com oonmiissioner- 
ship ; and tbie optimates resented tiie 
nant of any exceptional power to 
Pompey. Dr. Beid /(TIatff. BsvUwt xi. 
246) points out that Lentulns had many 
enemies, and even Cioero himself con- 
sidered his conduct, in some points, 
open to censure (op. £p. 100, 8) ; and 
itaroeUinus, like any li^t-minded man, 
may haye been indignant at the flagrant 
jobbery and corruption which charac- 
terised thii Egyptian business, and made 
it so odious at Rome at this time. But 
it is hard to believe that this sentence 
and the one which follows {U hae r$gia, 
Ac.) are right as they stand. The transi- 
tion is very sudden mm the statement that 

Mszoellinus is angry with Lentnlus to the 
statement that he will be his supporter in 
all things except this Egyptian business. 
Dr. Beid proposes to add tamm after U* 
Possibly we should read JfareelJumm 
tiH «tf# iriUmn aeit m hoc refia cauM, 
<p$a $muM> (or <pM> which might 
have fallen out after c&) iueptOj &c. ; or 
to alter inium to gratmn at non in^titum. 
It is very difficult to believe that tibi is 
corrupt, or to accept the conjecture of 
Oorradus rsgi, or that in Gratander's 
margin tibinm, i.e. Ptolemaeo AuUUie 
{tAXvrf), however ingenious and attrac- 

fuod imitUuW] qtMl is relative. 

8. m$a . • . r$tiii0^'] 'my view, as 
wdl as that of Lueullus and Hortensius, 
concedes to religious scruples the point 
about employing an army for his resto- 
ration — for else we cannot carry our point 
[and give the commission to you], but 
grants to you, in aocordanoe witn the 
terms of the resolution which you your- 
self put [namely, that the ffovemor of 
COioia should restore Ptolemy], the resto- 
ration of the king, so far as you can do it 
without injuring the state [i.e. without 
the employment of an army, axainst the 
warning of the Sibylline books j ; so that 
the senate retains you as the responsible 
person for the king's restoration, while 
the religions difficulty makes the employ- 
ment dan army impossible.' 

SP. 96 {FAM. I. 1). 


teneri enim res aliter non potest, — sed ex illo senatus oonsulto, 
qaod te relerente f actum est, tihi deoernit ut regem reduoaB, quod 
commodo lei publioae f aoere possis, ut ezeroitam religio tollat, te 
aaotorem senatoB retineat. Oraasus tris legatos deoernit neo ex- 
clttdit Pompeiiun : oenset enim etiam ex iis qni oum imperio sint : 
Bibulus trifl legatos ex iis qui privati sint. Hnio adsentiontar 
reliqui oonsolares praeter Bervilium qui omnino reduoi negat 
oportere, et Yoloaoium qui Lupo leferente Pompeio deoernit, et 
Afranium qui adsentitur Yoloaoio. Quae res auget suspioionem 
Pompei voluntatis: nam ammadvertebatur Pompei familiaies 
adsentiri Yoloaoio. Laboraturvehementer: inolinata res est. li- 
bonis et Hypsaei non obsoura oonoursatio et oontentio omniumque 
Pompei familiarium studium in eam opinionem rem adduxerunt 
ut Pompeins oupere Tideatur : oui qui nolunt, iidem tibi, quod eum 
omastiy non sunt ainioi. 4. Nos in oausa auotoritatem eo minorem 
habemus quod tibi debemus. Ghratiam autem nostram exstinguit 
hominum suspioio, quod Pompeio se gratifloari putant. Ut in 
rebus multo ante quam prof eotus es ab ipso rege et ab intimis ao 

Zypo rffirmiU'] Lnpof , a trilni]ie» 
•ppetn to hare pat tlie motioii that 
Fompey ihonld be appointed ; and Yolca- 
duf was the fixat aenator who ejroieised 
approraly and waa followed by Ananius. 
For Eutilins Lvpue, aee £pp. 98, 1 ; 96, 2. 

nup%eiomm\ 'this oizcumstance con- 
flzms our vnrmise aa to what the real 
wiahee of Fompey are.' 

mnimad90rt§biiir'\ As advirto for ontm- 
MherU is rare in the prose of the 
Gioeionian age (we do not know of any 
panams except Vano L. L. t. 166; 
z. 46), Lambmus is probably right in 

ZmratHT . . . m/I 'it is a mat 
struggle; and we are losing ground.' 

ZiSomi . . . tamUntio] 'the undis- 
guised way in whioh Libo and Hypsaeos 
are rushing about and stnuning eTery 
nerre' (Jeans). L. Bciibonius Libo was 
at this time a tribune; he was after- 
wards actiTe on the side of Fompey 
against Caesar; his daughter was the 
wife of Sez. Fompey. F. Flautius 
Hypneus, a tribune, had been quaestor 
to Fompey, Att. iiL 8, 8 (64). 

odittMruni'] That the plural should be 
used when the nearest subject {Hudium) is 
in the singular is Tery rare : see Lebreton, 
p. 5. He thinks the influence of omnium 

fmniUarym led to the plural— lighily, 
no doubt — and the genitiTes Ltbomttaid 
EypMH oontributed. 

0IM qui nohmtX The dictionaries dve 
no other example of dlimi nolle: out 
maio voUo alicm is often found in the 
oomio writers, e.g. I^t. Asin. 841, 
True. 899. Somewhat analogous are 
Q. Fr. i. 2, 10 (68) ogo Fundamo non 

omatti] 'supplied him with means' by 
bestowing on him the com commisuoner- 
ship (cp. i 2). 

4. dobomut] *I am your debtor,' ie. 
for seryices done to me and not repaid. 
Gp. note on dshnoaom, Att. iii. 16, 4 

Gratiam . . . puiani] ' my influence is 
counteracted by the general surmise which 
I have spoken of (namely, that Pompey 
wants the commission for himself), be- 
cause my friends think that in opposing 
my exertions on your behalf tibtey are 
obliging Fompey.' 

Ut . . , voTiomur] Mr. Jeans Tery 
dererly gires the fdroe of ito . . . ti/, 
to the delicate use of which by Cicero 
attention has been often called. 'It 
must be remembered that we baye to 
deal with a case which long before your 
departure was secretly inflamed by the 

30 SP. 96 {FAM. I. S). 

domestLois Pompei dam exoloeratisy deinde palam a oonsuIaxibuB 
ezagitatis et in summam invidiam adduotid, ita versamur. Nob- 
tram fidem omnes, amorem tui absentis praesentes tui oognoBoent. 
Si eeset in iis fides in qnibus summa ease debebat, non laboraremus. 

96. TO P. LENTULUS SPINTHEE in Oilicia. 

(FaH. I. 2.) 

BOMB ; JANUABT 16 ; A. V. C. 698 ; B. C. 56 ; ABT. CIC. 60. 

Sigmfieat quid deinoepc actum in WDMta sit do oanaa regU Id. Iul., quae sententiae 
diotae, quo Fompeiuay quo eiaa lamiliaref animo lint, quae tzibuni pL fruatra moliti 


1. Idibufl lannariis in senatu nihil est oonfeotum, propterea 
quod dies magna ex parte consumptus est alteroatione Lentuli 
consnlis et Oanini triboni pi. Eo die nos quoque mnlta verba 
feoimaB mazimeque visi sumus senatum oommemoratione tuae 
Toluntatis erga ilium ordinem permovere. Itaque postridie 
plaouitutbrevitersententiasdioeremus: videbaturenim reoonoiliata 
nobis voluntas esse senatus^ quod cum dioendo tum singuUs ap- 
pellandLs rogandisque perspezeram. Itaque oum sententia prima 

king himaelfy and tha more intimate asperity of a dangeroua oritioiam. See 

aaaooiates of Pompey. and afterwards note on Fam. y. 4, 2 (89). 
made eyen wone by tne open meddling 

of the ez-coD8i]la, ending in the great 1. alUrwUume\ Lentolua MarceUinus, 

disgust of eyerybody.' CUim reien to tiie the consul, was lor not employing an 

corruption pnctised by Ptolemy, and army (in the restoration of the king) or 

makea for tne oonjeoture tiHdm, men- anyone who was inyested with imperium ; 

tioned abo^e ; Maicellinua was nrobably thus he excluded Pompejr : Ganiniua 

one of those who were disnistea by the wished to giye the office to rompey, who 

bribcffy to which the king had recourse, waa to effect the restoration with two 

Exagitatii is ' made worse ' : cp. tania lictors (cp. Plut Pomp. 49, where he is 

fw AMNifiJf Uniund^ guam €xagitanda caUed Canidius). 

viMoeur, Sail. Cat. 48, 6. Ifwidum ptacuif] so. nobit tui ttudioHB; *we 

r^era to the ' scandal ' of which the your friends determined not to speak at 

whole affiur was prolific. length.' 

tui ahtmtii praesmUi tui] Cp. note to dicendo . . . app0Uandi$] < not only in 

Ep. 91, 7. my speech, but ailso in the appeals and 

in tw] Here, as often, Cicero uses requests I made to indiyidual senators.' 

the plural though referring to only one The gerund and gerundive are not unfre- 

person, Pompey. He thus mitigates the , quently used to express the circumstancea 

JER 96 {FAM. I. S). 


Bibnii pronuntiata esset^ ut tree legaii regem redaoerent, seoonda 
Hortensi, at ta sine exerdta reduoeres, tertia Yoloaoi, ut Pom- 
peius reduoeret, postulatum est at Biboli Bontentia divideretor. 
Quatenas de religione dioebat, oai qoidem rei iam obsisti non 
poteraty Bibolo adsenaum est : de tribus legatis freqaenteB ieront 
in alia omnia. 2. Proxima erat Hortensi sententia, oom Lupas 
tribanaa pi., quod ipse do Pompeio rettulisset^ intendere ooepit 
ante se oportere disoessionem faoere quam oonsul^. Eius orationi 
vehementer ab omnibus reolamatum est : erat enim et iniqua et 
nova. Oonsales neque oonoedebant neque valde repugnabant: 
diem oonsumi volebant : id quod est faotum. Perspioiebant enim 
in Hortensi sententiam multis partibus pluris ituros^ quamquam 
aperte Yoloaeio adsentirentur. Multi rogabantur, atque id ipsum 
oonsulibus non invitis : nam ii Bibuli sententiam valere oupierunt. 

in irhioh an action oooiiri» the way and 
manner (' while,* ao that aomething takea 
place at the same time): op. MuAng, 
I 416, obc 1. For examples, aee Plane. 
84 Fit VMtra diUfuUut qui emutU fan- 
tUrandii onuUt fin rtpudUtu, This ia 
yirtuallfj aayi Wander, *ottm cauaaa 
ponderatis et diffloultatem earum agen- 
darumponderatia'; alaoBalb. 9; Mur. 17; 
Off. i. 6. Similar, too, ia 90, 6 tnso nomim 
r§citandQ, liany more ezamplea in a 
very laamed oollectioa in Lehreton, pp. 

dipidsr0iur] 'should be pat as two 
separate questioDs ' (op. Asoonius in 
Muon. } 14, p. 44, OrelU, and note on 
Att y. 4, 2, JBp. 187). The questions 
in this ease were these: (1) whether the 
warning of the Sibylline oooks should 
be observed; (2) whether the rsstoration 
of the king shonld be entrosted to a 
oommission of three. The proposal of 
Bibnlus did not deal ezpresily with the 
question ds nhgwm ; that of Hortensius 
and that of Yoloaoias did. Therefore it 
was neoessary to subdinde the resolution 
of Bibnlns. 

Unmt in aUa omiimi] * Toted with the 
Ifoe§ ' ; that is, were for anpihtng but 
the measure proposed. The form was 
qui hoc emtetis in hmno partem, qui aiim 
0mma in iUam partem iU^ Plin. Sp. yiii. 
14, 19. Op. Fam. yiu. 18, 2 (271) ; 
X. 12, 8 (888) : also Willems, L$ Shot, li. 
196. Lange, E. A. iL 414. 

2. iVtfurisM] * was brought on for 

ifi<#iNlffv . . . MfMtdiM] 'began to innst 
that he had the priority of the ooosiUs in 
his right to oall for an expression of the 
sense of the house on his motion.' It 
was the usual practice for tlie motions 

E reposed by the presiding magistrate to 
aye priority. But the question in the 
last resort rested with the magistrate who 
had most power, snd he was certainly 
the tribune, as the tribune had the right 
of stopping any relatio whateyer (op . 
Willems, Lb ShuU, ii p. 140). We 
hear elsewhere of the tribunes putting 
motions in opposition to the oonsals; 
e.g. Sest. 70, op. Fam. x. 16, 1 (881). 
The questioa proposed by the consul 
appears to haye been a general one as to 
the best way to effect the restoration of 
the king; while that of Lupus was the 
more definite one, whether or not Pompey 
should be entrusted with the duty. Lupus 
was desirous of haying this definite point 
settled, and did not want to wait until 
some senator plucked np courage to 
adyooate the appointment of Pompey, 
whioh was certainly unpopular with the 
senate generally; and Lupus, doubtless, 
surmised that many would be unwilliiup; 
to yote definitely against Pompey, though 
they would be yery glad to ignore him if 
he was not put forward specifically for 
the post : op. Mommsen, St E. iii. 956, 1 ; 
986, 4. 

M^M invitit] The insertion of mm (the 
suggestion of Wes.) before iH9iti$ ii quite 
necessary. The consuls preferred the 
motion of Bibulus ; and they wished the 


BP. 96 (FAM. I. i). 

8. Hao controversia usque ad nootem duota Benatus dixniBsus est. 
Ego eo die cafln apud Pompeimn oenan naotusqne tempns hoc 
magiB idoneum quam umquam antea, quod post tuum disoeBsum 
ia dies honestissimus nobis fuerat in senatu, ita sum oum illo loou- 
tus ut mihi yiderer animum honunis ab omni alia oogitatione 
ad tuam dignitatem tuendam traduoere. Quem ego ipsum oum 
audio, prorsus eum libero omni suspioione oupiditatis : oum autem 
eius familiaris onmium ordinum video, perspicio, id quod iam 
omnibus est apertum, totam rem istam iam pridem a oertis homi- 
nibus non invito zege ipso oonsiliariisque eius esse oorruptam. 
4. Haeo soripsi a« d. xyi. Eal. Febr. ante luoem. Eo die senatus 
erat- futurus. Nob in senatu, quem ad modum spero, dignitatem 
nostram ut potest in tanta hominum perfldia et iniquitate retine- 
bimuB. Quod ad popularem rationem attinet, boo videmur esse 
oonseouti ut ne quid agi oum populo aut salvis auspioiis aut salvis 
legibus aut denique sine vi posset. De bis rebus pridie quam 
baeo seripsi senatus auotoritas gravissima interoessit : oui oum 
Cato et Oaninius interoessisBenty tamen est perseripta. Eam ad to 
miBsam esse arbitror. De ceteris rebus quidquid erit actum sori- 
bam ad te et ut quam reotissime agantur omnia mea cura, opera, 
dUigentia, gratia providebo. 

day to be spent in debate without any 
deoidTe vote ; they ww that a ii$otuio 
would be in faTour of HoitensiuB' pro- 
poeal, though they affected to look on the 
motion of Lupua and Yolcadui as likely 
to win (this to please Pompey) ; so they 
were alad to fhutrate a duc$uU as lur as 
possible; and welcomed the formal put* 
ting of the question to etch senator, ss 
likely to lead to the consumptian of the 
whole day in the debate. MuUU partibtu 
u tbe abl, mmitura§, Braeger, i. 668. An 
attempt which has been made to defend 
the mss reading by referring %i to muUi 
has been refuted by Dr. JOeid in the 
Ciasiieal JttvUw, zi. 244--6. For the 
frequent omiseion of non, see Hiiller's 
note to this passage (p. 3, 1. 32), and in 
his ed. of the £pp. ad Att., p. 84, 1. 27. 
3. See cantrowrtia] Apparently the 
dispute whether the motion of the pre- 
siding consul or that of the tribune should 
hare priority. 

ctipidiUUu] * self -seeking.' 

4. ut point'] m utpoUttfSri, topoUrtit 
utrumqu4, £p. 114, 7 ; H pouet, Tusc. i. 
23; ptitlrit, Ep. 121, 2. BoM/^a/m 

popjUanm r§iumim\ 'the plan of 
bringing the question oefore the people.' 
Cicero means that he and his friends had 
secured tribunes to veto any such mea- 
sure, and other magistrates to declare 9$ 
iertutun* d$ caelo (Watson). By the 
latter arrangement, the step oould not be 
taken takit ampieiu ; 8ndJi>y the former, 
it could not be taken »alpi$ lepihui ; cp. 
98, 2. 

intercetiit . . . intereeinueni] Obsenre 
the two different meanings of iniercederg 
in such close proximity. The outtoritaa 
of the senate was probably similar in 

!)urport to- that giyen in Fam. iriii. 8, 6 
223). That letter is an important keu9 
or tenatui fiontuUa, 

EP. 97 {FAM. I. S). 


97. TO P. LENTULUS SPINTHEB, in Cilicia 

(FaM. I. 8). 

BOME ; JANUARY (mIUDLB) ; A. U. C. 608 ; B. C. 56 ; AET. ac. 60. 

A. TrelMiiii eqnitii Bonu negotiAy quae ia habebat in Cflioiay P. Lentulo procoa. 


1. A. Trebonio, qui in tua proyinoia magna negotia et ampla 
et ezpedita habet, mnltoB annos utor yalde familiariter. Is oum 
antea semper et sno splendore et nostra oeterorumque amioorum 
oommendatione gratiosissimns in provincia fait tarn boo tempore 
propter tunm in me amorem nostramque neoessitadinem vebemen- 
ter oonfldit bis meis litteris se apud te gratiosum fore. 2. Quae 
ne spes eum f allat yebementer rogo te, conmiendoque tibi eius 
omnia negotia, libertos, proouratores, familiam, in primisque ut 
quae T. Ampins de eius re decrevit ea oomprobes omnibusque 
rebus eum ita traotes ut intellegat meam eommendationem non 
▼ulgarem fuisse. 

1. magna . . . exp^dita"] * important, 
▼iddj-extandedy and aolTent buaineaa.' 

$plend0r$] luf distinguiahed position 
aa an $que$. Senators were not allowed 

to engage in trade. 

2. T. Ampiut] He was the predeoeator 
of Lentulua in the goTemment of Gilida ; 
he was of praetorian rank. 



EP. 98 {FAM. I. 4). 

98. TO P. LENTTTLUS SPINTHBE, in Oilicia. 

(FaM. I. 4). 
ROME ; JTANUABY 16 (aBOUT) ; A. U. 0. 698 ; B. C. M ; ABT. OIC. 50. 

Lantuli oaaMm de Ptdlanmeo rBduoendo otlmnniii impeditam quoiitur, aed, nisi Tis 
interrerterit, Moatiis popuHque Bomftni ttudio pone snitentari iudloat. 


1. A. d* XVI. EaL Fefar. eum in senata puloherrime Btaremus, 
quod iam illam sententiam Bibuli de tribns legatis pridie eius diei 
fregeramuBy unumque oertamen esaet reliotam cum sententia Yol- 
oaGi,rMab adTenariiBnoBtriB extraota eBtyariis oalumiiiis. Oauaam 
enim ireqaenti aenato, non magna yarietate magnaque inridia 
eorum qui a te oaoBam xegiam alio traaaferebant, obtinebaxnuB. 
Eo die aoerbmn habuimaa Oorionemt Bibulnm multo iustioremy 
paene etiam amicam. Oaniniiu et Oato negamnt se legem nllam 
ante oomitia esse latoros. Senatna haberi ante ' Ealendaa Febr. 
per legem Pupiam^ id quod soia, non potest, neque mense Febr. 

1. $tmrmmu\ 'atood our ground,' a 
military vcmmaik^ like im mmtu and 
Uthamtm' in jBp. 96. 

{dHr§arUs noiiris] the tiilmnea and 
oonsulaia eapeoially. 

9&riU cahmmitj ' all kinda of obttruo- 

MMi mofna . . . tranjiftr^mU^ * thora 
being no great direraitT of opinion, but 
axeas fUBiiBriiaMirii againac uioeo wno wianeu 
to deprire yon of the king'a buaLneaa.' 
The geneial feeling of the aenate appeals 
to have been against Pomper, and to that 
extant for Lentulus (cp. 96, 8 ; 96, 2) ; 
aceovdingly there is no need to altar non 
toiiiwith£nieati; and it aeema better to 
take wruM aa objeotiye genitiTe, as mvidia 
is hardly the wm that would be uied of 
an unpnnoiplad minority. 

iumm hahUwmi Ounofi$m'] Young 
Oivio at this time seems to haye belanged 
to the Orassus party, of which 0. Oato 
and Clodiua were the moat obtnisiTe 
memben (Ep. 102. 4) ; and they were 
opposed to Lentulus, 0. Gate being 
eepeoially hostile. 

I^ifli ullam] For the law of Oaniniua, 
op. Sp. 96, 1. Cato propoaed a bill 
that MLtulua should be depriTed of his 

goremozBhm (cp. 99, 2, nrfarU Catonii 

mU$ mitUW] Koemer (p. 11) seems to 
think that these words prore that the 
oomitial daya of the latter half of January 
had not begun when this letter was 
written ; and that*theraf6re its date is the 
eyeninf of the 16th, for the 16th and 
remaining daya of January were condtial 
daya. He oonaiders furuier that Bpp. 
96-98 ahould be all regarded aa ooe letter. 
He might have adduced aa a parallel lor 
a letter beginning with the introduction 
of a fiiend paaaing on to a naxratiye and 
discussion of other matters, Fam. 1, 8 
{119) ; ziiL 77 (688) ; Brut. L 16 (914). 
We should then put Ep. 97 before 96. 
But Sp. 96 aeems aa if it were completed : 
mUs comiUa only meana before the eleo- 
tiona are flniBh<Mi, and they did not take 
place before January 20 fBp. 100, 2); 
and it is unlikelT, aa Bauscnen points out 
(p. 88), that CHoero in the same letter 
would have expreased the same tentiment 
in such Tery similar words as he has 
done in 96, 4 and 98, 2 {sahit autpifiiit, 

H^fiMi] which forbade the holding 
of the senate on dUt comitialei* 

EP. 98 {FAM. I. 4). 


toto nifli perfeotis ant reieotis legationibas. 2. Haeo tamen opinio 
est poptili Bomani, a tois inndis atque obtreetatoribus nomen 
indootom flotae religionis, non tarn ut te impediret quam ut ne 
quis piopter ezeroitus oupiditatem Alexandriam vellet ire. Dig- 
nitatis autem tuae nemo est qnin existimet habitam esse rationem 
ab senatu. Nemo est enim qui nesciat quo minus disoessio fleret 
per adyersarios tuos esse factum: qui nuno populi nomine, re 
autem vera scelerajbissimo tribunorum latrodnio, si quae conabuntur 
agere, satis mi provisum est ut ne quid salyis auspioiis aut legibus 
aut etiam sine vi agere possent. 3. Ego neque de meo studio 
neque de non nullorum iniuria soribendum mihi esse arbitror. 
Quid enim aut me ostentem, qui, si vitam pro tua dignitate pro- 
fundam, nullam partem videar meritorum tuorum adseoutus, aut 
de aliorum iniuriis querar, quod sine summo dolore faoere non 
possum P Ego tibi a yi, hac praesertim imbeoillitate magistratuum, 
praestare nihil possum : vi ezoepta possum oonfirmare te et senatus 
et populi Bomani summo studio amplitudinem tuam retenturum. 

niii . . . UgatUmiiui] * unless tlie hear- 
ing of embassies from foreign states is 
completely got throngh before the end of 
February, or deferred to a later period.' 
TheLex Gabinia, paased 687 (67), proyided 
that the fbreiRn ambassadors diould have 
audience of the senate every day in the 
month of Febnianr. 

2. %9mm . . . ficta$ reLI ' the intro- 
duetion of this sham religious scruple.' 

n$ pds] This is a oovert allusion to 
Pomney. The oracle was trumped up 
by tne enemies of Lentulus; but they 
were more anxioua to use it aa a fetter 
for Pompey than for Lentulus. 

9C9UraHmmo tribunorum latroeiiiio] Ab 
the Harldan ms (G) has Hraimo after 
MeeliraHstimOf and as we find in that ms 
iiranm for triiwti (Ep. 96, 1), we may 

safely alter tinamo into tribunorumf even 
though the word it not found in IC or R; 
especially as in 100, 3 Cicero speaks of 
htroemio trUmiorumf ' Tillany on the part 
of the tribunee.' 

ut m quid • . . pottrnt} cp. 96, 4. 

3. /«Mr#] i.e. gu$ri. This use of 
/acer0 instead of another verb is quite 
common in Cicero's Epistlee (see Index 
B. Y. fac^s) and indeed in Latin generally. 
The Greeks rarely used 9pw in tiois sense : 
yet cp. Thuo. ii. 49 tovto Upaffw is rh. 

a W, . . . proMtatA * I cannot answer 
for what the effect oTa riot may be.' If 
tbe tribunes sooceeded by force in brin^g 
the matter before the people, they might 
depiiye Lentulus of his goyemment 



EP. 99 [FAM. I. 6a). 

99. TO P. LENTULUS SPINTHEB, in Oilicia 

(Fam. I. 6a). 

BOM K ; BBTWB£1« FSB. 2 AND 6 ; A. U. C. 698 ; B. C. b^ I ABT. dC. 60. 

SnbltA C. CatoiUB promulgstio. Yeretur ne ot.ii« r^ja P. Timitwlo erepta deMntar. 


1. Tamettt mihi nihil fuit optatins quam ut primum abs te 
ipso, deinde a oeteiiB omnibuB quam gratiasimua erga te esse 
oognosoerer, tamen adfioioT Bummo dolore eius modi tempora post 
tnam profeotionem confleoata eese at et meam et oeterorum erga 
te fldem et benevolentiam absens ezperirere. Te videre et eentire 
eandem fldem esse hominum in tua dignitate quam ego in mea 
salute sum ezpertus, ex tuis litteris inteUezi. 2. Nos cum maxime 
eoDsilio, studio, labore, gratia de causa regia niteremur, subito 
exorta est nefaria Gatonis promulgation quae nostra studia im- 
pediret et animos a minore cura ad summum timorem traduoeret. 
Bed tamen in eius tnodi perturbatione rerum quamquam omnia 
sunt metuenda, nihil magis quam perfldiam timemus, et Oatoni 
quidem, quoquo modo se res habet, profecto resistimus. 3. De 
Alexandrina re causaque regia tantum habeo pollioeri, me tibi 
absenti tuisque praesentibus cumulate satis facturum. Bed yereor 
ne aut eripiatur causa regia nobis aut deseratur : quorum utrum 

ThiB letter, though in the mas. juioed 
with Ep. 108, was plainly written at an 
earlier date, as the a£bur of Ptolemy is in 
the latter spcd^en of as Tirtaally shelyed, 
while here Cicero promises his best 
serrioes towards furthering the interests 
of Lentulus in respect of it. Oato pro- 
mulgated his law oetween Febr. 2 and 
Febr. 6 (Ep. 102, 1) ; and this letter must 
haye been written between these dates ; 
for in Sp. 103 Cicero first relates to Len- 
tulus the eyents <xE Febr. 7. Accordingly 
it should properly come after Ep. 101 as 
&r as chronology is conoeraed. 

1. in iua di^nitaU] * in a natter in- 
fdlying your public position,' i.e. the 
MMM r$gia. 

2. Caionii ffromulgatio] to recall Len- 
tulus from CiUcia. This was of course a 

souztie of great alarm {tymmtu timor) to 
the friends of Lentulus; beside it, the 
question who should restore Ptolemy 
became quite a minor cura^ a matter of 
trifling import Bender niffaria 'mon- 

modi] added by the old scholars. Such 
omissions are frequent. C. F. W. Miiller 
giyes a large number of most strange 
omiwrions in M in his note on this passage 
(p. 6, 1. 22). TifthmaTin attempts to defend 
the ms reading by taking Hm as subjec- 
tiye genitiye, and rerum as objeotiye, * in 
the utter confusion of things which he has 
caused.' But that is a stnmge usage of 

8. oripiaiur'] * be taken from us ' and 
giyen to Pompey. 

dootratwr^ * oe let drop,' no one being 
entrusted with the restoration of the king. 

EP. 100 (C. FB. II. «). 37 

minuB yelim non facile possam exiatimare. Bed, bi res ooget, est 
quiddaxn teitimni quod neque Selioio neo mihi displioebat, ut 
neqne iaoere rem pateremtur neo nobis repngnantibos ad eum de- 
ferri ad qnem prope iam delata existimatnr. A nobis agentur 
omnia diligent^ ut neque, si quid obtineri poterit, non oon- 
tendamui neO| si quid non obtinuerimus, repulsi esse Tideamur. 
4. Tuae sapientiae magnitudinisque animi est omnem amplitu- 
dinem et dignitatem tuam in Tirtute atque in rebus gestis tois 
atque in toa gravitate esse positam ezistimare : si quid ex iis rebus 
quas tibi fortuna largita est non nullorum hominum perfldia 
detrazerit, id maiori illis fraudi quam tibi futurum. A me 
nullum tempus praetermittitur de tuis rebus et agendi et oogi- 
tandi XTtor ad omnia Q. Selioio: neque enim prudentiorem 
quemquam ex tois neque fide maiore esse iudioo neque aman- 
tiorem tui* 

100. TO QUINrUS, IN Sardinia (Q. Pe. n. 2). 

ROMS, JANUARY 17; A. U. 0. 698 ; B. C. 56 ; ART. CIO. 50. 

If. Cioero Q. fntri retpondet de LentuU et Sesti nominilms ezigendis et Fompo- 
sianii inde dueolreDdtiy de Oulleonie auotione, de Q. fratris aedifloatione, de Glodi 
aediKtatii estpectatione, de rege Alezandrino in regnum reduoendo quod aetmn et 
deeretiim lit Deniqne frnter xA quam primum e Sardima redeat rogat. 


1. Non oooupationey qua eram sane impeditus, sed parvula 
lippitudine adduotus sum ut diotarem hano epistulam et non, 
ut ad te soleoy ipse soriberem. Et primum me tibi ezouso in eo 
ipso in quo te aoouso : me enim nemo adhuo rogavlt * num quid 
in Sardiniam vellem/ te puto saepe habere qui ' num quid Bomam 

S^licW] A banker: tip, Att. i. 12, 1 certain that r^em may not be right, 

(17)y anil 158, 2, note. and think that iaetr^ may mean 'to be 

fvm] So Martyni-Laguna for rep$m of ruined ' : cp. Att. ii. 6 fin. (83). It would 

the mas: op. 102, 1. The reading uyery then be neceesary to read delatut for 

doubtful beoanie it neoeentates the altera- delatum, 

tion of . iMrtiMN into d»UtUf which hai 4. €9iepo9iiam\ See Adn. Grit, 
only the yery alight support of Codes 

Guelferbytanue quartus. The suffgestion 1. num . . . v$Um\ 'haye I any com- 

of Weeenbeig to add nsg^ium after $mn mands for Sardinia.' 
ia Tery attnetiTe. We are not at all 


BP. 100 {Q. FR IL S). 

velis ' quaerant. Quod ad me Lentuli et Sesii nomine scripristi, 
loontns sum oum Oinoio. Qaoqno modo ren se habet, non est faoil- 
lima. Sed habet profeoto qniddam Sardinia appositom ad reoor- 
dationem praeteritae memoriae : nam ut ille Graoohus aug:ary 
poetea qnam in istam provinoiam venit, reoordataa est qnid sibi in 
oampo Martio oomitia oonsnlaria habenti oontra anspioia aooidiflset, 
sic tu mihi Tideris in Sardinia de forma Nnmisiana et de nomi- 
nibna Pomponianis in otio reoogitaflse. Ego adhuo end nihil. 
Gnlleonis auotio facta est. ToBoulano emptor nemo fuit. Si oon- 
dido valde bona fnerit, fortassis non omittam. 2. De aedifloatione 
tua Cyrum urgere non oeseo. Spero enm in ofBoio fore. Sed 
omnia sunt tardiora propter forioeae aedilitatia ezspeotationem. 
Nam oomitia sine mora futora videntor : ediota sunt in a. d. xi. 
ElaL Febr. Te tamen soUioitom esse nolo ; omne genns a nobis 
oautionis adhibebitur. 3. De rege Alezandrino factum est senatus 
oonsultum, oum moltitudine enm redad perioolosum rei publioae 
videri. Beliqna oum esset in senatu oontentio Lentulusne an 
Pompeins reduceret, obtinere oansam Lentalns videbatnr — ^in ea 
re nos et ofBoio erga Lentolum mirifloe et Tolontati Pompei prae* 
orare satis feoimus, — sed per obtreotatores Lentuli calumnia ex- 
traota est. Conseouti sunt dies comitialesy per quos senatus 
liaberi non poterat. Quid futurum sit latrooinio tribunorum non 
divlnOi sed tamen suspioor per vim rogationem Ganinium perla- 

nomms] Hon. addi d$ before Ziniuli. 
Then we may »uppoee thtt Lentuliui and 
Seffdua owed money to Quintus, which be 
was anxious to couect» so that he might 
with it defray a debt of his to Atticus ; 
benoe nominibut AMfrntiom* below. 
Bat it is perhaps better to adhere to the 
ms reading, and take nomitie in the com- 
mon sense of ' on behalf of.' 

Cineio] an agent of Atdcus. 

Sed JuibH . . . mMioruM] ' but surely 
Sardinia must haye some property of re- 
freshing one's memory of the past. * The 
story about the father of the Oraoohi 
which follows is told by Ciceio in De 
Nat. Deor. ii. 11. Op. ptt^rii mMioruw 
neorioHoy De Or. L 4 ; mmnoriam ruor- 
darif Arch. I. 

farma\ the plfln, design of a house or 
Tilla which Numisius, an architect, had 
drawn for Cicero: for forma cp. 201, 1 ; 
and for Q. Cicero's buildings, cp. 106, 3. 

XSucukmo] Cicero had adyertited his 

Tusculanum for sale in the October of the 
preyious year (Ep. 9 1 , 7) . Here he seems 
reluctant (foriastU) to seU unless he geta 
a yery fayourable offer. The yiew Siat 
the Tusculanum here mentioned was 
CuUeo's, not Cicero's, is most unlikely. 
Cicero would haye added eius, 

2. Oyrum] the architect. 
furiatas ailiiitatit} of Clodios. 

3. vidsbatur . . . at"] We have punc- 
tuated this passage aocording to the sug- 
gestion of Lehmann (Uuaest. TulL 121, 
122), and thus are not obliged to add tm 
before ni^ for eauia can be readily under- 
stood from eamam aboye. No doubt 
Cicero, in Ep. 98, 1, has rei . . . extraeta 
eat ; but he uses emua iot the same thing 
in the next sentenoe: cp. Alexandrine 
eauea (108, 1). Bender ealumnia 'ob- 

rogationem] The bill of Caninius (cp. 
98, 1) was that Pompey, with two lictors, 
shouldrestore Ptolemy: seePlttt.Pomp.49. 

EP. 101 [ATT. IV. Jia). 


turuixL In ea re Pompeins quid velit non dispioio. Familiares 
eioB quid cnpiant onmes vident, Oreditores vero regis aperte 
peeunias btippeditaat oontra Lentolam. Sine dnbio res a Lentulo 
remota videtnr eese, oum magno meo dolore, quamquam multa 
fecit qua re, si fas eeset, iure ei snsoensere possemns. 4. Ta, 
si ita ezpedit, yelim qnam primnm bona et oerta tempestate oon- 
scendas ad meqne y^nias. Innamerabiles enim res sunt in quibus 
te ootidie in omni genere desiderem. Toi nostrique Talent, xini. 
ElaL Febr. 


BOMB ; JANXTAIIY 20 ; A. U. C. 698 ; B. C. 66 ; ABT. CIC. 60. 

M. Oioero Atdoo rigniflot aibi periuoundam Oindi nuntiiiin fuiaie do Attioi 
adveata in Italiam. 


Feriuoundus mihi Cinoius fait ante diem tertium Ealend. 
Febr. ante luoem. Dixit enim mihi te esse in Italia seseqne ad 
te pueros mittere, qnos sine meis litteris ire nolui, non quo habe* 
rem quod tibi, praesertim iam prope praesenti, soriberemi sed 
ut boo ipsum signifioaremi mihi tunm adventum suavissimmn 
exspectatissimumque esse. Qua re advola ad nos eo animo at 
nos ames, te amari soias. Oetera coram agemas. Haec prope- 
rantee soripsimas. Quo die yenies, ntique cam tuis apud me sis. 

mtiUa /Mit] Lentnlus waa ond of those 
to whose Bujpinenesa or jealouaj Cicero 
ascribed the inadeqiiaoy of his indemni- 

H fa$ M«#0 because Lentolus had 
been aotiTe in bringiDg about the restoxa- 
tion of Cicero. 

4. %Ui Mt|Mtft4 See Adn. Crit. 

Qua r$ aii9oW\ ' so flj to meet me, full 
of your affectionate regard for me, and of 
the assurance that it is fully returned.'^ 

ut%qu$ . . . «t#] In a learned diwussion 

Heidemann (Jh Oictirwm in Ep%ituU$ 
verbcfum SUipm uiu,pp. 08-101) examines 
the passages In irhioh editors haye in one 
way or another refused to allow in Cicero 
the second person of the prese nt subjuno* 
tiye to stand for the imperatiTe. It is 
quite common in Plautus; see Prof. 
Sonnenschein's note to Most 1120, end 
Drftger, i. p. 811. So that it is un- 
reasonable to refuse it to the familiar style 
of Cicero's letters. Accordingly we have 
not added fac either here or in Ep. 168 


EP. lOe (Q. FB. II. S). 

102. TO QTJINTUS, in Saedinia (a Fr. n- s). 

BOKBi FBBBUART 12 Ain> 16| A. V. C. 698 ; B. a 66 ; ABT. CIG. 60. 

H. Gioezo Q. fnki ezponit de iudieio T. Mflonis a P. Clodio da 7i aooiuati, de 
rebu in tenata Mtis» de P. Seitio bii aoenntoy ds lenAtiia oonsolto n. Id. Febr. 
laetOy de omtione pro Beetia a ae diota, de rebna domeetioii. 


1. Soripn ad te antea snperiora : nuno oognoBoe postea quae 
flint aota. A. Eal, Febr. leg^oneB in Idas Febr. reidebantur. 
Eo die res ooufeota non est. A. d. iin. Non. Febr. Milo adfoit : 
ei Pompeius advooatus Yenit. Dixit Maxoellos a me rogatos. 
Honeete disoessunos. Fh>dicta dies est in vm. Id. Febr. Interim 

I. MWirwra] Up to Jan. 17f the date 
of bii lait letter to ftwintiw. Stemkopf 
(in S0rm$$ 89, p. 401) ihowi that a letter 
of Cioero*! relating the erenti of the 
latter half of JTanuarr hu probablT been 
loit It told of the eleetioD of Glodioa to 
the aedileehip, the fint aocuflation of Milo 
by Clodiiu, 0. Gato*t bill about Milo, the 
fiftstio CMiii d* ibey#<o (100. 8), and 
other matten. 

XM. F$k'. . . . iMM mO Stemkopf 
haa lightly explained thia paaaage. He 
leayea out a (of the maa) oefore KmL^ 
anppoaing it due to dittopaphj. Gioero 
ia relating the eyenta <d the aereral daya. 
On the lat a motion waa made to poat* 
pone the audienoe of ambaaaadora to ^(b 
ISth, but the matter waa not aettled on 
that day. S$m$bmUut u a ' oonatiye 
impwfeoti' and tiM ia the poa^K>nement. 

mUo ti^ifuUX Milo waa being pro- 
aeeuted by Clodioa, who waa aedile, in a 
UidiHum popuU. Mr. Greenidge {LeatU 
Jhroeedun in CH^ero't J%m4, p. 846) haa 
ezoellentlydeaeribed the prooedure in auoh 
a oaie. The magiatxate fliat held a pre- 
liminary inreatic^tion (anqmMo) \mon 
an informal meeting {cantio) which he had 
anmmoned. Thia meeUng waa held anew 
on two aubaeqnent daya, on the latter of 
which the final foim of the aoouaation 
waa agreed upon and embodied in a bill. 
Thia waa duly promulgated, and after the 
legal intenral of a trmundinum brought 

befbre the MmiHa* The 09mU%M were pre- 
ceded by a 0ontiOf at which the magiatrate 
urged reaaona for hia ehaif^ ; and aa that 
contio waa the fourth conttc before which 
the aoouaing magiatrate appeared^ hia ex- 
pontion of the charge tneraat la called 
quaria aeou$atio: op. Pro Domo 46 eum 
tMm med$raUi imdicU popuU tint a mtiioH' 
hu$ cotuHUtUi . . . M itg^rodicta di0 quU 
aeeuioniur, ut Ur anU magiitratut tunuA 
iwUrmmm dii piam muUam Utrogti out 
iudUitf ^utnrtm sit ttccutoH^ trimum mmdi* 
fwm prodieta Us, quo die iudidrnm tU 
futurumf and Appian B. 0. i. 74. The 
three preliminary 'accuaatuma' againat 
Milo occurred Febr. 2, 6, and 17 (aee {| 
2, 8), while the quarta aeeutatio waa fixed 
for May 7 (Ep. 106, 4). Mr. Greenidge 
goea on to notice that the flrat, aeoond, 
and fourth of theee daya are fuffriti, and 
the third, aa being a featiyal, la marked 
h? ; and aubaequentlj ^p. 467) he atatea 
that triala were neld mdiserendy oa fatti 
and ntfasti disSf on comitial daya and on 
thoae marked it ; ao that he jnatly con- 
aidera that the opinion that cmtiomt could 
not be held on di$9 nrfoiti cannot be 

SonetU dMc$99imwt\ * we had the beat 
of the fight,' ' we came off with the 
honoura of war.' 

yin.] So Man. for yn. of the maa: 
cp, "B^' 108, 1 apud poptUum a.d, vin* 
fdmu tsir,, wm pro Milon$ dieereiy where 

EP. lOe {Q. FB. 11. S). 


roieotiB legationibna in Idas referebatur de provinoiis qaaestorum 
et de ornandiB praetoribuB. 8ed res multis qaerelis de re publioa 
inteiponendis nuUa transaota est 0* Cato legem promulgavit de 
imperio Lentulo abrogando; Tesiitam filiuB mutavii 2. A. d. 
▼m. Id. Febr. Milo adfuit Dixit Pompeins siYe volait. Nam ut 
Burrezity operae Olodianae olamorem BUBtuIerunty idque ei perpetua 
oratione oontigit, non modo ut aoolamatione sed nt oonvioio et 
malediotiB impediretur. Qui ut peroravit — nam in eo Bane fortla 
foity non eat deteirituB, dixit omnia atque interdum etiam Bilentio, 
cum auotoritaie peregerat — Bed ut perorayit, Borrexit GlodiuB. Ei 
tantuB damor a noBtrii — plaouerat enim ref erre gratiam — ^ut neque 
mente neo lingua neque ore conBLBteret. Ea res aota est, com hora 
VI. vix PompeiuB perorasBet, usque ad horam viii., cum omnia male- 
diota, versuB denique obBoeniBsimi in Olodium et Clodiam dioeren- 
Ua. Ble f orenB et exsanguiB interrogabat buob in clamore ipso, 
quia OBBet qui plebem fame neoaret. Bespondebant operae : 

MO hare actmfo written in fnll. This 
leadf alto to the alteration of vni. for yn. 
in ) By of Ytt. fbr Yi. at the begin- 
ning of 4 8, and of Tin. for ti. in the 
•enatorial decree quoted in that eeetion ; 
see Koemer, p. 18. Nothing ie more fre- 
qnent in manonxipts than blnnden ae 
ngarde numereli. 

ormmdW} Oman ii applied to piy- 
wimuUf meaning to proYule the magis- 
tiatei appointed for the proTinoee with 
the reqiudte inppliee ; Att. iii. 24, 1 (85). 

lif Mil cp. 99, 2. 

il^J eon of Lentulua, the goTemor 
of (Hilda. He anumed mooming to be- 
speak iyn^Mthj with hit father, according 
to the ooetom which pxevailed in andent 

2. pirpihta crmtiani\ * throughout his 
whole speech ' ; the aol. of dmraticn is 
only used with a word of dnration, esp. 
totmf eiMiw. 

pir§f$raO^ The change of tense is 
strange. Cicero had perhane intended 
to say ^ he had barely conclnded when 
Gloditts rose,' but changed the sentence 
hastilT. ICadyiff and Btemkopf, after 
Gulietmns, wish to read perfre^erai, 
'after he had broken down oppodtion 
by the weight of his influence,' quoting 
for the omission of the acousatiTe Drat. 
97 h^m (flogumtia) modo porMn^itf modo 
irr§pii m oonsm, where, howerer, the 
accQsatiTe mmto can be easily snppHed 

from the next clause. For other ingges- 
tions see Adn. Crit. 

tod] For 9id zesumptiTe, cp. note to 
Att. i. 10, 1 (6). 

clamor m nottrit] sc. faeiut oti : cp. 
bdow no guid in turba (so. Jloroii and 
Att. xiy. 6, 1 (707) ab aUatoro ^vpfaits 
woXii (•o.^M). 

roforro ^rmiumii] ironically, ' to re- 
turn the compliment ' ; ntulittt gratiam 
is ' to return Uie compliment,' ' to giTC as 
good as one got,' cp. Boll. 47 putd «i ootoo 
utu atquo aotato robutiior, ottom idom gtd 
ooUo onm oum laoeuitut; nunc toeum oio 
ogam iuUtoo ut potiut iniuriam gnam rot' 
tuiitoo gratiam vidoar. 

oon»%otorot'\ * he lost all control otbt his 
faculties, his ydoe, and his countenance' : 
cp. monto contiotorOf Phil. ii. 68. 

intorrogabat tuoo] On the whole of this 
scene cp. Dio Oass. zzxix. 18, 19 ; Plut. 
Pomp. 48 fln. This latter passage is 
worth quoting, r^Xof 8i, 90O9\$irros 
o^rov (Pompeius) wp6f rtwa 8ucifr, Ifx***' 
rClodius) ^* ah^ ir\ri$09 iiP0pAwm¥ 
aaokyttas ac«l iktytiplas pLtarhr^ o^r^s gi^w 
tts iwtfarii r6irow Koraariis ipaniffutra 
rpiaura irpotfiaXXOf **rtt 4artP abro^ 
icpdrmo iuc6\aaros ; rts itr^p Mpa, C^«< ; 
ris M SoffT^A^ KwoToi r^r ict^aX^r/" 
o/ 8^, Boirtp x^P^f *'' iuioifiaia orvya^KpO' 
iil/i4wot9 iatbrov riitfr^^yrop dofofftlovroSf 
ii' kaiar^ fi4ya fiomrrts kw^Kplrarro 


EP. lOi (G. FB. 11. S). 

^ Pompeinfl.' Qais Alexandream ire ouperet. Beepondebant : 
* PompeiuB.' Quern ire yellent Beepondebant : ^ Graasam.' Is 
aderat turn Miloni animo non amieo. Hora fere ix., quasi signo 
datOi Glodiani noBtroe oonsputare ooeperant Exarait dolor. 
Urgere illi ut looo nos moverent Faotna est a nostris impetns ; 
foga operarum; eieotos de roetris Gloditu, ao noe qnoque turn 
f ugimus, ne quid in turba. SenatuB yooatus in ooriam : Fompeins 
domum. Neque ego tamen in senatum^ ne ant de tantis rebus 
taoerem aut in Fompeio defendendo— nam is oarpebatur a Bibulo, 
Curione, Favonio, Servilio filio— animos bonorum yirorum offen- 
derem. Bes in posterum dilata est. Olodius in Quirinalia pro- 
dixit diem. 3. A. d. vu. Id. Febr. senatus ad Apollinis fuit, ut 
Fompeins adesset. Acta res est graviter a Fompeio. Eo die nihil 
perfeotum est. A. d. vi. Id. Febr. ad Apollinis senatus oonsultum 
factum est, ea quae faota essent a.d. viii. Id. Febr. oontra rem 
publioam esse faota. Eo die Oato vehementer est in Fompeium 
inveotus et eum oratione perpetua tamquam reum aoousavit. 
De me multa me inyito oum mea summa laude dixit. Cum 
illins in me perfldiam inorepareti auditus est magno silentio 
maleTolorum. Bespondit ei yehementer Fompeins Crassumque 
descripsit dixitque aperte se mnnitiorem ad oustodiendam yitam 

(Vmmm] This is the first hint that 
Cnssus desirod the offloe of restoriiig 
Ptolemy. Perhsps it was merely an empty 
compliment to Cnssus on the part of the 
hrsToes of Clodius, who obserred that 
Crassus was opposed to Milo, as we read 
in the next sentence, Mihtii tmimo non 
smtM. He was on the spot, u ttUrat ^iim, 
and that samsted the shoot. 

ds rMtriiT The scene of the riot was 
the firum, Clodius prosecuted Milo before 
the Comitia tribuUt, 

n$ gnid in turbo} sc. JUr^t. 

curiam] so. Hostiliam. 

in potUrum] For diem omitted op. 
Fam. z. 12, 8 (888), Att. x. 14, 8 (400). 

Quifinalia] Feb. 17. 

8. ad Apoliinit] It is conjectured 
by Man. that the temple of Apollo was 
near the house of Pompey, wno could 
tiius more oonreniently attend the senate, 
as he could more easily elude the Tiolence 
of the Clodian roughs. We read in this 
letter that Pompey thousrht his life was 
in danger. But, no douot, Stemkopf is 
light in thinking that the meeting was 

held outside the pomorium, because Pom« 
pey could not, owing to the impcrhtm 
which he held as euraUr rHfnmuntarias, 
attend any meeting of the senate held 
within the walls. The temple of ApoUo 
was outside the walls (Lit. xxxriL 68, 8). 

a.d. Tin.] So Manutins : op. note to 
}1. It is hardly likely, ss was suggested ill 
the prerious edition, that we should read 
<ad> a. d.Yi.; for in a formal docoment 
we should eipect the anterior as well as 
the posterior limit of time to be specified. 
The serious disturbance occurred on the 
6th {a. d. Tin.). 

pcrjidum] cp. Pint. Cic. 81. 

maUvoloruui] that is, the enemies of 
Pompey, op. 108. 1. 

dMoripiH] ' alluded to ' Crassus with- 
out mentioning his name. He hinted 
that Crassus was plotting sgainst his life, 
and that he would take better care of 
himself than Sdpio Aiiioanus the younger, 
< who was murdered^' said Pompey, ' by 
Papizius Carbo.' Cicero does not state 
thi^ Carbo was the murderer of Scipio, 
but only that Pompey stated that he was : 

EP. 109 (G. FR. II. S). 


soain fore qxutm Afrioanos fuiflset quern 0. Garbo interemiBset. 
4. Itaqae magnae mihi res iam moveri Tidebantur. Nam Pom- 
peinB haeo intellegit nobiscumque oommunioat insidias vitae suae 
fieri, G. Gaionem a Graaso sustentari, Glodio peouniam snppeditari, 
utnimque et ab eo et a Gurionei Bibulo oeterisque snis obtreota- 
toribus oonfirmari ; yehementer esse providendum ne opprimatur 
ooutionario illo populo a ee prope alienato, nobilitate immica, non 
aequo senatu, iaventate improba. Itaque se oomparaty hominee ex 
agriB aroessit. Operas autem suas Glodius oonfirmai Maniu ad 
Qoirinalia paratur: in ea molto sumns superiorea ipsius oopiis. 
Bed magna manus ez Fioeno et Gallia ezspectatur, ut etiam Gatonia 
rogationiboB de Milone et Lentulo resistamns. 5. A. d. nii. Id. 
Febr. Sestina ab indioe Gn. Nerio Fapinia de ambitu est postnlatus 
et eodem die a quodam P. Tollio de vi. Is erat aeger. Domum, 
ut debuimuSy ad eum statim venimus eique nos totos tradidimu8> 

thii if •hown by the mood of intermniuet. 
If Gioero liad withed to ezpreiB hia own 
opinion, he irould hare written inUnrnit : 
op. apnd Hypenim fluyiam qui ab Enro- 
pae parte in Pontnm injluit (this ia the 
obeerration of the speaker) Anatotelea ait 
bestiolaa quaadam naaci qnae unum diem 
ptpmU (obseryation of Ar. reported br Ulo 
speaker), Tuso. i. 94. Ghams of being 
ffuiltj of the murder of Seipio were 
bron^t against yarious persons merely 
as party spirit made such chaiges con- 
yenient. Ihne {Mom, &ueh, y. 456 foil.) 
cornea to the conclusion that Soipio died 
a natural death. Pompey chose to 
ascribe the crime to G. Fapirius Garbo, 
to whom he compares Gato, as the modem 
plotter of assassination. Mommsen (iii. 
104) thinks that Seipio was murdered, 
and that ' the instigator of the deed must 
haye belonged to the Gracohan party.' 

4. dontionario itto popuki] Boot (Obs. 
Grit. 88) wishes to read <a> contionario 
illo (so. Clodio), populo, fto., on the eronnd 
that Gioero generally uses oontionMOy not 
coniiotuuriw, cp. Ati. i. 16, 11 (22) ; and 
that in the oontionoo the plih rather than 
the popuhu were prominent. We may 
reply that the word Gioero uses for a 
demagogue is octUumator, not oontunutriuo, 
cp. Gat. iy. 9 quid int§r$n$t inttr loviUUom 
eoiUionaiorum ot tmitnum v&ro popularem ; 
and that oonHonario populo indicated the 
inferior orders of the populm, not the 
majority of the populuo, whose fedings 
Pompey would be slow to acknowledge 
were estranged from him. 

inoa] < for it,' i.e. the Quirinalia (the 
struggle which is to come off on Feb. 17). 
JSa nas been uniyersally chanced to oo, 
which is supposed to refer to tne trial of 
Milo ; but «s, the reading of H, giyes a 
far better sense. For the use of in cp. 
inptUMnt inpoiteram diom, Gic. Off. iii. 
68 ; iolii d§fiotion$»pra$dieutUur in muUot 
annoi, Diy. ii. 17 ; in Umpuo oof\i/hia, in 
diom vivoro, &c. We might also read in 
Mm, so. mamim. 

ipnus] Possibly Pompey is meant. But 
more probably the re&rence is to the 
forces of Glodius, and eopiit is ablatiye 
sfter the oomparatiye 'superior to the 
forces of Glodius. ' For the ingenious sug- 

Sstion of Stemkopf that we should add 
ilonis, trausfemng it from 98, 1, see 
Addenda to the Gommentary, Note y. 

do Jmions"] Gato would appear to haye 
brought some charge against Milo for 
keepmg a body-guard of gladiators and 
beotiarii : cp. 106, 6. 

6. Fupinuf] of the Pupinian tribe. 

doanAitu"] The early scholars added 
do. Baiter reads ambituo ; but this con- 
struotion is not Giceronian. 

P. Tullio'] So Wesenberff reads for 
if. 5Mlio, comparing Schol. Bobiensia in 
Orat pro SesUo (p. 292, 1. 9, Orslli) 
aooutaro do vi F, Clodiut Sotiium ooopit 
immiooo volut prinoipo dolaiionio P. Albino- 
vano. His fuU name was P. Tnllius 

not totot'] * placed myself entirely at 
his seryice ^ (Jeans). 


EP. lOi {Q. FB. 11. S). 

idqne feoimuB praeter hominam opinionem, qui nos ei iore soaoen- 
sere putabanty ut humanissimi grattBsimiqne et ipsi et omniboB 
Tideremnr, itaqne faoiemus. Sed idem NeriuB index edidit ad 
adlegatoe Cn. Lenttdam Yatiam et 0. Oornelinm zfista ei. Eodem 
die senatus conBoltam faotam eat, ut bodalitates dbouri- 


RBNTUR. 6. A. d. in. Id. Febr. dixi pro Bestia de ambita apnd 
praetorem On. Domitium in foro medio mazimo oonyentuy inoi- 
diqne in enm looum in dioendo com SestiuB mnltiB in templo 
GaatoriB ynlneribne aooeptia Bnbsidio Beetiae Benratna esBet. Hie 
irpo(|Kovo;iff<rfi/tii}v qniddam fVKolpwc de hiB quae in Sestiam 

iur$ tui0iimr§] See £p. 104, j 1 ; be- 
yond hit genenl moroieneis of eoaneter, 
Seititif doM not seem to baye done eny- 
tfaing to earn the dislike of Gieero. We 
ready howerer, in Oicero's letters from 
exile, Att. iii. 23, 4 (88), that Cicero mnob 
disliked the hill which Sestias dnw up 
for his restoration. 

ui , , , vidsrmMir] 'so that I am 

Ua^us] here • ' and so,' not * there- 
fore,' ' and I mean to be as good as my 
word ' (Jeans). 

ad adlegat0$] It would appear that 
iuU^^oH were unofficial or semi-oifieial 
nMOtiaton as contrasted with Isgtti, fully 
official negodaton. Here it is supposed 
that the adUgtUi were either people sent 
by Sestius to negotiate with Nerius 
(Aadvig), or persons deputed by the 
praetor to receive or sift eridence in 
particular cases as a preliminary to a trial. 
This is not unlikely in the present case, 
as Nerins would appear to haTS been an 
obscure personage. (In duent 89 the 
inferior mss giro inter aUegtAot^ but the 
ru;ht readin^isalmost certainly tUHgatum), 
MadTig conjectures tiM/ar«forthe corrupt 
Mto eii then the sense of the whole 
passa^ will be 'Nerius ststed to the 
depuues sent by Sestius (or the praetor) 
that Yatia and Uomelius were threatening 
to accuse Sestius.' If we suppose the 
corrupt words not to belong doMuy to the 
sentence, we must understand that Nerius 
mentioned the names of Yatia and Gor- 
nelius as somehow connected with the 
trial. It has been also suggested that 
we should read ad adliffaiot, and interpret 
' in addition to those already implicateid ' : 
but that would be a most unusual form of 

expression. Professor Ellis conjecttirea 
adalUeaiot, * were compromised as well.' 
Mr. Warde Fowler {Clameai £svUw, 
iL 40) has suggested a most ingenious 
and learned interpretation of the pas- 
sage. He would read with Wesenberg 
uUdU adlifaU$,takd translate < named as 
witnesses.' what an obscure informer 

would want would be witnesses to confinn 
what he stated. And adligaH does seem 
to haye been an untechnical word applied 
to witnesses, cp. Isidore, Origines ▼. 28 
T€$ti9 nmt a quibuM puuritur vmiiat in 
iudicio quot qm$qu0 amU iudidum nbi 
platiHt alliga i: nueui ntpottMi Uherum 
aut dimmuiar$ out eubirah^ m ; und$ at 
a llig aii app$Uantur. Mr. Warde Fowler 
further considers itta #i to be a cozruption 
of a gloss tiiUs, It is just possible that ad 
adUgatoi midbt be retained and tnt$9 read 
for itta #t. J3ut the passage still remains 
doubtful. Wesenb^ has proposed to 
read €i L. Bettiam : but this is somewhat 
improbable, as Oicero defended Bestia on 
a charffe d omHUtt the next day. Mr. 
WardeTowler has shown that in edara in 
tills passage tbere can be no reference to 
the use of uiat word in cases of toddUda fas 
was suggested in the former edition), for 
the Licinian Law on that subject was not 
passed until 699 (65). 


clubs and caucuses.' The Solum was a 
declaratory act that all such assemblages 
should be subject to the penalties enacted 
under the Leges dt vi. These would in- 
clude dectioneering dubs, which were, in 
all probabilitT, especially aimed at by the 
SOtum : cp. &olden's Introduction to the 
pro PUmeio^ p. xzxii, § 21. 
6. wpo^opopifi^dftfi^j * intioduoed be- 

EP. lOe {Q. FB. 11. S). 


apparabantur oriminay et eum omavi veris laudibus, magno ad- 
86U8U omuium. Bos homini f uit vehementer grata. Quae tibi eo 
soribo quod me de retinenda Sesti gratia litteris saepe monuisti. 
7, Pridie Id. Febr. haeo scripfii ante luoem : eo die apud Fompon- 
ioia in eius nupiiis eram oenatunis. Cetera sunt iu rebus nostris 
huiuB modi ut tu mihi fere diffidenti praedioabas, plena dignitatis et 
gratdae : quae quidem tua, mi frater, patieutia, virtute, pietate, sna- 
vitate etdam tibi mihique sunt restituta. Domus tibi ad lacum 
Pisonis lioiniana oonduota est. Sed, ut spero, pauois mensibus, 
poet Ealendas Quint, in tuam oommigrabis. Tuam in Garinis 
mundi habitatozes Lamiae oonduxerunt. A te post illam Ulbien- 
sem epistulam nullas litteras aooepi. Quid agas et ut te oblectes 
soixe oupio masimeque te ipsum yidere quam piimum. Cura, mi 
frater, ut valeas, et quamquam est hiems, tamen Sardiniam istam 
esse oogites. zv. Ealend. Mart. 

fonband/ i.e. intzodooed a eulogy on 
Sestiiis as a aoii of ' yaunt-oourier ' to 
my fortheoming ipeeoh in hia defence. 

7. nuptUt] the mazxiage of Attioua to 

O$Ur0 tmu"] Koemer {op, Ht,, p. 16) 
suppoMB that the paaeaae m>m theae wozda 
to the end of the letter fonns the fragment 
<^ another letter written to Qixintus 
three days Uter ({ 7 Jin.) than {{ 1-6, 
which was written on Febr. 12 (} 7 imt.), 
mainly on the grounds that there is a 
want of connexion between this passafe 
and the preceding, and that it is unlikely 
that Oioero would not have related what 
happened on tito Ides. But the senate 
was occupied on the Ides with bearing 
embassies (} 1 init,), and Cicero may well 
haTe coDsidered that they were of little 
interest to Quintus. Elsewhere we find 
that Oioero wrote portions of letters on 
dilteent days, cp. AtL iiL 22 (81) and 

Q. Fr. iiL 1 (148) ; and the fact that he 
may baye done so here may baye caused 
the slight want of connezion in the 

eiiam] because tuantoi was not to be 
expected from Quintus as much as the 
the other qualities mentioned. 

lamm] the ordinary reading is Umtm : 
but Boot (Obs. GriL 83) points out that 
hiH generally bear the names of diyinities, 
whereas la^ui were called after men (e. g. 
lacum S^rviUum, Bote. Am. 89). 

post Kai. QumtA The Ist July was 
the usual period for the expiry of the 
terms of occupancy of rented houses in 
Rome: Suet Tib. 86 (Man.). 

mundi} * respectable tenants.' 

XnHentmn] from Ulbia or Olbia, the 
chief port of Sardinia. For the form 
cp. Adn. Grit. 

ffuameuam ett hicmti] that is, the least 
unnealthy season. 


EP. lOS {FAM. I. 6b). 

103. TO P. LENTULU8 8PINTHEE, in Oilicia 

(Fam. I. 6b). 

ROMS ; AFTBR FEBRUARY 8 ; A. U. C. 698 ; B. C. 56 ; ART. CIG. 50. 

Oaiua regia a Cn. Pompeio iam paene dereliota sibi videri scribit ut rex ad P. 
Lentulum restitaendi aui causa se oonferat. 


1. Hio quae aguntur quaeque aota sunt, ea to et litteris mul- 
tomm et nuntiis ooguosse arbiiaror: quae autem posita sunt in 
oonieotura quaeque videntur fore, ea puto tibi a me soribi oportere* 
Poetea quam Pompeius et apud populum a. d. vni. Idus Febr., 
oum pro Milone diceret, olamore oonvioioque iaotatus est in sena- 
tuque a Catone aspere et aoerbe inimioorum magno silentio est 
aoousatus, vIbus est xnihi vehementer esse perturbatus. Itaque 
Alexandrina oaufia, quae nobis adhuo integra est — nihil enim tib^ 
detraxit senatus nisi id quod per eandem religionem dari alteri 
non potest — ^videtur ab illo plane esse deposita. 2. Nuno id spe- 
ramus idque molimur ut rex, oum intellegat sese quod oogitabat, 
ut a Pompeio reducatur, adsequi non posse et, nisi per te sit resti- 
tutus, desertum se atque abieotum fore, profioiscatur ad te : quod 
sine ulla dubitatioue, si Pompeius paullum modo ostenderit sibi 
plaoere, faoiet. Bed nosti hominis tarditatem et taoitumitatem. 
No0 tamen nihil quod ad eam rem pertineat praetermittimus. 
Ceteris iniuriis quae propositae sunt a Catone facile, ut spero, 
resistemus. Amioum ex oonsularibus neminem tibi esse video 
praeter Hortensium et Luoullum : oeteri sunt partim obsourius 
iniqui, partim non dissimulanter irati. Tu fac animo forti magno- 
que sis speresque fore ut fraoto impetu levissimi hominis tuam 
pristinam dignitatem et gloriam oonsequare. 

Tbii letter was wiitten after the 8th 
February: cp. in ientUuqus a Catons 
a*p$r0 4t ac&rbe , . , ui acematui with 
102, Z00du{vi Id. Ftbr,) Cato vhmmiUr 
est in Ponummn inv&etu$. 

1. nmt] See Adn. Crit. 

inimieorum] SowereadwithWeinhdld 
for Mtfniflmi of the xnss. He oompazes 
102, 8 mtdUui ut magno HUntio maU- 

vohrum. It is true that mmium » vaidey 
* Terr/ in Plaatus often ; e.g. Trio. 28, 
84, 981, 986 ; but this usage is not fouD<l 
in Cicero. Lambinos, influenced appar- 
ently by this consideration, had suggested 

2. lw%M9%m% AoMifiw] Cato, who sought 
to deprive Lentolus of his go?enunent ; 
cp. 102, 1. 

JEP. m i^^M. L 6). 

104. TO P, LENTTTLUS SPINTHEB, in Cilicia 

(FaM. I. 6). 
KOMB ; MIDDLB OF FBBBUART ; A. U. C. 698 ; B. 0. (6 ; ABT. CIO. 50. 

Consoktiir P. Lentulum de taxdo spenitae rei progieasn et ezigua spe rsliota ad 
animi magnitodinem adhortatur. 


1. Quae gerautur aooipies ex Pollione, qui omnibus negoiiis non 
interfnit solum sed praefuit. l£e in summo dolore, quern iu tuis 
rebus oapio, mazime soilioet oonsolatur spes, quod valde suspicor 
fore ut infringatur hominum improbitas et oonsiliis tuorum ami- 
oorum et ipsa die, quae debilitat oogitationes et inimioorum et pro- 
ditorum tuorum. 2. Facile seoundo loco me oonsolatur reoordatio 
meorum temporum, quorum imaginem video in rebus tuis. Nam 
etsi minore in re violatur tua dignitas quam mea adfliota est, tameu 
est tanta similitudo ut sperem te mihi ignosoere, si ea non timuerim, 
quae ne tu quidem umquam timenda duziBtL Sed praesta te euni 
qui mihi a teneris, ut G-raeci diount, unguioulis es oognitus. lUus- 
trabity mihi orede, tuam amplitudinem hominum iniuria. A me 
omnia summa in te studia offioiaque ezspeota : non f allam opinio- 
uem tuam. 

Plainly tliii letter, wliioh oontains no 
newt, wai written merely because PoUio 
happened to be going to Gilioia. The 
fact that there was nothing Tery impor- 
tant to q^eak about would tend to fix the 
date of this letter at some time shortly 
after the pxeeeding. It would seem that 
CiOo's law, whieh had been promulgated 
at the beginning of February (102, 1), 
was not being pte s se d Tigorously, and 
Gioero anticipates that lapse of time will 
bring it to nought 

1. iW^MiM] 0. Asinitts PoUio, from 
whom we hare three letters to Oioero, 
Fam. X. 81-^8, and to whom is addressed 
the 1st Ode of Horace's Second Book. 
On PoUio see toL yi, pp. Izzx ff. 

MOM • . . pru^fmtl ' took not only a 

part, but a leading part' 

ipfe di$\ 'simple lapse of time' ; hence 
iU9 is fern. : op. Mayor on JTut. x. 265. 

2. ei#a] Aldus suggests m$a taktt, 
comparing 99, 1 te . . . $etUir0 $antUtn 
Jidim MM homimm in tua JiignUaU qttam 
€go in m$m idhU§ turn espertut. 

a UnsrU . . . unffuicuiUiJ i^ awakmw 
hw^X^* ^' Sor. Oann. lii. 6, 24, d$ 
Umro m$ditatur mgui. On that passage 
Orelli agrees with Unger, who maiatains 
the meaning of the phrase to be /row my 
viry h$art of h§artif not/rom the eMriUtt 
yMTt, P6llux tells lis that the tradition 
was, that the nerves had tiieir termini 
under the nails. For other passages in 
faTOur of this interpretation see Orelli's 
note on Hor. Caxm. liL 0, 24. 


EP. 106 (e. ZB, II. 4). 

106. TO aUINTUS, IN Sabdinia (0. Pb. ii. 4). 

SOm ; LATTER HALF OF ICAKCH ; A. (7. C. 698 ; B.C. 66; AST OCC. 60. 

IL Oioero Q. fnttd loribitdAP. Settio alwdliito et de P-Yadnio in iudieio SettiADO 
Tezato, d0 flUi rtudiis, da itiM at fiatanue dooms aediflofttioiiOy de Tullk Onwipedi 
datpondflDda, de reVuf mis. Torn oxponit da relroa ^*^»"***« et Lentuli ICtroeUini 
ooosnlii in ooeroendis OloduuMinim insanii eonatibni itudinm promptiiiii ngnifiott. 


1. Sestdus nofiter abeolutna est a. d. t. Id. Mart eU quod 
vehementer interfoit rei publioae nnllam yideri in eiuB modi oausa 
diBaensioiiem esse, omnibus sententiis absolutus est. Blud quod 

tioned in § 1, in tnoh a way tJbat it is 
plainly the flnt inibrmation giyen to 
Quintaa of that erent. Are we to sup- 
poee that Cioero let a whole fortnight at 
the yeij least elapse from the acquittal 
of Sestius before he informed his Inotber 
about itP We reply that this may pos- 
sihly haTO been the case. Letter-oanierB 
cannot haye been Torv frequently gomg 
to Sardinia, and possibly they went rery 
irregularly. So there is no reason why we 
may not suppose that H 1-2 were written 
shortly after the aoquutsl of Bestius» and 
j{ 8 to 7 added sfterwards to the letter 
before it was despatched. That will 
acoount for the second mention of the 

letter, which, according to the 
Mommseoian ainaigement,coiisiits olSpp. 
4 + 6y J{ 8-7, is resolTcd by Bauschen, 
p. 89 X., into fragments of two letters, 
the oonclnsian of one (« 4^ 1, 2) and the 
beginning of the other {{{ 8-7) being 
losL m» arguments are interesting — 
(1) The asouittal of Sext Olodios. f 6, 
ooomred a few days before the deliyery 
of the iVs CmKo, and that speech was 
deUysrad (Gael. 1) durinc the MMnlesia 
(April 4 to 10), and before the Nones, 
therafora on the 4th. It was deUrered 
before the Nones, because no mention 
is made of that speech in 106. which 
relates the erents after the Nones, up 
to Cicero's departure on the 8th. It 
would be certainly curious if Oioero made 
no mention to his brother of the speech 
Fn OmUo. But he seems to haye 
written a letter to Quintus on the 4th: 
q». Q. Fr. ii. 6 init, DAdresi ad U 
UtUfM tmUm gui^ irat scriptmi Xktttiam 
noiirm^ ONua%p$di pr. Xfim ApriL $9h 
dnp^nmm nUraqus Se r$ pMictt prwatM* 
qu$ p ifu nf tt r a m . Bausdien aeoordinfily 
condders tnat }{ 8-7 are the latter portion 
of that kttsr, and that the beginning; ii 
lost Stenkopf (op. m^ , p. 406 if.) thinks 
({ 8-7 are the conclusion of a letter 
written towards the end of Karoh ; and 
that between that letter and Ep. 106 an 
epirtle has been lost which was written on 
Amfl 4. He thinks that \\ 8-7 cannot 
bdonff to the letter of April 4, for it 
would haye mentioned the Or. pro OatUo 
in { 6. But it probably mentioned that 
oration in the earlier poition which is lost, 
and there was no need to refer to it 
again. (2) Again, the acquittal of Sestius, 
which occurred on Mansh 11, is men- 

building operations (( 8 : cp.'f 2), and the 
second aUosion to public afBurs ({ 4: 
op. { 1). See what is said below witb 
regard to Q. Fr. iiL 1 (148). Hommsen's 
anangemcDt of these letters Ats so well, 
that one ia loth to diitiirb it except under 
the most serious compulsion. For f uriiier, 
see Addenda to the Gommentary, Note y. 
1. quod . • . ii^0ffmt'\ so. nuUam . . . 

Ilhid plod . . . i%idioar$mur1 'As to 
one thing that I know always distressed 
yon— the fear leat I ahould pye aome 
enemy the chance of upbraiding me as 
ungrateful for not putting up with 
Sestiua' unreaaonableness in some matters 
as good-humouredly as possible— let me 
tell you I haye gained by thii trial credit 
for the highest gratitude.' Sestius seems 
to haye been a cross-grained person, but 
Cicero owed him gratitude for his exer- 
tions in his behalf when in exile. For 
ku mt m Uaif ' the behayiour of cultiyated 
society,' as opp. to ptrvtrtUtu, *outrt' 
conduct,' cp. Off. L 146. 

EP. 106 {Q. FJR. 11. Ji). 


tibi onrae saepe eese intellexeram, ne oni iniquo relinqueremns 
Titupcsandi looam, qtii noB ingratoB esse dioeret, nisi illios perver- 
dtatem qnibasdam in rebiu qnam hnmanifldme f erremas, soito boo 
nos in eo iudioio oonBeoutoB ease at omnimn gratiflsimi iudioare- 
mnr. Nam defendendo moroeo bomini comnlatiBSune satis fed- 
mns et, id qnod ille maxime oapiebat, Yatinimn, a qno palam 
oppognabatnr, arbitratn nostro oonddimns dis bominibusque plau- 
dentibns. Qnin etiam Panllns noster omn testis prodnotus esset 
in Sestiom, oonflnnaTit se nomen Yatini delatorom, si Maoer 
licinins oonotareturi et Maoer ab Seeti subselliis suirezit ao se illi 
non defatunim adflnnavit. Quid qnaerisP Homo petnlans et 
audaz, Yatmins, yalde perturbatos debilitatusqne disoessii 2. Q. 
flUuB tans, puer optimxis, emditnr egregie. Hoo nuno magis 
AniniTiTn adTorto, qnod Tyrannio dooet apud me. Domns ntri- 
usqne nostrum aedifloatur strenae. Bedemptori tuo dimidium 
peouniae ooiaTi. Spero nos ante hiemem oontubemalis fore. De 
nostra Tnllia, tui meberoole amantissimay spero earn Orassipede 
nos oonfeoisse* Dies erant duo qtu post Latinas babentur re- 
ligiosi: oeteroqnin oonfectnm Latiar erat [Ep* YI. §§ 3-7]. 
3* *Afi^iXa(^lav autem illam, qnam tu soles dioere, bono modo 

nattro don e i d im m ] 'loathim 
up just M I pleaaed ' ; ep. toL t., p. H : 
see the inUrrofoiio in VaUmttm; and op. 


ah SuH tuhselUW] < tlie 1)enche0 on 
wMdi Bat the sopportera of Sestiiis.* 
Op. Fam. ziii. 10, 2 (481), where utritque 
iubieaiii » ' ooimael m defence and 
pros ocni ion.* 

m] FatOh, i. e. < he aaid he would 
do as Panlloa suggested.' <b»«w uUeni 
'oould not mean * to fail to proseeute 

Asm p^hOrnu H mtita\ ' the insolent 

2. 0MA#t#ffia}<«] 'under the same roof.' 
The houses of the two hrothers adjoined 
each Quisor. 

Ih noHra IWKa] * I think I have 
eo^duded the betrothal of Tullia to 

JHm . . . 0ra{] These were two days 
after the ffrUu Latina$^ which were kept 
as hoUdavs, though the Latunr was itself 
orer. Cioero mentions this to show why 
he oould not celebrate the tponUUa before 
be wxote. (kUfopik^ (see Adn. Grit.) is 

oommon in the letters of Gioero, ' for the 
rest,' ••«. but for these two days, the 
festiyal is oyer. Xo^iar was anothername 
for the Xa^wMW f$riti» (Macrob. Sat. i. 
16, 16). For the form Freller compares 
Baiabmr (Festus, 848). For Stemkopf s 
reading of this passage, see note to 106, 2. 
3. 'A/i^o^ior] One is tempted to 
render mbarraa d$ rich4t$$f but the 
meaiiins is rather <|^hmm», ^^t^o^t 
vfpiopdfa, as Man. paraphrases the ez« 
pression. The word also occurs in Q. Fr. 
u 14, 3 (142). Quintus had probably re- 
gretted that they had not amjj^er means at 
uieir disposal to catry out their building 
schemes. Oicero says in reply : * I too 
feel the want of that ajfiuine$ which you 
npeak about, but my feeling about Bame 
Fortune is tempered; I would gladly 
stand flzm for her if she runs into my 
arms; butif shehidesfromme, IwiUnot 
seek to start her from her covert.' Oicero 
strangely uses two metaphors distbctly 
taken nom hunting in this passage: 
eauiptrt is a well-known perbum venatO" 
rium like Ux9^i^ (eee Orelli on Hor. 
Gazm. iiL 12, 12). It means properly. 



SP. 106 {Q. FB. IL UY 

deaidoro, no pioxBos nt ftdYonientem ezoipiam libenter, latentem 
non exoitem. Etiam nuno tribus loois aedifioo, reliqua reoonciniio, 
Tiyo paidlo liberalius quam Bolebam : opoa erat. Si te haberam, 
panlliBper &bru looam darem. Bed et baeo, ut spexo, brevi inter 
noB oommimioabimQ8. 4. Bea autem Bomanae aese sio habent 
Gonsol eat egregiua LentulnB, non impediente oollega ; aio inqnam, 
bonna ut meliorem non yiderim. Diea oomitialia exemit omnia : 
nam etiam Latinae inataoxantur : neo tamen deerant aapplioationea. 
6. Sio legibna pernioioBiaBimia obatatitur, mazime Gatonia, oui tamen 
^gregie impoauit Milo noater. Nam ille Tindez gladiatorom et bea- 

'1o itand the ohuge' of an animal at 
bay : tm tu ptUtu Pitmtortm im^d firii t 

$uipUt 8en.deIiftL 11, 2; ULdftPior. 
li. 8. ApaHf $xciUKr0iaXo xoose a hiding 
aninal from iti lur, 'to flnih' *'^- 

animal of tho chaae, nprittr§ fim Oio. 
Off. ill. 68; MTMCt MMMTMif mmtmlMM 
IsMmIm, Fhaedr. ii. 8» I. For^MMMMb, 
* with moderation,' op. Cic Ao. iL 187 ; 
Att ziii. 388 (687). MtAnrmm \m mothm 
if dmilaily naed by Oioero. 

JtlUm mmc] 'eren now (io fior am I 
from laying or a fortune tliat) I am 
building on tnree diffarent aitei, and 
doing lepain betidei.' 

0pu$ 0nU] Sohiiti and Starnkopfy 
objeotmg to the tenae of #ni#, take ^pm 
4rMi with the following words : 4pm ^nU^ 
«t U hmbtrmi^pauUtpirfahria h mm dlar wa 
(Sobflti leada dm^^ but the alteration ia 
not neoeaaaiT, aa Stemkopf ahowi). But 
the foroe of the imperfeet ia aomething 
lik» thia : ' I hare arranged my life (my 
life now ii) on a more generont aoale : 
I had to do 80 * (in order to regain and 
retain my poatdon). 

6i...iefviii] < If I had you with me. 
I would let in the canentsri for a while. 
Cioero did not know m the abeenoe of hia 
brother what direotiona to ciTO to the 
oaipenten, or how muoh hie brother waa 
prepared to spend. 

4. sc#M<^] JB*ieMfv<iiMiis,'todepiTe 
one of the tone whioh one micht olaim aa 
a rig ht,' cp. 92| 8. LentuluaftaieeDinus, 
with the oonnivanoe of his colleague 
liaiduB PhiHppusy prevented Oato from 
bringing in his buls about Lentulus 
Spiiuher and Milo by the usual appeals 
to the State religion. Not only, we may 
presume, did he 'obaenre the heaTsna,' 
but he 'oelebrated anew' {imtUMinM^ 

the Latin festiTaL The jpreat 
featiTal oame under the headmg ol /iries 
seiiayrtwM^ or festiTala whioh did not 
fall on ioed daya, but were oelebrated 
annually on da^rs fixed by the magistratea. 
The Latin f estlTid waa generally held in 
January. Aa no elections could be held 
on a feast day, the consuls, if they wished 
to pos^one an election, could announce 
the Laima$ for the day appointed for the 
c^mitU. Moreorer, Uie Latimt^ could 
always be repeated, by alleging an omis- 
sion or informality (howeyer trifling, op. 
Lit. zzziL 1,9) in the past celebration. 
This waa the rui$ by which the consuls 
now ayailed themselyes of the State re- 
ligion for obatruotiye purpoaes. Gieero 
seems to say this was a particularly 
audacious case. There were impending 
certain wppHcati^mi or ' days set apart for 
public thanksgiying or hnnuUation. ' On 
such days the cowMm could not be held. 
The consuls might haye announced a 
nypUctHio tor the daya of the deotion. 
This would not haye been so unmistakable 
a rusi as the fiesh celebration of the ftrUi^ 

6. impomit} < played a trick on.' For 
this use of tsipo iM ty ep. Fiagm. Bpistn- 
lamm yiiL 6 (yoL yi. p. 804) popuh 
imp09mmMt$i oraiont «m iumm. The 
trick was this: — Gato had a gang of 
gladiators and beaat-flghters whom he had 
bought from Ooaooniua and Attioua (ep. 
107, 2) to protect him in the atreets. fle 
couldnotsuppcrtthese creaturee, and found 
it yery hard to ke^ them from leaying 
him. Milo, peroeimg thia, arranged with 
an acquaintance (not an intimate friend 
of his own, for that would haye excited 
suspicion) to buy the gang from Cato. 
Bacillus, who is styled ' the only one of 
our tribunes worth the name,' claimed to 

EP. 106 (Q. FB. 11. Ji). 51 

tiariomm emeiat de Oosoonio et Pomponio bestiarioBi neo sine lis 
armatifl urnqoam in publico fuerat. Hos alere non poterat, itaque 
viz tenebat. Sensit Milo. Dedit oaidam non familiari negotium, 
qni fline snspioione emeret earn f amiliam a Oatone. Quae simul 
atque abduota est^ Bacilius, qui unus est hoc tempoie tribunus pL, 
rem patefeoit eoeque homines fiibi emptos esse dixit — sio enim pla- 
cuerat — et tabulam prosoripsit sb f amiliam catoniakam 
YBNDITUBUM. In oam tabuhun magni risus oonsequebantur. 
Huno igitor Oatonem Lentulus a legibus removit et eos, qui de 
Gaeeare monstra promulgarunt quibns interoederet nemo. Nam 
quod de Pompeio Oaninius agit sane quam lefrizit. Neque euim 
res probatur et Fompeius noster in amidtia P. Lentuli vituperatur 
et heroule non est idem. Nam apud perditissimam illam atque 
infimam f aeoem populi propter Milonem suboffendit, et boni multa 
ab eo desideranti multa reprehendunt. Maroellinus autem hoc 
uno mihi quidem non satis f aoit quod eum nimis aspere tractat : 
quamquam id senatu non inyito faoit : quo ego me lubentius a 
curia et ab omni parte rei publioae subtraho. 6. In iudioiis ii 
Bumus qui fnimus : domus celebratur ita ut cum maxime. TTnum 
aocidit imprudentia Milonis incommode de Sex. Glodio, quem 
neque hoc tempore neque ab imbeoillis acousatoribus mihi plaouit 
aoousaii. Ei tres sententiae deterrimo in consilio defuerunt. 

be the pnvoIiiMr {MtAxng in oonoert with traTagant propoeala in fayour of Caeaar), 

Milo), and adTBitiied the gang for sale >^r the proposal of Caninius about Pompey 

again aa ' the Oahniiin gang/ thus bring- is looked on very ooldly.' 

ing Gate into puUio ridimile and oontempt. ^[md . . . Can%fli^9 ag%t^ that is, the pro- 

Oato is ironioally called wndtx gUti. §t posal that Pompey, irr&. two lieutenants, 

h$$U^ beoanse he had sued Milo for keep- should restore Ptolemy : cp. 96, 1. 

ing Booh a body-goaxd. We must suppose mi] ' on the score of.' Lentulus had 

that Oato did not allow his body-gua^ to proposed the conferring of the oommis- 

a^pear so prominently as Milo allowed sionersbip <^ supplies on Pompey, who 

his, and accordingly was not so open to was now striying to depriye him of the 

proseootion. For tMMt ut m ppHmui est, oi&ce of restoring Ptolemy, which was bis 

of. Lehmann ' Qnaest.,' p. 87, and Holden due. 

on Plane. 96. non $»t tina] ''he is not in his old 

rmnonti * preyented him from carry- position ' : op. ii nmmt qmfiiimut below, 

ing.' { 6. 

momtra] ' monstzous proposals ' : cp. wbofimdii'} ' gxyes some offence,' is 

M#na momira nmrabat^ aSl iy. 7, 1 (111). foa( •l^/juhow. 

ifuibu$ iHUrctierH nmno] * witn no 6. ir$9 . . . d$f¥*irtm(\ Only three yotes 

trioone there to interpose his Dtf/o to them' were wanting for his condemnation, 

{montira). The reason why Lentulus though the panel was most corrupt ; they 

obstruoted Oato and the others was that are called iudioM tuot just after, * judges 

there was no tribune there to intenrene ; of his own sort,' ' fayourable judges.' £i 

henoe the subj. inUrmUnt, refers to Milo, who would haye carried 

if Mil depends on an ellipse {* I refer his prosecution had not those yotes &iled 

especially to Oato and the supporters of ex- to support him. 



JEP. 106 (Q. FR. II. 4h 

Itaqne hominem populns reyooat et i^etrahatiir neoesae ert. Non 
enim f eroot hominaB et, quia oom apud 8ao6 dioeret paene dam* 
natas estf vident damnatam. Ea ipsa in re Pompei offenaio nobis 
obstitit Senatomm enim nma oopiose absolyit, eqnitam adaequa- 
yit, tribnni aerarii oondemnaront. Bed hoo inoommodum oonso- 
lantnr ootidianae daamaiiones inimioomm, in qnibns me perlubente 
Servins adlisos est, oeteri oonoiduntor. 0. Oato oontionatos est, 
oomitia haberi non sitaram, si sibi oom popolo dies agendi essent 
exemptL Appins a Gaesare nondom redierat. 7. Tnas mirifioe 
litteras exspeoto; atqne adhno olansom maie foisse soio, sed quos- 
dam yemsse tamen Ostiam dioebant qm te nnioe landarent plniimi- 
quein proyinoia fieri dioerent. Eosdem aiebant nnntiare te prima 
nayigatione transmissorum. Id oupio et, quamquam te ipsmn 
Boilioet maxime, tamen etiam litteras tnas ante exspeoto. Mi 
f rater, yale. 

r«v»M<l 'desiandianenrpnteoatioiL.' 

PMifMi ofbhfic] <the didiks with 
wbioh Pompey is regarded.* 

Smmiofwn . . . eondmmmnmi'] The 
senatOy knighii, and tribunt a$rarii formed 
the panel, aooordinff to the law of Anr. 
Cotta, 684 (70). He was a«|mtted on 
tha Totea of tiie senate, the knights being 
diTided, and tha fridtmi urmrU giTing 
their Totes against him. (kf%M§ means 
that the majoxity in his fsTOur among 
tha senators and knights was greater than 
the majority against him among the iri' 
hmi asrarii, 

adUtml 'sbipwreoked.' The metaphor 
is oertainly from the wreck of a ship : we 
haye mUidi ad icopuloi, Caes. B. 0. iii. 
27 ; and Hr fimriijiH . , , nm adHairit 
virtutmn, Sen. Be Tnnq, 5» 4. Whether 
Seryius, who was perhaps Serrins Polar— 
ep. ia6, 2 ; Fam. yixL 12, 2 (279)— was 

condemned, or barely escaped with much 
loss of character, the word adUtna hardly 
tells us. 

conpidmtimr] see ahore, 4 1. 

Aa^fKl Toe omission of tbe subject 
before the infinitiTe is quite common : 
cp. 166, 7t and note to 89o, 4. 

Appiu} Claudius, the brother of P. 

7. t am$n} in spite of the dan^ of a 
sea TOface. This makes plausible the 
oonj. of MUL, (HhU for oHia of M. But 
Stexnkopf proposes to read Oitiam, as being 
Tirtually the mss reading, and because, 
where the Sardinian town is elsewhere 
mentioned in this coirespondenoe, the 
form UliU seems to be used: see Adn. 
Orit. to 102, 7. This has much to re- 
commend it ^nie news was brought from 
Sardinia to Ostia by maiinen crossing to 
that port. 

BP. 106 (Q. FR. II. 6). 


106. TO QUINTUS, in Sardinia (Q. Ft. ii. e). 

SOUBi APRIL 8, A. U. C. 698 ; B. C. 66 ; ABT. CIC. 60. 

IC. Oioflro Q. fratri idgnifloiit de peeonia Pompeio in rem frmneiitaziAm decieta, de 
Agio Gampino quid in tenatu aotam rit, turn de H. Fmio Flaooo da ooUegio eiaoto, de 
flliaa et OraaBipedia apoosalibusy de Q. pnero viao, de aedifinatfcme Q. fratiia, de cena 
apnd Graaaipedem, de Gn. Pompeio Tiao, de itinera aao, de eacapeotatione Q. fratria. 

MAEOus anum) eeatbi saltjtem. 

1. Dederam ad to litteras anted, qaibns erat Boriptam Tulliam 
noBfaram Grassipedi pridie Non, ApriL esse deBponsatain, oeteraque 
de re pnblioa priyataqne persoripseram. Portea sant haeo acta. 
Non. Apr. senahui oonBuIto Pompeio peounia deereta in rem fra- 
mentariam ad HS oocc. Sed eodem die Tehementer aotum de 
agro Oampano elamore senatos prope oontionali. Aooriorem oausam 
inopia peooniae fkoiebat et annonae oaritas. 2. Non praetermit- 
tam ne illad qnidem : M. Furium Flaooum, eqnitem Bomannm, 
hominem neqaam, Oapitolini et Merooriales de ooUegio eieoemnt, 
praeeentem ad pedes nnios oninsque iaoentem. Ezitnrus [Ep. 6, 
|§ 1-3] a. d. Till. Id. Apr. sponaalia Craasipedi praebuL Huio 
oonviyio pner optimus, Quintus tuus meusquei quod perleviter 
oommotna fuerat, def ait. A. d. tii. Id. April, veni ad Qointum 

1. JB)9oooa] Le. aeetartium quadiin- 
gentiea >■ 40.000,000 aeateroea » about 
£840,000; taking 100 aeateroea aa equal 
to about 17 ahiUiaga of our money. 

d» ti§ro Ctmpam.'] Gaeaar bad in bia 
oonnilibip puiaed a law tbat tbe Gam- 
panian domain land abould be divided 
amongat oitiaeDa wbo bad tbrae cbildren : 
•eeY6I.P,p.427. Tbe annulling of tbia 
law waa tbe cbief aim of tbe optimatea at 
tbia time : qp. 08, 1. 

dimHimaUi * as nproaiioua aa if it bad 
ibeen a public meeting. ' 

AnioTfm . . . wniUtt] < tbe eoareityof 
money and tbe bigb prioe of proviaiona 
embitterad tbe debate.' 

2. CapUoUm\ after tbe Gallic iuTaaion, 
mitamtonn»Umifu^(OamiUm) huU Cwfi- 
UUm Jlm^ut . . . polU^iumgu0 ad mmi r^m 
jr. FitrimdUMorwmttUH0r$t exiitquiin 
CapUoHo atqu$ arce habiiarmt, Liy. y. 60, 
4, wbera aee Weiaaenboin'a note. Tbe 
OqpUoUni were therafora a college of 
penona wbo bad obarge of tbe Gapitoliue 
gamea. Tbey are mentioned in an inaorip- 
tionof LanuYium (G. I. L. sir. 2106) in con- 
sezion witb tbe H eronrialea and Luperd. 

MercuruM] were a ooiporation of 
merobanta; cmiamm contuUbui incid&rat 
utir dedicaret M^rcurii atdtm (496 b.c.) ; 
MiuKiif a u r#fli ad p^puktm rmsnt ; utH 
mnrum dsdiMiio iuatu popuU data eaetf 
aum . • . nurcatontm coUtgium mitiitsare. 
Jay, ii. 27, 6. Tbeir f eaat was on May 1 6. 

Smturui] In tbe old edd. tbis word 
immediately foUowa tbe words confi^um 
Zatiar erat', and Stemkopf retains it 
tbere, reading tbe wbdle passage tbua : 
tparo mm Orampeda not confMitte: 
<§td> dUt ^rant dm gui posi Zatwas 
hahmtur r&UgionT^Urum confieium arat 
Zatuw-~<^ it > 0rat egitmrui. He tbinka 
esUtmu can bardly rebr to Gicero, for 
Gicero did not leave town for a few daya 
after tbe betrotbaL Tbis is a verv in- 
genious bandling of tbe passage, and may 
peibaps be rigbt. Bat it is not necessary 
to consider tbat tssUunu must mean 'j'utt 
as I waa about to leaye town ' ; it may 
mean no more tban 'as I was about to 
leaye town* before long. So we baye 
not altered tbe arrangement of Mommsen. 

pirlmtsr eomnwtui] ' slicbUy indis- 
poaed ' : op. iomrnQtiimeuiu of a jebrieula 


EP. 106 (Q. FB. II. S). 

enmque vidi plane integrum, mnltumqne is meoum Bermonem 
habnit et perhumanmn de diBoordiis mulienun noBtiaram. Quid 
quaeris P Nihil f ettiTins. Pomponia antem etiam de te questa 
eety fled haeo coram agemns. 3. Apuero nt difloeen, in aream 

tuam veni : res agebator mnltis fltmotoribus. Longilinm redemp- 
torem oohortatus Bum. Fidem mihi f aoiebat Be Telle nobis plaoere. 
DomuB erit egregia: magis enim oemi iam poterat qnam quantum 
ez forma iudioabamus : itemque noBtra oeleriter aedifloabahir. Eo 
die oenaTi apud OrasBipedem. OenatuB in hortos ad Pompeium 
lectioa latuB sum. Luoi eum oonyenire non potueram quod 
abfuerat. Yidere autem Tolebam quod eram poBtridie Boma 
eziturus et quod ille in Sardiniam iter habebat. Hominem oonveni 
et ab eo petiyi ut quam primum te nobis redderet Statim dbdt 
Erat autem iturus, ut aiebat, a. d. m. Id. Apr. ut aut Labrone 
aut Pisis oonsoenderet. Tu, mi frater, simul et ille yenerit, pri- 
mam nayigationemi dum modo idonea tempestas At, ne omiseris. 
[Ep. 7.] 4. A. d. Ti. Id. April, ante luoem bano epifitulam 
eonsoripsi, eramque in itinere, ut eo die apud T. Titium in Anag- 
nine manerem. Postridie autem in Laterio oogitabam, inde, oum 
in Arpinati quinque dies fuissem, ire in Pompeianum, rediens 
aspieere Cfumanum, ut, quoniam in Non. Maias Miloni dies pro- 
dicta est, pridie Non. Bomae essem teque, mi cariflsime et suavis- 
sime frater, ad earn diem, ut sperabam, yiderem. Aedifloationem 
Aroani ad tuum adyentum sustentari plaoebat Fao, mi f rater, ut 
yaleas quam primumque yenias. 

symbol is (nren as y). For then is a 
repetition ta his appeal to his brother to 
return speedilj (f 8) in { 4. But the 
appeal in f 8 is caused by the request to 
Fompej to send Qnintus nere as soon as 
possible; and Rausehen (p. 41) thinks 
that Cioero nerer beaint a letter stating 
the exact date' at which he is writing, 
though he often makes such a statement 
in the middle of a letter. 

eodie] * to-day.' This illustrates well 
the strange dfeot of the tpUtolar^ Utuet, 

ZaUrio\ X«t»^iMi was the property of 
Quintus, and was in Arpinum. Areanumf 
meutioned below, alsobelonged to Quintust 
and lay between Aquinum and Arpinum, 
probably in the dismct of the latter town, 
where is the modem Rooca d*Aroe. 

from which Attica was suiTeiing, Att. zii. 
11, /n. (608) ; cym Uviier eammotui #i#m, 
Att. xiT. 6, 1 (707). 

8. ybrsMj See on 100, 1. 

XtfM] *m the daytime* : lor this form 
ep. Flaut Amph. 165, Aul. 748. 

Zthtmi] Labro is unknown. Wessel- 
ing subsets <Stf>lih9m, a town men* 
tioned m the Itin. Ant, p. 292, between 
Oosa and Populonium. rossibly under 
mtt JMron$ (Xmtmm) is concealed aut 
KlMttmone which was an important 
harbour in Etmria (Fdyb. ii. 27, 2; 
Flin. H. N. iii. 60 ; Pint Mar. 41 : of. 
G. I. L. zi., p. 416). 

litii] IUm, on the coast of Strmia. 

imutet'] ep. note on Att iL 20, 2 (47). 

4. Eoemer (pp. 17-18) thinks that this 
may be a separate letter : and if so, that 
we should read iii. for n. (in M the 

tuitmtan] < to be kept back till, kept 
in abeyance for, your return.' Oioero 

EP. 107 {ATT. IV. ib). 


107. TO ATTI0X7S, in Italy, on his joubkbt to Bome 

(aTT. IV. 4i). 

ANnuif ; APBn^ (bnd) ob mat (bsgimning), a. u. o. 698 ; B. c. 56 ; 

AST* CIO, no. 

Be Inbliotlieoa loa a Tynnnion^, ope Ubndaonim Attioi, iam restitaenda et de 
exspeotato Attioi adTenta. 


1. Perbelle feoeiis, si ad nos veneris. Oflendes designationem 
Tjraiinionis mirifioam in Ubicram meorom bibliotheoa, quorum 
reliquiae multo meliores sunt quam putaram. Et yelim mihi 
mittas de tuis librariolis duos aliquos quibus Tyrannio utatur 
glutinatoribus, ad cetera administris, iisque imperes ut sumant 

uaes amtmUurt as a synonym olprolatart, 
which is sometmes found with it. Oat. 
ir. 6. 

The kttera to Attions 107, 108, 110, 
112 and the letter to Lnccehis (109) were 
prohahly written at Antinm durinc the 
latter part of April or heginninf of May, 
when Cioero was sojourning uiere for a 
short time on his return from the tour 
through his Tillas sketched out in 106, 4. 
It would appear that the guarta ueaunMo 
(see note to 102, 1) of Milo hy Olodius 
nerer tookpkoe ^ oertainlT we hear notiiing 
of any conclusion to that prosecution: 
so that these is no necessity to suppose 
that Cicero letumed to Borne for that 
trial, as he intended to do (106, 4). For 
further, see Paul Hildebtandt (Ik SchdiU 
dcfnmii Sohistmhut, pp. 27, 28). 

1. mf mm] * to me here in Antium.* 
See on next JBp. { 8 for a different use of 

OJhuUt . . . MUcih^M] M' reads both 
tMsnd M^fioMM»,butNshaTe bibliothMm, 
while those mss which Lehmann oidls 
OHP omit the word (op. J>0 JSpp. ad Ait. 
rMmmuUSf p. 174). fle thinks that we 
should omit the word, and also tM. It 
would be simpler to suppose that •» has 
|ot out of place, and that we should read 
mirijidtm Uhrorum meontm in bibUotJUea. 
Possibly the omission of the word HbUo' 

thica arose from its haying been written 
in Greek letters, or in the f onn bibUothsdm^ 
as in Fsm. ziii. 77, 8 (688). For the 
double genitiYe dmgfnatumem JWommIomm 
. . . Uhrorumt see on 90, 2. The library 
to which Cicero refers was at Antium 
(cp. 112). 

duos aUp§ot] * a oouple' ; aiiftio$ makes 
the number Tsgue : cp. Plant. Men. 960 ; 
he$ aiiquci vi^inti diu, * the next three 
weeks or so ' ; unot ux diss is * just one 
week,' Trin. 166 ; * a fortnight * is gum' 
difiim din, Trin. 402, cp. qumu jaurt, 
in French. 

fflutiiuUerihui] 'tot gluing together 
loose leayes (and) for other puipoees.* 
AaiffuUUn^ wnere there axe only two 
members, is not infrequent; we haye 
smM, jpropmquit 2-yerr. i. 125; opibut, 
viribut, Tnso. ui. 6; so in contrasted 
adjectiyes used for clasriflcation, publioa 
pri9tUa, fmdm fufanda, prima pottrema, 
Ac. This a$ifnd$t9H is the rule in refer- 
ring to colleagues in office— e.g. X. Mar&io 
JPhUippo, P. I&ntulo MaretUino oenaukbtis ; 
so injudicial language, damfa/otr; asqmm 
bwmn. A large number of examples 
are cdleoted by Lehmann (Qnaeet Tull., 
p. 28). 

The duty of the ghAiMttwru would be 
to glue together the separate leayes of 
parchment of which the newly-written 
book consisted, so that they might be 
rolled sound the central reed or stick 

66 EP. 107 {ATT. IV. Vb). 

membrannlaia ex qua indiooB flaat, qaoa ▼(>• Ghneoi, ut opinor, 
<nrr6paQ appellatifl. % Bed haeo, A tibi erit oommodom. Ipee 
T0ro ntique iao yeniaSi d potes in his loob adhaereeoere et Piliam 
adduoere. Ita enim et aequum est etoapit Tnllia. IfediuB fldius 
ne ta emirti X6xov praedanun : gladiatores audio pugnare miri* 

▼hioh loRiMd the azii of IIm eylindtr; preHioiL dropped by him in that letter 

Ihej would also hare to ^ve together U 2) ahowa that he waa at fiiat bond 

leaTea of old hooka whkh had beoome 07 the eomitnr : * afaioe Tyraimio haa 

detaohed. arraofed my limaiy, the hooae haa eeaaed 

imiim] Utbela of pi^ynia or paroh^ to be ohaoai aeema to hare got • mW.' 

ment, onwhibh the title of the book waa Pilia iraa the newly -mamed wife of 

wzittan, aomellmea in deep red, eopo m n or Atdona. 

mf miwrn; they were piobaUy atUushed to MfUrn JUKm m] K4 ia foond with 

theimperoiieof thetwoamNMor 'knoba,* many aaaereiatife partidlea m§iim ^^tUmt. 

which prqfeoted on both enda below and ^iipol, flMMMfor, eapeoially in Oioero and 

above the oylindiiaal loQ whioh formed the oomio poeta. It ia naed nearly alwaya 

the book. in conneiion with a peraonal pronoun, or 

virr^fias] The reading of Mia fiOi^, the demonatnttre ttff , Uts^ hie, and their 
and, aooordinglT, the reading riXX^/Sowr adrerba ; rarely with a poiieiaiTe pron., 
haa been genenlly reoeiTed. Bat in the aa tfd^ «# aiMfli, Ter. Heo. t. 8, 1 (799). 
two other paangea (108, 8; 112, 2) in ^x^l 'Gertea, yon hare tralTbooaht 
whieh Oioero apeaka of theee <taga' or a fine troop.' It waa the habit of wealthy 
'labeb' whioh were fulaned to the Bomana to apeoatate in troopaof g^adia- 
aereral Tolnmea with the name ol the ton, whom uiey let out or idid to the 
book written or painted thereon, the aedflei fdr the public ganea, and to pri> 
xeadingi of M ana Z falao NP) plainly Tate indiTiduala for other purpoeea: lor 
point to nUphm (flrrt deoleoiion) at the inatenoe, we find, 105, 6, that Attioua bad 
form Oioero uaed (eee Adn. Orit). And aold a gang of huHmrii to Oato. The 
thii fonn ia atteited in the Ghneek lezioa, reading of Uie mat hero ia looum* which 
e.g.» Heeydhiua ^trHfitu' 8M/iar(Mu ia quite unintelligible. Attioua had not 
^rl$KmL rh umpk IfuHifuLf whhm ahowa bouf^t any property near Antium, ao far 
that thejr wero leather labela. Again, aa we know; and the reference hero ii 
PoUuz Tfi. 70 etrrifiti' x^'^ ^ Upiueret, plainly to the troop of gladiators, of whom 
(Thia ia, donbtleai, the ccneet aooentna- Oioero goea on to apeak. L&wm could 
tion ; not vinvficu) It ia true, of oourae, not mean ' the plaoe whero the gladiaton 
that thero appeara to be a collateral from were to fight,' lor that waa alwaya the 
9iKX»B99, e.g., fleeybhina (p. 80, ed. pubUo amphitlieatro, and could not be 
Schmidt), «r\Kk»fim* Kp^v^^i (op. Pollux bought by Attioua. The uaual leadinff ia 
▼ii. 64), otlkrk M4fua, xmi K^poxieuta^ Enieati's conj. hiimm ; but we cannot find 
Koi tBw $i0\(mr rh Upftmra. But now that thia word erer cignifiea a troop of 
auch a collateral f6nn aroae^ Lobeck gladiators; it inTariablydenotea the mAm/ 
{PatMo^Ui 8$rmoni$ Oimmi JPriieg^mina, m which they wero trained. Now, it 
p. 890) regarda aa inezplioable ; and it ia would be atrange that Oioero should con- 
not lixaly that Oicero would not haye gratulate Attioua on haying secured a good 
adopted ue same form in the diffnent school or training-place wherein they 
Mssagea in which he haa uaed the word, could train for the forthcoming spectacles. 
Most probably, in the passage beforo us, If this is the meaning of the passage, we 
the word was written in Greek ; and if might as well retain loeum of the msa. We 
the top-stroke of T waa made to slope have accepted the conj. of Bodua: \6x9» 
alightly, the conf asion with A would would be a yery natunl term for a troop, 
easfly arise. See alao Haupt'a G^nacula, famiUa, of gladiaton, and might appear 
in., p. 411. in the mas aa looitm, if written in Latin 

2. MdJUu>ro$otre\ *if yoa can atick in characten, as Greek words yery often are 

such places aa thu ' ; tne word impliea in the lettera. 

that to stay in a suburban retreat required jm^nare miri/ioi] 1 hear they are fight- 

a yolnntary effort of the wflL In Ep. ing splendidly (Le. in practiBing for the 

112, Oicero pnuaea Antium, but an ex- gamea). 

JSP. 108 (ATT. ir. 6). 


fioe. 8i looare ToluifiBes, daobus his xnaneribaB liber esses. Bed 
haao postorins. Ta fao venias, et de librariis, si me amas, dili- 

108. TO ATnOUS, AT Bomb (Ait. iv. 6). 

AKmJM ; AFBIL (BND) OB MAY (bBOINKINO), A. U. a 698 ; B. C. 66 ; 

ABT. da 50* 

M. Oioero de froXiyySi^ a le toripta, qpam com aliis prius quun cum Attioo oom- 
mimioaTBnt m ezoiuat et our Optimatibiis reliotii ed hnnc se potiarimnm applioet 
e^ooity dflin de lebna domestioii* 


1* A in ta P an me existimas ab uUo malle mea legi probari- 
que quam a teP Our igitor coiquam misi pxiusP TTrgebar 

be right in rejecting tm before ms, but it 
doei not seem imponible to retain it. 
SejjSert read Ain Umdmn f ep. Tuio. t. 
86. The meaning ie, 'what! do you 
think there is any by whom I would 
rather have my writings read and liked 

MMj^Thii wai oertainly the document 
which C3ioero calli vaxuf^lof or his ' re- 
cantation.' Many conjectures haTC been 
made identiiying this with some one of 
the writings of Oicero. Some of these 
may be dismissed. It was not» as Em. 
thought, the poem on hii consulate, which 
was written much earlier : see Att. ii. 8, 
8(29); nor the poem d!» <0iRfwri^ «tfit, to 
which he refers in Fam. i. 9, 28 (168) in 
words inconsistent with such expressions 
as iubringiiUur here, when be says that in 
that poem ' his condemnation of others was 
gentle and narin^ .' If the va\irf»8/a is 
to be identified with any of the ipritingi 
of Cicero, and was not merely a letter or 
some direct communication to Oaesar, it 
was either (as Mommsen suggested) the 
or. de prw. mmmkaribut, of which the 
eidogy of Caesar's conquests in (Hul 
occupies a large part, or the or, pro 
BMo, which may airiy be regarded as a 
bid for the farour not only of Caesar but 
of the whole triumvirate. It seems to us 
tluuL if it was not a letter, far the most 
likcdy hTpotheais is that which sees the 
ira\irf8ta in the or. do prov, ootu» The 
greater part of this speech from < 18 to 40 
could hiodly be better described than by 

s< • • . tfsfii] <If yon had chosen to 
hiie tiwm out (already), yon would haTO 
cleared yoor expenses by the two aediU- 
cian spectades giTen this year.' Atticus 
could not haye wanted the gladiatars, 
exeept to hire them out or to sell them. 
We may snppoee he did not think they 
wereaayetsniBeientiytrained. Conadus, 
who would read jnynoiM, suggests that 
Attieas had giyen a MMmit in honour of his 
unole, who died the year before. Boot 
suspects, finim the last words of Ep. 112, 
that the gladiators had not acquitted 
themselYeB well, and that the words here 
ahonld be taken ironically ; but the words 
d that letter do not Just&y this Tiew. 

Msr] Boot oompares to, liior ad U 
esMM, PUn. Ep. iii 9, 18. lAhorauoo is 
the ms reading. Boot, retaining /i6#fM««#, 
would (in pursuance of his theory about 
the ironical character of the sentence) 
explain the word as «»— «i«g < you would 
hare giTcn them all their freedom'; that 
is, Hsij would hafe fought so badly that 
they would all now be 'free among the 

diUfmUor'] For a Terb of acting omitted 
cp. Att T. 4, 2 (187) 2>o 2br^iM(o proho 
(so./Mlslt), and often. So that there is 
no necessity to add s^m with Milller, 
thou^ after mms it micht hare fallen 
out, and a^oro doia often found : op. Att. 
i. 6, 2 (2) ; ii 7, 2 (84) ; iy. 16>t (144). 

LAintufmo] 'What I do you think 
then is anyone by whom,' Ac iBoot may 


EP. 108 {ATT. IV. 5). 

ab 60 ad quern misi, et non habebam exemplar. Quid t etiam — 
dudom enim oiroamrodo quod deyoiandom est — sabtarpioala 
yidebatur esse waXivt^Sta. Sed valeant reota, Tera, honesta 

the word vaAirySU; it if an amituU 
kotMTBkU to Cmimtf end li lamly a 
hiatorica] xeriewof diatingiualuid men 
wbo Mtm MfM iiti&Ma timii m ^mtiam 
rmUirmU. Thna Giovo deduaa for 
Caanr and tba triiuinn» and r s e m ti bia 
optimata eraad. It ia true that tlia or. 
pro BMo eontaina ({ 61) a paaM^ rary 
aimilar in tona to tna ar. ib jwiw. mm., 
but tlie latter w&» wrUtm JInt; it ia 
plainly alluded to in ar. jwv BMc, { 61 ; 
and in a raoantation, if any wKere, a# n*0$t 
qu$UprmHi§rpa$gm§9AU, MoraoTer, thia 
waa the JInt orertara to Caaaar made by 
Cicero abce bis exile, wbereaa be bad 
aupported the giTxng of the ooauniadonar* 
abip of the oom-acg^plT to Pompey, and 
bad ffloriiied him m the or. pro Sniio, 
See Hommaen, B. H. It. 811, noU. 

But it ia not by any meana certain that 
the "pdinode * may not haye been, aa 
Dr. Acid baa pointed out, a direct com- 
munication to Caeiar. The wmy Cicero 
apeaka of it, aa cuttinf him off from 
letxeat, could not refer to the mere 
ptMMnf of the oration d» prov. com., 
for the deliTery of it waa the act which 
committed him. And if a public apeech 
waa the 'palinode,' what Attioua aaya 
(giMM faotnmf non HUnn ut toribortm) 
would amount to thia, that Cicero abould 
apeak and Tote in public in fkrour of 
Caeaar, but ahould not publiah bis R>eechea 
— ^whioh ia aurely unlikely, whaterer 
atreaa we dhooae to lay on the pennanence 
of the ' written word.' And the worda 
urf$hnr atoond fuom miti point naturally 
to a communication of a direct nature with 
Caaaar, to which one of Caeaar'a frienda 
rpohapa Pompey) had urged Cicero. The 
datea, too, are troubleaome, if we regard 
the ' palinode' aa an oration. It seema aa 
if Cicero waa making a tour throu|[h bia 
Tillaa during the latter end of Apm and 
the bednniDg of May (op. 106, 4 : cp. note 
to lOff 1), and did not ratom to Bome 
untH towarda the end of the month. Dur- 
ing a aojoom at Antium in the courae of 
thia tour, probably towarda the end of April 
or beginnmg of May, he wrote Epp. 107 
to 110 and 112 (op. introductory note to 
107). If we anppoae thia to be the caae, 
we muat bold that Cicero did not deliver 
the or. do proo. eono. until his return at 
the end of May, and ao the ' palinode ' 

could not be that oratioa. It ia juat 
poaaible, but moat unlikely, that a pre- 
liminary aketoh of the or. doproo. oono. 
ia meant : a more direct auixender ia ftr 
more probable. Bauaohen, howeyer, 
thinka that Cicero returned to Bome from 
Ida tour at the beginnuig of May ; de- 
liyerad the or. tf* proo. oono. in tfao 
beginning of June ; mid after that went 
down to Antinm, whence he deapatched 
107 to no and 112. Thia ia poa^Ue, 
and muat be adopted if we auppoee the 
'palinode' to be the or. do proo. oono. 
But, on the whole, we oonfeai to prefer- 
ring the yiaw that aeea in the * palinode' 
a dneot communication to Caeiar written 
at the end of April or earl^r in May, when 
the meaaageaof thetriumyin aent through 
Quintua reached Maroua Oioero. 

nb «o] Thia probably meana Pompey. 

Qmdfoiinm} 'anything elaeP yea': 
•ee Att i. 18, 6 (19); and niUid fmdt 
otiam, Att. ii. 6, 2 (88). 

owotmrodol * I keep nibbling round 
my leek that I aball haye to awallow' 
(Jeana^. But Cioero had eaten the leek 
when no lent hie recantation to CacMr. 
The meening ia, ' what I haye to confeaa 
to you ia a bitter pill ; I aball haye to 
awallow it, but you aee I can only bring 
myfdf to nibble at it.' The confeadon 
ia, 'that the recantation waa aomewhat 

vnlomnil ' good-bye to ' : cp. Att zfi. 
16, 6 {8bl)~i^ro ioU ^nloant. Thua 
the paamge ia uaually undentood. and it 
may well be right. The good old opti- 
mata policy baa departed, owing to the 
treacboy and wortbleaaneaB of the ao- 
called optimatea. But it ia remarkable 
that, in a letter written not yanr long 
after tUa, picero appUaa two of theie 
three adjectiyea to the conduct of Jhm» 
popt to whom be ii now tranafarring hia 
allegiance : UnUtm anion indnotio ot 
mohoroulo amor orpa JPompoium apud mo 
vdUt utquaoittitaiUa ount ot quaoiOomUt 
oa mihi omnia iam ot recta et yera vuImm- 
iur, 119, 2. If he here applies the attri- 
butea roetOf vora^ honoota to the oonoilia 
of the triumyira, then oaloant muat haye 
quite tiie opposite meaning: 'let the 
atraigbtforwa]^ fair, honourable policy 
(ofttie triumyin) preyail; yon would 
hardly belieye in the poaiibility of auoh 

SP. 108 {ATT. ir. 6). 


Non ^ oredibile qnaa sit perfldia in istiB prinoipibuB, nt Tolont 
eflse et ut eeaent si qnidqnam haberent fldei. SenBeram, noram^ 
indaotoB, reliotus, proieotoB ab lis ; tamen boo eram in animo ut 
oom 118 in re pnblioa oonsentiiem. lidem erant qui fuerant. Yix 
aliquando to auotore resipni. 2. Dioefl eatenus te suasisse qua 
iaoerem, non etiam ut soriberem. Ego meheroule mibi neoefldta- 
tem Tolui imponere buiua novae ooniunotionis, ne qua mihi lioeret 
labi ad illos, qui etiam turn, cum misereri mei debenti non deai* 
nunt invidere. Sed tamen modid fnimuB iwoQlvu^ ut scripsi. 
ErimuB uberiores, d et ille libenter aodpiet et ii subringentur qui 
Tillam me moleste ferunt babere quae Gatuli fuerat, a Yettio me 
emiflse non oogitant : qui domum negant oportuisse me aedifloare, 
yendere aiunt oportuisBe. Sed quid ad boo, si quibuB Bententiia 
dixi quod et ipsi probarent laetati Bunt tamen me oontra Fompei 
Toluntatem diziBBe P FiniB Bit Quoniam qui nibil poBBunt ii me 
noluni amarOt demuB operam ut ab iia qui posBunt diligamur. 
3. Dioee: 'yellem iam pridem.' Soio te yoluiflse et me aBinnm 
gennanum fmsBe. Sed iam tempuB eet me ipBum a me amari» 
quando ab illia nullo modo poasum. Domum meam quod orebro 

tretehar ai the leading optimaieB axe 
guilty Of.' Oioero liad alwayi oomplained 
of ue want of Mu in the leading opti* 
matea. What he now oommends in the 
trioniTin is their Btndghtforwaidneae. 
Virm ie <lair/ aa in Att ii. 1, 8 (27). 
The Mntiment would then be t^ r, «2 

in igtii prineipibm. 

kuhuhu] * taken in aa I have been': 
8eeonAtt.iii. 16, 7(78). 

fwrmU] * Tbey haye now ihown 
thenuMlTea to be just the tame aa thej 
were in the matter of mv exile.' 

2. mitemtt U mafftMj ' that your ad- 
Tioe only had raferenoa to my aotiooBy 
but thai you had not adyised me to make 
a written oonfeaaion of faith.' 

noi9m$ eomnmeiionui] with the triumvin. 

moUd fidrnm ^od^o't i] * moderate in 
the treatment of my theme.' 

UW] probably Caesar. 

wlrJM^MitNr] Subringi (l«. «/p.) is ' to 
make a wry face '; henoe < to be annoyed.' 

CtttmK] Cicero's Tusoulan yilla had 
belongea to Catulus, and originally to 
Sulla, Plin. H. N. xziL 12. Cicero 
acquired it in 686 (68). 

vmidir$'\ ie. the site. 

qMUhoc.til 'what is all that I 
have told yon to the idea of their ezultinff 
in the fiust that the yetf speeches which 
I made in furtherance of the optimate 
polioy were alienating me from Pompey.* 
Si iMUtti tmU * 'if they exulted, as they 
did': seeFam.i. 9, 10(168). 

lUiii nt"] ep,diplormidiquid0m .», ni 
iam nobii mU JIihu oiimino, ii poi$$tf tnU 
modmUio qumfdmn^ Att z. 4, 1 (882). 

8. arifium gwrmamm fui$m] Cicero 
ealla himself * a downright aas ' for not 
baring made common cause with tbe 
triumyirs long before. Oimumui is a 
faTourite expression with Cicero ; we meet 
gtmumitiiimuMf Ae. ii; 182 ; ep. f^rmamt 
iUu9i§t, Plant. Moat 40 ; g§rmtma0 gwrmt^ 
Poen. 187. IWfa, jwrnt putu$ are used 
in same way in comic drama ; cp. T/fwr 
Ka9tLpist Ar. Ay. 1649. Atinut waa used 
in later Latin as a type of obstinacy 
as well as of stupidity, as in demiU^ 
tturieuUt ut imquas mmtii oiiUutf Hor. 
8. i. 0, 20. Perbaps here, too, Cicero 
refers to his obstinafe pertinacity in 
adhering to the opHnmUi. 

Domwm sMmal tbe house which was 
being rebuilt at ttome. 


SP. 108 {ATT. IF. S). 

inviflis, est mihi yalde gratam. "Viatioam Oraaripes praaripii. Ta 
* de via reota in bortoa.' Yidetnr oommodhia ad te : poatridie 
aoilioet: quid enim tnaP Bed Tiderimua. Biblioiheoain mihi tai 
pinxemxit oosafaraotione et nttybiB ; eoa Telim landea. 

Otoiripmtl ' OvMi^ ii loreftaUiii^ tU 
my tESTBUinff moiiej/ thatii, 'tlM az- 
penaef ofTiiiIk'ibeMhil and her dowxy 
«ra OBBployins all mj iptre 111O1107.' 

2W . . . vimtrmui] * Y<m lay in your 
letter to HM y9U muH eom$ ttrtticJUfi^m 
<iU fmi to iny tukm rk m pUIm. I think it 
would ho Bioio oonTonient to go to toot 
town hoQM : I can fo to your horif tho 
nozt dMrjfor whaimflnrenoo oanit make 
to TOQ r fiowererp we oan think it over.' 
Thia if Boot'f "new of the meaninff of 
the lentenoe, and it if the only one wnieh 
siTea a tolerahle aenfe, for ad U measf 
'to yoor town hoaae,' aa haa heen aheady 
pointed oat. 

jftlMv MMfn iUMl fO* Ttpfft* 

pimg0nm^ 'haTe DeantifJed my 11- 
hnury.* There were now no looae ftripa 
of parohment lying abont. Tbeae were 
now fl^ned to^rther, roUed xonnd the 
oentnu reedy or ftioky whieh waa the azia 
of the oylinder formed hy the rolled 

parohment, and fumifhed with JmH ct t in 
foadet lettera, ICart. iii. 3, 11. 

cantint^iomj thia la the putting to- 
gether of the aheeti lor roUing them 
roond the atiek. Oioero hare teua Att. 
that hia UhrwioH haTe earried out hia 
intentiona e xpreaied in tiie laat letter: they 
ha?e glued together the roEi of paroh- 
ment, and hftTO fnmiahed them with 
ifMKMf. HertihcigoonjeetDredaMM<ri0<»e, 
oompazing Mart nr. 37, who deaoribea 
a MfintiMM in thia eouplet eomlritiot nifi 
da§ mM Uhellot Mdmittmm tmimi tmctiqti^ 
hUUUu (where, howerer, the beat maa. read 
Mtetof), and Karqnardt-Mau (p. 817, 
note 8) f oUow him. Henoe it haa been 
anppoaed that ctmHricUo meant the tight 
liitiwing up of the rolla of parohment in 
•n^toiorwrapperi; butMiMlr^idianot 
a technical term ; eontirictot in Mart, (if 
right) merely meana tightly rolled. For 
tiu^kis, which aeem to be the aame aa 
ifwfMM, op. note to 107, 1. 

EP. 109 {FAM. V. le). 


109. TO LUOOEIUB (Fam. v. 12). 
AimuH ; APRIL (end) OB KAT (bboikkino) ; A. U. C. 698 ; B. C. 56 ; 

AET. dC. 50. 

IL Gioeio L. Luoodnm toiptoram hiiitorionin aon ignolulem liao epiBtala inmma 
arte eomposita rogat ut de rebus a le in oonsolata too gesds et de diioetsa reditoque 
Hbm oomponat. 

M. dCEBO 8. D. L. LUCCBIO, 0. F. 

1« Ooram me teoum eadem haeo agere saepe oonantem deteiruit 
pudor quidam paene sabrastious, quae nuno ezpromam absens 
andados : epistola exum non erabesoit. Ardeo oupiditate inoredi- 
bili neque, ut ego arbitror/ reprebendenda, nomen ut nostrum 
soriptiB illustretur et oelebretur tuis. Quod etd mihi saepe osteu- 
disti te esse faotunmii tamen ignosoas yelim buio f estinationi meae. 

ItMT) Thif letter ii eztramelj in- 
temtmg, if for no other reason, beoanse 
Oioero himself describes it as fdUk helU^ 
Ep. 110, 4. We hare in this letter an 
example of what seemed to Cicero a reall j 
prwtiif letter. We can see therefors that 
he saw nothing ignoble in askinff for a 
Terdiet more faTOurable thsa the Isets of 
the ease wonld iranant. It would now 
be considered nngentlemanliVe to ask for 
sueh a irerdict from a friend who was 
engaged in writing a History. It would 
be a Tiolation of an unwritten code which 
now exists, but did not exist in the time 
of Oioero. A modem, finding himself 
in the same circumstances as Oioero, 
would most probably intrigue f6r the 
fafOiind>le yerdiot oiE his friend the 
historian, but it is Tery unlikely that he 
would openly ask for it. 

Still some excuse may be made for 
Gioero. Now that he had been compelled 
to abandon the optimate party and to 
attach himself to the triumyirs, hit repu- 
tation must hare been somewhat impaind ; 
and a panegyric by an eminent publicist 
sad hirtorian might do something towards 
psnoading the public that Cicero was stiH 
a great man ; tlmt probably his conduct was 
jusdjBahle ; and at any rate it would be a 
sobee to hear his ancient glories tminpeted 
anew* Besides, however much Cfioero 
knew the true principles of history ^p. 
note to {[ 8), we must remember that 
Bomaa historiography, as a rule, was 

ihetorical rather than scientific (op. 
QuintiL x. 1, 8) : Sutoria , . ,ett ^mdun 
prosimm poetU $1 guodmn modo cmrmtn 
iohUum §t icribUur 9d narrandum non ad 
probandumf toiumqut opnt non ad aeiuin 
rHpHgnamqn$pra$§mt$m ad ad mmnoriam 
poioHtattM §t ingmni f amam oomponOur, 

Lucceius had prosecuted Catiline inUr 
iicarioi in 690 (64) for murder conmiitted 
during the Sullim proscri|^ons, and some 
speeches of Lucceius agamst Catiline aio 
mentioned by Asconius (p. 92, 10 : 98, 9 
OreUi). He stood unsuccessfully for tiie 
consulship for 696 (69) : cp. Att. 1. 17, II 
(28|, and appears to haye afterwards, like 
Ssllust, deyoted himself to history. Dio, 
the Alexandrian philosopher, who came 
to Bome in 697 (57), as ambaBsador of the 
Alexandrians, to oppose Ptolemy, lodffed 
with Lueoeins, and was murdered in his 
house (Cic Gael. 61-66). He was a 
strong supporter of Pompeyin the CSyU 
War (cjp. Att iz. 11, 8 (367) and Caes. 
B. 0. ni. 18, 8), but must haye been 
pardoned by Caesar, as we possess a letter 
of his to Uoero^ yis. Fam. y. 14 (686), 
written in 709 (46). 

1. Ooram] see on Ep. 116, 1. 

pador o md a m paono tubruttiout] 'a 
sort of slmost country shyness.* For 
the opposite cp. Hor. Epist. L 9, 11 
Frontis ad wrhlmao dftcendi praomia. 

ignotoat] 'pardon my impatience.' 
Cp. Att xiL 26, 1 (662), tvu occupationi* 


EP. 109 (FAM. V. It). 

Genus enim soriptoroin tuornm etsi erat semper a me yehementer 
exspeotatimii tamen vioit opinionem meam meqae ita yel oepit Tel 
inoendit ut ouperem quam oelenime res nostras monimentis oom- 
mendari tuis. Neque enim me solom oommemoxatio posteritatis 
ad spem quamdam immortalitatiB rapit, sad etiam ilia oapiditas 
nt Tel aaotoritate testimoni tui Tel indioio beneToIentiae Tel 
soaTitate ingeni TiTi perfmamnr. 2. Neque tamen, haeo oom 
soribebamy eram nesoius qoantis oneribus premerere sosoeptarum 
rerom et iam institatarmn. sed onia Tidebam Italioi belli et dTilis 
historiam iam a te paene esse perfeotam, dizeias antem mihi te 
reliqaas res ordiri, deesse mihi nolo! qnin te admonerem at 
eogitaiee ooniunotene malles onm reliquis rebus nostra oontexere 
an, nt mnlti Gbaeoi fecerunt^ Oallisthenes Phooioom bellum, Ti- 
maeos Pyirhi, Foljbius Nomantinum, qui omnes a perpetuis suis 
historiis ea quae dizi separaTerunt, tu quoque item oiTilem 
<x>niurationem ab hostilibus eztemisque bellis seiungeres. Equidem 
ad nostram laudem non multum yideo interesse, sed ad propera- 
tionem meam quiddam interest non te ezspeotare dum ad locum 
yenias, ao statim eausam illam totam et tempus adripere. Et 

Om u»\ 'the ohmetar of tout wxit- 
iHg^' i.0. * TOUT tnoeeM xa tbii bxaneh 
•of Utemtiue.* Op. ^M#r# UtUrmrwm 
MMfiMiy 115, 8. Oioeio had i^ea a 
^pedmaii of Luooeiui' work, whioh 
greitly inoraued hif adxnixatioii few the 
writer, tad hi* dedxe to feoure for hlm- 
ielf a plaoe in his Hittorj. 

fw iMf^TM] * the history of mjr eon- 
eulahip.' Gp. 110, 4. 

mmmmwrtKti^ pogUritatiiX op. m$m 
4MMMMMr«<t0M#, Piano. 96. The genitiTe 
in oonnezioa with oawummcrmtio is nsnally 
an objeodTe senitire, PhiL ii. 51 ; here 
po9ttf%t0tu is a subjeotiTe genitire, 'the 
pndses of fntnie ages.' Oommmmortitio 
in Oioero always » prtuiicatiOf neyer 
r$oordaiiOt op. Beid on Axoh. 29. 

v$l0ntoUiriUU . . .pw-frimmmX The mean- 
ing of the sentenoe is that Oicero wishes 
to enjoy, in his lifetime^ that acooont of 
hii ezploits which, if he did not mge 
Luooeius to haste, might not he published 
till after his death. Oioero seems to feel 
eoxe that the aocount will be favoumble ; 
but he ii not sure whether the oommen* 
dation whidi he expects from Luooeius 
will be tiie authoritatiTe ezpzession of the 
historian's real judgment, or a token of 
friendly feeling on the part of a friend. 

or. finally, an instanee of the sweetness 
wideh ohazaeterises the whole disposition 

2. m u otplmum . . • tasfttntorNsi] The 
oontrast is between adopting a resolation 
and beginning to put it into pmotioe: op. 
Att i. 19, 6 (25), and Aroh. 1. 

emkmUtm\ * to woik into the oontext 
of year History.' What Oioero prafemed 
was that Loooeias should publiui a His- 
tory of his ooDsolate separately. 

OtUUtheim'] The hiitorian who ae- 
oon^nied AloEander the Great, and was 
executed by him (op. Grote xii. 8d fl). 
He composed three historical works--- 
l.Helleiiioa,from887to887B.o. 2. His- 
tory of the Sacred War, alluded to here. 
8. rii Ktn^ 'AX^^orSpor. 

^WuMitf] This historian, who iionrished 
at the bepnning of the third century b.c, 
besides his great w<Rk on Sicily, composed 
a nanatiTe oi the wars of Pyrrhus. 

iV^rKtM] As friend of ScipioAMoanus, 
he composed an aocount of the Numantine 

ad UnmJ * to the proper place.' Op. 

yered at an unsuitable time,' Fam. xi. 
16, 1 (888). 
Me] OopulatiTB ooojnnotions are often 

EP. 109 {FAM. r. ISf). 


amul, fii tmo in argomento unaqne in persona mens tua tota 
venabitur, oexno iam animo quanto omnia nberiora atque ornatiora 
futoxa flint. Neque tamen ignoro quam impudenter faoiam qui 
piimnm tibi tantom qneris imponam — potest enim mihi denegare 
oooupatio tua — , deindeetiaui nt omes me postulem. Quid, si 
ilia tibi non tanto opere Tidentur omanda P 8. Sed tamen, qui 
semel vereoundiae finis transierity earn bene et naviter oportet esse 
impudentem. Itaque te plane etiam atque etiam rogo ut et omes 
ea yehementius etiam quam fortasse sentis et in eo leges hisfcoriae 
neglegas gratiamque illam, de qua suavissime, plemssime quodam 
in proboemio scripsistii a qua te defleoti non magis potuisse demon- 
^tras quam Heroxdem Xenophontium ilium a Yoluptate, eam, si 
me tibi yehementius oommendabit* ne aspernere amorique nostro 
plusonlnm etiam quam oonoedet yeritas largiare. Quod si te 
adduoemus ut hoe susdpias, erit, ut mihi persuadeo, materies digna 
f aoultate et oopia tua. 4. A prindpio enim ooniurationis usque ad 
reditum nostrum yidetur mihi modicum quoddam corpus oonflci 
posse, in quo et ilia poteris uti ciyilium commutationum soientia 
yel in explioandis causis rerum noyarum yd in remediis inoom- 
modorum, cum et reprehendes ea quae yituperanda duces et quae 
plaoebunt ezponendis rationibus oomprobabis et, si liberius, ut 
consuesti, agendxim putabis, multorum in nos perfidiam, insidias, 
proditionem notabis. Multam etiam casus noetri yarietatem tibi 
in soribendo suppeditabunt plenam cuiusdam yoluptatis, quae 
yehementer animos hominum in legendo, te soriptore, tenere 
poesit. Nihil est enim aptius ad deleotationem lectoris quam 

vied in Latin irhere ire Blunild naeadTena- 
Ixve : op. SaU. Jug. 107 nikU dolo faetum 
MO magU eaUidUaU lugurthae ; Gio. Bom. 
Am. 10 ; AiDh. 11 ; SoUa 21, aad Eeid's 

ponand]^ * personality/ 'p«z«ona^y' 
the man in hu publio and leoogniaed 
ohaxaotar: op. Att. Tiii. 11 D. 7 (848), 
ix. 11 A. 1 J866] ; Fam. iv. 6, 6 (566) : 
«p. note to Fam. Ti. 6, 11 (iSS). 

^ • . . imponam] * in im^poting.' 

8. imts 0t mmUrj There u no reason 
to sttspeot 0t : op. liy. zliii. 7, 8, though 
Ufis mMfiUr is found in Seneca De Ofio 

tmtii] Note the indio. in Orat. Obli- 
oua : op. oonc$det helow ; and Lebreton's 
fine anay of passages 865-^72. 

Ugst hittarias] cp. Cio. De Orat 62 
Ham ^uit mmt primam eu0 MtUriae 
Ugtm, iM piid fnUi diare audeat f deinde 
ne quid 9^ mn audsat f no quao sutpMo 
gratias tU in icriUndo f n$ quae timuUatii f 
< nothing eartennate or set down aught in 
malioe.* Op. f lin. £p. yii. 88^ 10. 

gratiamqtto] * personal regard.' 

MorenM] The celebrated apologue of 
Ptodious : Xen. Mem. ii. 1, 21. 

Mm] For this opanaloptitf op. iUud 
quod ..,idto nunc etiam atque eHam roqo, 
Fam. ziii. 67, 2 (204) ; lex eumptuaria^ 
quae pidetur Xirdrtira aihtliue, ea mihi 
fraudifidi, £p. 94, 2 : Oat. iu 27. 

4. eorpuel a period of hutcry haying 
an intrinsic unity, ' a Tolume.' See on 
Att. ii. 1, 8 (27) ; Ep 186, 4. . 


EP. 109 (FAM. V. IS). 

temponim Tariet&tes f ortnoaeque TieiflBitadineB : quae etsi nofaia 
optabiloB in experiendo non foenrnt, in legendo tamen erunt 
inonndae : habet enim piaeteriti doloria seonra reoordatio deleota* 
tionem. 5. Ceteris yero nulla perfonotia propria molestia objsub 
antem alienofl sine nllo dolore intnentilma etiam ipsa 
eat iuonnda. Quern enim nostrum iUe moriens apud 
Epaminondsa non oum quadam miseratione deleotatP qui turn 
denique sibi eyelli iubet spiculum, postea quam ei peroontanti 
diotom est olipeum esse salTum, ut etiam in Tulneris dolore aequo 
animo oom laude moreretur. Cuius studium in legendo non 
ereetum Themistodi fuga f redituque retinetur P Etenim ordo ipse 
annalium mediocriter nos retinet quasi enumeratione fsstomm : at 
Tiri saepe ezoellentis andpites variique casus habent admirationemt 
ezspeotationem, laetitiam, molestiam, spem, timorem : si yero ezitu 
notabili oonduduntur, expletur animus iucundissima leotionis 
yoluptate. 6. Quo mihi aodderit optatius, si in bao sententia f ueris 
ut a oontinentibus tuis soriptis, in quibus perpetuam rerum gestarum 
historiam oompleoterisi seoemas bane quasi fabulam rerum eyen- 

Mtt . • . i$ls9tmium$m] op. iuavU 
Uihonm mi prmtUritomm numaria, Fin. 
ii. 105, Gioero'i traadation of &xa' 4iM 
T«i vmiim /MfUfH^itu v^wmv, Emr. Prag. 
181 (NanokV. 

6. CUirifl for the Mntiment, see 
Att ii 7» I (Sp. 34], end the note 

Fj M imim o ndM t] ep. Fin. ii. 97. 

eum pmdmm muertOiom iUUaiatl ' the 
pathetio ohann of the scene.' Up. De 
Sen. 62, ut qtmmHi cum .admiraiionc d$» 

fu§u fMiUiMw] Bat Themistocles did 
not retimi. Yet this cannot be a funifto' 
tfuAp hfUftmuL of Cicero, though such 
atenotnoe. (In DiT. ii. 68 there is a 
xemaikaUe Aqmm m$m&ria4, even Aaa- 
mmm iot UUsa.) For Cicero, in otiier 
plaoea— «.^. Brat 48; Att. ix. 10, 8 
(366); LaeL 48--dwells on the fact that 
Thendstoeles ^ not return after his exile. 
It is ooite imppasible that in the word 
reditu Cioero refers to the fact that Them- 
istocles was brought back to Athens after 
his death, and secretlT bnried there, though 
this is ref ened to in the passage aboTe 
quoted from the Brutui. It has therefore 
bean proposed to read AMbiadit for Thrnn* 
UtocH ; atint4rUupi0(FeimnuB) or csituquc 
(Kayser)' for riiitufue. Perhaps what 

Cicero really wrote was, ThtmUtocUfigaf. 
Ccriokm Jufu rtilUuquc, Or, if it be 
objected that Cicero mentions no famons- 
Bomans in this letter, bat only Oreeks, 
we migh^ on Ihe same prmciple of 
cofTvg^tio «r Aosisec^ ri wite, add < Tkrm* 
$^huU fu§m >. Fslmer proposed ArittUU 
for JisnUstMli. In two of the places 
quoted aboTO (Att ix. 10, 8 and Lael. 42) 
he ooaples Themistodes and Coriolaans. 
If the copyist, haTingwxitten ThtmutocH 
fitfAf happened to raise his eyes from his 
task, he would mentaUy note that he was 
to resume it after the word fufm ; bat if 
the word fuga occurred twice in the 
passage (the two hmf separated by only 
one word), the copyist might Tcry pos- 
sibly go on writ^ after the secona>tya, 
not me first This is such a prolMo 
source of error in copyists that it would 
be desirable to haye a tenn to denote it 
Perhaps i^eroMtpiy would be a more con- 
Tenient term than eprrwpltd $» hmnoco' 
Ul$ut9, , 

ffiri ioipe exc$ttttUit] For this position 
of iup$ cp. Att i. 14. 1 (20). 

6. miUntia . .ut , . smmhim] < if you^ 
come to the resolntion of separating.' 

quoii fabulam] 'a kmd of oxama.' 
For political events compaxed to a drama 
op. Att i. 18, 2 (24), Q. Fr. L 1, 46 (80). 

xp. 109 (FAM. r. le). 


toromqae noBtromm: habet enim Tanos aetuB multasqne aotioneB 
et ocmflilioniin et temponun. Ao non yereor ne adBontatiTmouIa 
quadami anoapari toam gratiam yiieaXf earn hoo demonatremi me a 
te potimriTnum onuuci oelebraiique yeUa Neque eoim ta is ea, qui 
quid 810 neaoiaB et qui non eoa magia qui te non adndientor 
inyidoB qnam eoa qni landent adaentatorea arbitrere. Neqne 
antem ego aom ita demena ut me aempitemae glome per earn 
commendari Telim qui non ipae quoqne in me oommendando 
propriam ingeni gloriam oonaeqnatnr. 7. Neque enim Alexander 
ille gratiae oauaa ab Apelle potiaaimum pingi et a Ljaippo flngi 
Yolebaty aed quod illorom artem eum ipaia tum etiam aibi gloxiae 
fore putabat. Atque illi artifloea oorporia aimulaora ignotLs nota 
fadebant: quae yel ai nulla aint, mhilo aint tamen obaouriorea 
olari yiri. Nee minua eat Spartiatea Ageailaua Hie perhibendua, 
qui neque piotam neque fiotam imaginem auam paaaua eat ease, 
quam qui in eo genere laborarunt; unua enim Xenophontia 
libellua in eo rege laudando facile omnia imaginea omnium 
atatoaaque anperayit. Atque hoo praeatantiua mihi fuerit et ad 
laetitiam animi et ad memoriae dignitatem, ai in tua aoripta per- 
yenerOi quam ai in oeterorum, quod non ingenium mihi aolum 
auppeditatum fuerit tuum, aiout Timoleonti a Timaeo aut ab 
Herodoto Themiatooli» aed etiam auotoritaa olariBaimi et apeotatiB- 
aimi yiri et in rei publioae maximia gzayiaaimiaque oauaia oogniti 

actm . . . iwi%on$t] The metaphor of 
'druDA* if kept up, * acte and inddents 
(ioenea).' HadTig laltered mmlUuqiii ac' 
ti(m$9 mto muttUi!n$iqui. 

quid Ht] op. H umquam in Hcetub 
fi£mm uhquid^ 01. 2 ; quid imrn tuM, 
Att iiL 15, 2 (78) ; mhU ite m<, Att 
i. 19, 4 (26). The measing of the whole 
panage is: 'yon know your own 
worth ; you aze more likely to nupeet 
enTy in thoae who do not admire yon, 
than ayeophanoy in thoae who do ; and I 
am not ao itnpid aa to liak my Aitnre 
fame in the hands of one not fitted for the 
taak— of one not oapable of ihowing hia 
own genins while pzaifling me.' 

7. gratiae cauiaj aa a mark of favonr 
to Apdlea and Lynppna. 

iqmiit] * to alzangeri.* Igmiut, like 
noiuif u Bometimea aotiTe in meaning 
(e.g. 2 yerr. i. 19, Nepoa, Agea. 8, 1) ; 

while ignamt ia eometlmea paarive, mar$ 
maq n um ti ignara lingua eamm$reia prohi^ 
UUmt, BaU. Jug. 18, 6. 

p$rkihmukut1 * deserres mention.' Hof* 
mann oompaxea Tnae. L 28 7)fndairida$ 
fratru qui mom modo adiutotnt in pro$Hi§ 
vietmria$ pepuU Souumi ied etiam nmUii 
firiue perkibmiur. The ourioaa order of 
the nreoeding wordi 8partiat$$ Aaetilaut 
UU for S^^ariiatei Hk AgetUaue haa led 
to some oonjeoturea : SpturHaUe Aguiknu 
mUber Mendui (WWBm) ; minut ut 
tupentet AgMane ille perhibmdue (Men- 
ddaaohn) : MtMtM eet ipeetabiHe Ageeiiaue 
Ule perkUendm QSohmala). 

in eo genere lai.j ' who haye taken mnoh 
naina in (seonring commemoration of) that 
kind,' 'whoeeenergieatooktbatdibDction.' 

khelku] the AfeeUaut of Zenophon. 

ad mmneriae dignitatem] *to emioUe 


£P. 109 {FAM. r. IS). 

atqne in primiB probati: at mihi non solum praeoonium quod, 
omn in Sigeom Toniaset, Alexander ab Homeoro Aohilli tributnm 
ease disdt, sed etiam grave tesidmoninm impeititam olari hominie 
magniqne videatur. Plaoet enim Hector ille mihi NaeTianos, qui 
non tantum ' laudari ' se laetatur sed addit etiam * a laudato Tiro/ 
8. duod si a te non impetraro, boo est, si quae te res impedierit — 
neque enim &8 esse arbitror qnidquam me rogantem abe te non 
impetrare — , oogar fortasse faoere quod non nulli saepe reprehen- 
dunt : soribam ipse de me, multorum tamen ezemplo et darorum 
Tirorom. Bed, quod te non fugit, baeo sunt in boo genere yitia : 
ek yereoundiuB ipsi de sese soribant neoesse est si quid eat laudan- 
dum, et praetereant si quid reprebendendnm est Aooedit etiam 
ut minor sit ftdes» minor auctoritas, multi denique reprehendant et 
dioant Tereoundiores esse praeoonee ludorum gymnioorum, qui oum 
oetflris coronas imposuerint Tiotoribus eommque nomina magna 
Yooe pronuntiaiint^ oum ipsi ante ludorum missionem corona do- 
nantur, alium praeoonem adhibeant, ne sua yoce se ipsi viotores esse 
praedicent. 9. Haec nos Titare oupimus et» si reoipis causam nostram, 
yitabimus idque ut f adas rogamus* Ac ne forte mirere cur, oum 
mihi saepe ostenderis te accuradssime nostrorum temporum consilia 
atque cTentus litteris mandaturumi a te id nunc tanto opere et 
tarn multis verbis petamus, ilia nos cupiditas inoendit^ de qua initio 

prtisoo9mm'\ op. huewatwm^ 'tram- 
peter/ Fun. ztL 21, 2 (786). 

SifmrniX aee Axoh. 24. 

H0d9r%lU . . . Ndivianm] op. FaoL xr. 
6, 1 (278). The whole yene ii a trooh. 
tetnun. oat from the S$etor ProfloitMm — 

La«tai HOB Uadari me abt to, pator, a U a da t o 

8. tNy»<r«ro] So Weeenherg. The 
mM 1^ impHro, No doubt, the preient 
with lot. in apodoeis oaa be eaauy de- 
lended: op. rMipu jf 9;«NMipw § 10; 166, 
1 «i Mmqmu «f . . . cond^mnMbo ; but the 
liet tbat Gieero has the fat peif . mmm^*- 
§nt fluhea thia ease somewhat di£(ere&t 
from the others. But the matter is yery 
doubtfoL Ijebretoa(p.l90)keepsMfi|w(ro. 

Mk9UnmimpHrart\ Lehmann (Qimmi^. 
IViO., p. 68) wants to add <non impsdUo 
bdiore non ; but non impHrar$ means ' to 
be refused' without any reason assigned, 
simply that Lueoeius was unwilling to do 
the senioe^ whether he had leiBure to do 
it or not 

tcribam ipH d$ m#] Cioero had written 
a memoir (fe^/inf/ia) of his consulship 
in Greek : op. Att i. 19, 10 (26) ; it 1, 
2(27). In i. 19, 10 (26) he also speaks of a 
poem, and of a Latin memoir of his consul- 
ship. The latter was probably a diort 
history or notes for a history (op. f 10) 
of the eonsulihip. Cioero may haye 
kept it by him : and it may haye ooourred 
to nim tnat, if he failed with Luooeius, 
he would now finish and publish it 

muUorum,. . . ix^mpU] BOckel quotes 
as examples Sulla, the dictator, M. 
ScauTUS, P. Eutilius, Catulus (op. Tac. 
Agr. 1 ; Gio. Brut 112, 182). 

pra^ipitU'] * declare.* 

9. iUanoact^idiUui] This is the answer 
of Cicero : * if yon wonder why I now 
so earnestly urge my request, after re- 
peated /uMuranoes on your part that you 
were ^ing to write a minute history of 
the crisis of my career, (I answer), I am 
consumed by the feeUns of impatience of 
which I spoke in the heginning of my 

EP. 110 [ATT. IF. 6). 


soripsi, f eatinationis, qnod alacreB animo sumus at et oeteri viven- 
iibus nobis ex libris tuis nos oognosoant et nosmet ipa vivi gloriola 
nostra perfmamnr. 10. His de rebus quid aotoros sis, si tibi non 
est molestmn, reeoribas mihi Telim. Si enim susoipis oansam, 
oonfloiam oommentaiios renun omnium: sin autem differs me in 
tempus aliud^ ooram tecum loquar. Tu interea non oessabis et ea 
•quae habes instituta perpolies nosque 

110. TO ATnOUS, IN Bomb (Att. iv. e). 

AlfTIUM ; APRIL (bND} OB HAT (BBOINNIKG), A. U. C. S9S ; B. C. 56 ; 

ABT. OIC. 60. 

Lentalnnii ouias obitos ent nantiatnf , non muermn ene soribit, mifleros qm Tiyaat 
et w*i^-»imA le ipmm pnedicat, qm detoiore etaam oondlcione sit qtuum oeteri. Deinde 
de eoriptis tail, de Lncoeio a se ut tnaa rea seetas aeriberet rogato. 


1. De Lentulo soilioet sio fero ut debeo: yiram bonum et 
magnum hominem et in summa magnitudine animi multa humani- 
tate temperatum perdidimus^ nosque malo solaoio sed non nullo 
tamen oonsolamur, quod ipsius yioem minime dolemus, non ut 
Saul eius et vestri, sed mehercule quia sio amabat patriam ut mibi 
aliquo deomm benefioio videatur ex eius inoendio esse ereptus. 
Nam quid foedius nostra vita, praedpue meaP Nam tu quidem. 

letter, by an eager deaire,' Ac. The wotdM 
Ula noi pupiditai gi?e the anairer of 
Cicero; we should haye expected icUc 
ittmm not cupiditaUm mctndert ; bnt this 
ellipse is common in Cicero. For the 
meanins of Umpora, see 168, 28. GJarioU 
{* bit of glory ') is lonnd only here and 

10. eommontariot] 'notes ' which voold 
give Lucceios the aiUa lor his memoir. 

MM MtMbit] the fature is a polite im« 
per., ' yon will kindly use all diligence, and 
polish what yon haye^ and beliere me 
yonrs very sincerely ' ; mm dUifti is one 
of the conventional formuiae for winding 
up a letter. 

1. De ZenitiloJ L. Cornelius Lentulus 
Niger, Flamen Martialis, had just died. 

He is probably the same as the Lentulus 
mentioned Att. ii. 24, 2 (61), who with 
his son was accused by Yettius. He was 
one of the priests who adjudicated on the 
▼aUdity of the consecration of Cicero's 
house (Harusp. reap. 12), and one of the 
judges in the txial of Sestius (Yat. 26). 

tic firo ut deM] < I feel lus loss, as I 
have good reason to feel it We have lost 
a true patriot in him, and a fine feUow, too, 
uniting vsmarkable strength of character 
with great chann of manner.' 

Sm^(riut $t vettr%\ The Epicureans 
would be withheld from giief by their 
belief that death is no evil. Cicero says 
this is not the thought that assuages hii 
grief, but the reflection that a patriot like 
Lentulus is taken away from the evil to 




SP. no {ATT. IV. 6). 

etsi es nahira woXitik6^, tamen nnllam babes propiiam serTitutem 
oommimit fueriB noxme.t 2. Ego vero qui, si loquor de re pnblioa 
quod oportet, insanns, ri quod opoB eet, seryiis ezistimor, cd taoeo, 
oppieiraa et oaptus, quo dolore esM debeo P Quo man, soilioety boo 
etiam aoxiore, qaod ne dolere quidem poflBoniy ut non ingratus 
Tidear. QuidP si ceeflaie libeat et in oti portam oonfogereP 
Neqaiquam, Inuno etiam in bellnm et in oastra P Ergo erimiu 
iwaiotf qui rayoi ease noluimus P Sio fadendum est ; tibi enim 
ipaiy oni utinam semper paruissem, sio video plaoere. Beliquum 
iam est| 'Striprav IXax^Ct roArav K6afg%i. Non meberoule possum, 
et Pbilozeno ignosoo qui redud in oaioerem maluit. Yerom tamen 
id ipsnm meoum in bis loois oommentor ut ista improbem, idque 

#M m mttma voAitik^s] ' jou. •!• 
though by nature you htTe strong poUtioal 
ibdingi (and to mnit leel toutaly the pm- 
Mnt itrte of thinga), do not pecaonallj 
Ml the galling of the chain.' Then 
Cio6KO goaa on to ihow how be himaelf 
▼aa, ill • f$cmUur Mii#, galled by the 
genenl state of ilaTer^. Attienshadnerer 
taken part in publio life ; therefore Cioevo 
saya, 'thoo|^ you are in heart a politi- 
cian ' (thooi^ not in aot). 

tnwBiiaip We haTe thought it better 
to obeliaa the irorda of the msa than to 
gire a plaoe in the text to the ooojeotore 
of Piua» m m m un i fru$rU nomim, * you 
haye the benefit of the general name of 
alare, whieh appliee to all.' For other 
oonjeetnrea, see Adn. Grit. Ferhapa we 
might read (keepinff doeer to the mss) 
co mmmU fiyirit. ifotme f * you hsTV a 
ii|^t to your ahare of the genend slayery. 
Is not thai so P ' Than the word ^rmrit 
would be used, with bitter irony, in the 
iuxidioal sense: 'No one can lecally 
dispute your right to your share of the 
general da^ery, though you hare no 
claim to the peculiar and personal sense 
of degradation which is my priyile^.' 
If we adopt the reading of Fius, we might 
paraphrase the sentence thus, ' You wear 
not m pespetuity a chain that binds 
yourself alone; you haye but the tem- 
porary ownership of the name (of slaTery) 
borne hf the whole community.' 

2. cmd 9pmrt§(\ is ' what duty en- 
joins^; fmi cput ni is ' what ezpemeney 
dictates.' Boot compares koe JUri tt 
optrUt $t tput ut. Att. ziii. 26, 1 (640). 
Here the course wbioh duty demands is to 
espouse, hesrt and soul, the optimate 
cause ; the course which expediency sug- 

gests ii to make common cause with the 
triumTirs. So pput «m«, mc$t$e non «m#, 
' was desirahle (expedient), but not indis- 

Quo mm aoUiod] is the answer to the 
questioQ, quo dolort u$$ M«9 f 

ul non\ * without seeming ungrateful' 
(to those who brought about my reetora- 
tioQ from exile). 

hwaZoi • . ,roLy\'\ Gicero, aa uaoal, 
employs Qreek woxds when he wishes to 
be Tory emphatic. In the same tone, we 
might say, 'Am I to ahouldar the knapaaok, 
after reiiinng to wield the M/M P ' 

Sie fooimium mi\ i.e. to declare war 
acjainst the optimoUo^ and approach the 

twiprawl See on Att i. 20, 8 (26). 
Cicero's twi^a or 'peculiar prorinoe' 
here is to support the triumyirs. 

Fhihxmo] Fhiloxanus of Oythera, a 
ditbyrambio poet (b.c. 486-880), was con- 
signed to the quarries by Dionyiios of 
Syracuse^ for cntJcismg unfaTourably the 
compoaitionB of the tyrant. The story 
went that he was released, and giyen a 
chance of liberty by being again ciuled on 
for a literary judgment on the works of 
his master. ' After reading a few Tersee, 
he turned and walked towards the quarxiea. 
Dionyiius called out, 'Where are yoa 
gomg P ' ' To the quarries,' was the rq^y 
d tlus model critic. 

«•<«] If the text is sound, iota must 
refer to the policy of the leading opttmaUo, 
And this fauly suits the context Cicero 
says, ' I wHl not glorifv the triumTirs, but 
I am prepared to condemn the opHaiatM, 
mj former poUtioal associates, and you 
will keep me up to this.' If we read 
with Schiita and Weeenberg against the 

BP. 110 {ATT. IV. 6). 


tn^ooin una erimiiBi oonflrmabis. A te litteras orebro ad me soribi 
TideOy Bed omnis uno tempore aooepi. Quae res etiam auzit dolo- 
rem memiL Casa enim trinas ante legeram, qtiibuB meUuBoole 
Lentolo esse soriptum erat. Eooe quartae f ulmen I Sed ille, ut 
aoripBi, non miser, noB vero feneL 3. Quod me admonee at 
Boribam ilia HortenBiana, in alia inoidi non immemor isfcinB man- 
daii toi. Sed meheronle in inoipiendo refagi, ne, qui yideor stolte 
illioB amid intempexiem non toliBse, rorsns Btnlte ininriam illins 
faoiam illoBtremi si qnid BoripBero, et simul, ne /SaMnic niea, quae 
in agendo apparoit^ in Boribendo Bit ooonltior et aliqoid Batisfaotio 
le^itatiB habere Tideator. 4. Sed TiderimoB. Tu modo qoam 
BaepiBBime ad me aliqnid. EpiBtolam Laooeio nuno qoam mifii, 
qua meaB roB ut soribat rogo, f ao ut ab eo BumaB — valde bella est — 

maSy tfto ns improhtm or iifo jitv&Mi, UbiOL 
iilm meani the oonduet of the trinmTiii ; 
and a oaae oan certainly be made oat for 
tfaie ^eir. He had already gone a long 
way in this direetion in the De Prar. 
Coni., not to speak of the voXivftia (op. 
108, 1); and 'not eensoring the oondnot 
of the trinmTin ' well eipnsses the tone 
which Cicero adopted in the speeches d 
the period: cp. Balb. 60 if; Pis. 70 ff; 
and De Fror. Cons, pastim, 

Sep$ qiutrtat fidmmi] 'then comes the 
news in the f oorth lUw a thnnderhdlt on 
me.' The fourth letter told of the death 
of Lentulns. 

/MT#i] This is the reading of M*, which 
has been Tariously emeaded by the edd. 
OreDi explains ftrrei 'minis patientes, 
iratfffif , qui adhnc TiTamns nee yoluntaria 
morte noe liberemns.* ' We sre so canons 
(as to Htc on) .* So Mr. Shnckboigh, who 
compares Lael. 87 Qmm Um nmiftmuM 

^ «SM I^SSI /MTtf piitmt MM^M IMfl ««- 

fimtfru^Uim vohipiahimfnimiitm9ol/U%i9 f 
op. 48 and Att ziii. 80. 2 (605). This 
is not a Tory natural eipieiaion ; hence 
the number of oonjectnrea (aee Adn. Crit). 
Xayser ingeniously refers to the Iron Age 
ol fiesiod, Op. 174, 176 :— 

w^ yiipVli yi¥9t IvrX mJNian^, Mi w^ ipuip 

The meaning is, 'we are the Iron Age of 
Hesiod, iU^nd toihs1ip$in miterf.^ 

8. Bortmmtma] This may haye been 
some pamphlet touching the perfidy of 
Hortensius, of which Cicero often com- 
plains. If so, it is in farour of the 
inteipretation giyen abore of the ms 

tinff, ui itta improhm. But it is 
more lucely that the padflc Attious wished 
that Cicero should write something calcu- 
lated to recreate friendly feelings between 
himself and his great compeer. Cicero, 
howerer, Mys that in any such work he 
would hsTC to allude to the injuries he 
had reoeiTed from Hortensius, and pro- 
ceeds to show that any raking-up of old 
grieyanoes was to be deprecated. 

iUim amm] ' of Hortensius, when a 

0a$ir^s] ' self •restraint, ' as in Att. 
T. 10, 8 (198); yL 1, 2 (262). We use 
the word ' deep ' in the same way of a 
man who conceals his feelings from 
motiyes of pudence. 'Lest my self- 
restraint, which was shown in my^ con- 
duct, should not appear so dearly in my 

#f . . . vidMtur] ' and lest such a mode 
of takinff satisfaction miffht look a little 
weak,' that is, lest it might seem weak to 
nut up with an injury, and then ayenge 
itina^TM^tirf. Bosius^ conjecture, sm^i- 
iiar for ocouUioTf due to a misapprehension 
on his pert of the meaning of /B«6^f, 
and only supported by his feiped amNam, 
has yitiated the interpretation of this 
whole panage, as may oe seen by refer- 
ring to the edd. of Boniits and Billerbeck, 
The conjecture was in itself highly inge- 

4. pmide htOa uij This is interesting 
as showing that Cicero took care, with 
some at least of his letters, to giye them 
artistic finish and beauty. The letter is, 
indeed, a model of grace and ingenuity. 
See the first note on 109. 


EP. HI {ATT. IV. 7). 

eomqae ut approperet adhorteris et» quod mihi ae ita faoturom 
refloripait, agaa gratias, domum noatram, quoad potaria, inTisaa^ 
Yettorio aliquid rignifloeB : valde enim eat in me 

111. TO ATTIOUS, iH RoMB (Att. iv. 7). 

AXFINUM ; APBIL (lATTBB HALF), A. U. 0. 698 ; B. a M ; AXT. CIO. 60. 

Bt Q. fUMOf do ApoQonio, de MeUQi teit»in«iito ncm unpsobo, di robns domMtieii,. 
d* HiloiM ■dmonendo, de Alpiiuitiam fnmita de Laterio» de Oioeran« pusro. 


1. Nihil cvKai(M{rc|>ov epiatula tua quae me Bollioitimi de* 
Qointo noBtrOy puero optimo, yalde levavit. Yenerat horia duabua 
ante Obaerippua: mera monatra nuntiarai De Apollonio quod 
SGiibia, qui illi di irati I homini Graeoo qui contorbat atque idem 
putat sibi lioeie quod equitibua Bomania: nam Terentiua auo 
iuie. 2. De MeteUo, ovx Mn fOtfUvoimv, Bed tamen multia annia 
dvia nemo erat mortuua, qui quidem • . . ftibi nummi meo peri- 

MUftMiifHyUul <io.eiimtibi0timhi 
gatam hoin.' (Em.) 

1. §^Ktnp^r9pow] *mandprtpM.* 
Oktmrififm] one of the mite of Q. 

Gioeio in Ada, Q. Fr. L 14 (80), perlutpi 
the lame ae the Greek Ohaerinpne xefezred 
to in Att. T. 4, 2 (187), and IW. xii. 22, 
4 (818), 80, 8 (809). 

mtrm tPMfMfr«] < hie newi waa dniplT 
dnadfol' : ep. Att. iz. 11, 4 (867); 105, 
6, and note on 164, 1. 

ApoUmio] Cicero ironically oomplaine 
of the andacitT of a (aheek who niwpe 
the noted pnyilege of the Mtn'tef of 
heoominjs oanbrnpt. Terentnia and 
Apolknxua were both, no doubt, debtors 
to Attiona. It was bad enough that a 
Bonan #9t(M should beoome bankrupt 
and stop j^TQient, but -in a Greek it 
was ouite utoIeraUe. 

pt%\ 0p. pti Uhm 4i omn$8 p m l mmtf 
common in tne oomlo drama (e.g. Plant. 
Ken. 461). It is a colloquial enression 
not found elsewhere in classical Latin, 
but found inEnnios (Ribbeok, Fmg.Tzag. 
p. 67). 

2. De M&taki] It is uncertain who 
this Metellus waa. He cannot be KeteUus 

Gretieas, whom Oioero always praises^ 
nor the Hetellus Nepos who was consul 
697 (67), for he was sUto in 700 (64). 
(Boot). Dramann {n. 66) thinks he waa 
the son of Metellus Creticus, and waa the 
colleague of Trobonius (op. Fam. zr. 21, 
2 (460)), who, aa quaestor, supported the 
adoption of Clodius. 

9 bit 6aiii f$i/i4p9ifftw] i9^ ArM^iF 
•&X«rit«^w» Aom. Od. zzu. 412. Cicero 
uses this Greek quotation Just where we 
should say d$ mtriuit, or ds mortm$ nit 
tM iomm. The word in Homer is 
KTufUvoi^m: see toL P, p. 87. By a 
similar lunutwuAv kfiifnuui, Cicero 
writes Jaa w m mc iot Uhsit in de BiV. iL 

qui fuidm] Some nnfayonrable oriti- 
ctsm is suppressed. 

HH] TbiM sentence and the next 
following are Tory obscure. The obsouxity 
is possibly due to some fear lest the letter 
shonld be read by some inquisitiYe tab^l- 
lariui'who might diralge its contents: op. 
113, 1 ; 148, 21 ; 169, 2. A kind of 
meaning has been extracted from them 
by the uberal assumption of a not Tory 
natnial use of tpotiopuiit and a not yeij 
graceful irony. The attempt to emend la 

EP. Ill {ATT. IV. 7). 


oolo flint: quid enim vereriB^ quaeoomque heredem feoit, nisi 
Publinm feoitP Yerum feoit non improbe, qnemquam fuit 
ipfle.t Qna re in hoo theoam nmnxnariam non retexerifl: in 
aliiB oris oautior. 8. Mea mandsta de domo onrabis, praeddia 
looaUfly Milonem admonebis. Arpinatimn fremitus est inoredi- 
bilis de Laterio. Quid qnaeris P Equidem dolni, 6 S* ovk Ipura- 
(tro pAOfav. Quod superest etiam, pnerum Oioeronem ourabis et 
amabisy ut fads. 


deipente; but ire eaa bavdly luppoae 
thftt ire have the xeal words of Gioeio. 
Moet edd., leading qimumiqiti waAfmt 
iiofifMpn9d#(a doabtfolplizaae), and^iMMi- 
fiMMNL take the meaning to be Mmetbing 
fikettiis: 'As to the money that MeteQns 
owed yon, I'U go seenrity for it (tiliat it 
inll nerrer be paid). His leaTing jP. Clo- 
dins his hair desbeys your hwt ohanoe. 
Yet his sot in so doing was not one of his 
usual blackguard aets. After dl, his 
heir was his nezt-ol-kin. 8o yon won't 
haye the trouble of opening your ooffeia 
to put in that debt. Yon most be more 
eantioas for the fulnxe.' Bnt CSoero 
wonld hardly haye ezpresaed this mean- 
ing in so nnnatorsl a way. < Yon hate 
no reason to f^ his hair, whoerer he 
may be, unless he be Pnblius,' is a yery 
unnatural way of saying 'his making 
Fublius his heir destrovs your last chanee.^ 
Periiaps there is another apotitpm* after 
HMf . If Cioero refrains from oharaeter- 
ising Metellus abore, he may haye done so 
again. We haye no reason to beliere he 
Uftf.ClodiuB his heir. Peihansitisbest 
to read Mwpro^iim (^ I), which IS aooepted 
by Wesenberg. We agree with Sdh&ts 
that the whole passage is serious. Beading 
improhumf Cicero appears to mean: 'I 
wammt you will get back your loan to 

KeteQus. For what hare you to fear, 
no matter whom he has made his heir, 
unless, indeed, he made Olodius his heir 
[which he has not done] P But he has 
made no rake his heir, thou gh he was 
himself —I won't say what. Wherefore 
you will haye no occasion to draw on 
your eoffeiB to recoup this loss. You 
win be reeaid the loan by the respectable 
heir of Metellus. Let this affair teach 
you a lesson of caution for the future. 
If Metellus had not died, who knows if 
you would oyer haye been paid P ' 

It will be obeenred that the passage 
thus explained falls in well with our 
theory of the meaning of the next letter. 

Z. prtmiiia] 'some guards.' HUo 
was to be giyen a hint to haye his retfaiue 
ready for emergencies. Cicero yery 
properly wanted to r$9iit force by force. 

fimmUu 0tt inorkUbilUi] 'you can't 
coneecye how they grumble.' 

Zatmo] an estate of Q. Cicero near 
Arpinum. He had done something which 
was yery annoyinc to &e Arpinates. It 
seems most probable, firom subsequent 
letters, that it was the diyertinff of a 
watereourse which led to the ill-feelin|. 
Cicero says, <I was much distreeeed. 
Bui Uiik h$ foked mp rtd$* (quoting 
from Horn. Od. i. 271). 


BP. lit {ATT. FT. 8a). 

112- TO ATTIOUS, in Eomb (Att. iv. sa). 
Awrruu ; may (bboikn iko)^ a. u. o* 698 ; b. c. 56 ; abt. cic* so. 

Eplstnla d» ftaSM nhoB dameiliai. 


!• ICulta me in epistula tua deleotanmt, sed nihil magis qnam 
patina tyrotariohi. Nam de xaadoBcmlo quod soribifl, 

Aedifioati tibi in agris nihil reperio. In oppido est qniddam de 
quo est dubium sitne venale, ao prozimum qnidem nosiaris aedibos. 
Hoc soitOy Antium Buthrotnm eese.Bomae^ ut Ooroyrae illud 
hrant Nihil qaietins, nihil alainSy nihil amoeniuB : c!i| fiol oSroc 
f (Xoc oZkoc^ 2. Pofitea vero quam Tyrannio mihi libroB diBposoit 

1. p&timtt t^raimriekn This 'diah of 
potted Aih and cheese^ is a nrorerbisl 
mrpresrioii for a spare diet (also oaUed 
Xif^nff Ij Gioero), as iiia7 be seen from 
Faa. iz. 16| 7» 9 (472}. The meaning 
of the whole passage piocMibly is: 'I was 
pleased to see by your letter that yon 
take a philosoDhioBl Tiew about the money 
lent to HeteUns ; you say, « To a man 
of my simple habits snoh a loss is not 
sexioos; I can easQy recoup myself 1i^ 
plain liTing." For as to the money lent 
(and the ohanees of repayment, to whioh 
I referred in my last letter), the aphorism 
Tou quote is Tory applicable — Ihm't 
kaUoo UUfau*r4oiit o/th^ wood* These 
words from the ' Tyro ' of Sophocles are 
quoted by Plato, Soph. 288 A, in the ssme 
sense: 'I)onotboasttillyouseetheend,* 
lit. 'until TOU see him falfllling (the 
promise). ' Aauok (p. 276) points out that 
the prorerb refers #r2 r&9 Bav/Mffrrmv 

Ivri Wfli0 hto9w6wra tSpf , hXXh vfAw Js 
rikot kytPfin' Y^r, /i^ BavuLdns rhv 
HTfdXa mvx^i/Mror. We snoold say 
* don't count your chickens before they 're 
hatched,' or * don't halloo tUl tou 're out 
out of the wood.' This explanation of 
the meaning of the whole passage quite 
falls in witii the Tiew adopted in the 
notes on the letter before tUs. Manj 
other Tiewi haTC been taken of Oioero^i 
meaning in this passage, but they rest on 
the Taguest conjecture. 

rmukumltl An old word for a coin ; 
lit. 'alitae lump (of metal) ' : cp. Feet, 
p. 266, who says uie word ii used for a 
coin, §ma im mmmp^uido cwn dicitur 
* rudmioHh Uhramfirito* a$H UmgUur libra, 
^ 'anjrthing in the shape of a 

buildinff.' Such ii the force of the neuter 
parlioi^. Atdous had told Cicero to 
look out lor a house for him in the neigh- 
bourhood of Antium. 

jwcgtoiMw] It is impossible to decide 
wheUisr tins word indicates topographical 
nearness to Qioero'i house (as seems more 
probable), or whether primmmti is used, 
as in Att ii. 6, 2 (88), to signify that it 
is 'nearly as pleasant.' 

Antium Buikrtium itm Boma§] ' Let 
me tell you that Antium ii the Buthrotum 
of B(Mne| as your Buthrotum is the Buth- 
rotum of Ooroynu' Cicero wishes to say 
that Antium is to fiome as Buthrotum U> 
Ooroyn, but not haTixi^ our traditional 
phrases to express relation, he is bound 
to haTS recourse to a rather awkward 
eaq^ression. Em. reads ^n/iMmtftMjBomM 
ut Oorqfrui Buthrotum illud tuum, a con- 
struction whioh would, we tlunk, be hard 
to parallel in Cicero, though it doaely 
resembles modem usage. 

«fif /iol] 'be this mT hom$, iweet 
home.* Cicero refers to the Greek pro- 
Terb, ^Uof oTieof olxot iptffroSf ' there 's 
no place like home.' The attempt to 
explain the Tulg. reading, cfii fuffirrhf 
^tXot olksf , ' let my home on the Palatine 

BP. lis {FAM. r. S). 


xn6ii8 addita videtur meiB aedibos : qua qnidexn in re mirifloa opera 
Dionyai et Menophili tni fait. Nihil YenustinB qoain ilia tna 
pegmata, poetqiiam mi sittjbae UbroB iUastraraiii Yale. Etsoribas 
ad me yelim de gladiatoribusi Bed ita bene si rem geront ; non 
qnaero male si ae geesenmt. 

113. FBOIC a HETELLXJS NEPOS, in Spain, 

TO CIOEEO (Pam. v. s). 

MONTH T7N0BRTAIN, A. U. C. 698 ; B. 0. 56 ; AST. Cia 50. 

Q. Metelhii ^luotor de oontiziiialioiif in m oontionibai neoenaxii oniuadam wa, 
fortaaieP. OlodH : a M. GioeroDe in nbiis lok adiuifaii capit 


1. Hominifl imporhmiflsimi oontomeUaey qnibus orebria oon- 
iionibtis me onerat, tuis erga me offioiis leninntiir et, ut sunt levee 
ab eins modi hamine, a me deepioiimtar libenterque oommutata 
persona te mihi fraiaris looo esse dnoo. 2. De illo ne meminisse 
qnidem to10| tametsi bis earn invitom servavL De meis rebus ne 
Yobis moltitudine litterarom molestior essem, ad Lollinm persoripsi 
de rationibus proyinoiae quid vellem fieri, ut is vos dooeret et oom- 
monef aoeret. Si poteris, velim pristinam tuam erga me yoluntatem 

be ^ oompexiion with thii) despised,' ii 
plainly fatue. The text ia the oonjeotuie 
of PeeiUcamp. It ia odIt neoesaary to 
look thxoogh the Adn. Ont to aee that 
the oopyiata of Oioezo'a letten were abeo- 
Intek ignorant of Greek, and nerer bnt 
by onanoe wrote down worda whioh eren 

2. mmt\ ' my houae aeema no lonffar 
ohaoe.' CKoero, in making men$ <3ie 
principle of order,' waa perhaps thinking 
of the Anaxagorean rovs: peamtUa » 
' book-ahelTea.' 

sUtykui] See note to 107, 1. 

VaU] ia often f oUowed by a poataonpt : 
aee Att. y. 19, 2 (220). Profeaaor Ellia 
{S0rmaiMma (1887), p. 188) letaina the 
ma reading pottguam mint Ubrot i/lKt- 
tranmt «a&r, 'Aa aoon aa he aent in 
(theae bookoaaea), they aet off my hooka 
extraordinarily.' He abo thinka that 4i 
$€riha$ may atand fior igieribas, * I wiah 
you would oopy ont any notes yon haye 
made abont the gladiatorial ahowa.' 

ita ... H'] * only if .' 

^«iMnm(] The form of the 8rd pin. 
peif. in -tffvia almost unknown in Oioero: 
though tUdnre, Fam. z 19, 2 (879), and 
iUdftu^Sf De Leg. i 6, are s>nna. So 
that it ia highly probable that Weaenberg 
ia right in reeyding ti u g$nenmi. See 
Adn. Crit. 

1. AomiMw t«iijN>fttfftwsimi] most pro- 
bably P. Glodiua, who reaented MeteUus' 
good-will to Cioero. 

fratriB] <ooann'; the father of ICetel- 
lua and the mother of Clodina were brother 
and sister. 

2. hit\ See Ep. 92, 8. 

Xotfinml not to be identified (as by 
BUlerbeok) with the LoUius referred to in 
the speech pro Domo. It is not probable 
thftt the LoUins there mentionea would 
now be on friendly terms with Cioero and 
MeteUns: see pro Dom. ){ 18, 14, 89. 


BP. m (FAM. I. 7). 

114. TO P. LENTULU8 SPINTHER, Pboooksul of 

OiLICIA (FaIC I. 7). 

HOME ; JTJLT, A. V. C. 688 ; B. 0. 66 ; ABT. CIC. 60. 

1)6 Uttararom ad P. Lsntulum mbritate, de unieontm fldo, dA caim regiAi do luiB 
oonaliif, de oonitantia tenenda, da ino et rei puUieaa atstUt de Tolliae nuptila, de 


1. Legi tuas Utteraa quibiiB ad me soribiB gratnm tibi eese 
quod Grebro oertior per me flas de omnibuB rebus et meam erga te 
benevolentiam facile perspioiaa : quorum alteram mihi, ut te pluri- 
mum diligam, faoere neoeaBe est, d yoIo is esse quem tu me esse 
voluiati ; alteram faoio libeuter, ut, quoniam intervaUo looorum et 
temporum diiuncli sumus, per litteraa teoum quam aaepiasime ool- 
loquar. Quod d rarius flet quam tu exspeotabis, id erit oauaae 
quod nou eius generis meae litterae sunt ut eas audeam temere 
oommittere. Quotieus mihi oertorum hominum potestas erit qui* 
bus reote dem, uon praetermittam. 2. Quod soiie vis qua quisque 
in te fide sit et voluntate, diffioile diotu est de singulis. XJnum 
illud audeOy quod antea tibi saepe signifioayii nuno quoque re 
perspeota et oognita scribere, vehementer quosdam homines et eos 

1. gmorum aiUrum . . . eoUoqutur] The 
fint«<l#rfMfirefentotheolaiue(giMa) . . . 
pinpUUi ; the second refers to quod . . . 
nkm. * The iatUr^mj strong affBOtion 
for yon— is my bonnden duty, if I am to 
deserre my present position, which you 
were so instrumental in securing for me ; 
theySmMf-^my regularity in correspond- 
ing wiflk you, far apart as we are in 
place and eircumstanoes — ^is a pleasure.' 
Ui U tkli0am » u dHigir$^ and is paren- 
thetioal: see on £p. 12, 42. The sen- 
tence may be paraphrased, ' the latter — ^my 
lofe for you— is a duty ; the former— my 
regular oorrespondence with you— is a 
pleasoie.' Hofmann explains initrvMo 
MMfMsi H Umpwrum, ' now that we are so 
fsr ssparated. and haye not seen each 
other for so loog,' which is, of course, 
qdte possibly the meaning, and its con- 
lunotion with locorvm would support it ; 
out the rendering giren aboye to Umpwrum 

is one which it often has in the letters 
(op. ) 8 below), and Hofmann's Torsion 
would seem to demand some suoh wovd 
as teMte before tM^imiA^. 

mI . . . «MMe#] Thisoonstmotion, Tory 
common in ante-ctlassical writers, is not 
infrequent in Oioero ; we haye hoc camoao 
oitfYwt. iiL 109 ; qM omuao omutU «tf#. 
Be Or. ii. 92: cp. quid nogoH oot, Tuso. 
i. 11 ; quid^iui Ht, Att. xyi 4, 8 (771) ; 
hoc liUmdmnm, AU. xii. 1, 1 (606); 
ouid honUnU tU, Att. yii. 8, 9 (294). 
Similar is the gen. in quod ciuOf iam locif 
uH gcmtmm, fto., Draeger, L 449. Boby, 
n. zliii, regards this use of comae as 
an example of predicatiye datiye. 

coriorum\ 'trustworthy': cp. Att.y.21, 
6 (260). drtui sometimes seems to be the 
same as riy, but neyer is so ; the meaning 
in suoh oases (e. g. 96, 8) is ' men whom 
I well wot of, but do not name ' ; recto is 
* safely.' 

EP. Ilk {FAM. I. 7). 


maxime qui te et maadme debuenint et plurimum iuyare potoe- 
nmt, inYidiase dignitati tuae simiUimainque in re diwdmili toi 
temporiB nnno et noBtri qaondam fuieee rationem, nt, qnos ta rei 
publieae oausa laeserae, palam te oppugnaient, quorom auotorita- 
texDy dignitatem Yolnntatemqne defenderas, non tarn memores 
eesent virtntifl toae qnam landia inimiGL Qao quidem tempore, ut 
penoripei ad te antea, oognoyi Hortendmn peroupidmn toi, etudi* 
00am Lnoollnm, ex magiitratibus antem L. Badlinm et fide et 
animo eingiilazi Nam nostra propngnatio ac def enaio dignitatia 
tnae propter magnitadinem benefloi tni fortaaee pleriaque offloi 
maiorem auotoritatem habere videatnr qnam eententiae. 3. Prae- 
terea qnidem de oonenlaribna nemini poaenm ant stndi erga te ant 
offloi ant amid animi eese teetia. Etenim Pompeinm, qui meonm 
Baepissime non solum a me proTOoatns sed etiam sna sponte de te 
oommnnioaze solet, sais temporibus illis non saepe in senatu foisse; 
cui qnidem litterae toae qnas prozime miseras, qnod faoile intel- 
lezezim, periuonndae f uerunt. Mibi quidem humanitas tua yel 
summa potius sapientia non inonnda solum sed etiam admirabilis 
yisa est Yirum enim ezoellentem et tibi tua praestanti in eum 
liberalitate devinotum, non nihil suspioantem propter aliquorum 
opinionem suae cupiditatis te ab se abalienatum ilia epistula reti- 
nuisti. Qui mihi oum semper tuae landi favere tIbus est, etiam 
ipso suspioiosissimo tempore Oaniniano, tum yero leotis tuis litteris 

2. timiUimitmqm . . . ratiomm] * that 
your political poiitioii i» yerj aiiAlogoiiB to 
what mine waa, thonkh the oiioiimstaDoee 
are so diffeient.' That is, ' 7011, though 
high in office, are the Tictim of leoret 
jealouiy, at I mm when I wae exiled.' 

ut , , , appygntarmfl * in the fact that 
thej are yonr ayoved enemies whom,' fte. 
The clauses nf . . . mUnici pjB the poants 
in which the cases of Lentalus and Gioero 
were similar; the points of dissimilarity 
are dwelt on in } 8. 

SorUmUim . • . LueuUumX op. 96, 8. 

MacUium\ 98, 2, 8 ; 106, 4. 

^/M . . . MilM<ia#1 <my adTOoaoy 
of yonr claims will he looked on more as 
the disohaigeof an obligation to you than 
as an expression of my real Tiew of the 
merits of the case': ep. 96, 4. The 
meaning would hare h&ai more dear if 
CHcero had written magU instead of 
msMTMi. So Horaoe (Carm. iii 20, 7) 
iibi prMda cedat wumt «» iUi, < rather 

than to him,' where maior tm ilia can 
hardly be the right reading. 

8. MmiRflffiMar#] The object of this 
transitiTe yerb hdeU, which is TirtuaUy 
equivalent to Mrmmff i$ U\ cp. Fam. 
iy. 4, 6 (496). But the word is used 
absolutely : op. Cln. 47 : Yatio. 8. For 
an almost eauiaustaye list of transitiye 
yerbs used absolutely in Cicero, see the 
fine colleetion in Leoreton, pp. 166-166. 

Umpwihui tUit] Pomney had retired 
to his own house to aydd the yidlence of 
Clodius, 102, 2. 

UbifxditaU'] jwa geuerosity in pro- 
posing to giye Fompey the com-oommis- 

opinummn 9iua$ eupiditatW] the impres- 
sion that Fompey wanted for hunseli the 
commission to restore Ptolemy: ep. ut 
T^mp$iu9 eupere videatur, 96, 8 ; and 100, 

iutpioiotuHmo] * eyen in the Ganinian 
episode, when ms feelings towards you 


BP. lU {FAM. I. 7). 

penpeotuB est a me toto animo de te ao de tois onamentis et oom- 
modifl oogitare. 4. Qua re ea quae aoribam sio habeto me com 
illo ze saepe oommimioata de iilina ad te aententia atqae auotoritate 
floiibere : quoniam aenatns oonanltom nullum exstat qao reduotio 
regis Alezandiini tiU adempta ait, eaqae quae de ea eoripta eet 
anotoritas, oui flois interoeasom ease, ut ne quia omnino regem 
reduoerety taatam vim habet at magia iratorom hominum atadinm 
qoam oonatantia aenatna oonailium eaae yideator, te perapicere 
poaBe, qui Oilioiam Oypromque teneaa, quid effioere et quid oonae- 
qui poaaiay et, ai rea f aooltatem habitiira Tideatnr at Alezandriam 
atque Aegyptom tenere poaaia, eaae et toae et noafcri imperi digni- 
tatia Ptolomaide aat aliqao propinqao looo rege coUooato te oom 
olaaae atqae exerdtu profioiaoi Alexandriam, at, earn oom pace 
praeaidiiaqae firmaria, Ftolomaeoa redeat ia regnam : ita fore at 
et per te reatituator, qaem ad modam aenataa initio oenaait, et aine 
maltitadine redaoator, qaem ad modam hominea religioai Sibyllae 
pkoere dixeroni 6. Bed haec aententia aio et illi et nobia proba- 

wiiJtA well liaye been miioonftrued,' that 
iiy when Oaniniospropoied tliat Pompey, 
with two. licton, BhoQld restore Ptolemy : 
cp. 100, 8. 

4. iUhmhitei] It aeemf hudlypoMible 
that Oioero ihoald Buddenlj paas into the 
indiieet fonn of namtiTe in the apodotia 
of the aentenoe — that he should have 
writtoiy in fact, U jMnpicgrt po»H, when 
the atmetuTB of the sentenoe demanded tu 
ptripimr€ poUt. Does not U jMrapM#r# 
potm depend on «<# ktibeto m§ itr%b$r$? 
The indieatiTea §iutat . . . kah€t are then 
regalar, aa they «« the words of Cioero 
hnnaeU, and ^to a general objeotiTe Tiew 
of the SEtoation; while jMtftt euCM^ir, 
Ae., are in the oonjnnctiTe, depending on 
U p$nfim^ po99$y and nving the grounds 
on wbioh Lentnlns coiud himself form a 
better judgment on the situation than his 
fiiends at Rome. The whole passage 
woold then mean : * Yon may taJce tiiis as 
my deUbeiate oonolution, whieh is in 
acoordance with the opinion of Pompey 
and has the weight of hii authority, and 
whioh is the remilt of many inteniews 
with him— Since there is no 8Hum de- 
pming yon of the commission, and since 
the jSSmo^im aucioriiat, which (you know) 
was Tetoed, can only be regarded as the 
expression of party feeling, not the de- 
liMrate Judgment of the Senate — ^that 

you, u goremor of CiUcia, can take a 
clearer Tiew than others of tiie extent of 
your powers, and your chances of success; 
and toat it is demanded by your dignity, 
and the dignity of our empire there, that 
yon (if eirsumstanoes should giro you the 
olumee of holding Alexandria and Egypt) 
should prooeed to Alexandria, haying left 
the king at Ptolemais or some plaoe in 
the neighbouxhood, so that, when you 
haye padlled and garrisoned Alexanuia, 
Ptolemy may return to his throne.' The 
plan waa, toat after the military opera- 
tions had all been flushed, Ptolem]|r would 
be brought baek, and thus the Sibylline 
orade wotald be satisfied in the letter. 
JSiff {huu difniiatU) depends on «m hdbeto 
me tcriUn^ and pri/lcUei depends on «••# 
{iua$ a^mUMs) ; lastly, fire in the next 
clause depends on iie habttc me embere. 

de imua ai U eententia] For the order 
of the words, op. de meie ad te raiion^ue 
eeripei, Att L 2, 1 (11) : see Mady. 467 «. 

Fteieme&de']^ in Syria (now Acre), or 
possibly the city in Oyrenaica. 

irnHo'] i.e. in the decree passed in 
697 (67) that the next goyemor of Cilicia 
should restore Ptolemy : op. 95, 8. 

6. eentmUia . . . vidtremuel ' our i^- 
proyal of this yiew did not preyent our 

EP. lU {FAM. L 7). 


batur ut ex eyenta homines de tuo oonsilio exiBtimaturos -videre* 
mi26 ; ai eeddiaeet ut yolnmiu et optamus, omnis te et sapienter 
et f ortiter» A afiquid esaet ofEeiiBum, eoBdem illos et oapide et 
temere f eoiase dioturoB. Qoa re qmd adsequi poaeis non tarn 
faoile est nobis quam tibi ooins prope in oonspeotu Aegyptos eet 
indioaze. Nos qnidem hoc flentimns : bl exploratton tibi sit posse 
te illins zegni potixi, non esse otmotandum : si dubium sit, non 
esse oonandnm. Bind tibi adfizmo, si rem istam ex sententia ges- 
seriSy fore ut absens a multis, oom redieris ab omnibus ooUaudere. 
Offensionem esse periouloaam propter interpositam auotoritatem 
religionemque yideo. Sed ego te, ut ad oertam laudam adbortor, 
sic a dimioatbne deterreo redeoque ad illud quod initio soripsi) 
totius f aoti tai iudioium non tarn ex oonsilio tuo quam ex eventu 
homines esse faotnros. 6. Quod si haeo ratio rei gerendae periou- 
losa tibi esse Tidebitur, plaoebat illud, ut, si rex amiois tuis qui 
per provinoiam atque imperium tuum peounias ei oredidissent 
fldem saam prasstitisset, et auxiliis eum tuis et oopiis adiuyares : 
earn esse natoram et regionem proyinoiae toae ut illius reditum 
yel adiuyando oonflrmares yel neglegendo impedires. In hao 
ratione quid res, quid causa, quid tempus f erat tu faoillime opti- 
meque perspides : quid nobis plaomsset ex me potissimum putayi 
te scire oportere. 7. Quod mihi de nostro statu, de Milonis fami- 
liaritate, de leyitate et imbecillitate dodi gratularis, minime 
miramur te tuis ut egregium ariifioem praedaris operibus laetari : 
quamquam est incredibilis hominum peryersitas — grayiore enim 
yerbo uti non libet— , qui nos, quos fayendo in oommuni causa 
retinere potuerunt, inyidendo abalienarunt : quorum maleyolentis- 
sinus obtrectationibus nos aoito de yetere ilia nostra diutumaque 

09mUu] So GS and M Mow, f 6 ; bat 
hfire M faifMii^: cp. #9«iMi, { 9; mmiU^ 
Att. liL 8, 4 (64). 

0f0mmi\ ' if there were voj hitoh * : 
•0 o^MMioMlow u 'a slip/ ' a miahap/ 
Ho&aiin q[iiotaa Terr. t. 181 Mufti viri 
fwrtu . • • #f imrm ei mmri HUp$ ofSm" 
dinmtf and De Imp. On. Pomp. 28. Cp. 

%, pkMkat Uhii] <oiir adTioe in that 

pr^titUimfl Frtmtmr$ ia pzonerly < to 
go aeonrity lor/ 'to guarantee.' IVm- 
ftorw fdmn it 'to cuanuitee (the ftilfll* 
ment of) an undertaking ' ; Fam. ▼. 11, 2 

(676) qmmtmnjniB tiJUUmdsdiriiprmttUiho, 

tnj^tofMNi] Hofmann explains this word 
u meaning Lagt, 'aitnatJon,' 'Ue': op. 
Balb. 64 ; liy. zliL 50, 7. 

MMM M##l gOTemed by some word like 
vmCmmim, taicen from pUtiibttl, 

7. ut 4gr9f%um art%fUm\ Thethoaght 
is the same aa in Att. n. 21, 4 (48), ' in the 
state of things which tou hare brought 
about you must feel the delight of an 
artist in his maaterpieoe.' Ciom aaoribes 
mainly to Lentulus his reetorataon and 
subsequent triumph orer Glodius: op. 
post red. ad Quir. 11 ; Seat. 144. 

p§rvfnUaB'] 'wrong-headedne8s'(Jeana)* 


SP. lU (FAM. I. 7). 

sententia prope iam esGe depukoB, non noe quidem at nostrae digni- 
tatifl aimiB obliti, sed ut habeamuB rationem aliquando etiam 
aalutiB. Poierat utromque praeolare, si eeset fides, si gravitas in 
hominibus oonsularibus : sed tanta est in plerisque leyitas at eos 
non tarn oonstantia in re pablioa nostra deleotet qoam splendor 
offendat. 8. Qaod eo liberios ad te soribo qaia non solum tempo- 
ribas bis quae per te sum adeptas, sed iam olim nasoenti prope 
nostrae laudi dignitatiqae fayisti, sunalqae quod ^ideo non, ut 
Antebao putabam, novitati esse invisum meae : in te enim, homine 
omnium nobilissimo, sunilia invidorum yitia perspezi : quem tamen 
illi esse in prinoipibas faoile sunt passi, evolare altius oerte nolue* 
runt. Gaudeo tuam dissimilem fuisse fortunam : multum enim 
interest utrum laus imminuatur an salus deseratur. Me meae 
tamen ne nimis paeniteret tua yirtute perf eotum est ; ourasti enim 
ut plus additum ad memonam nominis nostri quam demptum 
•de fortuna videretur. 9. Te yero emoneo cum beneficiis tuis 
tum amore inoitatus meo ut omnem gloriam, ad quam a pueritia 
inflammatus fuisti, omni oura atque indastria oonsequare, magnitu- 
dinemque animi tui, quam ego semper sum admiratus semperque 
amavi, ne umquam infleotas ouiusquam iniuria. Magna est homi- 
num opinio de toi magna oommendatio liberalitatis, magna memo- 

tUpkUoi} * driven from my old stand- 
point of principle, not indeed into foiget- 
ting my position, but into taking thought 
for my seoority.' 

I^terat'} te.JUri ; see on 96, 4. 

leviioi] 'pfJtriness/ < little-minded- 
neas,' 'lack of principle.' 

8. temporibui] 'position.' 

iam olim] It is not known to vhat 
previous seryices of Lentulns Oioero is 

mm . . . meoi] 'that it was not my 
want of nobility which excited diilike' 

gtmn tamm] ' yet in toot oase too ' 
(though you were a noble of exalted 
rank) : <^. Ha moluta ut Umum tim 
prnjicie, Att u. 21, 1 (48) ; muUas iamm 
artitf 181, 4. For 09olar$ WaUxm oom- 
pares De Orat. iL 209. 

lout imm i mtaiur] This would be the 
case of Lentulus if refused the oommiiaion. 

mJm tUaeratwl This was the fate of 
Oioero when exiled. 
< mea$] wa.fcrUmae. 

den^tum d$ fortuna] This word seems 
not to refer to fortum in the sense of 
jBToportyf but to mean potUion. In later 
Latin fortuna referred specially to the 
position of the Emperor : J%bmtiu» eum 
fortuna nottra guam nobitoum loguuntur, 
' tiiey prefer to address us as Bmperon 
than as men,' Tac. H. i. 16. 

9. emonoo) This ii the reading of 
the mss. Professor Ellis also reads it 
in Amnus Fab. 8, 4 SloHbui allogmit 
omonuiuo datur, where prasmonuitte d 
most mss is imnossible, as the advice of 
the mother crab comes afUr the injury 
has been done ; besides one ms is said to 
read smnonuiiie. For other readings see 
Adn. Crit. 

oommendatio UhoraUtatit] Hboralitatis 
is not so probably subjectiTe gen., ' your 
liberality is a great source of populantr,' 
as the objeotiye, meaning 'men loudly 
commend your liberality.' Lentulus had 
giyen yeiy splendid entertainments as 
Aedile in the year of Oicero's consulate : 
op. Off. iL 57. 

EP. lU [FAM. I. 7). 


ria oonsulatoB tui. Haeo piofeoio Tides qaanto expressiora quan- 
toque illnstriora fatora sint^ earn aUquantum ex provinda atque ex 
imperio landiB aooesserit. Qaamqnam te ita gerere volo quae per 
exerdtum atque imperium gerenda sunt ut haeo multo ante me- 
ditere, hue te pares, haeo oogitesi ad haeo te exeroeas sentiasque — 
id quod quia semper sperasti non dubito quin adeptus intellegas — , 
te faoillime posse obtinere summum atque altissimum gradum oivi- 
tatis. Quae quidem mea oohortatio ne tibi inanis aut sine oausa 
susoepta videatur, ilia me ratio movit ut te ex nostris eventis oom- 
mimibus admonendum putaiem ut oonsidenres in omni reliqua 
vita quibus orederes, quos oaveres. 10. Quod soribiB te Telle soire 
qui sit rei publieae status, summa dissensio est, sed oontentio 
dispar. Nam qui plus opibus, armis, potentia valent, perf eoisse 
tamen mihi Tidentur stultitia et inconstantia adversariorum ut 
etiam auotoritate iam plus yalerent. Itaque perpauois ad^ersanti- 
bus omnia quae ne per populum quidem sine seditione se adsequi 
arbitrabantur per senatum oonseeuti sunt: nam et stipendium 
Caesari deoretum est et deoem legati et ne lege Sempronia suooe- 

expr$»tiera'] * more madked.* 

htm . . . mtdiisr0] htm ref en to what 
follows, his prospects at Borne. Obsenre 
that hue 18 nsed quite as a Bynonym of ad 
hose, * in this diieotioiL' 

obtmere] 'maintain.' It is oommonly 
held that obimen nerer means 'to ob- 
tain.' Praf. Beid, hoirsTer, on Oio. 
pro Balb. 61 voMmus gmfdatHf cmvUh- 
dm$Uf esperti tumut: oHmta turn nrnt, 
remaxks that, ' in spite of the tnditioDal 
objeotibn to translating 0htin$o by oHok^^ 
it will be seen that this passage admits, 
and almost reqairee, soon a randering.^ 
Many passages, no doabt, admit ue 
rendering of oHintre \fj o^toiit, but is 
then a single pssaage in whieh * make 
good,' ' carry out,' would not more truly 
represent the sense of the word than 
' obtain ' P And may not the words, in 
the passage commented on by Prof. Beid, 
mean, 'we failed to hold them ' P 

ratio . ,ui . ,pyftaTma\ * theconside- 
rntion which moTed me [thus to exhort] 
was my feeling that yon ouc^t to be 
warned by the incidents which your 
career and mine hare had in common, to 
be oareftil whom to trust, and whom to 
be waxy ol' lUa ratio . . . ut putarmn 
«' this ccinsideEation, Tis. my thinking ' : 
cp. Att. L 19, 4 (26). 

10. cotUmtio diipar"] ' the energy dis- 
played on each side is yery different,' Le. 
the optimates are supine. The context 
seems to show that this Ib the meaning of 
the words, not 'the diq>ute is between 
parties unequally matched,' which ren- 
dering, indeed, seems haidly to lie in the 

tamen] Thii is the reading of the mss. 
It is to be explained on the same principle 
as that in Att. ii. 20, 6 (47). What one 
would expect from men with power at 
their back is that they would carry things 
with a high hand ; pot {tamon) such was 
the folly of the constitutionsl party that 
the triumyin have now much more moral 
{auetoritato) weight than Iheir opponents : 
op. for this use of tamon 182, 8. 

M adtogm] ' which ends they did not 
think that tney were gaining even with 
the aid of the people excej^t by causing 
disorder in the State.' This is a strange 
use of the imperfect inflnidye ; we should 
haye expected the future adtoouturot. 
Somewhat parallel, but less harsh, is 
Att iii. 16, 6 (78) haoe mH video oxpediri. 
Perhaps £rn. is right in reading oe pooee 

SoH^onia'] the law of 0. Gracchus, 
which required that the Senate should 
name the proyinces to be goyemed by the 


EP. lU 

\ I. 7). 

deretnr faoQe perfeotom est. Quod ego ad te fareviuB laribo qua 
me status hie xei pnblieae non deleetat : aoribo tamen ut te admo- 
neam, quod ipse litteris onmibas a pueritia deditos experiendo 
tamen magis quam disoendo oognoTi, tu tois rebus integris 
diseaSy neque salutis nosfarae raiionem habendam nobis esse sine 
dignitate neque dignitatis sine salute. 11. Quod mihi de fllia et 
de Orassipede giatularisi agnosoo humanitatem tuam, speroque et 
opto nobis banc ooniunotionem yoluptati fore. Lentulum nostrum 
ezimia spe summae yirtutis adulesoentem oum ceteris artibus qui- 
bus studuisti semper ipse, tum in primis imitatione tui &oerudias; 
nulla enim erit hao praestantior disoiplina : quern nos et quia tuus 
et quia te dignus est filius et quia nos diligit semperque dilezit in 
primis amamus oarumque habemus. 

MDtnli before the eonfole weie elected. 
Henoe, if the Seoete now enuined the 
Geidi to the oouiile, who thonld be 
elected for 699 (66), thii would be tanta- 
moant to Caeear'i reoalL In thie oeae 
the law of Onicohna waa not difpented 
with j bat in asaignin^ prooonaolar gOTom- 
menta, aooording to iti proTiaiona, to tbe 
eonaiiliB for 699, the Benate were indnoed 
not to name the Ganliah prorinoea : op. 
Balb. 61 Idim (te. mtMtui) m mfUitii9 
atrmri frictormn est r cihim itipmdio 4^fMt, 

Siarum tgo tmimUimum et grino$p% H 
mitiar fui [one would not gather that 
iVom the letter to Lentuluij, n$qu$ m§ 

dmnuimU MMM prittmM fiuUvi potkm 
MthmUiri quam praeamUhu rtip. Um^ 
p9rUm 0t eoncordiae cimomir§. See alao 
FroT. Cons. 28, a paeeage which giyes a 
Ter^ definite itatement of the prominent 
podtioa wbioh Cicero took aa regards 
these decrees in Caesar's interest. 

11. OrauipmW] op. 106, 1, 2. The 
betrothal of Tnlba to Crasaipestook plaoe 
at the beginning of April. As it took 
about for^-seTen days for a letter to 
reach CiUda (cp. Att t. 19, 1 (220)), 
Cicero could not haye reoeiTed an answer 
in less than three months. Bo this letter 
was probably not written before July. 

Zmtului] the son of the Lentulus to 
whom this letter is addressed. 

BP. 116 {FAX. XIIL 6a). 


116. TO Q. YALEBITTS OBOA, Pboooksul in Afbica 

(Faic zni. 6a]. 

BOVB ; XOirrH TJNGBBTAIN, about MIDDLX of TBAB, a. v. O. 698 ; 

B« 0. 56 ; AST. CIO. 50. 

M. doero Q. Yalerio P. Ouspii amiooi onmes oonmiaidAt, in primis L. laliuiD. 


1. S. v. B. E. Y. Gredo te memoiia tenore me et coram P. Oaspio 
tecum locatam esse com te prosequerer paludatnm, et it^n poetea 
plnribus yerbis tecom egiflse ut qaoBoamque tibi eius neoeasarios 
commendarem haberee eoB in nurnero meorom necessarionim. Id ta 
pro toa summa erga me benevolentia perpetoaque observaiitia mihi 
liberaliasime atque homanifisime recepistL 2. Ooflpias, homo in 
omnis suob offidofiiBsimiuiy mirifioe quosdam homines ex ista pro- 
vinoLa tuetur et diligit, propterea quod foit in Africa bis, com 
maadmis societatis negotiis praeesset. Itaque hoc eins offioium 
quod adhibetor erga illos ego mea f aonltate et gratia soleo 
quantum possum adiuvare. Qua re Ouspianorum omnium com- 
mendationis causam hao tibi epistula ezponendam putavi. Beliquis 
epistulis tantum faciam ut notam apponam cam quae mihi tecum 

Q. Yaleriua Oro* held the pnetonhip, 
and was now goyemor of Afrioa : op. noto 
to Fam. ziii. 4 (672). It is inferred by 
Man. from the words telUm HBptrtm MfM, 

L4, that YaleriiiB had recently anired at 
I proTinoe. This, too, ii borne out by 
the f oimal mode of address («i voUt Um 
est : wUeo, see toI. I*, pp. 67, 68). This 
wonld probably be the first letter written 
by Oioero to Yalerius. In subsequent 
letters to him, Cicero drops the ceremo- 
nious preamble. 

1. eormn F, Oimfpio] This is the only 
passage in Cicero (if the text is sound ; 
and it seems hara to correct it with 
certainty) where mtom is a preposition ; 
for the passage in Pis. 12 mihi vero 
ipH wrmm gfn$ro meo pun dmr$ tmsu$ e» 
is simply and probably emended bv Dr. 
Bmd (on Lael. 8), who inserts et before 
genero, Cbfwm is almost always an adyerb 
thxougfaout Republican and Augustan 
Latin, and ii used eemmonJ/if as a pre- 

position only by, Tacitus. It is possible 
that here Cicero wrote me et eeram pre 
P. Guspio, or MM et eortnn ewn P. Cfuipio 
et teetm heutum etee, in wbich cases 
ecrmn would, of course, be an adyerb, as 

pahtdeiium] It was customary for a 
magistrate to wear the p eluii m m tum 
when proceeding to his proyince: cp. 
Fam. xy. 17, 8 (641). 

2. eoeietaHil ac. jmhlioanonm, 

Oiupiamrum] ' the friends of Cuspius.' 
He says he is bound to giye them all letters 
of recommendation. 

notam appetum] Cicero had arranged 
with Yalerius, bdbre his departure, mat 
when he was really sincere in his recom- 
mendations, he should aiBz a certain mark 
on his letter to indicate to Valerius the 
sinceri^ of his opinion. On the question 
of the honourableness of this ana simflar 
acts of Cicero, see yoL P, Introd. L, 
pp. 48-50. 


EP. lis {FAX. Xin. 6a). 

oonTenit et simiil signifloeni de nnmeiro esse Oiupi amioomm. 
8. Bed hano oommendationem qnam hiB littezis oonrignare yoIol 
fldto eoe omnium giaTinimam. Nam P. OiupiuB smgnlari studio 
oontendit a me ut tibi quam diUgentassime L. lulium oommen- 
darem. Eius ego studio Tix Tideor mihi satis f aoere posse, si utar 
Terfais iis quibus onm dfligentisBime quid agimus uti solemus. 
Nova quaedam postulat et putat me eius generis artifldum quod- 
dam tenere. Ei ego pollioitus sum me ex intima nostra arte de- 
prompturum mirifloum genus oommendatioms. Id quoniam adsequi 
non possum, tu re velim effioias ut ille genere mearom litterarum 
inoredibili quiddam perfeotum arbitretur. 4. Id faoies si omne 
genus liberalitatis quod et ab humanitate et potestate tua profloisd 
potent non modo re sed etiam yerbisy Tultu denique exprompseris : 
quae quantum in pro vinda valeant vellem expertus esses, sed tamen 
suspioor. Ipsum boiiiinem quern tibi oommendo perdignum 
esse tua amioitiay non solum quia mihi Ouspius didt, oredo, 
tametd id satis esse debebat, sed quia noyi eius iudidum in 
bominibus et amids diligendis. 6. Harum litterarum vis quanta 
fuerit propediem iudioabo tibique, ut oonfldo, gratias agam. Ego 
quae te Telle quaeque ad te pertinere arbitrabor omnia studiose 
diligenterque ourabo. Oura ut yaleas. 

8. #i««f g^mrit turHfUmm tfUpdSiMi 
<«Mr#] 'taatlamamMterof uiakind 
of litanture.' 

$mtr$^ 'that he may oonoeiTe tbat 
some mifade has been worked hj the 
nature of mj letter/ that is, by < a letter 
of this kind tmm. me.' Op. fmum $mp' 
tonm tuommf 109, 1. 

4. vuUu dmigm] See on Q. Fr. i. 1, 1 

mptrtut 08m^ This would be his jfrH 
exptriwimiiA his influenoe, as he had just 
sniTed. It is possible that MadTig 


(Oposo. Acad. 161, ed. 2) is right ^ 
reading •wpertut $u$ ; for uoagh Oioero 
had been quaestor in Sicily, he nsd never 
been goremor of a prorinoe ; * I should 
like to haTS had the aetual ezpeiienoe ; 
but aU the ssme I have my surmises on 
the point.' 

MupUor] so. t$ mos Mpsriwm m <m». 
The Terb wapioor is often used of an 
agreeable or UTOurable surmiBe. Oioero 
politely intimates that the expnimmi to 
which he referi is oertain to show the 
strength of the new goremor's influence. 

EP. 117 (Q. FR. IL 6). 


116. TO Q. VALEEIUS OBOA, in Afbica (Fail xra. eft), 


BOMS ; MONTH TJNGBRTAIN, A. U. 0. 698 ; B. C. 56 ; AST. CIC. 

M. Oioero Q. Yaleiio P. Oomeliiim oommBndat. 


F. OomeliiiB, qui tibi litteras hM dedit, est mihi a P. OoEfpio 
oommendatoB oaiiui oaiua quanto opere ouperem deberemque pro- 
f eoto ex me f aoile oognoeti. Yehementer te rogo ut oares ut ez 
hao oommendatione mihi Oiuspias quam maximafl qnam primnm 
quam saepissime gratias agat. Yale. 

117. TO aUINTITS OIOEBO, on his Joubnbt to Boms 

raoM Sabbinia (Q. Fr. ii. s). 

boms; may (middlb), a. u. o. 698; a G. 66; abt. gig. 60. 

M. Gioaro Mzibit da gupplieatione A. Gabinio negata at suo fratris yidendi daaiderio. 


1. litteras mihi tuas iaoimdiBaimas exspeotatas, ao prime 
quidem omn desideriOi nnno yero etiam oum timore I Atqne has 
scito litteras me solas aooepisse post illas, quas tans nauta attulit 
Ulbia datas. Bed cetera, ut seribis, praesenti sermoni reserventur. 
Hoo tamen non queo differre. Id. Maiis senatos frequens divinus 
fuit in snpplicatione Gabinio deneganda. Adinrat Prooilius hoe 
nemini aooidisse. Foris yalde plauditor. Mihi oum saa sponte 

Omm cauta . . . cupermX Op. Fam. 
ziiL 76, 1 (178); 64, 1 \%Z6). The 
datiTB ia alao found, quid m« Fimdanio 
fum oupU f Q. Fr. L 1, 10 (80). 

1. mm imar$] Oioero lud began to 
fear that hia brother bad met wiu aome 
miahap on hia journey. 

Hviiuu fiiW] 'acted aplendidly in 
refuaing a st^Uogtio to Gabiniua.' 
Gabtnitta, governor of Syria, had applied 
to the Senate to give hxm a wppUiaHo, 
psoMHj for hia auoceaa in Faleatine 

againat Ariatobulua and hia aon Alexander, 
or perhapa, aa Drumann aaya (iii. 47, n. 
86), on aocount of aome previoua Tiotoriea 
oyer the Araba. The uae of dMmUtu s 
* aplendidly * haa been already noticed ; 
Tia. Att. i. 16, 9 (22) ; iL 21, 6 (48). 

^rociUut] a tnbnne. 

hoc fummi aecidistc] * neTer waa any- 
one ao alighted.' 

forit] i.e. apofiuh, 

MM iponte] MM 9ponU ia often applied 
to thinga aa well aa peraona, aa in 2 Yerr. 
i. 108 ; iii. 6 ; lAy. zziL 88, 18. 



JBP. 117 («. FB. U. fi). 

iuoimdum iom iaoundins quod me abeente. Etenim dXucpivic 
iadioiiim Bine oppngnatione, one gratia noefara erat. 2. Ante quod 
Idibus et poetridie fuerat diotum de agro Gampano aotum iri, non 
est aotum. In haooausa mihi aqua haerei Bed pluia quam oon- 
atitueram : ooram enim. Vale, mi optime et optatiaaime frater, et 
advola ; idem te pueii noetri rogant. lUud eoilioet : oenabis, oum 

piod M# M ht$nt $} ae. actum ni* 
flXiKfiy^f] 'nnbiMsed.' 
S. JLmU qmi} For the readiitf of this 
pMMge lee Adn. Grit. Gioaro bad ovried 
a Botum on the Nonee of April that the 
qneition of the diipoeal ol the Camptman 
landy aa ananged dj Caeaar'a laws, abonld 
be broQght bdfore the Benate on the Idea 
of Maj. He here aaya : ' The pzeidoiia 
•iranpament lor the diaonaaion of the 

Jueatum of the OampaTiian land oa ICay 
8 and 14, hXL through.' It ia plain 
from the laat letter written to Qnintna, 
and from other oonaiderationa, that Oioero 
mnat now hare been in Bome. Ms aUmU 
meana only abaenoe from the meeting 
of the Benate. This propoaal of Oioero, 
which met the epproTal of the Senate 
on April 6, that uie Senate ihonld, on 
Hay 16, diaoun the legality of the 
allotment of the Gampanian domain 
under the agrarian lawa of 696 (69), 
waa, in reality, a blow aimed at Gaeaar, 
and had lor ita object the repeal of 
the Gaeaaiean legialation of 698 (66). 
When Gioero withdrew hia motion on the 
Gampanian domain, or allowed it to fall 
through (aa he tella ua here), he took a 
atep ca far greater moment than hia 
oaaual mention of it here would aeem to 
indioate. It may be called hia flnt orert 
act against the eptimtUct and in aupport 
of the triumTira. 

aqua hoird} ' I am in a fix.' The 
metaphor ia taken from running water 
meetmg with an obstacle: cp. Off. lii. 117. 
The phrase is not noticed in L. ft S. 
in the new Thesaurus it is stated that the 
proyerb is taken 'ez usu clepsydrae,' 

which aeema to mean that if the water 
eeaaed to flow in the clepsydra, the orator 
had to diacontinne his speech. Gioeio 
cannot now continue his attack on Gaesar'a 
laws. Gieero's diffleulty was whether he 
ahould withdimw all opposition to the 
triumTin on the Gampaman land queation 
or ahould continue tne oppoaition to it» 
with no better support than the selfish 
and untruatworthy oenate. 

pkirm] ac ssrifMi: cp. Att TiiL 9, 2 

car&m mm] ao. cottof^ucnmr : ep. Att. 
jdL 21, 2 (667). 

piwri nattrQ * your aon and mine.' 

mlutf] Here we haTe, I think, a case 
of the ante-dasaical usage (found also in 
Sallust: cp. Jug. 102, 9; 118, 8) whereby 
ieUioet is regarded as » Mtr# Uul^ and so 
^Tems an object. This is Terr common 
in Plautus, and is another of the coinci- 
dences between the language of Giooro's 
letters and that of the oomic stage. So 
vidtUcii daitai, for comment on which 
passage see toI. I*, p. 62. This usage of 
Cicero in hii letters is not reoognised by the 
grammars and dictionaries. let, so many 
are the other coincidences, surely we may 
add thii one. VideUut goTems an object 
inpost-elassical Latin. Hie meaning is, 
' Tliia ee ««fu iir$ ; you dine with me on 
TOurarriTal.' [I cannot think that t0i^M»< 
here is anything more than the ordinary 
* of course.' Understand tt with Uhdi 
' There is this of course,' op. Att. Ti. 8, 
10 (264) Sa$c nmt\ $t%am ilM; ora-^ 
tUn$m Q. CeUrU miki vhm mittat. — 
L. G. P.] 

«#fiaM« cum vcncrit] See Adn. Grit 

EP. 118 .{ATT. IT. 8b). 


118. TO ATTIOUS, m Bomb (Att. iv. sJ). 

TUSCULANTJM ; KOVBMBSB, A. I7. C. 698 ; B. C. 66 ; ABT. CIC. 60. 

De ]flg« TrebaniAy de Domitii wilninitate et miwrs rei piiU. oondiciaD<s de Natta, de 
no Lufoo. In zebiif paUidf maiore prndentia nM nne opus eaw aoribit de iiaqne 
«otidle ab Atdoo oertior fieri enpit 


1. Apenas yix. diooBseiat, oom epirtula. Quid aisP putasne 
fore ut legem non ierat P Die, oro te, darinB : yix enim mihi 
exaadiflse Tideor. Yemm statim faout soiaiii, d modotibi eetoom- 
modcDiL Ludis quidem quoniam dies est additua, eo etiam meliiui 
hie emm diem com Bionysio conteremoB. 2. De Trebonio proraua 
tibi adaentior. De Domitio. 

26k(^ fjM r^v A^/ui)rpat ovkov ov82 Sv 

quam eat iata wiptaraai^ noatiae, vel qaod ab iisdem vel quod 

The date id tfaia letter haa been fixed 
with tolerable aoomaoj. It it to be 
•aaaLmed, not^ with Raoaohen (pp. 46, 46), 
to September, but, with KSmer, to the 
fizat Imlf of Norember. It ib plain from 
} 2 that the intention of Pompey uid 
Cfraania to atand for the oonaalibip had 
been declared () 2 JkmUium . . . Jleri 
0muMUm non po$m : and alK> the end of 
ihe i Si v$ro id tit ut mn minus lon^oi 
Um in 0oii$Ulorum fuHt futuntrum mm- 
aulum pogitmUu KtiMml pum fofftorum). 
Kow thia oeonrred towarda the end of the 
year, aa it xa the laat erent mentioned by 
Dio Oaanua (tttit. 80) in hu history of 
the year 698 (66). After the deolantion of 
Pom^and Oraaraa, moat of the aenatoia 
nbatatned from attending the aenate oh 
fkiwroi o9t9 rif9 Miyra /ivnifMriirxopro 
«i^ff is rks Toniyip^u ifotrmif ofhs 
ir rf KsatiTuXl^ rj) r«v Aihs loprf 
9l^rt40^0n^. Now the spul um Io9is waa 
held on November 18th (op. ICaiqnazdt, 
Hi. 886), in oonnezion with the Ludi 
Plebeli (November 4 to 17), ao that they 
are moat probably the kiii referred to in 
4 1 iudis pddom quonism diss sst addUus. 

1. Apsmui] aletter-oarrier. SeeAdn. 

sjMuU] se. a te venit 

Ispsm] There are no data for diieover^ 
ing iHiat Istf U referred to. 

J>is, oro is, eUurius'] Thia phraae^ like 
aifi* tUf aigmfiea that the inteUigenoe ii 
xnoredible : ' oan I believe my eara f * 

sxaudisss"] 'oanght the worda,* need 
in jnat the aame aenae in Att L 14, 4 (20). 

jAtdiUi] BO. the Lndi PlebeiL 

hisl Probably the IStssuUmum is re- 
ferred to, aa he expeota lettera from 
Attiona daily : op. sotidis, i 4. 

2. adssntior] probably that he will be 
a aealona aupporter of the trinmvira. 

JhtnUio"] On. Domitiaa Ahenobarboa 
waa a candidate for the oonanlship. 
Oioero aaoribea Ida failure to tilie inflnenoe 
of the trinmvira. * Hia oaae,' he aaya, < ia 
aa like mine aa two peaa : the aame in* 
flaenoea bronght abont m^ exile and hia 
defeat: the iasue waa in both eaaea 
nnexpeoted; and the optimaisSf in both 
oaaea, were n<rt to be f onnd when wanted. 
!nie only point of diiaimilarity waa that 
Domitina tempted hia fate (he had dedlared 
that he wonld depriye Oaeaar of hia army, 
if elected). Peihapa hia oaae waa even 
harder than mine, that he who wai bom 
to the oonaulate, ao to apeak, ahoold fail 
to obtain it, and liiat he ahoold faQ with 
no (plebeian) oandidate, or at moat one, 
in the field againat him.' 

0^8^ Ir] ^en e&8^ takea this em- 
phatic fonn, it ia never elided, that ia, 
oW & ia not fonnd. 


EP. 118 {ATT. IV. 8h). 

prteter opinionem vel quod Tin boni muqnam. Unmn diHomile, 
qaod hnio xnerito. Nam de ipso oasa neeoio an illud melius. 
Quid enim hoo miBeritiB quam etim, qui tot annoB quot habet 
deaignatiu oontol faerit, fieri oonsolem non poeae, praeeertim com 
ant solus ant certe non plusquamoum alteropetatP SiTeroidest, 
quod nesoio an sit, ut non minus longas iam in oodidllorum fastis 
futuiorum oonsulum paginulas liabeat quam faotorum, quid illo 
miserius nisi zes publioa P in qua ne speratur quidem melius quid- 
quam. 3. De Natta ez tuis primum soi^i litteris : oderam homi- 
nem. De poemate quod quaeris, quid, si oupiat effngere P quid P 
sinasP De Fabio Lusoo quod eram ezorsus, homo peramans 
semper nostri fuit nee mihi umquam odio. Satis enim aoutus et 
permodestus ao bonae frngi. Eum, quia non yidebam, abesse 
putabam : audiTi ez GaTio boo Finnano Bomae esse hominem et 
fuisse adsiduum. Peroussit animum. Dices, tantulane oausaP 
Permulta ad me detulerat non dubia de Eiimanis fratribus. Quid 

hot flKtMfiiM ^iftMi] S99 is aUatiTe 

nevter. It it used plMoastioaUy here 

More fum. Op, mm niliil toipiiii fMm 

. . . dioere, Fin. L 10; quid hm A«ri 

tnxpiiis potMt pmm^ De Or. i. 169 ; and 

Mad^ig*! note. Thii pleonaim is also 

common in Plantas: op. HiL Glor. 22: — 

Pttiarioram hoe bomlBem ti qub ▼idcrit. 
Ant glorianuD plesloraiB fumm ittic «r/. 

Ut wmm] He is said to haye been 
eonsul-eleot all his life, because his 
election in his proper year was regarded 

foliM . . . jMto<] Domiiiiisiras the only 
plebeian candidate except Pompey (Graisiis 
being a patiician) \ bnt Cicero hesitates 
wheuier he can nghtly call Pompey a 
candidate at all, since he was not elected, 
bnt appointed coUeague of Grasnis after 
an wi<#m y f t ts w . By the licinian consti- 
tntion one of the consuls was necessarily 
a plebeian. Others think that Pompey 
is not here refened to, but some plebeian 
riyal of whom no farther mention is made, 
possibly G. Memmius, or P. Nigidius 
FignluB, who were ooUeagues of Bomitius 
in the prsetorship. 

8i 9§ni\ ' But if it is true— and I am 
not sure tnat it is not— that Pompey has, 
in the arohxres of his pocket-book, as long 
Usts of future as of past consuls, then 
what ii more sad than his (Domitius') 
condition, except that of the Republic, 
which doles not leaTC room eren for hope 

of improTcmentP' Ooi^cUhnm is the 
$in, $pts$gtiiem (Draager L 466, 467), 
* the state archiTCS which are now one and 
the same as the pocket-book of Pompey,' 
like mmruiim olorU$^ < the reward whmh 
consists in being famous,' Tusc. i. 84. 
Nearly the same is the gen. in jMiter 
AMWHiMm, Fam. t. 8, 2 (181). 

Mbm\ Ghronoiius thinks that tho 
reference is not merely to Pompey but to 
the three triumyirs : accordingly he reads 

8. N«^Ua\ L. Pinarius Katta was the 
pontifex under whom the Mtt«Mr«<io of 
Uie site of Cicero's house by Clodius was 
carried out (Dom. 118, 184: cp. Mur. 78). 

ptSmmW] ProbaUy the poem J)# <#m- 
jwrO^fUtt, to which he refers in 168, 28. 

4^ig0r$] ' to see the light.* 

qu9d eram #«0r«iM] 'to recur to what 
I began to tell you ' (in another letter). 

bona* fntg%\ This is a contemptuous 
kind of praise, as we learn from Att. yii. 
4, 1 (295), where he says that to use such 
words of a man is like giying a character 
to a freedman. 

Gw9io\ This Gayius of Firmum is 
perhaps the person called P. Ohdi mmw, 
Att. yi. 8, 6 (264). 

Jintu tMdmm'l ' has been at Bome 
all along.' 

Btreuuit"] ' made a deep impression 

on me.' 
rWmmiiifralr%bu»\ These may be tho 

EP. 118 {ATT. IV. 8h). 


sit quod se a me remorit, si modo removit, ignoro. 4. De eo 
quod mo moiieSi nt et iroXcnini^c m® geram et r^ faw ypofifjo^v 
teneam, ita faGiaxD. Bed opus est maiore pradentia, quam a te, ut 
soleo, petam. Ta yelim ex Fabio, d quern babes aditumi odorere 
et istam oonviTam taum degustes et ad me de bis rebus et de 
omnibus cotidie soribas. TTbi nibil erit quod saribas, id ipsnm 
soonbito. Cfura ut yaleas. 

ChiTxiis JQBt mimtioiied and bis brother. 
Tb«7 leem to baire been lU-diapoMd to 
OuMio. Fabini had diaoloaed to Oieero 
iorae hostile aet on their part. Hence 
Oioeio looks on Fabins as a weU-viaber, 
and is smpnsed that he fsiled in the 
onstomarj HUttUttio. 

hmmtU] So Bm. Ibr rtmovU of the 
mss. The snbjnnetiTe seems reqnixed by 
the order of thewoids, though Oioero might 
▼ell haire written qued m m wte remorit, 
HmothrvnoiiiyqmidiUigmro. C.F.W. 
MIOler defends r m t o n i (peibaps lid^tly) 
by refoxing to sndi passages as Ter. Snn. 
669 qttid ut quod k$tm M. Bntitmnst 
be oonlessed that all the passages he 

? notes are direct questions, not indirect 
IS here), ezoept Tao. Oeim. 40 umeUiqui 
yw^nw tf wi qM tU iUtid quod tantum 

voXitikAi] 'with moderation, 'like a 
eitixen of a free state— « oommon nsage : 
ep. such passages as FIntwoh Bull. 80, 4. 

r^r 9ffm ypa/ifiiiif] Hie reading of 
K is EO, whioh adinits of the alteration 
either to l|« or l^». We adopt the 
latter. The former is adopted by 
Hanntius, who thinks the refemoe 
is to the dhaiiot raoe, and the 'safe' 
oouse (which is apparently the mean- 
ing of the panage) in the chariot raoe 
was the 'ontside' one, in whioh there 
was no dancer of disaster when rounding 
the mrta. But oonld ypm^ii^ haye this 
meaning P It can, of couise, mean the 
* stsrting-line,' the ' scn^' ; bat that is 
quite different ihmi the line the chaziots 
pnisoed during the race. We think the 

reference is not to the chariot-race, but to 
a game of the same nature as diaufjhts or 
chess, called vrrrfie, or more speodlcally 
M rlrrt rpflVM'Ai' (^oUnz 97, 98). The 
. details of the game are obscure (see Beoq 
de Fonouiiacer Loo joute doo mmmim, pp. 
891-406) ; but this much seems certain, that 
there was a dinding line in the middle of 
the board called Icp^ ypow*>hf sn^ ^ ^^ 
player mored his pieces across that line, 
ne played an aggressiTe and Tentoresome 
game : op. Theocritiis tL 18 c«) rhw iath 
ypofift&t jKirti KiBow, * she plays the 
adTancing game,' 'she mores her king 
from the boundary line' (if we should 
not read rcCrra 8' Avb ypofjtfuis Kiwot xiBov) : 
Aloaeus 82 (ed. Bergk.) pvw 8' air' olroi 
iwutpirot KOf^fftus rhp kw* tpus w6futroif 
xiBop, ' moring his last piece aeross the 
border,' i.e. making his last desperate 
effort: cp. Paroem. Graeoi, p. 196, ed. 
Oaisford, Kuft^m rhw &^' t^j^' M rQiw 
rd Irxcrra KUfZvmioirrmv, Cicero says he 
wiU play the safe game, the dsf ensiTe 
game ; and he will keep his men within 
9ie Upk ypf^'it he wiU keep his actions 
within tne bounds of j^mdenoe. He 
will make no such aggressiTe more as he 
did earlier in the year when he proposed 
the reconsideration of the Campaniaa 
Land Question. 

MMvtMMi] Perhaps the Bpicorean 

id ipoum] so. nihil oooo. Op. Att ▼!. 
8, 10 (364) HUorao mitU qtum prim$m; 
oi nihU, mkU Jlori vol ptr UMUtrum^ 
' if there is no news, write to say so, or 
cTon send a yerbal message.' 



£PP. 119-181. 

A. U. 0. 699 ; B. C. 66 ; AST. GIO. 51. 

0088. GN. F0MFBnJ8 MAGNn8, M. LldNIUS GRA8Sn8. 

Thxb year began with aa inierregnum : but towards the end of Jannaiyor the 
beginning of Febnury Pompey and Crassns were eleoted oonsolB, the oppontion 
of DomitinB (op. 118, 2) haying been withdrawn owing to the yiolenoe exercised 
against him and his supporters. In the middle of February praetors were 
eleeted. A motion was eairied that they enter upon office forthwith, after an 
amendment that they heprtvaU for two months (so as to admit of their being 
aocnsed of ambitui) had been defeated. Then by oolossal bribery (cp. Pint. 
Oat Min. 42) Yatinins defeated Cato, and was eleoted praetor. Cicero snpported 
Gate. Milo and Sestins also appear to hsTB been elected praetors. Thetribnnes 
who were hostile to Pompey and Crassns were Ateins Capito and Aqoillins 

Abont April or May Gabinins restored Ptolemy to Egypt with an army, 
donbtleas at the instigation of Pompey and Caesar. Abont May Trebonins 
proposed a law whidh gaye to Pompey and Oraasos the goTcmments of Spain 
and 8yzia for fiye years : and another law, proposed by the -consols, added five 
years to Caeear's tennre of Qanl, notwithstanding the earnest warnings of Gate 
(Pint. Cat. 43). Pompey oarried a lex iudieiaria which limited the choice of 
judges by the Praetor Urbanns and his amrifrtang Quaestors to the wealthiest 
and most respectable members of three orders. Crassus carried his law de 
sodaUeiiB of which we hear in Cicero's speech for Planoins. In the autumn, 
about September, Pompey opened his theatre with spectacles of unusual 
magnificence. This was the occasion of a very interesting letter from Cicero 
to M. Marine, which should, howeyer, most probably be regarded rather as a 


rhetorioal ezaroise than aa a geuune expreaaion of opinioii aa to tbe moralitj 
of aaoli public entertainmeiita. Aboat the same time Cioero daliTered hia 
speeohea in X. Fiwnem and pro X. Cbntntb QdUo. In NoTember Graaaoa left 
Borne for hia pxoYinoe of Syxia, after having been zeconeiled with CSoero. The 
eleetiona fat 700 (64) were very mneh delayed, that fior the oorole aedileahip 
apparently not haying been eompkted when Ihe year eloeed. It waa in thia 
year that (Soero oompoeed hia dhamung treatiae Ih Oraioroy and hia poem 
Do iomparilmi mim in three hooka. 

Thia waa the year of Gaeaar'a expedition againat the Uaipetea and Teneteii, 
German tribea on tiie right bank of the Bhine. He treaoherooaly aeised their 
ohief a and defeated the boat Hia oondaot waa aoTerely aaaailed by men of 
oonaoienoe like Cato (Pint Caea. 22, Soet. Jul. 24). He made a bridge aoroaa 
the Rhine " to teaehthe Germana what Roman aoienoe oonld do " (Riee-Holmea, 
Caeoar^i Gmquott qf Oa^^ p. 74). He also reeeiyed the labmiaaion of the 
Morini, and made hia flrat expedition into Britain. 

EP. 119 {FAM. I. 8). 91 

119. TO P. LENTULTJS, Pkooonsul op Oilicia (Pam. i. s). 

BOMB ; JABTJABT OB FBBBTTABTy A. V. 0. 699 ; B. 0. 56 I ABT. CIC. 51. 

Be fteta rei puUioM qneitiis P. Ls&toliim oooioiittiir de ape eEzigaa oauaae regiae 
aut paane fnota: ontiosem spem topplioatioiiiB ostendit 


1. De ommboB rebus quae ad te pertinent^ quid aohun, quid 
eoiuditatum dti quid Pompeius susoeperit, optime ex M. Plae- 
torio oognoeoesy qui non solum interfuit his rebus sed etiam 
praefuit neque ullum offidum erga te bominis aTnantiwrimi, pru- 
dentissimi, diligentissiini praetermisit Ex eodem de toto statu 
rerum oommunium cognosces, quae quales sint non fadle est 
soribere. Sunt quidem oerte in amicorum nostrorum potestate 
atque ita ut nuUam mutationem urnqxiam bao bominum aetate 
babitura res esse Tideatnr. 2. Ego quidem, ut debeo et ut 
tute mibi praeoepisti et ut me pietas utilitasque oogit, me ad 
eius rationes adiungo quem tu in meis rationibus tibi esse 
adiungendum putastL Sed te non praeterit quam sit difficile 
sensum in re publica praesertim rectum et confirmatum deponere. 
Vemm tamen ipse me conformo ad eius yoluntatem a quo boneste 
dissentire non possum: neque id faoioi ut forsitan quibusdam 
videar, simubitione: tantum enim animi inductio et meberoule 
amor erga Pompeium apud me yalet ut, quae illi utilia sunt et 
quae ille Tult, ea mibi omnia iam et recta et yera videantur. 
Neque« ut ego arbitror, errarent ne adversarii quidem eius, si, cum 
pares esse non possent, pugnare desisterent. 3. Me quidem etiam 
ilia res consolatur, quod ego is sum cui vel maxime concedant 
omnes ut yd ea def endam quae Pompeius velit vel taceam vel 
etiam, id quod mibi maxime libet, ad nostra me studia ref eram 

1. tmUantm] ffae tiiiimTin. xu ibm liin. So mi Oioero's Hen imd 

2. in iMi» raii€mhu2 'wtm my in- Ventand immer getheilt. Ygl. das echaxfe 
terarts (Le. mTretam from exile) were in XJztiieQ dee Cioero liber PompeinB FhiL 
question.* ii. i 88 to.' 

amor trga ^mpmm'\ Weidner (QusU poumt\ * feeling themselTes to be no 
UnbucAiL 8, p. 181) aayi: ' Cioero duroh- match for him ' ; suoh is the force of the 

■ehante die Bitelkeit und Niohtigkeit impeif . labjnnot. 

dee Pompeinf , und dooh fiihrte ein Z. ad noitra im ttudia . . . lUUr^nml 

d&moniioher Zu% ihn immer wieder This is the conxse which in the next 


EP. 119 {FAM. I. 8). 

litteranun : quod prof eoto f adam, si mihi per eiiudem lanioitiam 
lioeUL Quae enim proposita fnerant nobis, oum et honoribns 
ampIiBomiB et labonbns maTiTnifl perfanoti easemiu, dignitaa in 
sententiis dioendis, libc^rtas in re publioa oapeasenda, ea aublata 
tota sonty nee mihi magiB qnam omnibuB. Nam ant adsentiendnm 
est nnlla oimi gravitate panois aut firoatra dicMentiendimL 4. Haeo 
ego ad te ob earn oansam maxime soribo nt iam de toa qnoque 
ratione meditere. Oommntata tota ratio est eenatos, iudidoramy 
rei totioB pnblioae. Otinm nobis exoptandnm est : quod ii qui 
potinntor rerom praeetatori Tidentor* si qnidam homines patientios 
eomm potentiam ferre potoerint. Dignitatem qtddem illam eon- 
snlarem fortis et oonstantis senatoris nihil est quod oogitemns: 
amissa oolpa est eorom qui a senata et ordinem ooninnotissimnm 
et hominem elarissimnm abalienamnt. 5. Bed nt ad ea quae oon- 
innctiora rebus tnis sunt revertari Pompeinm tibi yalde amionm 
esse oognoTii et eo ta oonsule, quantum ego perspioio, omnia quae 
Toles obtinebis : quibus in rebus me sibi ille adflmm habebit ne- 
que a me ulla res quae ad te pertineat neglegetur. Neque enim 
Terebor ne sim ei molestus oui iueundum erit etiam propter se ipsum 
onm me esse gpratum videbit. 6. Tu velim tibi ita persuadeas, nul- 
1am rem esse minimam quae ad te pertineat quae mihi non oarior 
sit quam meae res omnes. Idque oum sentiam, sedulitate mihimet 
ipse satis f aoere possum, re quidem ipsa ideo mihi non satis fado 
quod nullam partem tuorum meritomm non modo referenda sed 
ne oogitanda quidem gratia oonsequi possum. 7. Bem te valde 
bene gessisse rumor erat. Ezspeotabantur litterae tuae de quibus 
eramus iam oum Pompeio loouti : quae si erunt adlatae, nostrum 
studium ezstabit in oonveniendis magistratibus et senatoribus: 
oeteraque quae ad te pertinebunt onm etiam plus oontenderimus 
quam possumus, minus tamen fademus quam debemus. 

letter, 120, 2, he indiofttee by the woide 
Af nottrmii lovm nveriamur. 

Huadm] objeotiye gen., < mj Mend- 
■hip for the eame.* 

4. jpiidmn] certain extreme optinuitee, 
eep. Ceto, BidoIub, DomitiuB. 

onKfMn] 10. $fuutrem. How Cato 
alienated the knighte from the Senate bj 
his oondnot as regaida the contract for 
the taxes of Asia is told in Att L 17 and 
18 (28, 24). 

homiuMn] Pompey, who was oflBonded 
chiefly by Xnoullus, Oato, and Metellns 

6. quod nuUam pmim] ' not even in 
f0eUnpt of gmtitude, much lees in aats 
of gratitude, can I come up to what you 
deserre from me in an^ degree.' 

7. IKmii • . . gumu] against the 
robber-tribes in Cilieia. Lentulus was 
desirous of obtaining the honour of a 
mppJieatio iat these successes. 

EP. leO (Q. FB. II. 7 (9)). 


120. TO HIS BBOTHBB aTJINTUS (Q. Fb. ii. 7 (9)). 

BOMB ; FBBBUABYy A. V. C. 699 ; B. 0. 55 ; ABT. CIC. 51. 

M. Gioero Hhrom da temporibiif suif festri plaooiue gaudet, eiiu ae negotium 
Pompeio nommondmio et de ambitu Moatna oonanltnm in Alnuiii nftntrnitiam hotam 


1. Flaoituroxn tibi eese libmm menm suspioabar : tarn yalde 
plaouiflse quam soribiB valde gaudeo. Quod me admones de nostra 
Urania soadeeque ut meminerim Iotib orationem quae est in 
extremo illo libro, ego yero memini et ilia omnia mihi magis soripBL 
quam eeteiiB. 2. Bed tamen postxidie quam tu es profeotus, 
multa noote oum YibuUio veni ad Pompeium, oumque ego egissem 

1. librum numii] Cicero'f poem V^ 
i$mp€inhi$ nHtf in whidh lie waa now 
engaged: ep. 168, 28 ; 148, 24 ; 147, 6. 

natira UrmtW] With iome hesitation 
we retain this, the ingenious conjeotore 
of MaL fbr the unmeaning nan aurantia 
of H. While the worda librum msum 
refer to the poem JM UmpitribttB sum, 
the words nairu TTremia reive to a 
quite different poem — the poem J>$ 
c<nuulaiu mo, of which three yenee are 
ottoted hy Cicero in Att iL 3, 8 (29). 
But the passage there quoted cannot be 
the passage here aUuded to. The passage 

Sioted in Att. ii. 8, 8 (29) was the con- 
nsion of the third book of his poem on 
hi$ comuUU, and was put in the mouth of 
OalUope (see note ad loe,) ; now, the pas- 
sage here xeterred to is spoken by Urania, 
u^ we learn from de Dit. i. 17-22, that 
Urania was a speaker in the ueond book. 
This, then, is rer^r important, for if we 
supposed the allusion here to be to the 
passa^ quoted in £p. 29, the meaning 
of this passage would be, 'you remind 
me of the Terses, mUrta eurnu quot prima 
a parU i uvtn i aSy in* Yes, I remember 
them weQ, and I mean to follow their 
preoept, and adA&r$ U my old optimaU 
prineiplet and partp.* But such is by 
no m^ana what Gioero here wishes to 
intimate. We may, perhaps, infer from 
what Quintilian says (zi. 1, 24 In oar- 
minihm uiinam poporoiuet (Oiooro) quae 
nan deoiorutU oarpero maUfni : ' Cedent 
airma togae, eomSdat laurea Imquao* ot 

* Ofirtunatam natam mo oon&ulo Homam ' 
$t * lopom Ulum a quo in oonoiUum doorum 
adoooaiur * ot * Minorvam quao artoo oum 
odoouU*,' quao oiH illo ooouhu quaodmn 
Or ao o or um oxompla pormioorat : <m. 
Pseudo-Salloat in CSioero f 7) that the 
poem represented Oioeio as called into 
the oomicil of the gods by Juppiter, and 
probably addressed by the llnsea. At the 
end of each book Juppiter may haTo 
made a speech bearing on the piindnal 
themes touched on by the Muaea. The 
long extract from the speech of Urania 
quoted in de Div. L 17-22 oondudes 
with Quo " 

Tu tamen anziferas curat requiete relaxaas 
Qaodpatriae vacat, id ctndiis nobbquesacrasti, 

and to this point Juppiter may haye re- 
ferred, urgbg Cicero to consider literature 
and philosophy as reersations or sdaoes 
in case political life should become 
burdensome or impossible. We know 
that Cicero, in periods of despondency at 
the course politics were takmc, did have 
recourse to literature. The whole mean- 
ing may be thus conveyed : ' I am ^ad 
you like the poem Do tomporihu. But 
you remind me of the precept of another 
poem of mine (the poem Jh oontuMUf 
second book), which tells me to give up 
politics, and devote myself to philosophy 
and literature: yes, I remember the 
precept welL It was more to confirm 
myself than to amuse othen I wrote the 
whole thing. I will giye up politics. Tot^ 


EP. ISO (C FB. U. 7 (9)). 

de Mb operibus atque iiuoriptionibiU} per mihi 
magnam spem attulit : onm Oraaso se dixit loqni yelle mihique ut 
idem laoerem fiuasit. OraaBom oonanlem ex senata domnm reduxL 
Snaoepit remdixitqae eoe quod Olodius hoc tempore oaperet per ae 
et per Pompeium oonseqiii : patare ee, si ego earn non impedirem» 
poflie me adipisoi fline ooatentione quod yellem. Totom ei nego- 
tium permiai meque in eins poteetate dixi fore. Interf ait huio 
Bermoni P. OraasuB aduleaoena, noatri, ut aoia, atudioaiaaimua. 
niad autem quod cupit Olodiua eat legatio aliqua— ai minua per 
aenataniy per populum — libera aut Byzantium aut ad Brogitanun 
ant utromque. Plena rea nnmmorum. Quod ego non TiiTnii^m 
laboro, etiam ai minua adaequor quod volo. Pompeiua tamen oum 

I mint teU you, I eaUed on PoniMj 
the Torj day after yoa left.' He oaued 
on Pompey to atk a laTonr for Qtuntiu. 
He vntes below (i 2) H jm-JMmt, 
epHme: $i ntimmf ad no timm Imum f»- 
wtrUmur, that ia, * if I find my politioal 
inflnenoe nnaTaOable In your interest, 
then I wiU indeed foUow the preeept of 
JoTO^ whieh I haTO violated for your 
nke. I have itniyed onoe more into the 
sphere of politioa on an enand for yon ; if 
IfaSlf let na never enter it again.' 

Gurlitt, howeyer (Rhein. Miia. 66 
ri901), pp. 696 (L), objecta to this view 
(1) that there is no oTidenoe that in 
the work JDf eantulatH any speeohes of 
Jnppiter were introdooed : and (2) that 
the passage quoted abore from QninoUan, 
takni in oonnection with 148, 24, would 
rather point to the view that the flnt 
book of the De tmi^Mribu§ ended with a 
speech of Juppiter inviting Oioero to a 
oonneil of the gods ; and that the opinion 
may be held that, in that speech, Juppiter 
maj have advised Cicero to devote him- 
self to literature rather than to pdUtics. 
If these oontentions are sound, there ii 
no allusion to the i>« eonnUtUUf and thus 
UrtmU must disappear. He thinks we 
should read d$ no$tra eurntiom, and 
supposes the reference to be to the business 
which Cicero undertook of erecting a 
statue to his brother near the temple of 
Tellus (see next note). Gnrlitt further 
points out that in some way or other 
Cicero had the administration of the 
temple of Tellus : op. Hamsp. Besp. 81 
oaCm Trikiria ut euraliom$ msae. He 
also thinks that we might poenUy read 
4$ moH. (for monummUrumf as 0. S. 
Schmidt in Att. ziiL 46, 2 (663) reada 

muH, for mtmsrum) eitnUiang. But he 

justly considers that no»tra (nnt) ii more 

eperibui] We lean from (^ Fr. iiL 1, 
14 (148) that Cicero afterwards erected a 
statue of his brother under the temple of 
Tellus, bearing probably an insolation 
recounting his merits and successes. This 
throws a li^ht on the present passage. 
Quintus desired to have some record of 
himself in a public place in Rome. This 
could be done only by public consent. 
Pomiwy assured Cioeto that he might 
get rid of the opposition of Clodinsby 
refrainingfrom opposing f3ie proposal to 
grant to Clodius a Men hgatic to Brogi- 
tarus or Byiantiiim, or both. It is pos- 
sible, indeed, that this pasMge refers to 
the building which Cicero had contracted 
to build for the State before his exile, 
on which Clodius had inscribed his name : 
cp. Harusp. Besp. 68 v$ttrU mofmmmUU 
smm mmm inmipiii. This building is 
also mentioned in Fam. i. 9, 6 and 16 (168) : 
cp. Lange, iii. 388. Then iatU will have 
the meaning ' the works I spdce to you 
of,' 'the works you wot of' ; if we do 
not read ntutrU, 

IUnar«9\ ' he may make a great haul 
by it.' As tribune, Clodius hsA restored 
certain Bysantine exiles; and he had 
made Brogitarus (a Qalatian, son-in-law 
of Deiotarus) priest of Cybele at Pessinus. 
Clodius was going to raise the money, for 
which he held Ixmds from the Bysantine 
exiles and Brogitarus. 

nm fitsiiiMi laboro] * I am not greatly 
concerned about his being allowed the 
official tour, even though! gain not my 
object (see note on optrmti, above). 
However, Pompey has had an interview 

BP. ISO (Q. FK II. 7 (9)). 


Cfraaso looatos eet. Yidentor negotiom susoepiiBse. Si potfidunty 
optime : si minus, ad nostnini loyem reyertamur. 3. A. d. ni. Id. 
Febr. senatoB oonsoltnm eet f aotnm de ambitu in Afrani senten- 
tiam, qoam ego dizeram oum tn adeaaee. Bed magno onm gemitu 
BenatuB oonaulea non sunt peneouti eonun sententiaa qui, Afranio 

with Oiwiii. I fuiey th«y have taken 
<m theinaelTW fha fnlfllmant of your 
wiahfli. It 80, well, ezoeUont irelL If 
sot, let HI beuke omtHfm to the oooneel 
of Jove (and ebendon politaos).' 

8. 4$ mMim] Pompey and On«nif 
were deehom of leooring the election 
to the pnetoiship of the in&mont P. 
Yatinini. and the defisat of the fllnetiioos 
H. PotoniB Oato (UtioenaiB). 

Jfimi tmUmUUm'] This teems to haTO 
been a modon that the piaeton be elected 
forthwith, wbioh woold imply that they 
should at ODoe enter xxpoa omoe (ep. cMs 
HfX***'* Plntaxdi, onoted below). Some 
of the senators wisbed to add a lider that 
the ptaetois should be eleeted, but on con- 
dition thAt for sizty days alter their election 
they should be onlj praeton designate, 
and thus retain thenr private station (and 
could therefore be nroceeded against faj 
law) ; but the consuls refused to put this 
amendment. Now, if they had been tried, 
their eondemnation would haye been cer- 
tahi, mid Osto would have been elected. 
So the consult, In rejecting the rider 
about si^ days^ in effect there and then 
rejeetod Oato. All this hig^-handed action 
seems well-nigh inerediUe, and tins Gioero 
feels himself. But he ezphuns their ]^ro- 
ceediDgs by saying, * they haye unlimited 
power, mti with ii tc b^ gin&raUf muUr' 
ttooi thmt it it «.' Oowtra was inserted 
by SchHts before ^mwi, and simiUuly 
Baiter inserts in, and 0. F. W. MiUlor 
reads q^am tgo iittuattrmn \ but it is 
easy to underrtand ptam tao Ustram to 
mean 'which I had described to yon* : 
cp. PhiL ziL 5 JDitmtta ttt iUa caUgo 

rn patih miU disi. In either case 
words turn tu Mdstttt show that Gioero 
supposed Qnintus to know the exact form 
of Afnmius* ttnimiH: This is unfortu- 
nate for us; it would haye been interest- 
ing to haye had the yery terms of the 
motion. Its aim, howeyer, it clear from 
the narmtiye of Plutaroh in his < Gato.' 
He savs: vpAror iiJkp .... ^inr^fcorre 
roht ti^hrttt wrpartiytht cms ^y*(^» 
Kol /!# 9#a\nr^rr«t rip 96iimtP XP^^^t 
4p i iUm Ttlts ScKtU'o^i rhp ^/tor ^vtaf 
(hntra Miit tsv ^nift^fuiiTot rh tiMnu 

[ddeei] hnnrMvPow KwrwrKtvi/farrtt 
ihnip^as afrrfir ira2 ^tKtvs M r^w 
crpmntfitop wpov^yoif, Oat Min. 42. 
Once haying secnied that their creatures 
could not be prosecuted for bribery, the 
consult brougnt them forward as candi- 
dates for the prsetonhip^ gaye bribes 
themselyes, and stood by while the yoting 
wss goin^ on. Even in corrupt Rome 
this eieotion was a scandal for eyer (cp. 
Seneca, Bpirt. 118, 4, and yd. y.,p. lii). 
In due course the praetors should haye 
been designated in July; and thus they 
would have been ilye mon&s or more 
pn m U i before they entered on their office. 
Bat in thit case the proceedings were of 
a yery abnormal chaxaoter. The elections 
had been so long postponed that now, in 
February, the election for the cunent 
year was beginning to be discussed. There 
could be no tUtiffmUio at all. Hence, tU 
prMUfMt ite crearentur %A dm TsLpriiati 
tttmt The authors of the amendment 
on Afranins* motion, which tiie consuls 
shelyed, wished to meet the exceptional 
case by an exceptional measure. As there 
was no time for dttigtmtio, the praetors 
eleeted would haye offloialpoeition at once. 
They proposed that doling the first two 
monihs of their office the praetors should 
stand in the same position as they would, 
in the regular coarse of things, have held 
for more than Eye months between their 
designation and their actual entry into 
office. The presiding magistrate in the 
senate had the riffht of yirtually exclud- 
ing any motion nom beinff vxrted on: 
CD. PhiLxiy.21,22; Gaes. B. 0. i. 2, 6 ; 
Rin. Bp. iy. 9, 21 Atme trntmUUmp 
qwmiqumn m^rimMt pmU tmatm mim 
prohaUiur, contuXtt mm muU ptrttaUL 
See Mommsen, St. B. iiL 987. 

As a matter of fact it came to an elec- 
tion at once; and the consuls would haye 
failed even then had not the obmmHatio 
been pat in foroe. By thus securing a 
temnorsry delay, the consuls were able to 
work the political machine in tnch a way 
as to ensure the return of Yatanius. The 
account which Plutaroh gives of this trans- 
action it: 4|a/^n|ff 6 Tlt/aHitot fiporr^s 
d«i|K»tfr« ^v^dfAtpos ofrxMya 9tiKv99 


JSP. 191 (ATT. IV. 10). 

oQm eneni adsenfliy addidenmt ut praetox6S ita orearenhir at dies 
rsexaginta privati eflsent. Eo die Oatonem plane repudianmt. 
Quid multa P tenent omnia idque ita omniB intellegere Tolnnt. 

121. TO ATTIODS, in Bokb (Att. iv. lo). 

CI7HA»TJH ; MAT 32, A. U. C. 699 ; B. C. 56 ; AXT. CIO. 51. 

D« minora q;iii faoit PateoUf PtdomMam mm in ngno, da Titi ina Pateolaaa, de 
xebni domMtio&B quu Attioo inTiMndu oommendat, da Pompei adyantn in Gumanam 


1. Fnteolis magnns est romor Ptolomaenm esse in regno. Si 
qnid habes oertius, yelim soire. Ego hio paeoor bibliotheoa Fausti. 
Fortaeae ta putabae his rebus Puteolanis et LuorinensibuB. Ne 
ista quidem desunt. Sed meheroule ul a oeteris obleotationibus 
deseror voluptatum propter rem publioam/ sio litteris sustentor et 
reoreor maloque in ilia tua sedeoula quam babes sub imagine 
Axistotelis sedere quam in istorum sella ouruli teoumque apud te 
ambulare quam oum eo quooum video esse ambulandum. Sed 
de ilia ambulatione fors viderit aut si qui est qui ouret deus. 

r^r 4«KXi|tf(ar, tUi^fUpmw A^M'iovo^ai rk 
roMvra not ftri9hf hrucvp9V9 Sioni^at 

Zw/Umiis, Oat. Min. 42. For anothar 
latanMy about tliia tima, of cnat inagu- 
larHiMy op. 100, 2, wliara tna alMtiona 
of tfaa aadflM for 698 (66) did not taka 
plaM tiQ towazda tha and of January. 
DM alao If ommMn, St. B. i* 6669 nota 8. 

On tin ohionologj of Att It. 10, 9, 11, 
MO Addaoda to tha Oommantaiy. 

1. JPMematum «t«# m rtfnti] 'that 
Ptolamy haa baan xaatorad.' Sm tha aar- 
liar lottaza of 698. Ha wm nltimataly 
raatoiad by Gabiniua (96, £f.), irho actad 
on hia own authority. 

pateer] ' faaat on,' ' mtoI in,' op. Pis. 
46 : Satt. 99. 

Fm»t%] ion of Sulla tha dictator. Sulla 
had bxousht to Boma a laiva numbar of 
hooka from Athena and othar dtiM of 
GiBOM and Aaia: Plut SolL 26. 

kit r$M] OiMTO uaM Aw rtbtu in 
Att liL 9 (649) to aignify natunlaoanary, 
oataiB noli putara amabilioia 6m poasa 

Tilla Utoro proepMtn maria torn hU rthu 
amniHu, 'thaWholaioena.' This may ba 
tba maaning of tha worda hara, '1 am 
foaating myayM on tha loanaryof Pu- 
teoli and tha Lucrina kka.' SU rebu$ 
ia ganarally takan to maan <tha fua,' 
* good thing!,' whioh thadiatiiot auppliaa, 
that ia, oystaza. HonuM Mya (Sat. ii. 6, 
110) :— 

Rabiu mgit laatnm convinua, 

and probably Pnbliliua Synia meana tha 
aama when ha nya : — 

Bonanun renun coatuetado penima att. 

The word patcor^ howoTsr, aupporti tha 
latter Tiew, and so doM the cUtuse ns Utm 
quidtm detmt. Madiog, after (Tzainua, 
would read MtrHt for kU r^but. 

oblectaHoniiut 9obipt4Uum'] the f0H, 
0ptxegitieu»t bm laat letter, j 2, ' enjoy- 
ment (connating) of material plaaauxM.' 
For the phnwe op. a mmU demrwr^ Att iii. 
16, 2 (73). 

uUinm\ Toimpej and Orauua. 

amMat%oti0} metaphorical, ' the tenor 

EP. lei {ATT. IF. 10). 


2. Nosfcram ambnlationem et Laoonioum eaque quae Gjrrea sint 
▼elim quod poterit inTifias et urgeas Philotimum at properet, ut 
possim tibi aliqiiid in eo genere respondere. Pompeius in Ouma* 
nam Paxilibas venit : misit ad me statim qoi salutem nantiaret* 
Ad earn postridie mane vadebam, earn haeo scripai. 

of mj politieal path.* In the next sen- 
tenoe t&e lama wend is uaed in its litezal 
meaning ot tkprommiad$ot artifloial colon- 
nade for wafldngy sometimes roofed and 
sometimes open to the air. 

2. ZiuammmVk ttidatcrimn or ' Tnrldak 
bath,' said by Yitmnos to have been so 
osUed beoaose the sudatorium was first 
used by the Tiseedaemanians. This appears 
to be Uie ilrst mention of the term Xom- 
nicum, Flantos (Stich. 229), howeyer, 
speaks of uudianm OrueoM iudaiorUu, 
In 148, 2, Gioero calls it mm, with which 
we axe apparently to supply loco, though 
the nsnal word supplied seems to be mUo, 

Oifr$ii] 'intheproTinee of Cyrus, the 

gmd fUirU] so. Jhri, <as Isr as 
possible.' In Cicero's Epistles potoit 
Tory often ^JlmpoUtt, as has often 
been pointed ont. This being so, there is 
no oonoeiTabls resson why pSurit should 
JUD^^JkripUmi. Tet jw«»ri< of the mss 

has here been oonected to potorit with 
one accord by^ the editon, who do not 
think of changing jw<M< {j^^sripatett) to 
potti in the many passages where such an 
usage is found. See note on Fam. i. 2, 
4 (96). 

rupondm] 'to match yon in this 
branch of domestic ardiiteeture.' This 
sense of the word is often found in the 
comic poets, where par pari rupondere 
means 'to flpLye tit for tat' So also in 
Cic. Att xyL 7, 6 (788), Attiens is quoted 
as writing ut par pari rs^pondtatur. Op. 
also Fam. xr. 21, 8 (450) Mi quitkm ego 
amori utinam oetorio robut po u o m ! amoro 
oorto rooponMo. 

Cfummum] His own Cumanyilla, which 
was near Cicero's. 

vadobam] ■ iturut eram, Cp. pauoio 
diobui habtbam (s habitums etam) oortoo 
hominot, Att Y. 17, 1 (209) ; Quinto . . . 
dabam . . , me ZaotUoeam reeipiebtm^ Att. 
T. 20, 6 (228). 


EP. les (ATT. IF. 9). 

122. TO ATnOUS, m Bomb (Att. iv. 9). 

CUMAKUH ; MAT 26» A. V. C. 699 ; B. C. 66 ; AST. CIC. 61, 

M. Oioero ab Attioo de oenmra a tribunii impedita oatior fieri oupit, de Pompeio 
quoeom una fiierit, de Luooeio, de Q. fratre, de itinere mo de Onmano in Fompeiaiiiuii. 


1. Sane Telim mxe nnm oenBum impediant tribuni diebus 
vitiandis — est enim hie rumor — ^totaque de censura quid agant, 
quid oogitent. Nob hie cum Pompeio fuimus. Multa meoum de 
re publioa, sane dbi diBplioenSy ut loquebatur — sic est enim in hoc 
homine dicendum — ^ Syriam spemens, Hispaniam iactans: hie 
quoque, ut loquebatur, et, opinor, uAquequaque, de hoc cum dice- 
musy sit hoc quasi Kti r<{Se ^taievXliov, Tibi etiam gratias agebat 

1. m mum ] the taking ci the census 
by the newly-eleoted oenson. The new 
eenson were M. Yalerins Heasalla Niger 
and P. Senriliiis Yatia Iiaaiions. 

vUUndk} Ffeof . Beid thinks that this 
does not mean 9hmmiiMtitm annMiuIit 
rendering them disquslified for the trans- 
aotion of publio bnsinem by observing 
the hesTens and announoing un&TOurable 
omens; for ofciiNiNatu* had been abolished 
three years before by the law of Glodius. 
Therefore beholds that the word vitUmdU 
is nsed in a non-technioal sense. The 
tribunes stopped ih»c0tum bv continually 
summoning uie people for other purposes. 
If the censors lud ffoiB on, tiie tribunes 
would ha?e complained (as they do in 
liinr) spfiNsiMM a §t eeossri and $$ in 
ordm$m cogi. But Mr. Oreenidge has 
adduced good eTidenoe (Tk^ MtpetSrf th9 
Im MUa J^ in the OUstiMU JUvimo, 
▼ii. 158-161) to show that Olodius only 
abolished the ^mtio of the patrician 
magistiates; and that the augur^ the 
plebeian magistrate, and the private atisen 
could still exercise ohHrnH^Ho based on 
the j^etsed chsnce observation ol a»- 
tpitia obUititm : and with great leazning 
he shows that after 696 (68) all lustanceB of 
o hnmti a t io have as their authon tribunes 
or augurs: cp. slso Mr. Greenidge*s 
Sonum JMUc JAfi, pp. 172, 178. He 
notes that the plebeaan magistzates some- 
times watched for such signs for purposes 

of obstruction, and were then improperly 
said m'9Mr9 ds caek : op. Att. iv. 8, 8 (92). 
The W(«ds are properly used only of the 

totaqm 4$ MfMtira] The Ux OloSia 
which was afterwards repealed by Q. 
Sd]^ Metellus, consul, 702 (62), seriously 
impaired the censorial power of iio<a<to. It 
enacted that the refusal to allow an ez- 
maffistrate to be adopted into the aenate 
could only have force if the magistrate 
was formally accused before them and 
condemned. For the political significance 
of this Uw. see Lange, iiL 298. Cicero 
may have tnought the tribunes might be 
diaposed to follow up the attack of Glodius 
on the censcvship. The condurion of 
the kutrum seems to have been delayed 
for a long time ; cp. 144, 8. 

Sgriam spmmu] ' expressing his con- 
tempt of Syria (the province <n Orassus) 
and extolling Spain' (his own province). 
Thus is the passage explained by Boot, 
and all the edd. save Man., iaaUmi being 
read for the obviously corrupt laHam for 
M. But Man. gives a quite different mean- 
ing to iacUns, which be translates, ita 
9xagitam quati faatiiir$U This gives a 
far better sense to the psssa^. Pompey 
wished to displajr an ostentatious indiffer- 
ence to provmoisl governorships, which 
others coveted so much. If iaetant here 
means ' extolling,' the passage lacks all 
point. Now, undoubtedly, itutar^ can 

EP. lee {ATT. ir. 9). 


qnod signa oomponenda sufloepiflses, in nos vero suayiflume heroale 
est effosns. Yenit etiam ad me in Oumanum a se. Nihil minus 
Telle mihi visas est quam Mesallam oonsolatom petere : de quo 
ipso si quid sois yelim sciie. 2. Quod Luooeio soribis te nosfram 
gloriam oommendaturum et aedifloium nostrum quod orebro invisis, 
gratum. Quintus frater ad me soripsit se, quoniam Oioeronem 
suavissimum tecum haberes, ad te Nonis ICaiis venturura. Ego 
me de Gumano movi ante diem y. Eal. llaias. Eo die Neapoli 
apud Paetum. Ante diem iy. Eal. Maias iens in Pompeianum 
bene mane haeo seripsi. 

to * run down,' * depreciate,' as 

Praf. Palmer has shown on Hor. Sat. ii. 
2, 47, where he rightif translates the 
Lndlun line^ 

OUpathe at 

nee es Mtit oognitns qui 

'0 soirel, how thon art teom$d,* and 
aptly oomparss Flaut. Bad. 374. 

Novi. Nflptoaositaiolet. QiuunvU£utidiosiit 
Aadilli est; si qaM» improbae rant meroet, 
$actai omDM. 

A somewhat simflar meaning of iaeUtr§ 

* to torment,' ' to knock about,' is found 
in Fam. i. 6^, 1 (108) ; Diy. in Caeo. 46. 

Kal r^dff] Justas Phooylides wasin 
the habit of prefixing to his gnomic Terses 

* thii too is a gnome of Phocylides,' so 
when one speaks of Pompey (aays Cicero) 
one must always add a sort of refrain, ' as 
he said,' for he thought that Pompey 
often used his words only to conceal 

hiB thoughts; cp. Fam. Tiii. 1, 3 (192) ; 
a Fr. i. 8, 9 (66). 

eompoMtM] the arrangement of the 
statues in the theatre of Pompey, which 
was dedicated this year. 

aae] So Man. for «<#t of the mss. 
Boot reads BtH s sed ; but there is no 
oontrBst in the two sentences. 

2. Quod] For some arguments tending 
to ihow tlikt thii may b^ong to another 
letter, see Addenda to the Commentary, 

9omme§ukttunm] as a subject for 

Cfhtrtmtm} the son of Q. Cicero. 

ms , . » fnovi] See note to Att. iii. 
14, 2 (70). 

IfMpoU] It miffht be thought that 
^t ahoula be added ; hut the Terh «t«#, 
even when predicate, is sometimes omitted 
in such short sentences: cp. Att. ziii. 
47&, 1 (664) itaqu$ hotUe Anti ; crat 
ante mtriiiem domt. 



SP. Its {Q. FR. 11. 8). 

128. TO QUINTUS (Q. Pe. il s). 

CUMANUX; APRIL OR MAT, A. V. 0. eM ; B. C. 66 ; AST. OIC. 61. 

M. Gioeto zMpondit ad cpiftnUuB Q. fntai qpm ill* m metiure loi^psenit ii» 
bBtnm littoris niia imoomnuxto intapeUaiet. 


1. Tu metois ne me interpelleBp Primum, si in isto eflseaiy tu 
8ois quid sit interpellare ? An te Ateius P Meheronle mihi dooere 

The date of thia latter ia imoertain. 
JLdaur (p. 81) attribntaa it to May, 690 
(56) : and thia ia the ovdinarj view, and 
vtJbMj the coneot one. Bat 0. B. 
B<dimidt ((Nmtm ViUm, p. 44, note) 
thinka it helooga to 698 (66), when Cicero 
made a ahort nm thioQipi hia TiUaa, from 
about April 9 to Kay 6 (106, 4}. In that 
pawap neatatee that he intenaed to be at 
Axmiulm from April 11 to 16, then to go 
to Pompeii, and on hia rstom to hare a 
look at hia Oumanum. But during that 
Tiait. Oioeio muat hare been constantly 
mofing about: he doea not appear to 
haTe aettled down for work. Now, from 
thia letter (128), it aeema that Quintua 
ezpraMed a fear that he would interrupt 
hia brother: that preauppoaea that Maroua 
waa hard at wonc. SCe waa ao in April 
600 (66) (121, 124). The jonmey of 698 
(66) was one of inapeotion of hia Tillaa : 
that of 600 (66) waa atiai^t down to the 
Cumanum lor study. It la moKeorer very 
doubtful whether dnintoa was in Italy 
during Ajpril and Mayin 608 (66). lliere 
is no dimottlty in auppoaing that Cicero 
did not begin to get his Cfumannm, his 
moat lishionable Tilla, elegantlr fitted 
up ontil 609 (66). Some part of it was 
eridently habitable in that year, though 
many worionen were engaged throughout 
themanaian; anditwaadoubtlesBinthat 
habitable portion that doero reoeired the 
Tisit of Pompey (122, 1|, whieh seems to 
have been a mere moraing call. K6mer 
(p. 81) doubts if this letter (128) waa 
written from the Cumanum, and asks 
* our ilie cum fabria manait in eayilla cum 
aliae non longe abeasent quo se conferret P ' 
We may perhaps reply that the use of the 
library of raustus (121, 1) counterbalanced 
the disadrantage of liTing in the midst of 
workmen. Madyig (A. C. iii. 196) sup- 

poaea that thia letter waa written from 
Antinm, as he wishes to read Aniiutn for 

JnU • e# M of M, in { 1* So, too, 0. B. 
Schmidt (op. oit. 38, 6) and C. F. W. 
Mtiller. This may be right ; but Madrig 
ia in error in speaking of the 'ofldosa 
molestia ' of the Antiatea. He most hare 
been thinking of the Formiani : Att. iL 
14, 2 (41) : 16, 8 (42). It was ouite 
the contrary at Aotium : op. Att ii. 6, 
2 (88) $$m heum tarn pur^p^ SLvmam . . . 
vJbi m$ inUrp4Uet nemo, dUiffont omtiM. 
We only once hear of Cicero's being at 
Antium in 690 (66), (126, 1) : poosibly he 
went down there to diapoee of hia house, 
which he oould not afford to keep up, now 
that he waa preparing a more splendid 
residence at fashionable Cumae. Cioero*8 
house at Antium was in the possession of 
Lepidus in 700 (46) (Att. xiu. 47e, 1 (664)). 
1. in islo] in uta r$ : sc. oeeypuiiM^ 
imp$dUut. This use of the neuter of the 
pronoun is coUoquia], and ii found often 
m the comic dimma : ko^ » ^ t^ awm. 
Mil. Glor. 860, utae at pr0pi4r ittmn rma 
861. <If I was as busy as you think'' 

inUrpeUm-sf} 'do you know the 
meaning of the word "interruption," aa 
applied to me P ' That ia, ' you muat be 
aware that your arriyal could ncTer be 
looked on aa an interruption by ua.' We 
hare inaerted the mark of interroMtion 
after int4rp4Um'4. It seems requisite for 
the sense, and standa rery naturally 
between two rhetorical questions. 

Auim] sc. demit. This Ateius seems 
to have been a quidnunc of the time, who 
(Uke a sort of Paul Pry) made frequent 
yisits in quest of news, alwaya making 
hia interruption still more annoying by 
copioua apologies for it. Cicero says, 
< you want to give me a leaaon in his sort 

EP. leS (Q. FB. 11. 8). 101 

TideriB iftfaiB generiB htunanitatem qua qtddem ego nihil ntor abs 
te. Ta Tero ut me et appelles et interpelleB et obloquare et ooUo- 
qnaxe velim. Quid enim mihi soaTius P Non meheronle quisquain 
fiownnraraKTo^ libentins sna reoentia poemata legit qnam ego te 
audio qnaoumque de re, publioa privata, nutioa nrbana. Bed mea 
botnm est inealfla yereoundia at te piofleuBoens non toUerem. 
Opposuiflti semel avavrtkiKtov oatuam, CHoeroniB nostri valeta- 
dinem ; oontiooi : itenun Oioeronee ; quievL 2. Nunc mihi iu- 
oanditatis plena epistula hoc aspenit molestiae qnod Tideris ne 
mihi moleetoBessefi Veritas esse atqueetiamnunoyereri. litigarem 
teoum, si fas esset, sed meheronle istao si amqaam suspioatas ero, 
nihil dioam aliad nisi verebor ne qaando ego tibi, onm som ana, 
molestos sim. [Video te ingemoisse. Sio fit, f ciS" Iv alq. tZn^a^ • 
namqaam enim dicam, ia iro(racO Mariam aatem nostram in 
leoticam meheronle ooniecissemy — ^non illam regis Ftolomaei Asi- 
danam : memini enim, onm hominem portarem ad Baias Neapoli 

of politeoMa ; but it has no plaoe between Quintoi of feerinc tfaftt he may be a bore 

yon and me.' Or we miffht supply titfar- to his elder bio&er. Ifiii m$ v^rtri or 

f0lkU with Ateios, ' Has Atnos been «it«i A^, perebor would haye been a more 

mtan^tuDg jou P ' He may have been cafef al phrase. 

the 0. Atnns Capito who appears to haye vid^o . . . wi^as] Schiiti, with great 

been something of a ' eranh,' and cursed probabiUty» transposes these words to { 4, 

Gnasos when he left for the SasL In where theystsnd after the words, Jk r§ 

Att. ziii. 8Sy 4 (686) we hear that he was pubUcM, we hare printed them there in 

assidnous in r0ou$ noftit p^rguir^iuUt. The italics. Not only does the passage inter- 

conjeotue of Lambinns An U Statiut f nipt the train of thought herSf but it giTes 

' How does Statins interrupt yon f ii aposnble sense in the place to which it is 

attiaetiTe. The next sentenoe might transposed. WehareTerydightlychanged 

peihaps be translsted, ' On my word yon the order of the words in making the 

want to giTO me a lesson in a branch of transpositian. 

good manners (a special branch of Tour emimumi^'] Haying said that he recrets 

own) which I do not want at all from that he had not taken Qdntus with him, 

yon.' Cicero adds thai he would haye certainly 

IVf Mrs] * why, I want you not only ' thrust Karius into a litter,' and taken 

to look in on me, but to break in on me ; him with him to the country, but that he 

not only to talk to me, but talk me down feared the unfinished state of his yilla 

if yon Uke. It is my greatest pleasure, would be prejudicial to his friend's health. 

Ko moonstruck jroung poet oyer read his Quintus may haye said in his letter that 

last effusion with more delight than I Marcus must be yery busy, as he was not 

hear your conyersition.' For iu vtrOy see enjoying the company of Marius. 

note on Att. iiL 16, 2 (78). Ftodmaii AMmmnI Cicero interrupts 

Mirmn'] 'take you with me.' the train of thought to adyert to a ludi- 

iUntm OiteronM} so. opvwuistiy * the crous incident which had happened on a 

second time you umd the nealth of both former occasion when he was conyeying 

your son and mine.^ Ids friend ICszius to the country. Cicero 

2. nikUdimm aUnd] * I shall merely had boROwed from his friend and nei^- 

exprass a fear that I may be some time in hour, Asidus, a UcUoa cctoph^roBf which 

the wa^ when I am with you.' In vtr§bor had been tiie litter of King Ptolemy when 

. . . »%m Cicero giyes the yery words in Borne, and now belonged to Asidus. 

which he will use if he oyer suspects Asicius had bought (or had been giyen)» 


MP. ISS {d FB. U. 8). 

ootophoro Aaoiano maohaeiophoxiB oentum sequentibiuii miroB liBOi 
no6 edere, oum ille ignarcu soi oomitatuB repente apemit leotioam 
et paene ille tiniorey ^o rim ooxrai — ^hunOi at dioo, oerte soata- 
liflBem, ut aliquando sabtilitatem Teteris orbaiutatiB et hnmaniammi 
BennoDiB attingerem. Sed hominum mfimmm in villain apertam 
ao ne radem quidem etiam none inyitare noloi. 8. Hoo veio mihi 
peoaliare fuerit, hie etiam isto fnii. Nam illonim praedionun eoito 
nuhi vioinam Marium lamen eeee. Apnd Anioinm videbimnB at 
paratom sit. Noa enim ita philologi samas at yel oom f abrie 
habitare poesimaB. Habemos hano philosopbiam non ab Hymetto^ 
eed ab taraysiia. Marioe et valetadine est et natara imbecillior. 

along with the litter, the bodyguard of 
one hundred dirkmen, whom Ptolemy had 
kept •• hie eaoort. Theee followed the 
litter, much to the alaim of Marina, who, 
suddenly opening the litter, caught sight 
of hia formidable bodyguarcL Thia ia the 
aame l^uiua to whom are addreaoed Fam. 
TIL 1-4. The ordinary leading ia AniH" 
(-0) ; but Biieheler (Bhein. Mua. 

. (1870), p. 170) ia doubtleaa right in 
reading (witibf!M) Jitie iau t m (»o). Aiiciua 
was accused by Oalyua of having, in 
conjunction with Ptolemy, murdered an 
Bmtian euToy; but he waa defended by 
Oioero and acquitted : cp. Gael. 28, 24 ; 
Tac. DiaL 21. Bucheler reads iwrtorm^ 
apnarently regarding the subject as in- 
definite. But what then brought Cicero 
to the place where the cTcnt ocouzxed f 

aptrtam . . . qtMmiC\ * still exposed 
to the weather, and not cTsn rudely 

8. 0Mvft«r/| <it would hare been a 
speoiai treat to me to have him here: 
you koow to haTC bim aa a neighbour is 
the yery sunshine of my Pompeian villa 
(near which Marius lived), i will see 
about putting him up at the house of 
Animus.' For C. Anicius, cp. 94, 2, and 
Fam. xii. 21 (698). 

Ua phiUiog%\ * scholar as 1 am, yet I 
can put up witn workmen to live with,' 
ie. ' I am not, like most literary persons, 
too particular (fiifntiMniMffw)'; so Man.; 
but the context makes it better to take 
pMologi B 'devoted to my studies' (see 
Att. ii. 17, 1 (44), rendering 'I am ao 
immersed in my booka that I can live in 
the midst bftbe workmen's din.' 

HymitUA VkA. Beid {S&rmathMa, 
xxtii. (1897), p. Ill) thinks that possibly 
we should read Odrpetto, the reference 

to Epicurus, who was bom in the 
deme Gargettna: cp. Fam. xv. 16, 1 

temyMfis] It seems hopeless to try 
to emend tiua passage. Perhaps ab arse 
(Vnssy the conjecture of Olivetus and 
Tanemand, is me least improbable. * I 
have drawn this power of concentration 
not from the effbminato diaoipHne of 
philosophic study in Athens, but from 
Mng mured to the hazdahip of living 
amid the din of workmen, oinng to the 
frequent buil^Unc schemes which I carry 
out under the &eotion of my architect 
Oyrua.' But this ia of course very forced, 
and orHi Oyr§ii would seem ratner to be 
indicated. Gould Gioero have written 
tth aroa Oyrm or ai armda Cf^M? He 
usee arMtUie, Att iL 1, 1 (27), for the 
r^p0rtoir*$ of Isocratea' rhetoric. If «f*«i, 
then, or arcuiti, suggested a philosopher's 
rfperMn, and if the aame word might be 
uasd of any box or chest (and why no^ then, 
of a tool'bwf), Gieero inight say, 'this 
philosophic attitude of mine haa its source 
not in Athens, not in the srmM (or areultu) 
of Athenian philosophy, but in another 
area, the aroa (tool»boz) of Gyrus,' that is, 
* I am sohabituated to tne rMme of Gyrus 
that I am quite prepared to live in a half- 
finished house.' On this paam^ Tunstall 
has made one of his extraordinarily in- 
genious conjectures. For arayrira he 
reads otm Yvp<^ b^r which name Gieero 
refers to Arjunum in Att xvi. 18 (802). 
This conjecture is indeed rarely incenious, 
because Oioero seems to refer here to 
Arpinum. What more natural thing 
could Gioero say than. 'I have got my 
indifference to draugnts (my mling- 
ness to live in a half-built house), not 
from the honeyed mountain of Greece, 

JEP. lis (Q. FB. 11. 8). 


4. De interpellatioiie taatimi Bomam a vofaifl tempoxis ad scribeii- 
dum qaantam dabitiB. XTtinam nihil detis, ut potius vestra inioria 
quam ignavia mea oessemi De re publioa video te ingetnuiue: 
sie ftt: si ST I V at^ ICi|<rac; TiiminTn te laborare doleo (nifn- 
quam mm dicam !a tra^ac) et meliorem dvem esse quam 
Philootetam, qui aooepta iniima ea speotaoola qoaerebat quae 
tibi aoerba esse video. Amabo te, adyola, oonsolabor te et omnem 
abflteo^bo dolorem, et adduo, si me amas, Marium. Sed appro- 
perate. Hortus domi est. 

Imt fttHn the wild hOk of Azpinum.' He 
halt in a paasage already quoted, mokm 
ciiikB ptdirioi m^nUt ci Aipinvaxk, Svery- 
thing Memi to point to TunstaU'a emenda- 
tion, let it oan hardly be right. "When 
Gioera^ writing in the year 710 (44), speaks 
of wne0$ Tvpfo, the context shows that he 
means Jbpinum ; and he is maldnff use of 
a quotation of Atticus. It is likdy that 
eleren years before that time he should 
haTS written of Arpinum as p^^os l^vpUh 
without a hint from the context as to his 
meaning P On this passage see also a note 
of Dr. Seid in S§rmaih9f^ xxiii. (1897), 
p. Ill, where he argues that we should 
read AhtUra, < This philosophy of mine 
oomes not from refin«l Athens, but from 
rode Abdera'; or if we read Oarp$tto, 
* I derire this philosophy, I will not say 
from Spicurus, but rather from Demo- 
oiitus.' We haye thought that possibly 
the allusion may be to some of the parts 
of Bome where workmen congregated, 
and that the reading may beeitlmr ab am 
Sifrut, Eastern reHgionshaying begun to 
geimhiate in the lower parts of Bome ; or 
perhaps ab era Maxima. If r and m in 
some archetype resembled one another, 
the corruption might bave arisen. 'My 
philoaophy does not come from KOnigs- 
bcKg, but from the Seyen Dials.' The 
passage is one in which a certain indul- 
gence in guessing may be allowed. 

4. XTtuum'\ <my only desire is that 
you will not leaye me any* time for 
writing : then, I can attribute my idle- 
ness, not to my own sloth, but to your 
CTil tnfluenoe.' 

cl I*] * but if you were on the spotP ' 
i.e. 'if you who are absent groan at the 
state of aihirs, what would you do if you 

were hereP' We do not know whence 
the Greek words are taken, and therefore 
can only guess about their application. 

la v^tf'af] /icXff<<p(Mur, Lambinus ; Ul 
viaas rbs ^XifAraf , Ed. Orst; but again 
we are at a loss frxr the source of the 
quotation. The sense would be 'I am 
SORT you are los troubled about publio 
afihirs (mind I say too troubled : 1 am not 
one of those who say Ugmi$^ dull care, on 
publio matters) ; but I am sorry that you 
are too troubled, and that you are a 
greater patriot than Philootetes^ who, 
when wronged, enjoyed the suffenngs of 
his country, which gall you.' 

Sortiu dimi ooi"] There are two other 
passages to be nought into oonnexion 
with this, yis., Fam. ix. 4 (466) n Aortem 
in bibluftheoa hahea, deorit mhU; and PUut. 
Mil. 193, 194, ITam muUori holitari nun- 
fuam mippluat ti q%tatt mala : Domi habit 
hortum ot eondimmta odomnitmarM maii' 
Jleot, Hortm seems to be used for ' pro- 
yisions,' 'food.' Here Cicero says, 'Harry 
and come to us. We haye our larder weu 
stocked.' In Fam. ix. 4 (466), which is 
also an inritation, Cicero says toYarro, 
' If you haye something to eat as well as 
your libraiy to read [we should probably 
read eum for mi], we shall want for 
nothing.' The passage in Plautus seems 
to mean that a wonuin nas, out of her own 
resources, not merely the ingredients but 
also the seasoning for the concoction of 
any dish of yillanyP Tbe sentence in 
148, 14, et nmu domu$ iuppoditat miki 
hortorum amomitat&m does not help to- 
wards the explanation of this passage, 
because horti means ' a pleasure-garden,' 
hartu9 ' a kitchen-garden.' 


sp. m {ATT. ir. 11). 

124. TO ATnOUS, nr Boicb (Att. iv. ii). 

OUICAKXTM ; MAT 27, A. U. C. 699 ; B. C. 65 ; ABT« CIC. 51. 

M. Oioaio per Attieiim eapit oertior fltri quid Bomae fUt omninoqiM dns UtUns 
«Lhi giaHiiimai e«e ngnifioat, pnetarea de Pomp«io te da rabuB domestioiB qiiaedam 
irigiiiflintt I 


1. Deleotaront me epistulae toae quae aooepi uno tempore dnaB 
ante diem T. Eal. Perge reliqua. GeBtio soiie ista omnia. Etiam 
illnd ooins modi dt yelim penpioias: potea a Demetrio. Dixit 
mihi Pompeina Oraasnm a se in Albano exapeotari ante diem it. 
Eal. : xaoamveniBBet, Bomam eum et se statim TentoroBy ntrationea 
com publicanis putareni Quaedyi, gladiatoribuane P Beepondit, 
ante qnam indnoerentur. Id cuiaa modi sit ant nunO| si Bdee, ant 
onm 18 Bomam yenerit, ad me mittas Telim. 2. Nob hie yoramns 
litteraa com homine mirifloo — ^ita meheieole sentio— Dionysio qni 
te ommBqne yoa salntat. 

'{KvK&T^pov ovSlv $ iravr elSlvai. 

Qna xe, nt homini curiosoy ita persoribe ad me quid primus diee, 
quid BeoundnSy quid censoreB, quid Appius^ quid ilia populi Appu- 
leia : denique etiam quid a te fiat ad me yelim soribaB. Non enim, 
ut yere loquamur, tam rebuB noyia quam tuia litteriB delector. Ego 
meoum praeter DionjBium eduzi neminem neo metuo tamen ne 

1. -Amv^ rdiqua^ 
ellipte after jMry# la 

sc. nofrare. The 
Teiy oonuaon m the 
letteiB. We oamnot diaoover what thia 
atory aan have been about of which 
Gioaio deairea to leaxn the aequel. 

U2mQ refera to what foUowa. 

Jkmkrio] of Oadara, a freedman of 

fliiUionlmm$\ 'ia it during the gladi- 
atorial ahowf 

mtumrmtwr] 'before the gladiatora 
were brought before the public'— a 
tedhniealwwd : op. De Opt gen. Or. 17 : 
SeaL 1S4 : Pera. 6, 48 Dit igitwr f$nioqu$ 
dunt mthm pmia ob m Bgr$g\$ puUu 

2. ykvmir9pop] We hare tranapoaed 
•Mw and ^XiMcvrtpor. The yerse ia then 

a aenariua, wanting the iirat foot. The 
uaual oourae haa been to read oMw 
y\vK6T§p6w iartP I) wdrr* tl^4vui. The 
yerae ii ascribed by Heineke to Menander. 

primmt dut] of the gladiatorial show. 
Some word like attulerit i» understood. 

enuaret] aeturi iitU, that ia, * will they 
be permitted to hold the oenauaP' cp. 
122, 1. 

Appiui] waa a candidate for next year'a 

Appultia] Clodiua. who is called the 
Appuleiua ol the people, beoauae he ia aa 
turbulent aa Appuleiua Satnminua ; he ia 
called * tiiat unaezed Appuleiua ' aa being 
putUcUiae «tM« prodi^ut : op. JUiola Cb- 
rtof»i#, Att i. 14, 5 (20) ; JWmUmp, Hor. 
Sat i. 8, 89. 

EP. Its {ATT. IF. IS). 


0enno desit : tabs te operef deleotor. Tu Luooeio nostrum 
libmm dabis. Demetri Magnetis tibi mitto, statim ut sit qui a te 
mihi epistulam lef erat* 

126. TO ATnOUS, ih Bomb (Arr. iv. 12). 

CUHANTJM ; MAT (pOSSIBLT), A. U. C. 099; B. G. 66 ; AET. CIC. 61. 

H. Cfioero Attioo ligiiifloat quid egerit onm Sgnatio et oiim Mtoroiie eumqiie invitat 
vt Meom poitriidie Salend. oenet. 


Egnatius Bomae est. Bed ego oum eo de re Halimeti vehe- 
mentw Anti egi. Ghraviter se aoturum oum Aquilio oonflrmavit. 
"Vldebis ergo hominemy si voles. Macroni viz videor praesto esse, 
pa$8e : Idibus enim auotionem Larini video et biduum praeterea. 
Id to, quoniam Maoronem tanti f aois, ignoseas mihi velim. Sed, si 
me diligisy postridie Ealend. oena apud me oum Pilia. Frorsus id 
fades. KaJendis oogito in bortis Grassipedis quasi in deversorio 
oenare. Faoio fraudem senatus oonsulto. Inde domum oenatus, 
ut sim mane praesto MilonL Ibi te igitur videbo et permanebo. 
Domus te nostra tota salutat. 

fmhW] MadTig (A. 0. iU. 178) xeadfl 
•<• mh i9t0 puero dtUetor. But Cicero 
would hardly call DionTsinB puef after 
caUina him hommt miryico ahoTe. Per- 
haps the nmplert reading ia that auggeeted 
hy the Bd. lenaoniaxia db itte <9Mgng> 
op§r$ i$l$et&r, Ziehen'a reading opipw 
(Bh. Mua. xli. (1896), p. 591) ia onHkely, 
though adopted in the text by C. F. w. 
Miiller. OpipoirB meana ' aumptuonalT,* 
'liflhly/ and oould not well go widi 
jtotftor. What Ziehen finda to object to 
in wutgtw opir$ iUUetor ia not dear: cp. 
Vetr. iL 143 : Balb. 42. 

fi ^mai] The noUt which he had pro- 
miaed Laooeiua above, Fam. y. 12, 10 

Jhmftri Ma^netit] sc. libnun wtpl 
b/i9W9im»: op. Att. Yui. 11, 7 (842). The 
bearer of the book to Atticoa would bring 
back a letter from him to Oicero. 

JSgmitUui] a money-lender. 
AgmJui] poaaibly the Aquiliua who 
waa Gioero'a colleague in the praetorahip. 

lUid} wife of Atticua. 

Crasiipedit] aon-in-Iaw of Oicero. 

FoMo fruudmj * I elude the aenatorial 
decree ' by remaining in the neighbour- 
hood of the city ; if he had been in the 
city, he would haye been obliged to attend 
the meeting of the aenate. So Boot. 
But if thia is the correct interpretation, 
Cicero muat haye uaed sefiotua eontuUum 
looaely for Us : op. De Leg. iii. 11 
S$9UUoH qui nsc adgrit aut cauta ant culpa 

iim . . . pra4$to] Thia doea not refer to 
the trial of Milo d$ vi on the proaecution 
of Clodiua, which occurred the year before. 
Hie worda do not neoeaaaxily connote any 
appearance in court aa adyocate. They 
are quite general, and may refer to an^ 
appomtment with Hilo; poaaibly hia 
betrothal: cp. 180, 1. 

pumumtbo} So Gurlitt for promombo 
of the maa. Kayaer reads promovebot * I 
ahall moye you (i.e. bring you) on with 
me.' See alao Adn. Crit. 


SP. 1S6 (FAM. VII. SS). 

126. TO PADIUS GALLXTS (Pam. vn. 2S). 

ROHB; a. U. C. 698 (PROBABIiT) ; B. 0. 61 ; AST. da 46. 

M . Cioeiro aeonlnt 6b ngnii «t statnif a M. Fadio GaUo nbi wiptif, qua 
aohiae didt led temon nta te Telle habere : turn de dome a Oallo prope le oondnota. 


1. Tantam quod ex Arpinati yeneram oom mild a te litfane 
xedditae sunt : ab eodemque aooepi Ayiani litteras in quibus hoo 
inerat libeiralianmnm, nomina se f aoturom, oum yeniflBety qua ego 
ydlem die. Fao, quaeso, qui ego sum esse te: eaine aut tni 
pudoriB aut nostriy primum rogare de die, deinde plus annua pos« 
tulareP Bed essent, mi Galle, omnia facilia, si et ea meroatus 
esses quae ego desiderabam et ad earn sommam quam yolueram. 
Ao tunen ista ipsa quae te enusse soribiB non solum rata mihi 
erunt sed etiam grata : plane enim intellego te non modo studio, 
sed etiam amore usum quae te delectarint, bominem, ut ego 
semper iudioavi, in omni iudioio elegantissimum, quia me digna 
putaris, ooemisse. 2. Sed yelim maneat Damasippus in sententia : 

Most editan now suppoM that this 
letter was written in 698 (61), when 
Oiosro was adocning the house on the 
Palatine which he bad bought in 692 (62). 
In 694 (BO) he fsoetionsly speaks of the 
load ox debt he had incnxred by his 
ezpenditnxe on works of art : op. Att. ii. 
1, 11 (27). For the reason why we haye 
retained this and other letters in the 
positions originally assigned them, though 
these positions are wrong, see Preface to 
YoL I., ed. 8. 

1. TmUumgtiod. . .v0neram'] so. tanhim 
fitdmn 99t quid vmtram^ ' I had only just 
arriTed.' This phrase is also found in 
Att XT. 18a, 7 (796). So with negatiyes, 
< eii <i isi ^uod AomifWfM non ncminai^ ' he 
only omits the name,' Yerr. i. 116. 

nomkim mfactwrum] ' that he will not 
debit my account till I wish.' Gallus 
had bought certain statues from ATianius 
for Cicero. ATianius generouslT proposed 
to wait for payment till it should suit 
Cicero's conyenienoe. Literally, 'that he 
will enter the debt on whaterer day I 
please.' According to strict law the pro- 
oeduxe which Arianius would follow as 
regards Cicero was exactly similar to 

that which Pythias followed as regards 
Ganiua in the story related in Cio. Oil. 
Hi. 69. That procednre, as Mr. Roby 
(fiMN4M FriiHiU Znw, iL ^ 287) has 
shown. iuTolyed three entries in the ledger 
of Pytikius, who sold and deUrered a TiJla 
to Canius widiont recetnng the purchase* 
money. 1* Pythius debits Canius with 
the purohase-mooer. 2" He credits him 
with the price as if received. This com- 
pleted the sale and entitled Canius to 
actual deliyery. 8* He debits him with a 
loan to the same amoont. It is this last 
entry which ii desoribed generally aa 
nommmfae$r0, * to make entries,' which is 
mostly used in the sense of ' to make a 
loan.^ Aa aoon aa thia entry or loan was 
made, intereat would begin to accrue. 

Ftui] * put yourself in my place.' 

rofar$ de diJj ac. sohttionU, 'to aak for 

pbu efiniMl < to aak f or more than a 
year'a credit.^ 

rata . . . grata'} * not only do I ratify 
your purchase, but I am gratiJUd so to 
do.' This, or ' accepted . . . acceptable,' 
wiU reproduce the maj on the words. 

2. Damatippui] This is theDamastppus 

EP. 186 (FAM. VII. eS). 


pioxms enim ex istis emptionibiu nnllam deddero. Tu autem 
igDaroB institati mei^ qnanti ego genus omnino signonun omnium 
non aestunOy tanti ista qnattaor ant quinque sumpsifiti. Baoohas 
isias oom MnsiB Metelli oomparaB. Quid simile P primum ipsas 
ego Musas numquam tanti putassem atque id feaLssem Musis 
omnibus approbantibus : sed tamen erat aptum byblioiheoae studiis- 
que nostris oongruens. Baoohis vero ubi est apud me locus P— At 
pulohellae sunt. — Noyi optime et saepe TidL Nominatim tibi 
sjgna mihi nota mandassem, si probassem. Ea enim signa ego 
emere soleo quae ad similitudinem gymnasioram exoment mihi in 
palaestra loonm. Martis vero signum quo mihi paois auotoriP 
Gaudeo nullum Batumi signum fuisse : baec enim duo signa puta- 
lem mihi aes alienum attulisse. Merouri mallem aliquod fuisset : 
felioiuSy puto, oum Ayianio transigeie possemus. 3. duod tibi 
destinaras trapezophorum, si te delectat, habebis : sin autem sen- 
tentiam mutasti, ego habebo soilioet. — Ista quidem summa ne ego 
multo libentius emerim deversorium Tarraoinae, ne semper hospiti 
molestns sim. Omnino Uberti mei yideo esse oulpam oui plane 
les oertas mandaram itemque luni quem puto tibi notum esse, 
Anani familiarem. Ezbediia quaedam mihi nova sunt instituta 

nMBtioDed in Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 16. Dana- 
aippiii had laid that lie was wflling to 
take the ttatues off Cicero's hands. 
Gieoo says. ' I hope he viQ adhere to 
his offer.' Bamatippas is also mentioaed 
in Att. zii. 29, 3 (666) ; 88, 1 (666). 
Other ehaxaeters mentioned hy Hoxaoe, 
in eommon with Cioero, are Tigellios, 
Ciatems, Anhis, Trehatins, the son ox 
Aesopnsy Arhaso1lh^ Laberins, Tarpa. — 
See ndmer, Hozaoe, Satwu^^. xv. 

pumti . . . tmi%\ With the reading in 
the text UmH and quanti must be oornla- 
tiTe; andthesensemnstbe/Butjouyin 
ignonmee of my praotiee, took ronr or 
fije of those vo^ at a price I would 
not gi^e lor aU the statues in the 

§mm • . . MNfitum] ' statues of aU kinds.' 
Gp. 109, 3 ; 116, 8. For the gen. tif^' 
rum (which ii the gmtiimu §pw$$ttiem of 
Draeger, L 466), cp. unum genus est 
#onMi, Gat. ii. 18 ; propter earn causam 
Mi^rii (Tis. < Clime'), Yenr. iy. 118; 
insidias mMb lUgttf inmidiorumf Cat. iL 
6. Add jfroOi dimUtUioH^, Q. Fr.i. 1, 

€rMi] *(sueh a purchase) would have 
been suitable.' Cp. et nisi longe alium 
late iactaret odorem lauros irat, Yir^. 
Georg. ii. 182 ; peream male si non opti- 
mum Avf, Hor. Bat. ii. 1, 6; Pahner, 
on Hor. Sat. ii 1, 16, calls this 'the 
imperfect of neglected duhr.' 

paeUtuifitori] 'aTOtaryol peaoe,'allud- 
ing most probably to his feat in crushing 
Catiline wiUiout unsheathing the sword : 
hence admt arwto iogae and other such 
boasts. Others, supposing the reference 
to be to his attitude as peace-maker 
between Pompey and- Caesar, place this 
letter yery much later. 

dtio Mna] of two such inausptcioua 
gods as ICars and Saturn. Mercury, on 
uie other hand, was the god of treasure- 
troye and good luck. 

8. ingmophwum] See Addenda to the 

divnwrum Tarra«ina$\ Cicero would 
often use a lodoe at Tanaoina on his 
journeys to his Cumanum and Pompeia- 

Bshsdrid\ See Addenda to the Com- 


EP. 126 (FAM. ril. £S). 

in portioiila Tusoalani. Ea volebam tabelliB cnmare : etenim, A 
quid generis istiaB modi me deleotat, piotura deleotat. Bed tamen, 
fli iflta mihi sunt habenda, oertiorem yelim me fiusias nbi nnt, 
qoando aroesBautur, quo genere Teotnrae. Si enim Damasippns in 
sententia non manebit, aliquem PseudodamaBippnm vel mun iao- 
tiua reperiemuB. 4. Quod ad me de domo soribis iterum, iam id 
ego proflcifloens mandaram meae Tulliae : ea enim ipsa hora aooe- 
peram tuas litteras. Egeram etiam earn tuo Nioia, quod ia utitur, 
at BCOBf familiariter Oasdo. X7t redii autem prius quam . tuas legi 
has prozimas litteras, quaesiTi de mea Tullia quid egisset. Per 
TjAiniiitn se egisse dioebat (sed opinor Oassium uti non ita multum 
sorore), earn porro negare se andeie oum Tir abesset — est enim 
profeotus in Hispaniam Dezius — illo et absente et insoiente 
migiaze. Est mihi gratissimum tanti a te aeetimatam oonsuetu- 
dinem Titae yiotusque nostri, primum ut earn domum sumeres ut 
non mode prope me sed plane meoum habitare posses, deinde ut 
migraie tanto opere festines. Sed ne vivam si tibi oonoedo ut 
eius rei tu cupidior sis quam ego sum. Itaque omnia ezperiar. 
Video enim quid mea intersit, quid utriusque nostrum. Si quid 
egero, faoiam ut solas. Tu et ad omnia resoribes et quando te 
exspeotem fades me, si tibi videtur, oertiorem. 

I'^mMmuuippum] '1 murt look out 
idr Mine imitator of Damaaippus to sell 
them to, eyan at a loss. ' Palmer, on Hor. 
Sat. ii. 8y 16, remarks that Damaiippiia 
must have been quite at the head of his 
trade, as he had imitators in it. 

4. Oatrio] Gallos had bought a house 
from Cassiiis, inhabited by CasiBius' sister 
licdnia and her husband Dezius. Licinia 
did not wish to move out in the absence 
of her hnaband. Not being on good 
terms with her brother, she was not 

auious to ooDsult the oonTenienoe of 
the purchaser of hii house. 

vti non tte muUum\ ' is not on Terf 
good terms with.' 

pom^\ ' in her turn.' 

Jhxkui] The name is found in 0. 1. L. 
ix. 6078, 78. 

n$ vUfom ri tibi eoncido] 'upon my 
life, I won't admit.' Gp. ita vivam ut 
nuuBimui nimptut faei^, Att. t. 16, 2 
(207), 'upon my life, I am living yery 

EP. It7 {FAM. riL 1). 


127. TO M. MAEIUS (Pam. vii. i), 

BOMB ; 8BPTBMBBB OB OCTOBBB, A. U. a 699 ; B. 0. 66 ; ABT. CIO. 6h 

M. Gioero probat, qnod M. ICaiiiiB ludos a Ponpeio 11. ooa. editoe •peotatmn non 
TWMrit. Se quoque interea CSanini cauaua egiwe nanat et optare se ait ut, omiida 
xebuB forennbuSy libere poaait in yUSu et cum Mano Tiyere. 


1. Si te dolor aliqui oorpoiis aut infirmitas valetudinis tuae 
tenuit quo minoB ad ludos yenires, fortonae magis tribuo quam 
sapieixtiae tuae : sin haeo quae oeteri xnirantur oontemnenda dux- 
iflti et, oum per Taletudinem possee, venire tamen noluisti, utroin- 
que laetor et sine dolore oorporis te fuiase et animo yaluisBe, oum 
ea quae sine causa mirautur alii neglexeris ; modo ut tibi oonsti- 
terit fruotus oti tui, quo quidem tibi perfrui mirifioe liouit cum 
esses in ista amoenitate paene solus reliotus. Neque tamen dubito 
quin tu ex illo cubioulo tuo ex quo tibi Stabianum perforasti et 

It JB uncertain in what month Pompey 
dediHUted hia theatre ; probablj it waa in 
September : cp. Yal. Max. ii. 4, 6 Oi. 
.Pitrnptmi ante omni$ aquae per eemUae 
deemnu aestieum minuit ferverem. A few 
days befdre, Oieero deUyered the speeeh 
agamat Piao (4 66). In that speech 
Cioero knew (81) of Caeaar's haying 
oroaaed the Rhine (end of July), but not 
of bia haying oroaaed into Britain (latter 
part of &mtember). 

1. Uidoe] Thia yery interesting and 
beautiful letter waa written on the 
ooeaaion of the dedication of Pompey'a 
theatre and the temple of Yenua Yiotnz, 
when Pompey delighted the people with 
apeotadea of unusual magnmeenoe, in- 
emding not only dramatio and athletio 
petfoimanflea in the theatre, but raoes 
and oombats with wild beaata (venaiiones) 
in the ciroua. In these were killed ilye 
hundred lions and twenty elepbanta, 
aooording to Pliny. The letter ia re- 
madable as ahowinjor a refinement yery 
rare in the age of Cioero. It aeems to 
us, howeyer^ that the yalue of the letter 
from this point of yiewis somewhat oyer- 
eatimated. It seems dear from { 6, haec 
adte. . , paeniier$t, that the letter must 
be regarded to some extent rather as a 

rhetorical exercise on a theme suggested 
by his friend, than aa the enresaion of 
the writer's own opinion of the question 
of the monUty of such spectacles aa he 
deeoribea. Strangely enough, thia par- 
ticular show seems to haye supplied 
incidents so affecting aa to moyeeyen the 
caUoua mob of Rome. Pliny (N. H. yiii. 
20, 21) teDa ua that the cries and piteous 
bearing of the elephants, when they 
found escape imposrible, touched the 
people so much that they rose in a mass 
and cursed Pompey, ianto popuU dolore, 
utf ohUtue imperatorie ae munifieeniiae 
honori mo exquieitae, Jlene univertue 
eoneurgerei diraeque Fompeio quae iUe 
mo* ktit impreearetwr. 

medo ut tihi eomiiteri^ ' always pro- 
yided you made a good use of your leisure.' 
ConetiierU may come from coneto^ in ih» 
aenae of 'to be,' 'exist,' tfwdpx^^t ^ in 
ei ipea meue eonetare pateet vaeane eorpore^ 
N. D. i. 26 ; or from eoneteto, in the same 
sense, ns Hnee oratoree laudabilie eon* 
ttitikee. Brut. 838. 

09 quo tibi Stabianum perforaeti] There 
seems to be corruption here. Stabianum 
perforaoH is usually explained ' you hay» 
opened a window giying on the Stabian 
waters of the Bay*' But ia thia a possible 


EP. ler {FAM. VII. J). 

8inam» per eos dies matatina tempoza leotianoalis 

meaoinc of the TerbP Ftrfwrwirt meani 
(1) ' tODora duoiidi,' a meaning which 
if dearly laponbM here ; (2) ' to make 
by boring' ; and tiua laet aignifloatimi is 
common in Oioero ; e. g. dy» hm^ma «l 
l i eu td «miIm p$ffof0Jk^ N. D. iii. 9 ; 
vim$ . . . « 9$i» mmmd pirfarmtaty Tuec. i. 
46. Bnt ptr fin t f S i uHm n tm » pnfwmUo 
fat^Mtrt SiMumm \m impoeiiole, ae was 
seen by Boot (Obs. Crit., p. 12). Under 
SiMtmrnm Inrks some direct obiect of 
pmf&nuti. Boot oonjeotnres w/ t m sw, 
'a balcony': cp. Vano ap. Nonium» 
p. 88, 18 Af fmm hum* et fri^aribm 
•omnuimU: nuHvo i§mpor$ in Ueo prO' 
ptUmh : rut$ In chorU : m uri* in UMino^ 

fnuid MMMlMHiHi 4MAMIMIIA tMt^lsOtTM fjlfrnKl 

jubricaimL We might suggest, to ac- 
count lor SUAummt of the mas, uUid 
mgmimttm. For mamimM^ * timber bal- 
coniea' thrown out for the purpose of 
affording a Tiew, and taking their name 
from Maenios, who was consul 416 (388), 
see Beid on Acad. ii. 70. Either conjecture 
inTolTcs a Tudent departure from the mss ; 
but a puixled copTist would be very likely 
to suppose 4 rererence to 8UM«$ 8. of 
Pompeii, where the yiUa of Mazius was 
situated. The whole sentence, «c quo 
mtmMmmn prnfortuH it patrfmtti ibr mp 
fito mumano firfwaio patrfteiiti supplies 
an example ciptaraUunt for kppotasit, not 
rare in the letters. The reading of the 
mss MB is jsmmi, which WSlfSin shows to 
be another form of tinum, as mnol is of 
timui (ArehiT z. 461). But it is a slight 
change to alter to timm with Boot ; and 
it is unlikely that Cicero would use an 
unusual form of the word just here. 
JfiMMMM is tibe emendation of I#ambinus. 
Perhaps we should adhere to StoHanum^ 
and inteiprst p&fforatti it paUfauti as 
a ^ih iU€i9 construction <■ pm/foranio 
paiefaeitti: cp. Plaut. Aul. 270 punpro* 
pira aUnm ihm for propira atqui pun iUa. 
Prof. Aeid thinks that we haye an example 
of a Yery common kind of error in mss 
when the first part of one word is attached 
to the last part of the following word. He 
holds that Cicero may bare written pir^ 
formtdo ptUifaUti. CJf. PUut. MU. 1022, 
where Bitschl read j^rojMra ixtpatando for 
pnpiTimio, In Acad. ii. 70, all mss have 
faurmU.ioitfacin diannt; in Pro Bull. 
1, all but three give iutptearmttir for 
sutpicari vidimUur ; in Phil. vii. 24, 
all but one hare eonknidarimui for mh- 
laudari dihmm. In Att. x. 4, 11 (382) 

Onlli with probability oonjeotured jTmsfv 
atit for faant. Halm and Christ giTe in 
DiT. L 66, pitin dMUmH fat pitmtu 
In Balb. 1, C. F. W. MiUler writes 
^mtin dibiut lor fsdmi. Many other 
ilfaistratians of the pzinoiple are to be 
found in the texts of ahnost all authors. 

!iitimeiUii\ <litde dips into books.' 
This is, we think, what Cicero wrote. He 
had said abore (or implied) that the 
leisuze of Marius was not pivperly em- 
ployed unless he did something useful. 
Now, to take little dips into books would 
be Tery useful as compared with doling 
orer bad fiwoea. Kl. conjectured ipatim^ 
iuUi lor liitimtmUi ; but would taking 
'litae peeps' at the beauties of the Bay 
of Naples satisfy the condition expressed 
abore, modo ut tibi iOiutUirit /ruetui oti 
tui t MorooTer. tpatm-mU is just the word 
that woidd mt be used after ^otiunMUi. 
But the editors haTO treated this passa^ 
Tery badly: in the words iM^Ai^e^iiNi 
tu ex iUi mbioulo ex quo tibi Stabumum 
pitforoiti . . . pir iOi dUi matutina to mp orm 
UitiunauUi atumnpHrit, it seems at first 
sight that tear isf iUo itMnUo we should 
certainly read m UU euHmio ; and this 
has beoL the course adopted by evenr 
editor from LaQemand to MtUler. But this 
is unscientiflc. If Cicero wrote the easy 
in iOo iubieufo, why do all the mss giye us 
the dii&cult ix iUo mtbimOo f The fact 
is, that in ix illo nthiculo ixquowB have 
an example of that invirm attractioHj 
which is quite in the manner of Plautus, 
with whose diction I hare already pointed 
out so many marked paralldisms in the 
letters of Cicero : cp. zor instance. Plant. 
Cist 68 indidem unde ofHtw faeiio ut 
faeiii ttuUUiam apiUbHim ; again, i^o ti 
hodii nddam madidum ii vivo probi tibi 
quoi dantum at bibin o^imsi, Aul. 674 ; 
quid iUum fun vii qui, tibi quoi dimtioi 
dom maxumoi iuni . • . numum nullum 
habii, Epid. 329. Hence I would by no 
means onange i» Hk \o in ilh, with 
Lallemand. Such a course would be 
truly <from the purpose' of criticism. 
Either Cicero wrote ixillo , , . latiuneuUtt 
otix illo . . . ipatiuneulii ; certainly not 
in illo . . . Uiiiuneulii, 1 believe he 
wrote is iUo , , . latiuMulii ; and that 
this passage supplies another striking 
instance of the close parallelism between 
the diction of the letters of Cicero and of 
the comic drama. For a good example of 
inverse attraction in Greek, cp. fi^jptu 

BP. 127 (FAM. ril. 1). 


ooiiBiimpBeriBi omn illi interea qui te isido reliqnenint speotarent 
oominiiiiiB mimos semiBomni. Beliqoas yero partis diei tu oon- 
sumebafl lis deleotationibos quas tibi ipse ad arbitrium tumn 
•oompanuraB, nobis autem erant ea perpetienda quae Sp. Maedus 
probayisset. 2. Onmino, si quaeris, ladi appaiatissimi sed non tui 
stomaohi : oonieotoram enim fado de meo. Nam primum honoris 
oansa in scaenam redierant ii quos ego honoris oausa de soaena 
deoessiBse arbitrabar. Delidae yero tnae, noster Aesopus, eius modi 
fnit nt ei dednere per omnis homines lioeret. Is iurare com ooe- 
piBset^yoz enmdefeoitinillo looo, 'Si soiens fallo.' Quid tibi ego 
alia narrem P nosti enim reliquoe Indos : qui ne id quidem leporis 
habnerunt quod solent medioores ludi : apparatus euim speotatio 

«ff!9«r M€vr9p ffjcfi, Soph. 0. G. 1226. 
ri ihoiild prefer to adopt mi ilto ^uHcmlo. 
It is verv oominoii for these mas to omit in 
(see C. F. W. HiUler's note oil Fam. p. 25, 
22), end also to add adjaoent words {ib, 
p. 82, 26, sad his note on Att p. 24, 8). 
Thb Flautine pasasges do not seem so 
Strang as the prsaent ; and it is improbable 
thiut Cioero would nse sneh a raze con* 
^tmction in sndh a studied oompoeition as 
this letter (op. Lebieton, p. 14}. Buzely 
K§i§w in the passage in Sophocles is not 
defensible.— L. 0. P.I 

emwUmuf] While JCariii8hasai«#<Mi< 
visw of ICisenum, those who left him to 
eome to Borne haTS a eloH (too dose) 
Tiew of the fsroes which Cioero fonnd 
so ttrasome. (hmmmut for ^ommuneM is 
the admirable oonjeotme of Madyig (Ady. 
Crit iiL 158). Oonmmui is usually 
explained 'hackneyed,* ' gewSbnliche,' 
• aUtftglidhe ' (SApfle). But this is not a 
meaning wmoh dommmiit erer bean 
(dMNRMNM {(Mi, < oommon places,' fin no 
way defends fit); nar,if fitdid, wonlditbe 
suitable here, as Madyig justlj obaerres. 
Pkuf. Beid is inclined to thini eommwm 
ria^t after all. Hazius had (he says) the 
sole enjoyment of his estate and his 
priracy, while those who remained in 
town looked at the mieiM, the spectacle of 
which was common property. The con- 
trast is between that whieh belongs to 
on* and that which belongs to the public 
.genoally. But Prof. Beid confesses that 
the contrast between the distant yiew of 
ICisenum and the close yiew of the mim 
seems fbroed, frigid, and tiiyial. 

ap. JfM0Mi#1 This is the Maecius Ttupa 
mentioned by Horace. He was appointed 
by Pompey to be public licenser of plays, 

like the Lord Chamberlain amongst our- 
selyes. According to the Schol. (Comm* 
Cruq.) on Horace, Tarpa was again ap- 
pointM to diBchazge the same functions, 
as president of a court of flye members, 
by Ootayius. 

prohmnuH] * if only Tarpa gaye his 
lanetinp, we had to sit out the play.' The 
subfunctiye is used because m expresses 
* the kind ' of ]^ys which they had to 
witness. The point of the antithesis is that 
Marins could onoose his own amusements, 
while Cioero and the other spectators of 
the games were depending on the taste of 

2. n«n tm ti4nnaeh%\ 'not such as 
yon would haye stomached.' This is the 
genitiye which Draeger, i. 461, calls dtr 
OfnUw der Bigmteh^ft : op. piurimarum 
patmarum gltJiaiory Boeo. Am. 17 ; non 
nmUi tHi hotpitom accwin, muUi ioci^ 
Fam. ix. 26, 4 (479) ; it Is combined with 
the qusHtatiye ablatiye in multit Imninibm 
ingmiif muHa$ iamm artitf 138, 4. 

konlnii mmm] This phrase is used in 
two senses: they had retired from the 
stage to jfmtTV ihHr awn rtpuUUion 
(which they were no longer able to main- 
tain) ; they now came back to the stage 
l9 do honour to the oeeaiion (by restoxing 
to the stage its past ornaments). One 
might render ' out of respect for Pompey 
they came back to the staae which they 
had left out of respect for themselyes.' 

Si ooioni faOo^ This was the form of 
oath por levom lijndom, Schiits remarks 
that we may hence infer that not only 
jH itt i atMO foJMu but iogo,Uu were repre- 
sented on this occasion ; for in the former 
there would not haye been this purely 
Boman formnUi* But may not the 


EP. 127 (FAM. VII. 1). 

tollebat omnem hilaritatem, quo quidem appaiatu non dubito quiii 
animo aequiBomo oaraeriB. Quid enim deleotationiB hsbent seaoentt 
muli in 'OlytaemeBtra' aut in <Eqao Troiano ' oretexTarum tria milia 
aut annatnra varia peditatos et equitatuB in aliqua pugna P quae 
popularan admirationem halmerant, deleotationem tibi nullam at- 
toUBeent. 3. Quod A tu per eoe dies operam dedisti Protogeni tuo, 
dum modo is tibi quidvis potiuB quam orationee meas legerit, ne ta 
baud paoUo plus quam quisquam nostrum deleotationis habuisti. 
Non enim te puto Qraeoos aut Osoos ludos desiderassey praesertim 
cum Osoos ludos Tel in senatu yestro speotare possis, Qraeoos ita 
non ames ut ne ad yillam quidem tuam via Graeoa ire soleas. 
Nam quid ego te athletas putem desiderare qui gladiatores oon- 
tempserisP in quibus ipse Pomp^tUs oonfitetur se et operam 
et oleum perdidisse. Beliquae sunt venationes binae per diea 
quinque, magnifioae — nemo negat-^, sed quae potest homini esse 
polito deleotatio cum aut homo imbecillus a yalentissima bestia 
laniatur aut praeclara bestia Tonabulo transverberatur P Quae 
tamen, si videnda sunt, saepe vidisti, neque nos qui haec spectamua 
quidquam novi vidimus. Eztremus elephantorum dies fuit, in 

plaven have had to take some tonnal 
oatfa P Cioeio aeema to ipeak of the words 
88 if it were well known that all playen 
moat oae them. MoreoTer, the dyUmn' 
$$tra (of Attios) and Sqvui Troianm (of 
liviiUi or, aa ilibbeck (Frag. Trag. p. 
284) hoUa, of 8ome other author, peiniape 
of Attiiu) were tragedies, crtpidatae, not 
palliaiM, and in tnmalating a formal oath 
from the Greek, the regular forma of the 
Latin oath would doubtless be used. 

(%te«MMif/ra] For this form op. liyins 
Andr. 11 : Ausoniua Epitaph. Her. 1, 4 : 
and the mss of Cicero Off. i. 114 ; where 
see 0. F. W. Miiller's note. 

cr$t0rfwrum] another f onn of woUr^' 
rum : cp. Nonius 647, 26, who quotes the 
I^tmpu of Naeyius o^tMim enUrrU 
tiMfMfi 99 fonti. ' Bowls ' might haTO 
formed part of the spoils in the triumphal 
procession representmg the sack of Troy. 
Oraevins injudiciously conjectured mIts- 
rJMM, 'bucklers,' 'targets.' 

8. Fntofmn\ Perhaps Marius' ovm- 
gnotUt, or dave, whose duty it was to 
read aloud. 

qmd9u\ 'anything, except my speeches' 
(as Cicero modestly adds). 

9matu 9nlro\ Uie municipal senate of 
whateyer town Marius belonged to. Fro- 

bably, like our town coundlB and vestries, 
these bodies furnished much innooent 
amusement to the judicious. Osms ludo» 
a fahulM AUJbmoM, Cicero says the 
town council of Pompeii wiU supply 
Marios with plenty of oroad faroes like 
the/atefa# AuttmHu, The allusion seems 
rather far-fetched ; but the whde letter, 
it must be remembered, is probably a 
rhetorical exercise. 

via Grasoa} The via Ora$ca (which was- 
apparently a local road in the neighbour- 
hood of rompeii) was in yery bad repair. 
Cicero jestingly says that such is Manns'' 
ayersion from the Greeks that he will not 
eyen take the Grecian road to his own 

gladiator$9 fitmUmpurit] Graeyius con- 
jectures with much probability that this is- 
an allusion to some service which Marius 
had done to Cicero in defending him 
against the brayoes of Clodius. 

operam st oleum'] a proverbial expres- 
sion for wasted labour. The allusion is- 
to ' midnight oil,' not to the oil used in 
the training schools ; Att iL 17, 1 (44) ; 
xiii. 38, 1 (668) ; PUut. Poen. 832 : cp. 
Otto, ' Sprichwdrtar,' p. 263. 

venatimei] ' fights oetween men and 
beasts,' ' wild beast baiting.' 

EP. ler {FAM. riL i). 113 

quo admiiatio magna vulgi atqae torbae, deleotatio nulla ezstitit. 
Qoin etiam miBerioordia quaedam oonseouta est atqae opinio eiuB 
modi, esse qnamdam illi beloae onm genere humane BodetatenL 
4. His ego tamen diebus, ludis soaenioisy ne forte videar tib\ 
non mode beatus sed liber omnino foisse, dirupi me paene in 
indido Ghdli Oanini, familiaris tui. Quod si tam faoilem 
populum haberem quam Aesopus habuit, libenter meheroule artem 
desinerem teoumque et oum similibus nostri yiTerem. Nam me 
earn aatea taedebat, cum et aetas et ambitio me hortabatur et 
lioebat denique quern nolebam non defendere, tum vero hoo 
tempore vita nulla est. Neque enim fmokmi ullum laboris 
ezspeoto et oogor non numquam homines non optime de me 
meritoe rogatu eorum qui bene meriti sunt defendere. 5. Itaque 
quaere oausas omnis aliquando viyendi arbitratu meo, teque et 
istam rationem oti tui et laudo Tehementer et probo, quodque nos 

mUmeordid] See Plxn. N. H. yiii. 21 mtOUr UUm dennU. Terenoe ueee the 
quoted abore, { 1. yerb in about sixteen other plaoee, either 
4. fmlm\ * ntAj ' (to let me retire), abeoliitely or with inf. I cannot beliere 
0rUmd$nnsrm] tMn^i^rUmiB found the passage in the Haut to be sound. 
in8uet.Tib.86;<Mnfi#r«jMft<iMi#iiiinGeIL Probably Terenoe wrote mre (cf. 1. 62) 
ii 12, 8 ; and this oonstmotion is not rare and a oopyist added the object Ulam, 
in the poets. Oompare also orationsi a which then drore oat the inl Hie 
fUru^ Ugi nmt ienta», Cicero Brat. 123. example of «UtiiMr$ with aoous. giyen in a 
But it must be confessed that the con- fragment of Sallnst by the Lenoons oan- 
straction d$im9r§ arUm is a little strange, not carry much weignt. Nor can much 
It would be like ' to cease our profession.' stress be laid on the examples from Oiid, 
Howeyer, as Mendelssohn and 0. F. W. for Met. tL 216 quoted by the Lexioons 
Miiller haye retained it, we haye yentured is now altered ; and the interchange of 
to stand by those sohokn. But the duim and diur$ in a good many other 
objections to be urged are put forward passages must render Ars Am. ii 726 more 
with great learning by Pro£ Beid, who than doubtful, to say nothing of the fact 
has kindly sent us the following note. Of that iS»Mr» suits the context fiur better. I 
the jjassage from Cicero Brat. 3 28 he Bajn: haye not noted any other example of dstino 
* This is not a parallel. It seems quite with aco. either in authors of die age of 
as isolated in Cicero as Acad. ii. 80, Oyid or later down to Suetonius (tiie 
where dmnir$ u constructed with abl. passage you quote), where it seems to me 
Looking to the number of times Cicero that tUitUuturoi is the right reading, 
uses diSin0r$f it seems strongly improbable There is, I think, strong reason for doubt- 
that ettlier passage should be sound. I ing wheUier the construction ii^MfWfv wiUi 
would read arU dnisUrtm here and detitU aco. oocurs in Latin at all, at least before 
in the other place. Jknsts is now gene- fSonto. We cannot, of oourse, argue 
rally read for duine in Ter. Haut. y. 1, 6 that oruHonei dmtae sunt It^i justifies 
(879). Keither Horace nor Yeigil has the duitm^ oraHon$8, any more than erationst 
aco. (for in Ed. y. 19 and ix. 66 duim cotpta§ mnt Ugi would Justify M&piu$ 
phiTMf tliere is an obyious elli^ of artOionit. Nor eyen if we f ound oro^MfMt 

eoepi aHquid.* Wesenberg 
Oioero, i.e. Terence Haut. ii. 8, 64 (806) omit arUm, compaiing Fam. yi. 4, 4 (640). 

114 SP. It7 (FAM. VII. 1). 

minns mtorvudfli hoc fero animo aeqtdore qood, si Bomae eoes, 
tamen neque nos lepore tao neqne te — si qui ert in me— meo frui 
lioeret propter moleetiwrninm oooapationes meas ; qniboB ai me 
rdazaro— nam at plane exBoWam non poetalo^te ipsum, qui 
mnltoa annos nihil aliud oommentaiis, dooebo prof eoto quid nt 
humaniter Tivere. Tu modo istam imbeoillitatem Taletudinis 
tuae SQfltenta et tuere, ut faoLB» ut noabras TiUaa obire et mecum 
simul leotioula oonoursare foms. 6. Haec ad te pluiibua yerbis 
BOtipd quam soleo non otii abundantia aed amoris eiga te, quod 
me quadam epistula eubinyitaraa, si memoria tenes, ut ad te 
aliquid eius modi Boriberem quo minus te praetermisifiae ludos 
paeniteret Quod ai adaeoutua aum, gaudeo : ain minua, hoo me 
tamen oonaolor quod poatbao ad ludoa denies noaque viaea neque 
in epiatolia relinquea meia apem aliquam deleotationia tuae. 

6. fvAMRiW . . . iXioham] ' lemiBiioii,' ci the gamM.* Siipfle undenUnds these 

. . . ' fdeue/ wordf to meAn ' you will oome and lee 

Mnt 0t . . . omtmrmr$l ^* ^^f*^* ▼• m^i ^ad ^ joa nill not hare to depend 

80 tmUU mm m a quo Umpor$ ett&ri on my letten lor your entertainment 

pruimrm Mf pr&vineUm et tmom'WM when you wiQ haTo myaelf.' But this ia 

MMMinmC a pointleaa remark, and doea not harmoniae 

6. filiiififM] 'you will not leare at wi^ the foregdng aentenoe. Moreoyer» 

the meroy of a letter from me any hope anoh a rendering hardly takea aXiqwim 

yoQ may hare of getting enjoyment out into account. 

EP. 1S9 [FAM. XIII. UO). 116 

128. TO Q. PHTTiTPPUS, Pbooonsul in Asia 

(Fam. zni. 74). 

BOMB ; A. U. C. 099 (P); B. C. 55 ; ABT. CIC. 51. 

H. CSoero Q. FhiUppo L. Oppinm prmeieiiteiii et Egnatii alwentu nagotia oom- 


Etfii noQ dubito pro toa in me obeeryantia proqne nostra 
neoeesitadine qnin oommendationem meam memoria teneas, tamen 
etiam atque etiam enmdem tibi L. Oppiom familiarem meum 
praesentem et L. Egnati f amiliaiissimi mei absentis negotia oom- 
mendo. Tanta mihi com eo neoesritudo est familiaritasque at, si 
mea res esBet, non magis kborarem. Qoapropter gratissimnm 
mihi f eoeris si onraris ut is intell^gat me a te tantom amari 
quantum ipse ezistimo« Hoc mihi gratins faoere nihil potes: 
idqne at fadas te yehementer rogo. 

129. TO Q. ANOHABIUS, Pbooonsul in Maobdonia 

(Fam. xni. 40). 

BOICB ; A. V. 0. 699 ; B. C. 55 ; ABT. CIO. 51. 

M. Oioero Q. Anehazio proooi. Maoedoniae L. et 0. AuraUos oommendat. 


L. et 0. Anielios L. Alios quibus et ipsis et patre eorom, viro 
optimOy familiariBsime utory oommendo tibi maiorem in modmn» 
adnlesoentis omnibus optinus artibus omatos, meos pemeoessarios, 
tua amioitia dignissimos. Si ulla mea apud te oommendatio 
▼aluity quod sdo multas plurimum yaluisse, haee ut yaleat rogo. 
Quod si eos honorifioe liberaliterque traotaris, et tibi gratiasimoB 
optimosque adulesoentis adiuuxeris et mihi gratisaimum f eoeris. 

The date of thia letter if imoertun. prorinoe which Philippiis adminicteied : 

Beoent editors place it in 696 (68) ; cp. alao Beigmann in < jPhilologoa ' iL 643, 

Billsrbeok in 699 (56); while H6lzl (Fasti note 24. 
PraetoEii, pp. 94, 95) postpones it to 769 

or 710 (45 or 44). As BgziatiaB and Oppius a. anokaszo] He was trib. pi. in 695 

had business at Philo m elittm in Phiygia, (59), and opposed Caesar. In 698 (56) be 

as we leani from Fsm. ziii. 45, 48 (918, was praetor, and proconsnl of Macedonia 

920), it is possible that Asia was the in 699 (55) : op. Pis. 89. 


116 JBP. ISO {ATT. ir. IS). 

180. TO ATTIOUS, in Bomb (Att. iv. is). 

TU80ULAKUX ; NOYXMBBB (mIDDLB) ; A. V. C. 699 ; B. C. 65 ; 

▲BT. CIO. 61« 

M. Gioeio Bgnifloat m TOUMe a. d. zm. EaL Dm. in Tuaeulaniuiiy lore Bomaa 
a. d. ziT. Ktl. propter nuptiei Miloilis et oomitiQgnim opinknem de alteroatioiiibiii in 
•eneta fMtii, rog«t Atticam at le de omnibne relras nrlMUiis edooeat> de Onaio, de 
Ubiii Matoriii qnoe in menu liabeet. 


1. Nob in Tiusoulanum yeniase a. cL mi. Eal. Decembr. Tideo 
te soire. Ibi Dionydus nobis praesto fuit. Bomae a. d. xiy. 
Ealend. Yolumus ease. Quid dioo, YolomnsP Imxno yero 
oogimnr: Milonis nuptiae. Oomitioram non nulla opinio est. 
Ego, ut sit rata, af nisse me in alteroationibus qoas in senatu f aotas 
audio fero non molests. Nam aut defendissem quod non plaoeret 
aut defuissem oui non oporteret. Bed meheroule yelim res istas et 
praesentem statum rei publioae et quo animo oonsules f orant huno 
9Kv\i»hv soribas ad me quantum potest. Yalde sum i%<nruvoQ et, 

1. mipiia$\ ec. me cogunt Somus 4nt. time, end Cioero had jiut been reoonoiled 

Kilo wee about to be married to Faueta, to lum. StiU we think that now, ea 

the daughter of Sulla the Dictator. ever, Cioero felt that Pompej wee the 

Bfo^ut tU rate] ' granting that it ie leader by whoee eide he muet alwaye 

oonnrmed.' Cioero appeaie to mean that, stand. The Hed. reeds Brgo tt «i irata ; 

if en election ie imminent, he regrets not and the reading given above is that of 

havinff aesisted in the canvass, but is f lad Bosius. For otiier suggeetions see Adn. 

enough to have escaped the contentions Crit Cicero may have written ^o ut 

and wxenglings which had occurred in 9iiiormnilmrfwiamm$..,fironcnmoUtt0^ 

the senate, llie^ elections seem to have ' I, though athirstfor the eenatorial arena, 

been very late this year. That for ourule yet am glad,' &e. 

aedileewae not completed until well on WKvKiihv] Thii word is from ck6K' 

in the following veer: cp. Cic. Plane. Xtiy, which Hesychius explains rh rott 

49-54, and Hdlden's Introduction to that 5ni(i ffwaw. - * Tan|[led dcein * would go 

speech, {8. It ii uncertain what the near the thought m I^Ush, but the 

altercations in the Senate were about French iradosBtrie would be a better ren- 

— possibly on granting a iuppUetUio dering; mc^XXcur is 'to trouble,' <to 

to Caeear (Caes. B. C iv. 89, 6) ; or -wonjy in the N. T. To find the exact 

perhape in consequence of the hindzances meaning of a Greek word used by Cioero 

offered by Ateius Capito and Aquillius we must look to the post-claswcal, not the 

Gallus to the leviee which Fom^ and classioal, usage of the word. Domitius 

Craems were tryinc to raise (Dio Cass. Ahenoburbus and Appius Claudius Pulcher 

xzxix. 89, 1-2 ; Plut. Crass. 16). It were elected near the end of the year, the 

seems uncertain whether mm' nm opirtertt elections having been obetructed at the 

refers to Pompey or Crassus. Theopposi- regular time, 
tion was mainly against Crassus at this 

EP. ISO {ATT. ir. IS). 


fli qnaeriSy omnia mihi sunt suspeota. 2. Oraflsnm quidem noetmm 
minore dignitate aiant prof eotmn paludatum quam olim aeqaalem 
einfl L. Paullnm, item iterom conflulem. hominem nequam I 
De libxJB oratoriis factum est a me diligenter. Diu mnltumque 
in manibiiB f nenmt : defloribas lioet Hind etiam aique etiam te 
^8^* ^v wapovmiv Koraoraaiv nnrciiSa^Cy T^^ istuo hocfpes yeniam. 

2. flUMMfv a^nitgts] Thii is UMm^ or 
HMJMM. L. Aemiliiia Frallns m 586 (168) 
npiisBd to bif pnmnoe attended mtnor§ 
pum 9ohUfir$M miia prot$pmtiwm, Lit. 
zliT. 22, 17 ; Onumu went, followed by 
the ounee of Ateine Oapito the trilmiie» 
Gio. do Diy. i. 80; Flat Otmb. 16. 
PanlliUy when he went to Maoedoniay 
wee iizty yean cf age, as alio waa OravoB 
on hia departoxe fdr Svria. The ooinoi- 
denoe that Paulina and Oraaraa wete both 
aixty yean of age, and had both been 
ooninli for the aeoood period, led Cioero 
to point the eontiaat Mtween them in 

reaneot of popularity. 

Ammnimi $nqtmmj This ezolamation 
strongly contrasts with the sentiments of 
admiration and aff eotion eapressed in Ep. 
181. This is one of the many proofs that 
Oicero did not, when he was writing 
tiiese letters, oontemplato their nltimate 

Uhrit arvtoriit] the three books 4$ 

r^y V. jc. rvvmZms] sc duariboBf 
* |dTe me a sketch of the present state of 



EPF. 181-166. 

A. TJ. 0. 700 ; B. 0. 64 ; ABT. CIO. 62. 


DuBiFe thiB year CioeTO aoqniesoed in the goTenimeiit of the TriunYirB ; and 
a tolerable oaae oan be made ont for the attitude whioh he adopted: see 
Introduotion. Thej pat pressore on him to speak in defenoe of hia former 
enemies, Crassns, YatiniaB, and even Gabinins. To defend Gabinins must 
haye been a sore trial to Gioero ; and that he yielded afta* so many pro- 
testations is one of the hardest things to justify in his whole oareer. As an 
appendix to the trial of Gabinins, he made a speech in defenoe of the financier 
Rabirius Postomns. In Ep. 153 (Fam i. 9) we have an elaborate mSmaire 
jutUfica^f in whioh Gioero explains to Lentnins why he ranged himself along 
with the Trinmyirsy and did not oppose their policy. Gioero also composed 
a speech for his old friend Gn. Plandns, which is most important as giving ns 
information abont the details of Roman elections. He was one of the many 
oonnsel for Soanms when aocosed of extortion in Sardinia ; and he pleaded 
many otber cases which were independent of politics. 

Much confosion and corraption preyailed in the matter of the elections. 
A most scandalous compact between two candidates for the oonsolship and the 
actoal consols came to light in the summer (142, 2] ; and the year ended 
without any election for consulship haying taken place. During this year 
Gate was praetor— he presided at the trial of Scaurus — and, as far as he could, 
he opposed all forms of bribery. A yery striking example of the high estimation 
for uprightness in which he was held is found in 142, 4 ; ]143, 8. 

To this year belong Gioero' s treatise Da ^epubliea and also poems De 
temporihus nm$ and on Gaesar's exploits. Gioero occasionally recdyed 
letters from Caesar, who found time during his military afiledrs to take an 
interest in literary matters. 

In the early summer Quintus joined the camp of Caesar in Qaul. Caesar 
made his second expedition into Britain in the late summer : but at the end 
of the year he was hard pressed by the insurrection of the Eburones under 
Ambiorix. Early in September occurred the death of Julia, daughter of 
Caesar and wife of Pompey. 


EP. 131 (FAM. V. 8). 

131. TO OBABSUSi aftbb his DBPAnxniiB for Stbia 

(FaM. v. 8). 

BOm ; PBOBABLT JANUABT (lattbr half) ; A. U. C. 700 ; B. a M ; 

AST. 010. 63. 

M. Oioero M. lidnio Onmo in Syxiam profeoto teribit qtuata earn oontentioiid in 
Moata deflenderit. Bzcnait quae interoenoat dnniltatem et priitina amieitia natituta 
■nam operam» oonidliiiin, auctoritatem, giatiam in onmibua rebna large poUioetur. 


1. Qnantum a. d. . . . meum studiom exstiterit dignitatis tuae 
Tel taendae yel etiam augendae non dabito quin ad to omnee toi 
saripserint. Non enim fait ant medioore ant obsoomm ant eins 


Laage (E. A. iiL p. S64) and KSmer 
K 61-62) hold an opinion ai to the date 
this letter which la at Taiianee with 
that held hy all previoua iohdbn. They 
vat it in Augnat, 700 (64). Thiaiapro- 
oahly wronc : aa it would appear, mm 
) 3y that PoUiiia and ICarooa Oraiaiia the 
yoimgv were in Borne; yet Maroos was 
lerving with Caeaar in the aummer of 
700 (64) (Oaes. B.G. t. 24, 2), and PabUui 
abo appears to haye been with Caesar 
doling the same summer : op. Pint. Grass. 
17, 4 U^i/Mwot 9^601 (in Syiia) rhw vAr 
%Ko^awtiik Kaivapot ix TukmrltU' K&mer 
seems to oe influenoed by the fitct that, 
in 16S, 19, 20, Oioero defends himself 
against the striotures of Lentnlus for 
haling spoken in behalf of Yatinins and 
Crassus. Now Vatiniiis was aoqnitted of 
sodaliflia at the end of Aocust (147, 8). 
Aooordingly E5mer thinks that the attack 
on Orusns which Cicero repelled was 
made abont the same time. He cannot 
say what the nature of the attack was ; 
bat he rejects Lange's tIcw, that Gahinitts 
refoaed to give up the proTince of Syria 
to a legatns sent by Crassus ; for it is 
unHkely that Crassus would haye delayed 
to send a legatus untH the summer. Far 
more probable is the yiew of Banschen 
^. 61), that the letter was written early 
in January. Cicero had become reconciled 
to Crassus at the end of the preyious 
▼ear; and ihey had parted the beet of 
friends (168, 20 fin.), but the ill-omened 
departure of Cnusus stimulated his 
eoflmies to attack him ; they may have 
mored a curtailment of his powers, and 

peihaps voted scanty supplies. Cicero 
would seem to have urged that the powers 
and resouroee of Crassus, so far from 
being diminisbed, should be increased 
U 1). As the reconciliation waa recent, 
toe warmth of Cicero's aeal was the 

Bardt (Hermes zxm. (1807) pp. 267- 
270) holds that {{ 1, 2, and ff 8, 4 are 
two drafts of the same letter : and that 
Cicero did not intend to send both. The 
similarity of ideas is marked. Cicero 
would naturally take the greatest pains 
with a communication like this, which 
renewed (Hendly relations with an im- 
portant personage towarda whom he had 
been for a long time hostile. But we 
think the view <» Ourlitt (N. Jahrb. fiir 
das Uass. Altertum, 1901, p. 640) pre- 
ferable, that we have here the same letter 
written twice for despatch by different 
messengers, as was natural in the case of 
an important letter sent to a distant place. 
In the case of auoh deepatch by more than 
one messenger, it seems to hare been con- 
sidered etiquette to vary the expression, 
and not to write exact duplicatee, as may 
perhaps be inferred from Fam. vii. 18, 
2 (173) ^uit §oist eotUm exemplo phtru 
dare g%A tua mtum twibii* Probably roug^ 
copies of both drafts were kept by Tiro, 
and W inadTertence got joined together. 

1. Quantum a. if. . . .] <How I showed 

my zeal for you on the .' The text 

gives the excellent emendation of Blots, 
a. d, ioft ud. This is a very freonent error 
of K; and it is quite natural tnat Oioero 
should mention the date of his espousal of 

EP. 131 {FAM. r. 8). 


modi quod silentio posset praetexiri. Nam et cam consolibaB et com 
mnltis oonsularibuB tanta oontentione decertavi quanta numquam 
aatea ulla in oansa, snsoepique mihi perpetnam propugnationem 
pro omnibus omamentis tois, veteriqne nostrae neoessitudini iam 
din debitnm sed multa varietate temporom intemiptum offidnm 
enmnlate reddidi. 2. Neque mehercmle umquam mihi tui aut 
oolendi aut oxnandi voluntas defuit, sed qnaedam pestes homi- 
num lande aliena dolentium et te non numquam a me alienarunt 
et me aliquando immutarnnt tibi Sed ezstitit tempus optatum 
mihi magis quam speratum ut fiorentissimis tuis rebus mea per- 
spici posset et memoiia nostrae YoIuntatuB et amidtiae fides. Sum 
enim oonseoutus non modo ut domus tua tota sed ut ounota dvitas 
me tibi amioissimum esse oognosoeret. Itaque et praestantisdma 
omnium feminarum, uxor tua, et eximia pietate, virtute, gratia tui 
Orassi meis oonsiliisy monitis, studiis, aotionibusque nituntur, et 

llie ouue of Orassiii. The date liaifalla& 
oat. Frofeaor Ellia (Hennathena, tL 
(1887), p. 184) suggests Id. (. Idibut), 
a Tiew wluoh oommended itMlf also to 
Mendelssohn. The Senate vas often 
held on the Ides : op., for example, 96, 1 ; 
185, 2. 

coHtuUM] Domiiitts Ahenoharbus and 
Appxns GUndius. 

mf$rrupium] Cioero and Crassos were 
thzioe estranged, and thrice reoonoUed. 
Oioexo proToked the first quarrel hj 
a8oribin(|[ to Pompey the whole credit A 
the Seryile war. The second quarrel arose 
out of the Oatilinarian conspiracy, and 
Orassus was certainly aotiTe in procuring 
the banishment of Oicero. After Cicero's 
return a reconeUiation was effected, 
chiefly through the mediation of Publius, 
the son of Cnssus. The third estrange- 
ment arose firom the espousal of ^e cause 
of Gabinius by Grassus, and a reconeUia- 
tion was effected just before the depwfcuxe 
of Orassus for Syria. The warm language 
of friendship and esteem used by Cicero 
in this letter contrasts yery strongly with 
the Aominem nequam ol Sp. 180. 

2. vckmUu tm celtndt] This objectiTe 
gen. ii found more frequently m the 
letters than in the other works of Oicero: 
cp. Uusdii nottra$ gratulatio . . . iimorU 
eoHtoUHio, Att. i. 17, 6 {28). 

put4$ homimm] Thu is a remarkable 
cflincidenee with the language of the 
oomio stage; this gm, tpewtgiUem, in 

which the goreming substanttye oontains 
the essence of the expression, and has 
much of the effect of an adj., is found 
en/y in tht UtUn tmd in the comic poeU : 
op. icchu viri ■■ vir teclettutf Mil. 1484 ; 
so Cure. 614 ; True. 621 ; fnutum fmcri. 
Pen. 848 ; Jlagitium hominic, Asin. 478 ; 
numctrum mulicrit, Poen. 278 ; hominum 
nundicahOa m mnOici, Aul. 708 ; dcUciac 
pucri, Pers. 204 ; momirum hommii, Ter. 
£nn. 696. We haye just the same oon- 
stroction as in 'a rap of a fellow,' ' a bit 
of a boy' (meaning <a little boy '), 'a 

J'ewel of a woman," ftc. ; haUccf viri in 
?oen. 1310 either means 'a hop o' my 
thumb of a fellow,' kaUcx meanmg * the 
great toe '; or it is like the Irish expres- 
sion, ' the broth of a boy,' kalicx bebg 
the sediment of a costly fish sauce ; pos- 
sibly also K ' a foul fellow. ' Sccku hominit 
clamantci, Att xi. 9, 2 (428) ii probably 
another example of uus construction, 
though it might be otherwise explained. 

mcmoria . . . JIdct] < M'hat a liyely 
sense I haye of our (xormer) amity, and 
what a sincero feeling of (present) 

wear tudj Tertulla. Suetonius tells us 
that she intrigued with Julius Caesar, 
Jul. 60. 

tui Oram'] * Tour sonr,' Marcus and 

nUwUwr] cp. Off. i. 122 Set igitur 
odukcccntii maiwcc naiu vcrcri cxqu$ iic 
dcUfcrc cptimct ct prohatittimot quorum 


SP. ISl (FAM. r. «). 

senatuB populnsqne Bomaans intellegit tibi abeenti nihil esse tarn 
proznptom aut tarn paratum qaam in omnibiu rebus quae ad te 
pertineant operam, ouram, diligentiam» aootoritatem meam. 

3. Quae sint acta quaeque agantur domestioorum tibi littexis 
deolarari puto. De me sic existimes ao tibi peranadeas Tehementer 
veUm, non me repentina aliqua Toluntate aut fortuito ad tuam 
amplitudinem meis offioiis ampleotendam inddisse, sed, ut pximum 
forum attigerim, spectaase semper ut tibi possem quam mazime 
esse ooniunotus. Quo quidem ex tempore memoria teneo neque 
meam tibi obserrantiam neque mihi tuam summam beneTotentiam 
ao liberalitatem defuiase. Si quae interoiderunt non tarn re quam 
suspioione yiolata, ea, oum fuerint et falsa et inania, sint evnlsa ex 
omni memoria Titaque nostra. Is enim tu vir es et eum me esse 
oupio ut, quoniam in eadem rei publioae tempera inddimusi oon- 
iunotionem amidtiamque nostram utrique nostrum laudi sperem 
fore. 4. Quam ob rem tu quantum tuo iudido tribuendum esse 
nobis putes statues ipse et^ ut spero, statues ex nostra dignitate ; 
ego vero tibi profiteer atque pollioeor eximium et singulare meum 
studium in omni genere offioi quod ad honestatem et gloriam tuam 
speotet. In quo etiam si multi meoum oontendent, tamen oum 
reliquis omnibus tum Orassis tuis iudidbus onmis f aoile superabo : 
quos quidem ego ambo unioe diligo, sed, in Maroum benoTolentia 

fiOHiiUo atpt$ audioriiai$ nitatttr. Oobet 
(Mnemosyne, yiii. (1880), p. 186) oon- 
Jeotuiee ufimter, eomparing Fin. it. 67, 
and i 6 below. 

8. iimdii»t] * stumbled on tbe task 
at defending your dignity.* We do not 
know of any other plaoe wbere meitUn 
need metaphorically is followed by Af. 

Jbnm iUtig^rim] This it the regolar 
expression to denote the appeaxanoe of a 

Soung Soman for the first tune in piiblio 
fe on his assumption of the io^a viriiU : 
cp. Mur. 21. 

UheraHtatim] Orassus probably lent 
Gioero money on some oocas&on. 

8i qua4 . . • vioUia] * If any interrup- 
tions of our friendship hare ooouired 
meanwhile, let these — ^based as they were 
not on fact but mere surmiM, and there- 
f ore groundless and imaginary— be utterly 
uprooted from our minds'; Holats has 
much the same meaning as viclatumitp 
whijoh Cicero does not use. The use of 
the past participle with an indefinite 

pronoun unsupported by a substantiTe is 
rare ; but the principle is the same tf if 
he had written H ^uas fosdera vioMa 
imUrtidmrmU^ which would be a natural 
way of expressing «i am$fi$d0nm vM^ 
tianei imUreidsrmi. Op. Att i. 17, 7 (28) 
Ulm qua$ vidaUnigntibwUur, Siipile com- 
pares Off. iL 6S erit id quod vioUUum 
vidsHiur eompintandumy 'the offence 

J« . . . ipirmn for$] * Such is your 
character, and mine (I trust), as to lead 
me to hope,* fte. 

4. qutuUum tuo iudioio trib u m dmn ouo 
nobio puUtI A more natural expression 
would haye been trihum du m oU. For 
the pleonasm, see note on Att. ii. 24, 8 
(61) rot orai in m opiniono ut putmront, 

ox uoUtu digniUW] * with duo ropard 
to my position ' : cp. «0 qfioi raUono rom 
oomtidorarOf pro Quinct. 48. 

in Mturoum bonoffoloniia pan} Ablatives 
like this are really i^latioi modi^ and are 
not to be explauied as absolute abUtiTes 

EP. ISl [FAM. V. 8). 


pari, hoo znagis sam Pnblio dedituB quod me, quamquam a pueritia 
sua aemper, tamen hoo tempore maxiine siout alterum parentem et 
obserrat et diligit. 

5. Has litteras yelim existimeB foederiB habitaras esse YiiD) 
non epistulae, meque ea quae tibi promitto ao reoipio Banotissime 
esee observatorum diligentissimeque esse factoram. Quae a me 
rasoepta defensio est te absente dignitatiB tuae, in ea iam ego 
non solum amidtiae nostrae sed etiam oonstantiae meae oausa 
pexmanebo. Quam ob rem satis esse hoo tempore arbitratus sum 
hoo ad te sooribere, me, si quid ipse intellegerem aut ad voluntatem 
aut ad eommodum aut ad amplitudinem tuam pertinere, mea 
sponte id esse faoturum : sin autem quippiam aut a te essem 
admonitus aut a tuis, effeoturum ut intellegeres nihil neque te 
soripsisse neque quemquam tuorum frustra ad me detulisse. Quam 
ob rem Telim ita et ipse ad me soribas de omnibus minimis, 
maximisy mediooribus rebus ut ad hominem amioissimum et tuis 
praedpias ut opera, oonsilio, auotoritate, gratia mea sio utantur in 
omnibus publiois, privatis, f orensibus, domestiois, tuis, amioorum, 
hospitum, olientium tuorum negotiis ut, quod eius fieri possit, 
praesentiae tuae desiderium eo labore minuatur. 

with the oUnM of the deficient peitieiple 
of «M#. * With good wishes for Harciui 
as fliiicere, I am more completely devoted 
to PuhUuB fdr hie oonstant affection and 
attention towaide me/ ftc. Such ablatiyee 
are very common in phraaes like r« r«M»<f , 
Fam. zii. 29, 2 (881) ; sahit Ugiiui, Fam. 
T. 20» 9 (802) ; nuUo adv^nmio, Att. ii. 
28, 2 (60). Yerj good examples are tummo 
dolor$ vm «< d$tid4r%o, Q. Fr. ill. 1, 9 
(148) ; 9mut dMit forhma (< aa his posi- 
tion was insecnre *), timHUui tecum ogS' 
hamut, Fam. ziiL 19, 2 (614); mni 
sMu ommqti$ populo (* whaterer my state 
or the popular feeling may be '), Att. xi. 
24, 1 (441); hoc iu>vtntut$ (• cum talis 
ait inventus), Att. x. 11, 8 (396) ; pra$9§r' 
ttm hoe gmmo (« cum ti^ sit gener mens), 
Att xi. 14, 2 (429) ; NroiM H coJUcticio 
i90r$UUf Fam. vii. 8, 2 (464) ; aui aliqua 
rtp. mU p&rdiUh Fam. vi. 1, 6 (688) ; 

JhrmHttimit tuis rchm, { 2 above. Other 
editOTS read sed in Mmtco binevoUntia tm- 
paVf whidi they explain, 'but in the mind 
of Marcus there is not the same kindly 
feeline for me' ; but (Hcero would not 
have described the feeling of the younf 
Marcus Oaasus for him by the word 
b&nevol&ntia, which suitably expresses the 
feeling of Cicero towards the youth. 

6. Mat UtUrat] * This document I 
should wish you to regard as a sort of 
covenant between us, not a mere letter.^ 
Zitterae, the more general form for a 
communication, is here clearly contrasted 
with ipistuh : cp. tiao 148, 8, venio nune 
ad tuat lUterat quae pluribut epittuiie 

M 2a^*/| * by the labour thus imposed 
on me.' To correct m of the mss to meo, 
as is usually done, wei^ns the sense of 
the passage. 


EP. 18S [Q. FR. 11. 9 (11)). 

182. TO QUINTU8, iv bomb Suburban Bbsidbkob 

(a Pb. !!• 9 (ll))- 
BOKB ; FBBBUART 10 OR 11 ; A. U. C. 700 ; B. 0. 54 ; ABT. GIC. 62. 

H. CSoero Q. fntri leriMt, cum nihil quod Mribat babett, de Ubertate Tenadiif 
negtttoy de landibus Q. tntria et d« Lueratii m Salmtii pofimttif . 


1. Epifltttlam hano oonyioio efflagitaront oodioilli tnL Nam res 
quidem ipsa et ia dies quo fo ea profeotas nihil mihi ad soribeii* 
dam argumenti sane dabat. Bed quern ad modum, ooram cam 
sunns, sermo nobis deesse non solet, sic epistolae nostrae debent 
interdum aluoinari. 2. Tenediornm igitur libertas seouri Tenedia 
praeoisa est, oom eos praeter me et Bibnlnm et Oalidium et Favo- 
ninm nemo defenderet. 3. De te a Magnetibns ab Sipylo mentio 
est honorifloa f aota, com te unnm dioerent postulationi L. Sesti 
Pansae lestitisse. Beliquis diebus si quid erit quod te soiie opus 

1. «MlMi»i] TheM ▼ere Ubleti made 
of tfain pieoee of irood (oodiMs, s^udimi 
and ooYered with wax. Tbejr were uaed 
for any sudden exigency requiring haste. 
Sometimes the words of a letter were 
hastily jotted down with a ii^lm on fbese 
MKeiUi, and then pyen to the hbrarim 
toeopyon^AartewithaMrfsffNif. Itwu 
1^ eiieiUi that Acidinus informed Seryius 
at Athens that Haxoellus had died of the 
wounds inflicted on him by the dagger of 
Hagins Ohilo: op. Fam. iy. 12, 2 (618). 
OotMiU were especially useful when aa 
immfldiat^ r^plff was requued. Oioero 
sent his eodi«ilU to BaLbus whoi be 
wanted immediate information about a 
law : cp. Fam. yi. 18, 2 (584). In this 
case Quintns sent his eodmUi to his 
brother, demanding * in strong language * 
a rej^y. OodiciUi were especially used for 
writing to those who were near at hand, 
Ben. £p. 56, 11. See also ElUs on 
Catullus 42, 11. and Maxquardt iy. 
780>782 ; and Vol. I., p. 56, ed. 8. 

•Ami'imtj] ' to ramble on ' without any 
consistent train of thought, just as Cicero 
and his brother chatted to each other when 
they met: cp. N. D. i. 72 Jtia «pttm a 
vobit quoH didata rtddunlur auae Spi' 
mntt otcUam alueiiiatut nt (' the drowty 

ramblings of Epicurus '). 

2. TiHsdi^rum] The people dTenedos 
petitioDed the senate for Home Rule, but 
were refuted. 

tepuri Tntsdia] S^omit Tmtkka ii a 
proyerbial expression for any 'short, 
sharp, and dedsiye' act or dedsion. 
Tenes. Uie fabled eponym of Tenedos, 
was the author of a yery seyere code 
lor the idand. Adultery was to be 
punished by the immediate execution of 
the adulterer, and this sentence was car- 
ried out by order of Tenes in the case of 
his own son. Another interpretation is, 
that Tenes enacted that the executioner 
with raised axe should stand behind any 
accuser, and inflict summary penalty if 
tiie accusation were shown to oe falie : 
cp. Fhotius, ii., p. 205 (ed. Naber). See 
also otto's SpriehworUr, pp. 848-4. 

8. wm . . . dioef^mt^ ' saying as they 
did«' For this usage, cp. note to 22, 2, 
and Boby, { 1722. 

X. 8$8ti JP^fuae] Probably a pub- 
licanus. who had made some excessiye 
demands of the Magnetos. The Magnetos 
of Lydia are called Magngtu ab Sipylo^ to 
dirtinguish them from the Magnetos in 
Thessaly and in Caria. 

EP. ISS {Q. FB. II. 9 {11)). 


sit, ant etiam si nihil exit, tamen soribam ootidie aliquid. Pridie 
Id. neqne tibi neqtie Fomponio deero. 4. Laoreti poemata ut 
soribiB ita simty mnltis luminibus ingeni, multae lamen artis. 
Bed oom yenexis. . . • THnmi te pntabo, si Sallosti ^Empedoolea' 
legeris, hominem non putabo. 

iMffM tUi mqm J^mpon io] This must 
xeter to aomg tnunwofaoii in whioh Attiouf 
and Qnintiis were jointly ooncexned, ^^oi« 
■iblj aiBMting in lome iray the maznage 
portion of Ponponia. 

4. ImartH . . , orHi] This ia the oele« 
Inated oiiticiaDi of Gioero on the poem of 
Lnoretnia, whioh had Jnat heen puhUabed 
about four months after the death of the 
poet It is the only plaoe where Cioero 
mfntinM Lnctetios; and he nerer quotes 
from flie poet, though hia philoec^hieal 
wads uMkmDtedly ahow aoqnaintanoe 
wHh the M» Ubri d$ r$rum natwra. It 
haa been obeerved that it is not the prae- 
tioe of Cioeio to quote from hia oontem- 
ponziea. He nerer mentiona Oatnllna, 
who ao prettily eulonied him in the 
poem (49) beginning aiit$rt%mmM MowmU 
fwpo^MN. Gioero twice imitataa an ez- 
piessiop of GatdluB. He writes oricitkt 
it^lmm mottianmf 141, 4 : cp. Gat 26, 2 
MalKsr • . . imwls ^rieiUa; and again, 
Att xiri 6, 2 (776), he speaks of MfOot 
JtelMS frilMat iNMf, which seems to be 
a reminisoenoe of JPtnintulMrtm, Sinme^ 
mtmiiurmiquf (MU^ Gat 81. Bat he 
aefer mentiona the poet^ with whom he 
waa linked aa well by pohtioal sympathies 
aa br their common aoqnaintaneeahip with 
Gloma. Henoe, it ia possible that the 
tradUioB mentioned by 8t Jerome that 
Gioero edited the poem of Lucretias may 
be true, in inite of the silence of Gioero 
oonoeming Luoretins. Gioero had pro- 
bably some time dozing the last four 
months read (or heeid read to him) the 
D$ rtnm turtmrt^ and had aent it to hii 
brother on flnishiTig it From a passage 
in Seat 128 neqm pottat ^uomm tgo 
99mp$r it ^ mia dikm i$mpof% mm dtfit&' 
rmUf we may infer that Gioero made it a 
pzaotaoe to lend the Instie of his name to 
the wozfca of rising poets. It is Tory on- 
liiwly that Q. Gioero should hare been the 
editor. St Jeromewonldnothave referred 
to him aa Oie$ro, hot aa Q, (Hmro; nor 
wonld the friends of Lnoretins haye been 
at all likely to submit the poem to Quintos. 
The eritieiam of Quintus, with whioh 
Gioero eipresses his accord, was that 
Iiueretina nad not only muoh of the 

^tfMNM of Ennitts and Attioa, but also 
muoh of the «r< of the poets of the 
new school, sueh as Gatnllus, who were 
fashioning themselyes on the model of 
the Alexandrine poets, especialhr Galli- 
machus and Euphoiion of Ghaleu. Thia 
new school Gioero refers to as the wtdrtpoi 
(op. Att TiL 2, 1 (298)), and as At amKotm 
JBiiphoriomu (Tusc. uL 46). Their an 
seemed to Gicero almost incompatible with 
theifymMffiioftheoldsohooL Thiscriti- 
oism on Lucretias is not only quite just 
from Gicero's point of Tiew, but it is most 
pointed. Yet the editors from Yictorius 
to Slots will not let Gioero say what he 
thought They inaert a mm before either 
muMi or muUtU, and thus deny Lucretius 
either infmimn or «rf . The point of the 
jud^ent is that Luarstiua shows tiie 
genius of the old school, and (what might 
seem to be incompatible with it) the art of 
the new. For a foil discussion of this 
point, see Monro's XtMrvftM, Introd. to 
Notes ii. The Tiews abore giyen are 
mainly his. For t mn m compsre Lehmann 
(' Do Epp. ad Att recensendis,* p. 196), 
and note to Att. iii. 20, 8 (78), ed. 8. See 
Adn. Grit 

artis] For this gen. see on Fam. Tii. 
1, 2 (127). 

Sed cum vrnmrit . . .] Some sudh words 
aa pkira ds hit posm ati t diuirmnut are 
understood. This is a variation of the 
oommon phrase ttd Kate cwrmm : cp. oorom 
#fitm 117, 2. 

Virum . . . Ammmmn] < If you get through 
Ballust^s SmpsdotUa^ I shall look on you 
as a being possessed of the resolution of a 
man, and none of the weaknesses of hu- 
manity.' This antithesis between «tr and 
homo IS found elsewhere in Gioero, and 
must be read in the light shed on the 
words by the other passages. In Fam. t. 
17, 8 (179), Gioero writes to Sittiui^ ' I 
fiMl it my duty to exhort you ut $t homhtem 
U H virum $u$ eMmtfiiMM' ; and he goea 
on to explain that by this he means 
that— (1) Sittius should remember that 
as hofno he is subject to the chances and 
changes of this mortal life, that he is not 
exempt from the lot of humanity, and 
(2) that aa vir he is bound to oppose a 


EP. IBS (Q. FB. II. 10 (IS)). 

las. TO QUINTUS, in thb Oountby (Q- Fr. n. lo (12)). 

BOMB ; FBBBUABT 18 ; A. U. C. 700 ; B. C. M ; ABT. CIC. 52. 

IC. Oioero Q. toAd de Oommageni rogii oaiua a te «oU et de littoii a Cuun id 
M minu refert. 


1. Ghiudeo tibi iuoundas ease meas litteraB, neo tamen haboiflsem 
Boribendi nuno quidexn ullum argamentmny nisi taaa aooepisBem. 
Nam pridie Id. oxun Appius Benatom infrequentem ooegisset, 
tantam fait frigUB at pipalo, oonyioio ooaotas sit nos dimittere. 

bold front to foitane. A^in, he im of 
Haritti, iuUt dolonm ul vir, tt, ut homo, 
maiorimfirr$ rim mmm iMSMMrM noAfi^, 
ToBO. ii. 68, ' he bore the pain lik$ a man 
but, M MOl btinf ahovt thi w i akn$ta n qf 
humanUv, he did not wish to miffer greater 
nain wiAout any imperatiTe reaaon for it.' 
In antiiheaei with vir 4$$t the meaning of 
home $9$$ always is * to be subject to the 
ordinary weaknesses of humanity'; by 
itself homo oooo means — (a) * to iiaTe the 
fedings or the sense of a man' ; op. Att. 
ii. 2, 2(28); (ft) < to ha^e the weaknesses 
of a mortal,' as #t montnimmfyiit quoniom 
homo nata/mrai, Fam. iy. o, 4 (665). 

SaUuttij Of this author of a poem on 
the philosophy of Empedodes nothing 
certain is known. He is probably the 
same man as the Sallustias mentioned in 
156, 1 . SohSne considers that Sallust the 
historian wrote the 'Empedoolea.' 

1. Ifam'] Cicero hu no news to tell 
Quintns, oecause the meeting of the 
senate ended abruptly. 

pipulo, eonoioio"] * noisy clamour,' i.e. 
of the senators. The ms reading is jN^itf/i 
eonoieio. Boot (Obs. Crit., p. 36) justly 
obserres that he does not understand 
how the consul was forced b^ the clamour 
of tiie people outside to dismiss the senate. 
He would read Mmmtnii eonvieio ; but the 
conjecture given in the text is far less rash : 
pifiiUo is a Flautine word, and therefore 
very lil^y to be used by Cicero ; itwould 
almost certainlT be mistaken by the scribe 
for populo, which he would naturally 
change to pcpuUf to obtain a construc- 
tion. This emendation is accepted b^ 
Prof. Housman {CUurieal JSm^mu^, zti. 

(1902), p. 448a), who, howerer, thinks 
that oonoioio should be footed as a gloss. 
He quotes soTeral passages from the Obrp. 
glooo, Lai, and also Nonius 152, 8, where 
fipklo is interpreted by oomoieio. This 
u exceedingly probable; but aoyndoton 
is quite a oharaoteristio feature in the 
letters of Cicero, especially asyndeton 
between two words. For two words with 
asyndeton, op. paMmotrio, foHuna, Att. 
zi. 9, 8 (428) ; mmm hmm, voJmUaJ^ 
moorum, Att. lii. 18, 1 (71) ; gueropUiiui, 
poMtuUiUiiui, Att. T. 21, 12 (250); ^^Ms, 
lihraUtaU, Fam. ziiL 24, 8 (619) ; mOtu, 
toHUtmUati, Fam. iii. 8, 2 (222) ; gfaiit- 
oimo, iuoimdiuimOf Fam. xiii. 28, 8 (628) ; 
ttudii9,impMia,lUfl. JPipulomtLj^far' 
haps, signify less articulate exclamations 
than «M»9tM0' hooting and abuse.' We read 
in 98, 8, that the hired roug^ of Clodiua 
a OraocottaH $t gradihu olamorom tatit 
magndtm ouitulsrtmt, and that the con- 
sequence was the brealdng up of the 
meeting of the senate. But in that ease 
they were hired by Clodius to do what 
they did. How could the coldness of the 
weather bring the people outside to break 
up the meeting of the senate * with abuse,' 
oonvicio P But it is quite credible that the 
senators tbemselTes should haye shouted 
down eyery attempt to nut a question to 
the bouse, with abusiye dunour oalUng on 
the consul to dismiss the house. &6h 
senator wished to go away on account of 
the oold, but did not wish to leaye bdbind 
him a house topass measures unaccept- 
able to him. With this passage must be 
discussed the words at the end of the 
letter, ut iummmn perieiUum otoet no Afpio 
iuao aodet uroroniur. Here, again. Boot 

EP. ISS (Q. FB. 11. 10 (i«)). 


2. De CommagenOi quod rem totam disonsseram, miiifiee mihi et 
per se et per Pomponiam blanditar Appius. Yidet enim, boo 

aakf irhat if the meaxiiiigP It is true 
that in bc— om of great oold there is a 
sieater danger of oonflaffratumi, because 
Euqger ibee are kept. But why should 
the ooDSul's house be in more piaril than 
houses of other people P Man. explains, 
by obsenring that in the house of the 
oonmil, which was frequented by crowds 
of TisitoiB and by those who would escort 
him home from the senate, a Tery large 
fixe would nstnxslly be kept. But such 
an explanation is manifestly puerile. This 
being so, we axe disposed to explain the 
two passages— the one in the beginning of 
the letter, and the one at the end—as jocu- 
lar, or at least oorert allusions to the lack 
of interest in publio afhiis, the inaotinty 
and apaOiy cif tiie senate, and the dul- 
ness of the business befcupe them. The 
first passage would then mean, <Appius 
oould only get tocether a small meeting 
of the senate ; and when it did meet, such 
was the utter dearth of interest, tnat it 
ended in noiay damonr for a dismissal of 
the house.' llie sentence at the end would 
mean, ' The thermometer of public feeUng 
is so near freeiing-point that Appius* 
house runs a great nsk of being ffwt' 
Mtim,* that is, utterly deserted by uOuUh 
<or«f and dedueUr$9, For examples of 
frigut in the metaphorical sense of ' dul- 
ness,* 'apathj,' < stagnation,' <^. ti JPmiM 
9ot niMl e^fmtmt net hie frifore rifn- 
drnut, Fam. Tiii. 6, 4 (242) ; Ourioni 
tribmuOm eonglaciat, ib. 3 ; and the 
synonymous phrase, ib. AjpiUrmu otvito- 
iem occiipuuti ; so also mtiuo m frygeoM 
(*haTe nothing to doM «i Mbtrm9..,quam' 
auom 909 ittic 9atis eulsr e i* are kept pretty 
busy *) audio (161, 2). VH « < tobe frost- 
bittUL' ii common enough ; Gioero uses 
it in tms sense in one passage, where it is 
as susceptible of misapprehension aa it is 
here, pormetant vtnstora in mm; in 
manHhui uri m paHmUitr^ Tusc ii. 40. 
Thare, howerer, Pxtxf essor Dougan reads 
pomoeUmt vmatarot in moniihm, ni90 uri 
M poHmiitr, tot (he says) *wi is not 
used of the action of /rigm, unless 
frjpa or some such word is expressed.' 
Tms explanation, moreorar, gives a fiur 
more appropriate meaning to qtumtquam in 
the sentence at the end ot the letter. 'I 
shall give yon the news of CTerr day. Toi 
Hihere is really nothing to teU, Kxr] the 
thermometer <n nuUic mterest is so near 
freeiing-point tnat Appius' house seems 

likely to be frost-bitten.' It is to be 
observed that both at the beginning and 
the end of the letter tiie mention oifrigiu 
is introduced to account for the deturth of 
news. I'rigug might also be used in the 
metaphorical sense of dirfavour (towards 
Appius); cp.fNaionMifMffiiwaffii0tw.7W- 
pore UfirUU, Hor. Sat i£ 1, 68 ; limina 
frigiMmt, Pars. i. 108 ; to which the 
Diett add sereral examples in Quintilian 
and Pliny. But this use <dfirigu» would 
not account for mumqumi^ and is not so 
charaotexistio of the tone of Cicero's 
letters. IfrfreqwnUm is sometimes ex- 
plained as * extraordinary.' (See L. 8.) 
Dr. Beid says : '<This is certainly right. 
The first words of the letter lead up to this 
sense of fiigui. But I should phrase it a 
little differently. The senate was called 
to pass certain measures which no one 
would haye. I still do not feel sure tiiat 
pcpuU is wrong. There axe a number of 
passages (most of tJiem are quoted in the 
footnotes to WiUems's Sinai, ii. pp. 168 
sq.) which seem to show that the publio 
thronaed the doors of the meeting-place 
(which were left open), and either heard or 
managed to get to know about what was 
going on inside. They may haye as- 

on this occasion to show their 
disapproTBl of the measure which the 
senate had been summoned to consider. 
Appius was hand in glore with Caesar, 
Pompey, and Crassus. Tbe contemplated 
business probably was in the interest of 
the triumTixate. If Jrigut means the 
< chilling frost of popular opposition to the 
designs of Ap|»ius,' the word ur$r$niur 
may well have its natural meaning. ' So 
unpopular axe Appius' plans that ne may 
well haye his house burnt about his eais.' 
This oontrast between /fv«« in its non- 
literal sense and urormOur in its litnal 
sense is quite in Cicero's style. Tho 
quamquam does not seem to me to be out 
of place. * I will wxite to you, if anyUiing 
is done ; but nothing ii likely to be done, 
unless maybe A.'s house is burned.' " 

2. Oommageno'] Antioohus, king of 
Commagene, whose capital was Samosata, 
now Samtoun, the birth-place oi Ludan. 
When Syria was made a province, at 
the end of the Biithridatic war, Antioohus 
reoeiYed from Pompey this little dirision 
of the kingdom of Syria. 

diooHU0r4tm] 'pulled to pieces,' that 
ii, 'frustrated,' 'brought to nought.' 


EP. ISS (Q. FR. II. 10 {!«)). 

genere dioendi si utar in oeteris, Febraarium Bterilem futumm. 
Eumque Inn iooofle aatis, neque Bolum illud eztoisi oppidulom 
quod exat podtom in Euphrati Zengmate, sed pzaeterea togam sum 
eiuB piaetextam, qoam erat adeptna Oaesa^re oonBole, magnohomi- 
ntun rian oavillatiui. 3. ' Quod Yolt/ inquam ^ renovari honorea 
eoadem, qno minus togaxn praetextam qnotannis interpolet, deoer- 
nendnm nihil oenseo. "^o^ autem hominea nobilei^ qui Bostrenum 
praetextatum uon ferebatia, Oommagenum f eretia P ' Genua videa 

«<#ri2Mi] 'pfoduetiTe of no profit to 
him.* If Gioero qppofed and defeated 
•U the petiiioiie of lorein natbiiBy for 
the hearing of which rehrotrj was 
reaerred, there would be no iamomnn for 
him fzom fnooeaafal i^plicanti. 

oppiduUm] We may infer thet Antio- 
ohuB had two reqneata to make — (1) that 
he might he allowed to indade or retain 
in hit dominion a certain town on the 
Euphratea; and (2) that the honour, 
mated to him in the conanlahip of 
Caeaar, of wearing a icgs pmUtttUy 
dioold be oonilxmed by a decree of the 

q^o4 . . . ZmtfrnrnW] <at Zeogma,' or *in 
the territory of Zeugma.' .S^Are^ is the 
genitlTe : op. OrMh, Fam. zr. 1, 2 (221), 
and oopiona ezamiiea in Neue- Wegener 
i*. 611 : op. KadTig on Fin. i 14 and 
T. 12. Bulerbeok would take Zc^fian 
in the other aenae of <bridM.' He aaya 
that at the aite of Bir, or^irtha, there 
waa a bridm over the Suphiatea in the 
time of ^ezander, Thapaacua having 
been before fhia the ouatomary place of 
oroaaing. The town waa ealled Ztuffwutt 
fromthe bridge. It would be natural 
that the aenate ahould refuae to detach 
^m the prorinoe of Syria a town ao 

8. QMd 9ul£\ < Aa to his petition for 
a renewal of the honoura he ^t in the 
oonauldidp of Caesar, to aaye huiaelf the 
ezpenae of dyeing hia pratUsUa anew 
erery year, I am against a decree to that 
effeot Will you, who would not hare 
the tetraroh A Boetra clothed with the 
pra$t0xUi, endure the Commagene in that 
robe of state P' Such ia the ezphmation 
of Schiita and Billerbeck. There doee not 
appear to be much play of fano^ in the 
passage. Unleaa the joke lies m some 
allusion to the unknown tetraroh or 
princeling of Bosrah, whom (Oioeio aaya) 
the Bmnan nobles would not endure to see 
clad in the Boman robe of state* we see no 

joke in the passage, except that Cicero 
affeota to re|^ud Andtiochua aa aeekinff a 
deorae of the aenate to refurbish his robe, 
to saTS himself the expense of redvebg it 
ereiT year. There would be more humour 
in the words of Cicero if rmopmri could 
mean, <to be put on a new footing.' 
Thus Cioero would say, 'as regarda hia 
petition to haye his distinction put on a 
nm» ftitm§ (i.e. giyen to him abedutehr 
without the necessity of yearly renewal), 
to sare himself the expense A a yearly 
redyein^ (Le. a yearly embaasy to Borne 
to aolieit renewu), I am against sudb a 
decree.' The same senae would be got by 
reading with Lamb, and Elm., quod non 
9uit ronov«ri honorea ootdtm, 'as to his 
request not to haye a renewal of his 
distinction on the same terms,' that is, 
* not to haye it renewed for a year, but in 
perpetuity.' This is the reading which 
wieland tranalatea, and may, perhws, ap» 
pear a probable aoiutlon of the difficulty, 
though it ia yery daring to insert mom. 
We can hardly hope to get any nearer to 
the meaning without knowing something 
of * the Bosnm.' Boatra, the Boimh of 
Isaiah, waa a considerable town in Arabia 
Fetraea. Another rendering ia, howeyer, 
probably the correct one. * As to his 
wish that the same honours be renewed, 
I am of opinion that no meaaure ahould 
be paaaed to nreyent hia doing up his i^a 
pTMiogta eacn year. But will you, lords, 
who did not ulow the Bosran to wear 
the toga prasUxtay allow the Comma- 
raiian to do ao f ' Cicero aeems to mean 
uat no decree, not eyen one refusing the 
request, should be passed. Such a trum- 

n' matter (he implies) does not call for 
ecree. The Commagenian is not 
forbidden to do up his toga each year if 
he likes. But Cioero presumes that 
the Boman nobles will not tolerate the 
princeling if he yentures to wear it. 
Quo mimu, according to the legal style, ia 
goyemed by Mhil dooomondum. 

EP. ISS (Q. FR. 11. 10 {IS)). 


et loonm iooandi. Multa dixi in ignobilem regem quibus totoB 
est ezpldBUB. Quo genere oommotuB, nt dizi, AppiuB totuixi me 
amplexatnr. Nihil est enim f aoiliiiB qnam reliqua disoutere. Bed 
non faoiam ut ilium offendam, 'ne imploret fldem Ioyib Hospitalism 
Qraios omnis oonvooet' per quos meoom in gratiam redit. 4. Theo- 
pompo satis faoiemus. Be Oaesare fngerat me ad te soribere. 
Tideo enim quas tu litteras exspeotaris. Bed ille soripsit ad 
Balbum^ fasdoulum iUum epistulamm^ in quo fiierat mea et 
Balbi, totum sibi aqua madidum redditum esse, ut ne illud qui- 
dem SGiaty meam fusse aliquam epistulam. Sed ex Balbi epistula 
pauoa verba intellezerat ad quae resoripsit bis verbis: .^De Oioerone 
te video quiddam soripeisse quod ego non intellexi: quantum 
autem oonieotura oonsequebar, id erat eius modi ut magis optan- 
dum quam sperandum putarem/ 5. Itaque postea misi ad Oae- 
sarem eodem illo exemplo litteras. Looum autem illius de sua 
egestate ne sis aspematus. Ad quem ego rescripsi nihil esse quod 
posthao aroae nostrae fiduoia oonturbaret, lusique in eo genere et 

ioUf Mt esploius] * oompletelyy utterly 
laughed out of court/ 

Quo gfi^$\ a euiut p$nsrii dictit. 

lovU Konitalit] Ztbs U^vtos. We 
muBt infer uiat certain Gieeln had heen 
inatrumental in biingiug about a reoon- 
dliation between Oiceio and Appius. If 
he broke with Appius, he would offend 
these Greeks, and so the god who 
']^roteots them.' Probably we should, 
with Biioheler, suppose these words a 
quotation, and print 

ne imploret fidem 
lovis H<Mpitalis Grraiot omnia conTocet. 

4. fii09ntt m#] ' I forgot ' ; so fu^ 
ms ratio, 'I was mistaken,' in CatuU. 
10, 29. This meaning of /•r^#ri is very 
common in Cicero, and yery rare in other 

ma^ optandum] Caesar wrote to 
fialbus that he could see that Balbus had 
said something about Quintus Cicero in 
his letter; that he could not make out 
the meaning; that, if his guess at the 
meaning was right^ it announced a fact 
which he (Caesar) znight wish, but hardly 
hope, to be true. The announcement 
was probably that Quintus had determined 
to transfer nis senrices from Pompey to 
Caesar. Nothing could be more courteous 

than Caesar's way of receiving this news. 

5. Loeum] It is by no mesne certain 
that the editors are right in changing the 
ms iooum. There is no conolusiye 
eyidenoe that Caesar's letter was playful : 
the little extract we haye from it here is 
fuU of digxiified courtesy. The 'passage 
about his poyerty,' locum ilUm do nta 
oetotaio, was, no doubt, in the same strain, 
fie said with regret that he could not 
promise Quintus an £1 Dorado in his 
camp. Cicero adyises his brother not to 
look with disfayouT on tiiat passage— not 
to let it deter him from joining Caesar and 
senring under bun yigorQusly— end teUs 
him that in reply he has let Caesar know 
how poor they were— how he (Caessr) 
< must not become buikrupt through any 
reliance on his (Cicero's) resources.' Of 
course iooum can be defended, as Caesar's 
letters were sometimes jocular: cp. 184, 
2 : and Cicero seems to haye replied to this 
letter of Caesar's in a spoirtiye yein. 

oonturham^ so. rationot, a common, 
half -slang weird for <to become bankrupt' : 
cp. Ill, 1 ; Plane. 68. Bfayor, on Juy. 
yiL 129, quotes Martial ix. 4, 6 : cp. yii. 
27, 10 and 96, 9 ; and Petron. 88 and 81 
poii^uam cotUurhaoit et liUdimi tuao solum 
voriit. The latter phrase means * to leaye 
the oountiy.' The business expression 
for becoming bankrupt is ctdereforo. 


EP. ISt (FAM. riL 6). 

f amiliariter et oom dignitate. Amor autem eius erga uos perf er- 
tur omnium nuntuB flingularu. litterae qmdem ad id quod ex- 
spectaB fere oum tuo redita iungentnr, reliqua Bingulonim dienun 
BoribemnB ad te, Bi modo tabellarioB tu praebebiB. Qoamquam eina 
modi f rigUB impendebat ut Bummum perioulum eaeet ne Appio suae 
aedes urerentur. 

134. TO OAESAB, in Gaxtl (Fam. vii. 6). 

BOMB ; ABOUT APBIL ; A. U. C. 700 ,* B. C. 54 ; ABT. CIC. 


M. Cicero 0. Trsbatiiim Tettam inn oonmiltomdiligeiitUBime G. Caanri OaUiamm 
procos. oommendat. 


1. Vide quam mihi persuaBerim te me esBe alteram non modo 
in iis rebuB quae ad me ipsum Bed etiam in iiB quae ad meos per- 
tinent. 0. Trebatiuin oogitaram quocumque ezirem meonm duoere, 
ut eum meifl omnibuB studiis, benefioiiB quam ornatissimum domum 
reduoerem. Sed postea qoam et Pompei oommoratio diatumior 
erat quam putaram et mea quaedam tibi non ignota dubitatio aut 
impedire prof ectionem meam videbatur aut oerte tardare» vide quid 
mihi sumpBerim. Goepi velle ea Trebatium exspeotare a te quae 
BperaBBet a me» neque meheroole minus ei prolixe de tua voluntate 
promiBi quam eram BolitnB de mea pollioeii. 2. Casus vero miri- 

Qiuimputm^ 'Yet^' though I pronuae 
you a regular diaiy. See note on pipulo, 
carwieiOf § 1. 

1. U m$ 699$ alUmm] 'that you are 
my aiter ego * ; ep, m$ alUrum 9$ for9f 
90. 7. 

0. Trehatiwnj Thia ii the famoua 
jurist, G. Trebatius Testa, to whomseren- 
teen letters of Cicero are extant in Fam. 
yiL, and to whom is addressed Hor. Sat. 

U. 1. 

guocumqui e»ir9m] Cioero was UgtUu9 
to Pompey, and was liahle to he sent 
somewhere on foreign seryioe. Pompey 
still held the commission for the oom 
supply, and the governorship of Spain, 
with which he was inyested oy the Tre- 

honian law of 609 (65). 

9tudii9^hifii/leii9'] Thia a9ffHdeUmiBTery 
common in do. Epp. This strongly con- 
firms the reading jnpulo, cotwieio in the 
last letter. 

dubitatio] douhts about what steps 
Clodius mig^t take in his absence. 

prolixo . . . poUicori"] TinB use of ad- 
verbs instead of ad^eotiyee, espedaUy 
with verbs of promising, is not rare in 
the letters: cp. liberaU99im9 poUiaori, 
Att. V. 13,2 (203) ; 9p9rabi9 omnia optims, 
Fam. iv. 18, 7 (483) ; eum optime 9eHti' 
remue, Fam. iv. 2, 3 (389). Sallust has 
bene poUieerif Cat. 41. For a similar 
contrast cipromiitere (* cause to expect ' 
from another) tjidi poUieeri (* to promise,' 
'to undertake,' oneself) cp. Piano. 101. 

EP. ISi {FAM. riL 6). 


fiooB quidam interYemt quasi vel testiB opinioniB meae vel sponsor 
hiunanitatiB tuae. Nam oum de hoc ipso Trebatio oum Balbo 
nostro loqaerer aoouratius domi meae, litterae mihi dantnr a te 
qnibos in extxemiB soiiptam erat ' M. f itflnium quem. mihi oom- 
mendas vel legem Gklliae fadam, vel hnno Leptae detega, si vis. 
Tn ad me alinm mitte qnem omem.' Snstolimns manus et ego et 
Balbns : tanta fait oppoztunitas ut illud nesoio qnid non f ortnitum 
Bed diyinum Tideretnr. Mitto igitnr ad te Trebatium atque ita 
mitto ut initio mea sponte, post autem invitatu tuo mittendum 
dnxerim. 3. HnnOy mi OaeBar, sio velim omni toa oomitate oom- 
pleotare at omnia qaae per me possis adduoi at in meos oonfeire 
Telis in onom banc oonf eras. De qao tibi bomine haeo spondeo 
non illo yetere yerbo meo quod, onm ad te de Milone soripsissem, 

3. BMo] Thii was L. Gomaliiu Balbiu, 
ft natire of Gadef , who had Mnred against 
Sertoinif, and had been made a Boman 
citiien by Pompey, whoae act Cicero 
defended in the extant speech pr0 Balbo. 
He was consul in 714 (40), and was the 
first piOTinflial who resehed the consul- 
ship. A sketch of his life is giren in 
Tol. iT., pp. bdWxix. 

2. Jf. ^^fimmn] See Adn. Grit. It 
seems qnite imposoble to restore the lost 
i^ fimA bere. Mendelssohn con jeetores If. 
ItHwm^ compaiingf or the name ^ilmanns' 
Inseitptions, 2017 ; Wesenberff and Bdckel 
TlfMMum ; and Professor Ellis J^^tiwi, 
comparing Oatoll. 64, 6 : see his note in 
Hermathena, tL (1887), p. 134. Schiits 
prapoaes Mneimitm Miifum. He was 
afterwards a quaestor of Cioero in 
Oilioia; Lepta was afterwards praj/lutui 
fdbrum to Oioero. He may, as Watson 
suggests, hsYc accompanied Q. Cicero 
from Caesar's camp to M. Cicero's in 
Gilicia. Caesar writes jocularly, < I will 
make him Idng of Gaiu, or else do you 
hand him over to Lepta (your friend, who 
is with me), and send me someone else 
to pro^de for.' Such seems the only 
rendering to give to the words vel hunc 
Leptm Mua «i 9it; and it is easy to 
assent to the judgment of Mendelssohn 
that the words are corrupt. But it is not 
easy to assent to the conjectnze ( Jahrbuch, 
1886, p. 68) V0l avyK\timi9d« Segontiaei* 
(ft British tribe, op. Caes. B. G. t. 21, 1}, 
which appears to mean < or my pal in 
plundering the Segontiaci ' (i.e. or I will 
bring him with me to Britain to fill his 
pockets there). Yet lo eminent a scholar 

as Bardt (with some hesitation, howcTer) 
accepts it and reads it in lus text. 

Huhilmut manut] in wonder. 

ita, . »tU] ' with a feeling^ that my 
original reacuness to present bun to you 
is ^eatly confirmed by your subsequent 
invitation to me' (to intfoduce my frioids) . 
This is one of these delicate uses of Ua 
. . ut, noticed in vol. I*, Inlrod., p. 84. 

i$witatu'] Cp., for such fourth declen- 
sion formations, involatut Fam. tI. 6, 7 
(488) ; re/ahti Att. zil. 2, 1 (469) ; Out 
Att. XT. 6, 3 (787). 

8. veUr$ virboj^ 'hackneyed phrase.' 
This is best enlained by another passage 
with which it has not, so far as we know, 
been hitherto compared. In recommend- 
ing Dionysius to Atticus, he describes him 
as mtm doetum . . . turn tarn plenum offiei 
. . . fi^i homineinf ae, ne libertinum 
laudare yidwCfpkme virum bonum, Att. 
viL 4, 1 (296) : again, we read eiue Hbet' 
turn hominem frugi et modeetmn . . . tibi 
eommmido maiorem in modiimf Fam. xiii. 
70, 1 (609). Hence frugi or btmaefrugi 
may be supposed to be voeee ^repriae of 
recommendations given toinfenorsinsooial 
rank. Some such conventional phrase it 
was which was ridiculed by Caesar. As in 
Att vii. 4, 1 (296), he coirects the epithet 
frugi by the words m . . . plane virum 
bemmy so here he says he will not recom- 
mend Trebatius in the conventional phrase 
for which Caesar rallied him, but he 
will say prchiormn AMwifi#fii, meliorem 
vifMm eeee nmMmem. This plain and un- 
ambiguous statement, he savs, is made 
more Bomtmo^ * with old-fashioned, out- 
spoken Uuntnees,' quo nwio hominee non 



EP. m {FAM. riL 6). 

iure losisiay sed more Bomano quo modo homines son inepti 
loquilntiiri probiorem hominem, meliorem Tinimy pudentiorem eese 
neminem. Aooedit etiam, quod familiam dudt in iure dvilii 
singulari memoru^ summa aoientia. Huio ego neque tribunatum 
neque praef eoturam neque ulliua benefloi oertum nomen peto, bene- 
Yolentiam tuam et liberalitatem peto, neque impedio quo minus, 
si tibi ita plaoueziti etiam hisoe eum omes gloriolae insignibus : 
totum denique hominem tibi ita trade, de manui ut aiunt, in 
manum tuam istam et yiotoria et fide praestaniem. Simus enim 
putidiusouli quamquam per te Tiz lioet, verum, ut video, lioebit 
Gura ut yaleaa et me, ut amas, ama. 

m$pi% loquuntHT, * in the laaguace of men 
of the iforld ' : imptut is expIaiiMd bj 
Cicero himsetf in Be Or. ii. 17 qvi ««< 
<MipiM quid pothtUt hm vuM, atU pIma 
hquitm^ out m oiUnUt^ mU $ crmm qui" 
hmcum ut vel difniuaU Pil u mm ct K 
ratimim ncn kah$t, out dmtigw in aliqw 
$$n0r§ mit \mem9ifimm tuU mdhu $st^ is 
in€piU9 $99$ dieitur. 

pud$nt%or$m^ PoBsibly we should add 
some iuhstantiTe like $odil$m, 

famlum dtrnf] 'he is at the top of 
his profession.* 

ir%bun$twm] so. mUUym, 

pra$f$eltaram\ so. $a9tr$rm$^ otfakf- 
mm, or tMtoriMn. 

hetu/hi '$$rtum nam$n\ 'anj speoiflo 
faYOur' ; the metaphor is perhaps from 

h%$$$ . . . ffloriola$ in$%gnibu$] * these 
little msrks of distinction.' &lorioU is 
fonnd in 109, 9. 

d$ numu, ut aitmt, in mmnum] The 
^irsse is usually p$r m^mtis (Seneca de 
Vita heata 1, 4) : yet cp. Plant Trin. 
902 £ mMmhu$ d$dit mi ipu in mmmi$. 
On Ph>T. Cons. c. 16, { 89, long (p. 109) 

oyer, has a particular sense, * secretly.* '* 
Bather perhaps ' infoimally.' 

8imu9 . . . lie$HO We haye accepted 
Ern.'s qua$Mwim for qtum, as being a 
yery slight change, and, as would seon, 

?uite essential to the sense. Cicero says, 
Let me be somewhst of a bore (in mj 
importunity); though, indeed, such is 
your kindness (in inviiinf me to present 
my friends) it is hardly excusable ; yet, 
I can see, you will excuse the liberty.' 
Tutidim$ulfi$ means * rather tiresome,' not 

* more tiresome'; so ^imnm cannot be risht; 
' more tiresome than is hardly allowable ' 
is nonsense; ' somewhat exacting, which 
your kindness ought to preyent ' (Watson) 
demands qu$d for ^immi. Boot (Ohs. 
Crit., p. 13) would read fifMf. He thinks 
the words refer on^ to the Uut expres- 
sion, iiMniMM tuMm i$t4m $t netoria $tJU4 
pTMtUmtem : the mm^putiiiu$$iU% would 
then mean ' tasteless,* *yulgar,' * ful- 
some ' ; but eyen when Boot has made 
many yiolent changes in the words, it 
is doubtful if the meaning which he 
desires is to be found. He reads simtit 
#mm jmlidtuMMZi, quodp$r t$ pix U$$t, p$r 
kim$ iUiqu$ li$$bUf and explains * utimur 
loeutione aliquanto pufcidiors, quod yiz 
licet quatenus tecum mihi senno est, qui 
ipse oratione simplici et inconpta utens. 
quatentis sermo est de Trebatio certe mihi 
Roebit.' Why should Caesar excuse a 
fulsome expression because it was used in 
recommending Trebatius P Tcirif$rum,ut 
vuUOf UetHty op. miki pr$ $om$metion$ 
noitra 9$l p$c$ar$ 9pud t$ in 9$rib$ndo U$$t, 
Fam. xiii. 18, 2 (618). Hence vis Hut 
means 'it is hardly excusable, dlowable ; 
it is rather a liberty ' ; end li$$Ht means 

* you will let me take the liberty.' The 
woid ptUidiu$euhu means * a bit of a bore,' 
and refers not only to the importunity of 
Cicero^ut to the kuy$n$$9 of his demand, 
in makincj oyer to Caesar his whole 
responsibility to Trebatius, and declaring 
that he will not be content with little 
distinctions, but will haye these and solid 
benefits besides. It may also be held, as 
is aigued in Hermatheaa, xxyi. (1900), 
p. 67, that pulidiu$$tUi means * a trine 
affected or extrayagant ' ; and it seems to 
refer to the stilted phrsse which just 
precedes. * Excuse my slightly affected 

EP. 136 {Q. FB. 11. 11 {13)). 


136. TO QUINTUS, in thb Oountey (a Fb. il u (i«)). 

ROMS ; FBBRTJAKY 14TH ; A. TJ. C. 700 ; B. 0. 54 ; ABT. Gia 52. 

M. Gioero Q. fhUri de rebus Id. Febr. in aenatn aotu, do GaUistfaene et Pliilkto 
Idstotieis nribit. 


Sisi 'nivem atram/ teque hilari animo esse et prompto ad 
iooandum valde me invat. De Pompeio adsentior tibi vel tu 
potiuB mihi. Nam, ut sois, iam pridem iskun oanto Gaesarem. 
Mihi orede, in sinu est, neqiie ego disoingor. 2. Oognosoe nunc 

language, although it ii toaroely allowable 
sn addreesing fou (who approye of mea- 
Buied language), yet as I lee (from the 
generous tone <^ your letters) you will 
allow it/ 

1. * mv4m atrmn*'] It is quite impos- 
sible to aaoertsin wnitt this may mean 
without the letter of Qbintus. to which it 
alludes. The only place in Gioero which 
could j^ossIMt throw a light' on this pas- 
sage 18 Acad. iL 72 AnaxdgoroM ntMm 
niifrtm disU mm. Unrtt ww, si $go idem 
dietrmut IW, n$ H dubitartm quidsm. 
At quii etif yum hie eephietetf Sie 
enim appeUaniur U g«t ostentationii out 
gutuetve eamea phUotephabantur : maadma 
jyit et frmeitatie et inpeni gloria. Per- 
haps, then, Gicero had told his brother 
that Trebatius was gdng to Gaesar, and 
Quintus had said, in reply, ' He will haye 
to ezennse his legal acumen in proYing, 
like a second Anaugoras, Ihat the Britiui 
snow (which he will encounter in abun- 
dance) il bkek.' But this is. indeed, far- 
fetched, and sttU more so the attempted 
explanation of Maoutius that Quintus 
said he would soon haye to encounter 
with Gaesar snow that would be atram, 
gt$aei trietetn minimeque iueundam. It 
seems far more probable that nivem atram 
refers to incompatible thinn supposed to 
•oo-eziBt. Qumtus may naye written, 
' If you expect constancy (or sincerity) in 
Pompey, you might as well expect to 
meet black snow ' : cp. Midtummer 
NighCe JDream^ y. i. 59, 60 (according to 
TTpton*s reading) : 

That is, hot ice and wondrous ttranga black 

How shall we find the concord of thit dii- 


But perhaps SehUti is rig^t in suggesting 
tvtiue ett fiUeri not netsire quake iile 
Qmnti ioeue fuerit, 

eanto] *1 haye been this long time 
singing the praises of this same Gaesar,' 
in the speeches of the time, especially 
de pre9, eene. This ii the only place, we 
think, in cisssical prose where etmtmre 
is used in the genenl sense of praising 
a person without any accessory idea of 
the praise being in yerse. In post- 
classical Seneca, Ep. 79, 15, we naye 
eamre used in this sense (Bpxcm'ue) eum 
amieitiam eumnetltetroderi . . . eeeiniteet. 
In the passage of Gioero there is probably 
no allusion to the poem which Gicero 
wrote on Gaesar, for it does not appear 
to haye been as yet projected (cp. 141, 2 ; 
148, 11; 159, 8; 160, 6); nor to the 
poem on Gicero's consulship : for, though 
Gaesar approyed of that iioem up to a 
certain p<nnt (141, 2 ; 147, 5), it does 
not seem to haye oontained any special 
laudation of Gaesar. 

in iinu eef] * We are bosom friends' : 
CD. BaHum ... in oeuUt fere : 148, 9. 
Maying used the word heeem in the phrase 
in wnu ett^ Gicero adds: ' Jneyer loose 
my girdle (lest he should fall out of my 
bosom),' a playftil way of saying : ' 1, 
for my part, am careful neyer to do 
anything which micht lead to an estrange- 
ment between us': cp. the adyice of 
Polonius, in Samlet — 

The firieods thon hast, and thmr adoption 

Grapple them to thy soul with hoops of steel. 

Hence we may infer that, in the words 
de Bempeie adteniior tiH, Gicero mesas 
'You are right; we cannot depend on 
Pompey alone.' 

184 EP. 1S6 (Q. FR. 11. 11 (IS)). 

Idas. Deoimns erat Gaelio dies. Domitias iudioes ad numerom 
non habnii Yereor ne homo taeter et ferus, Pola Servius, ad 
aoousationem yeniat. Nam noster Caelius yalde oppugnatur a 
gente Clodia. Oerti nihil est adhao, sed veremnr. Eodem igihir 
die Tyriis est senatos datos frequens, frequentee contra Syriaoi 
publioani. Yehementer vexatos GFabinioSi ezagitati tamen a Do* 
mitio publioani quod eum essent oum equis proseouti. L. noster 
Lamia paullo ferooius, oum Domitius dizisset, 'Yestra oulpa 
haeo aodderunt, equites Bomani : dissolute enim iudioatis/ * Nos 
iudioamuSy tos laudatis,' inquit. Aotum est eo die nihil: noz 
diremit. 3. Gomitialibus diebus qui Quirinalia sequuntur Appius 

2. JUtui] So. FtbrwKTuu^ Feb. 13th. OMimiMt] who, u prooonsul, was the 

IMeNMl 'The 18th wb the day on predeoeMor of CnMoa in the goremment 

which GmHiu was to appear ' (Le. was of Syxia. The pablicaai appear to haye 

the tenth day from his arraignment), aooused Gkbtnius on other grounds, and 

Asconius (p. 69) tells us that ten da^s also because he left his province in order 

interrened oetween arraignment and tnal to restore Ptolemy Anletes. The result 

of an aeeosed, (^mi X. OMmm prutnr was that Briia was hsnused by pirates : 

tf«n0M iiij ff< flMf ut^ fiiiui iuuiatiJ. and (op. Dio Oass. zzzix. 66, 6 icaraX<«Av 

a shorter intarral than that was considered oir ip rf S«p(f StWrFor r< rhp vlhv 

illegal: ep. Flat. Cicero 0; and Greenidge, x^fulf w4ow irra icol vrowrtAras fur* 

Froetdtire, p. 466. This was the smdhJ tArov vdrv Myovs Hr fikw iipxAv, 4^' 

trial of Caelius, the friend and oonespon- ^s ir^Ttutro, roU Xpcrais iri accd ftkxxov 

dent of Cioero ; the first was the occasion ^(tf6««ecr : cp. { 1) ; '^^ it became difficult, 

on which he was defended by Cioero, 698 on that account, to collect the taxes. The 

^6). The praetor in the met trial was oonsul Domitius censured the publioani 

Cn. Domitius Calyinus. The trial here for haying countenanced the ezjpedition 

lef e ii'e d to was before L. Domitius of Gabinius to Egypt by escorting him 

Ahenobarbos, the consul of the year, who part of the way on his departure, 

was probably appointed a special puuiit&r laudatii] * are witnesses to chancter.' 

by decree of tilie senate for this trial of L. Lamia was a leading member of the 

Caelius (see Willems, Zs Sinai, ii., p. 297, efuitst, who had befriended Cicero at the 

note 8). Cn. Domitius, son of the oonsul, tune of his exile. He had been relegated 

cannot, as has been supposed* baye been from the dty in 696 (68) by Gabinius on 

maetor. At the time of the murder of account of his support of Cicero : op. 

Caesar he was not eyen a senator (Appian, Sest. 29 ; Fam. xi. 16, 2 (888) ; xii. 29, 

Bell. Ciy., y. 62). Domitius, the praetor, 1 (881). 

could not get a panel of jurors, and so diremit'] This word is frequently used 

the trial could not go on. We hear no of breaking up a discussion : fiep. i. 17 ; 

more abont it. liy. xl. 69, 6. But we do not Imow any 

ifppuffnatur] Caelius, in a letter written other case in which the word is used with 

in 704 (60), viz. Fam. yiii. 12, 2 (279), the accusatiye omitted, 

coinplainsthat Appius Fulcher, the brother 3. Quirinalia] February 1 7th. It is 

of (5lodius, urged Foia Senrius to accuse yery uncertain by what process of reason* 

him. Serritts seems to haye been a ing Appius establiBhed his point (cp. 

sort of professional prosecutor. Mommsen, St. B. iii. 922, note 2). It 

JSod$m ifitur He] * Well, to come back must haye had some plausibility, for 

to the 18th, on tne same day.' Igiiur otherwise the comitia would not hayo 

is often used by Cioero in resuming been put off. Possibly the Lex Fupia, 

an interrupted topic, or summing up a while enacting, as a general rule, that the 

preceding train of thought. senate could not be held on comitial days, 

j?VHtij Perhaps we should read had a saying clause, making an exception 

Sffriis with li'. for cases of urgency ; and cases of the 

EP. 1S6 (Q. FR. 11. 11 [IS)). 136 

intorpietatnr non impediri Be lege Pupis quo minus habeat sena- 
tum ety quod Ghtbinia Banotum sit, etiam oogi ex EaL Febr. usque 
ad Eal. Mart, legatis senatum ootidie dare : ita putantur detrudi 
oomitia in mensem Martium. Bed tamen his oomitialibus tribuni 
pL de €htbinio se aoturos esse diount. Omnia ooUigo, ut novi 
soribam aliquid ad te. Bed, ut Tides, res me ipsa deficit. 4. Itaque 
ad Callisthenem et ad Philistum redeo in quibus te video voluta- 
tum. Oallisthenes quidem yulgare et notnm negotium, quem ad 

aenato's being held <« « oomitial day aie They an held indifferently on fatti and 

fonnd (ep. oCmro'9 Corrmqmdmimt toL ill., nrfu^H dis9, on oomitial ^ya and thoae 

pp. 29S fL), Again, the Lez Gabinia marked ^P' (Greenidge, ^^ot$dur$, page 

atftted that, on ereiy day in Febraary, 467). Among the tribmua, the moat 

audienoe of the aenate should be devoted active was G. Memmins, who afterwards 

to foreign embassies until their affairs prosecuted Oabinius de repttwndu (148, 

were settled. Luige <B. A. iii<. 288) 16). 
speaks of the Lex Oabinia as de ttnatu 4. OuOitUmmn^ Callisthenes, a natiTe 

Ugatii $9 K^l Fehr. mqve Md Xal Mart, of Olynthus (b.o. 887--827), mentioned 

coiidie dtmdo. If that was actually the above in a letter to Lucceius, Fam. t. 12» 

form of the law, it probably meant erery 2 (109), had written a hiiitory of the 

day on which a meeting of the senate was Fhooian war and of the expeditions of 

allowable; bntAppius, who was ao eager Alexander the Great, whom he aooom- 

f or puiposes of jobbery to hare all these panied to Asia. 

embassies heard, may haye argued that FhiUstum] Fhilistus, a Syracusan, 

cotidie meant stncthr, * erery day,' oomi- bom about 485 b.o., enjoyed great farour 

tial or non-eomitiai. The dUe eomUiaUi at the oourt of Dionysius the elder. He 

in Febmanr were only six in number, was banished by him, but restored by 

and they all came after the 17tb. Dionysius the younger. He wrote a 

Ml m eneem Jfmrtimn] See notee on Ep. history of Siofly, and a life of Dionysius 

120. In the year 690 (66) everything the elder in four books, and of Dionysius 

had been done iiiegularly, through the the younger in two. 
high-handed action ox the consuls Pompey guem ad modwM . . . nrnf] We fonneiiy 

and Crassus, who had been elected, not at bracketed these words on ine ground that 

the regular time, hut esmUrregno. Henoe it waa not likely that Cicero should here 

we read in 120, 8, written at the end of characterise as ' what some Greeks say ' 

February, about the approaching election a phrase which he uses without comment 

of praetors, who ought to have been elsewhere, e.g. lentum neffotium, Att. L 

designated in the previous July. The 12, 1 (17); (hominem) sine eeiuu, tine 

consols d this year idao were elected eapore^ eUnguem^ iardumt inhumanum 

after an inUrregnum, and they had now negotiumj (hat. poet red. in sen. 14. 

to hold the election of the praetors, who For it was a common Greek expression, 

had not been deaignated the year before, as M. Lebreton (p. 70) notices, quot- 

M. Cato, who had been so unfairly de* ing Theocritus xv. 83 vo^p rot xP^/a* 

feated in 699 (120, 8), was one of the iw$pmwos. It is quite true, as he remarks, 

praetors for this year. that Att v. 18, 4 (218) admits of a 

8ed tamek] In spite of the opposition different interpretation, as it is not neoes- 

of Appius, the tribunes declsre they will sary to apply negoHa there to persons, 

use tna diu comUialei to discuss the 1^^- But the reference to the Greeks is pro« 

lity of Gabinius' restoration of Ptolemy, bablv to their judgment of GaUisthenes 

The Lex Pupia appears to have applied as a historian, and not to the use of x^aw 

onl]r to the comitia for elections. ' Actual ^i^o^twi) ; and this seems borne out by 

festivals or games were the only days the word oHqmt. It has been suggested 

between January and September on which by Muretus that loaUi nmt onlv should 

criminal justice was suspended : for the be bracJEOted; and it appean to be want- 

datea of trials show Uiat no mark in the ing in a ms which he consulted. Then 

calendar obstructs their performance, the meaning would be 'a hackneyed 


EP. 186 

ril. 6). 

modum aliquot Graeoi loouti Bont. Sioalns ille oapitalis, oreberi 
acutuB, breviBy paene pusQluB Thuoydidea, sed utroa eioa habueria 
libxoa — dao enim aont oorpora — an utroaque neacio. Me magia 
de DioDjaio deleotat. Ipae eat enim yeterator magnoa et per- 
familiaria Fhiliato [Dionyaina]. Bed quod adaoribiay adgrederiane 
ad historiamP Me auotore potea. Et^quoniam tabellarioa aub- 
ndniatrasy hodiemi diei rea geataa Luperoalibua habebia. Obleota 
te oum CSioerone noatro quam belliaaime. 

136. TO TREBATIUS TESTA, in Gaul (Fam. vn. e). 

OUMAB OR FOMFBII ; MAT ; A. IT. C. 700 ; B. C. 54 ; ABT. OIG. 62. 

M. Oioero 0. Trebfttiiim qiiem C. OioMtti oommendaxe xion daiutit hortatar vt 
depocilo nimio urbii denderio quod Meatoi dt id ooDsQium peaMquator in proTindAqua 


1. In omnibuB meia epiatulia quaa ad Gaeaarem aut ad Balbum 
mitto legitima quaedam eat aooeaaio commendationia tuae neo ea 
Tulgaria Bed oum aliquo inBigui indido meae erga te benevolentiae. 

oommoa-plaoe piece ol gooda, like many 
of hiM oountryinen.' Thii ii rendered 
poaaible by the fact tliat Fhiliitos ia called 
Sieuhu ills, not itrictly one ol the Oram, 
But aach a oompariaon between Ora»e% 
and iSiiMiK ia oat of place here; and it ia 
aaf er to f olloir K than a ma of whoae 
▼alue we know nothing. 

cofitdlUl « A writer of the iixBt rank/ 
a Tery unuaual aenae : the dictionarieB 
^uote OTid Faat lii. 880 capitdU voaamuf 
tngtmumtolUrt, Capitol generally meana 
'pemioioua,* 'fatal,' when applied to a 

crihir] • tene/ < pithy.' Thia, too, ia 
a rare naage. One meets arshsr imUiUiis 
and such phraaea, but not generally ertber 
alone. Suewhere Oioero (be Orat iL 66) 
applies er^er {nnimfrequmUia) to Thucy- 
dides, and in the same passage says, hone 
eoiuecutm $$t S^racoHut Imlmui, qui, 
cum Dian^ti t$fmnnifamUiarimmut e$$ft, 
otium tuum amtumpiit in Awforia teribmda 
mtunmequt Thuoydidim ut, licut mihi 
vidttur, imittUui, 

a€utiU9 , . . Thucfdidm] 'aagaoioua. 
condae, almoat a mmiature Thucydidea. 
Cp. hoMmut in Oumano quoii putUkm 
Bomam, Att. t. 2, 2 (186). 

ipffi 'Dioujyaiua is a regular ICa- 
chiaTeUi, and la thoroughly Imown to 

quod tidi9rihit\ 'Touching your post- 
aonpt ; so you are going to eaaay hiatory. 
I aorise you to do ao.' 

Lup^roaUbut] On February 16th. 

1. Uffitima quaedam §tt aec$mo commm' 
dationii.'] ' There is a kind of statutory 
(Le. regular) rider, oonsiating of a recom- 
mendation A Tou.' Adeuiio is a term for 
something added (op. iuekpmnff) to a pay- 
ment, like ^«94«q (Ar. Yesp. 1891 ; Plaut. 
Tiin. 1026), and la oppoaed to dBceuio, 
'an abatement'; it la called Ugiiima, 
because it is as regular aa if it were 
ordained by statute. Oammendatienit ia 
tiie gm, epexegtUcut (Braeg. L 467). 

nse #0 tmlgaria] Not in the vetere verba 
mentioned in 134, 8. 

EP. 1S6 [FAM. VII. 6). 


Tu modo ineptias istas et deaideria urbiB et urbanitatiB depone et 
quo ooDflilio profeotus es id adddaitate et virtute conseqaere. 
Hoc tibi tain ignosoemns nos amioi qnam ignoyerunt Medeae 

quae Oorinthmn aroem altam habebant matronae opnlentae 

optimates : 

qnibos ilia manibuB gypsatiBBimiB persuasit ne sibi vitio illae 
Terterent qnod abesaet a patria : nam 

mnlti Buam rem bene geesere et publioam patria proeol : 
mnlti qui domi aetatem agerent propterea Bunt improbati. 

Quo in nnmero tu certe fuiBBes, nisi te eztmsiBBemuB. 2. Sed 

in^tiM iiUu H ittidsria) < Fooliih 
longing lor the dhr and city life ' (q>. 
146, 1). For the Ir ZA Zvoiw, aee note 
on Att L 6, 1 (1). For the uae of the 
pha^Ml, op. Introd. i\ p. 60 (P, jp. 79). 

y n oi mm u t . . . mAm] Cioero, m 
▼eu as £nnins, bom whom he quotes, 
aeems to take the difficult passage in the 
iMM of Suripides, 214 ff., beginning 

in a Terr strange fashion. The meaning 
of the Enripidean passage, as understood 
by Gioeroy may be thus loosely repre- 
sented : You must not condemn me through 
^"^7, pi^odioe against those who leave 
their country; < home-keeping vouth have 
erer homely wits.' The whole train of 
thought is this: We will excuse your 
abeenoe on the grounds on which the 

Hononnble dames that softly lived in 
Corinth's lofty ksep 

pardoned Medea for leaying her father- 
land when she, wi^ hands all gypsum- 
white (extended in entreaty), pemiaded 
them not to blame her for her flight 
from Oolehis ; for that 

ICany a man in foreign far land hath to 

wealth and honour come. 
Many a poor and craven spirit msts in 

scathe and scorn at home : 

in which daas you would certainly have 
taken your place, if we had not forced 
yon mm Kome.' Accordingly,' Cicero 
hnth Ennius) seems to have understood 
md Euripidean passage thus (we enclose 
in braclDBts the necessary $upplmda): 
* Dames of Ooiinth, I have come out [to 

plead my cause with joxl\; think not 
little of me [as a foreifiner] ; I know 
many who have [left their own eountry, 
and in the country of their adcj^tion have] 
gained high respect both in private and in 
public; while toe easy-goiiig [who have 
remained at home] have got the evil re- 
port of sluggishness, for men's judgments 
are diallow.' It is to be observed that 
this view of the passage is not inconsis- 
tent with the Ghfeek, and gives a possible 
meaning to Uie Suzuidean passage ; save 
that Ennius and Uicero seem to have 
taken i^KBov 96/tmy as meaning ' I left 
my father^s palace in Colchis,' which is 
certainly not the meaning of the words. 
Compare also a diBcussion on the passage 
inHennathena,No. x.,p. 26. A good deal 
must be tubawUtwn in every interpretation 
of it. 

ffpp§tiiiinmi$] Oypnuii was used by 
actors to whiten the hands. This is a 
charactezistic instance of Cicero's pmchant 
for superlatives. 

mum\ Theverse^iMwCbrifi<Aflim,ftc.,iB 
a trochaicw octonariui, or troch. tetram. ; 
so is the verse beginning muUi qui d^mL 
The verse muUi . . . proeul is a trochaieus 
sepUmttriutj or troch. tetram. cat. ; and so 
is the verse qui ipH iibi . . . Mft^, in 
which verse §api&n$ ii two syllables, as 
suam 1$ one syllable in mulH auam rtm 
. . . prootU, But the former verse was 
probably an oclonariut, as otherwise the 
regularity of the metre would be broken 
in a very formal speech. Possibly <Bua> 
should be added after j^raml, or read relieta 
for proeul; or would it be too daring to 
suggest pfieulii from procsllo, as p§rcukuM 
comes from peretUo P 


EP. 1S7 {FAM. riL 7). 

plura Boribemiu alias* Ta qni oeteria oavere didiaisti in Britannia 
ne ab essedariifl dedpiaria oaveto et, qnoniam Medeam ooepi agere^ 
illnd Bfimper memento : 

Qni ipse aibi sapiens prodesse non quit nequiqnam sapit. 
Oara nt Taleas. 

137. TO TBBBATIUS TESTA, in Gaitl (Pam* yh. i). 

KOICB ; MAT ; A. T7. G» 700 ; B. 0. 64 ; ABT. dC. 5S. 

If . Oioero qvexitiir quod 0. Trebatini xaro ad le lorilMit, le xum dMutoe 
GftMari oommendAn, ipdus iBon (9«ia pexfloieDdiim eMe at tit famniaTiit Oaaiaxi 


1. Ego te commendare non desisto, sed quid profloiam ex te 
Boire onpio. Spem maximam habeo in Balbo ad qaem de te dili- 
gentissime et saepissime soribo. Hind soleo mirari, non me totiens 
aodpere tuas litteras qnotiens a Quinto mihi fratre adferantur. 
In Britannia nihil esse andio neque auri neque argenti. Id si ita 
est, essedmn aliquod oapias suadeo et ad nos quam primum recur- 
ras. 2. Sin aniem sine Britannia tamen adseqni quod Yolumos 
possumns, perfloe ut sis in familiaribus Caesaris. Mnltum te in eo 
frater adiuvabit mens, mnltum Balbus, sed, mihi orede, tuns pudor 
et labor plurimum. Mahe9 imperatorem liberalissimum, aetatem 
opportunissimam, eommendationem oerte singularem, ut tibi unum 
timendum sit ne ipse tibi defuisse videare. 

2. «jiaf] s dtio Ump€r§, 

caveni] 'Ton who are so aocnatomed 
to draw ap aecuritiea for others must not 
form to look alter yoar own aeoarity, 
and not be oan^t unawares by the British 
charioteers.' For the British Mt$da, see 
Caes. B. G. ir. 88. 

Qui ip§$] Cp, fufftt vo^tffriip Sorts o^x 
a6n^ vop6t, Fam. ziii. 16, 2 (671). The 
Terse is not fbnnd in our copies of the 
Media, Probably we haye here a /u^/ao' 
vuchw k/idpni/ta of Cicero, like Agamgmno 
for XTUx€9 in de Dir. ii. 63. 

1. 1*^^ tturi nsqu0 arpenti'] So 144, 
7 ; but Tao. Agrio. 12 ujuffrt BriUmnia 
aurum rt wrgmtum et alia metaUa. 

capiat] 'You must capture a war- 

chariot (the only sort of booty which 
Britain seems to afford), and in it come to 
us as soon as you can.' The only product 
in Britain seems to be the eteeaum, and 
the only use of it is to take you away. 
So Dr. Johnson said that the finest pro- 
spect which eyer met the eye of a Scotch- 
man was the road which took him to 

2. quodvoktmus] that Caesar giyes you 
a position on his staff. 

Mabes] This word is added by 
Cratander, but after «wi^Ni«r#fii. Lehmann 
(Quaest TuU. p. 67) would prefer ime^ 
niiti: cp. Flaoo. 72. MtUler proposes 
nactutes: cp. 146, 2 ; Att z. 12, 1 (897). 

aetatem] Trebatius was now about 36. 
When in 167i 1 Oicero calb him mi vetuk. 

EP. 1S8 {ATT. IV. U). 


188. TO ATTI0U8 (Att. iv. u). 

CUMAB 0& FOMPEII ; AFTEK HAY lOTH ; A. X7. C. 700 ; B. C. M ; 

AXT. GIG* 52. 

De itinex* et Taletodine Attioi, da Hbrii Attid a ae ntendia, ti quid forto noTi 
lutbeaty Qt ftd ae lorilMit et itixiere oonf eoto ae leriaat. 


1. Yestoiiiis noster me per litteras feoit oertiorem te Boma 
a. d. Yi. Id. Mai. putari prof ectum ease, tardius qnam dixeras quod 
minus yalmflsee. Si iam melius vales, vehementer gandeo. Yelim 
domom ad te soribas at mihi tui libri pateant non seons ao si ipse 
adesses onm oeteri turn Yarronis. Est enim mihi utendum qui- 
bosdam rebus ex his libris ad eos quos in manibus habeo, quos, ut 
speroy tifai yalde probabo. 2. Tu velim, si quid forte novi habes 
maxime a Qidnto fratre, deinde a 0. Caesare, et si quid forte da 
oomitiiSy de re publioa — soles enim tu haeo festive odorari — , 
soribas ad me : si nihil habebisy tamen soribas aliquid. Numquam 
enim mihi tua epistola aut intempestiva aut loquax visa est. 
Maxime autem rogo rebus tuis totoque itinere ex sententia oon- 
feoto nos qnam primum revisas. Dionysium iube salvere. Oura 
ut Taleas. 

the ciyr o — ion ia merely pkyfol, like ' old 
boT,' if, indeed, it ia not diatinotly ironi- 
ealy renrring to the. fact that Trehatiua 
had an old head on (compaiatiTely) yoimg 
ahonld c ra a Tiew whioh the context there 
aeenia to recommend. 

1. FMtoriiM] A rich hanker of Pnteoli. 
pn^oH] So Aaoenaina. The Med. haa 
jMrftfnr, which Scfallti and Boot bracket. 
The latter propoaea BvthroUm, Fr. 
Schmidt givee M«<Mr#, and Miiller con- 
jectnree num$, Faemua altered dix^rat 
to dismu. Stemkopf (Hermea,zl.(1006), 
. 11) insenioualy retaina the ma readinga 
y a alight tranapoaition Vntoriut noaier 


fh» p$r HtUraaftcit eirtionm te Rom» a. d. 
vi Idnu JUaUu profifftum «Mi, putan tar- 
diut ^uam dwrai, quod mktut wUuittet* 
* Yeatoriua informed me hr letter that you 
had left Borne on the lOu, and preeumea 
that the reaaon vhy yon did ao later than 
he had told me you would ia that you 
were not Tcry welL* 

do mum adu] m ad tutm dotmm, * to 
your houe in town': cp. Att zii. 11 

qu0i in mmihui htiboo] The hooka Ik 
lUpuhUca. Op. 189, 1 ; 144, 2 ; 160, 1. 

2. itinerw] Probably to !^2ma. 

JHonytium] op. 143, 1. 


EP. 1S9 (Q. FK II. IS [U)). 

139. TO aiTINTUS, in Gaul (Q. Fr. n. 12 (u)). 

CfUMAB OB POXPSn; MAT (mIDDLB); a. U. C. 700; B.C. 54 ; ABT. OIC. 62. 

M. Gieero didt te woKxrutk taribera, Q. intri openm luam in rebua eins 
ponioetar, M. Orfinm et Trebatiunpi oommendAt 


1. Duas adhuo a te aooepi epistulas : earum alteram in ipso 
difloeeeu noetro, alteram Arimino datam : pluiis quae sonbis te 
dediflse non aooeperam. Ego me in Gumano et Pompexano, 
praeterquam quod sine te, oeterum satis oommode obleotabam et 
eram in iisdem loois usque ad Eal. lun. faturas. Soribebam ilia 
quae dizeram voKivuia^ spissum sane opus et operosum. Bed si ex 
sententia suooesserit, bene erit opera posita : sin minus, in illud 
ipsum mare deiidemus quod spectantes scribimus: aggrediemur 
alia, quoniam quiesoere non possumus. 2. Tua mandata persequar 
diligenter et adiungendis hominibus et quibusdam non alienandis. 
Mazimae mibi vero ourae erit ut Oioeronem tuum nostrumque 
yideam, si licet, ootidie, sed inspiciam quid disoat quam saepissime ; 

Ue$t fd the mn. Si lieeif ' if I may/ is 
a mott natural and oourteouB phraae; 
9ailicft seems to me inexplicable ; I cer- 
tainly know no place wheze Miat is 
thus used without a word to qualify or 
explain, or where it is used in prose so 
&r on in the sentence. 

g. cannot help thinking that icUkst is 
^ t. 'I shall look in on the boys of 
course every day, but (not only that) I 
shall as often as I can inspect what the^ 
are leaniing.* See Madyig on Fin. t. o, 
p. 609. As qualifying vidiam and eotidis. 
It naturally comes in immediate proximity 
to those words. Besides, the context seems 
to point to the fact that Quintus had asked 
his brother to see after young Quintus. 
That, Marcus says, will of course be his 
especoal care. — L. C. P.] 

§ed inapieiam] We should have ex- 
pected Md gtiam: non modo is often 
omitted in Cicero*s £pp. before $^ 
€titm ; see on Att. iii. 16, 5 (78). Here 
even ^Ham is omitted, and that because it 
follows immediately on the words tiiam 

1. MTMiPi] This is the reading of Lamb, 
for MMTMM, which seems doubtful Baiter 
marks Mftfrum as spurious. Bntitismore 
probable that mtimpi was changed by mis- 
take to ^uamm^ than that qttmrum was 
wrongly inserted. Earum is opposed to 
pUyrit, Cicero first specifies the two 
letters whieh he did reoeiTe, then adds 
that the other numerous letters which 
Quintus says he wrote he never leoeiTed 
at all. If quorum is retained, after datam 
understand aeoiparam^ anticipated from 
non aeeeparam* 

ArmimX This would be the first 
town in Caesar's provinoe entered by 
Quintus on his joumer to head-quarters. 

voXiTuedfl The books Ih RtpuUioa, 

2. adiungfHdia . . . al%mMmdu\ The 
first verb refers to Caesar, the second to 
Pompey and Crassus. 

tuium noiirumqu$\ ' Your son, whom I 
regard as mine alsol' 

M HcrtJ * li I may.' I cannot under- 
stand why the edd. with one accord have 
given the conjecture mlieet, instead of «t 

EP. 1S9 (Q. FR. II. IS {U)). 


ety nia ille oontemnet, etiam magiBtnim me ei profitebor, ouius rei 
non nullam oonsaetudinem naotus sum in hoo honim dierum otio, 
Oioeonme nostro minore prodnoendo. 3. Tu, quern ad modum 
soribiBf quod etiam si non soribereB f aoere te diligentissime tamen 
Boiebam, fades scilioet ut mea mandata digeras, persequare, oon- 
fldaa. Ego, oum Bomam venero, nullum praetennittam Oaesaris 
tabellarium oui litteras ad te non dem. HIb diebus — ignosoes — 
oui darem fuit nemo ante huno 1£. Orflum, equitem Bomanum^ 
nofltrum et per se neoessarium et quod est ex munioipio Atellano, 
quod sois esse in fide nostra. Itaque eum tibi oommendo in 
inaiorem modum, hominem domi splendidum, gratiosum etiam 
extra domum : quern fao ut tua liberalitate tibi obliges. Est 
tribunus militum in exerdtu yestro. Ghratum hominem observan- 
temque oognosoes. Trebatium ut valde ames yehementer te rogo. 

ffuyMriMi AM pf^/Uebcr. The mflaniTig 
10 : * I ahaU (not <mij) see bim every day, 
if I ]W| but I shall watoh his progreae 
aa mneh aa I can. I ahall ereii offer 
mjaelf aa a maater.' 

mmor$] HU own aon, who waa 
younger than the aon of Qointua. Aa 
he had abore atyled Quintua' son 'hia 
own aon too/ he ia here obliged to avoid 
ambiguity by pointing out that he meana 
hia own aon in thia paaaage, and thia he 
doea by referring to nia juniority to the 
aon of Quintua. He avoida aaying anjr- 
thing whioh would oonflict with the pohte 
iiotiott that hia own son ia to him no 
more than the aon of Quintua. 

prodti d H d o] Thia haa been wrongly 
changed to i»#fitfMmifo. Boot (Obs. Gnt., 
p. 86} pointa out that produeer$ haa the 
aame meaning aa vpodytty, 'to bring a 
boy on,' * id progrtdiendum indtwJ* 

He quotea for thia aenae Caaaiua in 
Fam. zii. 18, 1 (901), and Suet. 
Claud. 4. 

8. fadu ...«<] See on 12, 47, 60. 

dig0ratf p^ruptar$f eot^fkituil * arrange, 
take in hand, execute.' Manutiua aaya 
< digeMr$ prudentiae, pirt$gui diligentiae, 
M»l/lMr# oonatantiae.' 

Mil . . . iiofiiCMn] 'Without giving him.' 
Hence iwUum pnuUrmitiam meana 'I 
wfll let no poeaible carrier go bff without 

S'Ting bim^: for thia literal aenae cp. 
tt iz. 14, 2 (872) ; Fam. zL 21, 1 (893) ; 
if pruttrmUUtm here bore ita usual aenae 
of cmitf nfgUetj past over, the sentence 
would be incorrect: * I will not pass over 
a carrier without giving him a letter' is a 
contradiction in terms. 

injlde noatrei] * Under my patronage.' 
The Siciliana alao looiked on Oicero aa 
their patron: AtL xL. 1, 6 (27). 


EP. UO {FAM. riL 8). 

140. TO TKEBATIUS, in Gaul (Pam. vii. s). 

BOME ; AUGUST ; A. u. 0. 700 ; b; C. 54 ; ABT. CIC. 58. 

M. Giocro C. I^batitim Titapenit, quod tribunatum militanm a 0. Oaflsan oUatom 
noo aooapefit. 


1. SoripBit ad me Oaeear perhumaniter nondum te sibi satis 
esse familiarem propter oooupationes soas, sed oerte fore. Qui 
quidem ego resoripsi qnam mihi gratam esset futurum, si quam 
plaiimum in te studi, offioi, liberalitatis suae oontulisset. Sed ex 
tois litteris oognovi praeproperam quamdam f estinatioiiem tuam, 
et simtd sum adxniratus our tribanatus oommoda, dempto praeser- 
tim labore militiae, oontempseris. 2. Qnerar earn Yaoerra et 
M anilio : nam Gomelio nihil audeo dioere, cuiiiB tu perioulo stultus 
ee qnoniam te ab eo sapere didioisse proflteris. Quin tn urges 
istam oooasLonem et f aoultatem qua melior numquam reperietur I 
-Quod saribiB de illo Preoiano iure oonsulto, ego te ei non desino 
oommendare : scribit enim ipse mihi te sibi gratias agere debere; 
de eo quid sit oura at soiam. Ego vestras Britannioas litteraa 

It iM better, with Banaehen (p. 56), to 
date thia letter 'Aofniat,' than 'July,' 
with Kttmer and G. F. W. Miiller. In 
148, 10 (written in July 27)» Giooro iayi, 
9X QmnHfiratrU UiUm tu^ricor Uuh ium 
«fM «» BriiwmiOf and Qnintiis did aniTe 
in Britain abont the end of July, aa we 
may gather from 147| 4 (written at the 
end A Augnat). It took twentj^-ieren 
daya for a fetter to oome from Britain to 
Bome (148, 17> 25} : ao that it waa pro- 
bably not a whole month from the time 
when the lettera from Britain might be 
expected that Gioero aaid to Trebatina 
(} 2), Sfo witrat BrUmmioat UtUraa 
extpicto. Therefore thia lettef may be 
plaoed about the middle of Aufust. 

If this ia ao, it wiU then follow that 
Fam. yii. 9 must be dated in October 
(cp. i 1 n0qu0 §go ad U hu imbui mm' 
9ituM.$oripmram), Julia died in the middle 
of September. 

1. triiimatus] * The adyantagea of a 
tribune's commiarion, especially as you 

are excused the military dutiea attaching 
to the post 

2. Vaotrra ti 3i0nUio\ Jurists who 
may haye been teachers of Trebatiua. 
For Maniliua cp. 162, 2: fbr Vaoerxa 
perhapa 145, 2. 

Oorneho^ Q. Gomelius ICazimua, an 
eminent jurist of the day : cp. Dig. i. 2, 
2, 45 Fmt dod$m Umpors tt TrAatim pii 
qHiimn ChmtU Jfiwiaii mMm" fmty and 
146, 8 below. 

9uiu9 tu p$rimUf\ < who is responsible 
for your tMck-headedness.' 

Fr$oumo\ Man. conjectures that thia 
Praeoianus belonged to the Oens l^raeoiA, 
and had been adopted into another fiunily. 

MMfil ' (You maybe sure I recommend 
yon to him), for he writes to me himaelf 
to say that you owe him thanks for his 
good of&ces.' 

d$ eo quid m/] <TeIl me what is the 
seryice he has done you.' 

Britatmicoi] Trebatiua did not go to 
Britain after all (146, 3 ; 161, 1). 

EP. m (Q. FJR. 11. IS {16a)). 


141. TO QUINTXJS» m Gatjl (Q. Fe. n. w (i6 a)). 

BOMB ; JXTHB (PIBST HALT) ; A. XT. 0. 700 ; B. a 64 ; ABT. Cia 62. 

M. CieeroCieHuiB in ae amoram et Hbendititem Umdat atqne eius sestndioBisBimnm 
proAtetor, de ehudem faTore in Trebatium et Curtaam» de ni publicae statu. 


L A. d. iin. Non. Ian., qao die Bomam veni, aooepi taas 
litteras datas Plaoentia: deinde alteras postridie datos Blande- 
none oam Oaesaris litteris, ref ertis omni offido, diligentia, soavi- 
tate. Sunt ista qaidem magna vel potiuB maxima. Habent enim 
yim T^agnaTn ad gloriam et ad summam dignitatem. Sed mihi 
crede qnem nosti, quod in istis rebus ego plurimi aestimo, id iam 
habeo : te soilioet primxun tarn inservientem communi dignitatis 
•deinde GaeBaiifi tantum in me amorem, quem omnibus iis honori- 
bus quos me a se exspeotare vult antepono. Litterae vero eius 
una datae cum tuis, quarum initium est quam suavis ei tuus 
edyentus fuerit et reoordatio Teteris amoris, deinde se efleoturum 
ut ego in medio dolore ao desiderio tui te, oum a me abesses, 
potissimum seoom esse laetarer, inoredibiliter deleotarunt. 2. Qua 
re faois tu quidem fraterne quod me hortaris, sed meheroule our- 
rentem nunc quidem, ut omnia mea studia in istum unum oon- 
f eram. Ego vero ardenti quidem studio hoo f ortasse effioiam, quod 
flaepe viatoiibus oum properant evenit, ut, si serins quam voluerint 
forte surrexerinty properando etiam oitius quam si de noote vigi- 
lassent perveniant quo velint: sio ego, quoniam in isto homine 

1. JBkmdmoH$'] Blandano ia a town 
near PlaoeDtiay not dBewhexe mentioned. 
The ms ares JBUmden^nme, Sigoniua 
snggeeted Lamh ilTonif . Laus Pompeia, 
on the nte of Lodi Veoohio, not far from 
the modem Lodi^ waa some twenty-four 
Boman miles from Plaoentia ; and Oaeaar 
and Quintua maj yery weU have de- 
spatched letters nom it. But if -moium 
oonoeals Ifon., we must transpose it to 
foUowiWffrrMi(i#. It would be much better, 
howerer, to read ima, as ia suggested by 
Boot (Obe. Grit., pp. 36, 36], who oom- 
pares the passage, a few lines below, 
IAit0ra$ vero eim una datae eum iuie. 
Boot, however, does not adopt the reading 
Laude, and prefers to stand by the Tiew 

that Blandeno is a town in the yalley of 
the Po, not elMwhere mentioned : so ooes 
Hiilaen in Paulr-Wissowa, iii. 557. But 
Mommsen (in 0. 1. L. y., p. 696) admits 
the possibihtj, though not the certainty, 
of Lenidei tat thou^ the town ia not 
elsewhere mentioned m classioal authors, 
it occurs often in the Itineraries. 

ifte] 'Those tokens of good- will on 
Caesar's part' 

delectarutU] The object me ia omitted, 
as often 144, 1 ; 148, 5. 

2. emrrentem] See Q. Fr. i. 1, 45 (80). 

S^o vero} sc. oonferam. * Yes ; I wul 
do all I can.' For the emphatic use of 
e^o in answer to a question, cp. Fam. xiv. 
4, 1 (62). 

144 SP. m {d FR. 11. 18 (16a)). 

oolendo tam indonniyi dia, te meheroule aaepe exoitante, ounu 
oorrigam tarditatem oom eqnis turn vero, quoniam ta Booribia 
poema ab eo noatmm probariy quadrigia poetioia. Modo mihi date 
Britanniam qaam pingam ooloribiu toia, penioillo meo. Bed quid 
agoP quod mihi tempua, Bomae praeaeiiimy ut iate me rogat» 
manenti, vacuum oatenditur P Sed yidero. Fortasse enim, ut fit, 
yinoet tuua amor omnia difficultatea. 3. Trebatium quod ad se 
miaerim peraalae et bumaniter etiam gratiaa mihi agit. Negat 
enim in tanta multitudine eorum qui una essent quemquam fuiase 
qui yadimonium oondpere posaet. M. Ourtio tribunatum ab eo 
petin — ^nam Domitiua se derideri putasset, ai asset a me rogatua : 
hoc enim est eiua cotidianumy se ne tribunum militum quidem 
iaoere : etiam in aenatu lusit Appium oollegam, propterea isse ad 
Caeaarem ut aliquem tribunatum auferret — sed in alteram annum. 
Id et Ourtius ita yolebat. 4. Tu, quem ad modum me oenses 
oportere esse in re publica et in nostria inimioitiis, ita et ease et 
fore oricula infima soito molliorem. 5. Bes Bomanae se sic babe- 
bant: erat non nuUa spes oomitiorum sed inoerta: erat aliqua 
suspido diotaturae, ne ea quidem oerta: summum otium forense 
sed senescentis magis dyitatis quam aoquiesoentis. Sententia 
autem nostra in senatu eius modi magis ut alii nobis adsentiantur 
quam noamet ipsi. 

Totav0* 6 rXrijAiov ir6\tfiOQ i^i^aZerai. 

poimd^ Probably a poem addieased to This may be a reminiMence of an ezprw- 

CaMar, in which doabtleis Cioeio intended non of CatuUna, 26, 2 moUior . . . tmirfa 

to treat of the expedition into Britain: oriMlla. We hare what seems another 

ep. 14S, 11 ; 169, 3 ; 160, 6. sach echo in oc$llo$ JtaHa§ vUIuIm, Att 

tmu mnar] ' My affection for you ' ; xTi. 6, 2 (775) ; and Catullus 81, Bmimu' 

so tmuri noflfv, ' your love for me ' : 109, larum Simm wntUfntmqui (ktUe tm. the 

8. use of ifdaXft^f in the Olympic Odes of 

8. Jf. Ourtio] sc. Foiiumo : cp. 148, Pindar ii. 10 ; tL 17). But Oioeio never 

10. It is on account of obtaining for him mentions Oatullus ; see on 182, 4. So 

this tribunate that Oioero calls himself that perhaps it is better to suppose tbe 

the paUromtt of Curtius, Att. ix. 6, 2 (860). phrase to pe an ordinary Latin proyerb ; 

He was a devoted Caesarian in the Civil cp. Otto, p. 46, and B&hrens on Catnll. 

War. See Index. le, * As soft as the tip of the ear ' is 

isM ad 0a4tar$m] The point of the joke here proyerbial for extreme gentleness 

of Dcrndtitts was that the consuls were and sensitiTeness. He will hare none of 

without power ; Caesar was the source of the Jront thtra which courts contention, 

patronage; so he says that when his For the form oricuia for auricuUt cp. 

colleague Appius went to Luca two years krtolam, Att. t. 20, 4 (228), and ji^^mei 

before to meet Caesar, it was no douot to for pla mt rum. 

Sit from him some petty office, such as 6. dietatwtui] of Pompey ; op. 164, 8 

e commission of a tribmut milUum, $$t notmuttut odor dietaturae. 

4. orieulaii^ima . . . mottioram] BUbheler teneaemiis .... ocpiistMniis] * The cafan 

quotes Amm. Maro. xix. 12, 6 ima quod of decrepitude, not of repose.' 

aiunt awicula moUwff nupieax it minuiui. Totavtf'] Eur. Suppl. 110. 

JBP. IJfi (Q. FB. II. U {15b)). 146 

142. TO QUUNTUS, nr Gaul (Qt. Pr, n. u (isb)). 

BOMB ; JULY 27 , A. U. C. 700 ; B. C. 54 ; ABT. CIC. 52. 

M. Cbero Q. fratnm nonyolt ante tempiu e piormoia mnrbemredire ao deambita 
iam admodnm iDgraTMoente oonqueritur. 


1. Galamo bono et atramento temperate, oharta etiam dentata 
les agetur. Soribis enlm te meas litteras superiores vix legere 
potuiase, in quo nihil eoram, mi frater, fuii quae pntas. Neque 
enim ooonpatus exam neque perturbatus neo iratuB alicui, sed hoc 
fado semper ut, quicumque calamus in manus meae yenerit, eo 
no utar tamquam bono. 2. Yerum attende mmc, mi optime et 
suaTiBume frater, ad ea dum resoribo quae tu in hao eadem brevi 
epistola TpayfiariKHc valde scripsistL De quo petis ut ad te nihil 
oconltans, nihil disBimulanSy nihil tibi indulgens ingenue frateme- 
que resoribam, id est, utrum advoles ut dizeramus, an ad expedi- 
endum te, si causa sit, commorere. Si, mi Quinte, parva aliqua 
res esset in qua sciscitarere quid vellem, tamen, cum tibi permis- 
surus essem ut faoeres quod veUes, ego ipse quid vellem ostenderem. 

1. (kUmo . . . «^#<ifr] < I shall talce of Boot (Obs. Orit.' p. 36) for ^mttme of 
care to liaTe a good pen, weU-mized ink M>. The word^omi w iw (when not applied 
(neither too thick nor too thin), andoream- to teeth) doee not ooour in Oioero except 
lud paper.' Paper was smoothed and in De Rep. iii. 29, where it is opposed to 
polished with irorj^; ioahritia Uvipatur * foreign,' non mm ma tranamarmii me 
denU eomhaift, Fhn. N. H. ziii. 81. UnportaUi artihut imdUoi ud genmm$ 
Persiiis, iii. 12ff., describee the effects of dtmnUtupie virhMm. lotetA^emume 
ii^ which is not tunpuratum — would introduce a word not elsewhere 

Tnncqiierimiircrauascalunoqaodpmideat ^^^^ ^ Cicero. Boot compares for 

nmor, inffmm Fam. y. 2, 9 (16), Att. zui. 27, 

BimsedbfotaTaneKatiepiaWmpha, i (608), to whioh we may addLaeL 65. 

^ntat quenmvT geminet quod ^.tiAa gntta.. jj^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^ ^^ -^ j 3 ^^^ ^^ 

hocfatio Mfmptr «< . . . vtarl ' I haTe 147, 5 fin. 
a habit of nsing the first pen I happen tttrum advoUi] * Whether 70a are to 

to take vp.' Bee on 12, 47, 60. For fly to my arms, as we had ammged, or to 

the perf. subj. of indefinite frequency, stay where you are to clear yourself of 

cp. Lebreton, p. 228. difficulties.' The emendation of this pas- 

2. rpayfiariK&s] 'business-like' sage was begun by Sch., and completed 
(Shnckbunh) . For an admirable discus- by Wes. We do not require to read, with 
sion on uie meaning of this word in Sch., km before adooU9\ cp. qum H$ 
Polybius see Mr. Strachan-DaTidson's adpoiaitmtt, Att. ii. 16, 2 (42); tU H 
edition, Introduction, pp. 1-^. imkumro advoUs, ib. 18, 4 (46) ; so n 

in^Mim] This is the ezcdleht collection imlamaro ut aceurratf ib. 20, 6 (47). 


EP. lie (Q. FK 11. U il6b)). 

In hao Tero re hoo profeoto quaeriB ouios modi illam annum qui 
sequitur exepeotem : aut plane tranquillom nobis aut oerte mnni- 
tiasimam : quod ootidie domu8, quod forum, quod theatri dgnifloa- 
tiondB declarant; neo laborant mei oonaoientiaoopiarum nostrarum, 
quod CaesariBy quod Fompei gratiam tenemua. Haeo me ut 
oonfldam fadunt. Sin aliquis erumpet amentia hominis furor, 
omnia sunt ad eum frangendum expedita. 8. Haeo ita sentio, 
iudioOy ad te ezplorate soribo. Dubitare te non adsentatorie sed 
frateme veto. Qua re suayitatifl equidem noetrae fruendae oaufla 
cuperem te ad id tempua venire quod dixeras, sed illud malo tamen 
quod putas magis e re tua; nam ilia etiam magni aeatimo, 
a/n^cXa^fav illam tuam et explioationem debitorum tuorum. Illud 
quidem sio habeto, nihil nobis expeditis, si valebimus, fore fortu- 
natius. Parva sunt quae desunt, pro nostris quidem moribus et 
ea sunt ad explicandum expeditissima, mode yaleamus. 4. Ambi- 
tus redit immanis. Numquam fuit par. Idib. Quint, fenus fuit 

hoe profseto qua9rii'\ 'Your question 
amounts to this,' because the question 
whether Qnintos would come to Some or 
not would depend on the further question, 
what kind of times they were ukely to 
hsTe at Bome. 

miUpUm$'\ Cicero's r^ly to the further 
question which he puts into the mouth of 
^uintns is: 'The year wiU either be a 
year of unbroken calm for me, or at least 
one in which my position will be impreg- 

thetUri 9igniJUatUm$i\ called M<n)- 
/iwrfof in Att i. 16, 11 (22) ; popnU 
iwteil/iaaiap, Att. ziy. 8, 2 (705). 

UbormU] This is the reading of kahnt 
for the manuscript lahormU quod tnea; 
which, though not certain, is as good as 
any oUier emendation that has been sug- 
gested. ' My friends feel no anxiety for 
me, through their oonsdouaness of my 
strong position in enjoying the fayour 
both of Caesar and of Fompey ' ; cp. muUo 
wuigU $si nohis labormdum do JfiiotLKM, 
xi. 12, 8 (427) ; labormndmn ut no, Fam. 
iz. 8, 1 (460). Wesenbeig would read noo 
laboranditm do moa oor^fidoiUia oopiarum. 
fiootroarymf but this is not so near the mss, 
and confldonHa with objeotiye gen. is yery 
rue. Madyig (A.C.ixi. 196) sees that ^fiotf 
is impossible, and in lahorttni some word 
must lie concealed which goes with 0011- 
#0Mfi({«. He proposes noo lahat aniigua 
oonooiontU. Schuts giyes laboramuo con" 

seiontiaf deleting qvod moa. 
amoniio hominis] P. Clodius. 

3. Qua ro , . , tuonm] * Wherefore I 
should indeed wish that you could come 
at the time you arranged,*for the sake of 
our pleasure in each other's society; but 
yet I desire more, that you should do what 
you think your interests demand [and 
stay in the camp^ of Caesar] ; for I yalne 
other considerations also, your being in 
easy circumstances and free from embar- 
rassments.' The words re iua ; nam are 
the emendation of Madyig {A. C. iii. 196) 
for oUam. Already Lambmus had sug- 
gested $rotua. wesenberg proposes to 
add after magio some such words as 
portinoro (or iniorogoo) ad noitram diffni' 

4. Ambituo] On the whole of this 
passage, cp. the yery similar place, 148, 
7 fP. * 149 2 8. 

leUb. Qmni,'] * On July 16 interest rose 
from 4 to 8 per cent.' Bribery became so 
eager, and oonsequently the demand for 
money was so great, that the rate of 
interest suddenly doubled itself. This 
was owing to an infamous compact made 
between the existing consuls L. Domitius 
Ahenobarbus and Appius Claudius Pulcher 
on the one hand, and the candidates for 
consulship, Cn. Domitius Calyinus and 
C. Memmius, on the other. The compact 
was a Strang one, and must be thoroughly 
understood if this passage and the corre- 

EP. 14£ (Q. FB. 11. U {ISh)). 147 

bessibns ex triente, ooitione Memmi et oonsulum cam Domitio : 
hano Soaunui uiioam vinoeret : Messalla flaooet* Non dioo vwep* 
/3oAac: vol HS oentiens conatituunt in praerogativa pronuntiare. 
Bes ardet invidia. Tribunioii oandidatd oompiomiflenmti HS 
quingenis in singolos apad M. Oatonem depoaitisy petere eins 
arbitratn, ut qui oontra f eoiBBet ab eo oondemnaretur. Quae 
quidem oomitia si gratuita fuexint, ut putantur, plus unus Gato 
potuerit quam omnes leges omnesque iudioes. 

apondiiif passages in the other letters are oandidates formed a 
to be nghtly apprehended. The eandi- their speeial ends ; 

a partnership to secure 
and the consuls also 

dates lor the' consulship for 701 f53) were fonned' a partnership to secure their 

0. Memmins, Gn. Domitius Calyinus, special ends: and the two sets of partners 

M. Yaleriut Messala, and M. AemUius enter into an agreement (pMiio) cp. 149, 

ScanmSy who had married Mucia Tertaa, 2. But it is quite possible that the reading 

the diroToed wife of Pompey (op. Asoon., has been carmpted through a confusion 

pp. 19, 20). Hemmius was fiftvoured by between the two Domitii. Perhaps we 

Caesar; Bcaurus at first by Pompey, should read eoUUnu ififmmi, quorum eti 

whose quaestor he had been in Asia. Bomitim^ cum Appio $t DomUio. This 

Pompey afterwards abandoned Scaurus. would then be another case of jNiro^^fy. 

Memmiua and Domitius made a compact But Cicero, in 149, 2, calls the candidate 

with the existing consuls, Appius and Domitius, perhaps to ayoid ambiguit;|f, 

Domitius, binding themselyes under a fine, eompetiior JOomUius^ aod in 149, 8, Oaivi' 

in return for the consuls' influence at nw. The margin of Lambinus' edition 

the apraoaofaing election, to produce (if reads quam eum Jkmiiio habuU. Bcauru$ 

elected} three augurs who should teetizy vult vincert. 

that a km curiata had passed, conferring uHnam vineersQ Scaurus seemed now 

on the outgoing consuls the imperium in to haye the best chance, being backed by 

the proTxnoes assigned to them, and two Pompey, who, however, subsequently 

consulars who should affirm that a decree abandoned him ; Scaurum auiim iampri' 

had been passed in the senate for the dem FampHui aiUcii : 159, 8. 

equipment of those provinoes, though no MestaUa] He and Domitius Calyinus 

such Ug curiata or decree had eyer been were tiie consuls for 701 (68). 

passed at all, the whole thing being a S8 ccnticm] 10,000,000 sesterces » 

complete fabrication. The issue of the about £85,000. 

compact was disastrous. Memmius, at prommtiare'] * to contract to pay ' ; op. 

the mstigation of Pompey, laid the whole Clu. 78 ; Plane. 45 ; Att. L 16, 18 (22|. 

matter before the senate. Doubtless he compromucrunQ This is the regular 

looked on the dictatorship of Pompey as word for entering into an agreement to 

a certainty, and hoped that in that eyent abide by the dedsion of an arbitrator, 

he wonld be more than compensated for S8 quinffcnis] 5000 ictUriia a-piece, 

his treachery. Pompey hated the existing that is, 500,000 sesterces, which would 

oonsula, wished to counteract Caesar, who amount to more than' £4000 each. This 

fayouxed Ifemmius, and desired an inter' sum was to be de]^ted in the hands of 

fvj^fittsi, as a step towards his dictatorship. Gato, to be forfeited by the candidate 

Caesar was highly indijsnant at the con- whose conduct Cato should not approve, 

duct of Memmius, which no doubt pre- and put to the credit of the rival candi- 

dpitated his breach with Pompey and his dates. This is a strong tribute to the 

piurty. character of M. Cato^ who was praetor 

coUi&mc Mcmmi ct eomukm] ' By means this year, 

of the coalition which Memmius and the ffratuita] * pure,' ' without bribery.' 

consuls have established with Domitius.' potucritA^ 'will be shown to have moi« 

For M< 9«0 of M we read ci contuhun weight' This use of the future is very 

(a ct Mt.fas we find in 148, 2 coitio mm- common in Plautus and Terence ; op. 

iulum. The regular word for forming also Juv. i. 126 quiacctf 'she will be 

a partnership is cairc $ocictatcm. The found to be asleep.' 


EP. IAS {ATT. IV. 15). 

148. TO ATTIOUS, nr Abia (Att. iv. w). 

BOMB ; J0LT 27 ; A. IT. C. 700 ; B. a M ; ABT. CIC. ff2. 

Be Batjohida maau bumo, de itinare Attid Aiuiiioo, do littarif suif ad Attioiiiii in 
Bpimm aiivk, de indioiia Bomae laetia qoibua Sufenaa et Cato abaoluti, ProeOiua 
oondemBatna ait, de eanm BeatinoniiBy de yiota cam Azio, de reditu Bomam Fontei 
caoia a. d. to. Id. Quint., de ipeotacalis et ladis, de ambita propter oomitia initantia 
de qmbm moz aeenratiiia loriptamm te pioniittit, gi facta aint, de defenaione Meaai et 
de oeteria ad quae ae paxat defennooibaa, de Q. fratre in Britanniam cum Oaeaaie 
proleetoy de Dionjaio a le enpeotato. 


1. De Entyohide gratum, qui vetere praenominei novo nomine 
T. erit GftedliiiB, at ert ex me et ex te iunctuB DionysiiuB, M. Pom- 
ponioB. Yalde meheroole mihi gratom est Eatyohidem tuam erga 
me beneYolentiam oognoBse et suam illam in meo dolore a^iyatk' 
Ouav neqne turn mihi obflcuram neque poet ingratam f uisse. 2. Iter 
Afiiatioum tuom puto tibi susoipiendum fnisse. Numquam enim 
tu sine iustiBsima oanaa tam longe a tot tuis et hominibuB et rebue 
oariBsimis et saayiBaimiB abesBo YolaisseB. Sed humanitatem tnam 
amoremque in tuos reditoB oeleritaB dedarabit. Sed vereor ne 
lepore suo detineat diutius praetor Clodius, et homo pereruditus, ut 
ainnt, et nunc quidem dedituB Graeoifi litteris Pituanius. Bed, bi 

1. Svtyihid^] Attioua had manumitted 
a alaTe, Sutyohidea, at the request of 
Oioero. Hia new name aa a freedman waa 
to include Titua, the old ffraenomen of 
Attions, and the ndmm GaeeiUus, recently 
aeanmed by Attioua on his adoption. 

Dionifsiut] He waa a literary slaye of 
Attioua, in whom Oioero took an interest. 
He assumed on manumission part of the 
name of Attioua, aa well as the pramotnen 
of Oioero. 

twtm trga m$] ' That your manumia- 
sion of him waa a compliment to m6, and 
that his sympathy with me in my trouble 
was not unnoted then, or forgotten after- 

2. amoremni^ tn tuoi] < Your lo?e for 
your friends.' 

proftcr Clodiut] He was probably 0. 
Claudius Puldher, brother of the tribune 

P. dodius, and waa pxooonaul of Aaia in 
699-700 (66-64): op. Schol. Bob. 874, 
376. Howerer, Bosius may be tight in 
readiuff rhetor^ and supposing him to be 
Sex. Clodius, the Sicilian rhetorician con« 
temptoooaly mentioned in the Philippioa 
(ii. 42, 48 ; iiL 22). Notice U omitted 
after iiiiniat. For a most extenaiye list 
of such omissions, see Lebreton, pp. 166- 
166— a fine monument of research. 

Oraseit liiUrii] This is usufdly ex- 
pliuned as a jestiiiff reference to accounts, 
which would (perbaps) be drawn up in 
Greek in the East, or to business with 
Greeks, which Pituanius might haye been 
transacting for Atticua. It is also sup- 
posed that lipin'i mc, aboye, is ironical. 
Possibly it ia ; but we do not see why we 
should not recogniae in the words aoout 
Pituanius a seiioua statement. 

EP. IhS {ATT. IV. 16). 


via homo esae, redpe te ad nos ad quod temptiB oonfixnuuitL Gum 
illiB tamen oum salvi yenerint Bomae Tiyere lioebit. 3. Avere te 
BoribiB aooipere aliqxdd a me litterarom: dedi ao midtis quidem de 
rebus, iiiupoXty^v penoripta omnia, Bed, nt oonioio, quoniam mihi 
non Tideris in Epiro din faisBe, redditaB tibi non arbitror. Genua 
autem mearum ad te quidem litterarum eiuB modi fere est ut non 
libeat ouiquam dare, nisi de quo ezploratum sit tibi eum redditn- 
rum. 4. Nuno Bomauaa ree aooipe. A. d. ini. Non. Quint. 
Suf enae et Cato abeoluti, ProeiliuB oondemnatuB. Ex quo intelleo- 
tum est r/oc^ap€£09rayfrac ambitum, oomitia, interregnum, maies- 
tatem, totam denique rem publioam flood non faoere : [debemus] 
patrem familiaB domi Buae oooidi nolle, neque tamen id ipsum 
abtmde : nam abeolyerunt xxii., oondemnarunt xxix. PubliuB 
Bane diaerto epilogo oriminana mentea iudioum oommoyerat. 
Hortalua in ea oauaa fuit ouiua modi aolet. Noa yerbum nullum. 
Yerita eat enim puaiUa, quae nunc laborat, ne aniTnum Publi 
offenderem. 5. Hia rebua aotia Beatini me ad aua riforn duxerunt, 
ut agerem oausam contra Interamnatis apud oonaulem et deoem 

homo #fM] < to take your place in the 
▼orld ' ; xiot to be a recluie deyoted to 
etndiee: cp. AtL ziii. 52, 2 (679) hominet 
oiti tumm. For homo oontratted with 
oitf op. note 131, 4. 

4. zzn.1 So Boot: cp. Aaoonius, p. 19, 
2 Or. The mea give in. 

Sttfenaa et Cato] They were accused 
under the Lex Fofia apparently for 
obitraotion in preventing the holding of 
the elections: cp. 106, 6 and 144, 6. 
Prooilius was found guil^, it would seem, 
on a charge of murder : op. 164, 8 omuM 
ab$olo0tUurf nee posthoe gitie^uam damtM' 
hiiur met ^i hominem oeeiderit. 

rpio'apeioirayiTas'} 'Biff-wigs.' 

debemut'] The word is only found in A ; 
it is not in 2: see Adn. Grit It is tightly 
bracketed hy Wesenberg, who supposes 
that it wvs inserted by a scribe who did 
not see that nolle depends on intelieetum 
eet. It would be somewhat abrupt to pass 
from roioapewitnyiras to not, as the per- 
sons whose views are mentioned. 

ooeidi] The mss haye ooeuf^tf. Perhaps 
Cicero wrote oeeidere rewn nolle. The 
reum might haye fallen out by reason of 
the -r# in oeeidere. 

. . . . 

xxEL.] The usual number 
of a jury was about seyenty (cp. 162, 1, 
and Asoon. 30). It is difficult, as Hr. 

G-reenidge shows {Froeedure, p. 447 f .}» to 
explain so low a number as fifty. 

epilofo'] 'peroration': op. Plane. 88 
hie eliam adduUeti me ideireo mea legt 
extiUo omkUmm taeufiete tU mieerabilioret 
epilog poeeem dieere: cp. De Orat ii. 
278, and AristoUe Bhet. iii. 19. 

erimimme^ Hadyig (A. 0. iu. 176) 
adds me before meniee. He thinks that 
Clodius oould not haye influenced the 
minds of the jurors against the defen- 
dants, for two were acquitted, and the 
third all but acquitted ; and that it will 
giye a reason, too, why Cicero tenders an 
excuse for not haying made a vejlj. Bat 
Stemkopf (p. 27) is right in considering 
that the word ^ould not be added : the 
object to eriminam is ewn, understood, not 

Sortolut"] i.e. Hortensius. 

Not verbunAwUtm] so. feeimut : cp. 
Alt. i. 18, 6 (24) Crattut oerbum nullum 
contra griuiam ; 160, 3 ewn ille verbum 
nullum : cp. also { 6, below. 

putUla'] Cicero's daughter, Tullia. 

6. eontulem] Note the consul adjudi- 
cating on questions of propei*ty between 
the cities of Italy. As Hr. Greenidge 
(Roman Publie Life, n. 199) says, they 
doubtless acted on the instructions of 
the senate. 


EP. IkS {ATT. IV. 16). 

legatoBy qnod laoos Yelinus, a W. Curio emissus, interoiBO monte, 
in Narem defluit : ez quo eet ilia siooata et umida iameii modioe 
Bosia. Yixi oum Azio: qui etiam me ad Septem aquas duzit. 
6. Bedii Bomam Fontei oausa a. d. vii. Idua Quint. Yeni in 
speotaoulum, primum magno et aequabili plausu — aed hoc ne 
ourarifl : ego ineptus qui soripBerim — » deinde Antiphonti operam. 
Ib erat ante manu missus quam produotus. Ne diutius pendeas, 
pahnam tulit. Bed nihil tarn puBillum, nihil tarn sine voee, nihU 
tarn . • . Yerum haeo tu tecum habeto. In Andromacha tamen 
maior fuit quam Astyanaz: in ceteris parem habuit neminem. 
Quaeris nunc de ArbuBoula: yalde plaouit. Ludi magniflci et 
gratL Yenatio in aliud tempus dilata. 7. Sequere nunc me in 
campum. Ardet ambitus : <miM Si roi Iplia. Fenus ez triente 
Idib. Quint. &otum erat bessibus. Dioesi 'istuo quidem non 
moleste fero/ virum ! eivem I Memmium Gaesaris omnes 
opes oonflrmant. Oum eo Domitium consules iunzerunt, qua pac- 
tione epistulae committere non audeo. Pompeius fremit, queritur. 

Uem VtHUmu • . . Jfarvm] cp. Tacit. 
Ann. L 79. We luiTe no infonnfttion as 
to the exaet nature of tlie emua in which 
Cicero was engaged. In Tacitus the 
Beatines protested against an ohstruction 
of the 2mm Fi/tftMf . 

e» quti] *hy which means the cele- 
brated Bosia has been sared from inirn- 
datioo, though it still retains a fair 
amount of moisture.' J2mm, or Ito$€a 
(see Adn. Crit.), was a toty fertile plain 
in Beate, of which Yairo (B. B. i. 7. 10) 
relates that Caesar Yopiscus, oidiliciua 
cmuam cum agwH upud oentorti, campoi 
Soaus JtttUoi dixit eue tumm ; in quo 
nlieUi periiea poitr%di$ non appanr$t 
propUr hnbam. Hence Cicero calls it 
ilia, 'the famous Bosea.' Bosea, now 
Le Boscie» is deriyed from ros ror%i» It 
IB mentioned by Virgil, Sotea rura VcHni, 
Aen. Tii. 712. Cicero makes reference to 
this Tisit to Beate in his speech JPro 
Semtro (§ 27} deliTered Sipt. 2 of this 

SepUm uquU\ a pttgui belonging to 
the territory of "Keate. For inscriptions 
erected by this piuftu^ see C. I. L. iz. 
4206-4208 (and Hommsen thereon)i and 

6. Fimtii'l We know nothing about 
this case. 

fin MTipMrtm] ' to mention it.' On 
the estimate which Cicero set on applause 

giyen in the theatre to dintinguished men^ 
see Best. 116. Horaoe seems to haye set 
a higher yalue on it (Caim. ii. 17, 26 ; 
L 20, 8). 

cperQm\ so. d$ii^ * turned my attention 
to ' : on. 127, 8 cpiram tUdiiU Itotoffcni 
tuo. This is a rare eUipse ; yet cp. AtL 
ziy. 12, 1 (716) muUa iUis Caemr (so. 
didit) . . . etai LatinHat trai nonfirttuh. 
It is Tory similar to that of fecit in } 4. 
Antipho was an actor. He was manu- 
mitted before he was brought out {prO' 
dudfu) by bis master, who felt quite sure 
that he would be a success. 

Ad^anax] So small was Antipho that, 
in enacting the part of Andromache, he 
had to congratulate himself that there 
was one smuler penon on the stage, the 
little boy Astyanaz. 

parcm] ie. ncn maicrcm, 'only the 
same sise as himself.' 8o in Att. ii. 14, 
2 (41) parcm is usually taken to mean 
* only equal to,' though it is doubtful if 
that is the right interpretation of the 

Arhuseula] The cxphca Arbuteuia of 

Vcnxtut] < Fighting with wild beasts.' 

7. Ardctl * IB at boiling point.' See 
last letter (9 4) on this section. 

non moleiicfcro] A money-lender, like 
Atticus, would regard with complacency 
the rise in the rate of interest 

JEP. IJiS {ATT. IV. 15). 


Soauro stadet, sed utram fronte an mente dubitatur* ^E^oxn iu 
Hullo eat : peounia omnimn dignitatem exaequat. Messalla languet, 
non quo aui animus deait aut amioiy sed ooitio oonsulum ei 
Pompeius obsunt. Ea oomitia puto fore ut ducantur. Tribunioii 
oandidati iurarunt se arbitrio Gatonis petituros. Apud eum HS 
quingena deposuerunt, ut qui a Catone damnatus esset id perde- 
ret et oompetitoribus tribueretur. 8. Haeo ego pridie soribebam 
quam oomitia fore putabantur. Bed ad te, y. Eal. Sext. si faota 
erunt et tabellarius non erit prof ectus, tota oomitia persoribam : 
quae si, ut putantur, gratuita fuerint, plus unus Cato potuerit 
quam omnes leges omnesque iudioes. 9. Messius defendebatur a 
nobis de legatione revooatus : nam eum Oaesari legarat Appius. 
Ser?ilius edixit ut adesset. Tribus habet Pomptinam, Yelinam, 
Jfaeoiam. Pugnatur aoritar: agitur tamen satis. Delude me 
ezpedio ad Drusum, inde ad Soaurum. Parantur orationibus 
indices gloriosL Fortasse aooedent etiam oonsules designati : in 
quibus si Soaums non fuerit, in hoc iudioio yalde laborabit. 
10. Ex Quinti fratris litteris suspioor iam eum esse in Britannia. 
Buspenso animo exspeoto quid agat. Hind quidem sumus adepti, 
quod multis et magnis indioiis possumus iudioare nos Oaesari 
et oarissimos et iuoundissimos esse. Dionysium velim salvere 
iubeas et eum roges et hortere ut quam primum yeniat, ut poesit 
Gioeronem meum atque etiam me ipsum erudire. 

frmtU an menUi] For another eoomple 
of the oppoaition of these worda, cp. 
Piano. 16. 

'E|«X^1 'a lead.' 

iticmvtur] ' postponed.' 

9. JVMiitM] He had interested himself 
for Cioero's recall : op. Post red. in Sen. 
21 : and had proposed extrayagant powers 
for PompoY as com commissioner [90, 7). 
Bat the charge here referred to is pro- 
bably one under the Lez Lioinia d^ 
aoMmis, for illenl prooedure in refe- 
renoe to his candidature for the curule 
aedileahip. Appius tried to ssto him bv 
procming him the post of l^Mhu with 
Caesar ; but Serdlius the praetor did not 
conaider that this was a fkir ease of 
absenoe mpn^/iMM ^omMi so he cited 
Msasins to appear. In a trisl under the 
Lez licinia, the prosecutor named [§didiCi 
four tribes of which the accused could 

reject one, and the jury was chosen out 
or the remaining tbree. This procedure 
is weU known from the Oration ISv 
JPUumo: cp. Oreenidge, iViMMkirv, pp. 
468, 464. 

I>nmm] op. 144, 6; 147, 8; 149, 6. 
He was accused of pra$varieaiio, and 
aoouitted by four Totes. 

Sctturum] The trial of Scaurus for 
extortion was a great case. He had six 
orators speaking for him, and nine oon- 
sulan bMring witness to oharaoter (As- 
oonius,pp.20,28). Scaurus was acquitted 
b^ a large majorit3r on September 2, only 
ei^ht in a court of six^-flye voting andnst 
him (ib. 80 ; cp. 149, 4, 6) ; though his 

Stilt apjMars to haye been evident (Yal. 
ax. vui. 1, 10^. 

oMMEmf] 'will be added to thenumber 
of my clients ' (as rH d$ mnbitu). 


SP. lU {ATT. IV. 16). 

144. TO ATTIOUS ik Epibus (Att. iv. le). 
bomb; JULY 1 OB 2; A. u. c. 70o; b. c. 64; abt. cia 62. 

M. Oioero moltis ab Attioo acoeptis litteris ad imam potiaimum giayem et plenam 
rarnrn reMriMt de M. Paodo ab Attioo oommendato, de M. Varrone in aliquem looam 
librornm de le pnblioa inoludendo, de Scaerolae pexMiia in libiii de ontote ab Attioo 
deei derita , de re Filiae, de Yeetorio, de C. Oatone abeolnto lege lunia et liouDiay 
aoonaato lege Faila, de Draao, de Pxooilio, de Hino» de leiiatas ooneulto quod ooofulee 
de proyineiiB feoeront, de Meaaalla et Domitio oonBnHbiu, nt videbatar, futuria et de 
ratioDe oomitionim. Beinoeps de d. ftatzis litteria e Gallia miasiB, de exita belli 
Britumioi eztpeetato, de baailica Aemilia in foro eediflcate et aliia aedifioationibiu» de 
Attioi itinera Aaiatioo et oommeroio littecarum inter ae et Atdoum. 

1. Oooupationum mearum vel hoc signum erit, quod epigtula 

liommaan {Zntaeh, fur die Alt, 1846, 
No. 98) raatored the laat lettera of tbe 
fonrUi book to Attaoua to their true form, 
fie peroeiTed that the leayea of the arohe- 
t^pe muat hare been tranapoaed. Before 
ma diaoorery, parta of aeparate lettera had 
been read aa one letter, and one and the 
aame letter had been broken np to form 
parta of many. The Orellian order reata 
on the aupooaed eodio$9 of Boaiua, and 
may, therazore, be readily abandoned. 
Lambinua adopted a third arrangement, 
that, too, different from the arrangement 
of if. The numbera between aquare 
braoketa indicate the pre-Mommaenian 
order. See alao Addenda to the Com- 
mentary, Note y. 

Conaiderable difficultiea arise aa to the 
date of thia letter. In { 6 (« 17, 2 of 
the pre-Mommaenian arrang^ent), we 
read that Soauma had becm proaeouted by 
Triariua. The date of that proaeoution 
haa been fixed abaolutely by Aaooniua, 
19, 9 Or. (a p. 17, 1 ed. Eieaaling and 
Schoell) poihUettu <Mt> apud M. Gate 
fiem prM$tor§m repetwndarum^ nt in Actit 
tcriptum ut^ pridi$ fthia ia the beat 
atteated reading : Orefii girea pottridi*] 
Nmat Qmntil. poH diim tertiwn quam 
<C> CaU 0rat abaoluitu. Thia neoeaai- 
tatea the alteration of Hi to iiii Komu 
in 16, 4: and, if the Mommaenlan ar- 
rangement of 16 ia to hold, it would 
appear at firat aight that we cannot 

date 16 earlier than July 6. Banachen 
(p. 64) thinka that i B ib part of a letter 
which Oioero wrote between 16 and 16, 
and appeals to the mutUation of 18, and 
the generally diaordered atate of the 
lettera at the end of Att. W. He thinka 
the remainder of 16 waa written ahortly 
before July 4th, when Oato had not yet 
been acquitted on the ohaige of yiolatmg 
the Funan law, and Procuiua had been 
condemned (16, 6 compared with 16, 4).' 

Eomer (pp. 44, 46) advea the difficulty 
by auppoaing the date giren by Aaooniua 
to be wrong. But Aaooniua giyea the date 
ao TOiy preciaely, mentioning not only the 
day, but adding ita poaition aa regarda the 
acquittal of Cato, and atating that he had 
found the date in the Acta, that we cannot 
adopt thia hypotheaia. 

But the tnie explanation is probably 
that girenj by Stemkopf (SermM, 41 
(1906), p. 16), that the whole letter was 
written about July lat; and that when 
Aaooniua aaid that Scaurua posiulatut est, 
he waa uaing the word generally in the 
aenae of ' proaecute,' a usage frequently 
found. Mr. Greenidge {Froeidure, p. 469) 
refeia to Fam. yiii 8, 2 (223), Q. Fr. ii. 
3, 6 (102), Tat. 84, Cornel, ap. Aaconiuxn, 
p. 62. But though Aaooniua used thia 
word pcittMWf he waa not referring to 
the pottuUitio in the atrict aenae, but to 
the fMiiiiffw delatio, a proceeding aubae- 
quentdto the poitulatio, cp. Fam. nii. 

EP. Ikk {ATT. ir. 16). 


librari manu est De epistularam frequentia te nihil aoonso, sed 
pleraeqne tantum modo xnihi nuntiabant nbi esses : quod eraut abs 
te yel etiam signifioabant reote esse. Quo in genere masdme de- 
leotarnnt duae, fere eodem tempore abs te Buthroto datae. Scire 
euim Tolebam te oommode navigasse. Sed haeo epistularum fre- 
quentia non tarn ubertate sua quam orebritate delectavit. lUa f uit 
gravis et plena remm quam mihi M. Paooius, hospes tuus, reddi- 
dit. Ad eam resoribam igitur, et hoc quidem primum : Paodo et 
oratione et re ostendi quid tua oommendatio ponderis haberei. 
Itaque in intimis est meis, cum antea notus non fuisset. Nunc 
pergam ad cetera. 2. Yarro, de quo ad me scribis, inoludetur in 
aliquem loctan, si modo exit locus. Sed nosti genus dialogorum 
meorom : ut in oratoriis quos tu in caelum fers non potuit mentio 
fieri cuiusquam ab iis qui disputant nisi eius qui ilUs notus aut 
auditus esset: ita banc ego de re publica quam institui dispu- 
tationem in AMcani personam et Phili et Laeli et Manili contuli : 
adiunzi adulescentis, Q. Tuberonemi P. Butilium, duo Laeli 
generosy Soaevolam et Fannium. Itaque cogitabam, quoniam in 

6, 1 (242) intir poiiulatwtum H nmmmt 
tklatiorum uxwa Doldbtlla dUc$mt ; and 
this, M Stemkopl sbowB, is borne out by 
the hct that Asoonius in the next clause 
speaks of the subMriptwet, who are asso- 
ciated in Boman oiiminal procedure vitii 
the ffomtntj dtiaiio, 

1. frvquMiia] * Touching your regu- 
laritjr as a correspondent, I haye no charge 
to bring against you. ' See note On Att L 
5, 2 (1). 

vel 0tiam . . . eise] Most edd. bracket 
these words as spurious, understanding 
a damo Uia JBvthroio by abt t#, and rightly 
regarding the clause as a meaningless 
repetition if thus underrtood. Otners 
transpose the words to stand after msm and 
before ^od, understanding guod erant db$ 
t$ to mean < Uie fact that the letters were 
written by your own hand.' [This is, I 
think, right. If we do not make the 
tranapoeitton, the vl (if taken with 
tign^Hedbant) is superfluous. It is dif&- 
oult to beliere that Cicero oould haye 
meant «#/ to go with recte mm.— L.G.P.] 
I understand these words in this last 
sense, but I do not see why we should 
resort to transposition. Punctuated as in 
my text, the meaning is: 'in that they 
were written by your own hand they eyen 
showed further that you were well.' Vtil 

is often intensiye in Cicero with yerbs, 
as well as adjectiyes, substantiyes, and 
adyerbs : cp. vel Btn^B lUet, Acad. ii. 93 ; 
cum V0l uhmdare debeam, Att. xy. 16, 3 
(748) according to some mss. The fact 
that here «#/ is separated from the word 
which it qualifies £>rms no difficulty ; we 
haye in PlauU Stioh. 721 vel eadut vorti 
potest, where vel goes with vorti, A fair 
sense would emerge eyen if we took quod 
eremi abt te to merely mean ' the fact that 
the letters were from you' : the fact that 
Attious wrote at all sayed Cicero from 
apprehensions about his health, which he 
might haye felt if he had not heard from 
him. It was the letters addressed from 
his house in Buthrotum that for the first 
time showed Cicero that Atticus had got 
safely oyer his sea yoyage. 

oratione et re} Bee Adn. Ciit This 
antithesis is common in Cicero, e.g. £pi' 
eurue re tollit oratione reUnquit deoe, 
K. B. i. 128. So in Plautus, as in Epid. 


' Nam quid te iffitur roftulit 
Beneficna esse orahotie li aa rem aaziliimi 

2. «fi aUquem loeum\ In the dialogue 
of Cicero de Bepublica. 

FhiW] P. Fttlyius Philus, cons. 618 


SP. lU {ATT. IF. 16). 

aLagulis UhriB utor prohoemiis, ut Aiistoteles in iis quoB cI^«m*^ikouc 
Tooat, aliquid effioere, ut non sine oansa istnm appellaiem : id quod 
intdllego tibi plaoere. TJtinam modo oonata effioere possini I Bern 
eninii quod te non fugit, magnam oomplexus sum et gravem et 
plurimi oti, quo ego mazime egeo. 3. Quod in iia libris quoB 
laudas personam decdderas Soaerolae, non earn temere dimoTi sed 
fed idem qiiod in iroXcrs/g dens ille noster Plato. Cum in Pirae- 
eum Soorates venisset ad Gephalum, locupletem et festiTam senem, 
quoad primus ille sermo habetnr, adest in disputando senezi deinde 
oum ipse quoque oommodissime locutus esset, ad lem divinam 
didt se velle disoedere neque postea revertitur. Credo Platonem 
vix putasse satis oonsonum fore si hominem id aetatis in tarn longo 
sermone diutius retinuisset. Kulto ego magis hoc mihi oaTendum 
putayi in Soaevola, qui et aetate et valetudine erat ea qua eum 
esse meministi et iiB honoribus ut yiz satis decorum videretur eum 
pluzis dies esse in Crassi Tusculano. Et erat primi libri sermo 
non alienus a Scaevolae studiis. Beliqui libri rcxvoXoyfav habent, 
ut sois. Huic ioculatorem senem ilium, ut noras, interesse sane 
noluL — 4. De re Piliae, quod scribis, erit mihi ourae. Etenim est 
luculenta res Aureliani, ut soribisi indioiis, et in eo me etiam 
TuUiae meae venditlibo. Yestorio non desum. Qratum enim tibi 
id esse intellego et ut ille intellegat euro. Sed scis qui «tY; 
oum habeat duo faoilis, nihil difficdlius. 6. Nunc ad ea quae 
quaeriB de C. Catone. Lege lunia et lioinia sois absolutum: 

ilmrtfiKohs'] '|>opuIar.' These dia- 
logues axe those irhion Cioero imitates, 
aiM which snggested to him those criti- 
eisms on the style d Aristotle which seem 
so unsuiteble to his extant works. See 
168, 28. For the ^Ivrfpiicol xiiyoi of 
Aristotle, see Grant's BthUt of Aristotle^ 
Tol. i., pp. 897-408. 
ilium j * your friend Varro.' 
8. non MSI Umar$ dimovi] ' not with- 
out good cause,' o&k Ms, Q. Muoius 
Soaevola, the au^, son-in-law of L. 
Orassus, appears m the first hook, JDo 
OrtUortf but not in the following. We 
may perhaps gather frtmi Lael. 1 {multa 
lir^iUr it eammode dieta) that he was 
a sayer ol bom mott: and perhaps in 
addition to the reasons assigned in the 
next sentence Cioero thought that a man 
of his character and temperament should 
not take part in a technical discussioil. 

iooulaiorom] See Adn. Crit. 

4. Aurolitmi . . . indMW] ' according 
to the information given by Aurelianus.' 

vmSUabo] Tullia was greatly attached 
to Pilia (107, 2). 

Sod oHi qni iW] * hut pray don't you 
know what kind of f Alow he is P 
Nothing could be harder to deal with than 
he^ is, although he has two such easy- 
going friends as you and I.' 

6. a CaUmtiJ op. 148, 4. 

Junta ot Xmimm] This enacted no 
clam aorario legem firri licoroi (SchoL 
Bob., p. 810), which seems to mean that 
a copy of erery law must be deposited in 
the aorarium when it was promulgated (see 
Greenidge's Soman Htblio Law, p. 256, 
who refers to Cicero de Legibus iii. 11 
promulgaia pmpotita in oerario oognita 

EP. IkU {ATT. IV. 16). 155 

Fofia ego tibi nmitio abflolatam iii, neqae patronis suis tarn liben- 
tibos quam aooasatoribus. Is tamen et meoum et oom Milone in 
gratiam rediit. DrnmiB reoB est faotos a Lucretio. ludidbus 
reiioieudifl die% eat dietm a. d. y. Non Quint. De Prooilio rumores 
non boni, sed indicia nosti. Hirras com Domitio in gratia est. 
SenatuB oonsnltom qnod hi oonsnles de proyinoiis f eoemnt, qxticum- 
QUB F08THAC, non mihi videtnr esse Yaliturnm. 6. [ep. XYIL 2.] 
De ICessalla qnod qnaeris, qnid soribam neeoio : numquam ego vidi 
tarn paris candidatos. ICessallae copias nosti. Soanmm Triaiins 
ream fecit Si quaeris, nnlla est magno opere oommota ovfuriBiia. 
Sed tamen babet aedilitas eins memoriam non ingratam et est 
pondns apnd rostiooB in patris memoria. Beliqni duo plebeii sio 
ezaeqnantur, Domitins ut valeat amioisy adiuvetur tamen non 
nihil gratlBsimo mnnere ; Memmins Oaesaris oommendetnr militibns, 
Pompei G-allia nitatnr. Onibns si non valuerit, pntant fore ali- 
qnem qui oomitia in adTentum Oaesaris detrudat, Gatone praeser- 
tim absolute. 7. Pacoianae epistulae respondi : [ep. XYI. 13.] 
cognosce cetera^ Ez fratris litteris incredibilia quaedam de 

^JUt] See tqL P., AMmUlM to Oomm.^ prosttwferU maret civiUi maiuipts tit 

note 2. SuUts malmn tantaprvngni poimUa qumn 

Induibut . . . QmrnW] 'ThedaySzed proamptio tot mUivm. 

for the ohallenjemg of the juron is the ^mdrwtioot] * with the roetic tribes.' 

3rd of July.' For ihrueiu and ProoiliiiB, mAO] added by Wesenberg. Stemkopf 

•ee Att. 148, 9, and 4. would retain the me reading, understandinjip 

Etrruo] The first mentkm of this man non fraiiotimo to mean ' even though it 

in the Correspondence. For a general was not yery popular.' 

sketch of his career see toI. III., p. 805. miUtihuo\ Me on 160, 8. 

hi eonouUt] The oonsuk of this year Fompoi GaUia nitatur] &aUia iB the 

L. Bomitius Ahenobsrbus and Appius readingofM': but it is a strange reading. 

Claudius Puleher. If it is ri^ht^ it must refer to the colonies 

QUicuMQUB posTHAo] The first words founded m Cisalpine Gaul by Cn. Pom- 

ol the bill introduced by the oonsuls. peius Strabo, the electors in which were 

6. Meualla^ The four candidates for deroted to Fompey who was fsTOurable 

the consulship were two patricians M. toMemmius. But it is possible that ^n/ta, 

Valerius Messalla, M. Aeniilius Scaurus, the reading of IP, is ri^ht. Dr. Beid 

and two plebeians, Cn. Domitius Calvinus suggests Fompoio et Gallia, 

and C. Memmius : cp. 142, 4. aUguom] Borne tribune who will be 

aodilitoi] Scaurus (cp. 148, 9) was rery ready for a daring measure, now 

aedile id 696 (68). His ahows were of that C. Cato has been acquitted, and has 

the most splendid nature, uid notorious not suffered for the illegal acta of his 

for many generations: op. Sest. 116, tribunate. 

Off.ii. 67; Asoon., p. 18Mm/i<4i<Ma ffumma 7. cognotot oetora'] The paragraphs 

ma^n{/lcontia gootit (Scaunu) adoo ut in from this to the end of the letter are 

#ttff imponsas opot ouao abiumpoorit mag* <>y"ff^ according to Mommsen's srrange- 

nrnnqm oom alionitm eontraxorit. They are ment as {{ 7 and 8 of Ep. 144, interreninff 

often mentioned by Pliny the Blder ; see between JPaooianae tpittulao roopondi and 

esp. zzzyi. 118 doooHmut inoomam oorum 2fmo to obiwgari patoro § 9 ; and this is 

(Caligula and Nero) viotamprioatii opibuo rigjit. Holiapfel, howerer (Hennes, 

M. Seaurif ouiut noocio m aodilitao mawimo (1890), pp. 682-6), has argued that these 


EP. lU {ATT. IV. IS). 

OaeMiii in me amore oognovi, eaqae sunt ipdui OMflaria 
litterifl oonfinnata. Britaimioi belli ezitns ezspeotatur. OonBtat 
enim oditns insolae esse muratos miiiflois moliboB. Etiam illud 
iam oognitnm est, neque argenti soripiilum esse ullam in ilia insola 
neqne nllam spem praedae nisi ez manoipiiB, ex quibns nnllos puto 
te littaiis ant mosiois eruditos ezspeotare. 8. [14.] PanllnB in medio 
f oro baailioam iam paene texerat iisdem antiquis oolnnmia : illam 

Mnpaphs oaimot bdong to tldf letter : 
for It wu ipritten early in July, and 
Ctfmr did not eren eroa into Britain 
until the end of the month. It would 
Im eniiova to ipeak of the ^nd UsUma) ci 
the ei^^editioa bebg looked for before the 
expedition had begun. But Stemkopf 
(HenneBi zli (1906), p. 19) haa admirably 
aolyed the diinoulty. It was in Caeear^a 
eamp that the iasue of the expedit^n 
ezdted the interaat; and the aentenoe 
Mfuta^ mtim aditut iniula$, fto., ahowa 
that the erpedition had not beg;un. 
Oaeaar'a aeeond expedition to Britain aeema 
to hnre been a matter of intereat to the 
Bomana in Gaul all through Uie aummer 
of 700 (64) ; and Cicero ia oonatantly 
alluding loit : 186, 2 ; 137, 1, 2 ; 141, 2. 
In the preaent paaaage Cicero it plainly 
relating to Attioua the puiport of lettera 
he had reoeiyed from the camp in GauL 

murmiat] * walled.' We are afraid we 
ahall be aoeuaed of raahneaa in aaeribing 
to Gioero here (aa Juniua already did) a 
quite poat-olaasical word. The maa read 
mif>tU$, and munitut is the uniyeraaUy 
accepted correction. But why then do 
the maa nye ua fninUoB ? On the other 
hand, if Cicero wrote muratot — ^in itaelf a 
yery good word— the maa would be kwZT- 
nifk ctrimn to preaent nUraiot. Hence 
it ii probable that Cicero here, in a letter 
to a friend, uaed an expreaeion vigoroue 
and pictureaque here, but not found a^ain 
in extant daaaical literature. But it ia 
unlikely that any copyiit found the 
obriona muniioi (though that reading ia 
found in E), and wrote tiie inexplicable 
minUot, But if he found the iwaf 
flfnifUpw muratoif he would be nearly 
certidn to write fniratot, a common word 
Tery near it in form ; and that without at 
aU troubling himself aa to the aenae of the 
paaaage ; juat ai a compoaitor will aet up 
' seriona effuaion ' if one writes ' aeroua 
effnaion.' Such is the inyariable practice 
of the beat copyiata. By 'beat' is meant 
thoae who did not aasume the functiona 
of an editor, but wrote down either the 

right word, or the wrong word which 
leads to the rifht We mnat remember 
that we haye m theee letteKi a unique 
department of Utaratnre. A man mignt 
eaaily^ write in a letter that the approSeh 
to Britain waa 'abaolntelyrmifMrM with 
maaaea of diiF,' thoua^ he woiild not uae 
that word in a fonnaf compoaition meant 
for the public. £yen now one usee worda 
like 'interviewed' in a priyate letter, 
though one would not uae auch a word 
in a aeiioua easay. In abort, we firmly 
belieye that Cicero here uaed, and rightly 
uaed, the word muraiot, not elaewhere 
occuRing in extant Latin till Vegetiua — 
at least ao &r aa we know. Prof. Ellia 
(Hermathena (1887), p. 136) thinka that 
the aame word ia to be introduced for 
muUUm into Ciiia 106 Btat Msgara AUathoi 
quondam muUUm laion instead of the 
usually reoeiyedfliiMite. SeealaoAdn.Crit. 

moMu$] ' huae clifEa.' Dr. Beid thinka 
that owing to thia atnmge uae of moUhu 
weahouldadd«Mfi<{iMibcaoreit: op.Caea. 
B. O. iy. 28, 8 tmgmtU montibtu, 

ieripubimj ^ of an iwmui, and conse- 
quently vh of an at. For the lack of the 
precioua metala in Britain, cp. 137, 1. 

8. texmW] ' had almoat roofed,' that 
ia, ' had almoat competed to the roof.' 
IluntUf the uaual readmg, could be aaid of 
a neat, or a wicker atructnre of any kind, 
even of a ahip, but not of a house. Brsx- 
$rat ^the reading of Elota) would be more 
auitable to a tower or column than to a 
baailica. T$»trttt is an epistolary tenae, 
mm AM0f0rtift«6afii being understood. Boot 
altera to rtfteit^ needleaaly. It ia not 
neoeaaary to take toUmmu as instrumental 
ablatiye. For further see Adn. Crit. 

%ud$m\ Thia waa the hatiliea Amiiia 
originaUy founded by M. Aemiliua Lepi- 
dua and M. Fulyiua Nobilior in 676 (179), 
and afterwards so frequently restored by 
Aemilii, that Tacitus called the basilica 
^Mii/ta fMMMMMfito (A. iii. 72). This waa 
now to be reetored with the old materiala 
{iitd&m Japidibm) by L. Aemiliua Paullua, 
afterwarda oonaul in 704 (60), aasisted by 

EP. lU {ATT. IF. 16). 


antexn quam looavit fadt magnifloentifisiinam. Quid quaerisP 
Nihil gratius illo monumentOy nihil gloriosias. Itaque Gaesaris 
amid — me dioo et Oppium, diflmmparifl lioet — in monmnentum 
illudy quod ta tollere laadibos solebas, at forum laxaremus et usque 
ad atrium LdbertatiB explioaremuB* oontempsimuB eesoentieuB HS. 
Com privatLs non poterat traxmigi minore peounia. Effioiemus 
rem gloriosiflsimam. Nam in oampo Martio saepta tributis oomitiis 
marmorea sumus et teota faoturi eaque oingemus ezoelsa portion 
ut miUe passuum oonfioiatur : simul adiungetnr huio open villa 
etiam publica. Dioes, ^ Quid mihi hoe monumentum proderit P * 
At quid id laboramus P Sabea res Bomanas P Non enim te puto de 

money giTen hj Caesar (App. B. C. ii. 
26; Pint. Caea. 29). The suooeediDg 
worda, iUam .... moffni/lctntisnmamf 
would aeem to refer to anotiier baniiea 
TianUU, But there waa only one boHHea 
Mmilia, or FauUi btuiliMf at Eome. 
Either, tiiien, this aeoond batiHM was joined 
tOy and became fart atf the ancient Ariliea 
(and then we mij^t perhape anggeet unii- 
quam for torn), or we must aospect the 
aoundnesa of the text. Now, it ia not at 
all improbable that Oaesar ahould, though 
abaent in Britain, have giyen oiders zor 
the commencement of the ba$iiioa Jti/ui, 
which stood opposite to the kuUiea Asmiiia 
in the Forum. Boot suspects that for 
mam -we should read UUf and supposes 
that iU$ refers to the absent Caesar. It 
is true that Caesar often is called iUe in 
the letters ; but it is only where there is 
seme reason for using covert language, 
vhich does not ezisthere. The succeed- 
ing words. Nihil . . . ghriotiw, foUowed 
by iTAaos Oaetarii amiti^ are certainly in 
favour of Boot's ingenious hypothesis. 
' It is for this reason (the pubUc spirit 
which he shows, and wmch stimulates us 
to emulation) that we, his friends^ myself 
and Oppins, as I own, though you, who 
are always warning me agunst Caesar, 
should barst with rage— have thought 
very little of spending sixty millions of 
seaterces on the public work, about which 
yon used to be so enthusiastio — pf opening 
up the Forum, and clearing the way right 
up to the Hall of Liberty. We could not 
settle private claims for a smaller sum.' 

But perhaps it is not necessary to make 
this alteration. Caesar, who was anxious 
to gain the support or disarm the hostility 
of rauUus, may have allowed him to give 
the contract for what was afterwards the 
Basilica lulia, as well as give him con- 
siderable sums to repair the BasDioa 

Aemilia. Paullus, as engaged in public 
buildings at this time, would be a suitable 
person to supervise a building which was 
really to be a monument to the glory of 
Caesar. But it does seem as if an alteration 
should be made not apparently mentioned 
bythecommentators. The Basilica Aemilia 
can hardly be said to be in midio firo. 
These words, we think, ou^t to be trans- 
ferred to follow aut&m. The view that 
mimummium ilUid . . . tolehoB is the 
opening up of the Forum is held by 
Boot, and is possibly right But it is a 
somewhat strange use of monwmnium, 
which would rather point to a positive 
building; yet we cannot imagine what 
building can be meant. The exact position 
of the atrium JAbertatiB does not seem 
to be yet settled. 

We can hardly suppose that Cicero 
means that he and Oppius bore the expense 
of the works. Esther he and Oppius (who 
was the agent of Caesar : see vol. IV., 
p. Ixix) strongly supported the motion that 
the works be carried out. 

tieta] ' roofed.' 

id laboramus] * why need we trouble 
ourselves about that P ' The acous. neuter 
of a pronoun or of a numeral adj. is 
sometimes joined to an intransitive verb 
to denote the compass or extent of the 
action, Madv. § 229 : cp. utrumqus laetor, 
127, 1 ; nn quid offendm-it^ Abi totuuiy 
nihil tibi ofinderU, Fam. ii. 18, 3 (258) ; 
and quid Hbi sim auetor, Fam. vi. 8, 2 
(627), a very strong case. There is no 
doubt that in this reply (as Boot says) we 
miss the usual urbanity of Cicero— for it 
is hardly possible to suppose mihi to refer 
to Cicero himself. But perhaps Cicero 
means no more than tiiat in questions 
of public spirit one must not look to 
* advantage.' 

ffabu] This is the conjecture of 


EP. lUU {ATT. IV. 16). 

lostro, quod iam desperatum esi, aut de iudiouB, quae lege tOootia 
fiunt, quaerere. [16] 9. Nnno te obinrgari patere, si iure. Soribis 
enim in ea epistnla qnam 0. Deoimius mihi reddidit Buthroto 
datam, in Asiam tibi eiindnm eeee te arbitrari. Mihi meberoule 
nihil videbatur esse in quo tantulum interesset ntrum per prooura- 
toree ageres an per te ipeum ut ab hia tot tuis et tarn longe 
abeseea. Sed haee mallem integra re tecum eginem. Profeoto 
enim aliquid egifisem. Nunc reprimam susoeptam obiurgationem. 
Utinam valeat ad oeleiitatem reditua tui I Ego ad te propterea 
minus saepe scribo quod certum non habeo ubi sis aut ubi f uturus 
sis. Huic tamen nescio cui, quod yidebatur isti te visurus esse, 
putan dandas esse litteras. Tu, quoniam iturum te in Asiam esse 
putasy ad quae tempora te exspectemus facias me certiorem velim 
et de Eutyohide quid egeris. 

Lambhuu adopted by Wesenberg. It 
is the oomnioDeet fonnula for pMnng 
from poUie to private aSain, and is 
stron^y oonfinned by the enim whioh 
followB. The other readings (see Adn. 
Grit.) are nsgFammatioal, labifrar§ rtm 
being an impossible oonstruotion ; exoept 
the reading of Bosius, ([uidf C9lab$ U 
ret Somtmat f which gives an ezoeUent 
sense. 'Whaty'saTsCioero; 'am I to keep 
Boman hirtoiy from you P ' ironically 
calling these embellishments of the dty 
the most important work now being done 
by the State. Tlus is ingenionsy so much 
so that even Boot at one time accepted 
it as his reading; but as it rests on no 
authori^ except that of Y, it must be 
regarded as due to the ingenuity of 
Boons, and not as the words of Oioero. 
tCMia] TMb word is corrupt^ and no 
correction is certain. The best is Ifotia 
or CUxiia, Cicero would then say : ' the 
chief feature in the iudieia is the constant 
application of the Lex ^tia ds viJ If 
we read OUdia with Lanee and Sternkopf , 
the reference will be to the law of Glodius 
de ee m e ri a netione, concerning which 
Asconius (p. 9) says it enacted ne quern 
eetueret m eenatu legendo praeterirent neve 
qua i^neminia qffleerent nisi qui apud eoe 

aeeueatm et utriueque eeneorie eentenHa 
danmatue eetet, A quasi-legal procedure 
was thus instituted in connexion with 
removals from the senate ; and, as Stem- 
kopf (p. 23| points out, the mention of 
the law in close proximity to the mention 
of the luttrmn renders it highly probable 
that the reference ii to this Lex Clodia. 
For other suggestions see Adn. Crit. 

9. ei iure"] sc te obiurgavero. 

nihil , , . ui abeteet'] * no reason for 
your remaining at such a distance from 
your numerous friends here in a matter 
m which it made such a trifling difference 
whether you transacted it yourself or by 
your agents.' We have adopted the 
reading of Stemkopf. See Adn. Grit. 
Zonae is perhaps not used in the positive 
in the temporal sense ; in quae venientia 
longe ante viderie, Tubc. iii. 29, longe may 
be 'from a distance'; longeque reoueat, 
Yerg. A. v. 406, is 'puts the proposal 
far from him '; nee longe, ib. x. 317, is 
plainly spatial. But in the comparative 
and superlative longe can have a tempo- 
ral meaning, especially when used with 
words denoting time, as longiue anno 
remanere, Caes. B. O. iv. 1, 7 ; (He. 
Arch. 1, 1 quoad longieeUne potett mene 
tnea respioere epatium praeieriti temporie. 

EP. IhB {FAM. riL 9). 


146. TO TEEBATIUS, in Gatjl (Fam. vii. 9). 
romb; ogtobeb; a. u. c. 700; b. c. 54; abt. cic. 52. 

M. Cioerolittennim oommeroium onm 0. Trebatio deriderat, monet ut ad Gaesarem 
•6 appHoet neo pnepropere ex prcmnda zedeat. 


1. lam din ignoro quid agas : nihil enim scribis neque ego ad 
te hifi duobns mensibufi soripseram. Quod oum Quinto fratre meo 
son eras, quo mitteiem aut oui darem nesoiebam. Oupio scire quid 
agas et ubi sis hiematurus. Equidem velim cum Gaesare, sed ad 
eum propter eius ludum nihil sum ausos soribere: ad Balbum 
tamen ecripsi. 2. Tu tibi deesse noli. SeriuB potiuB ad nos, dum 
plenior. Quod hue properes nihil est, praesertim Battara mortuo. 
Sed tibi consilium non deest. Quid oonstitueris cupio scire. 3. Gn. 
Ootavius est (an On. Oomelius) quidam, tuus familiaris, 

summo genere natus, Terrae Alius : 

is me, quia scit tuum familiarem esse, orebro ad cenam invitavit. 
Adhuo non potuit perduoere : sed mihi tamen gratum est. 

For the date of this letter, see Intro- 
dnototy Note to 140. 

1. hiOtm] This refers to Oaeear's 
mouniing for the death of hie daughter 
Julia, the wife of Pomprr, who died in 
Septconber of this year. Cicero says in a 
letter to Qnintus (148, 26) that he did not 
answer a letter he reoeiyed from Caesar, 
propter Hui luctwn. Ihe word oceuptUuh 

mm was long ago supplied from the next 
leUer to Trehatins (Fam. vii. 10, 1 (161)} 
by Cratander; see Adn. Crit. But K 

has a iMima of four to six letters, which 
is condusiTe for luotum, Cicero praises 
the firmness with which Caesar bore his 
daughter's loss in 169, 3. Plutarch 
(Pompeius, 68) tells us that in 699 (66), 
at the election for the foUowing year, 
there was a riot, and the garments of 
Pompey were stained with the blood of 
some one who was struck down near 
him. Pompey sent the blood-stained 
garment home ; and his wife, who was 
pregnant, on seeing the blood, fainted. 
The result of this was a nuscaixia^. 
Subsequently, becoming pregnant agam, 
Julia died in giving mrth to a female 
infant, which md not long suryiye the 
mother. Plutarch giyes an interesting 
theory of the source of the love which 
Julia bore to Pompey: titnow Uucw 
fj 79 fftt^pocipji rov Mphf cfroi . . . 4 rf 

rj^r SfuMtuf lecd /MUi<rra iruwauc&p iLymy6p. 

2. jyJMfi^l 'enriched' by Caesar. 
Buttara] TMb is supposea to have been 

a jocular nickname for Yacerra (perhaps 
because he stuttered), the teacher of 
l^ebatius, mentioned in the last letter 
to Trebatius (140, 2) : op. N^e ad Val. 
Catoois Dints, p. 19. 

3. an] See on Att. i. 3, 2 (8). It is 
not used for a disjunctive question 
'dubium Ootavius an Cn. Cornelius,' 
but for a direct statement to which is 
appended an expression of hesitation 
about its truth, ' or was it' : cp. Madvig 
on Fin. ii. 104. Cn. Octavius was the 
man's name : see 167, 2. 

tummo . . ,JUiut] Schneidewin acutely 
saw that this was a quotation from poetry ; 
it IB the latterpart oza trochaic septenarius, 
or perhaps we should foUow Schneidewin 
wholly, and mxpfo^e fanUliarU part of the 
verse, thus making the line complete. It 
describes a well-bom nobody ; a man of 
high birth, but personally insignificant— 
an ancient Lord Tomnodchr. The words 
are very natural as ^ art of a comedy, but 
Cicero writing in his own person would 
hardly have expressed himself thus. For 
I^nrrasJUiut cp. Att. i. 13, 4 (19), Juv. iv. 

pertbMr$] wi.utad cmam ireuu 


EP. llfi {FAM. ril. 17). 

146. TO TREBATIUS, in Gaul (Fam. vii. 17). 

EOHB ; OCTOBER ; A. U. 0. 700 ; B. 0. 54 ; ABT. CIC. 62. 

Landat M. Gioero 0. Tiebfttiiim quod urbis deaidArium tandem daposuerit at hor- 
tatnr nt in Gaaaazia aa fiuniliaritam inainuat ax qua aum magnum fructum oaptuium 


1. Ez tuifl litteris et Quinto fratri gratias egi et te aliquando 
oollaudare posBazn, quod iam yideriB oerta aliqua in sententia oon- 
fltiidne. Nam primorum mensiim litteris tuis yehementer oom- 
movebar, quod mihi interdum — pace taa dizerim — ^levis in urbis 
urbanitatiBque desiderio, interdum piger, interdum timidus in 
labore militari, saepe autem etiam, quod a te alieniflsimum eet^ 
Bubimpudens yidebare. Tamquam enim syngrapham ad imperato- 
remi non epistulam attuliBses, sic peounia ablata domum redire 
properabas, neo tibi in mentem yeniebat eos ipsos qui oum syn- 
grapbifl yenissent Alezandream nummum adhuo nullum auferre 
potuisse. 2. Ego, si mei commodi rationem duoerem, te meoum 
esse majdme yellem : non enim medioori adfioiebor yel yoluptate 
ez oonsnetudine nostra yel utilitate ez oonsilio atque opera tua. 
Sed oum te ez adulesoentia tua in amioitiam et fidem meam oontu- 
lissesy semper te non modo tuendum mihi sed etiam augendum 
atque omandum putayi. Itaquoi quoad opinatus sum me in pro- 
yinoiam eziturum, quae ad te ultro detulerim meminisse te oredo. 
Fostea quam ea mutata ratio est, oum yiderem me a Oaesare 
konorifioentissime tractari et unioe diligi hominisque liberalitatem 
inoredibilem et singularem fidem nossem, sic ei te oommendayi et 

1. tMmpmdmui] * a little unreaaonable.' 
tifn^rt^hm^i] Trebatiua Beamed to re- 
gaid the letter to Caaiar aa a aort of 
promiaaoij note: 'One would haye im- 
agined yon had earned a bill of exobange 
upon Gaenr, instead of a letter of recom- 
mendation.' He thought he had nothing 
to do but go to tiie camp of Oaeaar, take 
poaaeaiion of hia fortune, and go back to 
the dalighta of life in £ome. 

AUxmdritHn] It appeara that Ptolemy 
cheated hia Boman creditors, from whom 

he had borrowed immenae sums of money, 
to be used aa bribea in Bome. Some 
infonnation on the lose which Boman 
speculatora auatained in lending money 
to Ptolemy ie to be gained from Oioero'a 
speech Pro MaHrio fbtiumo. 

2. Jideni] * protection.* 

tUiuJmiml When Cicero thought of 
going on foreign service aa U^atut to 
Pompe^, he proposed to take Ixebatiua 
with him. See 134, 1. 

eommendavi] in 134. 

EP. 146 {FAM. ril. 17). 


tradidi ut grayiBsime diligentiflBuneque potui. Quod ille ita et 
aooepit et mihi aaepe litteiiB Bignifioavit et tibi et yerbis et re 
ostendit mea oommendatione Bese valde esBe oommotum. Hunc tu 
yirum nactuB, A me aut Bapere aliquid aut yelle tna oauBa putas, ne 
dimiBeriB et, A quae ie forte ree aliquando offenderit, oum ille aut 
ooeupatione aut difiScultate tardier tibi erit viBUB, perf erto et ultima 
ezBpeotato quae ego tibi iuounda et honoBta praeBtabo. 3. Pluri- 
buB te hortari non debeo : tantnm moneOy neque amioitiae oonflr- 
mandae olariBsimi ao liberaliBsimi viri neque uberioriB proyinoiae 
neque aetatiB magia idoneum tempuB, si hoc amiBeris, te obbo ullum 
umquam reperturum. ' Hoc/ quern ad modum yoB Boribere Boletia 
in yeatriB libriB, ^ idem Q. Oomelio ^idebatur.' In Britanniam te 
profeotum non esBe gaudeo, quod et labore oaruiBti et ego te de 
rebuB iUiB non audiam. XTbi BiB hibematuruB et qua Bpe aut oon- 
dioione perBCzibaB ad me yelim. 

QtMd ilU ita $t ae^f) * which he 
took in the same tpirit/ i.e. gravutm$ 
diliamiimmiffue. It ieheet to retain this 
reaainf|[ of MG in preference to ^rats of 
B and its copy T. llie latter is A course 
a graceful word, and is adopted by many 
scholan; but this seems one of the cases 
where the < lectio f adlior ' is to be mis- 
trusted. Possibly for otUndii we should 
read ttt MUnderit, The meaning would 
thtei be ' which he reoeiyed in such a 
way (and the same feeUng he intimated 
to me often by letter, and to you both 
in words and deed) as to show that 
he attached great weight to my intro- 
iardiorl sc. m t« mtgmdo tt omtmdo, 
praettdbo] * I will guarantee, war- 

8. amie%Ha0 . . . tmnput] The genitiyes 
mnifiUiae conjtrmandai, firavinctM, and 
aeiatii all depend on i$mpui ; the gen. 
eUtriumi ae Hbiraiittimi viri depends on 

amicUiae, ' I only warn you, you will 
neyer again get a more nyourable op- 
portunity for seeming the Mendship of 
a most illustrious and generous patron, 
never the opportunity of a richer pro- 
▼inoe, never a more suitable period in 
your own life.' The sentence is awk- 
wardly expressed, but there is no reason 
to doubt its soundness : ub^ris provinciae 
(sc. capessendae) would have been more 
preoiBe; but M&m« is, as it were, attracted 
into the oomparatiye by the prevailing 
character of the sentence. 
Mtatii] cp. 187, 2. 
idem . . . videbatur] * In this, as you 
lawyers are wont to say in your Beports, 
Q. Cornelius concurs ' : f or Q. Oomelins 
Kazimus see 140, 2. 

earuisii . . . audiam] 'because you 
were saved the trouble of the Jouiney, 
and I shall be spared your descriptions of 
Britain and your ezpbits there.' 


EF. U7 (Q. FR. II. IB {16)). 


(Q. F&. II. 15 (l6)). 
BOMB ; AUOT7ST (bND) ; A. U. C. 700 ; B. a 64 ; ABT. CIC. 62. 

M. Gioero Bcribit de negotiii fiui, quid nt in Miittii aotiim, quae ant habita indicia 
ant initant, mateiiam oanminia leiibMidi, aiq^rata a Gaenre Britannia, fratri gratulatur 
et qnid de sms Tenibna Caesar indioet aciacitatur. 


1. Cum a me litteras librari maau aooepGriSy ne paullum 
quidem me oti habnisse iudioato, oum autem mea, paullum. Sio 
enim habeto, numquam me a oauais et iudioiifl disfcriotioiem fuisse 
atque id aoui tempore graviflaimo et oaloiibus mazimis. Sed baeo, 
quoniam tu ita praesoribiB, ferenda sunt neque oommittendum ut 
aut Bpei aut oogitationi veetrae ego videar def uiaee, praesertim cum, 
si id diffioiliua fuerit, tamen ex hoo labore magnam gratiam magnam- 
que dignitatem sim ooUeoturufl. Itaque, ut tibi placet, damus ope- 
ram ne cuius animum ofiendamus atque ut etiam ab us ipsis qui nos 
cum Oaesare tam coniunotos dolent diligamur, ab acquis vero aut 
etiam a propensis in banc partem yebementer et colamur et 
amemur. 2. De ambitu cum atrociBsime ageretur in senatu multos 
dies, quod ita erant progressi candidati consulares ut non esset 
ferendum, in senatu non fui. Statui ad nullam medioinam rei 
publicae sine magno praesidio aocedere. 8. Quo die haoo scripsi, 
Drusus erat de praevaricatione a tribunis aerariis absolutus in 

1. vuirai] * o^ you and Caaiar.' 

« prtjpmns] We cannot feel with 
Weaenbeig tliat it is necessary to omit 
a. Cioeoro is adopting a via media^ and 
endecTOQzing to be all things to aU men. 
He hopes to win the respect and affection^ 
not ouv of those who regarded Caesar's 
politioai position without animosity as 
bein^ not indefensible {asptis), but also 
of his deroted partisans. 

2. cmuUdaticomularti} Memmius, Cal- 
Tinus, Messala, Scaurus. 

fiMS mapno prasHdio] ' without a good 

8. JSrunu"] cp. 148. 9 : this is per- 
haps LiTius Drusus Claudianus» whose 
daughter was liTia, the mother of the 

Emperor Tiberius. 

trihtmit aeruriit . . . amtUoru H ep^%t49\ 
A law of the praetor Q. Fuflus Galenas, 
passed in 695 (69), so far made the jury 
responsible for their yote that it enacted 
that the votes of the separate orders should 
be put into sepsrate urns (op. Dio Cass. 
xzxvxiL 8» 1, who giyes the reason rk re 
Kptirrtt vp^s r^ar it iicd^rov rmif y§rAw 
Ayorrvs mi, rk ienwArtpa is Mpovs 
IwttBovrros). We find the Yotes of the 
different orden stated in the trials of 
Scaurus ^Asc p. 30), Milo (ib. 68), and 
Saufeius ^. 64). Asoonius (p. 90) seems 
to be in error in supposing that this 
practice sodsted as early as 689 (66) : see 
Greenidge, JVotfMfurtf, p. 450. 

EP. U7 (Q. FB. II. 16 (16)). 163 

Bumma qoattuor sentenidiB, oum Benotores et equites danmasfient. 
Ego eodem die post meridiem Yatinium eram def ensurns. Ea res 
f aoilis est. Comitia in mensem Sept. xeieota sunt. Soanri iudioiam 
statim ezeroebitar, coi nos non deerimns. ^whtirvovc So^kXIov?, 
quamquam a te faotam][{abeIlam video esse festive, nidlo modo 
probavi. 4. Yenio nnnc ad id quod nescio an primum esse de- 
buerit. inoandas mihi toas de Britannia litteras I Timebam 
Ooeanum, timebam litos insulae. Beliqua non eqnidem oontemno, 
sed pins babent tamen spei qnam timoris, magisque som soUioitas 
exspeotatione ea qnam metn. Te yero iir60B<rtv soribendi egregiam 
babere video, duos tu situs, quas naturas rerum et looorum, quos 
mores, quas gentis, quas pugnas, quem vero ipsum imperatorem 
babes I Ego te libenter, ut rogas, quibus rebus vis adiuvabo et 

OomUia] bo. eantuiaria. No eleodon from this play of Sophoolas : and indeed 

took place till the eeyenth month of 701 Terses which might be used in this con- 

(68)y rdt Tf itpx^i • • • /^^» v'or^ ^f nexion are found in Plataich i)^ aii»/a^or« 

W6f^ lin^X hriUi^oMt Dio Oase. xl. et omiao, c. 86 (Odjsaeus addressing 

17, 2. Achilles) :— 

tvpUlwpov, ^o<poicK4ovt2 Th^ i^ » *« •* t^ rt icArf.crie.ie6r, 

was a satyno drama of Sophocles called iSo: hr!^^:RKmp hnF^vyMi^iw K»kip, 

^Mtnnroi, founded <m the indignation of 

Achilles on being excluded nom some Bat Buoheler's riew is doubtless the most 
banquet in Tenedos : op. Aristotle, Bhet probable. He reads /otftom, and supposes 
ii.W,6(. , ,._.. . 

M 99hrr9P 

^AxatoTs h TwH^, which is referred to MUcim dieius abaohim cum seribat, &o. 

this play. Scnne similar incident, it is Qointus had a great admiration for 

conjectuied, must haTe occurred in the Sophocles : cp. Fin. y. 8 lUm Quiniut : 

camp of Oaesar. Oioero says he did not SophocUa ob ocuioi vtrtabaUtr quem eeU 

like the incident, though dnintus played guam admirer qutmque eo deieeter. The 

his part well. It is uncertain whether allusion to Philoctetes in 124, 4, does not 

the play was called *Axaa»r v^KKoyos i^ necessarily prove special reference to 

Sd^acnriroi (or 3M»irror), or whether Sophocles, as plays on that subject were 

those were names of two separate plays, written by Aeschylus and Euripides, and 

The former view is held by Kauck many other tragic poets, 

(p. 161), the latter by Weloker : see Dr. 4. lUUqua non equidem eentemno] 'I 

&mdyB' ed. of Aristotle's Bhetorio, 1. c, do not underrate what you haye still to 

who oonsiden that the ^Muirvov or do ; but there is more u^our prospects 

'AyaMnr (r^vZaarwop was deriyed from the for hope than fear. What made me 

Odyssey, and was desoriptiye of the riot anxious was not fear for your future, 

and revelry of the suitors in Penelope's but aniiety to hear whether all was going 

house. Ox the fragments of this drama on as I hoped.' He refers to the im- 

which remain, there is one which describes preedon produced on Caesar by Quintus. 

a riotous (probably drunken) freak, which He had been afraid that they might meet 

may be referred to here:— astorm in thevoyage to Britain, or that 

-!!• A«Ai A.M^ ^^ mAMiunu«, tAt^s^mw ^^ "^*8J^* ^ wreckcd in trying to effect 

tiJSfMiS^ a lading on its barbarous ciast. The«j 

iSfflYvvTmjkArwic^w^pw'wviw' fears were now dispelled by (Quintus' 

<<ct#ittroi{ffti|va'«v4>a3KW%iko. letter from Britain. For the dimgen of 

Smesti thinks Quintus may have jibed at the approach to Britain, cp. 144, 7, also 

some of Caesar's staff in yerMS q^uoted Caes. £. G. iy. 28, 8. 



EP. U8 (Q. FR. in. 1). 

tibi yeniui quoB rogas, hoc est, Athenas nootuam mittam. 6. Bed 
heoB tu, oelari yideor a te. Quomodonam, mi frator, de noetrifl 
Tonibns CaesarP nam primum librom se legiase scripait ad me 
ante, et prima sic ut neget se ne Giaeoa quidem meliora legisse; 
reliqua ad qaemdam locum p^Ovfuirtpa; hoc enim utiiar yerbo. 
Die mibi Teram, nam aut res emu ant x^P^'^'^P ^^^ delectatP 
Nihil est quod vereare ; ego enim ne pile qtddem minus me 
amabo. Hao de re ^aXi^0ci>c ^U ut soles scribere, frateme. 


(a Fb. in. i). 


A. 17. 0. 700 ; B. C. M ; AET. CIC. 62. 

H. Cicero in piaediis Q. fiatiJB ae quaedam, maxime in ftfldifififtudi ratione» correz- 
ime oommemonit et ad qninqne Q. fratiu de Taiiia rebus epiitulas reipondet : BEmnl 
qoaedam de rebua Rflmanin penoribxt 

1. 1. Ego ez magnis oaloribus — non enim meminimus maiores 

90rtu$] In 162, 4, be aaye be rates 
bis brotber's poetical fkeulties bigber tban 
bis own. Henoe to send bim yerses for 
bis poem on Caesar's exploits vould be like 
sending ' ooals to Newcastle, ' or, in ancient 
pbxBse, 'owls to Atbens/ wbere tbe bird 
itself was common, but still more so, its 
image stamped on coins. Similar pro- 
▼erbs were : aerop ttt AXyvwrov, wiiipp is 
Kirmp^w, Ix^^ <^' 'EX\4i<rTorrop. Cp. in 
iiham . . . KgnOf Hor. Sat. i. 10, 34. 

6. mciirit verHbut] de Umporiinu tuU. 

ffBv/iSTtpa] ' tbe reety up to a oer- 
tam passage, was a little careless.' 

nfitifrl We baye retained tbe reading 
wbicb sin tbe edd. agree in presenting. 
But uiimur is tbe ms reading ; and 
petbaps a defence of it may be made. 
Tbe meaning would tban be : ' tbe rest, 
up to a certain passage, be seems to 
tbink-^sbaU I sav a Httle slipshod P ' 
Cicero uses a word of bis own wbicb be 
tbxnks eonye^ed wbat Caesar tbougbt 
about part oi! bis poem: ft^Ovju^rt^a, 
koc Mtm utimttr verbo, would mean mucb 
Uie same m hoe ut uUunur verba. If 
Caesar bad aaid /^f^v/i^tpa, Cicero would 

bardly baye asked Quintus to find out 
wbetber Caesar referred to tbe subject 
or tbe style. But if tlus is only Cicero's 
own expression of tbe yiew wmcb, as it 
seemed to bim, Caesar took, tben be 
migbt well ask bis brother, 'find out 
if I am rigbt: is it tbe subject or tbe 
style {r$i tmt xnpetKrhp) that be does not 
like P ' Tbe word pt^BviUr^pa would 
more naturally point out a defect in tbe 
style. But the meaning may also be 
(reading utimm'), * tbe rest of Caesar's 
criticism, up to a certain place in bis 
letter (wbere be spoke warmly), seemed 
less enthusiastic, more indifferent, as I 
may say, to use tbe literary cant.' 

Tbis letter was written partly (to { 14 
mnoemUttem) at Arpinum between Sept. 
14 and 18 : aod receiyed tbree sermal 
additions ({} 14>19 ; 20-22; 23-26) at 
Bome between Sept. 20 and 28. At this 
time Atticus was in Epirus, and was 
meditating a journey into Asia, so that 
we can well suppose that messengers 
were not despatcbed to bim yery fre- 

EP. lis (Q. FB. III. I). 


— in Arpinati Bumma oum amoenitate flomiiiis me ref ed ludorum 
diebos, Philotixno tribtdibns oonunendatis. In Aroano a. d. iiii 
IdnB Sept. f ui. Ibi Meeddinm earn Fhilozeno aqnamqne quam 
ii ducebant non longe a Tilla belle sane fluentem Tidi, praeeertim 
maziina Biooitaiey nberioTemque aliquanto sese ooUeotaros .eese 
dioebani Apnd Henun reote erat. In Maniliano offendi Diphi- 
Imn Diphilo tardiorem. Sed tamen nihil ei restabat praeter bal- 
nearia et ambolationem et aTiariom. Villa mihi valde plaouit, 
propterea qnod sammam dignitatem pavimentata porticiiB habebat : 
quod mihi none denique appamit postea qaam et ipsa tota patet et 
oolumnae politae sunt. Totom in eo e^t, quod mihi erit curae, 
teotoriom ut oonoinnum sit. Pavimenta recie fieri videbantur. 
Cameras quasdam non probavi mutarique iussi. 2. Quo looo in 
portion te soribere aiunt ut atriolum flat, mihi, ut est, magis place- 
bat. Neque enim satis looi Tidebatur esse atriolo, neque fere solet 
nisi in iis aedifioiis fieri in quibus est atrium maius, neo habere 
poterat adiunota oubioula et eius modi membra. Nuno haeo vel 
honestate testudinis yalde boni aestivi looum obtinebit. Tu tamen 

For an attxaotiTe and sympatlietio 
aooonnt of the estatei of the Gicenw at 
Aipinum see 0. B. Schmidt, Cfie&rot 
nUm (Leipxig, 1899), pp. 9-23, and 
Arpimm (Meiaien, 1900). 

1. MMi] 'alongwith enjoyingthegreatest 

fleasnxe m>m the loYelineiie (9 the stream 
reoorered my Tigonr again.' Em. 
wonld read mm amotmtaU Kturn tdlu' 
brilaU>. The river was the Fihrenus. 
De Leg. iL 1, 6 : ep. Yal. Max. ii. 3, 6 
a^mukmtitiimum foniem. 

ludonm] Th» Zudi BonumihM from 
4th to 19th September. The sames in 
the cirons lasted from the Ibtb. to the 
19th. For an aoooont of tiiese games 
see Diet. Antiq.' ii., p. 91. 

triiulihut] Oioero handed OTer his 
f ellow-tribesmen to Phiktimus, his freed- 
man, with directions that he should secure 
for them aooommodation lor the games. 
See Att. ii. 1, 6 (27), and Mur. 72. 

AreoHo] belonging to Qnintns: op. 
106, 4. 

Mnddium cumFhihsmio] nrobablycon- 
traotors for the works now being carried 

Htrumi a steward at Aroannm. 

XanUitmo\ This 'property of Mani- 
lins ' was probably either the estate of a 

neighbour for whom Diphilus was work- 
ing^ or the estate of a former neighbour 
which Qnintus had now bought. 

DiphiUun] an arohiteot Oioero says 
he ' surpassed himself in dilatoriness on 
this occasion. 

teeiwrium^ 'stuccoing': MifMrot,* arched 

2. Qtio looo] < I like the antechamber, 
as it is better than in the portico, where 
they teU moyou say in your letter it is to 
be built.' Ijie sentence would regularly 
run atrioUtm mihi magit plaeebat ut ett 
(quam) in oo looo in quo tAunt te ooriboro 
ui Jlatf so. iff portiou. Sometimes (Boby 
1743) a 'compactness of expression' 
occurs, in which the reUtive is used 
instead of piod with the demonstratiTe ; 
hence Cicero here writes quo looo in 
portiou U iorihoro aiunt ut utriolum /lot, 
instead of quod iH m portiou^ Ac. ; cp. 
nam quos aS hominibuo porponitoo dioii ad 
dooOf tu roddoi rationom quowiadmodum 
JUri potuorit out our Jori dotierit, N. D. 
iii. 41, when q^of quod aUquos. 

mombra"] 'rooms. 

Nimo . . . obtinobit'\ * Now, owing to the 
very fact that the ceiling has a proper 
(suitable) ourre, it wiU maxe an admirable 
summer-room.' Op. honooto vorgit {^ 14). 


SP. U8 (Q. FR. IIL 1). 

A alitor sentiB, reecribe qnam primum. In balnearuB assa in 
alteram apodyteri angulum promoviy propterea quod ita erant 
pofrita nt eorom yaporarinm [ex quo ignis erampit] eaeet eabieo- 
tnm oabioalia. Subgrande oabioalnm antem et hibexnnm altum 
▼aide probavi, quod et ampla erant et looo posita ambnlationia uno 
latere, eo quod est proximnm balneariis. Golmnnaa neque rectas 
neqne e regione DiphiluB ooUooarat. Eas soilioet demolietnr: 
aliqnando perpendioolo et linea diaoet ntL Omnino spero pauoia 
menmbus opns Dipbili perfeotum fore : onrat enim diligentiasime 
OaeainB qui turn mecum fait. 

n. 3. Ex eo looo reota Yitularia via prof eoti rnxmna in Fofidi- 
anum fondum quern tibi proximis nnnduus Arpini de Fofidio 
HB oociooo emenunns. Ego locum aestate umbrosiorem yidi 
nomquamy permultis loois aquam profluentem et earn uberem. 
Quid quaeriflP lugera l prati OaeaiuB irrigaturum faoile te 
arbitrabatur. Equidem hoc, quod meliua intellego, adflrmo, rniri* 
floa soaYitate te yillam habiturum, pieoina et salientibaB additis, 
palaestra et silva tvirdicata. Fundum audio te huno Boyillanum 

mm] (m. apparently loea) 'Tnrkiah 
iMtha,'^ ' fweatmg-Toomai' ao called be- 
eanae there waa no immenion in water ; 
10 MMM #o/, * a iMttking in the ran with- 
out prerioua anointing/ Att. sdL 6, 2 

i0e$poiita] <in their riffkt poaition.' 
For kco m r$cio Iom, op. Fam. iz. 16, 4 

r0otut\ ' peipendieular ; ' • rtfioM ia 
'exactly oppoaite each other.' 

ptrp^uUmslo ti lima] ought both to 
■lean < plumb-line ' ; but perhapa here 
pmrfmidUuhim refan to the plumb-lino 
which would keep the pillaza perfectly 
perpendicular, litna to a measuring etring 
which would enaure that the oppoaite 
pillazB ahould be equidiatant from each 
other, and ao the two rowa should be 

GatiUui] probably the M. Gaeeiua 
whom we find aa aedile at Aipxnum, Fam. 
iiiL 11, 8 (462); 12, I (463), where we 
And mention alao of Fuildius. 

Z. VUuUariapid] << Thia name belongs 
certainly to the same category as the vui 
SaUria at Aome : the chief product which 
waa transported along this road gaye it its 
name. Accordingly the via Vitularia 
meana the < calf -road,' because along it 
the meat was oonyeyed from the region 

of Arpinum to the Greek cities on the 
coast ; and eysn atill the Arpinatea have 
a trade in liTO-stock with Naplea" (0. 
S. Schmidt, Arpinmn^ p. 26). 

ooomoo] 100,000 sesterces « about 

saHmiibut] 'J$U i^eauJ Mr. Boby 
quotes from the Digest xix. 1, 16 \Um9 
0t labra, iahtnU$f JUtulas quopis qua$ 
salimtikut Umpuniur, fmrntvit long* $»• 
cmrani estra atdiileium^ aidium 9imt. 

tsinfiMUs] That viridi f oUowed m/m 
is highly probable: also it is possible 
that a partiople followed viridi to balance 
additit, Geoigea suggested iwteta. Per- 
haps *<mUmota. Or perhaps we might 
read viridi, Attamm, See Adn. Crit. 
The word ridiMta there quoted meana 
'proTidedwithstakea' (ru««M), the Greek 
X^t^wfls, for the rapport of trees, esp. 
Tines. Hence Kayser would read ti&a 
vitium ridieata, <a plantation of yine 
treea rapported on stakes.' 

Bovilinmrn] What is to be under- 
stood by 3&villanum we do not know. 
The Medieean and the ed. Bomana read 
JBoviliamm, or JBohilianum ; the ed. lenso- 
niana Bombilianum. Beading hune as in 
the text, there can be no reference to 
Boyillae, the town in Latium, aa the 
estate of Fufidiua was obyiously in the 

EP. lis id FR. III. 1). 


velle retmere. Deeo quid videator ipse oonstitues. fOalibusaiebat 
aqua dempta et eins aquae iore oonstituto et servitate fondo illi 
impoaitay tamen nos pretitim servare posse, si yendere veUemtis. 
Mesoidium mecom habui. Is se ternis nummis in pedem teoum 
transegisse dioebat, sese autem mensam pedibns aiebat passaum 
nicio. Mihi plus yisam est Sed praestabo somptoxn nusquam 
melius posse poni. Gillonem aroessieram Venafro. Sed eo ipso 
die quattuor eius oonservos et disoipulos Yenafri ounioulus oppres- 
serat. 4. Idibus Sept. in Laterio fui. Yiam perspeziy quae mihi 
ita placuit ut opus publicum rideretur esse piaeter cl passus. Sum 
enim ipse mensus ab eo pontioulo qui est ad Fuiinae Satrioum 

tenitoiy ol Aipioum. ' Nomen ab imo- 
bili looo duGtum,' Bays ManutinB. It is 
poniUe tbat we ihould read nmc lor 
huHe\ and nippoM Gioero to meao, *I 
baye bought you tbis beantiM estate : 
but I undentasd tbat yoa wow wisb to 
keejf TOUT luburban reddenoe at BotOIbo ' 
(wbich be probably intended to aeU in 
order to get tbe purobaae-money lor the 
FuJIdianMi fimdtu), Cioero appears to 
baye been in some perplexity abont bis 
brotber's intentions as regards a suburban 
residence: ep. J 28. 

fOaUbut] For OaHbuif perbaps we 
should reaa, not Cahtu (with Cratander), 
but, as Dr. Beid suggests, (kudfUUu, com- 
parinjj^ Att xr. 26, 4 (768). where be is 
mentioned in connexion witn water. 

aqua . . . tmiMM/a] Mr. JEtoby {Olauical 
lUvUw, L 67) has a yaluable note on this 
passage, in wnioh be corrects tbe views put 
forward in our lonner edition. "OalTus" 
(be says) <* —if this is tbe right readings 
was probably a land agent. A juiis- 
consult is not tbe man to tell tbe yaiue of 
an estate. The precise relations of the 
estates are not certain ; but I understand 
ikefundtii Bauilkmut to be tbe same as 
t)ie land said at the begbning of the 
section to baye been bou^t at Arpinum 
from Fufldius, and to he well off lor 
water. Arpinum and (tbe known) Boyillae 
are many miles apart, so that tbe meaning 
of JSouittamu is uncertain. I take Arpmi 
to be merely the place of purchase. At 
anjr rate, Quintus bad tbe intention of 
talong water from one estate to another. 
I translate : ' Oalrus declared tbat if the 
water were taken away, and the li^t of 
drawing it were establidied, and a senri- 
tude imposed on tbat estate, we should 
still get our price.' As owner of the two 

estates, Quintus oould deal with the water 
as he liked. But if be adld tbe estate 
whence be took ti^e water, be would baye 
to dedare in the oonyeyanoe ihat be aold 
subiect to this right. That would be 
establishing for tbe dominant estate 
(where be used tbe water) a im a^fuae 
dn m ndat , and imposing on the sennent 
estate the obligation to allow the water to 
be so taken. Iu9 aqua$ {duamks) con^ 
tiihiere is a regular technical nbraae. Dig. 
yiu. 6. 10 init. ib. 18." This ludd note 
of Iflr. Eoby's makes the passage quite 

7« ... ift^Aol] ' he said he bad agreed 
with you fto make the canal) lor three 
sesterces a foot, and tbat be bad stepped 
it and made it three miles ' (Shuokburgh). 

4. LaUrio] Tbe Latmuin was another 
property of Quintus in Arpinum. It 
seems to baye been on higher ground than 
either tbe Arcamtm (which was in the 
neighbourhood of tbe modem Bocca 
d'Aroe, cp. 106, 4) and the Ik^fidUmw 
fimdm, wnioh iqppcHUS to baye been in a 
woody yalley ({ 3). 

Viam] A road on tbe construction of 
wbich Quintus was now employing la- 

Furinae] so. Umphim. Nothing is 
known of this goddess. The F^nrinalia 
were held on July 25. 

Satrieum] This cannot well refer to the 
town in Latium. It must be a yillage in 
or near tbe tenitory of Arpinum. In 
Liyy ix. 12, 6 ; 16, 2, we bear of certain 
Satxicani, who reyolted, and joined the 
Samnitee, apparently in connexion with 
Fre^ellae: so there must baye been a 
Satncum near Arpinum. It is this 
yiljage to wbich both Oioero and liyy 
seem to refer. 0. E. Schmidt, Arpinum 

168 EP. m (Q. FR. III. 1). 

•Teraos. Eo loco polTis, non glares inieota est — id mutabitor — 
et ea viae pars vdlde aoolivis ert. Bed intellexi alitor duoi non 
potoiflse praeBortim oum ta neque per Looustae neque per YarroBis 
velleB duoere. Yarro viam ante sanm fnndtaa probe mnnierat. 
Loonsta non attigerat : quern ego Bomae aggrediar et, ut arbitror, 
oommovebo, et simal M. Taunun, quern tibi audio promisisse, qui 
nunc Bomae erat» de aqua per fundum eiuB duoenda rogabo* 
6. Nioephorum, Tilioum tuum, eane probavi quaeeivique ex eo 
eoquid ei de ilia aedifioatiunoula Lateri, de qua meoum looutuB es, 
mandaTiflfles. Turn iB mihi respondit Be ipsum eius operis HS xvi 
oonduotorem f uiflaoy Bed te postea multa addidiflae ad opus, nihil ad 
pretium : itaque id Be omifiiBBe. Mihi meheroule valde placet te 
ilia ut oonstitueraB addere: quamquam ea villa quae nuno est 
tamquam philoaopha Tidetur esfle, quae obiurget oeterarum villarum 
iuBaniam. Yerum tamen illud additum deleotabit Topiarium 
laudavi : ita omnia oonyestiTit hedera, qua baaim yillae, qua inter- 
oolumnia ambulationiB, ut denique ilU palliati topiariam faoere 
videantur et hederam yendere. lam aroSvriy/ofy nihil aLsiuB, nihil 
muBOOBiuB* 6. HaboB fere de rebuB ruBtioiB. IJrbanam ezpoli- 
tionem urget ille quidem et Philotimus et GinoiuSy sed etiam ipse 
crebro interviao, quod est facile factu. Quam ob rem ea te oura 
liberatum volo. 

(p. 36, n. 6), ooxuiden Sttlirimm and present (unadorned) condition, is like 

8atnu$ (0. 1. L. z. 5668, an inacription aome aober moraliat, whoae mission it is 

found in this neighbourhood) to be Vd- to reproach the friyolity of the other 

scian. TiUaa.' Observe the force of the sub- 

id nmtabUwr] * this defect iriU be junotiTe, ' (placed thus} to reproach.' 

remedied.' li rafers to ihsfact that clay, batirn] * the foundation wall.' 

not grayel, was used ; 0t and id are yery vemt^rt] This i» a strange fancy, 

frequently confounded, as Wes. (Km. Alt. Oicero says : ' The place is so clothed 

p. 62) has shown on Q. Fr. L 2, 10 (58). with ivy that (ivy is its chief feature, 

Vmro vuun] So Wes. for VlMnum and), in a word, the statues of Oreek 

of Gratander, or pel vimtm of M : see heroes that stand between the columns 

Adn. Oxit. ' He (Varro) was the only seem to haye taken to fancy gardening, 

one who had properly payed the road and to be recommending the iyy to our 

where it skirted his property ; Locosta notice.' No matter what the gesture of 

had never put a hand to it/ Quintos each statue is, it seems to he calling 

seems to have drawn the road in such a attention to the iyy, which is eyerywhere. 

way as not to trench on their property, For this sei^ of ffenderecp. Att. xiii 12, 

and in retom he expected each proprietor 2 (626) Liparianam ptwtikare vmdidi^ti, 

to keep the road in repair where it skirted Jam] * as it now is.' 

his estate. 6. iiU ^ufmi] < He (the fancy 

5. B.S xyi] 16,000 sesterces » about 'gardener) is using all despatch in the 

j€140. adornment of your town house, and he 

iOs «< €ioMt\Jtwr9»\ 'I am quite in is seconded by Philotimus (Terentia's 

favour of your carrying out your proposed steward) and Cincius (the agent of 

additions, though the building, in its Atticus).' For the position of iXU 

EP. IhS (Q. FR. III. 1). 


III. 7. De Qioerone quod me semper rogas, ignosoo equidem 
tibiy sed ta quoqne mihi velim ignosoas. Non enim oonoedo tibi 
plus ut illam ames quam ipse amo. Atque utinam mihi his diebus 
in Aipinati, quod et ipse oupierat et ego non minus, meoum 
fuisset I Qruod ad Fomponiam, si tibi videtur, soribas Telim : cum 
aliquo exibimus, eat nobiseom puerumque eduoat Glamores effioiam 
si eum meoum habuero otiosus; nam Bomae respirandi non est 
loous. Id me sois antea gratis tibi esse pollioitum. duid nunc 
putaSy tanta mihi abs te meroede proposita P 8. Yenio nunc ad 
tuas litteras, quas pluzibus epistulis aooepi dum sum in Arpinati. 
Nam mihi uno die tree sunt redditae, et quidem, ut videbantur, 
eodem abs te datae tempore : una pluribus verbis, in qua primum 
erat quod antiquior dies in tuis fuisset asoripta litteris quam in 
Oaesaris. Id fadit Oppius non numquam neoessario ut, cum tabel- 
larios oonstituerit mittere litterasque a nobis aooeperit, aliqua re 
noya impediatur et neoessario serins quam oonstituerat mittat, 
neque nos datis iam epiBtulis diem oommutari ouramus. 9. Soribis 
de Gaesaris summo in nos amore. Huno et tu fovebis et nos qui- 
buscumque poterimus rebus augebimus. De Pompeio et faoio 
diligenter et faoiam quod mones. Quod tibi mea permissio man- 

quidem, ep. Q. Fr. i. 4, 3 (72). We miist 
not adopt the sumitioii of Lembixiiis 
illam qftidem ; see Madvig on Fin. iy. 48. 

7. mihi . . . nueHmfitisttn The dati' 
VU9 0ihieut ; see on Att it. 2, 4 (91). 
In ^t mihi o^ouinHUi in eonnviOf Catil. 
ii. 10, we haye a ttionger caie of the 
ethical datiye. Sender 'would that I 
had had the pleaiore of his company with 
me.' AU the edd. omit the mihi of the 
mss. Op. Ter. Heaut. 820 mmi M nmc 
tit HH Uia Baeehit. 

Clamor$$\ *I shall bring down the 
house (with applause of his progress) if I 
haye the boy with me when I am at 
leisure. I haye not time to draw breath 
at Rome.* It would seem that Cicero had 
promised to giye some instruction to his 

mehM] 'the mtitude and affection 
of Quintns and the boy.' There is a 
similar expression at the end of 161, 4. 

8. litters . . . epiiifdit] 'letter sent 
in more than one packet.' Though there 
were seyeral packets, still, when the 
contents were considered, they yirtually 
formed only one letter. In 181, 6 there 
is a somewhat different antithesis between 

lUtfras, < a formal document,' and epistttUi, 
' a mere letter.' 

aniiqmar di$s] ' an earlier date.' 

faMi . . . t<< . . . imp^iatttr] literally 
' makes a practice of being preyented ' ; 
that is, ' he often finds himself preyented.' 
This use oifactre with subj. is commented 
on at 12, §i 42, 47, 60, aboye. < Oppius 
[who along with Balbus acted as Otesar's 
agent at £>me] often finds himself pre- 
yented from forwarding the letters by 
something that tarns up; so he often 
sends them later than be had intended ; 
and I do not take the trouble to correct 
the dates of the letters already consigned 
to him.' The passage might thus be ren- 
dered, to bring out cfearly the dtjlnitivs or 
explatuitory character of the subjunctiye : 
' of that (the wrong date) Oppius often is 
the cause, that is. he finds himself pre- 
yented .... 80 we ao not see to the correc- 
tion of the date.' 

curammX M giyes eitremut, which is 
probably dae to the attraction of the 
other subjunctiyes. Lehmann (p. 90) has 
rightly altered to ewramu9, 

9. pirmitaio mantionii tuai\ This per- 
mission was giyen in 142, 8. 


EP. IhS («. FB. III. 1). 

Aonifl tuae grata est, id ego, rammo meo dolore et deaiderio, taxnen 
ex parte gaudeo. In Hippodamis et non nullia aliia aroeasendia 
quid oogites non intellego. Nemo iatorum est qnin abs te mmrns 
fundi suburbani instar ezspectet Trebatinm yero menm quod 
isto admisoeas nihil est. Ego illnm ad Oaesarem misi, qui mihi 
iam satis f eoit. Si ipsi minus, praestare nihil debeo, teque item ab 
eo Tindico et libero. Qnod soiibis te a Oaesare ootidie plus diligi 
immortaliter gaudeo. Balbum vero, qui est istius rei, quem ad 
modum soribis, adiutor, in ooulis fero. Trebonium meum a te 
amari teque ab illo pergaudeo. 10. De tribunatu quod soribis, ego 
Tero nominatim petivi Ourtio et mihi ipse Oaesar nominatim Ourtio 
paratum esse resoripsit meamque in rogandovereoundiam obiurgayit 
Si oui praeterea petiero — id quod etiam Oppio dixi ut ad ilium 
soriberet, — faoile patiar mihi negari, quoniam illi qui mihi molesti 
sunt sibi negari a me non faoile patiuntur. Ego Ourtium — id 
quod ipsi dixi — non modo rogatione sed etiam testimonio tuo 
dih'go, quod litteris tuis studium illius in salutem nostram faoile 
perspexi. De Britanniois rebus oognoyi ex tuis litteris nihil esse 
neo quod metuamus neo quod gaudeamus. De publiois negotiis, 
quae vis ad te Tironem soribere, neglegentius ad te ante soribebam, 
quod omnia minima maxima ad Gaesarem mitti soiebam. 

mmrno] 'though I am piniDg ladly 
for your retuxn ' ; for thia ablatvnu modi 
tee on 131, 4. 

Sippodamit^ * men like Hippodtmua ' ; 
op. 92, 8 omnu Caiilinut AeUinot jpotUa 
reddidit, ' ereryono who was a Catilue for 
mfflaDitm he made to appear thenceforih 
as respeotable aa an Acidinna.' See { 21. 
But poiaihly Schiits waa right in altering 
to Sippodemo, The -it may have ariaen 
from the adjacent worda. 

itto admiiciot] Itto e ittue^ and ia a 
word aifected by Cicero in hia lettera, and 
ireqnent in tbe comie dzama ; udmiic$as 
itto s admuaai in (or ad) Utoi. Cicero 
•aya : ' You haye no reaaon to include 
Trebatiua in the daaa of persona like 
Bippodamua, who will look to have a 
email property aettled on them by you, if 
Ton give them any eneonragement I 
haye handed him oyer to Caeaar, who 
haa already made me feel quite eaay about 
hia future. If he baa not quite done 
the tame for Trebatiua himself, I am not 
responaible for that : I hold you all the 
aame under no obligation to push his 


imm€rtalU4r] See I', Introduction, 
n. D (8), p. 89. 

in oculitfiro] * ia aa the apple of my 
eye ' ; cp. in Hnufiro, 185, 1. 

TWAonitim] Gaiua Treboniua, who, aa 
tribune, had the preceding year raoposed 
the law giying to the consuls, jPompey 
and Craasus, the goyemment of Spain and 
Syria for fiye yeara. 

p^rggudto] See I', Introd., ii. D. (4), 
p. 89. 

10. tribumaiu] $c. militum. 

Curiio] cp. 141, 8 and Index. 

id ^noS] * and I told Oppiua to tell him 
tliia in writing to him.' ' My frienda,' 
says Cicero. * are annoyed if I refuse to 

rye them letters aaking for f ayoura : ao 
will giye them; but I ahall not be 
annoyed if the fayoura be refused.' 

non modo roffoiions] * not only because 
you aak me to make him my friend, but 
becauae of what you tell me about him. ' 

iivdium illiut in taUUwi] *how he 
worked for my reatoration from exile.' 

EP. U8 (Q. FR. IIL 1). 


ly. 11. BesoripsL epistolae maximae. Audi nuno de minus- 
oula, in qua primmn ert de Olodi ad Oaesarem litteris : in quo 
Oaeaaris consilium probo, quod tibi amantissime petenti Yeniam 
non dedit uti uUum ad illam foiiam verbum reaoriberet* Alterum 
est de Galyenti Mari oratione quod soribis. Miror, tibi plaoere 
me ad earn resoriberei praesertim oum illam nemo leoturus sit, si 
ego nihil rescripsero, meam in ilium pueri omnes tamquam diotata 
perdisoant. libros meos, omnis quos ezspeotas, inohoaTi, sed oon- 
fioere non possum his diebus. Orationes efflagitatas pro Soauro et 
pzo Planoio absoM. Poema ad Oaesarem quod institueram inoidi. 
Tibi quod rogas, quoniam ipsi fontes iam sitixuity si quid habebo 
spatiy soribam. 12. Yenio ad tertiam. Balbum quod' ais mature 
Bomam bene oomiiatum esse Tenturum meoumque adsidue usque 

11. MNtom non MM\ Caesar had 
reoeiTed a letter from dodiOB. QpUintna 
bad moat politely begged bim not to leave 
it nnannrered through any feeling of 
sympathjr with bim and bis brother, and 
indignation against their enemy. Caesar 
' ^nld not comply with bis request by 
writing a single word in reply to that 
deril ' {i.e. Clodius). 

CaUmH Jferi] Acoordinff to Sohiits, 
who is generally foUowed, the person re- 
ferred to is L. Calpnndns Piso Caesomniis. 
He is called Calomtiui from his maternal 
paadf ather ; and is called MariM because 
he is compared with C. Harius in Pis. 20. 
It seems that L. Calpurnins FisOy after bis 
return from the pro^ce of Syria, wrote a 
speech against Cicero. If the passage in 
the orat. in JPimmtm is to be used for the 
elucidation of this, the case stands thus : 
When Marias and Satuminus sought to 
nrooure the ruin and exile of Q. CaecQias 
Hetellus Numidicus, Satuminus brought 
forward an agrarian law with the clause 
that erery senator should swear obedience 
to it within five days, on pain of a fine 
and expulsion from the senate. Metellus 
refused, and was expelled the senate. 
But Satuminus, not satisfied with this, 
proposed his exile. Metellus could baye 
eanly resLsted this oppression; but he 
retired from Bome ratiier than be the 
cause of ciril dissension. Cicero often 
mentions bis action Id this matter with 
admiration, e.g. Pis. 20 ; Plane. 89. 
Accordingly Cicero must here be supposed 
to oompare Piso with Marius, and himself 
with Metellus, who, for high reasons, 

declined a contest in which he might haye 
been yictor. Cdhentiut Mariui would 
then mean * that Piso rnioknamed by 
Cicero Oahmtm), who plays Marius to 
my MeteUus ' ; that is, * whom I could 
easily defeat, but will not meet.' Cicero 
nicknames him in Pis. 14 Caetoninua 
SemiplacentwMt Cahmiiui, because his 
father was married to a daughter of 
Calyentius, an Insubrian Gaul. 

meam in ilium] ^ while eyery boy 
reads mine against Piso (delivered the 
year before) as a school exercise.' 

Zibros] Cicero means bis treatise de 

hit diebiui] * in the course of the next 
few days.' Contrast dUbta ilHi, 149, 4. 

inttitueram] See Adn. Crit. 

ineidt] I haye 'cut short,' 'broken 
off,' 'stopped writing.' Aboye, 91, 6, 
be uses the same phrase of the ' clipping 
of his wln^,' i.e. the humiliation in- 
flicted on him by his exile, qui mihi 
pinnat ineiderant nolunt eatdem rmatci, 

ip9ifont$9\ < since you, who are the 
yery fount d poesy,. haye run dry.' Tiii 
quod Togao is ' what you ask for yourself'; 
that is, ' the yerses which you want from 
me to use as your own in your poem on 
the exploits of Caesar.' 

12. bono eomtatutn^ < well-attended.' 
That is, say Man. and the other com- 
mentators, ' with plenty of money.' But 
that usage is strange. Perhaps it may 
mean with a large number of Caesar's 
amy who would take part in the elections 
during the winter-season: op. 144, 6 
Mommiuo Caooario oommondotur militibut. 


EP. IkS (G. FR. III. 1). 

ad Id. Maias futnram, id mihi pergratum perque iaoandtim. 
Quod me in eadem epifitula, sioat aaepe aatea, oohortaris ad am- 
bitionem et ad laborem, fadam eqnidem, aed qnando TivemuBp 
13. Quarta epistula mihi reddita est Id. Sept. qaam a. d. iiii. Id. 
Sext. ex Britamiia dederas. In ea nihil sane erat novi praeter Eii- 
gonam, quam si ab Oppio aooeperOi soribam ad te qnid sentiam, 
nee dubito qnin mihi plaoitora sit. Et, quod paene praeterii, de eo 
quem soripsisti de Milonis plaosa soripsisse ad Gaesarem, ego yero 
facile patior ita Oaesarem existimare iUnm quam maximiim f uisse 
plaosom. Et prorsos ita fait, et tamen ille plausus qui illi datar 
quodam modo nobis videtur dan. 14. Beddita etiam mihi est 
pervetus epistola sed sero adlata, in qna de aede Telluris et de 
portion Oatuli me admones. Fit utmmqae diligenter. Ad Tel- 
luris qnidem etiam taam statoam looavi. Item de hortis me quod 
admonesy neo fui umquam valde oupidus et nuno domus suppeditat 
mihi hortorum amoenitatem. 

Bomam cum venissem a. d. xm. Kal. Ootobr., absolutum offendi 
in aedibus tuis tectum : quod supra oonolavia non placuerat tibi 
esse multorum fastigiorum, id nunc honeste yergit in tectum 
inferioris portions. Oicero noster, dum ego absum, non cessayit 
apud rhetorem. De eius eruditione quod labores nihil est, quoniam 
ingenium eius nosti, studium ego video. Cetera eius sic suscipio 
ut me putem praestare debere. 

y. 15. Gubinium tres adhuc faotiones postulant : L. Lentulus, 

fuando viv9mui\ * irhen shall I be al- 
lowed to live P ' Oioero meam that he is 
living Ida life only when he ia allowed to 
eschew politioa and devote himself to 
study in one of his sabnrban TiUaa. 

18. Sripotiam] a tragedy by Qnintus : 
cp. note to 166, 7. 

de &o quem] ' about tlie correspondent 
who. you say, wrote to Oaesar on account 
of the applause given to Milo' (b^ the 
people in the theatre, as a recognition of 
a recent spectacle <rf great magnificence 

fiven by Milo as aedile) . The reading of 
, de eo quad, seems more natural, * con- 
cerning the account which you say you 
wrote to Caesar of the applause given to 
Milo ' ; but I is a very unsafe guide. 
14. aede IVUum] See on 120, 2. 
dimut . . . afHoemtatem] cp. note to 
123, 4. 
Samam] From this on to the end 

Cicero wrote at Borne : see Introductory 

eupra eonelapid] The eoncUma were 
the day-rooms, dining-rooms, &c., as 
opposed to the eubieula, or sleeping-rooma. 
Quintus did not wish that this roof should 
have many gables, and Cicero tells him, 
* it has now a proper slope down to the 
roof of the lower portico.' For honeete 
op. { 2, above. 

Ceiera] * all the rest which appertains 
to his education (beside his abiUtv and 
application) I take on myself witn full 
consciousness that I fancy I am bound to 
make myself responsible for its excel- 
lence.' But perhaps Kayser is tight in 
omitting n«, which has no ms authority, 
and reMing ouio for putem, * the rest I 
take on myself, as, indeed, T think I am 
in duty bound to take the responsibilitv.' 

16. tree . . ,faetioneipQtiuiant] Lentulus 

EP. U8 (Q. FB. III. 1). 


flaminifl filios, qui iam de maiestate poBtulayit^ Ti. Nero oum 
bonifl sabeoriptoribiu, 0. Memmins tribanus pi. oom L. Oapiione. 
Ad nrbem aooeesit a. d. zii. Eal. Ootobr. Nihil turpias neo deeer- 
tiiUL Sed his iadiaiiB nihil audeo oonfldere. Quod Oato non 
yalebat, adhuo de peonniis repetondifl non erat postolatas. Pom- 
peine a me yalde oontendit de reditu in gxatiam, sed adhno tiihil 
profeoit neo, si nllam partem libertatis tenebo, profldet. Toas 
litteras vehementer exspeoto. 16. Quod soribis te andisse in can- 
didatonun oonsnlaiinm ooitione me interfnissey id falsnm est. Eins 
modi enim paotiones in ea ooitione &otae sunt, quas postea Mem- 
mins patef eoity nt nemo bonns interesse debnerit, et simul mihi 
committendnm non fnit nt iis coitionibns interessem quibns Mee^ 
salla exolnderetnTy oni qnidem vehementer satis f aoio rebus onuiibus, 
nt arUtror, etiam Memmio. Domitio ipsi multa iam fed quae 
Toluit quaeque a me petivit. Scaurum benefldo defensionis valde 
obligavi. Adhuo erat ralde inoertum et quando oomitia et qui 
oonsules f utuii eesent. 

17. Cum hano iam epistulam oomplioarem, tabellarii a yobis 
yenerunt a. d. xi. Eal. septimo yioendmo die. me sollicitum I 
quantum ego dolui in Gaesaris suayissimis litteris ! Sed quo erant 
suayiores, eo maiorem dolorem illius ille casus adferebat. Sed 
ad tuas yenio litteras. Primum tuam remansionem etiam atque 
etiam probo, praesertim oum, ut soribisy oum Caesare oommunioaris. . 
Oppium miror quidquam oum Publio ; mihi enim non plaouerat. 
18. Quod interiore epistula soribis me Idib. Sept. Pompeio 

twice refened to it. This was the fint 
time that Caesar wrote to him about it. 

IiihUo\ Clodina. He is suzprised that 
Opmas snonld bare had anything to do 

18. inUriar* iputukt] Thia is ex- 
plained by Man. to mean ' the eiid of the 
letter.' He holds that letters were* not 
folded as with as, but formed into a roU. 
The letter was rolled up from the bottom, 
aooording to him, so tnat the mtd of the 
letter would be the inmost part of the 
rolL He founds this theory on a passage, 
Fam. iiL 7, 2 (244) UgaH mihi voiumm a 
U plemsm quir€la$ . . . rMidmtmi . . . 
eadim tmUm epi$tula. But there is no 
suiBcient eyidenoe that single letters, 
except yery long ones, were thus rolled in 
a cylindrical shape. Vohmm only means 
' a letter as long as a book.' OmpUeare 

d$ mai$ttatSf the others tU rtp$titmdU, He 
was acquitted on the first charge, and 
found Kuiltj on the second. 
Cato\ H. Gato, who was praetor. 

n$c , .. pnJMst"] Notwithstanding this 
statement, Pompey did succeed, for uWo 
shoortly after defended Gabinius. 

17. Hptimo] So Bardt (Quaest. TuU., 
p. Z2)t excellently, for Sept, of the manu- 
scripts. He compares § 25 sar Britannia 
Otuiar ad m$ JT. Sept. d$dU ktUraa qua» 
9go opctjpi a.d. tin Xal. Get. 

mhim] used especially of a domestio 
aillietion; cp. v$Uim im mso graniumi^ 
caau o^/MfMt, Fam. iy. 6, 1 ^574), a letter 
written, by Cicero to Sulpidus on the 
occasion of Tullia's death. This passage 
does not imply that Cicero had not heard 
of Julia's death before. He has already 


EP. U8 (Q. FR. ni. J). 

legatnxn iri, id ego non aadivi aoripsiqae ad Oaesarem neqw 
Vibullinm GaeoaiiB mandata de mea manaioae ad Fompeiom 
pertuliflse neo Oppium. duo oonsilio neteio. Qaamqaam Oppium 
ego tenoiy quod priores partes Yibolli erant ; oum eo enim 
ooram Oaesar egerat, ad Oppium soripBerat. Ego yero nollaa 
Scvrlpac ^ovrfSoc habere poasum in Oaeearis rebus. Ble znihi 
seoundum te et liberos nosiaxM ita est ut sit paene par. Yideor 
id iudicio faoere— iam enim debeo-H^d tamen amore sum in- 

yi. 19. Oum soripsisBem haeo inflma quae sunt mea manu, 
yenit ad nos Oioero tuus ad oenam, oum Pomponia f oris oenaret. 
Dedit mihi epistulam legendam tuam, quam paullo ante aooeperaty 

is the Tarbuied for 'to fold ' aletter : op. 
§ 17aiid Att xu.l, 2 (606); it if also used 
of furling a sail : Flaut. Bod. 938, ICero. 
1 92. Aooording^y, mUrion ^pitttUa more 
probably means 'the body (middle) of 
the letter,' on the usalogy of mttrutra 
a$dimHf A». Cioero, as usual, goes light 
through the letter <rf his oorrespondent, 
dealing with begiiming, middle, and end 
in succession. It is just possible, how- 
erer, that the phrase may mean * a more 
piiyate letter,' one for Cicero's eyes only, 
and not to be shown to others. Hence 
Cicero replies to it with his own hand 
({ 19). For isiimor in this sense of 
< more private ' op. Nep. Hann. 2 eum h 
ah inUriwibui cvimMi 99gregQiri vidiuH. 
Usually intmior applied to compositions 
means ' more recondite,' ' esoteno ' : cp. 
N. D. iiL 42 ; Fam. iu. 10, 9 (261), tu. 
38, 2 (474). 

im , . • Bomprio Ugatum ir%\ Thetnin 
of thought is as follows : — ' i ou speak of 
my going to Spain with Pomney as his 
lieutenant; I hare heard nothing about 
it ; but [snob is the force of ^w after 
non\ I wrote to Caesar at once, and tdd 
him that neither YibulUus nor Oppius had 
deUvered to Pompey his message about 
me, that I should remain in Rome. What 
did they mean by not deliTexing the 
message? [Boot adds umpm; but it is 
hardly neoesaaiy.] Yet rOjppius is not 
to be blamed] I prerentea Opmus from 
deliTering the message, because X thought 
VibuUius had a prior claim to do so, as he 
had had a personal interview with Caesar, 
and Oppius only a letter. [As touohing 
the ouestion you put to me,] I assure you 
Z had no second thought, nor could I ua.Y% 

such, in any matter oonoeniing Caesar. 
He comes next to you and the children in 
my aflbction, and so near that he almost 
ocmes up to them. I think I act on due 
delibenraon in thus reffarding Caesar — ^f or 
I am sure I haye good reason for it— yet 
I know I am carried away by my feelings 
ncTertheless.' Quintus liad asked Cicero: 
' Was your resolve to remain in Some in 
compliance with Caesar's wish a second 
thought P' When Cioero heard from 
Quintus that there was a rumour that he 
was going to Spain as Ugatu% to Pompey, 
he was anxious lest Caesar should suppose 
that ^bullius or Oppius had already 
conToyed to Pompey the wish of Caesar, 
that Cooero should remain in Rome, and 
that Pompey was, nevertheless, running 
counter to that wish, and taking Cioero 
with him. Cioero was desirous that 
Caesar's wish should be communicated to 
Pompey, lest he should offend the latter 
by refusing the UgaHo, The passage can 
thus be explained. But it would run 
more smoothly if we made a transposition 
MM Opfiium — qwimquam Oppivm 9go Unm 
('though it was I who restrained Oppius '). 
^QmeenHUof' ('Why did you do that P 
you may ask.') Quodprwre$j &o. 

Z^vripns ^poprtZas] ai ^t^rtpad 
mos 4^fH^pT^999 iro^Artpaif Eur. Hippol. 
436. To a similar purport is ^c^St c yio 4 
Wipota riip ywAftifWf Soph. Ant. 389. For 
fffo tiro pointing to a question and 
introducing the answer, cp. note to Fam. 
xiy. 4, I (62), and aboye, { 13. For 
ituUdio one would haye expected qfflcio, 

19. forUi] So some of the old edd. for 
firoi of M. Jbrof for forts is found in 
Petronius (e. 80), but not in Cicero. 

EP. IhS (Q. FR. III. 1). 


Aiisfophaneo modo, valde meheroule et saavem et gravem : qua 
sum admodum deleotatus. Dedit etiam alteram illam milii qua 
iuboB eum mihi esse adfizum tamquam magistro. Quam ilium 
epistulae illae deleotarunt I quam me ! Nihil puero illo suavius, 
nihil nostri amantiuB. Hoc inter oenam Tironi diotavi, ne mirere 
alia manu esse. 

20. Annali pergratae litterae tuae fuerunt, quod et ourares de 
se diligenter et tamen oonsilio se verissimo iuvares. P. Servilius 
pater ex litteris quas sibi a Oaesare missas esse dioebat signifloat 
valde te sibi gratum f eoisse quod de sua voluntate erga Caesarem 
humanissime diligentissimeque looutus esses. 21. Oum Bomam 
ex Arpinati revertissem, dictum mihi est Hippodamum ad te 
prof ectum esse. Non possum soribere me miratum esse ilium tam 
inhumaniter f eoisse ut siae meis litteris ad te proficisoeretur : illud 
scribo, mihi molestum f uisse. lam enim diu oogitaveram ex eo 
quod tu ad me soripseras ut, si quid esset quod ad te diligentius 
perferri vellem, illi darem; quod meheroule hisoe litteris quas 
Tulgo ad te mitto nihil fere scribo quod, si in aliouius manus 
inoiderit^ moleste ferendum sit Minuoio me et Salvio et Labeoni 
reservabam. Labeo aut tarde profloisoetur aut hie manebit. 
Hippodamus ne numquid vellem quidem rogavit. 22. T. Pinarius 
amabilis ad me de le litteras mittit : se maxime litteris, sermouibus, 
oenis denique tuis delectari. Is homo semper me delectavit 
fraterque eius meoum est multum. Qua re, uti instituisti, 
oomplectere adulesoentem. 

YU. 23. Quod multos dies epistulam in manibus habui propter 

Ariitophimeo modo^ It is impoisible 
to decide whether thia means * as f oU of 
wit as Aristophanes, the oomio poet,' or 
' as full of sound oriticism fot the boy's 
style, dbc.| as Aristophanes of Bysantiam, 
tlie oritio' : tuavem perhaps xather points 
to the former yiew. 

20. AtmaW] L. Yillius Annalis, a 
senator, as we learn from Fam. viii. 8, 
6 (223). 

21. lam enim diu] 'From what you 
wrote to me I had long sinoe resolved to 
make nse of him if I had any -very 
special message for you ; inasmurin as in 
my ordinary oorxespondence with you I 
hardly ewer say anything which would be 
annoying if it fell into anyone's hands ' : 

lit., * [of such a nature] that, if it fell 
into anyone's hands, it would giye me 

ffitf . . . rs$ervabafn] i.e. mam Uttertu 

Labeoni] We should wish to add 
At before Zabeo in the next sentence. 
Lehmann would alter here to Zabieno; 
but Labienus does not appear to have 
come to Home this winter: see note to 
159, 1. 

ne numquid veUem] 'never even so 
much as aisked me whether I had any 
commands.'^ This was a common formula 
of leave-taking, even when no comnussion 
was expected ; an abeuntie formula, as 
TJssing calls it on Fkut Amph. 588. 


EP. IkS (Q. FK III. 1). 

oommoratioDem tabelloriorum, ideo multa oouiecta sunt aliud alio 
tempore, velat hoc. T. Anioiua mihi saepe iam dixit sese tibi, 
saburbanum si quod inveniBset, non dubitaturam esse emere. In 
eiu8 sermone ego utnimque soleo admirari, et te de suborbano 
emendoy oum ftd ilium soribas, non modo ad me non soribere sed 
etiam aliam in eententiam [de subnrbano] Bcribere, et, oum ad ilium 
soribaA, nihil te reoordari [de se] de epiBtulis illis quaa in Tusonlano 
eius tu mihi ostendisti, nihil de praeoeptis Epioharmiy yvui9i vHjq 
oXAf|» Ki^rrraif totum denique Yultum, sermonemy animum eiuB, 
quem ad modum ooniioio, quasi dedididsse. Sed haeo tu videris. 
24. De suburbano oura ut soiam quid velis, et simul ne quid ille 
turbet Tide. Quid praeterea ? Quid P Etiam. GabiniuB a. d. iiii. 
Kal. Octobr. noctu in urbem intioierat, et hodie H. yiii., oum edioto 
C. Alfi de maiestate eum adesse oporteret, oonouxsu magno et odio 
universi popidi paene adfliotus est. Nihil illo turpius. Prozimus 
tamen est Piso. Itaque mirifloum l/ijSJXcov cogito in seoundum 
librum meorum temporum inoludere, dicentem Apollinem in 
eoncilio deorum qualis reditus duorum imperatorum f utorus esset, 
quorum alter exerdtum perdidisset, alter vendidisset. 25. Ex 

28. Mm«rf«] MadTig (A. 0. iii. 196) 
objects that eaniMta cannot be nsed 
absolutely lor comseta in ipittulam ; and 
that tbis fact which Cicero was about to 
relate had not been 'thrown into' the 
letter. He proposes eanUeia. The mass 
of news hitd accumulated during the 
days in which he was waiting for the 
letter-carriers. This is possible : but 
perhaps eonUeia means 'thrown together.' 
As the letter was written piecemeal, it 
lacked order and' system. Cicero added, 
each time he sat down to write, just 
whatever topic occurred to him on the 

de" m] SchUtz omits these words. 
Madvig (A. C. iii. 197) conjectures de 
Mdeeulit, but confesses that 'quodnam 
illae morum Anicii indicium et vestigium 
habuerint ignoramus.' See also Adn. 

Spieharmi] Cp. the oft-quoted Fa^« 

^ptv&v, Att. i. 19, 8 (26). Cicero wonders 
that Quintus had forgotten Epicharmus* 
rule for judging how a man wiU behave 
to you, viz., < how has he behaved to 
dedidiciue] This word is added by 

Wesenberg. It probably represented the 
sense. Possibly a Oieek word such as 
iMofitfiaSfiKipai dropped out. 

24. iUei Anicius : cp. note to 165, 6. 

JSr.l » AoTff, cp. Att. XV. 24 (767). 

QuUt Stiain] <WhatF Oh! yes.' 
For this use of etiam cp. Att. i. 13, 6 
(19) ; ii. 6, 2 (33) ; vii. 8, 12 (294) : 
also Plane. 66 fin. 

AIJ(] He was in 696 (69). He 
was fuaeeUor in the trial of Gabinius for 
maieetai (161, 8), and of Plancius for 
eodalieia (cp. Plane. 104|. He was 
probably, but not necessarily, praetor in 
this year. Some years before he failed 
for the praetorship (Sest. 118, 114). 

Froximus] L. Piso, called Calventius 
above, 'comes next to' Gabinius in 

ififiSkior"] 'an addendum* to the 2nd 
book of his poem, de ietnporihu tui». 

temporum] So we reiul with C. F. W. 
MullflT for librorwn of M. See Adn. Grit. 

perdidieeet'] Piso lost a considerable 
psirt of his army in unsuccessful wars 
which he had himself provoked with the 
tribes adjoining his province of Mace- 
donia : cp. Prov. Cons. 6 ; Plane. 86. 

vendidiuef] Gabinius sold his army 

BP. IJfi (ATT. IV. 17 (18)). 


Britannia Gaesar ad me Kal. Sept. dedit litteras, quas ego aooepi 
a. d. nn. Eal. Ootobr., satis oommodas de Britanniois rebus^ 
qnibns, ne admirer quod a te nnllas aoceperim, soribit se sine te 
foisse, <mm ad mare aooesserit. Ad eas ego ei litteras nihil 
resoripsi, ne gratulandi qnidem oansa, propter eius luotrmi. Te 
ore etiam atqne etiam, mi firater, nt yaleas. 

149. TO ATTIOUS (Att. iv. 17 (is)). 

ROME ; OCTOBER 1 ; A. XT. 0. 700 ; B. 0. 54 ; AST. CIO. 62. 

De oommereio littenmm, de infamia oonsultim, de 0. Memmio oandidato, de Mes* 
uUae et Bomitii spe ooDsulatus, de Scauri liberalitate, de senata hoc ipso die ffitoio, 
de iudidis impendentibus. 


Puto te ezistimare me nuno oblitom oonsuetudinis et institati 
mei rarins ad te soribere quam solebam, sed, qnoniam looa et 
itinera toa nihil habere oerti video, neque in Epirom neque Athenas 
neqne in Asiam [neque] oniquam nisi ad te ipsum profloisoenti 
dedi litteras. Neque enim eae sunt epistulae nostrae quae si per- 
latae non sint, nihil ea res nos offensura sit, quae tantum habent 
mjsteriorum ut eas ne libraiiis quidem fere oommittamus, lepidum 

by udng it in reetoring Ptolemy Auletes 
for a bribe : Pis. 48 : Babir. Poet. 19, 

1. nmuf] Tbis iifbe reading of PinB for 
nm of the mee. Stemko]^ (Hennee, 
1906, p. 29) retains non in apparently 
this sense, * I am sore that you consider 
my infrequent letters are not due to 
f omtfulness of my usual praotioe ; but 
as I knew your moyements were unoer- 
tain, I did not giye letters exoept to 
messengers going direot to you.' This 
is ingenious, but it leaTes an iireftular 
sentenoe, widoh Oioero is hardly likdy to 
have written at the beginning of a letter. 

omquamj M reads fwfw cmqutun, the 
mpie hanng arisen from the same word 
thnee repei^ in the same sentenoe. 
Wesenbeiip rightly ejeoted it. Klots 
read nsque <qu(Hitum> miquam, but, as 

Dr. Beid points out, quoquam is too rare 
a word in Cioero to be introduoed by 
oonjeoture. It is not eyen certain in 
Yerr. ▼. 46 qiH «i guopubHce prn/lcue$ritf 
praetidi H veeiurae Muta wmpiu publico 
mmigut prui^tmtur : priwUim atUom ntc 
pr^fieiaoi quoqmim poU$, fto., where 
usquam has probably been altered into 
quoquam^ owxDff to the preceding H quo. 

lipidum] < lest some joke of mine 
should get wind in some direotion,' that 
is, * should oome to the knowledge of 
someone ' (saye my coirespondent). This 
ooireotion was put forward in fformathona 
(i 204) ; and it seems the simplest oor- 
reotion of the text. It only inserts ^ptid 
no between lopidum and quo, Thii is a 
case of &i9x<^(a yery common in oopyists. 
The copyist saw that lopidum was 
followed by the letters qu-, perhaps 
raised his eyes for a moment, and went 



EP. 149 (ATT. IV. 17 {18)). 

quid n$ quo exmdat. 2. Gonsalefl flagrant infunia qaod 0. Mem- 
miiu oukdidatns paotionem in aenatu reoitayit^ quain ipse wavjaque 
oompeiitor DomitauBoimi ooDsnlibus feoinety nti ambo HS. quadra- 
gena ocmsulibus darent, si eaaent ipsi ooxumlas faoti, nifli tris 
augures dediaaent qui se adfuiaae dioerent oum lex curiata ferre- 
tur» quae non lata eeset, et duo oonsularis qui se dioerent in 
omandis proTinoiU ooneulazibuB eoribendo adfaifleoi oum omnino 
ne aenatus quidem fuiaaet Haeo paotio non yerbia, aed 
nominibua et peraoriptionibua, multorum tabulia oum eaae facta 
dioeretur, prolata a Memmio eat nominibua induotia, auotore Fom- 

on at the wtodc f«-, wilting Uf i i um fwi 
4xmdat^ initetd of lipU hi m qvid im qm 
0M€idMi. For ihB moaning oi modtUt^ op. 
Do Or. L 94 Hh4lk gyi m# im pn Jb Hi $ 
€t imiU $M0iiU H p§rvinit in mtmm 
homimm. Dr. Boid propooot 9Mmt Mt 

^^^MA^UAAft^Mft M^^ .AMIAA^EmaA^ Wm^ AA VMM .^^MA.JwMOn 


li paLBogmphietUy olmoot idantioaj with 
fyU^imm ^o. ui pmimhim) \ and / auy 
bo an ORor lor f (Lo. 9€ilice(\. npfoooor 
EUii would road U piimm fm m asviM, 
and tnnilaiea 'to proTont oomo witty 
remark being loat* 

2. ti^MiiMl See note on 142, 4. 

0MNfMM<«rJ Thif is added to diitin- 
cniah IhrnUmi CBknnm^ the m mpti iUr id 
Memmino, from LtnUmt AJt tm ihmrhm^ 
one of the ezieting oonsuls. 

MOM v4fhU\ On thii paaiage Mr. Boby, 
in his diecniaion on LitUramtm ObligmtU 
(•Boman Private Law,' ii., p. 296), 
■ave : ' The agreement was not made by 
Bttpulation (etrftw), but by book-entriee 
and ordsn for payment paaoed thronah 
■eyeial perMno' (baaken* P) books. Mo 
doubt the three anguri and two oontulare 
were eeoarad beforehand : book-entriee or 
money-ordere in their fkyonr were made. 
When at Pom'pey'e inatanoe the agreement 
wae prodnoed, tae names of the consolan 
and angnre were obliterated (MOMMitte 
inducti^. It is useless to oonjeetnre in 
what precise mode the bamin was made. 
Probaoly there was some further j Huhtm 
M# p$ttr§tur to preyent the parties elaim* 
inff the penalnes if the bargain was 
diuy perrormed.' Bee also Mr. Boby's 
detailed disoiisrion in ClatiUal JKfftMT, 
i. 67-69. 

ptneripHaMui] This word is ex- 
haustiTeiy discussed by Mr. Boby in 
CUusiealJU9i0Wf i. 68, and < Boman Pri- 
yate Law,' iL 292-8. It means in its most 

general sense the ' ex p re s si on of a debt in 
writing,* and in a more q>eeial sense 
' warrants for payment.' It is probable 
that the latter u the use here. For this 
use op. AtL aJL 61 (698) l%rp narramt 
ptnmpHmtm UH plac$r$ ; zyi 2, 1 (772) 
qvodjHnfriH eporUt; Phil. y. 11 foMs 
p&nmpii«mihi» d9nMUoMiuqu$ (ohequee 
and deeds of gift purporting to be made 
in pursnaaoe of Caesar's orders) : Liy. 
zziy. 18, 14 a puu$tor$ jMn0nM€Uur. 

nommUm$ MMliMfw] In the former 
edition we took iniiiier§ to mean ' to set 
down in the aooount,' as in Verr. i. 106 ; 
Do Leg. Agr. iL 70, 98 ; Fam. iiL 10, 6 
(261); and tranalated * with all the items of 
the oompaet duly entered,' or, as namina 
may include the names of the oontiaoting 
parties, ' with all the entriea duly made ' ; 
and we rejected the yiew that wduetis 
meant < oanoeUed.' Mr. Boby {GlamoBl 
i2MMi9, L 67), howeyer, justly aaya that 
this mikm viommUui inUet it quite otiose, 
and that there is no reason for giying an 
unusual £' entered '1 instead of the usual 
[* canoelled '] meaning to Muoiit. The 
Agreement doea not appear to haye been 
contained in a aepantte document, but to 
haye been contained in a number of books 
and documenta. Aa we haye aeen, Mr Boby 
takea nomiMut in tlua daaae to be the 
namea of the conaulars and augura ; and 
adda (Cfliinical Sbvww, i. 68, 69): <If it 
be insisted that nomimhu should mean 
the same in both plaoea (I do not think it 
at all neoeasary), we may suppoae that the 
whole or part of the book-entriea were 
blotted out, but that yet from the re- 
mainder or from the context the nature of 
the entry may haye been aui&ciently dii- 
coyerabfe to anpport the eyidenoe afforded 
by the ptraaripHonm or by Memmiua' 

EP. U9 (ATT. IV. 17 (18)). 


peio. Hio Appius erat idem : nihil sane iaoturae. Oormerat alter 
et plane, inqnam, iaoebat. 3. M emmins aatem dirempta ooitione 
inTito Oalvino plane refrixerat, et eo magis nuno hoe iaoet [ep. 
XYI. 6] quod iam intellegebamiiB ennntiationem illam Memmi 
valde Gaeeari displioere. Meesalla noster et eiua Domitins oom- 
petitor liberaliB in popolo yalde fait. Nihil gratina. Oerti erant 
oonsolea. At Benatua deoenut, ut tadtnm iudioinm ante oomitia 
fleret ab iia oonailiiai quae eiant tomnibasf aortitay in singalos 

iitAt^ MHM MaluriM] AppiM irai pro- 
▼erbial for hit impiMfiiioe; ep. Yatuiiuc 
in Fam. t. 10a, 8 (696) $i m$hmrmU$$ 
Appi 0$ hiitmrmn, Aeooramgly, the ez- 
potuze did Urn no hann; but hia odl- 
lea^a, Domitina, waa nttorlj knodcod 
down Dy the Uow. 

8. rtfiriuraQ < haa eeasad to giTS in- 
tateet': ep. 160,8; Atti. 19,4(25), li. 
1, 6 (27) ; l>e Bit. ii. 81. The oppoaite ia 
c a U r$ : ep. 154, 8, Flaao. 55 camt rt rf- 
cmiif mm9 imemuMf^ifrisit, and Fam. fiii. 
1, 2 (192). 

hoi] a Am fw. For hc$ m Aa§ rt cp. 
Petit done. 18 fl2) ; 158, 7, 16. There 
ia a oertain sunliiMij^ h e r e 4 o and hcCf 
* and aceordin^ hia min ii the more 
irretrieTahle m this fact that we now 
leam that Memmioa' diMloeiire if greatly 
reeented by OeeMr.' Poeaibly we thould 
read with Dr. Beid Mm ituH^ who oom- 
parei Knren. 80. Stemkopf eappoeee 
that the ooRuptioa aMiaM, out of which 
Mommaen deduced koo taaff, reallT bdonga 
to thepaatage in Bp. 158, 1, which foUowa 
thii pcni^ in the mas ; and for coeitM 
dicu Atr mt he ingeniontly oonjeoturea 
e(jfa«# dUiiUmnmi eee note on thatnaa- 
aage. For auch an ellipoe of the Ten> aa 
ia implied in Stemkopre reading et m 
fwyw (fif/HcMiaf), nam guody he oompaxee 
155, 2 OommopU m$$i$o wutgit (eowmovit) 
^tod, HefurUierurgeethatthepradmity 
of ioMhat (§ 2 Ai.) renden Uu$t impro- 
bable: and that eomins between the 

pluperf eot rrfrixtroit and the imperfect 
inUUegebomm^ we should haye expected 
iactbai. But perhape refngenU hac an 
inatantaneoua ■aniifwmce Meet favour at 
iiUMMmMMnm if ' we ascertained * 


^at the time of the disclosure) ; and ntme 
%M$t meana 'is now fallen' (at the time 
Oiceio waa writing the letter). 

#NM Jkmitim tmi^Uorl Again to dis- 
tinguish the candidate Bomitius from the 
consul Domitius; see ) 2. The order of 

these words is very singular ; but hyp«r- 
baton (e.g. d§ moU ad U raHomim smpri 
aaiM, Petit. Oona. } 1) is a charaeteriatic 
of the letters; see Index. For the singular 
fiUt aftsr two subjects cp. Att L 8, 1 (4), 
16, 12 (22), TiL 8, 10 (294), BruL L 12. 2 
f 909), Quoted among many other examplee 
from Oioero by Leraeton, p. 16. 

ttuiimt tiMM^iiMil It is bT no meana 
certain what a iooUum UiHemn waa,^ aa 
we do not hear of such a proceeding 
elsewhere. The analogy d a tmmtm 
Mfwuftnai te^iMi, OapitM. Gord. 12, and 
the fact that we know that the senate en 
other occasions held sittings in strict 
privacy, the result of which the senators 
were ei^ted not to divulge (Yal. Max. 
ii. 2, 1 m^tana pohHUm: Flutaroh, De 
Gaxrnlitate, 11), would lead us to inter- 
pret the UieUum UuUekm as a trial with 
closed doora. The punose of that would 
be to avoid the intimidation that might 
be exerdsed by the bribed voters. But 
perhaps the view of Lange (iii. 851) ia 
mors satisfsctory, that it waa a Judgment 
which was to be made on a matter of 
public notoriety ' without the hearing of 
witnesses or the usual methods of proof, 
and without speeches by counsel on either 
side.' Thii motion of the senate appears 
to have become distorted by the auiaori- 
ties which Plutsroh used before it reached 
him, as he specks of Oato*s (Gat Min. 44) 
having pennaded the senate to paas a decree 
that magistratea when electea, even if no 
accuser' came forward, should be nquMi 
to appear before a sworn court and aubmit 
to an waminstion aa to the means by 
whieJi ^ev attsined their magistracy. 

ommbu$] Mr. Shuokburgh seems rif^ht 
in taking this as dative, and supposmg 
that the panels meant are those of the 
alburn iariiidiNvi, who had been selected to 
try cases of amHtut, of which many were 
expected. He translates, * But the senate 
has passed a decree that **a trial with 



EP. U9 {ATT. IV. n {18)). 

oamdidatos. Magnus timor oandidatomm. Bed quidam iudioes, 
in his Opimina, Yeiento, Bantiaa, tribunoa pL appellanmty ne 
iniuflaa popoli indioarent. Bea oadit. Oomitia dilata ez aenatna 
oonanlto, dom lex de tadto iudioio f erretor. Yenit legi diee, 
Terentina interoesBii. Oonaoles, qui illud levi biaohio egiBflent, 
lem ad aenatom detnlenmt. Hio Abdero, non taoente me. 
Dioeai 'Tamen ta non qnieaoiflP' Ignoaoe, lix. poasom. Yemm 
tamen qnid tarn ridumlun P Senahu deoreTerat ne priua oomitia 
haberentor quam lez lata eeset : ai qui interooeiriaaoty rea Integra 
xefenetiir. Ooepta feni leTiter, interoeeaam non inTitia, rea ad 
aenatom : de ea re ita oenanemnty oomitia prime qnoqne tempore 
haberi eaw e rep. 4. [ep. XYL 7.] Soanrus qui erat panoia diebua 
illia abaolatna, com ^go partem eins omatiasime defendiasem, 
obnuntiationibua per Soaeyolam interpoaitia aingolia diebua usque 

oloMd doon" ihoiild be hdld before the 
eieotioiie m reepeot to eeeh of the oandi- 
ditee lefenlly by the peaele alreedj 
allotted to them elL' ^omkXj mmOtu 
may hare been a oomptioa of mMtm 
flop ^utMitm 

Mftile] PaMhre,Mmyerr.iL87<iMi 
MMPi tUctt Stnuiiut non potm m Sk §artiri 
f¥»d Im MitfUim wUtrti dUhu mtm wrivri 
iinmm f m hu $onptm U94t\ alio \\ 4S and 
127: ep. beaidea Prop. t. 7» 66 nmn 

and Ubib adTorbial toriite. For the aotiTe 
fonncp. jortfi in Plant. Oaa. Z96, 418; and 
Noniua 471 qnotee $artnmi and ooriUmi 
from Bnnina and Tanro. 

ViUiUo] In Att Tii. 8, 6 (204) ve 
hear that ne waa 1^ by Bibnlus in oom« 
mandoftheproTinoe of Syria. OfOpimiue 
and Bantina nothing is known. Some 
lappoee that the latter it the lame at 
Antnu in ) 4 ; but Antiua does not appear 
to hare been a timid man at alL Theee 
names would seem to show that the yiew 
eannot be sustained that the UmUkh 
itid in mm was composed of senators only. 

mdW] 'mardhea slowly along.' This 
is a "»ft*"iiftg of esd^re found in Plautus 
(Cta.446; Pseud. 808, 966), and probably 
Delonged to the ttrmo cotidumm : op. Hor. 
Bat. n. 1, 67. KadTig suggests ctcidit. 
Bee Adn. Grit. 

l§9i br§sAio] Cp. moUi brMhio, Att ii. 
1, 6 (27). . QuintOian uses molU articulo 
(zi. 1, 70) snd motti manu (ii. 4, 12). 

^Mfraj * a very Bedlam to which I 
oontzibute my share of noise.' Abd^ro 

is the typical home of stupidity. *Afi9^pt^ 
ratSw is * the act of a maniaoy' Att. Tii. 
7, 4 (298). C^. Mart. z. 26, 4. 

non inpUWJ * to the satisftiMion of the 
consuls who were bringing in the 

pomitia prima guamis Umporo huhiHl 
* that the serersl oomitia should be held 
each at the first opportunity.' For frim» 
fmqm Um po r t cp. Thil. iii. 89, yiii. 88 ; 
also note on 864, 1. 

4. iMHMJs iN#^ i0tfl 'afewdaysbe- 
foie.' Contrast hi% dStbutf <in the next 
few days,' 148, 11. For Bcaurus cp. 148» 
9. He was acquitted on September 2. 
The use of pnrUm is a little strsnge 
Caide' for 'cause'), but is defended by 
0. F. W. MtOler who adducea Att. ii. 21, 
6 (48), Fam. ziii. 29, 7 (467). Br. Beid 
defends jMi/fMn, the reading of K, aa a 
wph fepQvZoKtn» joke. Gioero says below 
({ 6) that he does not know what be will 
say in fkyour of Bcaurus in the bribery 
case : and it may yery likely haye been as 
diffloult in the case for r§p§tunda$. From 
144, 6, we can see how important a part of 
the defence the jwtm mmnuria might be. 
Dr. Beid thinks that it would be just like 
Cicero to slip mpalrmnmu for mm here ; 
and it would suit the cynical irony of the 
whole paragraph. Stemkopf thinks there 
is a cyniciu allusion to the number of 
counsel employed by Scanrua. It was 
noted that he had no fewer than six 
(Asconius, p. 20) * when I ddCended a bit 
of him. 

8ea$9oUm'\ Oneof the suite of Q.Cicero 

EP. IJfi {ATT. IV. 17 {18)). 


ad pr. Kal. Ootobr., quo ego haeo die soripei, Bablatis, populo 
tributim domi suae satiB f eoerat : sed tamen, etai uberior liberalitas 
htdiiB, gratior esee Tidebator eomm qui ooouparant. Ouperem 
Yultum yideie tuum oum haeo legeres. Nam profeoto spem habea 
nullam, haeo negotia multarum nundinamm fore. Sed senatuB 
faodie fuerat fdtunUy id est, EaL Ootobribus. lam enim luoiaoit. 
Ibi loquetur praeter Antium et FaYonium libere nemo; nam 
Oato aegrotat. De me nihil timueris. Bed tamen promitto nihil. 
6. [ep. XYI. 8.] Quid quaeiis aliudP ludioia oredo. Drusus, 
SoauruB non feoiBBe ndentur. TreB oandidati fore rei putabantur, 
DomitiuB a Memmio, MeBBalla a Q. Pompeio Buf o, SoauruB a 
Triario aut a L. Oaesare. ' Quid poteriB, inquiee, pro m dioere P ' 
Ne Tiyam, si Boio. In illis quidem libriB quoB tu dilaudafi nihil 

in Ana. op. Q. Fr. i. 2, 18 (68). He was 
▼ezj fahaiiient as tribuna: op. A^ti vwimw 
162, 6 ; 164, 4. 

pdoMitparm^ Mosialla and Domitins, 
who iiad been distribntkiff thsir bzibos at 
« timo whan Scaurus ooud not stand as 
« oandidato, as ho was under prosecu- 

m uU mr um ntmdinantmfiri} * that this 
kind ofbnsiness can last for many weeks.' 
This seems to be the meaning ; but we 
cannot find any plaee where mmdimas is 
used in the sense of ' weeks,' except the 
familiar phrase friMCMfffiMMftmisi. SjmtiB 
used in the neutral sense of ' antadpation.' 
Stemkopf nghtlj sees no neoessitr to 
supply AM Mfore nuttam. It has oeen 
also held that the zeferenoe may be to the 
money-lending txanaaotions of AUious, 
' for assuredly you ean haTO no expeeta- 
tapn that this businMs will lead to much 
traiBekiBg.' The jocular tone of the 

clause might lend some support 
to this. 

Aniimm] We hear of an Antius in 
OatuUus 44, 11 ITimh 8$»tUmm Ami sefe 
MM softeiM, OroHongm m Amtmm p$ti' 
torem Flmuim v$n»ni §t patUmtiM Isfi ; 
also of an Antius who was proscribed by 
the triumTirs in 711 (48), but was sayed 
by hit wife, who wrapped him up inside 
a bundle of bed-dothes (cp. Appian B.O. 
It. 89). 

5. IniiUi. .. Uhrit] The reference is 
to the treatise J>e Orator$. 

quQ9 iu rfitotirfo t ] So Victorins for the 
mas qu9 ttudio laudat : op. Att. fi. 8, 8 
(264) f6r maudar$. Tet it it not to be 
aenied that a defence could be made for 
ftMt 9tuii4 kmdat ; for ihidic m mh amorf, 
cp. Rose Am. 91 ui o nm ti imUUsgant m# 
lum $tuiio a$&utor§ ud ^^Mo drfmid0r$\ 
Hor. Sat i. 4, 78 ' ludir§ ftMid$s' i9tquU 
* 0i hoe UmUopraput/gm.* 


HP. 160 («. FR. III. e). 

160. TO HIS BEOTHEB QUINTUS (Q. Fr. hi. 2). 

BOMB ; ooioBBB 11 ; A. u. a 700 ; b. a 54 ; abt. cic. 62. 

M. Ciotto Q. tntaA ■oibit GabiiuiiM rarmniiii in nrbem niAle aooeptom et in senata 
et ft Xammio tiibuno pL in eantionibui Tazatiim eiie : turn de iudicio eius prozime 
latoro oommemont. Dcindo qui da ambita rsi nnt, quae oomitioram ipea dt 


1. A. d. yi. Id. Ootobr. SalyiuB Ostiam yesperi nayi profeotua 
erat oom iis rebuB qnas iibi domo mitti volaeras. Eodem die 
Gabiniom ad populnm luoulente oalefeoerat M emmiuB fiio, ut 
Oalidio Terbnm f aoere pro eo non lioaerit Postiidie antem eiua 
diei qui erat torn futoms, oom haeo aoribebam ante laoem, apad 
Oatonem erat divinatio in Ghtbinium fatura inter M emminm et TL 
Neronem et 0. et L. Antonioe M . F. Putabamua fore ut Memmio 
daretor, etai erat Neronis mira oontentio. Quid qoaeris P Probe 
premitur, nisi noater Pompeina dia hominibnaqne inyitia negotium 
everterit. 2. Oognoaoe nunc hominia audaoiain et aliquid in re 
publioa perdita deleotare. Cfum Ghtbinius, qnaonmque Teniebat, 
triomphmn se postolaie dizinet aabitoque bonna imperator nootu 
in nrbem, hostinm plane, invaaiaBet, in senatum se non committebat. 

1. caltftetrai] ' waniAd him/ that ia, 
' aiaailad fcim with Tehamant iniraotiTa.' 
Tha wofrd is pailiapa ohoaen Hare for tlia 
•aka of ft plftj on tha nama of 0»Udiutf 
who waa oounaal for Gafainina. 

ilf(MfiMMi#] a trihuna of thii yaar. 

IMriiUj Thia funiahaa an azoallant 
inatanoa of tha inoonTanienaa ariamg from 
tha BomanhftUtof ragaffdingtima, notfrom 
tha wxitar'a point of Tiew, ont Ma oorre- 
ipondant'a. ' The day aztar to-monow' 
baoomaa in apiatdary UuBguage ' tha day 
aftar tha day which was ahont to aniTa 
at the tima whan I wrote thia latter juat 
baijoie dawn.' The nahizal way to hare 
expramed the lentenoe would hate been : 
* the day alter to-moRow; itianownaaily 
dawn aa I write.' Inbeghuungtoreadthe 
lettexa» one flnda that one haa oome unto 
a land in wfaieh it seemeth always (not 
afternoon, but) the day before yester- 

divinatio] Am only one aoouser was 
allowed for a aingle oifonoe — ^in case of a 
number of aconseis coming forward — ^it 
waa neoeasarr to hold ft preliminary trial 
to daoida whioh waa to condnoi the eaae. 
Thia preliminary trial waa called dMmatio, 

prtmiim''] so. Oabiniua. 

nsffotmm tv^rUrW] * tuma the tablea,' 
' upaets tha combination against GabiniQa. ' 

2. sitbitoqm,^ that is, ' by a sudden 
change of pnipose.' On the actions of 
Gkibiniua at this time, cp. Dio Oaas. 
zzzix. 62. 

kottimn pUmg] Thus clearly ahowing 
that he knew Bmne waa a d^ of enemies 
to him . and gi^inc evidence of hii strateoio 
skill by surprismg the hostile fort by 
night This is all itooioal. Koch reada 
hikiumplmiMn^ denying that Oioeio would 
haye written whftt is. in the manuscripts. 
On the same ground Wesenberg con- 
jeotorea hatiUm in mothm. 

EP. 150 (Q. FB. III. 2). 


Interim ipso deoimo die, quo eum oportebat hostiom eaesarum 
nnmeram et militum renuntiare, iniepsit summa infrequentia. 
Oom vellet exire, a conaulibus letentus est: introduoti publioani. 
Homo nndique saTidiiSy onm a me mazime vulneraietnr, non tulit 
et me trementi yooe ezsulem appella^it. Hio— o dil nihil nmquam 
honorifioentinB nobis aooidit — oonsurrexit senatos com olamore ad 
unnm, sic, ut ad ooipos eius aooederet : pari olamore atque impetu 
publioani. Qnid quaeris ? Omnes, tamqaam si ta esses, ita f ue- 
ront. Nihil hominum sennone foris olariiia Ego tamen me teneo 
ab aoousando, yiz meheroale, sed tamen teneo^ Tel quod nolo oum 
Fompeio pngnare— satis est quod iustat de Milone--vel quod 

ipso ^ieimo iWJ On the tenth day after 
he entered the city. The role was, that 
no one ehonld have a triumph unless he 
had slsin in one engagement MOO enemies. 
Buty Man. shrewdlr obserres, Gahinins 
had given np all thooj^ts of a trinmph 
when he entered the atj. Henoe Man. 
oonjeotores that all goyemozB returning 
from their prorinoes were oUiged to make 
some statement hsloie the senate as to 
the losses sustained by the enemy and by 
the Romsws in whaterer actions oeoaned 
during his goTenuMrship. The words of 
Valeiias Mudmns ii. 8, 1, are as fol- 
lows : — Ob ImaprctUa fmdmn imp0rator$9 
trimnphoe nH dtetrm ttrndtrmitmi : qui' 
but ut oce u rr trt tur Uge ctmtum est ne 
guU trimmphairH nwi gm qmnqua milHa 
koitium una aei4 aeidUttt . . . Ottsrum 
ne turn pratelarm Ux eupUiUU laurtae 
obliiUrarHur U^ aUirnu adiutcrie fuUa 
0»t quam P. Maniut $t M, Cato tribuni 
pi, tuUnmt : poenam §mm imperatoH- 
bu» MifMter qui out ho$HuM occuorum 
in pro$Ho mU mniuorum eioium faUum 
num§rum UU»r%9 mwtui tnm $9unt T§ftrr% 
iubttqut #M, cum primum urhem inira$9mtf 
apud qm$9iwrf urhmiM wmm d$ uiroque 
nutnero perc ab iii ienatui nm terip* 

Possibly we should read only ho$tium 
for hoiHairum /see Adn. Orit). We know 
that proyinoial gOTemors were expected 
to write reports to the senate of any 
military actions which occurred during 
their term of office : cp. Pis. 88 QuU 
unquam promneiam eum cxereitu obtinuit 
am mUku ad tmatum UtUnu mimrU, and 
verr. t. 9. We mar conjeotuxethat such 
a commander^ on his return, would he 
expected to make a statement in the senate 
as to the military position in his pnmnce ; 

though it must he oonfMsed that there 
does not seem to be conflimatory evidence 
of this practice. To this Dr. Reid ohjecte 
that there was so little fighting in the 
povinces that it is hardly likelr such a 
law was made. On the other hand, he 
thinks that we may suppose that the 
far-reaching Lex Lilia Bepetundarum 
embodied the conditions of a triumph of 
which Yal. Max. informs us, and made 
them more strin|pent by the requirement 
of a report. This will, of course, require 

publim m t] oi Syria, who could not col- 
leet their dues, owing to the depredations 
committed hv the pirates during the ab- 
sence of Gabinius, who was engaged in 
the unlawful entea^rise of resUmng Pto- 
lemy : inudii •! 2^/»ai v«XXA t9v Fttfiwiov, 
iXXms Tt Ktti 4p rfl b/rwuri^. «brov bw^ rmr 
ApoTwr KaKuB4pT9S9 KUT9fi&i$v8M, oT re 
rflAdrou /til Zmni94pT9S rh rAiy 8i' aibrobf 
ivwpu^ai vtfx^b, ^TW^fXiftf'ar, ifpy((orro . . 
ffol brol/iut ^Ix^^ Korailni^ina^ai abrov 
(Die Cass, xxzix. 59, 2). 

tau&iui] 'pounded on every side.' This 
is our correction of fo^tM of the ms. The 
confusion between e and i occurs in almost 
every letter. Op.SerPtMui d$ rtpttundic 
MfMiM (Fam. viiL 8, 8 (228)). 

$»suUm] Dio Oass. (xxxix. 60, 1) saya 
absurdly that it was Pompey and Crassus 
during their consulship who taunted 
Oioero with having been exiled. 

m$ Un0o] Lamb, added ms, but before 
ab. It seems impossible to omit it. The 
passage is not unlike Att. xiv. 12, 1 (716) 
iUu0 rcfirOf where we must either add 
Mtf , or alter to refiror, 

d$ Miicns^ Milo intended to stand for 
the consulship of 702 (62) ; and CUcero did 
not want to uienate Pompey's influence. 


EP. ISO {Q. FR. III. S). 

iudioet nalloB Iiabeinafl. 'Aircfrcvy/ia formido, addo etiam maleyo- 
lentiam hominnm, et timeo ne illi me aoousante aUquid aooedat, 
neo despero rem et mne me et non nihil per me oonfioi posse. 3. De 
amUta postolati sunt omnes, si oonsulatum petont : a Memmio 
Domitins, a Q. Aoutio^ bono et eradito adoleeoente, Memmius, a 
Q. Pompeio MessaUa, a Tiiario Soaurns. Magno res in motn est, 
propterea qnod aut hominnm ant legom interitns oetenditor. Opera 
dator nt indicia ne flant. Bee Tidetnr speotare ad interregnnm. 
Consnles oomitia habere onpinnt : rei nofamt et maxime MemmiuB, 
qnod Oaesaris adventn se sperat fntnmm oonsnlem. Bed mirum in 
modum iaoeL Domitins onm Messalla oertuB esse iridebatnr, Soau- 
rns refrixerat. Appius sine lege ouriata oonflrmat se Lentulo nos- 
tro suooessurum: qui quidem miriflons illo die, quod paene praeterii, 
fuit in Gabinium : acousavit maiestatis : nomina data, oum ille 

No luppoffter of Mllo wm more enthn- 
OMtie than Gioero : op. 177» 8. 

rmwrfff] < iMtDe should gain an adran- 
tagtt thioogh my beinff the proaeoutor,' 
owinf to tbo malaroienoe of Cioero*i 
enemifla: op. Phil. L 88 hu4 ti quid oMit- 
$erii mam imm mUhi quam 9aHi afiet$9§riL 
AeoUUU, tho reading of H, oonld not by 
itself » a t m m m o ds aoSdai ; uied abaolutely 
it would rather mean mcomumoit ueddut ; 
and thif is the oontrary to what Gioero 
plaii^ means to say. If we retain oMtAi^, 
It will beoome neoessair to empbasiae m$ 
iUcmtmmUf ' lest it should be owing to my 
aoouaatkm he be oondenmed,' that I 
shonldy owing to my great powers, appear 
plainly the eauae of his oondemnation, 
and thus incur the enmity of Fompey. 
For u^fmd aiimi aooidtrt of being oon- 
denmed in a proeeoution ep. Mil. 68 and 

IMM mUUl per hm] by meana of the 
adfioe whieh Gioero would giro to the 
counsel for the proseoution. 

8. a Mmmmioj Thii is G. Memmius the 
tribune (op. § 1), not to be oonf ounded with 
G. Memmiua, the candidate for oonsul- 
ahip. On these accusations, op. also 149,6. 

rH mokmi] because they oould not be- 
come oandidatea for the eonsulBhip while 
vnder aeousation. 

Om&rU mdvmiu] Gp. 169, 3. This 
eannoi mean Gaesar's airiTal Id the neigh- 
bourhood of Borne, for the pro-oonaui of 
Qaul could not pass the Eubioon: still 
less his sniTal mside the city whioh he 
eould not enter, ezoept aa a triumphataTf 

without forfeittng his imperimn. Henoe 
Man. thinks thi^ advemtu refers to the 
aniYal of Gaesar in Qallia Togata, that 
part of his proTinoe in whioh were cokmUe 
and mmmitipia inToated with the franchise. 
Memmiua hoped that Gaeaar would influ- 
ence theae in hia fayour, or cTen send 
some of his soldien to support Memmiua 
at the election. Gp. M&mmiui Oci$aari$ 
c<mmemd0tur miUHlmtf 144, fi. 

refrixtnU'] Gp. 149, 8, note. We should 
probably uae a different metaphor, ' haa 
lost ground.' 

iine lege eMriaUi] See note to 168, 26. 

mominadata} so. of the witnesaea 
against Gabinius. So say the commeata* 
tors. But is the reference not rather to 
the mominie dekuio at which the accused 
had a series of questions put to him by 
the prosecutor for the purpose of making 
out a primd facie case P See Greenidge, 
Froeedure, p. 468. Silence did not mean 
a confession of guilt, and in an^ oase 
a trial was always necessary pnor to 
condemnation : cp. Yerr. i. 26 imeegfrnita 
{eauea) efmdemuari nemo poteei. Boot 
(Obs. Gtit. 87) has an idea that there is a 
reference to abusiye terma haying been 
applied to Gabiniua by Appius, that he 
oaUed him namea : so Boot reada momma 
odioea data. Eyen if thia is Gioeronian 
Latin, we think the addition improbable. 
But Boot may be right in saying * testea 
non nominantur et aaltem debuerat scribi 
momina edita ut Madyigius in Smend. liy. 
p. 846 ; apud Liyiam ittix. 87, 12, 
edidit eolUgae nomem pro yulgato dodit e. 
momen restituit. 

EP. 161 (Q. FR. IIL S). 


verbnm nullum. Habes f oiensia. Domi reote est : ipsa domos a 
redednptoribns traotatnr non indiligenter. 

161. TO HIS BEOTHEE QTJINTUS (a Fe. in. s). 

SOICB ; OCTOBBB 21 ; A. U. C. 700 ; B. 0. 64 ; ABT. CIC. 52. 

M. Oioero Q. fratri nimtiat do rebus domeftiois non nulla, dandarat litteras eius ; 
bomitiomm dQationaa commemorat, Gabiniiim da ambita renm, Gioaxonia Q. filii in 
rhatore andiando diligentiam. 


1. Oooapationom mearom tibi signmn sit librari manus. Diem 
soito esse nullum, quo die non dioam pro reo. Ita, quidquid con- 
ficio aut oogito; in ambulationis tempus fere oonf ero. Negotia se 
nostra sio habent, domestioa vero, ut volumus. Yalent pueri, stu- 
diose diBount, diligenter dooentur, et nos et inter se amant. Expo- 
litiones utriusque nostrum sunt in manibus: f sed tua ad perfeotum 
iam res rustioa Aroani et Lateri. Praeterea de aqua, de via nihil 
praetermisi quadam epistula quin enucleate ad te persoriberem. 
Sed me ilia oura sollioitat angitque vehementer, quod dierum iam 
amplius l intervallo nihil a te, nihil a Caesare, nihil ex istis loois 
non modo litterarum sed ne rumoris quidem adfluxit. Me autem 
iam et mare istuo et terra sollioitat, neque desino, ut fit in amore, 
ea quae minime toIo oogitare. Qua re non equidem iam te rogo 
ut ad me de te, de rebus istis soribas — ^numquam enim, oum potes, 

ipta tUmut] the material edifice itself ; 
he had just uaed domi in the wider sense 
of ' at home.' 

The date of this letter is fixed by 
Xoetner (p. 65) ; £p. 162 was written on 
Oct. 24 (162, 6), probably the day after 
the aoquittal of Gafainina. That would 
fix the trial to Get. 23 : and this latter 
was written two daj^a before (triduOf } 8). 

1. f*$d . . . ruthea] No certain emen- 
dation of thiapasaaaehaa been made. The 
worda #< ftfa# prnttAt^ imn r$» rutticM 
would repzesent the sense, though such a 
reading seems to present nothing to ao- 
oount for the ooiruption. This phiase 

ad ^fidtun, howcTor, might perhaps 
poesibly stand for adpmfictum vonit (or 
adsti)f as such yerbs of motion are not 
infrequently omitted in epistolary style : 
e.g. 146, 2 Snriutpotius ad noi (so. vmi) 
dum pUnior : Att. xiy. 20, 6 (727) Sram 
coniinuo FiUam iokUaturut, diiiuU ad 
ifpulas Vutori funpieula (so. ittmu). As re- 
gards the buildins; operations in question, 
op. 148, 4-6, towEieh letter Cioero himself 
here refers his brother. There we hsTe 
urhana expcUtw^ * the doing up of the two 
brothers* town-houses,' oontrarted with 
r$t fKtiMOf, ' the works at Laterium and 
Arcanum ' ; and no doubt the meaning is 
the same here. 


EP. 161 {Q. FR. III. S). 

pnetannittiB — ^sed hoo te 8oire toIo, nihil fere mnqoam me no ex- 
gpeotnMo at, cam haeo floribebun, toas litteras. 2. None oognoeoe 
ea qoae sant in le publioa. Oomitioram cotidie mngoli dies tol- 
luntor obnontiationiboB, ma^a yolontate bonoram omniom : tanta- 
inTidia sunt oonsoles propter saspioionem paotorum a oandidatis 
praemioram. Gandidati oonsalares qoattnor omnes rei: oaosae sunt 
diffioiles, sed enitemur ut M essalla noster salyus sity quod est etiam 
cam reliquorum salute ooniunctum. Gkbinium de ambitu ream 
feoit P. Sulla, subsoribente privigno Memmio, fratie Oaeoilio, Sulla 
filio. Oontra dixit L. Torquatus omnibusque libentibus non obti- 
nuit. 8. Quaeris quid flat de Gabinio P Sdemus de maiestate 
tciduo : quo quidem in iudido odio premitur omnium generum, 
maxime testibus oaeditur : aoousatoribus frigidissimis utitur : oon- 
siliom Tariumi quaesitor gravis et firmus, Alflus, Pompeius vehe- 
mens in iudidbus rogandis. Quid f uturum sit nesdo, locum tamen 
iUi in dvitate non video. AniTnnm praebeo ad illius pemioiem 
moderatum, ad rerum eventum lenissimum. 4. Habes fere de 
onmibus rebus. Unum illud addam: Oioero tuus nosterque summe 
studiosus est Paeoni sui rhetorisy bominis, opinor, valde exerdtati 
et bonL Sed nostrum iustituendi genus esse paullo eruditius et 

3. fuuUuor owm$9\ ' the whole four ' ; 
not MiMlutoti MfMifMf M piathuir^ omtiM 
r#i, the ufiial reeding. Cioeio had already 
oleaxly told hia brother aeTeral tiniea that 
there were four oaadidatea. 

P. AiOil Thia ia the Sulk who waa 
defended by Cioero in the aonimer of 
692 (62). 

jpfiviffie Memmiol 0. Memmiua the 
tnbone. The other unUmptor^i were 
Sulla'a oouain GaeoOiusy and hia son 

Contra distiti that ia, in the dtPMoHo 
aa to who was to oondnot the proaecution 
of Qahiniua. 

TarqmOuB] He had proaeonted Sulla 
eight yean before di ei when Cicero 
undertook the defence of Sulla. 

8. cmtditur] Thia is the reading of M, 
which, if retained, must mean < ia being 
oaatigBted by.' But Madyig's (A. C, 
p. 197) emendation Ueditvr is very attiao- 
tire, and ia strengthened bv the addition 
of mmms, whioh goea well willi UklUur 
('he ia oMefly damaged bv witnesses'), 
but in with cMdiUtr, with whioh we should 
e^eotMMTtiN^, or some such word. "One 
might aay (adds Kadvig) a Uitibut coneidi ; 

but UHihuM 9a§di is not a phrase at all 
(nihil omnino eet)/' 

rofandi$] 'in eolieiting the fayoor 
of ; rs^ofv used abeolutely in this sense 
is rare. 

iofum..iiH] thatis,hewiUoertainlybe 
sent into exile, if not on one charge, e. g. 
maiutM, then on another, umbUut or r$$ 

rerum} 'as things may turn ouL' 
Cicero sajs that he will not glory oyer 
the downfall of Gabiniua, and wQl take in 
the eeaiest possible way any iwne of the 
erent, condemnation or acquittal. Madyig 
(1.0.) requires too great aocuiaoy of anti- 
thesis when he thinks that r^riMi must 
refer to acquittal only. He proposea 
dUirum or la$tum, piefemng the former. 
For ItnUtkmtm^ cp. 160, 1 Uwi$tim$ tuH. 

4. nmm tiutMtui] 'greatly deyoted 
to.' We meet 9umm$ ttudiottim, Fam. iy. 
3, 8 (494). This is Wesenberg's emenda- 
tion of M, whioh haa »ummo ttudie nt. 
This, thouffh a alightljr unusual phrase 
with the objectiye genitiye added, may 
yet be defended : op. Brut. 237 Munna 
mkUoeri inffenio $dd magno gtudio rtrum 

EP. ISfB (Q. FB. III. i). 


OkTiKArtpov non ignoras. Qua re neque ego impediri Oioeronis iter 
atqae illam diBoipIinam yoIo, et ipse puer magis illo dedamatorio 
genere duoi et deleotari videtur — in quo quoniam ipd quoque 
fuiiDua, patiamur iUum ire nostris itineribns (eodem emm perven* 
toram esse oonfldimiiB), Bed tamen, ai nobisonxn emu roa aliquo 
eduxerimna, in hano nostram rationem oonmietudinemqne indu- 
oemoa. Magna enim nobia a te proposita meroea est quaxn oerte 
nostra culpa nnmqnam minus adsequemur. Quibus in loois et 
qua spe hiematurus sis ad me quam diligentiflsime soribas yelim. 

162. TO HIS BBOTHEE QUIMTUS (Q Pb. in. 4). 
ROMS ; oeroBBU 25 ; a. u. c. 700 ; b. c. 64 ; abt. gio. 62, 

M. Gioero Q. fniaa de Oabinio abaoluto pdnoriUt et qna re eum neo aoouaaxit nee 
defenderit ted fantum teetimoniiim oontra eum dizerit oitendit : addit de Tenibue 
Q. frabii et de bibliothecft. 


1. Oabinius absolutus est. Omnino nihil aoousatore Lentulo 
subscriptoribusque eius infantius, nihil illo oonsilio sordidius. Bed 
tamen nisi inoredibilis oontentio, preoes Pompei, diotaturae etiam 
rumor planus timoris fuisset, ipsi Lentulo non respondisset, qui 
tamen, illo aoousatore illoque oonsilio, sententiis oondemnatus sit 
zxxn, cum lxx tulissent. Est omnino tarn gravi fama boo 

•ffTiK^rtfior] lit.'beloDgizigtotf^tf'is/ 
i. e. 'more abetmcty' 'more aigomenta- 
tiTe/ or * reaaoned,' horing no xelation to 
indiTidual peraons or oiromnBtanoee, a 
Bt^le of apeuang more adapted for a Judge 
than a jniy, more addreaaed to the reaaon 
than to the feefinga. Mr. Sihler quotea 
for $4^ts Oio. Or. 46 piaetHo a prcprHi 
p4r$omt H Umporiim id imicwrfi gmtrit 
rtftiMMifi trttimta apptUatw Bi^is, Mxair 
94v9is are to be found in Att. \x, 4, 2 (861;. 

Quti fv . . . tfultfanfttw] We baTO punc- 
tuated thia whole paaaage aocording to the 
text of Wee. The meaning ia : — I ahoold 
not like to inteilere with Paeoniua' ayatem 
of inatniotion ; the boj himaelf aeema to 
take to thedeolamatoiy rather than to the 

argnmentati?e atvle of riietorio — indeed 
thia ia the adiod in whioh I waa brought 
up myaelf , ao we may let him follow in 
my atepa — ^I am aure he wiU riae aa high 
aa erer I did— y^ if I can get him awar 
with me aomewhere to the oountr]r> I will 
intooduoe him to mj ayatem, wmofa you 
know ia more argumentatiTe than the 
ayatem of Paeoniua. 

q}M*P^'\ that ia, of promotion from 

1. MfMilta tofMkuX 99rd§9 and aorift- 
du9 are eapeoially applied to deaoribe the 
oonduct of oozTupt ]uriea. 

iuU$$$nf\ ao. onm Izx iudieea tuliaaent 
aententiaa : op. note to 148, 4. 


EP. 159 {Q. FB. III. A). 

iadioinm at Tideatur reliqiuB iadioiiB peritoraa et maxime de 
peooniiB repetondis. Sed Tides nnUam esse rem pnblioam, nul- 
lum senatimi, nulla indioia, nullam in alio nostrum dignitatem. 
Quid plnra de indidbus P Duo praetorii sederunt, Domitius Oal- 
Tinus, is aperte absolvit ut omnes Tiderenti et Oato, is diribitis 
tabellis de oixoulo se subduzit et Pompeio primus nuntiavit. 
2. Aiunt non nuUi, ut Sallustius, me oportuisse aoousare. His 
ego iudidbus oommitterem P Quid ossom, si me agente esse 
elapsus P Sed me alia moverunt. Non putasset sibi Pompeius 
de illius salute sed de sua dignitate meoum esse oertamen : in 
urbem introiaset, ad inimidtias res yenisset, cum Aesemino Sam- 
nite Paddeianus oomparatus yiderer, aurioulsm f ortasse mordious 
abstulissety cum Olodio quidem certe redisset in gratiam. Ego 
Tcro meum consilium, d praesertim tu non improbas, vehementer 
approbo. Hie, cum a me .singularibus meis studiis omatus esset 
cumque ego illi nihil deberem, ille mihi omnia, tamen in re 
publica me a se dissentientem non tulit — ^nihil dioam grayius-— et 
minus potens eo tempore quid in me florentem posset ostendit. 
Nunc, cum ego ne curem quidem multum posse, res publioa certe 
nihil posdt, onus ille omnia posdt, cum illo ipso contenderem P 
Sic enim f adendum fmsset. Non ezistimo te putare id mihi sus- 
dpiendum fuiase. 3. * Alterutrum ' inquit idem Sallustius ; * defen- 

€^mrU MhsohfU] For a timilar oaae in 
whioh A UuUtf allowed hit Tote {though by 
ballot) to bo known, op. Cato m the trial 
of mlo, yeU. ii. 47. 5 {Miltmm rmm) 
M, (kUopalmm lata titokit mm tmt im, 

Odio] We cannot be rare who thia 
Oato waa. It is not pxobaUe that he waa 
Cato Utioenaia, who wae praetor this year 
({ 6); nor the 0. Cato who waa txibone 
in 698 (66). Possibly the name is a 
mistake for (Ma, who appeaxa in 706 
(49) to haye already held ue nraetonhip, 
when we find him gOTemor of flardinia : 
ep. 169, 6, and Att z. 16, 8 (402). 

diriUHi tabtlUi] < when the TOtes were 

oonnted' : op. Fia. 96 amyeaaQM^tiai ium 

2. SMuiiut] Cp. 166, 1, and Index. 
Dio Cass. (xzuz. 62, 2) says that Cioero 
dffir^ara nlrov (so. Gabinias) Kanf- 
y^p^vw. This is possibly due to a 
oonfuaion with the attaok whieh Cioero 
made on him in the senate (160, 2). 

99mmiUUirmn\ For this absolute use of 
c9mmiUUr$y op. yerr. iii 1S7 ; It. 16. 

turn ^M#mifio] Cioero says the oon- 
teat between him and Pompey would be 
like that between Pacideianua and Aeaer- 
ninns. Paoideiinna waa the prince of gla- 
dxatOTB; Aeseminus had none of Ida skill, 
but was Tory strong and rery determined. 
In Tusc It. 48 Cioero, o aoting Luoflius 
(186 Laohm.), apeaka oz the ferooioaa 
ooorage of Aeaerninua. Cioero meana 
here to say that, though tihe skill would be 
all on hia side, the brute f oroe of Pompey 
might inflict on him Tery serious injunes. 
We haye in Pacideianua another oharaeter 
oommon to Cioero and Horace (Sat. ii. 
7, 97). 

8. AIUntirum'\ w^fietua; 'youdioold 
haye done one thing or the other ; if you 
refused to prosecute CHtbinius, yon should 
haye defended him.' For the pluperf. 
subj. oi neglected duty, op. Att ii. 1, 8 
(27). It is strange that the proUuda, <if 
you refnaed to proaeonte Cfabiniua,' ia 

EP. IBS (Q. FR. III. J^). 


difises idque Pompeio oontendenti dedisseB: etenim yehemenier 
orabat.' Lepidum amioum Sallustiam, qui mihi aut inimioitias 
putet perionlofiaa Bubeundas fuiBBe aut infamiani sempiternam I 
Ego yero hao mediooritate deleotor, ao mihi illad iuoondum est, 
quody oum tastimonium aeoondiim fldem et reUgionem grayissime 
dizissem, reus dixit^ A in oiyitate liomsflet dbi esse, mihi se satis 
factnnun, neque me quidquam interrogayit. 4. De yersibns quos 
tibi a me soribi yiB, deest mihi quidem opera, quae non modo 
tempus sed etiam animum yaouum ab omni oura desiderat; sed 
abest etiam Iv9ov91€lvii6q. Non enim sumus omnino sine oura 
yenientis anni, etsi sumus sine timore. Simul et illud — sine ulla 
meheroule ironia loquor— tibi istius generis in soribendo priores 
partis tribuo quam mihi. 5. De bibliotheoa tua Graeoa supplenda, 
libris oommutandis, Latinis oomparandis, yalde yelim ista oonfioi, 
praesertim oum ad meum quoque usum speotent. Sed ego mihi 
ipsi ista per quem agam non habeo : neque enim yenalia sunt 
quae quidem plaoeant et oonfid nisi per hominem et peritum et 
diligentem non possunt. Ghrysippo tamen imperabo et oum 
Tyrannione loquar. De flsoo quid egerit Soipio quaeram. Quod 
yidebitur reotum e^BQ ourabo. De Aseanione, tu yero quod yoles 
fades : me nihil interpono. De suburbano, quod non properas 
laudo : ut habeas hortor. 6. Haeo soripsi a. d. ix. Elalend. 
Noyembr., quo die ludi oommittebantur, in Tusoulanum profi- 
oiseens duoensque meeum Gioeronem meum in ludum disoendi, 
non lusionis: ea re non longius quam yellem, quod Pomptino 

neitlier expressed nor indicated. Pooibly 
«re Bhoiild read Turn aUerum, Jnniui 
BeemB to hare felt this difficulty : ior he 
suggeeta dlUnim igUwr. 

nMtftMri/o^ 'this middle ooune.' Here, 
as in Hor. Carm. ii. 10, 6, nudioeriUu 
means the keeping of a middle oouxbo. 
It nxelj means ' mediocrity ' in our sense 
ofth6Vord(Phil. ii. 2). 

HOii/aciuntm] * that he would repay 
me' for my kindness in not acting as 

int9rroga9iC\ 'cross-questioned.' It was 
a token of respect not to cross-question a 
man. Such a course was held to show 
that a man's eridenoe seemed abore ques- 

4. opera\ * leisure/ < snare time,' often 
in Flautus: cp. Plant. Merc. 286 Dimsi 
H vitUam tibi operam eue aut oiium. But 

here the context makes this sense inade- 
quate. It rather means 'power (or 'oppor- 
tunity') to do it' 

4v9ovciatri»,6s\*dMn»e^fiatwJ He 
calls this ofiiffii aUieriUii in the next letter 
to Qnintus. 

5. tfMM piidem placeant"] * 1 mean really 
desinUe puTchases.' The subjunotiye is 
used because ploMtrnt implies a class 
the gmtrio iul^umtive, as it is called. 

J(ico] This is probably the same trans- 
action as is referred to in the next letter 
to Qnintus, 166, 6, in the words de Mrorto, 
&c. But what it was we hare no means 
of conjecturing. 

Atctmiofuf] probably a slave of Quintus. 

6. M fv] ' not wishing to be further 
away from Borne for this reason,' &o. 
The reason ii then giren. 

Fomptino] Cp. 154, 4. 


SP. 15S {FAM. I. 9). 

ad triampham a. d. mi. Non. Novembr. volebam adesse. Etenim 
exit nefldo quid negotiolL Nam Oato et SerrilinB pnetores pro- 
hiUtiuxw 86 minantar, neo quid poflsint ado. Hie enim et Appitiin 
<x>iiBiilem Beoam habeUt et praetorea et tribunoa pL Sed minantur 
tamen, in primiBque ''Apif irvi^v Q. Soaevola. Ouxa, mi soaTiasime 
«t oariwime frater, ut valeaa. 

163. TO P. LBNTULTJS (Pam. i. 9). 

ROMS ; DBCBMBBR ; A. V. 0. 700 ; B. C. 54 ; AXT. CIC> 63. 

Seie exeomu demooatnt ovr in gratiam onm GaaMra, Vadxiio, CnMO rediecit, d« 
ledptif loit, de P. Lentnli lebiu domeitioii, d« Q. fratris negotio, de mio in LentoliiBi 
«tadiOy dt Appii auooaKioiie, de publieuuB mm offendendii. 


1. Periuoundae mihi faerant litterae toae quibua intellexi te 
penpioere meam iq te pietatem : quid enim dioam benevolentiam, 
cum illnd ipsum giaviaaimum et aanotissimum nomen pietatia leyiua 
mihi meiitiB erga me tuia ease videaturP Quod autem tibi grata 
mea erga te atudia aoribiB ease, f aoia tu quidem abundantia quadam 
amoiis, ut etiam grata aint ea quae praetermitti aine nefario aoe« 
lere non poaaunt. Tibi autem multo notior atque illuatrior meua 
in te animua eaaet, ai boo tempore omni quo diiunoti fuimua et 
ima et Bomae f uiaaemua. 2. Nam in eo ipao, quod te oatendia 
eaae facturum quodque et in primia potes et ego a te yehementer 
exapecto, in aententiis aenatoriia et in omni aotione atque adminia- 

nn] Op. 164, 4. The maa give ni. 

The trial of Yatinioa took place in 
Attgnat It would take nearlv tiro montha 
lor the newa of that to reaon Gilioiay and 
the same period for a letter to xetom. 
Henoe thia letter is to be plaoed in 
Beoember. From the lemaiks in 1 25 on 
the neoesattjr Lentnlus was under of Taoa- 
ting hia prorinoe, we may also gather 
tiiat this letter was written at the end of 
the year. See Koemer, pp. 61, 68. With 
this letter ought to be compared Gioero'a 
defteoe of his political position aa giyen 
in Plane 91-94. 

1. pietaiit^ * demotion ' or < affection.* 
/mw . ..ut gratm $i»U] * you turn into 
faTOurs, that ia, acts d$m9in0 {jproimetiv^ 
of) patitude. things which are bounden 
duties.' Tliis meaning of grmtm ia 
common in the comic poets, e. g. turn 
9tm gratum mihi um potmt mlm (Ter. 
Heaut.262}; ut fratamihi iini ptM/aei^ 
(omnia Ter. Sun. 896). 

hoo tmMxnro omni'] It was nearly three 
years. We see from the earlier letters of 
ram. i. that Lentulus cannot have been 
present at the debates in the senate in 
Jan. 698 (66). 

EP. IBS {FAM. I. 9). 


tratione rei publioae florniflsemuB :— de qua ostendam equidem 
panllo poat qui ait meua sensua et statua et resoribam tibi ad ea 
qnae qnaeria : — sed oerte et ^go te auotore amidflaiino ao sapientia- 
aimo et ta me conailiario fortasae non imperitiasimoy fideli quidexn 
et beneToIo oerte uaoa esaea : — qnamqtiain tna quidem oauaa te ease 
impentorem provinoiamqae bene gestis rebua earn ezeroitu viotore 
obtinerey at debeo, laetor : — sed oerte qui tibi ex me fruotua deben- 
tur, eoe uberiorea et praeeentiores praesena oapere potuisses. In eia 
yero uloiBoendia quoa tibi partim inimioos ease intellegia propter 
toam propugnationem salutia meae, partim invidere propter illiua 
aotionia amplitudinem et gloriam, mirifioum me tibi oomitem prae- 
buiflsem : quamquam ille perennia inimioua amioorum suorumi qui 
tuia mairimiB benefioiia omatus in te potiasimum fraotam illam et 
debilitatam vim suam oontulit^ noatram yioem ultua est ipse aese* 
Ea est enim oonatua quibus patef aotia nullam sibi in posterum non 
mode dignitatia sed no libertatis quidem partem reHquit. 3. Te 
autem etai mallem in meia rebua ezpertum quam etiam in tuis. 

2. itd -mrie $t tgo] ML resumes after 
the ptrentheaii d$ , . . quaeris, and again 
after parentheiia quampum . . . Uittr, 
Op. 102, 2 and flO below. 

tfiwlprv . • • ^omUUrio] Cp. Att. zir. 
9» 1 (712). The mietor guidee the oonrae 
of the recipient of hie adTioe ; the mm- 
MlMfint meralv su^pgeeta. 

imptnUtrm} Lentoltts had reoeiyed 
the title Imp§r9t9r for some trifling suo- 
oess acainst the robber hordes whioh 
infested his proYinoe. He aftenraxds 
obtained the honour of a triumph for the 
same aohisfements. Op. Att. t. 21, 4 

agrt i wiij *the magniflcenoe and bril- 
lianej of that episode,' that is, his 
restontion, which Lentulus helped to 
bring about. 

UUpermmW} This is usually explained 
as refening to 0. Oato, who two yeazs 
before had proposed that Lentulus should 
be reeaUed. Othen suppose the consul 
Appins Olandius Pulcher, the brother of 
P. Olodius, to be so desoribed. But the 
allusion is probably not to either of these. 
The person here coTertly alluded to seems 
to us to be no less a person than Pompey. 
To this conelusion we are led by the 
fact— (1) that Oioero complains frequently 
of Pompey's perfidy towards himself; 
hence <//# pirmmit inimieui amiewum 

iuormn; (2) that Lentulus <fMf confer great 
honour on rompey, as he was one of the 
consuls who proposed the consular laws 
which gaye Pompey the Oom Oomnus- 
rionership in 697 (67), 95, 8 ; (8) that 
this interpretation giTCS a meaning to 
lH&riaiiif whioh is otherwise inexplic- 
able, as may be seen by referring to Mr. 
Watson's note. The conduct of Pompey 
as xegaids the commission to restore 
Ptolemy was shifty and discreditable, 
and seems to have Inrought on him much 
disrepute. Oioero here says, ' now that 
all his duplicity stands disclosed, he has 
utteriy forfeited not only the dignity, 
hut eren the independence of his poli- 
tical attitude.* Cfp. 119^ 3 quae enitn 
propotita Jmrant . . . dignitas in Mn- 
Untua didndit, libertas in re publiea cap^ 
eeeenda ; cp. also below, ) 7 Hberiale, and 
{ 20 cum ee musimwH fivcium eepitee 
dieereiU eg Uberuae mea. Accordingly, 
UierUu means * the assumption of a bold 
(outsjfoken) demeanour in politica,' and 
that IS what Pompey has fcnfeited. The 
reference might perhape be held to point 
to Kemmius ; but Memmius was hardly 
of sufBcient political importance to war- 
rant such emphatic language on Oicero's 

Z, eiUmmtuie'] ' in your case as well ' 
(as in mine). 


EP. IBS (FAM. 1. 9). 

tamen in molettia gaudeo earn fldem oognoflse hominnm non ita 
magna meroede quam ego maximo dolore oognoiam. De qua 
ratione tota iam videtor mihi exponendi tempoB dan, nt tibi 
refloribam ad ea qnae qnaeris. 4. Oertiorem te per litteras soribis 
esse f aetom me onm Oaesare et com Appio ease in gratia^ teque id 
non leprehendere aaoribia. Yatininm antem scire te velle ostendia 
qnibns reboe addaotiu defenderim et landarim. Quod tibi at pla* 
nine exponam, altios paollo rationem oonsiliomm meorom repetam 

Ego me Lentole. initio, . . . rarum atque aotionnm toarum^ 
non solum meis sed etiam rei publioae restitutum putabam, et^ 
quoniam tibi inoredibilem quemdam amorem et omnia in te ipsum 
summa ao singularia studia deberem, rei publioae quae te in me 
fostitaendo multom adiuTisset eum oerte me animum merito ipsius 
debere arbitrabar, quem antea tantum mode oommuni offido oivium, 
non aliquo erga me singulari benefldo debitum praestitiasem. Hao 
mementefuisse et senatus ex me te oonsule audivit et tu in noetris 
sennonibuB ooUooutionibusque ipse Tidisti. 5. Etsi iam primis tem- 
poribus illis multis rebus mens offendebatur animus, oum te agente 
de reliqua nostra dignitate aut occulta non nullorum odia aut ob- 

4. kmd&nm] 'gaye tartiiiKmy to hif 

. . . rmrttm] Some word ahonld be 
ineeited before rmrum. Cioexo bere ears 
tbaty wben leetored, m the neult of tne 
itepe taken by Lentolus, at the TOiy 
be^inniDg of his career (mitio) as a 
restored azile, he looked on himself as 
restored not only to the boeom of his 
fnohj, but to the senrioe of his eoontry. 
He oame baok with his heart loll of a 
new sense of loyalty to the oonntry which 
had reoalled him ; and he goes on to tell 
what disoonragements he had to meet. 
Boot saw (Obs. Grit, p. 4) that another 
word on which nrum Mtfm aetionum 
should depend must be introduced ; for if 
rtrum at^ui aUionum depoided on initio, 
there would be a contradietion. Oioero 
would then speek <rf himself as r$itar$d 
at a time when the earliest steps towards 
his rsstoration were being taken. Initio 
is the abl of time ; it means the same 
as primii imnporibut iUio in ) 6 ; and we 
find initio in the same sense in Fam. Ti. 
6, 4 (488). Boot suggests «i or eunu as 
tiie word to be introduoed, but ovontum 
iM used aboTe, Att iii. 8, 4 (64), and 

09 on t o may haye been omitted after initio^ 
either through its broad resemUanoe ta 
imiiOf or from a supposed inoompatibiHty 
between the two words. 

The chief objeotion to nonto is that the 
word ii so yery rare in Cicero that it is 
hardly one that should be introduced by 
conjecture without some manuscript guid- 
ance. Sternkopf ingeniously, and peihsps 
rightly, suggerts that we should alter' 
initio uto hmojloio (< thanks to'), comnazing 
d. Fr. i. 1, 6 (80); or add that word after 

aUmn] This, the reading of all the 
mss, has been changed to al^ui by Orelli. 
But oUquo is perfectly right, as will be at 
once seen when the rotimdU of the pas- 
sage is examined. Oicero says he now 
owes to the State m$r%U ipoiuo (abl.), ' by 
reason of its own deserts,' the same feel- 
ings which he dinplayed before as beinjr 
due, ' Vjf roaoon of (i.e. in discharge of) 
the common duty of all dtisens, not If 
fwsimi rf (i. e. as a return for^ any signal 
fayour towards hiros^.' AhoiA actually 
spoils the sense, and conttayenes the 
tradition of the .manuscripts. For the 
ablatiye, see note on hontifUiio, \ 6. 

EP. 153 {FAN. I. 9). 


80ura in me studia oemebam. Nam ueque de monamentis meis ab 
iis adintns es a qnibus debuisti, neqne de vi nefana qua earn fratre 
exam domo expulsus, neqne heronle in iis ipsis lebus quae qnam- 
qnam erant mihi propter rei f amiliaiis nanf ragia neoessariae^ tamen 
a me minimi pntabantnr, in meis damnis ex anotoiitate senatus 
saiciendis eam volnntatem quam exspeotarem praestiterant. Quae 
oum viderem — neqne erant obsoura — ^non tamen tam aoerba mihi 
haeo aoddebant quam erant ilia grata quae feoerant. 6. Itaque 
quamquam et Pompeio plurimum te quidem ipso predioatore ao 
teste debebam et eum non solum benefioio sed amore etiam et 
perpetuo quodam iudido meo diligebam, tamen non reputans quid 
ille Tellet in omnibus meis sententiis de re publioa pristinis perma- 
nebam. 7. Ego sedente On. Pompeio, oum ut laudaret P. Sestium 
introisset in urbem dixissetque testis Yatinius me f ortuna et felici- 
tate 0. Oaesaris oommotum illi amioum esse ooepissOi dixi me M. 
Bibuli f ortunam, quam ille adfliotam putaret, omnium triumphis 
viotoxiisque antef erre, dixique eodem teste alio looo eosdem esse qui 
Bibulum exire domo prohibuissent et qui me ooegissent : tota vero 
intenogatio mea nihil habuit nisi reprehensionem illius tribunatus : 

6. mommmUit nmt] This allusion has 
been sometimas misunderatood. Miiller 
supposMarefeienoo to Q. Fr. i. 1, 26 (80); 
but this is quite inconsistent with the 
context^ which plainly refers to the period 
after his restoration. It seems most 
probable that the iMmumgtUit tim$ here 
spoken of are the same as the meum nwmt' 
nunium of { 15. Now this cannot hare 
been the colonnade of OatuluSy for the 
statue of Liberty which Olodius erected 
on its site was demolished hj order of the 
senate ; but we read (§ 15) that the monu- 
ment thus spoken of was allowed to bear 
an inscription containing the bloody letters 
of Clodius' hostile name. We must there- 
fore suppose, as Lange does (iii. 838), 
that the words refer to a buUding erected 
by Cicero in his consulship by order of 
the senate, to commemorate the suppres- 
sion of the Cfttilin Brian conspiracy : the 
original inscription must haye been eflboed 
l^ dodius, and another bearing his own 
name substituted, which latter seems 
strangely to haye been allowed to remain 
({ 15). It is perhaps to this history that 
referance is also made in 120, 2. See 
note there* 

Aom] 'their present unsympathetic 

Ula . . . autie f$c9rani'\ 'their past 
senrices' ^ bringing about my resto- 

6. o$n^fde\ the s^&i^tcws cmuae^ yezy 
common in Oiceio when the cause is an 
attribute or quality in the subject, as cum 
o/ii m$ atupUione tuip^rimU non defender 
r$Htf Best 46 ; videmut aUo$ oratoret in- 
irtia nihil $eripii$$»f Brut. 91 ; but not 
so common when the cause lies outside 
the subject, as here; for the latter, 
Draeger (P, { 228, 2, p. 545) says he can 
cite only two examples from Cicero; 
rtgali eUntutii gemu non regni ^uam regii 
vUas reptuUatmn 0ft, De Leg. iii. 15; 
tign^/tetntrnt t$ hmefido novo momoriam 
vgterit dolorii abieeiuo, Phil. L 80. The 
present is, perhaps, a better example than 
either. Amors and iudioio are causal 
ablatiyes of the oommon kind. 

tmUnHii . . . prisHnii] the optimate 

7. iidmU] present in court, to giye 
testimony to the character {laudars) of 

loeo] 'another passage.' The remarks 
about Bibuliis mentioned here are not 
found in the oration as we have it. 

inUrrogatio'} The speech in VaHnium. 

tfihmatui] of Tatmius, in 695 (69). 


EP. 16S (FAM. I. 9). 

in quo omnia diota 8unt libertate animoque maxinio de vi, de 
auBpioiiBi de donatione regDonun, neqne yero hao in oauaa xnodo 
Bed oonfltaater aaepe in senatu. 8. Quin etiam Maroellino et 
Philippo oonaulibuB Nonia Aprilibna mibi est flenatos adBenana at 
de agro Campano freqnenti aenatu Idibna Maiia referretur ; num 
potni magia in aroem illioa oauaae invadere ant magia obliviaoi 
temporam meomm, meminiflse aotionuxnP Hao a me sententia 
diota magnna animorum motos eet faotna oom eorom quorum 
oportuit» tum illorum etiam quorum numquam putaram. 9. Nam 
boo senatua oonaulio in meam aententiam iaoto Pompeiuay oum 
mibi nibil oatendiaset se otte offenaum. in Sardiuiam et in Afri- 
earn profeotua est eoque itinere Luoam ad Caesarem venit Ibi 
multa de mea sententia queatua est Caesar, quippe qui etiam 
BaTonnae Grassum ante yidisset ab eoque in me esset inoensua. 
Sane moleate Pompeium id ferre oonstabat, quod ego oum audis- 
sem ex aliis, maxima ex meo fratre oognovi. Quem oum in 
Sardinia Pompeiua pauois post diebus quam Luoa diaoesserat oon- 
yeniaset, ^Te/ inquit, 'ipsum eupio: nihil opportunius potuit aooi- 
dere : nisi oum Maroo fratre diUgenter egeris, dependendum tibi 
est quod mibi pro ilio spopondisti.' Quid multa P questus est 
grayiter : sua merita oommemoravit : quid egisset saepissime de 
aotis Oaesaris oum ipso meo fratre quidque sibi is de me reoepisset 
in memoriam redegit, seque quae de mea salute egisset yoluntate 
Caeaaiia egisse ipsum meum fratrem testatus est : ouius oausam 
dignitatemque mibi ut oommendaret, rogavit ut eam ne oppug- 
narem, si noUem aut noii possem tueri. 10. Haeo oum ad me 
frater pertulisset et oum tamen Porapeius ad me oum mandatis 

tft qmX « til put r#, i. e. rtprehnmaiu : 
ep. Am- AiM r#, Att !▼. 17, 3 (149) ; 
Ep. zii. 13 ; and { 16 below. • 

ionaUam rtgmrum] See Vat. 29; 
see alao Att. ii. 9, 1 (36), where Vompey 
eeemf to be charged witii the aame mie- 
demeanouxi. Here yatiniot seems to be 
acoiised of high-handed acts committed 
no doaht under Caesar's protection, de 
vi nhn espedaUj to the expulsion of 
Bihidus from the /anMi; aiupMU to the 
fact that Oaesar's laws were passed in 
dsAance of the anspioea. 

8. iOiu$cau\a$\ the triumTir*s policy ; 
Umptnm means 'the zequirements of my 
own position'; aciiomm *mj past career.' 

eonm . . . iOanim] Billerbeck sup- 

poses that §ormM refers to the tiiumTirs, 
and iOorum to the leaders of the optimatea, 
to whom Cicero refers as oiricnmt Aomt- 
Hum in { 10. But perhaps Watson is 
right (owing to what follows in } 9) to 
take 0orum as referring to Caesar and 
Crassus, and illomm to Pompey and his 
immediate friends. Bo, too, KSckel and 

9. Tt ifitum euptti] like U iptum quas^ 
reborn, a formula for a welcome greet- 

dtpmulmUhim'] metaphorical, 'you went 
bail for his fidelity to us ; you will haye 
to pay up for him unless you talk him 

10. tam$n] Madyig m'ould rsad etiam^ 

EP. 163 [FAM. I. 9). 


Yiballiam miaiAset at integrum mihi de oausa Campana ad suum 
reditum reservarem, oollegi ipse me et cam ipsa quasi re publioa 
oollocutus sum, ut mihi tarn multa pro ^e perpesso atque perfuncto 
oonoederet ut offioiiun meum memoremque in bene meritos ani- 
mum fidemque fratris mei praestarem, eumque quem bonum oiyem 
semper habuisset bonum Yiriun esse pateretur. In illis autem meis 
actionibuB sententiisque omnibus quae Pompeium yidebantur 
offendere certorum hominum, quos iam debes suspicari, seAnones 
referebantur ad me: qui oum ilia sentirent in re publiea quae 
6go agebam semperque sensissent, me tamen non satis faeere 
Pompeio Oaesaremque inimioiBsimum mibi futurum gaudere se 
aiebant. Erat boo mibi dolendum : sed multo illud magis quod 
inimieum meum — meum autem P immo vero legum, iudidorum 
oti, patriae, bonorum omnium — sio amplezabantur, sic in manibus 
babebant, sic fovebant, sic me praesente osoulabantur, non illi 
quidem ut mibi stomaobum faoerent quem ego fnnditus perdidi, 
sed oerte ut faoere se arbitrarentur. Hio ego, quantum bumano 
oonsiUo effioere potui, eiroumspeotis rebus meis omnibus rationi- 

but imtm ib quite right, * neyertbeleM ' 
(at if one messengef, and that mj brother, 
was not enoagh). 

nMlium] cp. 148, 18. 

imUfrum] (the right of) ' free motion ' ; 
op. CmL in Pam. Wu. 6, 5 (242) Ds 
LoUiih$Ua integrum tiH rmrvm tmuko, 
Oioero usee the singiilar neuter of even 
ahetreet adjectiyei as aubttantiTes, chiefly 
to expieaa ethical oonoeptions, aa hiuMtumf 
b§atttm^b0atUtido(JPin,Y.8i); bntaome- 
timea alao in other caaea, aa di lu n t iu m 
Wf9$ jifrobaHls ilkutn itutvi, Or. part. 19 ; 
generally with a pronoun, aa mutmm Uhid 
9o i lmim 0, Att. rii. 6, 1 (297) ; ctmonm iUud 
in 9oc$, Be Sen. 28 (I)raeg. I*, p. 68). ' 

frrMttafwii] need aomewhat aeugmati- 
oall^ 'to discharge my duty, ahoir my 
natitiide, and redeem my brother^a pledge 

henum virtm] Cicero bega the State, 
whom he peraoniflea, to let one whom abe 
had alwaya regarded aa an honeat oitiaen 
now ahow hioiaelf an boneat man (by ful- 
filling hia brother'a pledge that he would 
aupport the triumyirs). That ii, he aaya 
to toe State, ' I have alwaya been true to 
▼ou aa a member of the community ; now 
let me be true to my duty aa a man.* For 
honutf 'honeat,' ep. iuititi^t ts gwt viri 

boni n&mitianlm'f OH. i. 20 ; mm is spon- 
tiaiumfioieml ni tir bonut uttt, ib. iii. 77. 
In Opt. Oen. 20 we find nte pir bonua me 
bens meritui i$ ei^itate. Wiih tbia whole 
paaaage op. Plane. 92 ree wro ipeaptAUeay 
ft lo^ p^^eei, tiferet meenm^ ut, ftwnimn 
tiH eerviteem temper, nunqtumt miM, frwt" 
ime tmiem ex eeee nen, ut oportumet, laetot 
et uberetf Ȥd magnu aeerbitmte permistet 
tuUeeem, ut iam mihi eervirtm, eoneulerem 
meit : se nan mode eoHe habere a me, eeU 
etimn vareri nepnrum mihi pre ea, ^[uanium 
a me haberetf reddidieeet. 

eeriarum haminumX 'men that I wot 
of ' ; aee on 114, 1. Theae are the jealoua 
optimatea of whom Cicero apeaka with 
bittemeaa in 90, 8: 91, 6 (qui mihi 
pinnae ineidaran(). 

faeare te arUtrareniurl ac. etomaehum, 
Cicero, like Hamlet, aay ahe lacka gaU to 
make oppreaaion bitter; but the conduct 
of hia f onner frienda toward Clodiua waa 
evidently dictated by a deaire to rouae the 
indignation of Cicero. Cp. faeere dalaremf 
Att. id, 8, 2 (422) ; dieiunaiienem, Lael. 

eireumepeetie . • . ommum] * I made a 
careful reriew of my whole poaition, and, 
on balancing the itema^ arrived with care 
at the following aum-total ' (Jeana). 

O 2 


JEP. 163 {FAM. I. 9). 

biuque subdaotiB sammam feoi oogitationum mearam oinnii]in» 
quam tibi, si potero, breviter exponam. 

11. Ego si ab improbis et perditis dvibtis rem pubUoam teneri 
yiderem, siont et GinnQis temporibus soimus et non nullis aliis 
aodidisse, non modo praemiis^ quae apud me Tninimnin valent, sed 
ne perioolis quidem oompalsus ullis, quibos tamen moventur etiam 
fortissimi yiri, ad eorum oausam me adiongeremy ne si summa 
qtddem eorum in me merita oonstarent Oum autem in re publioa 
On. Pompeius prinoeps eeset vir, is qui hano potentiam et gloriam 
maTimis in rem publioam meritis praestantissimiBque rebus gestis 
esset oonseoutus cuiusque ego dignitatis ab aduleeoentia fautor, in 
praetura autem et in oonsulatu adiutor etiam exstitissem, oumque 
idem auotoritate et sententia per se, oonsiliis et studiis teoum me 
adiuvisset roeumque inimioum unum in oivitate haberet inimioum, 
non putaYi famam inconstantiae mihi pertimesoendam, si quibus- 
dam in sententiis paullum me immutassem meamque Toluntatem 
ad summi yiri de meque optime meriti dignitatem adgregassem. 
12. In hao sententia compleotendus erat mihi Caesar, ut yides, in 

11. dtmiU UmporiM] ThiB ia the 
reading of G. Jfm, the reading of H, 
irUoh has been univenally acoepted 
hitiiierto, ia raally witliont meaning. It 
oannot mean '▼ithin my ovn memory,* for 
then Cicero mual have written notmullonim 
aliorumf instead of nonmdlii aliit. It 
oannot refer to Ids consulate, for GatiUne 
oonld not at any time hare been said tmm't 
nmp. Now Okimit tMtparibm, 'in the 
time of CSnna,' giyes a perfect sense, as is 
at onoe apparent. But it will be said 
CUmmnu is the proper adj. from Cinna. 
It is true that Cf^nanus is the form used 
not only by Cicero (e. g. Be Domo, 83) 
but by Yelleius Pateronlus, u. 24, 4 ; 
Yalerios Maximos, ir. 7, 6; y. 8, 8; 
Suetonius, Calig. 60, and eyen Nepos Vita 
Attioi, 8. But Straioher has shown that 
the form Ommws occurs frequently In 
ancient inscriptions (C<mnmU, I^hilol, 
Isnmuttf yol. iii. , p. 141) . We may accord- 
ingly aasnme that, though in later times 
the fonn dnnamu alone was used, in 
earlier timea Cimumut and Oinnem existed 
as alternatiye formations from the proper 
name dmui. 

amipukut] * under the pressure of am- 
bition or fear ' ; eomjmltut should not be 
rendered * compelled * ; it is neyer so 

cdourless a word as * compelled'; but 
always contains, or at least suggests, a 

emtt»mU^ 'should stand reoorded.' 
This use afconstart as a stronger form 
of 49i0f implying existenee as opposed 
to non-exiBtence, is yery rare, except in 
Cicero and Lucretius: cp. «i ip$a mmt 
conttMr$ paUtt ffoctmt corpcm, N. D. i. 26. 

primipa $iHt wir, it qm} The usual 
punctuation ii prinespt sutt, vir it qui; 
but Wes. rightly obserres, ' Latini non 
dicnnt it vir qui nedum 9ir it qui,* On 
the other hand, with the punctuation 
here giyen, prinifpt vir is unusual ; but 
we haye principihu virit in Hor. Ep. L 
17f 85, and pHneiptt ftminae in Plin. 
H. N. yiii., } 119. 

jprMhtra . . tontukUu"] In his praetorship 
Cicero had supported the Manilian law, 
and in his connQship he had proposed a 
tuppUcaiio in honour of Pompey's suc- 
cesses against Mithridates. 

exttUitttm] 'stood forward as.' In 
good Latin txtitttrt always means ' to come 
inu existence,' not * to bt in existence,' 
like our word * exist.'— Beid, Acad. i. 23. 

adgrtffottim] 'had contributed my zeal, 
too, to the ftutheianoe of his dignity.' 
The word ii stronger than adiimgvre. 

EP. 15S {FAM. L 9). 197 

ooniunota et oausa et dignitate. Hio multnm valuii oum vetos 
amioitia qoam tu non ignoras mihi et Qainto fratri cum Gaesare 
f aiaee, turn hmnauitas eius ao liberalitas brevi tempore et litteris 
et offioiiB perspeota nobis et oognita. Yehementer etiam res ipea 
publioa me moTit quae mihi yidebatur oontentionom, praesertim 
mazimifl rebus a Oaesare gestis, oum illis viris nolle fieri et ne 
fieret yehementer reoiuare. Grayissime autem me in hao mente 
impulit et Pompei fides quam de me Gaesari dederat, et fratris 
mei quam Pompeio. Erant praeterea haeo animadyertenda in 
dyitate quae sunt apud Platonem nostrum soriptadiyinitus, 'quales 
in re publioa prinoipes essent, tales reliquos solere esse oiyis.' 
Tenebam memoria nobis oonsulibus ea fundamenta laota iam ex 
Kalendis lanuariis eonfirmandi senatus ut neminem mirari opor- 
teret Nonis Deoembribus tantum yel auimi fuisse in illo ordine 
yel anotoritatis. Idemque memineram nobis priyatis usque ad 
Gaesarem et Bibulum consules, oum sententiae nostrae magnum in 
senatu pondus haberent, unum fere sensum fuisse bonorum omnium. 
13. Postea, oum tu Hispaniam oiteriorem oum imperio obtineres 
neque res publioa oonsules haberet sed meroatores proyindarum et 
seditioniim seryos ac miuistros, ieoit quidam casus caput meum quasi 
oertaminis oausa in mediam oontentionem dissensiouemque oiyilem. 
Quo in disorimine oum mirifious senatus, incredibilis Italiae totius, 
singularis omnium bonorum consensus in me tuendo exstitisseti non 
dioam quid acoiderit — multorum est enim et yaria culpa — tantum 
dioam breyi, non mihi ezeroitum sed duces def uisse. In quo, ut 

12. hrtvi ietnpar0'] * vithin a short oecupaiioniitu ; Gluent. 26 in iummo 

time ' ; op. Att ii. 9, 2 (86) and Boso. iinnor^ onmium. 

Am. 74 Homam muUU annii non venii ; tal^'] The panage to which Cicero is 

men usual inth tn, or the addition of supposed to refer is Plat Legg. iv. 711 C : 

the poranonns hie, iUi, as hu annis quad- fkmltit ifua TuB4rwf 2 ^i\ot, ttXAp Barroy 

rinfmtU, < within the last 400 years,' ircU ^aor ft^rafidWtiP &y wotm ir^Air ko) 

De Bep. i. 68. * rohs 96fwvs ♦ rf rmr Zwaar*v6rrww i^7€- 

in hoe mmUi] This is the reading of iiowi^ 

the eodioes, whioh Straicher (ChmmmU. 13. ebtm$r$i] as propraetor, 696 (69). 

FhiM. Immuif to], iii., p. 186) justly mereator^i pro9%ncUrum} 'pnnrinoe- 

defends against in hmtc mtnUm, the oor- mongen ' (Jeans). Qahinius and Piso are 

reetion of K'. In h^c mmte is certainly meant. 

the move difficult reading to explain, and caput meum^ There does not seem^ to 

therefore the more likely to he right be any allusion here to eapui - 'dril 

ImjnOit caused the change of the ablaiire life ' ; capni mwm is merely ' myself ' with 

to the aoeusative. But tliis use of the a certain suggestion of pity, 'my unhappy 

ablative is common enough : in Am mmU self,' as Mr. Jeans well renders it. 

* ' when I was in this state of mind' ; sinatuil is, of course, the senitive. 

op. Fam. iii. 11, 4 (266) in swnmii tuia utiam] 'supposing for the sake of 


BP. US (FAM. I. 9). 

iam sit in iis culpa qui me non defenderunt, non minor est in iis 
qui reliquenmt : et, si aooiiaaadi snnt si qui pertimuenmt, magis 
etiam reprehendendi si qui ae timere rimularunt. Illud quidem 
oerte noetrum oonrilium iure laudandum est, qui meos oLviB et a 
me conservatoB et me serrare oupieutis, spoliatoe duoibuB servis 
armatiB oUioi nolaerim deolaraiique maluerim quanta viB esee 
potuiBBet in couBenBU bonorum, si iis pro me etante pugnare liouis- 
set, oum adfliotum ezoitare potuiBBent. Quorum quidem animum 
tu nou perBpeziati solum i oum de me ageree, sed etiam oonfirmasti 
atque tenuisti. 14. Qua in oausa — non modo non uegabo sed 
etiam semper et meminero et praedioabo libenter — usus ob quibus- 
dam nobilissimis hominibus fortioribus in me restituendo quam 
f uerant iidem in tenendo : qua in sententia si oonstare voluissenti 
Buam auotoiitatem simul oum salute mea reouperassent. Beoreatis 
enim bonis viris oonsulatu tuo et oonstantiBBimis atque optimis 
aotionibus tuis exeitatis. On. Pompeio praesertim ad oausam ad- 
iunoto, oum etiam Caesar rebus maximis gestis, singularibus oma- 
tus et noTis bonoribus ao iudiciiB senatus ad auotoritatem eius 
ordiniB adiungeretur, nulli improbo oivi locus ad rem publicam 
Tiolandam esse potuisset. 16. Sed attende, quaeso^ quae siut con- 
secuta. Primum ilia furia muliebrium religionum, qui non pluris 
fecerat Bonam Beam quam tris sorores, impunitatem est illorum 
sententiis adseoutus, qui oum tribunus pi. poenas a seditioso oivi 
per bonos viros iudicio persequi yelleti exemplum praeclarissimum 
in posierum Tindioandae seditioms de re publica sustulerunt: 

argument' (lit 'for the moment'): op. 
Att. Tiii. 8, 6 (883). Thie use of mot wu 
first pointed out by Madvif in Fin. iy. 66 : 
op. Balb. 87 ; De Diyin. li. 88. See also 
Muxixo OIL Lttcr. i. 966. We find mwi ut 
in thit ienae in Liy. y. 64, 6 and Caeaar 
B. G. iii. 9, 6. 

16. Ofo/ifria] The ms giyes ii/a/nr to. 
Bandinelli oonjectured/iiria : op. Yatin. 88 
furUm putruu (alao applied to Clodiua). 
The oonjeoture of Lambmus ilU/ur would 

g>e a good enough Bense ; Olodiua might 
I caUM/Wr mm&hrium relifumum in the 
lame aenie in which Yerrea la called sacnh 
rum ofimutm H rtUgiotmm hottit pra§ioqu$f 
Yerr. iy. 76. Clodiua waa a thief of (the 
knowledge of) the sacred ritea of the Bona 
Bea. Peihapa Cicero wrote iUafwria^ fw 
mfdubnutm rtligionum. But it can hardly 
be doubted that furia it right. Cicero 

repeatedly appUea the word to Clodiua: 
op. 148, 11; Seat. 88, 89; Yatin. 40; 
Haruap. reap. 12 fmia paiiriae; DeBomo 
102: op. Piano. 86 yWria/Sif iUa eav. Furia 
with a genitiye of the thing would Boem 
to mean 'a wild apirit effecting the ruin 
of that thing ' : op. furia patria$f and 
Yeig. 678 (of Helen), Troia$ H 
patriae comuumii JSrin^i, 

ilhrum] the senators, not the iudiou : 
cp. Seat. 96 hie {MUo) . . . aceuMare mtm 
{Clodiium) moderate, a quo ipte nefarie 
aeeueatur, per eenatut auotoritatem non est 
iiiue. The aenate apparently assented to 
the edicts of Ketellus, Appius, Claudius, 
and Serranua (cp. Seat. 89) forbidding the 
trial of Clodiua until after the election of 
quaestora : cp. Bio Cass, xxxix. 7. 

tribunue'] Milo ; or possibly Bacillus. 

EP. US (FAM. I. 9). 


iidemqne postea non meam monnmentom — ^non enim illae mana- 
biae meae Bed opeiis looatio mea faerat — ^monamentom vero 
senatos hostili nomine et araentis inuBtum litteriB esse paasi sunt. 
Qui me homines quod salvum esse voluerunty est mihi gratissimimi : 
sed vellem non solum salntis meae, quem ad modum medioiy sed, 
ut aliptae, etiam viiium et colons rationem habere voluissent: 
nunoy ut Apelles Veneris oaput et somma peotoris politissima arte 
perfecity reliquam partem corporis iuohoatam reliquit, sic quidam 
homines in oapite meo solum elaborarant, reliquum corpus imper- 
feotum ao rude reliquerunt. 16. In quo ego spem fef elli non modo 
invidorum sed etiam inimicorum meorum, qui de uno aoerrimo et 
f ortiBsimo viro meoque iudioio omnium magnitudine animi et con- 
atantia praestantissimo, Q. Metello L. F., quondam falsam opi- 
nionem aooeperunti quem post reditum diotitant fraoto animo et 
demiflso f uisse — (est Tero probandum, qui et summa Toluntate ces- 
serit et egregia animi akoritate afuerit neque sane redire curarit, 
emn oh id ipsum fraotum fuisse, in quo cum omnis homines 
tum M. ilium Scaurum singularem virum constantia et gravitate 
superasset I) — sed, quod de illo aooeperant aut etiam suspicaban- 
tur, de me idem cogitabant^ abieotiore animo me futurum, cum res 
publioa maiorem etiam nuhi animum quam umquam habuissem 

in whioh opbioa they were ^uite wrong— 
■0 thej limoied that my epirit would be 
broken after my exile ; but in this 
surmiae they were ttiU more mietaken, 
ioaemuoh as the drouoAtanoei of my 
return had given me more oonxage than 
erer.' MeteQus Niimidioue xefoaed to 
take the oath to obsenre faithfully the 
agrarian law of Satuminua. The^ law 
enjoined thia on the aenaton on pain of 
losing their senatorial seat. KeteQua 
went into Toluntarr exile ; but, after 
the death of Satommus, he was recalled 
by a tribunician law. Cioero often draws 
a comparison between his own oaae and 
that of Metellua, Sest 37, 101 ; Flano. 
89: ^. 20: Balb. II: Post. red. in 
Sen. 88. 

if. Ukm SMmnmJ Hetellus is said to 
surpass Scaurus beoause, as it seems, 
Scaurus did take the oath for refusing 
whioh Cioero pnuses Metellus so mnoh, 
Sest. 87, 101. Scaurus was pruuept 
tmatMt for a long time, and eminent for 

t$d] xesumptiTe after a pareniheeiB. 

mbias] See abore on S0 menu' 
nMn^w ffi^, h 5, cp. Be Domo 102, 114. 
He contrasts nis building with the colon- 
nade of Gatulus, whioh was erected on 
the money produced by the aale of the 
spoils of the Gimbrio war : op. Hanisp. 
resp. 68 V99tria numuimntiB jmmn nomm 

ffMtfJM • . . oUfiCa^] op. Caelins Aureli- 
anua, Salut. praeo. m « di §o nim . . . ut 
BtmiktUm corporii emiodir^, pmhriiudimm 
auUm alypiarum, 

MfH<#J With an allusion probably to the 
political sense of eapui a ' oiyil status.' 

16. In quo^ m in qua rf. This usage 
is reij common in Cicero, even after a 
feminine substantiye; e.g. prmnulffoHo' 
n*m . . . ift quo, Att. iii. 28, 1 (88). A 
list of examples is given by Lr. Beid on 
Acad. i. 82. 

d, MsUUtt] Cicero has alreadr insti- 
tuted a oompaziaon between this Metellus 
and himself, Att. i. 16^ 4 (22), whore see 
the note. The meaninc of the passage 
is : — ' Just as the pubuo thought that 
Metellus' spirit was broken by his exile — 


EP. 16S {FJM. I. 9). 

darety quae deolarasset 86 nou potuisBe me uuo oivi oarere, ofomque 
Metellum unius tribuni plebia xogatiOy me uniTena res publioa 
dnoe aenatn, oomitante Italia, promulgantibuB omnibus magw^' 
tibu9^ te f erente oonsule, oomitiis oenturiatia, ounctiB ordixubus, hom- 
inibus inoumbentibus, omnibus deniqne suis viribns reouperavisset 
17. Neque vero ego mihi postea quidquam adsumpsi neque hodie 
adsumo quod quemquam malevolentissimum iure possit offendere : 
tantum enitor ut neque amiois neque etiam alienioribus opera, oou- 
silio, labore desim. Hio meae Titae cursus offendit eos fortasse 
qui splendorem et speoiem buius vitae intuentur, sollioitudinem 
autem et laborem perspioere non possunt. Ulud yero non obsoure 
quenmtur, in meis sententiis quibus otnem Caesarem quasi desois- 
oere me a pristina oausa. Ego autem oum ilia sequor quae paullo 
ante proposui, tum boo non in postremis de quo coeperam ezpo- 
nere. Non offendes eumdem bonorum sensum, Lentule, quern 
reliquisti : qui confirmatns oonsulatu nostro, non numqnam postea 
interruptuSy adfliotus ante te oonsulem, reoreatus abs te, totus est 
nunc ab iis a quibus tuendus fuerat dereliotus, idque non solum 
fronte atque vultu, quibus simulatio faoillime sustinetur, declarant 
ei qui tum nostro illo statu optimates nominabantur sed etiam 
sensu saepe iam tabellaque doouerunt. 18. Itaque tota iam sapien- 

quM dtOgraMMQ qm$ not mm is oer- 
Uinlj tha rigjit reading here, the olanae 
q%f0 . . . tfornv not being oo-ordinate 
with the other clauses introduced by 

mmW trib¥m\ Q. Galidins, Plane. 69. 

UfmwuUl Xs the reference seems to 
be to the pusingof the kw at the wmit%a 
MNfMrMto on the 4th of August, not to 
the prerious motions of Lentulus in the 
senate on January 1st or in July, it 
anpears neoessary to read with Lehmann 
(Quaeet TuU., *p. 66) U ftrmU for r«- 
f^miU ; cp. Pis. 36 i>0 ffi# cum omnsi 
magUtrMtua pnwmlgaumt . . . Ugem MMi- 
tu$ tmtutiatia tulit P. Lmiuiui amtul de 
eotte^M Q. XeteUi t&ntetUuif on the basiB 
ol which passage Lehmann adds magit" 
trsiihii after owmihu. For omnibui after 
promuifmnUhut Schuta reads oeio tribtmit, 
and tnmsposes refirente eomuU to precede 
jfrmtOgmiibui. But even if Sdhiits's 
emendation be accepted, the transpod- 
tion is hardly necessary. It was on the 
strength of the bill of the eight tribunes 
that lientalus made his motion on Jan. 1st. 

But it would be desirable to read rrftrmU 
<U> comuit, 

17. atUumpii'] ' take upon myself,' 
do what ought rather be done by another ; 
cp. SuU. 84 ; Piano. 66. 

Mie . . . mrsut] His choice of a f orensio 

JUud] introduces a new subject of 
complaint « ' the following ' : rather 
confusingly, in the next sentence iUa 
refers to toe subjects already treated, 
while hod is ' the following.' 

rum num^Wim] 692-694 (62-60). 

anU U connuleml 696, 696 (69, 68). 

nostro iUo $tatu\ * under that regime 
of ours.' 

Mfwtt] This word, which is found in 
all the mss, waa changed by Man. to m»- 
UtUia; and the conjecture of Han. has 
been accepted by erery editor to Elots. 
Yet Cicero would certainly have said 
aentoHtiit tabellisquo if he had meant 
* their TOtes in the senate and as jury- 
men.' Moreover, oontu giyes an excellent 
sense. The expression fronts as vuliu 
refers to the feeling which they professed 

EP. 15S {FAM. I. 9). 


tiuxQ ciYixun, qualem me et esse et nnmerari yolo, et sententia et 
TolontaB mutata esse debet Id enim inbet idem ille Plato quern 
ego yehementer auctorem sequor, * tantom oontendere in re pub- 
lioa quantum probare tuis eiyibuB poesis : Tim neque parenti nee 
patriae adferre oportere.' Atque hano quidem iDe oausam dbi ait 
non attingendae rei publioae fnisse, quod, oum offendiaset popxdum 
Atheniensem prope iam desipientem seneotute oumque eum neo 
persuadendo neo nm oogendo regi poese TidisBet, oum persuaderi 
posse difBderet, oogi fas esse non arbitraretnr. Mea ratio fuit alia, 
quod neque desipiente populo nee integra re mihi ad oonsulendum 
oapesseremne rem publioam implioatus tenebar ; sed laetatus tamen 
sum quod mihi Uoeret in eadem oausa et mihi utilia et ouivis bono 
reota defendere. Huo aooessit oommemoranda quaedam et divina 
Oaesans in me fratremque meum liberalitas : qui mihi quasoumque 
res iniret tuendus esset: nuno in tanta felicitate tantisque viotoriis. 

(of. Q. Fr. i. 1, 16 (80)) : the ezpreasioa 
temu (aieOaque signifles the feelings which 
the^ really entertained and thowed by 
their Totee. The fact that the sentence 
is so ezpessed that, if we examine docely, 
we find Cicero to haye really said that 
tennu is eam ro s se d by Mtuut will not 
create a difficulty for anyone familiar 
with the letters, or indeed the Latin 
writers in general ; tMsut first means 
broadly the 'mental attitude' of the bom; 
when used afterwards, it means 'the real 
feelings' as opposed to 'the professed 
feelings'; op. Att t. 10, 3 (198) hato 
iptafiro equidun fronU, ut puto, $t PuUu 
heOitf Md tmgcr iniimU aentSbui ; so there 
is no real tautology ; mimm tabellaque 
means 'the real inward feeling with the 
outward expression of it in tiieir Terdicts.' 
Sfnaut (plural) in rtp. is, as Dr. Beid 
says (Sull. 64), the proper expression for 
' politioal sympathy ' : op. Fam. xii. 15, 
2 (882); Att xt. 7 (739), whan pluc^ant 
should be read. 

18. imtmtia et voluntat] This ex- 
presses in reverse order nearly the same 
thought as tmiu taheUaqtts ; vohmUu « 
miiuff ' the real feelings ' ; sententia = 
'the outward expression of them in the 
senate,' while toMta refeired to 'the out- 
ward expression of them on the bench of 
jurors.' There is an interesting passage 
m Plane 16, where Cicero shows why 
the ballot is so popular with yoters £t» 
enim ti popuio grata est toMla quae/rontis 
aperit homimim, mentis tegit datgue earn 

Uiertatem ut guodvehntfaeiant, promitiant 
aiitem pied rogeniur, eur tu id in iudieio ut 
flat egprimist quod non Jit in eampo t 

P2sto] SeeCrito 61 QTantum.. .poseis 
is rather an inference from Plato's words 
than a tranaUtion ; vim . . . oportore is 
a translation of fiidC^vBai 3' ofrjc tvutp 
offrt ftV^P* eihs vardpa, wo\h 3^ re^mv 
trt frror riiw warpi^ 

ofindiseet"] Here he refers to two pas- 
sages in the 6th letter of Plato (322 A 
and B), of the genuineness of which 
Oicesro seems to haye no doubt: UXdrtp 
^^ ip rf ftarplZi y4yoy«9 koI rhw Z^ftop 
KariKafiw l^hi vp^vfiirspop ; and again, 
^ird vdprmp &r ^Ziora naBdir^p ftarpX 
trvP9$o6\tvw ain^f tl m^ fi'drjip p^p kip- 
3vrt^fltr ^cro, v\4op 3' oMp voi^o'tiy. 

eumque eum'] The logic of the sentence 
is defectiye, unless we insert nisi; or with 
Stemkopf omit posse after regi, which 
might haye intruded itself from the adja- 
cent jmum. The former seems the simpler. 
Some edd. regard eumque . . . vidisset as 
spurious ; but the words ore found in all 

in eadem eausa"] In his speech on one 
and the same question (t.«. the speech 
J>e iVtfv. Cbfw., in which he argued that 
Caesar's command should be continued) 
he was able to take a line which combined 
his own interests (Caesar's fayour) with 
the espousal of a measure which must 
commend itself to every one of the boni, 
m conseryatiyes of his party. 

iniret] See Adn. Crit. Inire eoneilium, 


EP. 163 (FAM. I. 9). 

etiam d in nos non is easet qui est, tamen ornanduB videretur. Sio 
enim te ezistunare yelim, oum a yobis meae salutifl auotoribiu dis- 
oeBserim, neminem ease ouiuB offioiiB me tam ease devinctmn non 
solum oonfitear sed etiam gaadeam. 19. Quod quoniam tibi ex- 
posuiy faoilia snnt ea quae a me de Yatinio et de Qraaso requiiis. 
Nam de Appio quod soribis, sionti de Oaesare, te non reprehendere, 
gaudeo tibi oonsiUum probari meom. De Yatinio autem, primum 
reditos interoesserat in gratiam per Pompeium statim ut iUe pra&» 
tor est faotosy com qoidem ego eins petitionem gravissinus in senata 
sententiis oppngnassem, neqne tam illios laedendi cansa qnam 
defendendi atque omandi Oatonis. Post autem Gaesaris ut ilium 
defenderem mira oontentio est oonseouta. Gur autem laudaiim, 
peto a te ut id a me neve in hoo reoneve in aliis requiras, ne tibi 
ego idem reponam oum veneris ; tametsi possum vel absenti : re- 
oordare enim quibus laudationem ex ultimis terns nuseris. Nee 
boo pertimueris : nam a me ipso laudantur et laudabontur iideuL 
Sed tamen defendendi Yatini fuit etiam ille stimulus de quo in 
iudido, oum ilium defenderim, dixi me faoere quiddam quod in 
Eunuoho parasitus suaderet militi : 

Ubi naminabit Phaedriam, iu Pamphilam 
cantinuo. 8% quando ilia dicet^ * Phaedftam 
intromUtamus eomisiotum,* ' Pamphilam 
cantatum provocemm ' ; 9% lauddbit haec 
ilUuaformam, tu huiua contra. Denique 
par pro pari re/ertOf fuod earn mordeat 

Sio petivi a iudioibus ut, quoniam quidem nobiles homines et de 

nUtMMw, it^tdi in rem are oommon ez- 
presskmi in Cioero. 

ctm * . . <fiMMf«rtml the regular pliraae 
in Cioero for * exoepv ' after,' * next to,' 
in compariaons. 

19. Appio] Pompey*8 son liad married 
a daughter of Appius. It irae through 
the intervention of Pompey that a reoon- 
ciliation iraa effected between Appiua and 
Cioero, who naturally resented the way in 
which Appiua had abetted the eohemea of 
hie brother, P. Clodiua, a^^ainat him. 

2ciMfef tm] < gave OTidence of good 

^uikus] It is not known to whom 
Cicero is referring. 

Sedtammii] Cioero says he had another 
reason for befriending Vatinius; his former 
friends amon^ the tptimaUi often annoyed 
him by showing special marks of friend- 
liness to his persecutor, P. Clodius : op. 
ProT. Cons., 48 fln. Cicero says he will 
give them a Httie stab {leviter rep/m^w) 
for the slight mortification they cause 
bJm {mniMCfitsr lacutHtu) by showing 
friendliness on his part to Vatinius, the 
creature of Caesar, and thus play his 
Publius (Vatinius) off against their Pub- 
lius (Clodius), Just as the parasite Gbatbo 
in Terence's £umiehui adyises the soldier 
Thraso to play off Pamphila against 
Phaedria, that is, to rouse his mistress's 

EP. 153 (FAM. 1. 9). 


me optime meriti nimiB amarent inimioum meum meque inspeo- 

tante saepe eum in soDatu modo seyere seduoerent, modo familia- 

liter atque hilare amplexarentar, quoniamque illi haberent sunm 

Pnbliumy darent mihi ipsi alium Publiam in quo poBsem illomm 

animos mediooriter laoessittuB leviter repungere. Neque solum 

dixi sed etiam saepe faoio, deis hominibusque approbantibuB. 

20. Habes de Yatinio; oognosoe de Orasso. Ego, oum mihi oum 

illo magna iam gratia esset, quod eius omnis gravissimaB iniurias 

communis oonoordiae oausa voluntaria quadam obliviotie oontrie- 

ram, repentinam eius defensionem Ghtbini, quem proximis superi- 

oribus diebus aoerrime oppugnasset, tamen, si sine uUa mea 

oontumelia suscepiBset, tulissem: sed oum me disputautem, non 

laoessentem laesisset, exarsi non solum praesenti, oredo, iraoundia 

—nam ea tam vehemens fortasse non fuisset — , sed cum inolusum 

illud odium multarum eius in me iniuriarum, quod ego effudisse 

me omne arbitrabar, residuum tamen insoiente me fuisset, omne 

repente apparuit. Quo quidem tempore ipso qtiidam homines et 

iidem illi quos saepe signiAco neque appello, cum se maximum 

fructum oepisse dioerent ex libertate mea meque tum denique sibi 

esse yisum rei publioae qualis fuissem restitutum, cumque ea 

oontentio mihi magnum etiam foris fructum tulisset, gaiidere se 

dicebant mihi et ilium inimioum et eos, qui in eadem oausa essent, 

numquam amicos futures. Quorum iniqui sermones cum ad me per 

homines honestissimos perf errentur cumque Fompeius ita conten- 

disset ut nihil umquam magis, ut cum Orasso redirem in gratiam, 

Oaesarque per litteras maxima se molestia ex ilia oontentione adf ec- 

jetlousy l>7 an allnaioii to Pamphila irhen- 
erer she aanoys bim by a reference to hie 
riTal Pbaedria, Enn. 440. 

M9#r0 adueerent'] 'took aside for serious 

suum ISibUwn] It will be seen, from 
the explanation giyen above, tbat this 
passage cannot be quoted to show tbat 
the use of the pramotMn was a mark of 
intamaoy. It was the omission of tlie 
pramtomon that was the mark of intimacy. 
See Tol. P., p. 67. 

20. definsicnem Oabini'] when accused 
by the publicani in the autumn of 699 
(66) for naying left Syria exposed to the 
attacks of pirates : op. jJio Cass, xzxiz. 66. 

sifffi^/Uo neque appeUo'] So Madvig for 

signi/leationeque of M. This is better 
than adding nutu before signi/lctiionepie 
with Emesti. The addition of -que after 
a diort syllable could hardly be considered 
an objection, if the reading were other- 
wise defensible ; see Lebreton, p. 416. 

Hbertaie wua\ * my outspokenness,' < in* 

ea eontentio"] with Orassus. 

/oris'} * outside' the senate, with the 

iJium] Crassus; tfoi, Caesar and Pom- 
pey. This course of Cicero's they thought 
would establish a feud between him and 
Crassus, and would prcTent a rapproche- 
ment on his part towards Caesar and 


HP. US {FAM. L 9). 

torn ostonderet, habui non tempomm solum rationem meorum sed 
etiam natnraey Oraasuaque, ut quaai testata populo Boxnano eaaet 
noatra gratia, paene a meia laribus in proyinoiam eat profeotoa. 
Nam oam mlhi oondixiaaet, oenavit apnd tne in mei generi Oraasi- 
pedia hortia. Quam ob rem eina oauaam, quod te aoribis audiaae, 
magna illiua oommendatione aufloeptam defendi in aenatu, aiout 
mea fidea poatulabat. 21. Aooepiati quibua rebua adduotua quam- 
qne rem oausamque defenderim quique meua in re publioa ait pro 
mea parte oapeeaenda statua. De qiio aio yelim atatuaa, me haeo 
eadem aenauram fuiaae, ai mihi integra omnia ao libera fuiaaent ; 
nam neque pugnandum arbitrarer oontra tantaa opee neque delen- 
dum, etiam ai id fieri posaet, aummorum dvium prinoipatum, 
neque permanendom in una aententia oonveraia rebua ao bonorum 
Yoluntatibua mutatia aed temporibua adaentiendum. Numquam 
enim in praeatantibua in re publioa gubernanda viria laudata eat in 
una aententia perpetua permanaio, sed, ut in navigando tempeatati 
obaeqoiartia eat, etiam ai portum tenere non queaa, oum vero id 
poBsia mutata velifioatione adaequi, etultum eat eum tenere oum 
perioulo ouraum quern oeperia potius quam eo oommutato quo velia 
tamen pervenire, aio oum omnibus nobia in administranda to 
publioa propoaitum esae debeat id quod a me aaepiaaime diotum 
eat, oum dignitate otium, non idem semper dioere sed idem semper 
apeotaie debemua. Quam ob rem, ut paullo ante posui, si essent 
omnia mihi solutissima, tamen in re publioa non alius essem atque 
nuno aum. Oum yero in huno sensum et adlioiar benefioiis homi- 
num et oompellar iniuriis, faoile patior ea me de re publioa aentire 
ao dioere quae maxima oum meia tum etiam rei publioae rationibus 
putem oonduoere. Apertius autem haeo ago ao aaepius, quod et 
duintus frater meua legatua est Gaesaria et nullum meum mini- 
mum diotum, non modo faotum, pro Gaesare interoessit quod ille 

Umptrmiiy < diemiiBtaDoes.* 
MuKciMff] * had offered to oome and 
dine with me.' In Eome it waa a com- 
pUment to aak oneeelf to dinner. To aak 
a fa^onr ia atill an act reqniiing a doaer 
fxiendabip than to confer one. The full 
nhraae aeema to be MftiKawif «? OMom FlauU 
Men. 124, Stioh. 447 ; or simply eondicer$ 
tfMMMi(8net.Tib. 42). Ponibly we ahonld 
add MMM after comUxUttt^ aa it might 
haTe been loat before cenavit. 

atuiam . . . dsfmdi in t0natu\ pp. 
181, 1. 

iUiu$ commetidatiotU] * on the atrong 
recommendation of Pompey.* 

21. uiin tuwigando] There is yirtually 
the aame illnatration in PUnc. 94 and 
Balb. 61. 

tttman] * for all that ' (though on another 

MMMttnui] ' though I were quite un- 

EP. IBS (FAM. I. 9). 


uon ita illustri gratia aooeperit ut ego eum mihi deYmotum puta- 
rem. Itaque eins omni et gratia quae summa est et opibus quas 
intellegis eese mazimaa sio fruor ut meis. Nee mihi aliter pottdsse 
yideor hominum perditorom de me oonsilia frangere nifd com 
praeeidiis m quae semper habui nunc etiam potentimn benevo- 
lentiam ooiiinnxissem. 22. "Bjb ego eonsiliiB, si te praesentem 
habtdssem, ut opinio mea fert, essem usus eisdem.' Novi euim 
temperantiam et moderationem naturae tuae : novi animum oum 
mihi amioistimum tum nulla in oeteros malevolentia suffusum oon- 
traque oum magnum et ezoelsum tum etiam apertum et simplioem. 
Yidi ego quosdain in te talis, qualis tu eosdem in me videre 
potuisti. Quae me moverunt, movissent eadem te profecto. Bed 
quooumque tempore mihi potestas praesentis tui fuerit, tu oris 
onmium moderator oonsiliorum meorum : tibi erit eidem, oui salus 
mea fuit, etiam dignitas ourae. Me quidem oerte tuarum actionum, 
sententiarum, yoluntatum, rerum denique omnium sooium oomi- 
temque habebis, neque mihi in omni yita res tarn erit ulla pro- 
posita quam ut ootidie yehementius te de me optime meritum esse 

23. Quod rogasy ut mea tibi soripta mittam quae post disoes- 
sum tuum soripseiim, sunt orationes quaedam quas M enoorito dabo, 
neque ita multae, ne pertimesoas. Soripsi etiam — ^nam animum 
ab orationibus diiungo fere referoque ad mansuetiores Musas^ 
quae me nunc mazime, siout iam a prima adulesoentia deleotarunt — 
soripsi igitur Aristotelio more, quem ad modum quidem yolui^ tris 

praetidiW] tbe lympathy of the middle 
daaeee in Kome and throughout Italy, 
and of eertain of the nobiles in Borne. 

22. His .... eontUiii] a fortoitoua 

iufUtuni] * with no pale oast of apite.' 

toeium eomiUm^tu] There does not 
seem to be any difltenmoe in meaning, 
unless eom0t rather means 'one of your 
retinue/ and thus poUtelT concedes the 
superior position to Lentulus. Socium is 
found muc^ more frequently coupled with 
partiMpt, adwter, comon. 

p0hmsnHus] ' more strongly than be- 
fore.' Op. zii. 42. See note on Att. 
i. 20, 7 (26). 

28. orationet] those of 698 (56), pro 
8uiio, Caelio, Balho^ D0 Sar, tup,, J)€ 
Tt99. Com,, Ac. ; of 699 (66), in PfiMMm, 
pro &alJo ; of 700 (54), pro Orauo, pro 

TkmoiOf and others : see Watson^ p. 

Monocrito] a f reedman of Lentulus. 

ns portimsMat] This is not imperatiye^ 
which would lie n$ p^rtimu&rit; it is 
dependent on a sentence understood 
'Fwhioh I tell you] that you may be 
alaxmed' (at the prospect of hsTing too 
many speeohea to read) : cp. Yexr. iy. 52 
and 148. 

masinui] so. deUctant, We have put a 
comma after mtarime, to show the empse. 
Wesenberg (Em. Alt. p. 8) compares Fam. 
sill. 41, 2 (55) ; yii. 24, 1 (665) ; zr. 14, 
8 (241). 

AriitoUUo"^ Aristotle had written some 
treatises (whichhayeperished) in dialogue, 
with prnaces such as Cicezo employs; 
see 144, 2. These app^r to haye been 
the models which (^cero took for the 
Do Orators, The dialogues of Cicero 


SP. IBS {FAM. I. 9). 

Iibro0 in disputatione ao dialogo 'de oratore,' qaos arbitror Leutulo 
tuo fore noQ inntilis. Abhorrent enim a oommonibns praeoeptis 
atque omnem antiquorom et Aristoteliam et Isooratiam rationem 
oratoiiam oompleotimtnr. Soripsi etiam TersiboB triB libros 'de 
temporibus meiB/ quos iam pridem ad te misiaBein, ai esse edendos 
putaasem — sunt enim testes et eront sempitemi meritoram erga 
me toorum meaeqne pietatis — , sed quia yerebar non eoe qui se 
laeaos arbitrarentur — etenim id f eoi paroe et molliter — ^sed eos qnos 
erat infinitum bene de tne meritos omnia nominare .... Quos 
tamen ipsos libros, ai quem oui reote oommittam invenero, ourabo 
ad te perierendos. Atque istam quidem partem yitae oonauetudi- 
niaque noatrae totam ad te defero. Quantum litteria, quantum 
atudiia, yeteribua noatiia deleotationibuai oonaequi poterimuay id 
omne ad arbitrium tuum qui haeo aemper amaati libentiaaime oon- 
feremua. 24. Quae ad me de tuia rebua domeatiois aoribia quaeque 
mihi oommendaa, ea tantae mihi ourae aunt ut me nolim admoneri, 
rogari Yero aine magno dolore vix poaaim. Quod de Quinti fratria 
negotio aoribia te priore aeatate, quod morbo impeditua in Gilioiam 
non tranaieria, confioere non potuiaae, nunc autem omnia faoturum 
nt oonfioiaa, id acito eaae eiua modi ut frater meua Tore eziatimet 
adiunoto iato f undo patrimonium fore auum per te oofnatitutum. 
Tu me de tuia rebua omnibua et de LentuU tui noatrique atudiia et 
exerdtationibua velim quam familiariaaime oertiorem et quam 
aaepiaaime faoiaa exiatimeaque neminem ouiquam neque oariorem 
neque iucundiorem umquam f uiase quam te mihi, idque me non 

form A itrong contrast to thow of Plato 
in tfacir want of the dramatio element. 
Oioeio ezplainiy in Att. ziii. 19, 4 (681), 
▼hat he means there by 'Afi^rorcAftoy 
mtrtm^ Tis. that in quo a$rmo ita indmitur 
e$tsr9rum trt jMMtft ipium til prinHpatut; 
bnt it does not siiit this passage. He con- 
^taatiy describes the style ox Aristotle as 
hi{;hly oraate, a critioism which certainly 
does not seem suitable to the works which 
we possess. See Br. Reid's note on 
Jkmm ortUionUaurewn/kndMtArittoUies, 
Acad. ii. 119. ObserTC that ArittotsRam, 
/fMroifom, have the penult. Ions. 

fM0m ad modrnn} * such at least was 
my aim.' 

tN dupfU»i%oh$\ Wesenberg omits iii, 
comparing MHjwt versibuSf below. But cp. 
Oluent 197 nm ilU in liMlU laudaiumsm 

* is t$tnporibut msit *] The poem is re- 
ferred to 147» 6. The period embraced by 
ten^tora mtm is defined in the words Tmi" 
ham — honorwn osmuMn, aboye, {12. 

quia Mr#&w*] Sither ^1] qtAa must be 
expunged, with Gronoyins ; or (2) we 
must suppose, with Wesenberg, that after 
nominars some such words as vM (hoAm) 
dimUgari haye dropped oat; or (8) we 
must postulate before quia a harsh ellipse 
of some wards like non putavi edindot 
taken ont of sdendot putaatm, aboye. 

erat inJInUum] Op. longum e$t, ' 'twere 

ittam quidtm parUm} < all this depart- 
ment of my life and occnpations I submit 
unresenrecUy to yon ' (Jeans). 

24. de QuinH fratrit negeiio] Quintus 
wished to purchase some farm near his 
own estate in Arpinnm from a man who 

EP. 16S {FAM. I. 9). 


modo at tu aentias sed at omnes gentes, etiam at posteritas omnia 
iutellegat esse faotnram. 25. Appias in sermonibas antea diotit- 
abat, postea dixit etiam in sonata palam, aese, ai lioitum eaaet legem 
ooriatam f erre, aortitaram eaae com ooUega provinoiam : si oariata 
lex non easet, ae parataram oam oollega tibiqae auooeaaoram: 
legem ooriatam oonaali ferri opoa eaae, neoeaae non eaae: ae, 
qnoniam ex sonatas oonaalto provinoiam haberet, lege Oornelia 
imperiam habitaramy qaoad in orbom iutroiaaet Ego quid ad to 
taoram qaisqao neoeeaarioram aoribat neaoio : variaa eaae opinionoa 
intellego. Sant qoi patant poaao to non doooderoy qaod sine lege 
eaxiata tibi aaooedatar : aant etiam qui, ai dooodaa, a to relinqai 
poaao qai provinoiae praeait. Mihi non tam do iare oertam eat — 
qaamqaam no id qaidem Talde dabiam eat — qaam illad, ad tuam 
aummam amplitadinem, dignitatem, libortatem, qaa to aoio liben- 
tiaaimo frai aolere, pertinere to aine aUa mora provinoiam aaooea- 
aori oonoederOy praeaertim oum aine aaapioione toae oapiditatia non 
poeaia illiaa oapiditatem refatare. Ego atramqae meam pato eaae 
et quid aentiam ostondero et quod feceris defendere. 

WIS then in Cilioia, and thought that 
Lentulus might be able to effeot the 
txanmotion for him. 

26. Ug^rn MiruU0m] Hr. Gfeenidge 
{M»mam FMie Lift, p. 261) tays : * The 
full ezaxdae of the imperium, whether in 
jnziidiction, in military command, or in 
the tranamiidan of offioe, vas inaiupenie 
nntil the 2to ewruUm had been elicited. 
Without it the praetor could not giye 
jurtioe frmn his tribunal (Dio Oaaa. xxzix. 
19), the ooniul could notnoldan aaiembl^ 
for the creation of his luocetsor (ift. zh. 
48), and vhether at magistrate or pro- 
magistiate could not exercise the full 
imperium in the field (De lege agraria, 
ii 80) until the ambiguous wording of 
the Zff« Cormlut i$ prmtkMi ordimndu 
made the requirement in this last particular 
a doubtful point. Bulla's law had said 
that the ma^strate should retain im pe r i m n 
until he re-entered the city, apparently 
without mentioning the Us emriaUL App. 
Claudius, consul for 64 b.o., who hut 
been prerented by the tribunioian Teto 
from getting his itm eitruiU passed, pre- 
sumed on this sQence^ and said li^mn 
&mritUam . . . intt^imi (Oicero ad Fam. 
i 9. 26).' From 164, 4 we may infer 
that tlie decree of the senate granting 

Appius the allowance for his proyince 
was passed conditionally on his cettinff 
the Urn tmruita, Appius probably did 
ultimately get a Ux eurimUt. 

piurtthimm] We need not alter paru- 
twrum to eomptMraturum with Wesenberg. 
The former is found in Cassius Hemina 
(ap. Peter, Si$t. Jtom. Frog,^ p. 70, 18) 
iWfonMi wdgut ttiM eonUnkaiu can* 
amtimuto prmtfcwrw^t asgualiUr imp&rh 
Bmnum H Amuhunf iim ut d$ regno 
pmrarmt imUr «# : Lex lulia Municipalis, 
1. 24, Mil. eur. aad. pi, ... inim' m 
paranto out tortumio ; cp. Hauler in 
<ArohiT,'iii. 686. 

Stmt qui putant"] This must mean ' a 
certain party or school' (of jurists or 
interpreters of Roman procedure) hold 
that you may refuse to leaye your pro- 
vince. Stmt qui puUnt would be far more 
natural ; ^mI puUmt had better be retained, 
as the more difficult, and therefore more 
probable, reading. M. Lebreton (p. 816) 
quotes Att. X. 4, 11 (882), De Tut. i. 72, 
u. 167 as other examples of the indicative. 

hh0rtaUm\ 'independence,' as in }{ 2, 

rttfiiUwil * to thwart,' ' check' : cp. De 
Prov. Cons. 82. In baffling the greed of 
Appius to get the province, he would 


JBP. IBJt (ATT. IV. 18). 

26. Soripta iam opistula Buperiore aoMpi toas litteras de publi- 
oanifl, qaiboB aequitatem toam non potoi non probare : felioitate 
qnadam Tellem oonsequi potaittes, ne eiua ordinis qaem semper 
omarti rem aut yolimtatem offenderes* Equidem non dednam 
tna deoreta defendere: Bed noeti eonsnetndinem hominom, sois 
quam grayiter inimidi ipai illi Q. Soaevolae fuerint. Tibi tamen 
sum anotor ut, si quibus lebns possuy earn tibi ordinem aut reoon^- 
oilies ant mitigee. Id etai difficile est, tamen mihi yidetor eMe 
pradentiae toae. 

164. TO ATTIOUS (Att. iv. is). 
BOMB ; ocroBBR (bnd) ; A. u. c. 700 ; b. o. m ; abt. gig. 52. 

tato Attki cum Dionydo adTontu. 


1. [Ep. XYI. 9.] . . . t Nuno at opinionem habeas rerom, feren- 
dum est Quaeris ego me ut gesserimP Oonstanter et libere. 
^ Quid flle/ inquies, ' at f erebat P ' Humaniter, meaeque dignitatis^ 
qaoad mihi satis faotam esset, habendam sibi rationem putabat. 

himwlf inonr the fluapioion of freed (oyer- 
eafpemea for oiBoe}, by rafuemg to giro 
up hia wormoe. 

26. Tliia ia a poatacript 

tfmte] Moat add. add iff ; perhapa 
rigntly, aa no irord ia more often 
omitted from the manuacripta. Bat atill 
qMu9 tukj be defended aa inatmmentaly 
' your letteiB which compelled me to com- 
mend TOur f aimeaa ' : cp. Fam. ir. 1 5, 1 
(484) lUUrat piiiu$ id quod 9eir$ eupi$' 
MM eop n M6 t r $ nam potui ; but it muat be 
confoaied that the inatnunental ia more 
natoial thrae than here. 

ftHmJUU qmdmi\ ' I can only wiah 
yon a hind of huh to eaoape ninmne 
oonnter to their wiahea or feelinga^ 
(everything that doea not depend on 
chance yon will bring to bear yooraelf}. 
In Fam. iiL 8, 7 (222) w^\mu fiUcm u 

naed in a reryaimilar context. See Adn. 

8mu901ms] who gOTemed Aaia moat 
uprightly in B55 (99), and thua incurred 
the enmity of the^uoHoana. 

prudsHtia§ tuasj < within the reach of 
your aagacity ' (Jeana). 

1. The bennning of thia letter haa been 
loit : it| no doabt, recorded the acquittal 
of Gabmiua on the cham of nuMstat. 
Pcaaibly we ahould add nuam after 

m0 Mi puunm] See 160, 2. 

iUs] Pompey. See 148, 16. 

SmumiUrj * he made the beat of the 
matter, and decided to consider my diff nity, 
until aatiafactory atonement anould be 
made to me for the conduct of Oabiniui 
towaida me.' 

EP. 164 {ATT. ir. 18). 


Quomodo ergo absolutoB est P Omnino yopytta yvfiviy aoousato- 
rum inoredibilis infantiay id eet, L. Lentoli, L. f., quern fremunt 
omnes praeTarioatam, deinde Pompei mira oontentio, itulioom 
sozdee. Ac taznen xxxii oondemnarunt, xxxiix absolTeront. 
ludida reliqna impendent : nondom est plane expeditns. 2. [ep. 
XVI. 10.] Dices, * Tn ergo haeo quo modo fers P ' Belle meher- 
oole et in eo me valde amo. Amisimas, mi Pomponi, omnem non 
modo saoTim atqne sangoinem sed etiam colorem et speoiem piis- 
tinam d^tatis. Nulla est res publioa quae deleotet^ in qua aoqui- 
esoam« * Idne igitnr/ inqoies, * &oile fers P ' Id ipsom. Seoordor 
enim qnam bella paoUisper nobis gabernantibos oiyitas fuerit, 
quae mihi gratia relata sit Nullus dolor me angit unum omnia 
posse; dirumpuntur ii qui me aliquid posse doluerunt: multa 
mihi dant solatia, neo tamen ego de meo statu demigroi quaeque 
vita mftTriTnA est ad naturam, ad eam me refero, ad litteras et 
studia nostra: dioendi laborem deleotatione oratoria consojor. 
Domus me et rura nostra deleotant. Non recorder undo ceoi- 
derim sed unde surrezerim. Fratrem mecum et te si habebo. 

yopy^ta yvfip£] (The eharges were) 
*m0r$ htghittn^ ; thftt is, the aoeneen pre- 
tended much ee^emeae to proome a Ter- 
dfiot agamst Qabmius, but neUy Tefrttned 
from ezertixkg themaelTes to hang about 
that remit. Their impeeohment was 'full 
of sound and fury, signifjong nothing.' 
We should rather say, 'it was a mere 
flash in the pan' — was not intended to 
issue in a yerdiot agsinst Qehinius. He 
has already eaad aootttaionkmfrtfUMnmti 
utitur (161, 8) ; but to coneeal their 
collusion with the defence, the prose- 
cutors were obli^ to assume great sni- 
modty, while withholding such evidence 
as would really tell against the acoused. 
Hence yopyua yvii»^ the conjectuze d 
Bosius, is such a phrase as is required 
here ; and it may be almost said to be the 
reading of M (see Adn. Oiit.), there be- 
ing no great difference paleographically 
between r and O, which always has its 
second stroke very much shortened in 
mss. yvfufd is just the word in Cicero's 
Qreek for 'mere,' 'bare': op. yviufht 
K6KKott I Oor. ZY. 87. Op. ' Ho I such 
bugs and goblins,' Hunlet y. 2, 22. But 
the suggestion of Man. is worth consider- 
ing. He proposes vpApa 9pi6fam (better 
irpipa ft vpifufa: the ft would be easOy 

lost in the middle of the Greek letters). 
The phrase ir^pa tuX wp6ium is often 
found expTBBsmg the whole of a thmg 
from top to bottom : cp. Oio. Fam. zyi. 
24, 1 mihi prora ft puppi$, ut 
Oraf&orum prmffrHum eti, fuU a m$ iui 
dimitUndi ut raUomi mmm HtpKcturM. 
Dio Chrys. xzzyii., p. 120 B 6fuh ydp 
IffTf rirr rh 8^ Xty^fror wp^pa xal 
wp^ ft pa T^f 'EXA^8oi ^A^toi «al K^fcioi : 
Apost. 16, 97 rh ix rpipas «a2 r& in 
irp^futiis iv^XXtrroi* hrl rmv woMoK^BpU^ 
^•ipofUifmr. Translate, 'In short, the 
Alpha and the Omega of it was the in- 
credible feebleness of the prosecation.' 

i^fimtid] 'weakness in tbe prosecu- 
tion/ thouc^ no doubt intentional weak- 
ness on the part of the accusers. For 
infantia ep. De Drat; iii. 142, 198. 

eontfntio] to procure the acquittal of 

/fttfioa reUqud] de rfpitmuUt and df 

2. mf vaUf amo] ' I do congratulate 
myself.' MuUum t$ amamm, valdf t$ 
amo means ' I am much obliged to you.' 

dirumpmUur] For this word used of 
' bursting ' with enyy, cp. Fam. zii. 2, 
2 (790). It is used with dolor$ ('irrita- 
tion') in Att. yiL 12, 8 (298). 


MP. 16i {ATT. IF. 18). 

per me isia pedibuB trahantoTy vobts l^iXooof n^ac poMoiiL Looos 
ille animi noetri stomaohuB nbi habitabat olim oonoalluit Privata 
modo et domestioa noa deleotaat. Miram seonriiatem videbia 
ooina pluiimae meheroole partes sont in tao reditu. Nemo etnim 
in tenia eat mihi tarn oonaentientibna senaibiia. 8. [ep. XVI. 11.] 
Bed aooipe alia. Bea flnit ad intenregnmn et eat non nnllua odor 
diotatnrae, eenno quidem mnltas, qui etiam Gabininm apud timidoa 
indioea adiuvit. Candidati oonaolatoa omnea rei ambitus. Aooedit 
etiam Gabinins qnem P. Sulla non dnbitans qnin foria asset pos- 
tnlarati oontra dioente et nihil obtinente Torquato. Sed omnes 
absolyentur nee posthao quisqnam damnabitnr nisi qni hominem 
oooiderit. Hoc tamen agitor aeYerius, itaqne indicia oalent M. 
Folnns Nobilior damnatoa est Mnlti alii urbani ne respondent 

uli] ae. ii qui m« aliqiiid potae do« 

ftdihit tr^Amtiwr] a formiik of axe- 
entioD, maaiiinff, *fat the wont happaii 
to them lor all I oaxe.' Op. Fam. tIL 
8S, 2 (829) imhmUitr ptr m$ ptiXbm 
•mm fvi : lir. zziy. 22, 9 fUibuM 
t rtPimi non squo imidtmUm ruinquiro 
ipr m mid H n diitrit i/Atro, Boot oom- 
puei the vordB of UlTaeeito Telemaehiit, 
04. xTi. 276, when do teUa Teleniaohua 
to enduze oalmly whatever outragee he 
■laj aee the euiton inflict on hit Ituer— 

^Hw wwW^ K^aa wa^fc ^^^^pa^a ^a^^w^ w#^^^^^w* ww^^h^j^* 

i/ifiX0ffo^fiaat^ Thii readiog of M 
may oe retained, as is pointed out to us 
hy Mr. W. Headlam, of Kiag's College, 
damhiidge. He says it means 'to air 
my philosophy on yon,' *to make you 
the xedpients or yictims of my philo* 
sophisal Tiews.' He oomparas ^^^iveAi- 
TwUfud m iamdndnm, in Att TiL 7, 7 
(298), 'I haye long been inflicting my 
pcditaoal Tiews on yon.' Somewhii 
similar would be the use of ^rrxoAii^W 
Ml if that were read in Att. rH 11, 2 
(804). "Er, says Mr. Headlam, may be 
pieftzed to any verb, thereby gifingthe 
meaning <rf ' ezeroiie • . . upon.' Thus 
in Bonp. Baooh. 200, we should read 
with Musgrave eM' ip^ofifffu^Ba T97n 

Z.firitmot'] Here and at Pii. 12 this 
ezpraasion ia explained to mean 'to be 
bankrupt' ; «i^#r#, forit sui ia the phraae 
in Fia. 12, where it ia applied to thia 
aame Qabtniua. But the leading there ii 
by no meant eertatn, good editoife reading 
for ftrii $im a auperlative adrerb, e.g. 

iordi i ia t imo (MadTig), fonUmms (oonj. 
Miilkr). If the text ia sound,>M« ms# 
must bear the meaning of 'bdng bank* 
ropt'; for Sulla ooold not haTO hem 
enooniaged to proeee n te Gahiniua by 
knowing that he waa ' outaide the city ' ; 
beaidea, he had long ainoe entered the 
city. But how doea firit Ma# come to 
mean ' to be deatitute of money ' (for 
purpoeee of bribery)? 'To be in die 
pepple'a powerj that ii, in debt,' mij the 
j)iott, but thia ia plainly insufiUnent. 
It forit $99$ means 'to be bankrapt,' it 
must be an expraaaion Uke our 'to be 
out at elbowa,' ' to haTO nothing domi ' 
(op. m$9 MMi pmupor in a«rv) ; and it ia 
▼ery atiange that it ahould not oomir in 
Latin oomedy, nor anywhere, aaTO in two 
paaaagea of Oieero, and with reference to 
the aame man. Of oourae, this meaning 
would exoelleatly suit the present passace. 
SnUa may hare beliered that Oabinius 
had spent the spoQs of his proYinoe in 
bribing the Jury which aoouitted him of 
msMf/ci; he would, therefore, be now 
without maans to bnbe the jury in Sulla's 
suit. Dio Oassitts (xxxix. 66, 4) says that 
bribery had beoome so common at Bome 
that a small fraction of what Gabiniua 
reoetTcd firom Ptolemy sufficed to bribe 
the influential men and jurors at Bome. ' 

09ntra di9$mU\ contending against 
SnUa for the oflloe of prosecutor. 

9$$Ui$riQ e.g. Procilius : see 148, 4. 

JSm] apparently the trial of GaUnius 

urbam] ' several others are polite 
enough not to enter any delanoe,' and 
80 aaye the iiidi$$i the trouble of trying 

EF. 15U {ATT. ir. 18). 


quidem. 4. [ep. XYL 12.] Quid aliud novi P Etiam. Absoluto 
Gabimo stomaohantee alii indioea hora post Antioohmn Ghibinium 
nefloio quern e SopoUdis piotoribuBy libertom, aooensum Qabini, lege 
Papia oondemnaront. Itaqne dixit statim f reap, lege maiestatis 
OrCOIliPICAMA^IHI.t Pompidnus vult a. d. im. Non. No- 
vembr. triomphare. Huio obyiam Oato et Serviliua praetores ad 
portam et 0. Maoitis tribiixiii& Negant enim latum de imperio, 
et eet latum heioale insulse. Sed erit cum Pomptino Appins 
eonauL Gato tamen adfirmat ae vivo iUum non triumphatumm. 
Id ego puiO| ut multa eiusdem, ad nihilum reoasurum. Appiua 
fline lege, suo sumptn, in Oilioiam oogitat. 5. [ep. XVil. 8.] A 

4. JSti&m] * Yet, one thing more.' 
QvviiLptffaiia^i^l Boot lightly 
mj% dt these wardi that Gieero ntnit he 
nuaed from the deed to explain them, if 
ever they are to he nnderatood. The old 
oommenteton aee in the laat of the eoimpt 
worda the name no^fjr* a^d auppoae a 
plav on the Papkn law and the Paphian 
goadeaa^ df ^ alS' 'A^vt t^ naffp, or 
some aaeh woida. But aneh a joke would 
he Tery poor and far-fetched, and the aap- 
poaed nwM »rio Mar$ U cttm FtphU rem 
AaMu$ cannot he got out of the wordi. 
The eirenmatanoee were theae : an hour 
after Gahinina waa acquitted ol mtintat 
another jury found ma freedman and 
oMMiMif , a penoo employed in the atndio 
of SqpoUa, a oelehratea painter of the 
time (FUn. H. N. xxxr. 40, 48), guilty 
under the Ftepian law of 688 (66)ii# gmt 
pertgrmut m fro wh gtrtrtt. His oon- 
dirmnation was due to the indignation 
felt against Qahiniua. Hia mot, what- 
ever it was, may he supposed to have 
referred to toe cauae of his oondemnation, 
or else to the certainty that GaHnius 
would he found guiltr in the roti^m 
iudMm, which are aooTe spoken of. 
1^. Shuokhurgh offers an ingenious 
suggestion, /te^ dixit ttMtim * rotpub* 
Uea Ugo mmstUtio oh 9ol iter V ^'e m' 
A^f(il' (or Af if, the end of an unknown 
hexameter). ' So the Bepuhlio will not 
ecquit me under the law of treason, as it 
did you (Gahinius).* He means to infer 
that nis oondenuuition was xeallT in place 
of Gahinius, whose acquittal had irritated 
his jury; tiierefoie he was practieallj 
conyieted of meMf tet instead of his 
patron Gahinina. 

////. Non, JHoomhrA In 162, 6, Cicero 
states that the day of triumph waa to he 

November 3rd (a. d. iii. Non.). Pomptinus 
claimed the triumj^ lor successes aninst 
the Albhrogee in 698 (61) : cp. Pxot. 
Cons. 82, Ino Cass, xzxrii. 47 i*; and 
he o^hrated it (Dio Cass, xxxiz. 66). 

MdportmnX ie. the Porta Triumphalia. 
* Cato and Servilius are going to oppose 
him at the gate.' 

%ntuUe\ The opponenta of the triumph 
declared that the law to confer the um- 
IMTiNm had not been passed ; 'and stupid 
enough^ indeed, the passing of it was,' 
sajra Cicero, who despises the want of 
originality displayed oy Seryius Galba 
(for this man op. 841), in resorting to 
the old-fiuhioned method of carrying his 
law, by presenting himself in the as- 
sembly before dawn. Cicero does not 
stop to directly contradict the allegation 
of the opponenta of the triumph. Bio 
Cass. -mt^. 66 says, in reference to this 
very transaction, o{nt 41^9 Ik rBv r^fimp, 
irpl^ trpAriiP t^patf y€p4o$at ip rf 84mv 

re XP^M'"'^^*^'^''^* 
Appim . . . oogitat'] The consul, 

whether as magistrate or pro-magistrate, 
could not exennse the fml imporiitm in 
the field until he obtained the Ux omriaUi 
cp. De Leg. Agr. ii. 80 oomuU, oi Ugom 
euriaUm non htiot, attingoro rom miUtarom 
non Uoot, That law was generally a form ; 
but it waa one of those forms which giye 
an opportunity to the enemies of an 
unpopular man to thwart him. Appius 
doTcrly evaded it by an appeal to the 
Zox OomeUm do ordimnidio provinoiit^ 
which was somewhat loosely worded: 
cp. 163, 24. The senate, which yoted 
the grant of supplies for the proTinoes, 
would seem to hare required the passing 
of the curiate law as a necessary condi- 
tion of making the grant 


212 £P. 166 (Q. FR. III. 6 and 0). 

tnkn et a Gtaiaxe aooepi a. d. a. EaL Nor. liitens, datas 
a Utoribua Britaimiae proziiniB a. d ti. SjJ. Ootofar. Gonieota 
Britannia, obddilras aooeptifi xiiilla pnada, imperata tamen pe» 
oaniay ez«roitiini e Britannia reportabani. Q. Pilina erat iam ad 
Oa og a r e m piofeotus. To, si ant amor in te est nostri ao tnorum 
ant nlla yaritas ant atiam si sapis ao frni tuis eommodis oogitaa, 
adTentsre ao prope adeioe iam debes. Non meheionle aeqno animo 
te osieo. Te antem quid mimm, qni DionTrinm tanto opere desi- 
deremP qnem qnidem abs te, onm dies Tenerit, et ego et Cioero 
mens flagitabii Abs te proximas Utteras habebam Epheso a. d. ▼. 
Id. SextiL datas. 

166. TO QUINTUS (a Fa. ui. 5 ahd a). 

TUSCULAKUK ; OCTOBBR (bND); A. U. 0. 7«0 ; B. 0. M ; AST. dC. Si. 

M. OioOTO (). fimtii d« Hbiis Oe B« PaUiM Sdluitii monita nflngendit, da 
Caejarfa erga m amore exponit : Mquitur de yenibtit toribendit exonMtioy da rei 
pablioM ftatu oonqoestio, de Gabinlo a se non deleoaoy de suo in Ubzii Qidnti emendif 
■tudioy de tngoediia a Qninto Miiptit. 

MABCU8 annrxo fr^trf salutbm. 

1. Quod qnaeris quid de illis libris egerim quos, oum eesem 
in Oumano, soribere institui, non oessayi neque oesso, sed saepe 
iam Boribendi totum oonsiliam rationemqne mutavL Nam iam 
dnobus faotis libris, in qoibus noyendialibus iis feriis, quae faerunt 
Tnditano et Aquilio oonsulibus, sarmo est a me institutns Afrioani 
paollo ante mortem et Laeli, Phili, Msnili, P. RuiiU, Q. Tube- 
ronis et Laeli generomm, Fani et Soaevolae, sermo autem in 
noTem et dies et libros distributus de optimo statu oivitatis et de 
Optimo cive — sane texebatur opus luoulente hominumque dignitas 
aliquantum orationi ponderis adferebat — ii libri cum in Tusoulano 

6. prMfimUX m. to Italy. plaoe. Did Oxoero write ^ Mu^pe or eo^pi 

Oot\fteta\ <^ settled/ <Sniahed off.' . . . mMtmr$ f He goes on to say that he 

imp$rata . . . pfMmi4t] < having imposed has remodelled the plan of the whole 

a money tribute.' woik ; bat why < often ' P If he wrote 

Hi Mtptf the meaning would be clear : * I 

1. iOii lihrU] * De Bepubliea.* have remodelled the plan of my book, aa 

Mup0] This woffd seems rather out of I often hare done in other works.' 

EP. 166 [Q. FB. IIL 6 and 6). 


mibi legerentnr audiente Sallustio, admonitiu sum ab illo mnlto 
maioie anotoritate illis de rebuB dim poflse, si ipse loquerer de re 
publioa, praesertim onm essem non Heraolides Pontious sed 
oonsularis et is qui in maximis versatns id re publioa rebus essem : 
quae tarn antiquis hominibus attribuerem, ea visum iri Acta esse : 
oratorum sermonem in illis nostris libris quod esset de ratione 
dioendi belle a me removisse, ad eos tamen rettuUsse quos ipse 
Tidissem ; Azistotelem denique quae de re publioa et praestanti Tiro 
soribat ipsum loqui. 2. Oommovit me et eo magis quod maximos 
motus nostrae dvitatis attingere non poteram, quod erant inferiores 
quam illorum aetas qui loquebantur. Ego autem id ipsum turn 
eram seoutus, ne in nostra tempera inourrens offenderem quempiam. 
Nuno et id yitabo et loquar ipse tecum et tamen ilia quae 
institueram ad te, si Bomam venero, mittam; puto enim te 
ezistimaturum a me illos libros non sine aliquo meo stomacho esse 
reflotos. 3. Oaesaris amore quem ad me persoripsti unioe deleotor : 
promissis iis quae ostendit non valde pendeo, nee sitio honores 
neo deddero gloriam magisque eius voluntatis perpetuitatem quam 
promissomm exitum exspeoto. Vivo tamen in ea ambitione et 
labore^ tomquam id quod non postulo exspeotem. 4. Qnod me de 
versibus faoiendis rogas, inoredibile est, mi frater, quam egeam 
tempore, neo sane satis oommoveor animo ad ea quae vis oanenda. 
fAMIIOEIS vero ad ea quae ipse ego ne oogitando quidem 

StraditUs^ a mere theorist, who nerer 
took any aotiTe part in politiot, as Cioero 
did. He was a pnpH at Plato's, and 
wrote treatises on poUtioal philosophy. 

iUU noitrit Hbrii] The three hooks Ds 

quioi nu(\ This reading of the manu- 
sonpts is weU defended hy Lehmann 
^Quaest TnlL 35), who shows that there 
is no neoeesity to alter to q}A guent witli 
Wesenberg. Cioero was so absolutely 
snpreme in oratoxy that his part wonld 
have to be that of an autocrat, and such a 
r6h wonld savour ol arrogance ; whereas 
lie waa not superior to ms fellowa as a 
politioian, and so would be only one 
among equals in a discussion on the 
idea] State. 

AfiiM$lm'] cp. 144, 2 ; 158, 23. 

2. if^ericret] 'later than.' 

rHUt9$] * remodelled.' This is a pro- 
bable correction of r$lietoif which the 
margin of M has for reddUo§, the corrupt 

reading which that ms gires in the text. 
Most editors giro r$Uetet, * that those 
books ^i.e. the itnt sketch of the <De 
Bepublica') were not abandoned by me 
without a pang.' lUa qua$ inttituiram 
means 'my first sketch.' The meaning 
of Mtm thus becomes dear : ' I will send 
Tou the work in its original form VL hare 
kept it, still feeling an aifection for it] ; 
fir you can fancy that the remodelling 
ooet me a pang.' - 

4. &/i^A»<<0 ^® reading presented 
by most edd. is dro^^o-fis, a word found 
in 146, 4. Biidheler proposes ZtvrvwAatis, 
which appears to mean ' realistic' or ' virid 
passages ' : cp. Longinus Be Sublim. 20 
4voia leal rk els r^r MctSiay, rats kpupo* 
paSs 6fiov Ktd rp ZunrvwAffu ovroyairc- 
ir\Myfi4ra rh, iuriif9rra» Perhaps Cicero 
wrote ^/AWf^ffii, 'inspirations.' He 
would ^en be buitoring his brother for 
asking him for hinii about a poem on 
Uie exploits of Caesar, though he was on 

214 EP. 165 (Q. FB. III. 6 and 6). 

(xmsequory tn, qui omniB isto eloquendi et ezprimendi genere 
mipenuti, a me petas P Faoerem tamen ut possem, sed, quod te 
minime fogit, opus ert ad poema quadam animi alaoritate, qoam 
plane ndlii tempoza eripiunt. Abdnoo me equidem ab omni rei 
pablioae oara dedoqne litteris, sed tamen indioabo iibi quod meher- 
onle in primiB te oelahun TolebanL Angor, mi enaTiBsune frater, 
angor nnllam eflse rem pnUioam, nulla iudioia noBtromque hoc 
tempuB aetatiB quod in ilia auetoritate senatoria floiere debebat 
aut foTsnsi labore iaotari aut domefltiois litteria eustentari, illud 
yero quod a puaro adamaiam, 

totnm oooidiflse, inimiooB a me partim non oppugnatoBy partim 
etiam bbbo defeuBOB, meum non modo animuTn Bed ne odium 
quidem bbbo liberum, unumque ex omnibuB OaoBaiem mui^ inyentum 
qui me tantom quantum ego yellem amaiety aut etiam, Biout alii 
putant, huno unum bbbo qui yellet. Ouorom tamen nihil est eius 
modi ut ego me non multa oouBoIatione ootidie leniam, Bed ilia 
erit oouBolatio maxima si una erimuB. Nunc ad ilia yel grayiBsi- 
mum aooedit desiderium tui. 5. Gabinium ai, ut Pansa putat 
oportuiBBOy def endiBBem, oonddiBBem : qui ilium oderunt — ii sunt 
toti ordineB — ^propter quem oderunt me ipsum odisBe ooepiflsent. 
Tenui me, ut puto» egregie, tantum ut faoerem quantum omnes 
yiderent. Et in omni Bumma, ut moneB, yalde me ad otium 
paoemque oonyerto. 6. De libriB, Tjrrannio est oeBsator: Obry- 
sippo dioam. Bed ree operosa est et hominiB perdiligentiB. Sentio 
ipse qui in Bummo studio nihil adsequor. De LatiniB yero quo 

the B{K>t, and ought to be inspired by the epeeehee he is constantly explaining his 

place itself. conduct, cp. Froy. Oons. 40 ff . , Pis. 79 if . , 

HsXX^f] Horn. n. Ti 208; xi. 784. Plane 91 if., all. masterly examples of 

In both places the ilxst word of the line Cicero's great powers as an adTocate. 

is AUr. * They 're eLoquent, they 're well, but are 

noH oppmgnaUil He means Oabtnins ; not true.' 

irfmmt, Yatinius. 5. iamhm • . • v%d$irm{\ < I confined 

/iimMiJTherewas much to justify Late- myself to doing what all could see/ 

rensis, who, when prosecuting Plancius, namely, ginng eridenoe against Gabinius : 

dedaxed (Plane. 91) that Cicero had for- see 162, 8 ; 160, 1. 

feited his liberty of action by his attach- inonmi 9immd\ For omiim nMnna cp. 

ment to the triumvirs. Cicero duringall Fin. ii. 88 ; t. 88 ; Be|{. ii. 89. 

this period was profoundly dissatisfied 6. MfMrforl 'idler' in copying. For 

with himself, op. 110, 1 ; and in his Tynumio and Chrysippus cp. 152, 6. 

£P. 165 (Q. FJR. III. 6 and 6). 


me Tortam nesoio : ita mendose ezBoribantnr et yenemiti Bed tamen 
quod fieri poteiit non neglegam. tOrebiioBi nt ante ad te 
soripfliy Bomae est, et qui omnia f adiurat, debere tibi Talde 
rennntiani De aerario puto oonieotnm esse, dam absam. 

7. Ooattnor tragoediae xn diebus abflolyisae cum soribaB, tu 
qoidqnam ab alio mntuariflP et fllAEOS qnaerisy cum Eleotram 
et t Trodam soripBeriB f OesBator esfie noli, et illud yvwOi <navr6v 
noli pntare ad adrogantiam minnendam Bolnm ease dictum, yerum 
etiam ut bona noBtra norimuB* Sed et istas et Erigonam mihi 
Telim mittaa. Habes ad duaa epistulaB prozimaa. 

ext c r i bm U ur] * are being copied out ' : 
op. Fam. xvi. 21, 8 (786) m extmbendia 
kpp a i mu m ai is. 

fCrtbriHi] A eompuiKm with 162, 5 
will lead ns to tbink that the eventB 
referred to had aomething to aaj to the 
town-hoiuehold of Quintua (for Aacanio 
was probably a alaTe of Quintiu) and the 
aabnrbantim in which Quintua waa in- 
tereeted. It ia juit pooible that for 
Cr^briut we Bhoiud read Cineiua : op. 
148, 6 Vrbamm ispolUionmn wrff$t ills 
guidfm 0t FhHotimm $1 Oinaiut : ud Hiam 
ip9$ 4r$hro inUrvitOt quod «ii fimlefactu. 
The oonnezion of the topics haidlj admits 
of the clever emendation of Orelli, C. 
JUM$s, adTooated by Boot (Oba. Giit, 
p. 88). Two years after thia Rebilus 
waa a lieutenant of Caesar in Gaul (Caes. 
B. G. Txi. 88, 90). Boot supposes that he 
was now a oentaiioh in Quinius' legion 
on furlough in Borne. 

0t qui OMfiuil For the corrupt words 
of the ma hers toot (loc. oit.) would read 
0t qui o m ni a tibi d^trs discerut vulde U 
num iaeUU. By iaeUt he understands 
'runs you down,' * abuses you.' For 
this sense of iuct4tre see note on 122, I. 
We do not know to whom Cicero is refer- 
ring. Possibly he may be that untrust- 
worthy person T. Anicius (cp. 148, 23) ; 
and perhaps we should read tt qui omnia 
aHurttt doboro Hbi <mniaiiH> valdo 
rmitniiait * and he who protests that he 
owes you CTerything emphatically refuses 
you everything.' For this sense of fv- 
nuniiart op. Att. iL 1, 8 (27) Quid imjnt^ 
doniim jmblieamo ronunlianl%hu$. But 
thia ia very uncertain. 
Jh aorario] See on 152, 5. 

7. Quattuor . . . mittao'] Quintua would 
appear to haTe been studying Sophoolea 
aoout this time: cp. 147,8. Accordingly, 
perhapa, we should read TMlum (for 
lYodam) with Fritssohe. A play of 
Sophodes bore that name: see Nauck, 
Fragm. Trag. p. 266. Sophocles also 
wrote on Brigono, who was the danehfer of 
AegisthusandClytaemneetra: op.Kauck, 
p. 180. For w\4m ITsener aumeted 
irdBoSf and that ia adopted by C. F. W. 
MuUer. Quintua tiiouffht his tragedies 
lacked emotion, thou^ he had such 
eminently tragic subieots to treat as 
Sloetra and Troilnt, Marcus considered 
that such slipshod work as the dramatic 
efforts of Quintus must have been was 
mere idling. Biicheler, who ia followed 
by C. F. W. Miiller, wiBhea to read 
JjTopmn (for Trodam) : for (1) a similar 
oorruplion ia found in Apioius, tropoUt 
for aoropetss ; (2) there was an Jjropa of 
Cardnus fif we should not read M€p6wri 
with Yalokenaer), which was apparently 
yery affecting (cp. Aelian Y. H. ziy. 40) ; 
(8) the Mycenaean horrors were a f ayourite 
subject with the Bomans. But the pre- 
sumption that Quintus would appear at 
this time to have been devoting himself 
to the adaptation of plays of Sophocles 
outweighs these considerations. 

For a most learned and incenions dis- 
cussion of this passage by Professor Ellis, 
see Addenda to the Commentary, Note in. 

abiolivisto] The onussion of the sub- 
ject before the infinitive is common : cp. 
106, 6. 

illud yy&9i fftavrhv] Lebreton (p. 89) 
compares Att. v. 10, 3 (198) iUud verum 
dpdot ris. 


BP. 166 (Q. FB. III. 7). 

we. TO QUINrUS (Q. Fr. m. 7). 


A. V. C. 700 ; B.O. 64 ; ABT. OIC. 62. 

M. Oioero Q. ftatii Bomaa ingtnfean ftUiiTiflm fidiM toribit. 


1. Bomae et maxime . . . et Appia ad MartiB mira alluvies ; 
Crasapedis ambolatio ablata, horti, iabemae plorimae, magna 
Tis aqoae tuque ai piwinam pablioam. Viget Ulud Homeri, 

Gadit enim in abeolutionem Ghtbini : 

Gt /3(y fiv ayopy <ncoXiac Kpivfa<n BifitvraQf 
*£k Sc Slmiv ikaauHfif Oeiv Sircv ovk aXlyovreQ. 

8ed haec non curare decrevi. 2. Bomam cum yenero, quae 
perspexero soribam ad te et maxime de diotatura, et ad Labienum 

1. H Appia] See Adn. Grit. Some- 
thing if no doubt lost here. Hort edd. 
disregard the ft before Appia^ and print 
Bima§ H nuusims Appia^ * in Rome, and 
esjpedally on the Appian Way.' But 
Cioero would hardly hare ipoken of the 
Via Appia as a put of Bome, and the 
€i before Appia points to an omission. 
Br. Beidy howeyer, notes that there was a 
portion of the Appian Way which really 
was in Borne : along the first mile of it, 
between the Porta Capena and the old 
temple of Kan, dose to the first mile- 
stone, there was a latge suburb which 
seems to haye ^ne by the name of ad 
Martit, He thinks we should read «r : 
' In Borne and especially in the direction 
of the Appian Boad in tibe suburb by the 
temple ox Mars ' ; op. # ooniraria parti 
and such phrases. He thinks we nuffht, 
as an altemativey simply omit the #<bexore 
Appia, The temple ii that of 'Mars 
without the Wall ' ; cp. Baumeister, 
DinkmaUtf p. 1621. 

dUmiti\ So we read with Yiet, though 
the word does not ooeur elsewhere m 
Cicero: and proUmsa, the woxd giyen 
by M* and the early editions, is also 
un-Giceronian. Boot oonjeoturei ihtvio, 
comparing Bep. yi. 28: De Diy. i. 

Vifet^ 'the Homeric theory is stiU 
true.' 2ens sends yiolent rain to punidi 
men fbr ^eir unjust dealings. This 
plague of rain is his protest against the 
acquittal of G«binius. On these inunda- 
tions eee IHo Cass, xxziz. 61. He places 
them before the trial of Gabinius, and 
considers that they increased the popular 
indignation against him. 

Cadit ... in] This may mean— (1^ *is 
anplioable to,' or (2) < synchronises with.' 
T£b fonner interpretation is the more 
probable, for the most natural subject 
for Mdit IB iUud Somsri, not aUmist. 
But MMli< has both meanings. The passage 
is II. zyi. 886. 

EP. 157 [FAM. riL 16). 


et ad Ligiuiam litteias dabo. Hano soripn ante lueem ad lyoh- 
nQohnm Ugneoluniy qui mihi erat periuoundusy quod eum te 
aiebant, oom esses Sami| ourasse fadendnm. Yale, mi soavissime 
et optune frater. 

157. TO TBBBATIUS (Pam. vii. le). 

BOMB ; BOVBUBBB (bNd) ; A. U. C. 700 ; B. C. 64 ; ABT. Cia 52. 

Faoete M. Cicero Itadat C. Trebati Mpientiam in vitando belli diforimine, ut 
timiditatis eum arguat. 


1. In * Equo Troiano ' sds esse, ^ in eztremo sero sapinnt.' 
Tn tamen, mi yetolei non sero. Primas illas rabiosulas sat fatoas 

2. hfph m uek u m ] Saglio, in his ibe ar- 
ticle on camUaSmm^ aaya that wooden 
ilfekmiM were the oommaneet. Gp. Pe- 
tzoniua 96, and Hartial ziv. 44. Othera 
were made of gold, aQTer, bronae, marble, 
glaai, and daj. X^^imoAm probably meani 
<of yery thin wood,' which would, of 
course, enhance the beanty of the Mm£»* 

Semi] This island belonged to Ada, 
the pnmnce of Quintus, and waa no 
doubt Tisited by Quintua during his pro- 

1. Bgw> Troutno] A play of this name 
is ascribed both to liTius and to NaeTius. 
The proyerb as quoted by Cicero is 
usually supposed to be no more than 
9ero iepimU because Festus (848 M.) says 
sero iopiunt Fkryg9» preverhwm nt natmn 
a Trcienii ^i deeimo 4m^qu$ tamo v$lU 
€O$p0r%mi E$Unam ^uetquf mm &a erent 
rapta r$ddir$. But according to Festus 
MTO tepimU Fhrygei is the jKroverb, and 
he says nothing about its being a quota- 
tion from a pla^. Here we naye ex- 
pressly a quotation from a play. We 
believe the words quoted from .this play 
to be tn ^tUrtmo mro iapiunt^ refening 
possibly to the Phrygians, but possibly 
having a general application. 

m e^remo] The words mean * when a 
man comes to extremities, it is too late to 
ahow the discretion which might have 

saved him.' The passage is usually 
printed, in Squo Troiano ads esse in 
extreme : S^ro tepiunt. But why should 
Cicero mention the part rf ik$ plag at 
which the words occur? Betides, eero 
sapimtt is rather a bald sentiment, while 
in extreme tern tapitmt is a good proverb. 
For the words require some nirther quali- 
fication ; they should give some class of 
men who 'are wise too late,' or some 
circumstances under which it is too late 
to be sensible. The proverb fulfils the last 
condition, and says that 'when things 
have come to an extremity, it is too late 
to be wIm.' It is plain that the words 
as given above, 

in exirimo tiro t&pnmt^ 

form the beginning of a good iambic 
verse according to old Latin prosody and 

mi ff$tuU] This address is merely 
playful. He caUs Trebatius 'my old 
fellow,' because he is cautaous— nas an 
old head on young shoulders. He con- 
gratulates Trebatius on bang wise in 
time, and seeing the folly of the spirit 
reflected in his earlier letters — a spint ol 
impatience and discontent, and foolish 
yearning for Home. 

FHmat] ' Your earlier snappy [so 
Mr. Shuckburgh translates] letters were 
silly enough [op. 136, 1] — ^bnt then— 
you know the rest — ^you Imow how you 


EP. 157 (FAM. riL 16). 

: deinde • • . Qaod in BritaBnia non nimiB ^ikoOtf^pov te 
praeboiBtiy plane nou repiehendo : nunc Texo in hiberuiB iuieotua 
yideriB : itaqae te oommoyere non ouras. 

* Ueqae quaque sapere oportet : id erit telum aoerrimum.' 

2. Ego si foris oenitarem, Gn. Ootayio familiari tno non 
onitamen dixi, cum me aliqnotienB invitaret, * Oro te, quia tu es P ' 
Sed meherculesy extra iooum, homo bellus est : vellem eum tecum 
abduziflflee. 8. Quid agatis et eoquid in Italiam venturi sitis hao 
hieme lac plane soiam. Balbus mihi con&rmayit te diyitem 
fnturum. Id utrum Bomano more locutua sit, bene nummatum te 
futurum, an, quo modo Stoid diount 'omnis esse divitee qui 
oaelo et terra frui possint,' postea videbo. Qui istinc veniuut 

ohiiifed your taab,* Thia if perluipt 
b«tt«r thm to take d§md$ doMiy with 

in JBriUMmm] * In the mstter of going 
to Britain.' Mondelaaohn mcmti rUw 
Bprrr arwr» beoanaa Tnbatiiia did not eroaa 
over into Britain (161, 1). But thia ia 
reqniring too great aconraoy ofespnarion. 

nm nimU ^iXo9^«p0r] 'not too 
great a gadabout.' 

imspim] It appean from 161, 2, that 
then waa an inanfieient supply of the 
fiyuM or military eiotk, which may ha^e 
been alao uaed aa a Uaiiket. If we read 
intsetui, Oioero may aUude to thia fact, 
and say, ' therefore, naturally you don't 
oare to atir abroad.' Then he quotea a 
Torae from aome poet which aeema to 
haTe little point, except in ao far aa there 
ia a kind of play on 9Mper$ < to be a man 
of aenae,' whioh meaning it aeema to heu 
in the quotation, and aafwrv aa applied 
eepedally to juriaconaulta, Mipim$ haTing 
been the tobri^uii of Oiniua, Fabrioiut, 
Ooruncaniua, Ac. (I<ael. 18). So in 161, 1, 
he oongratulatea Trebatiui on being in 
a eountnr where he m^ht aeem mliqmd 
§ap0r$f that ia, where (in the abaenoe of 
riTBlry) he would be at the yery top of 
hia piofeadon. But all thia ia yery far- 
fetched. And it muat be remembered 
that tM<«0fitf, not mUtiutf ia the ma read- 
ing. If the word is right, it ahould mean 
9Ut0m inUgtui (like mmMm), aa Dr. Beid 
haa pointed out to ua, comparing ApuL 
Ket. iz. 20 Intmhm FhUttUktnu cogniU 
$1irtpUu rtipHm tumimu imeetm nMf pUm§ 
pra0 ifirbMiioni ptdihu inUctU pninrrii 

0uHe9Uo, It ii just poaaible that another 
interpretation may deeerye conaideration, 
inaamuch aa mmmtv, aa weU aa mmtio, 
Am m/urUUoMl 9$tutf ' to aeiae on aa one'a 
urooerty without a judicial dadaion,' aa 
m tnecaae of a runaway alaye. limueiut 
could poMibly mean * subjected to thia 
proceaa,' we should haye a characteriati- 
oaUy playful uae of a juridical term, 
< under arreat ' ; iniur§ a i am wii takea an 
aoeuaatiye id the peraon arretted ; but we 
will not go BO far aa to aay that thia 
would Justify iniicUu 'arreated.' If 
neither of tne yiewa giyen aboye ia 
considered aatiafactory, we muat regard 
the word aa unaound, and adopt some 
conjecture such aa i$Utctui, or posaibly 
•II tsetiSf i.e. in houaea and not under 
canyaa (wb pslUbut), See Adn. Grit. 

2. On. Otftoete] cp. 145, 2. 

vtlUm mhnI * a capital f eUow aurely. 
Would you nad taken him away with 
you.' Cp.Ttminfpfth$8hr0w,i.l,26i: 

Fini S4fv, My lord, you nod : yoa do not mind 

Sfy. Tet, by Saint Anne, do I. A cood matter, 

•nrely : cornea there any more of it ? 
Aifv. My lord, 'tis bat beffun. 
Sfy. 'Til a Terr excellent piece of wock, madam 

lady: would 'twere done. 

3. $0quid} 'whether at all.' 

in liaUamJ into winter quarters to 
Bayenna, which waa the neaieat point to 
Bome in the province of Caeaar. 

Somano mors] * literally.' Sometimea 
tbe phraae means 'simuly,' * plainly*' 
* witnout circumlocution,' like more maio- 
rum, Att i. 1, 1 (10). 

EP. 168 {ATT. IV. 19). 


superbiam tuam aoooflant, quod negent te peroontantibas respon- 
dere. Sed tamen est quod gaadeas; oonstat enim inter omniB- 
neminem te uno Samaiobrivae iuria peritiorem esse. 

168. TO ATTI0U8 (Att. iv. w). 

BOMB ; NOYBICBBB (bNB) ; A. V. C. 700 ; B. C. 64 ; ABT. 010. 53. 

De adrenta Attid aiU gwtinimoy de oondioiaiie zei pttblioae, de sna et Q. fratris- 
Caesare ooniunetioiie, de legatione sua Pompeio aooepta, de Bionjaio eiasque omn 
Attioo adventu. 


1. exBpeotatas mihi tuas litteras ! o gratnm adventnm I o 
constantiam promiflsi et fidem miram I o navigationem amandam ! 
quam meheroule ego valde timebain, reoordans superioriB tiiae 
transmissioDis Stpptt^, Sed, nisi fallor, oitius te quam Boribis 

qtiod nsfmt'] 'because, aa they fay, 
Toa do not' This is the Tirtusl oblique, 
for which see on Att L 1, 4 (10) diotr^t. 

r$ipond§r§\ is a technical term for giving 
oouDsel's opinion. Hence the rnpotua 
pmdmUium^ or opinions of eounsel» were 
an auihoritatiTe sonroe of Boman Law. 
Of conrse Trebatios dose not ' giye 
oonnsel's opinions ' in the camp of Oaesar ; 
but rup<mi0r0 pircanUnObnu also means 
' to reply to one who asks Toa a qnostion' ; 
to fm to do this woiud show much 
arrogant reserre. Hence tbe joke, which, 
tbough certainly not of much merit, is 
repeated afterwarda, 162, in writing to 
L. Valerius, another lurisconsult Dr. 
Beidsays: ** To realiae toe full force of the 
jest one must remember that to refuse to 
giye a dyil answer to a dyil question was 
regarded by the Bomans aa a typical act 
of rudeness. See Acad, ii., 1 94, and tlie 
passages to which I hays referred in my 
note there. There is really the same jest 
(an oxymoron) in Att iy. 18, S (164) 
nwUi tprkmi im mponitiU quiitm. No 
doubt the impression of Tiberius' aixo- 
ganoe was greatly due to his tadtumity 
when addrnsed (cp. Suet. Tib. 68 pUr* 
umqtu tacitiUf Ac.). ' 

Samiirobriwu] Amiens, the chief town 
in Qallia Belgica. 

1. advmium] from Asia. 

94pp9tsl The word tifftis has 
generally been taken as meamng skina 
which were used as a kind of overcoat 
* ad corpus adyenus maritimas tempestatea 
tuendum ' (Sohiiti), ' ad frigus arcendum ' 
(Boot). It is rather, perhaps, to be taken 
for the skins stretched along the ddee of 
the ship, which were used during bad 
weather to keep the waves from washing: 
into the ship, and drenching the crew : 
op. Oaes. B. 0. iii. 16, 4 atqis ftiam un» 
Umpore tucidit tU, d^fleiUoribui uH 
Umpettntihuif sv p^llihut quihua trant 
Uctae iMMf, noeturmnn sitnpgr§ r&rem 
a)f4r§tUur. These seem to have been 
technically called TupofAftmu or vapa- 
fikifiwra in Greek; and we somedmea 
find them used when, a fight bdng 
imminent, it was necessary to conceal the 
marines : op. Xen. HdL i. 6, 19 ; ii. 1, 22. 
In O.I.A. ii. 809, Col. e. 86, 104, we find 
vapapidfuera rpixu^t^ of which Ifr. Torr 
{Jfwient 8hip$9 p. 68, note 128) says: 
' The other vapaM/iara were pernaps of 
horsehair, for that seems the likeliest 
meaning of rplxu^j but were possibly of 
hide : cp. Oaesar, de BeUo OiviH, iii. 16.' 
But it is remarkable that above (164, 2^ 
9§pp9is is found where it ia obviously 
corrupt For nemo mim in terrii $9t 
m«A» imn ecnatntuiUibut tentibut^ If giyes 
99pptf for tsrritf M^ reading nemo mimr 
99ppii in Urrii, Ac., M* nemo onim 


EP. 158 {ATT. IV. 19). 

videbo. Oredo enim te putasse toas mnlieres in Apulia eflae, quod 
oom seoufl erit, quid te Apulia moretnr P num Yestorio dandi suot 
dies et ille LatinuB arrtKiafihc ex intenrallo regustandus P duiii 
tu hue advolaa et iuTims illius noetrae lei publioae germauae . • . P 
tputavi de nummiB ante oomitia tributim uno looo divisiB palam. 

99 f pit Ml c$Uri$. Tet it can hardlj be 
k oorruption of tsrris otUrrm here ; trmiU' 
nUmU meaae e 'paieage bj iea»' and flie 
oooteit ahowiy noreoYer, that two aea 
▼oyagea axe compared. Dr. Beid eon- 
jeotnrea <#rrorM. 

ma"] If the text it aoond here, mt 
miiit mean < will be fbund to be,' ' when 
thie— that fhe ladiee of your f^tmily are 
in Apulia— £• found by tou not to be 
the case.* Weienberg thinka thii audh 
an unnatural oonstmetion that he would 
read here quod quonum meut irit. Bat 
thia uae of the fatore ia oharaeteriatic of 
the language of the oomie atage, and, 
therefore, natural in a letter. Op. Am 
imnmt ('will be found to be'), viqmti 
mimMf Plant Asb. 784 ; MMeifiM,<7oa'll 
find it ziriit,* Ter. Phorm. 68. Gp. alao 
^<MM<, Jny. L 126, and ICayor'a note 
there. Sic #fi<, 'you'll find it to be ao,' 
is oommon in the comio poeta. 

iNMi] We read fiMm to fMMi. Thia ia 
the anawer to quiduA. montur: <8arely 
yon won't uTe any daya to Yestoriua, or 
feel diapoaea to taite again of his home- 
made Attio aaltr ' This is probably the 
meaning; for with mmm of the ms there is 
no oonnezion : ' Why should ApaHa 
detain jou P For yon must give some 
daya to Y., fto. Gome here at once.' 
With num the train of thought is * Why 
should Apulia detain you P Surely you 
won't let Vestorins do so. Gome at 
once.' YeetoriuB.wasnodoubtatPateoli; 
and the words ilig LMtimu irruci^fiht 
seem to be ironical. Gp. Att zIt. 12, 3 

fsmumas . . .] The usual reading 
here is g^rffumam^ and the meaning is 
suijposed to be ' fly hither at once, and 
▼isit again this yery sister of the old 
republic' (^#rffMfMm2roniosI). BntGioero 
does not use ffenmma without wror^ for 
'a sister,' and even if he did, he would 
not hare employed the awkward irony 
whioh is usually here imputed to him, 
and whioh is justly ridiculed by Wesen- 
beig (Bm. Alt, p. 102). Now, Gioero is 
very fond of the word germtmut in the 
sense * real,' 'genuine.' We agree with the 

iStMOtj of Weaenberg, that aome worda on 
which MfiN4MM# depends hare here faUen 
out The words he suggests axe umhtmn^ 
i magimm^ or «imti2smMN, all of which 
are need to indioate an abaence of genuine- 
neaa, and are contrasted with words like 

CifWMNNft. He quotes many examplea, 
nt one is auflicient; it is Gif. iii. 69 

k&b$mu»f umhrm H imagkniut uiimur. 
Hence we would rsad, neany with Wesen- 
betg, quin tu hue aioolu $t if¥Mi ilUui 
uotirui r^ipubUcM gtrm$ma$ kme umiram 
H wpMytiMffi, 'this mere shadow and aem* 
blanee of the real republic that we once 
enjoyed.' A reference to the Adn. Grit, 
will show that gmftumae is nearer to the 
ms than g§rmmMmi, Prof. Bobxnaon 
EUis has discussed this passage at lengUi 
in Sm-mmthma (1887), p. 187 f. We 
haye nrinted his learned note in the 
Addenda to the Gommentary, No. xy. 

puUwi de] These words are quite cor- 
rupt. We might perhaps read peti vidn 
Mtumiiif tmU eomitia trihulim uno loeo 
di/oiii$ polam^ ind$ mboohUum Qahimum ; 
in dietihmim rom rutro {m/bur§) iuttUio 
0t omnium rerum UeonHii^ 'yxm see from 
my letters how the candidature is being 
carried on with uttttly undisguised cor- 
ruption ; that to this is to be ascribed the 
acquittal of Gabinius; that thinga are 
fast tending to a dictatorship,' Sec, In 
160, 8, he says the acquittal of Gabinius 
is equiyalent to an Amnesty Act. See 
also Adn. Grit. Stemkopf, howeyer 
(Hermes, 1905, p. 40), holds with much 
probability that coeitioe of the mss aboye 
(149, 8, for which we read hoc iaoot with 
Mommsen), which occurs just at the point 
of dislocation, belongs to this passage and 
not to the former passage ; and he reads 
here peti vidt (so Man.) nummii onto 
comiHa tributim uno looo dioiais palamj 
vido ohoohOum Gabinium, o If ace [tot 
eoeiaoe'] diotaturam, fruerc iuoHtio ot om- 
nium nrum Ucentia ; and for the meta- 
phor in olfao$ he compares 154, 8 ^ m/ 
nonnulhu odor diotaturao; and for the 
actual word olfaoerc^ used in a meta- 
phorical sense, De Leg. Agr. i. 11. 

EP. 158 (ATT. ir. 19). 


inde absolutum Ghibinium. [ep. XYIII. 3.] tdiotatoram froere 
iurtitio et omnium rerom lioentia. 2. Perspioe aeqoitatem animi 
mei et f ludum et oontemptionem Felioianae unoiae et meheroule 
oom Oaeeare BnaTissimam coniunotionem — liaec enim me una ex 
hoc naufragio tabula deleotat — , qui quidem Quintum meum 
tuumque, di bonil quern ad modum traotat honore, dignitate, 
gratia! non Beous ao si ego essem imperator. fiiberna legionis eli- 
gendi optio delata oommodum, ut ad me Quintus soribit. Huno tu 
non ames ? quern igitur istorum P Sed heus tu, soripseramne tibi 
me esse legatnm Pompeio ? et extra urbem quidem fore ex Idibus 
iisP Visum est boo mihi ad multa quadrare. Sed quid 

2. Mum] Tfaif word must Im oar- 
rapt It eonld only be rendered here 
*mf iportiTe» playril natare/ jurt m 
MfmtU^m meani 'my easr-going tem- 
per.' But kuhu oonld not Mar any moh 
meaning. Probably we aboald read kmia 
msam €9nUmpii&nemf with Boot. 

JSifiMMuwj We haye made bold, eyen 
In flooh a quagmire as this letter pieeents, 
to eat up nere a oonjeeture of our own for 
StKirimuu of Oy whioh is aooepted by 
KL, Btr., and moat edd. For wliat does 
Me imu t0 %m«ia$ meanf We hear of a 
usorer Selioias; but how does that help 
us hfloe F Now, in 160, 8, written oer- 
tainl^ within a month from the date 
of this letter, perhaps less, we find Gioero 
teUuiff Mb brother (as he had no doubt 
alzeady told Attiens in a lost letter) how a 
oeitain Felix had intended to leaye some 
one ormore persons {no doubt Kaious and 
Quintus CiMvo) heirs eaeh to a twelfth 
of hii property; but through the negli- 

genoe of Fsliz himself and his slaye 
iourra| a diibrent testament was signed 
by Felix, and so Marous and Quintus 
lost their bequests through an aooident. 
FMtimMti is from Felix, as 0%t9nmimu9j 
Cammitmut from CUtro, (Umar. Gioero 
here writes to Attiens: 'oommend me 
for my xndiflerenoe to this loss, as well 
as for the oharming intimaoy I haye 
establiahed with Caesar.* Dr. Beid 
thinks that the words €t luA$ m 9t wn^ 
UmpHtmm SsUueUmstt provitMia^ ought 
to oome after Oabmimn ; and that they 
mean that the acquittal of Gabinius was 
' a faiee and a mookery of the Seleuoian 
proyinoe* — the latter term being applied 
to the proyinoe of Syria, which was part 
ad the Kingdom of the Selenoidae. l^is- 
torted order seems to be a special disease 

of the mas in this portion of the Letters. 
Dr. Beid offers as a conjectural restora- 
tion of the preceding words, dieuaurae 
nrpir* iMttUiam $t amm r$rum HaniUu, 

mim] The sentence explains why he 
called nis MnUmcHo with Caesar merit- 
iima* We learn from a preyious letter 
(Caesaiis amiei, me dice et Gppium, 
dirmtpmii UcH^ 149, 7) that Atticus was 
opposed to Cicero's dose connexion with 

tmbM\ He compares the state of things 
to a wreck : the one plank to which he 
clings is his oonnexion with Caesar. 

SRhema Ugionit] We ha^e adopted 
this reading of Nipperdey in preference 
to that of Ernesti, Sibtma U§imiim, It 
Ib unlikely that Caesar would haye left 
the questiim of the winter quarters of the 
whole army to Quintus, but quite pro- 
bable that ne left it to his discretion as 
to where the legion which Quintus com- 
manded should winter. 8temkopf» how- 
eyer (Jahi1>uch, 1897, pp. 860-21, thinks 
that the mas reading, R%b$num Ugiomem, 
ma^ be right. Caesar ananged the 
yarious wintering stationa for the legions, 
and then gaye Quintus the choice of what 
legion he would command. Stemkopf 
quotes instances of commanders being 
tzanafenred from one legion to another in 
the Gallio War. For the use of ktbtma 
le^iOf * a wintering legion,' he compares 
Suet. Cal. 8 Viniculi . . . ajmd hibtmtu 
Ugumn pro9r$atmm indUtrnt, For the 
wintering arrangements of this year, op. 
Caes. B. O. y. 24, 2. 

dsUUs] to Quintus. CbmmothtmmmodOf 
puuUo tmU, is auite a colloquialism, fre- 
quent in comeay and the Letters, rarely 
elBewhere in classical writers. 

quadrmr$\ 'to Isll in with' (my plans). 


BP. 169 {Q. FR. III. 8). 

plaxaP Oorun, opinor, reliqaa» ut tu tamen aliqnid exapeotes. 
Dionysio pIurimAm salatem, oni qnidem ego non modo senravi 
«6d etiam aedifloavi looum. Qcdd quaeris P ad sammam laetitiam 
meam qnam ez too redita oapio magnos illioB adTentna eumulus 
aooedet. Quo die ad me yeniee ta, ai me amaa, apud me oam 
tuis maneas. 

169. TO aUINTUS (Q. Pe. hi. a). 

BOMB ; NOYEMRBB (bND) ; A. U. C. 700 ; B. C. M ; ABT. Oia 52. 

X. Oioero Q. fimtri soribit de parfenndls miUtiM molettUf et oaiitMme in Httaeii 
•daadii adhibenda, de c&rmine ad GiMtiem oomponando, de ipe oandidatanun oonaa- 
latuiy de dietetoiM timoKe, de Sennuii fimere, de Mflonia ludle . 


1. Superiori epifltulaequod reapondeam nihil est, quae plena 
atomaohi et querelarom est, quo in genere alteram quoque te 
BoribiB pridie Labieno dediase, qui adhuc non yenerat. Delevit 
enim mihi omnem moleatiam reoentior epiatula. Tantum te et 
moneo et rogo ut in istia moleatiia et laboribna et deaideniB 
reoordere consilium noatrum quod fuerit prof eotionia tuae. Non 
enim oommoda quaedam aequebamur parya ao mediooria. Quid 
enim erat quod diaoeasu nostro emendum putaremus P Praesidium 
firmissimum petebamus ex optimi et potentiasimi yiri beneyolentia 
•ad omnem statum noatrae dignitatis. Flura ponuntur in ape quam 

1. LtMm»\ Ae Labieiiua was In Gaul 
in the avtiimn and aU thnmgh the winter 
<A 64 B.O. (ep. Gaee. B. 6. r. 24 ; 87 ; 
68: Ti. 6: Gio. Q. Fr. iii. 7, 2), Bau- 
•chen (p. 60) reada pun for ^, oompar- 
ing Fam. zi. 24, 2 dmm OH UUmrm ewM 
vtmmU, Quintal, no doaM, aaked Lalue- 
nua to forward the letten by hia oouiian : 
ep. ) 2 ^ vdm cmr§$ ut mmnm, fu Hh u 

liii^mM iiiifftfiiiiii /2ajm*BMM isi^O^iriiM 
9U i$ Mi U proHmu mitUif «n ZaHmi. 
Bohiohe propoeea ZiMmi UMlmriii, 
Either of tneae anggestiona ia better 
than to read XaAfons with Ziehen (Bh. 
Mua. zli. (1896), p. 694). Labeo wu in 
Borne at Uie end of September, and not 
likelj to start for Qaol aoon (148, 21). 

Eren if he had done ao^ it would hardlT 
have been poanble for him to reaoL 
Quiiitos, and be back in Borne br the 
end of l^oTember, the date of thii letter. 

oontUmn . . . profictioiiii ttuui} * what 
was the way in whioh I regarcbd yonr 
going to the camp of Gaesar,' < what waa 
my view of the reasons for your taking 
that atep.' 

Jlura p^mmiur] 'You haTe made a 
larger inyestment m the form of ambition 
(your future prospeets) than of money, 
file neoessanr sum to meet your expenaea 
wQl be f6ond.' Sneh aeems to ua to be 
the meaning of the paaaage, not as SohiitB 
takes it, niipM §molwmiiUa^ ut pfemiti^ 
nMi, tie tiH pmrahist ut ituuu Uuturmm 
09nm, H §Mid$rit^ 0sqt» mimo ffrr§ 

EP. 169 (Q. FR. III. 8). 


in peonniis: reliqaa ad iaoturaxn striientur. Qua re si orebro 
refereB animum tumn ad ratiouem et veteris oodbiU nostri et spei, 
faoilias istoB militiae labores oeteraque qaae te offenduut fereB, et 
tamen oum volea depones. Sed eiuB xei maturitas nequednm 
yenit et tamen iam appropinquat. 2. Etiam illud te admoneo, 
ne quid nllis litteris oommittaB quod, si prolatnm sit, moleste 
feramoB. Multa sunt quae ego nesoire malo quam cum aliquo 
perioulo fieri oertior. Plura ad te vacuo animo Bcribam, cum, ut 
spero, Be Oioero meus belle habebit. Tu veUm cures ut soiam 
quibuB nos dare oporteat eas quas ad te deinde litteras mittemus ; 
Oaesansne tabeHariis, ut is ad te protinus mittat, an Labieni : ubi 
enim isH sint Nervii et quam longe absint nesoio. 3. De virtute 
et gravitate Oaesaris quam in summo dolore adhibuisseti magnam 
ex epistula tua accepi voluptatem. Quod me institutum ad ilium 
poema iubee perfioere, etsi distentus oum opera tum animo sum 
multo magifly tamen, quoniam ex epistula quam ad te miseram 
cognovit Oaesar me aliquid esse exorsum, revertar ad institutum 
idque perfidam his supplioationum otiosisdiebuB, quibus MesBallam 
iam nostrum reliquosque molestia levatos vebementer gaudeo, 
eumque quod oertum consulem cum Domitio uumeratifi, nihil a 
nostra opinione dissentitiB. Ego Messallam Oaesari praestabo. 
Sed Memmius in adventu Oaesaris habet spem, in quo ilium puto 
errare : hie quidem friget. Soaurum autem iam pridem FompeiuB 
abiecit. 4. Bes prolatae : ad interregnum comitia adduota. Bu- 
mor diotatoris iniuoundus bonis, mihi etiam magis quae loquuntur. 
Sed tota res et timetur et refrigesoit. Pompeius plane se negat 
velle : antea mihi ipse non uegabat. Hirrus auotor fore videtur. 

Mffif, whioh sentiiaeiii does not seem to 
lie in the words. Possibly one might 
nnder 'other gains (except one's hopes 
from Gsesar) will be made only to be 
thrown away' (Le. will not be penna- 
nsnt). The reading of Cratander's Codes 
iBpttmuiion inp^amiU and retervenlur 
torHmmlur. ' Our hopes stretch further 
than the immediate objaoU we are seeking. 
Let the rest be reserred to secure yon 
from loss* (i.e. let wbatever mooey you 
make, or the material advantages you 

n, not exceed what will secure you 
0l Umtn . • . d$pmu9] 'and after all 
(Umm) yon will be able to give them up 
when you please.' 

2. w<i . . . Nwviq 'those Nervii of 
yours,' where you are in winter quarters, 

8. adhikmiut'] * shown by him, as you 
tell me ' ; such is the fbroe of the snb- 

moUitia UfMtoi] because the trials 
were suspended during the days of ntp' 
pUeatio decreed in honour of Caesar. 

proMtabo] *1 wiU guarantee that his 
conduct shall be aeorotaUe to Caesar.' 

iff MdvetUu CSs#MmT Op. 150, 2. 

4. addueUi] *the elections hare been 
so often postponed that an iniirrt^num 
seems likely.' 

atMlsr] *will propose that Pompey 
should assume the dicfitfonihip.' 


EP. 169 (Q. Fit. III. ay 

O di» qoam ineptoB I qaam ae ipse amans sine riyali ! Oaelimn 
Yinifliannm, hominem mihi deditom, per me deterroit. Yelit nolit 
aoize diffioile eet. Hirrotamenagente nolle senonprobabit. Aliud 
hoo tempore de re publioa nihil loqnebantnr : agebator quidem 
oerte nihil. 5. Seirani Domeetici flli funoa perlaetooaom fait 
a. d« nx Elalend. Deoembr. Landavit pater aoripto meo. 6. Nuno 
de Milone. Pompeioe ei nihil tribuit et omnia Cottae didtqae 
80 perteoturom ut illo Oaeear inoumbat. Hoo horret Milo, neo 
inioria, et, d ille dictator faotuB dt, paene diffidit. Interoeesorem 
diotaturae d iuverit manu et praeeidio 8uo, Fompeium metait 
inimioom : ai non iuTerit, timet no per yim perf eratur. Lados 
appant magnifloentiflsimoB : no, inqnam, nt nemo aomptaodoreB : 
atnlte bia terque, non poatnlatoa, Tel quia mnnna magnifloom 
dederat vol quia faooltatea non erant, [vel quia magiater,] vel quia 

fWMi tfugpfnf] This aeenu to rafer to 
Pomp0y, not to Hiinu. 

#<<iMi0lKfMN«riMydor.A. P. 444; Uo$hit 
turn Mfot tmm; me a$mulum non kaiebis, 
Att Ti S, 7 (264). 

Oasimm Vinicimum] This nime if re- 
stored by Man. for C r t u tnm Junimmm , 
The latter waa a Pompeian (op. Plat. Cat. 
Min. 70); and Ms name if frequently found 
on ooinf (ep. Dnimann, ir., pp. 117 t). 
-But the f onner if mentioned in ram. Tiii. 
4» 8 (206) in oonnezion with the appoint- 
ment of Pompey aa dictator. 

per Mil * through m^ agenoy Pompey 
preyentea him from mormg for adiotator. ' 

nonprekiHt'] < he will not be able to 
perauade people that he doee not care for 
the diotatoTBhip if Hirrua if the mo? er in 
the matter.' 

6. Ltmia9U\ *deliyered oyer him a 
funeral oration written by me.' 

6. nUM trxMtl ' giyea him no coun- 
tenance ' in hif candidi^nre for the cone ul- 
fhip in the eofuing year. 

Oottu\ The mff read OutUe\ but 
we bays neyer heard of a Gutta as 
praetor; how, then, doee he come to be a 
eandMate for conaulfhip in 702 (62) f 
Again, we know who Hilo'f opnonentf 
were, P. Plautinf Hypaaeua and Q. Gae- 
eiliuf M etelluf Soipip, who waf ftrongly 
fupported by Pompey. Hence Boot thimcf 
that we flhonld read Sypitm for QutUe, 
There would haye been no occaaion to 
mention Metelluf Soipio, for, of oourae, 
Pompey would support hif father-in-law. 

Yet SypeaeoiM ywj imHkely tohaye been 
changed to OuUm^ though maf do make 
atrange miatakea in proper namea , as may 
be feen by refeixing to the critical notee 
on thif letter. Hon. in hif ed. of the 
Epiftlea to Quintuf (Heidelberg, 1848), 
f uggeatfl that the xignt reading may be 
CotUSf who, ae an ez-praetor/held com- 
mand in Sardinia in 706 (49) : cp. C^. 
B. G. i. 30, 2, 8 ; Gic. Att z. 16, 2 (402) ; 
and this conjecture we haye adopted. 
This letter waa written in Noyember, 
700 (64), and Gotta may haye dropped 
out of the lift of competitoa before the 
election took place. 

ilki\ adyerb, * that Gaeaar may throw 
his weight into that aoale' (lit « thither '). 
The mff giye in Ulo, whence Lamb, read 
tff ilium. 

Zudot] Kilo took the opportunity of 
the death of a friend to giye as an execu- 
tor magnificent gamea in hif honour. 
Gicero eayf he acted yery foolifhly in 
giying theee pmee, which were not de- 
manded of him {non poitMkiot) by his 
position aa executor, and which he could 
not afford ; moreoyer, he had before gxyen 
a mayniflcent ahow to the people aa aedile. 
Hilo'f object wae to recommend himm*lf 
to the people af a candidate for the coneul- 

Hi tirqu$\ * twice or thrioe at least ' ; 
fo 81f iral rpisi b%9 Urn is 'twice or 
thrice at moat,' as in 166. 1 : cp. pmtncr 
QnU tummum quinpie. Mil. 12 ; and 8^ 
4 r^fif in Greek. 

vel quia poiuenU} Another reason. 

EP. 160 {Q. FB. in. 9). 


potaerat magisbmm sOi non aedilem pntaaif^. Omnia fere Boripei. 
Oora, mi cariflsime frateri ut valeas. 

160. TO QUINTUS (a Fr. hi. 9). 

BOUE ; DBCBMBBR ; A. U. C. 700 ; B. 0. 54 ; ABT. dC. 52. 

M. (Smio Q. Intri aoribit de Gabinio a te non defaiso, de MDoiiiB in Indii initlta- 
endis pfotadona* da anni Tenieiitis motOniSy da maneipilf enwndia, da Tatiiiii epittala, 
de poemata ad Oawarom abtdnto, de Q. irabcis awtiflone, de FeHou teetemento^ de 


1. De GMnnio nihil fait fadendnm ifltonun quae a te aman- 
tiBsime oogitata sunt. T6Te fun xavoi. Fed somma onm gravitatei 
at onmea sentiant, et somma cam lenitate qoae fed : iUom neqae 
and neqae levavi. Testis vehemens foi, praeterea qaieyL Ezitam 
iadid f oedam et pemidosam lenisdme tolL Qaod qaidem bonom 
mihi none deniqne ledondaty at iis malis rd pablioae lioentiaqae 
aadadam qaa ante rampebar nana ne moyear qaidem : nihil eat 
enim perditiaa hia hominibasy hia temporibaa. 2. Itaqae ex re 
pablioa qaoniam nihil iam volnptatia eapi potest, cor stomaoher 
neado. litterae me et atadia noatra et otiom yillaeqae delectant 
mazimeqae paeri noatri. Angit anas Milo. Sed yelim finem 
adf erat eonsalataa : in qao enitar non minaa qaam aam eniaoa in 

aayi Cioero, for not shing the cames is, 
that he might hare oethonght him that 
he waa not now an aedile, but only an 
ezeoutoar to a deoeaied friend. But this 
is not ntiBfaotQrily ezpreseed. See Adn. 

magi i lr m k] Xti^ufUr OMfiottM or mm- 
diUmu is often found in the oase of the 
sale of a benkrapfs estate (honomm 
MPipNa), e.g. Fko Quinot. 60; Att i. 
1, 8 (10); Ti. 1, 16 (262); Fam. zii. 
30» 6 (899). Here it would appear to 
mean simprr the ezeeutor of the sale of 
an estate (wnieh in the present oase would 
appear not to hare been bankrupt). 
Soniiti bradkats s»/ qyU wmgitUrf probably 

1. J>0 OoHM] Quintus had thoncht 
that Cioeso's interests would demand toat 

he should defend Gahinius, and had sug- 
gested to him some ooune of action which 
Uiould be adopted bj him, to avoid the 
appearsnoe of inoonsistenoy. Cioero now 
says : ' I need not defend him. Perish 
the thought 1 The course which I haye 
taken hM, as all fee!, siMmn much dig- 
nity and much good temper. I neither 
aaeailed him as a prosecutor nor aided 
him ss sn advocate. I gave strong evi- 
dence aninst him, and took no further 
step. And I showed no bad tamper at 
the diKiaceful iesue of the trisL' 

T6t9 fioi x^'9^1 tlpM x94wf ILom» 
TL iT. 182, txaoslatedf by Yir^ (Aen. ir. 

Sed nflii Tttl fcellnt optem prios fans deUscat. 

2. Jhtm afffinrat"] sc to 


EP. 160 {Q. Fit. IJI. 9). 

noftrOy tuque istino, quod faoisy adiuvablB. De quo oetera, nisi 
plaue vis eripuerit, reote sunt ; de re f amiliari timeo, 

6 Si /lo/vf rac OVK It avkKrHcf 

qui ludos H8 ooociocxx). oompaiet. Ouius in hoc uno inoondde- 
rantiam et ego BU8tinebo» ut poteroy et tu ut poesiB est tuorum 
neiTorum. 3. De motu temporum venientis anni nihil te intellegere 
Tolueram domestioi timoris sed de oommuni rei publioae statu, in 
quo etiam si nihil proouro, tamen nihil curare viz possum. Quaxn 
autem te Telim oautum esse in soribendo ex hoc oonioitOy quod 
ego ad te ne haeo quidem soribo quae palam in re publioa tur- 
bantur, ne cuiusquaxn animum meae litterae interoeptae ofiendant. 
Qua re domestioa oura te levatum toIo : in re publioa soio quam 
sollicitus esse soleas. Video Messallam nostrum oonsulem, si per 
interxegemi sine iudido : si per diotatorem, tamen sine perioulo. 
Odi nihil habet. Hortensi oalor multum valebit. Gubini 
absolutio . lex impunitatis putatur. 'Ev itaptpy^ : de diotatore 

4 . . . kw9Krmt] Horn. IL niL 856. 
CvmjHurtt depend! on imiprrai^ * ha it mad 
to gi9$ saeh enterUinraents.' 

ct)ocioooo] « H3. deciee « 1,000,000 

ino9fmd«rtMtimm\ See Adn. Grit. 

tmimehoX * willmake good ' ; thatii, 
' I will enaeftToar to save him Izom the 
effects of his thoughtleaukess (diown in 
tliis one matter only| by as much peouni- 
ary aid as I can.' This is the explanation 
d Schiits, who also suggeitB that the 
paange means, ' I wuT mtrmn his 
thoogfatleMness as far as I can.' The 
first explanation seems to striin the Terb 
MMfifisrv; ' to make good a man's thought- 
leamen ' is a strange espresaion if one 
means 'to protect him from the conse- 
quences of it.' The second is not quite 
consistent with what follows. It woald 
hardly require fMrvi, * stzength of mind,' 
in Quintus to help Cicero to restrain the 
reckleamess of Milo. The meaning seems 
to be : 'I win bear his thoughtteasness 
(ahown in this one matter) as well as I 
can ; and it will require your strength of 
mind to do t)ie same.' iVSrrvtisusMina 
Tcry similar way in Fam. ui. 10, 1 (261), 
where Cicero, writing to Appius to console 
him for the prosecution which would cost 
him his triumph, says, 9go mnm pUm» 
9%dm firo fi^rvii opibm tupienHm tua 
vekimmUr ut inimicoi Uioi jmunKm^ ih- 

tmnptrantiu* tuatf where one might read 
/or§ nervii opus et tapimtU Am, fto. 
Furtheimore, it is quite possible that 
Cicero may not mean, ' his thoughtless- 
ness shown in this one matter only,' 
though the order of the words naturally 
suggests this interpretation ; but may 
mean, <I will put up with his reck- 
lessness, but onlv in this one matter; 
afterwards I shall wash my hands of 
him.' We haye before remarked what a 
characteriatic feature of these letters is 
hyperbaton, such as d$ m$is ad t$ ratumi" 
but, Att. i. 2, 1 (11). We are told that 
Milo spent throe fortunes on acts of ex- 
traTagance like this (Mil. 96). Did any- 
one cTer hear of a man who had spent 
two fortunes or four P 

8. M p$r iHt§rr$gmm\ ' if he is created 
consul by the int§rr^, he will eaoape tzial 
altogether (for he will enter on his office 
at once) ; if by the dictator, he will stfll 
escape all dan^ (for, though he will be 
brouffht to tnal, he will certainly be 

Mofimrn edlor\ The eazneatnees of 
Hortenaius in defending Msesalla will be 
of considerable avail m procuring hia 

U» impmUtUit] * the acquittal of 
Gabiniua is regaraed as a general Am- 
neaty Act.' Cp. 168, 1. 

'Ek Tapipy^l *enp0umU\ after all, 

JSP. 160 (Q. FE. III. 9). 


tamen aotwa adhao nihil eat. PompeiiiB abest, Appius misoet, 
HirroB parat, malti interoessoreB nnmerantury popolos non onrat, 
prinoipes Bolant, ego quiesoo. 4. De manoipiiB quod mihi polli- 
oerifli valde te amo^ et sum eqoidem, at sorifaisy et Bomae et 
in praediis infrequent. Bed oave, amabo, qtddqnam quod ad 
meum commodum attineat, nisi mazimo tuo oommodo et maxima 
tua facilitate, mi frater, oogitaris. 6. De epiatnla Yatini xisi. 
Sed me ab eo ita observari soio ut eins ista odia non sorbeam 
eolnm sed etiam conooquam. 6. Quod me hortaris nt absolvam, 
habeo absolutom Buave, mihi quidem uti yidetur, Siroc ad Oaesa- 
rem, sed quaere loeupletem tabellarium, ne aooidat quod Erigonae 
tuae, quoi Boli Oaesare imperatore iter ex Gallia tutum non 
fuii 7. **Qaid P si oaementumbonum non haberem, deturbarem 

there u nothing done abont the dictator- 
•hip yet.' ^9v vipnpyw is the moze 
usiud phiBM in the letters. Tamm often 
depends on a eUnse understood, such as 
here— 'though ereryone thought that 
things tended that waj.' It may in suoh 
eases be rendered ' after all.' 

4. Hifrtqumu] ' shor£-handed'; that is, 
not .well proTided with slayes, as in- 
ffqymM Q»d\H»M^ Liy. xxx^ii. 82, 2. 

eMMBtmo U» wmtnodo . . . faeuUaUl 
' unless it is quite suitable to your oonye- 
nienoe and tout means.' 

6. Vatm%] Yatinius had written to 
Oaesar a letter, whieh Quintus had seen, 
showing that he was watching every act 
of Oioero, and reporting them (with, no 
doubt, unfriendly comments) to Caesar. 
' But though I know I am bebg watched 
hj him, i can swallow his hatred and 
digest it too' (Shuokburgh). Or, per- 
haps, there is a play on the two meanings 
of ohervarij 'to watch' and 'to pay 
attention to.' The phrase would then 
be ironical^' I am so conscious of the 
kind attentions of Yatinius to me, that 
I can,' Ac. 

6. locuplelem] 'trustworthy," respon- 
sible,' like ix^TP^^i i4^Sxp9»f- 

guoi soU] Quintus' play, jSri^«Ma, was 
lost in its transmission ftom Gaul to Rome. 

7. ^smmmAmi] This is the reading of 
the ed. lensoniana. M gtyes wmem tem. 
This Frofessar Bllis retains, and gives 
(Hermathena xiiL (1887), pp. 141, U2) 
the following Isamed ezphmation of it: — 

" 1. After speaking of Erigone, what 
can be more natural toan to mention her 
'good dog' P And Maera was emphati- 

cally a food dog ; for not only did she by 
her faiUif ul watch disoorer to Erigone 
where her murdered father Icarus lay, 
but when Brigone, in joief at his loss, 
hung herself on Mount HTmettus, Maera 
died with a howl beneath ner ^et. 

"Aelian (H. A. tii. 28) sayt the 
Delphian oracle ordered saenfloe to be 
made to Maera, Zn ipa 9t* hnpfio\)iv 

9M19 ohtt Hywm, inU{ti 91 Zipntihis hiymw 

'for where,' he asks, 'is a man found 
to have died orer h£B master's body, albeit 
a dog did so P ' 

'* 2. Erigone's dog was prorerbial. 
Martial (zi. 69, 3, 4), speaking of Zydia^ 
a remarkably faithful dog, says : 

ZjWUi diethar domi$$0jSd£f$itma Dexitv, 

" 8. The connexion, then, is not very 
hard to follow. 'I am afraid of trusting 
my poem to any carrier, lest it should be 
intercepted on tne way,, like your Erigotu^ 
the only passen^ that has been molested 
on its journey smce Caesar had command 
of Gaul. Possibly, too, I might not have 
a guardian-dog, like Erigone ; and then 
the chance of my poem escaping safely 
would be less even uian yours.' 

"The joke is flat, no doubt; buti fancy 
that this is true of many others, not only 
in Oicero's letters, but in his finished 
speeches. What can be flatter than the 
well-known OMiUtm Mtp^rfU kuic £ulb$ 
in the iVo Ohitntuf P " 

tUCurUwmn} ' was I to pull down the 



JBP. 160 (Q. FB. III. 9). 

aedifidnm P quod qnidem mihi ootidie magis plaoet» in primiBqne 
inf «rior portions et eiiu oondATia flunt reote. De Aroano, Caesam 
opu est Yol mehexoule etiam elegantioriB aliouins. Lnaginea onim 
iatae et palaestra et pieoina et nilns multomm PhilotunoraiXL 
eety non Diphilomm. Bed et ipei ea adibimus et mittemoB et 
mandafaixims. 8. De Feliois teetamento turn magie qiieraie, d 
eoiae. Quae enixn tabolas ae pntavit obeignarei in quibos f in 
nnoiis flrmiaaimain teneef, $0$ vero— lapeoe est per errorem et 
sanm et Sioorae serri — non obsignavit: qnas nolnit eas obsig- 
nayit. *AXX* olfifoZhii I nos modo yaleamns* 9. Oioeronem et nt 
rogas amo et ut meretur et debeo. Dimitto antem a me, et at a 
magistris ne abdnoam et quod mater fPoroia nonf disoedit, sine 

houef— AxiMtoiicalqiiiitioiu Op. t^o 
<jM<f«MifwrP Q.Fr.L8, 1 (Se); iUf iy« 
ituHmii e$mmitUr§mt 1S2, 2. See alio 
note on Att. iL 1, 8 (27). 

Catamii mhw] 'a work worthy of 
OeMtf * ; that is, m baantifnl u the 
work of Caeear leftered to in 144, 8. 
But the mention of OaeMv ai one who 
would pj9 adrioe on the adonunent of 
a oonntrj-houee le eomewhat rtreiige. 
Po«ihly we ahonld read Oa§H : op. 148» 
2 fln Omnin0 tp0ro ftmt%» wmmku 
cpui JHphili p^rfHttmnjw : omrmt mmn 
dUifmiimms Cauim qtd turn §ratm$eum. 
From the last worde we gather that 
Gaenm doee not appear to have heen 
oontiniiany- OTereeeing the lepain at the 
^y ^finm of Q. Gioero. 

mbrn] <aoondixit' All theee exoellent 
building projects of Qnintos demand, he 
says, many a PhilotimnB, not a Diphilus. 
that is, arohiteots like rhilotimiis, and 
many of them, not like Diphilus. Gp. 
for this use of the plmal 92, { 8 •miUs 
Caiiiiiuu Aeidinos poitM rMUUt^ 'he 
made erery wretch like Catiline seem 
henceforth as respectable as Acidinns.' 
Philotimos is prused in contrast with 
Diphiltts in 148, 1, 6. 

8. Jk F$licit tnimnmiti] See on 168, 

tin wmis . . . Un$i] For these oomipt 
words Wes. would write mi ^mhts «r m 
mmiijkmiuimum Joeum tmtsa. Perhaps 
we should read in quihu m $UifuH$ witUi 
Jlrmimmmn iMum Ummm. Probably 
Cieero and Quintns were both heirs of 
Felix ; otherwise Cicero would not baye 
dismissed the loes of his brother so curtly 
with the words axx' cVi«C^> Metitgo 

be-haaged.* In a passage like this a 
change of tmi$» to tmumm is Very slight. 
The meaning is, ' the will, in which we 
both boTond all doubt stand as heirs to 
one-twelfth of the property each— through 
a mistake caused oy his own negligence 
and his slaTo's— he did not seid ; but 
sealed another, which he did not intend 
to seal.' For JlrmUiimmm loctm immf 
Wes. comperes Brut 81; op. eMfi#r« 
Imimn, F^. liL 9, 2 (249). 

For in op. Fam. ziii. 29, 4 (467) m 
•UBtmiU. The palaographical ctii. for 
•inyttZif (see Chamant) is rery like in ; 
hence wnpAu may haye fallen out after 

9. tJBirMi fMn] The mn must be 
wrong, as is shown by the words wm qtut 
which follow. Moreorer, Pomponia, not 
Porcia, was the mother of Qumtus' son. 
Hence the earliest edd. gaye F^mpoma 
dUctdU. But this is obyiously bad criti- 
cism, sinoe it does not account for the 
corruption. The correction of Wes., on 
the other hand, though it cannot be said 
to be certain, is quite scientific. He 
would read quod maUr in Ittmamm dis' 
adit, * because his mother is going to stay 
with Poroius.' For I^MrHanam w BorH 
dommn^ cp. Autronumamf Att. 1. 18, 6 
(19); Babiritmmn, AU. i. 6, 1 (2); 
Am^itma, Att. ir. 8, 8 (92). In these 
passages domum is expressed, but such an 
ellipee need not snxprise us in Cicero's 
letters. PordsMeMi without ifomimi would 
hsTe misled the copyist into writing 
Bortin non^ which seems corrupt. Pro- 
fessor Elhs proposes simply to add a 
before iV^ui, and supposes that Pom- 
ponia was so much with Paroia (sister 

EP. 161 {FAU. VIL 10). 


qua edacitatem pueri pertimefioo. Sed sumuB una tamen valde 
niultuxD. Besoripsi ad omnia. Mi suayisaime et optime frater, 

161. TO TBBBATIUS (Fam. vir. lo). 

HOME ; DBCBMBBB ; A. U. C. 700 ; B. a 64 ; AST. CIC. 52. 

looani carpit IL Gieeio 0. Trebatium, quod icripaorat se Oaeiari Talde iure oonsul- 
tom Tideri littensqiie de mu rebus priyatia reqmrit. Si eDim In rebuf suis nihil 
profifliaty male laoere, quod non in uztan redoat. 


1. Legi tnaa litter as ex quibtui intellexi te Oaesari nostro valde 
ixure ooncniltum yideri Est quod gaudeas te in ista loca Tenisse 
ubi aliqnid sapere yiderere. Quod si in Britanniam qnoqne pro- 
feotus esses, profeoto nemo in ilia tanta insula peritior te fuisset 
Yerum tamen — ^rideamns lioet : sum enim a te invitatus — subin- 
yideo tibi ultro U etiam aroessitum ab eo ad quern ceteri non 
propter superbiam eius sed propter oocupationem aspirare non 
possnnt. 2. Sed tu in ista epistula nihil mihi soripsisti de tuis 
rebus quae meheroule mihi non minori curae sunt quam meae. 
Valde metuo ne frigeas in hibemis : quam ob rem camino luou- 
lento utendum oenseo : idem Muoio et Manilio plaoebat, praesertim 
qui sagis non abundares. Quamquam yos nuno istic satis oalere 

of Cato and wile of L. BomitiuB Aheno- 
barbua) that she iraa not able to look 
after the boy and raerent him horn orer- 
eating himself. This is a yery simple 
and attracthre suggestion. 

1. iurs comuttum] * very learned in 
ilie law.' The word must not be wiitten 
UireeotmUhim^ which would require an 
adjective, instead of 9M$, Caesar had 
probably summoned Trebatiua as an as- 
sessor on some trial, as would appear from 
the phrase uUr9 U ^titm nr^Mntum tib so ; 
Hiough possibly Cicero only means that 
Caesar has not had much opportunity of 
Judginff of youi merits as a s^dier, though 
no doubt he rates highly your qualities as 
a lawyer. 

aU^iHd Mpere] See on 167| 1. 

2. fi'ifM9] It seems probable that 
JrifMs 18 here used in its metaphorical 
sense of * having nothing to do.' Cicero 
then passes to the litml meaning of 
fiigeas, and says : * you ought to- keep 
your hearth bksini^.' CaUn . in the 
next sentenoe ii certainly metaphorical — 
' ^ugh you are so frosen out in vour 
winter quarters, yet I hear you haye 
hot work over there,' alludixig to the 
Gallic rising under Ambiorix (Caes. B. G. 

ohmdarM] This word must depend on 
the clause td&m . . . plaoebat^ else the 
present tense must have been used; hence 
we have slightly changed the usual puno- 
tuation, which makes ii$m . . . plao$bat 
parenthetical. This meaning is, 'thiswaa 
the eou$mV9 cpinion of these celebrated 


SP. 161 {FAM. VII. 10). 

audio : quo quidem iiuntio Talde meheroule de te timueram. Sod 
tu in rs militari multo as oautior quam in adyooationibuSy qui 
neque in Oooano natare Toluaris, studioaiaainiuB homo natandi,' 
neqoe spectare enedarios, quern autea ne andabata quidem de- 
fraudate poteramus. Bed iam flatifl iocati Bumus. 3. Ego de te 
ad Oaeearem.qnam diligenter sbripeerim, tute soie: quam saepOt 
ego. Bed meheroule iam intermiserami ne Tiderer liberaliesimi 
hominifl meiqiie amantiadmi Toluntati erga me di£Bdere. Bed 
tamen iis litteris quae proximo dedi putavi esse hominem oommo- 
nendum. Id feci. Quid profeoerim faoias me velim oertiorem 
et aimul de toto statu tuo ooneiliiflque omnibus. Soire enim oupio 
quid agaSy quid ezepectee, quam longum istum tuum difloesBum a 
nobis futurum putes. 4. Bio enim tibi persuadeas Teliroi imum 
mihi esse soladum qua re faoilius possim pati te esse, sine nobis, 
si tibi esse id emolumento soiam: sin autem id non est, nihil 
duobus nobis est stultius : me, qui te non Bomam attraham, te, 
qui non hue advoles. Una meheroule nostra vol severa vel iooosa 

jvxiiti, Muciut and Maoiliiii, eipemaUy 

for one who, like voiLhas not a luiBcient 

eampaigning kit/ The ouIt traoe of 

hamoar is the appealing to ue fwqwfwa 

pruimHmm^ to oonfinn fuch a very ob- 

Tioua truth, that if you are oold you 

ought to keep a good Sie. Probably 

Trebatiua did not pioTide himaelf larsely 

with military equipments, not intending 

really to take nart in the eampaign. A 

formal phrase for * taking the nela ' was 

$§f 9um*r0. Perhaps Oioero wishes to 

hmt that Trebatius was not yery eager 

for this. But we must not look f6r too 

much point in Jests whieh were dictated 

perhaps by a momentary access of high 

spirits, and which were not intended lor 

anyone but his correspondent. Cicero 

himself says : quam mmlta ioca toUnt «# j# 

in 0pUtum €rua$ prolata m tint inspta mm 

viduntm', Phil. ii. 7. It appears from 

Att. T. 6, 1 (ISS), that Cicero regarded 

jokes as one of toe ordinary ingredients 

of a lettsr^-^&m# dent quod tcribmn : nam 

n4c quod mandun ha&e . ... nee quod 

narrem .... mm ioeandi loeue ett, ita 

t nuUa ate eottioitant. 

eauHar^ 'but though you are a very 
e^fe opimon at the bar, you are a much 
eafor campaigner, seeing that you would 
not cross the water to Britain, fond as you 
are of the water, and would not haye a 
look at the British eharkteers, though in 

Borne we could not cheat you out of a 
single gladiatorial show, howeyer low.' 
We read (Hor. Sat. ii. 1, 8) that Tre- 
batius recommends swimming as a cor* 
rectiye of a tendency to write yerses. 
Trebatius seems to haye been deyoted to 
those sports of the amphitheatre which 
Cicero found so dull. The andabata 
fought blindfold (probably mounted, too ; 
hence suggested nere by mmAm^Q for 
the amusement of the lowest class of 
spectators : cp. Holden on Sest. 126. 
For dtrfiraudare with two accusatiyes the 
commentators quote aea defraudaeee mm- 
penem, Yarro ap. Non. 26, 1. But the 
alteration of andaiatam to andabata is so 
slight that we haye not hesitated to make 
it, in order to reooyer the ordinary con- 

8. ad Oaetarem] in 134. 

4. Una : . . Haedm] * one hour's 
talk, graye or gay, will be of more im- 
portance to us than nil the foes in Gaul— 
aye, and our ** right trusty brothers," the 
Haedui to boot.' He hints a disparage- 
ment of the Haedui, who were oallfd 
fratree eoneatuntineique by the Boman 
senate (Caes. B. G. l 88). A comparison 
of this passage with 167, 2, una meher- 
eule eolloeutio noitra phirie erit quam 
omnet Samarobrioae, shows that there is 
no double meaning in congreuio here. 

BP. lee {FAM. 1. 10). 


oongressio plnris erit quam non modo hostea sed etiam fratres 
nofltri HaedoL Qua re omnibiiB de rebos f ao at quam primum 

' aut oonsolando aut oonsilio aut re iuvero/ 

162. TO L. VALBBITTS (Pam. i. lo). 

A. U. C. 700 ; B. C. 64 ; ABT. cia 62. 

loeoM ngnifioat L. Yalerio iure oooBulto m eioi nomine P. Lentulo giatUi egiBse, 
emnqne nt domum redeat hortatiir. 


our enim tibi lioo non gratifioer neeoio, praesertim oum hifl tem- 
poribuB audaoia pro sapientia lioeat uti. Lentulo nostro egi per 
litteras tuo nomine gratias diligenter. Sed tu velim desinas iam 
nostriB litteris uti et nos aliquando revisas et ibi malis esse ubi 
aliquo numero sis quam istio ubi solus sapere videare. Quam- 
quam qui isidno veniunt, partim te superbum esse diount quod 
niliil respondeas, partim oontumeUosum, quod male respondeas. 
Sed iam oupio tecum ooram iooari. Qua re fao ut quam primum 
venias neque in Apuliam tuam aooedas, ut possimus salvum venisse 
gaudere; nam illo si veneriB, tu, ut TTlixes, cognosces tuorum 

mst . , , itiMrv] Ter. Heaut. 86. 

cur $nim\ Thifl it one of those letters 
in ▼hieh t£e meaning of the first sentence 
depends on the snpersuribedaddrees. The 
others aie Att. in. 20 (78) ; F&m. Tii. 
29 (677) ; Fam. xri. 18 (692). 

9ap%mHa\ Oioero has again reoouise 
to the threadbare play on tapientia in its 
wide senMy and in its restricted applica- 
tion to the profession of a jurisc^snlt. 
So again in mAm 9ap9r$, 

nUiU mpetuUtu] StipofuUre has in 
law a technical sense (f6nnd also in the 
phrase ntpamm frudmUmn^ * counsel's 
opinions '), * to give an authoiitatiTe 
opimon on a law point.* Valerins would 
hare no oHents in Ciliciay where he now 
was. In the other sense rnponder^ wonld 
read ' to giTe a reply when addressed.' 

Hence nihil rtip<mder$ would be a mai-k 
of arrogance. The ^hy in quod male 
retponitat seems rather impolite. MaU 
reapondsre in one sense would be * to 
answer ahuairely ' ; hence he is called 
e<mlum»liatu$ ; but, in the other sense, it 
would mean ' to giye bad, unsound 
opinions on legal ouestiona.' This must 
be the sense in wnioh the word is here 
applied to Yalerius. Cicero often jokes 
Irebatius also on his indifferent knowledge 
of the law (172, 1). We may infer from 
an expression in a letter to Apnius (181, 
3) that Oioero had not a hiffn opmion 
of the professional capaoity ol Yalerius, 
though he yalued him highly as a friend. 
For the technical sense oz r$ip<mder$y 
op. 157, 8, and the letters to Trebatius. 

Hh 9% vmmii] ' if you come back to 
Apulia, your return wQl have been so 


EP. leS (FAM. XIII. 49y 

168. TO 0XJEIU8 (Fam. xiii. 49). 

If . Gkevo Oinio oommandat Q. Pompflium. 


Q. PompeiuB Sezt. F. multiB et Teteribus oauBis necefldtudiiuB 
mihi ooniunctiu est. Is, cam aatea meiB oommendatioiiibas et 
rem et gratiam et anotoritateim Buam tueri oonsaeiity nono prof eoto 
te provinoiam obtinente meis litteiis adeequi debet, ut nemini ee 
intellegat oommendatiorem mnqiiam fiiiBse. Quam ob rem a te 
maiorem in modam peto, ut, com omnia meos aequo ac tuos 
obserraie pro neoeeritudine nostra debeas, huno in primis ita in 
tuam fldem reoipias ut ipse intellegat nullam rem sibi maiori 
Usui aut omamento quam meam oommendationem esse potmsse. 

long delayed, jou will know none of your 
friends.' Ulysaee did know his trioids, 
bat wee not xecognixed by them for tome 
time. Gioero appears to baye made a 
mneb greater slip bere tban in De Di?. 
ii. 68, or Tuso. It. 49. Mendelssobn 
wisbes to punctuate Ntm, ilk ti vmmii 

'for if you oome there sneb a Ulyases 
(i.e. one wbo bas been away from borne so 
long], yon will not reoognise any of your 
friends.* For Uun used in this sense may 
be compared Fam. ix. 2, 2 (461) tam 
Lynctm, Tbe reading of Klots, m^mm- 
c$r$ tttontm iiMitfii (adopted in our former 
edition), is, as Mr. Boby points out 

{pianieal Emno^ i. 70), not Ciceronian 
Latin. Gioero only usee tbe datire of tbe 
agent witb a finite yerb wbere ' for * a 
person is ss suitable a meaning ss ' by * him: 
cp. N. D. ii. 48 huHu oibut quatriimr; 
Q. Fr. i. 1, 26 (80) mi ulmum €ontrahi 

ouRio] It is probable that this Guxins 
wss tbe tribune of 696 (58) : op. Q. Fr. i. 
4, 8 (72), and Fam. ii. 19, 2 (262). Bat 
it is quite uncertain what pronnce be 

gOTcmed, and at what time. 0. B. 
ohmidt (Ikr Brisfwsehtel, p. 282) dates 
this letter between 707 (47) and 710 

EP. 16k {JBAM. XIIL 60). 


164. TO 0. MUNATIUS (Pam. xiti. eo). 

M. Cioflro L. LiTineium Tryphooam 0. ICuDatto oommendat. 


1. L. liyineiuB Trypho est omnino L. Begali familiariflsiini 
mei libertuB : onius oalamitas etiam offioiodorem me faoit in illnm : 
nam benevolentior quam semper fui esse non possum. Bed ego 
libertnm eius per se ipsum diligo : somma enim eius erga me offioia 
exstiterunt iis nostris temporibus quibus faoillime [bonam] benevo- 
lentiam hominnm et fidem perspioere potoi. 2. Eom tibi ita 
oommendo ut homines grati et memores bene meritos de se 
commendare debent. Pergratum mihi feoeris, si ille intellexerit 
se, quod pro salute mea multa perioula adierit, saepe hieme summa 
nayigarity pro tua erga me benevolentia gratum etiam tibi feoisse. 

Nothing fortiher ean be said about the 
data of this letter than that it was 
wiittsn possibly DOt Tery long after 
Gicero^s return. Nothing seems to be 
known of this Munatius except what 
can be gathered from this letter. 

1. X. XmfMiM] See Att. iii. 17, 1 
(75) LMtutut L, StfiuU Ubertut ad m$ 
a iiffuh mttJiM «mi<. 

mimmoX * at all events * ; that is, in 
any case I should feel an interest in him 
as the freedman of Begulus, but, in 
additian to this, I esteem LiTineius for 

oakHniUts] probably ' exile,' a common 
meaning of etiamitoi. 

iU iMtlrif timporihtu guikus] * that 
orisia in my life when ' ; the phrase iii 

nosirit i&mperibut must be closely taken 
with qmbm. Taken by themselTes, these 
words would refer to the period of Cicero's 
consulate, and his subsequent paramount 
influence, defined partioiuarly in 158, 12. 
bofumi] may possibly be wrong; ben$' 
vcUtUiam and jldtm are found together, 
without any epithet for either, Fam. xiii. 
69, 1 (508) ; XT. 4, 5 (238). Lambinus 
transposes the word to j^zeoede JIdem. 
MenddsBohn, however, thinks that bona 
beH99olmUui means ' true,' ' sincere,' not 
' assumed,' kindliness, and compares 
Fam. ix. 16, 2 (472) nam $iii non 
faciU HimdiMUur amor v^nu $t ^etm^ 
mM Miiquod ineidit tim modi Umput tU, 
puui mtrwn t^ni, oio henoooUniin JIdeUt 
porionlo aHguo penpioi pottU. 


JBP. 166 (FAM. Xlll. 7S). 

166. TO 

(Fam. ziii. 7s). 


. Gieoo Q. Fhiiippiim alnim ex pnrrinek ndim gandel^ Bgnati et Oppi 
gntiM agity vt AnUptlii filiot dbi oondcmet togat. 


1. Gratolor tibi quod ex provinoia Sftlyoxn te ad tuoe reoepisti, 
inoolumi f ama et re publioa. Qaod si Bomae foiBfleniy te Tidissem 
ooramque gratias egiBsem quod tibi L. Egnatius familiariBaimus 
meuB abaenSy L. Oppius praesena curae f uisset. 2. Oum Antipatro 
Derbete mibi non solum hospitium yerum etiam summa famili- 
aritas interoedit. Ei te vehementer Busoensuisse audivi et moleste 
tuli. De re nihil possum iudioare, nisi illud mibi persuadeo te, 
talem Tirum, nihil temere feoisse. A te autem pro vetere nostra 
neoessitudine etiam atque etiam peto ut eius Alios qui in tua 
potestate sunt mibi potisaimum oondones, nisi quid existimas in ea 
re violari existimationem tuam. Quod ego si arbitrarer» numquam 
te rogarem, mihique tua fama multo antiquior esset quam iUa 
neoessitudo est. Sed mibi ita persuadeo — potest fieri ut fallar — 
earn rem laudi tibi potius quam vituperationi fore. Quid fieri 
possit et quid mea oausa f aoere possis — nam quin velis non dubito 
— y velim^ si tibi grave non erit, oertiorem me facias. 

Q. MatdaB Philipput waa probablj 
goTflmor of Aaia, but in what year u 
imoertain : aee note to Fam. ziii. 43 

in the jpromee of Philippua : aa waa 
alao L. Oppina : the latter waa befriended 
Ij Philippua peraonally when in hia pro- 
Tinoe (orMMNt) ; the fomer br a letter, or 
thxou^ the agenoT of otheia (o^mim). 

2. AiUipiitn jD^rhts] an unciown 
Greek of Derbe, in Ljcaonia. 

niii] * yet atilL' Quod ia inaerted b ' 

Enieati and moat edd. But we haye here 
a oharaotetiatio coUoquialiam oommon in 
oomedy. For thia elliptico-adTeraatZTe 
uae of fUtif op. nisi mirumtt faeimUf ' fit 
$tiU it ia a wonder,' Plaut. Mil. 877 : aee 
alao Trin. 233; Bud. 761. Somewhat 
aimilar iathe uaein anch a phraae aa nsMio, 
niti ho0 viiUOf Boao. Am. 99. A good 
inatanoe ia in Plaut. MiL 24 niti umtm : 
spUffrwrn iUi ettur inumum bens, 'yet stiU 
uere ia one thing — ^hia oliye aalad eata d 




A. U. C. 701 ; B. C. 53 ; AET. CIO. 5$. 


Thjob is daring this year no letter to AtticoB, who was, doubtless, now in 
Rome, doero's ohief oorrespondents were the younger Cnrio and Trebatins. 
The year opened with a series of ifUerregnaj which lasted to Jnly ; it was 
signalized by the defeat and death of Crassns in June ; and in Qsxl the army 
of Caesar was very hard pressed. It is strange that we find no allusion in the 
letters to the gallant redstanoe of the legion nnder CI. Cioero, in the territory of 
the Kervii, and the surprise of the oamp of ftointns by the Sigambri, the 
former of which ooonrred in the winter of 700-1 (64-3), and the latter about 
the middle of 701 (53}. Cicero was chosen this year to fill the place in the 
body of augurs which was rendered vacant by the death of Publius Crassus, 
the son of the triumvir, who fell at Carrhae. 


JRP. 166 [FAM. II. 1). 

166. TO 0. S0EIB0NIU8 OUaiO (Fam. u. i). 
BOMB ; A. u. 0. 701 (first half) ; B. a 68 ; abt. oia 6S. 

A 0. Onrione proptar neglegvntiam Uttaramm MeoMtiu m ezouaat, quod abMus 
furawm lAotan oomwiiiiM nt gzttuktof adtMrtataiqiM ut ezipeoUdoni qmm ds m 
ttoitsmit fflnni nodo ntii jboiAt* 


1. Qaamqoam me neglegentiae nomine suspeotnm tibi ease 
doleo, tamen non tarn mihi molestmn fait aoooBari abs te offioinm 

This it the flnt of Gioero*i leUen to 
0. Soribooioi Ouxio. He waa now oii«at- 
tor to G. Olodiiu in Aaa ; and aoooraingly 
wo may pmnma that he waa about twenty- 
eight yean of ace. Oioero's oorreepon- 
denoe with him la highly intereatiDg, aa 
ahowing the Iwflnenoe whieh the great 
orator earaiaed over (he young men of 
hia time. Gozio waa a young noUe td 
great apirit and promiae— a kind of Boman 
Akibiadea. He oame of a family of ora- 
ton. Gp. 8ohdL Bob. in the introduction 
to the Orotic in Cloditm et Ouiricnmn 
(n. 880 Or.) Tru iUit t0mporihu4 OuriatuB 
iUmiri mmimm $xUiUnmt . . • Outic optu 
qui Strnitm J^ihium mmm^i r^um d$' 
fmdit [he wu prMtor in 688 (121)] : st 
kid 0. Ourio poUr ^ P. Clodic 4w{fiMl 
n^e waa conanl in 678 (76)1: ft Urtiui 
%a$ Omric iribmieiw gui UUo eivUi 
J P »m pii mt9 in Africm ptrOt. Gioero aaya 
of the fiKther of Ida preaent oorreapondent, 
that he waa an oratoor, imm» crtdo, aUguo 
doms9ti€Ot nam UtUrarum iidmoditm nihil 
tri$h€i (Brut. 210). The preaent oor- 
reapondent waa at iliat the great hone of 
the optimate party. Gioero aaya of nim, 
in Att. iL 18, 1 (46), nmu lopiitur $i 
paUm ud9§r$aiur udm$tomu OuriOf and 
goea on to declare how popular the young 
rake waa with the boni. When Gaeaar 
paid hia debta, and gained bim over to hia 
aide, he had no more devoted adherent 
than young Guiio. JuHuaGelaua (p, 181) 
calleu liim ommotiiHmmm atqu$ itoqum" 

tinkmm # wUt^ iri hmo rum. Hia 
profligaey (lor whioh Gioero himaelf niok- 
namea him JIUclm Chrianw : ep. Att i. 
14, 6 (20)) waa oonapiououa. zet Gioero, 
it will be obaerred, addr eiaod him in the 
language of eeteem and affeotion. It ia 
of him that Luoan (It. 814) wxitea :— 

' Hand alinm taiita chrem talit indole Roma. 
Attt ctti plot leg«t deborent recta seqnenti.* 

And he ia the aubjeot of the oft-quoted 
Terse of the aame poet (It. 819) : — 

' IComantmiqiie fait mutatoa Cario fenm.' 

For a YBij apirited notice of Gurio, in 
whieh he la called ingmnctiuimt «MgiMM, 
aee Yell. Pat ii. 48. He died in an en- 
gagement with the troopa of Juba and P. 
Attiua Yarua, in Africa, in 706 (49). 

1. NMMfif] 'on aocount of,' 'on the 
acore of.' So we haTO to nomine ium 
J)prrh4ich% III . . . muUsmf * on thia ao- 
oount, that. I may hear,' Fam. ziy. 8, 
4 (84) ; op. Fam. It. 6 (666). In Brut 
iL 6, 1 (842), tfto nominf meana 'aa com- 
ing from ^ou,' 'aa bearing your name.' 
In 169, 1 it meana, ' in your name.' 

iffMim] ' I waa not ao much annoyed 
that any nilure in my duty to you waa 
chaiged againat me, as pleased that it waa 
mined.' Hia <>^«mi waa to write. Here 
oJU^tm atanda for ' failure in duty,' on 
me principle oommented on at Att L 6, 
8 (1), where mittiom ia rindicated againat 
the oonjeoture inUrmiiiiane, A good 

JffP. 166 {FAM. 11. 1). 


menm quani iuoondum requiri, praesertim quom in quo aoonsabar 
culpa Tacareniy in quo autem desiderare te signifloabaB meas littoras 
prae te ferrea peispectum mihi quidem, Bed tamen duloem et opta- 
turn amorem tuum. Equidem neminem praetexmisi, quern quidem 
ad te peryenturum putarem, oui litteras non dederim. Etenim 
quia ert tarn in soribendo impiger quam ego ? A te vero bis terre 
gnirnnnm et eaa perbreyia aooepi. Qua re si iniquus es in me 
iudezt oondemnabo eodem ego te orimine : sin me id faoere nolea, 
te mihi aequum praebere debebis. Bed de litteria hactenus : non 
enim Tereor ne non soribendo te expleami praesertim si in eo 
genere studium meum non aspemabere. 2. Ego te afuisse tam 
din a nobis et dolui quod oarui fruotu iuoundissimae oonsuetudinis, 
et laetor quod absens omnia oum maxima dignitate es oonseoutus 
quodque in omnibus tuis rebus meis optatis fortuna respondit. 
Breye est quod me tibi praeoipere mens inoredibilis in te amor 
oogit. Tanta est exspeotatio vel animi vel ingeni tui ut ego te 
obseorare obtestarique non dubitem, sic ad nos conformatus rever- 
tare ut^quam exspectationem tui conoitastiy banc sustinere ac tueri 
possis. Et quoniam meam tuorum erga me meritorum memoiiam 
nulla umquam delebit obliviot te xogo ut memineris, quantaecum- 
que tibi aooessiones flent et fortunae et dignitatis, eas te non 
potuisse consequiy nisi meis puer olim fidelissimis atque amantis- 
simis consiliis parmsses. Qua re hoc animo in nos esse debebis ut 

exam^e in Greek ii tOj^^Kris irifUft^^ai 
II iKmrififinSf Horn. IL i. 66. 

in 9110] < in 10 far as ' wiU render in 
quo in both jplaoes. 

prtt0 U f§rrtt\ ftrtu^ of ooune, de- 
pends on 9110m. 

^MfarMtm] < I nerer let anyone pass 
withodi giying him a letter lor you.' 
Gp. 189, 3 mMm proitirmitUm Oaiiarit 
UmW mt m mi HtUrat ad U non dtm^ and 
nomkum proHormiurit, Fam. zL 21, 1 
(898). The ezprestton would be inaccurate 
itprtirttrmm was here rendered < passed 
over.' ' I never passed oyer anyone 
without giving him a letter ' is inaccurate, 
for if he was giyen a letter, he was not 
passed over. 

Hi Urpt] * twice, or at most thrice ' ; 
Ms Urqu$ is 'twice or thzioe at least' 
(169, 6). 

twmmum X adyerhial ' at the most ' : cp. 
Fam. sir. 8, 6 (84) ; Att. zii. 44« 8 (609). 

tftifUMf] ' haiih,' not ' unfair' ; tuqum 

is ' fayouzaUy disposed,' ' lenient,' not 
'just,' 'impartial.^ 

fi# mn ief%b&ndo\ 'I have no fear that 
I shall not thoroughly satisfy you with 
my re^ulaiity as a oonespondent^ espe- 
cially if I find that my wimfj in that 
direction is looked on by you with favour ' 
{vg taken as a proof of my friendship). 
Non and oxpUmn are to be taken together. 

2. vol mmU vol ingont] 'shall I say of 
your spirit or your abilities.' The same 
antithesis occurs again in Fam. z. 28, 2 
(819) oomUwn . . . ropoomn magio miimi 
qmm ingoni virihu, 

oHottmi . , . rovortaro] The omission 
of ul before the subjunotiye rooortaro is 
characteristic of the letters and of the 
comic drama. See Tynell's note on 
Plaut. Mil. Aig. L 11 ; and Braeger, 
voL ii., } 409. 

montor¥m\ in his struggles with Clo* 
dius, and in his xestorationnom exile. 

paruioooo^ See PhiL ii. 45, 4is. 


BF. 167 {FAM. VJI. 11). 

aetsB nostra iam ingrayetoens in amore atque in adnleioentia toa 

167. TO TRBBATIUS (Fam. tii. u). 

KOHB ; JANUARY ; A. X7. C 701 » B. 0. 6Z ; AST. CIC. 53. 

If. Cioero iocatnr eum 0. Trebatio de inteKregnis, madet nt, rf • re luaiit, 
in proTfaieia : liii miniit, ae in vrbem reoipiat. 


1. Nisi ante Boma profeotos esBes^nono earn oerte relinqneres. 
Qais enim tot interregnis iuc^ oonsnltnm desideratP Ego omni- 
bnfl unde petitur hoc oonsili dederim ut a singulis interregibns 
binas adyooationes postulent. Satisne tibi videor abs to ius oivile 
didioisse P 2. Bed hens tu, quid agis P eoquid fit P Video enim 
te iam iooari per litteras. Haeo signa meliora sunt quam in meo 
Tuscolano. Bed quid sit soire oupio. Oonsuli quidem te a Oaesare 
soribiSy sed ego tibi ab illo oonsuli mallem. Quod si aut fit aut 

1. tot HUmtfrnW] The whole of thii 
frigid jetting turna on the nature of the 
oiBoe of the inUrrm^ lor which aee Clatt, 
DM. The bnriaew of the law oouzti 
waa diMffganiaed during the imUrrtpnum : 
each inttrrtm waa ehoaen only for Sto 
daja; on the ezpiiation of Sto daja a 
new mUrrmf waa appointed. The jocular 
oounael which Cicero giTea to all defen- 
danta in ctril aotiona {ommhu untU ptti' 
tttr) ia to aak from each intsrrWf * two 
adjoonmenta,' two of the peiioda allowed 
for aeekinglegal aaaiatanoe {HHa$ advO' 
eatiami). The defendant could thua poat- 
pone hia day of trial for an ind^nite 
term. Cicero aaka: 'Doea not tbia oounael 
of mine ahow that I have profited by my 
ftiendahip with you in einl procedure? * 
From thia aenae of MdvoeaHo oomea the 
meaning of ' delay ' not unfrequently found 
in Seneca. The imUm^nm aeem to hare 
laated till July; and when the conanU 
were at length appointed, they did not 
;8neeeed in hdding ue comitia. 

2. MfM] Cicero weloomea in hia 
friend'a lectan a tendency to be jocular. 

Heaaya: ' Theae aigna (f^fnn) of reriTing 
apirita in you are better than the atatuea 
(ft^iMi) in my Tuaoulanum.' The play ia 
on thia two meaninga of oigmt, 'aigna* 
and ' atatuea.* We do not aee bow the 
day oould be reproduced in Kngliah. 
We learn that Fa^ua Gallua had bmi^t 
for Gieeib aomo atatuea (f^fna), for which 
doero did not at all care. Ue poeaibly 
xelera here to thia unlucky purohaae. He 
aaja : ' I like the look of your laat letter, 
with ita bantering tone, ur better than 
I like the look of thoiie atatuea which 
Fadiua Gallua bought lor me.' He had 
perhapa already told Trebatiua how he waa 
diaappointed with the purohaaea ol Fadiua 

OomiuW^ Cicero wdcomea the apoitiTe 
tone of hia friend'a letter, but he wanta 
to know what ia the aouroe of hia pleaaant 
state of mind. ' You tell me,* he wxitea, 
'that Caeaar haa conaulted your judg« 
ment : I had far rather he had conaulted 
your interaata. If you think the latter ia 
ao (or that there ia any ohanoe of it), don't 
ahxrk the campaigning: atay on. I can 

EP. 167 (FAM. riL 11). 


faturam putas, perf er istam militiam et permane : ego enim desi- 
derinm toi spe tuorom oommodorum oonsolabor : sin autem ista 
sunt inanioray zeoipe te ad noB. Nam ant erit hio aliqaid aliqiumdo 
aut, ai minus, una meherciale ooUooatio nodara pluiis erit qoam 
omnes Samarobrivae. Denique, si dto te rettnleriSy aermo nullnfl 
erit: ai diutius fmstra afaeria, non mode Liaberinm sed etiam 
aodalem nostrum Yalerinm pertimesoo. Mira enim persona indud 
potest Britannioi oonsolti. 3. Haeo ego non rideo, quamvis tu 
rideas, sed de re severiBSuna tecum, ut soleo, iooor. Bemoto ioeo 
tibi hoc amioiHsimo animo praeoipio, ut, si istic mea eommendatione 
tuam dignitatem obtmebis, perferas nostri desiderium, honestatem 
et f aoultates tuas augeas : sin autem ista frigebunt, reoipias te 
ad nos. Omnia tamen quae vis et tua virtute profeoto et nostro 
summo erga te studio oonsequere. 

ooDsole myMlf for my Mparation from 
7<m \fj the proipeot of your adTanocment. 
but u it (your adTBiioemeiit) ii ill in 
tlie doudi^ oome baok to me. Something 
muit turn up here some time ; or, if not, 
I deblare I uunk one hour's talk betveen 
us will be worth all the Samarobmas in 
the world.' We have frequentlT met the 
plunJ thus used in the oaae of penona, 
as, for instance, 92, 8 omnit OUjImm# 
Aci4imo9 potisu r$ddidUf * he made ererr 
ruffian like Catiline seem theneeforth 
as respeetaUe as an Acidinus.' Some- 
what of a parallel is Att viiL 16, 2 (352) 
Luetruu h<trrentj * they are afndd of 
another Luoeria,* where it was reported 
that plans for proeoription were being 

§i mU U fHtuierii] His final advice 
is: ' If you come back soon, there wiU be 
no comment ; but if you are lon^ ^^''Jf 
and to no purpose, I fear Labenus wul 

introduce you into a farce. He will get 
his points from our friend Yaleiius, Sie 
jurisconsult; and he will have in you 
a splendid character — the lawyer in 
Britain.* Valerius is the jurisconsult to 
whom Cicero has already written (cp. 
162), and who is mentioned again in 
181, 8. Bardt ^less probably supposes 
that the reference is to the poet Yalerius 
Catullus. Labenus, the oeleorated writer 
of mimi, ii another of thoee persons who 
are mentioned alike in Horace's satires 
and Cicero's letters. 

S. MenuUioeo] 'jesting apart.' This 
would seem very un-Ciceronian Latin, if 
we had not here Ciceronian warrant for 
it. So would magna in ape mm, * I am 
in great hopes,' Att. tI. 2, 6 (266). How 
many examiners would accept either 
phrase in a Latin compoeition; oi aperire 
mdnm for 'to open a school ' P yet cp. Fam. 
iz. 18, 1 (473). 


JBP. 189 (FAM. n. S). 

168. TO OUBIO (Fax. n. s). 

BOMB ; A. u. a 701 (first half) ; B. C. 58 ; abt. do. 5S. 

0. OaxioDi poet pstrit obitnm omnia bona quasi pamitia looo onptt. 


Qrm teste priyatus sum amoiis Bummi erga te mei, patie tuo, 
daritfimo tuo : qui oom suIb laudibtiB turn yero te Alio superaaset 
omniiun fortonamy d ei oontigiBset ut te ante yideret qoain a yita 
difloederet. Bed epero noetram amioitiam non egere teetibuB. Tibi 
patrimoniiim dei fortonent I Me oerte habebis cui et oaroB aeque 
Bis et iaoonduB ao faiBti patri. 

169. TO OUBIO (Pam. ii. 8). 

BOMB ; A. V. C. 701 (first HALF) ; B. C. 58 ; ABT. GIG. 58. 

0. Ctnioni Bnpam libertiim «zoiiiat, quod in patria funere Indos populo Romano 
non promiaerit, et do hia muneribtts quid lentiat aperit 


1. Bupae stadium non defoit dedarandorum munerum too 
nomine, sed neo mihi plaooit nee ooiquam tuorum quidquam te 
absente fieri qnod tibi, oom yeniflseB, non esset integrom. Meam 

jMKr# tuo] The elder Ourio had juit 
died. Curio the elder snorted Oioero 
in hit aotiooa aciinat Oatiluie, and oalled 
his oonsulship lani4mo'u : op. Att. i. lO, 
18 (23); but in the matter of the Bona 
Dea he defended Olodiua, perhaps out of 
enmitj to Caesar. Thouj[^ Cicero vehe- 
mentlj attacked him in the Or. tit CMUmm 
$i Cwriomm^ thia does not seem to haye 
impaired their friendship. 

UJOio] ' with you as his son.' For 
this 9kUa^M» m$ii^ see note on 181, 4. 

1. ItypM] Bupa waa a freedman of 
Curio'a. Acting on the adTioe of Cicero 
and other friends of Cuiio, he had re- 
frained from prondsin^ the people public 
riadea on the oocasum of the deaUi of 
elder Cuiiob Cicero, in this letter, 
takes the responsibility on himself. 

quod tibi, •. non etHtinttfrum] 'which 
should bind you to any step on your 
return,' ' which shoula not leaye you 
free to decide for youzielf on your re- 

JBP. 169 [FAM. 11. 3). 


qnidem sententiam ant scribam ad te poetea ploribus aut, ne 
ad earn meditere, imparatum te offendam ooraxnque oontra istam 
rationem meam dioam^ ut aut te ad meam sententiam adduoam aut 
certe testatnm apud animnm tumn relinqnam quid senserimy ut, 
si qnando — quod nolim — displioere tibi tuom oonsiliom ooeperit, 
possifl memn reoordarL Brevi tamen sic habeto, in eum statum 
tempomm tuum reditom indidere nt iis bonis quae tibi natura, 
studio, fortuna data sunt» faoilius omnia quae sunt amplissima in 
re publica consequi possis quam muneiibus, quorum neque f acul- 
tatem quisquam admiratur — est enim oopiarum, non yirtutis — 
neque quisquam est quin satietate iam defessus sit. 2. Sed aliter 
atque ostenderam faoio qui ingrediar ad explioandam rationem 
sententiae meae. Qua re omnem banc disputationem in adventum 
tuum difiero. Summa soito te in ezspeotatione esse eaque a te 
ezspectari quae a summa yirtute summoque ingenio exspeotanda 
sunt : ad quae si es, ut debes, paratus — quod ita esse confldo— 
plurimis maximisque muneribus et nos amioos et oivis tuos uni- 
yersos et rem publioam adfldes. Illud oognosoes profeoto, mihi 
te neque oariorem neque iucundiorem esse quemquam. 

iw ad earn medUerf] Cioero says : 
' Sither I shall write yoa a longer letter, 
■ettiD^ fortli my reaaon for not reoom- 
mending yon to promise public spectaoles ; 
or [I shall not write, but] to give you no 
ehance of thinldng oyer answen to my 
objections, I shall take yon unprepared 
and in a penonal interview will set forth 
my case/ 

duplictff] Curio may haye had reaaon 
to regret that he did not adopt Cicero's 
adTice. The spectacles which he gaye 
inyolyed him in such difficulties as finally 
induced him to sell himself to the side of 

quorum n$que feeuHatem} * the capacity 

to giye which no one admires, as it de- 
pends on money, not on any high personal 

2. aHUr atfu$ otimderam] In the be- 
ginning of the letter he had said he would 
resenre his reasons for a future letter, or 
a personal intendew. 

tfi 0ac9ptctaHon»2 ' that your arriyal is 
eagerly looked forward to.' For this 
pauUfe use of txtpeeiaiio, cp: maxima 
extp0€taium0 .... mm venitw scito, 
AtL y. 16, 2 (208) ; cttm res in tumma 
exapecUdum $u$t, AU. yiii. 11 D, 3 

munmbut] 'you will giye us some- 
thing better for us to see than any show.' 


JBP. 170 {FAM. VIL U). 

170. TO TBEBATIUS (Pam. vii. 12). 
ROMS; pbbruary; a. u. c. 701 ; b. c. 68 ; abt. cic. 58. 

Per ioeum «zAgitat M. Gioero BpicnrMM ipramque adeo TrelMtiam, qneni Epi- 
onreiim eaie factum nanaTeiat Pania. 


1. Mirabar quid esset quod tu mihi litteras mittere intenni- 
Indioavit mihi Pansa meua Epiouienm to esse faotum. 
O oastra praeolaial Quid tu feeisseB, A te Tarentum et non 
Samarobriyam misissemP lam turn mihi uon plaoebas, cum 
idem tuebare quod Selius familiaris meuB. 2, Sed quonam modo 

eoiirm prMehru] 'Whatawondaifhl 
military camp that muft be of youzi' ; for 
the haraihips of a military oamp were not 
likely to engender Epicurean princtplee. 
In ooDBideration of the next dauee, thii 
seema a better sense than to interpret : 
' that is a fine camp to take your stsnd 
in,' i.e. * a fine philosophical system to 
range yourself as a supporter of.' life 
does not appear to have been all hardship 
in the Gallic campaigns. Quintus seems 
to spend most of his time writing poetzy ; 
and one correspondent tells Marcos (148, 
22) u maxims litiei'itf sermmibfu, emit 
deniqm iuii (ue. of Quintus) tUUeUtri. 

Ttrmtmn] For the charms of this, 
the chief of winter resortSi compare the 
well-known passage in Horace Oann., 
ii. 0, 12 lUe t$rrarum^ &c. ; also Seneca, 
De TranquilL Animi, 2, 18. 

lam tum'\ < Even then, when yon were 
holding the same tenets as mj frimd 
Selius, I did not approve of you.' Kloti 
reads 5#/iiM for Zeiu», SHut, &c, of the 
mss, without giving reasons. Perhaj^ 
the^ reasons are as follows :— This is 
plainly a reference to some philoecphical 
views which were more akin to Cicero's 
own tenets than the Epicurean, but yet 
did not wholly please him. In point 
of ethics, it may have been the l^ew 
Academy; their doctrine, that proba- 
bility, not certainty, is all that mankind 
can arrive at, deprives morals of that 
firm foundation and immutabilitv which 
Cicero desired. Let us quote at lengtii a 

passage from the Be Legibus, L 89 Sibi 
ttutem ifubtlffmUit «< corpwi du0rviiHti» 
mtqu$ owmia quas mfumntur in vita quat" 
qmsfit^iani weUipiakbut si doloribus pon^ 
dsratiHSf etiamti mta diemit {nihil enim 
opm §tt hoe looo /t^iftut), in horiuUe tuis 
iubeamut dieere aique stiam ak emni lomtf- 
iaU reipMieaSf euiui partem nee nortmt 
ylkun nee umquam none voluenmtt paulUi' 
per faeeteant re^emme. Fnfurbatrieem 
autem harum ommmn rerum Aeademiamy 
hone ah Areeeila et Gameade reeeniem, 
exaremtu ut eHeat, Jfam ft invaeerii in 
haee, quae eatie eeite nobie inetrueta et 
eompotita mdentyr, nimiai edet ruinae. 
Quam quidem egeplaeare cupio^ tubmovere 
non audeo. Here Epicurean ethics are 
wholly condemned; Academic ethics con- 
denmed indeed, but in a less degree. 
Now, if we compare Acad. 2, 11, 
nam adenmt famUiaree mei (Luoullus is 
speaking) doeli hommee P. et C, Selii 
et Tetrilim Bogut qui ee iUa audiviete 
Romae de PhUone et ai ipso duoe Ubrot 
diesrent deeeriptieee, we see that two 
members of the Selian family wei-e fol- 
lowers d Philo; and however reactionary 
these * two books' may have been, there 
is little doubt that 'in the public lectures 
which Ciceio beard, Philo gave expression 
to that brilliant and negative criticism 
that he had iuherited from Cameades, 
leaving reactionary doctrines for private 
conversation and his written books* (Beid, 
Academ., Introd., p. 60). 
2. Sed qwmam modo"] Ciceio goes on to 

EP. 170 {FAM. ril. 12). 


iuB civile defendes, oum omnia toa oausa f aoias, non civium P 
TJbi porro ilia erit formula fiduoiae, ut inter bonos benb 
AOiBR ofobtbtP Quis enim honw est qui faoit nihil nisi sua 
causa P Quod ins statues gohmdni diyidundo, quom commune 
nihil possit esse apud eos qui omnia voluptate sua metiunturP 
Quo modo autem tibi plaoebit iovbm lapidem iurare, oum 

xally TrebatiuB as to how his oocupation 
will be gone if he becomes an Epicurean. 
The Epicureans held that ' in the sphere 
of monls indiTidual feeling must be made 
the standard, and individual well-being 
the object of all human aetivity ' (Zeller, 
SMctf JSpieureantf and Setptict, Eng. 
Trans., p. 472, and the r^erenoes), and 
that ' pleasure is the only unconditional 
good ' lib. , p. 473). How then will Tre- 
batius be able to use the legal fonnula in 
actions against trustees about honest deal- 
ing amongst honest men F for the honest 
man {bonut) ia he who r^ards the fair 
claims of othert than himself. And simi- 
larly, how will Trebatius see to the fair 
division of a joint ijroperty P Further, if 
Trebatios is a Fetialis, how will he be 
able to swear by Jupiter, the stone, and 
ask this god to cast nim forth from his 
fatherland if he perjures himself, seeing 
that the Epicureans know all about the 
gods — ^how that they are * perfectly free 
from care and trouble, and absolutely 
regardless of the world ' (Zeller, p. 467} ; 
in fact, *a society of Bpicurean philo- 
sophers' {ib,f p. 468), to whom caring 
for others outside their own circle, and 
mixing in civil -society or in political 
life, are regarded as necessary evils, 
and only to be practised < as far as it 
is necessary for the philosopher's own 
safety 'F (Zeller, p. 491). What, then, 
will become of the poor inhabitants of 
XJlubrae, if Trebatius ceases to be their 
patrtmut, and to lend them his disinterested 

fortnula/idueias] If a man transfeired 
his proper^' to another on condition that 
it should be restored to him, this con- 
tract was called Fiduda. If the trustee 
refused to surrender it, he was liable to 
an actio /ldueia$y which was an moHo bonae 
JidH. In the actumss ttricli iurU the 
praetor expressed in precise, curt, and 
strict terms {dirseimn atperum implex^ 
Bosc. Com. 11) the matter submitteid to 
the judge, whose authority was thus cir- 
cumscribed. In the aetionn bonao Jldei 
(Top. 66, an important passage) more 

indulgence and latitude (mit4 modfraium) 
were given by the formula of the praetor, 
and the whole drcumstancee of the case 
were taken into consideFation, in order to 
come to an equitable decision. The terms 
in the formula were Quantum a$quiu8 
fMliuSy id dari, or ut inter bono$ bene offier 
oportet, or ex Jlde bona : Gains iv. 47, 
60, 62, and Poste on { 45. 

Quia enim bonus est qtn] bonus is want- 
ing in the mss. Manutius had already 
added bonus, but after est. Orelli wished 
to omit est — ^which might easily haye got 
insflTted after enim by dittographia — and 
to understand bonus out of bonos. This is 
no doubt hard; so we had better acquiesce 
in TVeeenberg's reading, which inserts 
bonus before est. Words were often dropped 
out owing to the proximity of a similar 

eommwti dividundo"] This was an action 
for dividing the property of parbiers. It 
was one of the tluree actions-^/aim^tatf 
ereiseundaet 'for dividing a family in- 
heritance,' and^itiMm rogandoittmhemf^ 
the other two— which the judge ' adjudi- 
cated.' Bee Justinian, Instit. iy. 17,5 
and Sandars ad loc. and Introd., { 103 
also a (dear article by Mr. Hoyle in Diet. 
Antiqq., p. 618. Cicero seems to imply 
(of course with but a bare semblance of 
accuracy) that tbe individualistic hedon- 
ism, as it is called, of the S^icureans 
cannot co-exiBt >vith any sort of partner- 

lovem lapidem iurarel For Utrare m ith 
the simple ace. see Yerg. Aen. xii. 197 
Saec eadem, Aenea, terram mare sidera 
iuro; also Juy. 3, 144 iures lieet et 
Satnothraeum et noslrorum aras. This 
oath was in accordance with ' a yery old 
Roman rite' (Apul. De Deo Socitit. 6). 
The lucus classicus is Polybius, iii. 26, of 
the treaty with Carthage, 476 (sb.c. 279) 
rhr 9k tpK09 bfiifitip If^ct rotovropy iwl /i^p 
r»¥ wpArnv ov99hkS»v Kapxifiovlovs fi^p 
robs $€ohs robs varptfovst *P»fjM(ovs bk 
Ala \iBoif Kard ri waXathtf MBos, M Zk 
roiurwp rbv^KpiiP KcCi rbp 'EyucUioy. tvri 
bk rh Ala XlBop rotoOror. \a0ifw «it t^p 



£P. 170 (FAM. VIL li). 

soias loYem iratam ease nemini posse P Quid fiet porro poptilo Ulu* 

Xf <ip« A/#0r 6 w9to6fLtifot rk Sputa wtpl r«r 

A^i ri(8«. " 9^pKovPTi fA^w iroi«7r r&<- 
Toli* ffj t' iXXmf 9ia90it$§iii9 rt 4) r^^- 

roif iSliur roTftffiw, 49 r«tf 25iois r^^Mif , 
M r«r jS(iir /9/«r /fp«K r^^r, fyiir 
fUfws 4Kw4a'Oifu oSrms its 59c A/0o( rvr." 
arc2 rmrr' «triby ^(trrci rhw \iBow 4k r^t 
X«W'* ^* fton« was a flint, symboli- 
oftl, apptrentl J, of the thunderbolt. We 
maj oompare 'the all-dreaded thimder- 
$toH0 * in ' Gymbeline/ and hear Ohapman 
' apeak out load and bold , * when he renders 

ccS^^st 4/cov wKVM^ai fut^ eifutri leai Kovi' 
^€uf (IL XT. 117) bj ' though I sink be- 
neath the late of being shot to hell by 
JoTe's fell thnnder-«<Mi^'— a tnuulation 
not altogether onworthy of Homer. This 
stone was one of the symbols used by the 
Fetialee, whkhy with the tc^trum, used 
to be kept in the temple of Jupiter Fere- 
trius: cf. Feet, p. 92 F^ntriui Jupiter 
. . . #« etrim Umplo tumsbant tctptrum 
per quo4 itirmnmt tt lapidun tilictm que 
fo^dut firirmt. The teeptrum was the 
Mcnliar mark of Jupiter; and so the 
FetiaUs beeame on the ooeasion of the 
solemnity symbolically a Jupiter : of. 
Serritts on Aen. zii. 200 {Audiat hose 
fMuUr pUfi^d^rafiiimins saneit), where 
he says: ' Ut autem soeptrum adhibeatur 
ad foedera haeo ratio est quia maiores 
temper simulacrum loTis adhibebant : 
quod cum taediosum esset — ^iuTentum est 
ut soeptmm tenentee quasi imaginem 
simulaeri redderent loris. Soeptmm 
enim ipeius est proprium.' Compare 

B morally on Jupiter Lapis PreUer, Bdm. 
jUi. i>. 248, and Marquardt, iii. 40S*9, 
wno agree more or lees with the above. 
A serious dbjection has been urged to this 
explamUion by Mr. Straohan-Davidson in 
Ms interesting discussion on the phrase 
(Introd. to his ed. of Poly bins, pp. 78 ff.). 
He points out that in the ceremony 
descnbed by Polybius, by Festus (s.v. 
Lapidem, p. 116} and by Plutarch (Sull. 
10, 4) the stone is passire, and so cannot 
represent Jupiter : it represents the per- 
jurer and castaway. Then turare lowm 
k^idem may be explained as two phrases, 
turart Jotmn and wrar0 lapidtm, ' to swear 
by Jupiter,' and < to swear the stone-oath ' 
(cp. itrmrf cahtmniatn, * to swear the 
malice oath,' i.e. that the prosecution is 
not dictated by malice), run into one 

phrase, something as JPttru $t eonteripH 
Decame Ite/rsi ctmtaripH ; and the passage 
from Apulelos, De Deo Soor. 6 fin., would 
seem to lend some support to this Tiew 
{iurabo ptr Io9M^ Upukm Bowumo Mftis- 
Hitimo ritu t Aiqu$ ai ^atonis vera 
imtentia nt, nmifuam h d$um cum homitis 
communicate fuiUus me audierit lapU 
guam lupiUr). Kr. fitraohan-DaTidson 
thinks that •» the stofoe plays a different 
part in the oeremoniee recorded in Poly- 
bius and Liyj i. 24 (whexein the flint- 
stone is the implement which slays the- 
Tictim), the two ceremonies are quite 
distinct. But perhaps the two ceremonies 
only mark the development of a single 
idea. The stone (which probably in Uie 
fint instance was suggested by an aerolite) 
may be regarded in the one case as the 
instrument of vengeanoe, and in the other 
as that which was hurled forth yiolently 
from heaTen. Beginning with the former 
idea, in which Jupiter was identified with 
his instrument, once Jupiter was con- 
nected with the stone that connexion did- 
not cease when the transference of idea* 
was made, and little note was taken of 
the inappoeiteness in die latter case. 
Another mterpretation is, howerer, giyen* 
hj Budorif (B5m. Feldmesser, ii. 242), 
Tis., that Jupiter Lapis is the god who- 
watches over boundjury stones (tennini 
silicei) ; and Jupiter (according to the 
Etruscan YegQia Ainms Yeltymnus) sk 
this guardian pours down many and: 
varied woes on those who remove their 
neighbour's landmarks (Grom. Vet. 360, 
18 i^O* But this is not in accord with 
the definite and official explanation of 

teiatj ' know all about how,' not 
merely think — a hit at the dogmatism 
of the Epicureans. 

UlubroHo] In OIL. x. 6489 (sOr. 123> 
we find, a duovir et quaestor reip. at UIu- 
brae, and in 6490 (-> Or. 121, 4942), a 
praef. iure dicundo. Ulubrse was, ac- 
cordingly, a munioipium. But it wa» 
proverbial for a poor and deserted town. 
Hor. Epp. i. 11, 29 Quod petit hie eet. Est 
Zfluirie anunue ti ie futn deficit aequu* ; 
Juv. 10, 102 pofmoeue vaeuit aedilie 
Uiuiris, Trebatius was patromu of the 
town. These patroni were infiuential 
Romans, selected by the decuiiones, who 
used to lend assistance and protection to- 
tlie town at Rome. The townsmen then 
were their elientee. The patf-om were put 

EP. 171 [FAM. ril. IS). 


l>ranO| si ta Btatueris voXiriifBtrOat non oportere? Qua re si 
plane a nobis defiois moleste f ero : sin Pansae adsentari oom- 
modmn est^ ignosoo. Modo soribe aliquando ad nos quid agas 
et a nobis quid fieri aut ourari velis. 

171. TO TEEBATITTS (Pam. vii. is). 

ROMS ; MARCH 4 ; A. U. C. 701 ; B. C. 68 ; AET. GIG. 53. 

M. Oioero 0. Trebatio oautam exponit intetimadoms epifltularum ribique gratnm 
«fl8e Bignificat iocis interpositis, quod amiciuriam libentius in proyincia yetsetur. 


1. Adeone me iniustum esse ezistimasti nt tibi irasoerer, quod 
parum mihi oonstans et nimium oupidus deoedendi viderere, ob 
eamque causam me arbitrare litteras ad tei am diu non misisse P 
Mihi perturbatio animi tui quam primis litteris perspiciebam 
molestiam attulit. Neque alia idla fuit oausa intermissionis epis- 
tularum nisi quod ubi esses plane nesoiebam. Hio tu me etiam 

first in the lift of the senate (see the 
album of Canuaiain, CIL. iz. 388). For 
full information on the patrwii and their 
origin, tee Marquardt, i. 188, and 
Mommaen's fine note on the Lex Colon. 
Juliae Genetiyae in Eph. Epig. ii. 146. 

iroXirc^ctr^ai] This word does not 
occur in the itvpta 8/|a on the aubjeot. 

adtmtart] 'to humour.' On no ac- 
count must we translate it ' assent to,' 
which is aditntiri. See a learned note 
by Dr. Beid on Academ. 2, 45. 

1. arhUrare] The reading of M, ac- 
cepted generallj by the editors, is arhiira'- 
r0ir$. But HadTig (A. 0. iii. 159} shows 
that this is probably wrong. Aroitrartre 
was, by one of the conunonest of errors, 
asaiiDilated to the mood of vidirere, . . . 
But what satisfactory meaning oould be 
got out of arbitrar&re? 'Did you think 
me so unreasonable as to be annoyed with 
you because you seemed to me wanting 
in firmness, and too impatient to leave 
Oaul, and Ueause you tupposid it wai for 
that reason that I wat to Umg ioithoiU 
ioriting?' For what reason? Because 
Trebatins seemed to Cicero wanting in 

firmness, and impatient? But would 
Cicero be annoyed with Trebatius, because 
TVebatius mistook the reason why Cicero 
did not write ? It seems far more natural 
that Cicero should write : ' Did you think 
me so unreasonable as to be annoyed 
with you because I thought you weak 
and impatient, and do you tupposo that 
was th$ rsason of my hng silinoe ? ' It 
wiU be observed that the present is found 
afterwards in insimiUas, aoeipis. Dr. Reid 
thinks that arbitrarero is defensible if 
it is taken with «/, as examples of such 
pleonasm ssistimasti ut arbitrarere can be 
quoted. But Madvig's simple alteration 
seems preferable. 

Neque aUa uUa] * there was^ no other 
reason for my silence, save my ignorance 
of your whereabouts.' That is, the only 
reason for his silence was his ignorance 
of Trebatius' address ; the uneasiness 
which showed itself in the early letters 
of Trebatius distressed Cicero, but did not 
prevent his writing. VUa is omitted by 

Sie . . . acoipis'] An indignant ques- 
tion: for the use of hie in such cases, 
cp. hie tu , . . miraris f Fam. v. 15, 4 


EP. 171 {FAif. VIL IS). 

insiinalas neo fiatisfaotionem meam acoipiBP Audi, Testa mi: 
utnim Buperbiorem te peounia f aoit an quod te imperator oonsulit ? 
Moiiar ni| quae tua gloria est, pato te malle a Oaesare oonsuli 
quam inaurari. Si vero utrumque est, quia te feret praeter me 
qui omnia ferre possum P 2. Sed, ut ad rem redeam, te istio 
invitum non esse vehementer gaudeo, et ut illnd erat molestum 
sio boo est iuoundum. Tantum metuo ne artifioium tuum tibi 
parum prosit : nam, ut audio, istio 

' non ez iure manum oonsertum, sed magis ferro 
rem repetunt/ 

et tu soles ad vim faoiundam adbiberi : neque est quod illam ex- 

(687). Weianberg ingeniously proyet that 
miny rach pMsagee uiould be treated as 
questions, by pointing to Sail. Cat. 62, 11, 
where, if there were no question, aliguis 
would have been used instead of quit' 

wiUfMUiwem] the regular Latin word 
for 'an apology/ 

gtorid] 'desire of distinction/ 'am- 
bition,' as often in Cicero and the comic 

inmirmi] ' gilded' ; that is, 'enriched.' 
Cp. Hot. £p. i. 12, 9 fortunae rivu» in- 
auret ; and Shaksp. Menh, of Vm, ii. 6, 
60, ' I will make fast the doors, and gild 
mpelf with some more ducats, and be 
with you straight' 

wtrumqu$ eU\ that is, if you are being 
gilded by Caesar, as well as consulted. 

2. UhU^ ' your former impatience ' ; 
hoe^ ' your present contentment.' 

wiifitium] 'profession.' Cicero says 
he fears Trebatius will not make much by 
his profession among the Gauls, 

' BecaoM the gpoA old rule 
Snfficeth tbem, the simple plan, 
That thmr ihould take who have the power, 
And they should keep who can.' 

The quotation which Cicero uses to con- 
Tey this sentiment is from Ennius, Aft' 
naln 276 (Yahlen). The whole fragment 
which describes the uselessness in tmie of 
war of the arts of peace runs thus : — 

Pellitar e medio sapientia, vi oreritur res, 
Spemitur orator boous, horridus miles ama- 

Haua docUs dictis certaotes sed maledictis 
Miscent inter sese inimicitiam agitantes. 
Non es iure manum consertum sed magri' 

Rem repetont regnumque petant, vadunt 


In this fragment tapUntia seems to be 
used in the sense which it often bears in 
the letters to Tiebatius, ' the art of the 
jurisconsult.' Obsenre the unelided -im 
in inimieiHam* The oonstruction of ma- 
num eonsertum is strange. Comertum is 
the supine of cotuirm-e, depending on euni 
or voeant, tsken out of rtpHunt, and 
goyeming mamim. Stf iure means 'in 
accordance with lesal rights of a citizen.' 
Mantnn canurer* has a double sense— 

(1) 'to make a legal claim to property.' 

(2) 'to join batde.' The fragment is 
anin quoted (there more fully) in fnv 
Murena 80. 

et tu tofee'] Wesenbeig first saw that this 
must be taken in dose connexion with 
what goes before. We haye followed 
him in putting a oomma, instead of a f uU 
stop, after repetuttif and in omitting the 
mark of interrogation inserted bj some 
edd. after adMberi. The meaning is: 
'there is no place for a juiisconsmt in 
the camp of Caesar, where they^ may keep 
who can, and where tou, a jiuist, are 
actually employed (adkiberi) to commit 
Tiolence' fin battle against the enemjr, 
instead of oeing consulted {adhiheri) m 
cases of asssiult and battery]. There 
is a play on two senses of the word 

exeeptionem m interdieto] The inter- 
dictum was a proyisional decree of the 
praetor, chiefly in the case of disputed 
possession. Tnere were three kinds of 
interdict, adipieeendaef retinmdae^ and 
reei^erandae poetetiianie. In the former 
edition we had supposed that the inter- 
dict referred to was that of uti poetid^tit 
{retinendas poeteuionU) and not de vi 
armata, because in Caeo. 63 {vim, quae 

EP. 171 {FAM. ril. IS). 


oeptionem in interdioto pertimesoas quo tu prior yi hominibus 
ARM ATis NON VENERIS : Bcio enim te non ease prooaoem in laoes- 
sendo. Sed, ut ego qnoque te aliqnid admoneam de vestris oauti- 
onibnSy Treviros vites oenseo : andio oapitalis esse : mallem aere, 
argentOy anro essent. Sed alias iooabimnr. Tu ad me de istis rebus 
omnibus soribas velim quam diligentissime. D. iv. Non. Ifart. 

ad caput H 9%iam pgrtimnt, rtitilui tiM 
ulia exo9ptUm$ vohuruni)^ and Gaius iv. 
166 (IfUirdum iamm §Ui eum vi deieeerm 
gut am0 vi out tiUun out pneario pou$' 
dtritf eogor m rutUutr» poueuionetn^ 
veUUi ti armii mm in 4riec$rim)^ it seemed 
that in the case of aimed yiolenoe no 
interdiots were allowed. But Mr. Roby, 
in tbe Clauical lUview, i. 66, points 
out that '' it is not necessary to assume 
in either passage [i.e. Caeo. 63) and 
Gaius iv. 156J that such a plea as we 
hsye here was in question. But that such 
a plea was allowsUe is, I think, clear 
(1) from this passage itself ; (2) from the 
aiudogy of the interdict de vi (cf. Oio. 
Caec. 92); (3) from liie reason of the 
thing supported by the language of the 
Digest. The use of armed Tiolence in 
matters of ejectment was rightly held to 
be so contzary to the dignity of legal 
procedure as to require peremptory pro- 
hibition. Accordingly, a person who nad 
himself acquired possession from his op- 
ponent by foroe On, not vi armnta), or by 
stealthy or by sutTerancey was jet entitled 
to immediate restoration, if his opponent 

S'ected him by armed force. ObTioualy 
« same principle applies against him, 
if he has himself used armed force." 
And Mr. Roby quotes from the Digest, 
xUii. 16, 1. 8, { 9 JBum qui cum armic 
Pdtit pcsiumm armic rcpcUcrc, ted hoc 
confntim^ nan ex inUrvaUo: dummodo 
cciamut non cohim reHtUrc perminum nc 
dcieiaiur, ted ct H deiectua quia fuerity 
eundem deicere non ex intcrvallo $ed ex 

conHnenH. See also Mr. Greenidge, 
Hvcedure, p. 215. 

de veetrie cauiioniHul There are two 
kinds <rf cmdio — ^the moral quality of 
caution^ tpxrineee, and the legal act of 
foinjt eecurity for another. Trebatius is 
yery familiar with cautionee in the latter 
sense; 'but,' says Cicero, 'there are 
other kinds of cautiOy and I adyise you to 
beware of the Treyiri ; I hear they are a 
parlous (deadly) folk.' Then, when he 
has called the Treviri * parlous ' capitaJee, 
he plays on the name of the tret viri 
ctqntaktf who had charge of prisons and 
executions in Rome ' [I don't want you to 
have anything to do with the lU viri 
capitalet"]; I had rather they were the 
masters of the mint that you were asso- 
dattng with.' The allusion is to the 
III viri auro argento aerijiando feriundo, 
called in inscriptions III V.A. A.A.F.F., 
* the three commissioners for the casting 
and stamping of gold, silyer, and copper 
coinage.' ^oadly, he means : ' I wish 
jrou had lees of the hardships of campaign- 
ing, and a better prospect of making your 
fortune,' which is, indeed, the burden of 
most of hia letters to Trebatius. These 
commissioners were also called III viri 
monetaUe. See Adn. Crit. One might 
take off the play on words somehow thus : 
Ayoid the Treyiri. I hear ihej do great 
execution, like their namesakes in Bome : 
now I don't want to hear about execu- 
tions in connexion with yon, unless it 
might be tbe execution of a deed of gift 
in your fayour from Caesar. 

248 EP. 17e {FAM. VII. U). 

172. TO TBEBATITTS (Fax. vn. u). 
BOics ; MARCH (P) ; A. u. 0. 701 ; B. a 5a ; abt. cio. 58. 

loooM ao fiuniliaritar catpit M. Ciooo 0. Trebatiiim, quod niilUs littena miserat 


1. OhryBippus YettiuBy Oyri arohiteoti liberbis, feoit ut te non 
immemorem patarem mei: salutem enim TerbiB tuis mihi nuntiarat. 
Yaldd iam lautas es qui gravere litteras ad me dare, homini prae- 
eertim pzope domestioo. Quod si aoribere oblitns ee, minus multi 
iam te advooato oausa oadent: si nostri oblitos es, dabo operam ut 
istuc Yeniam ante quam plane ex animo tuo effluo: sin aestivornm 
timer te debilitat, aliquid ezeogita, ut feoisti de Britannia. 2. Hind 
quidem perlibenter audivi .ex eodem Chrysippo, te esse Oaesari 
famiHaiem. Sed mehercule mallem, id quod erat aequius, de 
tuis rebus ex tuis litteris quam saepissime oognosoerem. Quod 
oerte ita fieret si tu maluisses benevolentiae quam litium iura 
perdisoere. Sed haeo iocati sumus et tuo more et non nihil etiam 
nostro. Te valde amamus nosque a te amari oum volumus turn 
etiam oonfldimus. 

1. Imtiut] <yott are a nice feUow, to p0rwlimy zii 87, 2 (679) ; drcumapioe^ 

make a diiBoulty about Mndixig me a letter nd tmU qutum ^rubMcoy zti. 5, 8 (770). 

bybim.' This oonstmiOtion is very frequent in 

««rtJ«r»] He plays on the two senses FUutus, Terenoe, and Cioero ; it is found 

of «0ra#r^-(l) <to write' ; (2) <to draw in Vano, Sallust, Liyy» and Virgil, but 

up a legal instrument.' If Trebatius bas not in other classicaL authors, or in 

forgotten Mriber$ in the latter sense, so Taoitus. Braeger, Hist. Synt. li. { 512, 

mueh the better for his clients, who thus pp. 618, 619. 

camiot lose their causes by hii bad adTioe. 2. offMtiw] < more fiiendly ' ; a$qui H 

This word and two others on which he imfui « ' friends and foes,' Fam. iii. 

has already played are ooupled together 6, 6 (218). 

as law taims in a passage in Hur. 19 cognot6$rmn\ For wgnomm-mn in quasi- 

ham mitm^m milUiam respondendi sen- dependenoe on maXUm^ see Boby, ii. 1606« 

bendi eaTendi . . . teeutut est, 1608 ; pximarr tenses are used when the 

«!fm\ 'prior to my complete oblitera- principal yerb is primary; secondary, 

tion mn your mind.' The iodio. ^^bco when it is seoondary. Good examples 

impliesthat the obliteration of all ti^ought are: dsMmk$i$moiHlUmwrumfuuutyd$ 

of aim from the mind of Trebatius is a regina vUm verum •«<, AtL zv. 4, 4 (784) ; 

thing oettain to take place : cp. UtUra$ pm U fmam farhmatwn, Plant. Gapt. 
de$ misqmm diteedimut, Att. z. 15, 4 (858) ; wlo m» 
401); mUquam di$eedi$ Othomm ewwemas Ter. And. 819. 

EP. 17S {FAM. ril. 18). 


173. TO TEEBATIUS (Pam. vii. is). 

AOBR POMPTINUS ; AFBIL 8 ; A. U. C. 701 ; B. C. 53 ; AET. CIC. 58. 

Landat M. Cioero constantiain 0. Trebatii in tolennda militia et da belli lataone 
adoceri oupit. looatar in aiuB pammonia, quod in palimpaesto scripaerit Beniqne 
Balbo 86 eum oommandatuxum leribity epiatulam le eina oomcidisse. 


1. Aocepi a td aliquot epifltalas uno tempore quae tu diTeraiB 
temporibuB dederas : in qmbus me oetera delectarunt : significa* 
bant enim te istam militiam iam firmo animo ferre et esse fortem 
virum et oonstantem. duae ego panllisper in te ita desideravi ut 
lion imbeoillitate animi toi, sed magis nt desiderio nostri te aestu- 
are putarem. Qua re perge, ut ooepisti : f orti animo istam tolera 
militiam : multa, mihi orede, adsequere : ego enim renovabo oom- 
mendationemy sed tempore. 8io habeto, non tibi maiori esse curae 
ut iste tuus a me disoesaus quam fruotuosissimus tibi sit quam 
mihi. Itaque, quoniam vestrae oautiones infirmae sunt, Graeou- 
1am tibi misi oautionem ohirographi mei. Tu me velim de ratione 

1. ut non imb^eilUtats] ' These quali- 
ties, resolution and strength of mind, I 
was sorry not to see in you; bnt my $orraw 
ipoi qudliJUd hy th$ f$eUng that joui un- 
easineas iras due, not to weakness of 
mind, but to want of me.' Ita duideravi 
ut putar$m means, 'my painful sense 
of your absence was mitigated by the 
thought that.' For the use of ito . . . 
ut, see Vol. I*^ ]). 84. 

eautianii^ This word baa been played 
on before. Cicero here says : 'Your bail- 
bonds are often not very good: I have 
now spyen you (in the promise which I 
have just made, to give you a new reoom- 
mendatory letter to Caesar) a guarantee 
for Tou under my own hana.' But what 
is the meaning of CfrMcuUm? Emesti 
explains it to mean that the cauiio now 
giyen by Cicero is untrustworthy— a case 
of OrMca Jld$$. But this is plainly 
impossible. Sohiits thinks that Cioero 
sent with this letter a poem in Greek in 
prsise of Trebatius ; but this is inoonsiB- 

tent with the words aboTO, rtno^aho com' 
mondationem ted tempori, which would 
not have been used if Cioero had already 
sent to Trebatius something which was 
intended to recommend him further to 
Caesar. Moreover, such a composition 
could hardly he called a eaulie, or gua- 
rantee for, testimonial to, Trebatius. It 
is just possible that this very letter was 
wntten to Trebatius in Greek. ^ Then 
Cicero would say : ' I am as anxious for 
a fruitful issue of your campaigning as 
you are yourself; therefore I send to 
you the assurance of continued recom- 
mendation to Caesar which I have just 
given. And to show that the document 
is ffenuine, I have written it in OneJt 
wit£ my own hand.' We know that 
Cicero uses Greek largely in his letters to 
Attioua : cp. Att. vi. 4 and 6 (268, 269) ; 
ix. 4 (361). Why, then, should he not 
have written this letter to Trebatius in 
Greek, wluoh would have been a very 
dear proof that it came from Cicero, who. 

250 EP. 173 (FAM. VIL 18). 

Gallioi belli oertiorem faoiaB : ego enim ignayiBBimo ouique mazi- 
xnam fldem habeo. 2. Bed nt ad epiBtidas tuas redeam, cetera 
belle, illnd miror : quia eolet eodem exemplo plurie dare qui sua 
mann soribit ? Nam quod in palimpsesto, laudo equidem parsi- 
moniam. Bed miror quid in ilia ohartula fueiit quod delere 
malueris quam haeo fiOM eoribere, nisi forte tuaa formulas. Non 
enim puto te meas epistulae delere ut reponaa tuae. An hoc 
eignifloasy nihil fieri, frigere te, ne chartam quidem tibi suppedi- 
tare P lam ista tua culpa est qui vereoundiam tecum eztuleriB 

EobftblT, bad not many ziTals in his to appreciate f tilly tho diffionltiea of the 

Lowledge of Greek, and who irould poaition than Caeiar, for inatance, vho 

haTe written a Oreek letter with hii own aends home aiioh enoooraginc aooooota.' 

hand, and not entruated it to a lUrmiut ? %. amt tM] Ouxlitt (N. Jahrb. fur 

While fully xecogniiinff the culture of daa Uaaeiaohe Altertum, 1001, p. 540) 

aome of the alayea employed by Roman baa giTen the risht explanation of thia 

nobles aa aecretariee, we may, peibaps, paaiage. He bolda that it waa oonaidered 

aasume that Cioero'a Ubrariut who wrote etiquette br the fiomana when autograph 

thii letter could not write a letter in letteraof amiilar tenor were deapatched by 

Oreek. Hence Cicero would hare been more than one oouriex^-aa waa often the 

obliged to write thia Greek letter with hia caae from diitant plaoea, in order to obTiate 

own hand. Of coune, if this letter, or the riak of loaa in txanimiaaion : op. Fam. 

any particular paasage in it, waa written z. 6, 1 (810)— not to aend exact duplicatee, 

in Greek, the editor, Tiro, or whoerer elae but to vary the ezpreerion in the different 

he wai, baa put it into Latin. This baa lettera. Accordingly be oonaidera that 

certainly been done with ttrajr Greek ex- Fam. y. 8 (181) ia really the aame letter 

preMiona here and there, and it doea not written twice, probably for different mee- 

•eem unlikely that a similar treatment aengen; and that thia theory accounts for 

should hare been applied to a letter, or the similarity of ideaa in {{ 1, 2, and 

part of one, written in Greek. Bdckel {} 8, 4, of that letter. See alao the note 

aeema to think Cicero sent Trebatius a there. 

money draft drawn in the Qntk Ian- Jfam quod in paUmp$$$to] A further 

nage. But why in Greek? Ia it on symptom of Trebatiua' frugality is his 

ue same principle that our circular notee using a palimpseetfor hia letters — aparch- 

are couched in French P "Mx. Shuckburgh ment from which writing has been erased, 

refers it to an enclosure written in Greek, to make room for his letter. This Cicero 

which Trebatius might use aa a ' com- oommdhds, but wonders what the matter 

mendation,' and the mention of Ida ' own could haye been which waa ao worthless 

handwriting ' refers to the fiict that he as to make way for the dull and pointless 

would naturally haye employed a Greek letters of his friend, unless, indeed, it waa 

aecretary to wnte in Greex, the diminu- his friend's oonyeyancea. Thia bantering, 

tiye Cfrecuiam being apologetic for his it must be confessed, is dull and not eyen 

bad Greek. Adopting Mr. Shuokburgh*B graceful We haye added non with most 

suggestion in part, we may, perhaps, sup- editors. There is a frequent omission of this 

pose that it was a special enclosure, with word in the mannsonpts of the Epiatlea : 

uatructiona and admonitiona as to how cp. C. F. W. Hiiller'a note on p. 8, 1. 82, 

Trebatiua should bear himself in hia of his edition of Fam. Thia la aim^er 

interoonrae with Caesar ; and the reaaon than to bracket quam haeo wribtro, Birt 

Gioero wrote it in Greek, and with hia wishes to add «» o/io, or in nova before 

own band, waa to ensure, as far as poeaible, unh&re, 

itspriyaoy. We haye, perbapa, a reference frigtri] 'that you haye nothing to 

to a similar endoeure in inttrioro epUtula, do.' See on 188, 6. 

148,18. veroeundiam] Cicero thinks Trebatiua 

iftummmo'\ Cicero means : * You, as is fkr too shy about pushing hia fortunea 

not being a man of war, are more likely with Caesar. ' It ia all your own fault, 

EF. nS {FAIT. riL 18). 


et non hio nobiscam reliqueris. 3. Ego te Balbo, oum ad vos 
profioisoetuTy more Bomano ooxnmendabo. Tu, si intervallum 
losgins erit meamm litteranzzn, no sis admiratos: eram enim 
afaturus mense Aprili. Has litteras soripsi in Poxnptino, cum ad 
villam M. Aemili Philemonis devertifisenii ex qua iam audieram 
fremitum olientimxi meornm qnos quidem ta mihi oonoiliasti. 
Nam ITliibris bonoris mei causa vim mayiTnam lanunoulorum 
86 oommosse oonstabat. Chira ut valeas. vi. Idus April, de 

4. Epistulam tuam quam aooepi ab L. Arrantio conscidi inno- 
dentem : nihil enim babebat quod non vol in oontione recto legi 
posset. Sed et Amintins ita te mandasse aiebat et tu ascripseras. 
Yerum illnd esto. Nihil te ad me postea scripsisse demiror, prae- 
sertim tam novis rebus. 

for taldnff your xnodeity out with you, 
instead ox leayiDg it at home iriih. us.' 
In Fam. yii. 6, 8 (184), Cicero tayi of 
TrebatiuB pudnUiormn $u$ nemin$my and 
he refers to tuu$ pudor in Fam. TiL 7, 2 

8. moir$ Bomano] i.e. with frank open- 
ness, 184, 3. 

olimiium moorum] Trebatius wasjM- 
tronui of Ulnbrae, and had made orer to 
Cioero, during his absence in Gaul, the 
charge of his dients. TJlnbrae was situ- 
ated close to the Pomptine marshes. 
Hence, according to tiie commentators, 
Oicero calls its inhabitants frogt. < This 
I am writing in the Pomptine ▼ilia of M. 
Aemilius Philemon, from which I have 
already heard tiie Toioes of my clients — 
those I mean whom you have seemed for 
me — ^for it ii well known that at mubrae 
a strong party of froga have bestirred 
themselves to show respect to me' 
(ICayor on Joy. x. 102]. In another 
letter Oicero speaks of frogs as if they 
were men, o^uidom $Ham- pluviao motuo 
9% Ftopwttiom noitra vera iuni; ranao 
enim prirof^ovciVy 'are holding 
forth,' Att. XT. 16( (747). But we do not 

think Cicero here calls the inhabitants 

frogs. We think his joke is calling the 

frogs his clients. The frogs would 

abound in this marshy diBtrict. He calls 

their croaking yV^mi^inn eUmtium mtorum^ 

' whom you hare done me the favour to 

procure for me.' This gives a better 

meaning to eofuiabat. He says jestingly : 

'It is well known (is admitted by aJl, 

caiuiot fail to be observed) that the 

immense gathering of frogs here is to be 

accounted for by the fact that they 

bestirred themselves to do me honour.' 

There was, in fact, a conourtus of the 

frogs as a token of respect to their deputy 


4. eonaeidi innoemtom'] * I have torn 
it up, thonsh quite undesenin^ of such a 
fate, for there was nothing in it that 
might not safelv have been read to the 
whole populace.' 

ita'] * that I should tear up all your 

tam novis rebuo] The reference is pro- 
bably to the great rising in Oaul in 700, 
701 (64, 68), and the second expedition 
across the Bhine. For the ablative, see 
on 181, 4. 


EP. 17U (FAM. ril. 16). 

174. TO TBEBATIUS (Pam. vii. i«). 

SOME ; JUNB (P) ; A. U. C. 701 ; B. C. 58 ; ABT. CIC. 68. 

K. Gioero iooani suum absentii Trebatii denderimn deolaimt et de 0. Matii 
famiKaritiitf) grafculator. 


1. 'Quam sint morosi qui amant' yel ex hoc intellegi 
potest: moleste farebam antea te invitum istio esse: pungit me 
rorsus quod soribis esse te istie libenter: neque enim xnea oom- 
mendatione te non deleotari faoile patiebar et nano angor quid- 
quam tibi sine me esse iuoundum. f Bed boo tamen malo f erre 
nos desiderium quam te non ea quae spero oonsequi. 2. Quom 
vero in 0. l£ati, suavissimi dootissimique bominis, familiaritatem 
venistiy non did potest quam valde gaudeam : qui fac ut te quam 
maxime diligat. Mihi crede, nihil ex ista provincia potes quod 
iuoundius sit deportare. Oura ut valeas. 

1. Qdmm tint morui ^ui anMnf] This 
looks Tsry like the begimning of a comic 
•enariiu. The hiaim Bhortening a long 
syllable (gu^ in the ea$9ura is a very 
common feature in Plautns. And the 
sentiment, 'How wayward is the mind 
of him who loves/ would be very suit- 
able to some Faulklaad of ancient 
comedy. For moroHt cp. Plant Tiin. 
668 (quoted by Bdokel) Atque it (so. 
anw) mor$i hominum morct et morotoi 
ffioU. Minus placet magii quod iuadd' 
tur: quod diuuadetur placet, 

commondatione'] * I was annoyed that 
yon were dissatisfied with the step that I 
recommended * ; that is, that Trobatius 
ahould push his fortunes in the camp of 

2. Quom] Bo Mendelssohn for quam 
of themss. In the language of comedy, 
and in epistolary language, the indie, 
witb am is found after laudo grattdor^ 

ffratioi 0^0, and such like, op. SalL Juf . 
102, and lladyig on Fin. 1. 10. But it is- 
doubtful if it can be used in oratorical 
style : ep. Mr. A. C. Clark on Mil. 99, and 
Boby, 1725. 

a Muti"] a friend of Trebatius and 
of Caesar. We have a yerv good letter 
from him to Cicero on tne death of 
Caesar (Fam. zL 28, Ep. 785)-^perhaps 
the best letter of any of the oonespon- 
dents of Cicero, except the beautiful 
letter of Sulpioius (Fam. iv. 5, Ep. 655), 
in which he consoles the bereayed father 
for the death of his daughter Tullia. For 
an aooount of Matins, see introd. note to 
Fam. zi. 27 (784). 

quod iucundiui iif] * of a more agree- 
able character.' The subjunot. ascribes 
a thing to a dass : cp. quodiupet curiotutt 
181, 1. yihU iueundiui would not have 
been so'strong an expression. 

£P. 176 [FAM. 11. U\ 253 

176. TO OUEIO (Pam. ii. 4). 

ROMS ; A. U. C. 701 (fIBST half) ; B. C. 53 ; AST. CIC. 58. 
M. Cioero Curionem ad Uradii studiam ezoitaie peiigit. 


1. EpiBtulamm genera multa esse non ignoras, sed unum illud 
oertiwriirmni, cuius causa inyenta res ipsa est, ut certiores f aoere- 
mus absentis si quid esset quod eos scire aut nostra aut ipsorum 
interesset. Huius generis litteras a me profecto non exspeotas. 
Tuarum enim rerum domestioarum dotnesticos habes et scriptores et 
nuntios. In meis autem rebus nihil est sane novi. Beliqua sunt 
epistularum genera duo quae me magno opere deleotant : unum 
familiare et iocosum, altwum severum et grave. Utro me minus 
deceat uti non intellego. looeme tecum per litteras P Oivem 
mehercule non puto esse qui temporibus bis ridere possit. An 
grayius aliquid scribamP Quid est quod possit graviter a Oioerone 
scribi ad Curionem nisi de re publicaP Atqui in hoc genere haeo 
mea causa est ut neque ea quae Bentio audeam neque ea quae non 
sentio velim scribere. 2. Quam ob rem. quoniam mihi nullum 
scribendi argumentum relictum est, utar ea clausula qua soleo, 
teque ad studium summae laudis cohortabor. Est enim tibi gravis 
adversaria constituta et parata, incredibilis quaedam exspectatio : 
quam tu xma re facillime vinoes, si hoc statueris, quarum laudum 
gloriam adamaris, quibus artibus eae laudes comparantur, in iis 

1. Spittuhrum g^Mra] Gurlitt in died words, or some tuoh, must be sup- 

Jalurb. 1688» pp. MZSw^ has a caieful plied : op. HadTig, OpumUaAeatL (ed. 2), 

discussion on tne ' Genera usitata epiita- p. 821. The old commentatoxs took nrnfus 

larumt' taking this passage as a text. in the sense of m . . . qmdem ; but diis 

c$rt%umim\ ' unquestionable,' * un- is un-Ciceronian, as is shown by MadTig 

deniable ' : op. Seneca De dementia, 4, in JSxcurnu iiL, appended to his 8id ed. of 

2 posiumut ffffofiuim wear$: nam varia HkB Jk FinibuSf m. 808 ff. 

sunt g^mra ^m et nullum certiut quam 2. adversaria] Cioero sajs that Curio 

quod in saedes kominum psrunit ; also has a formidable rival in the high hopes 

sequem tu iUo csriivrem nsbulomm, Att. that hafe been fonned of him ; other 

XT. 21» 1 (768), if we should not read antagonists he will easily oreroome r this 

cerritiorsm there. only it will be hard to keep eren with. 

dMntsticos] See Adn. Crit. guiius artihai] ss in its (artibus) esse 

quae sentio audeam neque ea"] The itali- elaborandum qmbtts (artibus) eae laudes 


BP. 176 {FAM. 11. 5). 

ease elaboraudum. In bano sententiam soziberem plura/nisi te 
tua Bponte satb inoiiatimi esse oonflderem, et hoo quidquid attigi 
non feoi inflammandi tui oausa sed teetifioandi amoris mei. 

176. TO OUEIO (Pam. ii. s). 

BOMR ; A. U. C. 701 (first HALF) ; B. C 58 ; ABT. CIC. 68.] 

Qa«8tns de pablioii nudia G. Curioni gmtuktur quod ea non Tideat et magnam ex 
benefaetia laudem oonaequatur. Sed tamen etiam de ad capeasendam rem publicam 
adttleaeentulum adhortatur. 


1. Haeo negotia quo modo se habeant ne epistula quidem 
narrare audeo. Tibi^ eUi, ubioumqae es, ut soripsi ad te ante, in 
eadem es navi^ tamen quod abes gratulori yel quia non vides ea 
quae nos, vel quod exoelso et illustri looo sita est laus tua in pluri- 
morum et sooiorum et dyium oonspeotu : quae ad nos neo obscuro 
neo yario sermone sed et olarisfiuna et una omnium yooe perfertur. 
2. Unum illud nescio, gratuleme tibi an timeami quod mii*abilis 
est exspeotatio reditus tui, non quo yerear ne tua yirtus opinioni 
koxninum non respondeat, sed mebercule ne, cum yeneris, non 
habeas iam quod euros: ita sunt omnia debilitata et iam prope 
exstinota. Sed baec ipsa nesdo reotene sint litteris oommissa. 
Qua re oetera oognosces ex aliis. Tu tamen, siye babes aliquam 
spem de re publioa siye desperas, ea para, meditare, oogita quae 
esse in eo oiyi ao yiro debent qui sit rem publioam adfliotam 

eomparaniurf quarum (laudum) ploriatn 
atUmarii. The same mvolution of rela* 
tive and antecedent elauses ia found in 
De Or. ii. 92 quern probarit, in to quas 
immm$ exceUmt, m . . . . p&i'$equatttr, 
Hofmann remarln that this usage is not 
uncommon in the recital of laws, e.g. Liy. 
xziii. 14, 8. Laudit means * meritorious 
actions,' as sometimee in Cicero, and in the 
oft-quoted turU hie eiiam eua praemia 
laudi, yerg. Aen. i. 461. 

inflammandi tui'] tui is genitiye of tu, 
jkot ffemtiye of tuue, with amorit under- 

1. ne epitiuU quidem"] for it might 

be lost or opened : op. 159, 2 ; Att. i. 13, 
2 (19) ; z. 8, 1 (392). 

in eadem et navi] Cp. una navit ett 
iam hentmiM <nnnium quam quidem not 
damut eperam ut reetam teneamut, Fam. 
ziL 25, 6 (825); and M rris abrris 
{iLyit6pas) 6p/Uirois voXXoU, Bem. 319, 8. 

2. tedmeiereuU] vereor must be taken 
out of non iwear, just as volo must be 
inferred from nolo in De Nat. Deor. i. 17 
tu>lo exittimet me adiutorem huie venitte 
ted auditorem (Hofmann). 

reeU] < safely,' as in 90, 1 ; 153, 23. 

eivi ae viro'] cp. 143, 7 virum ! 

EP. 177 (FAM. 11. 6). 


et oppreBsam misexiB temporibus ao perditis moribus in yeterem 
dignitatem et libertatem Tindioaturus. 

177. TO OTJEIO (Fam. ii. e). 

HOME ; JULY ; A. U. C. 701 ; B. C. 68 ; ABT. CIC. 68. 

Ii. Ciearo 0. Gimoni ex Ana adTentanti MiloniB cauMm oonsulatmn petends 
diligeDtinime eommendat, ut qua valeat gratia illius petitionem adiuTet: qaod si 
focerety non flolum T. HUonem Terum etiam ipsum Cioeronem wAA mazimo opere 
deYinctarom esse. 


1. Nondum erat auditnm te ad Italiam adventarey oum Bex. 
Yillimn, Milonis mei familiarem^ cum his ad te litteiiB misi. Bed 
tamen onm appropinquare tuus adventus putaretur et te iam ex 
Asia Bomam versuB profeotum esse eonstaret, magnitude rei f eoit 
at non yereremnr ne nimis dto mitteremus, oum has quam primum 
ad te perferri litteras magno opere vellemus. Ego» si mea in te 
essent offioia solum. Curio— tanta, quanta magis a te ipso praedioari 
quam a me ponderari solent — yereoundius a te, si quae magna res 
mihi petenda esset, contenderem. Grave est enim homini pudenti 
petere aliquid magnimi ab eo de quo se bene meritum putet, ne 
id quod petat exigere magis quam rogare et in meroedis potitis 
quam benefici loco numerare yideatur. 2. Bed, quia tua in me vel 
nota omnibus vel ipsa novitate meorum temporum olarissima et 
maxima beneficia exstiterunt, estque animi ingenui oui multum 
debeas eidem plurimum Telle debere^ non dubitavi id a te per 
litteras petere quod mihi omnium esset maximum maximeque 

1. £«r. Ft^ttMfi] mentioned bjrHoxaoe, 
Sat L 2, 64. 

Ego^ 9% mea in W] The meaning is 
this: — 'If the seryioee were only uom 
me to yon— and as great fnot as I am 
wont to estimate them [for 1 think little 
indeed of them] bnt) as yon often declare 
them to he — then I should be shy about 
asking a great favour of you. A man of 
sensitiveness finds it difficult to ask a great 
favour of one whom he regards as being 

under an obligation to himself. He fears 
that he may seem to demand a right, not to 
beg a kindness ; and to reptfd Sie grant- 
ing of his request as the payment of a 
debt, not the confexring of a favour. But 
80nng that Hnstead of the services being 
all from me] your kindnesses to me were 
oonspicuous to all ; or shall I rather say> 
were thrown out in the desrest pro- 
minence as invaluable by the very un- 
precedented nature of the crisis in which 


EP. 177 {FAM. II. 6). 

neoessarium. Neqae enim sum TeritnB ne raaiinere tus in me 
meritA yel iimumaitbiliA non possem, oam praeBortim oonfiderem 
nullam esse gratiam tuam quam non vel capere animus mens in 
aooipiendo yel in remunerando onmnlare atque illustraie posset. 
3. Ego omnia mea studia, omnem operam» ouram, indnstriam, 
oogitationem, mentem denique onmem in MiloniB oonsulatu fizi 
et looavi statnique in eo me non offid solum fruotum sed etiani 
rpietatis laudem debere quaerere. Neque yero ouiquam salutem ao 
fortunas suas tantae curae fuisse umquam puto quantae mihi sit 
honos eius in quo omnia mea posiia esse deoreyi. Huio te unum 
tanto adiumento esse, si yolueris, posse intellego ut nihil sit 
praeterea nobis requirendum. Habemus haeo omnia: bonorum 
studiimi oonoiliatum ex tribunatu propter nostram, ut spero te 
intellegere, oausam, yulgi ao multitudinis propter magnifioentiam 
munerum liberalitatemque naturae, iuyentutis et gratiosorum iu 
sufiragiis studia propter ipsius exoellentem in eo genere yel gratiam 
yel diligentiami nostram suflragationem si minus potentem at 
probatam tamen et iustam et debitam et propterea f ortasse etiam 

I stood : »99ing, too, that a mta with the 
feelixigi of a gentleman, where he owea 
nrach, would fun owe more and more : 
under theee dronmttaiioee, I hare not 
hesitated to ask you for a serrice which 
is of the highest moment to myself.* We 
have adopted in the text the punctuation 
of Wesenherg, who, hr marking tanta 
. . • toiMt as a parsnthesis, has thrown 
some light on a passage hy no means 
dearly expressed. 

2. iu$tifm'$ . • . mmponm] 'lest I 
should sink under the weight of your 
f&Yours, eyen were they countless.' 

MMPi • . . co^fitUrm] * espeoialhr as I 
feel eonfldent that you could confer on 
me no favour so great that I could not 
find room in my heart for a due apprecia- 
tion in the reoeiyingof it^could not duly 
glorify it in the paying of it back, with 
abundant interest.' In the last words he 
alludes to the unique opportunities for 
pronouncing glowing eulogies on those 
who should ]fut him under an obliga- 
tion , which his commanding position as 
an orator placed in his han£. Capev is 
' to contain,' * baye room for.' For eumu" 
ktrtf cp. quam (vmiatn) mihi eum dederit 
emnulatam morU remiiiam, Yerg. A en. iy. 

3. JUd it loeavt] ' I haye oonoentrated 
and embarked' (Shuckbuzgh). This is 
probably the meaning, ' put out to in- 
terest,' ' inyested,' owing to fruetu9 
following. We can hardly argue that 
it cannot mean * to place,' as the word 
would then be an anticlimax ; for Hof • 
mann has shown that not infreauently 
we find in Cicero a weaker word follow- 
ing a stronger, e.g. Fam. y. 18, 8 (677) 
quod nonfractum d$hiUtatum9€ tit : aosc. 
Am. 88 ut omnii ffivi§ pdrdiderit 0t 

iiatui^'] * I haye made up my mind 
that in this matter I must try to gain, not 
only the [gratitude and good offices which 
are the] profiU itom an inyestment of 
kind acts, but alio to gain credit for 
feeling an affectionate regard' [towards 
Milol. Oicero was most anxious as regards 
Milo s canyass for the consulship : cp. 
160, 2. Pompey was the most dangerous 
factor against Hilo's sucoess. 

inUUSgwrB] For the present inf. after 
9p0ro, cp. Att. ii. 1, 11 (27}i and often. 

mumrum\ See 160, 2. 

V0l gratiam v$l dilig9iUiam'\ 'due to 
the aiffnal popularity he has won, or, 
shall I say, ener^ he has shown, in 
that sphere' (electioneering). 

EP. 177 {FAM. 11. 6). 257 

gratioeam. 4. Dux nobis et auotor opus est et eorum yentoniiu 
quos proposui moderator qoidam et quasi gubemator : qui si ex 
omnibus unus optandus esset, quern teoum oonferre possemus non 
haberemus. Quam ob rem, si me memorem, si gratum, si bonum 
virom yel ex hoo ipso quod tam yehementer de Milone laborem 
existimare potes, si dignum denique tuis beneflciis iudicas, hoo a 
te peto at subyenias huio meae sollioitudini et huio meae laudi 
yel — ut yerius dioam — ^prope saluti tuum studium dioes. De ipso 
T. Annio tantum tibi poUiceor, te maioris animi, grayitatis, oon- 
stantiae beneyolentiaeque erga te, si oompleoti bominem yolueris, 
babiturum esse neminem. Mihi yero tantum deooris, tantum 
dignitatis adiunxeris ut eundem te facile agnosoam fuisse in 
laude mea qui fueris in salute. 5. Ego, ni te yidere soirem, qua 
mente haec soriberem, quantum offioi sustinerem, quanto opere 
mihi esset in hao petitione Milonis onmi non modo oontentione 
sed etiam dimioatione elaborandum, plura scriberem. Nuno tibi 
omnem rem atque oausam meque totum oommendo atque trade. 
Unum hoo sio habeto : si a te hano rem impetraro, me paene plus 
tibi quam ipsi Miloni debiturum : non enim mihi tam mea salus 
oara fuit, in qua praeoipue sum ab iUo adiutus, quam pietas erit 

4. Dux . . . opU9 $9i'\ When the thing dice*] ' dedicate,' from dUo {dicart^. 
needed is a person, the nom. is yery rarely in ImuU tMo] ' in this matter, which 

used. For mt $$t used personally in the touches my whole reputation ' {fotpUiat, 

letters, op. Fam. yii. 31, 2 (697) ; x. 8, as he has said in § 3). In ioiuU refers 

8 (888) ; Att. xv. 20, 4 (762). here, as it usuaUy does in the letters, to 

veutorum} The forces or influences Cicero's restoration from exile, 
which Cicero had descrihed axe called the 6. ^ua m0nU] So Boot for quam in U 

* winds,' which are to cany Milo into of the mss. 

the consulate. Compare the words with quaniwn n/M tuttimrm] ' under what 

which Caesar is ushered on to the stage of a load of ohligation I sm ' to Milo. 
Cioero's oorrespondenoe — (Caesaris) nunc etnUeniions . . . dimictUionti] * that I am 

venH 9aU$ tmU namdit Att ii. L 6 (27). hound not orXj to work for him, but to 

v$l$xho9 ip9o\ More accurately Cicero fight for him, m erery waj in my power. ' 

would hare said : ' If you think I don*t ConUntio is the stru^e in the/omm, or 

forget fayours, that I am grateful, that I senate ; dimicatio is' the actual dash of 

am an hoosst msa — which you can infer contending mobs, which Milo had oAen 

eyen ihmi my present eagerness to serye faced for tae sake of Cicero. 
Milo, who has done me such leryices.' rem aigu^ omutmi] rtm is the whole 

eageniess hurried him into saying : case ; cautam is the cause of Milo : cp. 

' If you infer my honesty from my eager- d$ AUxandrina r$ emttaquc reffia^ 99, 8; 

ness for Milo.' d\ffUili in r$ atqtie cam^ Fam. ii. 7, 8 

prop$ aaiuti"] Cioero's saht§ might be (227) ; mulUi tnim gnas iunt in re quia 

endangered by the £ulure of Milo, whose rtmotaiuniao&uMApraHirmiitam, Caeo. 1 1, 

two competitors, Plautius Hypsaeus and impetraro] Note the indie, in a sub- 

Metdlus Scipio, were under tiie influence ordinate clause of the Orat. Obliqua : cp. 

of Clodius, who was now seeking the note to Fam. iii. 22 (188), and numerous 

praetorship. examples in Lebreton, pp. 367-372. 



JSfP. 178 {FAM. Xni. 76). 

iu referenda gratia iuounda. Earn autem unios tuo studio me 
adseqoi posse ooufido. 

178. TO T. TITJTJS (Fah. xiii. 76). 

KOMB ; A. U. C. 701 ; B. C. 58 ; ABT. CIC. 68. 

M. Gioexo T. Titio legato G. Ayitnium Flaooum iterum oommendat in causa 


L Etsi iiou dubito quiu apud te mea oommendatio prima satis 
valeaty tameu obsequor homini familiarissimo, 0. Avianio Flaooo, 
ouius causa omnia oum oupio turn melieroule etiam debeo. De 
quo et praesens teoum egi diligenter^ oum tu mihi humanissime 
respondistii et soripsi ad te accurate antea, sed putat iuteresse sua 
me ad te quam saepissime soribere. Qua re velim mihi ignosoas, 
A illius Yoluntati obtemperans minus videbor memiuiBse oou- 
stantiae tuae. 2. A te idem illud peto, ut de loco quo deportet 
frumentum et de tempore Avianio commodes : quorum utrumque 
per eundem me obtinuit trieuniumy dum Pompeius isti negotio 
praefuit. Summa est^ in quo mihi gratissimum faoere possis, si 
ouraris ut Avianius, quouiam se a me amari putat^ me a te amari 
soiat. Erit id mihi pergratum. 

iuo^ The mss give tm ; but such a 
genitiTe can only be lued if objectiye, 
not vlien it is subjective : see Lebreton, 
p. 97. 

LBo.] « teffato. Titius was a Icgatm 
of Pompey during part of the five yean 
in whicn Pompey held the prtufeetwra 
annonM* AvianiUB was, probably, a 
corn-factor, who had for three years 
(Irimiiiwn dum PompHtu Uti fuyoHo 
praefuit) enjoved certain privileges as 
rttgard^ the place, and time of convey- 
ance, and d^iveriiig of oorn. Cicero 
now asks Titius to secure to him a con- 
tinuance of these advantages. His busi- 
ness perhaps was to contract for shipping 

com to Borne ; dtporto is used especially 
of ' bringing home from the provinces.' 

2. Summa ut.., $i eurari^ * The main 
thing is, that you should, if possible, let 
Avianius feel,' &o. Such must be the 
force of iumma nt «i curaru. Perhaps 
Cicero wrote twnma tat : bst in quo miAt 
gratutima fa/ow po99U ti eurarUf * the 
main point is this : you have an oppor- 
tunity of laying me under a great obUga- 
tion if you can let Avianius know,' ic. 
Cp. namget : haec aumma eat, Yerg. Aen. 
iv. 287. It seems to us that iumma sat 
M LB a stnuige expression, and with the 
ordinary reading we should have rather 
exfWtA faeare potaa, though poaaia is 




A. u. a 702; B. c. 62 ; abt. cic. 54. 



This year began with much riotiag and seyere coUiflions between the partisans 
of P. Plautius Hypsaeos, T. Annins Milo, and Q. Metellas Soipio, the candi- 
dates for oonsnlship. Clodios, who sought the praotorship, was mnrdered near 
Boyillae, on the Appian Way, on January 17 or 18. Shortly after Pompey 
was appointed sole consul. He associated with himself, as colleague, for 
the last live months of his consulship, Q. MeteUus Sdpio, whose daughter 
Cornelia he had just married. Cicero defended Milo de vi, but failed to pro- 
cure his acquittal. He, however, succeeded in procuring the condemnation 
of T. Munatius Plancus Bursa, a supporter of Clodius, and the acquittal of 
M. Saufeius, who had taken a leading part on Mile's side in the puffna 
J3oviUana, as Cicero calls the fray which ended in the death of Clodius. The 
letters of this year are few and unimportant To it are ascribed the treatis 
De oplitno ffsnere oratarumy and the inception of the De Legibue. 



EP. 179 

r. 17). 

GLXXIX. TO P. SITTIUS (Pam. v. it). 

A. U. C. 702 ; B. C. 61 ; ART. CIC. 64. 

M. Oioero P. Sitti